;,;:,;;:::::!:!!n PRINCETON, y. ./. BR 145 .G54 v. 3 Gieseler, Johann Karl Ludwig, 1792-1854. A compendium of i^ ecclesiastical history CLARK^S FOREIGN theoloctIcal library. VOLUME XXX. Gmthv'9 (JTomiJfnUium of SEcclfftiastiral |^(»torr. VOL. IIL EDINBURGH : T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET; I/)NDON : SEELEY AND CO. ; WAKD AND CO. ; AND JACKSON AND WALFORD. DUBLIN ; JOHN ROBERTSON. MDCCCLIII. A COMPENDIUM ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, DR JOHN C. L. GIESELER, CONaiaXORAL COUXSELLOK AND OKDIXARY PROFESSOlt OF TlIEOLOGr IN GOTTINGEN. FOURTH EDITION REVISED AND AMENDED. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, REV. JOHN WINSTANLEY HULL, M.A., INCUMBENT OF ST MICHAEL'S, GRIMSARGU. VOLUME III. EDINBUKGH : T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET. LONDON : HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO. ; SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, AND CO. f 8EELEY AND CO. : WARD AND CO. ; JACKSON AND WALFORD, ETC. DUULIN : JOBN ROBEKTSOX, AND HODGES AND SMITH. M D C C C L III . PRIiNTED BY PARK AND DEWAHS, DUNDITK. Of f ( ^ ) PREFACE. The sixteen years which have elapsed, since the appearance of the Third Edition of the Volume here presented to the Public, have been so uncommonly rich in the production of materials, and in encouragement to fiu-ther researches into this period also which we have here in hand, that a new and thoroughly revised edition may well be expected from me. Traces will everywhere be found, that the Volume here presented has undergone such revision. If the increase in the number of sheets is proportionately insignificant (this edition is only two sheets thicker than the former) ; the reason is this, that I have laboured to find place for the new matter, by curtailing the expression, and by omitting much that was superfluous, particularly in the quotations. Two new paragraphs are added, § 81. on Art employed in the service of the Church, and § 82. on the Caland-guilds. While I men- tion the latter, I cannot forbear from expressing my astonishment, that, although in an altered form they are still so often met with in Northern Germany, they have never yet been made the subject of any general historical representation, entering into their origin and their character ; great as is the number of accounts of separate Caland-guilds, which are mostly occupied •with their external description. The last thirty years constitute a period richer in historic lore than any that has ever been as yet. A vast number of sources of history have been drawn forth fi'om concealment, or issued in a simpler form. Countless treatises have thrown a new light on dark questions. Upon almost all portions of history we have received works, which are remarkable for thorough investi- gation, views full of genius, or interesting representation. If this ]ioriod of scientific activity in the cause of history, seems now to n PREFACE. be brought to a close, the question arises, whether the reason lies only in outward circumstances, or also in the fact, that the interest felt among our people in history, has been weakened by the powerful agitations of this year. It is an unmistakeable truth, that a portion of the men of tlie day, who liave taken the most active part in the late agitations, appear to liave broken away from history altogether, and to wish to shut their eyes to any development connecting present events with the history of the past. Just as though all that has been hitherto establisht had forfeited its claim to endure ; as though their object were now to build anew from the foundation, upon a ground completely levelled, without any regard to the building which stood there before. In all history, the history of the French revolution alone seems to be recognized by them as their guide from step to step in their career. However the impulse of a small party must not be mistaken for the actual opinion of the German nation, though every artifice be tried to represent it as such. No German race desires to break entirely with its history. Great indeed would be the misfortune, if a party were to succeed in interrupting the natural development of events by an arbitrary constitution. It would stand without root in the people. The handiwork of one party would quickly be dislodged by that of another ; and Germany would be plunged into a whirlpool of change, continually stirring up the very depths of society. This is true in a political, true also in an ecclesiastical point of view. But artificial creation in the room of natural develop- ment, is even almost more dangerous on ecclesiastical, than on political ground : because Church interests are bound up in a closer reciprocal relation with the inmost feelings of the people, its religion and its morality. For this reason it appears to me of more weighty importance, that here there should be no precipitation ; that even necessary alterations in the constitution of the Church should be delayed, until the political balance of the country be more firml}- establisht, and in consequence men's minds be again recovered to a calmer and more collected state. We cannot overlook the fact, that the existing oppositions to the Church, the palaologian as well as the neologian, have grown up in open warfare with the old State : that for this very reason PREFACE. VU the political opposition, because it could not otherwise be brought into operation, has once and again had recourse to them : but that in consequence of tliis tlie church-oppositions also have imbibed pecuhar ingredients, which may well unfit them for unbiassed deliberations, aiming only to advance the interests of the Church ; these however must gradually vanish, so soon as the enmity against the State disappear, and the purely political opposition, which has now obtained a free platform of its ovm, be withdrawn. Besides the truth should not be disguised, that times of agitation in which ideas of a thousand different shapes have been cast into the midst of the ecclesiastical community, but have hardly yet been clearly ascertained Avith regard to their reasons, or their nature and value ; times, in which the people has indeed arrived at the perception of its w^ant, but not at its clear recognition or true expression, and in which parties are seeking to vindicate their own struggles as the people's will : that such times are not adapted to great mixt assemblages, in which deeply penetrating alterations in ecclesiastical institutions and relations should be brought under deliberation. Again ecclesiastical deliberations require above all others, calm and dispassionate thoughtfulness : it is equally disadvantageous, when on such occasions party determinations are past into law by agitation or by talent, as when a practical juste milieu fails to be attained by means of reciprocal limitations and concessions. But in all such deliberations and determinations hereafter to be expected, history must not be disregarded as teacher and guide. She completes the short experience of life in the individual ; she displays the development of events down to the present time ; she points out the effects of true and false attempts at this ; and teaches how to distinguish the natural growth from the artificial creation; in fine she furnishes courage and hope in adversity, foresight and lowliness in prosperity. Aye and all this is neces- sary for us, for the knot in our development at which we have arrived, holds twisted together the most various threads. May the good unite to form a fair and enduring texture, and the bad be consigned to History, and therein to condemnation. DR GIESELER. GoTTiNOEs, 18th November 1848. flaPERTY c?'^.^ /.■ '''^.^fv^i^^^^ffi^ ^'^'" CONTEiNTS OF THE THIRD PERIOD. THIRD DIVISION. FROM GREGORY VII. TO THE REMOVAL OF THE PAPAL SEE INTO FRANCE FROM 1073—1305. FIRST CHAPTER. HISTOKV OF THE PAPACY. I. POLITK'AL DEVELOPMKNT OF THE PAPACY, 47. Gregory VII. 1073—1085, 48. Victor IH. Urban II. A.D. 1099, 49. Paschal 11. A.D. 1118, 50. Gelasius II. Calixtus II. A.D. 1124, 51. Honorius II. Innocent II. Celestine II. Lucius II Eugene III. Anastasius IV. A.D. 1154, 52. Hadrian IV. Alexander III. A.D. 1181, 53. Lucius III. Urban HI. Gregory VIII. Clement III Celestine IIL A.D. 1198, 54. Innocent III. A.D. 1216, 55. Honorius III. Gregory IX. A.D. 1241, 56. Innocent IV. A.D. 1254, . • . 57. Alexander IV. Urban IV. Clement IV. 58. Gregory X. Nicolas III. Martin IV. Celestine V. A.D. 1294, 59. Boniface VIII. Benedict XL A.D. 1304, A.D. 1268, Nicolas IV Page 3 28 34 44 48 57 69 75 93 107 117 126 133 TABLE OF CONTENTS. ir. ECCLESIASTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPACY. § 60. Papal Jurisprudence, .... Gl. Extension of the idea of the Papacy, 62. Extension of the power of the Papacy in the Church, SECOND CHAPTER. IIISTOHr OF THE HIEUARCnY OP THE CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. 63. Connexion with the State, 64. Internal relations of the Diocesan Hierarchy, G5. Morality of the Clergy, 66. Property of the Clergy, Page 156 159 166 190 199 203 213 THIRD CHAPTER. HISTORY OF MONACIIISM. 67. Monastic orders down to the time of Innocent III 68. Rise of the Mendicant Orders, 69. Activity of the Mendicant Orders, 70. Internal History of the Franciscan Order, 71. Beguins, .... 72. Ecclesiastical Orders of Knighthood, 217 231 238 251 263 268 FOURTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. I. SCHOLASTIC AND MYSTIC THEOLOGY. 73. First period of Scholastic Theology to 1230, 74. Second period to 1320, 75. Thomists and Scotists, 277 295 307 76. History of the remaining Theological Sciences, 309 FIFTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF DIVINE SERVICE. 77 Sacraments, .... 78. Adoration of Saints, 79- Festivals, .... 80. Religious Education of the People, 81. Art employed in the service of the Church, 82. Caland- Guilds, .313 332 347 350 353 354 TABLE OF CONTENTS. SIXTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. § 83. Confession, 84. Indulgence, 85. Synodal Judicature, 86. Ecclesiastical Penalties, SEVENTH CHAPTER. HISTOEy OF THE HERETICAL SECTS. 87. In the Twelfth Century. Tanchelm. Eon. Peter of Bruis. Henry. Cathari, .... 88. Waldenses in the Twelfth Century, 89. War with the Albigenses. Inquisition. Prohibition of the Bible, . . . . . 90. Sects in the 13th Cent. Albigenses. Waldenses. Sect of the Free Spirit. Sect at Halle. Apostolic Brothers, XI Page 357 365 379 381 387 411 422 441 EIGHTH CHAPTER. EXTENSION OF CHRISTIANITY. 91. Continued Conversion of the Wenden, . . . 475 92. Conversions in the North East of Europe, . . 478 93. Attempts of the Western Nations to spread Christianity in Asia, ...... 480 APPENDIX I. HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHDECH. 94. Internal Relations, ..... 484 95. Relations to the Latin Church, .... 489 96. Paulicians. Euchetae. Bogomili. Schisms in the Russian Church, ...... 494 APPENDIX II. HISTORY OF THE REMAINING ORIENTAL CHURCHES. 97. Internal Relations, Attempts for Union with the Latins, 501 N.B. — It is intended to continue the Translation of this Work at least to the time of the Reformation; this will occupy two additional Volumes — a full general Index will then be given to the five Volumes. 7^v* ^■9 ' THIRD PERIOD. DIVISION III. FROM GREGORY VII. TO THE REMOVAF. OF THE PAPAL SEE TO FRANCE. FROM 1073—1305. PRINCIPAL SOURCES. Latin Authors : Marianus Scotus, Lambeiius Hersfeldensis, Sigebertus Gemblac. and Bemoldus, the continuer of the Hermannus Conti'actus (see before Div. ii.). — Ekkehardus Uraugiensis (Abbot of Aurach, Wurtzburg), chronica down to 1125 (ed. G. Waitz in Pertz viii., 1). — Otto, Bishop of Freisingen (f 1158. Chron. rernm ab. init. miindi usque ad annum 1146 gestaruni libb. viii. to which arc annexed libb. ii. de gestis Frid. I. down to 1156, with continuations by Radevicus, Canon, in Freisingen 1160, and an anonymous author, to 1170. Tliere is a good continuation of the Chron. from 1 146—1209 by Otto de S. Blasio. Collected in Chr. Urstisii historic. Genn. i. 1. The libb. ii. de gest Frid. with Radewich's continua- tion, are more correctly given in Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. vi. 633 ; and Otto de St Blasio is best published in raonuraentis res AUemann. illustrant. ed. Ussermann. ii. 449. On the value of Otto's v. Freisingen historical works see Schumacher's Beitrage zur deutschen Reichshistorie, Eisenach 1770, 4. S. 1. ff). — Chronica regia S. Pantaleonis (composed in the monas- tery of St Pantaleon at Cologne, at three different periods, namely, in the year 1000, 1106 (so far almost entirely copied from Ekkehardus) and 1162, in Eccardi corpus historic, med. aavi i., 683 ; continued down to 1237 by Godefridus Mon. Pantal. in Freheri scriptt. rer. Germ, ed Stiiive i., 335). — Annalista Saxo (from 741 to 1139, ed. G. Waitz in Pertz viii., 542), accoi'ding to Waitz, an ecclesiastic of Halberstadt, a compiler, see Stenzels Gesch. Deutschland's unter d. frank. Kaisem, ii. 110). — Chronicon Urspergense (the first part down to 1 125 is Ekkehardi chron., the continua- tion by the two abbots of Auersberg, Burcard down to 1226, and Conrad of Lichtenau to 1229. The whole was formerly called after the last named. Ausg. Strasburg, 1537, 1540, and 1609 fol. See Schumacher s. 88, Stenzel ii., 106). Albei-icus, monk at Driibeck (Tiium fontium) in the neighbourhood of Liege (chron. ab orbe cond. usque adann. 1241 ed. Guil. A TRIED PERIOD.— DIY. III.— A.D. 1073— 1305. Leibnitius in Accessionibus liistor. T. ii. Haiiov. 169S. 4. Emendations in B. Menckenii scriptt. rer. Germ. i. 37.) — Vincentius Bellovacensis, a Dominican in Koyemout (f 1264. .Speculum historiale libb. xxxii. Argen- tor. 1473. iv. voll. fol. Aug. Vinclel. 1474. iii. voll. fol.). — Albertus Stadensis (Benedictine Abbot in Stade, after 1240 a Franciscan. Chron. ab orbe cond. usque ad ann. 1256. ed. Reinerus Reineceius. Helmst. 1587. 4. and in Scliilteri scriptt. rer. Germ. p. 123 ss. Lectt. variantes, emendationes et supplementa in Haeberlin analectis medii sevi p. 607). — Matthseus Paris, Benedictine at St Alban's (f 1259 Historia major) ab ann 1 066 — 1259, with a continuation by Wilh. Risbanger in 1273, ed. Guil. Wats. London 1640 and 1684 fol.) — ilartinus Polonus, Archbishop of Gnesen (f 1278, Chronicon down to 1277 ed. Herold, Basil. 1559 and J. Fabricius Caesar. Colon. 1616. fol. There is a continuation down to 1343 in J. G. Eccardi Corp. scriptt. medii sevi i. 1413.) For Church History specially, Ordericus Yitalis, Benedictine in the monastery of St Evroul in Ouche (f after 1141. Histor. eccles. libb. xiii., down to 1141, in A. du Chesne scriptt. Normann. Paris, 1619 fol. p. 319 ss., translated into French from a better text by Louis Dubois, Paris 1825 — 27. 4 voll. 8. On this see Lappenberg Gesh. v. England ii., 378). — Ptolomseus de Fiadonibus from Lucca, a Dominican, Bishop of Torcello (t 1327, Hist. Eccles. libb. xxiv. down to 1316 in Muratorii scriptt. rer. Ital. xi. 741). II. Bj'zantine Authors : Job. Zonaras (at the head of Div. i.) after whom follow close : Nicetas Choniates (from 1117 to 1206), Georgius Acropolita (from 1204 to 1261), Georgius Pachymeres (from 1258 to 1308), FIRST CHAPTER HISTORY OF THE PAPACY. Sources : Besides individual Biographies, there are the Collections of Lives of the Popes by Pandulphus Pisanus Card, (about 1184, from Gregory YIL down to Alexander III.), Bcrnardus Guido, a French Dominican, afterwards ^ Opinion of Baronius ad ann. 996 no. 63 : Matthseus Paris quam fuerit animo infensissimo in apostolicam scdem quivis facile poterit intclligere (nisi pi-obra ilia fuerint additanienta potius ejus qui edidit Novatoris, haeretici hominis, cum peculiare sit illis, libios quos potuerint depravare). — Cvmi lilier iste indignus luce a niajoribus judicatus, occultatus lateret in angulo ; his ipsis tcmporibus nostris, raagno praeconio tanquam praevia face, emersit inlucemaimo MDLXXI. A quo libro si quis demat calumnias, invcctivas, dicacitates et blaspliemias in apostoli- cam sedem frequenter itcratas, awemn sane dixerit commentarium, utpote quod ex publicis monumentis, totidem verbis redditis (ut dictiun est) egrcgic contextum ct coagmcntatum inveniatur. The suspicion repeated by Bellarmin also, and yet more distinctly stated by J. B. Gollerius (Act. SS. August 1, 451) lias died away of itself since manuscripts liave been found elsewhere. en..— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 47. GREGORY Vll. 3 Eishop of Lodeve (f 1331, fi'om "Victor 111. to John XXIL), and Nicolans Kosselius, An-agonius Card, (about 1356, derived from Cencii Camerarii, t. e. Honorii III. liber censuum camerae apost. see Pertz in the Archive d. Gesellsch. fiir deutsche Geschichtsk. x. 97), collectively in Muratorii scriptt rer. Ital. III., i. 273. Afterwards by Amalricus Augcrii, a French Augustine monk (about 1365, Actus Pontiif. Roman, from Peter to John XXIL, or 1321, important on Innocent III., in Eccardi Corp. historic, med. aev. ii. 1641, and Muratori 1. c. III. ii.). Works : Planck IV. i. 93. Schmidt's K.G. Th. vi. and vii. (the last by F. \V. Rettberg). Neander V. i. 105. 1. rOLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPACY. §47. GREGORY VII. (1073-1085.) Special sources : I. Documents : Gregorii VII. registri s. epistolarum libb. xi. (the tenth is missing) in Mansi xx. p. 60 ss. There are many letters which belong to this head in Udalrici Babenbergensis codex epistolaris (collected about 1125) in Eccardi corpus historic, medii. aevi. t. ii. p. I ss. — II. Notices of contemporaries in favour of Gregory are published specially by the Jesuit Jac. Gretzer, and in his Vetera monumenta contra schismaticos jam olim pro Gregorio VII. conscripta et nunc primum in lucem \nndicata studio, Seb. Tengnagel, Ingoldstadii, 1612, 4 (united in Gretseri 0pp. t. vi.), against him by Melch, Goldast (apologiae pro Imp. Henrico IV. adv. Gregorii VII. impias criminationes, recensitae studio M. Goldasti, Ilanoviae 1611, 4), in connexion with polemical writings. 1. Hostile to Gregory : Bennol (Cardinal), de vita et gestis Hildebrandi, p. libb. ii. in Goldast, p. 1. — Otbertus (bishop of Liege about 1106), de vita et obitii Henrici IV. in Goldast. p. 204. — Benzo (Bishop of Alba), panegyricus rythmicus in Henricum III. Imp. in Mencken scriptt. rer. Germ. i. 957, and J. P. de Ludwig reliquiae manuscriptt. ix., 217. 2. In defence of Gre- gory: Paulus Bernriedensis (canon at Ratisbon, afterwards in the monastery of Bernried), de vita Greg. VII., in Gretser opp. vi. 119, in Mabillon act. ss. ord. Bened. saec. A-ii., ii., 403, and in Murator. scriptt. rer. It. iii., i., 314. — Bonizo lib. ad amicum in Oefelii scriptt. reinim Boicarum ii. 794. (See on this head part i. g 22, note 33.) — Besides Bruno (clerk in Mersburg), hist, belli Saxonici (written 1082), in Pertz monum. vii., 327. General review of the sources in Stenzel's Gesch. Deutschlands unter den frankischen Kaisem ii. 55. Das Zeitalter Hildebrands fiir und gegen ihn, aus zeit- gleichen Quellen, von G. Cassander, Darmstadt 1842. (But compare Berliner literar. Zeitung, 1842, s. 1084.) ^ He appears not to have fallen away from Gregory till after 1081, Cassander s. 75. He is falsely called Bruno in Sclu'ockb. xxv. 531, &c., after a mistake in chron. Ursperg. ad ann, 1079. A 2 4 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Works : Joli. Voigt HiKlobrantl als Grcgor. YII. und scin Zeitalter, 2e Aiifl. Weimar 1846. J. M. Soltl Ileinrich der Vierte Miincli 1823. Dess. Gregor. VII. Ltipz. 18-17. Schlosscr's Weltgesch. II., ii., 094. Stenzel's Gesch. Deutsclilauds iiuter den IVank Kai^ern. i. 274. Through Gro.-oiy VII. the ideas, hitherto for the most part undeveloped, of the supremacy of the Pope over tlie Charch, and of the Church over the State,^ first assumed the shape of a '^ Especially Gregor. Ub. iv. cpist. 2, ad Herimannura Episc. Me- tensem, in the year 1076 : ubi De.us b. Petro principaliter dedit potostatciii h'gandi et solvcndi in caelo et in terra (Matth. xvi. 19), nulhiin excepit, nihil ab ejus potestate subtrnxit. Nam qui se negat, nun posse Ecclesiae vinculo alligari, restat. ut noget non posse ab ejus potestate absolvi. Et qui hoc iiupudenter negat, se a Christo oiunino sequcstrat. Onod si s. sodes apostolica divinitus sibi collata principali potestate spiritualia deccrnens dijiulicat, cur non et saecularia? etc. — lib. viii. epist, 21, ad eundem in tlieycar 1081 : itane diguitas (regalis) a saecularibus etiani Deura ignorautibus inventa non subjicietur ei dignitati (sacerdotali), quani oninipotentis Dei providentia ad honorem suum invenit, mundoque niisfi-icordiler tribuit V cujus Filius, sicut Deus et bomo indubitanter crcditur, ita summus sacerdos caput omnium sacerdotum ad dexteram Patris sedcms, et pro nobis semper interpellans babetur : qui saeculare regnuin, undo saeculi filii tnuient, despexit, et ad sacerdotium crucis spontaneus vonit. Quis ncsciat, reges et duces ab iis babuissc principium, qui Deum igiiorautcs, superbia, rapinis, pci-fidia, bomieidiis, postrenioimiversis paene sccliTibus, mundi pi-incipe diabolo videlicet agitante, super pares, scilicet homines, dominari caeca cuj)iditate et intolerabili praesumtionc affectaveruut ? — Quis dubitet, sacerdotcs Cbristi regum et principura omniumque fidelium patres et magistros censeri ? Nonne miscrabilis insaniae esse cognoscitur, si filius patrcm, discipulus magistrum sibi conetur subjugare : et iniquis obligationibus ilium potcstati suae subjicere, a quo credit non solum in torra, sed etiam in caelis se ligari posse et solvi? There are notices of Gregory the Great and Gelasius in Part i., § 24, note 17. — Talibus ergo institutis, talibusque fulti auctoritatibus plrrique Pontificuni alii Reges, alii fuiperatores excounnunicavcrunt. Thus InnoccJitius ex- connnunicated Arcadius for consenting that S. .Tohn Chrysostoui sliould be banished from his sec. Vol. i., Part 2, § 85, note 13. Alius item Konianuni Poutifcx, Zacharias videlicet, K'cgem FraneoruiM non lam pro suis iniqnitatibus, quam eo, quod tantau potestati non erat utilis, a regno deposult, et Pij)pinum — in ejus loco substituit, omnesque Fraiicigenas a jur;imen(o fidelitatis, quod illi fecerant, absolvit. Part i., § 5, note 9.) Then there is an appeal to Andn-ose (vol. i. part 2, § 91, note 8) and the work imputed to him, De Dignitatc Sacerdot (See Part 1, § 24, note 17.) A proof worth rending of the argument, and examples to which Gregory here appeals is to be founil in D. iJlondcllufl de formulie Repnante Chriato in veterum moniimentis usu. Ainstclnd. 1046, 4, p. 155, ss. 'I'he disdain of secular power here CII. I.— PAPACY I.— POLPr. DEVELOP. § 47. GREGORY VIL 5 perfectly organized system, with a sphere of much wider extent than that set forth by the Pseudo-Isidore. In the so-called Dictatus Gregorii VII.^ this is briefly pom-trayed; expressed was inbred in the Papacy. See Part 1, § 21, note 12 and 29. — Gregor. lib. vii., epist. 25, ad Guilelm, Reg. Angl. in the year 1080 : Credimus prudentiaui vestram non latere, omnibus aliis excel- lentiores apostolicain et regiam dignitates huic mundo ad ejus regimina omnipotentem Deuui distribuisse. Sicut enim ad mundi pulcbritudinem oculis carneis diversis temporibus repraesentandani solem et lunam omnibus aliis eniinentiora disposuit iuiuinaria; sic, ne ci'eatui'a-, quam sui beiugnitas ad imaginem suam in lioc mundo creaverat, in erroneaet mortifera trabereiur pericula, proviJit in [leg. ut) apostolica et regia diguitate per diversa regeretur officia. Qua [leg. Quas) tamen majo- ritatis et minoritatis distantia religio sic se raovet [leg. semovet) Christiana, ut cura et dispensafione apostolicae dignitatis post Deum gubernetur regia. ^ Dictatus Papae at the end of lib. ii., epist. 55 : 1. Quod Romana Ecclesia a solo Domino sit fundata. 2, Quod solus Romanus Pontifex jure dicatur universalis. 3. Quod ille solus possit deponere Episcopos vel reconciliare. 4. Quod legatus ejus omnibus Episcopis praesit in concilio, etiam inferioris gradus, et adversus eos sententiam de,.ositionis possit dare. 5. Quod absentcs Papa possit deponere. 6. Quod cum excommunicatis ab illo, inter caetera, nee in eadem domo debeinus manere. 7, Quod illi soli licet pro temporis necessitate novas leges condere, novas plebes congregare, de canonica abbatium facere et econtra, divitem episcopatura dividere, et inopes unire. 8. Quod solus possit uti imperialibus insigniis. 9. Quod solius Papae pedes omnes principes deosculentiir. 10. Quod illius solius nomen in ecclesiis recitetui*. 11. Quod unieum est nomen in mundo. 12. Quod illi liceat Imperatores deponere. 13. Quod illi liceat de sede ad sedem necessitate cogente Episcopos transmutare. 14, Quod de omni ecclesia, quacumque voluerit, clericum valeat ordinare. 15. Quod ab illo ordinatus alii ecclesiae praeesse potest, sed non nalitare, et quod ab aliquo Episcopo non debet supeviorcm gradum accipere. 16. Quod nulla synodus absque praecepto ejus debet generalis vocari. 17. Quod nullum capitulum, nullusque liber canonicus habeatur absque illius auctoritate. 18. Quod sententia illius a nullo debeat retraciari, et ipse omnium solus retractare possit. 19. Quod a livimiue ipse" judicari debeat. 20. Quod nuUus audeat condemnare apostolicam sedem appellantem. 21. Quod majores causae cujuscumque ecclesiae ad eam referri debeant. 22. Quod Romana Ecclesia nunquam erravit, nee in perpetuum, Scriptura testantc, errabit. 23. Quod Romanus Pontifex, si canonice fuerit ordinatus, mentis b. Petri indubitanter efficitur sanctus, testante s. Ennodio Papiensi Episc., ei multis ss. Patribus faventibvxs, sicut in decretis b. Symmachi P. continentur (see vol. i., Part 2, § 117, note 14 and 15.) 24 Quod illius praecepto et licentia subjectis liceat accusare. 25. Quod absque synodali conventu possit Episcopos deponere et reconciliare. 26. Quod catbolicus non babeatui', 6 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. JU73— 1305. and opposes a rude and threatening front to monarchs."* If we consider the logical deduction of this system fi"om premises formerly adopted,^ and the corrupt state of the Church, which apparently may he accounted for by tlie disregard of its rightful constitution f we may assume that Gregory VII. was convinced qui non concordat Romanae Ecclesiae. 27. Quoil afidelitate iniquorum subjectos potest absolvere. — Baronius ann. 1076, No. 31. Christ. Lupus in notis et dissert, ad concil. consider them to be geniiine : the French authors Jo. Launoius, Epistol. lib. vi., ep. 13, Anton. Pagi crit. in Baron. 1. c, and especially Natalis Alexander hist. eccl. saec. xi. et xii. Dissert, iii., doubtless with an eye to the interest of the Galilean Church, held them to be not only not genuine, but also at variance with the principles of Gregory. The later writers, according to Mosheim institt. p. 401, note f., considered them to be certainly drawn up by another hand, but to express the principles of Gregor}-. They appear to be an Index Capitulorum of a synod held under Gregory. Baronius, ad Martyrol. Rom. p. 22, quotes ex registro epist. Greg. vii. as a canon of a Council of Rome in the year 1075, ut Papae nomen unicum esset in universo orbe christiano, uec liceret alicui, se ipsum vel alium eo nomine appcllare, compare Diet. xi. Shortly before this time the well known privilegia Augustodunensia were probably attributed to Gregory the Great (vid Lauuoii opp. v. ii. 445) with the formula : si quis vero Regum, Sacerdotum, judicum, personarumque saecularium banc constitutionis nostrae paginam ag- noscens contra earn venire tentavorit, potestatis houorisque sui dignitate careat, &c. Gregory VII. betakes himself to these for the defence of his verdict against Henry IV. (lib. viii., ep. 21, ad Herimannum Metensera.) He is the first of the Popes to use them in the charters of several I'eligious houses (for instance, privileg. monast. s. Michael in Burgo Pisarum in Cocquelincs Bullarium ii. 45, and in privih monast. Rothonensis in liritannia ibid. p. 46.) Hence they were adopted into the style of the courts. Thus Urban II. uses them in the privil. Eccl. Atrebatensis in Mansi xx., 669, Paschal II. in the privil. monast. Cabillon. in Mansi xx., 981, &c. * Vid. Pseudosidorus, Part I, § 20, note 4. " To this reason Gregory liimself is always referring, vid. lib. i. ep. 42, ad Sicardum Aquilej. Archiep. an. 1074. Non ignorare credimus pru- dentiam tuam, quantis pcrturbationum fluctibus Ecclesia sit usque- quaque concussa, et paene desolationis suae calamitatibus naufraga et submersa sit facta. Rectoi'cs enim et principes luijus nmudi singuli quaerentes, quae sua sunt, non quae Jesu Christi, omni rcverentia conculcata, quasi vilem ancillam opprimunt, camque confundere, dum cupiditates suas explore valeant, nuUatcnus pertimescunt. Sacerdotes autem, et qui regimen Ecclesiae accepisse videntur, legem Dei fere penitus postponentes, et ofricii sui debitum Deo et conimissis sibi ovibus bubtrahentes, per ecclesiaslicasdignitates ad muiulanam tantum nituntur gloriam, et quae speciali dispensatione muhorum utiHtatil)us et saluti- CH. I.— PAPACY r.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 47. GREGORY YII. 7 of the righteousness of his cause, to which he so often appeals. IMoreover, if we judge the manner and method with which he worked for this cause, only with respect to their fitness for the end in \'iew, we cannot but pronounce them admirable. But if we regard him, not as a statesman, but in that character, which he claimed for himself alone, as the head of the Church of Christ, and as the apostleof Christian truth, we find ourselves decidedly repelled by the mere worldliness of his statesmanship. For instead of the unflinching truthfulness and universal charity, to which he must have felt himself pledged by his position, we find in him nothing but an iron will and a crafty policy determining means only by the end. Accordingly his whole policy is calculated with a view to external circumstances ; and therein with regard to internal relations, we find him at one time craftily yielding and overlooking, at another obstinately steadfast, at one time advisedly scrupulous, at another rashly and extravagantly encroaching. Thus he himself sub- ordinates his spiritual censorship to his political aims ; thus he overthrows and destroys whatever will not yield to liim.^ In proficere debuissent, ea aut negligiint, aut infeliciter in porapa superbiae et superfluis sumtibus consuinunt. Inter haec popiilus nuUo praelatornm moderamine, nuUisque luandatorum i'renis in viam justitiac directus ; immo eorum, qni praesunt, exeniplo quaccumquc noxia et quae christianae religioni sunt contraria edoctiis, ad omnia paene quae ntfaria sunt proni et studio corruentes, christiiinuin nomen, non dico absque operum obsevvantia, sed paene absque fidei religione gerunt. Lib. ii. ep. 40, ad Hugonem Abb. Ckxniacensem : Cum mentis intuitu pares occidentis, sive meridiei, aut septenitrionis video ; vix legales Epis- copos introitu et vita, qui christianum populum Chi'isti araore, et non saeculari ambitione regant, iuvenio : et inter cranes saeculares principes, qui praeponant Dei honorem suo, et justitiam hicro, non cognosce. Eos autem, inter quos habito, Roraanos videlicet, Longobardos, et Norman- nos, sicut saepe illis dico, Judaeis et Paganis quodainmodo pejores esse redarguo. Ad me ipsum cum redeo, ita me gravatum propriae actionis pondere invenio, ut nulla remaneat spes salutis, nisi de sola miseri- cordia Christi. Nam si non sperarem ad melioi*em vitam, et utilitatem sanctae Ecclesiae venire, nullo modo Romae, in qua coactus, Deo teste, jam a viginti annis inbabitavi, remanerem. 1 Very cbaracteristic is the anecdote in Chron. Casin iii., c. 27. (JVIuratori Script, rer. Ital. iv., 436.) Transmundus, abbot of the convent of Tremiti, had put out the eyes of some monks, and cut out the tongue of one, fuerant enim apud eum de rebellatione insulae a sociis inslmidati. Desiderius, abbot of Casino, was much troubled at this, and had laid a heavy penance on Transmundus, when llildebrand, then only cardinal, came thither. He ea quae Transmundus gesserat, 8 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. Til.— A. D. 1073—1305. order to acquit tliis Pontiff, by wliom the full character of a secular state was stampt upon the Church, even of guilty and wilful blindness, we must make allowance for an unavoidable influence of prejudices of the age on the morality even of dis- tinguished men, to such a degree that the very nature of human morality would thus be thrown into doubt. In order to call him great, we must jvidge him by a standard, which he would not ventvire to acknowledge — the standard of political ability.^ While Gregoiy from his first accession to the see, began -with new demands on the western kingdoms ; because some he either already regarded as the pecidiar property of the apostle Peter/ omnimoilis approbans, et nequaquam ilium hoc crudeliter, sed strenue ac digne in malignos homines fecisse confirmans, nondura anno completo, cum a domno Abbate aliquando difficulter extorsit, atque abbatiam — illi committens, paulo post eidem Balvenis episcopatus addidit dignitatem. ^ Against the nev." apologists for Gregory — Voight and Luden. See Stenzel i., ;i23, and Soltl's Gregory Yll. ^ Partly b\' right of the gift of Constantine : Urbanus II. ann. 1091 : constat enim, in.^ulas Imp. Constantini liberalitate ac privilegio in b. Petri jus proprium esse coUatas, Scheidii orig. Guelph. I. 454. Thence rose the claim for Corsica, Gregorii lib. vi. ep. 12, and also for Sardinia, lib. viii. ep. 10. In some cases h; expressly alleged more recent gifts. Compare lib. i. epist. 7., ad Principes Hispau. an. 1073. Non latere vos credimus, regnuni fli=;paniae ab antique proprii juris s. Petri fuisse, et adhuc, licet diu a Paganis sit occupatum, lege tamen justitiae non evacuata, nulli mortalium, sed soli apostolicae scdi ex aequo pertinere. — Itaque comes Evolus de Ivocejo fRouei in Rheims) — terram illam ad honoi'em s. Petri ingredi et Paganorum manibus eripere cupiciis, banc concessionem ab apostolica sede obtinuit, ut partem, illam, uude Paganos suo studio et adjuncto sibi aliorum auxilio expellere posset, Bub conditione inter nos factae pactionis ex parte s. Petri possideret. He forbids that any one, nisi aequa pactione persoKcndi juris s. Petri should venture to make conquests there. Comp. lib. iv. ep. 28 ad Ilispanos. — Just so he enjoins lib. ii. epist. 13, ad Salomonem Keg. Hung, in the year 1074; regnum Hungariae s. Romanae Ecclesiae proprium est, a Rege Stiijjhano olim b. Petro cum omni jure et potestate sua oblatum et devote traditum (comp. Soltl's Gregor vii. S. 125). Lib. viii. ep. 23, ad Ep. Albanensem in the year 1081 : Carolus magnus Imperator Saxoniam obtulit b. Petro, cujus earn devicit adjutoria. He thought he had gained the same claim upon Russia (lib. ii. ep. 74) and Provence (lib. ix. ep. 12.) lie wished to acquire a like claim in Denmark, lib. ii. ep. 51, ad Suenum Reg. Daniae in the year 107.> ; si te ac rcenum tuum — Apostolorum principi pia dcvotione committere, et ejusauctoritate fulciri volucris, fideles nuntios ad nos sine dilatiune transmittcre stude : but without success. Demetrius, Duke of Dabuatia, he made his vassal by granting him (he ranlc of King (Soltl S. ISib) CH. 1.— PAPACY I — rOLIT. DEVELOP. § 47. GREGORY VII. 9 or sought to make them so ; and others he designated as bound at least to pay tribute to the Chm'ch.^'' His chief aim was constantly directed to the complete abolishment of priest's- marriage, which had been long ago called in question, and of simony, with a view to destroy all dependence of the Church upon laymen. At a council in Rome 1074, he had decrees fi-amed against these practises,^^ and now began to attack with energy, first the married priest, who had been but little troubled by the earlier prohibitions.^- In all countries there rose \aolent agitation. ^" Lib. viii. ep. 23. ad Ep. Albanensem : Dicendum autem est omnibus Galiis et per verain obedieutiam praecipieudum, utunaquaeque domus saltein auuiii denarium annuatim solvat b. Petro, si eum recog- noscunt patreni et pastorem suum more antiquo. "^ The purport of this is clear from Gregorii ep. ad, Ottonem Episc. Constant, in Bcrnoldi Constant, apologeticus pro decretis Gregorii VIT, c. 1, (Mansi xx, 404, Monuraenta res Alcmannicas illustrantia ii. 271) : ut hi, qui per simoniacara haeresim, b. e. interventu pretii ad aliqueui ^acrorum ordinum gradum, vel officium promoti sunt, nullum in sancta Ecclesia ulterius ministrandi locum habeant. Illi quoque, qui ecclesias datione pecuniae obtinent, omnino eas perdant, nee deinceps vendere, vol emere alicui liceat. Sed nee illi, qui in crimine fornicationis jacent, Missas celebrare, aut secundum inferiores ordines ministrare altari debeant. Statuimus etiam, ut, si ipsi conteraptores fuerint nostraruni, immo ss. Patrura, constitutionum, populus n.illo raodo eorum officia recipiat, ut, qui pro amore Dei, et officii dignitate non corriguntur, verecundia saeculi, et objnrgatione populi resipiscant. The Iriw against the marriage of pi-iests is to be found in Gerohi (provost of Reichesperg -{- 1189) comm. ad Psalm x. (ed. B. Pez. August. Vind. 1728, fol. p. 157. Mansi XX. 433) and in Gratian dist. Ixxxi. c. 15 ; Si qui sunt presby- teri, diaconi, vel subdiaconi, qui in crimine fomiicationis jaceant, interdicimus eis ex parte Dei omnipotentis, et s, Petri {.ucforitate ecclesiae introitum, usque duin poeniteant et emendent. Si qui vero in suo peccato perseverare maluerint, nullus vestrum officium eorum audire praesumat : quia bcnedictio eorum vertitur in maledictionem, et oratio in peccatum, testante Domino per prophetam : maledlcam, inquit, bcnedictiouibus vestris (Mai. ii. 2.) Qui vero huic saluberrimo praecepto obedire noluerit, idololatriae peccatum incurrit Samuele testante et b. Gregorio adstruente : peccatum ariolandi est non obedire, et quasi scelus idololatriae non acquiescere (ISam. xv. 23.) Peccatum igitur pagani- tatis incurrit, quisquis, dum Christianum se asserit, sedi apostolicae obedire contemnit. The prohibition with regard to laymen had already been issued by Nicolas II. 1059 (vid Part i. § 34, note 8,) and renewed by Alexander II. Cone. Rom. ann. 1063 cap. 3. '■■^ See Petrus Dam. Fart i. § 34, note 8. The earlier ordinances of the Pontiff seem to have been quite unknown abroad. Sigebert. Gcmblac. ad ann. 1074 (Pertz viii. 362): Gregorius P. celebrata 10 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. D. 1073—1305. The voices of many were raised against hini.^^ Two spiods wliicli Sigft'ied, Archbishop of Mayence, assembled for the execu- tion of that decree, at Erfurt (Oct. 1074) and Mayence (Oct. 1075) ended in tumult :^* like\Aase also a Synod at Paris in Bynodo simouiacos anathematizavit, et uxoratos sacerdotes a divino officio removit, et laicis Missam eoruni audire interdixit, novo exemplo, et, ut multis visum est, inconsiderato praejudicio, contra ss. Patruin sententiam, qui scripserunt, quod sacranicnta quae in ecclesia fiunt, — quia Spiritus s. mystice ilia vivificat, nee meritis bonorum di.spensatorum araplificantur, nee malorum peccatis attenuantur. 1'^ Stenzel i. 355. Bertholdi ann. ad ann. 1075 (Pertz vii., 278) ; Prae- dictis autem et omnibus ferme apostolicae sedis statutis — paene ab omnibus rcsistitui*, et inde maximum odium in domnum Apostolieum, et in perpaucos eos, qui consentimit ei, et maxima schismata cireumquaque, eed maxime a clcricis, excitata sunt. Lambertus ad ann. 1074 (in Pertz vii, 218 :) Adversus hoc decretum protinus vehementer infremuit tota factio clericorum ; hominem plane haereticura et vesani dogmatis esse clamitans, qui oblitus sermonis Domiiii, quo ait : Non omnes capiunt hoc verbum, qui potest eapere capiat, et Apostolus : qui se non continet, nubat ; melius est enim nuberc, quam uri, violenta exactione homines vivere eogcret ritu angcloruni, et dum consuetum eursuui naturae negarc;t, fornicationi et immunditici frena laxavet. Quod si pergeret sententiam confirmare, malle se sacerdotium quara conjugium deserere, et tunc visurum euni, cui homines sorderent, unde gubfrnandis per Ecclesiam Dei plebibus angelos comparaturus esset. ^' Lambertus (Pertz vii. 230) : Henry Bishop of Chur, showed himself at Mayence, with strict orders from the Pope to the Archbishop. When he wished to fulfil them, exsurgentes qui undique assedebant clerici, ita eum verbis con fundc bant, itamanibus et totius corporis gcstu in eum debacehabantur, ut se vita comite e synodo discessurum despe- raret. Sic tandem rei difiieultate superatus, statuit, sibi deiiiceps tali quaestione omnino supersedendum, et Romano Pontifici relinquendum, ut causam, quam ipse toties inutiliter proposuisset, ille per semetipsum quando vellet et quomodo vellet i)eroraret. When the Papal partizan Altmaim, Bishop of Passau, wished to can-y out the ordinance (vid. vita b. Altmanni c. 11. in Pczii scriptt. rerum Austriacarum i., 120), his clergy answered him, se nee velle nee posse banc consuetudinem deserere, quam ab antiquis tcmporibus constaret eos sub omnibus ante- cessoribus Episcopis habuisse ; and when he thereuj on read the order publicly from the chair, omnes unanimiter furore repleti, jam tunc impraesentiarum Dei famulum furibundis manibus discerpsissent, nisi divinum auxilium, et optimatum praesenlium praesidium furentibus obstitisset. Among the Bishops, Otto, Ijitihop of Constance, resisted, see Gregorjf's letter to him in Paulus Beriiricd. e. 37 : Cum haec onmia tibi obscrvanda pastorali providontia transmittcremus, tu non sursum cor, sed deorsum in terra ponens, praedictis ordinibus frena libidiuis, sicut acccpimus, laxasti ; ut qui niulierculis sc junxcrunt, in flagitio CH. I.— PAPACY I.-POLIT. DEVELOP, g 47. GRP:G0RY VI 1. H 1074.^^ However, Gregory now began to work by means of Legates, who passed through different districts armed with full penal powers,^^ and stin*ed up the people against the married jjriests.^^ Thus he gained over a strong party to his side, and prevailed so far that these decrees were at least outwardly adopted. persisterent, et qui necdum duxerunt, tua interdicta non timerent. 0 impudentiaiii, o audaciam singularem ! etc. See Neugart Episcopatus Constantiensis (S. Blasii 1803. 4.) i. 1, 459, 1^ Vita Galtci'ii Abb. s. Martini juxta Pontisaram c. 2. in act SS. ad d. viii, April, in AJansi xx., 437 : Parisiiseongregato coucilio oranes fere tam Episcopi, quam Abbates et cltrici censebant, domini Aposto- lic! sanctae memoriae Hildebrandi jussioni non esse parenduni, dicentes, falsoque asseverantes, importabilia ejus esse praecepta, idcoque irra- tionabilia. When Galterius, Abbot of Pont-Isere, spoke in behalf of the Papal order, vehementcr ira succensi qui aderant adversus Dei famulmn, mancipia Regis suo sccleri conjungentes, exclamantesque omnes in una conspiratione consurgunt, ipsum de coucilio rapiunt, trahunt, impingunt, colaphizant, conspuunt, multisque contumeliis affectum ad donum Regis pcrducunt. — Quorundam optimatum — virtute vir Dei de loco, in quo custodiebatur, eripitur, < t Ecclesiie suae cum honore redditur. The Pope was even informed (lib. iv. ep. 20, ad Josfredum Ep. Parisiacensem), Cameracenses hominem quemdam flammis tradidisse, eo quod siraoniacos et presbytei'os fornicatores Missas non debere celebrare, et quod illorum officium minime susci- piendum foret, diccre ausus fuerit. ^'' Sigefridi Archiep. Mogunt, ep. ad suflPraganeos from the year 1075 (in Hartzheim. Cone. Germ, iii., 175) : Placuit domino Papae, ut mitteret quosdam de Curia pro reformando Ecclesiarum statu, et maxime manifcsta cohabitatione mulierum clericis prohibenda. I Hi autem diligenter executi, quod eis injunctum fnerat, quibusdam per suspensionem, aliis per excommunicationcm praeceperunt, ut concubinas diraitterent, et ulterius non admitterent ; sed parum in aliquibus profecerunt. Nos igitur videntes, quod occasione hujus mandati facti sunt plurimi trausgressores, scandalumque, quod exiiide ortum est, et infamiam clericorum, quae secuta est, significavimus domino Papae, Unde ipse nobis dedit in mandatis, ut, quia multitude est in causa, propter quam detrahendum est severitati, talibus misericorditer consu- lamus. Inde est, quod mandamus vobis, qui subditos habetis, ut, quemcunque inveneritis cauteriatam habentem conscientiam, eo quod tali vitio laboraverit, et concubinas a sc non removcrit ; eum ad nostram praesentiam transmittatis, ne indigne accedens ad altare Dei judicium sibi manducet et bibat. Interdicimus enim, sicut nobis injunctum est, cum tali, auctox*itate apostolica, dispensare. ^'' Sigebert. Gembl. ad ann, 1074 (Pertz viii., 363) : Ex qua re grave oritur scandalum — laicis insurgentibus contra sacros ordines, et se ab orani ecclesiastica subjectione excutientibus. Laici sacra mysteria temerant et de his disputant ; infantes baptizant, sordido humore aurium pro sacro oleo et chrismate utentes ; in extremo vitae viaticum domi- 2 1^ THIRD i'EKlOD.— DiV. Ill —A. 1). 1073—1305. As the victory over married priests swayed to the Pope's side, he began to give a more decisive shape to the struggle against simony. In a fresh Council at Uome (1075) he pronounced his ban against five privy councillors of the German King, Henry IV., as gTiilty of iiicum et usifatiim Ecclesiae obsequium sepulturae a presbyteris conjugatis accipere pai'vipendunt ; decimas nresbj'tevis d'^putatas igni cremant ; et ut in iino caetera perpendas, laici corpus Domini a presby- teris conjugatis const'Ci'atum saepe pedibus conculcaveruut, etsanguinem Domini vohintarie effudei-unt. Probable enough is the epistle in Martene et Durand thesaur. nov. anecdot. i. 230, as its author Guenricus, a scholastic at Treves, was a man o' 'moderate mind, Sigeberti Gembl. apologia contra eos, qui calumnianlur Missas conjugatorum sacerdotum, of whom be himself makes mention, do seriptoribus eccl. c. 171 (vid. Sigfr, Hirscli de vita et scriptis Sigeberti Gembl. Berol., 1841, p. 196.) There we find the following, p. 231. Quid pulchrius, quid christianitati conducibilius, quam sacros ordines castitatis legibus subjicerc, promotiones ecclesiasticas nan pecvuiiae pacto, sed vitae merito aestimare, j'avenis regis vitam et mores ad suauiet subditorum utilitatem corripere, episcopal ni dignitatem ah omni saccuL-ris servitii necessitate ab^olvere ? ilaec si ca, quam pietas exigit, inteiitione proposita, si eo, quem justitia postulat, essent ordine pertractata, profecto neque recta voluntas remuneratione sua caruisset, et non ejectum, sed injectum verbi Dei semen aliquem in auditorum cordibus fructum inve.nsset. Nunc autem si fructum requiris, grex dominicus pastoribus lupos in eum incltantibus iniserabiliter dispergitur. Piebejus error, quam semper quaesivit, opportunitate adepta, usque ad furoris sui societatem [leg. satietatem) injuncta sibi, ut ait, in clericorum contumclias obedientia crudeliter abutitur. Hie publicis illusioiabus addicti, quocumque prodeunt, clainores insultantium, digitos ojitendentium, colapbos pulsan- tium perferunt. Alii — egeni et pauperes profugiunt, alii merabris mutilati, — alii per longos cruciatus superbe necati. — Illi autem, laicos dico, quibus amministris tarn ordinata agi placuit capitula, sua auctoritate defendentcs vesaniam, nihil est, quod contra propositum christiaiiitatis non audeant. Ecclesiae mysteria contemuere, parvulos suos lavacro salutari fraudare, ipsi absque humili peccatorum coii- fessione, et soleuini i^^eclesiae viatico migrare, rehgiosum deputant, sibi ad peccatorum redemtionem sufficere arbitrantes, si coramissum sibi in pastores suos saeviendi ofticlum strenue aditnpleant. Si autem quaeris, talis fructus a qua radice pullulaverit : lex ad laicos promulgata, qua iinporitis pcrsuasum est, conjugatorum sacerdotum iVIi. Ualdricus 1. c. p. 88 : quaedam Christianis intima inspirabatur voluntas, ut paenc omnes iter arripercnt, si stipendiorum facultas eis CHAP. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 48. URBAN II. 31 As director of this spiritual agitation issuing on the workl's scene with overpowering might, and as general-in-chief of the crusacUng army now in process of formation, Urban acquired an immense degree of power.^'' In ftdl consciousness of this power, suppeteret. Laetabantur patres, fillis abscedentibus ; gaudebant uxores, abeuntibus maritis dilectissimis, pkxsque tristabantur, quod remanebant. — Excessit tainen medicina modiini, quia phisquara debuit in quibusdam eundi vokintas surrepsit. Nam et multi heremitae et reckisi et monachi doniicikis suis uon satis sapienter relictis ire viaui perrexerunt : quidam autem orationis gratia ab Abbatibus suis accepta kcentia profecti sunt, pku'cs autem fugieudo se subduxerunt. Muki etiam de gente plebeja crucem sibi divinitus innatam jactando ostentabant, quod et idem quaedam ex mukercuks praesuniserunt : hoc enimfalsum deprebensum est omnino. Muki vero ferrum cakdum instar crucis sibi adhibuerunt, vel peste jactantiae, vel bonae suae vokmtatis ostentatione. Sed de his, ut kbet. Talibus euim rumoribus concursus euntium in tantum augmentabantur, ut jam esset numerus innumerus. Ekkehardus in Pertz viii. 213: Francigenis Occidentakbus facile persuaderi poterat sua rura reknquere. Nam Gallias per aniios aliquot nunc seditio civilis, nunc fames, nunc mortaktas nimis afflixerat, postremo plaga ilia, quae circa Nivalensem s. Gerti'udis ecclesiam orta est, usque ad vitae desperationem terruerat (an epidemic sickness.) Rekquarum nationum plcbcs vel personae, aliae praeter apostokcum edictum pi*ophetis qui- busdam inter se nuper exortis seu signis caelestibus ac revelationibus ad terram se repromissionis vocatas, aliae se quibusvis incommoditatibus ad taka vota compulses fatcbantur : magna quippc pars eorum cum conjugibus ac prole totaque re famikari onusti proficiscebantur. Petrus Diac. in chron. Casin. lib. iv., c. 11 : Fertur autem commotionem banc apud Gallias occasione quorundam poenitentium principium accepisse. Qui videlicet propterea quod de innumeris sceleribus digne apud suos poenitere nequibant, et quod sine armis, utpote sacculares, inter notes conversari 'vehementer erubescebant, auctoritate atque consilio s. memo- riae P. Urbani — ultramarinum iter ad sepulcrum Domini a Saracenis eripiendum, in poenitentiam et remissionem peccatorum suorum ilks injunctum, fide promtissima se arripere spoponderunt, certi et indubii redditi, quod quicquid adversi, quicquid pericuk, quicquid deniquc incommodi ilks contingeret, loco poenitentiae a Domino recipiendum, etc. Willelm. Tyr. lib. i. (in Bongars i. 641) : Nee tamen apud omnes erat in causa Dominus, et virtutum mater discretio votum excitabat : sed quidam ue amicos desererent, quidam ne desides haberentur, quidam sola levitatis causa, aut ut creditores suos — decknantes eluderent, akis se adjungebant. Wilken i. 59. '" From Urban's speech at Clermont, Willelm. Tyr. p. 640 : Interim vero eos, qui ardore, fidei ad expugnandos illos laborem istum assum- serint, sub Ecclesiae defensione et bb. Petri et Paul! protectione, tanquam verae obedientiae filios recipimus, et ab universis inquietationibus, tam in rebus, quam in personis, statuimus manere securos. Si vero quisquam 32 THIKD PERIOD.— DiV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. he renewed at Clermont, in Philip's own dominions, the sentence of excommmiication pronounced against tliis monarch, for his marriage with Bcrtrada,^^ and, in the spirit of Gregoiy VII., abolished every trace Avhich yet remained unremoved of the dependence of the clergy upon tlie laity.^'- \^^lerever the molestare eos interim aiisu temerario praesuinscrit, per Episcopum loci excommunicatione feriatur, et tamdiu sententia ab oumibus observatur, donee et ablata reddantur, et de illatis damnis congrue satisfiat. Compare again the story of the Chron. Casaiiriense, written about the year 1182, lib. v. init (in Muratorii scriptt. rer. Ital. II. ii., 872) : Urbanus dolens, quia Saraceni occupaverant s. civitatem Ilierusalem, — praedicavit remissionem peccatorum, et vice sibi tradita a Deo omnibus dedlt, (piicunqne Ilierusalem tenderent, et civitatem et terram transmariuam, quae a Saracenis possidebatur, hberareut. Ad- jiciens etiam hoc, ut si quisquam in via, sive in pugna, pro Christo moreretur, in uumero Martyrum absolutus ab omnibus peccatis suis coraputaretur, Et dum totus mundus post eum curreret, avidus remissionem peccatorum accipere, et in numero ss. Martyrum esse, contigit, ut hoc praedicans praedictus summus Pontifex devenerit Thyetum. — Quod agnoscens Grimoaklus (Abbas monast. Casaur.) accessit ad eum, et expositis calamitatibus Ecclcsiae suae et destructione funditus, cum maxima rcverentia a praedicto P. Urbano susceptus est, el sub protectione Romanae Ecdesiae, quam hactenus Abbatia s. dementis ignoraverat^ quia ab Iniperatoribus guhernabatur^ meruit coUocari. Hie primus ab illo in Abbatem consecratus, baculum pastoralem in loco sceptri regalis, quod antecessores sui, et ipse ex dono Imperatoris in dextera portabant, suscepit, etc. In the Chronicle this scene is represented as happening in the year 1098 ; on this occasion the following remarkable words are put into the mouth of Urban (p. 771) : Cacsaris ob sceptrum baculum tibi porrigo dextrum, Quo bene sis fretus : plus Caesare dat tibi Pelrus. ^^ With regard to the whole story, especially with a view to refute the idea which sprung up in the 15th century, that during Philip's excommunication the public documents were not inscribed^ regnante Philippo, but regnante Christo, see David Blondellus de formulae Kegnante Christo in veterum monumentis usu. Amstelod. 1646. 4. p. 1—319. ^' The way was made for this in Concil. Melfitan. ann. 1090, can. 11 (Mansi xx. 723) : Ne gravamen aliquod sancta patiatur Ecclcsia, nullum jus laicis in clericos esse volumus et censcmus. Unde cavendum est, ne servilis conditionis aut curialium officiorum obnoxii ab Episcopia promoveantur in clerum. — Quod si forte clericorum aliquis cujuslibet laici possessionibus usus fuerit, aut vicarium, qui debitum reddet, inveniat, aut possessione cedat, ne gravamen Ecclcsiae inferatur. Can. Clarom. xvii. : Ne Episcopus vcl Sacerdos Kegi vel alicui laico in manibus ligiam fidelitatcm faciat. (According to Maimbourg, hist, de la decadence de I'Empire apros Charlemagne, and de Marca de Cone. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 48. URBAN II. 33 crusading enthusiasm penetrated, judgment was passed against Heniy IV., and Clement III., his Pope. Thus, though Henry still maintained his ascendancy in Germany,^^ Clement III. was hunted out of Rome by a crusading army,^^ and lost all his influence in Italy (f 1100.) However, even this turn of affairs failed to induce Roger, Count of Sicily, to surrender his seignorial rights in ecclesiastical matters. And in order to preserve this indispensable ally, Urban granted him the rank of Papal Legate in Sicily (1098 monarchia ecclesiastica Siciliae,)''' Sac. et Imp. lib. viii. c. 21, § 4. Gregory Vfl. had already forbidden this. See on the other side Enr. Noris istoria delle investiture. Mant. 1741, fol. p. 279.) The reason which the Pope urges for this purpose is the same according to Roger de Hovcden, only more strongly expressed, with that which Hincmar had already laid down (see Part 1, § 24, note 5.) Nevertheless this canon has never been brought into legal use, see de jAJarca, 1. c. ss. — Besides can. Clarom. xv. : Ut nullus ecclesiastieum aliquem honorem a manu laicorum accipiat. xvi. : Interdictmn est, ne Reges vel alii Principes aliquam investituram de ecclesiasticis honoribus faciant. 1'^ Ekkehardus in Pertz viii. 214 : Orientalibus autem Francis, Saxonibus et Thurin2:is, Bajoariis et Alemannis haec buccina minime insonuit propter illud niaxime schisma, quod inter regnum et sacerdo- tium a tempore Alexandri Papae usque hodie tarn nos Romanis, quam Romanes nobis invisos et iufestos jam heu ! confirmavit. Inde est, quod omnis paene populus Teutonicus, in principle profectionis hujus causam ignorantes, per terram suam transeuntes totlegiones equitum, tot turmas peditum, totque catervas ruricolarum, feminarum ac parvulorum, quasi inaudita stultitia delirantcs, subsannabaut, utpote qui pro certis incerta captantes, terram nativitatis vane relinquerent, terram repromissionis incertam certo discrimine appeterent, renuutiarent facultatibus propriis inhiarent alienis. Sed quamvis nostra gens caeteris multo sit insolen- tior, respectu tamen miserationis divinae inclinatur tandem ad verbum ejusdem renumerationis furor Teutonicus, a commeantium scilicet turbis rem ad integrum edoctus. 1* Fu.lgerius Carnot. (in Bongars i. 384), Otto Prising, viii. cap. 6. The manner in which Fanaticism had overturned all moral perception , is especially well shown, b}' the declaration Urbani II. ad Godofred. Ep. Lucanum (in Gratiani decret. P. ii. cans, xxiii. qu. v. c. 47) : Non enim eos homicidas arbitramur, quos adversus excommunicates zclo catholicae Matris ardentes, aliquos eorum trucidasse contigerit. ^^ On this point writes the cotemporary Gaufredus Malaterra in his hist. Sicula lib. iv. c. 29, (in Murator. scr. rer. Ital. v. 601.) In Urbans Frivilegium (1. c. and in Mansi xx. 659) we find this: Quia — probitas tua — s. sedi apostolicae devotam se multis modis semper C 34 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. lU73— 1305. The mighty crusadmg army actually conquered Jerusalem (15. July 1099), and there rose a kingdom of Jerusalem, in which the Pope exercised considerable influence even over secular aflfairs. §49. PASCHAL II. (1099—1118.) Paschal II. maintained the same principles, but not the same firmness as his immediate predecessors. Philip, King of France, who had renewed his connection with Bertrada, he caused indeed to be excommunicated by his Legates at the Synod of Poictiers (1100),^ and thus compelled him to obedience (1104) :^ But soon after Philip was living again publicly in mamage with Bertrada, without being further troubled by Paschal.^ He brought the struggle of Anselm, Ai'chbishop of Canterbury, with Henry I., King of England, about investiture and oaths'* of exhibuit, uos in specialem atque carissimum filiuni ejusdem universalis Ecclesiae tc assuinsimu.s. Idcirco de tuae probitatis sinceritate pluri- niuni confideutes, sicut verbis promisimus, ita etiam literarum auctoritate firmamus : quod oniui vitae tuae tempore, vel filii tui Simonis, aut alterius, qui legitiuius tui haeres exstiterit, nullum in terra potestatis vestrae, praetcr voluntatem aut consilium vestrum, legatum Romanpe Ecclesiae statuemus : quin immo, quae per legatum acturi sumus, per vestram industriam legati vice exhiberi volunuis, quando ad vos ex latere nostro miserimus etc. Against the integrity of tliis document and the natural meaning of it writes Baronius ann. 1097 no. 18 — 1-13 (for this reason vol. xi. was forbidden in Spain 1610, and this Excursus is left out in the Antwerp edition of 1647.) No. 37 naively and truly enough ?ays : Potuitne (Urbanus) tanta concessisse Rogerio, quorum partem aliquam tantum si Imp. Henrico — ccssisset, pacem proculdubio universalis Ecclesiae redemisset, et tot tantisque cladibus afflictam diutius Ecclcsiam liberasset? Against Baronius L. E. du Pin defense de la monarchic de Sicile contre les entreprises de la Cour de Rome. Amsterd. (Lyon) 1716, in 4 and 12. ' Mansi xx. 1117. Blondellus de formula Regn. Christo. p. 54. ■^ About Cone. Balgenciacense (at Bcaugenci) in the yeir 1104, see Ivonis epist. 144 ad. Paschalem P. — Concii. Parisiense in the vear 1105. Mansi xx. 1193. 3 lilondellus 1. c. p. 61. * Concerning A nselm's former quarrel with William Rufus, as well as this one above mentioned, see Anselm's bosom friend Eadmer historia CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 49. J'ASCHAL II. 35 fealty, to an end, by sanctioning the latter (1106.)^ The French Bishops, among whom a more moderate view of the controversies novorum (libb. vi. 1066 — 1122) and ejusd. de vita s. Anselmi libb. ii., both given under Ansehni opp. ed. G. Gerberon, Paris, 1675 and 1721, fol. Mohler's Scbriften und Aufsiitze beransgeg. v. DolHnger i. 87. Lappeuberg's Gesb. v. England ii. 193, 248. Gu. R. Veder diss, de Anselmo Cantuar. Lugd. Bat. 1832, 8, p. 34. F. R. Hasse's Anselm of Canterbury (Leipzig 1843) i. 292. ^ Ansehn liad brought with hiin from Italy, where be bad resided from 1097 — 1100, the new maxims about the oath of fealty (see § 48, not. 12.) How they were received in England (see in Anselmi lib. iii. ep. 47, ad Pasebalem P. (falsified in Gerbei-on's edition, pure in Wharton Anglia sacra ii., 178) ; Postquara revocatus ad episcopatum redii in Angliam, ostendi decreta apostolica, quae in Romano concilio praesens audivi : ne scilicet aliquis de manu Regis aut alicujus laici Ecclesiarum investituras acciperet, ut pro hoc ejus homo fieret ; nee aliquis baec transgredienteni consecrare praesumeret. Quod audientes Rex et Principes ejus, ipsi etiam Episcopi et alii minoris ordinis tam graviter acceperunt, ut assererent, se nullo modo huic rei assensum praebituros, et me de regno potius quam hoc servarent expulsuros, et a Roraana Ecciesia se discessuros. Unde, reverende Pater, vestrum petii per epistolam nostram consilium etc. Epist. Ilenrici ad Pasebalem P. ann. 1103, from Bromptoni (about 1326) chron. in Rymer foedera etc. Regum Angliae ad h. a. He promises the Pope eos honores et earn obedientiam, quam tempore patris mei antecessores vestri in regno Angliae habuerunt, — eo videlicet tenore, ut dignitates, usus et consue- tudines, quas pater mens — in regno Angliae habuit, ego — integre obtineam. Notumque babeat Sanctitas vestra, quod me vivente, Deo auxiliante, dignitates et usus regni Angliae non minuentur. Et si ego, quod absit, in tanta me dejectione ponerem, optimates mei, immo totius Angliae popidus id nullo modo pateretur. Habita igitur, caris- sime Pater, utiliori deliberationc, ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vesti'a, ne — a vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia. The King's firmness prtvailed at length 1106 Paschalis ep. ad Anselmum dd. x. Kal. April, in Eadnieri hist. uov. lib. iv. p. 74 in Mansi xx., 1003 : Te autem, frater in Christo venerabilis et carisshne, ab ilia prohibitione sive, ut tu credis, excommunicationc absolvimus, quam ab antecessore nostro H. memoriae Urbano P. adversus investituras aut bominia factam intelligis. Tu vero eos, qui investituras acceperunt, aut investitos benedixerunt, aut bominia fecerunt, — suscipito, et eos vice nostrae auctoritatis ^bsolvito : — si qui vero deinceps praeter investituras Ecclesiarum praelationes assumserint, etiamsi Regi bominia fecerint ; nequaquam ob hoc a benedictionis munere arceantuv, donee per omnipo- tentis Domini gratiam ad hoc omittendum cor regiuni tuae praedicationis imbribus molliatur. — Eadmer p. 76 thus illustrates this passage : Papa — concesserat bominia, quae Urbanus P. aeqiie ut investituras interdix- erat, ac per hoc Regem sibi de investituris cousentaneum fecerat. At a Synod in London 1107 the new arrangement was solemnly proclaimed. Eadmer 1, c. C2 3(; THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. II!.— A. D. 1073-1.^5. of the time generally prevailed,^ 'gave liim credit for gi*eat consideration.' ^ Compare the opinion of Ivo Bp. of Chartres, di.stinguished among the French Bishops for his learning, particularly in canon law, ep. 69, ad Hugonem Archiep. Lugdun. sedis apost. legatuin (in the year 1099) : Factum est, ut iuiperastis, et manus a consecratione Senonensis electi continulmus. — Quod autem scripsisti, praedictum electum investituram episcopatus de manu Uegis accepisse, ncc relatum nobis ab aliqno qui viderit, nee cogni.;um. Quod tamen si factum esset, cum hoc nullam vim sacramcuti gerat in coustituendo Episcopo ; vel admissuni, vel omirisuui, quid fidci, quid sacrae religioni ofificiat, ignoramus, cum post canonicam electionom Reges ipsos apostolica aiictoritate a concessione episcopatuum prohibitos minime videamus. Legimus enim, sanctae recordationis summos Pontifices aliquando aqud Reges pro electis Ecclesiarum, ut eis ab ipsis Regibus conccderentur episcopatus, ad quos electi erant, intercessisse ; aliquorum, quia concessiones Regum nondum consecuti fuerant, consecrationes distulisse. — Domnus quoque Papa I'rbanus Reges tantum a corporali investitura excludit, quantum intelleximus, non ab electione, in quantum sunt caput populi, vel conces- sione: quamvis octava sy nodus solum prohibeat eosinteresseelectioni, non concessioni. Quae conccssio sive fiat mariu, sive nutu, sive lingua, sive virga, quid refert? cum Reges niliil spirituale se dare intendant, sed tantum aut votis petentium annuere, aut villas ecclesiasticas et alia bona exteriora, quae de muniticeutia Regum obtinent Eccle- siae, ipsis electis concL'dere, — Quodsi liace aetcrna lege sancita essent, non esset in manu praesidentium, ut eain quibusdam districte judicarent, in quibusdam misericonliter relaxarent, ipsis in honore accepto perma- nentibus, contra quos ista loquuntur. Nunc vero quia ea illicita maxime facit praesidentium prohibitio, llcita quoque eorundem pro sua aestimatione remissio : videmus nullos aut paene nullos pro hujusinodi transgressione damnatos, plurimos autem vexatos, plurimas ecclesias spoliatas, plurima scandala exorta, divisum regnum et sacerdotium, sine quorum concordia res humanae nee incolumes esse possunt nee tutae. — Sed hoc vellem cum multis mecum pie sent ientibus, ut Romanae Ecclesiae ministri tanquam i)robati niedici majorilius niorbis sanandis intenderent, et non ab irrisoribus suis audirent : cullcem excolantes et camelum r/hdientes^ mentam, rutam, ciminum et anetum decimatis, graviora aidem legis praccejjta praetermittis : cum per totum paene mundum flagitia et facinora videamus publice perpetrari, nee ea a vobis aliqua justitiae falce resccari. For this reason he speaks zea- louslj^ ep. 23G, against the opinion of those who call lay investiture a heresy, and reckons the prohibition of investitiu'cs among those points quae aeterna lege sancita non sunt, sed honestate et utilitate Ecclesiae instituta vel prohibita. Ivo's friend Hugo Mon. Flori- acensis, considered even the nomination of Bishops by the King iinobjt'ctionable, see his tract de regia potestate et sacerdotal! dignitate (Baluz. miscell. lib. iv. p. 9) cap. 5 : Jgitur Rex instinctu Spiritus sancti potest, sicut existinio, prat .-idatus lionorem religioso clerico tribuere : animarum vero curani Aiehlepiscopus debet ei committere. CH. 1.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 49. PASCHAL IL 37 Against the Emperor Henry IV.,*^ Paschal miceasingly sum- moned all his resources.^ But his anathemas seemed to be Qua discreta consuetudine usi sunt quondam quique christianissimi Reges et Principes in pi'oraovendis viris ecclesiasticis atque sanctissimis usque ad haec tempora nostra. 7 Ivonis Carnot. epist. 190 ad Paschalem (in Baron, ann. 1106 no. 50), on the installation of Rudolf, archbishop of Rheims. Plenariam pacem impetrarenequivimus, nisi praedictus Metropolitanus per nianum et sacraraentum earn fidelitatem Regi faceret, quam praedecessoribus suis Regibus Francorum antea fecerant omnes Rhemenses Archiepis- copi, et caeteri regni Francorum quandibet religiosi et sancti Episcopi. Quod persuadentibus et impellentibus totius Curiae optlmatibus, etsi propter mandatorum rigorem minus lieebat, factum est tamen, quia ecclesiasticae paci et fraternae dilectioni sic expediebat. — Petimns ergo — ut hoc eodem intuitu caritatis et pacis veniale habeat paterna mode- ratio, quod illlcitum facit non aeterna lex, sed intentione acquirendae libertatis praesidentlum sola prohibitio, etc. ^ For what follows, comp. Planck iv. 1, 251. Stenzel i. 571. " He pronounced sentence of excommunication repeatedly against Henry, and particularly the Bull coena Domini in ecclesia Laterauensi (Ekkehardus ad ann. 1102.) How much the enthusiasm for the crusades here served him instead, appears from the seventh epistle of Pascal ad Robertum Flandrensium Comitem (Mansi xx. 986) : Bene- dictus Dominus Deus Israel, qui in te virtutis suae efticaciam ojjeratur, qui re versus Jerusalem Syriae in caelestem Jerusalem justae militiae operibus ire contendis. Hoc est legitimi militis, ut sui Regis hostes instantius persequatur. Gratias ergo prudenticG tuae agimus, quod praeceptum nostrum in Cameracensi parochia exsecutus es : idipsum de Leodiensibus exconimunicatis pseudoclericis praecipimus. Justum enim est, ut, qui semetipsos a catholica Ecclesia segregarunt, per catholicos ab Ecclesiae beneficiis segregentur. Nee in hac tantum parte, sed ubicunque poteris, Henricum haereticorum caput, et ejus fautores pro viribus persequaris. Nullum profecto gratius Deo sacrificium offerre poteris, quam si eum impugncs, qui se contra Deum erexit, qui Ecclesiae Dei regnum auferre conatur, qui in loco sancto Simonis idolum statuit, qui a principibus Dei Sanctis Apostolis, eorumque vicai'iis de ecclesiae domo s. Splritus judicio expulsus est. Hoc tibi ac militibus tuis in peccatorum remissionem et apostolicae sedis familiaritatem praecipimus : ut his laboi'ibus ac triumphis ad caelestem Jerusalem Domino praestante pervenias. Among the clergy of Liege who were true at that time to their monarch, Sigebertus Gemblacensis [\ 1113) stands conspicuous — he himself relates de scriptoribus eccles. cap, 171 (in Fabricii biblioth. eccles. p. 114): Rogatu praedicti viri (Henrici Archidiaconi) validis Patrum argument! s respondi epistolae Hilde- brandi Papae, quam scripsit ad Hermannum Metensem Episcopum in potestatis regiae calumniam. Scripsi ad ipsum Henricum apologiam contra eos, qui calumniantur Missas conjugatorum sacerdotura. Ipso etiam rogante respondi epistolae Paschalis Papae, qui Leodiensem Ecclesiara aeque ut Caraeracensem a Roberto Flandrensium Comite 38 TiUUD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. Gontinually less and less regarded in Germany, sighing as it was for peace,^** when he succeeded in instigating tlie emperor's second son, Heniy, to rebellion against his father (1104.)^^ Then the ill-fated Henry at length yielded to his destiny in Liege, which remain<'(l true to him (t 110^).'- ILjwever, no sooner was Henry V. in undisputed possession of the throne, than he maintained, as stoutly as his father had done, his right to invest bishops.^^ The jubebat perditum iri. This last letter, full of bitter truth, is preserved (Epist. Ecclesiae Leodiensis contra epist. Paschalis P. in Cod. Udalrici no. 234, in Eccard ii., 238, in Goldasti apologiae p. 188, in Mansi XX. 987), thus neither was it written by a nameless clerk, as Scbrockh xxvi. 74, and others say, nor in the yeai- 1107, as we find in Mansi 1. c., but dm-ing Henry's lifetime, probably about 1102. For Robert quitted Palestine as early as 1099, Wilkeu ii. 18, "^ Bernoldus ad ann, 1100, in Pertz viii. 467 : Jam multum paene ubique sententia excommunicationis cocpit tepesccrc, ut etiam quidam religiosi, qui usque ad hoc tempus in ilia causa erant ferventissinii, a catholicis disccderent, et inter excommunicatos proraoveri non timcrent, ^1 Thus the later contemporary Herimannus Abb. in narratione restaurationis abbatiae s. Martini Tornacensis (in d'iVcheiy spicileg. ii. 914) : Interea callidus Papa Henricum adolesccntem filium Henrioi Imp. literis adversus patrem concitat, et ut Ecclesiae Dai auxilietur, admonet ; ille regni cupidus, et gaudens, se competentem occasionem ex apostolica auctoritate invenisse, contra patrem ferociter armatur etc. Exstat quacdam epistola ab eodcm patrc Pliilippo Regi Francorum dirocto, in qua de filio suo conqucritur, quam si quis legerit, et non fleverit, videtur mihi duri e=:?:o cordis. (This letter to Philip is to be found in Udalrici Babenb. cod. no. 216, in Eccard ii. 222 ; also in Urstisii scriptt. hist. Germ. i. 396.) Otbertus de vita Ilenrici iv. (in Ooblast p. 216), and Otto Prising, lib. vii. c. 8, on the other hand, maintain that the young Henry was instigated by dissatisfied nobles. On the history of the quarrel between father and son, also on the Concilinin Nordhusanum, summoned by the son in the year 1105, Ekkehardus in Pertz viii. 226, ss., is most full. Conip. Raumer i. 240, ss. Stenzel i. 583, ss. E. Gervaisi polit. Gesch. Deutschlands unler Heinrich V,, imd Lolhar HI. (2 parts Leipzig, 1841.. 12) i. 4. I 1 F fe> 1^ Compare the Epistle of Otbert, Bishop of Eicge, de vita et obitu Henrici IV. in Goldasti apol. p. 225, (written immediately after Henry's death.) 1' The Pope began to triumpli too soon at the Concil. Guastallense, in Oct. 1106, (Mansi x.\. 1209) : nunc per Dei gratiam hujus nequitiae deficientibns auctoribus, Ecclesia in ingenuam libcrtat-. ni resurgit. He absfdved the German clergy from excommunication, and renewed the laws against lay investitures. Now he wished himself to travel in Germany. But (Ekkehardus ad ann. 1107) quasi proterviam CH. I.— PAPACY I.-POLIT. DEVELOP. §49. PASCHAL II. 39 negotiations of his ambassadors with the Pope at a conference in Chalons (1107) remained without result.^* When Henry Teutonicoruin declinans — suggerentibus quibusdam, quod non facile gens nostra decretum illud recijiiat, quod quamlibet ecclesiasticam in- vestituram laicis a raanibus accipi vetat ; necnon et animosum cor Regis adolescentis, quod nondum per omnia dominico jugo sit habile ; haec, inquam, multaque id genus vir Dei percepta considerans, etnecdum sibi ostium germanicis in partibus apertum esse cum gemitu pronuutians, profeclionem suam cum Ilispaniarum legatis per Burgundiam ad Gallias convertit, and went to the s^ynod at Troyes. Henry thereupon gathered an assembly of nobles in Mayence, and sent ambassadors from it to the Pope : per quos tam ipsi quam universae synodo potestatem constituendorum Episcoporum privilegiis aposlolicis Carolo Imperatori concessum notificarent. In defence of the imperial and episcopal rights against the Pope, in 1109, a pamphlet was issued, Avhich is printed in Schardii syntagna tractatuum de imperiali jurisdictione, p. 72, as Waltrami Ep. Naumburg. lib. de investitura Episcoporum, and which Kunstmann has published entire, from another manuscript, in the Tubinger Theol. Quartalschr., 1837, s. 184 ; 1838, s. 336. According to an old account (1838, s. 348), Conrad, abbot of St George in Naumbiu'g, is said to have written it and dedicated it to Bishop Waltram. Undoubtedly the yielding of the Pope in England (s. note 5) had some influence on the conduct of the Emperor and German people. Stenzel i. 612. ^* On this point as eye-witness, there is the politic Sugerius Abb. s. Dion^'s. de vita Ludov. Grossi (in Duchesne iv., 289. Bouquet xii. 20). The imperial ambassadors, with the Ai'chbishop of Treves and Duke Guelph at their head, appear non humiles, sed rigidi et contumaces, — qui tumultuantes magis ad terrendum, quam ad ratiocinandum missi viderentur. The Archbishop of Treves spoke thus : Talis est domini nostri Imperatoris, pro qua mittimur, causa. Temporibus antecessorum nostrorum, ss, et apostolicorum virorum, magni Gregorii etaliorum, hoc ad jus Imperii pertinere dignoscitur, ut in omni electione hie ordo sei'vetur : antequam electio in palam proferatur, ad aures domini Impe- ratoris perfei're, et si persona deceat, assensum ab eo ante factam electionem assumere : deinde in conventu secundum canones, petitione populi, electione cleri, assensu honoratorum proferre : consecratum libere nee simoniace ad dominum Imperatorem pro regalibus, ut annulo et virga investiatur, redire, fidelitatem et hominium facere. Nee mirum ; etenim civitates et castella, niarchias, telonia, et quajque imperatoriae dignitatis, uullo modo aliter debere occupare : si haec dominus Papa sustineat, pi-ospere et bona paceregnum et Ecclesiam ad honorem Dei inhaerere. To this the Pope made answer : Ecclesiam pretioso Jesu Christi sanguine redemtam et liberam constitutam, nuUo modo iterato ancillari oportere : si Ecclesia eo inconsulto Praelatum eligere non possit, cassata Christi morte, ei serviliter aubjacere ; si virga et annulo investiatur, cum ad altaria ejusmodi pertineant, contra Deum ipsum usurpare ; si saci-atas dominico corpori et sanguini manus 40 THIRD PERIOD.— UIV. HI.— A. D. lU7;i— 1305. advanced with an army into Italy, the Pope agreed to a compact f Febr. 1111), by the terms of wliich the Emperor was to concede the investiture and the bishops the oath of feahy. But as the German bishops refused their sanction to this compact,^^ the Pope^" was reduced to yield to a new agreement, which gi'anted the investi- ture to the Emperor (April 1111.)^' On the other side the Gregorian party were now roused to action : the Pope was soon laid manibus gladio sanguinolentis obligando supponant, ordiiii suo et sacrae unctioni derogare. (This last, compared with note 5, is certainly startling). When the cervicosi legati heard this, Teutonico inipetu frendentes tunmltiiabant, etsi tuto auderent, couvitia eructavent, injurias infen-cnt. Non hie, inquiunt, sed Romae gladiis determinabitur querela. ^' Compare the entire transactions of this Coronatio Romana in Pertz iv. 65. With the help of these transactions, the chron. Casin. lib. iv., c. 35 ss., relates at length tlie foregoing events. (Muratori iv., 513), Ekkehardus ad ann. 1111 (in Pertz viii., 244) more shortly. At any rate we are not forced, with Mascov. comm. de rebus imperii Rom. sub Henrico iv. et v. Lips. 1748. 4. p. 153, to assume that the Pontiff did not in real earnest intend this concesion. For it follows necessarily from the principle before laid down by Urban II., in the Concil. Mellitan. ann" 1090 can. 11. (sec above, ""§ 48, note 12), see Schmidt's Kirchengesch. vi. 116. On the whole question, see Raumer i. 263 ; Stcnzel i. 632. ^•' Ekkehardus 1. c. : Pater apostolicus ab Episcopis et ahis fidelibus Regis est custoditus usque ad pacatam et ecclesiasticam consecrationem Imperatoris, in exemplum Patriarchae Jacob diccntis ad Angehim : Non dimittam te, nisi benedixeris mihi (Gen. xxxii. 26.) ^^ Chron. Casin. iv. c. 40. The oath of the Pope is found in Pertz iv. 71 : Domnus Papa Paschalis non inquietabit domnum Regem Hcnricum, nequc ejus rcgnum de injuria sil)i inlata, — de investitura episcopatuum aut abbatiarum, — et penitus in persona Regis nunquam anathema ponet. Nee remanebit in domno Papa, quin coronet eura, sicut in Ordine contiuetur etc. Privileglum Paschalis P. Henrico concessum p. 72 : — Illam igitur dignitatis praerogativam, quam praede- cessores nostri vestris praedecessoribus, catholicis Imperatoribus, con- cesserunt, et privilegiorura paginis coniirmaverunt, nos quoquc Dilectioni tuae concudiinus, et praesentis privilcgii pagina confirmamus, ut regni tui Episcopis vel Abbatibus libcre praeter violentiam et simoniam electis investituram annuli et virgae conferas. Post invostitionem vero canoni- cam consecrationem accipiant ab Episcopo, ad quem pertinuerint. Si quis autem a clero et populo praeter assensum tuum electus fuerit, nisi a te investiatur, a nemine consec-retur. At the coronation the Pope and the Emperor communicated together (chron. Cas. 1. c.) cumque ad hostiae confractionem vcnissct, partem ipse (Papa) accipiens, partem Imperatori contradens, dixit : Sicut pars ista vivifici corporis divisa est, ita divissus sit a regno Christi et Dei, quicumquc pactum istud dirum- pore tcntaverit. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 49. PASCHAL H. 41 after obliged to annul that grant,i^and a Lateran-Council (1112) condemed it.^^ The Pope, indeed, because of his oath pledged to the Emperor, did not excommunicate him in person ; but this was done by his Legates in Burgundy and France, and Paschal sanctioned their proceeding.2o Thus, at any rate, the discontent which had been ^^ Chron. Casin. iv. c. 42. Particularly Bruno Episc. Signensis in epist. ad Paschal. P. in Baron, aun. 1111 no. 30. Goffridi Abb. Vindocinensis lib. i. ep. 7 ad Pascbalein. Placidi (Prior of Nonantola) lib. de. honore Ecclesise (in Pezii tbes. aneedot. 11. ii. 75). There was even some talk of deposing him, Udalrici cod. no. 258.— Then Paschalis epist. 23, ad Joan. Tusculanum et Leonem Vercellenseni Episcc. et Cardinales and epist. 24, ad Guidonem Viennensem Episc. (Mansi xx., 1008.) — Ivo Carnot. epist 233, and epist. 236 (both found in Baronius 1. c. no. 34 ss.) and Hildebertus Episc. Cenomanensis lib. ii. epist. 22 (in Mansi xxi. 44), pleaded for the Pope. Stenzel i. 646. 1^ Compare Ekkehardus ad h. a. and vita Paschalis ex Card. Aragon. (Muratori 1. c. p. 363.) According to the last the Pope declares: Quamvis conditio juramentis praeposita ab ipso et suis minus observata sit ;— ego tamen eum nunquam anathematizabo, et nunquam de invest i- turis inquietabo. — Habet judicera Deum. Porro scriptum illud— prave factum cognosce, prave factum confiteor, et omnino corrigi Domino praestante desidero. Cujus correctionis modura fratrum, qui convene- runt, consilio judicioque constituo, ne forte per inposterum detrimentum aliquod Ecclesia, animae meae judicium relinquatur. The acts of the Synod (Mansi xxi. 49, and published, according to other MSS., by the same band, p. 68, and by Baluzius in do Marca de cone. sac. et Imp. under lib. viii. c. 20) contain a confession of faith by the Pope, and the following decree of the Council : Privilegium illud, quod non est privilegium, sed vere debet dici pravilegium, pro libcratione captivo- rum et Ecclesiae a domino P. Paschali per violentiam Henrici Regis extortum, nos omnes in hoc s. concilio cum eodem Domno Papa congre- gati, canonica censura et ecclesiastica auctoritate, judicio s. Spiritus damnamus, et irritum esse judicamus atque omnino cassamus, et ne quid auctoritatis et efiicacitatis habeat, penitus excommunicamus. Quod ideo damnatum est, quod in eo privilegio continetur, quod electus canonice a clero et populo a nemine consccretur, nisi priiis a Rege investiatur, quod est contra Spiritum s. et canonicam institutionem. 20 Yet Guide, Archbishop of Vienne, held, in Sept. 1112 the Concil. Vicnn. (Mansi xxi. 73), in which first lay investiture "and this privilege were condemned : Then Henricum Teutonicorum Regem, qui— domnum Papam— velut alter Judas— tradidit, cepit,— et ab eo nefandis- simum et detestabile scriptum violenter extorsit, excommunicamus, anathematizamus, et a gremio s. matris Ecclesiae sequestramus, donee, bis omnibus abrenuntiatis, plenam satisfactionem Ecclesiae exhibeat. From the letter of the Synod to the Pope, it is evident that he would gladly confirm both decisions. Adfuerunt legati Regis, literas 42 THIRD PERIOD. -DIV. III.— A. D 1073—1305. provoked by the Imperial outrages in Saxony, and had ])roken out into open rebelhon, was kept ah've.^^ It could not, however, buUatas, quasi tie parte vestra ad eum missas, audacter praetendentes, in quibus erga euiu vester bonus affcctus pacis et concordiae et perfectae aniicitiae significabatur. Quas nimiruni post concilium, quod in prae- terita quadragcsima Romae celebrastis, se recepisse, et sibi missas, idem Rex testabatur. Thus the parting address : Illud etiam cum debita reverentia vestrae suggcrimus pietati, quod, si nobiscura in his steteritis, si hoc, sicut rogamus, confirmaveritis, — unanimiter uos, sicut decet, habebitis filios et fideles. Si vero, quod mininie crediuuis, aliam viam aggredi coeperitis, et nostrac paternitatis assertiones praedictas roborare nolueritis : propitius sit nobis Deus, quia uos a restra subjec- tione et obedientia repcllctis. The Pope does not contradict that statement of the Imperial ambassadors in his answer (1. c.) but writes humbly : Dum alicujus morbi detentione caput afEcitur, membris omnibus comnniniter ac summopere laborandum est, ut ab eo penitus expellatur. — Unde Deo gratias referimus, et quae statuta sunt ibi, rata suscipimus et confirmamus, etc. In the same way Henry was excom- municated by Cardinal Conon, papal legate in France, at the Cone. Bellovacense ann. 1114, Rhemense, Suessionense, Catalaunense, and Coloniense ann. 1115. At the Cone. Laterancnse ann. 1116 (about which see especially Ekkehardus on this year), the Pope was strongly urged by these Legates, himseH to pronounce sentence of excommuni- cation upon the Emperor; however, this did not take place. The Abbot of Farsa, faithful to the Emperor, thus writes to him about the Pope's conduct (in Udalrici cod. no, 259. in Eccard. ii. 267) : Apostolici intentio, ut certius nobis videtur, ad hoc vigct et molitur, ut irrecu- perabile vobis detrimentum operari valcat : et tum demum irrevocabilem contra vos proferet sententiam. Interim callide agit clandestinis maehinationibus, quatcnus incautos vos et minus sollicitos reddat. Nam verba, quae vobis literis suis blanda et placatissima mandavit, quamvis nobis ignota sunt, fraude tamen plena pro certoexistimamus ; et lit adven- tus vester in Italiam ditfcratur, eum ad vos transinisissc arbitramur, licet fortasse eisdem apicibus advent um vestrum se desiderare ostendat. 2' Schlosser III. i. 233. Raumer i. 280, Stcnzcl i, 655, Henry would not rest satisfied with the mode of investiture agreed on by treaty. Conf, Frider, Archiep. Colon, epist. ad Ottonem Bamb. ann. 1115 (in Udalrici cod. no. 277): Quid de cathedris episcopalibus dicomua, quibus regales villici pracsident, quas disponunt, et de domo orationis speluncam jdane latronum efficiunt ; de animarum lucris nulla penitus quaestio est, dum tantum terrenis lucris regalis fisci os insa- tiabile repleatur. The worst consequence of this to the Pope was, that other kings took up the wish to invest, cf. Ansclmi Cantuar, lib. iii. epist. 152, ad Paschalem, ann. 1117 (Mansi xx, 1023) : Rex Angliac conqueritur, quod sustinetis, Regeni Tentonicum dare investitiu-as ICcclesiarum, sine exoommunicatione : et ideo minatur, se sine dubio rcsumturum suas investitnras, quoiiiam ille suas tenet in pace. Tlie Pope answered this from Bcncvcntum (ejiist. 153, in Mansi 1. c.) : Ex- CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 49. PASCHAL II. 43 lead to the same results as it would have done in the reign of Henry IV., because of the notorious inconsistency of the Pope. Henry V. even made himself master of the lands of Matilda, margravine of Tuscany (f 1115), bequeathed by her to the Roman Church^^ (1116), then he advanced upon Rome (1117),"^^ and forced the Pope to die in banishment (f 21st Jan. 1118.) spectamus quidem, ut ferocia illius gentis edometur. Rex vero si in paternae nequitlae tramite perseveraverit, b. Petri gladium, quern jam educerc coepimus, procul dubio experietur. -- Matilda's deed of gift is to be found at the end of the Life of Matilda, written by Domnizo (in Leibnit. rer. Brunsvic. scriptt. i. 687. Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. v. 384. Fragments of it have been lately discovered on pieces of a marble table, which perhaps contained the original, see ad Ph. L. Dionysii opus de Vaticanis cryptis appendix, auctoribus Aem. Sarti et Jos. Settele, Romae 1840, fol. p. 40) : In nomine s. et individuae Trinitatis anno ab incarnatione Domini nostri Jesu Christi MCI I. XV. die Kal. Decembris, indictione X. Tempore domni Gregorii VII. Papae in Lateranensi palatio, in capella s. Crucis, — ego Mathildis, Dei gratia Comitissa, pro remedio animae meae et parentnm meorum dedi et obtull Ecclesiae s, I'etri, per interventum domni Gregorii P. omnia bona mea, jure proprietario tam quae tunc habueram, quam ea, quae in antea acquisitixra eram, sive jure success- sionis, sive alio quocuiique jure ad me pertinent, et tam ea, quae ex bac parte montium habebam, quam ilia, quae in iiltramontanis partibus ad me pertinere videbantur, omnia, sicut dictum est, per manum domini Gregorii VII. P. Romanae Ecclesiae dedi et tradidi, etchartulam inde fieri rogavi. Sed quia chartula nusquara apparet, et timco, ne donatio et oblatio mea in dubium revocetur : ideo ego, quae supra, Comitissa Mathildis iterum a praescnti die dono et oftero eidem Romanae Ecclesiae per manum Bernavdi Cardinalis et Legati ejusdem Romanae Ecclesiae, sicut in illo tempore dedi per manum domini Gregorii omnia bona mea, and so on as above. According to ,J. D. Kolcr, diss, de donatione Mathiklina, Altorf, 1715, p. 12 s., and 8cheidii origg. Guelphicfio i. 449, the gift referred only to the allodial land, not to the imperial fief. On the other side is Mosheim institt. hist. eccl. p. 404. Schrockii xxvi. 66. The fief could not be alienated by gift ; but because the feudal relations of these lands to the Emperor were at that time much relaxed, the Pope was inclined to regard them as allodial, while the Emperor, by virtue of his ancient right, laid claim to all the provinces at least, as fiefs of the empire. Compare Raumer i. s. 289, 295, ss. V. Stichaner tiber die Berlassenschaft der Mathilde, in den Miinchener gel. Anzeigen. Febr. 1840, s. 289. 2^ Chron, Casin. iv. c. 60 ss. Ekkehardns ann. 1117: Domnus Apostolicus propter securitatem, quam Regi, licet coactus, fecerit, dif- fitetur, ilium se anathematis vinculo colligasse ; ab Ecclesiae tamen potioribus membris excommunicationem connexam, non nisi ipsorum consilio denegat se posse dissolvere, concesso nimirum utrinque syno- 44 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. §50. GELASIUS IT. (1118—1119). C.\LIXTUS II. (1119-1124.) Ilenrj had already gained so strong a party at Home, that he was able to cause the appointment of another Pope, Gregory VIIT.,^ in opposition to the newly elected Gelasius IT. Gelasius II., always an exile, died soon after at Cluny.^ He was succeeded by Guido, Archbishop of Vienne (§ 49, note 20), under the name of Calixtus II., who forthwith began to make overtures for peace. By the terms of a preliniinaiy contract all investitures were to be abolished.'' But afterthoughts were less dalis audientiae jure. Henry represents this otlierwise to the Bishop of Ratisbon (Udalrici cod, no. 318, in Eccard ii. 332) : Dominiis Apostolicus — negavit, quod Chuononem in Coloniara vel Saxoniani miserit ; irritum esse judicavit, si quid in nos maledictionis efFiiderit ; atfirmavit, quod ipse nuniquam nos oxcommunicaverit etc. llaumor i. 300. Stenzel i. 663. ■• The story which the conttinporary Lauduli)hu3 junior hist. Medio- lan. c. 32 (Miiratori scriptt. rev. Ital. v. 502) relates is worthy of notice on this point : Magister Guarnerius (or Irnevius'l de Bononia, et plures legisperiti populun) Itonianum ad eligendum Papam convenit et quidam expeditus lector in pulpito s, Petri per prolixam lectionenx decreta Pontificum de substitucndo Papa explicavit. Quibus perlectis et cxplicatis totus populus elegit in Papam quendam Episcopuin His- paniae etc. ^ As regards him beside Landulphus junior, his adherent Pandulphus Pisan. in vita Gelasii II. (in Muratori iii. 1, 367), may be especially consulted. Schlosser iii. 1, 239. Raumer i. 301. ^ Tlie negotiations may be found in Ilessonis scholastici commcnta- riolus de tractatione pacis inter Calixtum It. et Henricum V. in Sob. Tcngnagcl vett. nioiuunenta pro Gregorio VII. conscripta p. 329, and borrowed thence in Mansi xxi. 244. The Bishop of Chalons, as Papal emissary, declared to the Emperor in .Strasburg : Si veram pacem, domini' Rex, hahcre dcsideras, investituram episcopatuinn ot ahbatiarum omniniodis dimittere tc oportet. Ut autem in hoc iiuUam rogni tui diminutionem pro certo teneas : scito me in regno Francorum electuin, nee ante consecrationcin noc ])0st coiisecrationein aliquid suscepisse de manu Regis : cui tanien de trihuto, de militia, de tclonio, et de onmibu.s, quae ad rempuhlicam pertinebant, et antiquitus scilicet a Regibus christianis Ecclesiae Dei donata Hunt, ita lideliter descrvio, sicut in regno tuo Episcopi tihi descrviunt, quos hucusque investiendo hanc discordiam, immo aiiatlioinatis .scntentiain, incurristi (comp. § 49, not. 7). — Noil eniin domiims Papa statnm imperii aiit coronam regni, sicut en. 1.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 50. OALIXTUS II. 45 harmonious. The Pope determined that the Imperial fief should still remain attached to the prelacies. The Emperor, on the other hand, in the spirit of the age, considered that no fief could be bestowed without feudal investiture ; and that he thus obtained by that treaty free power over the Imperial fiefs of the Church. So the negotiations were broken off, and Calixtus pronounced afiresh (Oct. 1119), at the great synod of Rheims, sentence of excommunication and dethronement against the Emperor.* Now indeed the disturbances in Germany, continually rekindled by Adalbert, Archbishop of Mayence,^ in particular, grew more quidam seininatores discordiae obloquuntur, in quolibet imminuere atten- tat : immo palam^ omnibus denuntiat, ut in exbibltione militiae et caeteris omnibus, in quibus tibi et antecessoribus tuis servire censueve- i-ant, modis omnibus deserviant. The concordat runs thus : Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Romanorum Imp. Augustus, pro araore Dei, et b. Petri, et Domini Papae Calixti, dimitto omnem investituram omnium Ecclesiarum, et do verani pacem omnibus, qui, ex quo discordia ista coepit, pro Ecclesia in guerra fuerunt vel sunt : possessiones autem Ecclesiarum et omnium, qui pro Ecclesia laboraverunt, quas habeo, reddo, quas autem non habeo, ut rehabeant, fideliter adjuvabo. Quodsi quaestio inde emerserit ; quae ecclesiastica sunt, canonico, quae autem saecularia sunt, saeculari terminentur judicio. Ego Calixtus II., Dei gratia Romanae Ecclesiae Episcopus catholicus, do veram pacem Henrico Romanorum Imperatori Augusto, et omnibus, qui pro eo contra Ecclesiam fuerunt vel sunt : possessiones eorum, quas pro guerra ista perdiderunt, quas habeo, reddo, quas non habeo, ut rehabeant, fideliter adjuvabo. Quodsi quaestio inde emerserit ; quae ecclesiastica sunt, canonico, quae saecularia sunt, saeculari terminentur judicio. Schlosseriii. 1, 242. Raumeri. 309. Ster.zel i. 690. Gervais polit. Gesch. Deutschlands unter Heinricb V. und Lothar III. 1, 259. ' On this head the eye-witness Hesso in Mansi xxi. 250. Rogerus de Hovedca (about 1198), in his annal. Anglican, ad h, a. has given us the following anecdote from the acts of the synod : Henricus excom- municandus decernitur. Quod cum quidam in concilio aegre ferrent, sententiam protulit Apostolicus, ut qui in hoc scandalizarentur, exeuntes a fratrum consortio separentur : proposito de illis Ixx. discipuHs exemplo, qui cum de carne Domini manducanda vt sanguine bibendo scandaliza- rentur, retro abierunt, et jam cum illo non ambulabant (cf. Job, vi. 52 ss.) etc. — Talia sermocinante Apostolico, illico omnes in eundem con- sensum reducti in Imperatorem Henricum excommunicationis sen- tentiam jaculantur. 5 Formerly Chancellor of the Emperor and guide of his councils, since his accession to the see of Mayence entirely changed, Gervais i. 98. How Henry expresses himself about him, see ex cod. Palat. Raumer i. 278, comp. s. 307. 46 THIRD I'El.'IOD.— DIV. III.— A.l). 1073—1305. dangerous. Calixtus II. also was once more master of Rome (1121), and the anti-Pope his ])risoner. Still tlie Pope was obhgcd to adopt an expedient pointed out beibre by French wTiters,^ and allow a secular also as well as a spiritual investiture, in order to satisfy the Germans.' Thus at la.st the concordat of Worms was brought about (Sept. 1122 Concordatum Worma- ^ This expedient, already introdueed by Ivo (§ 49, note 6) was clearly propounded by his friend lluf^o Floriacensis tract, de regia potestate et sacerdotali dignitate cap. 5 (Baluz. mi.scell. lib. iv. p. 9) : Ubi vero eligitur Episcopus a clero vol pojndo secundum niorcni ccclesiasticuin, nulbiin vim ac pcrturbationem cli^cntiburf rationabiliter Rex per tyrannidem debet infcrre, sod ordiiiatloni k^gitimae suum adhiberc consensum. At si repreluMisibili.s ille (jui eligitur fuerit inventus, non solum Kex, sed nee plebs provinciac delect election! ipsius suum assensuin favorenique tribuere, sed etiam crimina, quibus ille detestabili maculatur infamia, voce publica denudaic, ut vel liac contumelia eligentium tcmcritas comprimatur. Post electionem autem non annulum aut baculum a manu regia, sed investituram rerum saecularium electus antistes debet suscipere, et in suis ordinibus per annulum aut baculum animarum curam ab Arcliiepiscopo suo ; ut negotiuin bujusmodi sine disceptatione peragatur, et tcrrcnis et spirita- libus potestatibus suae auctoritatis privilegium conservei ur. The zealous Papal partizan Gottfried, abbot of Vcndome (Goft'ridi Vindocinensis opp. cd. J. Sirmond. Paris. IGIO, and in bibl. PP. Lugd. xxi. 1) challenges the lay investiture as heretical in his opusc. ii. and iii., but in opusc. iv, he says also : Alia utiquc est investitura, quae Episcopum perficet, alia vero, quae Episcopum pascit. — Possunt itaque sine oflfensione Reges post electionem canonicam et consecrationem per investituram regalem in ecclesiasticis possessionibus concessiouem, au.xilium et defensionem Epi.scopo dare, quod quolibet signo factum extiterit, Rcgi vel Pontifici, seu catholicae fidei non nocebit. — Ilabcat Ecclesia pacem, et regnum justitiam : habeat Rex consuetudincm, sed bonam, non quam male repo.scit, sed quam supra diximus investituram. Habeat Eccle.sia suam libertatem, sed summopere caveat, ne, dum nimis emunxerit, eliciat sanguinem ; et dum rubiglnem de vase conatur eradere, vas ipsum frangatur. — Praeterea bonus etdiscretus Augustinus in epistola ad Parmeuianum dieit, vi.x aut nunquam exconununicandum eum es.-^e, (pii in malo opcre obstinatam midiitudinrm habet secum. Nam folerabiHus videtur uni parcere, ne in Ecclesia schisma seminetur plurimorum. '' How the Pope was forred to give in bv the unanimitv of the German secular princes, is clearly set forth in Adalberti Arciiiep. Mo;unt. ep. ad Calixtum P. ii. ann. 1121 (in Martene et Durand ampliss. collect, i. 671) about the negotiations set on foot: Sed quia tarn Impcriunj quam lmp(!rator lauKpiani liucroditarioquodam jure; baculum et annulum pos.sidere volebant, pro quibus univer.sa laicorum multitudo Imperii nos destructores inclamabat ; nullo modo potuimnshis Imperatorem cxuere, CH. 1.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 50. CALIXTUS II. 47 tiense),^ which was afterwards ratified by the Concilium o'cuni. Lateranense i. (cecum, ix. 1123.) donee eommuni quique consilio — omnes pariter sustinuimus, quod in ipsius praesentia Ecclesia debeat eleetionem faeere. s In Ekkehardus on this year (Pertz viii. 260), and in Udah-ici cod. Epist. no. 305 and 306 (Eccard. ii. 308) ; published by Pertz iv., 75 after 7 manuscripts : Ego Heinricus Dei gratia Romauorum Imperritor Augustus pro amore Dei et s. Romanae Ecclesiae et domini P. CaHxti, et pro remedio aniuiae meae, dimitto Deo et ss. ejus Apostolis Petro et Paulo, sanctaequecatholicae Ecclesiae omnem investituram per annuluui et baculum, et conccdo, in omnibus Ecclesiis canonicam fieri eleetionem et libei'am consecrationem. Possessiones et regalia b. Petri, quae a principio hujus discordiae usque ad hodiernam diem, sive patris mei tempore, sive etiara meo, ablata sunt, quae habeo, s. Romanae Ecclesiae restituo, quae autem non habeo, ut restituantur, fideliter juvabo. Possessiones etiam omnium Ecclesiarum aliarum, et Principum, et aliorum tarn clericorum quam laicorum, quae in guerra ista amissae sunt, consilio Principum, vel justitia, quas habeo, reddam, quas non habeo, ut reddantur fideliter juvabo. Et do veram pacem domino Papae Calixto, sanctaeque Romanae Ecclesiae, et omnibus, qui in parte ipsius sunt vel fuerunt. Et in quibus s. Romana Ecclesia mihi auxilium postulaverit, fideliter juvabo ; et de quibus mihi fecerit querimoniam, debitam sibi faciam justitiam. Ego Calixtus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, tibi dilecto filio Heinrico, Dei gratia Romanorum Imperatori Augusto, concede, elec- tiones Episcoporum et Abbatum Teutonici regni, qui ad regnum pertinent, in praesentia tua fieri absque simonia et aliqua violeniia; ut si qua inter partes discordia emerserit, Metropolitani et Coiaprovin- cialium consilio vel judicio, saniori parti assensum et auxilium praebeas. Electus autem regalia per sceptrum a te rccipiat, et quae ex his jure tibi debet, faciat. Ex aliis vero partibus Imperii consecratus infra sex menses regalia per sceptrum a te recipiat, et quae ex his jure tibi debet, faciat, exceptis omnibus, quae ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere noscuntur. De quibus vero querimoniam mihi feceris, secundum oificii mei debitum auxilium tibi praestabo. Do tibi veram pacem et omnibus, qui in parte tua sunt, aut fuerunt tempore hujus discordiae. Data anno dominicae Incarnationis MCXXIl. ix. Kal. Octobr. cf. Joh. Guil. Hoffmann diss, ad concoi datum Henr. Y. et Calixti II. Viteberg. 1739. 4. Montag's Gesch. d. deutschen staatsbiirgei-l. Freiheit. ii., 436, 440. Planck iv., 1, 297. Raumer, i. 316, vi., 19, 121. Stenzel, i. 704. Gervais polit. Gesch. Deutschlands unter Heinrich V. und Lothar III. i. 335. To the fanatics this concordat was naturally an abomination. See vita Conradi I. Archiep. Salzburg, cap. 4 (Pezii thes. anecd. II. iii. 227) : Abhorrebat vir ille venerabilis, et medullitus detestabatur homagii et juramenti praestationem, quam Regibus exhibebant Epis- copi et Abbates, vel quisquam ex clero pro ecclesiasticis dignitatibus, eo quod nefas et instar sacrilegii reputaret, ac praedicai-et occulte et publice, raanus chrismatis unctione consecratas sanguineis manibus, ut 48 THIRD PKRIOI).— DIV. III.— A.I). 107.3— 1H05. §51. HONORIUS II. (1124-1130.) INNOCENT II. (+ 1143.) CELESTINE II. (f 1144.) LUCIUS 11. (1145.) EUGENE III. (+ 11.53.) ANASTASIUS IV. (+ 1154.) After tlie extinction of the Franconian Imperial house (Henrv V. t 1125), the Papacy seemed to have gained a complete triumph over the empu'e. By the Church party under the guidance of Adalbert, Archbishop of ^layence, the Duke of Saxony, who was entirely in their interest, was raised to the Imperial throne under the title of Lothair III.^ Upon his election, he willingly sacrificed to the ecclesiastical princes a portion of his rights, to the Pope of his rank.^ "When, hoAvever, in the year 1130 a disputed election put fonvard two Popes, one of whom, Anacletus II., Avith the help of Roger, the new king of Sicil}', maintained himself in Rome, the other, Innocent II., ipse solebat dicere, subjici, et homagii exliibitione poUui. Inde e.st, quod inortuo Imp. IleiniMco, cum ci Lotharius succossisset, numquam ei ^ousensit homagium facere, vol sacramentum fidelitatis ofterre Compare above § 48, note 12. ^ Ed. Gervais polit. Ge.sch. Deutscblands unter Ileinrich V. und Lotharlir. Th. 2. Kaiser Lotbav III. Leipzig 1842. Pli. Jaffe Gesch. d. deutscben Reichs unter Lotliar d. Sachsen, Berlin 1843. On these two works s. R. Kopke in W. A. Schmidt's Zeitschrift s. Geschicbtswissenschafr. i. 220. ^ Anonymi (Welberti, Conradi III. Imp. Capellani ? See Olen- schlagcr s. 83) narratio de clcctionc Lotharii (in J. D. Olenscblager's Erliiuterung der giildenen Bulle. Urkundenbucb s. 19) : Concordantibus itaque in elcctione Regis universis regni Principibus, quid juris regiae dignitatis Im])erium, quid libertatis reginae caelestis, i. e. Ecclesiae Sacerdotium habere dcbcret, stabili ratione praescribitur. — Ilabeat Ecclesia liberam in spiritualibus electionem, nee regio metu extortam, nee praesentia Pr/'nripis^ nt ante^ cuarctatam^ vel ulla petitione re- strictam ; liabeat im])eratoria dignitas, electum libere, consecratum canonicc, regalihus per sccptruni, sine pretio tamcn, investire solenniter, et in fidei suae ad justi favoris obsecjuium (salvo quidem Ordinis sui j)roposito) sacramentis ol)ligare stabiliter. The new Emperor ab Episcopis universis — ct Ahh-dt\hus—Ji(Ielilatein non indebitam de more suscepit, a nullo tam!'n spiritalium, ut moris crat, hoiuiniimi vel accepit vel coegit. Dodecbini ap]). ad Mariani Scoti cbron. ad ann. 1 125 (in Pistorius-Struve i. 671) : Lcgati pro confirmando Rcgc Romam mit- tuntur Gerhardus Cardinalis, Canioraccnsis et Virdunensis Episcoj)!. Probahly tlicre was a notion of making use of tlie Pope's assent to the transfiM- of tlic Imperial crown to another family. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 51. INNOCENT II. 49 fled to France, and being supported bj Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, the oracle of his age, brought over all countries, w ith the exception of Italy, to his side, but looked especially to the Emperor for victory over his rival. Then Lothair could exercise once more without opposition tliose rights at least which were assigned to him by the Calixtine Concordat.'^ However, at his coronation (1133) he suffered himself to be induced, by his family interest, to receive Matilda's allodial lands in fee from Innocent 11.^ ^ At their meeting in Liege 1131 Innocent besouglit the Emperors help. (Otto Frising. chron. vii., c. 18) : qui nihil cunctatus, exposito tamen prius moJeste, in quantum Regnum amore Ecclesiae attenuatuin, investituram earum quanto sui Jispendio vemiserit, auxihum Romanae Eeclesiae promittit. According to the vita Bernardi hb. ii. e. i. Lothair demanded Episeoporum slbi restitui investituras, quas ab ejus praede- cessore Henrico Imp.— Romana Ecclesia vindicaverat, and Bernard, ep. 150, who was actively engaged himself in the negotiations, alhides to some such transaction. However, this might be nothing more tlian a mistake of the French ; but that Lothair cared no more for the new restrictions made at the time of his election lie had ah-eady shown in Liege, where he caused the principal clergy of tlie cluircli of Verdun to choose a new bishop (hist. Episeoporum Virdunensium in d'Achery Spicileg. ii. 252) and then estabhshed the man on whom their choice fell, granting to him, with the sceptre, the temporalities of the Episco- pate ; however, he afterwards received consecration from the Pope in Paris. Further, see gesta Trevirorum edd. Wyttenbach et Miiller i. 237 : Cum Albei-o Archiepiscopus (Trevircnsis) venisset Aquisgrani ad curiam Imperatoris (ann. 1132), Lotharius Rex noluit eimi inves- tire regalibus, eo quod ante recepisset consecrationem episcopalem, quam suam requisivisset investituram. The Archbishop offered to make oath, quod non ad diminutionem sui honoris hoc factum csset sed a donnno Papa coactus ad consecrationem accessisset, and thus con- ciliated the Emperor. Accordingly Adalbert, Archbishop of Mayence, laments, in a letter to Otto, Bishop of Bamberg (cod. Udalrici no." 1366 in Eccard. ii. 371) : Quid restat ad cumulum doloris nostri, cum videamus canonicas Episeoporum electiones ad nutum Principis cassari, et pro bencplacito suo ipse substituat, quos hbuerit? Hoc in Basileensi - Ecclesia factum est (cf. Annahsta Saxo ad ann. 1133, in Pcrtz viii., 768.) Otho's younger contemporary. Otto of Freisingen, thus states the purport of the concordat of Worms (chron. vii. c. 16) : f am Cisalpini, quam^ Transalpini non prius ordinentur, quam regalia de manu 'ejus (Regis) per sceptrum suscipiant. But he adds, with reference to the Romish view of this concordat : Hoc pro bono pacis sibi soli (Regi Henrico), et non successoribus datum dicunt Romagi. * The document sent by the Pope to the Emperor, see in Baronius 1133, note 5. Allodium bonae memoriae Comitissae Mathiklao, quod 50 THIRD I'EKIUD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1U73— 1S05. After Lotliairs deatli (t 1137) the powerful Holieiistauf'en t'ainily succeeded in Conrad III. to the Imperial throne;** as kinsmen of the Franconian Imperial house, they were the natural defenders of its honour and its claims. But the Papal see found in the Guelphs a strong pai'ty entirely in its interest, and hostile to the Hohenstaufen family (the Waiblingen Ghibellini) f and now that since the death of Anacletus (f 1138) the schism had been healed by Bernard's influence, it would have been al)le to display more than all its ancient vigour, had not a new danger threatened from Italy herself. Amongst other claims, the claims of the Bishops also encoun- tered the effort of the Lombard towns for independence, which developed itself in great strength during this period, in which tlie Emperors for a long time })ast had had little leisure to bestow u])on Italy.' Encouraged by this fact, and proving his arguments utique ab ea b. Petro constat esse collatuui vobis coiiuiiiltiiiius, — alqne — per annuluin investimus, ita videlicet, ut centum bbras argonti singulis annis nobis et successoribus nostris cxsolvas, et post tuuni obituni proprietas ad jus et doniiniuni s. Kom. Ecclesiae — revertatur. — Qui vero arces tenuerit, vel rector terrac fuerit, b. Petro, et nobis nos- trisquc successoribus fidclitateni faciant. Caeteruiu pro caritate vestra nobili viro, lb?nrico, IJavariae J)uci, gencro vestro, et filiae vestrae, uxori ejus, eandem terrani cum pracfato censu, et supradictis conditioni- bus apostob'ca benignitate concedimus, ita ianien, ut idem Dux hominium faciat et fidclitateni b. I'etro, ac nobis, nostrisque successoribus juret. Post quorum obituni iiraedictum Coniitissae Mathildae allodium ad jus et dominium s. lioui. Ecclesiae — reducatur. The Popes could only make out a claim for the allodium or freeliold, not for theimperi:d fiefs of Matilda. The contest, not yet decided, as to what was allodium and what was Inqicrial fief, was obviated liy tliis grant. lUit Lotbair chose rather to bring over these lands in peace to his family, than vindicate in doubtful combat the right of an elective crown. ^ F, V. itaumer Gesch. d. Hohenstaufen und ihrer Zeit. 6 Cde., Leipzig 1S23. 2te Aufl. 1840. Pli. Jafie Gesb. des dcutschen Reichs unter Conrad III., Hannover 1845. '■■In the battle of Weinsbcrg, 1140, the party cry "Ilie Welf, Hie Waiblingen," was first raised. '' Compare Planck iv. 1, 145. Savigny's Gesh. des liom. liechts im Mittelalter. iii Itl, 110. Kaumer iiber die staatsrcclitliehen Ver- hidtnisseder ital. Sl;.dte. ^Vien ISl'l, r. Less. Gesch. d. liolienstauiVn. v. 102. H. Leo Lnlwiekeluiig der Verfiissung d. Lombard. .Stiidte bis zu der Ankunft K. I'riedrieh I. in Italien. Hamburg 1324, 8, s. !'(>, 17y. Hiillnian's t^tadtewesen des Mittelalters. ii. ',V2'). Muratori antiquitt. Ital. medii aevi iv. 2r)3. Single instances, ibid. iv. \\H. 221. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 51. INNOCENT II. 5I from the words of Christ and his apostles, Arnold of Brescia^ arrived at the conclusion that the clergy in general should possess no secular property whatever f and the above mentioned direc- tion of political affairs forthwith obtained for this doctrine universal acceptation in upper Italy. Accused upon this ground before the second Lateran Council (CEcumenicum x. 1139) ^ Consult about liim, especially Otto Frising. de rebus gestis Frider. lib. ii. c. 20 (in Murat. c. 21.) " Guntheri Poetae (about 1200) Ligu- rlnus seu de gestis Friderici I. (libb. x., often edited, but best by C. G. Dumge, vol. i., Heidelb., 1812. 8.), lib. iii., v. 262, ss.— J. D. Koler de Arnoldo Brixiensi dissert. Goetting. 1742. 4. Planck iv. 1. 324. Neander v. 1. 192. Rauiner ii. 34. Arnold von Brescia, by Dr K. Beck (in d. Baseler wissenschaftl. Zeitschrift, Jahrg. 2. (1824) Heft 2. s. 38, ff. Heft 3. s. 59, ff. Arnold von l^rescia, n. s. Zeit von D. H. Francke. Zurich, 1825. 8. ^ Otto Frising, 1. c. Arnaldus iste ex Italia, civitate Brixia oriundus ejusdemque Ecclesiae clericus ac tantuin lector ordinatus, Peirura Abailarduin olim praeceptorem habuerat. Vir quidem naturae r.on hebetis, plus tamen verborum profluvio, quani sententiarum pondere copiosus. Singularitatis ainator, novitatis cupidus, cujusmodi hominuni iiigenia ad fabricaudas haereses, scliismatumque perturbaliones sunt prona. Is a studio a Gallis in Italiam revertens religiosuni babitum, quo amplius decipere possit, induit, omnia lacerans, omnia rodens, nemini parccns, Clericorum ac Episcoporum derogator, nionachorum persecutor, laicis tantum adulans. Dicebat enim, nee Clericos propric- tatem, nee Episcopos regalia, nee monachos possessiones babentes aliqua ratione salvari posse. Cuncta baec Principis esse, ab ejusquc benefi- centia in usum tantum laicorum cedere oportere. Praeter haec de Sacramento altaris, et baptismo parvulorum non sane dicitur sensisse. Cf. Guntheri Ligurinus lib. iii. v. 273, ss. He wished to leave the clergy nothing but the — primitias, et quae devotio plebis Offerat, et decimas castos in corporis usus Non ad luxuriam, sive oblectamina caruis Concedens ; mollesque cibos, cultusque nitorem, Illicitosque jocos, lascivsque gaudia Cieri, Pontificumque fastus, Abbatum deinde laxos Damnabat penitus mores, monachosque superbos : Versque multa quidem, nisi tempora nostra fideles Respuerent monitus, falsis admixta monebat. Bernard! epist. 195. ad Episc. Constantiensem ann. 1140: — Ar- naldum loquor de Brixia, qui utinam tarn sanae esset doctrinae, quam districtae est vitae. Et si vultis scire, homo est neque manducans neque bibens, solo cum diaboloesuriens et sitiens sanguinem animarum. — Is ergo ad banc aetatem ubicunque conversatus est, tarn foeda post se et tarn saeva reliquit vestigia, ut, ubi semel fixerit pedem, illuc vdtra D 2 o2 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.-A. D. Iu73— ISC'). Arnold fled into P'rance ; hut his doctrines had found acce]ytation even in Konie, aiul Innocent II., shortly hetbre his death, had the mortification of findinf^ that the Ilomans renounced theii' alleuiance to him (1143.) I^iey now wished to restore the con- stitution as it had been mider tlie old emperors, and asked the Emperor Conrad to undertake the imperial character.^'' Arnold rcdirc oninino non audeat. Deniquc ipsam, in qua natus est, valde atrociter coniiuovit terrain, et conturbavit eani. Unde et accusatus apud dominum Fapam scliismate pcssimo, natali solo pulsus est ; etiam et abjurare compulsus reversioncm, nisi ad ipsius Apostolioi pennis- sionera. Pro siraili deindc causa et a regno Francorum exturbatus est schismaticus insignis. Execratus quippe a Petro Apostolo adhaeserat Petro Abailardo. Cujus omnts errores ab Kcclcsia jam dcprehensos atque damnatos cum illo etiam et prae illo defendere acriter et per- tinaciter conabatur. Though Frankc, carrying out former sugges- tions (e. g. Bul.iei hist. univ. Paris, ii. 15o. Legcr hist, des vallees de Piemont i., 1.5.5, &c.), illusirates Arnold's pecidiar cast of mind, from bis connection with the Waldenses and Calhari, nevertheless the most decisive testimonies of e:ntenip!jraries declare, that be did not separate in bis rule of faith from the Church. See tlie passages last quoted from Guntheri Ligur. at the end, Bernard's expi'cssiou is Schisma Pessimum. Also Gerhohus de investigat. Antichristi lib. i. in J. Gretseri pi'olegg. ad scriptt adv. Waldenses cap. 4, calls Arnold's doctrine, doctrina prava, quae e si zelo forte bono, sed minori sciontia prolata est. — Schmidt Kircbengesch. vi. 174, doubts, but without reason, whether Arnold's peculiar teaching rose from Abaelard's school, as has been commonly believed on the authority of Otto Prising. He concludes from the above mentioned passage of Bernard, that Arnold did not become connected with Abaelard till the year 1 139. On what authority Schlosser's assertion rests, that Arnold hail already lived in Roni(; before 1130, I cannot tell. ^' Otto Prising, de rebus gest. Prid. i. lib. i. cap. 28. Epist. Romanorum ad Kegem Conradum : Rcgali excellentiae per plurima jam scripta, nostra facta et negotia diligenter exposuinui>i, quomodo in vestra fidelitate permaneamus, ac pro veslra imperiali corona cxaltanda et omni modo augenda quotidie decertemus. Ad quae quia regalis industria, ut postulavimus, rescribcre dignata non fuit, plane tamquam filii et iidcles dc dcinino et patre satis miramur. — Et quidein regnuin ct impcriuin Romanorum, vestro a Deo regimini concissuin, exaltare atquc anqilificare enpicnt'S, et in eum statnm, quo fuit t''m])ore Con- stantini et Justinian!, qui totum orbeni vigore senatus et poi)uli Romani suis tenuere manibus, rcducerc : senatu ])ro his omnibus Dei gratia restituto, et eis, qui vestro imperio semper rebelh's erant, (piii>.^1)I\. hi.— a.d. 1073—1305. Meanwhile Euijeiic Imd cuiitimiallv tu struiriile airuinst the opposition ])art\-, still a strong one, at liome.'^" And the accession of Frederick 1 (Barbarossa) in 1152 to the empire in Germany, increased the danger of the Papac}- ; for though he libhlinem dominandi i.ih. iv. c. 2 : Inter hacc tu pastor procedis fleauratus, tani niulta circuindatus varietate. ()\-c% quid capiunt ? Si audorem dicere ; tlaeiiioinim inagis quam oviuiii pascua haec. Scilicet sic factitabat Pctrus, sic Paulus ludebat ? Vides onniem ccclesiasticum zelum fervere sola pro dignitatc (ucnda? llonori totum datur, sanc- titati nihil, aut pariim. — Cap. 3 : Scio, iibi liabitas ; incrcduli et subversores sunt tecum. Lupi, iion ovcs sunt : taliuin tanicn tu pastor. — Ilif, hie non pavco tibi, ut pnrcat Deus. Pastorcm te populo huic certe aut nega, aut cxliil)c. Non ncgabis, no, cuju'^ sod in tcnos, te neget liaeredeni. Petrus hie est, qui nescitur processisse aliqu;indo vel genimis ornatus, vel scricis, non tectus auro, non vectus equo albo, nee stipatus niilite, nee circunistrepentibus sei)tus nunistris. — In his successisli non Petro, sed Constantino. Consul) tolerunda pro tetnpo?'''^ nonaffeclanda pro debito. Ad ea te potius incito, quorum te scio debitorem. '^ L. c. lib. ii. c. 6 : I ergo tu, et tibi usurpare aude aut dominans apostolatum, aut apostolicus dominatum. Plane ab alterutro prohiberis. Si utrumque simul habere voles, perdes utrumque. Alioquin non te exceptum illorum numero putes, de quibus queritur Deus sic : fysi regnaverunt, et non ex me: principes extiteriint, et ego non cognovi (Hos. viii. 4.) lam si regnare sine Deo jurat, babes gloriam, sod non apud DL'uni. At si interdictum tencnius, audiannis edictum : Qui niaj'ir est vestrur/i, fiat sicitt juni jr, et qui praecessor est, sicut qui ministrat (Luc. xxii. 26.) Forma apostolica haec est ; dominatio intcr- dicitur, indicitur miidstratio. -" Which no'.v under the tith' of S. P. O. R,, enlarged its claims even over the Empire. Gunlheri Liguiinus lib. iii., v. 337, ss., wiites on Arnold's activity in Rome : Consiliis annisque sua nioderamina siunma Arbitrio tractare suo, nil juris in hac re Pontitiel summo, modicum eoncedcre Kegi, Suadebat populo. cf. JCugenii P. epist. ad Wibaldum Abb. aim. 1152 (in Martene et Durand anq)liss. collect, ii., i)53j : Ad haec Sanetitati tuae quaedam notificamus, quae faeiente Arnoldo liaeretico rustieana quaedam turba absque nobilium et majorum .seientia nuper est in urbe molita. Cireiter cnim duo millia in unum sunt secretins conjurati, et in proximis Kal. Novembris centum ])erpetnos Bcnatores nudorum operumetduosconsules, alter quorum infra urbcm, alter extra, illorum centum eonsilio rei- l)ublicae statum diKjionanl, innno potiu.s rodant (an institution probablv borrowed from the Lombard 'J'owns, Savigny's Geseh. d. Koni. I^'ehts im Milti lalter iii. ll(».) I'num autem, quini \olunl Imperatorem dicere, creare disponunt, ipK-.m illis centum, duobus con.sulibus et omni j)opulo Romano sperant, quod debcat niortit'ere inqurare. t^)nod ipiia CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOl'. g 52. EUGENE 111. 57 immediately made overtures of friendship to the Pope,^^ still at the same time he gave proof that he was prepared stoutly to maintain his imperial rights. ^^ §52. HADRIAN IV. (1154-liC9). ALEXANDER 111. f+ 1181). Hadi'ian compelled the Romans to banish the dangerous contra coronam Regni et carissimi filii nostri Friderici, Romanorum Regis, houorem attentare praesumunl, eidera volumus per te secretius nuntiari etc. About the same time, one Wetzel wrote to the Emperor Fredei-ick (ibid. p. 554) : Immensa laetitia, quod gens vestra vos sibi in Regem elegerit, moveor. Caeterum quod consilio clericorum et monachorum, quorum doctrina divina et humana confusa sunt, sacro- sanctam Urbem, dorainana mundi, creatricem et matrem omnium Imporatorum, super hoc, sicut deberetis, nou consuluistis, et ejus coufirmationem, per quam omnes, et sine qua null! umquam Principes iraperavorunt, non rcquisistis, nee ei sicut filiu«, si tamen filius et minister ejus esse proposuistis, uon scripsistis, vehementer doleo. This too is worthy of note : Mendacium vero illud et fabula haeretica, in qua refertur Constantinura Silvestro imperialia simoniace concessisse in Urbe, ita detecta est, ut etiam mercenarii et mulierculae quoslibet etiam doctissimos super hoc conchidant \confundant f\ et dictus Apostolicus cum suis Cardinalibus in civitate prae puJore apparere non audeant. At the end comes a suggestion, that he should soon send ambassadors to Rome, assumtis peritis legum, qui de jure imperii sciant et audeant tractare — et ne aliquid novi ibi contra vos surgat, praevenire curate. -'1 Comp. Frid. cp. ad Eugen, iii. (in Martene et Durand ampl. coll. ii. 516.) The tidings of his election and expression of good-will. Thereupon a treaty was concluded (apud Baron. 1152 no. 5), in which the emperor promised, quod ipse ul'C ircugam nee pacem faciet cum Romauis nee cum Rogerio Rege Siciliae sine libcro consensu et voluntate Romanorum et domini Papae Eugenii, — et pro viribus ]abor;ibit Romanes subjugare domino Papae etc. The Pope on the other hand, quod — Imperatorem coronabit, et ad manutenendum, augendum et dilatandum lionorem Imperii pro debito officii sui juvabit. The doubts which Schrockli xxvi. 150, and after him Pianck and Schmidt have raised about the date of this document, Constantiae X. Kal. Apr. Ind. XV., anno douunicae Incarnationis MCLII., are groundless. At that time the year began with Easter (comp. I'art de verifier les dates, nouv, ed. par M. de Saint Alais i. 21. Note), so this date, according to our calendar, is the 23d of March, 1153. Rut that Frederick was actually in Constance at that time, see Raumer ii. 530. '^^ In this way, he carried his right of decision iix a disputed election at Magdeburg. Otto Fris. de Rebus gest. Frid. i. lib. ii. c. 6, ss. Schmidts KG. vi. 180. Raumer ii. 13. 58 TIIIKI) I'ERTOD.— 1)I\'. Ill -A. D. 1073—1305. Arnold ot" Brescia.^ But a more redoubtable antagonist seemed to arise in Frederick I., when he set forth on his Roman journey, with tile intention of restoring the almost forgotten imperial rights in Italy (1154), and began with humbling the Lombard towns.' However the Pope was evidently more at ease when Frederick commanded that Arnold, now wandering from place to place, should be delivered uj) to him,^ and rejected the pro- posals of the arrogant Romans.^ Little misunderstandings were laid aside,'' and on the LStli June, 1155, Frederick received the Imperial crown. Frederick felt himself all the more aggrieved when (115G) the Pope concluded a selfish treaty with their common enemy AVil- liain King of Sicily, and confirmed him in his conquests. "^ The arrogant expressions of a Papal brief to the Emperor gave the * Vita Adriani IV. ex Card. Aragon. in Muratori III. i. 441, ss. From which Baronin:^, ann. 1155, No. 1., ss., gives us some or the passages relating to this time out of a manuscript in the Vatican. - J. Voight Gresch. d. Lombarden-Bundes und s. Kampfes mit. K. Friedrick I. Konigsberg 1818. Schlosscr III. i. 294. Raumer ii. 16. 3 Otto Frising. de gest. Frid. lib. ii. c. 20. (in Murat. 21.) Godo- fredi Vitcrbiensis Pantheon. P. xvii. Gcrliohus (Provost in Reichers- perg, f 1 169) de investigat. Antieliristi lib. i. (in Grctser prolegg. ad script t. adv. Waldenses c. 4) : suspendio neci traditus, quin et post mortem incendio crematns, atqiie in Tiberini fluvium projectus est, ne videlicet Romanus populus, quern sua doctriiia illoxerat, sibi eum Martyrem dodicarct. Quem ogo vellem pro tali doctrina sua, quamvi-^ prava, vel exilio, vel carcere, aut aha poena practer mortt^ni punituui esse, vel saltern taliter occisum, ut Romana Kcilcsia sen Curia ejua necis quacstione careret. •♦ (iiven in detail by Otto Fris. 1. c. cap 21. (in Murat. 22.) '' There arc several notices of the (juarrel about holding the stirrup in Ilelmoldi Chron. Slav. i. c. 80, And in the Vita Adr. ex. Card. A rag. 1. c, p. 44.3. " The treaties of peace aro preserved by Barouius 1 156, no. 4. The Pope granted to William to hold in fee regnuni Siciliae, ducatum Apidiae, principatum Capuae cum omnibus pertinontiis siiis, Neapolim, Salernum, et .NIalphiam cum ))ertincntiis suis, Marchiam et alia (piac ultra Marsicam delict habere. On tliis account Frederick accused the Pope (Kadevicus dc gestis Frid. lil). ii. c. iU), (piod ipse ])nor pacem atque concordiam, quae inter Pajiam Fugenium ot nos facta fnerat et Rcripta, violassct in Siculo, cui ipse sine nobis reconciliari tion debuisset fcf. § 51. not, 21.) Besides so early as 1137 Lotliair had claimed tlic feudal lordship of Apulia (Otto Fris. (Mnon, vii. c. 20.) However Innoopiil IF, 11,39, without any reference to the Fmporor, had en- CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 52. HADRIAN IV. 59 first occasion for an outbreak of discontent (1157) ;^ and as all estates, even the Bishops, partook in it,^ the Pope was forced feoffed Roger in this country also (Baron. 1139 no. 12); yet the Emperor's claims were never withdi'awn. — Comp. Kaumer ii. 71. ^ On the whole scene at the meeting of the Imperial diet in Besan§on, see Radevicus lib. i. c, 8 — 10. The objectionable passage of the Papal brief (ib. c. 9, in Mansi xxi. 789) runs thus : Debes enim, gloriosissime fili, ante oculos mentis reducerc, quam gratanter et quam jucunde alio anno mater tua sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia te susceperit, — quantam tibi dignitatis plenitudinem contiderit et honoris, et qualiter imperialis insigne coronae libentissime conferens^ benignissimo gremio suo tuae Sublimitatis apicem studuerit confovere. — Neque tamen poenitet nos deslderia tuae voluntatis in omnibus implevisse : sed si majora beneficia Excellentia tua de manu nostra suscepisset, si fieri posset, considerantes, quanta Eeclesiae Dei et nobis per te inci-ementa possint et commoda provenire, non immerito gauderemus. Radevicus c. 10 remarks these words were offensive to the nobles on this account : Quod a nonnuUis Romanorum temere atfirmari noverant, imperium Urbis, et regnum Italicum donatione Pontificum Reges nostros hactenus possedisse, idque non solum dictis, sed et scriptis atque picturis repraesentare, et ad posteros transmittere. Unde de Imperatore Lothario in palatio Late- ranensi super hujusinodi picturam scriptum est : Rex veuit ante fores, jurans prius Urbis honores, Post homo fit Papae, sumit quo dante coronam. (There is a description of this painting in the chron. Godefridi s. Pantal. in Wiirdtwein nov. subsid. diplom. xiii. 33. The feudal grant of Matildas Allodium, § 51, note 4, was understood as a grant of the Empire in fee.) The alarm grew yet greater, when one of the legates hazarded the question : A quo ergo habet, si a domino Papa non habet imperium ? ob hoc dictum eo processit iracundia, ut unus eorum, videlicet Otto Palatinus Comes de Bajoaria, ut dicebatur, prope exerto gladio cervici illius mortem intentaret. At Fridericus auctoritate praesentiac suae interposita, tumultum quidem compescuit : ipsos autem legatos securitate donatos ad habitacula deduci, ac primo mane via proficisci praecepit : addens in mandatis, ne hac vel iliac in territoriis Episcoporum sen Abbatum vagarentur, sed recta via, nee ad dextram, nee adisinistram declinantes, reverterentur ad Urbem. Then Radwich adds an appeal from the Emperor to the kingdom issued on this account. Comp. Planck, IV. i. 365. ^ Radevicus 1. c. 15 : The legates came back so indignant to Rome that in ultionem eorum, quae se pertulisse dixerunt, Romanae urbis Episcopum provocarent. In hoc negotio clerus Romanus ita inter se divisus est, ut pars eorum partibus faveret Imperatoris, et eorum qui missi fuerant incuriam sen imperitiam causaretur, quaedam vero pars votis sui Pontificis adhaereret. Radwich places next the epistle of the Pope to the German bishops (also in Mansi xxi. 790.) But they in their answer declare themselves very decisively on the side of the Emperor (Radev. i. c. 16. Mansi xxi. 792), and transmit the following tiO THIKl) I'KlMdl).— DIV. 111. — A.I). 1073—1305. to endeavour Ijy excuses to soften their indignation (1158,)' Thereupon Frederick went a second time into Italy,^^^ lield a brilliant Parliament on the Roncalian fields, and here (115b) had the Imj)erial privileges defined, according to the fundamental principles of* the Koman jurisprudence, byciWlians fi*om Bologna.'^ statement of the Emperor, to the Pope himBelf : Duo Bunt, quibu.s nostrum regi oportet iinperiuin, loges sanctae Iniperatorum et u.sus bonus praedeccHsoruiii et patruiu nostroruin. Istos liniitcs Ecclesiae nee voluinus praeterire, ncc possunuis : cpiicquid ab bis discordat, non recipiinus. Dcbitani patri uostro revcrentiam libentev cxhibenius ; liberain Imperii nostri coronam divino tantuin bencficio adscribimus, electiuuis piimam vocem Mogimtino Arcliiepiscopo, deiiide quod super- est, cacteris secundum ortllnem Principibus recognoscinius, regalem uiictionem Coloniensi. supvemam vero, quae imperialis est, sunimo Pontifici : quicquid praeter haoc est, ex abundant! est, a malo est. — In capite orbis Deus per Imperium exaltavit l^cclesiam, in capite orbis Ecclesia (non per Deum, ut credimus) nunc demoUtur Imperium. A pictura coepit, ad hcripturam picturai)roccssit, scriptura in auctoi-itatem prodire conatur. Non i)atiemur, non sustinebimus : coronam ante ponenuis, quani Imperii coronam una nobiscum sicdeponi consentiamus. Picturae d leantiir, seripturae rctractentur, ut inter l-iegnuin et ^Sacer- dotiuin aeterna inimicltiaruni nionunicuta non rcmaneant. Accord- ingly, the bisliops advise ut magnaniniitatem filii vostri, sicut bonus Pastor, leniatis scriptis vestris scripta priora suavitate niellita dulcor- antibus etc. ^ Hadriani ep. ad. Frid. (in Radevicus i. c. 22, in Mansi xxi. 793) : — Occasione siquidcni cujusdam verbi, quod est, " benejichuii^ tuus animus, sicut dicitur, est commotus, quod uiique, ncdum tanti viri, sed nee cujuslibet minoris animum merito commovissct. Licet enim hoc nomcn quod est beneftcium, apud quosdam in alia signiticatione, quam ex iinpositione liabcat, assuinatur : tunc tamcn in ea signiticatione acci- picndum fucrat, quani nos ipsi posuimus, et quam ex institutione sua noscitur retinere. Hoe enim nomen ex hono et facto est edituin, et dicitur bencficium apud nos non feuduin, sed bonum factum. — Et tua (juideni Magnitieentia liquido recognoscit, quod nos ita bene ct honorifice imperialis dignitatis insigni' tuo cipiti iniposuinius, ut bonuni factum vabat ab omnibus judieari. Unde quod ipiidam verbum hoc et illud, sciMcct : Cmilulimus tibi insigne inipcriali.-f corunae, a sensu suo visi sunt ad alium retorquere : non ex merito causae, sed de voluntate propria, et illorum suggcstione, qui paccm Regui et Ecclesiae nulla- tenus diligunt, hoc egernnt. Per lioc enim vocabulum contulimus nil aliud inlcUeximus, nisi quod superius dictum est nnjwsuiinu.'t. '•^ For what follows see I*lanck IV. i. 375. Voigt Gesch. des Lombarden-Pundes, s. 1.3. .SchloMser III. i. 301). Ilaumer ii. H4. " The four doctors of Ravenna were Ihdgarus, Martinus Gosias, .Tac CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 52. HADRIAN IV. Ql As the Bishops and the Pope were injured thereby in many points,^'^ strict explanations ensued hetmxt the latter and the Emperor/'^ and Hadi'ian was just on the point of pronouncing the ban upon Frederick when he died (1159.) be vindicated (see the anecdote in Otto Morena, according to the edition of Ossius in Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. vi. 1018) : and the Archbishop of Milan utters the following maxims in an addi-ess to the Emperor (Rade- vicus ii. c. 4) : Scias itaque omne jus populi in condendis legibustibi cou- cessum, tua voluntas jus est, sicuti dieitur : Quod Principi placuit, legis habet viaurem, cum populas ei et in eum omne suum imperium et p)otes- tatem concesserit. Quodcunqueenim luiperatorper epistolam constituent, vel cognoscens decreverit, vel edicto praecepcrit, legem esse constat. Very nobly does Frederick speak his mind on this point, in the speech with which he opened the diet (1. c. cap. 3) : Nos regium nomen habentes, desideramus potius legitimum tenere imperium pro conser- vanda cuique sua libertate et jure, quam, ut dieitur, omnia impune facere, h, e. Regem esse, per licentiam insole.scei-e, et imperandi officium in superbiam dominationemque convertere. — Sed nee per nostram desidiam quemquam Imperii gloriam et excellentiam iraminuere patie- mur. ^- Especially by the following act. Before now, in the year 1 136, Lothair had passed a law in the Roucalian diet, nemiui licere beneficia, quae a suis senioribus habet, sine ipsorum permissione distrahere (cod, de feudis tit. 52.) Frederick renewed this decree in the present diet (Radevicus ii. c. 7, Cod. de feud. tit. 55) : sancimus, ut nuUi Hceat feudum totum vel partem aliquam vendere, vel pignorare, vel quomodo- libet alienare, vel pro cmimajudicare, sine permissione majoris domini, ad quern feudum spectare dinoscitur. Unde Imperator Lotharius tantum in futurum cavens, ne fieret, promulgavit. Nos autem ad pleniorem regni u*ilitatem providentes, non solum in posterum, sed etiam hujusmodi prius illicitas alienationes perpetratas hac praesenti sanctione cassamus, et in irritum dediicimus etc. Guntheri Ligurinus ix. v. 105 ss. : Praeeipue postquam sua jura recognita fisco Assensu Procerum per cunctas comperit urbes, Indoluit facto, quantumque videbat honoris Accessisse Viro, tantum Patei' ipse putabat Decessisse sibi etc. '^ The two bitter letters from Hadrian to Frederick, and from Frederick to Hadrian, in the appendix to Radevicus (in Bai'on. ann. 1159 no. 5 and 6.) Muratori annal. vi. 536, considers as spurious, yet without proof. The point at issue one sees most exactly from the negotiations of a Papal Embassy with the Emperoi-, of which Eberhard Bishop of Bam- berg, present at the time, sends intelligence to Eberhard Archbishop of Saltzburg (ap. Radevicmn ii. c. 30.) The Pope made the following demands : Nuntios ad Urbem ignorante Apostolico ab Imperatore non 02 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 1073—1305. Not'withstanding this t^A■o parties had grown up in tlie Colk-ge of Cardinals, one Imperial, the other Sicilian :'* a disputed election was the consequence. Victor IV. was recognized by Frederick, Alexander III. in most other countries.^'^ ^lean- wliilc the hatred of the Lombards ao;ainst Frederick was agm-a- vated more and more by oppressions.^^ The Veronese League was fonned ;'' encouraged by Alexander's retui"n to Home esse mittendos, cum oiiinis magistratus inibi 1). Petri sit cum univcrsis regalibus. De doiuinicalibus Apostolici fodruui non esse colligendum, nisi tempore suscipiendae coroiiae. Episcopos Italiae solum sacramen- tum fidelitatis sine hominio faciiv dcbere domino Imperatori. Neque nuntios Imperatoris in palatiis Epi.xoponnn recipiendos. De posses- sionibus I:^cclesiae Romauae restituendis, et tributis Ferrariae, Massae Ficorolu, totius texTae Comitissae Matbildis, totius terrae quae ab Aquapendente est usque Romam, ducatus Spoletani, insularum Sar- diniae, Corsicae. Frederick had many counter-grievances. On tbis proposal being made, he answered : Quamvis non ignorem ad tanta nogotia non ex animi mei sententia, sed ex consilio Principum me respondere debere, sine praejudicio tamen sapicntum hoc absque con- sultatione respondco. Episcoporum Italiae ego quidem non effecto hominium, si tamen et eos de nostris regalibus nihil delectat habere. Qui si gratantcr audierint a Romano Praosulc : quid tibi et Regit consequenter quoque eos ab Imperatore non pigeat audire : quid tibi et possessioni? (according to Augustini in Joannem tract 6, in Gratianus dist. viii. c. 1.) Nuntios nostros non esse recipiendos in palatiis Episcoporum asscrit. Concede, si forte aliquis Episcoporum babct in suo proprio solo et non in nostro palatium. Si autem in nostro solo et allodio sunt palatia Episcoporum, cum ];rofecto onnic quod acdificatur solo ct'dat (according to Digester, lib. xli. tit. 1. leg. 7, § 10), nostra sunt et palatia. injuria ergo esset, si quis nuntios nostros a regiis palatiis proliibcret. Legates ab Imperatore ad Urbem non esse mittendos affirmat, cum omnis magistratus inibi b. Petri sit cum universis regalibus. Ilaec res, fateor, magna est et gravis, graviorique et maturiori egens consilio. Nam cum divina ordinatione ego Romanus Imperator et dicar et sim, speciem tantum dominantis effingo, et inane utique porto, nomen ac sine re, si urbis Romae de manu nostra potcstas fuerit excussa. '* There are traces of this above in note 8. 15 Plank IV. i. 384. Raumcr ii. 123. II. Reuters. Gesch. Alexander III. u. d. Kirche s. Zeit. Bd. i. (Berlin 1845), s. 129, 401. Tlie circular-letter of the Concil. Papiense ann. 1160, in behalf of Victor, which Mansi xxi. 1117 gives also, but only in a mutilated form from Radcvicus de gcstis, Frid. i. lib. ii. c. 70, is to be seen complete in Edw. Brown's appendix ad fasciculum rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum. Lend. I()!t0, fol. p. 552 1'' Geschicbte der V.Thaltnissc de3 Kaisers zu den Lombarden b. Voigt s. 19, ff. Raumer ii. 113, 179. '^ Voigt 8. 55. Raumer ii. 165. CH. [.— PAPAOY I POLIT. DEVELOP, g 52. ALEXANDER IIL 63 (1165)^- it quickly extended itself as a Lombard League,^'' fought with increasing advantage against the Emperor, and forced him at last by the battle of Legnano (1176)^° to submission. Alexander's cause had been hitherto one with that of the Lom- bards : in order to separate them, Frederick gave up his Pope f^ he made peace with Alexander at Venice (1177), whilst he only granted to the Lombards a truce for six years.^^ ^** Voigt s, 80. Eamner ii. 197. '^ Voigt s. 89. Raumer ii. 203. 20 Voigt s. 266. Raumer ii. 244. -^ After Victor IV. (f 1164) Pascal III. succeeded, who canonized Charleuiagne at Frederick's request (1165 Act. ss. ad d. 28, Jan. p. 888. C. G, F. Walchii hist, canonisat. Caroli M. Jenae 1750. 8 ) i 1168, then followed Cahxtus III. 2- Voigt, s. 274. Schlosser iii. i. 327. Raumer ii. 246. About the negotiations for peace there are two detailed narratives, one in the life of Alexander III., ex Card. Aragon. (in Muratori III. i. 467), the other in the chronicle of Romualdi Archiep. Salernitani, who as Sicilian arabas-ador was present at the time (in Muratori vii. 217.) The acts in Baronius, 1177, no. 13, ss., are only extracts from these two sources. Besides these are Alex. III. epistt. ad Petrum Abb. Casin., ad Richardum Archiep. Cantuariensem, and ad Roge- rium Archiep. Eboracensem in Baronius 1. c. no. 24 — 26, in Mansi xxii. 178.— For the negotiations between the Lombards and Frederick, see the-legal documents in xMuratorii antiquitt. Ital. medii aevi iv. 275, between William of Sicily and Frederick in Romualdus I. c. The most important legal document on Frederick's negotiations with the Pope is Pax et reconciliafjo inter Alex. III. P. et Frid. I. Imp. Anagniae tractata ntque praelhninariter conventa ann. 1176 (is handed down to us ex arcMvis Anagniensibus by Sigonius hist. Italiae lib. xiv., but with arbitrary alterations, and thus adopted into Goldasti constitt. imperiall. iii., 360. The genuine text ex cod. ClaustrO'Neoburgensi in J. D. Schoepflini commentatt. histor. et crit. Basil. 1741.4, p. 533, ss.) The principal conditions are acknowledg- ment of Alexander as Pope, a fifteen years' peace with William, King of Sicily, a six years peace with the Lombards. Besides III. Omnem vero possessionem et tenimentum sive praefecfurae sive rei altenus, quam Ecclesia Romana habuit, et ipse abstulit per se vel per alios, bona fide restituet [ei salvo omni jure Imperii. Ecclesia quoque Romana omnem possessionen! et tenimentum, quod ei abstulit per se vel per alios, bona fide ei rcstituet] salvo onmi jure Ecclesiae Romanae. (The words in brackets are left out by Sigonius). About Matilda's lands, wliicli had been surrendered to the Emperor bv Guelph VI. in the year 1167, the negotiations led to no conclusion. The Pope allowed the Einper.)r no more than a provisional right of possession, during the fifteen years of the peace with Sicily. Then should all be definifelv settled (Scheidii origines Guelficae ii. 382.) The statements of Italian 64 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— AD. 1073- 13u5. Alexander maintained a still more o;lorious strugo-le with HeniT II., King of England.^^ Instead of the strict subjection in which the English clergy ^^-erc kept by the Kings William I. and II., under Ste})hen (113j — H^^), Jin almost complete independence had been introduced. This drew many cA-ident disorders in its train. Ileniy II. wished to restore tlie former relations.-"* lie writers, since the fourteenth century, of some disgraceful humihations, which Frederick was obliged to submit to in Venice (see on this head six papers in J, R. Wegeliii thesaurus rerum Suevicarura vol. ii. Lindav. 1757. fol), are decidedly contradicted from the narrative of an eye-witness in the Chronicon N'enetum, quod Altinate nuncupatur, in d. Archivio storico italiano t. viii. (Firenze 1845. 8), p. 174. ^•^ Sources for the following history : Thomai liecket epistolarum libb, vi. ed. Christ. Lupus. J3ruxell. fG82. 4. Vita Thomae, by four of his adherents, Joannes Sarisbur. (in ejusd. epist. Paris, 1611. 4.), Wilhelmus Stephanides (in histoi*. Anglic, scripft. ed. .Jos. Sparke. Lond. 1723, fol.), Alanus and Hen-ebertus de liosham, from which four lives, the Quadrilogus de vita s. Thomae, was composed by connnand of the Pope. (It is found in its best form before Thomae epistt. ed. Chr. Lupus.) S. Thomas Cantuariensis ed. .J. A. Giles. Oxon. 1846, ss. 8, contains in vols. 1 and 2 tlic life of Thomas, by Job. Sarisb., Wilhelmus, Alanus, and several other men of the time; vol. 3 and 4, epistolae Thomae, greatly enlarged ; vol. 5 and 6, epistolae (lilherti Foliot (Bishop of London and enemy of Thomas) ; vol. 7 and 8, ller- berti de liosham (Thomas' secretary) opera. The life and letters of Thomas a liecket, by J. A. Giles, London 1846, 2 vols., is a compila- tion from these sources. Besides, compare Gervasii Cantuariensis (1199) chron, rerum in Anglia gestarum (in scviptt. x. Anglic. Lond. 1652, fol.), Radulphus do Diceto (1198) imagines historiarum ab. ann, 1148 ad ann, 1200 (ibid.), Guilelmus Parvus Neubrigensis (1197) de rebus Angliae sui temporis libb. v. (The best edition bv Th. Hearne. Oxon. 1719, 3 voll. 8), and Kogeri de Hoveden (1202) annal. Anglican, (in Savilii historic. Angl. Lond. 1595 fol.), from which Matthew Paris historia major, p. 82, ss., has drawn. — AVorks : Natalis i^lex. hist. eccl. saec. xi. et xii. dissert, x., Planck iv, 1. 396. Scldosser iii. 1, 401. llistoire du demele de Henri IL, roi d'Angleterre, avcc Th. Pccket. a Amsterdam. 1756. 8. Hiatoirc de la conquete de I'Angleterre par les Normands, par Aug. Thierry. Paris 1825, ii. 376 (against Thierry's opinion that Thomas struggled for the interest of the Saxons against the Norman oppressors, see Wihnans in Schmidt's Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswisscnschaft i. 182.) Keuter's Gesch. Alexander I IL i. 288. 2* Guliclmus Neubrig. de rebus Angliae lib. ii. c. 16 : Regi circa curam regni satagenti, ct malefactorcs siiiedelectu extermiiiari jubenti, a judici])us intimatnm est, quod multa contra disciplinam publicam, soil, furta, rapiiiae, homit'idia a clericis saepius comiuittcreiitur, ad ipios scilicet laicae non possit jurisdictionis vigor extendi. Deniqno ipso I CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. §52 ALEXANDER IIL Q5 thought he should obtain a faithful ally for this purpose when he raised his Chancellor, Thomas a Becket, to the see of Canterbury (1162.) However, the new rank changed him all at once into the most arrogant of priests, one whose spiritual pride was but barely clad with a monkish show of humility. In a meeting of the Estates of the realm at Clarendon (1164), Henry had the ancient statutes with regard to the clergy revived.^^ The whole eccle- audicnte declaratura dicitur, plus quam centum homicidia intra fines Angliae a clericis sub regno ejus commissa. — Nempe Episcopi dum defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus, quani eorum vitiis corrigendis resecandisque invigilant, arbitrantur obsequium se praestare Deo et Ecclesiae, si facinorosos clericos, quos pro oiBcii debito canonicae vigore censurae coercere vel nolunt vel negligunt, contra publican! tueantur disciplinam. Unde clerici — habentes per impunita- tem agendi, quodcunque libuerit, licentiam et iibertatem, neque Deum, — neque homines potestatem habentes reverentur, cum et episcopalis circa eos soUicitudo sit languida, et saccular! eos jurisdictioni sacri eximat ordinis praerogativa. ^■^ Matthew Paris ad ann. 1164, and quoted from him in the collection of Synodical acts (in Mansl xxi. 1187) Anno Dom. MCLXtV. in praesentia Regis Henrici apud ClarendoLiam — facta est recoguitio sive recordatio cujusdam partis consuetudinum et libertatum antecessorum suorum, Regis videl. Henrici, avi sui, et aliorum, quae observari debe- bant in regno, et ab omnibus teneri, propter dissensiones et discordias saepe emergentcs inter clerum et justitiarios domini Regis et Magnatum regni. Harum vero consuetudinum recognitarum quaedam pars in XVI. capitulis coutinetur. (The following capitula also have been contributed by Baronius ann. 1164, no 37, from a manuscript in the Vatican, with the Pontifical Damnamus or Toleranus attached to each, from him they are taken by Mansi xxi, 1194.) I. De advocatione et praesentatione Ecclesiarum si controversia emerserit inter laicos, vel inter laicos et clericos, vel inter clerlcos, in curia domini Regis tractetur et terminetur. Damn. II. Ecclesiae de feudo domini Regis non possunt inperpetuum dai'i absque concessione ipsius. Toler. III. Clerici accusati de quacun- que re, summoniti a justitiario Regis, veniant in curiam ipsius, responsuri ibidem de hoc, unde videbitur curiae Regis, quod ibi sit respondendum, et in curia ecclesiastica unde videbitur, quod ibi sit respondendum : ita quod Regis justitiarius mittet in curiam s. Ecclesiae ad videndum, quomodo res ibi tractabitur. Et si clericus couvictus vel confessus fuerit, non debet eum de caetero Ecclesia tueri. Damn. (cf. Radulph. de Diceto ad ann. 1164. Rex — incongruum esse considerans, clericos a suis justitiariis in publico flagitio deprebensos Episcopo loci reddendos, decreverat, ut quos Episcopus inveniret obnoxios, praesente justitiario Regis exauctoraret, ct post curiae traderet puniendos. In contrarium sentiebant Episcopi : quos enim exauctorareut, a manu laicali conten- debant protegere ; alioquin bis judicaretur in idipsum.) IV. Archi- episcopis, Episcopis et personis Regni non licet exire Regnum absque licentia domini Regis, et si exierint, si Regi placuerit, securum eum E 66 THIRD PERIOD.— Dn. III.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. siastical body, and Thomas among them, swore to observe them. Not long after he made his appearance in the character of a rueful penitent, he had himself absolved from his oatli by the Pope, and escaped the King's vengeance by flight into France. Whilst Henry upheld his constitutions by sternness and cruelty, Thomas sought to make an impression by complaints, exliorta- tions, and threats. However the interest of the Pope^'' as well as of the King, required that the matter should not be pushed to the utmost : and so at last a reconciliation ensued (1170.) facient, quod nee in eundo, nee in redeundo, vel movam faeiendo perquirent malum sive damnum domino Kegi vel Regno. Damn. — VII. Nullus, qui de Rege tenet in capite, nee aliquis dorainicorum ministrorum ejus, excommunicetur, nee alicujus eorum terrae sub interdicto ponantur, nisi prius dominus Rex, si in regno fuerit, conven- iatur, vel justitiarius ejus, si fuerit extra Regnum, ut rectum de eo faciat, et ita quod pertineat ad Regis curiam, ibi tenninetur, et quod spectat ad curiam ecclesiasticam, ad eandem niittatur, ut ibidem tenninetur. Dentin. VIII. De appellationibus si emerserint, ab Archidiacono dcbebit procedi ad Episcopum, ab Episcopo ad Archi- episcopum, et si Archiepiscopus defuerit in justitia exhibciida, ad dominura Regem pervenicndum est postremo, ut praecepto ipsius in curia Archiepiscopi controversia terminetur ; ita quod non debeat uUra procedi absque assensu domini Regis. Damn. IX. Si calumuia emerserit inter clericum et laicum, vel e converso, de ullo tenemento, quod clericus velit ad elecmosynam trahere, vel laicus ad laicum feudum, per rccognitionem XII. legalium hominum, juxta capitalis justitiarii Regis considerationem terminabitur, utrum teneraentuni sit pertinens ad eleemosynam sive ad laicum feudum, coram justitiario uegis. Damn. — XI. Arcliiepiscopi, Episcopi et universae personae Regni, qui de Rege tenent in capite, habeant possessiones suas de Rq^q sicut baroniam, et inderespondeant justitiariiset ministris Regis, et sequantur et faciant omnes rcctitudin^ s et consuetudines regias ; et sicut caeteri barones debent interesse judiciis curiae Regis cum Raro- nibus, quousque pcrveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem. Toler. XII. Cum vaeaverit archicpiscopatus, vel episco- patus, vel abbatia, vel prioratus in dominio Regis, esse debet in manu ipsius, et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus sicut domiuicos reditus suos. Et cum veutum fuerit ad consulendum Ecclesiam, debet dominus Rex mandare potiores personas Ecelesiae, et in capella ipsius liej^is debet fieri clectio, assen.=;u ipsius Regis et cousilio personarum Regis, qiias ad hoc faciendum advocaverit. Et ibidem faciet electus boma- gium et fidelitatem Regi, sicut h'gio domino 8uo, dc vita sua et membris, et de lionore tcrreno, salvo ordine suo, priusquam consecretur. Damn. -XV. Placita de debitis, quae fide interposita debentur, vel absque jnterpositione fidei, sirit in justitia Regis. Damn. -" As to the negotiations of Henry witli the Emperor Frederick CH. I.-PAPACY I.-POLIT. DEVELOP. § 52. ALEXANDER IIL 67 Thomas was beginning again to spread terror and confusion by ecclesiastical arrogance, when foui- knights murdered him (29th December 1170.)" But as Henry was generally considered the instigator of the deed, so the Pope might wrest from him important concessions (1172.) ''^ Thomas was canonized, and as about the acknowledgment of the Antipope Pascal at the Council of VVurtzburg, Bee Mansi xxi. 1113. " On his death and the miracles at his tomb, see Johannis Sarisbur ep. 286. (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxiii. 528.) ^ 2^ See Gervasius Cantuar. and Roger de Hoveden ad ann. 1172. Charta absolutionis domini Regis : Henrico Dei gratia illustri Regi Anglorum Albertus — et Theodinus — presbyteri Cardinales, aposto- hcae sedis legati, salutem in eo, qui dat salutem Regibus. — Nos mandatura illud in scriptum duximus redigendum, quod vobis pro eo facimus, quia _ malefactores illos, qui sanctae memoriae Thomam quondam Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum occideruut, occasione motus et turbationis, quara viderant in vobis, ad illud facinus processisse timetis. Super quo tamen facto purgationem in praesentia nostra de voluntate propria praestitistis, quod videlicet nee praecepistis nee voluistis, ut occideretur, et quando pervenit ad vos, plurimura condoluistis, Ab nistauti festo Pentecostes usque ad annum tantam dabitis pecuniam, unde ad arbitrium fratrum tcmpH ducenti milites valeant ad defen- sionem terrae Hierosolymitanae per spatium unius anni teneri. Vos autem a sequenti natali Domini usque ad triennium accipietis cruc(3m proxima tunc aestate illuc in propria persona, ducente Domino, pro- fecturi, nisi remanseritis per dominum Papam, vel cathoHcos successore3 ejus. Sane si contra Saracenos pro urgente necessitate in Ilispaniam profecti fueritis ; quantum temporis fuerit, ex quo arripueritis iter, tantundem supradictum spatium Jerosolymitanae perfectionis poteritis prolongarc. Appellationes nee irapedietis, nee impediri permittetis, qmn Hbere fiant in ecclesiasticis causis ad Romanum Pontificem, bona fide et absque fraude et malo ingenio, ut per Romanum Pontificem causae tractentur, et consequantur effectum suum : sic tamen, ut, si vobis suspecti fuerint aliqui, securitatem faciant, quod malum vestriim, vel Regni vestri non quaerunt. Consuetudines, quae indue! ae sunt contra Ecclesias terrae vestrae in tempore vestro, penitus dimittetis. Possessiones^ Cantuariensis Ecelesiae, si quae ablatae sunt, in plenum restituetis, sicut habuit uno anno antequam Arehiepiscopus de Anglia egrederetur. Clericis praeterea et laicis utriusque sexus pacem vestram in gratiam, et possesslones suas restituetis, qui occasione praenominati Archiepiscopi destituti fuerunt. Haec autem vobis, auctoritate domini Papae, in remissionem peccatorum vestrorum injungimus et praeci- pimus observare absque fraude et malo ingenio. Hoc sane coram multitudine persouarum juravistis vos pro divinae reverentia majestatis : jurayit et filius vester, excepto eo, quod personam vestram specialiter contingebat. Et jurastis ainbo, quod a Papa domino Alexandro et catholicis successoribus ejus, quamdiu vos sicut antecessores vestros et E 2 68 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Henry soon after was thrown into great embarrassment by the rebellion of his sons : he was compelled, in order to win over public feeling to his side, to undergo a disgraceful penance "at the tomb of his adversary (1174.J Alexander III. began to dispose of the kingdoms of the world in a new way, when he declared the independence of Portugal, to which Castile and Leon laid claim, and granted to it the conquests to be won from the Saracens. ^^ He sought to obviate the disputed elections 'so dangerous to the Papal power, by means of a decree of the third Lateran Council (1179), in which, at the same time, the entu'e dependence of the election upon the Car- dinals, just as it was already constituted at that period, was formally recognized, ^'^ catholicos Reges habuerint, minime recedetis. The Juvamentum Inno- centiae Henrici R. in the vita Alexandri 111. ex Card. Avagon. (in Muratori III. i., 462), and quoted from him by Baronius 1172, no. 5, is probably the Papal draft, and was certainly not executed by the King in this shape. Comp. the conclusion : Praeterea ego et major filius meus Rex jjararaus, quod a domno Alexandre P. et ejus catholicis successoribus recipiemus et tencbimus Regnum Angliae, et nos, et nostri successores in perpetuum non reputabimus nos Angliae Reges veros, donee ipsi nos catholicos Reges tenuerint. From the letter of the Papal Legate to the Archbishop of Ravenna (in Roger, de Ho- veden, 1. c.) it is clear that at first they could not effect an agree- ment with the King. — In the year 1173 Henry writes with a view to bring over the Pope to his side against his sons (Petri Bles. ep. 136. in Baron. 1173 no. 10) : Vestrae jurisdictionis est Regnum Angliae, et quantum ad feudatarii juris obligationem vobis dumtaxat obnoxius teneor et adstringor. Experiatur Anglia, quid possit Romanus Pon- tifex etc., and thus it is possible that the oath also may have been interjjolated by a Roman hand to suit these later events. ^■* The Bull addressed to Alplionso 1. King of Portugal in Brandao Monarchia Lusit. lib. x., and in Aschbach's Gesch. Spanieus u. Por- tugals zur Zeit der Almoraviden und Almohaden ii. 296 : — personam tuam — sub b. Petri et nostram protectionem suscipimus, et Regnum Portugallensium cum integritate lionoris, Regni dignitate, quae ad Reges pertinet, nee non et omnia loca, quae cum auxilio caelcstis gratiae de Saracenorum manibus eripueris, in quibus jus sibi non possunt christiaid Principes circumpositi vindicare, Exccllcntiae tuac concedimus, et auctovitatc aposlolica confirmamus. — Ad indicium autom, quod praescrlptum Regnum b. Petri juris existat, pro amplioris reve- rentiae argumento, statuisti duas marcas auri annis singulis nobis nostrisque successoribas persolvendas. *' Cone. Lateran. iii. c. 1. (Mansi xxii. 217) : Statuimus igitur, ut 61 forte, inimico homine superseminante zizania, inter Cardinales de CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 53. LUCIUS IIL 69 §53. LUCIUS in. (1181-1185), UEBAN III. (+ OCT. 1187), GREGORY VIH. (+ IN DEC. 1187), CLEMExNT III. (+ 1191), CELESTINE III. (t 8. JAN. 1198.) Hazardous times for the Papacy seemed to be at hand. Whilst the distm-bances at Rome began afresh, and Lucius III. and his immediate successor had to wander from pLace to pLace m Italy ;^ Frederick consolidated his power more and more in this country. He made peace with the Lombards at Constance (25. June 1183.)" Then he even negotiated the marriage of his son Henry with Constantia, heiress of Sicily f27. Jan. 1186)/ and seemed thereby to have deprived the Pope of his most trusty ally against the Empire. The Papacy set on foot a counteracting policy. Frederick had already fallen out with Lucius III., on the occasion of a disputed episcopal election at Treves (1183.)'^ But Urban IIL opposed the Emperor in a yet more hostile substituendo Pontifice non potuerit concordia plena esse, et duabus partibus concordantibus tertia pars noluerit concordare, aut sibi alium praesuraserit ordinare ; ille Roraanus Pontifex habeatur, qui a duabus partibus fuerit electus et receptus. Si quis autem de tertiae partis nomi- natione confisus, quia rem non potest, sibi nomen Episcopi usurpaverit : tarn ipse, qnam qui eum receperint, cxcommunicatioui subjaceant, et totius sacri ..rdinis privatione mulctentur, ita ut viatici eis etiam, nisi tantum in ultimis, communio denegetur, et nisi resipuerint, cum Dathan et Abiron, quos terra vivos absorbuit, accipiant portionem. Praeterea si a paucioribus aliquis, quam a duabus partibus fuerit electus ad apos- tolatus officium, nisi major concordia intercesserit, nullatenus assumatur, et praedictae poenae subjaceat, si humiliter noluerit abstinere. Ex hoc tamen nullum canonicis constitutionibus et aliis Ecclesiis praejudicium generetur, in quibus majoris et sanioris partis debet sententia praeva- lere : quia quod in eis dubium venerit, superioris poterit judicio diffiniri. In Romano vero Ecclcsia aliquid speciale coR",tituitur, quia non potest recursus ad superiorem haberi. Cf. Mabillon comm. in ordiuem Rom. p. cxv. 1 Chronicon Fossfe nova; (written about 1217) in Muratorii seriptt. rer. It. vii. 875. Guilehiii de Nangis (about 1301) chronicon in d Achery specileg. iii. 13. 2 The documents of the treaty in Corp. juris civ., after manuscripts noticed in Muratorii antiqu. Ital. iv. 307, in Per(z iv. 175. Comp. Voigt Gesch. des Lombarden-Bundes, s. 329 ff. Raumer ii. 275. 3 W. Jager Gesch. Kaiser Heinrichs VI. Niirnberg 1793. 8. s. 16 ff. Raumer ii. 310. ' * On this head most full and authentic are the Gesta Trevirorura 70 THIKU PEKIOD.— DIV III.— A.D. lUTii— 130.3. manner.'' "When Frederiek won the German cleroy to hi.s edd. Wyttcnbach et Miiller i. 272 : at the election maxima pars cleri ill personam Kudolti pracpositi Majoris domus — consensit, afterwards, liowever, Archdeacon Volkmar raised a party. The cause was brought before the Kniperor. A quo ad Constaiitiam civitatem evocati sunt, ubi judicio Principum sancitum fuit, quod Imperator per consilium Prineipum, si in electione discordarent, quam vellet idoneam personam subrogaret. At ipse optionem electionis iterum in praesentia sua eis concessit ita, si praeteritae electionis discordiam deponere veilent. T hi Folmarus intcresse nolens, discessit. Alii vero, quamvis pauci, Rudolfum praepositura iterum electum praesentaverunt, ct ab Im- peratore investitum ad propria reduxerunt, Volkmar betook himself to the Pope, and Frederick, when he met him at Verona, 1184, even allowed another scrutiny. Other matters were here brought under discussion, see Aruoldi' (abbot of Lubeek about 1209) chron. Slavorum (at the end of Ilelmoldus, whom he continued) iii. c. 10. The Emperor interceded for those qui tempore Alexandri P. a Schis- maticis ordines susceperant. Then came the question de patrimonio dominae Mechthildis, &c. They agreed upon no point. ^ The reason may be found in Gesta Trevir., p. 277. At the capture of Milan, some time before Frederick had taken some relations and the parents of the Pope prisoners, quorum quosdam proscriptione damnavit, quondam mutilatione membrorum defonnare praecepit. Ob cujus itaque facti vindictam dicebant quidani, praedlctum Apostolicum, antequain ad sedem Apostolatus conscendisset, gi-avissimum rancorem servasse in corde suo contra Imperatorcm, quod postea in propatulo claruit, secundum eorum assertioneni, quibus causa nota erat. Nam postquam ad summi pontificatuH gloriam sublimatus fuerat, omnibus viribus laborabat, quouiodo Tmperatoris dignatatem et excellentiam humiliaret. See the Pope's complaints against the Emperor, in Arnoldi chron. iii. c. 16 : Arguebat Imperatorcm de patrimonio dominae Mech- thildis,— quod ab ipso injuste occupatum dicebat. Affirmabat etiam quod Episcoporum exuvias injuste acciperet, quae dum ipsis mortuis de ecclesiis rapiantur, ccclesiac quasi corrosae ct exspolatiue ab Episcopis subintrantibus invcninntur. — Tertium etiam contra eum proponebat articuluni, quod Abbatissarum congregationes plurimas in dispcrsionem dedissot, dum propter enormitatem ipsarum sub emendationis occasione, usurpatis sibi stipendiis, personas quidem removisset, nee alias ad honorem Doi vel Ecclesiae augmentum sub mcliore professione resti- tuisset. To this time belongs Urbani P. epist. ad Frederic. Imp. (in Ludewig reliquiae manuscri])torum ii. 409 and in Mansi xxii. 504), in which he endeavours to deny, that he had supported the Cremonesc, the Emperor's enemies, however, Wichman, in ep. ad Urbanura (in Ludewig p. 446), convicts him of this, adding the bitter remark, sub specie dilectionis inimicitias palliari. During the negotiations Urban committed himself so far (see Gesta Trevir.), that he contra junuuentum, quia in verbo Domini juraverat, et per venerabilcm virum Monas- tcriensem Episcopum llermannum Imperatori mandaverat, videlicet quod Folmaro nunquam manus consecrationis imponcret. sicut idem Episcopus postea coram Principibus confessus est (so also Wicliiiian, CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 53. GREGORY VIII. 71 side,^ a fi'esh dissension between the Empire and Papal See 1. c), electionem Folmari approbare festinavit. After a short show of investigation, electionem Folmari confirraavit, quem confirmatum conse- quenter in Archiepisc. Treverensem consecravit. Naturally enough Volkmar was not received : and Frederick (Arnoldus iii. c. 17) : consi- derans obstinatura erga se animum domini Papae clausit onmes vias Alpium et omnium circumquaque regionum, ut nemo pro quolibet negotio adire posset sedera apostolicam. King Henry showed himself at times quite cruel and tyrannical (Arnold, iii. c. 10. Registrum Innocent. P. iii. super negotio Rom. Imperii epist. 29.) " They wei'e bribed by the Papal demand, that the jus spoliorum shotild be abolished (about this see below, § 63, note 8) : But Frederick declared (Arnold, iii. c, 17) : In veritate compertum haberaqs, quod praedecessores nostri, antiqui Imperatores, hoc juris habuerunt, ut defunctis Episcopis investituram pontificalem sine alicujus praejudicio piobatis personis liberrime locaverint. Sed quia hoc ipsorum voluntate mutatum invenimus, ratura habemus. Hanc vero minimam scintillam juris nostri, quam invenimus, nequaquam mutari permittimus. Suffi- ciat vobis justitia vestra, quam invenistis, quod permittitur vobis electio Episcoporum, quam vos canonice fieri dicitis. Sciatis tamen, quia, dum pro voluntate Imperatoi-is ista dispensarentur, plures justi sunt inventi sacerdotes, quam hoc tempore, dum per electionem inthronizantur. Ipsi enim secundum vitae meritum sacerdotes investiebant, nunc autem per electionem non secundum Deum, sed secundum favorem eliguntur. — From Frederick's powerful speech in the diet at Selnhausen (in Arnold, iii. c. 18), we learn still further demands of the Pope: Dicit dominus Papa, injustum esse, aliquam laicam personam decimas possidere. — Afifirmat etiam injustum esse, quod aliquis in praediis seu hominibus Ecclesiarum advocatiam sibi usurpet, ut — res ecclesiasticae a Praelatis tantum libere dispensentur, Et quamvis haec pro Praelatis esse videantur, non tamen credo, quod ita facile mutari possint, quae ex longa antiquitate usus in consuetudinem vertit etc. Here he requires the bishops to send a remonstrance to the Pope (the letter is in Radulphus a Diceto), see Arnoldus iii. c. 18 : Qui cum legisset epis- tolam, obstupuit de immutatione Episcoporum, quia ipse causam pro eis videbatur sumsisse, ipsi vero de causa cecidisse. He received also a private letter from Wichman, Archbishop of j\Iagdeburg, and his suffragans (Ludewig ii. 445, not given in Mansi), which enumerates to him the Emperor's grievances, first the support of the Ci'emonese, then his conduct in the matter of Treves. Nam si secundum ordina- tionem vestram idem factum inconvulsum permanere deberet, videretur Imperium demembrationem et maximam sui juris diminutionem incur- risse, praesertim cum nulla antecessorum suorum (Imperatoris) ab aliquo antessorum vestrorum factum fuisse antiquitatis curiosa reportet memoria, quod Episcoporum quispiam in regno Teutonico consecrationem prius, quam regalia per sceptrum imperiale, receperit. — Among the other grievances : Adjecit insuper (Imp.) quantis exactionum muneribus universae de iraperio per vestros Ecclesiae subjaceant, videlicet ut tam Ecclesiae quam cocnobia, quibus vel panis quotidianus non sufificit, in 72 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. was alreadv impending/ when Urban's death made room for a more ])cacefLd successor, Gregory VI 11.** All disputes were more easily forgotten, when now the tidings of the conquest of Jeru- salem by Saladin fS. October 1187)^ rang like a knell, and awakened afresh in the western worhl the slumbering enthusiasm for the sanctuaries.^'' The Emperor Frederick (May 1189) was the first to march thitherward, l)y way of Constantinople (Third Crusade) ;^^ but erogatione pecuniae, in pastu farailiarum, in stabulatione equoruni Romanae Ecclesiae super omnein possibilitatem suam deservire com- pellan'ur. — Uncle ct nos — Excellentian\ Vcstram obnixe rogantes — deprccamur, quatenus — ea, quae ad gravamen Imperii facta dinoscuntnr, quoniam a nobis ea sustineri aut sub silentio praeteriri fidei nostrae sinceritati nullatenus convcniret, saniorl vero expedit consilio permutari faciatis etc. Arnoldus iii. c. 18 : Nee minus tamen in proposito suo perstitit, et veniens Veronam, Imperatorem legitime citatum pro capitulis supra pcriptis excommunieare dccrevit. Ad quem accedentes Veroncnscg dixerunt : Pater, servi ct amici domini Imperatoris sumus : rogamus Sanctitatem Vestram, ut eum in civitate nostra, nobis praesentibus, non excommunicetis, scd banc sententiam respectu nostri servitii in praescnti difFeratis. Qui faciens juxta petitionem corum, discessit : et cum in proximo eum excommunieare vellet, morte praeventus, senten- tiam distulit : sicque Imperator malcdictionis jaculum evasit. ^ Compare Gregory's conciliatory letter to the Emperor Frederick and King Henry (in Ludewig reliqu. ii. 425, 427, and in Mansi xxii. 533, 534.) Besides, he reprimanded Yolkmar, who was launching the thunders of the Church from France into the province, of Treves (see Gesta Trevir. 1. c. p. 284, and Gregorii ep. ad Folmarum in Ludewig ii. 428, Mansi xxii. 511.) In the last is the order : nos ex consueto scdis apostolicae moderamine providere volentes, ne in aspcritate tua multorum a te facias animos alienos, et tandem ip^am etiam censuram ecclesiasticam, si servata non fuerit, contemtibilcm reddas. Uteris tibi praesentibus inhibemus, ne ad excommunicationcin vel dcpositionem personaruu) Trevirensis provinciae sine conscientia et licentia nostra procedas. ^ The history of the war of the Christians with Nureddin and Saladin, down to the conquest of Jerusalem, see in Wilken iii, 2. Schlosser iii, 1, 440. Raumer ii, 319, '" Compare the songs of the Troubadour Pons de Capdueil given in the original by Raynouard (choix des poesies originales des Trou- badours, Paris, 181G — 1821, G tomes, gr. 8) iv, 87. In German by F. Diez, Die Poosie der Troubadours (Zwickau, 182G) s. 178 fi'. ; and his Ecbcn u. Werkc der Troubadours (Zwickau, 1829) s. 25S. " Principal sources: Tageno (Decanus Eccl. Patav,, who accom- pani('(l (ho expedition), descriptio expcditionis Asiaticae Friderici I, fnip. in l"roIirrus-Stru\ p i. 1<>."). Frcclcrici 1. oxpoditio Asiatica ah CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 53. CLEMENT IL 73 he was drowned in Cnlycadnus in Seleucia (June 1190) ; and his son Frederick, Duke of Swabia, together with the greatest part of his army, w^as swept away by the pestilence at the siege of Acre. In the next summer, llOOj the kings Richard Coeur de Lion of England and Philip Augustus of France began their crusade (Fourth Crusade.)^^ Acre w-as indeed conquered (July 1191), but the disunion of the kings hindered any greater results. Philip Augustus soon returned (August 1191), Richard was quickly compelled, by the state of his kingdom, to follow him, after he had concluded a truce for three years with Saladin (September 1192.) Meanwhile Clement III. had brought Rome to submission to himself (1188),^^ and settled the dispute with the Emperor about aequaevo auctoi'e coiiscripta in Canisius-Basnage ill. 2, 497. Ansberti clerici Austriaci historia de expeditione Frid. Imp. cd. Jos. Dobrowsky, Pragae, 1827. 8. Schlosser iii. 1, 472. Raumer ii, 411. Wilken iv. ^'^ Principal sources : Galfridi de vino Salvo (Vin sauf -J- after 1245) itinerarium Richardi Angl. R. in teiTam sanctam (in Bongars i. 1150, moi-e fully in Gale scriptt. hist. Angl. ii. 247.) Rigordi Gothi (Physi- cian to King Philip Augustus) annales de rebus a Phil. Aug. ge.stis (in du Chesne v. 1. Bouquet xvii. 1.) Schlosser iii. 1, 492. Raumer ii. 451. 13 See the deed put forth by the S. P. Q. R. in Baronius 1188, no. 23. Murator. antiqq. Ital. iii. 785 : — Ad praesens reddimus vobis Senatum et Urbem et monetam. — Reddimus omnia regalia, tarn intra quam extra Urbem, quae teneraus, praeter poutera Lucanum. — Tam nos Senatores, quam alii Senatores, qui erunt per tempora singulis annis, jiu'abimus fidelitatem et j^acem vobis et successoribus vestris, sicut consuetum est. — Dabitis singulis annis pro restauratione mm-orum hujus excellentissimae Urbis C. libras bonorum provenientium de Tus- culano. — Infra dimidium annum omnes muros et carbonaria clvitatis et Roccae Tusculani et suburbiorum dabitis nobis ad diruendum, quos et quae numquam reficietis, nee refici facictis in vita vestra, rctentis et salvis tam vobis quam successoribus vestris et Romanae Ecciesiae omnibus possessionibus, tenimentis et pertinentiis ejusdem Tusculani intus et extra, cum hominibus rebusque eorum. Quodsi hinc usque ad Kal. Januarii dictum Tusculanum ad manus nostras non venerit, tunc excomnuxnicabitis Tusculanos, et per fideles vestros de Campania et de Romania cogetis eos perficcre de Tusculano, quod dictum est supra, cum adjutorio nostro. — Tibur non recipietis ad detrimentum et damnum Urbis, sed si Tiburtinos impugnare voiuerimus, non facietis nobis conti'arium. — The oath of the senators of the city, in Cencii Ordo Romanus (written about this time, preserved in Mabillon inus. Ital. ii. 215.) In this, uith much besides, is the following : Papatum Ro- manum et regalia b. Petri, quae habes, ad retinendum et defendendum, quae vero non habes, ad recuperandum, et recuperata ad retinendum et defendendum, contra omnes homines adjutor ero secundum posse ac scire meum etc. 74 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— AD. 107.3-1305. the election at Treves (1189),^* but on the death of WilHani 11., King of Sicily (1. Nov. 1189), new clouds gathered against the Papacy.'-' Clement 111. forthwith enfeoffed Tancred, who was chosen by one party to be Kjng. After his death (20. Feb. 1194) the kingdom fell \A'ithout opposition into the hands of the Emperor Henry VI., who was as mentally gifted and powerful as he was self-interested and cimel. How dangerous he was to the Papal See, was quickly manifested by the detainment of Richard Coeur de Lion in prison,"' and by the Ihie of pohcy which he ' Gesta Trevir. cdd. Wyttenbach et Miiller i. 287 : A Legate arrived in Treves with a Papal brief, in qua continebatur, quod Papa — Archiepisc. Folmarum, tertio per Cardinales citatum, et tandem non venientcm, ab administrationc Treverensis Ecclesiae omnino deposuit, oonsecrationem tamen pontificalem non ademit ; — omnes quos ille ligaverat absolvit, quos ille dcposuerat in pristinura honorem restituit; — tandem Ecclesiae Treverensi in eodem scripto liberam electionem antistitem eligendi concessit. Thereupon .John, the Emperor's chan- cellor, was appointed. 1'' For what follows comp. Schlosser III. i, 514. Raumer iii. 8. ifi Jager's Geseh. Kaiser Ileinrichs vi., s. 71, ff, Ilaumer iii. 40. Richard was taken prisoner at Vienna, by Leopold, Duke of Austria, on his way back from the crusade, 2L Dec. 1192, and handed over to the Emperor Henry. The Pope also was injured Ijy this, comp. § 48, note 10, § 51, note 14. Thence the urgent letters of Eleauor, Richard's mother, to the Pope, see Petri Blaesensis (the King's vice-chancellor), epist. 144, 145 and 14G, in Baronius ann. 1193 no. 2 ss. For instance in the first : Videte statvnn, ant potius casum Regni, malitiam tem- poris, Tyranni sacvitiam, qui de fornace avaritiae anna iniquitatis incessanter fabrieat contra Regem, quern in sand a peregrinatioiie, in protectione Dei cadi, et tuitione Romanae Ecclesiae captum, et vinculis carceralibus coarctatum tenet, occiditque terrendo. — Si Ecclesia Ro- raana coraplosis manibus ad tantas injurias Christi silet : exurgat Deus, et judicet causara nostram, respiciat in faciem christi sui ! Ubi est zelus Eliae in Achab ? zelus Joannis in Herodem ? zelus Ambrosii in Valentem? zelus Alexandri III., qui — pati-ejn istius Principis Fridc- ricum plena auctorltate apostolicae sedis solemniter ct torribiliter a fidelium communioae praecidit '? Porro Tyrannus apostolicas claves habet ludibrio, nee nisi verba reputat legem Dei. Sed tanto constantius deberetis arripere gladium Spiritus, quod est verbum Dei. — lllud vero publico contristat Ecclcsiam populisque murmur excitat, nee mcdio- critcr militat in dispcndium vestrac opinionis, quod in tanto discrimine, in tot lacriinis, in tot proviiiciarum supplicationibus, nee unum Nuncium ad Principes illos a vestro latere destinastis. Sacjje pro causis medio- cribus vcstri Cardinales in magna potcstate etiam ad partes barbaras legatione fungunlur : in causa vero tarn ardua, tam lamentabili, tarn communi, ncc tmuiii adhue Subdiaconum aiit Aeobitlnim destinastis. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 54. INNOCENT III. 75 pursued in Italy.^^ His plans for the alteration of the constitu- tion of the German Empire,^^ and his designs upon the Greek Empire,^^ raised expectations yet more ; but suddenly the posture of affairs was changed, when Henry died {2S. September 1197) and left behind him a son Frederick, only three years of age ; while Innocent HI., one of the greatest of the Popes, mounted the Roman throne. § 54. INNOCENT III. (8. JAN. 1198— 1(3. JUL. 1216.) Sources: Epistolarum Innoc. III. lib. xix. (onebookfor every j^ear). — Libb. i. ii. V. X. — xvi. ill Epistolarum Innoc. III. libb. undecini ed St Baluzius. Paris, 1682, T. ii. fol. — Libb. iii. v. — x. in Diplomata, chartae, epLstolae et alia Legates "enim hodie facit quaestus, non respectus Christi, noii honor Ecclesiae, non Regnorum pax, aut populi salus. Quis quaestus vobis aut proventus gloriosior posset esse, quam in hac liberatione Regis summi Pontificis apicem, sive sacerdotivmi Aaron et Phinees exaltare? Sane non multum humiliasses sedis apostolicae dignitatem, si in propria persona ad tanti liberationem Principis in Gennaniaui descendisses etc. The Pope, however, did not bestir himself, until Richard, on recovering his freedom, complained to him of his ransom. Matth. Paris ann, 1195 p. 177 : posttrinam admonitionem, quam Dux (Austriae) exaudire recusavit, surgens cum suis Cardinalibus, ipsum Ducem nominatim excommunicavit, et in genere omnes, qui in Regem et suos manus injecerant violentas. He did not then venture to mention the Emperor by name. (According to Baronius 1195 no. 5, and Raumer iii. 55, comp. Schriickh xxvi. 247.) Not till after his death was this excom- munication applied to him, Gualvanei Flammae manip. florum c, 227 (in Muratori scr. rer. It. xi. 659 and Rogerus de Hoveden (rer. Anglic, scriptt. post Bedara. Francof. 1601, p. 773.) ^^ Registrum Innocentii III. de negotio Imperii epist. 29 : Noluit Ecclesiae de regno Siclliae fidelitatem et hominium exhibere. — Publics proponi fecit edictum, ut nuUus vel clericus vel laicvis ad Ecclesiam Romanam accederet, nee ad eam aliquis appellaret. Narratio de cano- nisat. s. Bernwardi c. 9. (in Leibnitii scriptt. rer. Brunsv. i. 474) ; in the year 1193, the Hildesheim ambassadors found in Milan per totam Italiam Imperatoris edictum pendere, ut quicunque reperti fuissent, qui cujuslibet causae obtentu Romanam adire praesumerent Ecclesiam contumeliis afPecti rebusque nudati, aut vinculis arctari deberent, aut ad propria redire compelli. — Gesta Innoc. III. cap. 8 : Henricus Imp. occupaverat totum regnum Siciliae totumque patrimonium Ecclesiae usque ad portas Urbis, praeter solam Campaniam, in qua tamen plus timebatur ipse quam Papa. ^^ Raumer iii. 61. Ilurtcr's Innocent III., i. 66. ^9 Jager's Henry VI. s. 99 ff. Raumer iii. 70. 7G THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. documenta, ad res Francicas spectantia edd. Feudrix de Brequigny et la Porte du Theil. Parties ii. T. i. et ii., Paris 1791 fol.— Lib. iv. xvii.— xix. seem to have been lost. Beside these : EegistriTin Innoc. III. super negotio Rom. Imperii in Baliiz. 1. c. i. 687. Gesta Innocentii III. (by an unknown contemporary ed. Baluz. 1. c. i. 1. Murator. rer. Ital. scriptt. iii., i. 486. Better and more fully by Brequigny et du Theil 1. c. i. 1.) — Richardi de S. Gei-mano Notarii chronicon rerum per orbem gestarum ab anno 1189 — 1243 (in Muratori 1. c. vii. 963.) F. Hurter's Gesch. Papst Innocenz III. u. s. Zeitgenossen, Hamburg, 4 Bde. 1834 — 42. The over estimation of the Papal rank/ the subordination of the secular to the spiritual power, and the low estimation of the ^ Gerhohus (Provost in Reicliersperg, f 1169) de corrupto Ecclesiae statu ad Eugen. III. Papam c. 67 (in Baluzii miscellan. lib. v. p. 129, in Gallandius xiv. p. 566) congratulates himself that matters were come to such a point, ut stratoris quoque ofificium Pontifici Romano a Regibus et Imperatoribus exhibendum sit. — Haec nimirum spectacula, nunc Regibus pavtira ablatis, partim diminuto eorum regno humilitatis, et exaltato sacerdotio, delectant spectatorem benivokim, torquent invidum. Qui ut amplius crucietur, et pius ocuhis magis jocundetur, forsi- tan, sicut anteprimum Christi adventum Regibus ablatis duces principati sunt usque ad ipsum, sic ante secundum ejus adventum, per lapidem sine manibus abscissum de monte aurea statua regnorum tota contrita (Dan. ii. 34), in quantum regno divino invenitur contraria, succedct in saeculari dignitate minoris nominis potestas, diminutis Regnis magnis in Tetrarchias, aut minores etiam particulas, ne premere valeant Ecclesias vel eeclesiasticas personas patrocinio magni Sacerdotis prae- sidis sedis apostolicae coronaf i et super omnia Regna exaltati defensas, et privilegiis apostolici principatus communitas. More intelligibly, Otto Prising, chron. lib. vii. pi'olog. Non desunt tamen, qui dicant, Deum ad hoc Regnum imminui voluisse, ut Ecclesiam exaltaret. Regni quippe viribus ac beneficentia Regum exaltatamet ditatam nemo ainbigit Ecclesiam : constatque non pi'ius eam in tantum Regnum humiliai-e potuisse, quam ipso ob amorem sacerdotii eviscerato, ac viribus exhausto. Non ejus tantum, i. e. spiritali, sed suo proprio, materiali scilicet, gladio percussum destruetur : quod judicare vel discutere supra nostras vires est. Videntur tamen culpandi sacerdotes per omnia, qui Regnum suo gladio, quem ipsi ex Regum habent gratia, ferire conantur etc. In illustration of the relationship between the secular and spiritual power, the two images were commonl}^ used of the two lights (see Gregor. vii. ep. ad Guilelm. R. § 47, note 2, carried out by Innocent III., see below note 5), and of the two swords (according to Luc. xxii. 38 : Ecce gludii duo hie. At ille dixit eis : satis est. So Bernard, de considerat. iv. c. 3 : Uterque ergo Ecclesiae, et spiritalis scilicet gladius et materialis ; sed is quidem pro Ecclesia, ille vero et ab Ecclesia exerendus : ille sacerdotis, is militis manu, sed sane ad nutum sacerdotis, et jussum Imperatoris.) 1 CH. I.— PAPACY 1.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 54. INNOCENT III. ^^77 former compared with the latter,^ were so deeply rooted from the time of Gregory VII., although some few men maintained juster views.^ And on the other hand, the notion of the Emperor s universal monarchy/ once more ^dndicated by the Roman jiu'ists, 2 See § 47 note 2. Joannis Sarisbericnsis (7 1182) Policraticus 1. iv., c. 3 : Gladium dc iiianu Ecclesiae accipit Princeps, cum ipsa tanien gladiuni sanguinis omniuo non habeat. liabet taraen et istuui, sed eo utitur per Principis manum, cui coercendorum covporum contulit potes- tatem, spiritualium sibi in Pontificibus auctoritate reservata. Est ergo Princeps sacordotii quidem minister, et qui sacrorum officlorum illam partem exercet, quae sacerdotii manibus videtur indigna. Sacrarum namque legum onine otticium religiosum et pium est, illud tamen inferius, quod in pocnis criniinuni exercetur, et quandam carnificii repraesentare videtur imaginem. — ^lajor est qui benedicit, quam qui benedicitur. — Porro de ratiouc juris, ejus est nolle, cujus est velle, et ejus est auferre, qui de jure conferre potest. Nonne Samuel in Saulcm ex causa inobedientiae depositionis sententiam tulit, et ei in regni apicem humilem filium Isai subrogavit ? viii. 18 : Patet non in solis Priucipibus esse tyrannidem, sed omnes esse tyrannos, qui conecssa desuper potestate in subditis abutuntur. — Semper tyranno licuit adulari, licuit eum decipere, et honestum fuit occidere, si tamen aliter coerceri non poterat. Non enim deprivatis lyrannis agitur, sedde liis, qui rem- publicam premunt. Nam privati legibus publicis, quae constringunt hominum vitas, facile coercentur. In sacerdotem tamen, etsi tyrannum induat, propter reverentiam sacramenti gladium materialem exercere non licet, nisi forte, cum exauctoi-atus fuerit, in Ecclesiam Dei cruen- tam manum extendat (cf. iii. 15.) ^ Hugo Floriacensis (about 1120) tract, de regia potestate et sacerdotali dignitate (Caluzii miscell. iv. 9), against the mistake qui longe lateque dlft'unditur, — error inquam illoruin, qui — ordinem a Deo dispositum evertunt. — Putant enim, quod tcrreni regni dispositio non a Deo, sed ab liominibus sit ordinata sive disposita. Et ideo sacerdotalem dignitatem majestati regiac praeferunt, cum ei subesse ordine, non dignitate, debeat. And cap. 1 : Scio quosdam nostris temporibus, qui Reges auturaant non a Deo, sed ah his habu/'sse prinapium^ qxii Deum tgnorantes, superhia^ rapinis, perfidta, Iiomicidns, et postremo universis paene sceleribus, nmncli principe diabolo agitante supra pares homines dominari caeca cuplditate et inenarrabili affectaveriint j^raesumtione vel temeritate. (The words of Gregory VII., see above § 47, not. 2.) Quorum sententia quam sit frivola, liquet apostolico documento, qui ait : Non est potestas nisi a Deo etc. (Kom. xiii. 1.) * According to Dig. lib. xiv. tit. 2. 1. 9 : Ego quidem mundi dominus. See above § 52, not. 11. Simonde de Sismondi hist, des republiques italiennes du moyen age iv. 290. Kaumer v. 62. Compare the Glossa ordiuaria (compiled by Accursius, doctor of law in Bologna about the year 1220) ad authentic, coll. i. tit. 6. praef. Ergo apparet, quod neque Papa in temporalibus, nee Imperator in spiritualibus se 78 . THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305, particularly since the time of Frederick I., remained so entirely a mere theoiy of the schools, that such a Pope as Innocent IH., favoured by circumstances, could broach without concealment, the idea which was already sufficiently wide-spread, of a Theocracy embracing the whole world, in which the Pope was placed to rule as the vicar of God,^ and in the disputes of debeant immiscere. Non habet ergo Papa temporalem jurisdictionem in lis, quae sunt Imperii, quod Constantinus Imperator donavit b. Silvestro Papae ? Videtur quod sic, licet inimensa fuerit donatio ; — praeterea quod vult Princeps, lioc est lex ; — item sicut patrimonialia, itaimperialia donarc potest, cum nulla sit ditYerentia. — Econtra videtur quod non : quia tunc non essct Augustus dictus, ut in rubrica prooemii Institt. Item imperare non potuit pari, i, e. venienti post sc. — Item ne turbetur opus Dei, si clerlci intromittant se in temporalibus ; — item ne unus duovum officium habeat. — Sed licet solutio facti ad nos non pertineat, solvimus, quod de jure non valuit talis collatio sive donatio : — quia auxit bonorera Ecclesiae, quantum in eo fuit, Constantinus vel in aliis, non autem in jurisdictione : quia sic posset totum Imperium perire, ut dictum est. Also tbe representation by Godfrey of Viterbo, chaplain and notary to Conrad III., Frederick I., and Henry VI. (-j- after 1192), of the later origin of tbe Papal power (see vol. i.,part 2, § 117, note 33), agrees well with this opinion. ^ Innocentii III, lib. i. ep. 335 : Rom, Pontifex non puri hominis, sed veri Dei vicem gerit in tcrris. Lib. i. ep, 326 : Non hominis puri sed veri Dei vere vicarius appellatur. Lib. ii. ep. 209, ad Patriarch. Const. Dominus Petro non solum universam Ecclesiam, sed totum reliquit saeculum gubernandum. — Lib. xvi. ep. 131, ad Joannem Anglorura R. (from the original in Rymer's foedera etc. Regum Angliae, aucta ab A. Clarke et E. Holbrooke I., i. 119) : Rex Regum et Dominus dominantium .Jesus Christus — ita regnum et sacerdotium in Ecclesia stabilivit, ut sacerdotale sit regnum, et sacerdotium sit regale, sicut in epistola Petrus, et INIoyses in lege testantur, unum praef iiens universis, quem suum in terris vicarium ordinavit ; ut sicut ci flectitur omne genu caelestium, terrestrium, et ctiam infernorum, ita illi omnes obediant et intendant, ut sit unum ovile et unus pastor. Ilunc itaque Reges sacculi propter Deum adeo venerantur, ut non reputent se rite regnare, nisi studeant ci devote serviro. On the pre- eminence of the sacerdotal over the royal rank registr. de ncgotio Imp. ep. 18. Responsio Papae facta nimciis rhilippi in consistorio : E. G. Principibus datur potcstas in tcrris, sacerdotibus autem potestas tri- buitur ct in caclis : illis solummodo super corpora, istis etiam super animas. Unde quanto dignior est anima oorpore, tanto dignius est etiam sacerdotium, quam sit regnum. Petro legitur vas ostensum quafuor initiis submissumdc caelo, in quo contincbantiu- omnia animantia volatilia, quadrupedia ct reptilia, munda parltcr et immunda ; et dictum est cl : macta et mandnca (Act x, 1 3), macta vitia, rt inanduca virtutes ; macta orrorera, et manduca fidem ; quasi evellas et destruas, acdificcs CHAP. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 54. INNOCENT. III. 79 princes, as well as all other difficult state causes, to decide as supreme judge.^ et plantes. Quia singuli Proceres singulas habent provincias, et singuli Reges singula Regna ; sed Petrus, sicut plenitudine, sic et latitudine, praeeminet univ^ersis, quia Vicarius est illius, cujus est terra et plenitude ejus, orbis terraruni et universi, qui habitant in eo. Porro sicut sacerdotium dignitate praecellit, sic et antiquitate praecedit. Utrumque tara regnuixi quam sacerdotium institutum fuit in populo Dei ; sed sacerdotium per oi-dinationera divinani, regnum autem per extorsionem humanam etc. — Lib, i. op. 401. ad Acerbum : Sicut universitatis conditor Deus duu magna luminaria in firmamento caeli coustituit, luminare raajus, ut praeesset dici, et luminare minus, ut nocti praeesset ; sic ad firmamentum universalis Ecclesiae, quae caeli nomine nuncu- patur, duas magnas instituit dignitates, majorem, quae, quasi diebus, animabus praeesset, et minorem, quae, quasi noctibus, praeesset corpo- ribus : quae sunt pontificalis auctoritas, et i*egalis potestas. Porro sicut luna lumen suum a sole sortitur, quae re vera minor est illo quantitate simul et qualitate, situ pariter et effectu ; sic regalis potestas ab auctoritate pontificali suae sortitur dignitatis splendorem etc. In his epistle to the Emperor of Constantinople (in the Gestis Innoc. III. c. 63. and Deer, Greg, lib, i. tit, 33, c. G), he sets aside the claim which the Emperor rested on, 1 Peter ii, 13, 14 : Suhditl estate omni humanae creaturae propter Deum^ sive Regl tamquam praecellenti^ sive ducibus tamquam ah eo missis ad vindictam malefactorum , laudem vero bonorum chiefly with this argument, that the apostle wrote this subditis suis, with no reference to priests, Praeterea nosse debueras, quod fecit Deus duo magna luminaria in firmamento caeli. — i. e. duas instituit dignitates, quae sunt pontificalis auctoritas et regalis potestas. Sed ilia, quae praeest diebus, i. e, spiritualibus, major est ; quae vero carnalibus, minor est, ut, quanta est inter solem et lunam, tanta inter Pontifices et Reges differentia cognoscatur. With this may be compared the com- mentators of the 13th century, who built on this theory. The Gloss to the last passage is : Cum terra sit septies major luna, sol autem octies major terra : restat ergo, ut pontificatus dignitas quadragies septies sit major regali dignitate. Laurentius, however, thus adjusts this : Papam esse millies septingenties quadragies quater Imperatore et Regibus sublimiorem. Glossa ad deer. Greg, lib, i., tit. 7. c, 1 : in hoc differt a Papatu Imperium, quia Imperator habet suam jurisdictionem a populo, — sed Romana Ecclesia voce Domini tantum praelata est. Glossa ad dist. xl. c, 6 : pro quo peccato potest Imperator deponi? pro quolibet : unde deponitur, si est incorrigibilis, si est minus utilis, ut Causa XV. qu, 6, c, 3. *^ Thus before now Gerhohus de corrupto Eccl. statu in Baluz. miscell. lib. V. p. 117 (comp. above note 1): Denique in omni militum vel civium guen-a et discordia vel pars altera justa, et altera injusta, vel utraque invenitur injusta. Cujus rei veritatem patefacere debet sacer- dotalis doctrina, sine cujus censura nulla bella sunt movenda. Sic ergo manifestata justitia pars justa sacerdotalibus tubis animanda, et etiam 80 TUIRD I'ERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. D. 1073—1305. In order to secure Sicily tor her son, the Empress Constautia, coramunione dominici corporis ante belluni et ad belhim roboranda est : — cui pars initiua resistens, et pacto justae pacis acquiescerc nolens, anathematizunda, et etiani negata sibi sepultiira cbristiana buniillanda Cot etc. In Hkc manner Innocent III. expressed himself thus to the French prelates, in justification of his interference to promote peacfe between the kings of France and England. (Decretal. Gregor, II., i. 13, with the rubrlca : Index ecclcsiasticus potest per viam denuncia- t'ionis evangellcae procedere contra quemlibet peccatorem) : Cum Dominus dicat in Evangelio : si peccaverit in te f rater tuus, i:ade et corripe eum inter te et ipsum solum. — Quod si non audierit, die Ecclesiae : si autem Ecclesiam non audierit, sit tibi sicut ethnicus et publicanus (Matth. xviii. 15 — 17) : et Rex Angliae sit paratus suthcienter osteudere, quod Kex Francorum peccat in ipsum, et ipse circa cum in con-eptione processit secundum regulam evangelicam, et tandem, quia uullo modo profecit, dixit Ecclesiae : quomodo nos, qui sumus ad regimen universalis Ecclesiae superna dispositionc vocati, maudatum divinum possumus non exaudire, ut rion procedamus secundum formam ipsius, nisi forsitan ipse coram nobis vel legato nostro sufticientein in contrarium rationera o.-.tendat? Non enirn intendimus jwlicare de feudo^ — sed dccernere de peccato, ciijus ad nos pertinetsine dubitatione censura, quam in quemlibet exercere possutnus et debemus. In support of this he appeals to the words of the Emperor Valentinian, hist, tripart. vii. 8, and the Lex Coustantini, part I., § 9, note 12, which however he sets down to Theodosius, and then proceeds : Cum enim non huraanae constitutioni, sed divinae legi potius innitamur ; quia potestas nostra non est ex homine, sed ex Deo : nullus, qui sit sanae mentis, ignorat, quin ad officium nostrum spectet, de quocunque mortali peccato corripere quem- libet Christianuin, et si co7'rectionem contempserit, ipsum per districtionem ecclesiasticam coercere. Innoc. III. lib, v. ep. 128. (Deer. Greg. IV. xvii. 13) : non solum in Ecclesiae patrimonio, — verum etiam in aliis regionibus, certis causis inspectis, temporalem jurisdictionem casualiter exercemus : — quia sicut in Deuteronomio (xvii. 8 — 12) continetur : si difficile et ambiguum apudte judicium esse perspexeris, — surge et ascende ad locum, quern elegerit Dominus Deus tuus, veniensque ad sacerdotes levitici generis, et ad judicem qui fuerit ilia tempore — qui indica- bunt tibi judicii veritatem : et fades, quaecumque dixerint : — qui autem superbierit, nolens obedire sacerdotis imperio, — morietur. Sane cum Deuteronomium secunda lex interpretetur, ex vi vocabuli coinprobatur, ut, quod ibi decernitur, in novo testamento debeat observari. Locum enim, quem elegit Dominus, apostolica sedes esse cognoscitur. — Sunt autem sacerdotes levitici generis fratres nostri : — is vero super eos sacerdos sive judex existit, cui Dominus inquit in Petro : quodcunque ligaveris supa- terrain etc., ejus vicarius, qui est sacerdos in ai'ternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech. — Tria quippc distinguit judicia : — in quibus cum aliquid fuerit difHcile vel anibigumn, ad judicium, est sedis aj)Ostolicae recurrendum, cujus sententiam qui superbiens contcnq)serit observare, mori praecipitur, i. e. per excom- muuicatiouis sententiam, velut mortuus, a conmiunionc fidelium separari. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POUT. DEVELOP. § 54. INNOCENT III. 81 pressed hard by parties, was obliged to accept the Papal invest- ment under new conditions prescribed by the Pontiff.^ After Constantia's death (27. Nov. 1198) Innocent ruled over all Sicily in the character of guardian.^ Still further the disputed imperial election, by which Germany was divided between Philip, Duke of Swabia, and Otto, Duke of Saxony, encouraged the Pope to a larger extension of his power. Immediately after his accession, Innocent had already taken the oath of fealty to the Imperial Praefectus urbis :^ now he dislodged the vassals of the Empire from the territory of Matilda,^*^ and established in Tuscany a civic- league. After he had thus consolidated his power in Italy he commenced an energetic interference in German politics :^^ for he forthwith claimed the right to decide on a disputed Imperial election.^^ As he must naturally have been more inclined to the Guelph than the Hohenstaufen candidate,^^ so maintaining his ^ Constantia was foi-ced to give up the privilegiixra concesslonisi, indultum prirao ab Adriano, et renovatum postmodum a Clemente, super iv. capitulis, videlicet electionibus, legationibu.s, appellationibus et Conciliis (Gesta Innoc. III. c. 21,) and besides to promise an annual censum, DC. squifatorum de Apulia et Calabria, CCCC. vero de Marsia, vel aequivalens in auro vel argento (Innoc. lib. i. ep. 410, ad Constanciam.) ^ Planck iv. 1, 452. Scblosser III. ii. 1, 1. Rauiner iii. 85. Hurter i. 133, 233, 324. ^ Gesta c. 8. For the oath see Innoc. lib. i. ep. 577. Hurter i. 115. 1** Hurter i, 119, 226. Thus, as he took possession of the March of Ancoua, the Dukedom of Spoleto, the Earldom of Agrisi, the Marqui- sates of Tuscany, Radicofana, Aquapendente, Montefiascone, and the rest, he became the founder of the present states of the Church. Up to his time the Popes had only held the grant of Pepin, and the small patrimony of S. Peter in the environs of Rome. " Scblosser iii. 1, 533. Raumer iii. 102. Hurter i. 136, 250,334, 383, 435, 495, 584, 681, ii. 2, 46, 89. ^"^ As to the letters which reached him from both parties (regist. super negot. imp. ep. 3 ss.) he declared (ib. ep. 18, Responsio dom. Papae facta nunciis Philippi in ConsistorioJ : Verum ad apostolicam sedem jampridem fuerat recurrrendum, ad quam negotium istud prinei- paliter et finaliter dinoscitur pertinere : prircipaliter, quia ipsa transtulit imperium ab oriente in occidentem ; finaliicr, quia ipsa concedit coronam imperii. '^ Compai'e the remarkable deliberatio dom. Papae Innoc. super facto Impei'ii de tribus electis (Registr. Imp. ep. 29), probahly this was the instruction for the Legates appointed to Germany. Against Philip F 82 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. pretensions he actually decided (1201) in favour of Otto IV.^"* However he was resisted with great energy by Philip's party, ^* it i.s especially alleged, tliat he was a persecutor, and born of a race of persecutors. Thercfoi-e personam Philippi propter impedimenta patentia penitus reprobaraus, et obsistendum ei dicinius, ne imperium valeat usurpare. Dc caetero vero agendum per Legatum nostrum apud Principes, ut vel conveniant in personam idoneam, vel se judicio aut arbitrio nostro committant. '* Registr. Imp. ep. 33. — personam Philippi, tanquam indignam quoad Imperium, praesertira hoc tempore, obtinendum, penitus repro- bamus, et jurameiita, quae ratione regni sunt ei praestita, docernimus, nou servanda. — Cum autem carissimus in Christo filius nosier Otto vir sit industrius, providus ct discretus, fortis et constans, et per se devolus existat Ecclesiae, ac descendat ex utraquc parte de genere devotorum, — nos auctoritate b. Petri et nostra (um in Regem recepimus, et regalem ei praccepimus honorificentiam exhiberi. ipsumque ad coronam Imperii, sicut decet, vocare curabimus etc. Tbereupon Otto took the oath in Neuss on the 8th of June 1201. (Registr, Imp. ep. 77) : — juro, quod omnes possessiones, honores et jura Romanae Ecclesiae pro posse meo bona tide protcgam et servabo. Possessiones autem, quas Ecclesia Rom. recuperavit, liberas et quietas sibi dimittam, et ipsam ad eas retinendas bona fide juvabo : quas autem nondum recuperavit, adjutor ero ad recuperandum. — Ad has portinet tota terra, quae est a Radicofauo usque Ceperanum, cxarchatus Ravennae, Pentapolis, Marcbia, (hicatus Spoletanus, terra comitissac Mathildis, comitatus Brittenorii (of Count JJertinoro see Ilurter i. 122 s.) cum aliis adjacen- tibus terris expressis in multi.s })rivilegiis Lnperatorum a tempore Lodoici. — Adjutor etiam ero ad retinendum ct defendendum Ecclesiae Romanae regnum Siciliae. Tibi etiam Domino moo Innocentio P. et successoribus tuis omnem obedientiam et honorificentiam exhibebo, quam devoti et catboHci Imperatores consueverunt sedi apostolicae exhibere. — Similiter etiam consilio tuo et mandate parebo de pace vel Concordia facienda inter me et Philippum Rogem Francorum. '^ Litcrae Princii)um faventium parti Pliilipi)i (in Registr, Imp, ep. 61) : Tliey arraign the Papal I^cgatc as though he had taken this step arbitrarily. Quis enim huic similem audivit audaciam ? — Ubinam legistis, 0 summi Potifices, ubinam audistis, sancti Patrcs, totius Ecclesiae Cardinalcs, antecessores vestros vel eorum niissos Romanorum Regum se electionibus immiscuisse, sic ut vel electorum ])ersonam gererent, vel ut cognitores eleciionis vires trutinarent ? Respondendi instantiam vos credimus non habere. In Romanorum onim electione Pontificum hoc erat impcriali diademati reservatum, ut cam Romanorum Imperatorum auctoritate non accommodata ullatenus fieri non liceret. lm])erialis vero munificentia, quae cullum Del semi)er ampliare studuit, et ejus Ecclesiam privilegiorum spocialitate decorare curavit, hunc honoris litulum Dei Ecclesiae reverenter remisit, quod constitutio primi Henrici evidcnter explanat (conq)are above, part 1, § 22, notc31)cujus series haec est : nt nuUus inissorum nostrorum cujuscunque impedittoms arqumentum in electume Itomani Pontifcis compunere nudrat, omnino CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 54. INNOCENT III. §3 and the flame of discord only burnt so much the brighter in Germany. As Philip continued to gain more decisive advantages over his enemy, Innocent began negotiations with him, which seemed fraught with danger to Otto.^*^ Meanwhile Philip was prohibemus. Si laicalis siniplicitas bonum, quod de jure habuit, reve- renter contemsit, sanctitas pontificalis ad bonum, quod nunquam habuit, quomodo manum ponit ? At the end is the intelligence that Philip had been elected by them, and the demand : Unde petimus, ut veniente tempore et loco, sicut vestri officii est, unctionis ipsi beneficium non negetis.^ Innocent's answer ad ducem Zaringiae (ibid. ep. 62) : Illis Pruicijibus jus et pofestatem eligendi Regem, in Imperr.torem po.stmo- dum promovendum, recognoscimus, ut debemus, — praesertim cum ad eos jus et potestas hujusmodi ab apostolica sede pervenerit, quae Romanum Imperiuui in persona magnifici Karoli a Graecis transtuht in Germanos. Sed et Principes recognoscere debent, et utique recognoscunt, quod jus et auctoritas examinandi personam electam in Regem et proiuovendam m Imperium ad nos spectat, qui earn inungimus, consecramus et coro- namus. Est enira regulariter et generaliter observatum, ut ad eum examinatio personae pertineat, ad quem impositio manus spectat. Numquid enim, si principes — sacrilegum quemqunque vel excommuni- catum in Regem, tyrannum vel fatuum, haereticum eligerent aut pagaiuim, nos inungere, consecrare ac coronare hominem hujusmodi deberemus ? Absit omnino. Objectioni ergo Principum rcspondentes asserinms, quod Legatus noster Episcopus Praenestinus nee elect oris gessit personam, — nee cognitoris personam exhibuit,— et sic jus Prin- cipum nullatenus usurpavit, aut venit contra ilhid. Exercuit autem denunciatoris officium ; quia personam Ducis ejusdem denunciavit mdignam, et personam Regis ipsius denunciavit idoneam, quoad impe- rium obtinendum etc. ^^ Philip had conducted these negotiations by means of Martinus Prior Camaldulensis, through whom he caused the following promises to be made to the Pope (Raynaldus 1203, no. 28) : Omnia bona tam Romanae Ecclesiae, quam aliarum Eccleslarura, quae antecessores mei Eeges et Imperatores injuste abstulerunt vel detinuerunt, vel ego abstuli, vel injuste detineo, restituam ;~omnes abusus, quos anteces- sores mei in Ecclesiis habuerunt, utputa mortuis Praelatis bona ipsorum vel^ Ecclesiarum eorum accipiebant, perpetuo relinquam ; electiones Episcoporum, et aliorum Praelatorum canonice fieri perraittemus, omnia spiritualia summo Pontifici relinquentes : monasteria irregulariter viventia — cum adjutorio domini Apostolici regularibus eonventibus — subjiciemus. — Advocates sive patronos Ecclesiarum ab exactionibus, angariis, parangariis, in quantum potero, cessare compellam. Si omni- potens Dominus Regnum Graecorum mihi vel leviro raeo (the Prince Alexius) subdiderit, Ecclesiam Constantinopolitanam Romanae Ecclesiae — faciam fore subjectam. — Generalem legem statuam, et observai-i faciam semper et ubique per totum Imperium, ut quicunque excommu- nicatus fuerit a domino Apostolico, in banno statim sit iraperiali : insuper pro pace et amicitia inter me et dominum Apostolicum semper F 2 84 THIRD i'EKlOD.— DIY. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. mm-dered by Otto of Wittelsbacli in Bamberg (21. June 1208.) Otto IV. was then universally recognized as Emperor, and alter he had satisfied the Pope's demands in all points he was crowaied by him (27. Sept. 1209.)^^ But so soon as Otto had reached this goal of his wishes, lie began again to vindicate the Imperial rights in Italy, and over- throw the Pope's new creations,^^ without suffering himself to Ije servanda — filiam mcam iiepoti ejus in conjugium dabo, et alios vol alias rle cognatione mea secundum voluntatem suani geueri bug copulari faciam. There is another letter from Philip, Registr. Ijnp. ep, 136, comp. chron. Ursperger.se ed. Argcntorat. 1609, p. 236. So Papal delegates appeared in Germany in the year 1207, who absolved Philip from his excommunication (Registr. Imp. ep, 142), and then began to mediate between the two kings, but openly in favour of Philip, cf. Otto de S. Blasio Co 48 : Ottoni a Philippo per Cardinales offertur, ut accepta in uxorem fi'ia ejus cum ducatu Allemanniae aliorumque praediorum suorum reditibus, regie nomine deposito, ipe-i de caetero ut Regi pareret, Pliilippo exhinc sine controversia regnante. Ad haec Otto, quaravis jam dcsperans, indigne ferens aliqua sibi pro regno offerri, se regnum non nisi cum morte depositurum protestatus, Philippo, ut sibi cederet, muto majora obtuiit. 17 Raumer iii. 139. Schlosser III. ii. 1, 351, Hurter ii. 105, US. Otto had been obliged already to take a new oath to the Pope in Speyer on 22d March 1209 (Registr. Imp. ep. 189), in which fresh engage- ments vv-ere added to the old : Ilium igitur abolere volentes abusum, quern interdimi quidam praedecessorum nostrorum exercuisse dicuntur in electionibus Praelatorum, concedimus et sancimus, ut electiones Praelptorum liberc ac canonice fiant, quatenus ille praeficiatur Ecclesiae viduatae, qucm tolum capitulum vel major et sanior pars ipsius duxerit eligendum, dummodo nihil ei obstet de canouicis institutis. Appella- tioncs autem in negotiis et causis ecclesiasticis ad apostolicara sedem libere fiant, earumque prosecutionem sive processum nuUus impedire praesumat. Ilium quoque dimittimus et refutamus abusum, quern in occupandis bonis decedentium Praelatorum aut etiam Ecclesiarum vacantiuin nostri consueverunt antecessores committere \)Y0 motu propriae voluntatis. Omnia vero spiritualia vobis et aliis Ecclesiarum Praclatis relinqnimus libere disponenda, ut quae sunt Caesaris Cacsari, et quae sunt Dei l^eo recta distributione reddantur. Super cradicando autem haereticac pravitaf is crrore auxilium dabimus et operam efificaci'in. The deed is to be found in Schlosser in another place. S. 355 note q;. is the oath of the year 1201 (note 14.) 18 Ilurter ii. 324, 365. Matth. Paris ad ann. 1210: Circa dies istos Otlio Romanorum Imperator, memor sacramenti, quod feccrat, cum a Papa fid Imperium fuerat subliinatus, quod videlicet dignitate.-? Imperii conservaret, et jura dispersa pro possibilitate sua revocaret : fecit per sacramentum legalium hominutn Imperii dominica castella sua, et alia jura ad dignitatem imperialem speclantia pcrquiri, ct qua(.cu!ique CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLiT. DEVELOP. § 5-t, INNOCENT III. ^5 turned from his patli, by the sentence of excommunication and detlironement, which the deluded Innocent pronounced against liim (Nov. 1210.)^^ Now he himself encouraged the canvass of per recognitionem ad jus Imperii spectare didicerat, in usus suos convertere laborabat. Otto thus answered the Pope's remonstrance : Si summus Pontifex Imperii jura injuste possidere desiderat, a sacramento, quod tempore consecrationis meae ad dignitatem imperialem me jurare eompulit, absolvat : quod videlicet dispersa Imperii jura revocarem. (Compare especially the two letters contributed by Gebauer from a certain cod. Rehdiger. (Leben Ilerrn Richards, erwvhlten Rjm. Kaisers. Leipzig 1744, p. 611 ss.) The first from Innocent to Otto thus complains Turbamur non modicum et dolemus, te subito eonversum in arcum perversum, quern fore sedis apostolicae magnificum protectorem. quondam firmissime credebamus, and threatens him with the fate of Nebuchadnezzar, Pharaoh, and the Ilohenstaufen family, as well as with excommunication. Otto answered this (see also in Hahu collectio monumentorum vcterum. Brunsv. 1724, i. 209) : Nam spi- ritualia, quae ad vestrum pertinere officium dinoscuntur, vobis non auferimus, nee habemus propositum auferendi, immo volumus, quod ubicumque maneant illibata, et semper imperiali auctoritate suscipiant incrementum. In temporalibus vero plenam, ut scitis, habemus potes- tatera, de quibus vobis non convenit judicare, quoniam his, a quibus Ecclesiae sacramenta tractantur, judicium sanguinis agitare non licet. Habeatis igitur in spiritualibus libere plenitudinem potestatis, firniiter attendentes, quod temporalia, taraquam Iinpeiv.tor, per totum Imperium intendimus judicare. Compare also the letter of complaint from the Pope to Philip Augustus (ed. de la Porte du Theil in the Notices et extraits des Mss. de la biblioth. du Roi ii. 282) dat. Kal. Februar. anno Pontificatus nostri xiii. (Consequently in I. Feb. 1210, not 1211, as is there stated) : Utinam, fili carissime, mores Othonis, qui dicitur Imperator, et a nobis noti fuissent, sicut a vobis noti fuerant ! quod non essemus ab eo tarn impie circumventi etc. For the grievances of the Pope see note 19. ^'^ On this head Innocentii ep. ad universes Principes Alenianniae (in the Notices 1. c. p. 284) : post diligentes ammonifiones et dilationes frequentes, excommunicavimus et anathematizavimus ipsum, ex parte omnipotentis Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti, auctoritate quorum [leg. quoque beatorum] Petri ac Pauli Apostolorum et Nostra, pro eo, quod beneficiorum nostrorum ingratus, et promissionum suarum oblitus, maligne persequitur praefalum Regem Siciliae, orphanura et pupillum, apostolicae protectioni relictum, nequiter invadendo regnum ipsius, et Romanae Ecclesiae patrimonium, contra sacramenta et scripta sua, et contra jura et mouimenta nostra, cum semper parati fuerinius, et saepe obtulerimus ei, justitiae plenitudinem exhibere coram arbitris commu- niter eligendis. Unde, cum juxta ss. Patrum canonicas sanctiones ei, qui Dei l^leg. DeoJ et Ecclesiae fidem non servat, fides servanda non sit, a communione fidelium separate ; nos ab ipsius fidelitate absolvimus universos, vel potius decrevimus absolutes etc. And now follow the 86 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1U7.S— 1.305. the only survdviiig Holienstaufen. Frederick appeared in Ger- many in 1212, and, upheld as he was by the Pope and the King of France, he quickly won most of all ranks to his side. On the 25. July 1215, he received the German King's-crown at Aix,^** and Otto down to his death (f 1218) had to content himself with his ancestral territories in Brunswick. With like energy Innocent compelled all other princes also, so far as his arm reacht, to recognize the Papal supremac3%^^ Philip Augustus, King of France, was obliged (1201) to take again his divorced wile, Ingebm'gis f~ Alphonso IX., King of Leon, to divorce his wife because of being too near akin ; Peter, King of Aragon, when he got himself crowned at Rome, made his kingdom tributary to the Pope (1204J ;-^ John, Duke of Bpiteful insinuation.s : Caeterum quales et quantos vos liabeat, ex eo potestis perpendcre nianifeste, quod vestro irrequisito consilio tarn gravem et arduain videlicet persecutionem adversus Romanam Eccle- siam et Rcgnum Sieiliae, suae taiitum voluntatis arbitrio, incepit. In qua profecto si possit proficere, et suum propositum adiniplere, ad earn V03 conditionem rediget, ad quam avus et avunculus ejus Barones Angliae redegerunt. In qua cum nutritus fuerit a patruo, consuetudines ejus pro viribus ejus in Imperium subducere attentabit. 2'* Kaumer iii. 171. Schlosser III. ii. 1, 359. Hurler ii. 374, 406, 471. Frederick made the same promises to the Pope in Eger 28. .Tun. 1213, which Otto had before been obliged to make (note 14 and 17) : see the document quoted from the original In Pertz iv. 224. There is another dvad made at Strasburg 1. July 121G (in Pertz iv. 228) : Promittimus. — ut postquam fuerimus Imperii coronam adepti, protinus fihuin llenricum — eraaneipomus a patria potestate, ipsumque Kegnimi Sieiliae — penitus relinquamus ab Ecclesia Komana tenendum, sicut nos illud ab ipsa sola tenemus ; ita quod ex tunc nee habebimus nee nominabimus nos Regem Sieiliae ; — ne forte pro eo, quod nos dignatione divina sumus ad imperii fastigium evocati, aliquid unionis Regnum ad Imperium quovis tempore putaretur habere etc, ^' Raumer iii. 250. 2- Sources : Innocent lib. iii. ep. 1 1 — 18. Rigordus de gestis Phil. Aug. in IJuchcsne v. 36. Rogerus de Ifoveden ad ann. 1201. Works : 1). Blond. -llus de fornmlac Ixcgnante Cliristo in vett. monum. usu p. 320. Philij))) .Vugust K. v. Fr.inkr. u. Ingcborg l^rinzessin v. Dane- mark, by J. Schulz, Kiel 1804. 8. Ilistoirc de Philippe-Auguste par M. Capefiguo ii. 144, 191. Ilurter i. 166, 346, 402, ii. 477. 2'* In order to made his crown independent of his powerful vassals and of the claims of the King of Castile for su]»remacy. E. A. Schmidt's Gesch. Aragonicns im Mittelalter s. 132. Ilurter i' 598. Aschbach's Gescli, Spanicns u. Portugals zur Zeit dor Almoraviden u. Ahnohaden ii. 136. 320. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 54. INNOCENT IIL 87 Bulgaria, obtained from him the kingly crown. But John, King of Enghmd, who by cowardice and capriciousness had long ago made himself contemptible and odious to his subjects, was forced to humble himself to the lowest pitch of degradation before him.^* A disputed election furnished Innocent with an opportunity of thrusting forward the Cardinal Stephen Langton into the Archbishopric of Canterbury against the King's will (1207.) Wlien John resisted with anger, the Pope laid England under an interdict (1208) ; and afterwards excommunicated the King (1209) ; whilst he sought by reckless cruelty to avenge himself on the clergy, and by severe oppression to make sure of his vassals. At last Innocent deposed him from his kmgdom, and handed it over to the King of France (1212.)'" But while he was arming himself for the conquest, John, unable to trust his vassals, yielded in all points, and even received his kingdom in fee from the Pope (1213) under circumstances of the greatest humiliation.^^ Now ^'* In tbe following history the principal source is Matthaei Paris historia major ad ann. 1205 ss. ed. Lond. 1640 p. 212 ss. The Documents in Rymeri Foedera ct acta publica Reguui Angliae, aucta et eraendata ab A. Clarke et F. Holbrooke I. i. Comp. Planck IV. i. 486. Schlosser III. ii. ii. 241. Hurter ii. 54, 123, 191. -'" Matthew Paris p, 232 : Papa — sententialiter definivit, ut Rex Anglorimi Johannes a solio Regni deponeretur, et alius Papa procurante succederet, qui dignior haberetur. Ad hujus quoque sententiae execu- tionem scripsit dominus Papa potentissimo Regi Francorum Philippo, quatenus [in] remissionem omnium suorum peccaminum hunc laborem assumerit, et Rege Anglovum a solio Regni expulso ipse et successores sui Regnum Angliae jure perpetuo possiderent. Scripsit insuper omnibus magnatibus,militibus,aliisque bcllatoribus perdiversas nationes constitutis, ut ad Regis Anglorum dejectionera sese cruce signarent, Regemque Francorum in hac expeditioue ducem sequentes, vindicare injuriam universalis Ecclesiae laborarent. Statuit praeterea, ut qui- cunque ad expugnandum Regem ilium contumacem opus impenderint vel auxilium, sicut illi qui sepulchrum Domini visitant, tam in rebus quam in personis et animarum suffragiis in pace Ecclesiae securi perinaneant. Hurter ii. 429, 479. 26 The deed of King John, together with the oath of fealty, 15. May 1213, are in Rymer ed. Clarke et Holbrooke i. 1, HI, both were reissued on the third of October in this year, ibid. p. 115. Johannes Dei gratia Rex Angliae etc.— Omnibus Christi fidelibus — salutem. Ilniversitati vestrae per banc chartam nostram siglllo nostro munitam volumus esse notum, quia, cum Denm et matrem nostram s, Ecclesiam otfenderimus in multis, et proinde divina misericordia plurimum indi- 88 , THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.l). 1073-1305. was England yielded up to the discretion of an arbitraiy Pope and a contemptible King: this united the Prelates" and the Barons to wrest Magna Charta from the King (15. June gore noscamur, nee qnid digne offerre possimus, pro satisfactione Deo et Ecclesiae debita facienda, nisi nos ipsos et Rcgna nostra humiUcnius : volentes nos ipsos humiliare pro illo, qui se pro nobis buiniliavit usque ad mortem, gratia s. Spiritus inspirante, non vi inducti nee timore coacti, sed nostra bona spontaneaque voluntate, ac communi consilio Baronum nostrorum, offerimus et libere concedimus Deo, et ss. Apos- tolis ejus Petro et Paulo, et s. Romanae Ecclesiae matri nostrae, ac domino noslro Papae Innocentio ejusque catholicis successoribus totum Regnum Angliae et totum Jiegnum Hiberniae cum omui jure et per- tinentiis suis, pro remissione peccatorum nostrorum et totius generis nostri, tarn pro vivis quam defunctis : et amodo iila a Deo et Ecclesia Romana tanquam feodatarius recipientes et tencntes, in praesentia prudentis viri Pandulphi, domini Papae Subdiaconi et famiharis, fidelitatem exinde praedicto domino nostro Papae Innocentio, ejusque catholicis successoribus, et Ecclesiae Ronianae secundum subscriptam fonnam facimus et juramus, et homagium ligium in praesentia dom. Papae, si coram eo esse poteriums, eidem faciemus ; successores et haeredes nostros de uxore nostra in perpetuum obligantes, ut simili niodo summo Pontifici, qui pro tempore fuerit, et Ecclesiae Romanae, sine contradictione debeant fidelitatem praestare et homagium recog- noscerc. Ad indicium autem bujus perpetuae nostrae obligationis et concessionis volumus et stabilimus, ut de propriis et specialibus reditibus praedictorum Regnorum nostroi-um, pro onmi scrvitio et con- suetudine, quod pro ipsis facere deberemus, salvo per onmia denario b. Petri, Ecclesia Romana mille marcas sterlingorum percipiat annuatim etc. '^'^ The Pope charged his Legate in England dd. 1. Nov. 1213, Nicho- las, Bishop of Tusculum (Innoc. lib. xvi. ep, 138, and in Matthaeus Pans p. 247), quatenus Episcopatus et Abbatias Angliae nunc vacantes facias cum tuo consilio de pcrsonis idoneis per elcftionem A-el postula- tionera canonicam ordinari. It was to be proposed to the chapters, ut tuo consilio adquicsoant. — Si qui vero contradictores fucrint vel rebellcs, tu cos per censuram oeclesiasticam, appellatione remota, com- pescas. Thereupon Matthew Paris ndates 1. c. Legatns— factus de rege tyrannus, spreto Archiepiscopi et Episcoporum Regui consilio cum clcricis Regis et ministris ad vacantes acccdens Ecclesias, ordinationes earum, secundum antiquum Anjzliae abusum, de personis minus idoneis celebraro pracsumsit. — Parochiales insuper Ecclesiae in locis divcrsis vacantes clericis suis distribuit, patronorum consensu minime requisite. The English prelates appealed to the Pope, but they effected nothing. Meantime the King was forced to ]»romise on the 15. Jan. 1215 in another document in Rymer-Clarke I. i. 120, ut de caetero in univcrsis et singulis Ecclesiis et Monasteriis— totius Regni nostri Angliae liber.-e sint in perpetuum electiones quorumcunque Praelatorum majorum ot minor nm, salva nobis ct haeredibus nosfris custodia Ecclesiarum et CH. I.— rAPACY I.— I'OLIT. DEVELOP, g 54. INNOCENT III. J^9 1215.)^^ In vain strove the Pope v/ith spiritnal'^^ and the King Avith temporal weapons to eftect its repeal : John's death, how- ever (t 28. October 1216), quickly put an end to internal dis- cord.'^ "^ Monasteriorum vacantium, quae ad nos pertinent. The cliurclies were to appoint without hindrance, petita tamen prius a nobis et haeredibus nostris licentia eligendi, quam non denegabimus nee differemus. The Papal confirmation of this deed is dated 30. Mart .1215. Ibid. p. 127. -^ Stephen Langton gave the first impulse to this by publishing a document of Henry I, (Aug. 1213), see Matt. Paris, p. 240. A fac simile of Magna Charta is to be found in Rvmer-Clarke I. i. 131. Hurter XL, 498, 601. *^ So early as the 15. Aug, 1215, Innocent published a Bull (Rymer- Clarke, p. 135) : nos, tantae malignitatis audaciam dissiraulare nolentes, in apostolicae sedis coutemtum, regalis juris dispendium, Anglicanae gentis opprobrium, et grave periculum totius negotii Crucifixi (quod utique imminei'et, nisi per auctoritatem nostram revocarentur omnia, quae a tanto Principe cruce signato taliter sunt extorta, etiam ipso volente ilia servari) : ex parte Dei omnipotentis, Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti, auctoritate quoque beatorum Petri et Paidi Apostolorum ejus, ac nostra, de communi fratrum nostrorum consilio, compositionem hujusmodi reprobamus penitus et damnamus ; sub interminatione anathe- matis prohibentes, ne dictus Rex earn observare praesumat, aut Barones cum complicibus suis ipsam exigant observari ; tam chartam quam obligationes seu cautiones, quaecunque pro ipsa vel de ipsa sunt factae, irrltantes penitus aut cassantes, ut nullo unquam tempore aliquam habsant firmitatem. Innocent's epistle to the Bai-ous of England bearing the same date (1. c. p. 136) is written in the same spirit. Yv^iien this remained unnoticed, forthwith the sentence of excommuni- cation and interdict again^-t the Barons followed (Matth. Paris, p. 270), with instructions to the Bishops, quatenus nostram sententiam singulis diebus dominicis et festivis, pulsatis campanis, et candelis accensis, solemniter per to! am Angliam publicare procurent, donee satisfecerint (Barones) domino Regi de damnis et injuriis irrogatis, et ad ejus obsequium fideliter revertantur. Stephen Langton once so obe- dient, postulavit inducias — ad sententiam publicandam, constanter affirmans, quod tacita veritate sententia fuerat in Barones lata. ^ Yet one word about the Papal system of extortion. The chapter of York chose Simon Langton, Stephen's brother, to be archbishop, the Pope refused to sanction the choice (Mat. Paris p. 271), Deputies from the chapter had to make another election during the Lateran council at Rome in the year 1215, and the newly elected prelate (I. c. p, 274), accepto Paliio — rediit in Angliam, obligatus in Curia Romana de decem millibus librarum legalium esterlingorum. In fine autem, soluto Concilio, extorsit Papa de unoquoque Praelato infinitam pecimiam, quam cum viaticis cogebantur ab usurariis suis mutuo duris condi- 90 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. Still greater prospects seemed to open themselves before the Pope in Constantinople.^^ Although the enthusiasm for Crusades was alreadj-much diminished, nevertheless Innocent had succeeded, by unwearied efforts, in collecting a newaraiy at Venice (1202.) The crafty Doge, Henry Dandolo, notwithstanding all Papal admonitions, had first made use of the army for the reconquest of Jadera (Zara), then it was induced by the magnificent promises of a Greek Prince, Alexius,^^ to undertake an expedition against Con- stantinople : and when the reinstated Emperor Isaac Angelus was unal)le to fulfil these promises, Constantinople was conquered (12. April 1204), and a Latin empire established there, by the exaltation of Baldwin, Count of Flanders, to the throne.^^ Thus tionibus sumere. To this also must be added the avarice of Legates (1. c. p. 286) : Walo legatus exegit (ami. 1216) procm-ationes per totam Angliam ab Ecclesiis cathedralilms, et doinibus religiosis, pro singulis scilicet procurationibus L solidos. Omnia etiam beneficia Clcricorum pariter ac vlrorum religiosorum, qui Ludovico (the usurp- ing king) et Baronibus auxiliuin, consilium, vel favorem impenderant, sequestravit, quae omnia in suos et Clericorum suorum usus convertit. Tbus the Barons had good right to call aloud 1. c. p. 278 : tu Johannes, lugubris memoriae pro futuris saeculis, ut terra tua, ab antique libera, ancillaret, excogitasti, — factus de Rege liberrimo tribiitarius, finnarius (fermier) ^ et vasallus servitutis ! — Et quid de te. Papa, qui pater sanctitatis, speculum pietatis, tutor justitiae, et custos veritatis toti mundo deberes lucere in exemplum ? Tali consentis, talem laudas et tueris ? Sed hac causa exhaustorem pecuniae Anglicanae et exac- torem Nobilitatis Britannicae tibi inclinautem defendis, ut in barathrum Romanae avaritiac omnia demergantur : sed baec causa et excusatio est ante Deum culpa ct accusatio. 2^ To tbe following history some writers of the age contribute. Gcof- froi de Ville-flardouin de la conqueste de Constantinople aun. 1198 — 1207 (in I'histoire de I'cmpire de Constantinople sous les Empereurs frangois par C. du Frcsne, a Venise 1729. fol.) and Nicetae Choniatae hist. (ann. 1 1 17 — 1206. ex rec. Imm. Bekkeri, Bonnae 1835). Compare Raumer iii. 195. Scldosser III. ii. i. 29 ff. Wilkcn v. 60. llurtor i. 416, 469,519, 619, 691. ^-' Concerning these Nicet. Cbon. lib. iii. p. 348 cd. Paris, to hk hi] ^fifoi/ Kn\ ciTonwTaTov , napfKTponrjv TTtCTTf coj, onoia Tols Aoru'oiy daTrti^fTai, Kai Tu>v rov DaTTfj Trpnvo^iuiv KaivLajJ-ou, ^eTddeaLf t( Koi fifTanoirjaiv tcjv na- Xaiajf 'Pw/xfli'otf (Bcov (TvyKdTtOfTo. According to Vincent. Bellovac. lib. xxix. c. 64, Alexius was bound to pay 100,000 marks to tbe Vene- tians, and 100,000 to the I'ranks. ^^ Compare the story in Balduini epist. ad Ottoncm Inqi. written before the conquest of the city (in Arnoldl cbroii. Slav. lib. vi. c. 19, also given as Ilcnrici Com. de S. Paulo ej". ad Duceiii Brabiintiae in CH. T.-PAPACY I.-POLIT. DEVELOP. | 54. INNOCENT III. 91 the Church of Constantinople seemed now to be brouo-ht into subjection to the Roman See.^* However even now no one doubted the precariousness of this acquisition. For the new Empire ah-eady contained the germ of dissolution ; on the other hand it completely foiled that powerful enterprise in behalf of Palestine.^'^ In the latter years of his life Innocent devoted especial attention to the Holy Land i^^ King Frederick took the cross even at his coronation : and at the Lateran-Council of the year 1215 (iv. Lateran. xii. Cecum. ) one of the most brilliant which had ever been held, the accomplishment of another Crusade was one of Godefredi Mon. annales in Freher i.), and in Ealduini ep. ad omnes tideles, issued after his accession to the throne (in Arnold 1 c c 20, as Ealduini ep. ad Adolphum Episc. Coloniensem in Godefred'. Mon.) The last was sent to the Pope with the necessary alterations in form, ep. Ealduini ad Innoc. (Innoc. lib. vii. ep. 152. and in Ravnaldus 1204: no. 6). "* Innocentii ep. ad Clericos in crucesignatorum exercitu dd. Id. Nov. 1204 (lib. vii. ep. 154): Tempus advenisse videtur, in quo destructis vituhs aureis Israel reveitatur ad Judam, et ad Hierusalein Samaria convertatur, quatenus atrio, quod secundum Apocalypsim Johannis est extra templum, foras ejecto (Apoc. xi. .2), non jam in Dan et Bethel sed in niontem Sion ad Dominum asceudatur etc. 35 Gesta Innocent III. cap. 95 : Eoth the Papal legates for Palestine immediately after the taking of Constantinople, went thither, et tanta eos secuta est multitudo, non solum Laicorum, sed etiam Clericorum quod ahenigenae paene omnes et indigenae multi, Hierosolymitanam provinciam deserentes, Constantinopolim adierunt. So Keinerus Mon Leodiens. (f 1230) in his chronicon ad ann. 1207 (in Martene ampl! coll. y. 32), justly remarks: Negotium Graeciae multum impedivit negotium Ecelesiae orientalis. '^' Wilken vi. 83 (on the Children's Crusade see Wilken vi 71 Hurter ii. 452.) Bull for the. Crusade of the year 1213 (lib xv ep' 28. in Manp xxii. 956) :~omnibus qui laborem istum in propriis personis subierint et expensis, plenam suorura peccaminum, de quibus yeraciter fuerint corde contriti et ore confessi, veniam indulgemus et in retributione justorum salutis aeternae pollicemur augmentum Eis autem,_qui non in personis propriis illuc accesserint, sed in suis duntaxat expensis J uxta facultatein et qualitatem suam viros idoneos destinarint, et ilhs similiter, qui licet in alienis expensis, in propriis tamen personis accesserint, plenam suorum concedimus veniam peccatorum. Huius quoque remissionis volumus et concedimus esse participes juxta quanti- tatem subsidii et devotionis effectum omnes, qui ad subventionem terrae sanctae de boms suis congrue ministrabunt. Personas quoque ipsorum et bona, ex quo crucem assumserint, sub b. Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus etc. 1)2 THIRD PERIOD.— 1)1 V. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. the cliicf ends in vlew.^^ The enthusiasm for the Holy Lani quia do unione Rcfrni cum Impcrio dubitatis. Quod equidem timere, aut suspicari non debet Ecclesia mater nostra. — Absit cnim, quod Iniperium commune aliquid habere deboat cum Regno : — tales nos exhibebimus apostolicae Sanctitati, quod mcrito gaudcre poterit mater Ecclesia talem filium procreasse. Nam etsi in Regno jus aliquod Ecclesia non haberct, et nos sine haerede decedere legitime eveniret, prius ipso Romaiiam Ecclesiam quam Imperium dotaremus. cf. J. I). Ritter diss, de eloctione llcnrici VII. Vitemb. 1752. 4. Rau- mer iii. 329. ^ The juramentum which Frederick drew up in Ilagcnau Sept. 1219, and promised to take at his coronation (in Raynald. 1274. no. 4. I*ertz iv. 232. Spicilegium Rom. vi. 239), is to the same jjurport, as thecngagcmont of 1213 (§ 54, note 17 and 20.) Here according to Pcrtz in the promissio, hut not in the juramentum, at'tcr the words adjutores etiam erimus ad dcfendendum Ecclcsiae Romanae regnum Siciliae, is found the addition, nee non Corsicam ct Sardinian!, which in Raynald. 1213 no. 25 is falsely introduced also into the promissio of 1213. The docmnents on the coronatio Romana are in Pertz. iv. 240 : especially the constitution grnnted by the Emperor on his coronation day, for the ]ib(>rtics of the Church and clergy, against heretics, against the right of approjiiialing stranded goods, for the protection of foreigners and agriculturists 1. c. p. 243, also in Corpus juris civilis ed. Kriegel. P. iii. (ed. K. Osenbriiggen) p. SM4. '^ The epistle of Ilonorius to Erederick aim. 122(1, which especially illustrates these circumstances, Miranda tnis sensibus dc. (Raumcr iii. 400) is printed at length in Mansi xxiii. 91 (by mistake as an epistle of Gregory IX.) and in the Notices et extraits ii. 258. * On his mediations in i)arty ])olitics Ramncr iii. 409. Oodofrcd. Mon. ad. ann. 1220 sj)eaks directly to the point : P. Ilonorius — mittens Alatrinum Capcllanmn suum, cujus suggcstione Mediolaniuu et multae civitates complices contra Imperatorcm conjuraverunt, facicntcs col- legium, quod Longobnrdorum societas ]ter iinilta teiupora est voratum. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. ? 55. HONORIUS III. 95 Because of tliese eng;ao;enients in the internal arrangement of his reahiis, the Emperor had continually put off the promised Crusade to a futui'e time, regardless of the repeated exhortations of the Pope, and regardless of the fact that since his marriage with Jolante (1225) he styled himself King of Jerusalem,^ in opposition to King John of Brienne. In the compact of St Germano (1225) the Crusade was at last fixed for August 1227 ;^ but when the Emperor, compelled by sickness, then desired fresh delay, the yielding Honorius was dead (f 18. March 1227) and the rash and headstrong Gregory IX. forthwith pronounced sentence of excommunication against Frederick.^ 5 That the fault of delay was not only to be laid to the Emperor's charge, but also to the abatement of interest in these enterprizes, see Raumer iii. 322 f., 327, 359, 382 ff., 419. Wilkcn vi. 359. ^ Rich, (le S. Germano p. 998 and truly : Haec capitula — promisit Imperator se publice servaturum excommunicatione adjecta in se et terram suam, si liaec non fuerint observata. ^ In the bull of excommunication in Matth. Paris p. 345 ss., and in Raynald 1227 no. 30 ss. Mansi xxiii. 40, the delay of the Crusade is the only reason given : on the other hand Frederick relates in his epist. ad commune Cesenense (Hahnii collectio monumentorum i. 212) : [Rom. Pontifex] die Jovis ante festum Paschae cum populum ex diversis mundi partibus pro diei solennitate in sui praesentia congre- gatum deberet ad liberationem tei'rae sanctae — invitare, ac de praesenti transitu nostro gratam facere mentionem, negotium Mediolauensium ac aliorum quorundam proditorum nostrorum coram omni populo, proh pudor ! in medium introduxit procedens contra nos, — ut per hoc manifestissime cognoscatur, qixod, ex quo non habuit, ut iucepit, pro negotio terrae sanctae contra nos justam materiam procedendi, — deficientibus justis causis I'em inconvenientem assumsit. — Videat ergo universitas vestra, — si a saeculo est auditum, quod adversus aliquem Romanum Principem pro suis proditoribusfuerit umquam tam indecen- ter a Pontifice Romano processum. Frederick protests in his epist. ad univ. Reges et Priccipes christ. (Matth. Paris p. 347) : se non frivolis excusationibus, sicut ei Papa mendose imposuit, a peregrinatione reversum inchoata, sed maximae infirmitatis causa, illius super hoc testimonium invocans, qui est testis in caelo fidelis. Affirmavit insuper, quia quam citius sibi Deus prosperitatem praestiterit corporalem, votum suae peregrinationis, sicut decet Imperatorem, cum honore congruo persolvere Domino procurabit. In his epist. ad Anglorum Regem (ibid. p. 348) he makes this statement, Romanam Ecclesiam tanto jam avaritiae succensam incendio, et concupiscentia manifesta, quod bonis ecclesiasticis non sibi pro A^oto sufficientibus, Imperatores, Reges et Principes exhaei'edare et tributaries coustituere non veretur. There is an extract from his epist. ad Principes Allemanniae in chron. Ursperg. ad h. a. Compare Wilken vi. 426. 1 90 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. When, however, he commenced the Crusade (11. Aug. 1228, Fifth Crusade),^ public opinion quickly turned in his favour,^ especially when he concluded an advantageous truce for ten years (March 1229) with Kamel, Sultan of Eg}pt,^^ notwithstanding the internal confusion of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and the eJEfects of the ban which follovv^ed him into Palestine ; and the Pope was censured on all sides, when he suffered Apulia to be overrun by his armies, although he was invited by Frederick's Sicilian ^ Raumcr iii. 431. Schlosser III. ii. i. 148. Wilken vi, 452. ^ The contemporary Conrad, Abbot of Auersberg, (cbron. Ursp. ad ann. 1227) gives his opinion : Hie [Gregorius IX.] tanquam superbus — coepit excomraunicare Fritlericum Imperatorem pro causis frivolis et falsis, et postposito omni ordine judiciario. ^^ See the conditions of this peace, and theenc3'clic letters, in which Frederick communicated it to the Pops and western Princes, in Pertz iv. 260. On the other side there is the notice sent by Gerold Patriarch of Jerusalem to the Pope (Raynald. ann. 1229 no. 3 ss.) and ad universes Christi Fideles (in Matth. Paris p. 359 s.) In the first he makes this complaint among others : Imperatori Soldanus audiens, quod secundum morem Sai*acenicum se haberet, misit cantatrices, quae et saltatrices dicuntur, et joculatores, personas quidem non solum infames, verum etiam de quihus inter Christianos haberi mentio non debyret. Cum quibus idem Prineeps hujus niundi vigiliis, potationibus et indumentis, et omni more Saracenico se gerebat etc. The Pope, how- ever, knew still more (Matth. Paris p. 361) : Audierat enim idem Papa de Imperatore praefato multa detestanda, quae faciebat contra legem christianam, quorum tenorem in script inn rcdigens, per diversas orbia partes Uteris apostolicis publicare procaravit. In these even this was said among other tilings : Veruntamen manifcste videbatur, quod magis approbaret (secundum quod perpendi poterat per gestus exteriores) legem Saracenorum, quam fidei nostrae, quia in multis ritus eorum imitatus est. Frederick had intercourse before now with Saracens in Sicily, especiall}' with men of learning (for the removal of the Saracens in 1223 from Sicily to Luceria in Apulia, see Rccherches sur les monuments et I'histoire des Normands et de la maison de Souabe dans ritalie meridionale, publiees par le Due de Lu^'nes. Paris 1844 fob) The servant at the Mosque of Oinar in Jerusalem, who showed the Emperor i*ound it, gave this opinion of him (Reinaud extraits des historiens arabes i-elatifs aux guerres des croisades p. 431): Ses discours montraient assez, qu'il ne croyait pas a la religion chretienne ; quand il en parlait, c'etait pour s'eu railler. Gemal-ed-din, who came as ambassador to Manfred about 12G0, says of Frederick (Abulfedae annal. Muslem iv. 349): erat Imperator vir inter Francorum Principes ingenii dotibus excellens, pliilosopliiae et logices et mcdicinae amans, animo in Muslemos propensus, quod valdc niirum in eo non est, cum in Sicilia, cujus incolae plurinii Muslcmi sunt, adolevit. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 55. GREGORY IX. 97 Yiceroy, Rainold, Duke of Spoleto.^^ However, tlie Papal army (clavigeri) was soon chased away by the Emperor on his return ;' and though all the efforts of the Pope to raise the people against Frederick remained without any adequate result/^ and in Ger- ^^ Gregory indeed wrote to his Legate in France (in Matth. Paris p. 348 s.) : Adhuc pro certo scias quod licet dictus Imperator cum paucis militibus mare dicitur intrasse, contra patrimonium Ecelesiae magnum exercitum Christianorum et Saracenorum multitudinem destinavit (how groundless this charge was, see Raumer iii. 445, 453). — Cum igitur ex officio — providere cogimur, ne minister Machometi in Christi miuistros diutius valeat desaevire, — Dilectioiii tuae — mandamus, quatenus — baec solenuiter praedicans Christi tidehbus, ut pro statu fidei et religionis observantia stent ex animo, tanquam prosequentes singuli proprium interesse etc. Still Conrad of Lichtenau (1. c) gives as his judgment : Papa captata occasione de absentia Imperatoris capiosum exercitum destinavit in Apuliam, et terras Imperatoris in servitio Christi demo- rantis, quod nefandissimum est dicere, abstulit, et sibi subegit, et crucesignatos, ne transfretarent, omni studio prohibuit, tarn in Apulia, quam in Lombardia. Quis talia facta recte considerans non deploret et detestetur, quae indicium videntur, et quofldam portentura, et prodigium mentis Ecelesiae ? A Minnesinger, who had taken part in the Crusade, condemns, indeed, the Emperor's intimacy with the Sultan, but still more the hostile demeanour of the clergy towards the Emperor, who had nevertheless done so much in Palestine, see Bridankes courtesy in W. Grimm, Gottingen 1834, s. 154 ff. Compare the Preface s. xliii. 6. g. s. 160 : got unt der keiser hant erlost ein grap, de ist aller kristen trost. sit er das beste bat getan, so sol man in us banne Ian- desn wellent Romaer lihte niht : swas an ir urloup guotes geschiht, dem wellents deheiner staete jehen ; nu ist das an ir dank geschehen. S. 162 : Der ban der hat krefte niht, der durch vientschaft geschiht. S. 151 : Der babest ist ein irdesch got, und ist doch dicke der Romaer spot. ze Rome ist sbabstes ere kranc : in vreraediu lant gat sin get wane. sin hof vil dicke wiieste stat, so er niht vremeder toren hat. ^^ About his Lombard allies he utters bitter complaints (Rayn. ann. 1229 no. 33) : Utinam nunquam Lombardi se nostris obsequiis obtulissent ! utinam nunquam ab ipsis aliquod auxilium sperassemus, quoniam satis alias honori Ecelesiae considere poteramus, nisi quia nolentes eis subtrahere dexteram adjutricem supplicationibus et promis- G 98 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. many the Sachsenspiegel even laid down fundamental principles sionibus acquiescimus eorundem. Sed dum causaiii eoruin in alienis finibus utiliter ageremus, dum refraenaremus impetum inimici aspirantis ad ipsorum exterminium iuhianter, ecce Lombardi auxilium adeo distulerunt etc. Now other nations were pressed to aid. England, whose weak King, Henry III,, quite gave himself up to the Papal Legate, for the sake of support against his own people (Schlosser III. ii. ii. 269), was forced to furnish money. Matth. Paris ann. 1229 p. 361 ss. : Dominus Papa exigebat decimas omnium rerum mobilium — ab universis laicis et clericls ad guerram suam sustinendam. The Laity refused — the Legate Stephen compelled the clergy, commanding them under pain of interdict and excommunication, and they were even obliged to give tithe de frugibus autumui futuri, qui adhuc in herba crescebant. The Legate had with him, at hand, money lenders of the worst kind, disguising usury under the name of business, qui egentibus et exactionibus vexatis obtulcrunt pecuniam : et urgente memorato Stephano sub poena gravissima coacti multi mutuo cepere, qui postea in laqueos eorum inciderunt, damna instaurabilia incurrentes. — Ex eo autem tempore non defuerunt in terra Anglicana quidam transmontani, qui S8 mercatores nominant, usurarii impiissimi, qui nihil aliud quaerunt, nisi in laqueis suis, praecipue quos Roraana curia angariat, illaqueare. — Gregory even writes to the Archbishop of Lyons (Raynaldus 1229 no. 35) : te in succursum Ecclesiae advocavinms confidenter, utpote qui praestito jm-amento ad defendendum Papatum et regalia b. Petri esse teneris adjutor — (see below § 62. note 1.) Fraternitatem tuam roganuis, — in virtute obedientiae sub debito juramenti districte prae- cipiendo mandantes, ac in remissionem peccaminum — injungentes, quatenus sine morae dispendio cum congruo exfortio bellatorum ad nos personaliter venire festines. For his exertions in Germany see Godefrid. Mon. ad ann. 1228: Papa — jier omnes provincias publics mandat, Imperatorem excommunicatura denunciari, missis nunciis et raaxime praedicatoribus ad id exequendum. Quorum unus dictus Otto Cardinalis — in Teutoniam et Daciam mittitur, cujus intentio erat Imperatoris gravamen procurare, et super hoc consilium ex- petere Ottonis dicti Ducis de Lunimburg : sed idem Otto contra Imperatorem renuit aliquid attentare. He v/as even driven away from Liege (compare on this head the gesta Pontiff. Leodensium c. 130, in Chapeavilli gesta Pontiff. Leod ii. 259, by ^gidius a contemporary) : and the men of Aix had taken Episcopum Mutinensem de Prutia (about this man Bishop of INIodena, a legate in Prussia, see JVIiinters Magazin f. Kirchengescli des Nordens i. 185) on his way back from his mission, et captum detinuerant, magna quantitate auri sublata. The Legate was commissioned Alberici chron. p. 535 : ad submitteudum et conciliandum Archiepiscoporum etc, animos domino Papae in depositionem Regis Alemanuiae Hcnrici. filli Imi)eratoris — excommunicati, et ad electionem alterius, qui rtpertus fuisset idoncus, sed inter factum et dictum nudta frequenter impedimenta occurrunt. For instance Godefrid. Mon. ad ann. 1230: Otto — apud Herbipnlin concilium provinciale indicit, sedreniten- tibus laicis, et pauc's Ecclesiarum Praelatis venientibus iratus recessit. CHAP. I.— PAPACY. I— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 55. GREGORY IX. 99 which contravened the Po])e's universal sway,^-^ still he must have been glad to see all differences settled by the honourable peace of St Germano (28. Aug. 1230.)" The new friendshi]) stood the test of many explanations with regard to the continually clashing interests of Ijoth sides, and even by the new collection of Sicilian laws, made by Peter de Vineis^^ (1231) it was only interrupted for a time:^*" but it was wreckt ^'^ The Sachsenspiegel, collected by Eiko of Repchowe, Schoffe in Salpke near Magdeburg about 1216 (published by C. W. Gartner, Leipzig 1732 fob by Dr C. G. Homeyer, Berlin 1827. 8.) Buch i. Art. 3. towards the end : Jo doch en mach dey Pawes neyn recht setten, dar he unse lantrecht off leenrecht mede ergere off krenke. Buch 3. Art. 54. (al. 48) : Alse men den Koninck kuset, so sal hei deme rike hulde doen, und sweren, dat hey recht sterken und unrecht ki'enken wille, und dat rike vorstaen an syme rechte, so hei best kunne und moge. Darna en sal hei neyne cede iner sweren, id en sy dat one dey Pawes schuldige, dor dat hey an deme rechten geloven twivele (cf. § 54, note 12, 15, 18). — dengenen dei in des Paweses banne is mit rechte, denen moet men nicht to Koenigen keisen. Art. 57. (al. 50.) : Den Keyseren mach dey Pawes noch nej'mant bannen na der tiit, dat hey gewyet is, dann vinne drei sake willen. off" hey an deme geloven twyvelt, syn echte wiiff verleet, eder godes hus vorsturet. Art. 63. (al. 56.) : Bann schadet der seile, und nemet doch neymande syn liift', und krenket neymande to lantrecbte, dar en volge des Koninges achte na. The Papal Bull, which condemned 14 articles of the Sachsenspiegel, and among them those above quoted, is attributed by Mansi xxiii, 157 ss. to Gregory IX., but it is by Gregory XI. in the year 1374 (see Raynald. ad. h. a. no. 12), although Grupen doubts its genuineness altogether (Spangenberg's Beitr. zu d. deutschen Kech- ten des Mittelalters. Halle 1822. 4. s. 94 ff.). ^* Rayn. ann. 1230 no. 3 S3. Raumer iii. 458. ^^ The best edition is Constitutiones Regum regni Siciliae utrivisque. Neapoli 1786 fob There is a sketch of this legislation in Raumer iii. 468. Severe laws against heretics lib. i. tit. 1 — 3, but tit. 17 : Judaeos et Saracenos non propterea, quod Judaei vel Saraceni sunt, artari volumus innocentes. Tit. 42 : The crimes of the clergy belonged to ecclesiastical jurisdictinu, excepto si de proditione aliquis fuerit appel- latus, vel alio magno hujusmodi maleficio, quod spectat ad majestatem nostram : quod si accident, volumus et praecipimus, ut de hoc — in nostra curia judicetur. Tit. 46 : firmiter inhibemus Praelatis Ecclesi- arum, Comitibus etc., ne justitiariatus offiicium in terris suis exercere audeant, vel gerendum alicui demandare. Tit. 66 : Si quis clericus de haereditate vel aliquo tenimento, quod non ab Ecclesia — teneat, appellatus fuerit ; volumus, ut de hoc in curia illius, in cujus terra possessionem vel tenimentum habuerit, respondeat, et quod justum fuerit, faciat. ^'' Gregory wrote indeed to the Emperor on this subject (Rayn. g2 100 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 1073—1305. at last on the Lombard politics;^' for whilst the Emperor ■was incessantly striving to restore in this country the ancient rights of his crown, the Pope feared nothing more than to be suiTounded on all sides by the obedient subjects of one !Mo- narch. When the arbitration of the Pope, unfavourable as it was to the Emperor, still produced no effect upon the Lombards,^^ Frederick at length (1236) had recourse to arms,^^ and now Gregory was his foe. He could be at no loss for charaes against him, so soon as he soufrht them, in claims of the aim. 1231 no. 9): Intelleximus siquidem, quod vel proprio motu, vel seductus ineonsultis consiliis perversorum novas edere constitu- tiones intendis, ex quibus nccessario sequitur, ut dicaris Ecclesiae persecutor, et obrutor publicae libertatis etc, 13ut as Frederick answered firmly, and at thi:? time the Romans pressed the Pope hard, there followed soon a soothing letter (ib. no. 10) : Intelleximus, quod ex Uteris, quas nuper imperiali celsitudini destinavimus, motus utcunque fuisti, quia plus amaritudinis quam dulcedinis sapere videbantur. — Sed nee filio fuit aegre fcrendum, quia pater filium, quern diUgit, corripit. — Rogamus — quatenus omni omnino suspicione deposita, quod id proces- serit nisi de merae opiritu caritatis, de nobis in veritate confidens etc. 1^ Gregory informed the Lombards of the treaty of St Germano, with an assurance from the first, that they shouhl not be sutierers from it (dd. 10. Oct. 1230, in Hoflers Kaiser Friederich II., Miinchen 1844, s. 329), cum ncc leviter possetis oftendi, quia graviter nos reputareinus ottensos. ^8 Raumer iii. 642 ff. 728 ft'. ^^ Gregory would gladly liave sent the Emperor to Palestine for this reason ; however he answered him (in jSIatth. Paris ann. 1236, p. 433) : Italia haercditas mea est, et hoc notum est toti orbi. Anhclare ad aliena et propria relinquere, ambitiosum esset et enorrae : praesertim cum Italicorum, praecipue Mcdiolanensium, me injuriis lacessivit inso- lentia ; in nullo mihi dcbitam exhibens reverentiam. Praeterea Christianus sum, et qualiscunque servus indignus Christi, accinctus ad Cnicis inimicos debellandos. Cum igitur tot haereses non tantura puUulent, imo silvescant in Italia, et jam zizania segctes incipiant Ruftbcare per civitates Italicas, praecipue Mcdiolanensium : transire ad SaracenoR hostiliter expugnandos, et illos incorrcctos pertransire, esset vulnus infixo ferro fomentis superficialibus delinire, et cicatriccm defor- mem, non medelam procurare. Item solus sum et homo sum, ncc ad tantum laborem sufticlo, ut inimicos Crucis sine magno comitatu adeam debellaturus, incredulos, qui tot sunt, et tarn fortes, expugnando. Itennn cum sine thcsauris magnis ad tam arduum negotiiun consurgere per rac non sufficiani, ojies tjusdem terrae in opcm et ultionem Crucifixi convertere destinavi. Abundat cquidem Italia armis, equis, et opibns : hoc terra novit imiversa. On the well-known spread of heresies among the Lombards Frederick lays great stress, with a view to introduce here also the principles adopted against the Albigenscs. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 55. GREGORY IX. IQl Roman See at that time ; especially as Frederick's son Enzio Lad become King of Sardinia by marriage (1238), without any reference to the Pope.^** At length Gregory concluded a public alliance with the Lombards, and pronounced sentence of excom- munication and dethronement against Frederick (20. and 24. March 1239.;-i Now began a struggle for life and death. At first both parties endeavoured by violent publications and replies to win public opinion to their side ; and here it was that the Pope, accused by the Emperor of being a protector of heretics,^'^ retorted upon 2' When the Pope reminded him of his oath (above note 2) he answered, Matth. Paris, p. 484 : Ipsam insulam ad Imperium spectare ab antiquo, et per occupationes et alia ardua negotia imperialia Impera- tores earn amisisse, et ipsum ideo earn ad corpus Imperii revocasse. Ego vero juravi, ait, ut jam novit mundus, dispersa Imperii revocare : quod non segniter adimplere procurabo. cf. J. T. Koeler Entius s. Henricus Rex Sardiniae diss, hist, Goett. 1757. 4. King Enzio by E. von Miinch, Stuttgart 1841. Raumer iv. 13. ^^ Now indeed the Emperor, who since the battle of Cortenuova (Nov. 1237) had gained decidedly the upper hand, would have no more of Papal interference. The deed of excommunication is in Matth. Paris, p. 486, and Rayn. 1239, no. 2 ss. Among the reasons for excommunication the most i-emarkable are : I. quod contra Romanain Ecclesiam seditiouem iniit in Urbe, III. quod ncn permittit quasdam cathedrales et quas- dam alias vacantes Ecclesias in Regno ordinari, IV. quod in Regno clerici capiuntur et incarcerantur, proscribuntur et occiduntur, VII. quod nepotem Regis Tunicii venientem ad Ecclesiam Romanam pro susci- piendo baptismatis sacramento detinet nee venire perraisit. IX. quod terras Ecclesiae sc. Ferrariam etc. et terram Sardiniae occupavit contra juramentum, quo super hoc Ecclesiae tenetur, temere veniendo, XVI. quod per ipsum impeditur negotium terrae sanctae, et reparatio Imperii Romaniae. Frederick sent back an answer to these charges, which for the most part is severe enough, to the Pope by the messengers who brought him tidings of his sentence (in Matth. Paris, p. 492 ss.) -- Frederick forthwith issued letters to the Cardinals (Matth. Paris p. 491. Petri de Vineis epistoll. i. 6), to the Romans (Matth. Pai'is p. 490. Petr. de Vin. i. 7), to all nobles (Matth. Paris p. 500. Petr. de Vin. i. 21) etc. The kst displays the posture of affairs most plainly. Indignum praeterea se tanti coercitione Principis, et genera- liter qualibet pontificalis auctoritate judicii reddidit, dura Mediolanensem civitatem, quae pro maxima parte — inhabitatur haereticis, contra nos et Imperium manifesto favore tuetur. — Qunntumcunque conscientiae nostraelibrum sollicite revolvamus, nullam in nobis occasionem inveni- mus ad causam, propter quam iste inimicus homo contra nos debuisset tam acriter commoveri. Nisi quod cum ipso contrahere de nepte sua desponsanda Henrico naturali filio nostro, nunc Regi Turriset Gallurae 102 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. liim a charge of downright in fidelity,^'* a charge which, however justly it might be estimated by unprejudiced persons, was never- nostra magnificentia credidit indecens et reputavit indignum. — Ad domos vestras cum aqua concurrite, dum ignis accenditur in vicinis. Causam motus pontificalls attendite, quod in favorem rebellium nostvo- rum procuratur. Quae causa Hcet ad praesens expi-essa non fuerit, proculdubio tamen subest. SiraiHa vobis in vestris imminere pericula timeatis. FaciHs enim et Regum et aborum Principum omnium humiliatio creditur, si Caesaris Romanorum potentia conteratur, cujus clypeus prima jacula sustinet adversantium. Haec est namque causa pro vero, videbcet de Lombardis, quae cor Papae pungebat et urebat intrinsecus : beet ipsam foris educere propter nostrum et audientiuin scandalum non auderet : pro qua nobis per specialem suum nuncium fide dignum (cujus ad hoc testimonium invocamus) oretenus expresse promisit, quod si negotium Longobardorum in ejus arbitrio poneremus, nedum quod in abquo magnificentiam nostram offenderet, verum etiam totius orbis decimas, terrae sanctae necessitatibus consecratas, nostris utibtatibus appbcabat. '■^^ Gregorii ep. ad omnes Principes et Praelatos terrae (in Matth. Paris, p. 506. Mansi xxiii. 79) : Ascendit de mari bestia, blasphe- miae plena nominibus, quae pedibus ursi, et leonis ore desaeviens ac merabris formata caeteris sicut pardus, os suum in blasphemias divini nominis aperit, tabernaculum ejus et sanctos, qui in caelis habitant, sirailibus impetere jacubs non oimttit (Apoc. xiii. 1 — 6). — Igitur admirari desinite omnes, ad quos ab bac bestia contra nos edita perve- nerunt obloquia blasphemiae. Next comes a long statement of the cii-cumstances in detail, and at the end : iste Rex pestilentiae a tribus Baratoribus, ut ejus verbis utamur, scilicet Christo Jesu, Moyse et Macboraeto, totum raundum fuisse deceptum : et duobus eorum in gloi-ia mortuis, ipsum Jesum in lignum suspensum manifeste proponens : insuper dilucida voce affirmare, vol potius raentiri praesumpsit, quod omnes fatui sunt, qui credunt, nasci de virgine Deum, qui creavit naturam et omnia, potuisse. Hanc haeresim illo eri'ore confirmans, quod nullus nasci potuit, cujus conceptum viri et mulieris conjunctio non praecessit : et homo debet nihil aliud ci-edere, nisi quod potest vi et ratione naturae probare. The passionate tone shows plainly bow- hard he was hit by those declarations of Frederick's. Frederick did not remain long in his debt. In his answer (Petr. de Vin. i. 31) he declared him to be the beast of the Apocalypse vi. 4. — Ipse est Draco magnus, qui seduxit universum orbem, Antichristus est, cujus nos dixit esse praeambulum : et alter Balaam conductus pretio, ut malediceret nobis, princcps per principes tenebrarum, qui abusi sunt prophetiis. Hie est angelus prosiliens de abysso, habens phyalas plenas amaritu- dine, ut mari et terrae noccat. Inseruit enim falsus Christi vicarius fabulis suis, nos christianae fidci religionem recte non colere, ac dixisse tribus baratoribus mundinu esse deceptum : quod absit de nostris labiis processisse, cum manifeste confiteamur unicum I^ei Filium etc. Then follow orthodox declarations of his belief about Christ, Mahomet, and CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 55. GREGORY IX. I03 theless of great weight issuing from his mouth. ^^ Meanwhile Gregory's attempt to raise up a pretender to the throne against Moses. Sed si rectitudo sensus apostoHci non fuisset intrinsecus impedita, nee praeposuisset impetum rationi, qui dominatur in ipso, talia non scripsisset. -* Matthew Paris, p. 512. On the effect of the Papal Brief: Nisi Romana avaritia devotionem populoruni a domino Papa, phisquam expediret et deceret, avertis.set : totus mitndus hac epistola exasperatus in Imperatorem, quasi in manifestum hostem Ecclesiae et Christi inimicum, graviter et unanimiter insurrexisset. Sed proh dolor I multi filii apatrc suo Papa avulsi sunt et Imperatori adhaerentes assere- bant, quod odium inexorabile, inter eos jam induratum, praedicta jurgia et invectiones excogitatas excitabat. — Addiditque populus : Quid sibi vult istud ? Retroactis teraporibus imposuit Papa Imperatori, quod ipse Machometo legique Saracenicae plus consensit, quara Christo vel legi ehristianae : nunc autem in sua invectiva epistola imponit eidem, quod tam Machometum, quam Jesum vel Moysem, quod horribile est recitare, vocat Baratazem. In epistolis suis humiliter de Deo scribit Imperator et catholice, nisi tautum quod hac ultima papali personae derogat, non ofBcio : nee publice praedicat, nee procaciter sustinet quic- quam haereticum, ut novimus adhuc, vel proftinum : non usurarios nobis misit, vel raptores x-edituum. Et sic ortum est jam schisma in populis formidandum. In order to judge rightly of this charge against Frederick, it must be remarked : 1. That between the first and second excommunication not a word is said of it, while Frederick urges on the Pope the suppi'essiou of heresies in Milan, and that even in the second bull, (note 21) where everything is sought up, nothing of the kind is brought forward. luimediatel}^ after this, however, the rumour must have come to the ears of the Pope, and at a time when the credulity and passionate temper of the man, now almost a hundred years old, must undoubtedly have encouraged tale-bearers enough. 2. That Innocent IV. at Lyons 1245 does not venture to repeat this charge (see below, § 56, note 4.) 3. So early as the year 1201 Simon de Tournay, Professor of Theology in Paris, is said to have declared : tres sunt, qui mundum sectis suis et dogmatibus subjugarunt, Moyses, Jesus et Mahometus. Moyses primo judaicum populura infatuavit, Jesus Christus a suo nomine Christianos, gentilem populum Mahometus. See Thomas Cantipratanus (a Dominican f 1 2G3) bonum universale de apibus, lib. ii. c. 48, no. 5. And would a man of great intellectual power, as Frederick undoubtedly was, have adopted such strange folly from another hand '? 4, Frederick may well have been a freethinker on many heads, as his contemporaries assert (see especially the opinion of the Arab above note 10) ; yet the anecdotes of his unbelief in Albericus, p. 568 etc. (compare Raumer iv. 36) and shameful morals (the same, iv. 234) cannot deserve unconditional belief: and I cannot on this account with Schlosser III. ii. i. 147, 407, 425, disclaim for him all faith in religion and morals. Comp. Raumer iii. 569, iv. 39. The Tract de tribus impostoribus has indeed borrowed its title from this story, but 104 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1305. Frederick was powerfully resisted not only in Germany,^^ but also it belongs at the earliest to the 16th century, see De impostura reli- gionuni breve conipendiura, s. lib. de tribus impostoribus, published with an introduction by F. W. Genthe, Leipzig 1833. Der Zweifel am Glauben, kritik der Schriften de tribus impostoribus, by D. K. Rosen- kranz, Halle and Leipzig 1830. •'5 Albertus Stadensis ad ann. 1240 p. 213 : Papa Archiepiscopos et Episcopos ad denunciationeni luiperatoris sollicitavit, sed modicum pi'o- fecit, nisi in Francia et Dacia. Archiepiscopi etEpiscopi Teutonici Papae rescripserunt, supplicaiitcs ci, ut pro scandalo Ecclesiae cvitando, de pace inter se et Imperium cogitaret. p. 215 : Papa Grcgorius insolen- tias Imperatoris contra Ecclesiam metuens Principes super electione alterius sollicitavit, sed nihil profecit, quia quidam Principum ei rescripserunt, non esse sui juris, Imperatorem substituere, sed tantum electum a Principibus coronare. Such letters from the Bishops and Princes to the Pope, see in Pertz. iv. 334, among othei's Herman Landgrave of Thuringia writes : leve non est, tantum Romanorum Principem — injuriose vexari, dum juris parere desiderat aequitati : certe, pater, fides devotorum Imperii, ut cessent praemissa, se potenter opponeret et patenter ; nee credatis aliud assentatori alicui contrarium suggerenti. Moi'e Bishops and Princes (Hahnii collect, monument, i. 234) : Imperii justitiam, propter quam persecutioncm se pati queritur, producit in medium doniinus Imperator, ad suae causae munimen, praeter expressae probationis indicia, vulgaris famae praesidium et testimonium generalis opinionis adducens, quod in favorem Mediolan- ensium et suorum sequacium procesperitis taliter contra eum. Matth. Paris ad ann. 1239 p. 51G : tantum promeruit Romanae Ecclesiae iinprobitas omnibus execranda, quod a nullis vel a paucis meruit papalis auctoritas exaudiri. From the unprinted acts of the papal Legate Albert von Beham, Archdeacon of Passau, which are still extant in the Ro^'al Library at Munich, have been collected Aventini excerpta ex Alberti Bohemi actis et commentariis in Oefelii rerum Boicarum scriptt. i. 785, and Aventini annales Bojoruni lib. vii. c. 4 ss. They are used in favour of the Papal cause, in II(3flers Kaiser Frederick II. JMiinchen 1844, On the manly firmness of the Bavarian Bisliops against the intrigues of this turbator totius Bojoari*, see Aventini ann. 1, c. (ed. Gundlingii p. G43) : Curicti fremere, indignari, stomachari cocperunt ; hominis (Alberti) temeritatem, cujus vitam ac mores probe nosscnt, detestabaiitur. Omnia tumultu in Germania complcntur : indignis- simum facinus pi-aeter fas atque aequum clamitant Romanum inceptare Episcopum. Conradus Fruxinensis Episcopus (v. Freisingcn) ad Imperatorem provocat, nullum jus Romano flamini absque consensu pontificum Gernumiae esse in Germania projialam docct : suos, inquit, Romanensis sacerdos pascat Italos, nos a Deo constituti canes a nostris ovibus lupos ovina pellc tectos arcebimus. Eberhard, Archbisliop of Siiltzburg 1241, speaks out most strongly, at a gathering of the P)ava- rian Bishops in Ratisbon (1. c. ca]). v. p. G50 s.) Among other cliarges he says, Sub Pontificis Max. tifulo, pastoris pcHe, lupum saevissimuni, nisi caeoi sunuis, sentimus. Jiomani fiamincs arraa in omnes habent CH. I.-PArACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 55. GREGORY IX.- 105 in France.^'^ In England the plundering of the Chiu'ch had Christianos : audendo, fallendo, et bella ex bellis serendo magni facti, oves trucidaut, occidunt : pacem, concordiam terris depellunt : intestina bella, domesticas scditiones ab inferis eliciunt : in dies rnagis atque magis omnium vires debilitant, ut omnium capitibus insultent, oranes devorent, universos in servitutem redigant, — Christus inimicos odio habere vetat. — Ilildebrandus ante annos centum atque septuaginta primus, specie religionis, Antichrist! imperii fundamenta jecit. Hoc belluiii Tiefandura prhnus auspicatus est, quod per successores hucusque continuatur. — Credite experto, non cessabunt, donee Imperatore in ordinem redacto, Romani Imperii honore soluto, pastoribus veris, qui pascant, oppressis, canibus, qui latrare queant, sublatis, per huuc morem omnia extinguant aut occidant. Ideo omnia turbare atque permiscere volunt. — Qui servus servorum est, dominus dominorum, perinde ac si Deus foret, esse cupit. — Ingentia loquitur, quasi vero Deus esset. Nova consilia sub pectore volutat, ut proprium sibi con- stituat Imperium : leges commutat, suas sancit, contaminat, diripit, spoliat, fraudat, occidit, perditus homo ille, quem Antichristum vocare Solent, in cujus fronte contumeliae nomen scriptum est : Deus sum, errare non possum, in templo Dei sedet, longe lateque dominatur. The conclusion runs tbis : Date operam, Patres consulti, ut a Germania, gente christianissima, caedes, discordiae mala, incendia, crudelia facinora in cives, in patriara patrata, pellautur, pax civilibus armis exacta, concordiae bonis revocetur. Quod tum fiet, si Imperatori Friderico secundo, Caesari augusto, principum christianissimo, a Deo constituto obtemperabimus, et pestem illam atque serpentem (namely Albert) e Bojoaria eliminaverimus. Otto, Duke of Bavaria, writes in the begin- ning of April 1241 (Albert! de Bebam acta in Hoflers Frederick 11, 8. 131) : proximo autumno major pars Episcoporum, laicorum Princi- pum Lombardiam intrabunt in auxilium Friderici. Nos, qui pauci suraus, cogeraur desperare. Compare also the contemporary Bruoder Wernher, Minnesinger, collected by F. H. v. d. ilagen (3 Th. Leipzig 1838. 4.) ii.227: Gi-egorie, Babest, geistlicher Vater, wache und brich abe dinem slaf, — Lamparten gluet in Kezzerheit : wariimbe leschestu das niht ? — Si schenkent dir von Golde ein trank, das dich in siinden lat. Dem Keiser hilf sin recht behaben, Das hoehet dich und alle geistlich orden. — Las zwischen dir und im nicht basses horden : So wirt der vride und der geloube stark, unt nimt niht abe ; So siiln wir priiven eine vart viir siinde bin ze Gotes grabe. 2« Matt. Paris ann. 1239, p. 517. In a letter to ihe King and Barons of France, the Pope offers tbe Imperial crown to Count Robert, the King's brother. They answered : Q-i;.' spiritu vel ausu temerario Papa tantum Principem, quo non est major, imo nee par inter Christianos, non convictum vel confessum de objectis sibi criminibus, exhaeredavit, et ab apice imperiali praecipitavit ? Qui si nieritis suis exigentibus deponendus esset, non nisi per generale Conc/7?MOT cassandus judicaretur. 106 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. Til.— A.D. 1073—1305. raised the most bitter outcry ngainst Rome :^'' and now that (since De transgressionibus siiis non est hostibus siiis fides adliibencla, quorum Papa dignoscitur esse capitahs. Nobis adhuc insons, imo bonus fuit vicinus : nee quid sinistri vidimus de eo in fidelitate saeculari, vel fide catholica. Scimus autem, quod domino nostro Jesu Christo fideliter militavit, marinis et beUicis se pericuHs confidenter oi>ponens. Tantum religionis in Papa non invenimus : immo, qui eum debuit pi'oraovisse, et Deo raihtantem protexisse, eum conatus est absentem confundere et nequiter supplantare. — Sed ne in vacuum papale mandatum videamur suscepisse, licet magis constet hoc ob odium Imperatoris, quam nostri dilectionera ab Ecclesia Roraana derivasse ; mittemus nuncios prudentes ex nobis ad Imperatorem, qui quomodo de fide catholica sentiat dili- genter inquirant, nos super hoc certificaturos. French Ambassadors actually appeared before the Emperor, to whom he gave assurance of the soundness of his faith : " Non placeat domino meo Jesu Christo, ut unquam recedam a fide magnificorum patrum, et antecessorum, sequens vestigia perditorum. Judicet autem Dominus inter me et ipsum, qui me ita per orbem tarn nequiter dififamavit." Et tendens inanus in caelum, lachrymis obortis, singultando exclamavit : " Deus ultionum dominus reddat ei retributionem etc." The Ambassadors went away with a conviction of Frederick's innocence. 27 Compare above note 12. Matth. Paris ad ann. 1234 p. 400 : Ufc efficacius (Papae nuncii) thesauros omnium emungerent, et pecuniam quasi ad succursum terrae sanctae undique colligerent, — scripsit do- minus Papa omnibus Christi fidelibus in haec verba elegantissima, quae corda hominum lapidea viderentur penetrare, nisi facta humilitati ac justitiae luce clarius adversantia sequerentur. Next comes the Papal bull for the crusade. Then p. 402 : Haec cum per Christianorum climata, praecipue per Angliam, Christi fidelibus innotescerent, et praedicatio per Praelatos, maxime vero per fratres Praedicatores et Minores fieret, quibus data fuit potestas crucesignandi, et votum data pecunia relaxandi, sese multi — cruce signaverunt. Sed — parvo tem- pore succedenle facta est tanta commutatio, tarn multiformis pecuniae exactio ; nee sciri poterat, in quam abyssum tanta pecunia — est demersa ; c\yLod Jidelmm circa negotium crucis tepuit, imo potius charitas refriguit generalis. Still more after the year 1240. Idem ad ann. 1240 p. 525 : At first the Legate publishes that he had full power to absolve from the vow of the Cross, and truly ut tales non solum absolvei'e, verum etiam ad redimenda vota sua coinpellere debeamus. Thereupon inceperunt ipsi Praedicatores fratres et Minores et alii viri literati, praecipue Theologi, crucesignatos absolvere a voto suo : accepta tamen pecunia, quanta suflicere videbatur unicuiquead viaticum ultramarinum. Et factum est in populo scandalum cum schismate. Absurdum enim videbatur etiam simplicibus, quam diversis muscipulis simplicem Dei populum substantia sua moliebatur Romana curia privare, nihil petens nisi aurum et argentum. Next the Pope demanded from the clergy (p. 526) quintam partem bonorum suorura, quibus suffultus (Papa) in- jui'ias tarn validi ininiici valeret propulsare. After along struggle, the Archbishop of Canterbury was the first to give in (p. 527), and the CH. I.— PArACY I.— rOLIT. DEVP:L0P. § 5G. INNOPENT IV. 107 1240) the devastating torrent of Mongols was seething on the German fi-ontier, popuhir indignation was still further roused against the passionate Pope, who detained the Emperor in Italy.^^ After that Frederick had conquered the whole States of the Church up to the very walls of Rome (124:0), Gregory determined, by means of a general council, to make his cause that of the whole Chm'ch.2^ But Frederick intercepted the })relates hastening to Rome in a Genoese fleet, and Gregory died in his vexation, before he had power to take vengeance (f 21. Aug. 1241.) § 56. CELESTINE IV. (23. SEPT.-8. OCT. 1241.) INNOCENT IV. (24. JUN.1243— 7. DEC. 1254.) Sources : After Richard de S. Germano (see before § 54) there follow Nicolau.s de Jamsilla hi 1258, continued by an unknown hand to 1265 (in Muratori rest of the English prelates seeing this, fell into the same error. But even this was not enough (p. 533) : Misit enim Papa, pater noster sanctus, quendaui exactorem in Angliam, Petrum Rubeuin, qui exco- gitata muscipulatione infinitam pecuniam a niiseris Anglicis edoctus erat einungere. Intravit enim religiosorum capitula, cogens et sedu- cens eos ad pecuniam promittendani, et promissara persolvendam, exemplo aliorum Praelatorum, quos nientitus asscrebat gratanter per- solvisse. Dixit enim : ille Episcopus et illo, ille Abbas et ille, jam libens satisfecit : quidnam vos ignavi tarn moramini, ut grates cum muneribus amittatis ? Fecit etiam praedictus impostor jurare, ut hoe. genus pecuniam extorqueudi nuUi hominum infra dimidium annum facercnt manifestum : quasi eliciens hoc ex singulorum primitiva professione, cum tantum de honestis sit consilium papale celandum. (See below § G2, note I.) The deluded men remonstrated before the King, but he abandoned them to the Legate (p. 534) : Ecce domine mi Legate, isti miseri seductores, pandentes secreta papalia, obloquuntur, voluntati vestrae non adquiescentes : fecite de ipsis, quod vobis phicet. Then the Legate tried to move the Bisliops also to hkc contributions. At first they sought courteously to decline : then bitter words fell from their lips (p. 535) : Sicut Ecclcsia Romana suum habet proprium patri- moniiim, — similiter et ahae Ecclesiae suum, — quod in nullo cstcensualc vel tributarium Ecclesiae Romanae. It is written, indeed : Qnodcunque Ugaveris etc., but not quodcunque exegeris super terrain^ erit exactum et in caelis. Nevertheless, Roman craft triumphed at last, by means of its maxim Divide et impera. '''^ Raumer vi. 77 ff. Especially as the Mendicant Friars were even then preaching a crusade against Frederick. Waddingii anuales mi- norum edit. ii. tom. iii. p. 42. 29 Compare above note 26. For what follows, Raumer iv. 94 ff. 108 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. D 1073—1305. rer. Ital. scriptt. T. \'iii. p. 489 ss.) and Sabae Malaspinae rei'um Sicularum libb. vi. ann. 1250—1276 (ibid. p. 781 ss.) Raumer's Gesch. der Hohenst. Bd. 4. s. 106 ff. At length, after long delay on the side of the Cardinals/ Innocent IV. was elected to fill the throne once more vacated by the speedy death of Celestine IV. He began, indeed, with negotiations for peace Tvath Frederick, which promised at first the wished for result.'^ But lie suddenly escaped to Lyons by the help of the Genoese (1244),^ and there forthwith assembled a General Council (June 1245) that he might pronounce afresh, with tlie assent of the Chiu'ch, the sentence of excommunication and dethronement against Frederick.^ Innocent remained ^ On this delay, and the universal discontent caused thereby, seeRaumer iv. 114 ff. Matt. Paris ann. 1243 p. 602 is worthy of note : Per idem tern- pus miserunt Franci solennes nuncios ad curiam Romanam, significantes persuadendo praecise et efficaciter, ut ipsi Cardinales rite eligentes, universali Ecclesiae solatium pastoi-ale maturius providerent : vel ipsi Franci propter negligentiam eorum de sibi eligendo et providendo summo Pontifice citra montes, cui obedire tenerentur, quantocius con- trectarent. Et hoc audacter significabant, confisi de antique privilegio suo par s. Clementem b. Dionysio concesso et obtento, qui concessit apostolatura eidem Dionysio super gentem occidentalem. - A treaty very humbling to the Emperor was already drawn up by the Commissioners (in Matth. Paris p. 629 : among other conditions was this, subsidium pro isto excessu faciei in militibus vel pecunia, cuicunque dominus Papa christiaiiitatis, quantunicunque et quale viderit expedire etc.), but there was no mention whatever of the difficult affair of the Lombards, and tlie Pope gave Frederick occasion to say : si latenti morbo, videlicet de negotio Lombardorum, medicina non esset opposita, pax oranino proccdere non valebat. (Ex. cod. Vatic, in Rau'tier iv. 135.) The Emperor did not break the treaty, he only declared, Matth. Paris p. 636 : quod nihil faceret de conventis, nisi literis absolutionis prius habitis. So Frederick could complain with justice to the Cardinals, whom he invited, after the Pope's flight, to a fresh negotiation (see letters in Martene coll, ampliss. ii., 1137), that the Pope spreto modcramine pacis, quam offerebamus ex animo, imperceptibiliter ad parte- profectus sit ultramontanas, utinam non in scandalum generale ! 3 la vain he sought to obtain reception in Aragon, France, and England, Matth. Paris p. 655, Anger at this drew from him the characteristic words, ibid, p, 660 : Expedit, ut coniponamus cum Prin- cipe vestro, ut hos Regulos conteramus recalcitrantes : contrito enim vel pacificato dracone, cito serpentuli conculcabuntur. * According to the Romans this is the XII Ith (Ecumenical Council, but it is not recognized bv the French. The acts are in Matth. Paris t'H. I.— rAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 5C. INNOCENT IV. l(jy p. 662 ss,, and with some additions in Mansi xxiii. 605. The five suh- jccts proposed by the Pope (Matth. Paris p. 604) were : de inluuuauis et feraliter Christianituteni vastantibus Tartari.s, pro schisniate Konianiae i. e. Graicae Kcelesiae, pro serpigine novaruni haeresiuni, de terra sancta, and de Principe i. e. Iniperatore. Nevertheless all was thrown into the background to make room for the last head. Thaddieiis de 8uessa (Albert. Stadens. anu. 124.") fol. 217 : Imperator pro se nuncios misit, inter quos erat quidam Thaddaeus, doctor legum, qui pro eo elegantissinie allegavit, ut phirimorum sibi audientiam conquireret et favorem) came forward and vowed in Frederick's name (Matth. Paris p. 66;^), ad unitatem Komanie Kcdcsiae totum liomaniae i.e. Graeciae iiuperium revocare : et (piod sese Tartaris, et ("horosminis, et Saraccnis, et aliis Ecclesiae hostibus et contemtoribus, Christo tideliter militando, potenter oppunet : et quod statum tcrrae discrimini niagno et manifesto periculo jam patcntem, suis sumptibus propriis pcrsonaliter pro jiosse suo reformabit : et ablala Homaiiae Ecclesiae restituendo de iiijuriis satisfaccre. The I'ope rejected all, giving as his excuse Frederick's habit of breaking his word. 'I'lie negotiations were unpleasantly interrupted by a strong letter of remonstrance from the Anglican clergy against Papal oppression (ib. p. 666 hs.), but dominus Papa non respondit, quia, ut asseruit, tam arduum negotium morosa indiguit deliberatione. Yet he pronounced sentence of exconnnunicaticn all the more against Frederick (p. 668 ss., the bull isgiven entire by Schardius in Petri de ^'ineis epistoll. ed. 2. i. .")1.) — It ad praesens de eaeteris ejus sceleribus taceamus, quafuor gravissima, quae nulla possunt celari tergiversatione, eommisit. Dejeravit enim nmltoties, pacem quondam inter Ecclesiam et Iiuperium reformatam /emt're violando. Perpetravit sacrillgium, capi facieiulo Cardiiiales etc, venientes ad Concilium. — De /laeresi quoquc non dubiis et levibus, sed difHcilibus et evidentibus arguraentis suspectus habetur. Then follow copious proofs of these four charges ; about his heresy he says as follows : Merito insuper contra eum de haerf^tica pravitate suspicio est exorta, cum — claves Ecclesiae contemserit — et constanter asseveraverit, — se praefati Gre- gorii Papae sententias non vereri. Praeterea conjunctus amicitia detestabili Saratinis, — ipsorum ritus amplcctitur, — corundem etiam more uxoribus — eunuchos — non crubuit dcputare custodes. Et quod execrabilius est, olim existcns in partil;us transmarinis, facta com- positione quadam — cum Soldano, Machometi nomcn in templo Domini diebus ac noctibus publice proclamari permisit. Et nuper nuncios Soldani Babyloniae — fecit — honorifice suscipi et magnifice procurari. (Thus there is not one word said of the accusations of 1230, see § o5, note 23, but only of those of 1229 long since atoned for, see § 5;"), note 10.) Then sentence of excommunication and detlirone- ment was pronounced in a form as hypocritical as it is arrogant : memoratum Principem — suis ligatum peccatis et abjectum, omnique honore ac dignitate privatum a Domino ostendimus, d( nuneiamus, et nihilominus sententiando privamus. At last, with regard to the com- plaints of the English, decision was given (Matth. Paris p. 681) "quod postulala ad votiun non reportarent." Irati igitur nimis procuratores memorati, recessenint cum comminationo, teribiliter jurantes, se nun- 110 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073— 1;]05. steadfast in tliis decision, refusing all mediation.'^ The struggle grew continually fiercer, and was waged on both sides with increasing desperation.^ In Sicily the Pope contrived to raise a rebelHon at the beginning of the year 1246, which however was quain tributiira Roinanae cupiditati omni saeculo detestabili soluturos, — velampliusredituum Ecclesiavum — proventus extorquerinon passuros. Veruntamen dominus Papa aniino patienti et oculis couniventibus haec omnia dissimulando pertransieiis, tempus rigidius agendi, respirante prosperitate, tacitus expectavit. ^ Lewis IX., to whom Fredei'ick had entrusted the mediation of peace, (see Pertz iv. 355), during an interview with the Pope, about Easter 1216, at Cluny (for the Pope was not allowed to advance farther into France, Mattb. Paris p. 683) wasted on bim tbe most moving arguments (Matth. Paris p. 697) : Quod cum dominus Papa ei'ecta et rejecta cervice refutasset, dominus Rex Francorum recessit iratus et indignans, eo quod bumilitatem, quam speraverat, in servo servorura Dei minime reperisset. — It happened at the same time, that Frederick even sub- mitted himself to a trial of the soundness of his faith, before tbe Archbishop of Palermo and several other divines, and sent the result to Lyons. Upon this Innocent, on the 23d of May announced to all believers (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 18 ss.), quod hujusmodi examinatio fuerat per magnae praesumtionis audaciam — attentata; necerat praefatis instrumento et literls, cum in eis et bulla ipsa diceretur idem Frideri- cus Imperator et Rex per quod dictus scriniarius, sic ei favendo, vinculum excommunicatiouis incurrerat, fides aliquatenus adhibenda. ^ Even Fredei'ick now dismissed all thought of peace. When he heard the sentence of Lyons, he said (Matth. Paris p. 679) : " In hoc tamen conditio mea melioratur : in aliquo tenebar illi obedire, saltern venerari. Nunc aulem ab amore et veneratione, uecnon et ab omni- modae pacis absolvor adversus Papam obligatione." Ex tunc igitur efficacius et vigllantius, ut dominum Papam gravaret, in tbesauris, eonsanguineis et amicis ejus darana et injurias irrogavit. At that time also be issued a letter to the kings of France and England (ibid. p. 680) full of heavy complaints of sacerdotal pride, of which the exces- sive bounty of laymen was one cause, and concludes thus : Nee vobis, petimus, videatur, quod per latam in nos sententiam papalem nostrae raagnitudinis majestas aliquatenus incurvetur. Ilabemus enim con- scientiae puritatem, ac per consequens, Deuin nobiscum, cujus testi- monium invocamus. Quia semper fuit nostrae intentio voluntatis, clericos cuj usque ordinis ad hoc inducere, et maxime maximos, ut tales perseverarent in fine, quales fuerunt in Ecclesia primitiva, apostolicam vitam ducentes, bumilitatem dominicam imitantes. Tales namque clerici solebant Angelos intueri, miraculis coruscare, aegros curare, mortuos suscitare, et sanctitate, non armis, sibi Reges et Principes subjugare. At isti, saeculo dediti, delitiis inebriati, Dominum post- ponunt, quorum ex affluentia divitiarum et opum omnis religio suffocatur. Talibus ergo subtrahere nocentes divitias, quibus damabiliter onerantur, CII. I.-I'APACV I.-rOLIT. DEVELOP, g 56. INNOCENT IV. m soon quelled.^ In Germany lie stirred up Henry Raspe, huul- firave ot Tliurin-ia, to set In-niself up as priests' Kin-.-, in opposition to Freled tbe princes lest after I-redenck .s overtbn.u- IJoinana Kcclesia, gratia Dei abutens m posteruM. H, tantau. elationen. et intoierabileu, superbiam subleva- ietur,quod 1 ruK.pes catbohcos insontes et justos, et praecipue Praelatos quav.s lev. causa vel deponeret, vel dep..nere probrose co.n.nlnarelur • Inquendoque subhnua, gloriandoque dicerent Koniani, licet a i.lebeia st.rpe procreati : Nos ipsuM.-Predericum conculeavin.us, et Imis es tu qui nobis tenu>re credis resistere ? Et ita provocuti nubiUor.s contra e>s levabunt cacaneur,,, J)tuque vindice avctvritas Rmana poterit deperire in iTcderu-k's strong measures to assure bimself of tbe hdehty of Ins clergy bis taxing tbe.n, and bi.. banisbment of tbe mendicant orders, see Kaunier iv. 1S«J. J Compare tbe Pope's summons to all Sicilians 2G. April 121G (Havnald. ad b. a. no. 11 ss.) : universitatem vestram per Dei miseri- con lam obs.eramus, et ,n remissionem vobis injungimus peccatorum, quatenus nobis et fratribus nostris .super afflictione vestra gementibu fest.nam super eo praebeatis laetitiam, quod dan.nati bominis abcHcato dominio, cm pen.tus m nullo tenemini, per nos a juramento fidelitatis totahter absoh.ti, ad grenuum s. Romanae E cclesiae matris vestrae cujus estis speciales filii, cessantibus quibuscunque difiugiis redeatis • praesertim cum nos-duos legatos solennes-bujusmodi promotioni m^gotu .lux.mus deputandos, concesso eis plenae legationis officio etc New doc-ujnonts on tbe Pope's proceedings again.st Sicily are to be found in Ilnrters Kaiser Frederick II. s. ;573. Comp s ^i\ « Albertus Stadensis fol L'18. Anno 1245 :-( )ua ;ent"entia [Papae] per mundum volante, quidam Principum cum multis aliis reclamabant d.c'ntes, ad I apam non pertinere, Imperatorem vel instifuere vel destituere sed electum a Princlpibus coronare. Interea Papa solli- c.tan fecit Princpes, quos ad Imperium rcgendum credidit idoncos, ut al.quis corum onus In.perii sumeretet laborem, prondttens ei, quicunmie Iinpenum assumeret, consilium et auxilium pariter et favorem. Tan- dem Ikmneus Lantgravius, cognomcnto Raspe, multis evictus precibus Imperi.nn accepit tbe Papal connnand to tbe Princes to elect bim is in lert/ iv. oOl.; Anno Dom. 12IG Henricus Lantgravius Turingiae juxta Ilerbipolin in Ascensione Domini a Moguntino et Colonienst et •luibusdam Pnnc.pibus in Regem eligitur, et subito crux contra omnes 112 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. ascendancy in Germany was so decisive,^ that the Pope could find no one to accept the crown put up by him for pubhc competition, except William, Count of Holland (Oct. 1247), and for him he was obliged to purchase adherence with money.^"^ Then died Frederick (f 13. Dec. 1250.)^^ But not the death of the individual, nothing less than the destruction of the whole race, could satisfy Papal vengeance ;^^ the war was continued infideles a Moguntino solenniter praedicatui' (the Papal order for this is found in Hofler, s. 374), et omnis ilia Principuin et nobilium col- lectio crucis charactere insignitur. The Pope charged the Minorites (22. April 1246 in Wadding ann. Minorum ed. 2. iii. 145), quatenus Christifideles per Teutoniam constitutos — tarn in occulto, quam in publico inducatis, in remissionem ipsis peccaminum injungentes, ut ei, qui electus fuerit, fideliter et efficaciter intendant, ac assintant viriliter et constanter. First of all the Pope must send money for the war, Matth. Paris p. 704, and as Frederi -k had blockt up the approach, fccit Papa per Praedicatores et Minores mutato habitu tarn scripta consolatoria, quam alia juvamenta ad Landegravium transvehi. Idem p. 706. Especially must inexhaustible England again furnish supplies Idem p. 707 ss. 715 ss., but now there began also a like plundering of the German Church (see Raumer iv. 235), and even of the French, St Lewis, about the year 1246, remonstrates with the Pope (see Grava- mina Eccl. Gallicanae, below § 62, note 26,) that his Legates demanded military supplies even from the clergy against the Emperor, and reminded him of the saying of Christ : si persecuti fueriut vos in unam civitatem, fugite in aliam. Further: Magnum et novum subsidium modo petitis ab Ecclesiis per fratres minores, qui modo discurrunt per totum Regnum, et intolerabiliter gravant Ecclesias multis modis et diversis. Some of them had announced to the church of Burgundy : Praecipimus vobis ex parte domini Papae septimam partem omnium ecclesiasticorum proventuum vestrorum, alioquin excommunicamus vos. Et si aliqui contradixerint, privamus eos omnibus beneficiis suis. — In aliquibus etiam Ecclesiis ponebant etiam simili modo quintam. Praeci- piunt etiam Episcopis, ut Ecclesiis suarum Dioecesium, tam parochianis quam aliis, imponant eertam summam pecuniae, quam eis exprimunt, et praecipiunt eis, ut subditos suos compellant per poenam excommunica- tionis ad solvendam summam illam. 9 Raumer iv. 220. 1" Raumer iv. 243. Hofler s. 250. ^^ Consistent even in his death. In his will (found entire in Pertz, iv. 356, he decrees, p. 359 : ut sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, matri nostrae, restituantur omnia jura sua salvis in omnibus et per omnia jure et honore Imperii, heredum nostrorum, et aliorum fidelium, si ipsa Ecclesia restituat jura Imperii. 1- Innocentii ep. ad Suevos in Raynald. 1251 no. 6 : Hei'ode (Fre- derick II.) sublato, qui Christi animam in animrbus fidelium perdere nitebatur, haereditario jm-e paternae tyrannidis principatum alter sibi CH. I.-PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. # 56„ INNOCENT IV. II3 .against King Conrad with redoubled energy.^'' Whilst in Ger- many the opposition to Wilh'ani undoubtedly lessened withal vindicat Archelaus (Konrad). Propter quod adhuc matrem oportet Ecclesiam dcvotonmi suorum praecavere periculis, ac dextrain protec- tionis extendere in filiorum praesidium contra eos, rpii adversus Domiiinm et adversus Christum ejus in sua superbia eriguntur. Hinc — univer- sitatem restrain volunius esse certam, quod quondam Friderici, qui olim pro Imperatore se gessit, sobolcs, nobis ac vobis raerito de paternae pcrfidiae haereditaria imaginatione suspecta, (it traductae ab avis et proavis sacvae tyrannidis aemulatrix, nuniquam ad Romanuni regnum vel impcriuni, aut Sueviae priucipatum consurget ex permissione sedis apostolicae aut favore. The Pope appears in a vet more contemptible li.ght in the story which Matth. Paris tells, ann. 12.")2 : Cum Innocentius IV. neptes suas i'astigiose nimis et sumptuose maritasset, apposuit adhuc, lit suam partem raagis roboraret, unam neptem suam Henrico, filio Friderici, nepoti scilicet Regis Angliae (son of Frederick and Isabella, a sister of Henry III.) matrimonialiter copulare, ut idem Heinricus fleret quasi filius Papae adoptivus, et sub alis Ecclesiae pro- tectus, et a sententia, qua innoilabatur, penitus absolutus, summa pace gratularetur. Quod cum magnates Imperii audircnt, maximam conce- peruut indignationem, eo quod praesumeret Papa tarn nobilem tamque gi'ncrosum adolescentem ignobilitare. ^^Raumeriv, 319. Once again Innocent rouses the mendicant friars. See his letter to the Dominican de Eyka 5. Feb. 1251 (Ray- nald ad h. a. no. 11.) Praedicationem crucis contra Conradum— suosque fautores, persecutores Ecclesiae, per totuin Regnum Alernanniae tibi duximus auctoritate apostolica committendam : exequendi praedi- cationem hujusmodi per te, vel per alios, quos ad eam idoneos esse cognoveris ; largiendi etiam crucesignatis ob causam hujusmodi, et concedendi privilegia et indulgentias, quae crucesignatis in terrae sanctae subsidium transfretantibus conceduutur ; nee non remis- sionem XL., dierum iis, qui ad tuam super hoc praedicationem, vel illorum, quibus eam commiseris, accesserint audiendam ; illosque nihil- ouiinus censura ecclesiastica compescendi, qui super iis vos forte prae- sumpserint impedire, concessa vobis auctoritate praesentium plenaria potestate. The Minorite Joannes de Dist 10. Feb. 1251 received a similar charge, in illis partibus Flandriae in quibus esse dicitur in generali usu Teutonicum idioma (Wadding, ann. Minor, iii. 246.) Matth. Paris ann. 1251 p. 820 s. even relates : Dominus Papa— fecit itidici praedicationem soleimem et conununem in partibus Brabantiaeet Flandriae, ut fideles Christi castra infidclis Conradi hostiliter iiiipug- narent, statuens retributionera mirabilem, scilicet omnium peccatorum remissionem, ampliorem videlicet, quara pro peregrinatione in terram sanctam facienda. Nam si quis contra Conradum signaretur, signatus et signati pater et mater omnium peccatorum suorum veniam conseque- rentur. Only in France these preachings of the Crusade were not allovyed, and Queen Blanch, who held the regency in the absence of Lewis, had even caused the estates of those who took the cross to be H 114 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. D. 1073-13U5. the consideration with which men regarded the feeble kine- doui propped up by the Pope alone ;^^ Innocent hurried back from Lyons to Italy (1251)/^ in order to win Sicil}^ But Conrad also immediately after left distracted Germany to take possession of his ancestral kingdom, which had been maintained for him by his gallant half-brother jSIanfred.^^ The Pope proffered in vain the Sicilian crown, and at length presented it to the English Prince Edmund (March (1254) :^^ until death, which confiscated, with the words : Qui Papae militant, de papalibus susti- neautur, et eant irredituvi. •^^ Especially since William invited the Pope's confirmation of the decrees of his diet held at Frankfort (1. July 1252.) This begins at once (ap. Kaynald. ad. li. a. no. 17): Dio-num est, seutentias, quae solenniter regio promulgantur oraculo, ut illibatae permaneant, aposto- licae firmitatis patrocinio non carere etc. In July 1253 the Pope decided even on the question of the Austrian succession, in favour of Ottokar of Bohemia and liis wife Margaret, and calls himself in the deed (in Wurdtwein nova subsidia diplomat, ix. 36) Vicegerent of the true God in this world, and President of the Universal Republic, quite in the spirit of Gerhohus (see above § 54 note 1.) How disorders of all kinds had gained ground in Germany see Schlosser III. ii. ii. 142. At that time sang Master Sigebcrt (v. d. Hagens Minnesinger ii, 361) : Des Keisei-s wal stuont gar schone, Do sin Kiinige pflagen e (vordem) : Nu pflegent sin welhische Pfalfen, Die vervendern (verkaufcn) segen unt den touf. — Als der Tocken spilt derWalch (Walsche) mit tiutschen viirsten : Er sezzet si uf, er sezzet si abe : Nach der babe (je nachdeni sie etwas haben) Wirfet er si bin unt her, als eiuen bal. 1^ Characteristic of the morals of the Papal court at this time are the following words from the parting address of Cardinal Hugo to the inhabitants of Lyons in Matth. l*;iris p. 819 : Amici, magnam fecimus, postquam in banc urbem venimus, ntilitatem et eleemosynam. Quando cnim primo hue venimus, tria vet quatuor prostibula invenimus, Sed nunc recedentes unum solum relinquimus. Verum ipsura durat conti- uuatum ab oriental! porta civitatis usque ad occidentalcm. 1" Raumer iv. 327. 1^ He first offered it to Richard Duke of Cornwall 1252 (Matth. Paris p. 856, 861, the Bull is in Rymer's fa-dera cd Clarke i. i. 284), be however made conditions with the Pope, and at last declared (i\Iatth. Paris p. 892 : idem est, ae si quis (licerec : vendo vel do tibi binam, ascende et apprehende cam. Then to Charles Count of Anjou (Rayn. 1253 no. 2 ss.) At last (Matth. Paris 1254 p. 892) the Pope betook himself to Henry III. King of England, ut simplicifatem ejus circum- CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 56. INNOCENT IV. 115 SO often caine to the advantage of the Popes, carried away Conrad also (21. May 1254.)^^ When the Pope engaged to respect the rights of Conradino, then hut two years old/^ Manfred, as his guar- dian, put himself under his protection (Sept. 1254),-'^ and Innocent took possession of the kingdom. However it was soon discovered that the Pope entertained other designs :^^ and now Manfred veniret, quoniam sclebat semper ad damna propria pronum et credulum, obtulit et concessit ei regnum SiciHae et Apuliae. Rex autem de promisso papaU umbratili adeo exhilaratus est, et adeo dilatatum est cor suum inani gaiidio, quod voce, gestu et risu exultationem protestans, fihum suum Edinundum Regem Siciliae palam vocaret, credens pro facto se jam de ipso regno subarratum. — Rex igitur quicquid de tliesauro suo, quicquid de scaccario (Exchequer) quicquid mutuo potuit a iratre suo Comite Richardo recipcre, quidque potei'at a Judaeis abradere, quicquid de rapinis Justiciariorum itinerantium valuit extor- quere, niisit Papae, ut Conradum impugnaret, et omnes sues Siculos et Apulos expugnaret. — With this the Pope hired troops, et copiose sterlingos distribult, et cum defecissent, significavit Regi, quod defuit illi pecunia. Rex autem instinctu diaboli et avaritiae, rescribens Papae, mittcbat ei Hteras patentes obligatorias, regie sigillo consignatas, ut sufBcienter, imo abundanter mutuo caperet a mercatoribus Italicis. — Papa autem his omnibus consentiens, hoc mandatum acceptavit : si bene fecerit, judicet Judex omnium judiciorum Dominus, cui cura est de omnibus, non autem meum est, facta papaha judicai*e. The deed of gift to Edmund, dated 6. March 1254, is in Rymer-Clarke i. i. 297. Next ibid. p. 301, follows a charge to the English bishops, quatenus ad requisitionem Regis — recipiatis — pecuniam mutuo, quantumcunque po- teritis invenire ; Ecclesias ipsas universas et singulas — obligantes. ^^ Raumer iv. 347. ^^ Innocent universis Chrlsti fidelibus (Raynald. 1254 no. 46) : nos circa carissimum in Christo filium nostrum Conradum Regem Hierosolymitanum, illustrem Ducem Sueviae, — apostolicae benevolen- tiae gratiam effundentes, — regnum Hierosolymitanum, et ducatum Sueviae, et alia jura sua, ubicunque ilia, sive in regno Siciliae, sive alibi habeat, Integra et illaesa sibi — volumus conservare : et pevralt- timus, quod universi de ipso regno Siciliae in serie juramenti fidelitatis, quod nobis et Ecclesiae Romauae praestabunt, possint adjicere : Conradi puerijure salvo. '^ Innocent invested him, dd. 27. Sept. 1254 (Raynaldus ad h. a. no. 57 ss.) with the dukedom of Tarento and several earldoms, and indeed ita quod — tu et iidem haeredes immediate a Romana Ecclesia, nullum alium praeter Ipsam recognoscendo in ils superlorem vel domi- num, teneatis perpetuo : and named him (ib. no. 60) Governor of the Land on this side the Strait, ita quod vicariam hujusmodi immediate ab apostolica sede recognoscas et teneas. ^^ Notwithstanding his acknowledgment of Conradin's right (note 19) and the surrender to Manfred (note 20), he had confirmed the grant to H 2 11 r. THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 107.^—1305. stepped forth again into the lists in behalf of the rights of the Hohenstaufen. Apulia was quickly conquered by him ; and Inno- cent only escaped by death from another war (f 13. Dec. 1254.)^'^ Whilst the energies of the western world were engaged sepa- rately with the Mongols, the Latin Empire at Constantinople, and the Papal warfares, and its enthusiasm for Palestine cooling ; the kingdom of Jerusalem received little aid fi'om this quarter, when it was hard pressed again by the Chowaresmier in the service of the Sultan of Egypt, who soon conquered the principal part of it, together with the capital city (1247.) Only the pious Louis IX. took the Cross (1248, Sixth Crusade.)^'^ He thought the English Prince Edmund 9. Jim. 1254 (Rymer-Clarke i. i. 304), and wished at last to take possession of the kingdom in person. Raunier iv. 359. 22 The opinion of the age on this Pope expresses itself in the dream of a Cardinal, which Matthew Paris, p. 897, relates. The Church accuses the Pope before the throne of the Godhead : Accuso eum super tribus. Primo eum in terris Ecclesiam fundas.sea, libertatibus eam donasti, quae a te ipso processerunt : hie vero eam reddidit ancillam vilissimam. Secundo fundata est Ecclesia salus peccatorum, lit scilicet lucrifaceret animos miserorum : hie vero fecit eam mensam nuinmulari- orura. Tertio fundata est Ecclesia in fidei firmitate, jiistitia et veritate : hJc vero fidem et mores fecit vaciilare, justitiam sustulit, veritatem obumbravit: justum ergo judicium redde mihi. 23 ^Yilken vii. 15. Even now there are scattered voices of the Troubadours. Lanfranc Cigala (Millot ii. 15S, comp. Diez Leben u. Werke der Troubadours, Zwickau 1829, s, 569) warmly encourages men to take the Cross. Je ne regarde point comme chevalier, quicouque ne va de bon coeur et de tout son pouvoir au secours de Dieu, qui en a si grand besoin. — Croyezvous, mechans barons, qu'il convienne, que Dieu vous aide, et qui vous ne Vaidiez pasf On the other hand, Sordel excuses himself to Charles of Anjou (1, c. p. 98) : Seigneur comte, vous ne devez point exiger, que j'aille chercher la mort, — Par la mer tout le monde gagne son salut. Mais moi je ne suis point presse de me sauver : je veux arriver le plus tard qu'il sera possible a la vie eternelle : ainsi je ne m'embarquerai de ma vie. A few years later is the Sirvente of the Templar (original in Raynouai-d iv."l31, Diez s. 588), where it is written : Gcd has sworn and assured us, that no one who believes on Jesus Christ, shall remain there. Still further. He will make of the minister of S. Mary (the Templars' church in Jeru- salem) a mosque (basomairia) ; and if this is pleasing to His Son, who might be expected to be grieved at it, so should it also be pleasing to us. So he is foolish who fights with the Turks, when Jesus Christ is not against them. —God who used to wake, sleeps now, yet Mahomet (Baso- met) works with all his might, and lets Melicadeser work (probably this is Malek al Kamel, Sultan of Egypt, Malek al Adel's son.) The Pope CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLrr. DEVELOP. § 57. ALEXANDER 1\ . Hy to conquer Palestine in Egypt, he even took Daniietta (1241)), but on his further advance was taken prisoner (1250), and returned (1254) with a small remnant of his army to France.^* §57. ALEXANDER IV. (25. DEC. 1254—25. MAY 1261.) UKBAN IV. (29. AUG. 1261 —2. OCT. 1204.) CLEMENT IV. (5. FEB. 1265-29. NOV. 1268.) Sources : Jamsilla and Malaspina (see at tlie head of g 56.) Raumev iv. 376. Alexander IV.^ although he almost exhausted England,^ could not hinder Manfred, who was chiefly supported by his brave and richly endows the Arelatese and French with indulgences, in their war against the Germans. But here with us the Legates show great avarice; for our crosses give way to Tourneser-creuzers (a coin), and whosoever will, exchanges his pilgrimage for the war in Lombardy ; therefore I tell you in good eai'nest, they are selling God and His Pardon for money. ^* Schlosser III. ii. 1, 167. Raumer iv. 282. * According to Matth. Paris, p. 897 : Vir, ut ajunt, satis benignus et bene religiosus, assiduus in orationibus, in abstinentia strenuus ; sed sibilis adulantium seducibilis, et pravis avarorum suggestionibus incli- nativus. — Scripsit autem in priucipio creationis suae cunctis Ecclesiarum Praelatis, postulans humiliter, ut orarent pro ipso, ut Doniinus dai*et ei potestateni, gratiam et voluntatem, Ecclesiam Dei congrue gubernare, et vicarius Dei et Petri successor competenter appellari. In <|uo facto novo (alii enim ejus successores nil tale fecerunt) multorum corda in spem erexit meliorera. Veruntamen a collateralibus fratribus suis decipi cito se permisit ejus simplicitas. 2 Alexander confirmed the grant of his predecessor to Edmund, upon hard conditions (the Bull, dated 9. Apr. 1255, is in Rymer. ed. Clarke I. i. 316.) Two thousand ounces of good and pure gold were to be paid annually as quit rent. King Henry was to pay all the expenses of the Church, incurred hitherto in the matter of Sicily, which were estimated at 135,541 pounds sterling, and besides 20,000 pounds sterling of his royal bounty to the Pope and Cardinals : ac insuper de damnis, ex- pensis et interesse, ac aliis, quae hac occasione intervenient, plenam satisfactionem irapendet. Lastly, within a year's time he was to send a general with an army sufficient to conquer the land. Now began new extortions. Vast sums were taken up in the name of English prelates with Italian bankers (Mat. Pai-is p. 910.) Master Rustandus legista appeared as Papal Legate. He preached a crusade against Manfred, and sought for money. Thus he closed a sermon with the words : Estote filii obedientiae, obligamini tali et tali mercatori in tanta pecu- niae quantitate (ib. p. 914), and so fortli. 118 THIRD PEKIOD.— DiV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. faithful Saracens, from subduing the whole kingdom of Sicily, and afterwards ascending the throne in person (1258.)'^ The Pope's Ban had so Httle eflPect in Sicily, that the new King even overran the States of the Chui'ch (1259), and now that the English resources were exhausted,^ compelled the Pope to make proposals for peace (1260.)^ Manfred was obliged to refuse these as extravagant, and immediately after gained the ascendancy in Tuscany also. Alexander was more fortunate in Germany, which fell a prey to him because of its internal dissensions. After King William's death (f 1256), the choice, from which Papal fear and vengeance excluded the young Conrad from the first, "^ was undecided betwixt 8 He opened his mind on this point in the following manner, to an embassy sent by Conradin's mother (see the contemporary Matthaei Spinelli ephemerides Neapol. in Muratori scriptt. rer. It. vii. 1088) : Regnum orphano isti perditum fuisse, se autem illud raanu avmata vindicasse a potestate duorum Pontificum, — Papam vero ct regnicolas nuUo modo consensuros unquam, ut dominarentur Teiitonici ; se tamen aliud non praetendere, quam ut sibi relinquatnr Regnum ad vitam, morte sua rediturum ad Conradinum ; Reginara povro recte facturam, mittendo filiura educandum istic, et iiioribus Italicis irabuendura, haben- dumque a Rege filii loco. * On the troubles caused in England since the year 1258 by the pressure for money, see Schlosser III. ii. ii. 288. •'' Matth. Spinellus 1, c. p. 1096 : The proposal was, quod Papa vellet in pacis conditionem adduci, ut Rex Manfredus bona erepta Regno egressis redderet, et a Regno expelleret Saracenos. Rex autem Man- fredus respondit, quod duplo plures accersere vellet : itaque fecit. ^ Alex, epist. ad Archiep. Maguntin. dd. V. Kal. Aug. 1256 (ap. Raynald. ad h. a. no. 3 ss. Leibnitii cod. jur, gent, diplom. Prodr. p. 10 ss.) — Nam in hoc pravo genere patrum in filios cum sanguine derivata malitia, sicut carnis pi-opagatione, sic imitatioce openun nati genitoribus successerunt. Ex quo liquido perpendi potest et conjici, si ex ipso aliquae potestatis reliquiae remanserunt, quid sperandum sit in futm-um de illis,.quid in posterum exspectandum : vita nam que ac gesta praedecessorum perversa iniquitatem praenuntiant successoris, nee hor- ribilis et scelesta illorum memoriaquicquambonide ipsorum posteritate credere vel sperare permittit : de colubro quidem egreditur regulus, et arbor mala noxios fructus profert etc. — Ideoque fraternitatem tuam monemus, rogamus, et hcrtamur attente, ac per apostolica tibi scripta in virtute obedientiae sub debito fidelitatis, quo nobis et Eccelsiae Romanae teneris, ac sub poena excommunicationis, quani ex nunc in te proferimus, districto praecipiendo mandamus, quatenus pi-aefatum Conradura puerum nullatcnus in Regem eligas, nee nomines, neque consentias in eundem etc. en. I.— PAPACY 1.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 57. URBAN IV. 119 Kichard of Cornwall and xVlphonso the wise, King of Castile.'' The Germans were already accustomed to look for decision from the Pontiff:^ .\Jexander at first prudently delayed, but afterwards inclined to Eichard (1259), who had taken possession.^ Nevertheless Urban IV. regarded the German question as still undecided,**^ and repeatedly summoned the two candidates ^ G. Chr. Gebauers Lcben unci denkwlirdige Thaten Ilerrn Richanl.s prwahltcn rbm. Kaisers, Leipzig 1744. 4. The documents of the Contract between Richard and Conrad, Archbishop of Cologne, on tliB election of the former, may be seen in F. J. Bodmann codex epistolavis Hiidolfi I. Lips. 1806. p, 306 ss. ** Richard had to give a written and attested promise to the cities of Frankfort (Gebauer s. 352), Oppenhcim (s. 136), Wesslar (s. 356), and Friedbcrg (s. 358) : si forte a sanctissimo Patre no.stro domino summo Pontifice fuerimus, quod'absit, per diffinitivam sententiam reprobati, et alius Rex contra Nos eligatur, qui ad obtentum i-egni et imperii Romani nobis potior sit in jure, dictusque summus Pontifex praenomi- natos cives et alios fidelcs nostros, ad avertendum eos a fidei nostrae cultu per sententiam interdicti et excommunicationis ai'ctaverit, nos ipsos ex tunc a fidelitatis nobis praestito juramento et ab omni promisso — dimittcmus. ■> Alex, epist. ad. Ricardum dd. XL Kal. Maji 1259 (in Rj'mer- Clarke I. i. 382. Gebauer s. 156.) — Considerantes etiam quod semper fuisti Ecclesiarum amator praecipuus etc. — attcndentes insuper, quod circa personam tuam inclvtam — est ad unctionem et coronationem etiam jam processum ; nostrum ad te totaliter direximus animum, firnio intendentes proposito, — tuae pi'omotioni frequenter intendere, atque ad orane bonum tuum impendere opem et operam eificacem. Et ecce dilectum filium, fratrem Walterum de Rognt — ad regimen Alemanniae in favorcm tuum duximus specialiter destinandum, universis praedicii Imperii Principibus — tibi adhaerentibus et non adhaerentibus raan- dantes, — ut adhaerenles constanter in tua fidelitatc persistant, et non adhaerentes tibi studeant adhaercre firmiter etc. The Legate would say more to him ; and ut cautius et melitis ad optatum perducantur cffectum, secretum apud te, nemini revelando, teneas ilia; quia, si secus fierct, plurimiun negotio deperiret. '" The party of the Ilohenstaufen family was still strong in Germany. The Pope had heard from the King of Bohemia (sec Urban, epist. ad Reg. Bohera. dd. iii. Nov. Jun. 1262 in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 5 ss,), qualiter etiam in illis partibus vulgaris rumor insonuit, quod nonnullo- rum ex praedictis Principibus (ad quos Romani Regis spectat electio) ad hoc tendit intentio, ut videlicet Conradus puer — ad Romani culmen Imperii sublimetur. Thereupon he renewed the prohibition of his pre- decessor (sec note 6) with regard to the two candidates for the throne, he decided, in a bull addressed to the Cardinals, dd. vii. Id. Aug. 1263 (in Raynald. ad. h. a. no. 40): cum tam memoratus Comes, quam praefatus Rex electi fuerint, nos veritatem gequcntes, sine alterutrluB 120 THIRDPERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. before his throne ; without in the meanwhile pronouncing any decision.^^ But Urban's principal aim, for he disdained reconcihation, was the annihilation of Manfred.^- Wlien England could pay no more he offered the Sicilian crown to Charles, Count of Anjou : although his more upright brother, St Lewis, strongly disapproved of the transaction,^^ he came to an agreement with him as to partis praejudicio utrumque ipsorum decrevimus in nostris Uteris nomi- nanduin in Romanorum Regem electum. Alexander's letter (note 9) was easily set aside, cum sint literae placentia quaedani, ne dicam adulatoria, non dittinitionem aliquam continentes. In the letter to Richard dd. ii. Kal. Sept. 1263 (the same no. 43 ss.) he writes other- wise : et licet idem praedecessor tibi favorem circa praerogativam alicujus intitulationis impenderit, non tamen nos decuit facilitate praecipiti sequi hujusmodi processum praedecessoris ejusdem, quern fratrem nostrorum — communis et decisiva collatio non praecessit. ^1 Gebauer s, 213 ff. On this point the Troubadour Bertrand d' Alamanon (Millot i. 397. Original in Raynouard v. 72), thus speaks Ids mind : C'est le Pape, qui regne, qui possede I'empire : car il en tire plus de revenu, — que n'en pourroit tirer I'Einpereur. II ne cherche qu'a fomenter les troubles. Ce proces ne sera point juge. Mais pnisque les Rois le veulent terminer avec les amies, qu'ils se mettent chacun en campagne ; que I'un des partis remporte la victoire. Alors les decretales n'arreteront plus, et Ton fera bien parler le Pape. Le vainqueur sera appele fils dc Dieu, sera couronne par le clerge. Tel est i'usage des gens d'eglise, quand ils trouvent un Empereur puissant, de se soumettre hurablement a ses ordres, et de I'accabler, quand ils le voient decheoir. '■^ Sabce Malaspinae lib. ii. c. 7 (in Murat. viii. 806 s.) After the negotiations with Charles of Anjou were alread)^ begun. Urban caused Manfred to be summoned for form's sake ; and he sent ambassadors. But their allegation«s pro Rege idem sumnius Pontifex non admisit : quia, dum Ecclesia voluit, — Rex praedictus ipsius Ecclesiae beneplacita parvipendit, nee annuit postulatis. Cum autem postraodum visus est velle sub exquisitis cum omni diligentia pactis sedis ejusdem se subjicere voluntati, ejus humilitatem tunc repudiavit — Ecclesia. — Sicque ipsum Regem, — tanquam jam praescitum ad malum, sumraus Pontifex excom- municationis vinculo innodavit. 13 Compare Urban's letter to his Legate in France, Magister Albertus (ap. Raynald. ann. 1262, no. 21) : Tuns nuper recepimus literas inter caetera continentes, quod clarissimus in Christo filius noster Rex Francorum illustris, verbis proculdubio subdolis aliquorum, intendentium, ipsum avertere a negotio, ad quod cum ipso tractandum te misimus, aures credulitatis inclinans : et eorundem fingentium, Conradinum, — vel si dictus Conradinus, ut eorum verbis utamur, a suo jure cecidit, nobilem virum Edmund um — per concessionem sedis apos- tolicae in regno Siciliae jus habere, suggestionibus informatus — duhitat, ClI. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP.? 57. URBAN IV. 121 conditions,^^ and declared Edmund's claim forfeited.^-' However, Manfred came forth to meet liis ncAv antagonist : and the greatest nee inimcrito, si Veritas praemissis addesset, non sine mvltorum, ut asserit, scandalo jus invadere alienum. — Verum illam debet idem Fraiicorum Rex de nobis et fratribus nostris cepisse fiduciani, — quod ipsum taniquam praedilcetum, et Ronianae Eeclesiae filiimi — ea dilec- tionis singularitate prostquimur, quod nee personam aut terrani periculis ingerere, nee famam scandalo aut detractioni subjicere, nee aniinam suam, cujus nobis licet immeritis eurain novimus esse comniissan), salutis vellemus discrimiui subjaccre : quodque nos et fratres ipsi sic nostras intendimus conscientias divinae majestatis virtute praeambula mundas Domino conscrvare, — quod in praedictorum Conradini et Edmundi, vel aUeriuseujusdam praejudicium cum conscientiarum scrupulo [et] divini offensa numinis nuUo modo aliquid faceremus. However Lewis' aversion to the cause continued, see below, note 18. 1* Tlie first outline of the Papal conditions, 23. March 1262, is in Muratorii antiquitt. Ital. med. a;vi vi. 105, a second dated 17.' Jun. 1203, in JVIartene et Durand thesaur. nov. anecdotorum ii. 9. On the other hand, on 28. Jul. 1203, the Pope promised the count tithes of all ecclesiastical revenues in France and the kingdom of Aries : farther still, faeiamus verbum crueis proponi contra Manfredum — et Saracenos Luceriae per onmes terras, — in quibus verbum hujusmodi potcrit secure proponi : illamque iiidulgentiam, ae ilia privilegia et illas immunitates his, qui contra Manfredum et Saracenos praedietos signum crueis assuniscrint, largiamur, quae transfretantibus in terrac sanctae subven- tionem in generali concilio sunt conccssa. Demus etiam dieto Comiti omnes redemtiones votorum pcrsonarum illarum, quae signum crueis in subsidium dicti negotii duxerint assumendum, et redimere voluerint hujusmodi vota sua. At last he offers the protection of the Church for Charles' lands, and so forth. In Jan. 1204 the Pope consented to some modifications of the treaty at the request of Charles : see the three letters ad Albertum sedis apost. notarium in Martene 1. c. p. 33 ss. ^■> Urbani epist. ad Ilenr. Jiegem et nobilem virum Eadnnmdum dd. 28. Jul. 1203 (in Kymer-Clarke I. i. 428) :— Quia ergo liberuin est nobis et ipsi Eeclesiae, de pracdieta regno Siciliae disponere, — cum conditiones, sul) quibus regnum ipsum a praefato praedecessore conces- sum extitit, adinipletac nou fuerint, sicut nostis ; nos — magnificentiam vestram— rogandam duximus attentius et hortandam, in remissionem vobis peccaTninum nihilominus injungentes, quatenus — nullum deinceps nobis et ipsi Eeclesiae super hujusmodi dicti regni negotio ingeratis impedimentum, nullumque contradictionis obstaculum oppoiiatis ; sed — -et verbis ostendatis et Uteris, quod vobis non displieet, innno placet, si dicta Ecclesia super ipsius regni negotio tractet cum aliqnibus mundi Principibus, suamque possit de ipso regno conditionem facere meliorem : preces super hoc apostolicas taliter impleturi, quod Pegem Regum constituatis exinde vobis projiitimn et benignum, et praedictam Romanam Ecclesiam reddafis propter hoc vobis perpetuis temporibus in vestris opportunitatibus favorabilem adjutricem. ■i 122 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— AD. 1073—1305. part of the estates of the Church was in the King's power/' when the Pope ched (f 2. Oct. 1264.) Clement IV. at last reapt the sweet as well as the bitter fruits, which his predecessors had sown. Charles arrived at Rome (in May 1265)/' but without money.^^ The Papal Bull for a ^'' See Urban's account in his epistle to Cardinal Simon, Legate in France, Martene thes. ii. 82. His call for help addressed ad universes fideles is iu Raynald 1264, no. 16. Raumer iv. 484. ^' As early as 26. Feb., Clement issued two Bulls (d'Acbery spici- legium iii. 648.) The one deprives Edmund once more of all claim for Sicily, and shows in a legal argument that there had never been any collation or concession of the kingdom itself, made either to Edmund or his Father, by the Apostolic See, or by its mandate or authority (the obsequious Henry, as early as June 1265, sent ambas- sadors to the Pope with full power to renounce his claim on the kingdom of Sicily. See Rynier- Clarke, p. 457.) The other Bull solemnly hands over the kingdom to Charles of Anjou, on the conditions already agreed on. About these last a new act was executed at the time of Charles's investitui-e, 29. May 1265 (in Raynald ad h. a. no. 13 ss.), which received the Papal assent in a Bull dated 4. JVov. (in Martene thesaur. ii. 220 ss.) Accordingly Charles was crowned in Rome by five cardinals on the 6th of January 1266. By the terms of this last definitive treaty Charles was required to pay a yearly quit-rent of 8000 ounces of gold, quolibet triennio unum palafridum albimi, pulcrum et bonum in recognitionem veri dominii eorundem regni et terrae, and immediately after taking possession of the kingdom 50,000 ounces of gold. If the terms were not kept, first the excommunication of the King, then an interdict of the whole country, were to follow. For this Charles held the whole kingdom in its former extent, only with the exception of Benevento. When the Pope required it, the King was to send him 300 knights in aid. ^^ In this the Pope had many arbitrary acts of Charles to complain of, comp, dementis epist. ix. xiii. Ixxii. (Martene thes. ii. 105, 107, 141.) But all his letters at this time remark on Charles's necessity and want of money, for instance epist. cxvi, ad Carolum (1. c. p. 173) : Thesaurus apud nos nullus latet, nee nos eum multiplicai-e proponimus illis modis, quibus multi homines vellent. Vide partes orbisconcussas, et scire poteris causas inopiae. Anglia adversatur, Almannia vix obedit, Francia gemit et queritur, Hispania sibi non sufficit, Italia non sub- venit, sed emungit : et unde potest Romanus Pontifex, si Deum timet vel revei'etur homines, sibi vel aliis in militia velpecunia subvenire '? — Ceterum scripsit nobis secretissime legatus Franciae — motum contra te carissimi in Christo filii nosti'i illustris Regis Franciae fratris tui. Tu ergo — da operara totis viribus ad pacandum ipsius animum etc. Epist. cxx. ad Simonem Cardin. Legate in France, p. 179 : If the money rising from the tithe of ecclesiastical I'evenue to be collected in France be not soon sent to the King, Regem oportet vel fame deficere vel en. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 57. CLEMENT IV. 123 Crusade^^ had collected an army in Provence, which now marched through Northern Italy ; but it mai'kt its track by devastations of every kind. The Pope's friendship for Charles was already much cooled,''' when he gained the victory over the noble Manfred aufugere ; — Rex deceit, perit negotiiim, et nos cum eo cadimus quoad illud etc. Epist. cxxxii. ad Regem Siciliao, p. 186 : Tuis nunciis saepe dixitnus, et per literas tibi saepius intimavimus, quod tuis, ut vellemus, subvenire defectibus non valeinus, et quotiens replicatur : eadit ergo negotiurn, si non facitis ; nos subjungere cogimur : cadet Ecclesia, si quod postulatur implomus. Epist. clxv. ad Simonem Cardin. p. 214 : — [Rex] suuni et suorum vestitum et victuni in sudore vultus sui mondicat, in manus respiciens creditorum, qui sanguinem ejus ebibunt, quod non valet duos denarios solido vendentes eidem etc. ^^ Addressed to the Cardinal Legate Simon in Martene tbesaur. ii. 196 ss., and the same with a few alterations ad Arcbiepiscopos Bituri- cens. Narbon. Senon. et Rothomagens. et Priorem Pracdicatorum et JMinistrum Minorum Fratrum, Provinciales Franciae et Decanum Rliemenscm dd. iv. Non. Nov. (According to Raynald 1265 no. 26. iv. Non. Sept.) in Wadding ann. .Minovum iv. 242. It begins; De venenoKo genere, velut deradice colubri, virulenta progenies Manfrcdus, quondam princeps Tarantinus, egressus, ab ineunte aetate paternis se conformans ncquitiis, nisus est quantum potuit paternam sacvitianj superare. Qui sicut impius in pessimis rebus exultans, gloriatus est esse ae dici Ecclesiae persecutor, ad deprcssionem orthodoxae fidei, enervationem juris ecclesiastic!, et jugem turbationem Italiae, prout patet, per opera damnabilia progenitoris imitationc suspirans etc. To those who should take the Cross and in propriis personis et expensis accesserint, plenam suorum peccaminum veniam indulgcmus, et in retributione justorum salutis aeternae pollicemur augmentum. Eis autem qui non in propriis personis hoc fecerint, sed in suis dumtaxat expensis — vires idoneos destinaverint, et illis similiter, qui licet in alicnis expensis, in propriis tamen personis accesserint, et eis qui (piartam sen majorem partem proventuum — de reditibus suis pro hujiis- modi negotio collcctoribus ad hoc deputatis — erogaverint, plenam suorum concedimus veniam peccatornm. At the end it runs, according to Martene : Et ut fideles Christi libentius >et ferventius currant ad verbum Domini audiendum, omnibus vere poenitentibus et confessis, qui ad tuam et illornm, quibus id commiseris, solennem praedicationem accesserint — x. vel xx. sen xxx. vel xl. dierum indulgentiam — largiaris, prout videi'is expedire. On the other hand, according to Wadding : Caeterum vos — rectores Ecclesiarum — moneatis diligenter, et efficaciter inducatis eos ad id, si nccesse fuerit per censuram ecclesiasticam com- pellendo, ut ipsi cum parochianis suis ad audiendum verbum Crucis devote ac reverenter accedant etc. 2'^ It is worthy of note that Urban, even on 2. Feb. 1266, caused Manfred to be summoned to clear himself of the suspicion of heresy ; accordingly Manfred sent two proctors ; Urban writes tliereupon to a cardinal epist. 282, dd. 21. Febr. (in Martene thes. ii. 279) : de Man- 124 THIllD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. at Benevento by treachery (26. Febr. 1266), and took possession of the kingdom. It was yet more so when the avaricious and heartless Charles not only immediately alienated the minds of his new subjects by extortion and cruelty,-^ but also paid slight attention to the treaty concluded with the Pope.-"^ Nevertheless his hatred of the Hohenstaufen outweighed this dislike. Though Clement also did not ventm-e to decide with regard to the disputed Imperial election in Germany,-^ still he trembled at the possibility of its being settled by a fresh election of Conradin.^* When this youth^^ appeared in Italy (Oct. 1267) fredo coeperunt aliqui (Cardinales) dubitare, an scilicet ex eo, quod niiilto tempore claves Ecclesiae contemserit, orta sit ilia suspicio (haereseos), de qua concilium loquitur generate. Unde variis varia sentientibus — tuum consilium expectamus : — an scilicet excusari possit Manfredi absentia personalis pi'opter hostem in januis constitutum. — Item si petierit ad se mitti cardinales, vel alios, coram quibus purgare se debebat, an sit ei haec gratia facienda. Item an ex his, quae acta sunt contra ipsum, — possit amodo condemnari. Item an expediat, etiamsi liceret, et si licet et expediat, qualis sententia sit preferenda. 21 On the cruelties at Benevento after the battle, see Clement's epistle 262. ad Carolum (Martene 1. c. p. 306.) Raumer iv. 536. On Charles' merciless system of government see the same, s. 554 ft'. Schlosser III. ii. ii. 50. Among the Pope's letters of advice to him, see especially epist. 380. 22. Sept, 1266 (in Martene p. 406) :— inhumanus diceris, et ad nullum afficeris, prout dicitur, amicitia. — Addimus juxta faraam communem, quod homines regni tui etiara videre contemnis, et justitiam procrastinas ; — quibus si nee visibilis fueris, nee adibilis, si nee aftabilis, nee amabllis, et eisdem volueris principari, profecto in raanu gladium et in dorso loricam, et a latere praeparatum exercitum habere te jugiter oportebit. — Nunc ad tuos digredimur, illos scilicet, qui vel tuo assistant lateri, vel ad terrarum tuarum regimen destinantur : et de istis comniuniter dicitur, quod tibi subtrahunt, et tuis auferunt, quidquid possunt. — Quodsi rapina hujusmodi excusabilis esse posset, hoc solum videtur ad excusationem prodesse, quod tu fures videris facere, quibus non reddis debita, nee assignata certa stipendia etc. 22 Raumer iv. 560 ff. 23 Gebauer Leb^n Richards s. 226 ft\ 2* Clem, epist. 278 to his English Legate on 8. May 1266 (in Martene p. 319) : expedit modis omnibus Iinperii negotiixm terminari, cum multi laborent ad Conradinum praeficiendum eidem, quod quanti posset esse discriminis, ipse vides. Thence the prohibition imposed on the Archbishop of Mayence 18. Sept. 1266 in Schannat vindemiae literariae coll. 1. p. 207 ss. To this time also undoubtedly belongs the epistle of Clement^to the Electoral Princes, (bearing the false date 1254), brought to light by Bodmann Codex. Epist. Rudolfi i. p. 305 : Intel- CH. T.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 57. CLEMENT lY. 125 to rescue his father's dommion from the tyrant, ahnost every one went forth to meet him in triumph as tlieir liberator. The Pope received him with anathema.'-^ And now the time was come for the lofty race of the Hohenstaufen to fall. The Battle at Tagliacozzo (23. Aug. 12G8) declared against Conradin, and the last sprout of the noble Imperial House fell by the hand of the executioner (29. Oct. 1268.)" Thus Clement beheld, shortly before his death, the accomplishment of an aim long pursued by the Papal see. On the other hand he had received in Charles a feudal tenant, whose still increasing tyranny admitted no hope of his continuing in undisturbed possession of the kingdom of Sicily.28 While the Popes abused the preaching of Crusades to their own advantage against the Hohenstaufen, the Latin Empire at Constantinople came to an end, upon the capture of this city by ^Michael PaUeologus (1261.)^^ Bibars, Sultan of Egypt, was advancing in Syria; and wdien Antioch also was fallen (1268), the Christian dominions were almost confined to Acre alone.^" leximus, quosdara filios iniquitatum super eo linguas instruxisse mendaces, quod nos, exclusis ab iinperatoria dignitate Principibus ad praesens litig.intibus super ea, intendebamus de persona nostra juxta nostrum beneplacituni Iniperio providere, jure, quod vobis super hoc competit, enervato. Talis quippe relatio nou rationis fundamentum habuit, sed a nequitiae fermento traxit originem. Indecens enim esset, quod inde sequerentur injuriae, unde jura nascuntur etc. 2^ About liim consult W. Jagers Gcsch. Conrads II. Kg. beider Sicilien u. Herz. in Schwaben. Nlirn. 1787. 8. -" Clem, epist. 4">0 ad Florentinenses dd. 10. April. 1267 (ia Martene p. 456) : De radice colubri venenosus egressus regulus suis jam inficit flatibus partes Tusciae : viperarum genimina, viros utique pestilentes, et tarn nostros quam vacantis Imperii, necnon — Siciliae Regis inclyti proditores — ad diversas destinat civitates etc. The deed of excommunication iu Kaynald ann. 1268. no. 4 ss. according to Clem, epist. 559, in Martene p. 544, was issued on the octave of S. Martin. 19. Nov. 1267. '■" Raumer iv. 594. Schlosser HI. ii. ii. 59. s"* 8ce fresh warnings from the Pope in Raynald. 1268, no. 36. -^ Schlosser III. ii. i. 114. How the claims of the banisht Empe- ror, Baldwin II. gradually passed to the House of Anjou, and then to France, see the same s. 120 ft". ='" Marini Sanuti, Patricii Veneti, liber secretorum fidelium Crucis (libb. iii. written 1306 in Bongarsii gesta Dei per Francos T. ii.) lib. iii. Pars xii. c. 7 — 9. Schlosser III. ii. i. 343. Wilken vii. 514. 126 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. IH.— A.D. 1073—1305. § 58. GREGORY X. (1. SEPT. 1271-10. JAN. 1276.) INNOCENT V. (21 JAN.- 22 JUN.) HADRIAN V. (12. JUL.-18. AUG.) JOHN XXI. (13. SEP. 1276— MAY 1277.) NICOLAS III. 2-5. NOV. 1277-23. AUG. 1280. MARTIN IV. (22. FEB. 1281-29. MARCH 1285.) HONORIUS IV. (2. APR. 1285.-3. APR. 1287.) NICOLAS IV. (22. FEB. 1288—4. APR. 1292) CELESTINE V. (5. JUL. 1294—13. DEC. 1294.) While the Pajial election was delayed by the disunion of the Cardinals, the conquest of Antioch kindled once more the last spark of enthusiasm for the Holy Land. Lewis IX. proceeded in company with Edward, the heir to the English crown, against Tunis (1270), and there met his death. ^ Edward turned thence to Ptolemais, but he could do no more than delay the complete loss of all the Christian dominions in Palestine.^ The new Pope, Gregory X., was chosen from his suite : He departed from Ptolemais with the firm intention of sending effectual aid to the Holy Land,^ and (1274) held a general council at Lyons with this especial view. However, the enthusiasm was grown cold.* The whole result was unsatisfactory. In like manner ^ Schlosser III. ii. ii. 360. Wilken vii. 537. Comp. the anger breathing elegy of the Troubadour Austoi'c d' Orlac in Raynouard v. 54, in French in Michaud hist, des croisades 5eme edit. iv. 547. The tenor of it Millot gives ii. 430 : II pleure la inort du Roi s. Louis, si ardent a servir Dieu ; ii maudit les croisades, et le clerge promoteur de la guerre sainle ; il maudit Dieu meme, qui pouvoit la rendre heureuse ; il voudroit, que les Chretiens se fissent Mahometans, puisque Dieu est pour les infideles ; il oppose la voie droite, que teuoit s. Pierre, aux mauvaises ruses, que pratique le Pape ; il invective centre le Pape et les pretres, qui font tout pour de i'argent ; enfin il voudroit, que I'Empereur se croisat avec les Francois pour combattre le clei'ge, qui a fait perir la chevalerie, et qui ne songe qu'a dormir. 2 Marinus Sanutus lib, iii. p. xii. c. xi. 12. ^ He left it with the words Ps. cxxxvii. 5, 6 : Si oblitus fuero tuf, Jerusalem, oblivioni detur dextera mea : adhaereat lingua mea faucibus meis, si non meminero tui : si non proposuero Jerusalem in principio laetitiae meae (Marin. Sanut. 1. c. cap. 13.) * Compare especially the book drawn up at the request of Gregory X. by the General of the Dominicans, Humbertus de Romanis, as a preparation for the Council de his quae tractanda videbantur in coneil. gener. Lugdun. (Extracts from it were first edited by Mansi xxiv. 109. From comparison of this, it is plain that this Book is the same en. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. J 58. GREGORY X. 127 opusculum tripartitum, which was printed long ago, but without being recognized in the collection of Councils by Crabbe ii. 967, left out in the next collection of Councils, and on this account received into l^rown's app, ad. fascic. rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum p. 185.) Part 1. treats of the Crusades, and confutes from cap. x. onwards, (in BroAvn p. 191) septeni genera hominum, obloquentium adversus negotiuni, quod exercet Ecclesiu contra Saracenos. For instance cap. xi. : Sunt quidam de istis oblocutoribus, qui dicunt, quod nou decet religionem christianam ita eftundere sanguinem etiani maloruni inMdeliuni. Christus enim nou sic fecit, imo cum pateretur^ non comminabatur, et tradehat se judicanti se injuste, sicut dicit Petrus : nee etiam sic docuit Christus, inio dixit Petro volenti defendere euin ; viitte gladium tinan hi vac/mam. The Apostles, Martyrs, and Saints, followed this religion. On the other hand aliter interdum res perducitur in esse, aliter conservatur. Vinea enim, a patrefomilias plantata, per beneficium roris et pluviae et caloris caelestis ad debitum incrementum perducitur : sed per gla- dium conservatur, si forte hostes vellent cam extirpare. Item aliter procedit impotens in suis agendis, aliter potens. Impotens enim procedit per humilitatem, potens vero per severitatem. Item omnis artifex operans cum instrumento solet operari per instrumentum quod habet, non per illud quod non habct, et quando deficit ei unum, operatur cum alio quod ei restat. Eisdem modis factum est de Christianitate. Promota est enim per miracula, et Sanctorum passiones, et doctrinam sanctam, et non per potentiam aliquam, ne adscriberetur homini, sed soli divinae virtuti ejus proniotio. Sed quae sic promota est, jam promota defendenda est ab hostibus per gladium, cum fuerit necesse. Item in statu suo primitivo nondum Domlnus dederat ei terrena dominia, nee ei subjecerat potestates mundi, sicut fecit postea, et ideo tunc operabafur sicut impotens. Postmodum autcm procedit sicut potens per potentiam. Ad quid enim dedisset ei providentia Dei potentiam saecularem, si nollet, quod ea uttretur : et sic haberet gladium sine causa, contra verbum Apostoli ad Pomanos (Rom. xiii. 4.) Item sicut tunc potentiana non habebat, sed miracula ct genera linguarum et Spiritum sanctum omnia docentem, qnibus tunc utcbatur, ita modo non habet ilia, sed habct potentiam. Defi- cientibus ergo istis, utitur eo quod habet, scilicet potentia, sicut artifex instrumento quod habet.— Item patet hoc idem per ipsum Christum qui dicit : qui non habet gladium, vendat iunicarp sitam et emat gladium. In quo invenitur secundum glossam, quou aliquando utendum sit gladio Christianis.— Quod Dominus dixit Petro : converte gladium tuum etc. dictum est Petro pro tempore illo, nondum enim venerat tempus utendi gladio. Item dictum est pro persona. Licet enim Ecclesia habeat gladium, non tamen pertinet usus ejus ad quodlibet membrum Ecclcsiae. Sicut ergo in homine non utitur quodlibet membrum ejus, sed solum manus gladio : ita et in corpore Ecclesiae non pertinet uti gladio, nisi ad personam laicara etc. Cap. xii : Alii sunt qui dicunt, quod etsi non esset parcendum sanguini Saracenico, tamen parcendum esset sanguini et morti Christianorum. On the other side finis Christianitatis non est replere rnundum sed caelum. Quid ergo curandum est, si Christiani imminuuntur in mundo per raortes, 128 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. quas propter Deum siistinent, ex quo per tales mortes vadunt ad caelum, et forte per aliam viam nunquam illuc itiiri? Cap. xiii : Alii sunt, qui dicunt, quod qiiaudo nostri vadunt ultra mare contra Saracenos, conditio belli multo pejor est ex parte nostra. Nam nos sunius ibi valde pauci in comparatione ad eorum multitudinem. Item sumus in aliena terra, ipsi autera in sua. Item sumus in aere incon- sueto, i})si autem in consueto. Item oportet nos ibi uti multoties cibis iuconsuetis, ipsi vero consuetis utuntur. Item ipsi sciunt passus periculosos et subterfugia, nos autem non. Item liabemus ibi fre- quenter inopiam reruni, illi vero copiam. Et ideo videtur esse tentatio Dei vel magna infidentia (probably instpientiaj , inire talem conflictum. Cap. xiv. : Alii sunt, qui dicunt, quod etsi debeamus nos defendere a Saracenis, quando nos invadunt : tamen quando dimittunt nos in pace, non videtur, quod deberemus terras eorum vel ipsos invadere. Nee videtur, quod hoc fieri possit sine injuria. Cap, xv. : Alii sunt qui dicunt : si Saracenos debemus de mundo tollere, quare non facimus similiter de Judaeis, et quai*e similiter non facimus de Saracenis, quos babemus in nostra potcstate? Quare non similiter eodem zelo persequimur idololatras aliquos, qui sunt adhuc in mundo ? (Juare etiara non idem facimus de Tartaris et hujusmodi barbaris nationibus, qui omnes sunt infidelcs ? Cap. xvi : Alii dicunt, quae utiiitas est in ista inipugnatione Saraccnorum ? Per hoc enim non provocantur ad conversionein, sed potius provocantur contra fidem christianam. Item quando vincimus et eos occidinius, mittimus eos ad infernum, quod videtur esse contra caritatem. Item quando obtiuemus terras eorum, non habemus qui populent eas et excolant, quia nostrates nolunt in illis partibus remanere : et ita non videtur esse fructus neque spiritualis, neque corporalis, neque temporalis de ista iuqjugnatione. In answer to this there is asserted 1. triplex fructus spiritualis, scilicet honor Dei, salus Christianorum {e.g.^ fideles in pugna isia accumulant sibi merita bonorum operum, et iudulgentias sibi acquirunt, per quas jibsolvunturapeccatis), Ecclesiaedilatatio quoad cultum divinum. Then also ii. a triplex fructus corporalis, and iii. a triplex fructus temporalis is demonstrated. Ad illud autem quod dictum est in contrarium de conversione Saracenorum, dicendum est, quod etsi impugnatio eorum non valeat quoad hujusmodi fructum directe, (amen valet quoad alios fructus spiritunU'spracdictos, et ad ilium etiam indirecte. Per flagella, fiicut et per infirmitates, iiiterduiu erudiuntur homines, et ad cognitionem sui majorem compclluntur venire. Unde possibile est, quod Saraceni, si l)ene conquassarentur, non tantum in suo Mahumeto confiderent. Ad illud de mittendo eos ad infernum dicendum est, quod Christiani non intcndunt hoc, sed faccre de eis, quod justum est, sicut judex de lalrone. I psi videant quo vadunt, quando de hoc saoculo decedunt. Cap. xvii. : Alii dicunt, quod non videtur esse voluntas Dei, quod Christiani sic procedant contra Saracenos, propter infortunia, quae Deus perniisit et permittit siccvenire Christianis in bujus lu^gotii assoquutione (conq). the Chevalier du Temple § 50, note 23, and Austore d'Orlae, above note 1.) Quomo lo enim pr-rinisisset Deus, quod Saladinus fere totam terram, acquisitam cuTU tanto sanguine et labore Christianorum, quasi subito nobis iterum abstulisset? et Fridericus Imp., vadens ad succurrendum, perisset in CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 58. GREGORY X. 129 a decree issued by this council for the acceleration of future Papal elections'^ was fi'ustrated on the next occasion.^ parva aqua? Et felicis memoriae Rex Ludovicus captus fuisset cum fi-atribus suis, et tota nobilitate fere Franciae in Aegypto? etc. — In reply : infortunia evenientia super aliquos non sunt signum, quod eorum facta Deo non placeant, quin potius sunt signa contrarii, cum frequentius adversa eveniant in hoc mundo bene facientibus quam male. — Interdum evenluut ista infortunia nostris propter peccata nostra. — Interdum etiam eveniunt propter bonum nostrum, ut mereamur plus non solum bene agendo, sed et patiendo, sicut Martyres et alii Sancti, qui et bene egerunt, et propter justitiam passi sunt. — Dicitur quod bonae memoriae Rex Ludovicus, captus a Saracenis, de hoc multum gloriabatur, dicens, quod Domino in die judicii dicturo, quod pro nobis male tractatus fuisset, habiturus esset, quod responderet, dicendo videlicet, quod et ipse pro illo captus fuisset et male tractatus, sicut ille pro se (as Pierre d'Auvergne says above, § 54, note 48.) Cap. xviii. : Sunt multi, qvii licet non obloquantur isti sancto negotio, tamen inveni- untur valde tepidi circa illud. Sunt autem hujusmodi tepiditatis causae multae, non bonae, quarum una est avaritia, sicut proh dolor in multis clericis apparet, qui propter decimas, vel alia etiam minora subsidia, quae oportet eos interdum ponere in hujusmodi negotio, adeo turbantur interdum, quod magis velient, quod totum negotium rema- neret, quam quod ad ista compellerentur, — Alia causa est mors suorum. Sunt enim multi, qui maledicunt negotio pi^opter caros sues, qui mortui sunt in illo, jurantes et asserentes, quod propter hoc nunquam ibunt in exercitum contra Saraceuos, vel non juvabunt in hoc negotio. ^ How the Cardinals struggled against this see brevis nota eorum, quae in ii. cone. Lugd. gener. acta sunt in Mansi xxiv. 6Q. Raynald. 1274 no. 27, The order itself is to be found in Mansi p. 81. Constit. ii. The election was to be in the city in which the Pope, with his court, lived and died. After that the absent Cardinals have been waited for ten days, the Cardinals were to assemble in the palace which the Pontiff used to inhabit, each one accompanied by his own servant onlj-. In eodem palatio unum conclave, nullo intermedio pariete sen alio velamine, omnes habitent in communi. Quod, servato libero ad secretam cameram aditu, ita claudatur undique, ut nullus illuc intrare valeat vel exire. — Through one solitary window they were to receive the necessaries of life. If they do not elect in the first three days,^ per spatium V dierum immediate sequentium, singulis diebus, tam in prandio, quam in coena, uno solo ferculo sint contenti. After these five days tantummodo panis, vinura et aqua ministrentur eisdem, donee eadem provisio subsequatur. To the chief magistrates of the city where the election was to take place, it was to be given in charge, ut praemissa omnia et singula plene ac inviolabiliter sine fraude ac dole aliquo faciant observari, and for this purpose, immediately after the death of the Pope praestent corporaliter juraraentum. If they are negligent in this duty, eo ipso excommunicationis sint vinculo innodati, et perpetuo sint infames etc. Civitas vero praedicta non solum sit interdicto supposita, sed et pontificali dignitate privata. ^ After Hadrian's V. death the Cardinals published a suspension of I ];;U TIIIKD PERIOD.— DIV. III. A.D. I(i7:5— 130.'). On the other hand the Papal power over the Gennan crown wa.s now so firmly estahlisht, that after King Richard's death (f 2. April 1272) the new election was prompted by Gregory," and the newly elected Idng Rudolph Count of Hapsburg (29. Sept. 1273) was obliged to acknoAvledge the Pope's supremacy in an humiliating manner,^ whilst Alphonso was compelled by the same influence to siuTcnder his claim.'' Rudolph, only anxious to establish on a firm basis once more the Imperial influence in Germany, sacrificed to Pope Nicolas III. certain disputed territories in Italy ;^^ in return he supported this order, professing to have been issued b}' liiniself ; the inhabitants of Vitcrbo, however, did not believe it (Raynald. 1276 no. 28.) So John XXI. immediately after his accession to the see, while the memory of this conclave, so strictly managed by the men of Viterbo, was fresh in his mind, gave his authority to this suspension (Rayn. 1. c. no. 29), quia experientia docuit, constitutionem eandem raulta intolerabilia, nonnulla obscura, et propter hoc accelerationi provisionis ejusdem Ecclesiae valdc daranosa — continere. Celestine V. restored the order at last (Raynald. 1294, no. 17.) 7 A historian who lived not much after this time (in Urstisii German, historic, ii. 93) relates that when the election was delayed, Gregorius P. X — praecepit principibus Alemanniae clectoribus, ut de Romanoruni Rege, sicut sua ah antiqua et approbata consuetudine intererat, provi- derent, infra tenipus eis ad hoc de Papa Gregorio statutum : alias ipse de consensu Cardinalium Romani Imperii providere vellet desolationi. 8 Rudolph's ambassadoi'8 had to take in their master's name, at Lyons, the oaths of Otto IV. (§ 54, note 14 and 17), and Frederick II. (§ 54, note 30, § 55, note 2) (cf. Raynald. 1274, no. 5 ss.) Some months after followed the confirmation epist. ad Rud. dd. 26. Sept. 1274 (in Rayn. 1. c. no. 55, in M. Grrborti codex epistolaris Rudolphi I. s. Blasii 1772 fol. lib. i. epist. 27, and in F. J. Bodmann codex epist, Rud. I., epistolas ccxkx. anecdotas continens. Lips. IS06. 8. p. 25) with the words : Licet itaque non sine causa distulerimus hactcnus, regiam tibi denominationem ascribere ; cum fratribus tamen nostris nuper deiibcratirne prachabita te Regem Romanoruni de ipsorum consilio nominanius. This nomination seems to contain an intentional ambiguity. Rudolph's personal confirmation of that oath, during his interview with tlie Pope in Lausanne (Oct. 1275), was first publisht in Senkenberg de jure primarum precum Regum Germ. Francof. ad M. 1784. 4. Cod. ])robationum p. 3 ss. Compare Gesch. d. Ilauses Habsburg, v. d. Fiirslcn E. M. Lichnowsky, Th. i. Gesch. Konig Rudolphs I., Vienna 1 830, s. 124, 136. ^ See Gregory's two letters to him in Rayn, 1274, no, 45 and no, 50 (the last also in Rodniann I, c, p, 19.) Rut it was not till 1275 that Alphonso was brought by the threat of exconnnuuication to give up his claim (Rayn. 1275 no. 15.) *" Wlien the Imperial Chancellor made the cities of Bologna, Imola, CH. I.-PAPACY r.-POLIT. DEVELOP. § 58. MARTIN lY. I31 his claims against Charles I. of Sicily, and negotiated an advan- tageous peace for Rudolph (1280.)" Charles' tyranny had often before now provoked Papal cen- sures,i2 when under Martin IV., a Pope entirely in his interest, Ravenna, Rimini, Urbino, &c., in the year 1278, do homage to the Emperor, Nicolas III. was aggrieved by it, because these cities belonged to the States of the Church, according to the tenor of the Emperor s promises (see note 8), and Rudolph immediately gave in (Raynald. 1278 no. 51. Bodmann p. 79.) The Pope now sent him the copies of all the pretended Imperial deeds of gift (Rayn. 1 c no 57 : Ne autem per haec nos alicpiod novum petere, vel a tuis praede- cessoribus Jmperatoribus Roinanis insolitum, existimes postulare ad tuam conscientiam plenius serenandam— tibi de verbo ad verbum ten'ores pnviJegiorum ipsorum Imperatorum— transmittiraus), and required cum expressione nominum praedictorum etc. omnia et singula de novo donari Me added a rough draft for the purpose (Ravn. 1. c. no. 62) and eo r rf,%«^«equious enough to execute it' in full (see Bodmann S; . "^ rfr 5?,'""'^^ ^r^"*' ^^""^ confirmed in this document, and the btatesof the Church also enumerated by name (comp. above § 54. note 14 j : Ad has pertinet tota terra, quae est a Radicofano usque Ceper- anum Marchia Anconitana, ducatus Spoletanus, terra Comitissae Mathildis, civitas Ravennae et Aemilia, Bobium, Caesena, Forumpopuli, Forumlivu Faventia, Imola, Bononia, Ferraria, Comaclum. Adriam atque GabeUum, Arimmum, Urbinum, Monsfeltri, territorium Balnense Comitatus Bntenorii, Exarchatus Ravennae, Pentapolis, Massa Ta- bariacumadjacentibusterris et omnibus aliis ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinentibus Rudolph was also required to wring from the electoral pnnces a confirmation of this deed (in Raynald. 1279 no 6 )— Comp ^u 1 V/!'^''"!'r"''' (about 1378) chronicon in Urstisius ii. 103 : Rex (Kudolfus) nullum motum habens ad Italian., forsitan quia vidit caetens multis male successisse, misit Henricum Ep. Basileensem cum membranis sigiUo suo sigillatis ad eivitatem Romanam, qui ibidem sedi apostolicae Romandiolam et quaedam alia, m dammmi grave Imperii dedit Annales veteres Mutinensium (in Muratori xi. 72) ann 1277 • Kodulphus Rex Romanorum donavit eivitatem Bononiae et comitatum Eomandiolae Papae Nicolao III., et sic Ecdesia Romana facta fuit domma lUarum civitatum et terrarum. Lichnowsky's Gesch. d Hauses rlabsburg 1. 275. 1' After Charles had been forced by Nicolas to renounce the Regency Patrician (ib no. 69), the peace was eftected (ib. 1280, no. 1) ; accord- ing to this Charles vyas to hold Provence and Forcalquier in fee of the Empire. Lichnowsky i. 281. 12 According to Saba Malaspina vi. c. 4 (Murat. viii. 869), Gre- gory X when he met with Charles in Tuscany, on his way to Lyons, said to him : Super oppressione multiplici etinnumeris novitatibus fill carissime, quibus sub tuo felici dominio Regnicolas opprimi fama clamat, validus frequenter clamor perculit aures nostras.— Revoces I 2 132 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. Ill -A.D. 1073—1305. the Sicilian vespers (30. March 1282) put an end at once to his dominion in Sicily.^^ Whereupon (Aug. 1282) Peter III., King of Aragon, husband of Manfred's daughter Constantia, forthwith came forward there as King.^"* All the efforts of the Popes against Peter (f 1285)^^ and James, his son and successor in Sicily,^® remained fruitless. Charles I. (f 1285), and his son, Charles II., continued to be restricted to Naples. igitur pro Deo talia, quae Regi pio non congruunt, sed potius regiam celsitudinem dehonestant, ita quod tua grandis adeo felicitas adaugeat, non minuat subditis llbertatem." Ad haec, cum regium Rex non fecisset iu hac parte responsuni, cujus animus videbatur ad ulteriora proclivior, dictus dominus Gregorius subdidit: " Veniet, veniet ilia dies, qua super te tuosque filios et haeredes tyrannus inopinatus adveniet." ^^ On this head, aud on Nicolas' III. former share in the conspiracy, see the contemporary llicordano Malaspini istoria Fiorentiiia c, 206 ss. (in Muratori viii. 1021.) Scblosser III. ii. ii. 71. E. A. Schmidt's Gesch. Aragoniens im Mittelalter, s. 188. ^* When the men of Palermo, who offered the crown to the Pope, were sent back with an anathema (in Rayn. 1282 no. 13), they wrote to Martin (ib. no. 19) : Quia nos indignos b. Petri et vestra gratia reputastis, ille qui manet desuper infallibilis speculator, cui cura est aequalis de omnibus tarn majoribus quam pusillis, — alterum Petrum loco Petri affectuosius invocati ex insperato in praesidium nostrum voluit cum paucis comitibus destinare etc. 1^ Compare on the whole subject Scblosser III. ii. ii. 76. From the side of Martin IV,, who was entirely devoted to Charles, there followed, first excommunication and interdict (Raynald. 1282 no. 23, given in full in d'Achery spicileg. iii. 684), then, in January 1283, the promise (Rayn. ad h. a. no. 4) : omnibus Christifidelibus, — qui contra Regem Aragonum — nobis, Ecclesiae vel Regi Siclliae astiterint, si eos — prop- terea in — conflictu mori contigerit, illam peccatorum suorum, de quibus corde contriti et ore confess! fuerint, veniam indulgemus, quae concedi transfx'etantibus in terrae sanctae subsidium consuevit. Afterwai-ds on 21. March (Rayn. 1. c. no. 15 ss. d'Achery 1. c. p. 689 ss.) : Regnum Aragoniae caeterasque terras Regis ipsius — exponentes, ut sequitur, ipsum Petrum Regem Aragonum eisdem regno et tern's, regioque honore sententialiter, justitia exigcnte, privamus ; et privantes exponimus eadem — occupanda catholicis, de quibus et prout sedes apostolica duxerit providendum ; in dictis regno et terris ejusdem Ecclesiae Romanae — ^jure salvo. At last he gave over the kingdom of Aragon to Charles of Valois, as a Papal fief (Rayn. 1. c. no. 25 ss.), from whom he required, as an annual qnifrent, quingentas libras parvoi'um Turo- nensium ; and now caused a crusade to be preached against Sicily and Aragon (Rayn. 1284 no. 2 ss.) ^^ After Peter's death, his eldest son Alphonso succeeded him in Aragon, his second son .James in Sicily. He was soon greeted with a fresh anathema (Rayn. 1286 no. 8. De colubro regulus prodiit, et de CH. I. PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 59. BONIFACE VIII. 133 During tliis struggle,^' upon the foil of Ptolemais (18. May 1291) the dommion of the Christians in the Holy Land was lost for ever.^^ § 59. BONIFACE VIII. (24. DRC. l-:294-ll. OCT. I3u3.) BENEDICT XI. (22. OCT. 13(13— 7. JUL. 1304.) By a combination of ambition, daring, and craft,^ Boniface Vni. had made his way to the Papal throne,^ and now threatened to consummate its supremacy on earth. But he fell a victim to the attempt to bring under the Papal yoke the hitherto unmolested kingdom of France, where all along a sounder state of feeling had resisted the Pope's universal-monarchy :^ even more, he brought the Papal See itself into bondage to France. patre nequitiae filius iniquitatis exivit, Jacobu.s videlicet etc., a meta- phor lonj? before used up, see § 57, not. 19 and 26.) However, Nicolas IV, had to consent to make peace with Alphonso, as King of Aragou (Rayn. ad h. a. no. 51.) '' Martin IV. not only drew away from the IIolv Land manv crusaders (see note 15), but sent also to King Charles large sums from the tithe contributed for that purpose, as he expresses himself (Rayn. 1283 no. 41) : quod in hujusmodi defensione ac custodia non solum dicti Regis, sed etiam Romanae Ecclesiae honor et utilitas procurantur. ^^ Marinus Sanutus lib. iii. P. xii. c. 21 ss. Abulfeda, who was there in person at tlie time, ann. Moslem, v. 95. Schlosser III ii i 348. Wilkcnvii. 719. ' Opinions of contemporaries of the Papal party about Boniface : Ptolemaeus Luc. hi.st. eccl. xxiii. c. 36 (in Murat. xi. 1203) : Hie longo tempore expericntiam habuit Curiae, quia prime advocatus ibidcm,^ inde factus postea notariu.s Papae, postea Cardinalis, et inde in cardinalatu expediter ad casus Collegii dcclarandos, scu ad exteros respondendum. Nee in hoc habuit parcm, sed propter hanc causam factus est fastuosus, ct arrogans, ac omnium contemtivus. Rernardus Guide in vita Ronifacii (in Murat. III. i. 670): Incoepit autcm quadam singulari via suam potentiam et papalem magnificentiam dilatare. Cujus praedecessor Coelestinus miracula operatus est in vita sua et post mortem. Ipse vcro Bonifacius fecit mirabilia multa in vita sua, sed ejus mirabilia in fine mirabiliter defecerunt. Tlie Ghibelline Dante calls him " der ncuen Pharisiier Ilerr und Hort," Germ. Trans. (Inferno, Cant. 27, v. S'j), and sees in Hell the place already prepared for him (Inferno, Cant. 19, v 52.) The Poet places his vision in the year 1300, though tlie poem was written some years later. 2 Comp. Ptolera. Luc. 1. c. cap. 31 ss. p. 1200 ss., but Platina (ann. 1475) adds much to his account, de vitis Pontiff, ed. 1645. 12. p. 539 and .541. ^ 3 Comp. Hugo Floriacensis, above § 54, note 3. S. Lewis, below § 134 THIRD PERIOD.— DIY. III.— A.D. 1073-1305. When Boniface mounted the throne, he found much in the comphcation of pohtics, which invited a^briUiant course of Papal statesmanship. The Holy Ijand was in the power of the Infidels, the Sicilian question still undecided. In Germany, instead of the powerful Eudolph of Hapsljurg (f 1291), ruled a less powerful King, Adolphus of Nassau. Philip the Fair, King of France, and Edward I., King of England, were engaged in a desperate feud. On both sides were numerous allies, namely, on the French side the King of Scotland, on the English, Adolphus King of Germany and the Count of Flanders.'* Boniface msht, after the example of Innocent III. (§ 54, note 6), to convert this war at once into a suit to be decided before him : and when his Legates were dismissed by Philip,^ he thought to frighten the King, by for- bidding him to impose extraordinary taxes on the clergy (Bull Clericis laicos, 24. Febr. 1296.)" Philip, however, returned the 62, note 26. Even the French Dominican Vincentius Bellovacensis (about 1240), speed, histor. lib. xxvi. c. 51, relates with censure the conduct of Gregory VII., whom he always calls Hildebrand, towai'ds Henry IV. i On the quarrels between Boniface and Philip : Histoire dudifferend entre le Pape Boniface VIII. et Philippes le bel, Roy de France (par Pierre Du Puy.) Paris 1655 fol., together with an appendix of Documents (Preuves) from the Tresor des chartres du Roi : and Histoire des demelez du Pape Boniface VIII. avec Philippe le bel, par xidrien Baillet. edit. 2. Paris 1718. 12. 5 The instructions of the Legates sent to Philip and Edward, 18. Feb. 1205, are in Rayn. ad h. a. no. 41. They were tomove the kings, ut super hujusmodi negotio — nostris et apostolicae sedis beneplacitis — acquies- cant. At the end they received the power, relaxandi juramenta quaelibet super negotio ipso a quibuscunque praestita, necnon coufoederationes — et pactiones quascunque super hoc factas dissolvendi, — contradictores quoque quoslibet et rebelles, cujuscunque fuerint ordinis, — sive status, per censuram ecclesiasticam appellatione post- posita compescendi. At the same time, in two letters, 27. Jun, 1295, King Adolphus was exhorted to peace (Rayn. 1. c. no. 44.) *• The Bull bears this date, which also is adopted in the liber sextus decretall. lib. III. T. xxiii. cap. i), in Th. Rymer foedera ed. A. Clarke et F. Holbrooke I. ii. 836 : Clericis laicos infestos oppido tradit anti- quitas, quod et praesentium experimenta temporum manifeste declarant dum suis finibusnon contenti nitunturin vetitum, adillicita frena relaxant nee prudenter attendunt, quam sit eis in clericos, ccclesiasticasve personas et bona interdicta potestas : — et (quod dolenter referimus) nonnulli Ecclesiarum Praclati — trcpidantes, ubi trepidandum non est, — plus timentes majestatem temporalem olfendero quam aeternam, talium abusibus — adquiescuut, sedis apostolicae auctoritatc seu licentia CH. !.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 59. BONIFACE VIM. I35 blow intended for him, with such strength and skill," and continually resisted all officious interference on the Pope's side non obtenta. Nos igitur, talibus iniquis actibus obviare volentes, de fratrura nostrorum consilio apostoiica auctoritate statuimus, quod, quicunque Praelati, ecclesiasticaeque personae — collectas vel talHas, decimam, vicesimam sen centesimam suorum et Ecclesiarum proven- tuum — laieis solverint vel promLserint, aut quamvis aliam quantitatem — sub adjutorii, mutui, subventionis, subsidii vel doni nomine, si^u quovis alio titulo, mode, vel quaesito colore, absque auctoritate sedis ejusdem ; necnon Iraperatores, Reges seu Principes, — qui talia imposue- rint, exegerint vel receperint, aut apud aedes sacras deposita Ecclesiaruiu — ari'estaverint, saisiverint, seu occuparepraesum serin t, nee non omnes, qui scienter dederint in praedictis auxilium, — eo ipso sententiam excommunicationis incuiTant. Universitates quoque, quae in his culpa- biles fuerint, ecclesiastico supponimus interdicto. — A supradictis autera excoramunicationum et interdicti sententiis nullus absolvi valeat, praeterquara in mortis articulo, absque sedis apostolicae auctori- tate et licentia special!. No more than a whetting of the decree of Innocent III., see below, § 63 note 16. ^ Philip's order of the 17th August 1296, to export no gold nor silver is in Du Puy preuves p. 13. — The Pope's vehement complaint at this, 21. Sept., ibid. p. 15, and in Rayn. 1296 no. 25. Ipsi quidem subditi adeo sunt diversis oneribus aggravati, quod eorum ad te solita et subjecta multum putatur refriguisse devotio. — Si, quod absit, fuerit [constitu- tionem] condentis intentio, ut ad nos et fratres nostros, Ecclesiarum Praelatos — extendatur, hoc non solum fuisset improvidum, sed insanum, velle ad ilia temerarias manus extendere, in quibus tibi saecularibusque principibus nulla est attributa potestas ; quin potius ex hoc, contra libertatem eaudem temere veniendo, in excommunicationis sententiam promulgati canonis incidisses. — Leva in circuitu oculos tuos et vide : cogita et repensa Roraanorum, Angliae ac Ilispanorum regna, qiiae quasi undique te circumdant, — et patenter agnosces, quod non fuit tem- pus acceptabile, non dies salutis, diebus istis nos et ipsam Ecclesiam talibus punctionibus tangere ; — nee revocare debuisses in dubium, quod nostri et Ecclesiae adjutorii et favoris sola subtractio in tantum te debilitaret ac tuos, quod, ut caetera tua perinde omittamus incommoda, persecutiones adversas ferre non posses. — Nonne Rex Romanorum fuisse occupatas a te tuisque praedecessoribus — civitates et terras — ad Imperium pertinentes cum instantia conqueritur, et specialiter Burgun- diae comitatum, quod notum est fore feudura descendens ab Iniperio, et recognosceudum ab ipso ? Nonne — Rex Angliae illustris de nonmdlis terris Guasconiae asserit illud idem ? Numquid super iis dicti Reges denegant stai'e juri ? Numquid apostolicae sedis, quae Christicolis omnibus praeeminet, judicium vel ordinationem recusant? Dumque in eos super iis ipsi peccare te assenmt, de hoc judicium ad sedem eandem non est dubium pertinere. Quite like Innocent III., above § 54, note 6. Thereupon Responsiones nomine Philippi R. in Du Puy, preuves p. 21, and in Leibnitii mantissa codicis juris gentium diplom. ii. 288 : Antequam essent ch rici. Rex Franciae 136 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. with such determination f that he found it best for his own habebat custodiam rcgni siii, et poterat statuta facere. — Sancta mater Ecclesia, sponsa Christi, non solum est ex clericis, sed etiam ex laicis : — quam ipse — per mortem suam misericorditer liberavit : qua Hbertate guadere voluit omnes illos, tain laicos, quam clericos. — Clerici — non debent, nee possunt, nisi forsitan per abusum, sibi appropriare, quasi alios exckidendo, ecclesiasticam libertatem, loquendo de libertate, qua Christus nos sua gratia liberavit. Multae vero sunt libertates singulares, non universalis Ecclesiae, — sed solum ejus ministrorum : — quae pridem libertates per statuta Rom. Pontifi- cum, de benignitate vel saltern permissione Principum saeculai'ium, sunt concessae : quae quidem libertates sic concessae : vel per- missae ipsis liegibus regnorum suorum gubei-nationem ac defen- sionem auferre non possunt, nee ea, quae dictae gubernationi et defensioni necessaria seu expedientia — judicantur, dicente Domino Pontificibus templi : Reddite ergo quae sunt Caesaris Caesari etc. Et quia turpis est pars, quae suo non congruit universe, et membrum inutile et quasi paralyticum, quod corpori suo subsidium ferre recusat : quicunque sive clerici sive laici — qui capiti suo vel corpori, hoc est domino Regi et Regno, — auxilium ferre recusant, semet ipsos partes incongruas et membra inutilia et quasi paralytica esse deraonstrant. — Quis sapiens et intelligens haec non incidit in vehementem stuporem, audiens Vicariura Jesu Christi probibentem tributum dai'i Caesari, et sub anathemate fulminantem, ne clerici contra iniquae et iniustae persecutionis incursus (on the parts of the kings of England and Germany) domino Regi et Regno — pi'O rata sua raanum porrigant adjutricem ? Dare vei'o histi-ionibus, et amicis carnalibus, et neglectis pauperibus expensas facere superfluas in robis, equitativis, comitativis, comessationibus, et aliis pompis saecidaribus, permittitur eisdem, imo concedltur, ad perni- ciosae imitationis exemplura etc. The supplicatio facta Papae per Archiepisc. Remensem et suffraganeos suos in Du Puy, preuves p. 26, mak'^s a yet deeper impression, because it is clear from this, notwith- standing its respectfid tone, that the Pope could not reckon on the French clergy. ^ Boniface issued a Bull on the 13th Aug. 1290 (in Rayn. ad h. a. no. 18 s.) : treuguas dudum ah instanti tunc fcsto nativitatis b. Joannis Baptistae proximo praeterito usque ad annmu unum complefum prae- fatis Romanorum, Franciae ac Angliae Regibus auctoritate apostolica Bub poena excommunicationis — indiximus. This, however, was only announced to the King of Rome, because tlie Legates had hoped, that between the Kings of France and England a truce might be brought about of their own free will. But now treuguas ah instanti festo uativ. b. Jo. Bapt. proximo futuro — usque ad biennium completum eadem auctoritate jam dictis Rom. Franc, ac Angliae Regibus prorogamus, et de novo indicinu;s, casque praecipimus inviolabiliter observari sub eadem excommunicationis poena. However the Legates were afraid to deliver this to Philip (confer Instrumentum Legatorum de treugis indic- tis et Regis Philippi protestatione 21 . April 1297 in Leibnitii mantissa ii. CH. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 59. BONIFACE VIII. I37 interest to" recall the prohibition with regard to France,^ and endeavour to win over the King by everj^ token of favour.^" 290 : quas treugas publicare et dictas Hteras praesentare Francorum et Angliae Kegibus ipsis distuleramus ex causa), and first negotiated foi' a cessation of arms between the two Kings (see the documents 6. Feb. 1297 in Ryraer-Clarke I. ii. 838.) When they now wisht topubhshthe Bull Philip compelled them first to adopt by way of protocol a solemn pro- test (the Instrument mentioned above dated 21. April) : regimen tem- poralitatis regni sui ad ipsum Regera solum et neminem alium pertinere, seque in eo neminem superiorem recognoscere, nee habei'e, nee se inten- dere supponere vel subjicere modo quocunque viventi alicui super rebus pertinentibus ad temporale regimen Regni. — Quatenus autem ipsius Regis tanglt animam, et ad spiritualitatem attinet, idem Rex — paratus est, monitionibus et praeceptis sedis apostolicae devote ac humiliter obedire, in quantum tenetur et debet etc. 9 In interpretation of the Bull Boniface sent to Philip 7. Feb. 1297, the following statements (in Rayn. ad h. a. no. 49. Baillet, p. 322) : Quia ejus est inteii)retari, cujus est condere, ad cautelam tuam — humana declaratione decernimus, quod si Praelatus aliquis — voluntarie — donum aut mutuura tibi dare — voluerit, dum tamen sub exactionis nomine — hoc non fiat generaliter, — licet ad id forsan tua — requisitio — procedat, te, Praelatos etc. ipsa constitutio non astringat ; quodque ad feuda sive regalia, quae iidem Praelati — sub tuo dominio tcnere noscuntur, in his, quae tibi de illis tenentur et debent, et clcricos uxoratos, prout sani juris intellectus admittit, ac illos, qui in fraudem causa vitandorum munerum clericale schema recipiunt, se ipsius coustitutionis sententia non extendat : et in necessitatis articulo, — ubi evidens esset in mora periculum per te vel tuos niintios ad sedem apostolicam recui-rendi, si a Praelatis — subsidium competens petas et habeas, te ac ipsos ex ejusdem constitutionis verbis vel sententia declaramus lucide non tenei'i. In the accompanying Brief of the same day (in Rayn. 1. c. no. 47) he enjoined the King, on the other hand, to cancel his order ; but he wrote to his own Legates on the same day (ib no. 48) si forte — per — Philippum — vel officiales ejus — pecuniae de regno Franciae proliiberetur — extractio ; vos — eundem Regem, officiales ipsius — denuncietis publico in scnten- tiam promulgati canonis iucidisse : et nihilominus in eum et eos de novo excommunicationis sententiam proferatis etc. Nevertheless he issued on the 31. July of this year yet another so-called interpretation (Rayn. 1. c. no. 50. Du Puy, p. 39) : Adjicimus insuper hujusmodi declarationi uostrae, quod si praefatis Regi et successoi'ibus suis pro universali vel particulari ejusdem regni defensione periculosa necessitas immineret, ad hujusinodi necessitatis casum se nequaquam extendat constitutio memorata : quin potius idem Rex ac successores ipsius possint a Praelatis — petere ac recipcre pro hujusmodi defensione subsidium vel contributionem, — inconsuUo etiam Romano Pontifice ; — quodque neces- sitatis declaratio supradictae ipsius Regis et successorum suorum conscientiis, dummodo successores illius vigesimum aetatis annum exegerint, relinquatur etc. ^^ The grant of the tithe from the French clergy for three years 138 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—130.5. Now, even Philip agreed to appoint Boniface, not as Pope but as a private individual, to be arbitrator of his quarrel with Edward. The decision made its appearance on the 30th of June 1298 ; but it did not please the King, anxious only to secure his lands :^^ (Baillet, p. 55.) The canonization of Lewis IX. (Acts in Du Chesne hist. Francor. scriptt. v. 481.) The promise tliat Charles of Valois should be made Emperor (Villani istor. Fiorent. lib. viii. c. 62.) 11 The Bull formerly known only from the abridgement in Rayn. ann. 1298 no. 2 ss., was first printed in full by Rymer (in Clarke's edition I. ii. 894.) The Fronunciatio dates properly on the 27. June, and here the Pope says at the beginning : The two Kings in nos — tamquam in privatam personam, et domiuum Benedictum Gaytanum, tanquam in arbitrum, — super reformanda pace et concordia inter ipsos Reges, — absolute ac libere compromittere curaverunt ; and thus he decides the question as a private person and Benedict Gaytanus. But he makes known this decision in a Bull of June 30, in which he gave the Papal sanction to the decision he had made as a private individual. (At first in the preamble, he says : Quam pronunciationem, et quae in ea continentur, auctoritate apostolica valere volumus, et plenam habere decernimus roboris firmitatem.) This stratagem was likely to rouse Philip's anger. But when the historians of that time (Villani viii. 56 etc.) relate that Philip was adjudged by this decision to restore to the Count of Flanders also all places taken from him and his daughter, who had been kept prisoner, and to make an expedition to Palestine : they betake themselves back again to this point. There can be no doubt as to the integrity of the Bull printed from the original in Rymer (see Gaillard in d. Memoires de I'acad. des Inscript. xxxix. 642.) The decision first prescribes the marriages which had been before nego- tiated between Edward and Philip's sister Margaret, and between Edward, heir to the English throne, and Philip's daughter Isabella. On this point Benedict Gaytanus suddenly comes forward again as Pope (decernimus auctoritate apostolica, quod terra Regis ilHus, cujus culpa vel malitia steterit, quominus contrahantur praedicta sponsalia, — eccle- siastico subjaceat interdicto.) Then that all bona mobilia ablata by either side should be restored. The principal point, the possession of lands, stood over for future negotiations. At the end it was decided that all English lands which have fallen into the power of the French, and all French lands which the English have occupied, until judgment be given about them, shall be delivered over in manibus et posse nostris. If the Kings could agree about the lands and property, all was to remain as they should settle. If not, the Pope would decide. At last he reserves for himself plenariam potestatem, prout ex forma com- promissorum praedictorum nobis competit, super omnibus et singulis, quae inter eosdem Reges ex compromissis praedictis arbitranda — diffinienda et pronuncianda restant, — arbitrandi — diffiniendi, arbi- traliter sententiandi etc. This decision was not partial, and Philip had not altogether refused it, as is plain from the ensuing tx'eaties. However Philip could not but be displeased with the Pope, as naturally enough he would not willingly relinquish his CII. I.— PAPACY 1.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 59. BONIFACE VIII. l^Q the negotiations, though still continued, produced no results.^^ The okl grudge returned on both sides, and found expression in manifold acts of mutual hostility. The Pope began to protest anew against Philip's oppression of the Chm"ch.^^ Philip, on the other hand, after the banishment of the Colonna family, the Pope's most bitter enemies, fi'om Italy, entertained Stephen and Sciarra Colonna at his Com! :^^ and concluded with the newly elected (1298) German King, Albert I., after that the Pope had declared himself against his appointment,^^ a friendly alliance of the closest kind (1299).i« advantages won over Edward, nor suffer his hands to be tied by the uulookt for and crafty intrusion of the Papal authority. '- Ryiuer-Clarkc I. ii. 902 ss. is full of documents relating to negotiations of peace, which agree in laying down this Papal decision as their basis. About these see I3onif. epist. ad Eduardum 26. Feb. 1301 (1. c. p. 929) : Confodiniur anxietatibus, — quod inter te ac Philippura — pacis — per nos sata seniina speratiun fructuni — non pro- ducunt. Then follows after copious exhortations to peace : licet ipse [Rex Franciae] fervore juventutis inipulsus, pravis seductus eonsiliis, et adulatoriun nialitia instigatus, se niniis in hac parte teuaceui exhibeat atque durum : tu tanien, in quo maturitas et circumspectio plenior ac magis moderata requiritur, acquiescere sibi, ut juveni, satis condeccnter potes, saltern ad temj)us, donee Deus omnipotens, qui errata corrigit et reformat, libi et sibi de meliori consilio et salubrioribus fructibus duxerit providendum. ^■^ For instance against the misuse of the Right de la Regale (com- pare below § G3. note 8.) Bonif, ep. ad Phil. Oct. 1298 (in Rayn. ad h. a. no. 24) complains ; during the suspension of the Bp. of Laon, praetextu cujusdam consuetudiuis, quam appellas regalia, administra- tionem candem temporalium, ac si vacaret Ecclesia, — cepisti. Compare the letters, ib. ad ann. 1299 no. 23, 25, that he exercised the right of Regale too long, even after the successor was appointed, and too harshly; ad ann. 1300 no. 17, that he exercised it in the case of churches where it did not belong to him. ^* On the qiuu'rel with the Colonna family, who among other things denied the legitimacy of the resignation of Celestine and the accession of Boniface, (sec their instrumentum publicum in Raynaldus T. xiv. in App. p. 635), Schriichh xxvi. 528. Planck v. 81. '•^ Ptolemaeus Lvic, hist. eccl. xxiv, 37 (in Muratori xi. 1204) : Albert had sent ambassadors to the Pope in the year 1299 pro confir- matinne electionis suae, quam Bonifacius P. primo multis jui*is et facti rationibus allegatis repulit prima vice, et asseruit nullam esse. Francis. Pipinus (about the year 1314) describes the reception of the ambas- sadors chron. lib. iii. c. 47 (Murat ix. 745) : quibus Papa respondit, ilium non esse electum legitime, et indigrmm imperio, qui erga dominum suum scelere bellum coepit, ac proditione occideret. Et sedens in 140 THIRD PERIOD.— UIV. III. A.D. 1073—1305. Now it was that diseased ambition and iiTitated lust of power, carried on the Pope to the most thoughtless policy. When he had made Edward I. his enemy by an arrogant interference in the relations betwixt England and Scotland,^^ solio armatus et cinctus ensem, babensque in capite Constantini diadema, stricto dextra capulo ensis accincti, ait : numquid ego summus sum Pontifex? Nonne ista est cathedra Petri? Nonne possum Imperii jura tiitarif Ego sum Caesar^ ego sum Imperator : eosque talibus verbis diraisit. So also Ferretus Vicentinus (about 1328) in Muratori ix. 995, who makes Boniface speak thus at tbe end : Ipse (Albertus) nunc apud Germanos imperet, nos autem Latias gentes potentiae nos- trae devotas nutu nostro regaliter gubernabimus. Dante perhaps meant to represent this scene (in Purgat. xvi, 110, see below note 36.) Albertus Argent in Urstisius ii. p. 111, with reference to Albert as laeScTe majestatis crimine reum, puts the following words into the Pope's mouth : Nonfiet vivente ista Jesabel, denotans Elizabet reginam, quae ex matre soror extitit Chunradini (and daughter of Mainhard, Count of the Tyrol, and so by more tban one of her ancestors of the Hohen- staufen Family.) The Gesta Archiepisc. Trevir. (in Martene ampliss. coll. iv. 376 say, Boniface for this reason had made Diether of Nassau, brother of the late King Adolphus, Archbishop of Treves in 1299, quo pertinacius Alberto Regi resisteret, contra quern Papa, turn quod uxorem haberet de viperall genimine seminis Friderici Imp., tum aliis de causis rigidas exercebat sententias. ^^ See the documents in Leibnitii codex juris gentium diplom. p. 39 8S., especially the promise in the confederation, StrasburgS. Sept. 1299 p. 41 : quod ex nunc in antea erimus ad invicem veri et fideles amici, ac in nostris et regnorum nostrorum et Imperii honoribus, libertatibus et juribus mutuo conserv^andis contra omnem hominem veri et validi adjutores. ^■^ At first the Pope sought by friendly representations to move Edward to peace with Scotland (see his letters to Edward 10. July 1298 in Rymer-Clarke I. ii. 897) : but afterwards be wrote to him on the 27. June. 1299 (in Leibn. mantissa ii. 277. Rymer-Clarke 1. c, p. 907) : Sane ad Celsitudinem i-egiam potuit pervenisse, et in tuae libro memoriae nequaquam arabigimus contineri, qualiter ab antiquis tcmporibus regnum Scotiae pleno jure pertinuit, et adhuc pertinere dignoscitur ad Ecclesiam Romanam. — Si vero in eodem regno Scotiae, vel aliqua ejus parte, jus aliquod habere te asserls : volumus quod tuos procuratores — infra sex menses— ad nostram praesentiam mittere non omittas. — Nos enim nihilominus ex nunc lites — quaslibet, inter te dictumque regnum Scotiae — subortas, — ad cognitionem et determi- nationera sedis ejusdem, praesentium tenore reducimus, et etiam reservamus : decernentes irritum et inane, si secus scienter vel igno- ranter a quoquam in hac parte coutigerit attentari. Edward was wise enough to leave the matter to his Parliament, and the Pope was obliged to be content with the answer they sent him dd. 12 Feb. 1301. (Leibn. 1. c. p. 287. Rymer-Clarke 1. c. p. 926) : Scimus, et noto- CII. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP. § 50. BONIFACE. VIIT. ]41 and Albert I., by his impcnous cncroacliment on the (.'lection to the German Empiiv :^'* he dii'ectly sent to Philip, Bernard of Saisset, Bishop of Paraiers^^ (1301), who, independently of this, was an object of hatred to him, in order to add greater bitterness to his grievances. The Legate who came rium est, — quod a prima institutione regni Angliae Rcges cjusdem regni — superius et directum dominium regni Scotiae habuerunt ; — uec uUis temporibus ipsum regnum in tomporalibus pertinuit vol pertinet quovis jure ad Ecclesiam supradictam [Komanamj. — Nequc Kegea Angliae super juribus suis in regno praedicto, aut aliis suis tempora- libus coram aliipio judice ccclesiastico vel saeculari — rcspondcrunt, aut respondc re debebant. Unde — concors et unanimis omnium et singu- lorum consensus fuit, est, et erit inconcusse, Deo propitio, in futurmn ; quod praefatus dominus nosfer lv<'.\ super juribus regni sui iScotiae, aut aliis suis tenq)oralibus, nuHatenus judieialitcr respondeat coram vobis, nee judicium subeat quoquomodo : aut jura sua pracdicta in dubium quaestionis deducat : nee ad pracsentiam vestram procuratores aut nuncios ad hoc mittat. — Nee etiam pennittimus, aut aliquatenus per- mittcmus, sicut ncc possumus, nee debennis, praemlssa tam insolita, indebita, praejudicialia, et alias inaudita praelibatum dominum nostrum Kegcm, etiamsi vellet, facere seu quomodolibet attentare. Comp. Scblosser III. ii. ii. 398. 1" Honiface wrote l;J. April 1301 to the three ppiritual electoral princes (in Kayn. ad b. a. no. 2); In pnblicam deveiiit notitiam, quod elarae memoriae Adul])liergamo f 1354) tells us in his Lectura super Cod. lib. vii. tit. 39. De quadriennii praescriptione 1. 3. Bene a Zenone : Audivi a fide dignis, quod tempore Bonifacii VIII. quidam Cardinalis de ordine CisterciensiuLU, homo maximae reputa- tionis et scientiae, quadam festivitate dum sermocinaretur in conclusioue dixit, quod per eosdem passus et gradus, per quos Ecclesia asccnderat in temporalibus, descenderet usque ad extremam paupcrtatem Sylvestri, et quod ad hoc adduxit validas rationes et auctorltates divinac Scri])- turae, ^^ Compare la supplication du pueuble de France au Roy centre le Pape Boniface le VIII., not long after the death of the last mentioned (Hulaeus iv. 15. Du Puy p. 214) : A vous, tres-noble Prince, nostre Sire par la gi'ace de Dieu R03' de France, supplie et i*equiert le peuple de vostre CII. I.— PAPACY I.— POLIT. DEVELOP, g 59. BENEDICT XI. I55 more induced to repeal gradually all the decrees issued by his predecessor against France.*" But after the death of Benedict XI. (f 7. July 1304) the French party among the Cardinals, after a long conclave, contrived to manage that Bertrand d'Agoust, Archbishop of Bordeaux, who had already delivered himself over into Philip's hands by a secret compact, should ascend the Papal throne as Clement V. (5. Jun. 1305,)'*^ Thus the Papal see fell under the influence of France, and began a fresh career. Royaume, pourcequ'il li appartient, que ce soit fait, que vous gardiez la souveraiiie franchise de vostre Royaume, qui est telle, que vous ne recognessiez de vostre Temporel Souverain en terre hors que Dieu, et que vous faciez declairer, si que tout le monde le saclie, que le Pape Boniface erra manifestement et fist peche uiortel notoirement, en vous mandant par lettres Bullecs, qu'il estoit vostre Souverain de vostre Temporel, et que vous ne pouvez preveudes donner, ne les fruits des EgHses cathedrales vacans retenir, et que tons ceux qui croyent le contraire, il tenoit pour Hereges. Itein^ que vous faciez declairer, que Ten doit tenir ledit Pape pour Herege, — pourcequ'il ne veut cette erreur rapeller, ayant dit moult de fois, qu'en cette creance vivroit et mourroit, et que ja pour nul homme ce ne rappelleroit etc. An interesting historical proof that the priest- hood and temporal sovereignty have always been distinct. Ce fut grand abomination a ouir, que ce Boniface, pourceque Dieu dist a saint Pierre " ce que tu lieras en terre, sera lie an del," cette parole de spiri- tualement, entendit mallement, comme Boulgare, quant au Temporel, se il mit un homme en prison temporelle, le mist pour ce Dieu en prison en ciel. At the end, Pourquoi il pert raisounablement, qu'il fut Herege, et en cette herreur mourut, et s'aucun vouloit ledit Boniface excuser de tout cest esclandre etc. — Parquoy que aucun autre ne preigne exemple a faire alnsi, et poiu'ceque la peine de luy face paour aux autres, — vous noble Roy sur tons autres Princes defenseur de la foy, destructeur dcs Boulgres, pouez et devez et estes tenus requerrer et procurer, que ledit Boniface soit tenus et jugiez pour Herege, et punis en la maniere, que I'en le pourra et devra, et doit faire apres sa mort : si que vostre souveraine franchise soit garde etc. *° See all the Bulls issued with this view in Du ^Puy, preuves p. 207. *^ Compare the account given by the writers of the day Ferreti Vicentini (about 1328) hist, suorum temporum in Muratori scriptt. rer. It. ix. 1014 and Giovanni Villani (f 1348) histor. Florentine lib. viii. c. 80. in Muratori xiii. 415 ss. 156 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1305. 2. ECCLESIASTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPACY. §60. PAP.\L JURISPRUDENCE. Spittler's Werke, heniusg. v. K. Wachter. i. 305 (Fragm. aus cinein zweiten Theile d. Gesch. d. kan. Reclits). J. J. Lang Gesch. u. Institutionen. des Kirchenrechts. i. 215. Eiclihorn's Kirchenrecht i. 322. Dess. deutsche Staats-und Reclitsgeschichte' (4te Aufl.) ii. 247. Richter's Kirchenrecht (2te Aufl.) s. 135. The old canon Law was quite displaced at this period bythe new Papal rights built upon the foundation of the Pseudo-isidorian principles. After tliat the Decretals had been intermingled with the Canons by several systematical compilers/ and thereby acquired equal authority with them on all points ; the Bene- dictine- Gratian at Bologna, the abode of legal knowledge at that time, essayed a concordantia discordantium Canonum libb. iii.,^ (1150),^ whicli naturally enough decided throughout in favour of the new Papal Law.^ By means of this Mork the 1 On these see iJallerini de ant. collect, canonum P. iv. c. 13 ss. (in Gallandii sylloge ed. Magont i. 640), v. Savigny's Gescb. d. roni. Kechls im Mittelalter ii. 274. Aem. L. Richter's Beitrage zur Kenntnissder Quellcn des can. Rechts. Leipzig 1834. H. Wasserschleben's Bcitrige zur Gesch. d. vorgratianischen Kirchenrechtsquellen, Leipz. 1839. Among them ]3urchard, Bishop of Worms (f 1025), is remarkable for his Decretorum libl). xx., and Ivo, Bishop of Chartres (f 1 115), for his Decretum, and the Pannormia, an abridgement from it (against Theincr liber Ivo'^ vermeintl. Decret. Mainz 1832, according to whom the Decretum is the work of some later author, see Wasserschleben s. 47.) 2 Acconhng to Spitdcr's Beitrigen s. 4. a CamrJdulenscr. 3 Commonly called tlie Decretum Gratiani, see Spittlcr s. 12. ♦ According to the Glossa ad c. ii. qu. 6. c. 31. (which is even found in one of the most antient Glosscrs, Hugo, ]?p. of Ferrara (f 1210), see Gcrhardi Groot sermo in Kist en Royaards Archief voor kcrkelijke Gescliied(!nis ii, 312) : anno Dom. MCL, ut ex Chronicis patet. 5 For the liistory of the Decretal, see J. H. Boehmeri diss, de varia decreti Gratiani fortuna publisht before his v Corpus jur, can. Tom. i. (Spittler's) Beitrage zur (Jeschichte Gratian'sund seines Dccrets, in CU. I.— PAPACY II.— ECCL. DE^ ELOP. § 60. PAPAL JURIS. 157 Canon Law, together with the Roman Law, became the subject of zealous and scientific study at Bologna and Paris,^ and Gratian as well as Justinian had numerous commentators.^ But by this means the contradictions of the old and new Law,® which had been but imperfv:;ctly adjusted by Gratian, were brought out in such numbers that the Popes were incessantly forced to fresh decisions. Thus countless decretals appeared,^ whose daily increasing mass threatened to cause the greatest perplexity,^*' till Gregory IX. caused a systematical code, chiefly Abele's Magazin fiir Kirchenreclit und Kirchengesch. St. i. (Leipz. 1778. 8.) p. i. ff. (Sarti) tie claris Archigymnasii Bononiensis pi-ofes- soribus (ed. M. Fattorini. PP. ii. Bonon. 1769 and 72) P. i.p. 247 ss.— On Gratian's mistakes, false and nuitilated quotations, reception of forged documents, see Antonii Augustini (x'^rclibishop of Tarragona) de emendations Gratiani dialogovutn libb. ii. Tarrac 1587, 4. (cum not. St. Baluzii et G. Mastricht, in Gallaudii de vetustis canonum collectionibus dissertationum sylloge, ed. Magont. ii. 185). The principal work is C. S. Berardi Gratiani canones genuini ab apocryphis discreti, corrupti ad eraendatiorum codicum fidem cxaeti etc Taurini, Tomiiv. 1752.4. Jod. ie Piatt diss, de spuriis in Gratiano canonibus (in Gallandii syll. ii. 801). .J. A. do Riegger diss, de Gratiani collectionc cauonura, illiusque methodo et mendis (in Oblectam. hist, et jur. ecel. i. 1). Ricliter de emendatoribus Gratiani diss. Lips. 1835. ** Decretistae and Doctores decretorum in opposition to Legistae and Doctores legum. The confirmation of the Decretal by Eugene, III. 1152 is most likely fictitious, Spittler s. 14 ff. Eichhorn's Rechtsgesch. ii. 255. But even Popes appeal to It, Boehmer diss. p. xviii. " Concerning them Guido Pancirolus de claris legum interpretibus (Lips. 1721. 4.) lib. iii. c. 6. Lang Gesch. u. Instit. des Kirchen- rechts. 1, 259. The most remarkable of these is John Semecca, Provost of Halberstadt (Magister Teutonicus -|- 1245, see Niemann's Gesch. V. Halberstadt 1, 343), from his glosses arose the glossa ordlnaria, which received its finishing touch from Barthol. von Brixen (-|- 1258.) * Hence the decree of a Cistercian Chapter in the year 1188 (Mar- tene thesaur. anecdot. iv. 1263) : Liber, qui dicitur canonum, sive decreta Gratiani, apud eos qui habuerint secretius custodiantur, ut cum opus fuerit proferantur. In communi arraario uon resideant propter varies, qui inde provenire possent, errores. 9 Most-of them were issued by Alexander III. and Innocent III. * ^^ On the collections made before Gregory IX. see Henricus Card. Ostiensis (about 1250) summa super titulis decretalium p. 4 : tam ex dictis ss. Patrum quam legibus fuit liber Decntorum compositus. — Postea vero cum multae decretales epistolae extra corpus Decretorum vagarentur, Mag. Bernai-dus, Papiensis Praepositus, primum corapila- tionem composuit. Sed et tempore pi'ocedente Mag. Guilebertns suam eftecit. Aliam etiam et Alanus. Deinde Mag. Bernardus 158 THIRD PERIOD.— 1>I v. HI.— A.D. lu73— 1305. dra-v\ai from tlie Papal Decretals (Decretaliiim Gregorii P. ix. libb. V. 1234),'^ to be prepared liy the Dominican Raymund de Pennaforti ; which even in this period of time (1298) "svas increased under Boniface VIII. by a liber sextus gathered from Coiiipostollanus, in Curia Romana morara faciens, ex registro domini Iniiocentii III. quandam compilationcm extraxit, quae Romana appellata fuit. Sed quia ibi erant quaedani decretales, quas noii admittebat Koinanu Curia, ideo idem Innoccntius per nianuin Petri Beueventani compilationcin edidit, quae tertia vocabatur. Qua recepta Mag. Johanues Walensis de duabus dictis compilationibus Guilcberti et Alani unara coiupilavit, quae vocabatur secunda. Postinoduin concilio generali per eiiudeiu Innocentiniu celebrate, tain de constitutionibus gcneralis concilii quani aliis decretalibus ipsius Innocentii conipilatio quarta proce.8.sit. Postrcnio Y/ens, ex dictis decrctis, decretabljus ('j)istolis, et dictis ss. Patrum, ac legibus antiquis, comjiila- tionibus decretaHum abrogatis valnit necessaria et utilia redigere in hutic bbruni. CH. I.— PAPACY II.— ECCL. DEYEL. g Gl. IDEA OF PAPACY. 159 the later decretals, divided likewise into 5 books.^- When the Decretals began to be vnifolded into a complete legislative system, Professorial chairs were appropriated to them at the Universities •^^ by means of .which the Popes at once acquired a convenient method for the speedy and universal publication of the new laws as they appeared.^*^ On the other hand Gratian's Decretal was continually more and more neglected, and together with the use of it disappeared every trace of the antient canon law. §61. EXTENSION OF THE IDEA OF THE PAPACY. The Pseudo-isidorian Idea that the Pope was the Episcopus universalis of the Church,^ was now developed by the ambition of the Popes and the cringing flattery of their creatures, favoured by the state of politics and the ignorance of the age,^ to a degree never anticipated in former times. Bishops w' ere degraded to be 1"^ Eichhorn's Kircheiir. i. 345. Richter's Kirchenr. s. 143. ^^ Decretalistfeov Decretistae. The Decretales Gregor. are indebted for their glossa ordinaria to Bernard de Botono from Parma, Canon at Bologna (j 1266). see Lang s. 262 ; the liber sextus of John Andreaj, Decretalist in Bologna (-}- 1348, see Savigny vi. 87.) 1* Compare the Brief with which Innocent IV. despatches the decrees, Cone. Liigdun. ann. 1245 universitati magistrorum et seholarium Bononiae commorantibus (Mansi xxiii. 651), quatenvis eis, quas sub bulla nostra vobis transmittimus, nti velltis aniodo tarn in judiciis, quam in scholis, ipsas sub suis titulis, prout super qualibet earum exprimitur, iuseri facientes. 15 Rogeri Bacon opus majus (about 1266) ed. Jebb. p. 250. Gratia- nus multa seripsit jura, quae nunc abrogata sunt, sententia saniore praevalente. 1 See Part 1. § 20, note 8. Above § 47, note 3. ^ Hence it was that the mass of forged evidence, which nia}^ be found in Thomas Aquinas, especially in his opusc. contra errores Graecorum, could be attributed to the antient Greek Fathers. Thus Cyril of Alexandria in libro thesarorum is represented as having said, among other sayings of the same kind (see Thomas in sent. lib. iv. dist. 24. qu. 3. art. 2) : ut membra nianeamus in capitc nostro, apostolico throno Romanorum Pontificum, a quo nostrum est quaerere, quid credere, et quid tenere debeamus, ipsum venerantes, ipsum rogantes prae omnibus : quoniam ipsius solius est reprehendere, corrigere, statuere, 160 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. merely vicars of the Popc,^ who had advanced since the time of disponerc, solvei'e, et ligare loco illius, qui i])sum aedificavit : et nulli alii quod suum est plenum, sed ipsi soli dedit, cui omnes jure divino caput inclinant, et primates mundi, tanquam ipsi Domino Jcsu Christo, obediunt. Thomas in his opusc, adv. Graecos, quotes as a canon of the Council of Chalcedon : Si quis Episcopus praedieatur infamis, liberam habeat sententiam appellandi ad beatissimum Episcopum antiquae Ilomae : quia habemus Petruni patrem refugii, et ipsi soli libera potestate loco Dei sit jus disccrnendi Episcopi criminati infaniiam secundum claves a Domino sibi datas. — Et omnia ab eo diffinita teneantur tamquam a Yicario apostolici throni. See these passages gathered and criticised in J. Launoji lib. i. epist. 1 — 3. (0pp. V. i. 1.) Other passages were corrupted. S. Augusriui de doct. Clirist. lib. ii. cap. 8, § 12, reads thus in Grati;ui P. i. dist. 19. c. 6. : In canonicis scripturis Ecclesiarum catholicarum quamplurimum diviuarum Scriptu- rarum solertissimus indagator auctoritatem seqiiatur, inter quas sane illae sint, quas apostolica sedes habere, et ab ea alii meruerunt accipere epistolas. The genuine text is : In canonicis autem scripturis Ecclesiarum catholicarum quamplurimum auctoritatem sequatur : inter quas sane illae sunt, quae apostolicas sedes habere, et epistolas accipere meruerunt. 3 Bernoldi Constant, apologeticus pro decretis Gregorii VIE (s. § 47 not. 40) cap. 23 : quilibet Episcopus nee super gregem sibicommis- sum tantam potestatem habet, quantam Praesul apostolicus, qui, licet curam suam in singulos Episcopos diviserit, nullo modo tamen seipsuni sua universali et principali potestate privavit : sicut nee Rex suara regalem potentiam diininuit, licet regnum suum in diversos duces, comites sive judices diviserit. Cap. 24 : His au(em rationibus et hoc declaratur, quod cujusvis Episcopi parocliiauus potius domno Apos- tolico, quam proprio Episcopo obedire debet. Innocent II. in his opening speech to the second Eatei'an Council, ann. 1139 (ex chron. Mauriniacensi in Mansi xxi. 534): Nostis, quia Roma caput est mundi, et quia a Romani Pontificis licentia ecclesiastici honoris celsitudo quasi feudalis juris consuetudine suscipitur, et sine ejus permissione legaliter non tenetur. Innocent III. lib. i. episl. 350: Sic apostolica sedes inter fratres et Coepiscopos nostros pastoralis dispensavit oneris gravi- tatem, sic cos in creditae sibi solicitudinis partem assumpsit, ut nihil sibi subtralierct de plenitudine potcstatis, quo minus de singulis causis ecclesiasticis inquirere possit, et cum voluerit judieare. Ibid, epist. 495 ad Archicj)isc. et Decanum Senonenscm and epist. 496 ad Pictav. et Cenoman. Episcopos : Potestatis apostolicae plcnitudo longe lateque diffusa, licet ublque pracsenspotentialiter habeatur, tamen quia ea, quae ad tantum officium pertinent, per se, prout singulis expediret, non valet praesentialiter exercere, tarn vcs quam alios rainistros Ecclesiarum in partem solicitudinis advocavit, ut sic tanti onus officii per subsidiarias nctiones commodius supportefur, Eor this reason Innocent III. in Decretal. Gregor lib. iii. tit. 8, cap. 5, calls the sphere of the Bishops commissam nostrae solicitudinis partem. Thomas Aquinas in Sent. lib. ii. dist. 44, qu. 2, in fine : Potestas superior et inferior dupliciter CH. I.— PAPACY. Il.—ECCL. DEVELOP, g 61. IDEA OF PAPACY. Itjl Innocent III. from being the Vicarius Petri,'* to be tlie Vicarius Dei or Christi :^ as such he surrounded himself with a peculiar possunt se habere. Aut ita, quod inferior potestas ex toto oriatur a superiori ; et tunc tota virtus iiiferioris fundatur supra virtutem supe- rioris, et tunc simpliciter et in omnibus est niagis obediendum potestati superiori, quam inferiori : — et sic se habet potestas Dei ad omnem potestatcm creatam ; sic etiam se habet potestas Iniperatoris ad potestatem proconsulis : sic etiam se habet potestas Papae ad oranem .spiritualem potestatem in Ecclesia : quia ab ipso Paj^a gradus digni- tatum diversi in Ecclesia et disponuntur et ordinantur: unde ejus potestas est quoddam Ecclesiae fundamentum, ut patet Matth. xvi. Et ideo in omnibus magis tenemur obedire Papae quam Episcopis, vel Archiepiscopis, vel Monacbus Abbati absque ulla distinctione. Potest iterum potestas superior et inferior ita se habere, quod ambae oriantur ex una quadam supreraa potestate : — et hoc modo se habent potestates et Episcopi et Archiepiscopi descen denies a Papae potestate. — Papa utriusque potestatis apicem tenet, scilicet spiritualis et saecularis. Idem in Sent. lib. iv. dist, 20. art. 4. soluLio 3 : Papa habet plenitudinem ])ontificalis potestatis, quasi Rex in regno : sed Episcopi assumuntur in partem solicitudinis, quasi judices singulis civitatibus praepositi. In the speech delivered by Cardinal Portuensis at the Papal Consistoi-y in the year 1302 (see above § 59. note 25) the following passage occurs. Bulaeus iv. 30. A summo Pontifice Episcopi, etiam Archie- piscopi habent determinatam provinciam, et sunt assumpti in partem solicitudinis : unde habent certam potestatem, summus Pontifex habet plenissimam : nullus est, qui possit cam limitare. * See part i. § 4. not. 3, 7. § 7. not, 26. Neither did Gregory VII. assume this title in the oath quoted above § 47, note 38, nor even Alexander III. in the treaty of peace with Frederick II. no. 4. (see § 52. note 22.) ^ Innocentii III. lib. 1, epist. 326. ad Faventin. Episc. Sunnnus Pontifex non hominis puri, sed veri Dei vere Vicarius appellatur. Nam quam vis simus Apostolorum PiHncipIs successores, non tami'n ejus aut alicujus Apostoli vel hominis, sed ipsius sumus Vicarii Jesu Christi. Unde quos Deus spirituali conjunctione ligavit, non homo, quia non Vicarius hominis, sed Deus, quia Dei Vicarius, separat, cum Episcopos a suis sedibus per eorum cessionem, depositionem et translationem aliquando removemus. — Lib. i. epist. 335. (Deer. Greg. I. tit. 7. c. 3) ; Non enim homo sed Deus separat, quod Romanus Pontifex, qui non puri hominis, sed veri Dei vicem gerit in terris, — non humana sed divina potius auctoritate dissolvit. To this refers the Gloss : Unde dicitur habere caeleste arbitrium (cod. de sum. trin. K 1. in fi.), et ideo etiam naturam rerum immutat, substantialia unius rei applicando alii (arg. C. communia de leg. 1. 2), et de nullo potest aliquid facere (C, rei uxor. act. 1. unica in princ. et de consecr. dist. 2. c. 69), et senten- tiam, quae nulla est, facit aliquam (Cans. iii. qu. 6. c. 10) ; quia in his, quae vult, ei est pro ratione voluntas (Instit. de jure natur. § sed quod principi i. e. Justiniani institt. lib. i. tit. 2, § G). Nee est, qui ei dieat, cur ita facis ? (De poen. dist. 3. c. 22). Ipse enim potest supra L 1(^2 Tj^iKD i'i;i;ioi>.— Div. in.— a.d. 1073—1305. pomp of sanctity.^ Not only did the Legislative power of the Church pass so exclusively into his hands/ that nothing more jus dispcnsare (infra lib. iii. tit. 8. c. 4), id(!m de injustitia potest facere justitiam, corrigendo jura et mutando (lib. ii. tit. 28. c. 59. lib. iv. tit. 14. c. 8), et plenitudinem obtinet potestatis (caus. ii. qu. 6. c. 11). " To this belongs, according to Gregory, Dictatus 10, quod solius Papae pedes omnes Principesdeosculentur. This was an oriental sign of homage which came into the Western World through Constantinople. It had often been rendered both to Emperors and Bishops, The Popes now claimed it as n proof of allegiance to themselves, just as they demanded from Princes othciunx stratoris (see § 52 note 5), cf. Lud. Thomas- sini vetus et nova Ecclesiae disciplina circa beneficia P. ii. lib. 3. c. 65. But, 2, still more offensive was the peculiar way in which the Popea received the Lord's Supper, -see Guil. Durantis (the elder -{- 1296) rationale divin. offic. lib. iv. c. 54. § 5 : Ascendens sedcm, ibi com- municat (a more particular description is to be foimd in Innocent III. de mysterio Missae lib. vi. c. 9). Qui in Ecclesia militante summus Pontifex, sicut Christi vicarius et caput omnium Praclatorum, perfectius Christum repraesentat, congruum est, ut ipse non in altari, sed in loco sublimiori communicet. Comj)are above § 59. note 82. the fourth charge. Thus' also it was customary tliat the Eucharist should be carried before the Pope, when he went abroad. Thomassinus I. c. § 7. 7 Gregory VII., even in his day, assigned to the Pope the right of legislating, Dictatus 7 : quod illi soli licet pro temporis necessitate novas leges condere. Urbanus IT. in Gratian. II. caus. xxv. qu. 1, c. 6 : Sunt quidam, dicentes, Romano Pontifici semper licxiisse novas condere leges. Quod et nos non solum non negamus, sed etiam valde affirmamus. Sciendum vero summoperc est, quia inde novas leges condere potest, unde Evangelistac aliquid et Prophetae nequaquam dixerunt. Ubi veroaperte Dominus vel ejus Apostoli ct cos sequentes sancti Patres sententialiter aliquid definierunt, ibi non novam legem Romanus Pontifex dare, sed potius, quod praedicatum est, usque ad anijiiam et sanguincm confirmare debet. Si enim, quod doeuerunt Apostoli et Prophetae, destruere (quod absit) niteretur, non sententiam dare, sed magis errare convinceretur. Yet the Ilildebrand party in the quarrel about investiture, attackt the decree of Nicolas 1 1, on the Papal election, with reasons by which the Pope's right of Legislature in general would be greatly weakened, sec § 47. note 41. However this opinion continued to gain ground. Lucas Tudensis (about 1236) adv. Albigenscs II. c. 1 : In scrinio ejus pectoris totius juris summa consistit. He was imitated by l^oniface VIII. Sexti lib. i. tit. 2. c. 1 : Romanus Pontifex jura omnia in scrinio pectoris sui censetur habere, cf. Thomas A(iuinas opusc. contra impugnantes rc'ligioiiem ca]). 4 : Quod objicitur, quod Romanae sedis auetoritas non potest aliquid condere vel mutare contra statuta sanctorum Patrum, dicendum, quod verum est in illis, quae statuta Sanctorum dcterminaverunt esse de jure divino, sicut articuH fidei, (\n\ ditcrminati sunt per concilia : sed ilia quae sancti CH. L— PAPACY II.— ECCL. DEVELOP. §61. IDEA OF PAPACY. 1(33 than a deliberative voice was allowed to councils :^ but also he was so entirely master of the laws, that he was not bound by them himself,^ and in the case of others, had power to dispense with them ante factum,^^ as well as to absolve from oaths.^^ At Patres determiuaverunt esse de jure positive, sunt relicta sub dispositione Papae, ut possit ea mutare, vel dispensare secundum opportunitates t jmporum vel negotiorum, Sancti enira Patres in conciliis congregati nihil statuere possunt nisi auctoritate Romani Pontificis interveniente, sine qua etiani nee concilium congregari potest. Nee tamen Papa quando aliquid aliter facit, quam a Sanctis Patribus statutum sit, contra eorum statuta facit : quia servatur intentio statuentium, etiamsi non ser- vantur verba statutorum, quae non possunt in onuiibus casibus et in omnibus temporibus observari, servata intentione statuentium, quae est utilitas Ecclesiae ; sicut et in omni jure positivo accidit. — Nee hoc est verum, quod Papa non possit aliquid facere contra Apostolum : dispensat enim cum bigamo, et in poena, quam canones Apostolorum statuerunt Presbytei'o fornicanti. Ex decreto autem inducto (Urbani ii. see above) non potest amplius haberi, nisi quod Papa non potest destruere canonicam scripturam Apostolorum et Proplietarum, quae est ecclesiasticae fidei fuudamentum. ^ Paschalis II. ad Archiep. Salonae ann. 1102 (s^e below § 62. note 4.) Ajunt in conciliis statutum non inveniri, namely the new Metropolitan oath. To this he answered : quasi Roraanae Ecclesiae legem concilia villa praefixerint, cum omnia concilia per Romanae Ecclesiae auctoritatem et facta sint, et robur acceperint, et in eorum statutis Romani Pontificis patenter excipiatur auctoritas. From the time of Innocent III. all decrees of a council, at which the Pope was present, were drawn up in the Pope's name, sacro approbante concilio or sacro praesente concilio. For instance Concil. Lateran. IV. ann. 1215 c. 5: sacra universali Synodo approbante sancimus ut etc. '^ Thus it was asserted by many jurists of the 13th century, quod in curia Romana non committitur simonia. Henricus Card. Ostiensis (about 1260) says on this point Comm. in Decret. Greg. lib. v. tit. 4. c. 1 : quod omnino verum videtur in his, quae simoniaca sunt, quia prohibita, h. e. ex constitutione canonica, dummoclo fiat auctore Prin cipe et sciente. Then in provisions against simony the fundamental principle non ligat promulgantem^ according to Digest, lib. i. tit. 4, comes into operation. Still he adds : quamvis autem in hoc casu simonia non committatur, adminus tamen infamia non tollitur. — Ac- cordingly, after the time of Innocent IV. the Popes introduced into tlieir bulls the well known formula non obstante by virtue of which all opposing rights, laws, and prohibitions were suspended for the occasion. Compare Roberti Ep. Lincoln, epist. below § 62, note 22. "^ The earlier dispensations did not give veniam canonis Infringendi, but only infracti, and were granted by Bishops also. See de Marca lib. iii. c. 14, especially Thomassinus P. ii. 1. iii. c. 24 — 28.) Inno- centius iii. lib. xvi. epist. 154 (quoted by Raumer vi. 243 from the Regestis Honor, iii. inedit.) : Ascitis aliis in partem solicitudinis L 2 104 THIKD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. I). Iu73— 1305. the same time tlie doctrine of Papal infallibility began to take shape. ^"-^ suimnus Pontifex assuiiiptus est in plcnitudlnem potestatis : qui cum moderator sit canonum, juri non facit injuviaiu, si dispensat. Idem (Decretal. Gregor. III. tit. 8, c. 4) : secundum plenitudinem potestatis dc jure possumus supra jus dispensare. The Gloss upon this says : Nam contra Apostolum dispensat (dist. 34, c. 18) et contra canoncs Apo.stolorum (dist. 82. c. 5), item contra vetus testanientiuu in dtcimis non dandis (Decret. Gregor. III. tit. 30. c. 10)j item in veto (Deci-et. Greg. III. tit. 34. c. 1), item in juraniento (caus. xv. qu. G. c. 2. Deer. Greg. I. tit. 3. c. 19.) — Tamen contra universalera Ecclesiae statum dispensare non potest (cau3. xxiv. qu. 1. c. 10), nee potest dispensare, quod monachus liabcat propi-ium (Deer, Greg, III. tit. 35, c, 6), nee contra quatuor Evangelia (dist. xiv. c, 2), nee contra praeceptum Apostoli (cans. xxv. qu. 1. c, 6), quod intelligo in iis, quae spectant ad articulos fidei. Likewise also the Gluss on Caus, xv, qu. 6. c. 2 : Dico enim, quod c mtra jus naturale [Papa] potest dispensare, dum tamen non contra Evangeliuui vel conti-a articulos fidei : tamen contra Apos- tolum dispensat (dist. 34. c. 18. dist, 82, c. 5,) Thomas Aquin. quaest. quodlibetalis iv. art. 13: Papa habet plenitudinem potestatis in Ecclesia, ita scilicet, quod quaecumque sunt instituta per Ecclesiam, vel Ecclesiae T*raelatos, sunt dispensabilia a Papa. Haec enim sunt quae dicuntur es.se juris humani, vel juris positivi. Circa ea vero, quae sunt juris divini, vel juris naturalis, disp(msare non potest, quia ista habent efficaciam ex institutione divina, — In solis his quae sunt de lege naturae, et in articulis fidei, et saeramentis novae legis dispensare non potest. ^^ Thomas Aquin. in Summa, Secumla Secundae qu. 89. art. 9 : Quandoque aliqnid sub juraniento promittitur, de quo dubium est, utrum sit licitum vel illicitum, proficuum vel nocivum, aut simpliciter, ant in aliquo casu : et in hoc potest quilibet Episcopus dispensare. Quandoque vero sub juramento promittitur aliquid, quod est manifeste licitum et utile : et in tali juramento non videtur habere locum disj>ensatio vel commutatio, nisi aliquid melius occurrat ad communem utilitateni faciendum, quod maxime videtur pertinere ad potestatem Papae, qui liabet curam universalis Ecclesiae, vel etiam absoluta relaxatio, quod etiam ad Papam pertinet in omnibus generaliter, quae ad dispunsa- tionem rcrum ecclesiasticarum pertinent, super quas habet plenitudinem potestatis. '^ A doctrine principally grounded on Luc. 22, 32 : Ego mitem rngavl pro te, ut non dcfiriaf fides tua. Thus ere now Leo ix. epist. 55 : Quae oratio obtinuit, quod hactenus fides Petri non defccit, nee defectura crcditur in throno illius usque in saeculum saeculi etc, Grcgorius VII. lib. ii. c]). 1 : Eccb'sia Romana por b, Petrum, quasi quodam privilegio, ab ipsis fidci primordiis a ss. PP. omnium mater l^cclesiarum a3, p. 876): Domini Papae et Regis redargutor manifestus, Praelatorum correptor, Monachorum corrector, Presbyterorum director, clericorum instructor, scholarium sustentator, populi praedicator, scrip- turarum scdulus perscrutator diversarum, Ronuuiorum malleus et en I.-PAPACYll.— ECCL. DEVEL. § G2. EXTENSION OF POWER. 183 conteinptor,— in officio pontificali sedulus, venerabilis, et infatignbilis (Roo-er B?con. opus niajus, p. 45 : qui solus novit scientias.) His opus'cula, viz. sermons and letters are publisht in Brown app. ad fas- ciculum rerum expetendanun et fugiendaruin, p. 244 ss. «. H. Wharton Anglia sacra ii. 344. When Innocent IV. commanded him to ^ive a canonry to a Papal cadet, who was still a boy (see epist. [nnocentii in Brown, p. 399), he answered with a true call for repen- tance (Matth. Paris ann. 1252, p. 870 ss. Brown, p. 400) : L. g. Non est igitur praedictae literue tenor apostolicae sanctitati con- sonus sed absonus plurimum et discors. Primo quia de illius literae— superaccumulato Non obstante (see § 61, note 9 towards the end)-scatet cataclysmus inconstantiae, audaciae et procacitatis, uiverecundiae, mentiendi, fallendi etc.— Praeterea post peccatum Luciferi— non est, nee esse potest alteruni genus peccati tarn adversum et contrarium \postolorum doctrinae et evangelicae,— quam animas pastoralis officii et ministerii defraudatione raortificare et perdere. Quod peccatara— commiltere dignoscuntur, qui in potestate curae pastoralis constituti, de lacte et lana ovium Christi suis carnalibus et temporalibus desideriis et necessitatibus prospiciunt, et pastoralis officii ininisteria— non admiui- strant — Sicut in bonis causa boni melior est suo cansato, sic etiam in malis causa mali pejor est suo causato. Manifestum est, quod taliuni interemptorum— in Eoclesiam dei introductores ipsis pessimis interemp- toribus sunt pejores, Lucifero et Antichristo proximiores, et in hac peioritate gradatim, quanto magis siiperexcellentes qui ex majore et ^i'iore— potestate— magis tenentur ab Ecclesia Dei tales mteremp- tores pessimos excludere et exstirpare. Non potest igitur sanctissima sedes apostolica— aliquid vergens in liujusmodi peccatum— mandare. Hoc enim esset evidenter suae sanctissimae potestatis et plenissimae vel defectio, vel corruptio, vel abusio.-Nec potest quis immacu ata et sincera obedientia eidem sedi subditus et fidelis— hujusmodi mandatis— ,mdecunqueemanantibus,etiamsi a supremo Angelorura ordine evenirent, obtemperare, sed necesse habet totis viribus contradicere et rebeUare. Propter hoc, reverende Domine, ego ex debito obedientiae et fidelitatis, quo teneor utriqu<3 parenti apostolicae sedis sanctissimae,-his quae in praedicta litera continentur-fili^liter et obedienter non obedio, sed contradico et rebello. The Pope was furiously angry ; however, the Cardinals gave him this advice : Non expediret, Domine, ut aliquid durum contra Episcopum statueremus : ut enim vera fateamur, vera sunt quae dicit. Therefore consilium dederunt domino I apae, ut omnia haec conniventibus oculis sub dissimulatione transire permitteret, ne super hoc tumultus excitaretur. Maxime propter hoc, quia scitur quod quandoque discessio est ventura. Coinp. Roberts compUxints ot ecclesiastical abuses on his deathbed. Matth. Pans, p. 874 ss. Sevalus, Archbishop of York, pursued a like course of action ; he was excom- municated indeed by the Pope (idem. ann. 1257, p. 956), but de solatio caelitus mittendo 'ininime desperavit, omnera papalem tyrannideni patienter sustinendo. Nee opimos Ecclesiae suae reditus transal- pinis indignis et incognitis conferre volebat, nee curavit yoluntati papali, relicto juris rigore, muliebriter obedii-e vel mclinari. Qua- propter quanto magis praecipiente Papa maledicebatur, tanto plus a 184 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. regulations of princes^* directed against this l:)oundless extension populo benedicebatur, tacite tamen, propter motum Eomanorum. He also wrote to tbe Pope, and complained of this persecution (1, c. ann. 1258, p. 969) . Huiniliter igitur in scripto suo et iustanter, sicut menioratus Episcopus Lincolniensis Kobertus fecerat, petiit, ut consuetas ty rami ides temperaret, humilitatem ss, praedecessorum sequendo. Dixit enim Dominus Petro : Pasce oves meas, non tonde^ non excoria, non eviscera, vel devurando consume. 8ed dominus Pap;i subsanuans et contemnens indignationem concepit non minimam, et salubribus raonitis renuit inclinari. It is remarkable that in the case of both ihese men, even tbe excommunicated Sevalus, reports of tlieir miracles spread abroad after their death, and proved their sanctity (1. c p. 876 8. 969.) Robert was so generally held to be a saint, that in the year 1307 Clement V. was earnestly sued to canonize him by King Edwaid I., tbe Univ^ersity of Oxford (see the letters in Wood Hist, et antiqui- tates Univ. Oxoniensis i. 105) and the Cathedral-chapter of London (see in Brown praef. to the Fasciculus rerum expet. et fugiend. p. xxviii. Wharton Anglia sacra ii. 343.) 2+ In the matter of Legates, the Kings of France (de Marca lib. vi. c. 31) and England (lib. v, c. 56, § 5 ss. Lappenberg's Gescb. v. Engl. ii. 256) made good their right that none should be sent without their permission. When Urban 11. sent a legate to William II., King of England, the King came to an agreement with him, ne Legatus Romanus ad Angliam mitteretur, nisi quem Rex praeciperet (Hugo Flavin, in chron. Virdun. p. 241.) This right was maintained down to the reign of Henry III. ; when he wisht to assert it, in the year 1244, Magister Martinus was sent (Matth. P;irisp. 641.), hiibens novam et inauditara potestatem, videlicet ampliorem, quam unquam meminimus aiiquem Legatum habuisse, but (p. 645) Legati x^.?.\\hn?. pro privilegio Regis suphistice snlvando non insignitus. For this reason Mattliew Paris calls him the Legatus sophisticus. When, however, the Barons 6f England, in the year J 264, reminded a Legate of this privilege, he answered oifhand : Asseritis privilegium vestrum esse, quod ad vos Legatus non veniat non petitus. Sed absit, ut Romana Ecclesia lege pro|)ria se arctaverit, ne possit ]ier alios visitare, quorum visitationem praesentialiter nequit adimph re. Nee potuit aliquis suinmus Pontifex legem ponere successori, quia non habet impcrium par in ])arem, nee Papa unius pracdecessoris heres est, sed successor (ex ms. in de Marca lib. v. c. 56. § 13.) Thus also Boniface VIII. asserted against Philip the Fair (Rayn. 1303, no. 34), qu:d Romanus Pontifex Legates de latere ac Nuncios lihere mittere potest ad quaevis imperia, regna vel loca, pront vult, absque petitione cujuslibct vel consensu, usn vel consuetudtne contrariis jregxat/ifam ohstmUihus. For Germany, we have only the efforts of the Hohenstaufen family to point out. Frede- rick I. complained, in his quarrel with Hadrian IV. (above § 52, note 13), de Cardinalibus quoque sine permissione imperiali libere ])er Regnum transeuntibus, et regalia Episcoporum palatia incredientibiis, et Ecclesias- Dei gravantibus : de injustis appellationibus et caetcris CH. I.— PAPACY II.— ECCL. DEV. § (.2. EXTENSION OF POWEK. 185 of Papal power, were for the most part ft'uitless in results. Far more dangerous to the Pope would have been the resistance of the Latin Patriarchs in the East,^^ had not their very existence quam plurimis brevitatem superantibus (Baronins 1159 no. 15), mid replied to the remonstrance of the Pope (1. c. no, 6) : Cardinalibus utique vestris clausae sunt Ecclesiae, et non patent civitates ; quia non videmus eos Cardinales, sed Carpinales ; uon praedicatores, s( d praeda- tores ; non pacis corroboi atores, sed pecuniae ruptoves ; non orbis reparatores, sed auri insatiabiles corrasorfs. Cum autem viderimiis eos, quales nquirit Ecclesia, portantes preem, ilhuninantes pati'iam, assistentes causae humilium in atquitate, necessariis stipendiis et coni- meatu eos sustentare non diftereraus. Hadrian complains to the German Bishops (Goldast. constitt. imper. i. 266), [Imperator] facto edicto, ne aliquis de Regno vestro ad apostolicam sedem accedat, per omnes fines ejusdern Regni custodes dieitur posuisse, qui eos, qui ad sedem aposto- licam venire voluerint, violenter debeant n^vocare. The Emperor justifies this measure in his letter to the liishops (1. c.) : Introitum et exitum Italiae nee clausimus edicto, nee claudere aliquo modo voiumus peregrinantibus, vel pro suis necessitatibus rationaliter cum testimonio Episcoporum et Praelatorum suorum Komanam sedem adeuntibus : sed illis abusionibus, quibus omnes Ecclesiae Begni nostri gravatae et attennatae sunt, et omnes paene claustrales disciplinae emortuae et sepultae, obviare intendimus. Comp. above § 53, note v., towards the end. Henry II. wisht to do the same for England (Constit. Clarend. viii., above § 52, note 25) : nevertheless, just as in England a good opportunity presented itself to compel the King to a retraction on oath (the same note 28) ; so the Pope succeeded in binding the German Emperors also by an oath, after the time of Otto IV. (see above § 54, note 14 and 17, § 58, note 8.) ■^ The consciousness of the original dignity of this see, descended even to the Latin Patriarchs, who were raised to it. Rudolph, the second Patriarcli of Antioch, declared already utramque Petri esse cathedram, Antiochenam et Romanam, eanique quasi primogeiutam insignem praerogativa, and styled himself collega et frater domini Papae, nevertheless be was overmatcht (Willelm. Tyrius lib. xv. c. 12, 13, he however on this point is not an impartial judge, for territorial disputes were pending between the sees of Antioch and Tyre, Baronins 1136 no. 26 ss., esp. Egidii legati acerrima disputatio adv. Antioch. Patriarcham in Ludcwig reliquiae manuscriptt. ii. 452) ; but even in the year 1198 Innocent. III. (lib. i. ep. 50. Deer. Greg. lib. i. tit. vii. c. 1) had to rebuke a Patriarch of Antioch, who had encroacht on the Papal reserved right of translating bishops. — In the same manner Innocent III. (Hb. xi. ep. 76), so early as 1208, had reason to complain of Thomas, the first Patriarch of Constantinople, for disobedience and disregard of the Papal Legates. Honorius III. thus reproaclit his successor Everardus (Raynald. 1218 no. 26 — 28) : Sicut— accepimus, tu supra te volens extendore alas tuas legates de tuo latere dirigis cum ca plenitudine potostatis, qua legati scdis aposfolicae diriguntur. Illi 186 THIED PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. been so entirely independent of Rome and the Western world. In France alone, where the best acquaintance with ancient law, and the greatest political unity and powder, was still to be found, Lewis IX., by the Pragmatic sanction (in 1269),^^ imposed enim per Pati'iarchatum tibi comraissum causarum auflientiara, quae ad te, vel ad ipsos per appellationem minime deferuntur, sibi vindicare praesumunt, et inconsultis Praelatis eorum subditos excomraunicant, excoiiimunicatos absolvunt, — appellationibus non defenint, quas con- tingit ad sedem apostolicam interponi. — Ecclesiastica etiam bcneficia conferunt, non exspectantes, qiiod ad te potestas eadem conferendi juxta Lateranense concilium (above note 13) devolvatur : thus closely resem- bling their Roman brethren, Honorius III. treats Matthaeus, the following Patriarch, yet worse (Rajmald. 1222 no. 22 s. ), and upbraids him thus : ut quasi velis ab aquilone tuum solium collocare, excommu- nicatos a Legato apostolicae sedis passim absolvis, et appellationibus legitime interpositis ad eandem deferre contemnis. According to Kaumer iii, 388, note 3, there is much to be found on this head in the Regest. Honorii ineditis. But the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch, who, according to Matt. Paris ann. 1238 p. 481, excommuni- cated the Pope, were not, as Raumer says, vi. 316, Latin, but schismatic prelates. See Raynald. 1238 no. 35. -" The causes of this are plain from the Gravaminibus Ecclesiae Gallicanae (in Brown app. ad fascieulum rerum expet. et fugiend. p. 238), which must, as is clear from the contents, have been brought by ambassadors of Lewis IX. to Innocent IV., probably about the year 1246 : Dominus Rex jamdudum moleste sustinuit gravamina, quae inferuntur Ecclesiae Gallicanae, et per consequens sibi et regno. — Nunc autem videns, quod per patlentiam istam non proficiat, sed quo- tidie ci'escant gravamina ; habita super hoc deliberatione et consilio diligenti, misit nos ad exponendum vobis super hoc Hbertatem suam et consilium suum. — Mirantur etiam et raovcntur Barones et omnes Regni proceres et magnates, non solum quod haecfiunt, sed quod dominus Rex sustinet. quod haec fiunt : iinmo quod ipse, ut verbis eorum utar, ita permittit destrui Rcgnum suum, sicut sui dixerunt ei nuper in colloquio apud Rontilarem congregato : nee solum moventur super his dominus Rex et magnates, sed etiam generaliter omne Regnum motum est et turbatum usqiie adeo, quod devotio ilia, quam solebant habere ad Ro- manam Ecclesiam, jam quasi penitus est extincta, et non solum extincta, sed conversa in odium vehemens et rancorem vehementem. — Valde timendum, ne istud odium, (juod conceptum est contra vos in cordibus hominum fere onmium, poss/'t parcre aliquod grande monstnun. — Domine, dico vobis, salva pace vestra, quod nova facitis super terram : vere nova f icitis et hactenus inaudita. Quoniam, ut de raultis taceara, a saeculo non est auditum, quod Ecclesia Romana pro quacnnqne necessitate subsidium pecuniarum vol tributum de temporalibus suis exegerit ab Ecclesia Gallicana. — A saeculo non est auditum, quod alias dictum fuerit verbum istud : da mihi tantum, vel excommunico te. — A saeculo non est auditum, quod summi sacerdotes et Apostolorum CH. I.— PAPACY II.— ECCL. DEV. g 02. EXTENSION OF POWER. Igy powerful restrictions on some abuses at least. But in this country, during the struggle of Philipp the Fair witli Boniface, an successores — talliati fuerint, qui inodo per nuncios vestros talliantur sicut servi vel Judaei. For this the evidence of facts was brought forward. Item gravantur Ecclesiae in multis provisionibus et pensioni- bus multorum : confertis enim pro voluntate vestra domos et grangias (barns) et villas monachorum. — Item gravantur Ecclosiae in collatione beneficiorum et praebendarum multarum. Nam in qualibet Ecclesia — contulistis multas praebendas et etiam non vacantes ; et non solum praebendas, sed etiam' personatus vacaturos, quod omnibus videtur mirabile, cum nee sic factum fuerit usque modo ; nee videatur juri vel rationi consonum, quod sic fiat. Pope Alexander had once taken refuge with King Lewis in France. Ipse tamen in nuUo gravavit. Ecclesiam Gallicanam, ut nee unam solain praebendam aut aliud beneficium ipse Papa dederit ibi ; sed nee aliquis praedecessor suus, nee niulti etiam de successoribus dederunt in sua auctoritate beneficium aliquod usque ad tempus domini Innocentii tertii, qui primus assumpsit sibi jus istud, in tempore suo revera dedit multas i)r;iebendas, et similiter post ipsum dominus Honorius et dominus Gregorius simili modo fecerunt : sed omnes pi-aedecessores vestri, ut publice dicitur, non dederunt tot bene- ficia, quot vos solus dedistis isto modico tempore, quo rexistis Ecclesiam vestram. Et si successor vester in tantum excederet vos in hoc, sicut exce'^sistis praedecessores vestros, certe ipse conferret communia beneficia, et sic non restabit aliud consilium indigenis nostris nisi fugere aut fugare. — Nuncii vero de novo accesserunt, nova gravamina addentes supradictis. Nuper enim mandavistis Clericis, ut quia persecutor vester (Fredrick II.) ad partes istas venturns est, mitantvohis militiam miinitam ad resistendum ei, quia non est consilium cedere venienti : super quo satis excusabiles sunt Ecclesiae, quia non habent militiam, nee est in potestate eorum mittere quod non habent.— Item magnum et novum subsidiuin modo petitis ab Ecclesiis per fratres minores, qui modo discurrunt per totum Regnum, et intolerabiliter gravant Ecclesias multis modis et diversis. Their mode of proceeding is represented (comp. § 56, note 8), and after many admonitions (for the fixing of the date of this passage is important, quia dominus Rex crucesignatus est, et in terrani sanctam profecturus est, vult— quod Ecclesiae Regni large subveniant ei) it is brought to a close with the proposal : rogat vos affectuosissime dominus Rex — pro tollendo scandalo de cordibus multorum, et servanda et retinenda devotione Ecclesiae Gallicanae et Regni, et propter amorem domini Regis, ut praemissis gravaminibus, quae ipse nullo modo potest aequo animo sustinere, quia in his videt exheredationein suam, et intolerabile periculum imminere, de caetero parcatis Ecclesiis et ab hujusmodi cessare velitis, et quae de novo facta sunt revocare. Power was granted the King by the Pope to appoint to the episcopal sees in France. This grant he rejected, and threw into the fire the Bull made out for this end, which his ambassador brought with him on his return from Rome (see the vita Ludovici, \yritten by his Chancellor Broimardus in Choppini monasticon lib. i. tit. i. § 9.) Lewis answered the Pope in the same manner, according 188 THIRD PERIOD.-Dn-. III. A.D. 1073—1305. opposition encountering not only isolated results, but the funda- mental principles of the Papal system, first found veiit.-^ to Matth. Paris ann. 1250 p. 797, wlion he wi.sht to have the tithes of the F>-ench Church for three years, to carry on his vvaragainst Frederick II. and Conrad, quod nullo modo toleraret Ecclesiam sui regni depauperare ad expugnandos Christianos. When, however, he suffered the tenth to be granted for three years to himself by the Pope, for his own crusade, the clergy of France were very indignant, and sent a threatening letter to the Pope. Clement's IV.'answer to this is in Raynald. 12G7 no. 55 : Jerusalem anathemate pollutam propter exactionem decimae stare coram Crucifixi liostibus nequivisse dictarum Hterarum tenor asseruit ; et ipsai-um aucior nirais inconsulte, quasi similia comminans, orientalem Ecclesiam propter exactiones hiijusmodi ab obedientia Ecelesiae Romanae subtractani, quasi veritatis omnino expers et inscius afSrmavit. — Vobis eligeratis potius excommunica- tionuni sustinere sententias, quam nostris circa hujusmodi obedire mandatis ; adjicientes — ad praedicti confirmationem erroris, jam apud vos infixam et immobilem transisse sententiam, quod non cessaret exactio tributoruin, donee cessaret devorio subditorum. When Clement IV., in the year 1266, laid claim to the plenaria dispositio of all benefices (see above note 13), then in M:,veh 1269 (according to tlie reckoning of the time 1268, Lewis issued the Pragmatic Sanction, in order to win back his clergy in some measure, see Ordonnances des Jioys de France de la troisieme race recueillies par M de Lauriere. Paris 1723fol. 1, 97. Leibnitii mantissa cod.jur. gent. p. 157. The most important points in it are these : statuimus et ordinamus primo, ut Ecclesiarum Regni nostri Prelati, patroni, et beneficiorum collatorea (jrdinai-ii jus suum plenarium liabeant, et unicuique sua jurisdietio debite servetur. II. Item Fcclesiae cathedrales et aliae regni nostri liberas electiones et earum effcctum integraliter habeant. — V. Item exactiones et onera gravis:;ima pecuniarum per Curiam Romanam Ecelesiae iJegni nostri impositas vel imposita, quibus R(;gnum nostrum miserabiliterdei)auperatumextitit., sive etiam imponendasvel imponendu, levari aut coUigi nixllatenus volunnis, nisi duntaxat pro rationabili, pia et urgentissima causa, et inevitabili necessitate, ac de spontaneo et expresso consensu nostro et ipsius Ecelesiae Regni nostri. The conclu- sion runs : Harum tenore universis justitiariis, offieiariis et subditis nostris — mnndamus, quatenus omnia et singula praedicti diligenter et attente servent, — atque servari — inviolabiliter faeiunt : nee aliquid in contrarium qnovis modo faciant vel attentent, sen fieri vel aUentari permittant : transgressores aut contra facientes — tali poena plectendo, quod caeteris deinceps cedat in exempluin. E. Kicher hist coneill. general, lib. iii. c. 7. The genuineness of this document, which is attackt especially by P. Daniel, lias been demonstrated in Libertea de I'eglise Gallicane edit. ann. 1771. iii. 633, 667. Velly hist, de France, iii. 239. 27 Johannes de Parrhisiis de potest, regia et papali (see above § 59. not(! 36) cap. xi. in Goldasfi monarcliia ii. 120: I*otestas Praelatornm CH. ;.— PAPACY II.—ECCL. DEV. § (32. EXTENSION OF POWER. 139 Whilst the extravagant asumptions of the Papacy were laid bare to the view of all.^^ inferiorura non est a Deo raediante Papa, sed immediate a Deo, et a populo eligente vel consentiente. Non enim Petrus, cujus successor est Papa, misit alios Apostolos, quorum successores sunt alii Episcopi : nee Ixxii. discipulos, quoi-um successores sunt Presbytei-i Curati ; sed eos Christus immediate misit (Joann. 20. et Luc. 19.) Nee Petrus insuttlavit in alios Apostolos, dans eis Spiritum sanctum, et potestatem dimittendi peccata, sed Christus (Joann. 20. et deinde 21.) In novo (i. e. Gratiani Deer. dist. xxi. c. 2) dicitui-, quod omnes a Christo simul eandem et aequalem acceperunt potestatem. Paulus etiam dicit suum apostolatum non accepisse a Petro, sed a Christo, seu a Deo immediate ad Gal. 1. etc. -^ Compare the remarkable expression of William Durant, Bishop of Mende, once so devoted to the hierarchy, in his tractatus de modo celebrandi generalis concilii (1311, written in preparation for the Council at Vienna, printed more than once, among other places in the Tractatus illustrium Jurisconsultorum T. xiii, P. i., Venet, 1584. fol. f. 159.) Part ii. rubr. 7: Proverbium vulgare est : qui totum vult, t turn perdit. Ecclesia Romana sibi vindicat universa : unde timendum est, quod universa perdat : nam, sicut Salomon Proverb, xxx. [v. 33] : qui multum emungit, sanguinem elicit. Sicut habetur exemplum de Ecclesia Graecorum, quae ex hoc ab Ecclesiae Romanae obedientia dicitur recessi=ise. 190 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY OF THE CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. §63. THEIR CONNECTION WITH THE STATES. Whilst in the great struggles of this age, in which Church and State strove for the chief power, the Popes made themselves masters of both : the Hierarchies of the Church in other countries could only attain that independence of all secular power^ at which they aimed, so far as the existing feudal relations allowed.^ The earlier influence of the Lords of the soil, over the appointments to Bishoprics and Abbacies, vanished altogether in Germany from the time of Otto IV.,^ and was straightened by degrees in other countries'* also. But in all cases, even when appointed on the side of the Church, the Prelates had to take the oath of fealty as before,^ to discharge * How this was opposd, see above § 48. note 12. Comp. Urbani n. epist. 14, ad Rodulphum Comitem (Mansi xx. 659) : Nosse te voluinus, quia luiUi saecularium doinino potestatem in clericos habere licel ; sed ornnes clcrici Episcopo soli esse debent subjecti. Quicunque vero aliter pracsuuipserit, canonicae procul dubio sentcntiae subjacebit. § 49. not. 14 and 15, § 50. note 8 towards tlie end. -' Comp. above § 49. note 5, § 50. note 8. ** In the 12th century imperial nominations of Hisliops, or imperial influence over the elections, came into voirue, see Sugeidieini's Staats- leben des Khnis im Mittelalter Bd. 1. (BerHn 1839) s. 153. Otto IV. and Frederick II. liad, however, to disclaim tliis right. (vj 54. note 71. and 30.) ' In France, England, and Spain, there was a regulation establisht by law, that the King's permission to (dect, and afterwards his confir- mation of the election, must be obtained. In Naples, Hungary, Denmark, and Sweden, nomination by the King continued till the 13th century. Staudenmaier's Gesch. d. liischofswahlen (Tijbingen 1830) 3. 249. Sugenlieim i. 197. * This was acknowledged by Iniioecnt III. in Coiic. Lateran. ann. CH. II.— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 63. CON. WITH STATE. 191 their feudal obligations,^ and in all causes relating to fiefs to acknowledge the right of their feudal lord.' On these feudal relations the Lords of the soil orounded also the right of Regalia (jus Regaliffi) and the right of spoils (jus spolii or jus exuvia- rum) ;^ although these rights were disallowed by the Popes,' the 1215 c. 43 (Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. 24 c. 30.) Even in Germany the Prelates could not assume the regalia before doing so. Sugenheim i. 162. »i Thomassin. P. iii. lib. i. c. 45 — 48. Hiillmann's Gesch. d. Ursprung's d. Stande in Deutschland 2te Aufl. s. 272 ff. Montag's Gesch. d. deutschen staatsbiirgerl. Freiheit ii. 447. 7 This right was recognized by Alexander III. Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. 2. c. 6. (The rubric also runs thus : Si qvxaestio feudalis est inter clericum et laicum, cognoscet dominus feudi) and c. 7. Thus Innocent III. interceded with King Pbilipp II. of France (lib. viii. ep. 190) for the Bishops of Auxerre and Orleans : dum eorum saisiri fecisti regalia, iramo etiam quaedam alia praeter ilia, — levi occasione praelensa, quod quidam eorum miiites in tuo exercitu constituti ad locum, quern eos adire praeceperas, ire cum aliis noluerint, absentibus eisdem Episcopis per licentiam a te liberaliter impetratam. Et cum — tibi humiliter supplicaverint, ut faceres eis reddi regalia sic subtracta, paratis post- modum curiae tuae subire jiidichim, sicut in tcdihus fieri consuevit, tu supplicationes eorum admittere noluisti etc. of. lib. xiv. ep. 52. ** Compare on this head de Marca de cone. Sac. et Imp. lib. viii. c. 1 ss., especially c. 17 ss. Natalis Alex. hist, ecclesiast. ad saec. xiii. et xiv. diss. viii. Meibomii rernm Germ. iii. 18a ss. Planck IV. ii. 79. Sugenheim's Staatsleben des Klerus im Mittelalter i. 267. Traces of both are to be found even earlier than this. From the daring robberj^ of the ecclesiastical succession (Thomassini vetus et nova disciplina de beneficiis P. iii. lib. ii.c. 51 ss.) the right of spoils developt itself, and was already old in the time of Frederick I., see § 53. not. 6. Probably the most antient intimation of the prerogative in Germany is to be found in Frider. Archiep. Colon, epist. ad Otton. Bamb., see above §. 49. note 21. On the ground of the prerogative see the declaration of Philip the Fair to the Bishop of Auxerre (quoted by De Marca from the Act of Parliament lib. viii. c. 22. § 6) : Sicut feodum vassallo vacans interim cum suis reditibus a domino licite occupatur, et propter defectum hominis, ut vulgari nostrae patriae verbo utamur, de jure et generali consuetudine Regni nostri per dominum, qousque superveniat persona, quae illi serviat, licite detinetur : sic nos et nostri antecessores vacante Ecclesia Carnotensi et temporalem jurisdictionem et bona temporalia accipimus, et nostros facimus omnes fructus, qui proveniunt ex eisdem. Non solum autem nostram potestatem in bonis tpiscopa- libus exerceraus ; irao bona temporalia praebendarum et dignitatum, sive sit jurisdictio temporalis, sive alia bona temporalia, quae possint ad aliquem pertinere, cum vacante praebenda vel dignitate concedimus, et de eis, praedicto tamen modo, disponimus nostro jure. ■'Cone. Claromont. ann. 1095 can. 31. Cone. Tolosan. ann. 1119. can. 4. 192 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. German Emperors were not compelled to resign them until the time of Otto IV.^^ Even then they were generally maintained by the German Princes,^^ by the rest of the monarchs, and also by their most powerful vassals. ^^ The German Emperors retained the jus primarum precum/'^ as a pitiful remnant of the Kegalia. '■' By Otto IV. and Frederick IL, see § o4. note 17. and 30, by Rudolph of Hapsburg § 58. note 8. ^^ Sugenheim i. 289. Frederick's II. universal prohibition of the spoils in the Confederatio cum Principibus ecclesiasticis, Frankfort 1220, in Pertz iv. 236, was never observed. When the Margraves of Brandenburg in 124:4 renounced all claim on the right of spoils, neverthcdess governors and patrons continued to exercise it. Spieker's Kirchen- u. Reformationsgesch. d. Mark Brandenburg i. 412, 585. ^- Sugenheim i. 294. The Cone, gcner. Ludg. ami. 1274 can. 12. in Mansi xxiv. 90. pronounces sentence of excommunication (as Guil. Durantis sen, who was present at it says, in his coram, ad canones Cone. Ludg. ad clamorem Praelatorum Franciae et Angliae) against those who regalia, custodiam, sive guardiam advocationis, vel defen- sionis titulum in ecclesiis, monasteriis, sive quibushbet aliis piis locis, de novo usurpai'e conantes, bona ecclesiarum, monasteriornm, aut locorum ipsorum vacantium occupare praesumunt. On the other liand : Qui autem ab ip.sarum ecclesiarum, caeterorumque locorum fundatioue, vel ex antiqua consuetudine, jura sibi hujusmodi vindicant : ab illoruni abusu sic prudenter abstineant, et sues ministros in eis soHcite faciant abstinere, quoad ea, quae non pertinent ad fructus sive reditus prove- nientes vacationis tempore, non usurpent ; nee bona caetera, quorum se asseruut habere custodiam, dilabi permittant, sed in bono statu conser- vent. However the Prerogative of Philip the Fair was again made a subject of contention by Boniface VIII., but without result, see above §. 59- note 13. and note 21., no. V. 13 The fii'st known document on this head in Germany is by Conrad IV., King of Rome, in the year 1242 (found in Senkenberg Cod. Pro- bationum p. 9), and by King Richard (in Guil. Durantis speoul. juris lib. iv. P. iii. tit. de dignitat. et praeb. § 2, no. 7. and in Aventini antiqu. Altah. in Oefele, scriptt. rer. Bavar. i. 728) : He, however, already makes use of the expres.sion : vestigia pratdecessorum nos- trorum et imperatorum Romanorum inhaerentes, Rudolph of I lapsburg writes to an abbot in the Paraleipomenis adchron, Ur.sperg. ann. 1286, and quoted thence in Ooblast, const. Imp. iii. 446 : Cum ex antiqua et approbata, ac a divis Imperaturibus et Ivcgibus ad nos producta consue- tudine quaellbet Ecclesia in nostro Romiino Imperio constituta, ad quam bencficiorum ecclesiasticorum pertinet i^ollatio, su])er unius colla- tione bcneficii precum nostrarum primaiias aumittere teneatur, Devo- tionem tuam rogamus, quatenus huic clerico de ecclesiastico beneficio, quod ad tuam collationem attinet, ob reverentiam sacri Imjjerii, studeas liberaliter providere. cf Wiirdtwcin subsid. dijd. y" On the whole question Thomassinus P ii. lib. i. c. 51. espo' ^""^'* -"• de Senken- •i CH. II.— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. §6,). CON. WITH STATE. ] 93 Since even the clergy in the 12th century were taxt by their secuhir lords, not unfrequently in an unjust and vic^lent manner :^'^ Alexander III. (in 1179) decreed that all contributions to the necessities of the State, which were not founded on feudal obli- gations, should depend upon their own free grant ;^'^ Innocent III. (1215) made them dependent on the Pope's permission. ^"^ Though even now the clergy were often burdened with heavy imposts in favour of individual princes with the Pope's concurrence :^^ still the fundamental principle might be main- berg de jure primaruiu precum Regum Gerraaniae Imperatorumque, indulto papali hand indigente tract, ed. R. C. de Senkenberg. Francof. ad M. 1784. 4. '■* Concerning the taxes and immunities of the clergy at this time consult particularly Thomassin P. iii. lib. i. c. 41 — 44. Planck iv. ii. 158. Bernard of Clairvaux in his letter of thanks to the Duke of Lorraine for the release from taxation (epist. 119), writes about it like Ambrose (vol. i. part 2. § 91. note 2) : Alioquin non renuimus Domini nosti-i sequi exemplum, qui pro se non dedignatus est solvere censum, parati et nos, libenter quae sunt Caesaris Caesari reddere, et vectigal cui vectigal, et tributum cui tributum : pracscrtim quia juxta Apostolum non tarn debemus requirere datum nostrum, quam vestrum lucrum (Phil. iv. 17.) ^^ Cone. Lateral!, iii. can 19. in Mansi xxii. 228 (Ducr. Greg.' lib. iii. tit. 49 c 4) : in diversis p;irtibus mundi roctores et consules civi- talum necnon et alii, qui potrstatem habere videntur, tot Ecclesiis frequenter onera imponunt, et ita gravibus eas crebnsque exactionibus premunt, ut deterioris ccnditionis factum sub eis sacerdotium videatur, quam sub Pliaraone fuerit, qui divinae legis notitiam non habebat. — IJniversa fere onera sua imponunt Ecclesiis, et tot angariis eas atfligunt, ut illud eif, quod Jeremias deplorat, competere videatur : Princeps provinciarvm facta est sub tribitto (Thren. i. 1.) Sive quidam fossata, sive expeditiones, sive quaelibet sibi arbitrentur agenda : de bonis Ecclesiarum, clericorum et pauperum Christi usibus deputatis cuncta volunt fere compilari. — Quocirca sub anathematis districtione severius prohibenuis, ne de caetero talia praesumant attentare, nisi Episcopus et Clerus tantam necessitatem vel utilitatem aspcxerint, ut absque ulla coactione ad relevandas communes necessitates, ubi laicorum non sup- petnnt facultates, subsidia per Ecclesias existiment conferenda. i« Cone. Lateran. iv, can. 4G. in Mansi xxii, 1030 (Deer. Greg, lib. iii. tit. 49. c. 7), with reference to Alexander's decree : Verum si quando Episcopus simul cum Clerieis tantam necessitatem vel utilitatem prospexerint, ut — subsidia per Ecclesias duxerint conferenda : prae- dicti laici humiliter et devote recipiant cum actionibus gratiaiura. Propter imprudentiam tamen quorumdam Romanum prius consulant Pontificem, cu JUioi"^[ansi xxiv. 300) Compare the attempts of Boniface VIII. above § 59. note 6 and the next. '^ Compare note 15. In this point the Lomb.ird cities came forward with their example, Raumer's Ilobenstaufen v. 110. Hiillmann's Stad- tewesen iv. 127. Hurter's Innoc. J II. iii. 288. In the year 1230 the men of Zurich agreed on the law, that priests also should pay taxes, keep watch'.'s, repair walls and moats, and bear other common burdens, see Tschudi's Schweizerchronik for the year 1230. 2'^ This was claimed in its widest signification by Urban II. See above note 1. cf. Cone. Nemausense ann. 1096 can. 14 (Mansi xx.936) : NuUus — nee clericos, nee monaclios in curiam suam ad saeculare cogat venire judicium : quoniam hoc rapina esset et sacrih^gium. However, Gratian, under caus. xi. qn. 1. c. 30, thus states the practice of the courts in his time on this point : Ex his omnibus datur intelligi, quod in civili causa clericus ante civilem judicem conveniendus est. — In criminali vero causa non nisi ante Episcopum est clericus examinandus. On the other hand, Alexander III. already declares once more, Cone. Lateran. ann. 1179 can. 14: Sane quia laici quidam ecclesiasticas per- sonas, et ii)sos etiam Episcopos, suo judicio etarc compollunt; cos, qui do caetero id praesum])serint, a communione fidelium decernimus segregandos. And Innocent III. (I)ecr. Gregor. lib. ii. tit. 2. c. 12) upbraids the Archbishop of Pisa with this charge : asseruisti, te usque ad haec tcmpora tcnuisse, quod licitum sit cuilibet clen'co renunciarc Kaltcm in tcmporalibus causis juri suo, et sibi laicum judicem constituere, praesertim ubi adver-arii voluntas accedit, ajid disclaims this opinion, cum non sit beneficium hoc personale, cui renunciari valoat, sod potius toti collegio ccclesiastico sit publice indultum, cui privatorum pactio dcrogare non pot>'st. Frederick II., on his coronation at Home 1220, granted the A\idest exemption to (he clergy, by the constitution which was ado])tcd also into the cod. .lu-^tin. under lib. i. tit. iii. 1. 33 (IVrtz iv. 211): Statuimus, ut imllus ccclesiasticam personam in criminali CH. II.— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § (33. CON. WITH STATE, lyo lenity shown by the Church to criminal clerks,'-^^ evidently introduced the greatest disorders, the secular power endeavoured from time to time to reclaim its jurisdiction over the crimes of the clergy,"^^ and thereby effected at least an increase of severity in the ecclesiastical tribunals.^^ qurestioiie vel civili trahere ad jutliciuin saeculare praesumat, contra constitutioues iraperiales (see vol. i. Part 2, § 113, note 14) et canonicas Bauctiones. Quod si fecerit, actor a suo jure cadat, judicatura non tcneat, et judex sit ex tunc potestate judicandi privatum. Ou the whole subject, conip. Thomassin. P. ii. lib. iii. c. 112 — 114. 2' Celestine III., in the year 1192, thus declares the fundamental principles of the Church, with regard to the punishment of the crimes of the cler-ry (Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. 1. c. 10) : Si clericus — in furto, vcl homicidio, vel perjurio, heu alio mortali crimine fuerit deprehensus legitime, atque couvictus, ab ecelcsiastico judice deponeudus est. Qui, si depositus incorrigibilis fuerit, excommunicari debet, deinde, contu- macia crescente, anathematis mucrone feriri. Postniodum vei'O, si in profundum malorum venieus contempserit ; cum Ecclesia non habeat uUra, quid faciat, et no possit esse ultra perditio plurimoruni, per saecularem comprimendus est potestatem, ita quod ei deputetur exsiliuui, A'el alia legitima poena inferatur. The secular judge was only allowed (Cone. Ilerdense ann. 1129 in Thomassin, P. ii. lib. iii. c. 113, § 5) to arrest such clergy flagrante maleficio in furlo, rapina, homicidio, vel raptu mulierum, vel cudendo falsam monetam, but non ut vindictam in ipsum exerccat, scd ut eundem reddat ecclesiastico judici. Even Richard Coeur de Lion ordained this in Normandy (Matth. Paris ad anu. 1190 p. 161.) On the other hand, Nicolas III. granted this same right as a privilege to Philip, King of France (Rayn. ann. 1278, § 37.) 2^ Thus Henry II. intended (in the year 1164) to put an end to the crimes of the clergy in England by the constitutions of Clarendon, cap. 3. See about this and the result § 52, note 25 ss. Philip Augustus proceeded more cautiously in France with his Barons in the Capitulis de interceptionibus clericorum adversus jurisdictionem domini Regis ann, 1219 (Ordonnances des Roys de France de la troisieme race, recueiUies par M. de Lauriere i. 40, and Nouvcl examen dc I'usage general des fiefs en France par M. Brusscl. Paris 1750. 4. t. ii, A ppendix p. xxvii.) : Secundum capituluin, quod quando ciericus capitur pro aliquo foriafaclo, unde aliquis dicitur vitam vel membrum jjerdcre, et traditur Clero ad degradanduni, clerici volunt degradatum omnino liberare. Ad quod respondeuius : quod clerici non debeut eum degradatum rcddere curiae, sed non debent eima liberare, nee ponere in tali loco, ubl capi non possit : sed Justitiarii possunt ilium capere extra ecclesiam vel cimiterium, et facere justitiam de eo, nee inde possunt trahi in causam. — Si ciericus deprehensus fuerit in raptu, tradetur Ecclesiae ad degradaudum ; et post degradationem eum capere poterit Rex vel Justitiarius extra ecclesiam vel atrium, et facere justitiam de eo ; nee poterit inde causari. In the same manner he had alreadv decreed, in the year 1214, with i-efereiicc N 2 19(1 TIIIKl) rKIMOl).— DIV. Iir.— A.D. 1073—1305. On tlie otlier sido the Prelates carried onward their invasion upon the rights of the State, but still in a manner which was often productive of good in that age, when at one time they encountered civic misrule and injustice with spiritual weapons,^"' to Crusaders (Ordonnances 1. c. p. 34) : 6. Si Ballivi domini Regis aliquem cnicesignatum deprehenderint ad praesens forefactum, pro quo debeat membris mutilari, vel vitam amittere secundum consuetudinem curiae saecularis, Ecclesia non defeudct eum, vel res ejus. In aliis autem levioribus et minoribus forefactis — BalHvus — reddat absolute ipsuin et res suas Ecclesiae requirenti pro jure faciendo. In Venice (see Gregorii IX. ep. ad dueem et commune Venet. ann. 1234 in llofler's Friedrich II. s. 341) the Doge availed himself of a grant of the. Patriarch of Grado, ut clerici de Venetiis sibi subjecti coram Duce de maleficiis et exccssibus responderent, and had outlawed those who refused to appear before him, to answer for such charges : vit, si quis eos offenderet in rebus vel personis, remanerct impunis. Several ecclesi- astics were put to death, others imprisoned. The same happened in the Lombard cities, Kaumcr's Ilohenstaufen v. 113. Compare in fine the legislation of Frederick II. in Sicily in the year 1231, above § 55, note 15. 2^ Innocent III. Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. 1. c 17: Praecipiatis ex parte nostra Praelatis, ut laicis de clericis conquerentibus plenam faciant justitiam exhiberl, — ne pro defectu justitiae clerici trahantur a laicis ad judicium saeculare, quod omnino fieri prohibemiis. Idem Deer. Greg. lib. V. tit. 39. c. 35 : cum Praelati excessus corrigere debeant subditorum, et publicae utilitatis intersit, ne crimina remancant impunita, et per impunitatis audaciam fiant, qui nequam fuerant, nequiores : non solum possunt, sed dcbent etiam superiores clericos, postquam fuerint de crimine canonice condemnati, sub arcta custodia detinere. He wrote also to the Bishop of I'.iris (D('cr Greg. lib. v. tit. 40 c. 27. § 1) : Pro illo falsario clerico scelerato — hoc tibi duximus consulendum, ut in perpe- tuum carcerem ad agendam poenitcntiam ipsuni includas, pane doloris, et aqua angustiac sustentandinn, ut commissa defleat, ct flenda ultcrius non committat. The Cone. Lambcthcnse ann. 1261 threatens on this account sentence of excommunication and inlerdict against the Deten- toribus clcricorum (Mansi xxiii. 10G5), then however it decrees (p. 1072) : quod quilibet Episcopus in suo Episcopatu habeat unum vel duos carceres— pro clericis fiagitiosis deprehensis in crimine, vel convictis, juxta censin-am canonicam detinendis. Item statuimus, quod si clcricus aliquis adeo malitiosus et incorrigibilis fuerit, — quod, si csset laicus, secundum leges sacculi ultimum deberet pati supplicium, talis clcricus carceri perpctuo addicatur. '^* In the first place by ecclesiastical legislation. Thus there were ecclesiastical laws with threats of tlie higliest spiritual penalties, for the observation of tlie Trcuga Dei (see above Part 1. § 86. note 4. Cone. Claromont. ann 1095 c. 1. Cone. Lateran. ann. 1102. Cone. Lateran i. gen. ann. 1123 c. 13. Cone Lateran. ii. gen. ann. 1139. c. 12 CH. IL— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 63. CON. WITH STATE. I97 at another, by the same means, drew into their own hands the principal share in the administration of civic justice ; so that the number of causes exclusively reserved for ecclesiastical judges, was ever on the increase, '^^ and recourse to them was open under Cone. Lat. iii. ann. 1179. c. 21, and so forth), against piracy (Cone. Lat. iii. e. 24) against the appropriation of stranded goods (ibid, and even earlier Cone. Nannetense ann. 1127), against sacrilege and incen- diarism (Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. xvii. Df. raptoribus, incendiariis et violatoribus ecclesiarum. Cone Herbipol. ann. 1287. c 30 : De spolia- toribus strataruni), against usury (Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. 19. De usuris, however this was afterwards encouraged even by the Pope, see above § 55. note 12), against false coinage (Cone. Lat. i. gen. c. 15), against tournaments (Cone. Lat. ii. gen. c. 14. Cone. Lat. iii. c. 20, detestabiles illas nundinas vel ferias, quas vulgo torneamenta vocant, cf. Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. 13. De torneamentis), against trial by ordeal, which formerly was allowed (Deer. Greg. lib. v, tit. 35. De purgatione vulgari. See above Part 1. § 36.) But there wei-e also prohibitions of new imposts (first indeed Alexander III. decreed in Cone. Lat. iii. gen. c. 22 : Nee quisquara alicui novas pedagiorum exactiones sine auctoritate Regum et Principum consensu statuere, — aitt veteres augmentare aliquo modo temere praesumat ; however, afterwards the conditions were left out in the prohibition. Cone. Monspeliiense ann. 1214. c. 43. Cone. Tolos. ann. 1229. c. 21. Cone. Biterrense ann. 1246. c. 29, and the Cone. Herbipol. ann. 1287. c. 40 even ordains : Cum imponentes et exigentes nova passagia, vel antiqua seu concessa augmentantes singulis annis summus Pontifex in Coena Domini anathematis vinculo denmiciet subjacere : statuimus, ut ordinarii locorum — singulis annis in Coena Domini soleraniter coram populo eosdera, sive sint Archiepiscopi etc. aut laici, seu saeculares personae, quocumqiie nomine censeantiir, pulsatis campanis et eandelis aecensis, excommunicatos denuncient, usque ad integram restitutionem tanquam excommunicatos ab onmibus evitandos. Compare the encroachments of Boniface VIII. on Philip the Fair, above § 59. note 21.) And there was interference even in the art of war (Cone. Lateran. ii. gen. c. 29 in Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. 15. c. unic. : Artem autem illam mortiferam et Deo odibilem ballistarioram et sagittariorura adversus Christianos et Catholicos exerceri de caetero sub anathemate prohibemus.) — These rules of discipline were to be administered by the Synodal tribunals. See above Part 1. § 35. note 1, compare Montag's Gesch. dtr deutschen Staatsbiirgerl. Freiheit ii. 412. -' Innocent. III. lib. xii. ep. 154 ad Comitem Tolosanum (Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. 40. c. 26) : super universis capitulis, quae pro pace servanda sunt, — item viduis, pupilUs, orphanis Qt persoms iniserabilibus teneris in judicio ecclesiastico respondere (see vol. 1. part 2. § 115). — Beside, all civil and criminal cases against persons who had taken the cross, belonged exclusively to the ecclesiastical tribunal, all cases of marriage — wills and covenants and accusations of usury. Comp. Thomassin. p. ii. lib. ?,. c. 110. Planck IV. ii. 249. de Pouilli sur la 198 THIIJD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073-1305. all circunistance.s.^'' Yet in the 12th century even within the pale of the Church, Bernard's voice of warning was raised against this immoderate extension of Episcopal jurisdiction ;2' aftenvards, however, it was attackt only by the secular power from time to time, and stoutly defended by the Church. ^^ naisBance et les progres de la jurisdiction temporelle des eglises in the jVTemoires de 1' Acad, des Inscr. xxxix. 603. Schilling de origine jurisdict. eccl. in causis civilibus. Lips. 1825. 4. p. 63 ss. At last Lucius III. decreed ann. 1181 f Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. ii. c. 8) persouis ecclesiasticis — malefactores sues — sub quo inaluerint judice convcnire. For this reason ecclesiastics bought up cases, in order to bring them before ecclesiastical tribunals : this was forbidden bv Gregory IX. (Deer. Greg. lib. i. tit. 42. c. 2) and Cone, ad Castruni Guntherii ann. 1231 c. 19. -'' The Church claimed the superintendence of all justice : Thus Cone. Lateran. II. gen. ann. 1139 c. 20. (Cans, xxiii. qu. 8. c. 32) adds to the decree about the ecclesiastical punishment of incendiaries : Sane Regibus et Principibus faciendae justitiae facultatem consultis Episcopis et^ Archiepiscopis non negamus : — Thence the appeals in defectu justitiae saecularis, even in matters of feudal tenure (Alex- ander III. ad Archiep. Senonensem, in Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. 2. c. 6 : per dominum feudi causam jubeas terminari, et si ipse malitiose distulerit, tu ei debitum finem iniponas. cf c. 10 and 11.) Innocent III. advanced furthest in the Decretale ad Praelatos Franciae, by which the Denunciatio Evangeiica was establisht, see above § 54. note 6. The Gloss to this even says : exccutionem gladii temporalis Impera- toribus et Kegibus cominisit Ecclesia, et tanien jurisdiclionem causarum civilium aliqando per Sacerdotes exercuit. Compare Bonifacii VIII. epist. above § 59. note 7, and the speech of Cardinal Portuensis § 59. noLe 25. cf Schilling de o) ig. jurisdict. eccl. in causis civil, p. 66. '^ Bernard, de considerat. lib. i. c. 3. Quaeso te, quale est istud, de mane usque ad vesperam litigare, aut litigantes audire? Et utinam sufficeret diei malitia sua, non sunt liberae noctes etc. c. 6 : Putasne haec tempora sustinere, si hominibus litigantibus pro terrena haeredi- tate, et flagitantibus abs te judicium, voce Domini lui responderes : O homines, cpds me constitnit judice m super vos? (Luc. xii. 14.) In quale tu judicium mox venires? " Quid dicit homo rusticanus et imperitus, ignorans primatum suum, inhonorans sumniam et praecelsam sedem, derogans apostolicae dignitati ?" Et tamen non monstrabunt, puto, qui hoc dicent, ubi aliquando quispiam Apostolorum judex sederit hominum, aut divisor terminoruni, aut distributor terrarum. — Mihi tamen non videtur bonus aestimator rerum, qui indignum putat Apos- tolis seu apostolicis virls non judicare de talibus, quibus datum est judicium in majora. — Quaenam tibi major videtur et dignitas et potcstas, dimittendi pcccata, an praedia dividend!? Sed non est comparatio. Ilabent haec infima et terrena judices sues, Eeges et Principes terrae. Quid fines alios invaditis? Quid falcem vestram in alienam messem extenditis ? etc. ''^ Only Alphonso X. yielded everything by his decision in the CH. II.— CIIUKCII IN OTHER LANDS. § 64. INTERNAL RELAT. I99 §64. INTRUNAL RELATIONS OF THE DIOCESAN HIERARCHY. Just as on one side the Episcopal rights were curtailed ^by the Popes, so on the other side, the Cathedral chapters also, especially after they had attained the exclusive privilege of Episcopal Partidas, that all law-suits, which rose from sins, belonged to the ecclesiastical tribunal : still the Cortes often protested : see § 62. note 22, and the treatise by Rosseeuw St Hilaire p. 8-i7 quoted there. Everywhere there rose a feeling of hostility between the secular and ecclesiastical tribunals : thence the charge : saeculares judices iji exhibenda justitia personis ecclesiasticis saepe in judicio sunt remissi (Lucius III. ann. 1181 in Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. 2. c. 8.) The accu- sation was retorted on the secular side especially in France : Capitula de intercoptionibus Clericorum adv. jurisdictioneui domini Regis, ann. 1219, above note 22. There were new complaints of the Barons at the Assembly of the States at Melua in the year 1225. Compare Preuves des libertes de 1' eglise Gallic, ch. vii. nr. 5. Under St Lewis a combination of the Barons was formed against the usurpations of the Church (Matlh. Paris ann. 1246 p. 719), where among other things it was also settled (p. 720) ut nullus elericus vel laicus alium de caetero trahat in causam coram ordinai'Io judice vel delegato, nisi super haeresi, matrlmonio, vel usux'is : araissione omnium bonorum suoruni et unius membi-i mutilatione transgresscribus imminente ; — ut sic jur.sdic- tio nostra resuscitata respiret, et ipsi hacteuus ex nostra depauperatioue ditati — reducantur ad statum Ecclesiae primitivae, et in contemplatione viventes nobis, sicut decet, activam vitam ducentibus ostendant mira- cula, quae dudura a saeculo recesserunt. Compare on the other hand the letters of condemnation by Innocent lY. to tbe French clergy, to his Legate the Episc. Tu^culanus (both are in Raynald 1247 no. 4i) 6s. the last is given more fully in Duchesne hist. Franc, scriptt. v. 714, but by mistake as an epist^ Innoc. III.) and ad Episc. Aurelianensem (in Bulaei hist. Univ. Paris, iii. 210.) — Thence the decress of councils against those who ut nullus conqueratur coram ecclesiastico judice, prohibent. Cone. Herbipol. 1287 c. 36^ Statuta synodal. Joannis ep. Leodiensis ann. 1287 tit. xvii. c. 9. (Mansi xxiv. 922.) Cone. Com- pendiense 1301 c. 4. 5. Guil. Durantis de modo celebrandi concil. gener. P. ii. rubr. 70. In Germany Imperial admonitions were given that ecclesiastical and secular tribunals should not overstep their boundaries, see Sammlung der Reichsabschiede i. 17 (ann. 1232), 8. 36 (Rudolph V. llabsburg 1282 und 1291), s. 38 (Adolph v. Nassau 1293 u. Albrecht i. 1303.) In consequence there was from time to time a withdrawal of ecclesiastical usurpations Cone. Mogunt. 1261 can. 18 (in Hartzheim Concil. germ. iii. 600) : Ne Praelati vel 200 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073-1305. election,^ extended their independence and authority at the cost of the Bishops.2 On the other hand the Archdeacons of the 13th quihbet judices ecclesiastici de causis, quas laici habent ad invicem, se ullatenus iutroniittant, nisi tales sint causae, quas ad forum ecclesias- ticum non sit dubium pertinere : ne ex hoc saeculare judicium, quod est valde incongruum, enevvetur. Cone. Colon. 1266 c. 17 (1. c p. 623.) Cone. Movant. 1310. Tit. de foro competente (ibid. iv. 184.) '■ The shai-e of the Laity in the election of Bishops, was naturally niuch lessened by the principles vindicated in the contest about inves- titure. On the other hand, Innocent TI. decreed Cone. Later, ann. 1139 c. 28 : sub anathcmate interdicimus, ne canonici de sede episcopal! ab electione Episcoporum excludant religiosos viros : sed eorum consilio honesta et idonea persona in Episcopum eligatvu-. Accordingly, Gerohus Praep. Eeicherspcrg. lib. v. (Baluz. misccU. v. 88), thus determines the manner of election : Spiritales et religiosi viri habent consulere, Canonici eligere, populus petere, honorati (for instance the Provost and noble officers) assentire, yet already with the condition, that if the last noluerint praebere assensum, non propter hoc irrita erit electio, si ahas est canonica, compare Hurter's Innocenz IIL iii. 224. Still Bernard, Bishop of Paderborn, styles himself, in 1189, as ex cleri et popuh electione ad apicem cathedrae Paderbrunnensis sublevatus, Tliefert's Miinsterische Urkundensammlung ii. 260. After that the election of the Pope had passed exclusively into the hands of the Cardinals, (see above § o2 note 30), the Cathedral chapters imitated this custom, and Innocent III. decreed simply, Cone Later. IV. ann. 1215 c. 24 (Deer. Greg. I. vi. 42), as also the oath already required in 1209 from Otto IV. (see above § 54 note 17), ut is collatione adhibita eligatur, in quern omnes, vel major, vel sanior pars capituli consentit : and Gregory IX. (Deer. Greg. 1. c. c. 56) : Edicto perpetuo prohibemus, neperlaicos cumcanonicis Pontificis electio praesumatur. Quae si forte praesumpta fuerit, nullam obtineat firmitatem: non obstante contraria consuetudine, quae dici debet potius corruptela. Cf. Thomassinus P. ii. Hb. ii. c. 33. Disqu. de Capitulorum metropolitanorum (!t cathedralium Germaniae origine, progressu et juribns etc. auct. M. C. Jcto. Amstelod. 1758. 4. § .32 ss. Planck IV. ii. 588 ff. Raumer vi. 21. - Especially by means of articles, which they made the newly elected Bishop promise "upon oath, so that Innocent III., 1204, declared all sucli juranienta in damnum episcopalis juris, to be not l)inding f Decretal. Gregor. II. xxiv. 27) : Likewise Nicolas III., 1278 ( Sexti II. xi. 1) P. Gallade diss, de capitulatione Episcopo Germaniae electo proposita in A. Schmidt thesaurus jm-is eccles. ii. 767. Right of punishment over their own members was allowed to the Chapters (Dccret Greg. I. xxxi. 13); they often, however, ventured on great invasions of the • ■piscopal power, even on passing measures against the Bishops. Accordingly the Bishoj s of the ecclesiastical province of Rheims at Compiegne in the year 1277, united in a common resistance (Mansi xxiv. 183), atfendentes quod capitula et canonici cathedralium Ecclesiarum nostrae Remensis provincia in nos — excrcuerunt, spiriiualia jura sibi damnabiliter usurpando,iiit(rdinnaucloritatepro|inn,infordimi ctiam per CH. II.— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 64. INTERNAL RELAT. 201 century, by their arrogant encroachments,^ caused more and more of their authority to be withdrawn from them,'^ and bestowed on tlie newly instituted episcopal officials,^ and peniten- exquisitaslites, quas contra nosaggredi non verentur, nonnumquam etiam per subti-actionem divini officii, contra nos pro suae libertatls arbitrio sua organa suspendendo. Other examples may be seen in J. H, Boehmeri jus eccl. Protestantium T. ii. lib. iii. tit, 9. § 8 ss. Thomassinus P. i. lib. 3. c. 41. — The Chapters were at this time places reserved for the younger sons of the nobility. The Chapter of Strasburg in 1232 prided itself, before Gregory IX. (Deer. Greg. lib. iii. tit. 5. c. 37) upon consuetudlnem antiquam, inviolabiliter observatam, juxta quam nullum, nisi nobilem et liberum, et ab utrcque parente illustrem — in suum consortiimi liactenus admiserant ; the Pope, however, disclaimed this usage, quod non generis, sed virtutum nobilitas vitaeque honestas gratum Deo faciunt etc. When Nicolas IV. had appointed the famous Peter Aichspalter (physician to the Emperor Rudolph, after- wards Archbishop of Mayence) to be Dean of the Chapter at Treves in the year 1289, many members of the Cathedral body opposed this and another appointment (Gesta Trevirorum edd. Wyttenbach et Miiller ii. 138) : asserebant enim, se juramento adstrictos esse, et su[ er hoc publiciim confirmationis instrumentum sedi.s apostolicae irapetrasse, quod personas, quantumcunque literatas, — nisi de clara stirpe genitas, admittere — non debeantin canonicos etfratres. After a hard struggle, however, they were obliged to yield. Seufert's Geschichte des deutchen Adels in den hohen Erz-und Domcapiteln. 1790. Hurter's Innocenz III. iii. 348 — Corap. especially Planck IV. ii. 565. Raumer vi. 29. ^ Concerning their rights and duties see Deer. Greg. lib. i. tit. 23. De officio Archidiaconi. So cap. 1. Ut Archidiaconus post Episcopum sciat, se vicariura esse ejus in omnibus. Neverihcless the jurisdictio delegata gradually changed into an ordinaria ; and the Archdeacons abused their power to oppress the inferior clergy and defy their Bishops. Thomassin. P. i. lib. ii. c. 20. J. G. Pertschens Abhandl. v. d. Archidiacon, bischofl. Officialen und Vicarien. liildesheim 1743. Planck IV. ii 598. Hurter's Innoc. III. iii, 364. * By the Provincial Synods of the 13th century, e.g. Cone, apud Vallem Guidonis ami. 1242 cap. 4 : Sane quianonniiUi, quos ecclcsias- ticus ordo ad relevaraen et subsidium Episcoporum elegit, et ss. Patrum canones decreverunt, ut quod per seipsos non possent, facilius cognoscentes per alios explicarent, falceni suam in raessem alienani raittentes, ad illicita manus suas et prohibita mittere non verentur : statuiraus, ut Archidiaconi et alii de causis matrimonialibus, simoniae, vel aliis, quae degradationem vel amissionem beneficii, vel depositionem exigant, nisi de speciali mandate sui pontiticis, nullatenus cognoscere vel diffinire praesumant, nee Officiales habere, excepto civitatis Archidiacono qui alias officiales habere consuevit. Comp. Pertsch s. 81, 190, 197. '" Single examples of this office occur in the 12th century (Thomassin. P. i. lib. ii. c. 8. § 3. Pertsch s. 271^1 : in the thirteenth thev 202 TfllKD PERIOD.— DIV. III-A.D. 1073-1305. tiaries.*' \Vlien, from the 13tli centaiy onwards, the tituhu* Bishops^ also came into vogue, the wealthier Bishops found so become more common (Cone. Paris, ann. 1212 P. iii. c. 11, and Cone Rotomag. ann. 1214 P.'^iii. c. 11: [Episcopi] Officitdes fideles habeant et prudentes sine persouarum acceptione gratis justitiam exbibentes.) In the Decret. Greg, the officials were not even mentioned in lib. i. tit. 28. De officio vlcarii, on the other hand, in the lib. Sextus Decreta^ Hum lib. i. tit. 13, refei's the chap. De officio vicarii only to them. There are several mentions of them : Officiarius [Cone. Cicestrens. ann. 1289 c. 10), Vicarius in spiritualibus et temporalibus (Cone. ap. Nobiliacum ann. 1290), Tcnens vices Episcopi (Cone. Pergam. ann. 1311 rubi-. 221, Vicarius in spiritualibus (I.e. rubr. 23), Vicarius seu offi- cialis (I. c. rubr. 24.) — The first trace of distinction between the Via/xrius in spiritualibus and the Officialise seems to be found in the Cone. Colon, ann. 1280, see Pertsch s. 273. Comp. Job. Wolfs hist. Abhandl. v. d. geistl. Commissarien im Erzstift Mainz. Gcittigen 1797. 8. " Innocent III. gave rise to them by the decree, Cone. Later, ann. 1215 cap. 10 (Deer. Greg. lib. i. tit. 31. c. 15) : Praecipimus, tam in cathedralibus quam in aliis conventualibus ecclesiis viros ideoneos ordinari, quos Episcopi possint coadjutores et cooperatores habere, non solum in praedicationis officio, verum ctiam in audiendis confessionibus, et poenitentiis injungendis, ac caeteris, quae ad salutem pertinent animarum. Si qius autem hoc adimplere neglexerit, districtae subjaceat ultioni. Cf Thoniassin. P. I. lib. ii. c. 10, § 5 ss. To these Penitentiaries now fell also the casus Episcopo reservati, about these consult Thomassin. P. I. lib. ii. c. 14. 7 Episcopi in i^ci^tibus infiddium or Episcopi titulares^ according to the exigencies of the case, had already been establisht in Spain, ever since the invasion of the Saracens (Thomassin. P. i. lib. i. c. 27. § 8 8S.), and in the Byzantine empire (1. c. c. 28 § 4 ss.) In the 13th cen- tury some wealthy bishops of the west began to employ their colleagues who were driven about that time from the east, as Vicarii in pontifica- libus or Suftraganei. The first recognised suffragan Bishops are Henricus Ostiensis Episc. in Treves, in the year 1241 (Honthem. hist. Trevir. i. 640) ; in Mayence 1248 Theodericus Ep. Yironensis (Johannis rerum Mogunt. ii. 421 and the continuation in Bodinanns Khein- gauischen AUertluimern. Mainz 1819. 4. s. 832) ; soon after suffragans are found at Cologne (J. H. Heister Suftraganei Colonienses. Colon. 1614. p. 65); about 1255 Thomas Cantipratensis is suffragan Bishop in Cainbrav- After the complete conquest of Palestine by the Saracens, the banisht bishops wandered about the west in great numbers, and offered their services everyu Iiere, espeeiaiiy to the abbeys exempt from episcopal jurisdiction, and this led the way to great abuses. Clement V. declared at the Cone. Vieiinense ann. 1311 (Clementin. lib. i. tit. iii. c. 5) : In plerisque Ecclesiis — clero carentibus et populo christiano jnultos frequenter, et religiosos praesertim, improvida superiorum pro- visio ad pontificatus adsumit honorem, qui nee, ut expediret, prodesse, noc praeesse, ut deceret, valentes, instabilitate vagationis et mendicitatis CH. II.— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 65. >.[0R. OF CLERGY. 20o many substitutes, that they liad no farther occasion to trouble themselves about the exercise of their office. In imitation of their example, the cathedral canons also transferred their eccle- siastical duties to vicars, and became idle gluttons.^ § 65. MORALITY OF THE CLERGY. The ecclesiastical laws which aimed at the outward propriety of the clergy were indeed significantly increased in severity, and often enough renewed in this period. They did not however produce their intended effect, fi'om the want of an inward organization of morality. An effort was made at the end of tlie eleventh century to restore in the religious foundations the canonical mode of life,^ even in conformity with one of the stricter opprobrio serenitatem pontificalis obnubilant dignitatis. Accordingly be decree'l, ut nuUus de caetero, quantacumque digaitate praepoUens, nisi speciali super hoc auctoritati sedis apostolicae fulciatur, de pastore provideat catbedrali ecclesiae, sibi qualiterciimque subjectae, quae clero careat et.subditis Christianis : nuUusque religiosus a suo umquam, quod provisioni tali consentiat, licentietur Praelato. Cf. Cone. Ravennate ii. ann. 1311 rubr. 24. De excessibus Praelatorum : — Valde indignum est, juri Ecclesiae ethonestati contrariura, quod adraittanturetrecipiantur ad episcopalia exercenda ignoti et vagabundi Episcopi, et rnaxime lingua et ritu dissoni : ex quorum ordinatione, sicut experientia docuit, proveniunt duo mala, quia promoventur incogniti, inhabiles et indigni, et etiam de ipsovum vita ordinatione dubitatur etc. Cone. Ravenn. iii. ann. 1314 rubr. 4: Item exbortamur, — ac attentius requiriraus oranes et singulos exemptos, — ut nullos Episcopos peregrinos vel ignotos, et populum subditum citra mare non habentes, invitent, seu admittant ad ordinationes tenendas, seu alia pontificalia exercenda in ipsorum Ecclesiis, monasteriis vel locis. In the 14tb century they began to find employment universally with the Bishops as Vicarii in Pontifi- calibus, particularly in Germany, Spain, and Portugal. In France, on the other hand, suiFragan Bishops never came into ofifice. Cf. Thomassin. P. i. lib i. c. 27 ss. F. A. Diirr diss, de Sutfraganeis s. Vicariis generalibus in pontificalibus Episcoporum Germaniae. Mogunt. 1782. 4. Planck IV. ii. 604. ' There was a brief of Clement IV. in 1266, in which the canons of Merseburg were forbidden this abuse, see Fraustadt's Einfuhrung d. Reform, in Hochstifte Merseburg, Leipzig 1843, s. 10. ^ Cf. Thomassinus, P. i.lib. iii. c. 11 and c. 21. According to Chrode- 204 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— AD. 1073—1305. rules (the so-called regula S. Augiistini) : but the new regulations were soon relaxt.^ The celibacy of the clergy, which was now gang's rule the canons possessed the ecclesiastical revenues in common ; lio'.vever, each one remained in sole possession of his own private means. The Cathedral of S. Rufus in Avignon, founded in the 3'ear 1039, was the first to have regular canons, who lived in complete community of goods (Pagi crit. ad h. a. no. 8 and 10) : Yet this regulation was not strictly enforced, when Nicolas II. and Alexander II. sought to re-establish the vita canonica universally (see Part i. § 26, note 3), and at the same time Petrus Damiani asserted the authority of St. Augustine for it. Petrus D. stated (lib. i. ep. 6, ad Alexandrum P.), with reference to the serraones ii. de moribus cU'ricorum by this Father, quia clericus, qui pecuniam possidet, ipse Christi possessio vel haereditas esse, vel Deura haereditate possidcre non potest. Quod tamen non de Clericis omnibus dicimus, sed de his specialiter, qui canonico censentur nomine, et vivunt in congregatione. At the same time he censured the regiila Aquisgranensis (Part 1, § 8, note 6), which still allowed canons to retain their private possessions, and the canons who availed themselves of it. Thus a regula S. Augnstini began to be spoken of, till at length one was actually composed from those sermons (see in Luc. liolstenii codex regularum monasticarnm et canonicarum ed. Marian. Brockie ii. 120.) Bernoldu' ad ann. 1091 (in Pertz vii. 452) is the first to men- tion three coenobia clericorum juxta regulam s. Augustini communiter viventium, founded by Altraann, IJishop of Passau, and ad ann. 1095 (p. 4G3), another establisht by Lutolphus, 13ishop of Toul, the foundation deed of this, dated vi. Idus Oct. 1091 is in Gallia christ. xiii. app. p. 472. There is a severer censure of the reg. Aquisgr. in Gerhohus de corrupto Ecclesiae statu lib. v. in Jialuz. miscell. v. 180. E. g. p. 198 : ilia — aulica regula, de aula Regis egressa, multa in suo contextu babet sana Patrum documenta; — sed illis jn-aeniissis adulteriua quaedam sunt adraixta, quibus priorum puritas ita est infocta et turbata per nescio quos aulicos dictatores, veris falsa, bonis mala permiscentes etc. p. 199 : contra quam [regulam] nunc tantopere disputare illud cogit, quod e;iam quidam canonici vitam communem secundum regulam b. Augustini professi — eandem sic acceptant, ut in conventibus suis earn recitari faciant quasi authenticam et nulHus erroris permixtione infec- tam etc. — Quae nanique ratio est, ut majores et plures clericorum congregationcs regulam profiteantur aulicam nulla sedis apostolicae auctoritate canonizatam etc. ? The canons who lived after the rule of St Augustine now stylt^d themselves canonici regulares, the others can. seculares. Compare on both Jacobi a V'itriaco hist, occidcutalis c. 21 and c. 30. 2 Probst turnarii Ecclesiarum Germ, historia in Ad concordata nationis Germ, integra djcumentorum fasc. iv. (Francof. et Lips. 1777, 8) p. 2 15 SB. Planck IV. ii. 570. As a relic of this a custom pre- vailed in scv'eral places, that the members of the chapter, on high feast days, or during Lent, should take thL'ir meals together, llurtcr's Innocenz III. iii. 352. 1 CII. II.— CHURCH IN OTHEK LANDS. § 65. MOK. OF CLERGY. 205 constituted as an ecclesiastical ordinance of more general appli- cation than before,^ could not be folly establisht in several countries, until the thirteenth century.* But it introduced in its 3 For instance, 1, or dines majores became an impedimentum matri- monii dirimens. First Cone. Lateran, i. ann. 1123 can. 21 : Presbyteris, diaconibus, subcliaconibus concubinas babere, seu niatrimonia contra- bere penitus iuterdiciinus : contracta quoque matrimonia ab bujusmodi personis disjimgi — judicamus. Cone. Lateran. ii. ann. 1139 can. 7 : Hujusniodi namque copulationeiti, quam contra ecclesiasticam rationem constat esse contractam, matrimonium non esse censemus. cf. Greg. Decretall. lib. iv. tit. 6. Qui clerici vel voventes matrimonium contra- bere possunt. Tbomassin P. i. lib. ii. c. 65, § 4. — 2. After that a vain attempt bad been made in the eleventh century absoKitelv to forbid marriage in the case of the clerici minorum ordinum also (Thomassin. 1. c. § 1 ss.) Alexander III. first decreed on this point Deer. Greg, lib. iii. tit. iii De clericis conjugatis c. 1 : Si qui clericorum infra subdiaconatum acceperint uxores, ipsos ad relinquenda beneficia eccle- siastica et retinendas uxores districtione ecclesiastica compellatis. Compare the whole Titulus. Thomas Aquiu. below note 7. Thomassin. 1. c. c. 66. * I. In Spain cf, Pascbalis II. epist. ad Didacum Episc. Compostell. onn. 1103 (Mansi xx 1001) : Si qui [presbyteri et diaconi] sane ante romanae legis susceptionem (see § 62. not. 1) secundum commu- nem patriae consuetudiuem conjugia contraxerunt, natos ex eis filios neque a saeculari, neque a dignitate ecclesiastica repellimus. — 2. In England the marriage of priests tolerated by Lanfranc (see above § 47 note 45) was strongly attackt by Anselm (Archbishop of Canterbury 1093—1109) especially in the Concill. Londinn. ann. 1102 and 1108, but was not yet eradicated. In the year 1125 the Papal Cardinal Legate Johannes Cremensis (concerning him compare above § 62. note 16) held another Synod in London on the subject. But about him ITen- ricus Huntingdoniensis (about 1150) bistor. lib. vii. : Cum in concilio severissime de uxorlbus sacerdotum tractasset, dicens summum scelus esse a latere meretricis ad corpus Christi conficicndum sui'gere : cum eadera die corpus Christi confecisset, cum meretrice post vesperam interceptus est. Res apertissima negari non potuit, celari non decuit. Summus honor ubique habitus in summum dedecus versus est. Repe- davit igitur in sua Dei judicio confusus et inglorius. These decrees were indeed establisht by law to all appearance in the Synods of London in the years 1127 and 1129: but Chron. Saxon, vetus ad ann. 1129 (in Wilkins Cone. M. Brit. i. 411) : nee ullam vim habuerunt omnia ilia decreta : cuncti retinuerunt suas uxores Regis venia, sicut antea fecerant : For instance (Matth. Paris ann. 1129) the Bishops concesserunt Regi justitiam de focariis sacerdotum, quae res posteacum summo dedecore terminabatur : accepit enim Rex pecuniam infinitam de Presbyteris pro suis focariis redimendis. The displeasure is remarkable with which the English Historians, Henricus Huntingd. Matthew Paris, and Thomas of Walsingbam (about 1440) speak of 200 THIKDPEKIOD.— DIV. III.-A.D. 1073—1305. the celibacy of priests under Gregor. VII. and Anselm. Also in Normandy the marriage of priests was openly-- maintained in the beginning of the I2th century (Acta SS. April, ii. 234.) — 3. Celibacy was not establisht in the northern kingdoms till the thirteenth century. With reference to Sweden tho words of Innocent, lib. xvi. ep. 118. ad Archiep. Lundensem are remarkable : po.stulasti per sedem apostolicam edoceri, — utrum sacerdotes Suethiae in publicis debeas tolerare conjuglis, qui super hoc se asserunt cujusdam summi Pontificis privilegio commuuitos. — Non possumus dare r^^sponsum, nisi viderimus privilegium quod praetendunt. Of. lib. x, ep. 147. In Denmark, where even the peasants of Schooiien, in an insurrection 1180, among other demands required the restoration of marriage of priests (according to Hamsfort in Langebeck scr. rerum Dauic. i. 280 : ne uti hactcnus per libidinem filiabus etconjugibus abuterentur illorum. Compare Saxo lib. XV. 366. Miinter's Kirchengesch. v. Danemark u. Norwegen. II. i. 345.) Not till the year 1222, after many efforts of a Legate, a decisive law was issued by the Synod at Schleswig in favour of celibacy of priests (Ponfoppidan's Annales Eccles. Dan. i. 637. Miinter 11. ii. 1033.) The same law likewise was first establisht in Norway and Iceland in the course of the thirteenth century (Miiuter 11. ii. 1045) : In Sweden by the Cardinal Legate, William Bishop of Sabina, in the Synod at Skenninge 1248 (Miinter II. ii. 1051 the Constitutiones Scheu- ningenses, which are missing in the collections of Councils, are to be found in Miinters Magazin f. Kirchengesch, u. Kirchenrecht d. Nor- dens i, 192, printed according to the original in J. G. Liljengren diplomatarium Suecaiium, Holm. 1829. 4. i. 330.) — 4. In Hungary, Syn. Sz ibolchensis (at Szabolcs) aun. 1092. c. 3 : Presbyteris autem, qui prima et legitima duxere conjuijia, indulgentia ad tempus datur ])ropter vinculum pacis et unitatem Spiritus Sancti, quousque nobis in hoc domini Apostolici paternitas consilietur. Syn. Strigoniensis (at Crrau) ann. 1114 can. 31 : Presbyteris uxores, quas legitimis ordinious acceperint, moderatius habendas, praevisa fragilitate, indulsimus (see this canon which is left out in Mansi xxi. 105, in Peterfty Cone. Hun- gar, i. 57.) It was first by means of the Decreta Hungarorum, quae de Guidone Cardinale susceperunt aun. 1267 (Mansi xxiii. 1183) that the Romish princijdes got the upper hand (Engel's Gesch. v. Ungaru i. 388.) — 5. In Silesia, where Francis, Bishop of Breslau (j 1194), wrote a letter of comj)laint, not now extant de clcricoruni et laicorum niatrimoniis (s. Ilanke de Silesiis indigenis erudilis p. 14. S. J. Llirhard on the corru})t state of religion before the Reformation, Breslau 1778. 4 ), in Bohemia where even the Archbishop of Prague was accused by Innocent TH.. quod uxofem evidenter haberet, de qua filios generavit (linioc. lib. y. epist 28. J. Dobrowsky narratio hist, de sacerdotum in Rohemia coelibatu, Prag. 1787. Abridged in lllgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. )S44. iv. 113), and in Poland the mar- riage of priests was first discWitinued in the middle of the thirteenth century (see Worbs in Stai^dlin's u Tzschirner's Archiv f. Kir- chengeschichte IIL iii. 719. \Raumer Gesch. d. Hohenst. vi. 236.) — 6. In Germany marriage of pricests seems to have been retained longest at Liege, which is easily explaiitied from its earlier history (sec § 49, \ CHAP, 1I.--CIIURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 65. MOR. OF CLERGY. 207 train a greater increase of the most shameful licentiousness/'' from the readiness of the Bishops to overlook it.^ Besides that unchastity, which already made many thoughtful minds mis- trustful of celibacy,^ utter worldliness and love of pleasure,*^ note 9 and 12. Comp. Antigraphum Petri, written by a priest of Liege between the years 1153 and 1173 (MS. in Paris, see Hist. lit. de la France xiv. 406) : Ipsos (Presbyteros) qui se legitiiims jj'sse habere asserunt uxores, interroga, quare eis in extremis renuncient, quare quidam totiens mutent? Si enim legitimum est mati-inioniuin, mutare non licet, vel renunciare eis non est necesse : si illicitum, fornicatio est. Still about the year 1220 tlie cathedral clergy married not far from Liege cum solemnitate, quae solet in matrimoniis observari (Raumer vi. 236, from the Regest. Hor.orii iii.), and in Zurich about the j'ear 1230 married clergy were to be found (J. J. Hottinger's Helvetische Kir- cbengeschichte ii. 30.) J. Anton Theiner und Augustin Tbeiner, die Einfuhvung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bei den cbristl. Geist- lichen und ihre Folgen, Altenburg 1628, II. i. 269. ^ Comp. Schrockh xxvii. 184. Especially the long list of decrees of Councils against the concubinae, fucariae and pedissequae of the clergy s. 206. Raumer vi. 235. On the unnatural excesses of the clergy see Hiillmann's Stadtewesen des Mittelalters iv, 261. '' Rupertus Tuitiensis cornm. in Apocalypsin c. 2. lib. ii. (0pp. ed. Mogunt. II. 490) : turba plcbeja rectores Ecclesiae clamoribus suis coarguit atque objurgat eo quod talis pestilentia, tanta in sacros ordines macula ex ipsorum acciderit avarilia. Heavy fines were imposed on priests who had wives or concubines. For which reason many Bishops tolerated such cases willingly, as the Cone. Lateran. iv. ann. 1215 can. 14. and the Constitutt. Edmundi Archiep. Cantuar. ann. 1236 accuse them of doing, maxime obtentu pecuniae vel alterius commodi tem- poralis. However the number of the guilty necessitated forbearance. Thus a verdict was given against the immoral clergy (Dist. Ixxxi. c. 6), ut a sacerdotali removeantur officio, but the gloss to this says, communiter autem dicitur, quod pro simplici fornicatione quis deponi non debet, cum pauci sine ilia v'ltio inveniantur. "^ So early as the year 1120 there was written Rotomagensis Ano- nymi tract, an liceat Sacerdotibus inire matrimonia in Brown appendix ad fascic. rerum expet. et fugiend. p. 166 (comp. Theiner II. i. 323), where it was first shown that, traditio hominis est, et non Dei, non Apostolorum institutio : Then, hoc mandatum naturalem ordinem con- servari vetat, pertnrbari jubet, et ideo contra aeternam legem fit, et peccatum est : peccant enim, qui mandatum tale instituunt, quo natu- ralis ordo destruitur ; to conclude, fit contra voluntatem et praedestina- tionem illius, qui quae futura sint fecit. From the same time perhaps may the so-called epist. secunda Volusiani Episc. Carthaginensis in John Fox acts and monuments of Martyrs, Lond. 1684, ii. 393 (epist. i. is the epist. Udalrici ad Nicolaum, see Part 1, § 34, note 9) derive its origin ; it is a defence of the married clergy, and written in their name E.g. Inbibito naturalis unius mulieris conjugio surrepit non 208 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—130.^. avarice and simony'' were the princij)al faults, for which the clergy at this time were commonly rebuked with solemn earnestness^" naturalis, sed contra naluram execraliilis sodoinitica fornicatio, sunvpit illicita et damiiabilis, non legitima sed contra legem alienae uxoris containiiiatio, nccnon etiain et merctncabilis iiefanda pollutio, quin etiain aboniinaMlis omnibus parentalis incestatio vel aliarum iinninndi- tiaruni vel libidiuum a Diabolo inventarum id genus, in quibus bumana infirmitas periclitatur. — Quodsi mali sumus, nobis ipsis sumus, et plus nobis quam aliis nocemus : et quos fortasse malos conspicitis, quid boni interius babeant ignoratis. Sunt enim plerique, quos de incontinentia judicatis, qui continentiores sunt, quam illi, quos de continentia glorifi- catis. Of Petrus Comcstor, Cliancellor of the University of Paris, about the year 1170, his pupil Gyraldus Canibrensis records (ex Ms. in Cave scriptt. eccl. hist, lit. ii. 239) : Hoc autem Magistruin Petruni Manducatorem in audientia totius scbolae suae, qune tot et tantis viris literatissimis refcila fuit, dicentem audivi, quod nunquam bostis ille antiquus in aliquo articulo adeo Ecelesiam Dei circumvenit, sicut in voti illius (sc. ccntinen;iae sacerdotum) emissione. — Thomas Aquinas (in Summa, quae incipit Commiserationes Domini etc. cap. 165, in Flacii catal. test, verit. no. 262) : Dicit Canon, quod, si clerici in minoribus ordinibiis constituti se continere non possunt, et matrinionium contrahere voluerint, debet eis assignari sustentatio sua de bencficiis suis extra Ecelesiam, ita quod de caetero non ministrent in Ecclesia in ordine suo, sed censuram habeant, et libertate gaudeant clericorum. Contra banc canonicam institutionem hodie obtinet consuetudo, quod statim ex quo acolytus conti'abit matrimonium, onnii ecclesiastico bene- ficio privatur (see above note 3), cum canon, ut dictum est, praecipiat, de heneficio sustentari. Si autem acolytus in secreta confessione ad discretum Sacerdotem veniat, et se nuUo modo continei-e posse dicat, non multum peccat Saccrdos, dando ei consilium, ut cum aliqua occulte matrimonium contrahat, et occulte sui Episcopi oculos fallat. Minus enim crediraus esse peccatum, bcneficium cum occulto conjugio I'etinere, quam fornicariam contra divinam probibitioncm habere. Si veropostca ad sacros ordines a suis Praelatis cogatur accv'dere, crcdimus minus esse peccatum uxore uti, quam cum alia fornicari, si ex toto noluerit con- tinere. Gulielmus Durantis tract, de modo gener. cone, celebr. (see above § 62. note 28.) P. ii. rubr. 46 : Cum paone in omnibus conciliis et a plerisquc Romanis Pontificibus sui)er coliibenda et j)unicnda clericorum incontinentia, et eorum honestatc servanda nndta bactcnus emanavcrint constituta, et nullatenus ipsoruni reformari quivcrit cor- rectio morum : — vidorotur jxmsandum, an expediret et posset provider!, quod in ecclesia occidentali, quantum ad votum continentiae, servaretur consuetudo Ecclesiac oricntalia, quantum ad promovendos, potissime cum tempore Apostolorum consuetudo Ecclesiae orientalis servaretur. 8 Schrockh xxvii. 150. Raumer vi. 233. Ilurter's InnocenzIII. iii. 423. On their frequent engagements in battle and slaughter, fcchrock xxvii 165. 9 Schroch xxvii. 175. Ix'aumor vi. 193. 1" Especially by Bernbardus Clarav. for example epist. 152. ad Innoc. CH. II.— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 65 MOR. OF CLERGY. 209 P. ii. ann. 1135: Insolentia clericorum, cujus mater est negligentia Episcoporum, iibique tevrarura turbat et infestat Ecclesiatn. — Alienis niinirum laboribus locupletantnr clerici, comedunt fructum terrae absque pecunia : et prodit quasi ex adipe iniquitas eoruni. In Fsalm Qui habitat, sermo G. no. 7 (ed. Mabill. ii. 61) : Ipsa quoque ecclesiaslicae dignitatis officia in turpem quaestum et tcnebrarum negotium transiere : nee in his salus animarum, sed luxus quaeritur divitiarum. Propter hoc tondentur, propter hoc frequentant ecclesias, Missas celebrant, Psahnos decantant. Pro episcopatibus et archidiaconatibus impudenter hodie decertatur, ut Ecclesiarum reditus in superfluitatis et vanitatis usus dissipentur. Superest jam, ut reveletur homo pcccati, filius per- ditionis etc. In convers. Pauli, sermo 1 (ii. 126) : Conjurasse videtur contra te [Deum] universitas populi christiani a minimo usque ad maximum : a planta pedis usque ad verticem non est sanitas ulla : egressa est iniquitas a senibus judicibus, vicainis tuis, qui videntur regere populum tuum. Non est jam dicere : ut pnpidus^ sic sacerdos ; quia nee sic populus, ut sacerdos. lieu, heu, domine Deus, quia ipsi sunt in persecutione tua primi, qui videntur in Ecclesia tua primatum diligere, gerere principatum I In Cantica, sei-mo 33. no. 15 (iii. 61) : Ministri Christi sunt, et serviunt Antichristo. Honorati incedunt de bonis Domini, qui Domino honorem non deferunt. Inde is, quern quotidie vides, meretricius nitor, histrionicus habitus, regius apparatus : inde aurum in frenis, in sellis et calcaribus, et plus calcaria quam altaria fulgent. Inde splendidae mensae et cibis et scypliis, inde comessationes et ebrietates, inde cithara et lyra et tibia, inde redundantia torcularia, et promptuaria plena cructantia ex hoc in illud. Inde dolia pigmen- taria, inde refei*ta marsupia. Pro hujusmodi volunt esse et sunt Ecclesiarum praepositi. Decani, Archidiaconi, Episcopi, Archiepiscopi . Ibid, sermo 77 (p. 131) : Quem dabis mihi de numero praepositorum, qui non plus invigilet subditorum vaeuandis marsupiis, quam vitiis exstirpandis ? Sermo de conversione ad clericos, especiall}' c. 20 (iv. 112) : Curritur passim ad sacros Ordines, et reverenda ipsis quoque spiritibus angelicis ministeria homines apprehendunt sine reverentia, sine consideratione. Neque enira signum regni occupare caelestis, aut illius timent imperii gestare coronam, inquibus avaritia regnat, ambitio imperat, dominatur superbia, sed et iniquitas, luxuriaetiamprincipatur : in quibus et pessima forte appareat intra parietes abominatio, si juxta Ezechielis prophetiam (Ezech. viii. 8) parietem fodiamus, ut in domo Dei videamus horrendum. Siquidem post fornicationes, post adulteria, post incest us, nee ipsae quidem apud aliquos ignominiae passiones et turpitudinis opera desunt etc. — Compare Bernard's contemporaries, Gerhohus de corrupto Ecclesiae statu (in Baluzii miscellan. v, 1), Potho mon. Prumiensis de statu domus Dei libb. v. (in Bibl. PP. max. xxi. 489), Anonymi sermo ad Clerum in Cone. Rhemensi (ann. 1148) congregatum (in Bernardi opp. v. 225), in which the severest passages of S. Bernai-d are quoted word for word : and St Hildegard, Abbess of Bingen (sec Meiners de s. Hildegardis vita, scriptis et meritis in the Commentatt. Soc. Getting, t. xii. class, hist. p. 79.) The Pfaffenleben, a fragment from the 12th century in Ilaupt's and Hoff- mann's altdeutschen Blattern, 1 (Leipzig 1836), 217. Besides there O 210 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. and upbraided with biting satire.^' Now tlmt the Pseudo-isidorian in the Antigraphuin Petri, written by a priest of Liege bi^twecn the years 1153 and 1173 (see above note 4, near the end), a forcible reply to a priest, Lanib(!r(us b}' name, who required Peter to cease from his impugnatio sacerdotum, because the con)mon people were led away by it to disobey then* priests : sed insuper maledictionem Cham filii Noe, qui patris sui vereuda nudavit, incurrunt, dum spirituales patres suos in aliquibus actibus, licet illicitis, vcstro exemplo et doctrina diju- dicando iram Domini manifcste super sc provocant. On the corruption of the Norwegian clergy see the Anecdoton historiam Sverreri Regis Norvegiae illustrans, ed. E. Chr. Werlanft". Havn. 1815. 8. p. 11, written about the year 1197, — In the 13th century J ac. a Vitriaco hist. Occident, cap. 5. de negligentia et peccatis Praelatoruni : — dum nihil gratis accipiebant, nihil gratis conferebant ; — non pastores, sed dissipatores, non Praelati, sed Pilati ; nocte in lupanari, mane in altari ; filiam Veneris nocte tangentes, filium virginis Mariae mane contrec- tantes etc. Especially Alexandri P. iv. ep. ad Archiej). Saltzburgensem et Suffraganeos (in Mansi xxiii. 827) in the year 1258. After an exhortation to a zealous and careful exercise of the pastoral office, the Pope there complains : Sed ecce letalis incuriae sopor pastoralis vitae vigilanfiam, quod geraentes dicimus, oppressisse videtur in plurimis, prout testatur niniia de plerisque regionibus damans christiani populi corruptela : quae cum deberet ex sacerdotalis antidoti curari medelis, invah'scit, proh dolor, ex malorum contagione, quod procedit a clero, ita ut alicubi verum sit, quod et prophetica querela teslatur, Factus est, inquiens, sicut populus sic sacerdos (Jes. 24, 2.) Malitia namque dierum labentium, quae cum tempore corrupit et mores, dante quam plurimis ex impunitate audaecm sempi-r et in deteriora proclivera infraenis Hcentiae liberlatem, nonnuUi clerici praecipiti lubricae volupta- tis arbitrio laxas committentes habeuas, post carnis suae concupiscentiam abierunt, e' rel<;gata paene penitus a conversatione vitae suaeclericalis munditie et honestate, tenent etiam in conspectu populi concubinas, cum quibus impudicae frontis irreverentiam induentes, foedas manus et foctidas — non erubescunt — sacris ministeriis immiscere. — Per tales maxime nomen Domini blasphematur in tcrris ; — per tales ergo perdit religioncm catholicam devotio reverentiae christianae : per tales deci- pitur populus in Divinis, et ecclesiastica substantia dissipatur : hinc detrahitur verbo Dei, dum iminundis labiis talium nunciatur, hinc haeretici mussitaut et insultant, hinc tyranni saeviunt, hinc pertidi persequuntur, hinc gransantur audacius in Christi patrimonio sacrijegi exactores : a quibus, proh pudor, ob hujusmodi carnes putridas, quas disciplinalis mucro non resecat, sicut decet, sincerum catholicae matris corpus in ostcntum ducitur et contemptum. Compare D. H. Leyser'a deutsche Prediuten des xiii. u. xiv. Jahrh. (Quedlinb. u. Leipz. 1838) V^u'wort s. xxviii. ^' To this class belong the Poems of Gnaltherus Mapes (see above § 02, note2(*.) The Thicrfabd (first in Latin. Isegrinim, in the earlier iialf of the Pith cent., Reynard in the middle of the Pith cent., afterwards translated into the language of the country), see Reinhart CH. II. -CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 65. MOR. OF CLERGY. 211 principles, by reason of the abolishment of Provincial Synods, the ease of appeal to Rome, and the aggravation of the com- plaints against Bishops, were evidently in part the cause of the increasing corruption ; Innocent III. endeavoured to introduce reforms, and, by the institution of an inquisitorial mode of procedure against clerks notorious for ill-living,^^ to put a stop Fucbs V. Jac. Grimm Berlin 1834. Einleit. Gervinus Gesch. d. deut- schen poet. Nationalliteratur i. 122, Le Roman du Renart (by Peter of St Cloud 1233) publie par M. Meon, Paris 1826, 4 voll. 8. Niederdeutsche Gedichle des Jacob v. Maerlant, Schreiber in Damme in Flandern 1235 — 1300, see U. P. Okken diss, de priva religionia chrlstianae, medio aevo inter Nederlandos progressae, natura, Groning. 1846. p. 68. — La Bible de Guiot (see § 62. note 18) and other satirical pictures of the manners of the 13th century in the Fabliaux et contes publies par M. Meon. 4 Tomes. Paris 1808. Compare Vincent v. Beauvnis Hand- und Lehrbuch v. F. Chr. Schlosser ii. 150. ^2 Cone. Lateran. iv. ann. 1215 c. 6 (Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. i. c. 25) : Sicut oliin a Sanctis Patribus noscitur institutum, metropolitani singulis annis cum suis sud'rsigSineis jjrovincialia non omitiani concilia celebrare. (Compare on the other hand Cone. viii. ann. 869 c. 17. Part 1. § 41. note 15.) In quibus de corrigendis excessibus et moribus reformandis, praesertim in clero, diligeutem habeant cum Dei timore tractatum, canonicas regulas, et maxime quae statutae sunt in hoc general! conci- lio, relegentes, ut eas faciant observari, debitam poenam transgressoribus infligendo. Ut autem id valeat efficacius adimpleri, per siugulas dioeceses statuant idoneas personas, providas videlicet et honestas, quae per totum annum simpliciter et de piano, absque uUa jurisdictione, sollicite investigent, quae correctione vel reformatioue sint digna, et ea fideliter perferant ad metropolitauum, et suffraganeos, et alios in concilio subsequenti. (Compare the verdict of the Synodal tribunal Part 1 . § 35. note 1.) Cap. 7 (Deer. Greg. I. xxxi. 13): Irrefragabili constitutione sancimus, ut Ecclesiarura Fraelati ad corrigendos subditonun excessus, maxime clericorum, et reformandos mores, prudenter et diligenter intendant, ne sanguis eorum de suis manibus requiratur. Ut autem correctionis et reformationis officiitm libere valeant exercere : decerni- mus, ut executionem ipsorum nulla consuetude vel apjjeUatio valeat impedire, nisi forinam excesserint in talibus observandam. Compare on the other side, § 62, note 9.) Cap. 8 (Deer. Greg. V. i. 24) : Non solum cum subditus, verum etiam cum Praelatus excedit, si per clamorem et famam ad aures superioris pervenerit, non quidem a male- volis et maledieis, sed a providis et honestis nee semel tantum, sed saepe, — debet (Praelatus) coram Eccleslae senioribus veritatem dili- gentius perscrutari ; ut si rei poposcerit qualitas, canonica districtio culpam feriat delinquentis. — Licet autem hocsitobservandum in subditis, diligentius tamen est observandum in Praelatis, qui quasi signum sunt positi ad sagittam. Et quia non possunt omnibus complacere, cum ex officio suo teneantur non solum arguere sed etiam increpare, — frequenter odium mukorum incurrunt, et insidias patiuntur. Et ideo O 2 212 TIllED i'ESIOD.— i>lV. III.— A.D. 1073-1305. to the evil : but such external measures couhl no longer avail. Now that the clerical order had entirely forfeited the respect of the Laity,^'^ their arrogance was endured with so much the greater discontent : and in spite of the undefined fear of the mystical character received by them, at their ordination, a frantic liatred of the clerg}- was not unfrequently displayed.^"* ss. Patres provide statuerunt, iit accusatio Praelatorum non facile aclmittatur. — Verum ita voluerunt pvovidere Praelatis, ne criminarentur injuste. — Seel cum super excessibus suis quisquaiu luerit iiifamatus, ut jam clamor ascendat, qui diutius sine scandalo dissimulari non possit, vel sine periculo tolerari ; absque dubitatiouis scrupulo ad inquirendum et puniendum ejus excessus — procedatui', quatenus, si fuerit gravis excessus, etsi non degradetur ab ordine, ab administratione tamen amoveatur omuiuo. Comp. ¥. A. Biener's Eeitrage zu d. Gesch. des Inquisitions-Processes. Leipzig 1827 s. 38 ff. ^'^ So the Lady, whose favour he sought, answered the Troubadour Gui d'Uisel, wlio was also a canon (about 1200) : Vous etes un noble homme; quoiquevous soi/ez clerc, vous etes aime et estime (Millot hist, litter, des troubadom-s. iii. 4.) " As also Boniface VIH. confest : Clericis laicos infestos oppido tradit antiquitas, see above § 59, note 6. "VVe may compare especially the words of the Troubadour, Peire Cardinal (about 1220) according to the translation in F. Diez Leben und Werkeder Troubadours, Zwickau 1829, s. 447. The clergy call themselves pastors and are butchers. Kings and Emperors once used to rule the world : now priests exerci.ee lordship with theft and treason — with hypocrisy, force, and persuasion. They are not satisfied unless everything is surrendered to ihcir hands, and though there be delay in the end it is brought about. The higher their rank, so much the less virtue they possess and the more foll}^, the less truthfulness and the more falsehood, the less learning and the more faults, and withal so much the less courtesy. — The Priests are so full of ambition, that they cannot bear to see any one in the whole world hold sway except themselves. They work with all th.cir might to draw over the whole world to themselves. If r.ny one is discontented under the yoke, they win such persons with obsequiou.sness and gifts — with pardons and hypocrisy — Vvith indulgence — with eating and drink- ing— with preaching and citrslng — with God and the devil. Vultures and birds of prey scent not the mouldering carrion so swiftly as they scent a rich man. Immediately he is their friend ; sickness lays him low, he must heap gifts on them to the prejudice of his relations. Frenchmen and Priests have the praise of superior wickedness — for goodness is their aversion, and so forth. Iiertrand Carbonel also (about tho year 1250) in Diez s. 587, writes thus. Ha, ye false priests, liars, traitors, perjurers, whoremongers, infidels, so much open wickedness ye work day bv dav, that ye ha^■e thrown the whole world into consterna- tion. St Peter never drew revenues from France, nor extorted usury, no, he held upright the balance of justice. Yc *lo nought of the kind. CK. 11. CHUKC'II IN OTPIEK LANDS, g 66, PROF. OF CLERGY. 913 § 66. PROPERTY OF THE CLEEGY. Not to any regard for their persons,' but to the superstition and circumstances of the age, were the clergy indebted for the remarkable increase of their property; it was brought about partly by vindication of tithe law,- partly by wills,^ partly by For money ye unjustly pronounce and recall sentence of excommunica- tion ; without money there is no redemption for us. Guillem Figueira also (about 1244) in Diez s. 567 : Truly our shepherds are become ravening wolves, they rob wherever they can, and wear therewith the mien of peace. One of them will lie with a woman, and nevertheless on the next morning touch with unhallowed hands the body of our Lord. If you lift your voice against them they bring accusations against you, you are excommunicated, and if you do not pay, you have neither peace nor friendship more to hope from them. Holy Virgin Mary, our Lad}', grant me but to live to the day when I shall neither have to shmi nor fear them more. ^ On the scarcity of gifts, and the inclination to cut down ecclesias- tical incomes in the thirteenth century, see Lacomblet's Urkundenbuch f r die Gesch. des Niederrheins. Bd. ii. Vorr. s. ix. ^ Compare Part i. § 9 note 1. Tithe was in the first place introduced as a Divine ordinance, where as yet it had found no entrance, and in spite of all opposition from the laity, gradually past into law. Thus in Portugal it was recognized at the end of the eleventh century, and in the twelfth prevailed universally, Schafer's Gesch. v. Port. i. 167. In Castile and Leon .\lphonso X., in his Partidas, gave it force of law^, see § 62, note 22, and the Memoires p. 854 there quoted. In Denmark St Knud, Canute the Saint introduced it in 1086 ; but it was always paid irregularly, and in the year 1171 the peasantry of Schoonen, rose in rebellion on this account Miinter's K.G. v, D.inem. u. Norw. II. i. 15. 343. In Norway it was demanded immediately after the conversion of the country, however, it had to be enforced by King Magnus in the year 1267, Miinter II. i. 37. Further, in the second place, it was establisht as a ruling maxim, that all tithes were of ecclesiastical origin ; and that, where they had past into the possession of laymen, they were withheld from the Chvirch only by robbery or feudal grant (to bailiffs and admini- strators, deciraae infeudatae) but that no layman could possess tithes without peril to his soul. Especially so after Cone. Lateran. iii. ann. 1179 c. 14, Mansi xxii. 226) : Prohibemus etiam ne laici decimas cum animarum sucwum periculo detinentes, in alios laicos possint aliquo modo transferre. Si quis vero receperit, et Ecelesiae non trfi.diderit, 214 THIRD PEHIUU.— DIV. 111.— x\.l). 1U73— 1305. advantageous j)urchases and mortgages, obtained mostly from Christiana sepultura privetur. Frederick I., indeed, in the diet at Gelnhausen 11 SO declared that the lay impropriation of the decimae infendataewas legal (Arnold. Lubec. lib, iii. c. l.S..see above, § o3.note6), and it was commonly understood that only the transfer of tithes from layman to layman was forbidden in that canon. However, conscientious scruples were awakened by it in the minds of many lay impropriators. Thus in many places tithes were restored to the Church, especially to reli- gious Houses, or sold and exchanged at a low valuation. See Warnkonig'a Flandrische Staats und Rechtsgeschichte (Tubingen 1835) i. 443. ^ A considerable influence over these was consigned to the clergy, by the decree of Alexander [II., 1170 (Deer. Greg. lib. iii. tit. 26. c. 10) : testamenta, quae Parochiani coram presbytero suo et tribus vel duabus aliis personis idoncis in extrema fccerint voluntate, firma decernimus perraauere : which was yet more enhanced by the determination that the parish priest must be a witness (Constit. Ricardi Ep. Sarum ann. 1217. c. 70, in Mansi xxii. 1127 : Praecipimus quod laicis inhibeatur frequenter, ne testamenta sua faciant sine praesentia sacerdotis. — Inter alia etiain singuli saccrdotes infirmos suos moneant, et efficaciter indu- cant, quod fVibricae Sarum Ecclesiae sua memores, prout Deus inspiraverit illis, in testamento suo, de bonis suis relinquant. Cone. Avenion, 1281 can. 10: Ne aliquis auderet sine suo parochiali Presb}'- tero condere testamentum. Thomassin. P. iii. lib. i. c. 24, § 5, 6, 8.) People were reminded at their last confession to make their wills ; to die intestate or unconfest, was held to be the same (see du Fresne glossarium s. v. intestatio), refusal of burial in consecrated ground was the consequence of either (Brewer's Gesch. d. franzosischen Gerichts- verfassung, Uiisseldorf 1837, ii. 704.) All suits about wills, even the execution of the wills, belonged to ecclesiastical jurisdiction. They even demanded in England and Normandy (Ecelesiasticae libertatis in Normannia leges ann. 1090, Mansi xxii. 592) : Si quis subitanea morte — praeoccupatus fuerit, ut de rebus suis disponere non possit, distributio bonorum ejus ecclesiastica auctoritate fiat, and with regard to this the Papal Legate Othobonus in Cone. Londin. ann. 1268 c. 24 (Mansi xxii. 1238) ; more closely determined that such possessions should not be held back by the Prelates, but be distributed for pious purposes. In such a case in France a will made by the relative instead of the deceased, is admitted, see Brewer ii. 705. — In German}', on the other hand, wills made on a deathbed met with a long resistance from the maxim of law, that he alone could make a valid will, who could yet walk free and unsupported along the highway. (J. Grimm's deutsclie h'echtsaltertluimer, CJottingen 1S28 s. 96.) In vain did the German liisliops vie in oi)position to this custom, quae dicenda potius est corruptela, cnm sit contraria ratloni, et contra jura canonica et civilia, videlicet, quod judiccs ct scabini et consiliarii quorundam oppi- dorum — judicant, quod nullum testamentum, donatio vel legatum teneat su]icr immobilibus, quod vel (piac a deeumbentibus in leoto in pios \isus Cli. II.— CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS. § 66. PROP. OF CLERGY. 215 nobles who took the Cross,* partly by compact with the opprest free commonalty, who received their own property in copyhold from them.'^ From time to time, however, this immoderate increase of ecclesiastical wealth began already to attract attention, and receive some restrictions from secular law." The Prelates had now to suffer more than ever fi'om their administi'ators/ The}' sought help against their encroachments vel alias personas fuerit factum vel facta (so the Cone. Colon, ann, 1300) : The German magitftrates for a long- time paid them no regard : comp. Bodmann'a Rheingauische Alterthiimer, Mainz 1819. 4. S. 648. The clergy on the other hand endeavoured partly by a form of execra- tion which they appended to the will, partly by ecclesiastical penalties against the uncomplying heirs of the intestate, to create respect for it : see J. A. Kopp de testamentis Germanorum ungehabt und ungestabt Francof. ad M. 1736. 4. * See § 51, note 14. Planck IV. ii. 345. Raumer vi. 312. So says Eberhard, Archbishop of Salzburg, in a document of the year 1159, (Monumenta boica iii. 540): Tempore, quo expeditio Jerosoly- mitana fervore quodam miro et inaudito a saeculis totum commovit fere occidentem, eoeperunt singuli, tanquam ultra non redituri, vendere possessiones suas, quas Ecelesiae secundum facultates suas suis prospi- cientes utiiitatibus emerunt. ° Montag's Gesch d. deutschen Staatsbiirgl. Freiheit ii. 655. " In several cities it was forbidden by law that landed property should be left in mortmain. This was the case in Montpellier (1113. Hist. gen. de Languedoc ii. Preuves p. 388), Erfurt (Guden Hist. Erfurt, p. 61), Lubeck (Jus Lubec. in de Westphalen monum. inedita iii. 625, 669, 687.) In Lubeck also oblations were restricted by law with the same view, the increase of masses for the dead forbidden, with other measures of the same kind, see Theol. Studien u. Krit. I. i. 116. Alphonso II., King of Portugal, in the year 1211, forbid churches and monasteries to acquire any other landed property, except what was in use for anniversaries and other duties for the dead ; but this law remained without effect, see Schafer's Gesch. v. Portugal i. 146, 330. 7 So says a Bishop of Munster in 1185 in Falke codex traditt. Cor- bejensivmi p. 229 : universitas Eeclesiarura advocatorum insolentia laborat et fere succumbit. The oppression was often made more severe by this circumstance that the bailiwicks became hereditary fiefs, and were often broken up into small offices, and granted in mesne tenure. See Hiillmann's Gesch, des Ursprungs der Stiinde in Deutscbland 2te Ausg. (Berlin 1830) S. 257 ft'. Montag ii. 450, 508. Raumer vi. 383. Hurter iv. 61. Honorius III. says in the year 1221 (in Lacom- blet's Urkundenbuch ii. 51) : nonnulli — in bonis ecclesiasticis, in quibus advocationis jus obtinent, non solum prodigaliter debacchantur, veruni ctiam ea diripiunt ut praedones. Compare the letter of remonstrance sent by Tulcard, Abbot of Lobbes, to the Emperor Henry IV. in d'Achery spicileg. ii. 747. There are other examples in Zirngibl's 21G THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 1073— 13u5. partly from the Lords of the soil f hut partly following the example of the Cistercian order, which from its first foundation liad allowed no administrators of finance,^ they endeavoured to shake them off by all possible means.^'^ Abh. iJber das jMundiburdium. in d. Neuen lust. Abhandl. d. baier. Akad. d. Wissensch. Bd, 5 (Miinchen 1798. 4) S. 286, 318. Kiedel's diplom. Beitriige zur Gesch. d. Mark Brandenburg Th. 1 (Berlin 1833) Urk. xvi. xxxi. xxxii. The most remarkable instance of this kind is furnished by the Yiccdominus Ludovicus against Godfrey, Archbishop of Treves (from 1124 — 1128), as the contemporary Bal- dricus relates in his vita Alberonis (in llonthemii hist. Ti'evir. i. 468) : D. Godcfridum Archiepiscopum suis artibus in tantum sibi subegerat, quod dicebat, se in beneficio tenere palatium atque omnes rcditus epis- copales in iUud deferendos, et quod ipse pascere deberet Episcopum cum suis Capellanis, et caetci'a omnia ad Episcopatum pertinentia de bug esse beneficio. Ad Episcopum autem dicebat pertincre JNIissas, et ordinationes clericorum, et consecrationes Ecclesiaruni celebrare : sui vero juris dicebat esse terram regere, omniaquein Episcopatu disponere, et militiam tenere. Undo per singulos dies ad prandium Episcopi sex- tarium vini et duos sextarios cerevisiie administrabat, ipse vero cum multitudine horainum in mensa sua quasi magnus Princeps quotidie epulabatur splendide, stipatus caterva mllitum ubiqiic incedebat, et omnibus modis toli terrae principabatur. ** The efforts of the Popes with this view may be found in Ilurter iv. 75, comp. above § 53 note 6, § 54 note 16. The oft-repeated orders of the Emperors on the condition of the administrators (for instance in Katisbon 1104 in Pertz iv. 62, in Gelnhausen 1180, p. 164) are to be found in Hiillmann s. 251. Montag ii. 488. Raumer vi. 384. 9 Montag ii. 514 ff. ^" Zirngibl. S. 320 ss. Hiillmann S. 268 ss. Eichorn's deutsche Staats- u. Rechtsgeschichte ii. 528. Baumer vi. 125. Ilurter iv. 67, 80. CH. III.— MONACHISM. § 67. ETOWN TO INNOC. III. 217 THIRD CHAPTER. HISTORY OF 3I0NACHISM. Allgem. Literahir s. Bd. 1. Abth. 2. vor. § 95 u. § 119. Ueber den Zustand sammt licher Orden in dieser Zeit Jac. a Yitriaco (Biscli. v. Acco, dann Cardinal f 1244 : von ihm Hist, orientalis et occidentalis ed. Fr. Moschus. Duaci 1597, 8) hist, occidentalis c. 12— c. 33. §67. MONASTIC ORDERS DOWN TO THE TIME OF INNOCENT III. Martene et Durandi rett. scriptt. collectio amplissima. T. vi. praef. p. 2. Hurter's lunocenz III. iv. 85. The cycle of advance fi*om tlie institution of fresh orders to fresh decay, and the reverse, a cycle in which monastic liistory incessantly travels, has never repeated itself more often than in this period. Especially in France there rose many founders of orders, who desired no less than the Popes to restore a stricter discipline in the Church, and endeavoured with this in ^dew to bring back monastic rules to their first seventy. Stephen of Tigerno founded (1073 — 1083J the order of Grammont (ordo Grandimontensis) ;^ Bruno of Cologne (1084) the Carthusian order (La Grande Chartreuse in Grenoble, ordo Cai'tusianus) ;^ 1 Vita s. Stephani by Gerhard, seventh prior of Grammont, in Mar- tene et Durancl arapliss. collectio vi. 1050. — Mabillon annal. Ord. s. Ben. V. 65, 99. Ejusd. act. SS. Ord. Ben. saec. VI. ii. praef. p. xxsiv. Hurter iv. 137. 2 Mabillon annales v, 202. Ejus acta SS. Ord. Ben. saec. VI. ii. praef. p. xxxvii. Acta SS. Oct. iii. 491, ad d. 6, Oct. The true origin of the order is recorded by Bruno's later contemporary Guibert, Abb. b. Mariae de Novigento, de vita sua lib. i. c. 11 (0pp. ed. d'Achery p. 407) : The tale of the miraculous inducement which led S. Bruno to renounce the world, is first found at the end of the 13th 218 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Robert of Arbrissel (1094) the order of Fontevraud (or Jo Fontis Ebraldi) ;^ the Abbot Robert (1098) the monastery and order of Citeaux (Cistercium. ordo Cisterciensis.)^ In the course of the 12th century the Premonstrant order was added, it was founded by Norbert, a canon of Zante, at Premontre (Premonstratum) in 1120,)* and the Carmehte order, which received its origin about 11 50 on Blount Carmel, from one Berthold a Calabrian.^ Gaston, induced by the prevalence of a cent., and is gathered from the Breviar. Roraanuin under Urban VIII. Jo. Launoji de vera causa secessus s. Brunonis in ereinum. Paris 1646. (0pp. II. ii. 324.) Pragm. Gesch. d. vornehinston Monchsorden (10 Bde, Leipz. 1774—83) iv. I. Hurler iv. 149. 3 Mabillon ami. v. 314. Acta SS. Fobr. iii. 593, ad d. 25. Febr. Roberts Leben von s. Zeitgenossen Baldricus Abb. Burguliensis in Act SS. 1. c. The long forgotten superstition of the Syneisacta' was renewed by Robert (see vol. i. part 1, § 73, not. 17), as we are given to understand in the notices in Godefridi Abb. Vindocinensis lib. iv. ep. 47, ad Robertum (in Sirmondi opp. iii. 549. ]3ibl. PP. Lugd. xxi. 49, that this letter is not a forgery as the Bollandists would make us believe, see Mabillon 1. c. p. 424), and in the letter of Marbod, Bishop of Rennes, to Robert (Mabillon 1. c. p. 425) The order remained in truth confined to France. Pragm. Gesch. i. 279. Ilurter iv. 229. * ]\elatio qualiter incepit Ordo Cistei'ciensis, by an unknown author, first publisht in Auberti Miraei chron. Cisterciensis Ordinis. Colon. Agripp. 1614. 8. p. 8, and here less injured than the copy in Luc. ITolstenii cod. regal, ed. P»rockie 11. 386. ss. taken from Hog. Dods- worthii et Guil. Dugdale monasticon Anglicanum vol. 1. Mabillon. ann. v. 219. 393. Angeli Manrique annales Cistercienses. Lugd. 1642. voll. iv. in fol. Chrysost. Ilenriqucz regula, constitutiones et privilegia Ord. Cisterciensis. Antverp. 1630. fol. Pierre le Nain essai de I'histoirede I'ordre de Citeaux. Paris 1696 s. voll. ix. in 8. Pragm. Gesch. ii. 49. iii. I. Ilurter iv. 164. 5 Compare especially the contemporary Ilermanni Monachi de mira- culis s. Mariae Laud. libb. iii. c. 2 ss. in Guiberti opp. ed. d'Achery p. 544 ss. Acta 8S. Jun. i. 804, ad d. 6. Jun. Chrysost. van der Sterre vita s. Norberti. Antverp. 1656. 8. La vie de s. Norbert (par le P. Louis Charles Hugo), Luxcmb. 1704. 4. Pragm. Gesch. iv. 271. Hurtcr iv. 200. *' The order grew up in some incon.siderable hormifages so unnoticed, that we owe the first intimation of it to the cursory remark of a Greek writer. John Phocas 1185 in his description of the Holy Land (in Leon. Allatii flymmicta. Colon. 1654. 8. p 1.) first mentions tho cavern of Elias on Carmel, the ruin of an antient monastery, and adds iT/jo fie Tivwv xp('>vv avfjp ^oi>ax<>S, Iffxiii rijv a^uiu, — f^ (in(>KciKv\p-(u>i rov llf)o- r in his Ttincrarium terrae sanctae fin CH. 111.— MONACHISM. § 57. DOWN TO INNOCENT 111. 219 pestilential disease distinguisht by the name of St Antony's Fire, founded (1095) the order of St Antony at Vienne, for the cure of the sick, (called Hospitalarii s. Antonii Abbatis, Antonier, Autoniterherren) :" Guido instituted at Montpellier about 1178 the Brethren of the Hospital, Innocent III. in 1204 appointed the newly revived Hospitale s. Spiritus in Saxia as their Mother- House at Rome, similar Hospitalia s. Spiritus were founded in connexion with this in many towns (the brethren were called Hospitalarii s. Spu-itus, Kreuzherren.)^ For the liberation of captive Christians fi-om the hands of the Infidels, John of Matha, establisht in 1198 the order of the Trinitarians (Ordo sanctis- simae Trinitatis de redemtione captivorum, Mathuriner) with the principal monastery of Gerffroi in the diocese of Meaux.^ On the other hand in both the elder orders that of the Bene- dictines and of Cluny, desire of independence, ambition, and love of pleasure had increased with their wealth. The Popes encouraged them in the following manner ; since the time of Gregory VII., they had been continually granting new exemptions to the monasteries,^*' which canvassed for them with jealous rivalry, AUatlus 1. c) mentions indeed the Mansio Eliae, but not this. On the other hand JaeobuB de Vitriaco (1218), in his hist. Hierosol. c 52 (Gesta Dei per Francos I., 1075 : Alii ad exemplum et imitationem sancti viri et solitarii Eliae Prophetae in monte Carmelo — juxta fontem, qui fons Eliae dicitur, — vitam solitariam agebant etc. However the society received a rule, (probably in the year 1209) from Albert Patriarch of Jerusalem (in Holsten. codex regul. ed. Brockie iii. 18,) and confirmation of the rule from Pope Honorius III. 1226, under the name Frati'es eremitae de monte Carmelo, also eremitae s. Mariae de Carmelo, cf. Dan. Papebrochius in Act. ss. April, i. 774. Pragm. Gesch. i. 1. Hurter iv. 211. ^ Acta SS. Januar, ii, 160. J. E. Kappii diss, de fratribus s. Antonii. Lips. 1737. 4. ^ Petri Saulnier. diss, de capite s, Ordinis s. Spiritus, in qua ortus progressusque Ordinis totius, ac speciatim Romanae domus amplitudo disseruntur. Lugd. 1694. 4. Vom Orden d. heil. Geistes, in Abele's Mag. f. Kirclienrecht u. Kirchengesch. ii. 421. Hurter iv. 220. ^ Pragm Gesch. iv. 111. Hurter iv. 213. *" Of these there were many gradations, see Thomassin. p. I. lih. iii. c. 37 S3. Planck IV. ii. 542. Montag ii. 532. Raumer vi. 363. 374. Hurter iii. 488 : How far these extended in some cases compare Urbani ii. ep. x. ad Abbatem Cavensem (in Mansi xx. 652), in which he gi'ants the Monastery first many indulgencies, and afterwards remarkable privileges : Apostolicae ergo memoriae praedecessoris 220 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073— mO.-j. and episcopal insignia and privileges to the Abbots.'^ Beside nostri Gregorii VI I. instltutis teiiacius adhaerentes, Cavense coenobiuin — nos quoque. Inijus nostri privilcgii pagina cominuninius, ct ab oiuiii tam saecularis quam ecclesiasticae personae jugo bbei'uin esse omnino decernimus. — Concedentes et edicto perpetuo contirinantes, ut tam tu quam succcssores tui per terras tiii niouasterii habitas et babendas libere possis ecclesias coustruerc, cum crace signarc, aiiaque pontificalia et spiritualia cxercere : sacrorura ordinum coUationis, basilicarura et altarium consecrationis, ac cbrismatis confectionis, tibi tuisque succes- soribus dumtaxat abdicata penitus potestate. Deccruentes, ut tam ipsius cocnobii caput, quam Ecclesiae, quas nunc habet, aive plebanac fuerint, vel rurales, in civitate et dioec3si tantuinniodo Salernitaua situatae, ab omni jure et jurisdictione episcopali sint exemptae, de plenitudine potestatis et gratia speciali ; ita ut nullo jure sen fore con- tentioso tu vel tui successores, fratres ipsius monastorii, sen clerici saeculares in praedicta civitate et dioecesi, per Salernitanum praesulem ac capitubmi aliquatenus constringantur, quiuimo Ecclesiae cum omni- bus suis juribus et pertinentiis plenojure ipsi monasterio sint subditae. Si vero aliquos de tuis monaebis, seu clcricos saeculares in Ecclesiis civitatis praedictae et dioecesi commorantes ad saci'os elegeris Ordines promoveri, liceat tibi tuisque successoribus quemcumque malueris Epis- copum convocare, dummodo catbolicus fuerit, sed in aliis dioecesibus requisite dumtaxat primitus diocesano. De quibus Ecclesiis, sitis in jam dicta civitate et dioecesi, niliil dioecesanus exigere praesumat. From legacies left to Monasteries, tlie IJisbops migbt not demand, quar- tam vel tertiam partem. The Monastery migbt bury any one who desired it in its church-yard, and so forth. 11 The use of the Dalmatica and sandals had been before now appointed for many Abbots (Montag ii. 238) ; The otber Episcopal insignia, for instance the mitre, were about this time first assigned to Abbots (called from this Abbates mitrati s, infulati). The Abbot of the Monastery of St Augustine in Canterbury is said indeed to have received the mitre and sandals from Alexander II. as early as 10G3 (Guil. Tiiorn chron. de gestis Abbatum s. August. Cantuar. in Hist. Anglicanae scriptt. x. ed. Twysden p. 1785.) This distinction was discontinued per simplicitatem Abbatum, until Abbot Roger I. revived it in the year 1179 (1. c. p. 1824) : However the monks of this monastery arc so infamous for forged privileges (Wharton Anglia sacra P. II. Praef. ]>. iv.), that the first statement may well be thouglit false. On the otlier hand the Abbot of St Maximin in Treves received from Gregory VI [. mitram et eliirotieas (Aub. Miraei hist, dijjlom. Pelgic. c. 1.) Urban II. granted Dalmaticae, campagorum, chirothe- carum et mitrae usiun to the Abbots of Cluny in 1088 (I'ullarum Homanoruin Pontiff, ampl. colleclio op. C. Cocquelines ii. 02. S3) and ofCassino 1097 (ibid. p. 98. Cbron. Casin. iv. c, J 7 in Muratorii scriptt. iv. 503) : On the contrary he granted to the Abbot of iSt Sophia in Beneventum 1092 only permission, on five festivals every year ad Missarum fantum solcnmia ehirotliecis atque etiam CH. III.— MONACHISM. § 67. DOWN TO INNOCENT TIT. 221 tlie genuine privileges of this kind, spurious imitations^^ were pro- duced in great numbers during this age of forgeries (see above, § 60, note 10). Moreover the numerous unions of parishes with monasteries which were protected from Bishops, no less than from secular patrons,^^ furnisht the Abbots with an inducement campagis uti (Bull. Rom. 1. c. p. 73.) The Abbot of Fulda first received the mitre and ring from Innocent II. in the year 1137 (Schannat cod. prob. hist. Fuld. p. 174. Comp. Petri Bleseusis ep. 90 vmdernote 14. Thomas Cantipratensis (about 1255) bonum universale de apibus lib. 1. c. 6. no. 2. 3. says, that at first these insignia were rarely granted ; afterwards however they were obtained by many Abbots at a great price. Gi-egory IX. allowed (1236) the Abbot of the Benedictine monastery s. Facundi besides, indumenta sacerdotalia benedicere ac monachos, et clericos saeculares monasterio ipsi pleno jure subjectos usque ad Acolytatus ordinem promovere (see the Bull in Emm. Koderici nova collectio privilegiorum mendicantium, Antverp. 1623, fol. p. 12.) All these and still further privileges Innocent IV. granted in 1247 and 1248 to the Abbot of St Gall, in reward of his gallantry against Frederick II. : in particular he gave him the right of blessing new sacred vessels, and of ordaining to the ordines minores, lie also granted him several parishes, and such other privileges see Arx. Gesch des Cantons St Gallen i. 361. 1^ Comp. Godefridi Episc. Ambianensis (-|- 1118) vita lib. ii c. 9 ss, in Surius ad d. 8. Nov. The Monks of the monastery of St Valericus assert their independence of the Bishop of Amiens, they said they were subject to no man but the Roman Pontiff, and in proof of their claim produced foi'ged pi'ivileges signed with the name of some Roman Pope. They were convicted of fraud, but now they betake themselves to Pascal II. (c. 14), ply well their gifts, and return home glad and cheerful, having got all they wisht from the Roman Pontiff. A Bishop of Chalons told Pope Innocent at the Council of Rheims 1131 (see Epist. Egidii Ebroicensis Episc. ad Alexandrum P. in AVharton Anglia sacra P. ii. Praef. p. v.), quod, dum in Ecclesia b. Medardi Abbatis officio fungeretur, quendam Guernonem nomine ex monachis suis in ultimo confessionis articulo se falsarium fuisse confessum, et inter caetera, quae per diversas Ecclesias figmentando conscripserat, Eccle- siam b. Audoeni, et Ecclesiam b. Augiistini de Cant, adulterinis privi- legiis sub apostolico nomine se munisse, lamentabiliter poenitendo asseruit. So writes Petiais Blesensis (about 1160) in the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury, to Alexander III. (Petr. Bles. epist. 68. in Bibl. PP. Ludg. xxiv. 988) : Falsariorum praestigiosa raalitia ita in Episcoporum contumcliam se armavit, ut falsitas in omnium fere monasterioi'ura exemptione praevaleat. The monastery of Michelberg in Bamberg was infamous for the manufacture of forged documents. Jack's Gesch. d. Bamb. Bibl. II. ix. Comp. Planck IV. ii 552. 1^ Examples are to be found in Giinther cod. Rhen. Mosell. ii. 62 Lacomblet's Urkundenbuch f. d. Gesch. d. Niederrheins, Bd. 2. vorr. S. xiii. Hurter iii. 458. 222 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. to grasp at Episcopal rights. ^^ Amidst the prosecution of sucli aims, and in perfect freedom from Episcopal oversight, it could not but happen that monastic discipline in the religious houses should fall more and more into decay,^^ and that in many of ^* Thus complains Arnulphus Episc. Lexoviensis (about 1160)iiiepist, 69. ad Alexandrum Papain (Bibl. PP. Ludg. xxii. 1339): Est quid- dam quod tarn meara quam alias vehementer angit Ecclesias, quorun- dam scilicet rapax et intemperans audacia Monacborum, qui, quo liberius aiBuant, saecularis potentiae praesidia redimentes, priir.o Episcopis omnem obedientiani subtrahunt, et parochiales Ecclesias cum altariis et decimationibus caeterisque beneficiis de manu laica recipere pactis quibuslibet sacrilegia temeritate praesuniunt. In Iiih ergo ab eis nee canonicus ordo, nee episcopalis assensus exigitur ; sed devocatis ad proprietatem omnibus, mercenarios in tanta paupertate ibi constituunt sacerdotes, ut ad exhibit ioncm suam et ad onera Ecclesiae portanda non habeant, quod opilioui sufficeret aut cursori. Generale est hoc, sed in episcopatu meo vehementius est haec grassata malignitas, ncc jam nobis cujuslibet rationis obtentu, sed fallaciis ac muneribus nobis, praesidioque violcntiae saecularis obsistunt. Stephanus Ep. Tornacensis (about 1195) cpist. 200, brings the same complaints of the monks of s. Bertini. Cone. Moguntinum ann. 1261 c. 47 (in Hartz- heim Concil. Germ. iil. 611) : Religiosi plerique, niodum avaritiae non ponentes, nee coutenti divitlarum fluvio, quem absoi'buisse noscuntur, accumulando sibi largissima praedia et alios rcditus copiosos ; ut in os eorum totus Jordanus influat, tot suis coUegiis cupiditatis studio obti- nuerunt uniri parochias, et maxime meliores, quod paucae in Alemannia inveniantur Ecclesiae, de quibus possint clerici commode sustentari. — Ad haec cum Religiosi quidam alicubi per fratres sui Ordinis efficient Ecclesias sic unitas, et in fratribus ipsis sit dissolutionis occasio, quia iidem eo sunt procliviores ad lubricum, quo religiouis titulo stulte autu- mant esse exemptos, ac Praelati eorum per Archidiaconos tales corrigi minime patiantur : — auctoritate hujus sacri Concilii et hoc duxinnis admittendum, ut Religiosorum Ecclesiae non per fratres eorum offi- cientur, sed per clericos saeculares, ut saltem de reliquiis, quae de immensa Religiosorum mensa ceciderunt, sustentari valeant pauperes sacerdotes. Cone. Lateran. iv. ann. 1215. c. 60 : Aecedentibus ad nos de divorsis mundi partibus Episcoporum querclis, intelleximus graves et grandes qnorundain Abbatuni exccssus, qui suis finibus non coutenti, manus ad ea, quae sunt episco])ali3 dignitatis, extendunt, de causis matrimonialibus cognoscendo, injungendo publicas poenitentias, conce- dendo etiam indulgentiarum literas, et similia praesumendo, unde contingit interduni, quod vilescat episcopalis auctoritas ai)ud multos. ^^ See liernhardi tract, ad Ucnricum Scnon. Archiep. de nioribus et officio ]']i)iscoporuni c. 9. (ed. iMal)illon. iv. 81): Miror quosdam in nostro Ordine monasteriorum Abbates banc humiiitatis regulam odiosa contentionc infringere, et sub humili (quod pejus est) habitu et tonsura tarn superbe sapere, ut cum ne unum (piidem verbulum de suis imperiis CH. lU.-MONACHlSM. § 67. DOWN TO INNOCENT III. 223 subditos praetergrcdi patiantur, ipsi propriis obedire contemnant Epis- copis. Spoliaiit Ecclesias, ut emancipentur ; rediniunt se, ne obediant. — Plus timeo denies lupi, quam virgani pastoris. Certus sum enini ego monachus, et monachorum qualiscunque Abbas, si mei quandoque ponti- iicis a propviis cei'vicibus excuteve jugum tentavero, quod Satanae mox tyrannidi nieipsum subjicio. — Aperte indicant quidam horuim quid cogitent, duiti, luulto labore ac pretio apostolicis adeptis privilegiis, per ipsa sibi vindicant insignia pontificalia, utentes et ipsi more pontifipum niitra, annulo atque sandaliis. Sane si attenditur rerum dignitas, banc nionachi abhorret professio : si ministerium, solis liquet congruere pon- tifit'ibus. Profecto esse desiderant, quod videri gestiiint, meritoque iiequeunt esse subjecti, quibus jam ipso se comparant desiderio. Quid, si et nomen eis conferre privilegiorum posset auctor : quanto putas auro redimerent, ut appellareiitur pontifices ? Quo ista, o Monachi ? Ubi timor mentis? Ubi rubor frontis etc. Idem de consider, ad Eugen. P. lib. iii. c. 4 : Subtrahuntur Abbates Episcopis, Episcopi Archiepiscopis, Arcbiepiscopi Patriarchis sive Priniatibus. Bonane species haec ? Mirum si excusari queat vel opus. Sic factitando pro- batis, vos habere plenitudinem potestatis, sed justitiae forte non ita. Facitis hoe, quia potestis, sed utrum et debeatis, quaestio est. — Nolo autem praetendas mihi fructum emancipationis ipsius : nullus est enim, nisi quod inde Episcopi insolentiores, monachi etiam dissolutiores fiunt. Quid quod et paixperiores. Inspice diligentius talium ubique libertorum et facultates et vitas, si non pudenda admodum et tenuitas in illis, et in his sacularitas iuvenitur. Petri Cantoris Paris, (-j- 1197) verbum ab- breviatum c. 44 (in Laimoji opp. III. ii. 513) : Refertur et legitur idem Bernardus in zelum hujus enormitatis et exemptionis ab Ecclesia eradicandae multum affectasse sedere in sede papatus per trieimiura, propter tria maxime, propter revocandos Episcopos ad Metropolitanum suum, ut ei subjicerentur et obedirent, ct Abbates exemptos ad Epis- copum suum, ut sub ejus jurisdictione militarent. Secundum erat, ne aliquis in Ecclesia duas haberet dignitates. Tei'tium ne monachus in cella vel alibi extra conventum degeret. — Petrus Blesensis ep. 68 ad Alexandrum III. (see note 12) introduces the saying of the Abbot of Malmesbury : Viles sunt Abbates et miseri, qui potestatem Episco- porum prorsus non exterminant, cum pro annua auri uucia plenam a sede Romana possint assequi libertateui : and says thereupon: Adversus Pri- mates et Episcopos intumescunt Abbates, nee est, qui majoribus suis reverentiam exhibeat et honorem. Evacuatum est obedientiae jugum, in qua erat unica spes salutis, et prevaricationis antiquae remedium. Detestantur Abbates habere suorum excessuum correctorem, vagam impunitatis licentiam amplectuiitur, claustralisque militiae jugum re- laxant in omnem desiderii libertatem. Hinc est, quod monasteriorum fere omnium facultates datae sunt in direptionem et praedam. Nam Abbates exterius curam carnis in desideriis agunt, non curantes, dum- modo laute exhibeantur, ut fiat pax in diebus eorum : claustrales vero, tanquam acephali, otio vacant et vaniloquio : nee enim presidem babent, qui eos ad frugem vitae melioris inclinet. Quodsi tumultuosas eorum contentiones audiretis, claustrum non multum differre crederetis a foro. — Quid est exiraere ab Episcoporum jurisdictione Abbates, nisi 224 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. them scandal should be occasioned by their haughtiness and hixuiy.^^ In the order of Clunj, which was most widely spread in France, this was especially the case under Pontius (from 1109 — 1125), the licentious Abbot of Cluny ;^^ whilst, at the same time the new Cistercian order found a distinguisht chief in Bernard, its second founder (1113 monk at Citeaux, 1115 contumaciam ac rebellionem praecipero, et armare filios in parentes ? Videant, quaeso, ista, et judicent, qui juclicant orbem terrae, ne inde emanare videantur injm-iae, imde jura sumuntur. — Scimus equi- dem, quod ob quietem monasteriorum, Et Episcoporum tyrannidem has exemptiones plerumque P.omani Pontifices induLserunt : verum- taraen in contravium res versa est. Monasteria enim, quae hoc beneficium damnatissimae libertatis, sive apostolica auctoritate, sive, quod frequentius est, bullis adulterinis adepta sunt, plus inquietudins, plus inobedientiae, plus inopiae incurrevunt : ideoque et multae domus, quae nominatissimae sunt in sanctitate et religione, has immunitates aut nunquam habere voluerunt, aut habitas continuo rejecerunt. Peter writes in the same strain to his brother, a certain Abbot William, ep. 90 : — Retulit mihi quidam nuncius vester, qualiter dom. Papa vos mitra proprii capitis, et aliis ornamentis episcopalibus insignH'it. De benedictione gaudeo : sed insignia episcopalis eminentiae in Abbate nee approbo, nee accepto. Mitra enim, et annulus, atque sandalia in alio, quam in Episcopo, quaedam superba elatio est, et praesumptuosa ostentatio libertatis. — Putatis in susceptione mitrae, sandaliorum -et annulivestri monasterii dignitatem plurimum promovisse : in his tamen nihil video, nisi inobedientiae malum, seminarium odii, tumorem elationis, et superbiae ventuni. — Per salutcm itaqnc patris, qui nos genuit, et per ubera, quae suximus in eadem matre, frafer, unice vos adjuro et deprecor, ut in signum plenae humilitatis pontificalia resig- netis insignia; aut, si hoc sine scandalo fieri nequit, renuncietis in raanu dom. Papae monasterii adininistrationem etc. William actually did resign his office, as appears from ep. 93. ^'^ In the great monasteries, as the Abbots imitated Bishops, so the Monks imitated Canons, Arx. Gesch. v. St Gallen 1. 469. Opportunities for wanton living were especially given, when there were convents for both sexes under one roof, or close beside each other, or when in an establishment for monks sorores conversae orreclusae were to be found. Raumer vi. 426. Hurler iii. 527. Spieker's Kii'chen u Reform. - gesch. V. Brandenburg, i. 107. 509. Concerning the corruption of morals in the Hungarian Benedictine monasteries, see Ilonorii P. iii. Letters from the year 1225 in Fejer cod. dipl. llungar III. ii. 19. There are complaints against the monastic orders in Nigellus W^ineker (Precentor at Canterbury about 1180) speculum stultorum, (in the JDelectus poeseos medii aevi fasc. 1. Lond. 1836. Satire : the land of Coca^rgne in Haupt's und Hoffmann's altdeutschen Blattern i. 396. 17 Mabillon annal. v. 252. 530. CII. III.— MONACHISM. § 67. DOWN TO INNOCENT III. 22') Abbot of Clairvaiix f 1153),^® and began to develop a character, thoroughly o])posed to that of the Cluniac order.''-* Thence may >^ Bernard! opera (epistolae, sermones, ascetic writings) best edited by J. Mabillon t. ii. Paris. 1667, new edition 1690. 1718 (Veronae 1726. 3 voll.) fob, ed. 4 emend, et aucta Paris. 1839. 2 voll. 4 (Kra- binger's Rec. in d. Miinchener gel. Anz. Sept. 1841. s. 513.) — His Life by William Abbot of S. Thierry in Rheinis, and Gaufredus, Monk of Clairvaux, both contemporaries, and another by Alanus de Insidis, Monk of Clairvaux (f 1182), in Mabillon's edition. — A. Neander der heil. Piernhard und sein Zeitalti r. Berlin 1813. 8. Histoire de s, Bernard, par I'Abbe Theod. de Rr.tisbonne, Paris 1840. 2 t. gr. 12. '^ The distinguishing characteristics of the Cistercians were : 1. A life of strict poverty (compare the Instituta Mon. Cist, under the second Abbot Alberieh, .ibout 1100, in the Relatio in Miraei chron. Cist. p. 25, quoted in note 4 : rejicientes a se, quicquid Regulae [Benedicti] refragabatur, froccos videlicet et pclliceas ac stamina, capucia qucque et femoralia, pectinia et coopertoria, stramina lectorum, ac divcrsa ciborum in Refectorio fcrcula, sagimen et caetera omnia, quae puritati Regulae adversabantur etc. In the fundamental rule of the order drawn up under the third Abbot Stcphanus in the year 1119, the Charta ch u-itatis in Henriquez regula, constitt. et privil. Ord. Cisterc. p. 35, speaks thus § 2 : Nunc ergo volumus, — ut Regulam b. Benedicti per omnia observent, sicuti in novo monasterio observatur. Alium non inducant sensum In Icctione s. Regulae, sed sicut antecessores nostri ss. I'atres, Monachi videlicet novi monasferll intelk'X( runt et tenuerunt — ita et istl intelllgant et teneant) even the disuse of all ecclesiastical pomp (under the third Abbot Stephanus, after 1109, confirmaverunt, ne retinerent cruces aureas aut argenteas, nisi tantunimodo ligneas coloribus depictas, nequc candelabra nisi unum ferreum, neque thuri- bula, nisi cuprea vel ferrea, neque casulas nisi de fustaneo vd lino, sine pallio aureo vel argcnteo. Pallia vero omnia et cappas atque dalmaticas tuiiic;',squ(> ex toto dimiserunt etc. see Relatio 1 c. p. 391.) 2. Submission to Bishops (thus the Charta charitatis was drawn up, as Calixtus II. remarks in his Bull of confirmation in Mansi xxi. 190, consensu Episcoporum, in quorum parochiis eadrm monasteria conti- nentur : and the Cistercian Abbots from the first took the following oath to the Bishop of the diocese, see Ilonorius III. in Deer. Greg. lib. V. tit. iii. c. 43 : Ego frater Abbas Cisterciensis Ordinls subjectionem et reverentiam et obedientlam, a ss. Patribus constitutam, secundum regulam s, Benedicti, tibi, domine Episcope, tuisque successorlbus, canonicc substituendis, et sanctae sedi apostolicae, salvo ordine meo, perpetuo me exhiblturtim promitto.) 3. Forbearance from otker engage- ment in the cure of sovds (compare the Statutacapitulorum generalium Ord. Cisterc. in Martene thesaur. iv. 1243, and in Holstein-Brockie ii. 395. For instance, Statuta ann. 1152 no. 8 : Nullus praoter Regem, siv^e Reginam, sive Archieplscopos et Episcopos in nostris sepeliantur ecclesiis : and ann. 1157 no. 63 : Ad sepeliendum non nisi fundatores recipiantur. ann. 1182 no. 4 : Pro pacto certo nulla fiat Missarum pro- P 226 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1.305. be explained, not only the incredible speed with which this new order spread,-'^ but also the jealousy which forthwith sprang up between the Cistercian and Cluniac monks.^^ The organization missio, quia simoniacum est. ann. 1185 no. 8. ann. 1186 no. 3: Nimis est grave, et contra canones et instituta Ordinis, quod Abbates nostri baptizare praesumunt. A penalty was imposed on them for this, and it was further decreed : Idem patiatur, qui aquam conseci-averit, vel puerum de sacro fonte lavaverit. ann. 1215 no. 20 and ann. 1234 no. 1 : Districte inhibetur, ne uionaclii Ordinis nostri paroehialcs Ecclesias regere, vel in eis deservire, aut curam animarum habere — perniittanlur.) 4. The peculiar form of government of the order registered in the Charta charitatis. Its peculiarity consisted in this, tliat the monar- chical influence of the Abbot of Citeaux received an aristocratic limitation from the four most eminent Abbots next to bim (note 20), and the general chapter of the Cistercian order : then that all the monasteries were visited every year, the branch houses by the Abbot of the principal church, Citeaux by the four abbots above mentioned. 5. The exchange of the black robe which the Benedictine congregations had worn down to this time, for a white one, a peculi.irlty by no means without significance in monks, see Petrus vener. below note 21. — In their submissive demeanour towards Bishops the Cistercians harl the Premonstrants for followers. Witli regard to the resolution of these last, compare the confirmation of Innocent III. lib. i. epist. 197 : communi consilio Abbatum vestri Ordinis statuistis, quod nullus .\bba- tum vestrorura mitra vel chirothecis utatur, ne forsan ex ipsis superciiium elationis assumat, aut sibi videatur sublimes, cum his uti se viderit, quae Pontificibus et majoribus Ecclesiarum Praelatis a sede apostolica sunt concessa. cf. J. Launoji inquisitio in privilegia Praemonstraten- sium (opp. III. i. 454.) -" The four earliest and most eminent abbeys, daughters (filiae) of Citeaux, were Firn)itas (la Ferte) founded in 1113, Pontiniacum (Pontigny) in 1114, Claravallis (Clairvaux), and Morimundum (Mori- mond) in 1115: each of these again had a numerous progeny (filiatio generatio), so that in the 13th century there were already more than 1800 Cistercian abbt-ys. -^ Compare Hurler's Innocent III. iv. 189. Bernard wrote about 1125 the aj)ologia ad Gulielmum S. Theodorici Abbatem, the Cluniac Abbot of St Thierry, with the view (cf. prologus) ul illis, qui de nobis tanquam detractoribus Cluniacensis Ordinis conquei'untur, satisfaciam, thus et Ordinem quidem laudabilem, et (h-dinis reprehensores repre- bensibiles doceam, et nihilominus tamen ipsius superflua rcprehendam. He first expresses his esteem for the order of Cluny, and censures the Cistercians who, with one-sided and superficial judgment, preferi-ed their own order far above all others : Cap. 5. Fratres, qui etiam post auditam illam Domini de Pharisaeo et Publicano parabolam, de vestra justitia praesumentes, caeteros aspernamiui, dicitis (ut dicitur), solos vos hominum esse justos, aut omnibus sanctiores : solos vos monachorum regulariter vivere, caeteros vero Regulae potius existcre tiansgressores. CH. III.— MONACmSM. g (u. DOWN TO L\N 15), quia ibi lofputur per comparatioiuMn ad finem per accidens in Online ad abiitentes, et supj)osito bono rcginiine Praelatorum. -^ Ansclmus Havelbi rgensis Kpise. dialogorum (written 1145) lib. i. cap. 1 (in d'Achery spieileg. i. 163) : Solent jjlerique mirari et in quaci-tionem jionere, et interregando non solum sibi, verum etiam aliis seandalum generare : roekie iii. 3<). Pragm. Gescb. iii. 227. Cap. 1 : Kegula et vita Fratrum Minorum haec est, scil. Domini nostri Jesu Christi sanctum Evangelium ol)servare, vivendo in obedientia, siiK- proprio, et in castilate. Prater Franciscus promittit ob;dientiam <;t reverentiam domino Pajiae Ilonorio ac sucee.^.-oribus ejus canonic. ; intrantibus et Ecclesiae liomanne. Et alii Fratres teneantur Fratri Francisco et ejus successoribus obedire. Cap. 4 : Praecipio firmiter Fratribus universis, ut nullo modo dcnarios vel pecuniam recipiant, vel per so. vid per intcrpositam jHrsonam. Cap. 6 : Fratres nihil sibi approprient, nee domum, nee locum, nee aliquam r. m. Sed tamjuam jjercgrini ct advenae in hoc saeculo, in paupertate et humilitate Dominu famulantis, vadant pro (dcemosyna contidentt'r. CHAP. IIL— MONACHISM. § Cfi. MENDICANT ORDERS. 235 tlie order (ordo fratrum miiiorum) was at the time of Francis' death (f 4 Oct. 1226) ah*eady increased to many thousands.^ Nee oportet eos verecundari, quia Dominus pro nobis se fecit pauperem in hoc mundo. Haec est ilia celsitudo altissimae paupertatis, quae vos carissimos Fratres meos haeredes et reges regni caelorum instituit, pauperes rebus fecit, virtutibus autem sublimavit, Haec sit portio vestra, quae perducit in tei-rani viventium. Cap. 9 : Fratres non praedicent in Episcopatu alicujus Episcopi, cum ab eo illis fuerit con- tradictum. — From the will of St Francis (see Wadding ad ann. 1226 no. 36. Acta ss. 1. c. p. 663) the following remarkable passage is taken : — Praecipio firmiter per obedientiam fratribus universis, quod, ubicumque sunt, non audeant petere aliquam literam in curia Romana per se, nee per interpositam personam, nee pro ecclesia, nee pro alio loco, neque sub specie praedicationis, neque pro persecutione suorum corporum : sed ubicumque non fuerint recepti, fugiant ad aliam terrain, atl faciendum poenitentiam, cum benedictione Dei. — Et omnibus fratri- bus meis, clericis et laicis, praecipio firmiter per obedientiam, ut non mittant glossas in regula, nee in istis verbis [i. e. in tcstamento] dicendo : Ita voluit intelligi. Sed sicut dedit mihi Dominus pure et simpliciter dicere, et sci'ibei-e regulam et ista verba, ita simpliciter et pure sine glossa intelligatis, et cum sancta operatione usque in finera observetis. — The superiors of the order were called jMinistri, namely, Custcdes (wardens), Ministri provinciaJes, Minister getiercdis. Every three years there was a Capitulum generale. 7 About this time writes Jacobus de Vitriaco histor. Occident, c. 32 : Praedictis tribus, Eremitarum, Monachorum et Canonicorum religioni- bus, ut regulariter viventium quadratura fundamenti in soliditate^ sua firma subsisteret, addidit Dominus in diebus istis quartam religionis institutionem, Ordinis decorem et Kegulae sanctitatem. Si tamen Ecclesiae primitivae statum et ordinem diligenter attendamus, non tam novam addidit regulam, quam veterera renovavit, relevavit jacentem, et paene mortuam suscitavit religionem in vespere mundi tendentis ad occasum, imminente tempore filii perditionis, ut contra Antichristi peri- culosa tempora novos athletas praepararet, et Ecclesiam praemuniendo fulciret. Haec est religio vere pauperum Crucifixi, et Ordo Praedica- torum, quos fratres Minores appellamus, vere Minores, et omnibus hujus temporis Regularibus in habitu et nuditate et mundi contemptu humi- liores, — Regulam autem ipsorum dominus Papa confirmavit, et eis auctoritatera praedicandi, ad quascunque veniunt ecclesias, concessit ; Praelatorum tamen loci ob reverentiam requisite consensu. Mittuntur autem bini ad praedicandum, tanquam ante faciem Domini, et ante secundum ejus adventum. Ipsi autem Christi pauperes neque sacculum in via portant, neque peram, neque panein, — neque calciamenta in pedibus suis habentes : nulli enim hujus Ordinis fratri licet aliquid possidere. Non habent monasteria vel ecclesias, non agros vel vineas vel animalia, non domos vel alias possessiones, neque ubi caput reclm- ent. Non utuntur pellibus, neque lineis, sed tantummodo tunicis laneia caputiatis ; non cappis, vel palliis, vel cucullis, neque aliis prorsus 23G Tiiiiii) rKRiOD.— Div. in.— A. I). 1073—1305. Aloii^ with this I'ruin tlic ycur 1212, there grew uj> the ieuiule order of tlie Clarissines (Ordo .<5. Clarae), wliich in 1224 received it.s rule from Francis.® But the Tertius Ordo de poeniteiitia ('l\Ttiarii or Fratres conversi)' instituted by Francis in 1221 for secular persons, was of the greatest importance in promoting the efficacy of the Franciscans. At the same time with Francis, Dcjininick,^" a canon of Osma, engaged since 120.3 iu the conversion of the Alhigenses, founded a monastic brotherhood for this purpose at Toulouse. To this he inihnintur vestimentis. Si quis eos ad prandiuin vocuvo.iit, maJiUicaiit el bibunt, quae apud illos sunt. Si quis eis aliquid inisericorditer coutulerit, non rcscrvant in postcruni. — Non sohun auteiii pracdicatioiii', 8ed et exemplo vitae sanctae et conversationis pericct;ic mullof, non Rolum inferioris ordinis homines, sed generosos et nobiles ad mundi contemptum invitant : qui, rclictis oppidis et casalibus et amplissiniis possessionibus, temporalis divitias et spirituales lelici comniercio com- iiiutantes, liabitum fratrum Minorum, i. e. tunieam vilis pretii, qua induuntur, et funcm, quo accin>;untur, assumpsenuit. Tempore enini modico adeo multiplioati sunt, quod non est aliqua Christianonun pro- vincia, in qua aliquos de fratribus suis non habeant ; — praesertim cuin nulli ad religionem suam transeunti gremium claudant, nisi forte matri- nioiiio vel aliqua rellgione fuirit obligatus. — Alios autem omncs in amplitudiiu' religioiiissuae tantoconfidentius — suseipiunt, (pianfodivin; e muniHcentiae et providcntiae sesc comniittentes, unde eos Doininus susteritare debcat, non formidaut. Ipsi enim funiculum cum tuniea venieutibus ad se largicntes, quod reliquum est, supernae procuraiioni relinquunt. ? See tliis in Ilolstenius-IJrockie iii. 34. Pragm. Resell iii. "2(11. '** lionaventura in vita France 4: Nam praedicationis ipsius fervore Hucc<'nsi quam plurimi utriusque sexus in conjugali pudicitia Domino famulantes secundum formam a Dei viro acceptani, novis se poeniteniiae legibus vinciebant, quorum vivendi moduju idem Christ i famulus Ordi- nem Fratrum de jMji'nitentia nominari decrevit. Nimirum sicut in caelum teuilentibns itocnitcntiae viam omnibus constat esse communem, nic et bic status clcrieos vt laicos, virgiiies et oonjugatos in utrocpie sexu admittcns, (pianti sit apud Deum meriti, rx phu'ibus ])cr aliquos ij)sorum p itratis miniculis imiotcscit. Tbe rule is in llolstenius-Hrockie iii. 39. J'ragm. (Jesdi. iii. 2H7. Afterwards then" grew uj) niomis- teries for Tcrliaries (Tcrt. rrgul:ircs) who adopted more severe rules. The first that is known rose; in 1287 at 'I'oulousi', Iragni. (Jeseh. iii. '" Among the many lives of Dominiek, the oldest is l)v .lordanus, the successor of the saint in tin; generalship of the order (in (he Act. ss. August i. 545. add. 4. Atig.), then there is that in use in the order, written about 1254 by llumliertus de Rom;inis, fit'th gemral of (ho order. I'ragni. (iesch. viii. 1, Ilurter iv. 282.- — Annales Ordinis IVaedieatorum (i)y Tli. M. Mamaeliius, S:c.) Konjae vol. i. 171 (I. ful. CHAP. lil.-MUNACHISM. g 6S. MENDICANT ORDERS. 237 gave, beside the Re^ula s. AugustinI, which was assigned to liini Idj Innocent III. peculiar ordinances of his own.^^ By means of the Papal sanction obtained from Honorius III. in 1216, he raised it to a separate order (fratres Praadicatores) '}'^ and at length adopted for it, in the first general-chapter held at Bologna in 1220 Francis' fundamental maxim of evangelical poverty.^^. Next to these first two mendicant orders • came afterwards (1245) the Carmelite order, transplanted to Europe in 1238,^* '' The Constitutiones fratrum ord. Prsedlcatorum (hi Holsteniu.s Ijrockie iv. 10) are collected from the decrees of several general-chap- ters by Raymuudus de Pennaibrti the third general of the order. There in the prolog, c. 3 : Ordo noster specialitcr ob praedicationem et animaruni salutem ab initio noscitur institutus fuicse, et studium nostrum ad hoc debet principaliter intendere, ut proximormii animabus possimus utiles esse. The chiefs of the order ai'e called priors, part Priores conventualcs, p;irt provinciales : The general of the order was called Magister Ordinis. Every thi-ee years wa« a capitulum generale. 1- The Bull is in the Preface to the Constitutions : Honorius — Do- minico etc. Nos attendentes fratres Ordinis tni futures pugiles fidei, et vera mundi lumina, confiimamus Ordinera tuum cum omnibus castria et possessionibus habitis et habendis, et ipsum Ordinem ejusque posses- siones et jura sub nostra guijernatione et protectione suscipinius, '3 Jordanus in vita s. Dominici cap. 4 : Tunc etiam ordinatum est ne possessiones vel reditus de caetero tenerent fratres nostri ; sed et iis renunciarent, quos habuerant in partibus Tholosanis. The Dominicans in Toulouse resisted this decree at the first, see act. ss. 1. c. p. 494. — Constantinus Episc. Urbevetanus, who wrote between the years 1242 and 1247 a life of Dominick, records in no, 45 of the sayings of the saint on his deathbed: Illud vero qua potuit districtione prohibuit, ne quis umquam in suo (Jrdiae possessiones inducerettemporales, maledictionem Dei omnipotentis et suam terribiliter imprecans ei, qui Praedicatorum Ordinem, quern prac cipue paupertatis deeorat professio, terenae substan- tiae veneno respergere laboraret. Against the later Dominicans who would have this to be a forgery, see act. ss. 1. c. p. 518. — In the con- stitutt. Fratr. Praedicatorum dist. ii. cap. 1. constit. 3, the following passage is to be found on this head : Mediocres domes et humiles fratres nostri habeant : nee fiant, aut permiti;;ntur fieri in domibus nostris curiositates et superfluitates nolabiles in sculpturis, picturis, pavimentis et aliis siiTiilibus, quae paupertatem nostram deformant. In Ecclesiis tamen p rmitti poterunt. Si quis vero contra fecerit, poenae graviori culpac debitae subjacebit. Item possessiones, seu reditus nullo mode recipiantur, nee Ecclesiae, quihus animaruni cura sit annexa. 1* Ah-eady in the year 1226 Honorius III. seems to have issued the Bull Ex Officii nostri (see Bullarium Carmelitanum, Romas, 1715 ss. fbl, P. I. p. 4), which afterwards had to be repeated word for word by Innocent IV. in the year 1245 (1. c. p. 5) in which the Carmelites 2;^,S THIRD PEUIOI).— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073— I3i)5. and the Augustine-Eremites (Eremitiv s. Augustini. 1256.)' ' After the example of the Franciscans the rest of the mendicants gradually establisht Tcrtiarios.^" Further multiplication of these new monastic families was indeed forbidden by Gregory X. ;^^ however, soon after the Servites (Servi b. Mariae Virginis) who had grown up in Florence since the year 1233, and observed the rule of S. Augustine, must be recognised as a separate mendicant order.^^ §69. ACTIVITY OF IHE MENDICANT ORDERS. The peculiar constitution of these new orders, made them most appropriate tools for the Popes to work upon the peoi)le in were forbidden, lie in proprietatem erenii vestrae loca, vel pos.sessiones, seu donios, aut reditus alios rccipiatis ullo inodo, vel praesumatis habere, practer asinos niai^culos, et aliqiiod aiiinialiuni sen volatiliuni niitrimentiun. By tin; Bull Quae hunorein in 124S (\. c. p. 8) Inno- cent IV. somewhat mt;ditied Albert's rule (see above § G7 note G.) '^ They sprung from the union of many CViJnobite establishments in Italy, which Alexander IV. brought about in 1256 by the Hull Licet ecclesiae (in Bullar. Rom. no. vi.) In the same liull, § 6 : Vos universes et successores vestros a baculis vel feruHs deportandis, et quod non cogamini ad recipiendas possessiones aliquas vel liabondas, decernens perpetuo liberos et exemptos. i*"' The Fratres et Sorores d;: poenitentia s. Doniiiiiei took tlieir rise from the Fratres de militia Jesu Christi (see above § 72, note 17) already existing under the conduct of the iJomiuicans (see a proof of the date 1320 in the Istoria de Cavalieri (laudenti di F. D. M. Federici v(d. ii. Cod. dij)loni. p. 91 and Kaymundus Capuanus, General of the Douiiniean8 after 13.S0, in his vita ("atiiarinae Senensis c. 8. •Act. 88. April, iii. 871 8.), and received a rule in 128.') from Munione the Dominican General (in Federici 1. c. p. 28 ss. Comp. Act. ss. August, i. 418. Federici I c. ii. 108, — The Augustines first received in 1101 from Boniface IX. M'ragin. Gesch. vi. (57), the Servi in 1424 from Martin V., the Carmebtcs in 117(j from Sixtus IV. the confirma- tion of tlieir tertiary order. 1^ Cone. Lugdun. aim. 127 1 c. 2:). '^ Tlius by John XXI. in 1277, by Benedict XI in 1304, sec A. Gianii annal. Ord. I'ratrum servorum b. M. V. cd 2. oi)era A M. (uirbii, bucae 1711). 3 T. fol. Cir. III. ^IONA('lIIt^M. § r,9. ACTIVITY OF MENDICANTS. 239 masses. For this reason they were soon endowed with rich privi- leges/ but for this reason also the original spirit quickly yielded, in many members, to the worldly policy of the Papacy. The Mendicant orders now came forward as the Popes favoured clergy, in opposition to the episcopal clergy; they drew the spiritual offices of the latter more and more to themselves,^ 1 Emm. Roderici nova collectio privilegiornm apostolicorum Regula- rium mendicant iuin et nou mendicantium. Edit, nova Antverp 1623. fol. For instance p. 11, Grregoiy IX. in 1237 to all Prelates (also in Matth. Paris ann. 1246 p. 693 s.) : Quoniam abundavit iniquitas, et refrixit caritas plurimorum, sacrum Ordinem dilectorum fratrum Minormn Dominus suscitavit, qui non quae sua, sed quae sunt Christi quaerentes, tam contra profugandas haereses, quam contra pestes alias mortiferas exstirpandas, se dedicaverunt evangelizatioui Verbi Del in abjectione voluntariae paupertatis. Then comes the charge, quatenus tilios fratres ejusdem Ordinis memorati, pro reverentia diviaa et nostra, ad officium praedicandi, ad quod sunt ex professione sui Oidinis deputati, benigne recipere procuretis ; ac populos vobis commissos, ut ex oi'e ipsorum Verbi Dei semen devote suscipiant, admonentes, etiam in suis necessitatibus personal! ter assistatis ; nee impediatis, quo minus illi, qui ad praedicationem eorum accesserunt, tunc eorum sacerdotibus valeaut confiteri etc. Idem 1240. p. 7, ut nullus ex Praelatis a fratri- bus Minoribus obedientiam manualem praesumut exigere. Innocentius IV. 1249, p. 15, to the Minorites: sepulturain ecclesiarum vestrarum liberam esse decernlmus, ut eorum devotioni, et extremae voluntati, qui se iilie sepeliri deliberaverint, nullus obsistat. ■^ The feeling of the rest of the clergy dt;clares itself very strongly against them in the Prophecy of St Ilildegard Abbess of Bingen (-f 1179) which was forged before the time of Matth. Paris (Engelhardti observatt. de prophetia in fratres Minores s. liildegardi falso adscripta, Erlanger Osterprogr. 1833), according to the shorter record in Bzovii annal. ad ann. 1415 (there is a longer one in Flacii catal. test. ver. p. 652) : Insurgent gentes, quae comedent peccata populi, tenenles ordinem mendicum, ambulantes sine rubore, invenientes nova mala, ut a sapien- tibus et Christifidelibus ordo perversus maledicatur. Sed Diabolus radicabit in eis quatuor vitia: scilicet adulationem, ut illis largius detur ; invidiam, quando datur aliis et non sibi ; hypocrisin, ut placeant per simulationem ; et detractionem, ut seipsos commendent et alios vituperent. Propter laudes homlnum et seductiones simplicium, sine devotione, sine t'xenqilo raartyrii (while the earlier orders had martyrs to point out among their numbers) praedicabunt incessanter Principibus, Ecclesiarum abstrahentes sacramenta a veris pastoribus, rapientes eleemosynas pauperum miserorum et infirmorum, trahentes se in multi- tudinem populi, contrahentes familiaritatem mulierum, instruentes, qualiter blande maritos et amieos decipiant, et res proprias eis furtive tribuant. Tollent enim res injustas et male acqulsitas, et dicent : date nobis et nos orabimns pro vobis etc. Matthew Paris paints to the life 240 THIRD PERIOD. -DIV. HI.— A. D 1073—1305. without being deterred by their loud complaint.s, and tlie liatred the proceediugof the mendicant friars. For instance ann. 1243 p. 612 : Et quod terrihile est et in tri.ste praesagiuni, per trecentos annos, vel quadringentos, vel amplius, Ordo nionasticu.s tam festinanter non cepit praecipitiuni, sicut eorum Ordo, quorum fratres jam vix transactis viginti quatuor annis primas in AngHu construxere mansiones, quarum aedificia jam in regales consui'gimt aUitudines. Hi jam sunt, qiu in sumptuosis et diatim Riuplialis aedihciis, et crisis inuralibus the.sauros exponunt impreciabiles ; paupertatis Inniles, et basim suae professionis, juxta prophetiani Mildogardis Alemannic;ie, impudenter transgredientes. AJorituri.s Magnatibus et divitibus, quos norunt pecuniis ahundare, diligenter insistunt, non sine Ordinarioium injuriis et jacturis ; ut emolunientis inhient, confessioues extorquent et occulta testamenfa, se suumque Ordinem solum commendantes, et omnibus aliis praeponentes. Unde nullus fidclis, nisi Praedicatorum ct Minorum regatur consiliis, jam credit salvari. In acquircndis privilegiis solliciti ; in curiis Kegum et Potentum consiliarii, et cubicularii, et thesam-ii, paranymphi, et nuptiarum praeloquiitores ; papaliura extortionum executores ; in praedicationibus suis vel adulatoros, vel mordacissimi reprehcnsores, vel confcssionum deteclores, vel incauii rclargutores. Ordines quoque authenticos, et a ss. Patribus constitutos, videlicet a ss. ]>enedicto et Augustino, et eorum professorcs contcmnentes fprout in causa Ecclesiae de !Scardc'burc, in qua Minores turpiter ceciderunt, patuit), suum Ordinem aliis praej)onunt. Rudes reputant, simplices, et semilaicos vel potius rusticos Cistercienses : Nigros vero superbos et Epicnreos Ad ann. 12-16 p. 694. After he has enumerated the privileges granted by Popes to ihe mendicant orders, he proceeds : His igitur laetificati et magnificat! Praedicatores varios Ecclesiarum Praelatos -— procaciter alloquentes, indulta sibi talia privilegia in propatulo demonstrarunt erecta cervice ea exigentes recitari, el in eorum Ecclesiis venerantcr rccipi et comm.ndari, et ad praedicandum pojmlo, sine aliqua contra- dictiono, vel in Synodis, vel in Ecclosi'S parochianis, quasi legatos vel etiam Dv i angelos admitti. Et se ingerentes ninus impudenter roi;i(a- bant singulos, etiam saepi; viros religiosos : " esne coufessus '?" quihus si responsum fuiss^ t : etiam; "a quo?" A sacerdole meo. *' Et quis ille idiota? nimquam theologiam audivit, nunquam in Decretis vigilavit, nunquam unam quaestionem didicit enodare. Caeci sunt, et duces caecorum : ad nos accedite, qui novimus leprani a lepra distinguere, quihus ardua, quibus difficilia, quihus i),-i secreta patuerunt. Nobis confitennni impertcn-iti, quibus tanta, utjam videtis et auditis, coiicessa est potestas." Multi igitur, praocipue nobiles et nobilium uxores, spretis propriis sacenlotilius (!t Praelatis, ipsis Praedicatorihus eonfite- l)anlur: unde non m. diticritir viluit Ordinariornm dignitas et conditio; et de tanto sui contcnq)tu non sine magna eoiifusione dolucrunt, nee sine evidenti causa. — Vidtd)ant insu])er, parochianos suos audacfer jam peccare et impudenter, scimtes se coram Presbytero propiio non erubescere, sua enormia peccafa eonfilendo ; quod magnum reputatur periculum, cum rubor et confusio in confessione pars sit maxima et potissima poenitenliae. I)icehat)t(pic susurrantes prccaturi ad in vice ni : CH. HI.— MONACHISM. I 69. ACTIVITY OF MEND, ORDERS. 241 of the earlier orders.^ In the University of Paris, first the Perpetremus quae nobis voluptuosa videnfur et placentia : aliqutbus enim Praedicatorum vel Minorum pet- nos transitum facientibus, quos nun- quam vidimus vel unquam visuri swnus, cum consummatum fuent quod desideramus, sine aliqua mora confitehimur. Ad ann. ^247 p. 727: Fratres Minores et Praedicatores, ut crediraus, invitos jam suos fecit dorainus Papa, non siue Ordinis eorum laesione et scandalo, teloniarios et bedellos. P. 734 : Verum non cessavit dominus Papa pecuniam aggregare, — faciens de fratribus Praedicatoribus et Minoribus, etiam invitis, non jam piscatores hominum, sed nmnmorum. Ad ann. 1239 p. 518 : Et facti sunt eo tempore Praedicatores et Minores Reguin cousiliarii et nuncii specialea : ut, sicut quondam moUibus induti in domibus Regum erant, ita tunc, qui vilibus vestiebantur, in domibus, cameris et palatiis essent Principum. About the year 1245 the secular clerg}- of England sent a letter of remonstrance to their King, (in Petri de Vineis epistt. lib. i. ep. 37. Usser de christian. Eccles. successione et statu, ed. 1687 p. 137), in which it is said, among other things: Fratres Praedicatores et Minores — nos et jura nostra minoraverunt in tantum, quod simus jam ad nihil um redacti. — Tacemus autem qualiter praedicti fratres, in alienam messem paulatim manum imniittentes, clerum singulis dignitatibus supplantarunt, et sibi poenitentias, et baptismata, infirmantium unctiones et coemlteria usurpantes, in se omnem vim et auctoritatem clericalis ministerii astrinxerunt. Nunc autem ut jura nostra potentius enervarent, et a nobis devotionem prae- ciderent singulorum, duas novas fraternitates creaverunt, ad quas sic generaliter mares et foeminas receperunt, quod vix unus et una reman- sit, cujus nomen in altera non sit scriptum, Unde convenientibus sino-ulis in Ecclesiis eorundem nostros parochianos maxime diebus solemnibus habere non possumus ad divina : imo, quod deterius est, nefas credunt, si ah aliis quam ah ipsis audiant verbum Dei. — Quid ergo aliud superest, nisi ut Ecclesias nostras — funditus diruamus '?— Ipsi vero Praedicutorc-s et Minores, imo nostri Praelati potius et Majores, qui a domiciliis et tuguriisinceperunt, domes regias et palatia subnixa altis columnis et officinis distincta variis erexerunt, quorum impensae deberent in usum pauperum erogari. Et qui prius^ in nascentis eorum religionis exordio, deposito fastu, calcare mundi gloriam videbantur, nunc fastum resnmere, et amplecti videntur gloriam quam calcarunt. 3 Innocent IV. indeed, shortly before his death, in 1254, abolisht the oftensive privileges of the "Mendicant Friars, see Wadding! ann. Minor. 1254 no. 2, and quoted from him in Raynald. 1254 no. 70. The documents missing there are Innocentii IV. literae dd. vi. Idus Maji ann. 1254 ad Eplsc. Constantieusem (in J. H. Hottingeri histor. ecclesiast. viii. 1246), quite in the same strain ad Archiep. Narbonen- sem (in Steph. Baluzii Cone. Galliae Narbon. append, p. 156)_: and his Bull ad universes Religiosos cujuscunque professionis vel Ordinis of 21. Nov. 1254 (in Bulaei hist. Univ. Paris, iii. 270.) Both are essen- tially to the same purpose. Compare in the first the complaints of the Q 242 TllIKI) I'ERIOD.— DIV. III. A.D. Iii73— 1:^,05. Dominicans in 1230, soon after tlie Franciscans also possessed Chapters in Zurich and Narbonne : Parochiani irrequisitis sacerdotibus, iuio potius damnabiliter vilipensis ad quosdam religiosos, velut apud ipsos resinam dunlaxat salutis invcniant, sc temere transfercntes, — nexus vitioruin in confer; sione deproninnt. — Porro tamquani parum bit proprios taliter sacerdotes despicere, nisi eoruni Ecclesiae pariter con- tenmantur, iideni Parochiani — cum in praefatis Ecclesiis tarn in officiis divinis, quam sacrae praedicationis eloquiis aurc devotionis vocem sui debercnt suBcipere sacerdotis, ipsis Ecclesiis contra ss. caiionum statuta contemptis, ad eorundeni religiosorum divcrtunt Ecclcsias. — Si Paro- chianoruni — [alicui] contingat in acgritudinis lectuiu decidere, statini confiuunt religiosi praedicti, et plerunique infirmum, invitatione prae- venta sub pietatis specie, visitantes, ipsius testamentum componunt ct ordinant, uiagno tandem adscribentes nuineri, si cxecutores nicrcautur ipsius fieri testament i. Quid plura ? blandis ipsorum infirmus illectus scrmonibus, omissis avitis et paternis sepulchris, apud cos eligens sepeliri, ampla ipsis, praediclis vero Ecclesiis nulla vel modica legata largitur etc. The decrees are most ample in the second Bull : Atten- dentes, quod ex usurpatione hujusmodi non tantum indevotio et contempt us in populo prodemit contra proprios sacerdotes, verum etiam erubescentia, quae est magna pars poenitentiae, tollitur, dum quis non proprio sacerdoti, quem habet continuum et praesentem, sed alieno et aliquando transcunti — sua crimina confitetur : — Universitati vestrae — mandamus, quatenus Parochianos alienos diebus dominicis et feslivis non recipiatis de caetero in vestris Ecclesiis scu Oratoriis temere ad divinn, ncc ipsos sine sacerdotis sui licentia ad poenitentiam ullatenus admittatis : cum si quis alieno sacerdoti justa de causa sua voluerit contiteri pcccata, secundum statuta generalis Concilii licentiam prius postulare ac obtinere debeat a proprio sacerdote, vel saltem prime sibi confiteri et recipere absolutionis beneficium ab eodem : alitcr namque ab ipso solvi non poterit, cum duplex in judicando funiculus, scilicet potestatis et scientiae, requiratur, quorum aiterura constat in alieno deficere sacerdote. Et ne parochialibus l^cclesiis devotio debita sub- trahatur, anto. Missarum soleinnia, ad quae audienda Parochiani prima diei parte in suis consueveruntet debent Ecclesiis convenire, ncquaquam in vestris Ecclesiis praedicetis, nee hora ilia solcmncs in eis faciatis sermones, ne propter hos audicndos ad vos populus confiuens parochi- ales Ecclesias derelinquat : scd nee ad pracdicanduin solcmniter ad alias parochias acccdatis, nisi a sacerdote parocliiiirum istarum fueritis invitati, vel saltem nisi ad illud humilitcr pcticrifis ct obtinucritis vos admitti. Et ut debitus honor E])iscopis deferatur, cadem die qua diocccsanus Episcopus vel alius loco ejus solemniter, maxime in Ecclesia catlicdrali, nullus vcstrum in eadeni civitatc vel loco praedicare praesumat, ne salubris ])racdlcaii<)iiis doctrina ex frcquenti conculcatione hujusmodi qmisi tediun) generans contenmatur. Si vero in casu licito Parochianos altcrius ad sepulturam, quam nemo sine justa et rationabili causa temere debet eligere antiquis suorum parentum dimissis sepuhris, in vestris I'>elesiis recipere vos contingat : omnia quae obtentu hujus sepulturae fueritis conscquuti, mcdictatem vel tcrtiam vel quartam CH. III.— MONAr'HISM. § G'.». ACTIVITY OF MEND. ORDEES. 243 themselves of a cathedra magistraiis in tlieologia. When they partem, juxta felicis recordationis Gregorii Papae praedecessoris nostvi decretum, secundum consuetudinem reg'ionis, etiam non requisnti, infra VIII. dies a tempore receptioiiis eorum Episcopo vel saeerdoti, de cujus parochia mortuus assumptus est, exhibere curetis. — When liowever Innocent IV. died soon after, the Mendicant Friars forthwith gave out (see the contemporary, the Dominican Thomas Cantipratanus de apibus lib. ii. c. 10. no. 21) : cum — literas dedisset, — eadem die paralysi percussus obmutuit, nee iinquam postea invaluit, aut surrexit. -- - Manifestissime visus est mortuus dari Sanctis Dei Francisco atque Dominico ; and (cf. Monachus Fatavinus about 1270, in Chron. lib. ii. in Muratorii rer. Ital. t. viii.) the Litanies appointed to he sung by the Mendicants had induced the blessed Virgin to recommend their cause with a fill exaudi eos : on which account it became a proverb at Court : alitanis Praedicatorum libera nos Domine (Wadding 1. c. Bulaeus iii. 273.) So Alexander IV. found it advisable, a few days after his accession to the see, dd. 31. Dec. 1255, to recal the decree of his predecessor (the Bull is in Wadding in Regest. Pontific. Bulaeus iii. 273. Rodericus p. 19 bulla ii.) ; and in 1259 he even declared to the Mendicants (Rodericus p. 27): dudum in quibusdam nostris Uteris determinando expressimus, quod vos de licentia, vel comraissione, aut concessione Legatorum sedis apostolicae, vel Oruina- riorum locorum libere potestis praedicai-e populis, audire confessiones, aut poenitentias injungere, sacerdotiim parocliiaUum assensu mimme requisito. Supported with these privileges, the Mendicant Friars proceeded to oppose the secular clergy in a hostile spirit; seethe complaints of Bishop Walther of Strasburg in Concil. Mogunt. ann. 1261 in Mansi xxiii. 1106 and ejusd. Cone. c. 45. At Lubeck in 1277, on occasion of the funeral of a rich matron, matters proceeded to an open battle between the Mendicant Friars and the secular clergy ; compare the letter of the Ai'chbishop of Bremen to the chapter of Cologne in the year 1278 (Theol. Studien u. Kritiken I. i. 109) : Et ecce quid faeiunt et fecerunt praedicti fratres : concitare coepe- runt Consules et populum dictae civitatis universura ; et dominum Episcopum cum Capitulo et Clero suo ah ipsa civitate irreverentei' ejecerunt, et ipsi in locum ipsorum surrexerunt, dicti quoque Epis- copi prohibitione coutempta singulas Ecclesias et Parochias in civitate ah ipso interdictas Pastoribus legitimis fugatis ofnciantes, praedi- cantes, confessiones audientes, oblationes tollentes, sacramenta mi- nistrantes, sententias Ordinarii non curantes, sed nullas fore ipsas judicantes, — occasionem dautes, ut contra Clericos, et quemlibet suo Episcopo ohedientem clametur Heretics, Heretics ! in capite omnium platearum. Praedicant et dicti fratres in suis stationibus, quod nuDi obsdire teneantur, nee Episcopis, nee Archiepiscopis, nee Primatibus, nee apostolicae sedis Xegatis. Nevertheless in 1280 the arbitrator dele- gated by the Pope decided in favour of the Mendicants. The chapter in Zofingen complains in 1287 (Der Schweizer. Geschichtsforscher ii. 398), that the Dominicans had made their way in there by night, built themselves in on a piece of land belonging to the chapter, and taken q2 244 THIRD rERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073— 1.?05. endeavoured to draw to themselves other professorial chairs also, they were involved after 1252 in a violent quarrel with the university.^ Their most eminent adversary Guilelmus de the timber for the purpose from their woods without any regard to their opposition. Si quos vero justitia exigente exconnnunicamus, — etiam absolvunt, vocantes eosdem ad divina. Plurimas injurias et gravamina quotidie nobis iinmeritis irrogantes, opprobria, convicia palam tam in i'acies quam post tcrgum afferunt, donius nostras — lapidantes. — Injurias nobis ab ipsis illatas, et crimina, quae tamen Domino concedente non sunt vera, nee probari vera possunt, per singula vix in cute pergameni vobis possunt pleniter explicari. At last Boniface VI 11., about 1300, by the Decretal Super Cathedram (Extravag. comm. lib. iii. tit. 6. c. 2) arranged their mutual relations somewhat more equitably. He decreed 1. ut fratres Praedieatorum et Minorum Ordinum in Ecclesiis et locis eorum, ac in Plateis communibus libtre valeant — praedicare, — bora ilia dumtaxat excepta, in qua locorum Praelati praedicare voluerint, vel coram se facere sollemniter praedieari. — In Ecclesiis autem paro- chialibus fratres illi nullatenus audeant vel dcbeant praedicare, — nisi a parochialibus sacerdotibus invitati fuerint vel vocati, et de ipsonmi beneplacito et adsensu. 2. ut magistri — Praedicaton!im — et custqdes minorum — ad praesentiam Praelatorum eorundem locorum se conferant, — humiliter petituri, ut fratres, qui ad hoc electi fuerint, in eorum civita- tibus et dioecesibus confessiones subditorum suorum confiteri sibi volen- tium audire libere valeant. — Quodsi forte jam dicti Praelati quemquam ex dictis fratribus, praesentatis eisdem, ad hujusmodi ofificium nollent habere, vel non ducerent admittendum : eo amoto — loco ipsius simi- liter eisdem praesentandus, Praelatis possit et debeat alius subrogari. Si vero iidem Praelati praefitis fratribus- — hujusmodi exhibere licen- tiam recusarint : nos exnunc ipsis, ut confessiones sibi confiteri volen- tium libere liciteque audire valeant, et eisdem poenitentias inqoonere salutares, atque eisdem beneficium absolutionis impertiri, gratiose con- cedimus de plenitudine apostolicae potestatis. Per hujusmodi autem concessionem nequaquam intendimus — fratribus ad id taliter deputafis potestatem in hoc impendere ampliorem, quam in eo curatis vel paro- chialibus sacerdotibus est a iure concessa. 3. ut fratres in Ecclesiis vel locis suis — liberam, ut sequitur habeant sejmlturam, videlicet ((uod oranes ad earn recipere valeant, qui sepeliri elcgerint in locis — memoratis. Verum — auctoritate apostolica constituimus — eadom, ut dictoruin ordinum fratres de obventionibus omnibus, tam funeralibus, quam quibuscunrjue et quomodocunque relictis, — quartam partem — parochialibus sacerdotibus — largiri integre teneantur. Benedict XI. indeed once more abolisbt these arrangements, and assigned to the mendicants all their former privileges again (Extrav. Comm. lib. v. tit. 7. c. 1) : Ilowevir Clement V. in the year 1311 by the Decretal Dudum (Clement III. tit- 7. c. 2) re-establisht the decree of Bonifice VIII. * Cf Bulaci hist. Univ. Paris. III. 240. Crevier hist, de I'univer- sile de Paris. I. 396. Dubarle hist, de I'universite, Paris 1821). i. 90. CH. III.— MONACHISM. | 60. ACTIVITY OF MENU. OKDEK^. 245 Sancto Amore, doctor of the Sorboiine, advanced there to an attack on the very Institution of the mendicant friars, and upon tlieir lives and works.^ Against him Thomas Aquinas and Cramer- Bossuet VII. 131. Schlosser's Vincent v. Beauvais ii. 140. Hist, litter, de la Franco xix. 197. — ('ompare the Satirist of the day Rutebeuf Descorde de I'universite et des Jacobins, De sainte Eglisc, Dit de Guillaume de Saint-Amour, comment il fut exile, and La coraplainte maistre Guil. de St Amom* (oeuvres completes de Rutebeuf par Achille Juliiinl i. 151, 245. 71. 78.) cf. Hist. litt. de la Fr. xx. 750. s By the work De periculis novissimorum temporum, 1256 (in Edw. Brown append, ad fasciculum rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum ]). 18 and in Guil. opp. [ed. de Flavigny] Constanliae [Paris] 1G32. 4. p. 17), so entitled with reference to 2 Tim. iii. 1 divided into fourteen chapters. He shows in chap. 1. quod in finali Ecclesia multa immine- bunt pericula Ecclesiae universae. Cap, 2. per quos instabunt dicta pericula (represented according to 2 Tim. iii. 2.) llli dicuntur amare se ipsos, qui licet velint alios corrigere, non tamen ab aliis horainibus volunt corrigi in factis suis, licet aliquando perversis. — llli ergo maxime, qui in statu perfectionis sunt, cum bonorem suum temporalcm cum multorum etiam oft'endiculo appetunt et quaerunt, plus diligunt se quam Deum. — Subjungit Apostolus : ex his qui penetrant domos. — Qui autem sunt penetrantes domos, exponit Glossa sic : llli penetrant domos, qui ad literam ingrediuntur domos illorum, quorum regimen animarum ad eo non pertinet, et rimantes proprietates i. e secreta eorum : quod non potest fieri, nisi ingerant se ad audiendum confessioiu s peccatorum eorum. — Instabunt etiam pericula per pseudopraedicatores, Matth. xxiv. 11 : Multi pseudoprophetae st/rgent, et seducent midtos. Pseudo autem praedicatores sunt omnes qui praedifant non missi, quantumcunque literati sunt et sancti, etiamsi faverent signa vel mira- cula, according to Rom. x. 15. — Ab Ecclesia vero eliguntur Episcopi, qui Apostolis successerunt, et parochiales Presbyleri, qui discipulis septuaginta duobus successerunt. — Unde Cborepiscopi, quia officium Episcopi usurpabant in aliquo, ab Ecclesia sunt sublati. Cum euim non nisi duos ordines inter discipulos Domini esse cognoverimus, i. e. XII. Apostolorum et LXXII. discipulorum, unde iste tertius ordo processerit, funditus ignoramus; et quod ratione caret, extirpari necesse est. — Si forte dominus Papa concedit aliquihus personis potestatem praedicandi ubique, intelligendum est, ubi ad hoc fuerint invitati. — Et sic non potest Ronianus Pontifex destruere, quod ab Apostolis et Pro- phetis decretum est : alioquin errare convinceretur, ut dicit Urbanus Papa Caus. xxv. qu. i. c. 6. — Ergo si viri regulares praedicationi se immisceant, videtur, quod non sint a Deo missi, et ideo pseudo sunt reputandi. Sic ergo patet ex praedictis, qui sunt penetrantes domos, et qui sunt pseudo ; patet etiam, quod per tales instant vel instabunt peri- cula novissimorum temporum universae Ecclesiae. — Cap. xii. qualitcr sunt dicta pericula repellenda ? Among the six methods proposed this is the fifth, praecipere illis, qin suntde secla ilia, ut deserant earn, quia' 246 THIRD PEUIOD.— DIV. 111.— AD. 1073—1305. Bonaveiitura'' pleaded, specially tor their own orders: and by \'irtue of the papal sujjport the outward victory remained on the side of the latter. However Bonaventnra himself could not conceal the fact, that the hatred which found utterance in many ways against the mendicant orders, was richly deserved by them." tales finaliter tlescrunt Chris'uin. — Heu modo utinam attenderent viri religiosi, qui se curiis Priiiclpuiu ingerimt, quod Petrus semel ciu'iain Principis intravit, et ter Christum negavit. Item quod vivere tales de- beant de labore corporis : imo ctiam omnes Christiani, qui non habent aliunde, uiide vivant, dum tameu sint validi corpore, non obsiaute, etiamsi vacent operibus spiritualibus, according to 1 Thess. iv. 11.2 Thess. iii. 1 0. Si quaeratur hie, cujusmodi periculum sit in pctendo necossaria sive nieiulicando ; respondemus, quoniam illi, qui de mendicitate vivere volunt, fiunt, adulatores, et detrectatores, et mendaces, et fares, et a justitia declinaiites. — Sed dicet quis : nonne opus perfectionis est omnia relinquere pro Cliristo, et postea pro Christo mendicare ? llespondemus : omnia pro Christo reHnquere, et ipsum sequi, imitando in bonis operibus, opus perfectionis est : Luc. 18, 22 : Vende omnia quae habes, et da pauper/bus, et sequere vie. Glossa : bene opcrando, non dicit mendi- cando : nam hoc prohibetur ab Apostolo, ut supra dictum est. Qualiter ergo vivendum est, inquies, viro perfecto, postquam reliquerit omnia? Respondetur : aut operando corporaliter manibus, aut intrando monas- terium, ubi habeat necessaria vitae. — Validus corpore, qui de labore suo, vel aliunde sine peccato vivere potest, si elecmosynas pauperum mendicorum recipit, sacrilegiuni cominittit. Sed dicet quis : sunt quidam regulares, qui, licet sint validi corpore, tamen illos Ecclcsia diutius mendicare permisit, vel saltern dissimulavit, numquid tales pcrmittendi sunt pcrpetuo mendicare? Kespondemus : quod non, cum faciant contra x\postolum, et alias scripturas. — Quapropter si etiam confirmatum esset ab Ecclesia per errorcm, nihilominus tamen comperta veritate revocari deberet. Nam sententiam Romanae sedis non nega- mus posse in melius commutari Cans. xxxv. qu. ix. — Quod dicunt aliqui majoris perfectionis esse, nihil habere neque in proprio, neque in communi, quam nihil habere proprium, sed habere in communi, sicut habent Monaciii, contrarium est veritati (according to John xii. 6, Acts iv. 32.) To the same ettVct are Guilelmi sennones ii. in Ihown 1. c. p. 43. — The work De periculis noviss. temp, was indeed forthwith con- demned by Alexander I\". in the year 125G (tlie Bull is in Ihdaeusiii. 310) : nevertheless in 12GG William sent a remodeling of the same work to the Pope Clement IV. with the Title: Collectioncs catholicae et canonicae contra j)ericid.n immincntia EccJesiae iiniversali per liijpocritas, psendo]>raedtcati)res etc. in (luil. opp. p. 111. '• Thomae opu.sculum xix. contra impugnantes Dei cultum et religionem ; and Bonaventurae lib. apologeticus in cos, qui Ordini FF. Min. adversanlur. l-Ljusd. de paupertate Christi contra Mag. Guilel- vnum and so forth. "" Con)pare the circuUir which lie issued as giiieial of tlie nunorites CH. III.— MONACIilSM. g !39. ACTIVITY OF MEND. ORDEK.-?. 247 As the mendicant friars appealed to the continued charity of the people, so it was always their interest to endeavour by fables of every kind, to raise their order as high as possible in public opinion. The more they degenerated, the more their shameless- ness in such pious frauds increased ; thus they became the most active promoters of ecclesiastical superstition. The Franciscans endeavoured partly by the most extravagant, exaltation of their Ibunder,'^ partly by the Portiuncula-indulg- ence^ to enhance the importance of their order. The Dominicans to all the chiefs of the order dd. Paris 23. April 1257 (in Wadding ad h. a. no. 10) : Sane perquirenti mihi causas, cur splendor nostri Ordinis quodammodo obscuratur, — occuvrit negotiorum multiplicitas, qua pecunia, nostri Ordinis paupertati super omnia inimica, avide petitur, et incaute recipitur, et incautius conti'ectatur. Occuvrit quo- rundam fratrum otiositas, quae sentina est onuiium vitiorum, qua plurimi sopiti, monstruosum quendam statum Inter contiinplativam [^vitarn] et activam eligentes, non tam carnaliter, quam crudeliter san- guinera comedunt auimarurn. Occuvrit evagatio pKirimovura, qui propter solatium suorum corporum gravando eos, per quos transeunt, non exempla post se relinquunt vitae, sed scandala potius auiniaruni. Occuvrit importuna petitio, qua omnes trauseuntes per terras adeo abhovvent fvalvum occursum, ut eis timeant quasi praedonibus obviare. Occuvrit aedificiovum constvuctio sumptuosa et curiosa, quae fratrum pacem inquietat, amicos gvavat, et liominum pevversis judiciis multipli- citev nos exponit. Occuvvit raultiplicatio familiavitatum, quam regula nostra prohibet, ex qua suspiciones, infamationes et scandala pluvima oriuntuv. Occuvrit impvovida commissio officiorum, qua fvatribus non- dum usquequaque probatis, nee cavne macevatis, nee spivitu vobovatis, impouuntur otficia vix portauda. Occurvit etiam sepulturarum et testamentovum avida quaedam invasio, non sine magna tuvbatione Clevi, et maxime sacevdotum parochialium. Occuvvit mutatio locorura fre- quens et sumptuosa cum quadam violentia et perturbatione tervavum, cum nota inconstantiae, non sine praejudicio paupertatis. Occurrit tandem sumptuositas expensarum. Nam ciun fvatves paucis uolint esse contenti, et caritas bominum veh'iguerit, facti sumus omnibus onerosi, magisque fiemus in jjosterum, nisiremediurn celeriter opponatur. Com- pare a German poet of the 13tli cent, in the Wiener Jahrbiichern Bd. 32. (1825) s. 210. 8 See below § 70 note 1—3. ^ All his earlier biographers, even Bonaventura, are silent on this head : the earliest testimony is the deposition of two Franciscans, Benedict de Aretio and Raynerius de Mariano, before a notary on 31. Oct. 1277 (in Wadding ad h. a. § 19. Baluzii raiscellan. iv. 490. Acta ss. Octobv. ii. 887.) that they had often heavd a quodam sociovum v. Francisci, qui vocabatur frater Masseus de Marignano, quo'l ipse fuit cum b. Francisco apud Pevusium, ante praesentiam 248 THIRD PEKIUL*.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. furnislit a new instrument of superstition in the Kosary.^'^ The clomini Papae Ilonorii, cum petivit indulgentiani omnium peccatorum pro ilHs, qui contriti et confessi convenirent ad locum sanctum .Mariae de Angelis, qui aUo nomine Portiuncula nuncupatur, prima die Kal. Augusti, a vespere dicti diei usque ad vesperas sequentis diei. Quae indulgentia cum fuisset tam bumiliter quam constanter a b. Francisco postulata,fuit tandem asummo Pontifice liberalissimeconcessa: quamvi.s diceret ipse Pontifex, non esse consuetudinis apostolicae sedis, talem indulgentiam facere. Another Franciscan, Michael AngeUis, adds to this in his statement (first brought forward by Mansi in his addition of Bakiz. misc. ii. Acta ss. 1. c. p. 892) : Et cum b. Franciscus exiret a d. Papa, audivit post concessionem vocem dicentem : fili Francisce, scias, quod sicut haec indulgentia data est in terra, ita confirmata est in caelo. In every subsequent narrative the legend received fresh additions. Ubertinus de Casali (about 1312) in his Arbor vitae crucifixae lib. iv. c. 40. towards the end, writes : Cui etiam Ecelesiae [s. Mariae de Portiuncula] secunda die Augusti Virgo beatissima a filio suo obtinuit in caelis, et Franciscus a Papa in terris indulgentiam remissionis plenariae omnium peccatorum. After him in the writings of Thtobald, Bishop of Assisi in 1327 (act. ss. 1. c. p. 880) the business was ushered in byavision: Cum staret b. Franciscus apud s. Mai'iamde Portiuncula, fuit sibide nocte revelatum a Domino, quatenus ad summum Pontiticem, domi- num Honorium, qui pro tempore erat Perusii, accederet pro indulgentia impetranda pro eadem Ecclesia s. Mariae de Portiuncula etc. Francis goes, and the Pope after much negotiation grants his prayer. Tunc b. Franciscus inclinato capite egrediebatur de palatio. Dom. Papa videns eura abire, vocans euin, dixit : 0 Simplicone., quo vadis? Quid tu portas de hujusmodi indulgentia ? Et b. Franciscus respondit : Tanlum svfficit mihi verbum vestnim. Si opus Dei est, ipse suum opus haheat manifestare. De hujusmodi ego nolo aliud instrumentum , sedtantum sit charta b. Virgo Maria, notarius sit Christus, angeli sint testes (a tine stratagem to account for the want of documentary evidence in later times.) At last the indulgence was solemnly announced by Fi-ancis in the presence of seven Bishops in Portiuncula: Egovolo vos omnes mittere ad paradisum, et annuncio vobis indulgentiam, quam habeo ab ore summi Pontijicis, et omnes vos, qui venistis hodie, et omnes qui venerint annuatim tali die, bono corde et contrito, habeant indidgentiam omnium peccatorum suorum. In the letter of Conrad, Bishop of Assisi in 1335 (act. ss. 1. c. p. 882. ss.) there is both a second vision of Christ with Ilis Mother, and a second journey to the Pope etc. cf. act. ss. 1. c. p. 879 — 919. Against works which appeared at Eheims in 1697 and Cologne in 1703 in contradiction of these fables, is directed Matth. Grouwels hist. crit. sacrae iiidulgentiae b. Mariae Angelorum, vulgo de Portiuncula, Antverp. 1726. On the other side is Cyprian d. J. (Jac. Oanzer's) krit. Gescli. d. Portiuncula-Ablasses. 1794. 1" Ever since virtue was supposed to attach to frequent repetitions of forms of prayer, people naturally were in want of means for facili- tating and securing the enumeration of them. Thus an Egyptian Monk, Paulus, before now, used to count his prayers, by the help of stones CII III.— MUNACHISM. § 69. ACTIVITY OF MEND. ORDERS. 249 Carmelites ever since they had united themselves to the mendicant orders and their policy, partook as well in their inward corrup- tion,^^ as in their inclination to pious frauds. They availed themselves of their shadowy origin in the east (see § 67. note. 6, and § 68. note. 14) to create Elias their founder, the Holy Virgin a Carmelite nun, and therefore themselves fratres b. Mariae de monteCarmelo.^'- All mendicant orders encouraged the supersti- tion that they guaranteed to all their members, even to those who took the cowl upon their death-bed, an earnest of sanctity. ^^ fPalladii hist. Lausiaca c. 23), Godiva, an English countess, about 1040 by a lace, which however is no evidence for the existence of the rosary, as an article in common use. Yet in the 13th cent, a medallion with sacred symbols on it, set roinid with knobs for counting, was in use. Rings also are foimd, furnisht with such knobs all round (Hist. de I'acad. roy. des inscriptions et belles lettres xviii. 321.) Certainly Alanus de Rupe, a very fabulous Biographer of St Dominick, in the 15th cent, (acta ss. August, i. 364), deserves no credit, s\hen he, the first to say so, represents this saint as preaching expressly for the rosary, for this style of preaching, first belongs, as the indulgences granted to prayers on a rosary do, to the loth cent. Nevertheless since the rosary is first heard of among the Dominicans, and certainly as early as 1270, under the technical name of Paternoster ; we may well believe that it belongs in an especial manner to this order, and is not much later in date than the order itself. About 1270 it is mentioned by name, with reference to a Dominican monk, Nicolas : Pater noster, quod persona- liter quatuor annis portaverat (s. Quetif et Echard scriptt. Ord. Prae- dicatorum i. 411 comp. p. 852.) Mabillon acta ss. Ord. Beued. saec. v, praef. p. Ixxvi. Acta ss. Aug. i. 422. ^^ Nicolaus Narbonensis (in Flaciicatal. test. : Gallus), in 1250 Vicar General of the Carmelites in the East, in 1265 General, struggled against this in vain, for this reason in 1270 he withdrew himself again into solitude, and launcht against this corruption his Sagitta ignea, in which he calls his bi'ethren of the order cauteriatos errones, fabula- tores, garrulos, inutiles consiliarios, malignos discussores, Sodomae civbs, optirai testamenti contemptores, praesentium et futurorum, seduc- tores s. Hist, literaire de la France xix. 127. 12 According to Papebrochius (act. ss. April, i. 794) after the Capi- tulum Aylesfordiense in 1245. This first Fable was afterwards followed by that of the Holy Scapulary. — On these proofs of sanctity the Car- melite order set so high a value, that it considered itself injured to the uttermost, when Papebi'ochius attackt them in that treatise (1. c. p. 774. ss.) and Innocent XII. in 1698 could only put an end to the violent interchange of pamphlets by commanding silence. 1^ Thus the idea that the monastic vow had a like efficacy to baptism, which is found so early as in St Jerome (see vol. i., Part 2. § 95. note 22), was establisht. Thomas Aquin. Secunda Secundae qu. clxxxix. 250 THIRD PEKiUD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 107^—1305. It could not but happen that the interests of the different mendicant orders, coming into contact with each other as they did everywhere, sliould fiu-nish occasion for discord amongst themselves. For instance, a lasting jealousy grew up betwixt the Franciscans and Dominicans, ^^ considerably increased by differences in doctrine which afterwards arose. art. 3 : Rationabiliter dici potest, quod jetiam per ingressum roligioiiis aliquis cousequatur reinissioiiem omnium peeatorum. Si enim aliquibus eleemosynis fcictis homo potest statim satisfacere de pecciuis suis, secun- dum iUud Daniel, iv, 27 : Peccata tua eleemosynis red/me ; multo magis in satistactionem pro omnibus peccatis sufificit, quod aliquis se totaliter divinis obsequiis mancipet per religioiiis ingressum, quae excedit omne genus satisfactionis, etiam publicac poenitentiae, ut habetur in Deer, xxxiii. quaest. 1. cap. Admonere : sicut etiam holo- caustum excedit sacrifiicium, ut Gregorius dicit super Ezech. (hom. xx. a med.) Unde legitur in vilis Patrum (lib. vi. libello 1. num. 9), quod eandem gratiam consequuiitur religionem iutrantes quam conse- quuntur b:iptizati. Besides, tlie orders profited by the theory of the thesaurus supererogationis perfectorum, to promise their members an especial interest in the good works accumulated by their patron saints, see below § 84. note 19 and 20. '* Matth. Paris ad'ann. 1243 p. GU : Et ne mundus turbinibus undique multiplicatis vacare videretur, inter fratres Minores et Praedicatores controversia eisdem temporibus ventilata multos, eo quod viam perfectionis, videlicet paupertatis et patientiae, videbantur elegisse, movit in admirationem. Asserentibus enim Praedicatorihus, sc fuisse priores et in hoc ipso digniores, habitu quoque honestiorcs, a pracdica- tioiie merito nomen et officium se sortiri, et apostolica dignitate verius insigniri ; respondent Minores, se arctiorera vitam et humiliorcm pro Dt'o elegisse, et idi-irco digniorem, quia san. tiorcm, et ab Ordiue Praedi- catorum ad Ordinem coram fratres posse et licenter debere, quasi ab inferiori ad (Jrdinem arctiorem et superiorem, transmigrare. Contra- dicunt eis in faciem Praedicatores, asserentes, quod, licet, ipsi ]\Iinores nudi pede et viliter tunicati, cinctique funiculis inccdant non tamen eis esus carnium, etiam in pul)Hco, vel di;ieta pro})ensior dencgatur, quod fratribus est Praedicatoribus infcrdiclum : qua})roptc'r non licet ipsis Praedicatoribus ad Minorum Ordinem, quasi arctiorem et dignionnn, avolare, sed potius e converso. In tlie year 12;')") the Generals of both orders united, probably by community of interest, against th.e university of Paris, issued an exhortation to peace (Wadding ad h. a. § 12), by wliiclj a fuller light is thrown on the points of difference: Proinde cavcndum est, nc nostrum aliquis propriam adeo sequatur commoditatem, quo cum gravi turbatione aliorum loca nimia notabiliter eis vicina recipiant : — ne conccptum transiuiidi ad alterutrumnostrorum Ordinuni, quem aliquis invenerit in aliquo, debilitet vcl extinguat, zelo ipsum attrahendi ad suum Ordin. ni : ne familiares (>t benefactores alterius Ordinis aliquis a sua devodone audcat avcrtere, et ad Ordinem suum Cli. III.— MONACHiSM. § 70. INT. HLST. OF THE FRANCISCANS. 251 §70. IXTKRNAL niSTORY OF THF FRANCiSCAN ORDER. The superstitious veneration of tlie Franciscans for their founder (Patreni Seraphicum)^ as the restorer of the genuine evangelical life, the commencer of a new period, induced them soon after to recognize his life, as a representation of the life of J esus,'-^ and to converteve : — ne loca, quae aliqui pro domibus constniendis accipere proponunt, praesentientes hoc alii caiite surripiant, alios excludendo. Item ne eleemosjnas quas devotio fidelium aliquibus facere pro- ponit, allii impecliant, ut ipsi habeant. — Item ne alii sermones impediant alioruni, vel auditores subtrahant, atit ipsos sermones sibi subripiant alternatim. — Cavendum est, ne quis nostrmn sic sanctos suos, sic statmn suum imprudenter extollat, qnod in alio- rum depi'essionem laus taliter fieri videatur. Item ne quis obloquatur de aliis, non solum coram multis in publiciun, sed nee in clanculo coram externis, nee inter fratres pvoprios in secreto. Item ne, si sinistrum aliquid alii sciverint, aliis denudent, ubi nulla est utilitas nee fructus : ne quis mala sibi relata de aliis, facta vel dicta, vel injuriam aliorum leviter credat, vel hujusmodi inter fratres suos referat, et referendo aggravet, corda fratrum concitet etc. This treaty of peace was renewed in the year 1278 (Wadding ad h. a. § 25) ; but even this very circumstance shows how little effect it had. 1 Among the fanaticisms of the fir.st Franciscans there arose again a very coarse kind of the fanaticism of tlie o-vpeia-aKToi^ see Raumer iii., 625, from the manuscript chronicle of Salimbeni, a Franciscan monk of the 13th cent. Compare Robert v. Arbrissel § 67. note 3. - Sympathy with this notion appears even in the Life by Thomas Celanus, see above § GS. note 4 and 5. Thus lib. i. cap. 6. § 45 : Deprecati sunt eum fratres tempore illo, nt doceret eos orare. — Quibus ipse ait : Cum orabitis, dicite : Pater nosier^ adoramus te Cliriste caet. § 48 : Et qnidem manifestis indiciis saepius hoc probarant, et expert! fuerant, occulta cordis eorum Patrem sanctissimum non latere. — Most remarkable are the sacra stigmata, the origin of which Thomas Celanus thus relates, lib. ii. cap. 1. § 94 : Faeiente ipso moram in eremitorio, quod a loco, in quo positum est, Aunina nominatur (all other authorities call it mons Alvernae), duobus annis antequam animam redderet caelo, vidit in visione Dei virum unuin, quasi Seraphim, sex alas habentera, stantem supra, manibus extensis ac pedibus conjunctis cruci afiiixum. — Cogitabat sollicitus, quid posset haec visio designare. — Cumque liquido ex ea intellectu aliquid non perciperet, et multmn ejus cordi visionis ejus novitas insideret ; coeperunt in manibus et pedibus ejus apparere signa clavorum, quemadmodum paulo ante Virum sanctum supra se viderat crucifixum. According to Matth. Paris the wounds first appeared 14 days before his death, and vanisht after it. The eircum- 252 TUIKU rKIUOD.— DIV. 111.— A. D. 1073- I3U.3. stance agrees well with that which happened about the same time in the case of a Marquis of Monteferrando, who, from devotion, stigmata doiniiii Jesu in cori)ore suo portaverat, cum aliis pocnitentiis, quas faciebat in memoriam passionis Domini, cum quibusdam clavis caruem Buam singulis sextis fcriis usque ad sanguinis elFusionem cnnfigebat (Stephanus de JJorbone in d'Argentre collectio judicioruni i. 85.) If Francis did the same, and privately from humility, one can readily understand how his admiring companions, when they discovered the stigmata, fell into such adventurous coiijectures. This explains also liow it was that the earliest accounts differ so much froui each other. Gregory IX. nevertheless took those legends umU'r his protection in three Bulls, bearing all the same date, ii. Kal. April 1237, In the first, ad universes Christifideles (Raynald, ann. 1237 § G(). Wadding, ad h. a.): Igitur cum id ab uaiversis fidelibus credi firmiter cupimus devotiouem vestram rogamus et hortamur in Domino Jesu Christo, in remissionem vobis peccaminum injungendo, quatenus ab assertione contrarii aures de caetero penitus avertentes, Confessorem eundem apud Deum pia vobis reddatis veneralione propitium caet. The second ad Episc. Olomucensem (in AVadding 1. c. Rodericus 1. c. p. 10), is a strong rebuke for the bishop who had publisht patentes literas exhi- bendas universis Christitidelibus, and as-icrted in them, quod, cum solus Patris aeterni filius fuerit pro humana salute criicitixus, et ipsins duntaxat vulnera dcvotione supplici adorare debeat religio christiana, nee b. Franciscus, ncc Sanctorum aliquis cum stigmatibus sit in Ecclesia Dei depingcadus, et quod pcccat contrarium asserens, nee illi, tamquam inimico fidei, credulitas adhiberi uUa debet. The third ad Priores et Provinciales Ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum (in Hodericus and Wadding 11. cc. The last writer from delicacy gives the title mei'ely ad Superiores cujusdam sacri Ordinis), was issued against a Dominicin monk, who, cum pcrvcnisset Opaviam, Moraviae civitatem, — in commuui dicere non expavit, quod in laudem b. Francisci per quosdam ex discipulis suis pie proposita deberent haberi pro reprobis, quod in ejus corpore stigmata non fuissent. — Dicti fratris olatio in tantam prorupirinsaniam, quod discipulos memoratos coram populo'quaesluarios et falsos praedicatores appellans, impudentcr asseruit, quod in ipsos et consimiles auctoritate nostra excommunicationis posset sententiam promulgare. cf. Act. ss. Octobr. ii. 648. The Dominican Jacobus de Voraginc (about 1290) recognizes the reality of the sacra stigmata but explains them in a remarkable manner (sermo iii. d. s. Francisco in sermonibus de Sanctis.) Qutnque fuerunt in corde ejus, (juae fucrunt causa stigmalum in ejus corpore. Primum fuit vehemens imaginatio. Quod autem imaginatio imprimat, patet per duo exempla, quae ponit llientnymus in glossa Cieii. xxx. Unum est, qtiod, dum quaedam iimlier Acthiopem jK-pcrisset, et ex hoc a viro suspeota haboretur ; inventum est, hoc sibi accidisso ex quailam imagine Aethiopis, qnam ipsa conspexit. Aliud exenqilinn est, quod cum quaedam mnlier lilium parentibus omnimi disimilem peperisset, et e.x hoc suspccta habcretur; inventum est, quod talis imago in cubiculo habebatur. Dicit enim Philosophus in lil)ro de animalibns, quod, cum quaedam gallina gallum vicissct, gallinae ex imaginatione victoriae ci'ista et calcaria sunt ixorta. CH. III.— MONACHISM. § 70. INT. HIST. OF THE FRANCISCANS. 250 appropriate to him the ancient prophecies f and this mistaken determination continually assumed a more imposing shape in their order."* Sanctus ergo Franciscns in visione sibi facta imaginabatnr Seraphim crucifixum, et tam fortis imaginatio extitit, quod vulnera passionis in carne sua impreysit The four remaining causes vehemens dilectio, v. admiratio, v. meditatio, v. compassio, follow next. This is the same that Meyer in the Blattern fiir hohei*e, Wahrheit vii. nro 5, says, that pious men bv lively faith and imagination may experience in their own body something of the wounds of Christ. '■'' Bonaventura in vita Frcmcisci in prolcgo : Apparuit gratia Dei Salvatoris nostri diebus istis novissimis in servo suo Francisco omnibus vere humilibus et sanctae paupertatis amicis, (pu superadfluentem in eo Dei misericordiam venerantes, ipsius erudiuntur exemplo, — Christo conforniiter vivere. — Hie eteriim, quasi stella matutina in medio nebulae, Claris vitae nncans et doctrinae fulgoribus, sedentes in tenebris et umbra mortis irradiatione praefulgida direxit in Incem ; et tamquam arcus refulgens inter nebulas gloriae, signum in se dominici foederis reprae- sentans, pacem et salutem evangelizavit honiinibus, existens et ipse angelus verae pacis. Secundum imitatoriam quoque similitudinem Praecursoris destinatus a Deo, ut viam parans in deserto altissimae paupertatis, tam exemplo quam verbo poenitentiam praedicaret: primum supernae gratiae praeventus donis, dehinc virtutis invictae adauctus mei'itis, prophetali quoque rephtus spiritu, necnon et angelico deputatus officio, incendioque serapbico totus ignitus, et ut vir bierarchicus eurru igneo sursura vectus, siciit ex ipsius vitae decursu luculenter apparet, rationabiliter conqjrobatur venisse in spiritu et virtute Eliae. Ideoque alterius amici sponsi, Apostoli et Evangelistae Joannis, vaticinatione veridica sub similitudine angeli, ascendentis ah ortu solis, signumque Dei vivi habentis, adstruitiu" non immcrito designatus. Sub apertione namque sexti sigilli, Vidi^ ait Joannes in Apocalypsi [7, 2J alterum angelum ascendeiitem ah ortu solis, hahentem signum Dei vivi. Hunct Dei nuncium amabilem Christo, imitabilem nobis, et admirabilem mundo, servum Dei fuisse Franciscum, iudubitabili fide colligimus caet. * Compare particularly the arbor vitae crucifixae by the Minorite Ubertinus de Casali (about 1312) libb. v. ed. Venetiis 1485. fol.) in lib. Vtus especially cap. 3 : Abuudanliljus in fine quinti [^status s. teni- poris'\ jumentis lasciviae, reptilibus avaritiae, bestiis superbiae, et his omnibus tota doturpata conversatione Ecclosiae peregrinae : — [^Jesus\ ultlmam citationem ad Ecclesiam quinti temporis destinavit, suscitans in medio ejus viros veritatis excelsae, cupiditatem exstirpantes, volup- tatem exterminantes, — ac Christum Jesum singulariter prae caeteris imitantes : qui et exemplo suae vitae fortissime arguerunt deformatam Ecclesiam, et verbo praedicationis exeilaverunt plebem ad poenitentiam, et argumento defensionis confuderunt pravitatem haereticam, et patro- cinio orationis placaverunt iram divinam. Inter quos in typo Heliae et Enoch Franciscus et Dominicus singulariter clarueruut, quorum 254 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III. A.D. 1073—1305. On this account the strict Fmnciscans (spirituales or zelatores) regarded with greater pain the mitigation of the rule of poverty, considered by them so sacred. Brother Elias had commenced this even in the lifetime of Francis, and ever since there had always been a strong party in ftivour of it in the order.'^ Xow that the Popes by their interpretation of the rule decided in favour primus seraphico calculo purgatus, et ardore caelico iufliiininatus totum in nudum incendere vidcbatur, isecundus vero ut Cherub extentus ct protegens luraine sapieutlae clarus et verbo praedicationis fecundus super mundi tenebras clarius radiavit, — Quia vero totum malum quinti temporis fuit iu depravatioae vanitatis muhiplicis, quae ex cupidltate et abuudantia temporalium trabit foinentum : ideirco ille, qui temporalia radicalius a se et a suo statu exclusit, ille principalis diciturhiijus tem- poris reformator. Et quia in Ipso sextus status Ecclesiae incboatur, iu quo debet esse reformatio Christi vitae : ideo potest dici, quod ipse per ilium pi-imum bominem figuratur, quem JJ)eus delibcrato consilio post quinque dieru.m opera fecit ad imaginem similitudiiiis suae, ut cunctis temporlbus dominetur. — Ideirco ad istum singulariter convcrtemus sermonein, cui et singularius potest dici, quod ipse fuit signaculum similitudinis vitae Christi tarn vestigia conversationis, quam fastigio cmteinplationis, quam prodigio admirationis, quam etiam i^rivilegio consignationis vulnerum passionis sacratissimae Jesu Christi. He goes through these four points one after anotb<.'r. On the third be says : Tertio fuit similis hie evangelicus vir Franciscus benedicto Jesu pro- digio admirationis, unde convenit sibi illud Ecck'S. xlv. (Sirac. 45, 2) : Simileia ilium fecit in gloria Sanctorum. Gloria Sanctorum in bac vita est claritas miraculorum, in quibus b. Franciscus Jesu simibs singula- riter fuit. — Hie sicut Jesus aquam iu vinum convertit, panes multiplicavit, et de navicula in medio fluctuum maris miraculose imniota, per se a terra abducta, docuit turbas audientes in littore. Uuic omnis creatura quasi ad nutum \ idebatur parere, ac si in ipso essct status inuocenliae restitutus. Et ut caetera taccam : caecos illu- minavit ; surdos, claudos, paralyticos, omnium infirmitatum generibus laborantes curavit ; leprosos mundavit ; daemones effugavit ; captivos eripuit; naufragis succurrit, ct quam plures mortuos suscitavit. In quibus omnibus vix est inventus similis illi, qui tot miraculis in vita et iu inorte cbaruerit, jam a statu Ecclesiae primitivae. And at the end : Fuit ergo Filio Dei similis, non similiuidine aequalitatis, qua Lucifer esse voluit similis altissimo Esai. xiv. ; sed similitudine conformitatis, qualis est similitudo addiscentis ad instruentem, acquiescentis ad con- sulentem, obedientis ad imperantem, imitantis ad exemplantem. — Sed ultra has similitudiiies fuit in Francisco corjjoralis consignationis singularitas, ut propter singularifatem incommunicabilcm, ct primis temporibus inexpertam, possit de Deo admirative interrogarepersonas : d'lis similis Deo in filiis Dei f " Pragm. Gesch. der vornehmsten Monebsorden ii. 288. CH. 111.— MONACHISM. g 70. INT. HIST. OF THE FRANCISCANS. 255 of this party, which was most useful for their purposes,^ the discontent of the spiritualists broke out against the Roman See. Accordingly many of them embraced with greater zeal the works of Joachim, Abbot of Flore (t 1202),'^ whose lamentations over the corruption of the Church, as well as his prophecies of an approaching renovation,^ they thought had found their complete fulfilment in the rise and destiny of their order. " The Bull of Gregory IX. Quo elougati of the year 1231 (in Rodericus p. 7 ss.) determines that the will of Francis could not be binding, quod sine consensu fratrum, et maxime ministrorum, — obligare nequivit, nee succcssoreni suuni quodammodo obligavit, cum non habcat imperium par in parem, 2. In reference to cap. 4 of the I\ulc (see above, § 68, note 6) : si rem uecessariam velint fratres cmere, vel solutionem facere pro jam empta, possunt vel nunciuoi ejus, a quo res emitur, vel aliquein alium, volentibus sibi eleemosynam facere — praesentare. Qui taliter praesentatus a fratribus, non est eorum nuncius, licet praesentatur ab ipsis, sed illius potius, cujus mandato solutionem facit, seu recipienfis eandem. Idem nuncius solvere statim debet, ita quod de pecunia nihil remaneat penes eum. Si vero pro nliis eminentibus necessitatibus praesentetur, eleemosynam sibi commissam potest, — apud spiritualem amicuni fratrum deponere, per ipsum loco et tempore pro ipsorum necessitatibus, sicut expedire viderit, dispensandam. 3. On chapter 6 of the Rule: Diclmus, quod neque in communi, nee in speciali debent proprietatem habere ; sed utensiliimi, et librorum, et eorum mobilium, quae licet habere, eorum usum habeant ; et fratres, secun- dum quod generalis minister vel provinciales duxerint, iis utantur : salvo locorum et domorum dominio illis, ad quos noscltur pertinere. The Bull of Innocent IV. Qnanto studiosius : ad Genera'em et Pro- vinciales Ministros fralrum Mhmrum of the year 1245 (in Rodericus p. 13) lays down that, ad sedem apostolicam rerum ipsarum spectat proprietas, and allows them thus much, ut singulis vestrum liceat in provinciis eis commissis — constituere aliquos viros idoneos Deum timentes, qui pro locorum indigentia singulorum res hujusmodi, tam concessas, cpam etiam concedendas, auctoritate nostra petere, vendere, et commutare, alienare, tractare, expendcre, permutare, et in Fratrum usum convertere valeant ; quodque vobis liceat eosdem viros sic constitutes removere, aliosque ad ilia exequenda sine difficultate qualibet subrogare, quoties videbitur opportunum. ' Concerning him see especially Acta SS. Maji T. vil. p. 89 ss. to the 29th May. Engelhardt's kirchengeschichtl. Abhandlungen, Erlangen 1832, s. 32. ^' ^ On his writings compare Acta SS. 1. c. p. 103. 129 ss. Especially De Concordia utrlusque testamenti libb. v. ; Expositio Apocalypsis (prod. Venet. 1519) ; Psalterium decem chordarum (prod. Venet. 1527. 4.) Besides Comm. in Jeremiam (Venet. 1525. Colon. 1577. 8) ; in Isaiam (Venet. 1517. 4) ; in Ezechielem, Danielem etc. Extracts from his prophecies are to be found in Wolfii iectiones memorab. i. 443, for instance p. 489 : Apoc. 17. Mulier auro inaurata indifferenter cum 2,-)G THIRD PEKIOI).— DIV. III.— A.D. lOTH— inOo. Thus there rose up among the strict Franciscans a party of Apocal}-ptic enthusiasts, who not only decLircd the state of the Church at that time to be corrupt, but also regarded the whole work of Christ as nothing more than a preparation for a more perfect period of the Holy Ghost. When these views first came forth fully developt in the Introductorius in Evangelium aeter- t(nTae pnncipibus fornicatur. Romana Ecclesia ista est, quue in liabyloneni vitae confusiono, transfusa moecbalur. p. 491 : Quam vcro longe sit omnis moderna religio a forma primitivae Ecclesiae, ox multis intelligi potest, p. 493 (from the Comm. in Jerem. on Jer. iii. 2 Of bis Postilla super Apocalypsi there are only those sixty articles remaining, on which eight doctors of theology gave in their judgment to Pope John XXII., in Baluziimiscellan. i. 213, in particular p. 214 : Quantum ergo ad primum, qui scilicet sint septem status Ecclesiae in his visionibus dcscripti, sciendum, quod primus est fundationis Ecclesiae primitivae in Judaismo sub Apostolis factae. Secundiis fuit probationis et confirmationis ejusdem per martyria. — Tertius fuit doctrinalis cxpo- Bitionis fidei rationabiliter confutantis et convincentis insurgentes haereses. Quartits fuit anachoreticae vitae. — Quintus tuit vitae com- munis, partim zeli scveri, partim condescensivi sub Monachis et Clericis temporales posscssiones habentibus. Sextus est renovationis evangelicae vitae, et expugnationis antichristianae, et finalis conver- sionis Judaeorum et gentium, seu iteratae reaedificationis Ecclesiae simul primae. Septimus vero, prout spectat ad vitam istam, est quaedam quieta et mira participatio futurae gloriae, ac si caelestis Jerusalem videotur descendisse in teiram : prout tamen spectat ad aliam vitam, est status generalis resurrectionis, et glorificationis Sanctorum, et finalis consummationis, omnium. — Sextus vero [status^ aliqualiter coepit a tem- pore b. viri Patris nostri Francisci. Plenius tamen debet incipere a damnatione Babylonis meretricis magnae, quando praefatus angelus Christi signc signabit per suos futuram malitiam [leg. militiam cf. Apoc. 7, 3] Christi. Septimus autem uno modo inchoat ab interfectione illius Antichrist!, qui dicet se Deura et Messiam Judaeorum. Alio modo inchoat ab initio ex trend judicii omnium reprohorum et electorum. — p. 221 : Sicut etiam in sexta aetate rejecto carnali Judaismo et vetustate prioris saeculi venit novus homo Christus cum nova lege, vita et cru.ce : sic in sexto statu rejecta carnali Ecclesia ot vetustate prioris saeculi renovabitur Christi lex, et vita, et crux. Propter quod in ejus prime initio Franciscus apparuit, Christi plagis characterizatus, et Christo totus concrucifixus et configuratus. — p. 228 on Apoc. 6, 12: patet Franciscum vere esse angelum apertionis sexti signaculi. — p. 229 : Est adhuc notandum, a quo tempore debeat sumi initium hujus sextae apertionis. Videtur enim quibusdam, quod ab initio Ordinis et Regulae s. Patris praefati ; alii vero, quod a solemni revelatione tertii status generalis, continentis sextuni et septimum statum Ecclesiae, facta 262 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. after liis death with an ardent defender in his hkeniinded pupil Ubertinus de CasaH.^^ Abbati Joachim et forte quibusdam ahis sibi contemporaneis ; ahi vero, quod ab exterminio Babylonis et Ecclesiae carnalis per decern cornua bestiae i, e. per decern Reges fiendo ; alii vero, quod a suscitatione spiritus seu quorundam ad spirituin Christi et Francisci, tempore quo ejus Regula est a pluribus nequiter et sophistice impugnanda et con- demnanda ab Ecclesia carnalium et superborum, sicut Cbristus con- demnatus fuit a Syriagoga reproba Judaeorum. Hoc enim oportet praeire temporale exterminium Ecclesiae, sicut illud praeivit exter- minium Synagogae. — p. 235 on Apoc, 6, 12 : Tunc enim totus status Ecclesiae in Praelatis et plebibus et religiosis funditus subvertetur, praeter id quod in paucis electis (namely the Minorites) remanebit occulte. — Est enim tunc nova Babylon sic judicanda, sicut fuit carnalis Hierusalem, quia Clu-istum non recepit, immo reprobavit et crucifixit. On Apoc. 7, 2 : Ilic ergo angelus est Franciscus, evangelicae vitae et Regulae sexto et septimo tempore propagandae et magnificandae reno- vator, et summus post Christum et ejus mati-em observator. — p. 236 : Audivi etiani a viro spiritali valde fide digno, — quod b. Franciscus in ilia pressura tentationis Babylouicae, in qua ejus status et Regula quasi instar Christi crucifigetur, resurget gloriosus ; ut sicut in vita et in crucis stigniatibus est Christo singulariter assimilatus, sic et in resur- rectione Christo assimiletur, necessaria tunc suis discipulis confirmandis, et informandis, sicut Christi resurrectio fuit ApostoHs confirmandis necessaria. — p. 248 : Sicut enim — Apostoli — senserunt, non se ita prosperatvu'os seu prospere piscaturos in terra Judaeorum, sicut in mari paganoi'um, sic et iste angelus sentiet, non se ita prosperari in carnali Ecclesia Latinorum, sicut in Graecis et Sarracenis et Tartaris et tandem in Judaeis. — p. 257 on Apoc. 16, 10: Sicut post quatuor animalia, quatuor primos status Sanctorum designantia, sublimata est generalis sedes Romanae Ecclesiae, caeteris patriarchalibus s. orien- talibus Ecclesiis a Christo et ab ejus vera fide resectis, sic in eodem quinto tempore post quatuor bestias a Daniele visas, quatuor primis Sanctorum ordinibus contrarias, sublimata est sedes bestiae i. e. bestialis catervae, ita ut numero et potcstate praevaleat et fere absorbeat sedem Christi, cui localiter et noiuinaliter est commixta. Unde et sic appel- latur Ecclesia fidelium, sicut et ilia, quae vere est per gratiam sedes et Ecclesia Christi. — Per banc autem sedem bestiae principaliter desig- natur carnalis clerus in hoc quinto tempore regnans et toti Ecclesiae praesidens, in quo quidem bestialis vita praecellenter et singulariter regnat et sedet sicut in sua principali sede, et longe plus quam in laicis et plebibus sibi subjectis. — p. 260 : Unde et quidam putant, quod tam Antichristus mysticus quam proprius et magnus erit Pseudo- Papa caput Pseudo-prophetarum etc. — p. 261 on Apoc. 17, 1 : Nota quod haec niulier stat hie pro Romana gente et imperio, tam prout fuit quondam in statu paganismi, quam prout postmodum fuit in fide Christi, multis tamen criminibus cum hoc mundo fornicata. Vo- catur ergo mcretrix magna, quia a fideli cultu et a sincero amore et deliciis JJei Christi, sponsi sui, recedens adhaeret huic saccule, et divitiis, et deliciis ejus, et diabolo propter ista etc. CH. III.— MONACHISM. §71. BEGUINS. 263 Under Celestine TV. indeed the internal discord of the Fran- ciscans seemed to be removed, when tliis Pope (1294) united the spirituahsts in a society of their own, called the Celestine- Eremites.^^ But Boniface VIII. abolisht it again (1302), per- secuted the spiritualists as heretics and schismatics,^*^ and thus prepared the way for their complete secession from the order and the Church.^^ (Fraticelli.) § 71. BEGUINS. Corn. Smetius de Begginis in J. Ghesquieri et C. Smetii acta SS. Belgii selecta T. V. (Bruxcll. 1789. 4.) p. 93. J. L. a Mosheim de Beghardis et Beguiua- bus commentarius. ed. G. H. Martini. Lips. 1790. Dr E. Hallmann's Gesch. d. Ursprungs d. belgischen Beghinen, Berlin 1843. From the end of the 12th century there grew up in many towns of the Netherlands societies of ladies (Beguinae Begutae),^ ^* See an extract from his Apology for Olivi, for which in 1317 nnder John XXII. he also was called to account (Baluz. miscel. i. 293), in Wadding ann. 1287, no. 36 ss. But also in the Arbor vitae crucifixae all the Apocalyptic ideas of Olivi are brought forward again : and in lib. v . c. 1 whole passages of his Postilla in Apocal. are quoted word for word. About the same time the Franciscan Jacobus de Benedictis or Jacopo- nus, the author of the Sequence, Stabat mater dolorosa, had to afone for his undisguised censure of Boniface VIII. by a severe imprisonment (Wadding, ann. 1298 no. 24 ss. 1306 no. 7 ss. Mohnike kirchen- u. literarhist. Studien I. ii. 335.) 15 Pauperes Eremitae Domini Coelestini. Cf. Raynaldus ann. 1294 no. 26. Wadding ann. 1294. no. 9. The persecutions they suffered from the rest of the Franciscans may be seen ibid. 1301 no. 1. ^6 Wadding ann. 1302 no. 7. 8. '1307 no. 2 ss. 1^ An accusation was also brought against Ubertinus de Casali in 1317 (see note 14) Baluz. i. 305), quodfuit defensor, sectator, et fautor Fratricellorum dicentium et tenentium quod a tempore Coelestini Papae nonfuit in Ecclesia Papa verus, et plures alios errores. 1 On the reasons see Mosheim, p. 133. On the numerical dispropor- tion of the two sexes caused by the crusades, and its consequences, see Sprengel's Gesch. d. Arzneikixnde 3te Aufl ii. 522.— There has always been a commonly received opinion in Liege, that the Beguins were instituted there about the year 1180, by a certain priest Lambert le Begues or le Beghe, and called after his name. So says even Aegidius 264 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III-A.D. 1073-1305. who free from monastic vows and monastic constraint, lived a life of devotion according to a rule which establisht only neces- mon, Aureae Vallis, who wrote about the year 1230 gesta Pontificum Leodiensium, c 52 (in J. Chapeavilli gesta Pontiff. Tungrensiuni, Trajectinensinm et Leodinensiura ii. 126): Cum hujusinodi erroribus irretita jam teneretur Legia, — suscitavit Deus spiritum sancti cujusdam sacerdotis, — qui Lambertus le Begues, quia balbus erat, de s. Christo- phoro dicebatur, a cujus cognomine mulieres et puellae, quae caste vivere propoiiunt, Beguincs gallice cognominantur, quia ipse primus extitit, qui eis praemium castitatis verbis et exemplo praedicavit. Thus also says Henricus Gueldrus, Bishop of Liege, in a letter to the Beguines of Tongres in the year 1266, (in B. Fisen sancta Legia, s. hist. ^ Eccl. Leodiensis, p. 409) : Attendentes, qualiter haec sancta religiosarura puellarum et matronarum, quae Beguinae vocantur, plan- tatio— jam dudum in civitate et dioecesi Leodiensi prima pullulavit, et palmites sues longe lateque producens, paene per totum orbem flores protulit : gaudemus in Domino dictas nostras civitatem et dioecesin propter hoc ubique locorum magnis laudibus praeconiorum attolli. Startling indeed is the expression of Thomas Cantipratensis, who lived in Louvain and Cambray, in his bonum universale de apibus (written about 1260) lib. ii. c. 51 : Circa annum incarnationis domi- nicae MCCXXVI res mirabilis accidit in oppido Nivellensi. In hac urbe, ut pluribus adhuc viventibus notum est, mulierum devotaruni, quae Beghinae dicuntur, nunc late diffusa per orbem religiositas inchoavit. Harum perplures, quae magis spirituales erant, igne sacro acriter sunt accensae, et hoc in membris tantum, in quibus magis peccaverant. The miraculous cures in the church of St Gertrude, are then related as the i-es mirabilis. However the founding of the Beguinages in Bruges, Valenciennes, Douay and Dendermonde took place before 1226, all of these could not have been unknown to Thomas. So in that passage he must be speaking of the establishment of Beguines in Nivelles, and not generally of the first institution of the order. In much later time, in consequence of the similarit}^ of the names, there grew a popular opinion, that the Beguines were an institution of St Begga, the daughter of Pepin von Landen, and mother of Pepin Heristal. After the beginning of the 17 th century many Beguinages in Brabant began to honour this canonized princess of Brabant as their foundress, whilst others, especially that of Liege, stood firm to Lambert le Begue, and thus was engendered a hot con- troversy on this head, see Kallmann S. 25 and 125. Certain documents, the earliest of the year 1065, seem to decide against Lambertus, they appear to prove the existence of a Beguinage in Vilvorde near Brussels before his time. Erycius Puteanus, Professor at Louvain, first publisht these de Begginarum apud Belgas institute et nomine, Lovan. 1630. 4 (in Hallmann S. 47.) By the publication of these documents, others also, who refused to acknowledge St Begga as the foundress, were induced to refer the institution to an earlier date than Lambert's, and to search for another derivation of the name. In the Actis Sanct. CH. III.— MONACHISM. §71. BEGUINS. 265 sary ordinances, in small houses adjoining a court (Beginagiuin),"^ and maintained themselves from their owai property and the labour of their hands. Not long after there rose foundations of a similar character for noble ladies (Canonissae saeculares.)" During the 13th century the Beguinae increased in the Nether- lands, Germany and France to a wonderful degree ;■* and April, ill. 872 the name Beghine is derived from the old Saxon beggen betteln (to beg, begging, beggar) : — however the Beguines in the Nethei'Iands, whore at all events the name arose, did not beg. For this reason Mosheim, p. 98, takes the word beggen in the signification of pra^'ing (as in Ulphilas bidgan or bedgan is used), and explains Beguines as praying-sisters. On the other side: 1. This signification of beggen cannot be authenticated as the Low- Dutch of the middle ages ; and 2. How comes a German root to have a termination that is not German? Ilallmann S. 51 has lately proved the Yilvorde docu- ment to be .spurious, and so the derivation from Lambertus le Begue, and the origin of the ua-German form Beguine in the French speaking Liege, will remain as the most likely. 2 See Mosheim, p. 34; also Vineae ibid. p. 141, or Beguinarum curiae p. 14G. 172. On the regulations of the Beguinages see Mosheim p. 147. Hallmann S. 11. ^ Jacobus de Vitriaco about 1220 in his hist. Orient, et Occident, lib. ii. c. 31, writes of them as abundant in Germany and Brabant: Canonicas saeculares s. Domicellas appellant, non enim Moniales nominari volunt. — Nonnisi filias militum et nobilium in sua Collegia volunt recipere. Many of them even married relictis Praebendis et Ecclesiis, Thus also Boniface VIII (Sext. Decret. lib. i. tit. vi. c. 43, § 5) speaks of monasteries, ubi sunt juxta quarumdam provinciarum consuetudinem mulieres, quae nee propriis renunciant, nee professionem faciunt regularem, sed vivunt ut in saeeularibus Ecclesiis canonici saeculares. Cf. Thomassinus P. i. lib. iii. c. 63, § 6 ss. Even these were sometimes called Beguinae, Mosheim p. 13 ss, Theodorus Engelhusius (-J- 1434) in his Chronicle in Leibnit. sci-iptt. rer. Brunsv. ii. 1072, attributes to the Empei-or Henry I. the fir.st establishment of such secular foundations for women ; fundavit in Almania ultra XX Ecclesias, quas et abundanter dotavit, pro dominabns saeeularibus, quae Canonieae nominanfur, utentes habitu Canonicorum regularium Ord s. Augustini, nullam tamen profitentes religionem, nubentes in Domino, qvxando volunt. Inventae sunt autem pro sustentatione nobi- lium pro fide Christi ab iufidelibus occisorum, ne talium filiae cogerentur mendicare etc. However this very reason points to the age of the crusades ; during the same time many of the more ancient monasteries, as Quedlinburg, adopted the freer constitution of chapter/s. * Matth. Paris ad ann. 1250 p. 805 : In Alemannia mulierum con- tinentium, quae se Beguinas volunt appellari, multitudo surrexit innuraerabilis, adeo ut solam Coloniam mille vel plures inhabitarent. In like manner ad ann. 1243 p. 611. On the foundation of the earliest 206 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073-1305. there rose also societies of the same kind for men (Beguini Beg- harden.)-^ As they were exposed in an unprotected state to many persecutions,^ most of them deemed it advisable to suifer themselves to be adopted into the tertiary orders of the Francis- cans and Dominicans.^ But when the Beguins, after the example of their spiritual guides, addicted themselves to vagi'ant mendicancy on the Rhine and in France : not only did the secret teachers of heresy, as they wandered from place to place, avail themselves of this, to assume likewise the appearance of Beghards ; but also many Beghards fell an easy prey to them by reason of then- contem- plative cast of mind and their want of education.^ Thus the name Beguin or Beghard, by which at first a high degree of devotion to the Church in lajonen was distinguisht,*^ fell into ill Beguinages, see Kallmann S. 11; in Flanders see Warnkonig's flandr. Staats- u. Rechtsgepch. i. 421. 5 According to J. B. Gramaye antiquitt. Brabantt. p. 31, ann. 1215, Mosheini p. 168. The earliest house known is that of Louvain in the year 1220, ibid. p. 175 ss. In France they are called also Boni Fueri, or Boni Valeti, ibid. p. 36 ss. ^ Mosheim p. 139 ss. ^ Bonaventura in Libellus apologet. in eos, qui Minoribus adversantur qu. 6 already calls the Tertiaries of the Franciscans, simply Beguinae, Mosheim p.'^38, 58, 172, 173. So also the Tertiaries of the Domini- cans are called in Italy, for instance in a Bull of John XXII. in the year 1326, in Federici istoria de' Cavalieri gaudenti vol. ii. app, p. 91 : esse plures mulieres Beghuinas vulgariter nuncupatas, seu de poenitentia b. Dominici, in Lombardiae et Tusciae partlbus ; and at the same time in Marsilii Ficini defensor pacis P. ii. c. 8 : laicos quosdam, quos in Italia Frati-es gaudentes, alibi vero Begulnos appellant. * Cone. Mogunt. ann. 1259 in Mansi xxiii, 998 : Statuimus, quod eecta et habitus, nee non conventicula Beguardorum, clamantium per plateas et vicos clvitatum, oppidorum^ et villaruin hoc vulgare : B7'ot durch Gott, et quae aliae singularitate^^ a s. Dei Ecclesia non receptae, sint penitus reprobati ; et mandatur universis Plebanis, — ut eosdem Beguardos publice tribus diebus domin^is vel festivis admoneant, ut hujusmodi singularitatibus derelictis se teneant sicut alii Christiani, et quod non pracdicent in cavernis vel in aliis locis secretis, et non conve- niant cum Beguinis, se conformantibus eisdem in moribus, habitu et incessu : alioquin extra parochias suas eos expellant. Idem etiam de Beguinis pestiferis statuimus. ^ Robertus de Sorbona (about 1250) in his iter Paradisi (Bibl. Patr. Lugd. XXV. 362) : Aliquis incipit agere poenitentiam, irridetur ab aliquo, qui dicit : iste est Beguhius. CH. 111.— MONACHISM. § 71. BEGUINS. 267 repute, and became a denomination of wandering Heretics.^*^ In Germany it was fastened especially upon the sect of the Free Spirit,^ ^ in France on the heretical Franciscans and their adherents.^^ Accordingly in these countries decrees were issued against the Beguins,^^ whilst in the Netherlands they continued free from such degeneration, and Avere protected.^^ ^" The name also was carried back into earlier times with this signi- fication. So Godfrey (Monk of St Pantaleon in Cologne about 1237) in his Chi-onica s. Pantaleonis calls the Albigenses Beguini (Mosheim p. 52), and in the vita Johannis ii, Episc. Magalonensis (Gallia Chris- tiana V. 755) we find : Peti-o Beguino ejusque asseclis anno 1176 impia dogmata spargentibus etc. ^^ For instance the secta liberi spiritus was introduced into Swabia and Cologne after the middle of the 13th cent, by their means. Mosheim p. 198 ss. See below § 90. note 31. ^'- The first trace is Cone. Bitei-rense ann. 1299 can. 4 (Mansi xxiv. 1216) : Cum — ad nostram notitiam sit delatum, quod ad suggestionem quorundam, inter quos nonnulli fuerint, qui dicebantur plurimum literati, quorum aliqui fore noscebantur dc religione laudabili, non immer- ito inter rcligiones caeteras approbata, ponentium os in caelum, et manus ad vota extendeutium, praedicantium multis finem mundi instare, et jam adesse vel quasi tempora Aiitichristl, novosque poenitentiae modos et abstinentias vestiumque col ores utriusque sexus personis suggerenr tium, et nihilominus virginitatis ac castitatis vota recipientium a pluribus ex eisdem, ad hoc suis exhortationibus prius tractis, quae vota a pluribus violata fuisse noscuntur : quam plures utriusque sexus ad novae superstitionis cultum pertracti fuerunt, Beguini seu Beguinae vulgarlter appellati, qui conventualia prohibita facientes, et frequentes de nocte officium praedicationis verbi Dei temere usurparunt, in suam excusatiouem fictitie praetendentes, quod non praedicant sed loquuntur de Deo se invicem consolantes, et quasdam novas observantias custodire conantur, a communi ritu caeterorumque fidelium discrepantes, e qulbus nonnulla scandala sunt suborta, et non modica pericula huic provinciae, quam haereticos olim publice frequentasse est certum, nee dubium est, licet clam, adhuc ab aliquibus frequentari, imminei-e noscuntur. Sacro igitur approbante Concilio prohibemus cultum superstitionis praefatae — ulterius observari etc. cf. Mosheim p. 206 ss. ^•^ Cone. Colon, ann. 1306 (Mosheim p. 211) against the Becgardi et Becgardae, et Apostoli vulgariter appellati, — quaestum publicum via prohibita vindicantes, victualia manibvis quaerere, prout consueverant, non curando. Cone. Trevir. ann. 1310 (Mosheim p. 235) : qui sub praetextu cujusdam religionis fictae Begardos se appellant, cum tabardis et tunicis longis, et longis capuciis cum otio intendentes, ac labores manuum detestantes, couventicula inter se aliquibus temporibus faciunt et conservant, seque fingunt coram personis simplicibus expositores sacrarum Scripturarum, — mendicantes discurrunt. ^* Compare the decrees of Innocent IV. in the year 1245, in favour 268 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. §72. ECCLESIASTICAL ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD. Cliivaliy, which under the influence of the Chm-cli, particularly during the Crusades, had assumed its peculiar form,^ graspt with especial zeal the idea, that battle with the infidels was the highest of all deeds of piety, and the surest method of efflicing sin. Whilst orders of chivalry grew up, uniting this meritorious activity with the monastic life, the pinnacle of all Christian perfection, so as to make the deprivations of the monastic state more tolerable by the love of arms, and work out their salvation ; they were quite in keeping with the character of the age, which attacht as much importance to good works as to gallant deeds. It was the year 1119 when nine knights at Jerusalem first constituted themselves into an ecclesiastical order of kniiihthood (Fratres militiae templi, milites or equites Templarii), under Hugh de Payens (de Paganis) as grand master (magister militiae.)^ St Bernard quickly spread through the western of the Eeguines in Mechlin and Diest, of Cardinal Hugo in 1254 for those of Brussels, of Urban IV. in 1261 for those of l^iege, Mosheim p. 140. However the Council of Liege in 1287 decreed (Mosheim p. 133), quod omnes Beghinae, privilegio Beghinali gaudere volentes, intrent curiam Beghinarum, et praecipimus connnorantibus extra curiam Beghinarum, quod distingiiant habitum suum ab habitu Beghinarum. 1 J. B. de la Curne de St Palaye memoires sur 1' aucienne chevalerie, T. 3 Paris 1759—81 8 (translated into German by J. C. Kliiber 3 Bde, Niirnberg 1786—91. 8.) Leben und Dichten Wolfram's v. Eschenbacb, von San-Marte ( Regierungsrath Schulz, 2 Bde. Magde- burg 1836. 41), Bd. 1. Einleitung. ^ Willelmus Tyrensis lib. xii. c. 7 (in Bongarsii gesta Dei per Francos i. 819) Jacobi de Vitriaco hist. Hieros. c. 65 (I. c, p. 1083.) — Histoire des Templiers par P. du Puy. Paris 1650. 4, most fully Brussels 1751. 4. K. G. Anton's Verf. einer Gesch. des Tempel- herrnordens. 2e Aufl. Leipz. 1781. 8. Histoire crit. et apologetique des Chevaliers du Temple de Jerusalem, par feu le R. P. M. J. (le Jeune, Prieur de 1' Abbaye d'Estival.) Paris 1789. 2 voll. 4. (abridged in German : Die Ritter des Tempels zu Jerus. Leipz. 1790. 2 Bde. 8.) W. F. Wilcke's Gesch. des Tempelherrnordens. Leipz. 1826. 27. 2 Bde. 8 Wilken's Gesch. d. Kreuzzuge. ii. 546. Raumer's Gesch. d. Hohenst. i. 487. 1 (H. III.— MONACHISM. §72. ECCL. ORDERS OK KNICIIITIIOOD. 2{\\) ^vul•kl the fame of tliese new moiikisli iiio;lits.-'' They received fi'om the Synod of Troyes in 1128 the sanction of the Church, and a nile drawn up by St Bcrnanl ;^ and increased wonderfully fast in numbers and in wcahh.'^ This examjile first animated tlie brethren of the IIo.spital of St John in Jerusalem^ (Fratres hospitaHs S. Joli.) who had Uvcd ^ So early as 1 12 "» in ei)ist. 'M, he speaks in ]»raisc ot" the entrance of Count Hugo of Champagne into this order, liut especially see his tractatus ile nova militia s. exhorlatio ad milites tenipli (opp. ed. Mabillon. iv. 98) and also his later epistles, e.g. ei>. 173. 392. * The Kegula pauperum conimilitonuin Christi temidiquc Salonionici (prim. ed. A. Miraeus in chron. Cistcrciensi. Colon. ]G14. p. 43, and from this frequently, e.g in Lucae llolstcnii codex Kegularuni ed. I^rockic ii. 429. in Mansi xxi. 359) cannot have assumed its present form till 1172, si-e Miinter's Stalutenhuch s. (i ft". "NVilkenii. /ioS, note. Afterwards the order imposed on itself at its general chapters special rules, which being intended in the first place for the officers of the order, were only partially made known to the rest of the knights, so far as was necessary for each in his own s])here. A collection of these made between 1247 and 12«JG, was first brought to light in a transla- tion in Kr. Miinter's Statute Hook of the order of the Templars, vol. i. Berlin 1794, but is now publisht in the original: Ivegle et statuts secrets dcs Templiers, publics par C. II. Maillard de Chambiire, I'aris 1840. 8. — LJeside the re^'ular kni^'hts there belonged also to the order, Capellani — lirothcrs at arms (arniigeri, freres servans d' amies), and craftsmen i famuli, freres servans de mestier.) ^ licrnardi tract, de nova militia cap. 5 : Ilaec Jerosolyniis actitan- tur, et orbis excitatur. Audiunt insulae, et attendant po])uli de longe, et cbuUiunt ab Oriente et Oeciilente tamquam torrens inundans gloriae gentium, et tanupiam fluminis impetus laotificans civitatem Dei. Quodque cernitur jucundius, ct agitur commodius, paucos admodum in tanta multitudine hominuni illo confluere videas, nisi utique sceleratos et impio.", raptores et sacrileges, homicidas, perjures, adultcros : de quorum profectione sicut duplex quoddam constat j)rovenire bonum, ita dupliciitiir et gaudium, quandotpiidem tani sues de suo discessu laeti- titieant, (piam illos de adventu, (piibus snbveniro festinant. Prosimt (piippe utrobi(|ue, non solum utique istos tuendo, sed etiam illos jam non opprimendo. Itaque iaefatur Aogyptus in profectione eorum, cum tamen de protectione eorum nihilominus laetetur mons Sion, et exultent filiae Judae. llja quidem se de manu eorum, ista magis in nianu eonuu liberari se merito gloriatur. Ilia libenter amittit crudelissimoa sui vastatores, ista cum gaudio suscipit sui fidelissimos defensores ; et unde ista dulcissime consolatur, inde ilia aeque salubcrrime desolatur. Sic Christus, sic novit ulcisci in hostes sues, ut non solum do ipsis, sed per ipsos quoque frequenter solcat tanto gloriosius, quanto et pofentius triumphare etc. 6 Concerning their origin after the year 1048, see Willehn, Tyr. lib. i. 270 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. under a rule of tlieir own ever since the year 1099, under their second warden (Gustos or Procurator) Haymond du Puy (de (Podio)^ to unite such chivalrous activity with their former calling ;^ and as the latter was thrown more and more into the back ground by the former, they were transformed from their olden state as ministers of the sick, into Milites hospitalis S. Joannis Hierosoly- mitani, or Hospitalarii, under a Magister hospitalis.''' Both orders, favoured by Papal privileges,^° quickly attained c. 10. xviii. c. 4 ss. ,lac. de Vitriaco c. 64. Wilken ii. 539. Raumer i. 485. — Li'histoire des Chevaliers hospitallers de s. Jean de Jerusalem par I'Abbe de Vertot. Paris (1726. 4 voll. 4.) 1761. 7 voll. 8. Gesch. d. Maltheserordens nach Vertot von N. (Niethammer.) Jena 1792. 2 Th. 8. ^ In 1118 Raymund gave the Society a more comprehensive rule (in Holstenius-Brockie ii. 445), in which, however, there is no mention made of knighthood. ^ Jac. de Vitriaco c. 65 towards the end ; Praedicti autem hospitalis Fratres ad imitationem Fratrum militiae Templi armis materialibus utente.s, milites cum servientibus in suo collegio receperunt. The year is not known. So eaidy as 1130 Innocent II. says in a Bull with which he confirmed the institution (in Vertot i. 586) : Fratres ejusdem domus, non formidantes pro fratribus suis animas ponere, cum servien- tibus et equitaturis ad hoc specialiter deputatis et propriis sumtibus retentis, tam in eundo quam redeundo ab incursibus Paganorum defensant. ^ In the rule of 1118 Raymund styles himself still. Gustos hospitalis Jerosolymitani, and in a document of 1 130 (in i^ndr. de Dandulo chron. in Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. xii. 276) he subscribes himself Procurator hosp. Hieros. ^" The privileges of the knights of St John are collected in the Bull of Anastasius IV. Christianae fidei religio dd. xii. Kal. Nov. 1154 (in Mansi xxi. 780.) They are sub. b. Petri tutela, they may build on their lands, Ecclesias, oratoria, and coemetei*ia : quicunque in vestra fraternitate fuerit receptus, si forte Ecclesia, ad quam pertinet, a diviiiis officiis fuerit prohibita, eumque mori contigerit, eidem sepultura ecclesiastica non negetur. — Si qui Fratrum vestrorum ad recipiendum fraternitates et collectas a vobis missi ad aliquam civitatem, castellum, vel vicum advenerint, si forte locus ille a divinis officiis sit interdictus, — in eorum jucundo adventu semel in anno aperiantur Ecclesiae, et exclusis exeommunicatis divina ibi ofificia celebrentur. — De laboribus, quos vestris sumptibus colitis, nullus omnino clcricus, vel laicus deeimas a vobis exigere pracsuiiiat. Statuinuis, ut nuUi Episcopo in Ecclesiis vobis subditis interdicti, suspensionis vel excomraunicationis sententiam liceat promulgare. Venmitainen si gencrale intcrdictum fuerit in locis ilHs prolatum, exclusis exeommunicatis etnominalim interdictis, clausis januis, abscj^uc campanarum pulsatione, plane divina ofticia celebrentur. The order was allowed to have of its own clericos et sacerdotes. lidem CH. III. MONACHISM. § 72. ECCL. ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD. 271 regal possessions and power : but just as quickly military rough- ness with monastic ignorance and selfishness were introduced m the place of their earlier enthusiasm. Continually divided by the clashing interests of their orders, and not unfrequently at open war with each other," they fought more for the honour and advantage of their orders than for the Holy Land. They abused the privileges of their order, to set at defiance the rights of Bishops ;!' they thought they discharged its duties by purely vero clerici nulH personae extra vestrum capitulum, nisi Romano Pontifici, sint subject!, and so forth. Alexander III. granted the same privileges, often in the same words, in the Bull Onme datura optimum dd vii liis Jan. 1162 (in Rvmeri foedera ct acta publica mter Reges Angliae et alios Principes Vol. i. P. i.) also to the Templars. 11 So earlv as 1179 a peace had to be negotiated between them by Alexander III., see \Yilcke Gesch. d Tempelh. 1^ 82.-Thei-e was open war betueen the two orders at Acre from 1241 to 1243 the same author s. 177.) The overthrow of the Templars m the year 1259 is recorded by Matth. Paris p. 987, AVilcke i. 201 (compare the quarrels of the mendicant orders among themselves, § bJ note 14.) 12 Concerning the Templars Willelm. Tyr. writes about 1 180 lib. xii. c. 7 • Ouorum res adeo crevit in immensum, ut hodie trecentos plus mmusve in conventu habeant equites, albis chlamydibus indutos, exceptis Fratribus, quorum paene infinitus est numerus. Possessiones autem tam ultra quam citra mare adeo dicuntur immensas habere, ut jam non sit in orbe christiano provincia, quae praedictis Fratribus bonorum suoriim portionem non contulerit ; et regis opulentiis pares hodie dican- tur habere copias.— Qui cum diu in honesto se conservassent proposito, ■ profession! suae satis prudenter satisfacientes, neglecta luumbtate- domino Patriarchae Ilicrosolymitano, a quo et Ordinis mstitutionem et prima beneficia su.ceperant, se subtraxerunt, obedientiam ei, quam eorum praedecessores eidem exhibuerunt, denegantes : sed et Lcclesiis Dei, eis decimas et primitias subtrahentes, et eorum mdebite turbando possesiones, facti sunt valde molesti. (On the most remarkable grants see Wilken ii. 561. Schlosser III. i. 183.) Of the Hospitallers Willhelm Tvr. xviii. c. 3. complains that they, even under Raymund, tam domino Patriarchae, quam caeteris Ecclesiarum Praelatis, multas tam super parochlali jure, quam super jure decimationum coeperunt inferre molestias : nam— excommunicatos-ad divinorum celebrationem — recipiebant. — Ob enormia vero commissa, si quando silentium Ecclesiis universis— imponebatur, hi primum et campanaruin pu satione et vociferatione solito majore interdictos populos ad divina vocabant.— Sacerdotes suos nee admlttentes—locoruin Episcopis praesentabant, nee abiicientes-hoc notum faciebant Episcopis. De praedus autem suis et universis reditibus— omnino decimas dare negabant.— Insuper •quotiescunque de more dorainus Patriarcha, ut ad populura loqueTCtur, ad locum, in quo mundi Salvator pro salute nostra pependit (the 272 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. warlike qualifications. Hence the frequent complaints of the time on the immorality, faithlessness, and pride of these knights Church of the Holy Sepulchre, opposite to which the Hospitallers were quartered) — ascendebat, ipsi — pulsatis canipanis tot, tantis, tarn studiose, et tam diu, ut nee domini Patriarchae sermo sufficeret ad clamandum, nee populus eum, licet multuni laborantem, audire mereretur. — Usque ad earn tcmeritatem — pervenerunt, ut annis correptis, tam- quam in domum alicujus gregarii, irruinperent in praedictam Deo amabilein Eeclcsiani, et sagittas tamquani in speluncaui latronum jacularentur inultas. — Hujus antem tanti niali primitivam originem Romana Ecclesia, licet fortasse nesciens, nee multo ponderans libramine, quid ah ea peteretur, diligenter considerantibus videtur intulisse : nam locum praedictum a domini Patriarchae llierosolymitani jurisdictione, cui diu et merito subjacuerat, emancipavit indebite : ut nee ad Deum timorem, nee ad homines, nisi quos timcnt, habeant rcverentiam. The Patriai'ch Fulcherius travelled in person to Rome in 1155 to complain of this, but he met with a haughty repulse, Willelm Tyr. 1. c cap. 6 — 8. Then cap. 7 t Papa muneribus infinitis corruptus in partem Hospitalariorum dicebatur se dedlsse proclivem, qui jam ad eum multo ante pi-aevenerant. At last Alexander III. listened to the universal complaints. Cone. Latcran. iii. ann. 1179 c. 9 (Mansi xxii. 222) : Fralrum et Coepiscoporum nostrorum vehementi conquestione comperi- mus, quod Fratres templi et hospitalis, alii quoque religiosae professionis, indulta sibi ah aposfolica sede excedentes privilegia, contra episcopalem auctoritatcm multa praesumant, quae t-t scandalura generant in populo Dei, et gi-ave pariunt periculum animarum. Pro- ponunt enim, quod Ecclesias recipiunt de manibus laicoruii;, excommunicates et interdictos ad ecclesiastica sacramenta et sepulturam admittant, in Ecclesiis suis praeter eorum conscientiam et instituant et amoveant sacerdotes, et Fratribus eorum ad eleemosynas quaerendas euntibus, cum indultum sit eis, ut in adventu eorum semel in anno Ecclesiae aperiantur, atque in eis divina celebrentur officia, plures ex eis de una sive diversis domibus ad locum interdictum saepius accedentes, indulgcntia privilcgiorum in cclebrandis otheiis abutuntur, et tunc mortuos apud praedictas Eoclesias scpelire praesumunt. Occasione quoque fraternitatum, quas in jduribus locis faciunt, robur episcopalis auctoritatis encrvant, dum contra eorum sententiam sub aliquorum privilcgiorum obtentu muiiire cunctos intcndunt, qui ad eorum fratcrnitatem volunt accedcre et se conferre. So also Innocentii III, lib. X. ep. 121 ad Magistrum milit. templi ann. 1208 : cupiditatis acstibus anhelantes non decHnant mendacia, dum utentes doctrinis daemoniorum, in cujuscunque trutanni (truaiul vagabond) pec^ore Crucifixi signaculum imprimunt, et cum eis ad praedicandum eunfcs, * onusti-pondere peccaforum, jam non curant quasi longam restem adderc peccata pcccatis, assercnfes, quod quicunque, duobus vel tribus dcnariis annuia coUatis eisdem, so in eorum fratcrnitatem contulerint, carere de jure nequeant ecclesiastica scpultura, etiamsi fuerint intcrdicti : ac per hoc adulteri, usurarii manifesti, et alii criminosi, suppositi ecclesi- Cir. HI.— M0NACHI8M. ?72. ECCL. ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD. 27o particularly the Templars.^^ After the conquest of Ptolemais astico interdicto, ex hujusmodi insolenfia m eoruni cimiteriis quasi fideles et catholici tumulantur. The case was the same with the Hospitallers, see Gregorii IX. ep. helow note 13. — King Henry III. of England addrest the Magister hospitalis to his face (Matth. Paris ann. 1252 p. 854) : Vos praelati et religiosi, maxime tamen Tem- plarii et Hospitalarii, tot habetis libertates et chartas, quod super- fluae possessiones vos faciunt superbire, et superbientes insanire Revocanda sunt igitur prudenter, quae imprudenter sunt concessa, et revoeanda consulte, quae inconsulte sunt dispersa. And he answered him stoutly : Quam diu justitiani observas, rex esse poteris : et quam cito banc infregeris, rex esse desines. ^3 How much these orders preferred their own interest to that of the Church, the Templars showed in 1155, when they delivered up Nazi- reddin to his enemies for 60,000 gold florins, though he was on the point of becoming a Christian, Guil. Tyr. xviii. 9. When the ambas- sador, by whom the old man of the mountain intended to negotiate with King Almerick his accession to Christendom, was put to death by a Templar in 1173, and thereby the whole design frustrated: common opinion laid the blame of the deed on the whole order, which had drawn an aimual tribute from the assassins, Guil. Tyr. xx. 31. Wilcke Gesch. der Tempelh. i. 71. — Innocent III. writes of the Templars (lib. X. ep. 121 ad Magistrum Milit. Templi) in 1208 : Proh dolor, jam non moderate utentes mundo velut religiosi honiiues propter Deum : sed ut suas impleant voluptates, religionis imagine utuntur solummodo propter mundum. Et cum debuissent allis esse odor vitae in vitam, facti sunt odor mox'tis in mortem. He declares that per haec et alia nefanda, quae idcirco plenius exaggerare subsistimus, ne coganmr gravius vindicare, apostolicis privileges, quibus tam enormiter abu- tuntur, essent merito s])oliandi. When the Hospitallers supported the Greek Emperor John Vatazes, against the Latin Empire at Constan- tinople, Gregory IX. writes ad Magistrum hospitalis (in Raynald. ann. 1238 no. 32) : Dolemus et turbati referimus, quod, sicut intelleximus, vos meretrices in vestris casalibus sub certis appactionibus retinentos incontinenter vivitis, et proprium praesuraentes improprie possidere, eorum, qui confrateriam vestram assumunt, datis in annis quatuor aut pluribus denariis, defensores vos facitis, ac latrones et interfectores peregrinorum, et haereticos in vestris domibus et casalibus receptatis ; Vatacio Dei et Ecclesiae inimico in equis et armis, terris propter hoc et casalibus ab ipso receptis, praebere contra Latinos auxilium non veremini ; consuetas pauperum eleemosynas diminuitis, testamenta et alias ultimas voluntates in hospitali vestro decedentium non sine falsitatis vitio immutatis, ac innrmantes ibidem aliis sacerdotibus, quam fratribus vestris et capellanis conductitiis, quos habetis, non permittitis sine vestra speciali licentia contiteri ; alia plura committentes enormia, per quae Deus offenditur, et scandalum in populo generatur. Caeterum plures ex fratribus vestris de haeresi prohabili haheri dicuntur ratume suspecti. The Emperor Frederick II. ad Richard. Com. Cornubiae (in Matth. Paris ann. 1244 p. 619), writes of the Templars : Templa- s 274 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— AD. 1073— 1.S05. in 1291, they fii-st withdrew to Cyprus : Then the Hospital- lers (1309) estabhsht themselves in Rhodes : The Templars however betook themselves to their possessions in the west, and made Paris theii' principal abode. In imitation of these great orders, the war with the ]\Ioors on the Peninsular of the Pyrenees in the 12th century, brought into being other lesser orders of ecclesiastical Iviiighthood, which for the most part stand in a remarkable connection with the Cistercians.^'^ riorum superba reliirio, et aborigenarium terrae Baronum deliciis educata, superbit. — They had advanced so far, ut Soldanos Damasci et Craccv — in suum praesidiiun contra Choerniinoruni exercitiuu ac Sol- daui (rJabyloniae) — advocarent inhonestis eodeni bhuiditiis ; adeo quod, prout nobis per nonnullos reHgiosos, venientes de partibus transniarinis, constitit evidenter, infra claustra doniorum Terapli praedictos Soldanos et SU03 cum alacritate pomposa receptos, superstitiones sixas, cum invocation e Machometi, et hixus saeculares facere Templarii paterentur. Wilcke Gesch. d. Tempelh, i. 181, understands the passage incorrectly, of the admission of the Sultans into the order. It only states that the Mahometan allies were received into the houses of the orcjer, and allowed even there to celebrate their religious worship. •* On these see Histoire des Ordres militaires (Amsterd. 1721. iv. voll. 8.) T. ii. and iii. Aschbach's Gesch. Spaniens u. Portugals zur Zeit d. Almoraviden u. Almohaden ii. 13. 288. To the Militia sacra Ordinis Cistei*tiensis (the origin, constitutions, and privileges of which may be seen in Clirysost. Henriquez regula, constitutiones, et privilegia Ordinis Cistertiensis Antwerp. 1G30. fob p. 475) belonged 1. Ordo de Calatrava, founded by the Cistercian Abbot Rayinundus, Abbas s. Mariae de Fitero, when Sancho III., King of Castile, granted to his order in 1158 the city of Calatrava, which was threatened by the Moors. (Henriquez p. 484. Histoire des Ordr. milit. iii. 1.) 2. Ordo s. Juliani de Pereyro, founded by two knights about 1156. It received in 1176 the confirmation of King Ferdinand of Leon, in 1177 that of tlic Po])e, and after that the strongliold of Alcantara was given up to it in 1218, it took the name ord. de Alcantara (Henriquez p. 5t.>5. Histoire des Ord. miHt. iii. .50.) These two orders observed all the monastic vows, until Paul III. in 1540, allowed them to many, and only imposed on them the vows obedientiae, castitatis conjugalis et conversionis morum : The case was otherwise with the two following orders in Portugal, the same obligations were bound upon their mem- bers as on the conversi of tlie Cistercian order: 3. In the year 1162 the Cistercian Abbot, John Cirita (see the document in Henriquez p. 481) founded a militia Equitum, quibus munus sit, religionem defendere in bello, caritatem exercere in pace, castitatem servare in toro, et terr.im Maurorum continuis incursionibus vastare, et habitum portare signnm religionis prae se ferentem, ca})utium scilicet parvae magnitudinis, cum scapula talitcr facta, quod in conflictu pugnantes non impediat. 'i'o Cir. in.— MONACHISM. §72. ECCL. ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD. 275 During the siege of Ptolemais in the year 1190, there rose the Order of German knights (Equites Teutonici hospitahs s. ^lariae Virginis Hierosolymitani),^^ these however so early as the year insure the supremac}' of the Cistercians it was decreed : Si ahquis Mihtum, dura arnbulat, invenerit aliquem Abbatem Ordinis Cistertien- sis, rehcto equo humiliter accedat, et petat benedictionem, et comitem SB ofterat itineris. Si pertransierit per loca, castra, seu civitatcs, ixbi fuerint MiUtes hujus societatis, tenqjore pacis aut belli, Dux arcis offerat ei claves. Juxta dispositioneni ejus gubernentur omnia tempore, quo ibi fuerit. Monachi Cistertienses tamquam fratres suscipiantnr, et omnia caritatis officia exhibeantur eis. Alphonso I. King of Portugal, granted to these knights in 1IG6 the town of Evora (thence the name Milites Eborae) : In 1181 they built the Castle of Avis, and received from it the name Milites de Avis, Ordo Avisius. cf. Hist, des Ordres milit. ii. 384. Schafer's Gesch. v. Portugal i. 83. — 4. In the year 1167 or 1171 Alphonso I., King of Portugal, seems to have founded the Order of the Wing of St Michael (Milites s. Michaelis, s. Mil. de Ala) (cf. Henriquez p. 483. Hist, des Ordres milit. iii. 45) : However this order vanisht again immediately, when it had attained an indi- vidual existence, Schafer i. 93. Aschbach ii. 20. — Besides these orders of knighthood, which sprung up in connection with the Cister- cians, there arose in 1161 in Gallicia the Militia s. Jacobi, at first intended for the pi'otection of the pilgrims to Conqiostella (called in Jac. a Vitriaco hist. Occ. c. 26 Fratres de Spatha, now Cavalleria de Sant Jago de la Spada.) Alexander III. confirmed their Rule in 1175, (see the Privileges epist. 20 in Mansi xxi. 1049 renewed by Innocent III. lib. xiii. ep. 11.) Eo utique moderamine propositum suum et Ordinem tempei-antes, ut— habeantur in ipso Ordine, qui coelibem ducant vitam ; — sintetiam, qui juxta institutionem dominicam ad procreandam sobolem, et incontinentiae praecipitium evitandum, conjuglbus suis utantm-. — Ad suscipiendam prolem, — qui continere nequiverit, conjugium sortiatur, et servet iuviotatam fidem uxori, et uxor viro, ne tori conjugalis continentia violetur. ^•^ cf. Petri de Dusburg (about 1326) chronicon Prussiae s. hist. Ord. Teuton. (1190— 1326) ed. Christoph. Hartknoch. Jenae 1679. 4.— Raym. Duellii hist. Ord. Equitum Teutonic. Vindob. 1727. fol. — Hist, de rOrdre teutonique. Par un Chevalier de I'Ordre (Comthur Freih. V, Wal.) Paris et Rheims 1784 ss. viii. voll. Joh Voigt's Gesch. Preus- sens bis zum Untergange der Herrschaft des deutschen Ordens, 9 Bde, Konigsberg 1827 — 39. — Die Statuten des deutschen Ordens. Nach dem Originalexemplar (according to the revision of 1442) herausg. V. E. Hennig. Konigsb. 1806. 8. Recherches sur I'ancienne consti- tution de I'ordre teutonique par I'auteur de Thistoirede I'ordre teutonique. 2 Tomes a Mergentheim 1807. Das C)rdensbuch der Briider vom deutschen Hause St. Marlen zu Jerusalem, in der altesten (bekannten) Abfassung herausgeg. v. 0. F. H. Schonhuth, Heilbronn 1847. The order received from Honorius III. dd. 15. Dec. 1220 the same privi- leges as the knights of St John and the Templars, see the Bull in Duel- lius selecta privil. no. 1. s 2 276 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. 1226 withdrew into Prussia, to conquer the heathen inhabitants of this country; and here in 1237 they united tliemselves with the Order of Brethren of the Sword (Fratres mihtiae Christi s. Gladiferi),^^ founded by Albert, Bishop of Livonia, in 1202, against the infidel Livonians. Of less importance was the order of Fratres de militia Jesu Christi, wliich was formed under the direction of the Dominicans (1220) for the war against the Albigenses in Southern France, and aftenvards fixt itself especially in Northern Italy, since 1261 under the name of Ordo Mlitiae b. Mariae Virginis, though more often called La Milizia Gaudente (Frati Gaudenti, Fratres Gaudentes.)^^ ^^ Compare the two contemporaries Arnoldi Lubec, chron, vii. c. 9, and Henrici Letti (a Lettland) origines Livoniae sacrae et civiles ed, J. D. Gruber. Francof. et Lips. 1740. fol. p. 21.— H. A. G. de Pott comm. de Gladiferis s. de Fratribus militiae Christi in Livonia. Er- lang. 1806. 8. ^^ Istoria de' Cavalieri Gaudenti di Fr. Dom. Maria Federici. In Vinegia 1787. 2 voll. 4. IlUllmann's Stadtewesen des Mittelalters ill. 127. CH. IV.— THEOL. SCIENCE.— I. SCHOLASTIC AND MYSTIC. § 73. 277 FOURTH CHAPTER. HISTOEY OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 1. SCHOLASTIC AND MYSTIC THEOLOGY. Bossuet's Einl. in die Geseh. der Welt u. d. Religion, fortges. v. I. A. Cramer Th. 5. Bd. 2. s. 328 ff. Th. 6 u. 7. Tiedemann's Geist der speculativen Pbilosophie Th. 4 u. 5. Tenneman's Gesch. d. Philos. Bd. 8. H. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philosophie Th. 3 u. 4. §73. FIRST PERIOD OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY DOWN TO ALEXANDER OF HALES, ABOUT 1230. Cousin's Introduction to the Ouvrages inedits d' Abelard, Paris 1836. 4. (Cousin liber die erste Periode d. Scholastiker, dem wesentl. Inhalte nach mitgetheilt v. Dr. Englehardt in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1846. i. 56.) J. A. Bornemann Anselmus et Abaelardus, s. initia scholasticism i. Havniae 1840. Ever since the controversy between Lanfranc and Berengarius on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper (see above Part 1, § 29), tlie relish for logical treatment of theology spread with surprising speed : and now the scholastic theology^ began to develop itself in strong contrast with the antient, in form also, confining as it did its method of teaching to tradition alone (theologia positiva), and henceforth for four whole centui'ies to employ the most ^ Papias Vocabulista (about 1053) in his Vocabularium explains the word Scholastlcus by eniditus, literatus, sapiens. The dialectic theo- logy was considered the pinnacle of all wisdom. On the nature of the Scholastic Divinity, see Hegel's Borles, iiber die Gesch. d. Philosophie, Werke xv. 132. Staudenmaier's Job. Scotus Erigena s. 366. Klie- foth's Einleit. in die Dogmengesch. s. 181. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philos. iii. 111. 278 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. distinguisht abilities. Aristotle and Augustine always remained the principal guides of the Schoolmen. But in the first of the three periods into which their history divides itself,^ Aristotle was then' teacher in logic only,^ Augustine was the source of their philosophy, as well as of their theolog}', and so it was essentially Platonic.^ The Problem on the Being of Universals, which presents itself in Porphyry's Introduction,' was seized on by them with peculiar earnestness, and gave rise to the party-names of Realists and Nominalists.'' Lanfranc's distinguished disciple ^ Thus Lamb. Danaeus first divided them in his prolegg. in P. Lombardi sentent. c. 2. (in ejusd. opuscc. theolog. Genev. 1583. fol. p. 1104 ss.) according to the analogy of the threefold academy. •^ Jourdain recherches crit. sur I'age et Torigine des traductions latines d' Aristote. Paris 1819 (translated with additions and corrections by Dr A. Stahr, Halle 1831) nouv. edit, revue etaugin. 1843. Cousin has however demonstrated, that even Abelard had only the Introduction of Porphyry, and the first two treatises of tlie Organon on the categories and propositions, in the translation of Boethius, and that John of Salisbury was the first to become acquainted with the entire Organon, Cousin introduction p. li. * Abelard was acquainted with the Platonic philosophy from Macro- bius a'so, other writers had Plato's Timaeus, see Cousin ouvrages inedits d'Abelard p. 64G. ^ Porphyrii introductio interpr. Boethio init. (Boethi opp. ed. Basil. 1570. fol. p. 5(>) : Cum sit necessarium, Chrysaori, et ad earn quae est apud Aristotelem praedicamentoruni doctrinam, nosse quid sit genus, quid differentia, quid species, quid proprium, et quid accidens ; et ad diffinitionum assignationem, et omnino ad ea quae in divislone et in demonstratione sunt, utili istarum rerum speculatione, compendiosam tibi traditionem faciens tentabo breviter, velut introduetionis modo, ea quae ab antiquis dicta sunt aggredi, ab altioribus quidem quaestionibus abstinens, simpHciores vero medioeritcr conjectans. Mox de geMeribus et speciebus illud quidem sive subsistant sive in soils nudis intelleciibiis posita sinf, sive subsistentia corporaJia sint an incorporalia, et utrum separata a sensibilibus, an in sensibilibus posita et circa haec consistentia, dicere recusabo. Altissimum. eniin negotium est hiijusmodi, et majoris egens inquisitionis. (Porphyrius : AvtIku Trtpl yfvSiv re kqi eldav, to fiev fire v(peaTr]Ket> ^ire Kal iv fxovais ^//^iXais eTTivolais Kurni, fire Ka\ v^eaTrjKora rra^ara earriv rj aaauara, koi irortpov ;^x arte et de arte agere idem erat. l.iib. ii. c. 6 : Lidignaiitur ergo )»uri philo-iopiii, et qui omnia preter logicam dedignanhir, a('(|ue gram- matical' ut physicae expcrlcs et ethicae, et me iinprobum, obtusum, et cauillecm, ant lapidcm criminantur. Lib. ii. c. 8 : lit ait Seneca in i. Doc'lam Nihil eat ndtbdius subt litatc, ubi nihil nliud est (jiiain subtili- ki>^ ; ef ad Lueilium : Nihil est acutius arista, scd haec ad quid utilis ? OIL IV.— TIIEOL. SCIENCE.— I. SCHOLASTIC. AND MYSTIC, g 7:3 295 because it withholds from its disciples all material knowledge, without however being able to give another direction to the stream by his appropriate suggestions. §74. SECOND PERIOD OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY DOWN TO DURANOUS DE S. PORCIANO ABOUT 1320. The schoolmen of the twelfth century had only the Organoii of Aristotle in Boethius' Latin translation, and their philosophical treatment of Dogmatic tlieology was purely logical. On the other hand all the works of Aristotle were translated into Arabic : The study of his philosophy flourisht especially after the time of tale utile est illud ingenium^ quod sola suhtilitate lasciviens, nulla residet gravitate. Unde^ ut idem scribit c. 7, fiunt in pueriUbus Academici senes ; omnem dictorum aut scriptorum excutiiint syllabam, immo et literam,dubitantes ad omnia, quaerentes semper et nunquam adscientiam pervenieiites, tandemque convertuntur ad vaniloqiiium : ac nescientes quid loquantur, aut de quibus asserant, errores condunt novos, et anti- quorum aut nesciunt aut dedignantnr sententias imitari. There is much also on this head in Policraticus lib. vii. c. 7 — 14. Compare Stephani Episc. Tornacensis [j- 1200) epist. 251 ad Coelestinum iii. (s. § 60. not. 10) : Lapsa sunt apud nos in confusionis officinam sacra- rum studia literarum, dura et discipuli solis novitatibus applaudunt, et magistri gloriae potlus invigilant, quam doctrinae : novas recentesque summulas et coiumentaria firmantia super theologia passim conscribunt, quibus auditores suos demulceant, detineant, decipiant, quasi nondum suffecerint sanctorum opuscula Patrum, quos eodem Spiritu sacram Scripturam legimus exposuisse, quo earn composuisse credimus Apos- tolos et Prophetas. — Disputatur publice contra sacras constitutiones de incomprehensibili Deitate ; de incarnatione Verbi Dei verbosa caro et sanguis irreverenter litigat ; individua Trinitas in triviis secatur el. discerpitur ; ut tot jam sint errores quot doctores, tot scandala quot auditoria, tot blasphemiae quot plateae. Then follow complaints of the perplexing number of the Decretals. Vae duo praedicta sunt, et ecce restat tertium vae. Facultates, quas liberales appellant, amissa libertate pristina in tantam servitutem devocantur, ut comatuli adoles- centes earum magisteria impudenter usurpent, et in cathedra seniorum sedeant imberbes ; et qui nondum noverunt esse discipuli, laborant ut nominentur magistri. Conscribunt et ipsi summulas suas, pluribus salivis affluentes et madidas, philosophorum sale nee conditas nee con- ditas. Omissis regulis artium, abjectisquc libris authenticis artificum, muscas inanium verbulorum sophismatibus suis, tanquam aranearuui 296 THIRD PEKIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. lu73— 1305. Avicenna (Ibii Sina f 1036), as well in the Moorish schools^ in Spain as in general under the Arabian sway. It received a fresh impulse^ in the beginning of the thirteenth century, fi'om the new translation and commentary, with which Averrhoes (Ibn Roshd f about 1217) illustrated the works of Aristotle. Ever since the mitldle of the twelfth century pilgTimages^ to those seats of learning, fi'oin western Christendom, grew con- tinually more common. It was natural that here also the attention and desires of men should turn to the remaining portions of i^'istotelic philosophy. Soon they began to trans- late into Latin,* the works of the Arabian Aristotelians ; these they considered to be faithful representations of the Aristotelic philosophy, although in parts, as for instance the writings ot Al-gazel (t 1127), they were strongly infused with neoplatonic'^ ideas. The high estimation in which Aristotle was already held as a logician won for this natural pliilosophy, supposed to be Aristotelian, an easy entrance into western Christendom. tendiculis includunt. Clamat philop.opbia, vestes suas conscindi ot disruinpi etc. Comp. Schlosser e.g. S, 64 ss. 1 Wachler's Gesch. d. Literatur. ii. 95. 113. ^ On the Arabian philosophy see Tennemann viii. 1, 362. Docu- menta philosophiae Arabuin ex codd, mss. ed. D. Aug. Schmoelders, Bonnae 1836. His Essai sur les ecoles philos. chez les Arabes,'el notamment sur la doctrine d'Algazzali, Paris 1812. H. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philosophie iii. 663. "^ Caesaris Heisterbacensis (about 1225) de rairaculis et vLsionibus sui temporis lib. v. c. 4 : plures ex diversis regionibus scholares in eadem civitate (Toleti) studebant in arte nccromantica, among them also were juvenes aliqui de Suevia et Bajoaria. i Jo. Launoji de varia Aristotelis in Acad. Paris, fortuna, Paris. 1662. 8. denuo ed. J. H. ab Elswich Vitenib. 1720. 8. An entirely new light has been thrown iipon this subject in Jourdain recherches critiqvies sur I'age et I'originc des traductions latinos d'Aristote, et sur des commentaires grecs ou arabes employes par des docteurs scholas- tiques. Paris 1819 (translated by Dr Stahr, Halle 1831) nouv. edit, revue et augm. 1843. licfore this time, works on medicine, astronomy, and sucli subjects, had been translated from Arabic into Latin (Jour- dain p. 97 ss.) : Raymund, Archbisliop of Toledo (1130 — 1150), was the first to cause the principal Arabic works on the Aristotelic philo- sophy, namely those of Avicenna, Algazel, and Alpharabius, to be translated by several learned men. (Jourdain p. Ill ss.) "^ Proofs of the existence of tlie doctrines of neoplafonic philosophy among the Mahometans may be seen in A. Tiioluck's die speculative Trinitatslehre des spiiteren Orients, lierlin 1S2G. 8. CH. IV.— THEOL. SCIEiNCE.— I. SCHOLASTIC. AND MYSTIC. § 74. £97 Still tlie first effects of this new wisdom must make it an object of the greatest suspicion. Whether the error of Simon of Toui'nav, teacher of theology in Paris about the year 1200, is to be explained by the influence of this pliilosophy, or to be regarded*^ only as the blindness of a presumptuous dialectician, remains uncertain. But two other theologians^ were beguiled by it into Pantheistic errors. David^ of Dinant remained firm in a specu- ^ Two entirely different calumnious stories are told of him by Thomas Cantipratanus (see above, § 55, note 24) and Matthaeus Pai'is aun. 1201, p. 206 (namely: 0 Jesule, Jesule, quantxun in hac quaestione confirmavi legem tuam et exaltavi : profecto si malignando et adver- sando vellem, fortioribus rationibus et argumentis scirem illam infirmare, et deprimenclo improbare.) On the other hand Henricus Gandavensis, Doctor of the Sorbonne about 1280, in his lib. de scriptt. eccles. c. 24 (iu Fabricii biblioth. eccl. ii. p. 121) says merely: dum nimis — Aris- totelem sequltur, a nonnullis modernis haereseos arguitur. Compare Cramer vii. 98. Histoire litteraire do la France, xvi. 388. ' Amalric v. Bena, in Engelhardt's kirchengesch. Abhandlungen, Erlangen 1832, S. 251. On Amalric and David see Ritter's Gesch, d. christl. Philosophie iii. 625. Amalrich v. Bena, v. Dr C. U. Hahn, in d. Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1846. i. 184. Amalrich v, Bena u. David V. Dinant, v. Dr J. H. Kronlein in d. Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1847. ii. 271. ^ Ki'onlein e.g. S. 283 rightly opposes the common opinion that David of Dinant was Amalric's pupil. Compare Chron, anonymi Laudun, Canonici, a contemporary, in Bouquet rerura Gall, scriptt. continvied by Brial xviii. 714 : Almaricus vir quidem subtilissimus, sed ingenio pessimus fuit : in omnibus facultatibus, in quibus studebat, aliis contrarius inveniebatur. Item sciendum, quod iste Magister Almaricus fuit cum domino Ludovico primogenito Regis Francorum. quia credebatur vir esse bonae conversationis et opinionis illaesao. Magister vero David, alter haereticus, de Dinaunt, hujus novitatis inventor, circa Papam Innocentium conversabatur, eo quod idem Papa subtilitatibus studiose incumbebat. Erat enim idem David subtilis ultra quam deceret, ex cujus quaternis, ut creditur, magister Almaricus et caeteri haeretici hujus temporis suum hauserunt errorem. Thomas Aquin. Summa theol. P. i. qu. iii. art. 8 makes an express distinction between their opinions, here he enumerates three errors with regard to the Being of God : Alii autem dixerunt, deum esse principium for- male omnium rerum, et haec dicitur fuisse opinio Almaricanorum. Sed tertius error fuit David de Dinando, qui stultissime posuit, Deum esse materiam primam. So the Synod of Paris in 1209 condemned David's work at the same time with Amalric: not as was hitherto believed, because David was Amalric's pupil, but because Amalric had drawn his errors from David's work. Besides, according to that chronicle, David seems not to have been a teacher in Paris, but to have main- tained himself at the Papal Court, and in 1209 he was certainly dead. 298 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. D. 1073— 1305. lative Pantheism ;^ Amalric of Bena, teacher of theology in Paris (t 1205) advanced from this platform, to deny many of the doctrines^'' of the Chm'ch : The followers of this last, against ^ On this point Albertus Magnus was the great authority, from whom Thomas Aquinas derived his knowledge of this theory. Albertus seems to have been acquainted with a work of David's de tomis h. e. de divisionibus, which he quotes, Summa Theol. P. i. tract iv. qu. 20. membr. 2. quaest. incidens. Compare his Summa theol. P. i. tract vi. qu. 29. membr. 1, art 2. Sunt quidam haeretici dicentes, Deum et niateriam primam et noun sive raentem idem esse. Quod sic probant : Quaecunque sunt, et nullam ditterentiam hahent, eadem sunt. Idem enim est, ut dicit, Aristoteles vii. topicorum, quod non diifert differentia. Deus, nous et materia prima sunt, et nullam differentiam habent : ergo eadem sunt. Quod autem haec tria sint et plura priiicipia rerum, ex hoc volebant probare, quod res sint triplices, scilicet materiales, spirituales et divinae, nee ex uno principio proprio formabiles. Priinum ergo principium formationis materialium est materia, ut dicunt ; et primum principium formationis spiritualium, in quibus principium vitae est, dicunt, quod est nous, sive mens. Dicunt enim, quod omnia, quae sunt in uno genere, ex uno aliquo principio simplici forraantur, ut patet in omnibus generibus entis, scilicet substantia, quantitate, qualitate, et sic de aliis. Similiter divinum esse multiplex est, ut dicunt, et necesse est, quod ex aliquo uno formetur principio, et hoc dicunt esse Deum. Haec ergo tria sunt simplicia prima: et si sunt simplicia, nullam differentiam habent : quaecunque enim habent differentias, sunt com- posita. Et sic suam volunt pi-obasse intentiouem. Et in hoc errore fuit David De Dinanto. David expressly draws upon the metaphysics and physics of Aristotle, and avails hhnself of his technical phraseology. See Kronlein S, 327, and other places. "^ About him writes particulai'ly the contemporary GuHelmus Armori- cus or Brito (whose continuation of Rigord in Duchesne scriptt. rei*'. Gall. T. V. is printed by mistake as part of the same, so Rigord is often quoted here without claim) de gestis Philippi Augusti ad ann. 1209 (in Bouquet rerum Gall, scriptt. fortges. v. Brial xvii. 83.) As eai-ly as 1204 Amalric was charged with having laid down, quod quiiibet Christianas teneatur credere, se esse mem brum Christi, nee aliquem posse salvari, qui hoc non crederet. He must have asserted this in some unusual sense; for he was condemned by the Pope, obliged to recant, and soon after died of chagrin. In the year 1209, however doctrines still more offensive appeared among his disciples, the blame of which was laid upon him. The Council of Paris ann. 1209, thus states their heresies (Martene thes. anecd. iv. 163) : Pater a principio operatus est sine Filio et Spiritu sancto usque ad ejusdem Filii incarnationem. — Pater in Abraham incarnatus, Filius in Maria, Spiritus sanctus in nobis quotidic incarnatur. — omnia unum, quia quicquid est, est Deus. — Tmu Deus visibilibus erat indutus instru- mentis, quibus videri poterat a creaturis, et accidentibus videri potcrat extrinsecis. Hoc sifjuidem errore decej)!!, corpus Christi ante verborum prolationcm visibilijjus panis accidentibus subesse C'H IV.— TIIEOL. SCIENCE.— 1. SCHOLASTIC. AND MYSTIC. § 74. 291) whom a Synod of Paris in 1209 conunenced a bloody persecu- conati sunt affirinare : cum e contra dicat auctoritas : accedit Verbuin ad elementum. et fit Sacramentum. Quod sic exposuerunt : id quod ibi fuerat prius, formis viidbilibus prolatioiie verborum subesse ostenditur. Item Filius incavnatus, i. e. visibili formae subjectus ; nee aliter ilium hominem esse Deum, quam uniun ex eis cogiioscere voluerunt. Item Spiritus sanctus in eis incarnatus, ut dixerunt, eis omnia vevelabat : et haec revelatio nihil aliud erat, quam niortuurum resurrectio. Inde semetipsos jam resuscitates assercbant, fidem et spem ah eorum cordibus excludebant, se soli scientiae mcntientes subjacere. Item de meritis praesumentes, gratiae derogantes, meiititi sunt, bonorum baptismatis non egere parvulos ex eorum sanguinibus propagates, si suae condi • tionis mulieribus carnali posscnt copula misceri. Item Filius usque nunc operatus est, sed Spiritus sanctus ex hoc nunc usque ad mundi consummationem inclioat operari. Job. Gcison de concordia metaphv- sicae cum logica (opp. ed. du Pin iv. 826) draws his statements with regard to Almaricus from the Commentary of the Cardinal Ostiensis (about 1260) on Decret. Greg. lib. i, tit. 1. cap. 2 § reprobamu.s, and from the chronicon. of Martini Poloni. The first appear to be the most important : because Henricus Ostiensis wisht to have them immediately from Odo Episc. Tusculanus, who as Episcopal Chancellor of Paris took an active part in the Cone. Paris, ann. 1209. The passage is not to be found in Ostiensis Sumnia, but probably in his Lectura, which according to a marginal note in the Sumnux ed. Basil. 1573 p. 2 he wrote after the Summa, and is given, more fully than in Gerson, in Jac. Thomasii origines hist, philosophicae et ecclesiasticae, Halae 1699, p. 113 : Impii Almarici dogma istud colligitur in libro Magistri Joanuis Scoti, qui dicitur Periphysion i. e. de natura. Quern secutus est iste Almaricus, de quo hie loquitur. Sed et dictus Joannes in eodem libro auctoritatis cujusdam Graeci nomine Maximi introduxit. In quo libro, qui et per magistros damnatus fuit Parisius, multae haereses contineutur. Primus et summus error est, quod omnia sunt Deus. Unde dicit : moium Deo dare non possum : et sequitur : cum in ipso sunt omnia, et cum ipse sit omnia. Et alibi in eodera libro dicit, non facile posse negari, creaturam et creatorem idem esse. Secundus est, quod primordiales causae, quae vocantur ideae, i. e. forma seu exemplar, creant et creantur. Tertius est, quod post consuminationem saeculi erit adunatiu sexuum, sive non erit distinctio sexus, quam aduna- tionem in Christo asserit Incepisse. On this Gerson remarks : Praedic- tus Odo Tusculanus, qui fuerat Cancellarius Parisiensis, notaverat et damnaverat errores dicti libri, et ah hoc Odone dicit Hostiensis se praedictos errores accepisse. It is clear that the Card. Ostiensis is here quoting from the list of the heretical doctrines of Joh. Scotus, prepared by Odo, accordingly those propositions are taken word for word from Joh, Scotus de divis naturae. However, Card, Ostiensis only produces them, to denote the heresies of Arnalrie, who drew from Joh. Scotus ; and Gerson attributes these propositions immediately to Amalrie. Martinus Polonus also (chron, ed. Antvorp. 1571 p. 394 written 1271) 300 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. D, 1073—1305. tion, adopted the most immoral ^^ habits, as inferences from his doctrine, and finally separated altogether from the Church, under the name of the sect of the Free Spirit. Accordingly a prohibition of Ai'istotle's works issvied fi'om that Synod in Paris^'^ takes the errors which he attributes to Amalric, expressly from that work : quiomneserrores inveniunturin libro, qui intitulatur Peripliyseon. Et bic liber inter alios libros condemnatos Parisiis ponitur, et is liber cum Almarico et suis sequacibus fuit Parisiis coinbustus. At any rate the heretical doctrines of the latter wei'e drawn substantially from the work of Job. Scotus, see Kronlein s. 287. But nothing could have been known of the moral perversion of the Almaricians in the year 1209, otherwise it would have beeii remai'kt and condemned by the Synod. '^ Guilelmus Armoricus, who wi-ote in 1220, already asserts of them 1. c. impudenter astruere nitebantur, quod potestas Patris duravit, quamdiu viguit lex Mosaica ; et quia scriptum est : 7iovis supervenieJitibus abjicientur vetera, postquam Christus venit, aboleverunt omnia Testa- menti veteris sacramenta, et viguit nova lex usque ad illud tempus. In hoc ergo tempore dicebant Testament! novi sacramenta finera habere, et tempus s. Spiritus incepisse, quo dicebant confessionem, baptismum, eucharistiam, et alia, sine quibus salus haberi non potest, locum de caetero non habere, sed unumquemque tantum per gratiam Spiritus sancti interius, sine actu aliquo exteriori, inspiratam salvari posse. Caritatis virtutem sic ampliabant, ut id, quod alias peccatum esset, si in virtute fieret caritatis, dicerent jam non esse peccatum. Unde et stupra, et adulteria, et alias corporis voluptates in caritatis nomine committebant, inulieribus, cum quibus peccabant, et simplicibus, quos decipiebant, impunitatem pcceati pi'omittentes, Deura tantummodo bonum et non justum praedicantes. Caesai'ius Heisterbac. de miraculis lib. V. c. 22 (written in 1222) : Si aliquis est in Spirltu sancto, ajebant, et faciat fornicationem, aut aliqua alia pollutione polluatur : non est ei peccatum, quia ille Spiritus, qui est Deus, omnino separatus a carne, non potest peccare : quamdiu ille Spiritus, qui est Deus, est in eo, ille operatur omnia in omnibus. Martinus Polonus cliron. p. 395 adds this also to the heresies which Amalric is supposed to have adopted from Job. Scotus : Dixerat etiam, quod in caritate constitutis nullum peccatum imputabatur. Unde sub tali specie pietatis ejus sequaces omnem tui'pitudinem committebant. 1- In the Decree of this Synod, at which several priests were con- demned to the stake (Martene thes. iv. 166) we find, Quaternuli Magistri David de Dinant infra Natale Episcopo Parisiensi aft'erantur et comburantur : nee llbri Aristotelis de naturali pliilosophia, nee commenta legantur Parisius publice vel secreto. Et hoe sub poena excommunicationis inhibemus. On this remai'ks Guilelmus Armoricus ad ann. 1209 : in diebus illis legebantur Parisius libelli quidam ab Aristotele, ut dicebantur, compositi, quidocebant metaphysicam, delati de novo a ConstantinopoH, et a Graeco in Latinum translati. Qui quoniam non solum praedictae haeresi sententiis subtilibus occasionem CH. IV.— THEOL. SCIENCE. I. SCHOLASTIC. AND MYSTIC, g 74. 3OI in 1209, and in 1215 from a Papal Legate.^^ However, when soon after this time, with the countenance of Princes also, the genuine works of Aristotle t\'ere translated into Latin,^^ partly from Ai'abic versions, partly and especially, now that the Greek originals had been accessible since the conquest of Constantinople, fi'om the Greek ; men began to recognise the difference between Aristotle and his Arabian commentators. That prohibition was restrictive^'^ now only in form, but in fact quite forgotten, anrl after the year 1230 the supremacy of tlie Aristotelic philosophy in western Christianity was decisive.^'' praebcbant, immo et aliis nondum inventis praebere poterant, jnssi sunt omnes conibin-i etc. The book de causis attributed to Aristotle, and tlie fons vitae of Aviccbron, whicli at that time were included together under the common nauie of Aristotelic-uatural-philosophy, were not, however, genuine works of Aristotle, but as Jourdain has shewn, p. 202 ss., works of xVvicenr.a and Algazel. '^ Sec the Statutum Roberti Prcsb. Cardinalis etc. in Bulaeus iii. 81. Et quod legant libros Aristotelis de dialectica, tarn de veteri quam de nova, in scholis ordinarie et non ad cursum. — Non legantur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica et natural! philosophia, nee Summa de eisdem. aut de doctrina M. David de Uiuant, aut Almarici haeretici, aut Mauricii Hispani. ** On the translators of the thirteenth century see .Jourdain p. 130 ss. Among the Princes the Enqjcror Frederick II. Alphonso X. King of Castile, and Manfred, King of Sicily, caused many translations to be made. Compare particularly Frederick's letter to the University of Bologna (in Petri de Vineis lib. iii. ep. 67), with wdiich he sends to it compilatioues varias, ab Aristotele aliisque philosophis sub graecis arabicisque vocabnlis antiquitus editas, by his directions, per viros electos et in utriusque linguae prolatione pei-itos, translated into the Latin language. See on this head, .Jourdain p. 164 ss. '' Gregorii IX. bulla ann. 1231 in Bulaeus iii. 140 ss. — libris illis naturalibus, qui in Concilio provinciali ex certa causa prohibiti fuere, Parisius non utantur, quousque examinati fuerint. et ab omni eiTorum suspicione purgati. ^'^ Rogcri Bacon opus majus (about 1266) P. i. c. 9. ed. Jebb. p. 14 : Scimus enini, quod tcmporibus nostris Parisiis diu fuH contradictum naturali philosopbiae et metaphysicae Aristotelis per Avicennae et Averrois expositores, et ob densam ignorantiam fuerint libri eorum excommunicati, et utentes eis per tempora satis longa. Cum igitur — nos moderni approbamus viros praedictos, — et scimus quod omnis additio et cumulatio sapientiae, quns dederunt, sunt dignae omni favore, licet in multis alii diminuti sint, et in pluribus superflui, et in quibusdam corrigendi, et in aliquibus explanandi ; manifestum nobis est, quod illi, qui per aetates singulas impediverunt documcnta veritatis et utilitatis, quae oblata fuerint eis per viros praedictos, nimis erraverunt, et vitiosi 302 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. The Dominicans and Franciscans especially, from the time that they first began to lectm*e publicly in Paris, sought to make their lectures attractive by a zealous profession of the Aristotelic l)liilosophy ; and thus, by applying it to Church teaching, they introduced the Second Period of Scholastic Theology,^^ Tlie characteristic of this period is this, it regarded Aristotle as a sure guide in all matters of secular knowlege, vipon which Theology rests, while, at the same time it exalted itself above it. ^^ The liberal arts on the other hand sank still lower in public estimation. ^^ plurimum fueriuit inhac parte ; sed hoc fecerunt propter scientiae extol- lentiam et propter ignorantiam. — p. 36 s. Et licet alia logicalia et quaedam alia translata fuerint per Boetium de Graeco, tamen tempore jMkhael Scotia qui minis Domini 1230 transarhs apparult deferens lihrorum Aristoteles partes aliquas de natui-alihus et matheniaticis cum expositor ib'/is sapientibus, mnqnificata est philosophiii .^ristotelis apud Latinos. Michael Scotus was an astrologer at the court of Frederick II. He made translations from Arabic, Jonrdain p. 130 ss. Roger Bacon gives his opinion of him (see Jebbi praef. ad opus majus) : Michael Scotus, ignarus quidem et verborum et rerum, fere omnia, quae sub nomine ejus prodicrunt, ab Andrea quodam Judaeo mutuatus est. ^^ Matth. Paris ann. 1243 p. Gl'2 : Ipsis quoque temporibus videlicet post festum s. Michaelis, ut nioris est, studiis scholarum et scholarium reflorentibus, incipiel)ant magislri Theologiae, praecipue tamen praecipui Praedicatorum et Minorura lectores, disputare et disserere subtilius et Celsius, quam decuit aut expedivit. Qui non verentes tangere montes, a gloria Dei opprimendi, nitebantur secreta Dei investigabilia temere perscrutari, et judicia Dei, quae sunt abyssus multa, nimis praesump- tuose indagare etc. ^^ In this unbounded admiration for Aristotle the Schoolmen followed their masters, the Arabs. — Compare Averrhoe's procemium in Aristo- telis Physica (Tennciuann VIII. i. 422): Aristoteles tres scientias invenit, Logicam, Naturalem, Divinam : et nullus error inventus in eo est usfpie ad hoc tempus, quod est MD. annorum. Et talem esse unum hominem, potius est miraculosum, quam humanum. Aristoteles est regula et exemplar, quod natura invenit ad demon- strandam uliimam perfectionera humanam. Aristotclis doctrina est sumraa Veritas, quoniam ejus intellectus fuit finis humani intel- lectus. Quai-e bene dicitur, quod fuit creatus et datus nobis divina providentia, ut sciremus, (juicquid potest sciri How far the School- men advanced in this admiration is shown, by a poem written at the (;nd of the fifteenth century, by a Theologian at Cologne, de vita et morte Aristotclis (reprinted in the Actis Philosoph. lotes Stuck. s. 345, ft".), mentioned by Corn. Agrippa de Nettesheim de vanitate scientiarum cap. 54, where we find in a note (1. c. s. 369) : Qui (piidem CH. R'.— THEOL. SCIENCE. I. SCHOLASTIC AND ilYSTIC. § 74. 303 Alexander of Hales the Franciscan, in Paris (Doctor irrefra- gabilis t 1245)^*^ formed the transition state to this second period. But the two Dominicans Albertus Magnus (Dominican monk from 1222 or 1223, Lecturer in Paris and Cologne, from 1260 to 1262, Bishop of Ratisbon, f at Cologne in 1280),-'^ and his fi: greater pupil, Thomas Aquinas (Doctor Angelicus, Lecturer in Paris and many Italian towns f 1274),-- whose system became Aristoteles adeo necessarius fuit ante verbi Dei iucarnationem, sicut necessario collatio gratiae praesuj){)onit conditionem ipslus naturae : quia Aristoteles fuit legis naturae nuixiiuus doctor et inventor. Ex quo patet, quod Aristoteles fuit praeeursor Christi in naturalibus, sicut Johannes baptista fuit praeeursor Christi ad praeparaudum ipsi plebeni perfectam in gratuitis. Nee obstat, Aristotelem fuisse ante legem gratiae, quia dicit Augustinus, quod aliqui erant homines veteris legis, qui per gratiam personalem fuerunt de nova lege etc. ^^ According to Roger Bacon, in his time, there were hardly fo)!r men of letters who were well acquainted with grammar, Jebb in praef. ad opus majus fol. 3. b. The school of Orleans only still held to grammar, llence Henri d'Andely, at the end of the thirteenth century, describes in a satirical poem La Bataille des sept arts (printed in Grasse's Literargeschichte II. ii. i. 16), a battle which was fought between the Grammar and Poetry of Orleans, and the Logic and Philosophy of Paris. -'" His principal work Summa universae theologiae in 4 partt. is an explanation of Lombard, ed Venet. 1576. Colon. 1622. fol. voll. iv. im Auszuge b. Cramer vii. 161. Hist. litt. de la France xviii. 312, -^ Ou his life see Quetif et Echard scriptores Ord. Praedicatorum x, 162. Opera (commentaries on Aristotle, on the Books of the Bible on Dionysius the Ai*eopagite, besides works on physics, philosophy, and theology) ed Petrus Jammy Ord. Praed. Lugduni 1651. xxi. Tom. fol. Among his theological works the most remarkable are his commenta- ries in iv. libb. Sententianun (also Basil 1506. fol.) and Summa theologiae (Basil. 1507. 2 voll. fol.). On the use which he makes of Aristotle see Jourdain p. 330 ss. Comp. Ritter's Christi. Phil. iv. 181. -"^ On his life see acta SS. Mart. i. 655 ad d. vii. Mart. e.g. Touron vie de s. Thomas d'Aquin avec un expose de sa doctrine et de ses ouvrages. Paris 1734. 4. Bern, de Rubeis dissertt. crit. et apologet. de gestis et scriptis ac doctrina s. Thomae Aquinatis. Venet. 1750. fol. Quetif et Echard scriptt. Ord. Praed. i. 271. Hist. lilt, de la France xix. 238. Ou his use of Aristotle see Jourdain p. 434 ss. His most important theological works are Comment, in iv. libros Sententiarum Mag. P. Lombardi ; — Summa theologiae in iii. partt, (Pars ii. is missing in Prima and Secvmda Secundae. Pars iii. is not finished, so in the edition a Supplementum tertiae partis ex ejusd. s. Tliomae scripto in quartum lib. Sententiarum excerptum is added. The genuineness 304 THIKD PERIOD.-DIV. III.-A.D. 1073—1305. the normal system of" the Dominicans,^'^ made much more use of Aristotle in Theologv. On the other hand the Franciscan Bona- of the Summa, which was called in question by Jo, Launojus veneranda Rom. Ecclesiae circa simoniam traditio, Paris. 1675. observ. 8. is proved by Natalis Alex, dissertt. ad hist. eccl. xiii. et xiv. saeculi diss. Vita, Echard scrlptt. ord. Praed. i. 29-4. Oudinus de scriptt. eccl. iii. 353). — Summa catholicae fidei contra Gentiles in iv. libb. There are besides commentaries on Aristotle, on Holy Writ, &c. They have been very often printed, both separately and together. E. g. Romae 1570. tomi xvii. ; Antverp. 1617. torai xviii. ; Paris. 1660. voU. xxiii. fol. ed. altera Veneta emendata, ace. B. M de Rubeis in singula opera admonitioncs praeviae 1745 — 1760. tomi xxviii. 4. Ritter iv. 257. -^ Immediately after Thomas' death the Dominicans had to protect him against the enmity of the other Theologians, both in Paris where was his most eminent antagonist, Henricus Gandavensis and in Oxford the Dominican Robertus Oxfordius wrote at that time his Protectorium Thomae Aquinatis (Bulaeus iii. 409). In the year 1276 Stephanas Tempier, Bishop of Paris, de consilio Magistrorum theologiae, even condemned, among many other propositions, some taken from the works of Thomas (d'Argentre de novis erroribus i. 188. cf. Observationes p. 204. 217) : The University of Oxford also acceded to this condemna- tion (Bulaeus iii, 448. 482) : and the Franci-can Guillelmus de Lamare in 1285 wrote at Oxford a Repreiiensorium F. Thomae (d'Argentre i, 218.) On the other hand the Dominicans agreed at a general-chapter in Paris 1286 (Martene thes. anecdot. iv. 1817) no. 1 9, ut Fratres oranes et singuli, prout sciunt et possunt, efficacem dent operain ad doctriuam ven. magistri Fratris Thomae de Aquino reco- lendae memoriae promovendam, et saltem ut est opinio dcfensandam, Et si qui contrarium facere attentaverint asseriive, sive sint Magistri, sive Baccallarii, Priores et alii Fratres etiam aliter sentientes, ipso facto ab officiispropriis et aliisOi'dinis sint suspensi etc, and many Dominicans wrote against the Represeutorium (d'Argentre 1. c) After that Thomas w^as canonized by John xxii. in the year 1322, Stephanas dc Borreto, Bishop of Paris at that time, was induced in 1325 to abrogate the decision of his predecessors against St Thomas. (See the Decree in Bulaeus iv. 224, d'Argentre i. 222.) Thereupon the Dominicans decreed in the general chapter apud Carcassonam 1342 (in llolstenii codex Regularum ed. Hrockic iv. 114): Cum praeelarissima doctoris Angelici s. Thomae Aquinatis doctrina in toto orbe terrarum tanquam lux solis eluceat, et ut iirmissima ac .solidissima doctrinarum omnium a sede apostolica, et a principalibus Ecclesiae doctoribus cum testimonio Episcopi atque Universitatis Parisiensis honorifice appi'obata fuerit et divinis laudibus ornata : imponimus lectoribus et studentibus, ut spretis et postpositis vanis et curiosis ac frivolis doctrinis, quarum plurimae a veritate abducunt, ejusdem sanctissinu Doctoris doctrinae omnino dent operani, et assidue studeant, juxta quam quaestiones omnes et dubia dctenninent. But a letter from tlie Tlieological Faculty in Paris to the Po})i' in the year 1387 shows that they found much to censure in CII. IV.— TIIEOL. SCIENCE I. SCHOLASTIC AND MYSTIC, g 74. 305 Ventura (Doctor Seraphicus, Lectui-er in Paris, Cardinal f 1274)^* brought forward the mystic theology again, as well as the Scholastic, and endeavoured to unite the demands of both. In John Duns Scotus (Doctor Subtilis, Lecturer in Oxford, Paris and Cologne f 1308),^' the Franciscans at last acquired a teacher remarkable for the most subtle speculations, whom they could set up against the Thomas of the Dominicans.-'' The deficiencies and partialities of the theologians of this time, Avere recognised by many,^" most plainly by the great Franciscan Roger Bacon (Doctor rairabilis Lecturer in Oxford j 1294),"^^ Thomas in Launoy de varia Aristotelis in Acad. Paris, fortuna 'Cap. 10. (ed. Elswich p. 213 ss.) ^* On his life see Hist, litt, de la France xix. 266. Among his theological works are Coninientarius in iv. libb. Sententiaruni ; and two handbooks of Divinity, ijreviloquium (textum recognovit C. J. Hcfele, Tubing, coinp. 1845. Miinchener gel. Anz. April 1846 s. 601) and Cen- tiloquium, this last for beginners. Besides there are man}' mystical works by him, e. g. Itinerarium mentis in Deum, De vii. gradibus contemplationis etc. — Opera, jussu Sixti V. emendata, Romae 1588. t. viii. fol. Venetiis 1751 ss. t. xili. 4. ^^ There are many philosophical writings by him, especially com- mentai'ies on Aristotle. Among his theological works are Quaestiones in libros iv- Sententiarum (Opus anglicanum s. Oxoniense, in opposition to the earlier unfinisht Opus Parisieuse, best edition by Hugo Ca- vellus. Aiitverp. 1620. 2 vol! fol.) and Quaestiones quod-Iibetales xxi. — Opera ed. Luc. AVadding. Lugd. 1639 ss. t. xii. fol. Baumgarten- Crusius de theologia Scoti (Jenaer Weihnachtsprogr. 1826.) Ritter iv. 354. -^ cf. Waddingi annales Minorum ami. 1308. §. 64 : In aliquot comitiis geueralibus statutuin est, ut lectores omnes et magistri, tarn in cursu philosophico quaui theologico, ejus sententiam sequerentur. When first, Wadding does not pretend to determine : however the Franciscan Occam, a pupil of Duns, calls him Ordinis Doctorera. 2" Guil. Durantis (1311) de mcdo gener. Concilii celebrandi (s. §. 62. not. 28) P. IIL rubr. 16: Cum dicti religiosi (the mendicant friars) dimisso bibliae et verae theologiae studio, et his quae aedificare possent Ecclesiam Dei, dialecticoruiu tendiculis et fantasmatibus theologiae studium destruentibus, et in sermonibus et praedieationibus ad eorum osteulationem frequenter rhythmis et quibusdam profanitatibus abu- tantur, et in generalibus et particularibus studiis curiositaiibus etvanis disceptationibus vacent ; — videretur super his et aliis eos tahgentibus providenduui. -"' Concerning him compare Sammlung v. merkvv. Lebensbesch- reibungen, grosstenth. aus d. britann. Biographic, unter Baumgartens Aufsicht, iv. 616. Jourdain p. 413. Ritter iv. 473. Plist, litt. de la France xx. 227. His most important work Opus majus (a collection u 306 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 107.3— ISfO. Avlio sliowed a wonderi'ul keenness of si^lit on all points, in every branch of human knowledge.'^^ of treatises made in 1266 at the request of Clement IV.), ed. Sam. Jebb. J.ond. 1733. fob, in abstract in the Brit, liiogr. iv. 627. '^^ Compare the passages which Jebb in the Praef ad Opus majus quotes from Bacon's unprinted works : Nunquam fuit tanta apparentia sapientiae, nee tantum exercitium studii in tot facultatibus, in tot regionibus, sicut jam a XL. annis. Ubique enim Doctores sunt dis- persi, — in omni civitate, et in onini castro, et in omni burgo ; praecipue per duos Ordines studentes (Dominicans and Franciscans), quod non accidit nisi a XL. annis vel circiter, cum tamen numquam fuit tanta ignorantia, tantus error. — Si haberem potestatem super libros Aristo- telis (namely the Latin translations) ; ego facerem omnes creuiari, quia non est nisi temporis amissio studere in illis, et causa erroris et multi- plicatio ignorantiae ultra id quod valeat explicari. — Vulgus studentum cum capltibus suis non habet unde excitetur ad aliquid dignum, et ideo languct et asininat circa male translata, et tempus et studium amittit in omnibus et expensas. Apparentia quidem sola tenet eos, et non curant, quid sciant, sed quid videantuv scire cornm multitudine insen- sata. — cf. Opus majus P. i. c. 1 (ed. Jebb. p, 2) ; Quatuor vero sunt maxima coraprehendendae veritatis oifendicula, quae omnem quemcunque sapientem impediunt, et vix aliquem permittunt ad verum titulum sapientiae pervenirc, videlicet fragilis et indignae auctoritatis exem- pluni, consuetudinis diuturnitas, vulgi sensus imperiti, et propriae ignorantiae occultatio eiim ostentatione sapientiae apparentis. — Ex his autem pestibus mortiferis accidimt omnia mala huniano generi : nam ignorantur utilissima et maxima et pulclierrima sapientiae documenta, et omnium scientianun et artium secreta ; sed pejus est, quod homines horum quatuor caligine excaecati non percipiunt suam ignorantiam, sed — aestimant se es.sc in plena luce veritatis. Cap. 12. p. 16 : Cum linguarum cognitio et mathematicae est maxima ni cessaria studio Latinorum, — et fuit praecise in usu Sanctorum et omnium sapientum uiitiquorum, nos moderni negligimus, adnihilamus, et reprobamus, quia ista et eorum utilitatem nescimus. Deinde si aliqui sapientes et Sancti alia neglexerunt, aut humana fragilitate devicti aut ex causa rationabili, nos praesentis temporis obstinate et pertinaciter negligimus et reprobamus, fortificantes nostram ignorantiam propter hoc quod Sancti et sapientes neglexerunt, non volentes considerare quod in omni hominc! est niulta iniperfectio sapientiae, tain in Sanctis quam in sapi- entibus. — Pars iii. de utilitate Grammaticae p. 44 : Impossibile enim est, quod Latini ))erveniant ad ea, quae necessaria sunt in divinis et hunianis, nisi notitiam habeant alinrum linguarum. — Nam totus tcxtus pacer a Graeco et Hcbraco transfusus est, et philosophia ab his et Arabico deducta est ; sed impossibile est quod proprietas xmius linguae servetur in alia. — Et ideo nullus Latinus sapientiam sacrae Scripturae et philosophiae poterit ut 0[)ortet intelligere, nisi intelligat linguas, a quibus sunt translatae. — Solus I^oethius primus interpres novit plenarie potestatem linguarum : et solus dominus Kobertus, dictus Grossiim- Cli. IV.— THEOL. SCIENCE.— I. RISE OF THOM. AND SCOT, g 7f>. 397 § 75. RISE OF THE THOMISTS AND SCOTLSTS. J. Arada controversiae theolog. inter s. Thomam et Scutum super iv. libros sententiarum, in quibus pugnantes sententiae referuntur, potiores difficul- tates elucidantur, et responsiones et argumenta Scoti rejiciuntur. Coloniae 1620. 4. According as the two orders of Dominicans and Franciscans adopted as the systems of their respective orders, the diifering doctrinal systems of Thomas Aquinas and Dims Scotus, they entered upon the regions of Philosophy and Theology from opposite quarters as the hostile parties of Thomists and Scotists. In Philosophy the theory of Universals was principally^ contro- Caput, novit scientias. Alii qiiidem mendici translatores defecerunt niultum tarn in scientiis quain in Unguis ; quod ostendit eorum trauslatio. Nam tanta est perversitas et horribilis difficultas, inaxime in libris Aristotelis translatis, quod nullus potest eos intelligere. Sed quilibet alii contradicit, et multiplex reperitur falsitas, ut patet ex collatione diversorum interpretum et textimm diversarum linguarum. Et simi- liter in textu sacro inveniuntur falsa, et male translata quam plurima. — Ne (Hieronymus) nimia novitate deterreret Latinos, ideo, ut ipse scribit, aliquando coaptavit se LXX. interpretibus, et aliquando Theo- dotioni, aliquando Aquilae, et ideo multa dimisit, et propter hoc remanserunt plura falsa. — Pars iv., in qua osteuditur potestas matbe- maticae in scientiia, et rebus, et occupationibus hujus mundi. p. 57 : sunt quatuor scientiae magnae, sine quibus caeterae scientiae sciri non possunt, nee rerum notitia haberi. — Et hai'um scientiarum porta et clavis est mathematica, quam Sancti a principio mundi invenerunt, ut ostendam, et quae semper fuit in usu omnium Sanctorum et sapientum prae omnibus aliis scientiis. Cujus negligentia jam per ti'iginta vel quadraginta annos destruxit totum studium Latinorum. Although Bacon prefers Aristotle to all other philosophers, he shows plainly enough in many places that even Aristotle is not free from errors : e.g. P. ii. c. 8. pag. 36 : Hie (Aristoteles) praecedentium philosophorum errores evacuavit, et augmentavit philosophiam, aspirans ad ejus com- plementum, quod habuerint anliqui patriarchae, quamvis non potuit singula perficere. Nam posteriores ipsum in aliquibus correxerunt, et multa ad ejus opera addiderunt, et adhuc addentur usque ad finera mundi ; quia nihil est perfectum in humanis inventionibus. ^ On certain other difterences in Philosophy comp. Tennemann VIII. ii. 723 f. 739. 750. 752. 772. u2 308 THIRD PERIOD.--DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. verted betwixt them, on this head Thomas held Aristotehan,' and Scotus rather Platonic^ opinions : in Theology again among many other points of diiFerence,"^ the doctrines of Free Will and Grace were most prominent :^ to which at that time the question ^ Cf. Thomae opuscc. 55 et 50. de Universalibus. He adopted the solution of Aristotle : quod universale est in niuUis, et unum praeter multa ; and of Bot-thius : universale duin intelHgitur, singulare duui .sentitur. Tims he is not a nominalist, but an Aristotelian Realist, Tiedemann iv. 549. Tenueniann VIII. ii. 560. Ritter iv. 323. ^ Scotus in Sentent. lib. ii. dist. 3. qu. 1. Tenneniann VIII. ii. 728. Ritter iv, 428. Accordingly Scotus Sent. i. dist. 8. qu. 4 asserts even a distinctio perfectionum esseniiaHum in Deo, in opposition to the Tliomist dist. perf. attributalium. See Tennemanu s. 770. Ritter iv. 386. * Thus Scotus Sent. lib. iii. dist. 19. et 20. attacks the opinion of Tlioraas about an infinitas nieriti Christi. Others state the dirterence.s touching morals : see in Staudliu's Gesch. der Sittenl. Jesu. iv. 39-4 flf. 4U3. ^ Thomas exactly follows Augustine in the doctrine of original sin and the necessity of i;race(e.g. Summa theol. Prima Secundac qu. 109, and in his Comment, ad Rom. c. 6, ad Ephes. c. 2, and ad Titum c. 3) : nevertheless he took care at the same time to vindicate human merit. Compare Prima Secundae qu. 114. art. 3.: Opus meritorium hoininis dupliciter considerari potest. Uno modo, secundum quod procedit ex libero arbitrio ; alio modo, secundum quod procedit ex gratia Spiritus sancti. Si consideretur secundum substantiam operis, et secundum quod procedit ex libero arbitrio : sic non potest ibi esse condignitas, propter maximam inaequahtatem ; sed est ibi congruitas, propter quandara aequalitatem proportionis. Videtur enim congruum, ut ho- mini operanti secundum suam virtutem Deus recompenset secundum excellentiam suae virtutis. Si autem loquamur de opere meritorio, secundum quod procedit ex gratia Spiritus sancti : sic est meritorium vitae aeternae ex condigno. Then indeed he shows art. 5, quod nullus potest sibi mereri i)rimam gratiam (or gratiam praevenientem cf qu. 111. art. 8); but art. 8, he answers the question ui rum homo possit mereri augn:entum gratiae vel caritatis in the affirmative, augmentum gratiae cadit sub morito condigni. Scotus on the other hand is S(mipelagian. lie declares in Sentent. lib. ii. dist. 32. qu. unie. § 7. originale pcccatum to be only for carentia justitia debitae. Lib. ii. dist. 28. qu. unic. in opposition to the Magister sentcntiarum he answers in the affiiniative the question : utrum liberum arbitrium honinis sine gratia posset cavere omne pcccatum niortale ? with a reference to Rom. ii. 14: ubi videtur Apostolus uicrepare Judaeos in hoc, quod gentes sine lege data servalant legem : ergo cavebant ab omni pcccato; et tamen (ut videtur) i;on liabuernnl j.ra- tiani. Lib. iii. dist. 27. qu. unic. against the position of Thomas, naturam intcllectualini non posse diligere Dcum super oniuia sine C'll. IV.— TilEOL. SCIENCE.— II. MORAL PlIiL()t.Uil[Y. g 70. 3O0 of the immaculate conception of tlie Virgin Mary annext itself (see below § 78. note 14 and 15. Part 3. § 119.) 2. HISTORY OF THE REMAINING THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES. §76. Next to those scholastic forms of faith, canon law was most zealously studied,^ after that it likewise had received from Gratian, a scliolastic and scientific shape. habitu iufuso, he asserts : quod ex puris naturalibus potest quaecunque voluntas saltern in statu naturae institutae diligere Deura super omnia. Lib. ii. dist. 37. qu. 2. to the question: Utrum voluntas areata sit totaHs ciiusa et immediata sui velle, ita quod Dcus respectu iUius non habeat aliquam effieaciain immediatam sed mediatam ? he answers : potest dici, quod voluntas est totalis causa et immediata respectu suae volitionis. Quod probatiir per rationes : prime, quia aliter ipsa non esset libera ; secundo, quia etiam aliter nihil contingenter causare pos- set; tertio, quia aliter non posset peccare ; quarto, quia ahter omnino nuUara actionem habere posset; quinto, ex comparatione ejus ad alias causas creatas. On the conditions of the communication of grace ibid. § 14, Universaliter quidquid Deus dat antecedenter, daret illud consequenter quantum est ex se, nisi esset impedimentura: dando autem voluntatem liberam, dedit antecedenrer opera recta, quae sunt in potes- tate voluntatis, et ideo quantum est ex parte sui dedit rectitudinem omni actui voluntatis et voluntati ex consequenti daret, si ipsa voluntas quemcunque actum elicitum recte ageret ex parte sui. "Lib. i. dist. 17. qu. 3. § 28 : Voluntas est quasi equus liber, et gratia quasi sessor per raodum naturae inclinans ad objectum per modum determinatum. Secundum hujus inclinationem actus voluntatis placet, aliter non placeret : sicut quando est peccatum veniale, vel actus indiiferens. Quando autem sessor abjicitur, quod fit per peccatum mortale, omnino ipsa voluntas fit displlcens. Hoc etiam modo voluntas est pedissequa, quia non ex se ita determinate inclinat ad terminum, propter quam inclinationem actus acceptatur, sicut gratia inclinat : et voluntas potest illud participare a gratia, quia competit gratiae magis per essentiam, quam sibi, et in hoc ipsa erit causa secunda. Tamen in eliciendo actum voluntas habet primam rationem motivi, ita quod in causando aliquid intrinsecum actui non sit voluntas secunda causa, sed in essendo, propter quod actus acceptetur : quod dicit respectum ejus ad extrinsecum etc. — ■ The conception which each of them formed of the Pelagian heresy must not be overlookt. Thomas Summa theol. P. i. qu. 23. art. 5 : Po- suerunt Pelagiani, quod initium bene faciendi sit ex nobis, consummatio autem a Deo. Scotus in Sent. lib. ii. dist. 28. qu. unic. § 1 : in hoc videtur esse haeresis Pelagiana, quod liberum arbitrium sufficiat sine gratia. ^ See above § 60. 310 THIRD PEKIOD.— iJiV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Morals^ were treated by Abelard in a peculiar manner.^ The later sclioolmen, after the example of Lombard, handled them but cursorily'* in their books on theological learning. The Sumraa de virtutibus et vitiis,'' of the Dominican Guilelmi Peraldi ft 1250) and the Secunda Secundae*^ of Thomas Aqviinas are worthy of notice. Casuistiy as well as moral philosophy Avas brought into a scholastic and scientific form, by Raymund de Penna- forti,^ in the place of the antient libri poenitentiales ; on account of its importance in the performance of ecclesiastical offices it was held in higher estimation than they were. The mystics Bernard, Hugo and Richard de St Victor, and Bonaventura, did more to develop and recommend the means of extending that morality, which mysticism prescribes, than to enrich the science of moral philosophy.® While the intrepretation of the Old Testament was so remark- \ ably advanced among the Jews, by such men as R. Solomon 1 Jarchi fi'om Troy es (f after 1105), R. Aben Esra from Toledo ! (t 1167) R. D'dvid Kimchi at Narbonne (about f 1230) and R. ( 2 On the moral philosophy of the Schoolmen in general see de Wette Gesch. d. christlichen Sittenlehre ii. 116. StaudUn's Gesch. d. Moral- philosophie s. 466. His Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu. iv. 298. 3 See Ethica under the title : Scito te ipsum in B. Pezii thesaur. anecdot. III. ii. 627. (comp. § 73. not. 16.) in abstract in Cramer V. ii. 384, and dc Wette ii. 124. On his peculiarities see Staudlin's Gesch. d. Moral philosophic s. 478 ff. His Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu. iv. 304. Neander d. heil. Bernhard. s. 130. 174 ff. Frerichs comm. de P. Abaelardi doctrina dogmatica et morali. Jenae 1827, 4. p. 28 ss. Statements from his Ethics were brought against him at the Council of Sens, see in the Capit. errorum Abael. cap. xiii. and xix. above § 73. note 23. * Job. Sarisbur. metalogic. lib. ii. c. II : An voluptas bona sit, an praeeligenda virtus, an in surnmo bono habitudines, an sit in indigentia laborandum, ])in-us et simplex dialecticus raro examinat. 5 Often ptiblislit, last at Paris 1629.4. .\n abstract is found in Schrockh xxix. 298. de Wette ii. 169. « Extracts in Schrockh xxix. III. de Wette ii. 137. Staudlin's Gesch. d. ]\Iora]i)liilos. s. 494 ft". Gesch. der Sittenl. Jesu iv. 337. 7 Summa dc jjocnitentia et matrimonio, customai'ily Summa Kay- mundiana, often ])uhlisliod, e g., cum glossis .lohannis dc Friburgo, Romae 1603. fol. There is an abridgement in Schrockh xxviii. 116. On casuistry in general see de Wette ii. 206. » On this head see Schrockh xxix. 263. Staudlin's Gesch. d. Sit- tenlehre Jesu iv. 406 dc Wette ii. 208. CH. IV.— THEOL. SCIENCES. XL- g 76. EXEUi:sLs. 31I IVIoses ben Maimon in Cordova (f at Cairo in 1205)" amon£r the western Christians tlie interpretation of Scripture was neither held in due estimation as a study,^" nor pursued in the right manner. The text of the Latin Vulgate, which stood in the place of the original text, was much corrupted by ignorance of criticism ; and the attempts to mend it, only increased the confti- sion.^^ The interpretation was drawn almost exclusively from the fathers of the Church : with regard to the meaning of the words, most men were satisfied with the borrowed resources of the Glossa ordinaria,^^ and the Glossa interlinearis of Anselm, Dean and Scholastic at Laon (f 1117.)*^ 9 Concerning these writers see Rich. Simon hist. crit. du vieux. Testam. p. 170 ss. Wolfii biblioth. hebraea vol. i. G. W. Meyer's Gesch. d. SchrifterkUirung seit d. Wiederherstellung d. Wissenchaften i. 85. ^" cf. Rogerius Bacon in Opus majus P. ii. c. 4. p. 28 : Bacealau- reus, qui legit textual (Holy Scripture), succumbit lectori Sententiarum, et [hie] ubique in omnibus honoratur et praefertur. Nam ille, qui legit sententias, habet principalem horam legendi secundum suam volunta- tem, habet et socium et cameram apud religiosos : sed qui legit Bibliam, caret his, et mendicat horam legendi secundum quod placet lectori Sententiarum. Et qui legit Summas, disputat ubique, et pro magistro habetur ; reliquus, qui textum legit, non potest disputare : sicut fuit hoc anno Bononiae et in multis aliis locis : quod est absui*dum. Mani- festum est igitur, quod textus illius facultatis (theology) subjicitur uni Summae magistrali. — Omnis alia Facultas utitur textu suo solo, et legitur textus in scbolis, quod scito textu sciimtur omnia, quae pertin- ent ad Facultatem, propter quam textus sunt facti : et longe majus est, quod textus hie de ore Domini et Sanctorum allatus mundo est, ita magnus, quod vix sufficeret aliquis lector ad perlegendum eum in tota vita sua. 1^ cf. Humphrey Hody de Bibliorum textibus originalibus. Oxon. 1705. fol. p. 416 ss. Literarisches Museum (Altorf 1787) Bd. 1. St. 1. S, 1 flf. St. 2. S. 77 ff. St. 3. S. 344 ff. Meyer's Gesch. d. Schrift- ausleg. i. 93. L. van Ess pragmat- krit. Gesch. d. Vulgata. Tubingen 1824. S. 160. About 1144 Cardinal Nicolas complains (see Hody p. 417): exemplaria, — quae a doctissimis viris dicebantur cori'ecta, — adeo discrepabant, ut paene quot codices tot exemplaria reperirem. Also the different Correctoria Bibliae were subjects of party jealousy to the mendicant friars. On their mode of proceeding cf. Roger. Bacon epist. ad Clem iv. in Hody p. 429 : Quilibet lector in Ordine Minorum corrigit, ut vult, et similiter aqud Praedicatores, — et quilibet mutat, quod non intelligit etc. 12 See above Div. i. § 10. note 16. ^■' Often publisht together with the Glossa ordinaria. There is an 312 THIRD rEKluD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1305. Among tliL- exegetical works of this age Abelunrs coninientaiy on the epistle to the Romans, and the expositio continua in Evan- gelia (Catena aurea in Evangeha)^* by Thomas Aquinas are distinguislit chiefly for their efforts for an historical and m'am- matical interpretation. As an exegetical compiler cardinal Hugo of St Chers (t 1263) is most eminent.^^ Too vast to be overlookt are the exegetical remains''^ of this age, in which mystics, as Bernard of Clairvaux, and Rupert, Abbot of Deutz (f 1135)^^ and Schoolmen as Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura, lingering^^ with especial affection on the most difficult books of the Bible, endeavoured to ascertain the foui'fold meaning of Holy Writ.^^ But our compassion only is roused at the sight of so much acuteness, so unprofitably squandered. unfavourable opinion of Anselnius Laudunensis in Abaelardi hist, cala- mit. suar. c. 3. ^* Tholuck de Thonia Aquin. atque Abaelardo interpretibus Novi Test. (Hall. Csterprogr. 1842.) On Thomas see Rich. Simon hist, crit. des principaux commentateurs du Nouv. Test. p. 470. ^° Properly II agues de St Chers. On him see Quetif et Echard scriptt, Ord. Praedicatt. i. 194. Ilist. litt. de la France xix. 3.S. His Postillae in universa biblia juxta quadruplicera sensuni ed. Basil, 1498 and 1504. Paris. 1548. vii. voll. fol. — His Coucordantiae sacrorum bibliorum (Concord, s. Jacobi.) ed. Basil. 1543 and 1551. fol. first brought the division of the Bible into chapters into general use. ^' Concerning these see Cramer vi. 81. Schrbckh xxviii. 321. ^^ 0pp. cd. Mogunt. 1631. ii. voll. fol. (There was a pirated edition full of faults issued at Paris. 1638) cf. Hist, litleraire de la France xi 422. '** Ed. Cunitz hist. crit. de I'iuterpretation du cantique descantiques, these. Strasbourg 1834. 4. p. 20. ^' Johannes Saresburlensis, otherwise bo clear, gives in to this custom, Policraticus lib. vii. c. 12 : Divir.ae paginae libros, quorum singuH jipices divinis pleni sunt sacranientis, tanta gravitate Icgendos forte conees.serim, eo quod thesaurus Spiritus sancli, cujus digito scripti sunt, onmino nequeat exhaiu-iri. Licet enim ad unum tantummodo sensum accomniodata sit superficies literae, multiplicitas mysteriorum intrinsccus latet. Et ab eadem re saepe allegoria fidem, (ropologia mores variis modis aedificat, anagoge quoque multipliciter sursum ducit, ut litera non modo verbis, sed rebus ipsis inslituat. At in liberalibus disciplinis, ubi non res^ sed duntaxat verba significant, (juisquis pro sensu literae contentus non est, aberrare videtur milii etc. CH. V.-DIVINE SERVICE, g 77. SACKAMEN'iVS. 313 FIFTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF DIVINE SERVICE. Liturgical Works of this age: Ivonis Carnotensis* (f 1115) micrologus de ecclesiasticis observationibus (in Melcb. Hittorpii de divinis catb. Eccl. officiis ac ministeriis varii vetustorum scriptt. libri. Colon. 1568. p. 434. and in Biblioth. Pr. Lugd. xviii. 4(39.) — Ruperti Tuitiensis (f 1135) de divinis officiis libb. xii. (in 0pp. ii. 750.)— Jo. Beletbi (according to Henri- cus Gandav. theologicae scbolae rector Parisiis, according to Albericus chron. p. 363 floruit in Ecclesia Ambianensi about 1182) divinorum officiorum ac eorundeni rationum brevis explicatio (prim. ed. Corn. Laurimann. Antv. 1553.8. frequently appended to the Rationale Durantis.) — Principal Work : Guilelmi Durantis (his name is Durantis or Duranti not Durandus) Episc. Mimatensis (f 1296 see Savigny's Gesch. d. rom. Rechts im Mittelalter v. 501. Hist. litt. de la France xx. 411) Rationale divinorum officiorum libb. viii. (according to lib. viii. c. 9. it was composed, in the year 1286, it was often publisht in the 15th and 16th centuries, also at Venice in 1609. 4.) §77. HISTORY OF THE SACRAMENTS. The doctrine of the change of elements in the Lord's Supper, as it was determined in opposition to Berengarius, was by no means universally received in the 12th century.^ In particular it ' That Ivo is the author, Wharton has discovered in the Auctar. historiae, J. Usserii de Scripturis et Sacris vei'naculis. Lend. 1690. 4. p. 395. 2 Zacharias Ep. Chrysopolitanus (about 1157) comm. in Monotessa- ron (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xix.) Hb. iv. c. 156 : Sunt nonnulH, imo forsan multi, sed vix notari possunt, qui cum damnato Berengario idem sentiunt, et tamen eundem cum Ecclesia damnant. In hoc videlicet damnant eum, quia foruiam ve rborum Ecclesiae abjiciens, nuditate sermcuis scandalum movebat. Non sequebatur, ut dicunt, usum Scripturaruni, quae passim res significantes tanquam significatas ai4 THIRD I'EKIOD.— DIV. III. A.D. 1073—1305. (lid not af^ree with the ojnnions of" the mystics,' wlio loved a appellant, praesertim in sacramentis, ut eorum virtutes exprimant. Aliis vero lateiiter iuiponunt, quod non intelligant tropos et tiguratarf locutiones, ideoque iiuserabili inortc aniinae signa pro rebus accipiatit Illud quoquu inaxiuie dcridcnt, quod panis et vini species dicunt in aere apparere ; (piidain vero, sensus corporeos falli post conversioncm panis et vini in carneni et sanguineni Christi etc. Cf. Kupertus Abb. Tuitiensis comra. in Johanneni lib. vi. c. 6. — The different opinions of this age concerning the Lord's Supper are thus given by Algeras Presbyter of Liege, afterwards monk of Cluny (about 1130) in prologo in lib. de Sacram. corp. et. sang. Dom. Bibi. PP. Lugd. xxi. 251 (in the Voyage litteraire de deux relig. Bened. ii. 125, this passage is attributed to an anonymous writer) : Alii panem et vinum non muta- tum, sed solum sacramentum, sicut aquam baptismal is, vel oleum chrismatis, corpus Christi non vere, sed tiguratc vocare dicunt. — Alii autem dicunt, panem non solum sacramentum, sed in pane Christum quasi impanatum, sicut Deum in caime personaliter incarnatum. Alii autem panem et vinum incarnem et sanguinem mutari, sed non Christi, sed cujuslibet filii hominis sancti et Deo accepti, ut compleatur, (piod Christus dixit; nisi manducaveritis carneni filii hominis, non babebitis vitam in vobis. Alii autem gratiae Dei dei'ogantes dicunt, saccrdotum malis meritis ita invocationem divini nominisannullari, ut eorum indigna consecratione non debeat panis in Christi carnem converti. Alii vero mutari quidem in carnem Christi, sed malis meritis sumentium non permanere carnem Christi, sed iterum reverti in purum sacramentum panis et vini. Alii, quod est deterius, dicunt, per comestionem in foedae digestionis converti corruptionein. ^ Cf. Bernardi sermo i. in coena Domini § 2. (0pp. ed. Mabillon ii. 87) : Sacramentum dicitur sacrum signum sive sacrum secretum. Multa siquidem fiunt propter se tantum, alia vero propter alia designanda, et ipsa dicuntur signa et sunt. Ut euim de usualibus sumamus exemplum : datur annulus absolute propter annulum, et nulla est significatio : datur ad investiendum de hereditate aliqua, et signum est; ita ut jam dicere possit, qui accipit: annulus non valet quicquam, sed hereditas est, quam quaerebam. In hunc itaque modum appropin- quans passioni Dominus de gratia sua investire curavit suos, ut invisibilis gratia signo aliquo visibili praestaretur. Ad hoc instituta sunt omnia sacrameiita, ad hoc eueharistiae participatio, ad hoc pedum ablutio, ad hoc dcnique ipse baptismus, initium sacramentorum omnium etc. Sermo in festo s. Alartini vj 10 (1. c. p. 181): us(jue hodie eiulcm caro nobis, sed spiritualitcr utique, non earn;dit('r, exhibetur. — Kupertus Tuitiensis de Trinitatc^ et opcribus ejus in Hxodum lib. ii. cap. 10 (Opji. ed. Mogunt. IG31. i. l'.Jl): Totum attribuetis op(;rationi Sjjiritus sancti, cujus effectus non est destruere vel corrunipere sidjstantiani, (juameunquc suos in usus assumit, sod substantiae bono ])ermaneiiti, quoderat, invisibiliter adjicere, quod non erat. Sicut naluram humanam non destruxit, cum illam operatione sua ex utero Virginis Dcus Verbo in unilatcm personae conjunxil : sic substautiam panis ot vini, secundum oxt(!rioi'em speciem (piinque scnsibus subjectam, nun niutat aut desfruit, CH. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 77. 8AGRAMENT8 315 more spiritual apprehension, nearly so well as with those of the common folk, fond as they were of the miraculous ; to whom, fi'om time to time, the Flesh and Blood visibly appeared in their natural form ;'^ and with those of the Schoolmen, with whose purely intellectual caste of mind that material explanation of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist corresponded better than the mystic view. After that this doctrine of transubstantiation^ had been made in the hands of the Schoolmen, to define more cum eidem Verbo in unitatem corporis ejusdem, quod in cruce pependit, et sanguinis ejusdem, quern de latere suo fudit, ista conjungit. Quomodo Verbum a summo demissum caro factum est, non mutatum in cai'nem, sed assumendo carnem : sic panis et vinum, utrumque ab imo sublevatum, fit corpus Christi et sanguis, non mutatum in carnis saporem sive in sanguinis hovrorem, sed in assumendo invisibiliter utriusque, divinae scilicet et humanae, quae in Christo est, immortalis substantiae v^erilatem. Cf. ejusd. de divinis officiis lib. ii. cap. 9 (0pp. ii. 762.) E.g. quod cum in ora fidelium sacerdos distribuit, panis et vinum adsumitur et transit ; partus autem Virginia cum unito sibi Verbo Patris et in caelo et in hominibus integer permanetet inconsum- tus. Sed in ilium, in quo fides non est, praeter visi biles species panis et vini, nihil de sacrificio pervenit. Cf. J. Gr. de Lith de adoratione panis consecrati et interdictione s. calicis in eucharistia p. 113 ss. Accordingly Bellarraine (de controversiis christ. fidei torn ii. lib. iii. c. 11 and 15) declares this doctrine of Rupert to be hei'etical. Gabr. Gerberon apologia pro Ruberto Tuitiensi. Paris. 1669. 8. has taken pains to prove it catholic. * Schrock xxviii. 69. Thus Alexander Hales, in Sent. P. iv. qu. 53 membr. 4. art. 1. puts the question expressly: Quaeritui", si post ccnse- crationem apparet revera caro Christi in sua forma, ut se appareret in foi'ma unius pueri, vel carnis cruentae, vel digiti, vel membri alicujus, an esset summenda .^ Responsio, quod non etc. Art 3. gives to the question : quid sit illud, quod quandoque apparet in specie carnis vel pueri in altari, an sit corpus Christi? this answer, quod caro vel sanguis in hujusmodi apparitione, quando a Domino est, est ipsius Domini. A Domino esse dico, quia hujusmodi apparitiones quandoque accidunt humana procuratione et forte diabolica. At times the design of the miracle was very plain. When, for instance the Abbey of U alkenried was in want of money to complete the building of its church, the miracle happened in the year 1252, in the country cbapel at Otbstedt which was dependent ou the monastery, and pilgrimages to the spot soon brought in gifts enough, see Leuckfeld antiquitatesWalkenreden- ses p. 167. '^ The word Transubstantiatio, does not first occur in Hildebert Arch- bishop of Tours (Sermo xciii. synodicus ad sacerdotes) but before then, in the Expositio can. Missae sec. Petr. Damianiin A, Maji scriptt. vett. nova coll. vi. ii. 215 ; the verb transubstantiare is first found in Stephen Bishop of Autun from 1113 — 1129, Tract de sacramento altaris cap. 316 THIRD rEllIOD.—DIV. III. A.D. 1073— 1;305. closely, that the whole Christ was present in both kinds,^ it received, under Innocent III. its first confirmation by a general Council;^ neverthless reason long pulled at this new chain; and thus even after this confirmation a manifold controversy^ rose up on this point. The higher view of this sacrament caused many 14 (Bibh PP.. Lugd. xx. 1879, where the words, hoc est corpus meuin are explained : panem, quern accepi, in corpus nieuni transubstantiavi. ^ The author of the Expositio can. Missae in Majus 1. c. vi. ii. 211 declares himself undoubtedly to this effect, but one can see from his manner of speaking that the question was as yet by no means decided (see Part 1. § 29. not. 18.) Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, is the first to assert with certainty (epistt. lib. iv. ep. 107), in utraque specie totum Christum sumi. ' Cone. Lateran. iv. ann. 1215 cap. I. in the confession of faith of the Synod: — Una vero est fidelium universalis Ecclesia, extra quam nullus omnino salvatur. In qua idem ipse sacerdos et sacrificium Jesus Christus, cujus corpus et sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini vcraciter continentur, transubstantiatis pane in corpus et vino in sanguinem potestate divina, ut ad perficieudum mys- terium unitatis accipiamus ipsi de suo, quod accepit ip-i)iritualiter veritatein carnis et sanguinis Domini dieitur sumere etc. About 13()0 the Dominican .Joannes Parisiensis wrote a determinatio de niodo existendi corpus Christi in sacramenlo altaris alio, (piani sit ille, quem tenet I'.eelesia (ed. I'etrus AUix. Loi;d. IGSG. 8), in the beginning of which he thus declaree himself: Inteudo defendere veram cxistentiam et realem corporis Christi in Sacramento altaris, et quod non est ibi solum sicut in signo. Kt licet tcneam et approbem illani solemnem opinioncm, quod corpus Christi est in sacramento altaris per conversionem substantiae panis in corpus Christi, et quod ibi maneant accidentia sine sulijecto ; non lamen iiudeo dicere, quod hoc cadat sub fide : sed poti pt aliter salvari vera et realis cxistentia corporis Christi in sacramento altaris. Protestor tamen, quod si ostendatur dictum modum detcrminatum esso per sacrum eanonem, aut i)er Kcclesiam, aut per generale Concilium, aut per Papam, (pii virtute continet totam Ecelesiam, quicquid dicam nolo haberi pro dico, et statiin paratus sum revocare. Ouod si non sit detcrminatum, contingat tamen ipsum determinari, statim paratus sum assentiri. He declares himself about that Modus in the following manner: Subsiantiam panis manere sub suis accidentibus in sacramento altaris, dupliciter potest intelligi : uno modo sic, quod substantia panis in sacramento altaris sub suis acciden- tibus maneat in pro])rio supposito ; et istud est ftdsnni, quia non esset communicatio idiomatnm inter panem et corpus Chri.sti, nee cai'o mea vere essel ciLus. Alio modo, ut substantia ])anis maneat sub acciden- tibus suis, non in proprio suj)j)osito, sed tracta ad esse et suppositum Christi, lit sic sit unum suppositum in duabus naturis. Et sic est verum, substantiam panis manere sub suis accidentibus etc. He mentions p. 97 other divines in Paris, wlio held the same opinion ; among whom Guido de Cluvigny had even said, quod si esset Papa, quod confirmaret earn. However AVilliam Pishop of Paris deprived him of his Profes- sorship, and when he was on the point ot ajipealing to the Pope on this account, he died at Bordeaux in 13UG. fcf. Oudinus de scriptt. cccl. iii. 644. d'Argentre collectio judiciorum i. 2G4.) — There were other questions in vogue touching the duration of the cliange. Pobert PuUeyn met with no assent to his assertion, that only the bread, which was actually received in the Lord's Supper, was the Body of Christ (Cramer vi. 514) : but in the 1 2th century the opinion of Peter Lom- bard, lib iv. dist. 13, was still generally received, quod a brutis animalibus corpus Christi non suinitur, etsi videatur. cf. Innocentius 318 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. the administration of the cu[) more anxious soHcitude was shown to provide against spilhng/'^ and in the 12th century the custom III. de sacro aharis mysterio hb. iv. c. 11 : Si quaeritur, quid a mure comeditur, cum sacramentuui corroditur, vel quid incineratur, cum sacraraentum crematur ; respondelur, quod sicut miraculose substantia panis convertitur, cum corpus dominicum incipit esse sub sacramento, sic quodam raodo miraculoso revertitur, cum ipsum ibi desinit esse : non quod iila panis substantia revertitur, quae transivit in carnem, sed quod ejus loco aliquid miraculose creatur : quamvis hujus accidentia sine subjecto possunt sic corrodi, sicut edi. On the other hand Alex- ander of Hales lib iv. qu. 45. membr. 1. art. 2. upheld the opposite opinion ; and although Bonaventura lib. iv. dist. 13. art. 2. qu. 1. says of it : Quantumcunque haec opinio muniatur, nunquam tamen adeo munitur, quin aures piae hoc abhorreant audire, quod in ventre muris vel cloaca sit corpus Christi etc., nevertheless Thomas Aquinas supports it (Summae P. iii. qu. 80. art. 3) because the other opinion derogat vei'itati sacramenti. Thomas' influence decided the question, and that position of Lombard fell among the articuli, in quibus Magister non tenetur (see above, § 73, not. 31*) 9 Augustine and many of the antient Church -Teachers had deduced from John vi. 54, the unconditional necessity of the Lord's Supper to salvation : This however is denied so early as by Lanfrancus in epist. ad Domnaldum ann. 1081 (in Usserii vett. epistt. hibernic. sylloge p. 73.) Nevertheless he still retains the communion of children. Men's minds were especially set at rest by the assurance of Fulgentius Bishop of Ruspe (epist. 12), tunc unumquemque fidelium corporis san- guinisque dominici participem fieri, quando in baptismate membrum corporis Christi efficitur, nee alienari ab eo panis calicisque consortio, etiarasi antequam panem ilium comedat et calicem bibat, de hoc saccule in unitate corporis Christi constitutus abscedat : and the rather so because this passage was commonly believed to be Augustine's (e.g. it is quoted as his by Hugo a S. Victore de sacramentis et caeremoniis eccles. lib. i. cap. 20, and Gratian Deer. P. iii. dist. 4. c. 131.) Hugo a S. Victore 1. c. speaks of the transition from the antient practice, ignorantia presbyterorum adhuc formam retinens sed non rem, dat pueris loco sanguinis vi: um, quod penitus supervacuum arbitrarer, si sine scandalo simpliciuin dimitti posset. Si auteni in reservando san- guinem Christi, vel in ministrando pueris immineat periculum, potius supersedendum videtur. Odo Bishop of Paris after 1196, in his synodicis constitutionibus (Praecepta communia c. 39. in IMansi xxii. 683) forbad his priests, ne hostias licet non sacratas dent pueris ullo modo. Afterwards the Concil. Bui'degal. ann. 1255. c. 5 and Bajo- cense ann. 1300 c. 16 prohibited the communicating of children : nevertheless in some solitar}^ places the custom still pi*evailed down to the beginning of the 15th centmy. P. Zornii hist, eucharistiae infan- tium. Berol. 1736. 8. In the 12th centiuy the solemn seasons for baptism were discontinued, apparently in connexion with the communion of children. See Launoji opp. T. ii. P. ii. p. 730. ^•^ This was all the more likely to happen, since accoi'ding to Gregory's CH. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 77. SACRAMENTS. 319 began in different places of witliholding it altogether ft-oni the II. epist. 14. ad Bonifaciuin, congruum non est, duos vel tres calices in ahario pouere, cum Missarum solemnia celebvautur, the single chalice was necessarily so large and heavy (cf. Lith de adoratione panis consecrati p. 244. F. Brenner's geschiohtl. Darstellung d. Verrichtung und AusspenJund der Eucharistie, Bamberg 1824, S. 379.) Thence as early as the end of the 8th century arose the use of the fistula or calamus, ai'undo, canna, s. Joh. Vogt hist, fiatulae eucharisticae. Bremae 1740. 4 (also in Germaniae literatac opusc. ed. Jo. Oelrichs, Breinae 1772, p. 185, besides a spicilegium editoris p. 325). — After the end of the 11th century, the custom of administering the bread dipt in the wine, which had already been usual in the communion of children and the sick (cf. Zoruii hist, eucharistiae infantium), began to be universally adopted. This custom however, according to the precedent of Cone. Braccarensis ann. G75 can. 2 (which canon in Deer. Grat. P. iii. dist. 2. can. 7 is incorrectly attributed to Pope Julius) was forbidden by Urban II. (Cone. Claromontan ann. 1095. c. 28) especially by Paschal ii. Epist. 32. ad Pontium Cluuiacens. Abbatem ann. 1110 (Mansi xx. 1013) : Scribens ad Caecilium b. Cyprianus ait : Quando aliquid Deo inspirante et mandante praecipitur, neccsse est Domino servus Jidelis ohtcniperet, excusatus apud omnes^ quod nihil sibi arroganter assinnat, ne aliudfat a nobis, qiiam quod pro nobis Dominus prior fecit. Igiturin sumendo corpore et sanguine Domini, juxta eundem Cyprianum, domi- nica traditio servetur, nee ab eo, quod Christus magister et praecepit et gessit, humana et novella institutione discedatur. Novimus enim per se panem, per se vinum ab ipso Domino traditum. Quern morem sic semper in sancta Ecclesia couservandum docemus atque praecipimus, praeter in parvulis ac omnino infirmis, qui panem absorbere non pos- sunt : quibus satis communicari in sanguine. Ernulphus Episc. Roti'ensis (of Rochester) showed himself of another opinion in epist. ii. ad Lambertum in 1120 (d'Acbery spicileg. iii. 470.) Lambert had askt him : cur hodierna Eeclesiae consuetudo alio et paene contrario ritu censeat porrigi corpus dominicum, quam a Domino in coena disci- pulis suis fuerit distributum ? Id enim quotidianus Eeclesiae praetendit usus, ut tribuatur hostia sanguine intincta, cum a Domino prius corpus, deinde sanguis porrectus fuisse, meraoretur. Ernulphus first vindicates the right cf the Church to make such alterations : Haec eis, cum quibus conversari dignatus est (Redemptor noster), verbo vel exemplo insinuavit, quae facienda erant docens, certum quo facienda erant modura praefigere omittens. — Qua in re insinuasse videtur, quae prae- cepta sunt non fieri non licere ; pro ratione vero necessitatis vel honestatis alio et alio modo fieri licere. Then concerning the grounds for the alteration mentioned in the question he says, Nos carnem Domini intingimus in sanguine Domini, ne accipientes sive porrigentes peccemus, non habita forte competenti cautela in labiis et manibus nostris. Evenit enim frequenter, ut barbati et prolixos habentes granos, dum poculum inter epulas sumunt, prius liquore pilos inficiant quam ori liquorem infundant. Ii si accesserint ad altare liquorem 320 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A D. 1073— 1305. laity.^^ However this withholding of the cup, although it was much extended, especially after the time of Thomas and Bona- sanctuni bibituri, quomodo periculum devitare poterunt inter accipien- dum, quomodo uterque, accipiens videlicet et porrigens, effugipiit grande peccatum ? Praeterea si iniberbes et sine grains, aut mulieres ad sumendam conimunioueni sanctam conveniant, quis sacerdotuni poterit tam provide ministrare, — ut nihil effundat ? etc. Lastly he states that the decree of Pope Julius (for thus he styles the Canon Braccar. even in his time) was invalid. Accordingly that custom was maintained in England until the Cone. Lond. ann. 1175 c. 16. prohibited it. '^ Learned Catholics as Bona rerum liturgicarum lib. ii. c. 18, Mabillon comment, in Ordineni Ilomanu/a before his Musei Italici T. .ii. p. Ixi. perfectly agree to this change. Compare especially J. G. de Lith de adoratione panis consecrati et interdictione sacri calicis in Eucharistia, ed. J. C. de Lith Suobaci 1753. 8. p. 158 ss. Spittler's Gesch. des Kelchs im Abendmahle, Lemgo 1780. 8. — The causes of withholding thu cup are clear from note 10 : to this also contributed the fact that since Ansehn's time the determination was generally received, in utraque specie totuui Christum sumi (see above, note 6), so that the Schoolmen were emljarrasst to give a reason, why both elements should be received, cf Guillelmus de Campellis (ex Ms. in Mabillonii act. SS. Ord, Bened. saec. iii. P. i. praef. no. 75) : Quod utraque species per se accipitur, eo fit, ut memoria corporis, quod in cruce visibiliter pependit, et memoria sanguinis, qui cum aqua de latere fluxit, arctius teneatur, et quasi praesentetur. Tamen sciendum, quod qui alteram speciem accipit, totum Christum accipit. — Quod ergo dicitur, utramque speciem oportere accipi, haeresis plane est. — Et idee licet in alterulra specie totus sumatur, tamen pro causa praedicta sacra- mentum utriusque speciei ab Ecclesla immutabiliter retinetur. From this age, however, the first voice moved for the refusal of the cup, that of Rudolph Abb. s. Trudonis (St Tronc in the territory of Liege) ex Ms. in Bona I'er. liturg. lib. ii. c. 18 : Hie et ibi cautela fiat, ne presbyter aegris Aut sanis tribuat laicis de sanguine Christi : Nam fundi posset leviter, simplexque putaret, Quod non sub specie sit totus Jesus utraque. Then Robert Pulleyn about 1140. Sentent. P. viii. c. 3: Primo corpus, post sanguis a presbyteris est sumendus : institutio Christi mutanda non est. — Vcrum qualiter a laicis eucharistia sunn deberet, sponsae suae commisit judicio : cujus consilio et usu pulcre fit, ut caro Christi tantum laicis distribuatur. Nimirum periculose fieret. ut sanguis sub liquida specit; multitudini fidelium in Ecclesia divideretur : longe periculosius, si infirmatis per paroehiam deferretur. These, however, are the only traces of withholding the cup in the 12th century : for all other writers of this age, Ivo, Rupert, 13ernard, Hugo de St Victor, Peter Lombard (Sent. lib. iv. dist. 11 : Quare sub duplici specie sumitur, cum sub alterutra totus sit Christus '? Ut ostenderetur totam CU. v.— DIVLXE SERVICE. ? 77. SACRAMENTS. 321 humanam naturara assnmpsisse, ut totam redimeret. Panis cnim ad carnem refertur, vinum ad aniniam, quia vinum operatur sanguinom, in quo sedes aninmc a phy.sicis esse dicitur. — Si in altera [specie] tantum sumeretur, ad alterius tantum i. e. aniinae vel corporis, non -utriusque pariter, tuitionem valere significaretur. Sub utraquc specie tamen totus suniitur Christus : nee plus sub utraque, nee minus sub altera tantum sumitur.), Peter of Blois, &c., all speak of receiving in both kinds, and represent this mode as universal, see de Lith. 1. c. p. 212 ss. Gratian (P. iii. de consecratione dist. 2. c. 12) adopts this passage from Pope Gelasius : Comperimus autem, quod quidam, sumpta tan- tummodo corporis sacri portione, a calice sacri cruoris abstineant. Qui proculdubio (quoni.un nescio qua suporstitione docentur obstringi) aut integra sacramenta percipiant, nut ab integris arceantur ; quia divisio unius ejusdem mysterii sine grandi sacrilegio non potest provenire : and even a Synod in Pulleyn's own country, in the year 1220, Syu. Dunel- mensis (Wilkins (,'ouc. Magnae P)rit. i. 548.) says : Instruere insupcr debetis laicos, quoties communicant, quod de veritate corporis et sanguinis Christi nullo modo dubitent. Nam hoc accipiunt procul dubio sub panis specie, quod pro nobis pependit in cruce : hoc accipiunt in calice, quod effusum est de Christi latere. At the same time, however, an Englishman (Alexander Ilalesius in Sent, lib iv. qu. 53. menibr. 1), bears witness to the existence of the opposite practice, and throws remarkable light on the state of the question : Utrum liceat sumere corpus Christi sub specie panis tantum sine sumptione sub specie vini ? Ciun Dominus Jesus in tota integritate sua contineatur sub utraque specie, scil. panis et vini, videtur quod sufficiat ilium sumere sub una specie : ut enim supra dictum est, corpus et sanguis, anima et divinitas in Christo inseparabiliter unita sunt. — Contra deconsecr. dist. ii. Com- perimus (see the passage just quoted from Gratian) sic sumentes judi- cantur rei peccati sacrilegii. — Item Dominus in institutione bujus Racramenti dispensavit corpus suum sub specie panis et vini, ex quo videtur, — quod hoc debeat fieri sub duabus speciebus. Item corpus Christi non est sacramcntaliter sub specie vini, neque sanguis ejus sub specie panis : ad hoc ergo, quod sacramcntaliter sumatur Christus, necesse est quod sumatur sub duabus speciebus, cum non contineatur sacramentaliter sub una. Item potest quaeri, si hoc sacramentum habeat eandem efficaciam smnptum sub una specie et sub duabus. liesponsio: Dicendum, quod quia Christus integre sumitur sub utraque specie, bene licet sumere corpus Christi sub specie panis tantum, sicut fere i/biquefit a laicis in Ecclesla. Quod autem dicit canon ibi Compe- rimus etc. intelligitur de conficiente. Ecclesia autem istud saci-amentum dispensare consuevit sub specie panis tantum, turn propter periculum eftusionis, quod forte acciderct, si sub specie vini dispensaretur, turn propter vitii infidelitatis amotionem, quod se non immerito simplicium mentibus ingereret, si semper sub speciebus panis et vini daretur : quia, si ita fieret, possent simpliciores credere, quod Christus non contineretur integre sub altera specie, sicut contingit quandoque. Unde aliquibus religiosis petcntibus et instantibus, ut sub utraque specie sumerent sacramentum, sacerdote quodam pio cantante, cum faceret fractionem, concavum patenae totum visum est repleri sanguine, ad quod obstupuC' X 322 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1305. ventura^^ was not yet in this period of time, an universal custom runt ipse et circumstantes : seel cum conjungeret partes hostiae, totuin vi.sura est reinirare, et petition! et temptationi illorum penitus fuit satisfactum, Atl illucl,quod objicitur de dispensation e Domini, dicendum, quod Dominus insinuavit modum, quo debuit a conficientibus sumi. — Praeterea licet ilia sumptio, quae est in accipiendo suh una specie^ sufficiat : ilia tamen, quae est sub duabiis, est majoris 7neriti, turn ratione augmentationis devotionis, cum ratione fidei dilatationis actualis, turn ratioue sumptionis completions. Ex bis patet responsio ad quaesita, quia sumptio sub utraque specie^ quern modum sumendi tradidit Dominus, est majoris efficaciae et complementi, Ecclesia tamen utitur alio modo propter causas praetactas. Still tbat tbe refusal of tlie cup could only have been tbe custom at tbat time in some few solitary cburcbes, is plain from Albertus Magnus, cf. de Litb p. 226 ss., especially from bis lib. de corpore Cbristi et sacramento altaris (de Litb p. 228 — 231 ex cod. Heilbronn.) He raises bere tbe objection : Quidam faciunt quaes- tionem : quia enira Christus totus cum sanguine et aniraa et spiritu et deitate babctur sub specie istius cibi, quae estpanis, videri potest alicui, quod nibil operationis in sacramento babet potus in specie vini. In answer be sbows tbe necessity of tbe latter. Compare especially tbe conclusion : Quod ergo elicitur, quod alterum videtur esse superfluum, cum sanguis babeatur in corpoi'e et corpus in sanguine, dicendum, quod boc non est verum. Verura quidem est, quod sanguis habetur in corpore. sed non ex virtute sacramental!, sed ex unione naturali. — p]t ideo oportuit, ut esset ibi confectio ex elemento potus, sicut fuit ex elemento cibi, quia aliter sacramentum in virtute et ratione sacramen- tali esset iniperfectum. '^ Tbe principal argument against witbbolding tbe cup from tbe Laity, was tbis, tbat tbe blood of Cbrist could not be sacramentalitcr, but only ex unione naturali sub specie panis — and therefore tbe cele- bration of tbe Lord's Supper in one kind must be imperfecta, and minoris efficaciae (see Alex, Hales, and Albertus M, note IL) First Tbomas (wbo, for Albert's unio naturalis, coined tbe expression concomitantia realis, or naturalis), and still more Eonaventura, endeavoured to meet tbis argument. Tbomae Summa P. iii. qu. 76. art. 1 : Omnino necessc est confiteri secundum fidem catbolicam, quod totus Cbristus (viz., divinitas, anima ct corpus) sit in boc sacramento. Sciendum tamen, quod aliquid Cbristi est in boc sacramento dupHciter: uno modo quasi ex vi sacrameiiti, alio modo ex naturali concomitantia. Ex vi quidem sacraraenti est sub speciebus hujus sacramenti id, in quod directe convertitur substantia panis et vini praeexistens, prout significatur per verba formae, quae sunt effectiva in hoc sacramento : — ex naturali autem concomitantia est in boc sacramento illud, quod realiter est conjunctum ei, in quod praedicta conversio terminatur. Si enim aliqua duo sunt realiter conjuncfa, ubicumque est unum realiter, oportet et aliud esse. Art. 2 : Sub utraque specie sacramenti totus est Christus, aliter tamen et aliter. Nam sub speciebus panis est quidem corpus Cbristi ex vi sacramenti, sanguis autem ex reali concomitantia, sicut supra dictum est de anima et divinitate Cbristi. Sub speciebus CH. v.— DlVIxXE SERVICE, g 77. SACRAMENTS. 323 vero villi est quidem sanguis Cliristi ex vi sacramenti : corpus autem Cliristi ex reali concomitantia etc. Qu. 80. art. 12 with regard to the question : Utrum liceat smnere corpus Christi sine sanguine? He first vxnfolds the reasons why it is not, and then proceeds : Sed contra est raultarum Ecclesiarum usus, in quibus populo communicanti datur corpus Christi sumendum, non autein sanguis. Respondeo, dicendum, quod circa usum hujus sacramenti duo possunt considerari. Unum ex parte ipsius sacramenti, aliud ex parte sumentium. Ex parte quidem ipsius sacramenti con venit, quod utrum que sumatur, scilicet et corpus et sanguis : quia in utroque consistit perfectio sacramenti. Et ideo quia ad sacerdotem pertinet hoc sacramentum consecrare et perficere, nullo modo debet corpus Christi sumere sine sanguine. Ex parte autem sumentium requiritur summa reverentia et cautela, ne aliquid accidat, quod vergat ad injuriam tanti mysterii. Quod praecipue posset accidere in sanguinis sumptlone : qui quidem si incaute sumeretui', de facili posset eftundi. Et quia crevit multitudo populi christiani, in qua continentur senes et juvenes et parvuli, quorum quidam non sunt tantae discretionis, ut cautelam debitam circa usum hujus sacramenti adhibeant : ideo provide in quibusdam Ecclesiis observatur, ut populo sanguis sumendus non detur, sed solum a sacerdote sumatur. Against the objection that this must be a sacramentum imperfectum, dicendum, quod perfectio hujus sacramenti non est in usu fidelium, sed in conse- cratione materiae. Et ideo nihil derogat perfection! hujus sacramenti, si populus sumat corpus sine sanguine, dummodo sacerdos consecrans sumat utrumque. Bonaventura on this point in Sent. lib. iv. dist. 11. P. 2. art. 1. qu. 2. treats the question more at length : An utraque species sit de integritate sacramenti '? His decision is t Dicendum, quod in sacramento duo sunt, scilicet efficacia et signantia. Esse igitur de integritate sacramenti dupliciter est : aut quantum ad efficaciam ; et sic neutra species est de integritate, sed quaelibet est totum, quod habet efficaciam : aut quantum ad signationem vel significationem ; et sic sunt de integritate, quia in neutra per se expi-imitur res hujus sacramenti, sed in utraque simul. — Ideo fideles recipiuut perfectum sacramentum sub una specie, quia ad efficaciam recipiunt. Sed quan- tum ad signantiam, sufficit quod Ecclesia facit in eorum praesentia, nee oportet, quod ipsi recipiant, propter periculum eft'usionis, et propter periculum erroris, quia non crederent simplices in altera specie totum Christum recipere. After this period the Dominicans ar.d Franciscans were both for communion in one kind ; but in Thomas' own time, in 1261, a Capitulum generale Cisterciensium past the decree (in Martene thes. anecdot. iv. 1418): Cum ex partieipatione sanguinis Domini — pericula inde veniant gravia, — ordinat Capitulum generale, quod monachi, conversi, mcniales Ordinis, exceptis ministris altaris, ad calicem more solito non accedant. In order to accustom the laity to being deprived of the cup the same^ artifice was employed as in the suppi'ession of the communion of children (see above note 9) : uncon- secrated wine was administei*ed in the place of consecrated, see Cone. Lambethense ann. 1281 cap. 1. (Mansi xxiv. 406, more correctly in Lindwood's provinc. Anglican, p. 9) : Doceant [sacerdotes] etiam eosdem [simplices], quod id quod eisdem in calice propinatur non est sacramen- x2 324 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 107.;— 1305. in tlie Church.^'' P'urtlier, it wa.'? t]ie practice in the thirteentli century to adore the presence of Chri.st in the consecrated elements ;^* and Urban IV. even appointed in the year 1264, turn, sed vinuin piu*um eis haurienduni tradituni, ut facilius sacrum corpus ghitiant, qixod ceperunt. Soils enim celebrantibus sanguinem sub specie vini consecrati suriKirc in hujusinodi minoribua Ecclesiis est concessuin. Then also the miracle of the blood lately introduced, of which Alexander of Hales gives the earliest instance (note 11), and which now grew more common, as well as the visible appearance of the flesh, contributed to this effect : de Litli. p. 520 ss. There were the following instances of this in the Marquisate of Brandenburg alone; in Zehdenik 1249 (Spiekers Kirchen u. Keformationsgeschichte der Mark Brandenburg i. 271 \ soon after in Belitz (s, 273), and in 1287 at Pritzwalk (s. 393.) ^^ Synodus Exoniensis ami. 1287 c. 4. in fine : [Laici] priusquam communicent, instruantur per saccrdotes, quod illnd accipiunt s-ub panis specie, quod pro illorum salute pcpendit in cruce : hoc suscipiunt in calice, quod effusum de corpore Christi. Guilelmus Durantis in Rationale divinor. ofHc. lib. iv. c. 54. § 12 : solum hostiam rrcipiens non plenum sacramentaliter recipit sacramentum. Ktsi enim in hostia consecrata Christi sanguis sit, non tamen est ibi sacramentaliter, eo quod panis corpus et non sanguinem, et vinum sanguinem significat et non corpus. The same man mentions an intermediate custom lib. iv. c. 42. § 1. In quibusdam locis post sumptionem corporis et sanguinis Christi aliquid de ipso sanguine reservatur in calico, et super- infunditur vinum purum, ut ipsi comraunicantes inde sumant : non enim esset decens tantum sanguinem conficere, nee calix capax invcniretur. This practice seems to have risen in Rome, see Ordo Romanus in Mabill. mus. Ital. ii. 14. and Comment, in. Ord. Rom. ibid. p. hii. ss. dc Lith. p. 246 s. It is astonishing too to see with what difficulty the new custom found entrance into many monasteries. Notwithstanding that statute of the General Chapter of the Cistercians (note 12) Artexanus comm. in Sent. iv. tit. 17. qu. 3. reports about the year 1330 (Spittler s. 37) : Cistercienses et quidam alii post sumptionem corporis et sanguinis dimittunt ibi aliquid dc sanguine, ut infundatur vinum purum, et postea communicantcs aliquid inde possint sumerc, just as was prescribed in the old Usus Cistercienses cap. 53. Mabillon comm. in Ord. Rom, p. Ivii,), and even in the sixt< enth century, T'ardinal Cajetan says, quod in Ordine Cistcrciensi alicubi communio fieri Icgitur sub utraque specie (Manrique annal, Cisterc. i. 53.) Thus also in the great monasteries of Monte Cassino, Cluny, and St Denys, communion in both kinds was allowed for the adminis- trants at least (Mabillon 1. c. p. Ixiii. see Spittler s. 5().) How long the custom was maintained elsewhere also, see de Lith. p. 257 ss, ^* The Ritus elevatlonls was in use in tlie (Jreek Church as early as the end of the seventh centiny, in \\w. Latin since the eleventh, but only as a symbol of the exaltation of Christ (Bona rer. liturg. lib. ii. c. 13. § 2. Dallaeus de cultibus religiosis Latinorum libb. ill. c. 20 — 22. Matth. Larrogue histoirc dc I'Eucharisfie. Amstcrd. 1669. P. i. c. 9.) CH. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 77. C^ACKAMENTS. 325 that a festival which had risen up in the diocese of Liege,^^ dedicated solely to the honour of the consecrated host (the festmn On the introduction of adoration see Caesarius Heisterbacensis (about 1225) de miraculis et visionibus sui temporis dialog, lib. ix. c. 51 : Tempore schismatis inter Pbilippum et Otboneni dominus Wido Cardi- nalis, aliquando Abbas Cisterciencis, cum missus fuisset Coloniam (ann. 1203) ad confirmandam electionem Otbonis, bonam illic con- suetudinem instituit : praecepit enim, ut ad elevationera Hostiae omnis populus in Ecclesia ad sonitum nolae veniam peteret, sicque usque ad callcis bBnedictionem prostratus jaceret. Praecepit etiam idem Cardinalis, ut quoties deferendum esset ad infirmum, scbolaris sive campauarius sacerdotem praecedens per uolam illud proderet : sicque omnis populus tarn in stratis quam in domibus Christum adoraret. To encourage people to do so, be I'elates bow miles quidam in Francia, who bad met the sacrament, de equo prosiliens in lutum se misit, in quo flexis genibus, elevatis manibus Cbristi corpus adoravit ; and bow it was granted liim in reward, ut totius luti nee una quidem guttula vestimentis ejus adbaereret etc. (This Cardinal brought with him into Germany many anecdotes of like import besides this. See Alberici chron. ad ann. 1200, p. 419 s.) Honorius III. decreed in 1217 (Deer, Greg. lib. iii. tit. xli. c. 10) : Sacerdos vero quilibet frequenter doceat plebem suam, ut, cum in celebratione Missarum elevatur hostia salutaris, quilibet se reverenter inclinet, idem faciens, cum earn defert presbyter ad infirmum. The old law of the Church which even Alexander III. bad confirmed (Deer. Greg. lib. ii. tit. ix. c. 2) : diebus dominicis et aliis praecipuis festivitatibus, sive inter Paschaet Pentecosten, genuum flexio nequaquam debet fieri, nisi aliquis ex devotione id velit facere in secreto : in obedience to which the adoration was rendered on these days a stantibus capite inclinato (de Lith p. 39 ss.), Gregoi'y X. was the first to abrogate it in bis Caeremoniale Komanum (in Mabill. museum Ital. ii. 235), at least in part, by the alteration that in Quadragesima usque ad Pascha, et ab octava Pentecostes usque ad Natale, et ab octava Epiphaniae usque ad Quadragesimam in diehiis ferialibus at certain prayers men were to kneel. In elevatione vero corporis Cbristi, cum antea parum debeant surgere, prosternant se ad terrara, et adorent reverenter in facies cadendo : et sic prostrati stent usque ad Per omnia, ante Agnus Dei, et dant pacem, et iterum se prosternunt, et stant sic prostrati, quousque sacerdos corpus et sanguinem sumat. ^^ According to common opinion, Robert, Bishop of Liege, instituted this festival in the year 1246, for his diocese, in consequence of the Reve- lation, which first Juliana, Priorissa mentis Cornelii at Liege, after- wards also her friends Eva, virgo reclusa s. Martini, and Isabella, a nun at St Cornelius, received. This cannot, however, be so: for the Cistercian Aegidius, a contemporary (lie closes his history with the year 1251) in his gestis pontificura Leodlensivuti (in Chapeavilli gestorum Pontift". Leod. scriptores tom. ii.) speaks not a syllable of this festival, though else- where be disclahns no miracle, and in c. 134. p. 266 even mentions the increased estimation of the Celebration of the festival of Lambert '62Q THUU) rKRlOD.— Dl\. Ill -A. I). 1073-1305. corporis Domini) should be observed by tlie whole Church.^" After the death of this Pope the new festival was discontinued ; brought about by Kobert. The first historian of Lie<;e who speaks of it, Joliannes Hocseinius (cauon at Liege about 1348) in his gesta Pontiff. Leodiens cap. 6 (in Chapeaville ii. 293), says only as follows : Anno vero Domini 1259 (vel forte 12 GO cum tunc secundum quosdam Urbanus praeesse cooperit) Ilenricus Episcopus, instinctu cujusdani Keclusae juxta Ecclesiam s. Fidis, cui de sacramento fuit ostensa visio, Urbano Papae quarto (cui nihiloniinus haec nota fuerat, cum dudum fuisset Canoiucus Leodlensis, viz. down to 1255, Raynald ad h. a. no. 65) super hoc suas literas destinavit, quibus inductus Papa hoc festum instituit celebrari, quod ex tunc a Leodiensibus est receptum, et postmodum continue per plures Ecclesias in Gcrniania et Francia a Clero et populo celebratum, sed demuni per alias universaliter recipitur Ecclesias, cum Johannes Papa xxii. coustitutionem Ur- bani super hoc factam, quae incipit Transiturus de hoc mundo ad Patrem (quam Clemens Papa V. observari districte praece- perat ah omnibus in Concilio Viennensi), fecisset cum caeteris Cle- mentinis constitutionibus celebrari. The following historians of Liege, Joannes Ultramosanus and Joannes Warnantius had no further knowledge of the matter : not till 1496 did Joliannes Blaerus Dies- themius. Prior of the Benedictine monastery of St. James in Liege, write Ins Historia revelationis b. Julianae anno 1230 divinitus faetae de institutione festi corporis Christi (printed in Bzuvii annal. eccl. ann. 1230 no. 16), where all is new even the name Juliana. For this reason Onuphrius Pauvinius (-J- 1558) is fully justified in declaring all these revelations to be fables (Chapeaville ii. 658). Afterwards indeed a vita b. Julianae, written professedly by a contemporary author, was brought to light, it is given in abstract by Chapeaville ii. 641, entire in the acta SS. April, i. 443 ad d. 5. April., however it does not contribute much to the illustration of the subject. 1*^ The Bull, in the Magnum Bullarium l\om. i. 446, is also quoted entire in Clement's Bull of confirmation Clementin. lib. iii. tit. 16. (some various readings from a manuscript at Basle may be seen in J. Zwingeri tract, de festo corporis Christi, Basil. 16S5. p. 17.) There we find : Licet igitur hoc memoriale sacramentum in (jUotidianis Mis- sarum solemniis frequentetur, conveniens tamen arbitramur et dignum, ut dc ipso semel saltern in anno, ad confinulendam si)ecialiter haereti- corum perfidiani et in.saniam, memoria solcmnior et celebrior habcatur. In die naniquc coenac Domini, quo die ipse Christus hoc instituit sacramentum, universalis ICcclesia pro pocnitentium rcconciliatione, sacri confeelione chrismatis, adimpletione niandati circa lotioncm pedum, et aliis (pianqdurinunn occupata, plene vacare non potest cclcbrationi hujuH maximi saeramenli. — Potissime igitur exequendum est ergo hoc vivificum sacramentum corporis et sanguinis ,lesu Christi, — ut festivi- fate ac celehritale ]traefulgeat s]»eciali, quatemis in eo, quod in aliis Missaruni ot^ciis circa solenmitatem est tnrsan praetcrmissum, divota ch:v.-divine service. §77. sacraments. 327 . but aiterwards in the year 1311, it was establisht for ever in the Chiu'ch Ly Clement V.^^ Since, down to this time, the conception of a sacrament had been very fluctuating, ^^ a more positive definition of the word and the enumeration of seven sacraments, was introduced by ailigentia suppleatur, et fideles festivitate ipsa instante, iutra se prae- terita memorantes, id quod in ipsis Missarum soUnnilis, saecularibus forsan a^endis impliciti, aut aUas ex negligentia vcl fragiUtate humana minus plene gesserunt, tunc attente in humilitate spiritus et annni puvitate restaurent. Intellexinms auteni olini dum in minori esseraus officio constituti, quod fuerat quibusdam Catbolicis divinitus revelatuni, festum hujusmodi generaliter in Ecclesia celebraiidum. 17 Clenientin. hbb. iii. tit. 16. cap. unic. 18 Tbe word sacramentum, in the sense of sacrum signum, was used of very many ecclesiastical ordinances. Thus Augustine (de peccato orig. c. 40) calls exorcism, and the salt which was held out to the catechumens, sacramentum (de peccatorum mer. et remiss, ii. c. 26.) Afterwards the word was used in a narrower sense, as in the passage of Isidorus Hispal. Origines lib. vi. c. 19, which was repeated word for word by Rabanus Maurus de institut. cleric, i. c. 24 ) in Hittorp. de Eccl. cath. off. p. 320) and Ratramnus de Eucharistia : Sunt autem sacramenta baptisraus et chrisma, corpus et sanguis, quae ob id sacra- menta dicuntur, quia sub tegumento corporalium rerum virtus divina secretius salutem eorundem sacramentorum operatur : unde et a secretis virtutibus vel sacris sacramenta dicuntur. Thus also Paschasius Rad- bertus de coena Domini c. 3. Sunt autem sacramenta Christi m Ecclesia baptismus, corpus quoque Domini et sanguis. Comp. Ph. Marheinecke's christl. Symbolik iii. 101. Even in Lombard's century many different views on the sacraments were brought forward. Gode- fridus Abb. Vindocinensis (f after 1129) de ordinatione Episcoporum (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxi. 60) : Annulus autem et virga, quando ab illis dantur, a quibus dari debent, sacramenta Ecclesiae sunt, sicut sal et aqua, oleum et chrisma, et quaedam alia, sine quibus hominum et Ecclesiarum consecratioaes fieri non possunt. Afterwards he specifies baptismum, confirmationem, infirmorum unctionem, corporis et san- guinis Domini perceptionem, as the most important sacraments,^ opusc. viii. I. c. p. 64.) Bernard, of the same date with Lombard, designates washing feet as a sacrament (Serino in coen. Dom. § 4. opp. ii. 176 : ut de remissione quotidianorum [peccatorum] minime dubitemus, habemus ejus sacramentum, pedum ablutionem. Quaeris forte, unde sciam, quod sacramentum sit hujus remissionis ? — I Hud attende quod Petro dictum est [Jo. 13. 9]: si non lavero te, non halehis partem mecum. Ahquid igitur latet quod necessarium est ad salutem, quando sine eo nee ipse Petrus partem haberet in regno Christi et Dei.) Gratian had not in his day accepted seven as the number of the sacraments, he calls, however, six of them sacramenta, and is only silent on the unctio infirmorum. 328 THIRD PKKlOl).— DIV. 111.— A.D. lu7;i— l.iUo. Hugo -de 8t Victor,'^ and ratified by Peter Lombard, and ^■' 111 his work de Sacraincntis he gives quite a dittereiit eiiuiiicratioQ. He thciv defines the conception of a Sacrament in the following niauner, lib. i. P. ix. c. 2. Sacramcntuui est corporale vel inateriale elenientuin furis sensibiliter proposituni ex similitudine rcpraesentans, et ex insti- tiitionc significans, et ex sanctiticatione contineiis aliquain invisibilein et spiritaleiu gratiam. Afterwards, in cap, 7, he lays down three kinds of sacraments. Sunt eniin quacdam sacrainenta, in quibus princi- paliter salus constat et percipitur : sicut aqua baptisniatis, et perceptio corporis et sanguinis Christi. Alia sunt, quae etsi necessaria non sunt ad SMlufein (quia sine his salus haberi potest), proficiuiit tainen ad sanctificationein, quia his virtus e.xerceri et gratia aniplior acquiri potest : ut aqua aspersionis, et susceptio cineris et siinilia. Sunt rursuni alia sacrainenta, quae ad hoc solum instituta esse videntur, ut per ipsa ea, quae caeteris sacrameiitis sanctificandis et instituendis necessaria sunt, quodaminodo praeparentur et sanctificentur : vel circa personas in sacris Ordinibus perficiendis, vel in iis, quae ad habitum sacrorum Ordinum pertinent, initiandis et caeteris hujusmodi. Prima ergo ad salutem, secunda ad exercitationem, tertia ad praeparalioneui constituta sunt. Accordingl}' he first treats of the third class, vid. lib, ii, P. iii. and iv. de Ordinibus, P. v, de sacramento dedicationis Ecclesiae, next of the first, P. vi. de baptismo, P, vii. de confirmatione, P. viii. de sacramento corporis et sanguinis Christi, and then proceeds P. ix. to the second class, the lesser sacraments, of wliich he says in general cap. 1 : Ex his sacramentis alia constant in rebus, qualia sunt aqua aspersionis, susceptio cineris, bencdictio ramorum et cereoruin et caetera talia : alia autem constant in factis, quglia sunt signaculum crucis, exsufflatio exoreizationis, expansio manuuiu, incurvatio gcnuum et alia hujusmodi : alia in dictis constant, sicut trinitatis invocatio, et quae- cunque in hunc moduni. Then after he had treated of simony in P. X, he returns agiun, without specifying the class to which they belong, P. xi. to the sacramentum conjugii, P. xiv. to confessio et poenitentia et remissio peccatorum, which last however he nowhere calls a sacrament, and P. xv. to the sacramentum unctionis infirniorum. Compare Liebner's Hugo v. St Victor S. 423. Not so in his Summa Sententiaruin. There we find tract iii. c. IG : Contra ilia scptem vitia sunt virtutes, (puis pariunt septeni dona Spiritus saiicti. Tract iv. c. 1 : Contra peceata tarn originalia quam actualia, de (piibus dixiiiius, inventa sunt sacramentorum remcdia. Tims it ajtptars that the numbfr of the sacraments iu slateil as seven : however in the following treatise only six are brought forward, to wit, tract, v. baptismus, tract, vi. sacra- inenta confirmationis, altaris, poenitentiae, unctionis cxtremae, tract, vii. sacr. conjugii. The sacramentum ordinis is left out. The work de cercmoniis, sacramentis, ofHciis et observationibus ecclesiasticis, that has been publisht in Hugo's name, in which i. 12 the seven sacra- ments were enumerate,3() TIIIKD PEinOD.— DIV. 111.— A.l). 1073— 103o. in aliis, quae nun ita videntur esse princ'qjalia^ per ministros Ecclesiae voluit ordinari. For instance it was frequently asserted of the Sacra- ments of confirmation, and extreme unction, that they were not instituted by Christ Himself, cf. Alex. Hales. P. iv. qu. 24. membr. I. l)e institutione confirmationis : Sine praejudicio dicendum, quod neque Dominus hoc sacramcutum, ut est sacramcntum, instituit neque dispen- savit, neque Apostoli. — Apostoli confirmati sunt a spiritu sancto immediate sine ministro et Sacramento, et ipsi confirmabant sine sacra- raento. — Sed postquam Apostoli, (jui erant bases Ecclesiae, — defecerunt : institutum fuit hoc sacramcntum Spiritus sancti instinctu in Concilio Meldcnsi, quantum ad formam verborum et materiam elementnrem, cui etiam .Spiritus sanctus contulit virtutem sanctificandi. iJoiiaventura P. iv. dist. 7. art. 1. qu. I et 2 aj^rees with this word for word. (The remarkable statement about the Concil. Meldense appears to have been drawn from Gratian's Decrees de consecrat. dist. 5. c. 7, where a decision or confirmation is transcribed from the Concil. Meldcnsi, although it b(dongs to the Cone Paris. 829, lib. i. c. 33.) Of the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, Peter Lombard Sent. lib. iv. dist. 23 has expressly stated ab Apostolis institutum legitur, and Bonaventura ad lib. iv. dist. 23. art, 1. qu. 2 defends this assertion. Also of the Sacrament of Confession lionaventura ad lib. iv. dist. 17. P. 2. art. 1. qu. 3 teaches, that Christ instituted it only quoad foi-male, i. e. potesta- tem absolvendi, when He assigned to the Apostles the power of the Keys : on the other hand quoad materiale, i. c. detectionem peccati, it was instituted not by Christ, but by the Apostles. In opposition to these views, the Dominicans Alberlus Magnus and Thomas laid down that the institution of all Sacraments by Christ Himself was necessary. Thus Albertus M. in Sent. lib. iv. dist. 7. art. 2 in reference to confir- mation, and lib. iv. dist. 23. art. 13 with regard to extreme unction : compare Thomas in Sent. lib. iv. dist. 23. qu. 1. art. 1. solutio 3. Quidam dieunt, quod sacramcntum istud fextremae unctionisj et conjir- inationis Christus non instituit per se, sod Apostolis instituendum dimisit : quia haec duo propter plenitudinem gratiae, quae in eis cou- fertur, non potuerunt ante Spiritus sancti missionem plenissimam institui : unde sunt ita sacramenta novae legis, quod in veteri lege figuram non habuerunt. — Alii dieunt, quod omnia sacramenta Chrislus instituit per se ipsiim : sed quaedam per seipsum pronuilgavit, quae sunt niiijoris ditfieultatis ad credcndum ; quaedam autem Apostolis promulganda resei'vavit, sicut exlrt'inain unctionein et conjirinatinncin. Et hace opinio pro tanto vid»!tur probabilior, quia sacramenta ad funda- mentum legis pertinent, et ideo ad legislatorem pertineteorum institulio : et iterum quia ex in.^titutione erticaciam habent, quae eis non nisi divinitus est. — Christus — non e.\hil)uit aliquod s.acramentuin, nisi quod ij)se acce])it in e\em])liim. Accipere autem poenitentiam, et extremam unelioiieiii sibi non conqietebat, quia sine peccato erat : et ideo ipse non e.xhibiiii. Thus says he of confirmation Sumniae P. iii. qu. 72. art. I : institueri" novum sacramcntum pirtinet ad potestalcin excellentiac, quae conqx'til soli Cliristo. Va ideo dieendum est, quod Christus instituit hoc sacranu'iitum, non exhibondo sed promittendo. ■-'■■' Thoniae Snmma theol. P. iii. (pi. 6t>— l.'io, and Siqipl. ad P. iii. en. V.-DIMNE SERVICE. § 77. SACRAMENTS. 331 qu. 1 — 68 (the last reference is drawn from his Comm. in Sent. lib. iv. (list. 1 — 42.) Examples of consti-uction ; The sacramentum matri- monii only rested on Eph. v. 32, and the Schoolmen were at fault, to prove there a virtutem sacramentalem : So Lombard (above note 20) saj's : in remediiim tantum esse (quite agreeing with Hugo a S. Victore de Sacram. lib. ii. P. xi.) : on this head Thomas Aquinas in Sent. lib. iv. dist. 2. qu. 1. art. 1 : gratia, quae in matrimouio confertur, secun- dum quod est sacramentum Ecclesiae in fide Christi celebratum, ordi- natur directe ad reprimendum concupiscentiam quae concurrit ad actum matrimonii ; et ideo Magister dicit, quod matrimonium est tantum in remedium, sed hoc est per gratiam, quae in eo confertur. Notwith- standing this explanation the statement : quod quaedam sacramenta novae legis instituta sunt in remedium tantum, ut matrimonium, fell among the Articuli, in quibus Magister non tenetur (d' Argenlre i. 118.) — Thus came in also in after times the doctrine of character, of which neither Lombard nor Gi'atian knew anything. Already Augus- tine (Contr. Epist. Parmen. lib ii. c. 13, in Gratian. P. ii. cans. i. qu. 1. c 97) had compared Baptism and Ordination, insomuch as by them a man receives his fellowship in Christianity and his warrant for exercising the priestly office, with the character railitiae (character regius epist. 185. § 23), or the signum regale, the mark that was imprinted on the soldier's arm or hand. Thus Innocent ILL Deer, Greg. lib. iii. tit. 42. c. 3, speaks of a character qui in baptismate imprimitur. But afterwards Alexander of Hales (in Sent. lib. iv. qu. 8. membr. 8) makes the character which was communicated by the Sacraments of Baptism, confirmation and orders, a subject of special enquiry : Bonaventura (in Sent. lib. iv. dist. 6. P. 1) and Thomas Aquinas (Summa P. iii. qu. 63) brought the doctrine to completion. Thomas (1. c. art. 2) confutes those who, holding the primitive opinion, asserted, qiiod character non sit spiritualis potestas, but only signum sanctum communionis fidei, et sanctae ordinationis, datum a hierarcha. According to him on the other hand, character importat quandam potentiam spiritualem ordinatam ad ea, qviae sunt divini cultus, and (art. 5) aliter est in anima gratia, et aliter character. Nam gratia est in anima, sicut quaedam forma habens esse completum in ea : character autern est in anima, sicut quaedam virtus instrumentalis. — Gratia inest animae mutabiliter, character indelebiliter. Duns Scotus (ad lib. iv. dist. 6. qu. 9. § 13) declares : licet characterein inesse animae, non possit probari per rationem naturalem, — licet etiara ex creditis mani- feste, sive quae sunt explicite de substantia fidei, sive quae continentur in Scriptura, sive quae manifeste per Sanctos sunt elicita ex creditis, non possit probari, tamen poni potest etc. — Sentiendum est de sacra- mentis Ecclesiae, sicut sentit Romana Ecclesia : Romana autem Ecclesia videtur sentire, characterem imprimi in anima in baptismo, sicut dicit Innoc. IIL (see above) : — propter ergo solam auctoritatem Ecclesiae, quantum occurrit ad praesens, est ponendum, charactei'em imprimi.— The idea of the Opus operatum is first found in Duns Scotus lib. i\. dist. 1. qu. 6. § 10 : Sacramentum ex virtute operis operati eonfert gratiam, ita quod non requiritur ibi bonus motus interior, qui mereatur gratiam ; sed sufficit, qu(?d suscipiens non ponat obicem. On the other 332 TlilKL) I'KRIOD.— I)I\'. 111.— A. I). 1073—1305. §78. ADORATION OF SAINTS. Ill the Crusades and the many new monastic orders, tlie principal causes are to be found, why the number of saints^ hand there remained a controversy on the cau.se of the efficacy of Sacra- ments. Thomas Summa P. iii. qu. G2. art. 1 impugns the opinion (juod sacraiiiL'nta noii sunt causa gratiae aliquid operando, sed quia Deus sacramentis adhihitis in anima gratiam operatur. The Princi- palis Causa is God, the instrumentalis the Sacrament itself; art. 4 : Sed ponendo, quod sacramentum est instrumentalis causa gratiae, necesse est simul poncrc, quod in sacramento sit quaedam virtus instru- mentalis ad inducendum sacramcntalem eiiectum. He thus assumes, in corpora (i. e. in sacramentis) esse virtutem spiritualem instrumcnta- liter. Dims Scotus lib. iv. dist. 1. qu. 5 controverts at great length this virtus spiritualis or supcrnaturalis, and asserts on the other liand : Susceptio sacramenti est dispositio neccssitans ad eftectura signatuin per sacramentum, non quidem per aliquam forinam intrinsecam, per quam necessario causaret tenninum, vel aliquam dispositionem praeviam : sed tantuni per assistentiam Dei causantis ilium elfectum. ' The growth of the Legend of the 1 1,000 virgins is in itself charac- teristic of the age. We find, even in Wandelberti inartyrol. rhythm, (about the year 850), if the passage is genuine in other respects, ad xxi. Oct. Tunc numerosa simul Rheni per litora fulgent Christo virgineis erecta trojihaea maniplis Aggrippinae urhi, quarum furor impius olim Millia mactavit, ductricibus inclyta Sanctis. On the other hand in Usuardus (about 876) ad xx. Oct. Civitate Colonia passio sanctarum virginum Marthae et Saulae cum aliis pluribus. In a Kalendarium Keel. Culuniensis saec. noni ed. A. J. Binterim, Colon. 1S21. 4. ad xxi. Oct. xi. Virginum, Ursulae, Saneiae, Gregoriae, I'inosae, Marthae, Saulae, Uritulae, Satninae (leg. Santinae), Rabaciae, Saturiae (leg. Saturniae), Palladiae (see tlic same names in Adonis martyrolog. op. H. liosweydi, Antwerp 1G18. ftd. Ajip. p. 212.) First at Treves in a Kalend. saec. xi. (in Hontheim i)roartibus suis translata sint Constantinopolim, et de Constaiitinopoli Mediolanum, id in Ecclesia fl. Petri Coloniensis inveniet. — Tiiat impostures were often iiractised by the venders of relies is phiin from the prohibition Syn. Pictav. ann. 1 loo c. 12, Cone. Eateran. g(!n. iv. ann. 1215 c. 62, Cone. Purdegal. ann. 1255 c. 9. Particularly wortii reading are (Juiberti (.Abbot of No- gent-J- 1121) libb. iii. de pignorihus Sanctorum (in Guiberti ojip. ed. L. d' Aeherv. Paris. !('>51. fol. j). 327 ss.). in wliich the author, after first oil. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § ADORATION OF 8AINT8. 335 demonstrating the imposture of the pretended tooth of Christ, which the Monks of St Medardus asserted to be in their possession, proceeds to denounce with unmitigated censure, the worship of sa'nts and relics. Among other places see lib. i. c. 1. Sunt enim quam plurimae super quibusque Sanctis relationes,, quibus potius eorum praeconinm apud infideles impiari poterat, quam aliquatenus illustrari. — Et quibus super hujus inflictione naevi parsum putamus, cum non vitas, sed potius naenias aliquorum Apostolorum tanta infuscatas fuligine videmus ? Et harura rotatus fabularum oinnis carri stridore deterior, quam aedifica- tionem aiiteret piis, qui etiam incentivvim blasphemiae suggeret impiis ? Ouid Thomae historia, nisi strepitas aurium, appelletur, cui non semel Augustinus, sed loeis pluribus refragatur? Egebat forsitan aut Deus, aut Sancti eorum, ji;xta illud Job (13, 7), mendacio, ut pro ipso loque- i-entur dolos! — Quid dicam de illis, qui nullis aliorsum testimoniis claruerunt, et ex eo quod scripturis qualibuscumque celebrari putantur, potissimum tenebrantur? — Etquis illos, utsejuvaredebeant,deprecetur, quos nescit utrum quippiam aqud Dcum mereantur? — Certe vidi quos- dam, qui cum diutissirae aliquem, ut ferebant, sanctum, ex Britannia delatuni, pro Confessore habuissent, mutato derepente animo pro Martyre celebrarunt. Causas cum rogitassera, nil dignius super martyrio hominis quam de praetermissa confessione dixerunt, — Cap. 2. § 5 : Crebro perspicinms ista susurro, et facta feretrorum cir- eumlatione ridicula, et eorum, quos a rabie declamandi rabulos Hierony- mus vocat, mendaciis quotidie cernimus alieni marsupii profunda nudari. Quorum tanta nebulonitate concutimi;r, tanta divinorum adulatione ferimur, ut juxta praefatum doctorem scurras, helluones et calellanos [_l?g- catillones^ liguriendo exsuperent corvos ac picas importuna gar- rulitate praecidant. § 6. Celeberrima quaedam Ecclesia hujusmodi circumvagationes agebat, et ad sui reparationem damni quaestus adhi- bito prolocutore quaerebat. Cumque super reliquiis suis sermonem plus aequo extuberat, prolato phylacterio ait (ego autem in praesentia- rum) : sciatis, inquit, quod intra banc capsulam do pane illo, quem propriis Dominus dentibus masticavit, habetur : et si minus a vobis ci'editur, ecce heros, ait, iste (de me autem dicebat), quem vos in literis plurimum valere testamini, verbo meo, si necesse fuei'it, testis assurget. Fateor, erubui cum audissem, et nisi eorum praesentiam, quos ille auctores habere videbatur, reveritus essem, — falsarium ostendere debuis- sem. Quid dicam ? ne monachi quideni, nedum clerici, ab hoc turpi emolumento se continent, ut res haereticas super tide nostra etiam me audiente pronuncient. Juxta enim illud Boetianum jure insanus judicarer, si contra insanos altercarer. Cap. 3. § 1 : de Confessoribus quae censura ferenda ? si in Martino, Remigio ac similibus totius Eccle- siae sensus adaequitat, quid de eis proferam, quos praefatorum aemulum per villas ac oppida quotidie vulgus creat? Cum enim alii alios summos conspicerent habere patronos, voluerunt et ipsi quales potue- runt et facere suos, as 2 Reg. xvii. 29 : Unaqiiaeque gens fahricata est Deum simm. — Dicant ergo mihi, quomodo sibi ilium patrocinari aestimant, de quo quicquid est sciendum ignorant. Nusquam de eo scriptum praeter nomen invenies. Caeterum tacente clero anus et muliercularum vilium greges talium patronorum commentatas historias .••)36 TLIIUD I'KUlOl).— DIV. III.— A.l). 1073—130'.. pvorv kind were of almost daily occurrence.^ liotli on the method post insubulos ct litlatoria cantitant : et si quis caniin dicta refellat, pro defen.sione ipsonun non niodo convitiis scd tclaruin radiis instant. — De cujus itaque statu ouinino ambigis, talem petere nonne insani prorsus est capitis ? ct quern ignoras utrum mcHor te sit, quare postulas ut penes Deum pro te sit ? — Sed quid in iis diu versor, cum tanta sit in totius t^cclesine ore pudicitia, ut etina Matris doniinicae corpus resur- rectione glorificatum dicere non audeat,ob hoc videlicet, quod necessariis argumentis comprobare non valeat ? Et cum vas ilhid omni creatura post Filium praeclarius— irrcmuncratum inlionoratumve dimisisse ad experientiam covruptiouis credere nefarium sit, — resuscitatum nequa- quam dicere audeamus, nee ob aliud profccto, r.isi quod piobabilibus indiciis id asseverare non possumus. — 8i de ilia, cujus gloriam metiri omnis creatura non praevalet, ea quae i)raemissa sunt docere non pos- sumus, de iis quorum sal us et perditio incerta sunt, qind nisi silentiuin scmpitcrnum imperare debemus ? Porro sunt quaedam de aliquibus scripta, quae, multo deteriora naeniis, ne subulcorum quidem essent auribus inferenda. Certe cum plures Sanctis suis summas antiquitates attribuant, moderno tempore <^oruin scribi vitas expostulant. Quod a me profecto saepe petitum est. Ego autem in his quae obtutibus sub- jacent fallor ; et de iis, quae nemo unquam viderit quid veri protiteor ? — § 2 : Caput Baptistae doininici cum Constantinopolitani liabere se dicant, Angcriacenses Monachi idem se habere testantur. Quid ergo magis ridiculum super tanto hominc. praedicetur, quani si biceps esse ab utrisque dicatur ■? — Quid de capite Joannis ago, qui de innumeris .Sanctorum corporibus itidem in dies audio '? — Cap. 4. § 1 : Sed hacc omnia a perversitate radicis emergunt, quae non est alia, qnam quod eisdem adimitur, quod commuiu sorte debuerat ominscommereri huniana natura. Si eniin certo certius de terra hominis origo consistit, et per- soluto mortis debito in camdem ex primae damnationis legibus vecidit, praesertim cui dictum est, terra es et in terrain ibis : Deus, mea scn- tentia, nee praesenti nee secuturo cuipiam dixit : Aurum rd argentmn es, in aurum vel argentum ibis. L'tquid ])recor homo a sua naturn, immo a Dei imperio eruitur, ut, quod conditlonaliter nulli compctit, nureis vel argenteis conchulis inseraturV — Certe si Sanctorum corpora sua juxta naturae debitum loca, id est sepulchra, servassent, hujusmodi quos recensui errores vacassent. Per hoc eiiim quod c lumulis eruun- tiu-, membratiin hue illucqiu' leruntur ; et cum pietatis olttentus occasio circuudationis extilerit, ad liop suhcunte nequitia detorqueri coepta est intentionis reotitudo, ut ])aene quae simpliciter tieri consucverant cor- rumperet uinversa cupido. — Quid de iis judicii proferetur, quibus avaritia sola in causa est, ct Sanctorum corpora faciunt irrequieta dis- pergi, iinmo, ut sic dicam, pro sola oblationum illatione quotidiano ostentui haberi ? Solent namque pixidibus eburneis aut argenteis nuda Sanctorum ossa contegere, et ad teinpus et lioram pretio sese ingcrcnfe retegere. — Dicat quis(pie quod seiitit, secin-us phine ego inferam, non Deo, non Sanctis ijtsis uiiupiam fuisse i)laeilum, ut eorum eujuspiam debuerit reserari sej)ulcliruiM, aut (hrimi per frusta corjiusciduin. ^ Compare among others I'etri ^'erleral)ilis f'Ree above, § C>7 . n;it. 21 ) CHAP, v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 78. ADOKATION OF SAINTS. 337 de miraculis sui temporis libb. ii. (in Bibl. PP. Lugd xxii. 1087), and Caesarii Mon. Heisterbacensis (about 1227) de miraculis et visionibus suae aetatis libb, xii. (ed. Colon. 1591 and 1599. 8.). As to how they were managed, see Abaelardi serino xxxi. de s, Joanne Baptista (0pp. p. 967) : Quid ad haec illi dicturi sunt, quos hoc tempore in tantuui vidimus praesumerc, ut de solitudine ad turbas procedentes, sicut de ficto religionis nomine tumebant, ita et de simulatione miraculoram gratia videri mirabiles appetebant '? Omitto coutactus et benedictiones aquarum, quas languidis in poculum dirigebant, ut sic curarentur, contrectationes vel consignationes membrorum, nt dolores infirmantium expellerent, eulogias in panibus fractas et ad infirmos destinatas. Ad majora veniam, et summa ilia miracula de resuscitandis quoque mortuis inaniter tentata. Quod quidem nuper praesumpsisse Norbertum et Coapostolum ejus Farsitum mirati fuimus, et risimus. Qui diu pariter in oratione coram populo prostrati, et de sua pvaesumptione fruslrati, cum a proposito contusi deciderent, objurgare populum impudenter coeperunt, quod devotion! suae et constanti fidei infidelitas eorum obsisteret. 0 calliditas incautorum ! 0 excusatio frivola iuexcusabilium ! — Non ignoramus astutias talium, qui cum febricitantcs a lenibus morbis curare praesumunt, pluribus aliqua vel in cibo vel in potu tribuunt ut curent, vel benedictiones vel orationes faciuut. Hoc utique cogitent, ut, si quoquomodo cixratio sequatur, sanctitati eorum imputetur : sin vero minirae, infidelitati eorum vel desperationi adscribatur. The Chron. Montis Sereni ad ann. 1214 (in Mencken scriptt. rer. Germ. ii. 243) records : A certain vicar of the Market-Church at Halle, Petrus nomine, egit arte, quam ipse noverat, ut ad imaginem quandam Crucifixi, quae in ipsa erat ecclesia, sanitates conferre aegris adventantibus putaretur. The matter created a great sensation in the neighbourhood, and brought in much money, in which the Archbishop of Magdeburg, and the Monastery zum Neuen Werke took a share. It advanced to such a degree ut Poppo Praepositus assidua praedicatioue virtutes, quae ibi fierent, populis intimaret, et contradicentes vel irridentes post excommunicationis quoque sententiam prohiberet. When however that vicar left Halle, omnis ille virtutum effectus cum eo penitus emigravit. Constat enim nihil ibi talium postmodum accidisse. Concerning the hooded virgin who appeared in the time of Philip Augustus to a carpenter named Durand, see Capefigue hist, de Philippe Auguste i. 234. So long as it was needful to impress the doctrine of transub- stantiation upon the people, the visible appearance of flesh in the Lord's supper was especially common, see § 77. note 4 : When it was desired to carry out the consequences of this doctrine with a view to refusing the cup, miraculous appearances of blood succeeded, (§ 77. note 12 towards the end). The manner in which Buoncampagno the grammarian at Bologna derided the eagerness of his age for miracles, is told in the Chi'on. Fr. Salimbeni de Adam ad ann. 1229 (in Sarti de Claris archigymn. Bonon. Professoribus i., i., 509) : Et iste Mag. Boncompagnus videns, quod Frater Johannes (a Dominican) intro- mittebat se de miraculis faciendis, voluit et ipse se intromittere. He drew the men of Bologna to some distance from the city, by advertising, quod videntibus illis volare volebat, he kept them waiting there a long Y 338 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. Ill— A.D. 1073—1305. of its saint-worslii]>,^ and on the numerous lying legends the age has plainly imprinted itself, with all its love for the marvellous, and all its rudeness of manners : and the Legenda Sanctorum of Jacobus de Voragine the Dominican monk and Archbishop of Genoa (f 1298) which surpast all others in both respects, were styled the Legenda aurea.'' time, and then dismissed them with the words, Ite cum bencdictione divina, et sufiiciat vobis vidisse faciem Roncampaj^ni. ^ Characteristic in connnection with this Is the narrative, told by Stephanus dc Borbone in Echard scriptt. Praedic. i. 193, of the honnd celebrated in prose and verse, which in the diocese of Lyons at the bepinninij of the 13th cent, had killed a serpent in defence of a child in its cradle, and was killed by the father on his return, who erroneously thought he had slain his child ; the hoimd was honoured as a martyr by the common people under the name of s. Guineforfis : cancra tanquam martyrem honoraverunt, et pro suis infirmitatibus et necessitatil)us rogaverunt : Mothers in particular offered prayers to him in behalf of weakly children. Stephen himself, with the other Dominicans, put an end to these doings. •'' Legenda aurca sen llistoria Lombardica seu Legendae Sanctorum per anni circuitum venientium in 177 parts printed often before the Reformation, again Argent. 1518. rec. Dr J. G. Th. Graesse, Dresdae et Lips. 181G. One characteristic of the work is the peculiarity of the etymologies, laid down as the groundwork of the historical portion, e.g. No. II : Andreas interpiTtatur decorus vel respondens vel virilis ab andros, cpiod est vii*. Vel dicitur Andreas quasi antropos i. e^ homo, ab ana, quod est sursum, et tropos quod est conversio, quasi sursum ad caclestia con versus et ad suum creatorein erectus. Fuit ergo decorus iu vita, respondens in sapienti doctrina virilis in poena, et antropos in gloria, no. Ixiii. vita Jacobi minoris : Vespasianus quoddam genus vermium naribus insitum ab infantia gerebat, unde a vespis Vespasianus dicebatur. A Nuncius Pilati told him that faith in Jesus would heal him. Et Vesjasianus : Credo, quod qui mortuos suscituvit, me ctiam de hac infirmitatc liberare potest. Et hacc dicendo vospae de ejus nai*ibus ceciderunt, et tunc continuo sanitalem rccepit. Then to avenge the death of Jesus, Vespasianus Komam adiit ct destruendi Judaeam et Jei'usalem a Tiberio Caesare licentiani inijietravit etc. Traces of rudeness in manners no. xlvii. : St Longimis, who pierced Christ with the spear, was forthwith converted by the miracles wliieh attended Christ's death : unde renuncians militiae et ab Apostolis instructus in Caesarea Cappadociae xxviii. annos monasticam vitam duxit. verbo et exemplo plurimos ad Christum convertit. Cum autem a Praeside tentus fuisset et sacrificare nollet, jussit Praeses omnes denies ei i xcuti, et linguam abscidi : Longinus tamen ex hoc loquclam non perdidit, sed accepta sccuri onmia idolacomminuit et fregit dicena : si Dii sunt, videbimus. Daemones autem de idolis cxeuntes in Prae- sidem et in omnes ejus socios intraverunt, et insanientcs ct lafrantes se Longini pedibus prostraverunt. — (^um ergo Praeses insaniret et oculos CHAP, v.— DIVINE SERVICE, g 78. ADORATION OF SAINTS. 339 Following the example of France and Spain, England also now began to trace back its conversion to the immediate disciples of the Apostles, and the Abbey of Glastonbury claimed Joseph of Arimathffia as its founder." The result of the excessive veneration of saints, by which men were deified, and God brought down to the level of man, was the extravagant exaltation of the Virgin Mary, not only among the common people,^ and especially the monks,^ but also amongst amisisset, dixit ei Longinus : scito, quomodo sanari non poteris, nisi quando me occideris. Quam cito enirn a te mortuus fuero, pro te orabo, et sanitatem tibi corporalem et animae impetrabo. Et statim eum decollari jussit. Post hoc abiit ad corpus ejus et prostratus cum lacrymis poenitentiam egit, et continue visum et sanitatem recepit, et in bonis operibus vitam finivit. 6 Guilelmus Mahnesburiensis (f 1143) de antiquitatibus Glasconiae (in Th. Gale rerum Anglicarum scriptt. iii,, 291). Dr G. Thiele comm. de Ecclesiae Britannicae primordiis Partt. 2. (Halae 1839) i., 20. ii. 12. San Marie's Wolfram v. Escbenbach ii,, 412. 7 The Golden Smithy by Conrad of Wurtzburg (f 1287) (publisht by W. Grimm, Berlin 1840), is a hymn to the Virgin Mary. A catalogue of others may be seen in Grimm's Einleitung s. xxv. comp. Reinmar v. Zweter (Manessens Sammlung ii. 139) : Si hat den starken Got uns uberwunden, Das sin Gewalt ist so von ir gebunden, Das er niht wan genade biutet, Fride und stete Siine er git. Meister Rumslant (in Maness ii. 224) :' Viir welhen Sunder Maria wil dingen ; Si sprichet : Kint dis sint die Briuste, die du sugest, Gedenke, lieber Sun, gewer mich ob du mugest, La mich den Sunder dir ze hulden bringen, Sich, Herzentrut, dis ist der Schos, Da ich dich uf want mit kranken (schlechten) Tuochen &c. So nimt der Sun sin edel Muoter bi der Hant, Er sprichet : Vater miu, es ist also gewant, Ich und min Muoter suochen din Erbarmen. Gedenke Vater wie ich von dem Himel kam, Und von miner Muoter Menschheit an mich nam, Du sehe (sahest) mich gekriuzet mit den Annen, Den Tot ich viir die Sunder leit, Nu schowe Herre Vater mine Wunden, Ich leit an Henden und an Fiizen Ungemach, Und in der Siten, da mich tot ein blinde (Longinus supposed to have been blind) stach, Darumbe hat manig Sunder Genade funden. Compare Pescheck : der religiose Glaubeder gebildeten Laien in Deutsch- Y 2 340 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 1073—1305. the most distingiii-slist scliolar.s of this age.'-* As Sundays and land, namentlich iiu 13. Jahrh., in Staublin's und Tzschirner's Arehiv fiir Kirchengesch. IV. iii. 488. 512. Vita b. Petri Acotanti publisht bv G. Zappert, Wien 1839, s. 13. 19, Some allegories and images of this time with reference to the Virgin Mary have been collected by Grimm in his introduction to Conrad's of ^^'urtzburg Golden Smithy s. xxxi. On the mixture of knightly courtesy in the honour rendered to Mary, compare Liitkemiiller in Wieland's Neuem deutschen Merkur Dec. 1796. s. 329 ff. March 1797. s. 205. ft". Gott der Vater minnete Maria cf. Pescheck s. 490 ft", e.g. B. Keinmar v. Zweter (in Maness ii. 123): Dur Mine wart der Alte jung, Der je was alt an Knde, Von llimel tet er einen Sprung Ilerabe in dis EUende &c. Friedrich v. Suonenburg. (S. 210 and other places) : Sich Gotes Tochter, wiltu niicli Nicht mieten (lohnen), Kiuniginne, So sage ich, was ein holier Man Mit dir begangen hat. Er nam sich dir ze dienuen an. In minneklicher Minno, Er warb es tougen (heimlich) wider dicli, Do tet du swes er bat : Dir gieng sin Bet und siniu \\'^ort Durh Oren und durh Ougen, Aldar kam siner Froiden Hort Ze dir geslichen tougen. Er was dir inneklichen bi Mit AVarheit sunder Spot, Doch weis ich diner hulde dri (Trinitat) Der du verholne pflege, und was des Gabriel din Bot. But even the worship of Mary took the form of knightly homage to woman, see Liitkemiiller passim. Compare the Lovesong to Mary by the Troubadour le Moine de Fossan in Millot hist. des. troub. ii. 224. ^ The Carthusians chose her and John the Baptist for their patrons (vita s. Brunonis in the Actis SS. ad 3. Oct.) IJut the Cistercian order was inter religiones caeteras gloriosae Virgini singularitate devotionis adscriptus ex institutione i)rimaria (see Privilegium Gregorii IX. in Manrique annal. Ord. Cisterc. i. 10. 37), and all its churches were dedicated to the Virgin (Caplt. generale ann. 1134 c. 21). The Car- melites were fratres eremitae s. Marlae (§. 07. not. G. v>. 69. not. 12). The Servites were Servi b. Marlae virginis (§. 08. not. 18.) '•' Even Bernard says (Sermo in Nativ. b. Marlae, dc; aquacductu §. 7, In Op]), ed. Mabillon ii. 100): Totis ergo nieduUIs cordium, totis praecordiorum allectibus, ct votis omnibus Mariam banc venerenuu", quia sic est voluntas ejus, qui totum nos habere volult per Mariam. — Ad Patrem vcrebaris accedcre, solo auditu tcrritus, ad folia fugiebas (In allusion to Gen. iii. 7, 10) : Jcsum tibi dedit mediatorem. — Sed CH. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 78. ADORATION OF SAINTS. 34I festivals were dedicated to the Lord, so Saturdays and vigils forsitan et in ipso majestatem vereare divinam, quod licet factua sit homo, mauserit tanien Deus. Advocatum habere vis et ad ipsnm ? Ad Mariain recurre. Pura siquideni huinanitas in Mai-ia, non modo pura ab omni contaminatioue, sedet pura singularitate naturae. Nee dubius dixerira, exaudietur et ipsa pro reverentia sua. Exaudiet utique matrem filius, et exaudiet filium pater. Filioli, haec peccatorum scala, haec niea maxima fiducia est, haec tola ratio spei meae. Quid enim ? Potestne filius aut repellere, aut sustinere repulsam : non audire, aut non audin filius potest? Neutrum plane. Inven/sti, ait Angelus, gratiam apud Deum (Luc. i. 30). Feliciter. Semper haec inveniet gratiam, et sola est gratia, qua egemus etc. — Bonaventui-a was most inexhaustible in the praise of Mary, in the work. Speculum b. Mar. Virginis, Corona B. Mar. Virginis, Carmina super canticum Salve Regina, Laus b. Virginis Mariae (found together in 0pp. VI. ii.) The Psalterium minus and Psalterium majixs b. Maria Virginis were ascribed to him, probably without sufficient reason, as a similar work, the Biblia Mariana was to Albertus M. They belong, however, to this period. The Psalterium majus is a Pai'ody of David's Psalter, e.g. Psalm 1 : Beatus vir qui diligit nomen tuum, Maria Virgo : gratia tua animam ejus confortabit. Tanquam aquarum fontibus irrigatum uber, in eo fructum justitiae propagabis. Beuedicta tu inter mulieres, per credulitatem cordis sancti tui. Universas enim foeminas vincis pul- ehritudine carnis : superas Angelos et Archangelos excellentia sancti- tatis. Misericordia tua et gratia ubique praedicatur : Deus operibus manuum tuarum benedixit. Gloria Patri etc. Psalm. 93 : Deus ultionum Dominus, sed lu Mater misericordiae ad miserandum inflectis etc. Psalm. 109 ; Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae : sede mater mea a dextris meis. Bonitas et sanctitas placuerunt tibi : ideo regnabis mecum in aeternum etc. In order to give these extravagancies a dogmatical foundation, Hyperdulia was demanded for the Virgin Marv, in distinction from the Dulia due to the rest of the saints. Lombard lib. iii. dist. 9. was the first to think of a higher step of Dulia, but it was with reference to the manhood of Christ : (quidam) duliae duas species vel modos esse dicunt. Est enim cujusdam modi dulia, quae crea- turae cuilibet exhiberi potest et est quaedam soli humanitati Christi exhibenda, non alii creaturae, quia Christi humanitas super omnem creaturam est veneranda et diligenda. However the other opinion prevailed, Christi humanitatem una adoratione cum verbo esse adoran- dam, thus adoratione latriae. So when that higher step of Dulia was discontinued for the manhood of Christ, it was claimed soon after under the name of Hyperdulia for the Virgin Mary ; who in the above quoted passage of Lombard is even expressly excluded from it. Alex. Halesius P. iii. qu. 30. membr. 3. art. 1. Bonaventura in Sent. lib. iii. dist. 9. art. I. qu. 3. Comp. Thomas Summae P. iii. qu. 25. art. 5. Cum igitur b. Virgo sit pura creatura rationalis, non debetur ei adoratio latriae, sed solum veneratio duliae ; eminentius tamen, quam caeteris creaturis, in quantum ipsa est mater Dei. Et ideo dicitur, quod debetur ei non qualiscunque dulia sed hyperdulia. Idem Secunda 342 TllIKD PEUIOD.— DIV. HI.— A. D. 1073— 1305. were consecrated to the Queeu of heaven. ^"^ Thus the me- chanical form of prayer, which was brought to perfection by the invention of the rosary/^ was tlividecl between God and Marv.^'* Secuiulac qu. 103. art. 4 : Hypcrdulia videtur esse medium inter latriam et duHam. ^^ Compare Part 1. § 33. note 18. The officimn s. Mariae mei*- tioned there, was now common in the monasteries, see Gerhohus (Propst in Keichersperg j 11G9) comm. in Psahn. xxxix. 4 (in Pezii thesaur. V. 794): In Coenobiis canticum novum celebratur, cum a tempore Papae septinii Gretrorii cursus b. Mariae frcquentatur. Stephanas de Borbone fa Dominican in [.yons about 122") j de scptem donis Spirltus S. in Echard scriptt. Praedicat. i. p. 189 : multi ex devotione, quam habent adeain (Mariam) omnium fcstivitatuni — ^^jejunant vigihas, etiam multi in pane et aqua, liac etiam intentionc muhi, ut ipsa eis obtincat, ne moriantur inconfessi. Kt beet mala sit in hoc superstitio et abu.iio, et reprobanda, quam quidam habent circa ejus misericordiam, coufiden- tia, hac faciendo mala sccurius, quasi faciendo liaec jcjunia non pussint hinc mijj^rarc iinpocuitentes et inconfessi : dcvotio tamen pia circa hacc jejunia est approbanda the antient rule, wliicb the corruption of the Church in great part excuses. Then Stephen relates how Saturday especially was kept as a fast day in honour of the Virgin, by many with bread and water, by others with abstinence trom flesh, by others in the same way as Lent, by all in the faith, quod b. Virgo, si hoc usque ad soptcnnium compleverint, per hoc trahat cos ad bonum finem. The Cone. Tolosaiium ann. 1229 c. 25 (Mansi xxiii. 200) oven pre- scribed to the Laity : Sabbato circa vespera ob revcreutiam b. Mariae Virginis Ecclesias suas cum devotione visitent. ^1 Compare above § 69, note 10. ^^ Petrus Damiani opusc. 33. c. 3 first relates as something singular, that an ecclesiastic had daily saluted the Virgin with Luc. i. 28 : Ave Maria, gratia plena, Dominus tecum : bemdicta tu in mulicribus. This custom soon became more frequent, and was miraculously re- warded by the Virgin, see Hermanni (about 1130) narratio restaura- tionis Abbatiae s. Martini Tornacensis in d' Achery spicilegium ii. 905. The first decree on this point is by Odo, after 119G Bishop of Paris, see Praecepta connnunia no. 10 (.Mansi xxii. G81) : Exhorteiitur populum semper presbytitri ad dicendam [lc(/. discevdam] orationcm domiuicam, ct Credo in Doum, et salutationem b. Virginis. In the thirteenth century the Ave Maria became a regular jjrayer. According to Stephanus de Borbone in Echard scriptt. Praedic. i. 189, devout persons made u.sc of this prayer every day, some lOOO times, some 1(H), some 50; according to Thomas Cantipratensis bonum univ. de apibus lib. ii. c. 29. art. (> ct 8, many made use of tres Salutationum (piinqua- genas. At the end of the. original formula, soon after was repeated, ct benedictus fructus ventris tui, Lrban I\'. added yet to this .Jesus Christua, Amen. The longer additional clause : Sancta Maria, Dei penefrix, ora pro nobis peccatoribus nunc et in hora mortis, Amen, was framed little bv little after the lu-giTniing of the sixteenth ccnunw, €H. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 78. ADORATION OK SAINTS. 343 Wlien however certain Canons of Lyons about the year 1140 projected the doctrine of the Immacnlate Conception of Mary,^^ and a festival in commemoration of it ; they met vith a stout resistance not only from St Bernard,^* but other theologians also and was first honoured with universal acceptation in the Church, by the Breviariura Pii V. See Mabillon acta ss. Ord. Ben. saec. v. praef. p, Ixxvii, ss. 13 The Virgin Mary had been considered as sinless long before this time, even by Paschasius Radb. de partu Virg. (in d' Achery spicileg. i. 46) as sanctificata in utero matris, but not as conceived without sin. cf. Anselmus cur Deus homo? lib. ii. c. 17 : Licet ipsa hominis ejus- dem [Jesu] conceptio sit munda, et absque carnalis delectationis peccato ; Virgo tamen, unde assuraptus est, est in iniquitatlbus concepta, et in peccatls concepit earn mater ejus, etcum originali peccato nata est, quia et ipsa in Adamo peccavit, in quo omnes peccarunt. 1* Bernardi epist. 174 ad Canonicos Lugdunenses :— Miranmr satis, quid visum fuerit hoc tempore quibusdam vestrum voluisse mutare colorem optimum, novam iuducendo celebritatem, quam ritus Ecclesiae nescit, non probat ratio, non commendat antiqua traditio. Numquid Patribus doctiores aut devotiores sumus? Periculose praesumimua quicquid ipsorum in talibus prudentia praeterivit. Nee yero id tale est, quod nisi praetereundum fuerit, Patrura quiverit omnino diligen- tiam praeteriisse.— Ortum Virginis didici in Ecclesia et ab Ecclesia indubitanter habere festivum atque sanctum, firmissime cum Ecclesia sentiens, in utero eam accepisse, ut sancta prodiret. ^ Et de .Jeremia siquidem lego, quod priusquam de ventre exiret, sanctificatus sit (Jer. i. 5) ; et de Joanne "Baptista non secus sentio, qui ex utero Dominum in utero sensit (Luc. i. 41.) Videris etiam tu, an et de s. David idip- sum liceat opinari (on account of Ps. Ixx. 6, xxi. 11, 12.) — Caeterum quatenus adversus originale peccatum haec ipsa sanctificatio yaluent, — non temere dixerim. Sanctificatos tamen non dubitaverim dicere, quos Deus sanctificavit, et cum eadem sanctificatione prodiisse ex utero, quam acceperunt in utero, nee reatum, quem in conceptione traxerunt, valuisse ullatenus horum natali jam donatam praepedire sen praeripere benedictionem.— Fuit proculdubio et Mater Domini ante sancta quam nata. Nee fallitur omnino s. Ecclesia, sanctum reputans ipsum Natiyi- tatis ejus diem, et omni anno cum exultatione universae terrae votiya celebritate suscipiens. Ego puto, quod et copiosior sanctificationis benedictio in eam descenderit, quae ipsius non solum sanctificaret ortum, sed et vitam ab omni de inceps peccato custodiret immunem : quod nemini alteri in natis quidem mulierum creditur esse donatuin. Quid adhuc addendum his putamus honoribus? Ut honoretur, inquiunt, et conceptus, qui honorandum praeivit partum : quoniam, si ilie non praecessisset, nee iste esset, qui honoratur. Quid si alius propter eandera causam etiam utrique parenti ejus festos honores asserat defer- endos ? Sed de avis et proavis idipsum posset pro simili causa quilibet flagitare : et sic tenderetur in infinitum, et festorum non esset numerus. Patriae est, non exilii, frequentia haec gaudioruni, et numerositas festi- 344 THIRD rKKlOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. of the twelfth cuntuiy^* declared themselves against this innova- tion. In the thirteenth century the feast of the conception gradually extended itself more and more ;^'^ nevertheless the vitr.tum oives decet, non exules. Sed profertur scriptuin supernae, ut ajunt, revclationis. Quasi et quivis non qiicat scriptum acque produ- core, in quo Virgo videatur iilipsum mandarc ct de parcntibus suis. — Ipse niilii facile pcrsuatlco scriptis talibus non nioveri, quibus nee ratio suppcditare, nee certa invenitur favcre auctoritas. — Ktsi quibus vel paucis filionini hominiun datum est cum sanctitate nasci, non tamcn et concipi ; ut uni sane servaretur sancti jiraerogativa conceptus, qui omnes sanctificaret, solusque absque peccato veniens purgationem faceret pcccatoruin etc. In England Anselm, Arclibishoj) of Can- terbury, was tlie first to bring in the festum concept ionis Domini s. annunciationis Mariac, and even then this festival appeared ridiculous U) many from the first, and was opposed because of its novelty, see Osberti de Clara ep. 8 ad Anselmum (epistolae Ilerberti de Losinga, Osberti de Clara et Elmeri, ed. a. R. Anslruther, Bruxell. et Lond. 184G. p. 124.) !• Bernard's contemporary Potho Presb. Prumiensis de statu domus Dei lib. iii. in fine (Bibl. Patr. Lugd. xxi. o02) : Quae igitur ratio haec festa celebranda nobis induxit, festum videlicet s. Trinitatis, festum transfigurationis Domini? Additur his a quibusdam, quod magis absurduni videtur, festum quoque conceptionis s. 3Iariac. Tiie rest tliat he says on this head is taken word for word from Bernard's letters. About 1175 Nicolaus jNIon. s. Albani in England, was a zealous advocate for the immaculate conception. But Peter Cellensis, .•it that time Abbot of St Ivcmigius at Ivheims, censured him and defended St Bernard, see Petri Cell, epistt. lib vi. epist. 23 (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxiii. 878) lib. ix. ep. 9 and 10 (ib. 902.)— Joannes Beleth (see at the head of ^ 77) divin. offie. explicatioc. 146 : Festum conceptionis [Mariae] aliqui interdum eelebrarunt, et adhuc fortassis celebrant : sed authenticum atque approbatum non est, immo vero prohibendum potius esse videtur. In peccato namque concepta fuit. ^^ Cf. Cone. Oxonieiise ann. 1222 cap. 8 : Statuimus quod festa Hubscripta sub omni veneratioiie serventur, videlicet — omnia festa b. Mariae, praeter festum conceptionis, cujus celebrationi non inqjonitur necessitas. On the other hand it is found without remark in the Tables of Festivals : Statuta ."^ynodalia Eccl. Cenomanensis ann. 12-17 in fine (Mansi xxiii. 7G4j, Cohc. Copriniaccnse betwixt 12o0 and 1260 cap. 21 (Mansi xxiii. 870), and Exoniense ann. 1287 c. 28 (Mansi xxiv. H13.) It was decreed in the general chapter of Franciscans at IMsa, in the year 12()3 (Wadding ad h. a. no. KJ), ut novae hae festi- vitates admitterentur in ( )rdine, videlicet conceptionis b. virginis Mariae, ^'isitationis ejusdcm, b. Annate illius genitricis, et Marthae virginis. fCareful b\it uncritical are all tlie contributions on tliis head, collccti'd by the I^ranciscan M. Ant. (Jravois de ortu et progressu cultus ac festi immacubiti coneejitus b. virg. Mariae. Lucae 1762. 4. Compare particularly at the end the Documentorum regesium In the earlier passages quoted there the conceptin li. Mariae is the conceptio activa s. CH. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 78. ADORATION OF SAINTS. 345 doctrine of the immaculate conception was not adopted by any eminent theologian of this century.^^ The authority of the celebrated Thomas Aqumas^® seemed to have overthrown it for annmiciatio.) In the 13th century, however, throughout, only the cele- bration of the conception, notofthe immaculate conception, is mentioned : cf. Thoraae Summa P. iii. qu. 27. art. 2. below note 18. Durandi rationale divin. offic. lib. vii. c. 7 : Quidam etiam faciunt quintum festum s. de. conceptione b. Mariae, dieentes, quod, sicut celebratur de morte Sanctorum non propter mortem, sed quia tunc recepti sunt in nuptiis aeternis, similiter potest celebrari festum de conceptione, non quia sit concepta, quia in peccato est concepta, sed quia mater Domini est concepta : asserentes, hoc fuisse revelatum euidam Abbati in naufragio constituto. Quod tamen non est authenticum, unde non est approban- dum, cum concepta fuerit in peccato, sen per concubitum maris et foeminae. '^ Not even by the Franciscans : Antonius Paduanus Serrao in feriam quiutam in passione (Francisci Assis. et Antonii opp. ed. J. de la Haye. Lugd". 1653. fol. p. 122) reckons the Holy Virgin (as Ber- nard does above, note 14) for one of those, qui fuerunt santificati in utero. Alexander Hales. P. iii. qu. 10. membr. 2. art, 1 : necesse fuit, quod b. Virgo in generatione sua contraheret peccatum a parentibus ; but art. 4 : Virgo ante nativitatem suam et post infusionem animae in suo corpore fuit sanctificata in utero niatris suae. Bouaventin-a in hb. iii. dist. iii. Pars i. enquires art. 1. first de sanctificatione Virg'mis quantum ad congruentiam temjwris, and decides, qu. 1., Quod caro b. Virginis ante animationem non fuit sanctificata. Qu. 2. : Quidam dicere volunt, in anima gloriosae Virginis gratiam sanctificationis praevenisse maculam peccati originalis. — Teneamus secundum quod communis opinio tenet, Virginis sanctificationem fuisse post originalis peccati contractionem. Qu. 3 : pro indubitanti babet hoc Ecclesia, videlicet quod b. Virgo fuerit in utero sanctificata. — Si autem quaeratur, qua die vel bora sanctificata fuerit, hoc ignoratur : tamen probabiliter creditur, quod cito post infusionem animae fuerit facta infusio gratiae. Then art. ii. de virtutis efficacia ; first qu. 1., B. virgo Maria per sanctificationis gratiam copiosam iramunis fuit ab omni culpa actuali, tarn mortali quam veniali. Qu. 2 : In pi-ima sanctificatione fuit fomes concupiscentiae in Virgine consopitus, in secunda (Luc. i. 35) extinctus et eradicatus. Qu. 3. A massa peccati liberata fuit virgo Maria in prima sanctificatione, liberata etiam fuit in secunda, sed in prima fuit confor- mis aliis sanctificatis (viz. Jeremiah, John the Baptist) in secunda vero facta est conformis fiHo, quam genuit. Thus Albertus Magnus in Sent. lib. iii. dist. 3. 18 Thomas Summa theol. P. iii. qu. 27. art. 1 : De sanctificatione b. Mariae, quod scilicet fuerit sanctificata in utero, nihil in Scriptura canonica traditur, quae etiam nee de ejus nativitate mentionem facit. Sicut tamen (Pseudo-J Augustinus in se.rmone de assumptione ipsius Virginis rationabiliter argumentatur, quod cum corpore sit assumpta in caelum, quod tamen Scriptura non tradit, ita etiam rationabiliter 346 THIRD PERIOD.-DIV. III.— A.D. 1073— 1J05. ever, when Duns Scotus, on this point also opposing tlie Dominican, first of all the Schoolmen, and so but timidly,^'"'- took argumentari possumus, quod fuerit sanctificata in utero. Art. 2 : •Saiictificutio b. N'irgiiiis non potest intelli^''i ante oju.s aninuitionein, diiplici ratione. Priiuo quideni, quia sanctilicatio, de qua loquiiuur, non est nisi emundatio a pcccato orij;inali. — Culpa auteni non jjotest eniundari, nisi per gratiani, cujus subjectuui est sola creatura rationalis. VA idco ante infusioneni aniinae rationalis b. Virgo sanctificata non fuit. Sccundo quia cum sola creatura rationalis sit susceptiva culpae, ante infusioneni aniniac rationalis proles conccpta non est culpae obnoxia. Et sic quocunique modu ante aniuiationeiu b. Virgo sanctificata fuisset, uuniquam incurrisset niaculani originalis culpae, et ita non indi- guisset redeniptione et salute, quae est per Christum. — Hoc autem inconveniens est, quod Christus non sit salvator omnium liominum. — Si numquam anima b. Vir<,Miiis fuisset contagio originalis ])cccati inquinata, hoc derogaret dignitati Cbristi, secundum quam est univer- salis omnium salvator. — Licet Koniaua Ecclcsia conceptionom b. Virginis non celebret, tolerat tamen consuetudinem aliquarum Eccle- siaruni illud festum celebrantium. Uude talis celebritas non est totaliter reprobanda. Nee tamen per hoc, quod festum conceptionis celebratur, datur iiitelligi, quod in sua conceptione fuerit sancta : sed quia, quo tempore sanctificata fuerit, ignoratur, celebratur festum sancti- ficationis ejus potius quam conceptionis in die conceptionis ii»sius. Art. 3. Videtur diccmdum, quod per sanctificationem in utero non fuerit sublatus b. \ irgini fomes secundum essentiam, sed remanserit ligatus. — Postmoduin vero in ipsa conceptione cariiis Cbristi, in qua primo debuit refulgere peccati imniunitas ; credendum est, quod ex prole redundaverit in matrem, totaliter fomite subtracto. Art. 4 : Simpli- citer fatendum est, quod beata \ irgo nullum actuale pcccatum commisit, nee mortale, nee veniale, ut sic in ea impleatur, quod dicitur Cant. iv. 7 : Ti'ta pnlchra es amica men, et macula non est in te. ^'•' Duns Scotus in Sent. lib. iii. dist. 3, qu. 1. § 9 : Deus potuit facere, quod ipsa nunquam fuisset in peccato originali ; potuit etiara fecisse, ut tantum in uno instanti esset in peccato ; potuit etiam facere, ut per tempus aliquod esset in peccato, et in ultimo illius temporis pur- garetur. — Quod autem horum triuu), quae ostensa sunt esse possibilia, factum sit, iJeus novit : si aucloritati ICeclesiae, vel auctoritati Scrip- turae non repugnet, videtur j)robabil(', quod excellentius, attribucro Mariae. More decisive but still short is 1. c. dist. IS ayioiv pvr^fias 8ia XoytarpuTcov uTrpfTTCov Ka\ yeXcoTcoi' K.a\ TTapa(^6pu)V Koavycbv, TfXovpevaiu Twj/ deioav vpvav. And afterwards : ras ^araviKus upx^ja-fis Koi Tus darjpovs Kpavyas kui to. (k Tpi68v Koi )(apaiTVTr€iu)v rfpavi- (Tpeua aapara TfXfladiu (8i8a^(i'. '^ The first to mention this is Jo. IJeleth in Explicat. divin. ofiic. c;ip. 70, de iis festi vital ibus, quae Christi Nativitatcm ])roxime sequun- tur : Debent ergo vespcrae Natalis primo integre celebrari, ac postea conveniunt diaconi quasi in tripudio, cantantque Magnificat cum Antiphona de s. Stei)hano, — et universum oflicium crastinum celebrant Diaconi, quod Stephanus fuerit Diaconus. — Sic eodem modo omne ofiiciura perficient sacerdotes ipso die b. Joanuis, quia hie sacerdos fuerit, et pueri in ipso festo Innocentum, quia Innocentes pro Christo occisi sunt. Cap. 72 : Festum Hypodiaconorum, quoil vocamus stultorum, a quibusdam perficitur in circumcisione n quibusdam vero in Epiphanin, vel in ejus octavis. Fiunt autem quatuor tripudia post nativi- tatem Domini in Ecclesia, Levitarura scilicet, Sacerdotum, Puerorum i. e. niinorum aerate et ordine, et Hypodiaconorum, qui ordo iiicer- tus est. Unde fit, ut ille quandoque annumeretur inter sacros ordines, quandoquc non, quod oxpresse ex eo intelligitur, quod certum tem- pus non habeat, et otticio celebretur confuse. Durantis repeats the contents of these two chapters in his Kationale Divin. oihc. lib. vii. c. 42 in fine.) Cap. 120 : Restat, — ut — agamus — de quadam libertate Decembris, quae hoc tempore in quibusdam locis observatur. Sunt nempe nonnullae Ecclesiae, in quibus usitatum est, ut vel etiam Epis- copi vel Archiepisco])i in coenobiis cum suis ludant subditis, ita ut etiam sesc ad lusum pilae dcmittant. Atque haec quidem libertas ideo dicta est Decembrica, quod olim apud ethnicos moris fuerit, ut hoc nicnse ser^i et ancillae et jjastoros velut quandam libertate donarentur, fierentque cum dominis suis ])ari conditione, communia fcsta agentes post collectionen\ inessium. Quamquam vero magnae Ecclesiae, ut est Remensis, bane ludendi eonsuetudiiiem obscrvent, videtur tamen laud- abilius esse non ludere. Most remark.ible for wanton mockery of ecclesiastical institutions are the festum innocentum, (in the monas- tic schools a child-aljbot, in the cathedral schools a cliild-bishop was chosen, in Mayence this festive custom has been continued down to modern times, cf. V. A. Diirr conim. hist, de Episcoj)o Puerorum vulgo vona Scliulbisehof. Moguiit. 175.0. 4. E. Meyer's Gesch. d. Hamburgischen Sehul-und Uuterrichtswesens im Mittelalter, Hamburg 1'^I3), and tlie festiim hy[)ndiaennornm (cf. duTiliot memoi- CHAP, v.— DIVINE SEKVICP:. 2 79. FESTIVALS. 349 decrees were passed against tins custom :^ still the disorder con- tinued to increase. res pour servir a I'histoire de la fete des foux. A Lavisanne et a Geneve 1751. 8. du Fresne s. v. Kalendae.) In Ratisbon the abuse was so great that Innocent IV. in 1249 issued a prohibition against it: see Monumenta boica xiii. 214. Gemeiner's Reichstadt Regens- burgische Chrouik, Regensb. 1800. 4. i. 357. However the grossest extravagances of this nature seem to belong originally to the succeed- ing period. — In many places, for instance in Rouen, an ass-fcast was celebrated on Christmas-day : Elsewhere, as in Beauvais, a ceremony of the same kind was kept on the 14th of June, in commemoration of the flight into Egypt, cf. du Fresne s. v. Festum asinorum. Another festival, accompanied with similar extravagances of the clergy, took place in Evreux on the first of May so early as about 1200. Du Tiliot 1, c. p. 26 ss. 3 The first was in the year 1198, by Cardinal Peter, papal Legate, addrest to Odo, Bishop of Paris, and publisht by him (ed. Petrus de Gussanvilla in Append, ad Petri Blesensis opp. and quoted from this in Bibl. Patrum Lugd. xxiv. 1370) : didicimus, quod in festo cir- cumcisionis dominicae in eadem ecclesia [Parisiensi] tot consueverunt enormitates et opera flagitiosa committi, quod locum sanctum, in quo gloriosa Virgo gratam sibi mansionem elegit (the Church of Notre Dame), non solum foeditate verborum, verum etiam sanguinis eftusione plerumque contingit inquinari ; at eatenus adinventio tam perniciosae temeiitatis invaluit, ut sacratissima dies, in qua mundi Redemptor voluit circumcidi, festum fatuorum nee imraerito generaliterconsueverit appellari. Thereupon in 1199 followed Odo's directions for a proper celebration of the Circumcision of our Lord, and of the Feast of St Stephen (quoniam festivitas b„ Protomariyris Stephani ejusdem fere subjacebat dissolutionis et temeritatis incommodo) : and a confirmation of these dii-ections by Petrus Cambius, the next Bishop of Paris, in the year 1208 (both 1. c.) Nevertheless the Council of Paris ann. 1212 Pars iv. c. 16 (in Mansi xxii. 842) found it necessary to enjoin even on the Bishops : A festis vero follorum, ubi bacidus accipitur, omnino abstineatur. Idem fortius monachis et monialibus prohibemus. The first sentence is repeated by Robertus Legatus in Cone. Rotomag. ann. 1214 P. iii. c. 16 (Mansi xxii. 920.) — Innocent III. in the year 1210 (Deer. Greg. lib. iii. tit. i. cap. 12) : Interdum ludi fiunt in Ecclesiis theatrales, et non solum ad ludibriorum spectacula introdu- cuntur in eis monstra larvarum, verum etiam in aliquibus anni festivitatibus, quae continue natalem Christi scquuntur, diaconi, pres- byteri, ac subdiaconi vieissim insaniae suae ludibria exercere praesu- munt: per gesticulationum siiarum debacchationesobscoenasinconspectu populi decus faciunt clericale vilescere elc. Statuta Eccl. Nivernensis ann. 1246 cap. 3. (Martene thes. anecdot. iv. 1069, Mansi xxiii. 731) : Quia in festo stultorum, scil. Innocentium et anni novi, in Ecclesia vestra multa fiunt — inhonesta, sub poena excommunicationis inhibemus districte, ne talia festa irrisoria de caetero facere praesumant. Constitt. 350 THIRD rCRIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 1073—1350. §so. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION OF THE PEOPLE. Schrockh xxix. .011. G. Schmidt iiber das Predigen in d. Landcsprachen wJihrend des Mittelalters, in d. theol. Studien u. Kritiken 1846. ii. 243. Deutsche Predigten des xii. und xiii. Jahih. herausg. v. K. Koth, Qued- linb. u Leipz. 1839. Deutsche Predigten des xiii. u. xiv. Jahrh. herausg. V. H. Leyser, ebendas. 1838, Vorwort S. xiii. In compari.son v^^tll ecclesiastical pageantiy, preaching, the more spiritual part of divine worship was either quite left off, or managed in a very unprofitable manner, ^fost of the sermons of the twelfth century Avere short homilies full of allegorical and mystical interpretations ; they were often nothing more than stiff translations from some Latin Homiliarium. .^Vccordingly the wandering preachers of repentance and crusade«5 made all the more impression on the people. The most distinguisht preacher of this century is St Bernard.^ From the heretics of Southern France, Peter of Bruis, Henry, and the Waldenses,^ the common people first heard sennons Pf^ri Archicp. Burdcgalensis in Cone. Copriniacensi ann. 1260 cap. 2 (Mansi xxiii. 103.'^) : Cumin balleatione (dance) quae in festo ss. Inno- C(!ntiuni in quibusdani Ecclesiis Hcri inolevit, inultae rixae, contentioues et turbationes — consuevorint i)rovenii-e, pracdictns balloationes ulterius sub intiniatione anathcniatis fieri probibennis, necnon ot Episcopos in praedicto festo crcari : cum hoc in Ecclcsia Dei I'idiculum existat, et hoc dignitatis cpiscopalis hidibrio fiat. When these prohibitions were found fruitless, tliey became at last more complying. Cone. Saltzbur- gcnse. ann. 1274 cap. 17: Ad liacc quidam ludi noxii, quos vulgaris elocutio episcnpntus puerorum appellat, in quibusdam Ecclesiis excr- centuv adco insolentcr, quod nonnimquam enormes culpae et damna gravia sub-equuntur. Ex ipsis hos ludos in Ecclesiis ct a pcrsonis ecclcsiasticis dc caiitcro fieri prohibenuis, nisi forte parvi scxdccim annorun\ et infra fucrint, (pii hujusmodi ludos exerccnt, quibus alii seniores ipsi iiullatcnus sc misceantaut intersint. Ordinationes Joannii Cantuar. Archie)), in domibus religiosis aim. \'21*J (Mansi xxiv. 264) : Puerilia solemnia, qiiae in festo solcnt fieri Innocentum, post vcsperas 8. Joannis tantum inchoari pcrniittimus, et in crastino in ipsa die Innocentum totalitcr termineiUur. • Sclimidt and other places. S. 258. » See below § 87 and 88. CHAP, v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 80. SERMONS. 351 which brought before them the simple doctrines of Christianity with equal comprehensiveness and convincing power : accordingly they met with great success. It was probably their example which actuated Fulco, pastor of Neuilly in the Bishopric of Paris (t 1202j'^ whose exhortations to repentance and morality had the more powerful effect, from the strangeness of such spiritual admonitions to the people. In particular thefi±st two mendicant orders were roused to action by them : ■* for the Franciscans adopted into the service of the Church, those very peculiarities, by means of which the Heretics made so great an impression : They went forth among the people with an intelligible and animated style of preaching ; while the Dominicans likewise in their addresses to the common people, made the extinction of heresy their principal aim. Although the Franciscans as tools of the Pope, soon became for the most part untrue to their original purpose : still from time to time the antient enthusiasm for popular preaching reappeared among them ; as for instance in ^ Jacobi a Vitriaco hist. Occident, c. 6 : In diebus illis suscltavit Deus caeli spiritum cujusdam sacerdotls ruralis, siraplicis valde et illiterati, de episcopatu Parisiensi, nomine Fulconis. Sicut enim pis- catores et idiotas elegit, ut gloriam suam alteri non daret : sic Dominus eo quod parvuli petiissent panem, literati autem circa disputationes vanitatis et pugnas verborum intenti, frangere non curabant, praedictum Presbyterura tanquam stellam in medio nebulae, et pluviam in medio siccitatis, — advineam suam excolendam miserlcorditer elegit. — He made his appearance as a preacher in Paris, cap. 8, et exinde alii tam doctores quam discipuli ad ejus rudem et simplicem praedicationem concurrebant. Alter alterum invitabat, — dicenfes : Venite et audite Fulconem pres- byterum, tanquam alterum Paulum. Ipse autem confortatus in Domino — coepit vitiorum monstra fortiter adminiculante Domino prosternere. On the affect of his preaching : Publicae meretrices capillos sclndentes eousuetam turpitudinem abnegabant. Sed et alii peccatores Sathanae et pompis ejus cum lacrimis renunciantes, ab ipso veniam postulabant. He soon acquired fame as a worker of miracles. In omnem autem Christianorum ten-am exivit sonus praedicatlonis ipsius, et fama sancti- tatis ejus divulgabatur ubique. Sed et discipuli ejus, quos ad praedl- candum raittebat, velut Apostoli Christi, cum summo honoi'e et revcrentia recipiebantur ab omnibus. His example was followed by many (cap. 9) ; but there rose up false preachers also, who desired nothing but their own advancement (cap. 10). Radulphi Abb, Coggeshalensis (after 1207) chron. Anglicanum, in Rerum Gallicarum et Francicarum sci'Iptt. (begun by Bouquet, continued by Brial) xviii. 80. Wilken's Gesch. d. Kreuzziige. Th. 5, s. 93. * See above § 68. 352 TIIIRIJ PEKIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. the Franciscan David at Augsburg (about the year 1250)^ and his pupil Berthold at Ratisbon (f 1272)." The rehgious education of the peoi)le remained fettered as before." * See deutsche Mj^stiker des 14. Jahih. herausgeg. von F. Pfeiffer Bd. 1. (Leipzig 1S45) s. 309. Einleit. s. xxvi. " Concerning bin. .-ee especially Joannes Vitoduranus (a Franciscan j 1348) in chron. ad ann. 1265 (in Thesaurus historiac Helvetine. Ti'guri 1735. fob p. G : Circiter ista tempora floruit frater Jiertoldus Ordinis Fratrum minoruni in Alaraania egregius praedicator, qui cir- cumeundo et peraniliulando frequenter Alanianiani ipsam niirabiliter illustravit, et peccatores innuincros verbo et e.xeniplo pariter ad Dorai- nuni convertebat, cnjus raemoria in bentdictione est, et adhuc recen- tissima meo tempore pcrseverat in honunibus. In campis sacpius solebat praedicare, et tunc popidus ex omnibus partibus fiuitimis et locis circuniadjacentlbus in maxima niultitudine conflucbat. — Ipse fuit linguae discrtae, vitae sanctae, niagnae literaturae, sicut adhuc evidenter apparet et patet in diversis voluminibus ab eo compilatis sermonum, quos rusticauos appellari voluit. In suis praedicationibus peccatores inveterati, obstinati ac sccleratissirai surrexerunt aperte peccata sua confitentes, et vitani turpem praetcritam abdicantes, veniaraque pos- tulantcs, et satisfactioncui ac eraendam dignam promittentes. — Post mortem suani in civitate Bawariae dicta Ratispona, in (pu\, ut fertur, natus et alitus crat, multis multo tempore coruscavit miraculis in loco Fratrum miaorum, ubi sepultus est. cf. Wadding ad ann. 1272 no, 16. Matth. Raderi Bavaria sancta (Tomi Iv, Monach. 1704. fob) i. 293. Mijller's Schweizergeschichte i. 530. lierthold's Stammtafel b. Roth a. a, 0. s. 80. Mons's Anzeiger 7r Jahrg. (1838) s. 218.— See also Berthold the Franciscan's German sermons, some entire, some in abstract, publisht (from a manuscript at Heidelberg) by Ch. Fredr. Kling, Berlin 1824. 8. Comp. .J. ( Jrimm's remarks in the Wiener Jabrbiichcrn (1825) xxxii. 194, where Berthold's life, activity, and preaching are expressly treated of, and some other manuscripts of sermons ai-e authenticated as his. Comp. Leyser Vorw. s. xvi. — At tlie same time lived also tlie unknown monk, to whom the Gernum seinnons of the 13th cent, publisht by Grieshaber 1. Div. Stuttg. 1844, are to be referred. ^ Statuta synodalia Richardi Cicestrcnsis Episc. ann. 1246 (Mansi xxiii. 714) : Volunuis, ut a propriis sacerdotiljus laici moneantur, ut orationem dominicam, et symbolum Apostolorum addiscant (see Part 1. § 10. note 29), et salutatione b. Virginis ; et haec sacerdotes paro- chianos in lingua saltem materna c/Z/igenter et frequenter doceant. Compare Odonis Ep. Paris praccepta above § 78, note 12. CH. v.— DIVINE SP]RVICE.— ?81. ECCLESIAfc^TICAL ART. 353 §81. ART EMPLOYED IN THE SERVICE OF THE CHURCH. The progress of the poetic art in Germany since the 12th century bore much fair fruit of popular sacred poetry (called Leisen from Kyrie Eleison the common ending) : They were indeed for the most part Hymns to the Virgin ; but so early as the 13th century the Easter Hymn Christus ist erstanden, and the Whitsuntide Hymn Nun bitten wir den heiligen geist,i were in existence ; while the Spirit of St Francis of Assisi still finding an answering voice in his order, provided for the Post-Communion service- the Dies irae'^ and Stabat mater.'^ From the represen- tation of the events of sacred history, as they were brought forward in the Clun'ch on their appropriate festival, with anti- phonal chants and simple ceremonial, there were developed in the loth century regular ecclesiastical dramas (called mysteries) : The plots were derived partly from Bible history, partly from the Legends of Saints.'^ With regard to the art of ecclesiastical architecture, which had been greatly improved since the 11th centmy, particularly by the monks, the pointed style remarkable for its "sublimity grew up in Germany in the 13th century, and found in the Masonic Society which took its rise at the same time, its guardians." The Cathedral of Magdeburg of the date 1208, the Chiu-ch of St Elizabeth at Marburg (in 1230), the H. Hoffman's Gesch. d. deiitscben Kirchenliedes bis auf Luthera Zeit Breslau 1832. s. 38. 1 ti u i • 1, • .1 o The Sequentia, properly the chant following the Hallelujah m the mass, afterwards in gcneval the choral munic introduced in the mass. 3 By Thomas of Cellano the companion of St. Francis, see above § 68» note 3. Compare Mohnike Kirchen und literarhistor. Studien (Stralsund 1824) I. i. 3. ■, ,ri -i t - qq^ * By Jacoponus, see above § 70, note 14 and Mohnike I. 11. 335 and other places. , v t7> t i\t 5 Schauspiele des :Mittelalters herausg. u. erklr.rt v. h. J. Mone, 2 Bde, Karlsruhe 1846. Etudes siir les mysteres dramatiques et sur divers 'manuscrits de Gerson, par Onesime Leroy, Paris 1840 " Chr. Ludw. Stieglits Gesch. d. Baukunst in 3 Abtheil. 2e Ausg. NUrnberg 1837. Die Bauhiitte des Mittelalters in Deutschland, von C. Heideloff, Niirnberg 1844. 4. J. Kreuser's Kolner Dombriefe, oder Beitrage zur altchristl. Kirchenbaukunst, Berhn 1844. z 354 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A. D. 1073— 1305. Cathedral of Cologne since 1248, became the most eminent patterns of this new style of church architecture. §82. KAL.AND-GUILDS. Das Gildenwesen im Mittelalter, von Dr W. E. Wilda, Berlin 1831. In the course of the 12th and 13th centuries the Ti'ades-guilds^ grew up ; besides furthering their especial ends, they engaged to promote the respectability, harmony, and mutual assistance of their associates ; they did honour to particular saints as their patrons : and fi'om time to time upited in common worship and social festivals. Following their example, the clergy of northern and central Germany in the thirteenth centuiy, extended their Decanal-unions, wliich held their meetings on the Kalends, to Kaland-guilds,^ which included the laity also both men and women — and imposed on themselves an especial obligation to 1 Wilda S. 228. 2 Wilda S. 352. The earlier works on the Kaland-guilds give much information on their statutes and on the grants they received, but none on their origin. There are many of these extant on some particular guilds. Tlicse are of more general purport : Joach. Felleri diss, de Fratribus Kalendariis, notis illustrata a Clirist. Franc. Paullini, Fi-ancof. ad M. 1692. 4. Chr. G. lilumberg's Abbildung des Kalandes, Chemniz 1721. 12. — Just as the monasteries granted to their benefac- tors a share in their good works, and promised ihem prayers and masses for their souls ; so the same might have been done in early times by these associations of secular clerg}', until at last they united such beneficent laymen with themselves after the manner of a guild. Tlie antient organization of these unions, as reguhu- meetings for spiritual exercises and repasts (.see Parti. § 8. note 9) remained unaltered: The Head of every Kaland-guild was the Dean, the spiritual members (the Kaland-masters) delil)erated continuiilly apart from the laity (the common Kaland-fellows) on the affairs of the Cluirch. Thus after the Keformation guilds of this nature might liave been here and there retained, after tlie separation of the laybrothers, in tlie form of synods, as boards of Ecclesiastical inspection. In this manner tlie Kaland- guild at Miinsterdorf in llolstein, was clianged l)y King Christian III. in the year 154-1 into an evangelical consistory, properly into a .synodal- union with consistorial rights; it received from that tinu' tlio name of CH. v.— DIVINE SERVICE. § 82. KALANDS. 355 prayer and masses for living and dead members.^ When the tertiary orders and fraternities of the Mendicant Friars drew the laity in masses to themselves, by the promise of greater spiritual advantages, the Kalands were more zealously extended by the secular clergy,'* in order to preserve adherents from among the laity to themselves, in opposition to those adherents of the Men- a Consistory, but in the language of the people continued to be called Kaland. (See Schroder's Gesch. d. Miinsterdorfischen Consistoriums, in Michelsen's u. Asmussen's Archiv f. Staats- u. Kirchengesch. d. Herzogthiimer Schleswig, Holstein, Lauenburg ii. 23.) Thus the Landgrave Philip the Munificent, in the year 1565 restored the Kaland- guild in Friedberg as a Synodal-union of Wetteravia (Kuchenbecker's analecta Hassiaca, collectio v. 123), while at the same time he desig- nated it in his decree as a rural chapter, Convent, Synod, or Kaland. As these Kaland-guilds grew more common they certainly were not always united to the Rural- chapters, and very many Kalands formed themselves in the towns, in these cases accordingly they had no hierar- chical claims. — The meetings on the Kalands of every month, seem to have been already given up in the antient, purely spii-itual association : the Kaland-guilds commonly met but twice in the year. Hence we may conclude that the name Kaland vvas in use in earlier times for those Decanal-unions, and has only devolved by inheritance on the Kaland-guilds. ^ Johannes de Indagine, a Carthusian in Erfurt and Eisenach, about the year 1450, de societate Kalendarum (MS. in the Paulinerbibliothek at Leipzig, quoted in Jo. Felleri diss, de fratr. Kalend. p. 28 and 29) : Kalendae sunt societates I'eligiosae, e calo i. e. convoco, quod conve- niant se mutuo homines ad communicandum bona sua mutuo, et ad subveniendum animabus defunctorum. — Habent [fratr es Kalendarum^ amicalem quandam societatem, in qua communiter vivunt, et certis temporibus conveniunt communicando bona spiritualia, et se mutuo in caritate corrigendo sine coercitione potestativa, et sine novo habitu, et hinc licita sunt sine auctoritate Papae, quanquam expediat, ut societas Fratrum de Kalendis auctoritate Episcopi alicujus confirmetur. — Est tamen haec fraternitas spiritualis boni, et ratione spiritualium suffra- giorum, quamvis conveniant certis diebus ad convivia, vel collationes et potationes, quia spiritualia esse omnino non possunt sine tempora- libus. * In the 13th century there were but few Kalands in existence. The oldest known is that at Ottburg near Hoxter, from which Chr, Fr. Paullini in the chron. Ottbergense p. 174) in his Syntagma rer. Germ. Francof. ad M. 1698. 4) quotes a document dated so far back as 1226. The most antient Kaland in the city of Brunswick was founded in 1265, the Brothers called themselves fratres de collegio-sacerdotalis fra- ternitatis s. Spiritus (Rehtnieyer's Kirchenhistorie d. Stadt Braunsch- weig i. 150.) The Kaland in Colberg was founded in 1267 (Fortg. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen 1735 S. 251.) Even in z 2 356 THIRD PERIOD.-DTV. III. A.D. 1073—1305. dicants. However the new Kalands, as well as the old, soon fell into evil repute, for their riotous revels.^ Mecldenburg Kalands were to be found so early as the 13th cent. (J. Wiggers Kirchengesch. Mecklenburgs, Parchim und Ludwigslust 1840, S. 79.) But the greatest number of Kaland-guilds originated in the 14th and 15th centuries. They spread themselves also into Denmark (Wilda S. 353), Hungary and France (Feller de fratr. Kah P-21-) 5 Thence the proverb, ein grosser Kaland d. i. ein grosser Schmaus (Rehtmeyer i. 152), Kalenderen, bunte Kalender machen d. i. join in banquets (Paullini chron, Ottberg. p. 176.) (11. \ 1.— ECCL. DiyClPLlNE. § 83. CONl••Et^!^lO^. 35^ SIXTH CHAPTER. ALTERATIONS IN CHURCH-DISCIPLINE, AND THEIR NEW DOCTRINAL FOL'NDA IIONS. §83. CONFESSION. Jo. Morini commentarius hist, de disciplina in administnitione eacraraenti poenitentiae. Paris. 1051. Antverp. 16S2. fol. Jo. Dallaoi disp. de sacra- mentali s. auriculari l^tinorura coiifcssione. Genev. 1661. 4. Open sins cut men oft" from the Cliurcli, and made tlie media- tion of the Priest necessary. On the other liand in the beginning of this period of time, confession of secret sin, was not yet required as an indispensable condition of forgiveness,^ but only recom- ^ See above Part i. § 19, note 3, Lanfraiicus de celaiula confessione (0pp. ed. J'Achcry p. 381) : de occultis oinni ecclesiastico Ordini confiteri debounis, do apertis vero solis convunit sacerdotibus, per quos Ecclesia quae ])uWice novit solvit et ligat. — Sin nee in Ordinibun ecclcsiasticis cui contitoaris invenis, vir niundus ubicunquc sit rcqniratur. — (^)uodsi nemo cui confitearis invenitur, ne de^peres, quia in hoc Patruni conveuiunt sententiac, ut Domino confitearis. Abaelardi ethica c. 25 (Pczii anccdot. III. ii. 675), where it is shown: Quod nonnuni/wim confessiu dimitti potest. We should especially compare on this head the two universal teachers of this a{?e, (Jratian and Peter Londjard. The former in Trac'atus de poenitentia (P. ii. causa 33. qu. 3) dist. 1, at the very beginidiisj starts the question : Utruni sola cordis contritione et secreta satisfactione absque oris confessione quisqne possit Deo satisfacere y with the remark: Sunt enini, qui dicunt, quem- libet criminis veniam sine confessione facta Kcclesiae et saccrdotali judicio posse promereri, juxta illud Ambrosii super Lucam ad cap. 22 etc. lie gives the authorities for this opinion can. 1 — 37, and supports it himself; e. g. ad can. 34 : Ilinc etiam, ut Domnius ostenderet, quod non saccrdotali judicio, sed largitate divinac gratiae y)Cccato eraundatur, leprosum tangendo mundavit, et postea sacerdoti sacrificiura ex lege oft'erre praecepit. Leprosus enim tangitur, cum respectu divinae pietatis mens pcccatoris illustrata compungitur. — Leprosus senjctipsuni 358 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. mended as conducive to amendment. Neither was a power of absolution^ attributed to the Priest : and accordingly it was sacerdoti repraesentat, dum peccatmn siium sacerdoti poenitens con- fitetui'. Sacrificimn ex lege offert, dum satisfactionem Ecclesiae judicio sibi impositam factis exsequitur. Sed antequam ad sacerdotem perveniat, eniundatur, duui per contritionem cordis ante confessionem oris peccati venia indulgetur. He thus closes this first division ad can. 37 : Fit itaque confessio ad ostensionem poenitentiae, non ad iinpetra- tionem veniae. Then he introduces can. 38 — 89 the arguments of those, who asserted, sine confessione oris et satisfactione operis neminem a peccato posse mundari, si tempus satisfaciendi habuerit : but he shows ad can, 87, that there was no plain proof from the authorities alleged, latentia peccata sacerdoti necessario confitenda, et ejus arbitrio expi- anda. However he ssljh at the end ad can. 89 : Cui harum (senten- tiarum) potius adhaerendum sit, lectoris judicio reservatur. Utraque enim fautores habet sapientes et religiosos viros. Peter Lombard treats of these same questions Sent. lib. iv. dist. 17 : Prime quaeritur, utrum absque satisfactione et oris confessione per solam cordis contritionem peccatum alicui dimittatur : secundum, an aliquando sufficiat confiteri Deo sine sacerdote : tertio, an laico fideli facta valeat confessio. In his enim etiam docti diversa sentire inveniuntur, quia super his varia ac paene adversa tradidisse videntur Doctores. On the second question be unfolds the reasons on both sides, but he gives as his own decision, oportere Deo primum, et deinde sacerdoti offerri confessionem, necaliter posse perveniri ad ingressum paradisi, si adsit facultas. ^ This is proved by the fact that down to the 13th century the Priests made use of the forma absolvendi deprecatoria alone. Similar Ora- tiones ad dandam poenitentiam may be found in the old Roman poenitentiaries in Canisii lectt. ant. ed. Basnage. II. ii. 122, and Eus. Amort de origine indulgentiarum, Aug. Vind. 1735. p. 17, e.g. the person making confession says : Obnixe etiam te, Sacerdos Dei, exposco, ut intercedas pro me et pro peccatis meis ad Dominuni Deum nostrum, quatenus de his et aliis omnibus sceleribus meis veniam et indulgentiam per merita et intercessiones omnium Sanctorum assequi merear. Tunc dicat sacerdos : Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, et dimittat tibi omnia peccata tua, liberet te ab omni malo, conservet te in omni bono, et per- ducat nos pariter Jesus Christus filius Dei in vitam aeternam. Ab omni malo custodiat nos omnipotens Dominus. cf. Morinus 1. c. lib. viii. c. 8 — 13. Peter Lombard denotes the ti-ansition to the later opinion. Sent. lib. iv. dist. 18 : Hoc sane dicere ac sentire possumus, quod solus Deus dimittit peccata et retinet : et tamen Ecclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi et solvendi. Sed aliter ipse solvit vel ligat, aliter Ecclesia. Ipse enim per se tantum dimittit peccatum, quia et animam mundat ab interiori macula, et a debito aeternae mortis solvit. Non autem hoc sacerdotibus concessit, quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi et ligandi, i.e. ostendendi homines ligatos vel sohdos. Unde Dominus leprosum sanitati prius per se restituit, deinde ad sacerdotes misit, quorum judicio ostendcretur mundatus. — Quia etsi aliquis apud CH. VI.— ECCL. DISCIPLINE. ? 83. CONFESSION. 351) believed that laymen also might hear confessions.^ In the 12th centniy, after that confession was reckoned among the sacra- ments, (see above § 77, note 19, ss.), the contrary views began to gain ground,^ first as opinions, and afterwards got the ascen- dency in the church, by virtue of the decree of Innocent III., which imposed by law an annual confession to the pa^^jsh priest/ Deum sit sohitus, non taraen in facie Ecclesiae solutus habetur, nisi per judicium sacerdotis. In solvendis ergo culpis vel relinendis ita operatur Bacerdos evangelicus et judical, sicut oliiu Icgalis in illis, qui contami- nati erant lepra, quae peccatuni signat. Unde Hieronymus super Mattk. xvi. 19 : Iliinc^ inquit locum quidamnun intelligentes etc. (See vol. i. Div. 2. § 104, note 29.) Compare Stepbanus Obazinensis below § 84, note 6. \ 3 Petrus Lomb. Sent. lib. iv. dist. 17 de tertio articulo (see above note 1 at the end) decides with reference to the pretended work of Augustine de vera et falsa poenitentia : Sacerdotis examen requirendum est studiose, quia sacerdotibus concessit Deus potestatem ligandi at que solvendi, et ideo quibus ipsi dimittunt, et Deus diniittit. Si tauien defuerit sacerdos, proximo vel socio est fncienda confessio. Albertus M. in Sent. hb. iv. dist. 17, art. 58 and 59, absolutely declares this con- fession to be sacramental. He distinguishes in art. 58 five kinds of potestas absolvendi. The fourth is ex officio ministrorum, concessa sacerdotibus. Et ultima ex unitate fidei et caritatis, et haec pro necessitatis articulo descendit in omnem hominem ad proximo subveniendum : et banc potestatem habet laicus in articulo necessitatis. 4 They were principally supported by the work de vera et falsa poenitentia fathered upon Augustine in the 11th or 12th century (in Append, tomi. vi. of the Benedictine edition), which has passed almost entire both into the decretal of Gratian, and the sentences of Lombard, and so has been frequently quoted by all the schoolmen. Compare here the exhortations to confess often and confess all sins, then § 25 ; quibus sacerdotes remittunt, remittit Deus ; potestas solvendi concessa sacerdotibus: In cases of necessity a man might indeed confess to a layman, for Dei misericordia est ubique, qui et justis novit parcere, etsi non tarn cito, stent si solverentur a sacerdote. Last comes the Theory : fit per confessionem veniale, quod criminale erat in operatione s. mor'tale. § 34 : prius purgandus est igne purgationis, qui in aliud saeculum distulit fructum conversionis. — Quaedam enim peccata sunt, quae sunt mortalia, et in poenitentia fiunt veuialia, non tamen statim sanata etc. ^ Cone. Later, iv. ann. 1215 can, 21 : Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquam ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltem semel in anno, proprio sacerdoti, et injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere, suscipiens reverenter ad minus in Pascha eucharistiae sacramentum : nisi forte de consilio proprii sacerdotis ob aliquam rationabilem causam ad tempus ah ejus 360 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1U73— 1305. From that time forth the confessional began to be considered as the alone means of obtaining forgiveness for deadly sin,® which perceptione duxerit abscinendum : alioquin et vivens ab ingressu Eccle- siae arceatur, et moriens Christiana careat sepidtura. — Si quis autera alieno sacerdoti voluerit justa de causa sua confiteri peccata, licentiam prius postul^t et obtineat a proprio sacerdote, cum alitev ille ipse non possit solvere vel ligare. Sacerdos autem sit discretus et cautus, ut more periti m-dici superinfundat vinum et oleum vulnerlbus sauciati : diligenter inquirens et peccatoris circumstantias et pcccati, per quas prudenter intelligat, quale ilH consilium debcat exhibere, et cujusmodi remedium adhibere, diversis experimentis utendo ad sanandum aegrotum. Caveat autem omnino, ne verbo, vel signo, vel alio quovis modo prodat aliquatenus peccatorem, sed si prudentiori consilio indiguerit, illud absque ulla expressione personae caute requirat : quoniara qui pecca- tum in poenitentiali judicio sibi detectum praesumpserit revelari, non solum a sacerdolali officio depoiiendum decernimus, verum etiam ad agendam perpetuam poenitentiam in arctum monasterium detrudendum. ^ Compare particularly Thomas in Summa theol. p, iii. qu 84 — 90, and JSupplementum tertiae partis, qu. 1 — 20. Especially Suppl. p. iii. 6, art. 1, on the question : Utrum confessio sit necessaria ad salutein ? Passio Christi, sine cujus virtute nee originale nee actuale peccatum dinnttitur, in nobis operaturper sacramentorum susceptionem, quae ex ipsa efficaciam habent. Et ideo ad culpae remissionem, et actualis, et originalis, requiritur sacramentum Ecclesiae, vel actu susceptum, vel saltem voto, quando articulus necessitatis, non con- temptus, sacramentum excludit : et per consequens ilia sacramenta, quae ordinantur contra culpam, cum qua salus esse non potest, sunt de necessitate salutis. Et ideo sicut baptismus, quo deletur originale, est de necessitate salutis, ita et poenitentiae !erationem a culpa per gratiam divinitus infusam. On the other hand Thomas in Summa, suppl. P. iii. qu. 18. art. 1 : Ufrum potestas clavium seextendat ad reiiiissionem cidpae? Virtus clavium operatur ad culpae remis- sionem — sicut et aqua baptismi. Sed sicut baptismus non agit sicut principale agens, sed sicut instrumentum, non quidem pertingens ad ipsam gratiae susceptionem causandam etiam instrumentaliter, sed disponens ad gratiam, per quam fit remissio culpae : ita est de potestate clavium, Unde solus Deus remittit per se culpam, et in virtute tjiis agit instrumentaliter baptismus, ut instrumentum inanimatum ; et sacerdos, ut instrumentum animatum. — Et sic patet, quod potestas clavium ordinatur aliquo modo ad remissionem cidpae, non sicut causans, sed sicut disponens ad eam. Unde si ante absolutioncm aliquis non fuisset perfecte dispositus ad gratiam suseipicndam, in ipsa confessions et absolutione sacramentali gratiam consequeretur, si obicem non poneret. Accordingly he explains the power of Priests to remit sins, secundum opinionem, quae sustinetur connmmius, to this effect, ut significent divinani operatiouem ad remissionem culpae praesentem, et ad ipsam aliquid dispositive et instrumentaliter opercntur. Art. 2. Utrum sacerdos posait r emitter e pcccatum quoad poenam f Hli, qui per con- tritionem consequutus est remissionem peccatorum, quantum ad culpam, et per consequens quantum ad reatum poenae aeternae, (piae simul cum culpa dinnttitur ex vi clavium, ex passione Christi cfticaciam habentium, augetur gratia, et remittitur temporalis poena, cujus reatus adhuc remanserat post culpae rennssionem : non tamen tota, sicut in baptismo, sed pars ejus. — In baptismo — fit per gratiam baptismalem novus homo, et ideo nuUus reatus pocnao in eo I'emanet pro praeccdenti peccato. Sed in poenitentia homo non mutatur in aliam vitam, quia non est regencratio, sed sanatio quaedam : ideo ex vi clavium — non tota poena CH. VI.— ECCL.— DISCIPLINE.— § 83. CONFESSION. 363 which he alone could grant.^ Thus confession to laymen died away of itself.''' The common people were more easily won over remittitur, sed aliquid de poena tetnporali, cujus reatns post absolu- tionem a poena aetenia rcmanere potuit. Accordingly in Thomas' time the forma absolvendi deprecatoria (see above note 2) was changed into the indicativa : Ego absolvo te, Sec. Still Giulelmus ep. Paris. (f 1249) de Sacramento poenitentiae, says towards the end: neque more judicum forensium pronunciat Confessor : absolvimus te, non con- demnainus ; sed magis orationem fncit super eum, ut Deus absolutionem et remissionem atque gratiam sanctificationis tribuat. However soon after this time that form was adopted, and Thomas defended it against the attack of an unknown writer, in the opusc. xxii. de forma absolu- tionis. He asserted (cap. 5), quod non debet sacerdos dicere " Ego te absolvo^" tum quia hoc pertinet ad potestatem Dei, turn quia sacerdoti incertum est, an ille absolvatur. Addit etiam objiciendo, quod vix XXX anni sunt, quod omnes hac sola forma utebantur " Absolutionem et remissionem tribuat tibi Deus." Sed quomodo de omnibus potest testimonium perhibere, qui omnes non vidit ? Compare Thomae Summa P. iii. qu. 84. art. 3 : Utruni haec sit forma hujus sacramenti, Ego te absolvo ? E.g. In sacramentali absolutione non sufificeret dicere: '■'■ Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus" vel '■''Absolutionem et remissio7iem tribuat tibi Deus :" quia per haec verba sacerdos absolu- tionem non significat fieri, sed petit ut fiat. Praemittitur tamen etiam in sacramentali absolutione talis oratio, ne impediatur effectus sacra- menti ex parte poenitentis. The formula deprecatoria was retained as the Absolution in some places down to the 14th cent., see Franciscus Mayronius (f 1325) in Sent, lib. iv. dist. 14. qu. 1. art. 2, afterwards it was used only as an introduction to the Absolution. ^ Thomas in Summa, sujjpl. P. iii. qu. 8. art. 1 : Gratia, quae in Bacramentis datur, a capite in membra descendit : et ideo solus ille minister est sacramentorum, in quibus gratia datur, qui habet minis- terium super corpus Christi verum : quod solius sacei'dotis est, qui consecrare eucharistiam potest. Et ideo cum in sacramento poeniten- tiae gratia conferatur, solus sacerdos minister est hujus sacramenti : et ideo ei soli facienda est sacramentalis confessio, quae ministro Eccle- siae fieri debet. 3 The following gradations are worthy of note : After Albertus M. had declared confession to a layman to be confessio sacramentalis (see above note 3), Thomas represents it (Supplem. tertiae partis Summae qu. viii. art. 2) only as quodammodo sacramentalis with the following mode of reasoning : In sacramento poenitentiae non solum est aliquid ex parte ministri, scilicet absolutioet satisfaction! s injunctio : sed etiam ex parte ipsius, qui suscipit sacramentum, quod est etiam de essentia sacramenti, sicut contritio et confessio. — Sed quando necessitas imminet, debet facere poenitens, quod ex parte sua est, scilicet conteri et confiteri, cui potest : qui quamvis sacramentum perficere non possit, ut faciat id quod ex parte sacerdotis est, absolutionem scilicet ; defectum tamen sacerdotis summus sacerdos supplet. Nihilominus confessio ex defectu 364 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. to these alterations in doctrine and practice, because it was made a fundamental maxim not to impose on the person con- fessing a penance that would be burdensome to him.^'' sacerdotis laico facta sacramen talis est quodammodo : quamvis non sit sacrainentum perfectum, quia deest id quod est ex parte sacer- dotis. On the other hand Bonaventura in Sent. lib. iv, dist, 17. pars 3. in exposit. textus, dub. 1 : dicunt (aliqui), quod talis con- fessio quodammodo est sacramentura Ecclesiae. Probabilius tamen est dicere ; quod non sit sacramentum ecclesiae, cum deficiat ibi for- male, scilicet potestas clavis, sed est aliquid loco ejus. At last Duns Scotus in lib. iv. dist. 17. qu. 1. §. 27 : Talis confessio potest esse materia verecundiae, quae est una poena dcbita peccato : et in hoc con- fitens solvit aliquaiii poenam, quam solveret, si confiteretur sacerdoti. Sed quia accusatio ad hoc ex praecepto fit, et non ad aliud, ut sequatur fiententia, et laicus nullam haljet sententiandi auctoritatem in isto foro : sequitur, quod nullum pracceptum est de accusando se laico : et forte utilius esset non accusare se illi, si posset aequalem verecundiam habere apud se recogitando eadem peccata, et sic acque puniri. — Viro dis- orcto, qui bene sciret, ad quid est confessio instituta, nee forte utile foret, ncc (sine forte) necessarium, talem confessionem facere. Never- theless the Synod of Treves, in the year 1310. c. 116 (Mansi xxv. 279), directed in case of danger of death, when no priest was at hand tliat confession should be made to a Catholic layman. An example of such confession is to bo found (about the year 1250) in Joinville hist, de. s. Louis (in the Collection des memoires relatifs a I'hist. de France depuis Piiilippe-Auguste par M. Pctitot. Tom. ii. (Paris 1819. 8.) p. 296. When Joinville and his companions were taken prisoners by the Saracens, and expecting the approach of death, he writes : Encouste moy se agenoilla raessir Guy d'Kbelin, connestable de Chippre, et se confessa a mov : et je lui donnay telle absolucion, comme Dieu m'en donnoit le povoir. Other instances mav be seen in II. Klee die Beichte, einehist. krit. Untersuchung, Frankf.^'a. M. 1828. 8. S. 260 ft". ^^ Robert us de Flammesburg, Canon, s. Victoris (about 1180) in Poeniteiitiali : si poenitcns canonicam non vult rcciperc poenitcntiani, i. e. a canonibus institutam, diligenter admoneo, ne animam suam ullo modo laedat, et promtissi:num me otfero ad quaiitambbet poenitentiae alleviatiotipm. — Pctrus Pictaviensis Canon, s. ^'icto^is (about IISO) in Poenitentiali : Non vldetur, quod pro pcccatis occultis dcbont poeni- tens aliquis arctari praecise ad aliquod genus satisfactionis nolens, sed redimcrc potest, vel aliter compensare. — Raymundus de Pennaforti Summa de poenitentia ot matrimonio §. 41 : Kx his poterit quis inve- nire processum ad satifactionem pro diversis criminibus secundum poeni- tentiales canones imponcndam : nee debet sacerdos a praedicta forma recedere, nisi proj)t('r causaiii, et in hoc consistit ejus arbitrium, scilicet pro qua vd pro quibus circumstantiis, et quantum et quando possit augeri vel miiuii poenitentia canonica : et Jiaec est opinio (jiiorundom. Alii vero dicunt, indislinctc omnes poenitentias esse ai-bitrarias, et hanc uVimam opinionnn ridetur nuij'h'cAi consnetudo. Prima tamen est tutior, licet dit^- ciiior. — Duns Scotus in lib. iv. dist. !."). qu. 1. no. 11 : Pt)eniteuti illud CH. VI.— ECCLES. DISCIPLINE, g 84. INDULGENCE. 3G5 INDULGENCE. Jo. Morini comm. (see before §. 83).— Eus. Amort de origine, progressu, valore ac fructu indulgentiarum accurata notitia historica, dogmatica, polemica, critica. Aug. Vindel. et Graecii 1735. fol. — Lettres historiques et dogma- tiques sur les Jubiles et les Indulgences, par Charles Chais, a la Haye 1751. 3 tomes. 8. The development of the Indulgence in this period, together with that of the confessional, in lasting and reciprocal operation, completed the destruction of the antient penitential system. AVliilst bishops and priests continued to ply a retail business in the pmiishment of sin,^ the Popes began after the time of Gregory VII. imponendum est, quod libentius recipit, et quod creditur perseverantius adimplere. Vel si ouinino nulLun poenitentiam velit recipere a sacer- dote irapositam, dicit tamen se habere displicentiam de peccatoconirnisso, et firmum propositum non recidivandi, absolvendus est — et nuncianda est sibi poena, quae esset pro peccatis facienda, et quod earn in se vel in aequivalenti absque impositione studeat adimplere : alioquin solvet ad plenum in purgatorio. cf. Amort de origine etc. indulgentiarum. ii. 32. 1 Compare Part 1. §. 35. note 4. Calixti P. ii. sermo i. in s. Jaco- bum (Bibb PP. Lugd. xx. 1283), Abaelardi ethica cap. 18 (Pezii anecd. III. ii. 666), especially cap. 25 (p. 680) : Sunt nonnulli sacerdo- tum non tarn per errorem quam cupiditatem subjectos decipientes, ut pro nummorum oblatione satisfactionis injunctae poenas condonent vel relaxent, non tarn attendentes, quid velit Dominus, quam quid valeat nummus. — Nee solum sacerdotes, verum etiam ipsos principes sacer- dotum h. e. Episcopos ita impudenter in banc cupiditatem exardescere novimus ; ut, cum in dedicationibus Ecclesiarura, vel in consecrationi- bus altarium, vel benedictionibus cimiteriorum, vel in aliquibus solemnitatibus populares habent conventus, unde copiosam oblationem exspectant, in relaxandis poenitentiis prodigi sunt : modo tertiam, raodo quartam poenitenliae partem omnibus communiter indul- gentes sub quadam scilicet specie caritatis, sed in A^eritate summae cupiditatis. Qui de sua se jactantes potestate, quam, ut ajunt, in Petro vel Apostolis susceperunt, cum eis a Domino diceretur : Quorum remi- seritis peccata etc. (Jo. 20, 23), tunc maxime quod suum est agere glori- antur, cum banc benignitatem subjectis irapendunt. Atque utinam id saltern pro ipsis, non pro nummis, facerent, ut qualiscunque benignitas potius quam cupiditas videretur. Sed profecto si boc in laude benignitatis liabendum est, quod tertiam vel quartam poenitentiae partem relaxant. a()G THIRD PERIOD.- 1)1 V. Ill.-A.D. 1073—1305. to promise fiill pardon^ in return for certain important sernces rendered to the Church: ever since the time of Urban 11. this had been granted in an especial manner to all crusaders.'^ The common people naturally understood this promise in its hteral meaning: and in conse(iuence it had the worst effect upon their mo- rality :"* on theother hand we find that the Theologians of the 12th multo arnplius eoruin pietas praedicanda erit, si diinidiam vel totam ex in- tegro poenitentiam diiiiitterent,sicutliceresibi profTteiitur,et [a] Doiuino concessum esse, et quasi in manibus eorum caelos esse positos secuiidiiin remissionis vel absolutionis peecatorum supra posita testimonia. Mag- nac denique impietatis e contrario argueiidi videntur, cur non onines subjectos ab omnibus absolvant peccatis, ut videlicet neniinem illoruni damnari permittant : si ita, inquain, in eorum potestate constitutum est, quae voluerint peccata dimittere vel retinere, vel caelos his, quibua decreveriut, aperire vel claudere : quod utique beatissimi praedicandi essent, si hos sibi, cum vellent, aperire possent. Quod quidem si non possunt vel nesciunt, certe illud poeticum, in quamtum arbitror, in- currunt : Nee prosunt domino, quae prosunt omnibus, artes. Appetat quislibet, non ego, potestatem illam, qua potius aliis quam sibi proficere possit, tanquam in potestate sua habeat alienas animas niagis, quam propriam : cum e contrario qui.slibet discrctus sentiat. of. Cone. Eboraccnse aun. 119a can. 3. Londoniense ann. 1237. cap. 4. 2 An example in the case of Gregory VII. may be seen above § 47. note 31. The transition state to this immediate forgiveness of sin consisted hi such promises as that of Gregory VI. in the year 1044 (in d'Achery spicileg. iii. 398) in behalf of those, who had sent con- tributions for the restoration of the churches in Rome : Quorum nos videntes devotionem et laudabilem erga communera matrem dilec- tionem, tarn per nos, quam etiam per successores nostros ter in anno cum omnibus Romanis Ecclesiis generahter Missam celebrare, et septies illorum specialem memoriam inter sacra Missarum solem- nia habere promisimus, ut omnipotens Dorainus- meritis Dei gene- tricis, — et beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli auctoritate, omnium Sanctorum, maxime Romae quiescentium, oratione a cunctis eos peccatis absolvat, et ad vitam aeternam perducat. ^ See above § 48. note 8 and 10. § 51. note 14 &c. At first plenary indulgence was only granted, for services undertaken in behalf of the Church at the risk of life. Thus the idea of the power of mar- tyrdom to eradicate sin entered into the conception of indulgence, see John VIII. Part i. § 35 note 11. Chron. Casaur. above § 48. note 10. * E. G. Chron. Urspergense ad ann. 1221 (taken from Aventinu^ in ann. Bojorum lib. vii. c. 3. ed. Gundling p. 632) : Eo tempore dominus Cunradus Portuensis Episcopus Cardinalis in legatione sedis apostolicae dirigitur in Alemanniam pro negotio terrae sanctae, ut ( I! \1' VI -E((Li:S. DISCII'LINK. ? 84 I.NMI lilNc L. SC; (•«iitur\, .siiKc as vet it was hanl fi»r tlu'iii l«' ihoikmIl' tliis fofivi'iK'ss c)t"sin> l»v man, with tht*ir tuiKlamcntal maxim, that (jod alone c:ui forgive sin,* partly gave httU- emlit tn it,' partly, vitlelic<'t('nice>i«rnatos tm-iat cruct-m rcsuiiu're, et priirchiaiorfs instituar, ipii alios jul cructMn suiiu-iitlaiii cxliorteutur Tunc <|uidaiii, .luhaniu s nuinine, (le ( Jrdine I*ratrtuiu', ita ut houiiiium vitia et peccata qujisi itii]>urtune exprobarel, el ad eapiendas aiiiiiias quaechiin dofjniata, hactcnus inaudita, iii;,'ereret. [Airntiiittn I. c. Quemcmique weleri obnoxiuiu, parricidio, iiu'ento, sacrilefxio jNdhituin, coiitiiiuo, ulii rruciculain vesti a-ssiiis>.«'t, sulutiiin esse et criiiiiiie et |M»eiia dechuiiita- bant. I Ouae liert aHu<4seiit d«t"rmli, ut vt-ritatem eontiiu-ant, muha tainen exiiidf iiiahi pn)Vriii>*sf di^iioseiiiitiir, euiii audimtes nlio inmlo iiili-lb-xeruiit, rt ad |M'rpetraiithiin iiinnaiiissiina taciiiora et tia^^itia proiiiores i-tVeeti sunt. Intrr (piai- doniinus Kn;:«-lbtTtus ('(donimsis Andiiepiscopus a consanpruineis suis intrrfectu^ est, el niuhi saeerdotes trucidati. — l)ieebant eniui quidnni |H*ssinii : faciam scelrra, quia per tuarevtinnem cruris inu'jius f/o, quinftiam aniiiias muUoruvi flngitio- sorum li/jf'ntfjo (Compare Mattb. Paris alxive § 5G note \^\ and Tliduias Arpiinas Suniina, suppl. I', iii. cpi. 71. art. 1<> b«dn\v note IH.) Inno- eentii IV. ep. ad (Jalliarimi I'ra«-lato.s ann. r21«"i i Mansi xxiii, ) ; Kx parte — reps Franeiae illustris fuit pro|Kt.Hiiutii coram nm »'is inthdtam furta, liomicidia, rajilus muherum, ct aha jM'rjMtrant d«'testanda. NoU-ntes ij^itiir, ut aliipii (.'ruecsig-nati occrtsione libt'rtatis eis induhae praesun>ant ad taha exten- dere manus suas, universitati vestrae j)er a|)osfoUca scripta mandamus, quatenuH Cnic«'si}jnatos cos«Iem in bujusnuHH criminibus mininie defen- datis. — AllK'rius Stadt-risis in ebnm. eishop of Ferrara baptizatos pueros in frontibus consignare : Gregory IX. (ibid. c. 57) : semel in hebdomada, non pulsatis campanis, voce submissa, januis clausis, excommunicatis et interdictis exclusis, Missarum so- lemnia celebrare, causa conficiendi corpus Domini, quod decedentibus in poenitentia non negatur. Lastly Boniface VIII. (Sexti Decretal, lib. v. tit. 11. c. 24): A nostris dudum fuit praedecessoribus consti- tutum, ut in terris sen locis, ecclesiastico suppositis interdicto, nulla (certis casibus et .sacramentis exoeptis) divina celebrentur ofticia, vel ministrentur ecclesiastica sacramenta. Quia vero ex districtione hujus- modi statutorum excrescit indevotio populi, pullulant haereses, et infinita pericula animarum insurgunt, ac Ecclesiis sine culpa earum debita obsequia subtrahuntur, — concedimus, quod tempore interdicti — non 384 THIED PERIOD.— DIY. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. quences.^ In Germany it seemed after long resistance^ to reach its end in view during the quarrels in the early part of the loth century." In France, however, it could not find an entrance for tanturamodo morierites, sed etiam viventes, tam sani etiarn quam infirmi, ad poeaitentiam — licite admittantur, duiu tamen excommunicati lion i'ueriut. — Adjicimus praeterea, quod singulis diebus in Ecclesiis et monasteriis Missae celebrentur, et alia dicantur divina officia sicut pvius, submissa tamen voce et januis clausis, excommunicatis ac interdictis exclusis, et campanis etiam non pulsatis. — In festivitatibus vero natalis Domini, Paschae, ac Pentecostes, et adsumtionis Virginis gloriosae, campanae pulsentur, et januis apertis alta voce divina officia solemniter celebrentur, excommunicatis prorsns exclusis, sed interdictis admissis. ^ The ecclesiastical Ban was to be immediately followed by secular outlawry : Urbanus ii. in Gratianus P. ii. caus. xxiii. qu. 5. c. 47 : Non etiam eos homicidas arbitramur, quos ad versus excommunicatos zelo catholicae matris ardentes, aliquos eorum trucidasse eontigerit. ^ Eugenius P. iii. epist. ad WibRldum Abb. ann. 1152 (in Martene ampliss. collect, ii. 553) complains on this head, quod in curia CJlmae habita malitiose in Ecclesiarum destructionem noviter est a laicis intro- ductum, — quod qui pro rapinis et incendiis ecclesiastlcis bonis illatis excommunicationi subduntur, novo judicio excommunicatos dedicant (i. e. 7ier/ent), nisi prius in laicorum judicio damnationis sententia feri- antur. (From this passage Harenberg drew his materials for the year 1152 in the forged continuation of the Corveyer Annalen in his Monu- mentis historicis adhuc ineditis, Brunsvig. 17G2, i. 72. On this forgery in general see the critical examination of the Chron.Corbejense by Hirsch and Waits, Berlin 1839. s. 98. 106. Pertz monum. Germ, vii. 2). Probably these agitations in the imperial court were the result of the Arnoldian maxims prevalent in Rome at that time, which were often enough brought forward by the Romans in their negotiations with the Emperor. (See above § 51 note 10 and 20). Neverthelef3s the following passage is to be found in Sachsenspiegel Buch 3. Art. 63 : Bann schadet der seile, und nemet doch neymande syn liift", und krenket neymande to lantrechte, dar en volge des Koninges achte na, see above §. 55. not. 13. ^ Philip of Swabia had offered so early as 1203, generalem legem statuam, — ut quicunque excommunicatus fuerit a domino Apostolico, in bauno statim sit imperiali (see above §. 54. not 16.) Frederick II. granted to the German Bisliops in the Confoederatio of 1220 (see above § 55. not. 1) the rule (in Pertz iv. 236) : Excommunicatio non eximat eos a respondendo impetentibus, sed sine Adv^ocatis ; perlmat autem in eis jus et'potestatein ferendl sententias, testimonia, et alios impetendi. Et quia gladius materialis constitutus est in subsidium gladii spiritualis ; excommunicationcm, si excommunicatos in ea ultra sex septima- nas perstitisse — constiterit, nostra prosci'iptio subsequctur ; non revo- canda, nisi prius excommunicatio revocetur. This rule (between the years 1270 and 1285) was also adopted into the Schwabenspiegel cap. 3. C'H. VI.— ECCL. DISCIP. ?8t3. EC(L. PENALTIES. 385 them, not even under Lewis IX.^ This King rather asserted tlie right in this country to reduce the spiritual power of punish- ment to its proper limits, where it allowed itself in injustice.^ ^ Compare especialh' what liis constant companion Joinville relates in his hist, de saint Louis (Collection des memoires relatifs a I'hist. de France depiiis Phil. Auguste, par Petitot. t. ii. Paris 1819. p. 185.) At one time the French Prelates came together hefore the King, and Guy, Bishop of Auxerre, thus addrest him in their name : Sire, sachez que tous ces prelalz, qui cy sont envostre presance, me font dire, que vans lessez perdre tout la chrestiente, et qu'elle se pert entre vos mains. A done le bon Roy se signe de la croiz, et dit : Evesque, or me dittes, commant il se fait, et par quelle raison. Sire, fist I'evesque, c' est pour ce qu'on ne tient plus compte des excommunies. Car aujour- d'hui un homme aymeroit mieidx mourir tout excommuni6, que de sefaire ahsouldre, et ne veult nully faire satisfaction a VEglise. Poiirtant, Sire, ilz vous requirent tons a une voiz jjoitr Dieii, et pour ce que ainsi le devez faire, qit'il vous plaise commander a tous vos baillifz, prevostz, et aulres administrateurs de justice: que ou il sera trouve aucun en vostre royaume, qui aura este an etjour continuellement excommunie, qu'ilz le contraiynent d se faire absouldre par la p7inse de ses biens. Et le saint homme respondit, que tresvolontiers le commanderoit faire de ceulx, qu'on trouveroit estre torconniers (injurious) a I'Eglise et a son presme fproximumj . Et Tevesque dit, qu'il ne leur appartenoit a cognoistre de lours causes. Et a ce respondit le Roy, qu'il ne le feroit autrement. Et disoit, que ce seroit contre Dieu et raison, qu'il fist contraindre a soy faire absouldre ceulx, a quis les clercs feroient tort, et qu'ilz no fussent oiz en leur bon droit. Et de ce leur donna exemple du conte de Bretaigne, qui par sept ans a plaidoie contre les pi*elatz de Bretaigne tout excommunie, et finablement a si bien conduite et menee sa cause, que nostre saint Pere le Pape les a condampnez envevs icelui conte de Bretaigne. Parquoy disoit, que si des la premiere annee il cust voulu contraindre icelui conte de Bretaigne a soy faire absouldre, il lui eust convenu laisser a iceulx prelatz contre raison ce qu'ilz lui demandoient outre son vouloir : et que en ce faisant il eust grandement meffait envers Dieu et envers ledit conte de Bretaigne. Apres lesquelles choses ouyes pour tous iceuls prelatz, il leur suflfisit de la bonne responce du Roy ; et onques puis ne ouy parler, qu'il fust fait deraande de telles choses. ^ In the dijudication of Lewis IX. between the Archbishop and Burghers of Rheims, who had been excommunicated by him in (1235), we find (Preuves des libertes de I'eglise Gall. ch. xxxvi. no. 3) : Absolventur autem dicti cives a dicto Archiepiscopo in forma Eccle- siae, et emendabunt injurias eidem Archiepiscopo illatas de quibus isti duo (two royal commissioners) videbunt emendandum esse. — Et si quae excommunicationes inventae fuerint injuste latae, pro illis prorsus nulla fiet emenda. Thus Philip the Bold summons the Bishop of Paris before the next Parliament, because two Barons have appealed ab audientia vestra ad nostram curiam svxper quodam judicio tanquam a 2 B 386 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073— 13U5. pravo et falso dato in vestra curia (ibid. no. 4.) Tims the Parliament of Paris in the year 1303 decides on the appeal of a certain count, against the Archbisiiop of Lyons, who had laid his land under an interdict (ibid. no. 8), quod teniporalitas praedicti Archiepiscopi Lug- dun, ad mauuni nosirani ponetur, et tenebitur, quousque per ipsum fuerint dicta attemptata — tolaliter revocata. Tlius also the Appellationes ab abusu, Appellations conime d'abus, now already begin to appear, the further construction of these is due to Peter Cugnieres, advocate general under Philip of Valois, J. P. Brewer's Gresch. d. franz. CTerichtsverfassung Th. 2 (Dusseldorf 1837), s. 40. C'll. VII.-HKRETICS. § 87. IN THE TWELFTH CENTUKY. 337 SEVENTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE HERETICAL SECTS. §87. IN THE TWELFTH CEN rURY. C. du Plessis d' Argentre coUectio judiciorura de novis erroribns, qui ab initio duodecimi saeculi usque ad annum 1632 in Ecclesia proscripti sunt et notati. Lutet. Paris. (Tomi iii. 1728. fol.) T. I. J. C. Fuesslin's Kirchen- und Ketserhistorie der mittlern Zcit (3 Theile, Frankf. u. Leipz. 1770 — 74) i. 50. H. Schmid der Mysticismus des Mittclalters in seinei* Entste- hungsperiode. Jena 1824. s. 433 ff. Dr Chr. v. Ilahn's Gesch. d. Ketser im Mittelalter, bef. im 11. 12. u. 13. Jahrh. (2 Bde. Stuttgart 1845 u. 47) Bd. 1. Gescli. d. neuinanichaischen Ketser. Whilst the Hierarcliy, unmindful of its spiritual calling, was entangling itself in ceaseless warfare, in order to bring all secular power under its sway : Whilst the system of ecclesiastical doctrines, with its progressive devx'lopment, was enclosing the reason with bonds ever narrowing : Whilst the means of salvation held out by the Church, were at the same time ever .more and more losing their spiritual character, and their moral power, by the one-sided speculations of the Schoolmen, and also sinking to a lifeless mechanism in their administration by a coarse Priesthood which had lost all respect for morality : Lastly, whilst this tortuous Church-system, despairing of any spiritual influence, was endeavouring to win consideration for itself by continual acts of external aggression ; it could not but be, that the rebellions against the Church, which in earlier times came forward but one by one, should now be growing more numerous and more powerful. The earlier divisions in the Church employed them- selves for the most part, only in speculations of the understanding : and even for this veiy reason the Church always succeeded, so 2 B 2 388 THIRD FFRIOP.— DIV. IIT — A.D. 1073 1305. soon as she could adopt strong measures, in bringing back the recusants ; for the interest taken in a moral conception of nearly equivalent meaning seldom remained for many generations unconf[uered bv persecution. But there lay at the root of the opposition to the Church which now b^gan to feel its way forward, a living moral-interest, which felt itself injured by the whole condition of the Church ; and even for this very reason tliis opposition w^as rather strengthened than weakened by the blood- shed resorted to as a means to destroy it ; it stood always unconquered, although the opposing parties differed widely from each other in the peculiarities of their systems, and modified them in many ways. At the same time that two frantic enthusiasts, Tanchelm^ who wandered about from 1115 to 1124 in the Netherlands, and Eudo ' Vf'ith regard to him compare especially the epist. Trajectensia Ecclesiae ad Frid. Archiep. Colonieii.seni (in Seb. Ten^uagel colltct. vett. raonnmeiitorum contra Scbismaiicos. Ingolst. 1612. p. 368 ; Act. SS. Junii i. 845 ; d'Argeiitre collect, jutlicior. i. 11): In maritimis primuin locis rudi populo et infirmioris fidei venenum perfidiae suae miscuit, et per matronas et mulierculas — errores snos paulatim spargcre coepit : deinde per has conjuges etiam ipsos perfidiae suae laqueis irretivit. Nee jam in tenebris vel cubicidi.s, sed super tecta praedicare incipiens, in patentibus canipis late civcumfusae multifudini scrniooina- batur : et vehiti Hex concicnaturus ad populum, stipatus satcllitibus, vexillum et gladium praeferciitibus, vchit -cum insignibus regalibus, scrmonem lacturus, procodere solebat.— Declamabat, Ecclcsiay Dei lupanaria esse reputauda ; nihil esse quod sacordotum officio in mensa dorainica conficeretur ; polkitiones, non sacramenta nominamla ; ex mentis et sanctitate ministrorura virtutem sacramentis accedcre : — dehortabatur p(q)ulum a pcrceptione sacramenti corporis et sanguiius Domini, prohibens etiam decimas rainistvis Ecclesiae exhibei-i. — Talibus nequitiae successibus misero homini tanta sceleris accessit audacia, ut etiam se Deum diccret, asserens, quia si Christus ideo Deus est, quia Spiritum sanctum habuisset, se non inferius nee di.ssimilius Deum, quia plenitudincm Spiritus saricti acccpisset. In qua pracsunqitiono adoo illusit, ut quidain in eo divinitatem vcneraventur, in tantum, ut bahiei 8ui acpiam potandam stultissimo populo jiro bonedictione divideret, velut sacratius et efficacius sacramentum profuturum saluti corporis et animae. Accordingly he even celi'bral(Hl his esjjousals with tlie Holy Virgin. Hoc ad KUiiimam dixisse suiHciut, res divinas in tanlum vonisse con- temptum, ut reputetur sanctior, cuicumque fuerit EccU'sia despectior. He stirrt'd up still greater disturbances in Antwerp, which continued even after his dcatli ; so that tliey were obliged to call in St Norbert to their assistfince, of. Vita Norberti § 36, in Acta SS. Jun. i. 843. From tlif same source draws Sigeb»M-ti contin. PraemonRtratensis in Periz CH. Vil.— HERETICS. § 87. TANCHEL:M. 3;;^9 de Stella or Eon,^ who roved till 1148 in Brittany, perplext the viii. 449 (not Robertixs de Monte.) U. P. Okken diss, de priva religionis christ. medio aevo inter Nederlandos progressae natura, Groningae 1846. p. 43. Halm's Gesch. d. Ketser uti Mittelalter i. 459. 2 Oa liiin writes particixlarly Willelinus Neu])rigensis (about 1197) de rebus Anglicis lib. i. c. 19 (d'Argentre i. 36) : Eudo is dicebatur, natione Brito, agnomen habens de Stella, homo illiteratus et idiota, ludifieatione daomonum ita dementatus, ut, cum sermone Gallico Eon diceretur (in a Contin. Sigeberti in Pertz viii. 389 he is called Eunus, his followers Eunitae), ad suara personam pertinere crederet, quod in ecclesiasticis exorcismis dicitur, scilicet " per eum^ qui venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos et saeculura per ignem." Ita plane fatuus, ut Eon et e«/« nesclret distinguere, sed supra modum stupenda caecitate crederet, se esse domiiiatorem et judicem vivorum et mortuorum. Eratque per diabolicas praestigias tarn potens ad capieudas simplicium aninias, ut — seductam sibi multitudineni aggregaret, quae tota ilium tanquam dominum dominornm individue sequeretur. Et interdum quidem mira velocitate perdiversas provincias ferebatur : interdum vero morabatur cum suis omnibus in locis desertis et inviis, moxque, insti- gante diabolo, erumpebat improvisus, Ecclesiarum maxinie, ac monasteriorum infestator. By help of this the common saying about this multitude may be explained ; pretiose induti, splendide epulati, et in summa laetitia agere videbantur : but all this was but a fantastic appearance got up by devils, a qulbus scilicet misei'a ilia multitude non vei'is et solidis, sed aeriis putius cibis in locis desertis aleliatur.-^ — Sane cum pestifer illeitadebaccharetur, — saepius aPrincipibusad vestigandum et persequendum eum exercitus frustra mittebatur : quaesitus enim non inveniebatur. Tandem vei'o fraudatus ope daemonum, cum non amplius per ilium debacchari sinerentur (non enim nisi a superioribus justo Dei judicio relaxantur), levi negotio a Remensi Archiepiscopo comprehensus est. It seems that the work of Hugo Archbishop of Kouen, composed in the year 1145, dogmatum christiane fidei contra haereticos sui temporis libb. iii. (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxii. 1340) was aimed at him ; he was, as he says in the introduction, actively engaged with the Papal Legate, Albericus Episc. Ostiensis, at Nantes in combating the heresy, quae in Armorica tunc scatebat, and composed tliis work b}^ his persuasion. The heretics whom he opposed taught (lib. i. c. 11): Sacramenta soluramodo prosunt scientibus, non ignorant ibus, adultis prosunt, parvulis nihil conferunt. Condemnant isti baptisma parvulo- rum et infantiuni, — et dicunt : in Evangelio legitur : qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit ; — sed parvuli non credunt, — igitur baptis- mata parvulis non prosunt. — (c. 13). Si ex fide justificatio, et salus ex baptismo, quid credentibus etbaptizatis, justificatis et salvatis confirmatio manu facta Pontifieis superapponit ? — (lib. iii. c. 2) De corona clericali,de hac forma regali, de hoc signo Jesu Christi haeretici quaestionem faciunt, maxime illi, qui a Clero deciderunt, et ad haeresim transierunt. Unde, inquiunt, unde corona haec accepit initium ? Quid nobis corona haec? — (c. 4) Haeretici — tenent secum mulierculas undecunque conductas, 390 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. minds of men ; two ecclesiastics in Southern France, the Priest, Beter of Bruis"^ (from 1104 — 1124, Petrobrusiani) and Henry, non sub debito consanguinitatis, sed sub contubernio privatae libidinis. Dicunt, se communem in domicihis suis vitam ducere, et more apostolico secum mulieres habere. Proponunt, quia Paulus ait : Numquid non habeo potestaiem circumducencU mulieres, sicut Cephas et alii Apostoli? (I Cor. ix. 5.) Igitur et nos formam apostoHcae vitae servamus, qui muUeres non abjicinius. He was brought before Eugene III. in the Council at Rheims in 1148, and declared himself also here to be him, qui venturus est judicare etc. — Jussus autem ex decreto Concilii, ne pestis iterum serperet, diligenter custodiri, tempore exiguo supervixit. Petri Cantoi'is (Parisiensis -|- 1197) verbum abbreviatum (ed. G. Galopinus, Montibus 1639. 4.) p. 200 : In Remensi Concilio, praesidente Papa Eugenio, quidam Manichaeus, convictus et confessus haeresim suam, de communi deci-eto incarceratus est, non interfectus, non membro mutilatus, sed ne alios corrumperet, et si forte poeniteret, in carcere Samsonis, ejusdera civitatis Archiepiscopi, positus, aqua et tenui diaeta altus est donee obiret. This passage runs thus in the Codex Marchianensis (App. p. 21) : Eugenio Paparesidente in Remensi Concilio praesentibus Cardinalibus, Arehiepiscopis, Episcopis, et viris literatis et authenticis Euus de Steila, Britto, quadam fatua haeresi corruptus est. Et confessus dicebat se ilium Eum, qui vivit et regnat in saecula, et quaedam aliabruta, iit brutus, dicebat et asserebat. Non tamen est ibi morti adjudicatus, sed Samson Archiepiseopus tenuit eum in vinculis, et pane et aqua vitam finivit, et sic neminem postea corrupit. According to Robertus de Monte chron. ad ann. 1148 (in Pertz viii. 498), Eudo died in turri Archiepiscopi Rhemensis, but according to Otto Frising. de gest. Frider. lib. i. c. 54. 5.5. in the monastery of St Denys. 3 Petri Venerabilis Abb. Clun. epist. ad Arelatensem, Ebredunen- sem Archiepp., Diensera, Wapicensem Episcopos adv. Petrobrusianos haeret. (in j\I. Mari-ier et A. Quercetani bibl. Cluniac. p. 1117 s. and Bibl PP. Lugd. xxii, 1033.) The confutation itself was written in the lifetime of Peter of Bruis, the preface after his death, in the year 1126 or 1127 (Fuessli i. 200.) In the former (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxii. 1035) : In partibus vestris populi rebaptizati, Ecclesiae prophanatae, altaria suffossa, cruces succensae, die ipso passionis dominicae publice carnes comestae, sacerdotesflagellati, monachi incarcerati, et ad ducendas uxores terroribus sunt ac tormentis compulsi. Et harum quidem pestium capita, tam divino auxilio quam Catholicorum Principum adjutorio a vesti'is regionibus exturbastis : sed supersunt — membra, lethifero adhuc, sic ipse nuper sensi, veneno infecta, ad quae curanda Dei est misericordia invocanda, et vestra medicinalis diligentia adhi- benda. — Anguis lubricus de regionibus vesti'is elapsus, immo vobis prosequentibus expulsus, ad Narbonensem proviuciam sese contulit, et quod apud vos in desertis et villulis cum timore sibilabat, nunc in magnis conventibus et populosis urbibus audacter praedicat. Putabam Alpes gclidas, et perpetuis nivibus opertos scopulos incolis vestris CU. Ml.— HKKKTUS. g nt. 11.1 KK (>K HKIIS. 39^ fbrniLTly u Monk iA' C'luiiy :in.l dfacou^ (th.m 1116—1148, barbnricui invexisso,-itaque agreslibus et indoctis hoininuin moribus Imeuhbusr} pere-nnum do-ma tV.cilius irrepj^isse. Scd banc opinionem lueain ultima rapuli llbodani littoia ot circumjacens Tolo-sae idauities, ips.iquc- urbs viciiiis populosiur e-xpur-at, quae advorsus falsum dogma tanto caiKior esse debuit, quanto— doctior esse potuit. fc^usoppit enim — Autichnsti praeambulos.— O miscri quieumque estis homines,— non multis -cntdjus, sed duobus tantuin bomuncionibus, Petro de nrrn's, et Jlnnrico ejus IVudo-Apostolo faui facile cessistis ! In t be preface ^vnttcn after Peter's dcatb, be tbus states bis five errors (prima erronci dogmatis seinina a Petro de Bruis i.er xx. fere annos sata et aucta, qumque praeci])ua et venenata virgulta produxerunt) : Primnm baerelicorum capitulum nogat, parvulos inlVa intclligibilcm actatem oonsfitutos Cbnsti bapfismate posse salvari, nee aUenam Hdem posse illis prodesse, qui sua uti non possunt,— Domino diccnte : Q'ti creiih/crit et hapttzatus fua-it, salrus er>l etc. Secuiu/mn Cai)ituhim dicit, tem- plorum vel l.cclesianim fabricam fieri non debere, factas iiisupcr subnii oportcre, nee esse necessaria Cbristianis sacra loca ad oranduin,quoniam aeque in tabcnia et in Ecdesia, in foro et iu teniplo. ante altare vel arite stabuhim invocatus Deus audit, et cos qui merentur exaudit. 2e/-//«//« rapitulum, cruces sucr.^s confringi praocipit, et succcndi, quia species ilbi vel instrumcntum, quo ("bristus tam dire tortus, tam crude- liter oceisus est, non adoratione, non vcmratione, vel ali.pia supplicatione digna est, sed ad ultionem tormentonim et mortis ejus, omni dtdecore de- boncstanda, gladiis concidenda, ignilius succendenda est. Quartum (apitulum non sobim veritatem cori)oris et sanguinis Domini quotidic et continue per sacramentum in Ecclesia oblatuin ncgat, sed omnino illud mini •■sse, ne(|ue Deo of^'erri debere dccernit. In tbe refutation p. l<)o7 he quotes their own words: Nolile, o populi, Episcopis, Pres- bvtens, scu clero vos sedu-enti credere, qui sicut in multis, sic et in altaris officio vos deeipiunt, ubi corpus Christi se conficere, et vobis ad vestraruni atiimarum sulutcm se tradere mentiuiitur. Mentiuntur plane. Corpus enim Christi semel tantum ab ipso Christo in coena ante i)assionem factum est, et semel, lioc est, tunc tantum, discipulis datum est. Exinde neque confcctum ab aliqut., neque alicui datum est.) Qinntiitu Ca].itulum sacrifieia, orationes, eleemosvnas et reliqua bona pro defiinctis fi.lelibus a vivis fidelibus facta deridet,'nee ea aliquem niortuorum vel in modico posse juvare affinnat. In tbe refutation he adds to this p. 1070 ; addunt liaeretici, irrideri Dcum cantibus ecclesi- a.sticis, quia qui sidis plis affectibus delectatur, nee altis vocibu.s advocan, nee musicis modulis potest mulceri. Ilahn i. 108. Neander V. ii. 802. * Acta Hpi.scoporum Cenomanensium cap. 3r> de llildeberto Episc. (in Mabillmm veteia analecta T. iii. p. 312 ed ii. p. 31.5.) In the year 1116, Henry bad attracted notice in the surrounding neighbourhood by his sevire course of life and effective preaching. Those who bad seen hi;:i publicc testabnntur, numquain se viruin attrectasse tantae rigiditatis, tanfae bumanitatis et fortitudinis : cujus affatu cor etiain lapideum' facile ad compunetioncm posset provocari. Accordingly in Mans be 392 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A,D. 1073—1305. was received with honour by Hilflebert, who immediately afterwards travelled to Rome, and by the clergy, as well as by the common people : Caeterum dum orationem haberet ad populum, eisdem clericis ad pedes ejus residentibus et flentibus, tali resonabat oraculo, ac si daemonum legiones uno hiatu ejus ore murmur exprimerent. Verum- tamen mirnra in modum facundus erat : cujus sermo ita mentibus vulgi per aures infusus haerebat, quasi recens venenum etc. — Qua haeresi plebs in clerum versa est in furorem, adeo quod famulis eorum mina- rentur cruciatus, nee eis aliquid vendere, vel ab eis tmei-e voluissent : immo habebant eos sicut ethnicos et publicanos. Praeterea non tantum aedes eorum obruere, et bona dissipai-e, sed illos lapidare aut affligere patibulo decreverant, nisi Pi-inceps et optimates ejus — resisterent. Further still, dogmatizabat novum dogma, quod foerainae, quae minus caste vixerant, coram omnibus vestes suas cum crinibvis nudae combu- rerent : nee quilibet amplius aurum, argentum, possessiones, sponsalia cum uxore sumeret, nee illi dotem conferret ; sed nudus nudam, debilis aegrotam, pauper duceret egenam, nee curaret, sive caste sive inceste connubium sortiretur. — Ex jussu illius plebis actio pendebat universa et affectus. Tanta auri, tanta argenti affluentia, si vellet, redundaret, ut opes omnium solus videretur possidere. Licet plane multa reciperet, tamen parcebat cupiditati, ne nimis ambitiosus vide- retur. Veruratamen plura sibi retinens, pauca ad restaurationem pannorum, qui incensi fuerant, conferebat. Ejus quoque admonitu multi juvenum ducebant venales mulieres, quibus ipse pannos pretio iv. solidorum emebat, quo nuditatem suam tantummodo supertegerent. When the Bishop Hildebert returned from Rome, and wisht to bless the people, they cried out against him : Nolumus scientiam viarum tuarum, nolumus benedictionem : coenum benedic, coeniim sanctijica : nos habemus patrem, habemus pont/Jicem, habemus advocatum, qui te excedit auctoritate, excedit honestate, excedit scientia. Huic clerici iniqui, clerlci tui adversantur, ejus doctr'mae contradicunt, hunc quasi sacri- legum detestantur et resjmunt, verentes quod eorum scelera denudaret prophetico spiritu, et haeresim suam et corporis incontinentiam privilegio condemnaret literarum [divijiarum]. Hildebert indeed banisht him, but plebem Henricus sic sibi illexerat, quod vix adhuc memoria illius et dilectio a cordibus eorum deleri valeat vel depelli. At this time Henry seems to have joined himself to Peter of Bruis, see above note 3. Petrus Vener 1. c. in the Preface, p. 1034 : Sed post rof um Petri ^e Bruis, quo apud s. Aegidium (St. Gilles) zelus fidelium flainmas cai'.Yiinicae crucis ab eo succensas eum concremando ultus est, — haeres uxortfi'ne ejus Heinricus cum nescio quibus aliis doctrinam diabolicam pestium cit-y eniendavit, sed immutavit, et sicut nuper in tomo, qui ab adjutorio a Votus dicebatur, scriptum vidi, non quinque tantum, sed lethifero adhuc, g;dit. — Sed quia eum ita sentirevel praedic^re nondum Dei est misericordia i. est, differo responsionem. About 1134 Henry benda, — Anguis lubriciEni*^, Cenoman. c. 36. 1. c. p. 323) : Aurem prosequentibus expulsus, ad ISi'-ae prophetarum accommodans, dogma- quod apud vos in desertis et vir^ielis (Thristianus nee retractare debet magnis oonventibus et populosis urbibus iille Henricus ab Arelatensi Alpes gclidas, et perpetuis nivibus oper, Innocentio Pisis in authen- CIl. VII. -HKKLTICS. ? 87. PETER OF BRUIS. 393 Ilenriciani) declaimed zealously against the mechanical organiza- tion of the church, and the inmiorality of the clergy. But beside these, the Manicheans ^vho trace their origin to the period of time before this, were continually on the increase (see part i. § 4G), the most common names for them now were, in Germany Cathari Ketser,^ in Italy Paterini,*' in France Publicani, but tico Concilio (1134) pracsentatus, ibique itcrum convictus et gene- raliter haereticus appellafus, ad postreimim carcere mancipatur. Cui postquam pernnissio conccssa est abeundi ad aliam proviiiciam, nova bccta, novo cursu, novum iter assumpsit dilinquendi : quam protinus ita turbavit, quod minime Cliristiani Ecclosiarum adireut limina, sod divinum contemiu'ntes mystcrium, sacerdotibus oblationcs, primitias, decimas, infinuorum visitationes, ot solitnm dencgabant revercntiani. Henry laboured in Langucdoc with great success, at tlic time when Eugene III. sent out against bim in tbc year 1147 the Cardinal Albericus (see note 2) and St. Bernard. Tliis last announces his commission in a letter (Bernardi epist. 241) to Ildefons count of St. Gilles and Toulouse, a favourer of Henry. It bears as strong testi- mony to Henry's remarkable activity in that region, as it is full of passion, and false accusation against him. On the success of ^the embassy see Bi-rnardi vita auct. Ciaufrido nion. lib. iii. c. 6. Bernard conquered, Henry was taken prisoner and given over to the Bishop of Toulouse. • Albericus Monachus Triumfuntium about 1240, multiplied the i-rrors concerning Henry, for lie tliouglit him the same person with Eudo. He copies ad ann. 1148 and 1149 the passages of the Contin. Gemblacensis Sigiberti on Eunus (Pertz viii. 389, 390), and puts Henricus instead of Eunus, thinking perhaps of the German Heinz. At the same time he appeals to Peter Cantor, for be refers the passages of this writer concerning Eunus (see above note 2) likewise to Henry. Hence arose the common mistake that Henry was condemned by the Pope in the council at Rbeims (1148), and died there in the Arch- bishop's prison. Thus even Hahn i. 4oO, and Neander v. ii, 814 are to be corrected. •'■ Ekberti fabout 1163) serm. 1. adv. Catharos in the Bibl. pp. Lugd. xxiii. 601 : Hos Germania nostra Catharos — appellat. In this pas- sage he plainly has the German word Ketser in his mind, which about that time was already in common use (see in the Minnesingers in Maness Sammlung ii. 129. 145. 211 etc.) On the derivation of the name see 1. c. p. 602 : Cathari originem habuerunt a quibusdam discipulis Manichaei, .qui olim Catluiristae dicebantur, i.e purgatores (cf Augustin. de haercs. c. 46.) The Italian form of Catharus was gazaro (Stepbanus de Borbone in d'Argentre, i. 90 : dicuntur a Lom- bardis Gazari vel Patliari), and it seems that tbc German form Ketser was created immediately out of this Italian form. The derivation of this name from the district of Gazaria or Chasaria, according to Mosheim's Yersuch einer Ketsergeshichte s. 367 is without foundation, for this country never makes its appearance at this time .ms an heretical 394 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. many other names were in use -J not only did they make their appearance permanently in most distant quarters of France,^ district, and Ekbert to whom the derivation of tlie newly risen name of Ketser must have been known, gives it otherwise. Hatred soon began to amuse itself with arbitrary etymologies of this name in the same manner as with the name of Waldenses (see below § 88. note 2), see Alanus contra haeretlcos sui temporis lib. i. c. 63 : Hi dicuntur Cathari, i.e. diffluentes per vitia, a Catha, quod est fluxus ; vel cathari, quasi casti, quia se castos et justos faciunt. Vel Cathari dicuntur a cato, quia, ut dicitur, osculantur posteriora catti, in cujus specie, ut dicunt, apparet eis Lucifer. The last mentioned etymology, possible as it is in the German language (Katse Ketser) quickly spread everywhere, together with the fable attacht to it, (a similar circumstance happened with regard to certain names of IN'Iontanist sects, vol. i. part i. § 48. note 22), compare J. Grimm in the Wiener Jahrbiichern Bd. 32. (1825) s. 216 f. This name which in earlier times the adherents of Rome had received in Milan, as enemies to the marriage of Priests, (see Part i. § 31. note 10), was afterwards transferred to the enemies of marriage in general. 7 Ekbcrtus 1. c. p. 601 : Hos nostra Germania Catharos, Flandria Plphles, Gallia Texerant ah usu texendi, appellat. (In Southern France weaving seems to have been the standing employment of the Perfecti. Thus in the year 1220 an institution was set on foot at Cordes, in which young people under pretext of being brought up for hand -loom weaving, might be in fact educated for the ministry in this sect ; see C. Schmidt in d. Strassburger Beitrhgen zu d. theol. Wissenschaften, Jena 1847, i. 124 from manuscript sources.) Auctarium Aquicinctinum ad ann 1183 (see below note 8) : qnidam dicunt illos Manichaeos^ alii Cataphrygas, nonnulli Arianos (insomuch as they considered Christ far inferior to the Father) Alexander autem Papa vocat eos Paterinos. Concerning all these names see Fuessli i. 38. Schmid s. 435. Hahn. i. 49. The names Bulgari and Albigenses first came into general use in the 13th cent. See below § 90. note 12. ^ About 1101 in Agen, see Radulphus Ardens, Chaplain to the Duke of Aquitania, serino dominica viii. post Trin. (Serraones ed. Colon. 1604. 2. Tom. 8. this passage is in d'Argentre i. 9). About 1115 in Soissons, see Guibertus Abb. s. Mariae Ncvigenti in vita sua lib. iii. c. 16 (in 0pp. ed. L. d'Achery, Paris. 1651. fol. and in d'Argentre i., 8). E. G. Haereticos hie nefandus Suessorimi comes amabat ; — per Latinum conspersi sunt orbem ; — conventicula faciunt in hypogeis aut penetralibus abditis. Guibert himself assisted Bishop Lisiardus in this persecution. About 1140 in Perigueux in Aquitania, see Heriberti ]\Ion. epistola (in Mabillonii analecta p. 483. d'Argentre i., 35) : Surrexerunt in Petragoricensi regione quam plures haeretici, qui se dicunt apostolicam vitam dueere : carnes non comedunt, vinum non bibunt, nisi permodicum tertia die : centies in die genua flectunt, pecunias non recipiunt : illorum secta valde perversa est et occulta. Gloria Patri non dicunt, sed : Pro gloria Patri, quoniam regnum CH. Vll.— HEKETICS. § 87. CATHARl IN CENT. XI 1. 395 tutim, et tu dominaris imiversis creatiiris in saecula saeculorum, Amen. Eleemosynam nihil esse, quia unde fieri possit, nihil dehere possideri. Missam pro nihilo ducuut, neque communionem percipi deberc dicunt, sed fragnientum panis.— Crueem seu vultum Doiuiiii non adorant, sed adorantes prohibent, ita ut ante vultum Domini dicant : " 0, quam miseri sunt, qui te adorant, Psalmo dicente, Simulacra gentium etc." In hac seductione quam plures jam, non solum nobiles propria relin- quentes, sed et clerici, presb^^teri, monachi et monachae pervenerunt. Nullus enim tain rusticus est, si se eis conjunxerit, quin infra octo dies tani sapiens sit literis, ut nee verbis, nee exemplis ami^lius superari possit. Niillo modo detincri possiint— Diabolo eos liberante etc. Alia quoque permulta et mira faciunt. ' Princops eoruni Pontius vocatur. About 1144 in Liege, see Epist. Eccl, Leodiensis ad Lucium P. ii. (in Martene et Duraiid anipl. colloet. i., 776). Some heretics had come thither a Monte-Guimari, quo nomine quidam vicus in Francia dicitur (probably Monte Liniarii, now ]\Ionteliniart on the Rhone in Dau- phigny). The people wisht to burn them, but the clergy rescued most of them : paene omnes ab instanti supplicio, de ipsis meliora sperantes, vix tamcn eripuimus. — Haeresis haec diversis distincta est gradibus : habet enim auditores, qui ad errorem initiantur ; habet credentes, qui jam decepti sunt ; habet Christianos suos, habet sacer- dotes, habet et caeteros Fraelatos, sicut et nos. Hujus haeresis nefandae blasphemiae sunt, quod in baptismo peccata remitti negat, quod sacra- mentum corporis et sanguinis Christi inane reputat, quod per imposi- tionem pontificalis manus conferri nil asseveraf, quod neminem Spiritum sanctum accipere credit, nisi bonorum operum praecedentibus meritis, quod conjugium damnat, quod apud se tantum Ecclesiam catholicani esse praedicat, quod onmc juramentum velut crimen judieat. Hi tamen, qui hujiis sccleris scetatores sunt, sacramentis nostris ficte communicant ad nequitiae suae velamentum. — Ab his, qui a nobis deprehensi sunt, accepimus, omnes (iallici regni atque nostri civitates hujus erroris veneno ex parte magna infectae sunt.— About 1180 in Kheims, sec Kadulphus Cogeshalcnsis mon. (Ex ms. in Jo. Picordi notis ad Guil. Neubrigensem p. 724 in d'Argentre i., 59) E. G. cum error quorundam' hacreticorum, qui vulgo appellantur Publicani, per plures Galliae pro- vincias proserperet etc.— In the year 1183 in Arras (as already in 1025 see Part i. § 46. note 4), .see Auctarium .Aquicinctinum ad ann. 1083 (in Rerum toto orbe gestarum chronica ed. A. Miraeus, Antverp. 1608. 4) : in civitate Atrebatensi — multarum haeresium fraudes per quandam mulierem — sunt d( tectao. Isti haeretici nuUius hacresiarchae muriiuntur praesidio : quidam dicunt illos Manichacos, alii Cataphrygas, nonnnlli Arianos, Alexander autem Papa vocat eos Paterinos. * Sed quicquid sint, oris proprii confess!' ne convicti sunt haeretici immundis- simi. MuUi sunt in praesentia Archiepiscopi et Comitis accusati : nobiles, ignobiles, clerici, milites, rustici, virgincs, viduae, uxoratae. Tunc decretalis sententia ab x\rchiepiscopo et Comite praefixa est, ut deprehensi incendio traderentur, substantiae vero corum sacerdoti et Principi resignarentur.— In the year 1200 in Bcsancon, see Caesar. Heisterbac. Miraculorum lib. v. c. 18. (d'Argentre i", 46).— In the year 1201 in Paris (Mon. Autissiodor. p. 96. d'Argentre i., 62): 396 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. l'J73— 103o. but also they planted themselves in the neighbouring countries. In the Rhine provinces^ a sect similar to the Petrobrusians and Henricians diffused itself together with and alongside of them. This last showed itself about 1115 in the neighbourhood of Treves,^*' about 1146 it appeared in sucli strength at Cologne in connexion with the Cathari, that Evervin, Provost at Steinfeld, applied to St Bernard for aid;^^ and soon after in 1163, Egbert, Evraudus miles — haeresis illius, quam Bulgaroruin vocant, arguitur. Comp. Sandii nucleus hist. eccl. Colon. 1676. 4. p. 39o. ^ The passage in the annals of Corvey on the JNIanichaeans in Swabia and Bavaria, belongs to the continuation forged by Harenberg, see above § 86. note 6. '" See Gesta Trevirorum edd. \Yyttenbach et Miiller i., 186 : Ivodii (Ivois formerly belonging to Luxemburg, now to France) quod Tre- vericae dioecesis appenditium est, fuei'unt eo tempore haeretici, qui substantiam panis et vini, quae in altari per sacerdotes benedicitur, in corpus et sanguinem Christi veraciter transmutari negabant, nee bap- tisnii sacramentum parvuiis ad salvationem proncere dicebant, et alia perplura profitebantur erronea, quae memoriae tradere nefas duxi. There were two presbyters and two laymen apprehended, ^^ Evervini Praepos Steinfeldcnsis epist. ad Ijernardum (in Mabil- lonii analecta p. 473 in d'Argentre i., 33) : Nuper apud nos juxta Colon iam quidam haeretici (Cathari) detect! sunt, quorum quidam cum satisfactione ad Ecclesiam redierunt. Duo ex eis, scil. qui dicebatur Episcopus eorum cum socio suo, nobis restiterunt in conventu clericorum et laicorum, praesente ipso domino Archiepiscopo cum magnis viris nobilibus, haeresim suam defeiidentes ex A^erbis Christi et Apostoli. Sed cum vidissent, se non posse procedere, petierunt, ut eis statueretur dies, in quo adducerent de suis viros fidei suae peritos : alloquin se velle potius mori, quam ab hac sententia deflccti. Quo audito cum per triduum essent admoniti, et resipisccre noluissent, rapti sunt a populis nimio zelo permotis, nobis lamen invitis, et in ignem positi atque cremati, et (quod magis mirabile est) ipsi tormentum ignis non solum cum patientia, sed et cum laetitla introierunt et sustinuerunt. Hie, sancte Pater, vellem, si praesens essem, habere responsionem tuam, unde istis Diaboli membris tanta fortitude in sua haeresi, quanta vix etiam invonitur in valde religiosis in fide Christi. Haec est haeresis illorum ; Dicnnt apud so tantum Ecclesiam esse, eo quod ipsi soli vestigiis Christi inhaeri'ant, et apostolicae vitae veri sectatores perma- iiiiant, ea quae nuuidi sunt non quaerentes, non domum, nee agros, nee aliquid peculium possideutes, sicut Christus non posscdit, nee discipulis, suis possidenda concessit. Vos antcm, dicunt nobis, doininn domui et ayrum agro copulatis, et quae vvindi sunt luijus, quaeritis : ita etiam, ut, qui in vobis perfectissimi habentur, sicut Monaciti vel Regulares Ca7io7iici, quamvis haec non nt propria, sed possident ut communia, possident tnmen haec omnia. De se dicunt : Nos pauperes Christi, im^tabHes, de civifate in civitatem fuffientes, sicut ores in medio htporum, CH. VII.— HERETICS, g 87. (ATHARl IN CENT. XII. 397 brother of St Elizabeth and Abbot of the Monastery of St Florin in Schonau, had to be called in to combat this proselyting cum Apostolis et Martyribus persecutlonevi patimur : — Vos autem mundi amatores cum mundo pacem habeiis, quia de mundo esiis. Pseudo- Apostoll adulterantes verbum Christi^ [?"0 quae sua sunt quaesiverunt, vos et patres vestros exorbitare fecerunt : nos et jmfres no.4ri\ generati Apostoli, in gratia Christi peinnansimus. — In cibis suis vetant onine genus lactis, et quod inde conficitur, et quicquid ex coitu procreatur. — In sacramentis suis velo se tegunt : tanien nobis aperte confessi sunt, quod in mensa sua quotidie cum manducant, ad formani Christi et Apostolorum cibum suum et potum in corpus Christi et sanguinem per doniinicam orationem consecrant, ut inde se, membra et corpus Christi, nutriant. Nos vero dicunt in sacramentis non tenere veritatem, sed quandam umbram et hominum traditionera. Confessi sunt etiam mani- feste, se praeter aquani in ignem et spiritum baptizare, et baptizatos esse. — Et talem baptisnium per impositionem matiuum debere fieri conati sunt ostendere testimonio Lucae, qui in Act. Apost. describens baptismura Pauli, quern ab Anania suscepit ad praeceptum Christi, nullam mentionem fecit de aqua, sed tantum de manus impositione : et quicquid invenitur tarn in Actis Apost. quam in Epistohs Pauli de * manus impositione, ad hunc baptismum volunt pertinere : et quemlibet sic inter eos baptizatum dicunt Electum, et habere potestatem alios, qui digni fuerint, baptizandi, et in mensa sua corpus Christi et sangui- nem consccrandi. Prius enira per manus impositionem de numero eorum, quos Audltores vocant, recipiunt eum inter Credentes, et sic licebit eum interesse orationibus eorum, usque dum satis probafum eum faciant Electum. De baptismo nostro non curant, Nuptias damnant, sed causam ab eis iuvestigare non potui : vel quia eam fateri non audebant, vel potius quia eam ignorabant. Sunt item alii haeretici quidam (Henricians called by Ekbert serm. v. below note 12 sequaces Hartwini, after their chief at Cologne) in terra nostra, omnino ab istis discordantes, per quorum mutuam discordiam et contentionem utrique nobis sunt detecti. Isti negant in allari fieri corpus Christi, eo quod omnes sacerdotes Ecclesiae non sunt consecrati. Ajjostolica enim digni- tas, dicunt, corriipta est, imp/icons se negotiis saecularibus : et in cathedra Petri non militans Deo, sicut Pelrus^ potestate co?isecrandi, quae data fiiit Petro, se privavit : et quod ipsa non habet, Archiepis- copi et Episcopi^ qui in Ecclesia saeculariter vivunt, ab eo non accipiunt, ut a/iquos consecrare possint. — Et ita evacuant sacerdotium Ecclesiae, et damnant sacramenta, praeter baptismum solum, et hunc in adultis, quos dicunt baptizari per Christum, quicunque sit minister sacramentorum. De baptismo parvulorum fidem non habent, proj^ter illud de Evangelic : Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit. Omne conjugium vocant fornicationem, praeter quod contrahitur inter utrosque virgines, masculum et foeminam (with reference to Matth. xix. 6, 8, 9, and Ilebr. xiii. 4.) In suffragiis Sanctorum non confidunt : jejunia, caeterasque afiflictiones, quae fiunt pro peccatis, adstruunt justis non esse necessaria, nee etiam peccatoribus, quia in quacunque die inge- 398 THIKD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 107.^— ].m5. heresy.^- The Catliari came to England in the year 1159, they were, however, quickly exterminated.^^ muerit peccator^ omnia peccata remittiintur ei : caeterasque observantias in Ecclesia, quas Christus et Apostoli ab ipso discedeutes nou condide- runt, vocaut superstitiones. Purgatorium ignem post mortem nou concedunt ; sed animas statim, quando egrediuntur de corpora, in aeternam vel requiem vel poenam transire, propter ilia Salomonis (Eccl. xi. 3) : lignum in q>tamciinque partem ceciderit^ — ibi manehit ; et sic fidelium orationes vel oblationes pro defunctis adnihilant. — Noveritis etiam, Domine, quod redeuntes ad Ecclesiam nobis dixerunt, illos habere maximam multitudinem fere ubique terrarum sparsam, et habere eos plures ex nostris clericis et nionacbis, Illi vero, qui com- busti sunt (The Cathai'i), dixerunt nobis in defensione sua, banc haeresim usque ad baec tempora occultatam fuisse a temporibus Mar- tyrum, et pennansisse in Graecia et quibusdam aliis terris. Et hi sunt illi haeretici, qui se dicunt Apostolos, et suum Papam habent. Alii (the other party) Papam nostrum adnihilant, nee tanien alium praeter eum habere fatentur. Isti apostolici Satanae habent inter se foeminas, ut dicunt, continentes, — quasi ad forinam Apostolorum, quibus concessa fuit potestas circumducendi mulieres. — Evervin in his sermons on Solomon's Song at the passage Cant. 2, 15: capite nobis vulpes par- vulas, quae demoVuntur vmeas, desires Bernard to take notice of these heretics, this he did in serm. 65 and 66 on the Canticles. ^" Godefridus Mon. ad ann. 1163 : Hoc etiam anno quidam haeretici, de secta eorum, qui Cathari nuncupantur, de Flandriae jjartibus Colo- niam advenieutes, prope civitatem, in quodam horreo occulte mansitare coeperunt etc. On the discovery of the relics of the 11,000 virgins at this time, and the revelations of St Elizabeth, which this very Egbert has recorded, see above § 78. note 1. The memorials of his contro- versy at Cologne are Ekberti sermones xiii. adversus Catharorum errores (ed. Colon. 1530. 8. and Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxiii. 600.) In the dedication ad Reginoldum Archiep. Colon. : In vestra dioecesi fre- quenter contingit deprehendi quosdam haereticos. — Muniti sunt verbis sacrae Scripturae, quae aliquo mode sectis eorum concordare videntur, et ex eis sciunt defendere errores sues, etoblatrare catliolicae veritati. — Cum essem Canonicus in Ecclesia Bunnensi, saepe ego et unanimis meus Bertolphus cum talibus altercati sumus, et diligenter attendi errores eorum ac defensiones. Multa quoque de illis innotuerunt per eos, qui exierant de conventiculis eorum, et resipuerant a laqueis diaboli. — Sermo i. : Ecce enim quidam latibulosi homines pervei'si et perver- sores, qui per multa tenqiora hituerunt, — per omnes terras multiplicati sunt. — Hos nostra Germania Catharos, Flandria Piphles, Gallia Texe- rant, ab usu texendi, appellat. The representation of their doctrines which follon's next, entirely agrees with Evervins, and completes it once and again : e.g. se solos in mensis suis corpus Domini faccre dicunt. Sed in verbis illis dolum habent : non enim verum ilhid corpus Christi significant, — sed sui ipsius carnem corpus Domini vocant, et in co, quod sua corpora nutriunt cibis mensae suae, corpus domini se facerc dicunt. CH. \1I.-HEKETICS. § 87. CATHAEl IN CENT. XII. 399 AuJivi a quodam fideli, qui— de societate eorum exivit,— in domino balvatore ita errare eos— , ut dicereut, eum non vere naturn ex vii-o-ine nee vere luunanam carneni em.i babuisse, sed simulatani carnis specFem ' nee ex mortuis eum resurrexisse, sed mortem et resurrectionem simu- lasse Accordingly tbey did not keep Easter ; but instead of ibis aliud quoddam festum, m quo occisus est baeresiarcba eorum Maui- cbaeus,— quod b. Anga^fmm—Bema appellari dixit. Mens autem recitator ab eis, quibus ipse fuerat .commoratus, Malilosa dixit vocari et autumiiali tempore celcbrari (Bema was celebrated in March' Augustin. contra Faust, xviii. c. 5). Those that were burnt at Coloo-ne dec hired still further, aniinas humanas non aliud esse, nisi illos apostatas spiritus, qui in principio mundi de regno caelorum ejecti sunt et eos in humanis corporibiis posse per bona opera promereri salutem, sed hoc non nisi inter eos, qui ad eorum pertinent sectam. After Sermon i follows an Appendix de origine seetae Catharorum, which begins with the assertion: Sciendum vero est, et non celanduai ab auribus vulgi quoniani indubitanter secta eorum, de quibus agimus, originem accepit a Manichaeo baeresiarcba.— Multa tainen perraixta habent doctrinae raagistri sui, quae inter haereses illius non inveniuntur. Divisi sunt etiam contra semetipsos, quia nonnulla, quae ab aliquibus eorum dicuntur, ab alus negantur. Nevertheless Egbert endeavoured with the help of St Augustin, viz. the lib. de haeres. c. 46, to search into the doctrinal system of the Cathari ; by this means, however, he must have uncritically transferred fo the modern Cathari, much that was pecuhar to the antient Manichajans. For instance, 1 believe that to the passage : Ex numero discipulorum suoruin duodeciin elegit quos quasi Apostolos sues habebat : — quem numerum imitntores ejus et hodierna die observant, quia ex electis suis habent xii. quos appellant raagistros, et tertium decimum principem ipsorum : Episcopos autem Ixxii. qui ordinantur a magistris etc. which is quoted almost word for word from Augustin. de haer. c. 46, he has assigned onlv an analogous connexion with the Institution of the Cathari', which Ever- v.nus records, above not. 11 : se dicunt Apostolos (viz. the teachers of the sect) et suum Papam habent. Sermo v : on the reason for the prohibition of marriage among the Cathari : Innotuit mihi per nuos- dam viros, qui exierunt de societate vestra. — Dicitis enim, quod fructus ille, de quo praecepit Deus prime homini in paradiso ne gustaret ex eo, nihil aliud fuit nisi mulier, quam creaverat. De ipsa dicitis, Adae praecepit Dominus, ut non commisceretur ei, etcommixfus est ei contra praeceptum Domini, quod erat gustare de vetito ligno Ex hoc ergo probatis, omne genus humanum, quod de eis propagatum est natum esse ex formcatione, et neminem salvari posse, nisi purgatus fuerit per orationes et sanctificationes eorum, qui inter vos nerfecti - ^ v^v^x iwi., v^u.1 unci vus uuriecii vocantur.-Mussitant qiudam vestrum, videlicet sequaces HartwlnL quod illud conjugium solum justum est, in quo virgines coniunguntur et quod unam tantum prol — -'- ■>■,.. ° •> ^ ' vicem discedere. Sermo v catharum vestrum Arnoldi Theodericum et socios ejus. _ . -j-to—x ov^.u.u jusiuui esi, in quo virgines coniunguntur et quod unam tantum prolem gignere debent, et po.stea statini abin- vicem discedere. Sermo viii. : nuper (igne) baptizavit Colonia \rchi- catharuni vestrum Arnoldum, et complices ejus, et similiter Bunna 400 THIRD P}:;noD.— Div. iii.— A.r>. 1073—1305. But the head quarters of the Cathari were those countries in which at that time, along with civic freedom, civilization, and education, discontent at the wanton and avaricious clergy had grown up in a remarkable manner : Such were Southern France and Northern Italy. In Southern France,^** wdiere Toulouse was their central point,^^ the interest awakened by Peter of Bruis and Henry workt for their advantage. The S}aiodal decrees issued against them^'' remained without eflFect, for almost ^3 Willelmus Neubrigcnsis (about 1197) de reb. Angl lib. ii. c. 13 : lisclem diebus erronei quidam vcnerunt ia Angliam ex eorum, ut creditur, genere, quos vulgo Publicanos vocant. Hie nimirum ex Gas- conia incerto auctore liabentes oriainein, regionibus plurimis virus suae perfidiae infuderunt. Quippe in latissimis GalHae, Hispani;;e, Italiae, Germaniaeque provinciis tarn rnulti hac peste infecti esse dicuntur, ut secundum Prophetam imdtipJicati esse super namerum arenae videantur. — 13ut when they came to England, pesti, quae jam irrepsevat, ita est obviatum, ut de caetero banc insulam ingredi vererentur. There were more than thirty men and women, duce quodam Gerardo, all of them nationis et linguae Teutonicae. A Council at Oxford bad them branded and banisbt from the kingdom. J. C. Fuesslini diss, de fanaticis saec. xii. in Anglia repertis, Bernae 1761. 8. ^* Dr. C. Schmidt die Katharer in Siidfrankreicb in der ersten Halfte des 13. Jahrh., in den Strassburger Beitrrigen zu d. theol. Wissen- chaften. Heft. i. (Jena 1847) S. 85. On the political state of southern France about this time see Scblosser's Weltgescb III. i. 557. 15 Schmidt. S. 98. i*" Cone. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c. 3 : Porro eos, qui religionis speciem simulantes, dominici corporis et sanguinis sacramentum, puerorura bap- tisma, sacerdotium, et caeteros ecclesiasticos Ordines, et Icgitimarum dainnantfoederanuptiarura, tanquam haereticos ab Ecclesia Dei pellimus et damnamus : et per potestates exteras coerceri praecipimus. Defen- sores quoque ipsoruui ejusdem damnationis vinculo donee resipuerint inancipainus. The same was repeated Cone. Lateran. ii. gen. ann. 1139 c. 23. Cone. Remenseann. 1148 c. 18 : — praecipimus, ut nullus omnino bominum baeresiarcbas et eorum sequaces, qui in partibus Guasconiae, aut Provinciae, vel alibi commorantur, manuteneat vel defcndat, nee aliquis eis in terra sua rec;^ptaculum praebeat. Whosoever disobeyed anathemate feriatur, et in terris eorum, donee condigne salifaciant, divina celcbrari ofiticia interdicimus. Cone. Tm'onense ann. 1163 c. 4 : In partibus Tolosac damnanda haeresis dudum euicrsit, quae paulatim more cancri ad vicina loca se diflf'undeus, per Guasconiani et alias pro- vincias quamplurimos jam infecit. Hence the requisition to the Bishops and priests of those countries to be watcliful, et sub interminatione anathematis probibere, ut ubi cogniti fuerint illius haeresis sectatores, ne receptaculum quisquam eis in terra sua proebere, aut praesidium impertire praesumat. Sed ncc in venditione aut cmptione aliqua cum ClI. VII.— HERETICS, g 87. CATHARI IN CENT. XII. 401 all the Barons of this countiy protected them/' and so their numbers here received a very considerable increase. ^^ The eis oiiinino conimerciuin habeatur. — Illi vero si deprehensi fuerint, per catholicos Principes custodiae niancipati omnium boiiorum amissionc mulctentur. Et quoniam de diversispartibiis in unum latibulum'crebro conveniunt, — conventicula et investigentur attentius, et si inventa fuerint, canoniea severitate vetentur. ^^ Schmidt in the Strassburger Beitragen i. 93. But William VIII., Count of Montpellier, was a zealous Catholic, and his land free from heretics, s. 94. ^^ On this point and on the following, see the Histoire generale de Languedoc par un Religienx J'eaedictin de la Congr. de s. Maur (Claude le Vic and Joseph Vaissette) Tom. Illieme, Paris 1737. fol. The great increase of the Cathari in this region, is especially illustrated by the acts of a council held here in the year 1167 at S. Felix de Caraman, five leagues from Toulouse (publisht in Guil. Besse histoire des Dues, Marquis et Comtes de Narbonne. Paris 1660. 4. p. 483, and in the Rerum Gallicarum et Francicarum scrippt. by Bouquet, conti- nued by Brial xiv. 448) : Anno MCLXVII. incarnationis dominicae, in mense Maji, Ecclesia Tolosana adduxit Papam Niquinta in Castro s. Felicis, et magna multitudo hominum et mulierum Keel. Tolosanae, aliarumque Ecclesiaruui vicinarum congregaverunt se ibi, utacciperent consolamentum, quod dominus Papa Niquinta coepit consolare. Postea vero Robertus de Spernone Ep. Eccl. Francigenarum venit cum con- silio suo ; Marchus Lonibardiae venit cum consilio suo similiter, et Sicardus Cellarerius Eccl, Albiensis Ep. (Guillelm, de Podio Laur. c. 4 ; Sicardus dictus Cellariatus, apud Lomherium puhl'ice residensj venit cum consilio suo, et Bernai'dua Catalani (Petrus Vail. Sarn. c. 6 : Ber- nardus de Cimorra^ qui inCarcassonensi dioecesi praecipiius hahehaturj venit cum consilio suo Eccl. Carcassensis, et consilium Eccl. Aranensis fie Val d' Aran) fuit ibi. Omnes igitur sicinnumcrabiliter congregati voluerunt habere Episcopum, et elegerunt Beruardum Raimundnm homines Tolos, Eccl. qui voluerunt habere Episcopum. Similiter Ber- nardus Catalani et consilium Eccl. Carcassensis, rogatus ac raandatus ab Eccl. Tolosana et cum consilio et voluntate et solutione domini S. Cellarerii elegerunt Guiraldum Mercerium ; et homines Aranenses elegerunt Raimundum de Casalis. Postea Robertus de Spernone accepit consolamentum et ordinem Episcopi a domino Papa Niquinta, ut esset Ep. Eccl. Francigenarum ; similiter et S. Cellarerius accepit consolamentum et ordinem Episcopi, ut esset Ep. Eccl. Albiensis : similit r vero Marchus — ut esset Ep. Eccl. Lonibardiae : similiter vero Bernardus Raimundus — ut esset Ep. Eccl. Tolosanae (Bernardus Raimundi in 1181 was confined in the Castle Lavaur, converted, and became a canon of Toulouse, Guillelm. de Podio c. 2) : similiter Guiraldus Mercerius — ut esset Ep. Eccl. Carcassensis : et Raimundus de Casalis — ut esset Ep. Aranensis. Post haec vero Papa Niquinta dixit. Eccl. Tolosanae: vos dixistis mihi, ut ego dicam vobis consuetn- dines prmitivarum Ecchsiariim^ sint leves an graves. Et ego dicam 2 C 402 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. [II.— A.D. 1073.— 1305. Bishops of the district vainly endeavoured in the council at Lombers (1165)^^ to bring back these bonos homines, as they vobis : septeni Eccl. Asiae fuerunt divlsae et terminaiae i?iter illas, ct nulla illannn faciebat ad aliam aliqnmn rem ad svam contradiciioncvi. Et Eccl. Romanae (probably Romidae in Dalmatia, now Cavlstadt in Croatia), et Drogometiae fTragurium see below), et Melengulae (Mele- niciiin, now Melenik in Macedonia), et Bulgariae, et Dahnatiae sunt divisae et terminatae, et una ad alteram non facit aliquam rem ad suam contradictianem, et ita pacem hahent inter se. Similiter vos facite. Now were divisores elected, and by them the boundaries of the Eccl. Tolosanae and Eccl. Carcassensis determined. Probably the Papa Niquinta is the same person with tlie Papa Niceta mentioned by an Antiqmis auctor in Nic. Vignier recueil de I'histoire de I'eglise (Lyons 1601. fol ) ad ann. 1023, and in Sandii nuclens hist. eccl. p. 404, in wliose writings also the Bishop Marcus again makes his appearance : Priinis temporibus, quibiis haeresis Catharorum in Lombardia multi- plicari coepit, primum habuerunt Episcopum quendam Marcum nomine, sub cujus regimine omnes Lombardi et Tusci et Marchiani regebantur. Iste Marcus ordinem suuin habebat de Bulgaria. Veniens autem quidam Papa Nicctas nomine a Constantinopoii in Lombardiam, coepit accusai'e ordinem Bulgariae, quern rilarcus habebat. IJnde Marcus Episcopus haesitare incipiens relicto ordine Bulgariae suscepit ab illo Papa Niceta ordinem Druguriae cum suis complicibus, et tenuit per multos annos. Thus here are signiricant traces of internal divisions among the Cathari. Druguria may well be Tragurium, now Trau or Tragur, situated upon an island off the coast of Dalmatia : in Rainerii Summa : Eccl. Dugunthiae (al. Dugunithiae, al. Dugranicae. In the same manner the Uroger are called also AVurugunder, the Onoguren also Onogunduren, see Thunmann's Untersuchungen iiber die Gesch. d. ostl. Europ. Volkor s. 32.) Drugunitia then seems to have been disfigured by transcribers in Urogometia. On the Popes of the Cathari see below § 90. note 26. ^^ Rogerus de Hoveden annall. rer. Anglic, ad ann. 1176 (in Savilii scriptt. rer. Angl. Francof. 1601. p. 555) gives an abridgement of the acts of this council : for this reason it is referred by mistake in the Acts of Councils to the year 1176, and Schrockh even makes two councils out of this single one, one in 1165 (xxix. 510), and another in 1176 (s. 508.) The entire acts publisht in Mansi xxii. 157 begin thus : Anno ab Inoarn. Domini MCLXV. talis diflftnitiva sententia lata est super altercatione et assortione atque irapugnatione fidei catholicae, quam expugnare nitebantur quidam, qui faciebant se appellari Boni homines^ quos manntenehant homines de Lumbers. Et haec sententia lata est per manum Girahli Albiensis Episcopi,^/^^?/.? ac stntutis jvdicibus ab iitraque parte., et cognoscentibus atque adsidcntibus praefato Episcojio, then other Bishops and Ecclesiastics, and some Barons are mentioned, iu praesentia fere totius populi Albicmsis et de Lumbers, alioruinque populorum castrorum. To the first question about their Canon of Scripture, tlie}^ answered unabasht that they rejected the Old Testa- CH. VII.— HERETICS. # 87. CATKAKI IN CENT. XII. 403 were here usually called, to the Clivu'ch : Little more effect was produced by the Cardinal-Legate Peter of St Chrysogonus in Toulouse (1178),^" and the severe decree of Alexander III. ment, and received only the New. To the question de fide sua, they answered, quod non diceretit, nisi cogerentur : to the third de baptismate pavvulorum ; quod nihil dicere?it, sed de Evangelic et Epistolis respon- derent. Thus they wisht to have no examination, but a disputation, first upon the first head. Hence their declaration which followed : whil aliud r^esponderent ; quia non debebant cogirespondere de fide sua. The Assembly certainly pronounced condemnations enough upon them, but bow little eflFect they had is plain from Gervasii Cantuariensis (about 1200) chron. ad ann. 1177 (scriptores X Anglici. Lond. 1652. fol. p. 1441 ss.) '-" Raymund V^. Coimt of Toulouse, betook himself in 1177 to the Cistercian chapter (the epistle is in Gcrvasius Cantuar. 1. c.) to obtain here assistance against his heretics. On the mission of Cardinal Peter which was brought about by the Kings of France and England, see Hist, de Languedoc iii. 48. The principal source is Roger de Hoveden ad ann. 1178. p. 573, and particularly the epistle there quoted p. 577 of Henricus Abb. Claraevall, who accompanied the Cardinal. Henry here paints a terrible picture of the ascendancy of heretics in Toulouse ; ibi haeretici principabantur iu populo, domiuabautur in clero, eo ut populus sic sacerdos, et in interitum gregis ipsa configurabatur vita pastoi'is. Loquebantur haeretici, et omnes admirabantur ; loquebatur Catholicus, et dicebant : qids est hie f in stuporem et miraculum dedu- ceutes, si esset aliquis inter eos, qui de verbo fidei auderet aliquid vel mutire. In tantum praevaluerat pestis in tena, quod illi sibi non solum sacerdotes et pontifices fecerant, sed etiam Evangelistas babebant, qui corrupta et cancellata evangelica veritate nova illis Evangelia cuderent etc. — In ipso quoque introitu nostro tanta ei'at haereticis ubique licentia, ut nos quoque per vices et plateas recto itiuere procedentes subsan- nax'ent verbo, digito demonstrarent, nos apostatas, nos hypocritas, nos haereticos conclamantes. However they were intimidated by the powerful protection held out to the embassage, and were forced to appear to submit. On the other hand Henry, who was sent to Roger II., Viscount of Beziers, ut et Albiensem Episcopum, quem sub cus- todia haereticorum in vinculis tenebat, absolveret, et nniveraam terram snam eliminatis haereticis emendaret, had no success with him (although Roger was a good Catholic, see hist, de Languedoc. iii. 49.) Praedictus Rogerus in ultinios et inaccessibiles tei'rae suae fines abscessit, and Henry sa3's : judicavimus pi'aedictum Rogerum proditorem, haereticum, et de violata Episcopi securitate perjurum, eum tamquam publica excommunicatione damnatum, ex parte Papae et praedictorum Regum, in praesentia conjugis, militumque suorum in nomine Christi confidenter difiddantes (defiants.) The epistle ends thus : Ecce a modo statis apparet, quam grande et evidens ostium patet Principibus christianis, ut Christi ulciscantur injurias. — Ne autem vel parum vel nihil fieri contra illos posse causentur, sciant omnes, generalem fuisse in urbe 2 0 2 404 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III. -A. D. 1073—1305. in the third Lateraii Council (1179).^^ Against Roger II., Viscount of Beziers, Carcassone, Albi and Rasez, who protected the Cathari, the Cardinal Legate, Henry, Abbot of Clairveaux, already headed a crusading army (in 1181),-'"' but he could produce no lasting effect.-^ In the beginning of the 13th century the gi'eater part of the daughters of the nobility were brought up in the educational esta1:)lishments of the Perfectae, who lived together in monastic style.^'* The records of the controversy of this time, Tolosana sententiam, quod si ilia visitatio fuisset adbuc triennio retar- data, vix iuveniretur in ea, qui nomen Cliristi ampHus invocaret. Super haec autem omnia praedictus Comes s. Aegidii coram populo civitatis praestito jui'ameuto firniavit, quod a modo nee prece necpretio favebit haereticis. However Robertas dc jMonte chron. ad ann. 1178 (in Pertz vlii. 526) : Haerelici, quos Agenenses (see above note 8) vocant, et alii multi convenerunt circa Tolosam, — ad quorum confuta- tionera Petrus, Legatus Rom,, etc. convenerunt, et parum profecerimt. -^ Cone. Lateran. iii. gen. c. 27 : Quia in Gasconia, Albegesio, et partibus Tolosanis, et aliis locis ita liaereticorum, quos alii Catharos, alii Patarenos, alii Publicanos, alii aliis nominibus vocant, invaluit damnata perversitas, ut jam non in occulto, sicut aliqui, nequitiam suam exerceant, sed suum errorera publice manifestent, et ad suum consensum simplices attrahant et infirmos : eos, et defensores eoriun, et receptores anatliemoti decernimus subjacere : et sub anatbemate probibemus, ne quis eos in domibus, vel in terra sua tenere, vel fovere, vel negotiationem cum eis exercere praesuraat. — Cunctis fidelibus in remissionem peccatorum injungimus, ut tantis cladi- bus se virilitcr opponanl, et contra eos armis populum christianum tueantur. Confiscenturque eorum bona, et liberum sit Principibus hujusmodi homines subjacere servituti. Qui autem in vera pocnitentia ibi decesserint, et peccatorum indulgentiam, et fructum merccdis aetcrnac se non dubitent percept uros. Nosetiam — fidelibus Christianis, qui contra cos arma susceperint, biennium de pocnitentia injuncta relaxamus : aut si longiorem ibi moram babucrint, Episcoporum discrc- tioni, quibus bujus rei cm-a fuerit injuncta, comniittinuis, ut ad eorum arbitrium, secundum niodum laboris, major eis indulgeiitia tribuatur. Illos autem, qui admonltioni Episcoporum in bujuscemodi parte parere contempserint, a percoptione corporis et sanguinis Domini jubemus fieri alienos etc. Tins decree was repeated by the Archbishop of Nar- bonne in 1179, with a requisition to his suffragans, to pronounce the Ban every Sunday against the heretics and their protectors (see Hist. de Langucd. T. iii. Prcuvcs p. 148), to wit against R. comitem nobilem virum, et R. vicecomitem Biterrensem, et B. vicecomitem Nemausensem, et Lupatum, et R. dc Terrazona. '^'^ Hist, de Langucd. iii. 57. 2^ No further effect was produced by the promise, whicb Bcrtrand de Saissac as guardian of the young Viscount liaymund Roger, made to the Bishop of Beziers in Aug. 1194 after tbe death of Roger in CHAP. VII.— HERETICS, g 87. CATHARl IN CENT. XII. 405 issuing from France are Ebrardi Flantbensis, Betunia oriundi, liber antihaeresis-' : Ermeugardi opusc, contra liaereticos, qui that year (Hist, de Lang. T. iii. Preuves p. 177) : — nee haereticos, vel Vaklenses in pvaedicta villa (Biterris) vel Ej^iscopatu — indueenius. Et si forte ibi fuerint, pro posse nostro illos inde ejicienius, ct tibi Epis- copo jus et liberam potestatem— eos expellendi concede : nor by the renewal of the canon of the Lateran Council at the Cone. Monspelliense ann. 1195. 2* Schmidt in d. Strassburger, beitragen i. 97. 25 Prim. ed. Jac. Gretser (Trias scriptorum adv. Waldensium sectam, Ingolst. 1614. 4.)\vith the wrong title contra Waldenses (in Bibi. max. Lugd. xxiv. 1525 ) E. G. cap. i. : DIcunt, lex non est ex fide, ut dicit Abacuc et Paulus similiter (Gal. iii. 11. 12; Hab. ii. 4.)— Quod autem ex fide non est, peccatum est (Rom. xiv. 23) ; ergo lex peccatum est. Cap. iii. : Deura patrum nostrorum, qui legem dedit Moysi, qui locutus est cum prophetis, qui firmavit orbem terrae, Deum verum esse negant. Eum eteuim joculatorem esse (as in Exod. iii. 14.) After- wards comes a comparison between the God of the Old and the God of the New Testament, like the Marcionite antithesis. Cap. iv : Ecclesias destruunt, nee jam Ecclesias vocant, sed speluncas, — et verbis inhonestis, et etiam execrandis Ecclesiarum pastores, et eorum vestimenta, altaria et vasa contaminant sacrosancta. — Dicunt autem, quod bonus homo, aut bona foemina, aut congregatio utriusque, Ecclesia est, et ideo domum manufactam negant esse Ecclesiam. — Fraelatis nostrae Ecclesiae obedire (uolunt) :— dicunt enim, quod fornicatores sunt, adulteri, mendaces, ra. tores et cupidi. Cap. v : Duos esse Deos dicunt, unum salvatorem et benignum, in quern se credere confitentur : alteram creatorem i-erum et hominum plasmatorem, sed malignum, in quern se credere non fatentur. Cap. vi. is a rejection of infant baptism ; Cap. vii. of marriage ; Cap. viii. of the Eucharist in the Church. Cap. ix., Tliey inferred from 1 Cor. 15, 35 ss., quod in alio corpore resurgemus, et Deus det nobis corpus novum. Cap. x. : Oblationum quoque munera retundentes, decimas et primitias apud se retinent et furantur. Cap. xi. : Inunctionem etiam olei subsanuantes, nee chrisma, nee oleum sibi poscunt, — nee etiam coemeterii sepulturaip. Cap. xii. : Peregrinationis destruentes viaticum, loca sancta et Sanctorum miracula prohibent visitari. Cap. xiii. : Diffidcntes etiam de Domini praecursore, vitam ejus repudiant et baptismum. Cap. xiv. contains a rejection of oaths. Cap. xv. of capital punishment. Cap. xvi. In operibus solummodo confidentes, fidem praetermitturit (where Ebrardus, by bringing forward the statement : Non omnis homo ex operibus salvatur, sed gratia et fide, puts Gretser to much trouble.) Cap. xvii. : Crucem sanctam et etiam sanctissimam dehonorant. Cap. xviii. : Foeniineo sexui caelorum beatltudinem nituntur surripcre, because it is written : Venite benedicti Patris mei, not benedictae. They inferred from Eph. iv. 13, quod in specie viri perfecti, et in aetate xxx annorum ad judicium veniamus, et muHeres suum permutent sexum. Cap. xix. : Dicunt, unam tantum salutis esse viam, ad quam ipsi prae caeteris 406 THIED I'ErJOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1305. (licunt et ei'cdunt, niundum istum et omnia visibilia non esse a Deo facta, sed a diabolo r'^ and Alaiii Sununa quadripartita devenerunt. Cap. xx. is on abstinence from flesh meat. Cap. xxi : Male quideiii et perverse operantes in quibusdam latebris se abscondunt : quaedum quoque facientes abusiva, ab aliis, et corura novitiis se videri non pcrmittunt. Cap. xxii : Omiserunt kidicra, sed non hicra ; abjecerunt otia, sed non negotia. Tta enim raimdanis abrenunciant, ut avaritiaeobligentur vinculo fortiori. Si pauper enim fueris et mendicus, moram cum illis facias, statim exies opvdentus : quippe a diluculo ad crepusculum in mundanis operosi mercaturis, manus non permittunt otiari. -'' Likewise first publisht by Gi-etser 1. c. with the wrong title contra Waldenses (in Bibl, PP. Lugd. xxiv. 1602, it is placed also erroneously as Abaelardi lib. adv. haeresesin his 0pp. p. 452. See Franck in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1841. iv. 973. A certain agreement which has been observed in the work before us with the Confessio Durandi de Osca in Innocentii HI. lib. xi. ep. 196 is, however, by no means, in Frank's opinion, of such a nature, that we must attribute it to the same atithor, and consider the companion of Durandus distinguisht in the confession by the letter E, to be this Ermengard.) The description here given of Baptism with the spirit is most worthy of notice ; this was administered instead of baptism Avitli water, for actual admission into the sect, i.e. among the elect, and it was called by the Cathari Consolamentum, because thereby the nafidi^rfTos, the Consolator, was thought to be communicated. Cap. xiv, : Quando volunt facere consola- mentum alicui viro vel mulieri, ille, qui Major et Ordinatus dicitur, ablutis manibus, librum Evangelioriun in manibus suis tenens, eura vel eos, qui ad recipiendum consolamentum conveniunt, admonet, ut in eo consolHTTiento omnem suam fidem, et spem salutis animanmi suarum in Deo et in illo consolaraento ponant. Et sic super capita eorum libro posito, orationcm dominicam septies dicunt, et deinde b. Joannis Evan- gelium ab In jjt^indpio incipiens usque ad hunc locum Evangelii, quod dicit : Gratia et Veritas per Jesum Christum facta est, audientibus dicit. Et sic finitur illud consolamentum. A quibus personis fit, dicamus. Sell. ab. illis, qui inter eos Ordinati dicuntur. Si ipsi defuerunt, ab illis, qui Consolati dicuntur, suppletur, et si viri non adsint, mulieres tantum infirmis faciunt. — Omnium remissionem suorum pecca- torum et enmndationem suontm delictorum, absque satisfactione aliqua, in eo se consequi credunt, si statim niorte deficitmt. — Dicunt enim, quod nemo, — nisi illud consolamentinn ab ipsis consolatis roccperit, caeleste regnum — aliquo opere,— nee ctinm martyrio, etsi ab omnibus, quod est impossibile, peccatis et delictis se abstincat, consequi potest. Credunt ctiam hoc, quod se ille, qui faoit illud consolamentum, in aliquod pecca- torura, quae ipsi criminalia vooaiit, lapsus fuerit : sicut est comcdere carnem, ant oviun, vel caseum ; vel intcrfioere avem, vel aliquod animal, praeter rcptilia ; vel etiam illai)eccata, quae Ecclcsia Komana criminalia nominat ; — consolamentum ilHus recipientibus nihil prodest. — Imo eundem credunt iterum oportcrf^ illud consolamentum rccipere ab alio, si salvari dcsider.at. CH. VII.-HERETICS. g 87. CATHARI IN CENT. XII. 407 contra Haereticos, Waldenses, Judaeos et Paganos f^ all written about the same time, as it seems, towards the end of the twelfth centur}'.-* The Catharic translation of the New Testament is extant in a Romaic dialect, but not yet printed.^^ -^ The first two books were publislit by Masson, Paris. 1612. 8. but far more accurate ly in Alani de Insulis Opp ed. Car. de Visch, Antverp. 1654. fob p. 199 ss. the In.st t^o in C. de Visch bibliotb. scriptor. Cisterc. Colon. 1656. 4. p. 411. Down to this time this Alanus de Insulis has been held to be the author, who was born at Lille in Flanders, became a Cisterian monk and afterwards Bishop of Auxerre resigned bis Bishopric in 1167, and died at Clairvaux in 1202, see Hist, de Languedoc iii. 119. d'Argentre i. 83 (Cave hist. Ht. ii. 229. 287 erroneously assumes that there were two Alanus of Lille.) From the fact that the author dedicates his work to the Count of Montpellier, and is well acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of southern France ; Ravaisson rapport sur les bibliotheques de I'Ouest de la France, Paris. 1841. p. 157, believes that the work may be attributed to a Magister Alanus de Podio, from whose hand he has found a theologi- cal tract in the library of Avranches, and Schmidt, in the Strassburgcr Beitriigen 1, 100, agrees with him. However, Clairvaux, where Alanus of Lille lived, was closely connected Avith southern France, and its monks were often actively engaged in opposition to the heretics of that country. -« With regard to the doctrine of the Cathari in the Albigeois, the two contemporaries and historians of the Albigensian crusade should be particularly consulted. These are the Monk Petrus Mon. coenobii Vallium Sarnaji or Vallissarnensis (the Cistercian abbey of Vaux Sernai in the diocese of Paris) in historia Albigensium (down to 1218), and the chaplain of Raymund VII., Count of Toulouse, Guilelmus de Podio Laurentii (de Puy-Laurent) super historia negotii Francorum adv. Albigenses (down "to 1272), (both of them are best edited in Rerum Gall, et Franc, scriptores by Bouquet, continued by Brial xix. 1 and 193.) Especially so the short description by Petrus Mon. cap. 2 : Haeretici duos constituebant creatores, invisibilium scil. quern vocabant benignum Deum, et visibilium, quem malignum Deum nuncupabant. Novum testamentum benigno Deo, vetus vero maligno attribuebant, et illud omnino i-epudiabant praeter quasdam auctoritates, quae de veteri Testamento novo sunt insertae, quas ob novi reverentiam Testameuti recipere dignum aestimabant. Auctorem veleris Testament! mendacem asserebant, quia protoplastis dixit: quacumque die comede- ritis de ligno scientiae bonietmali, morte moriemini, nee (sicut dicebant) post coraestionem mortul sunt. — Homicidam quoque ipsuni nominabant, tuiTi quia Sodomitas et Gomorrhaeos incineravit, et aquis diluvil mundum delevit, tum quia Pharaonem et Aegyptios mari obruit. Onmes veteris Testamenti Patres damnatos affirmabant. Johannem Baptistam unum esse de majoribus Daemonibus asserebant. Dicebant ctiam in secreto suo, quod Christus ille, qui natus est in Belhleem 408 THIRD PERIOD.— DiV. III.— A. D. 1073— 1305. terrestri et visibili, et in Hierusalem crucifixus, malus fuit, ct quod Maria Magdalena fuit ejus concubina, et ipsa fuit inulier in adulterio deprehensa, de qua legitur in Evangelic. Bonus enini Christus, sicut dieebant, nunquani couicdit vel bibit, nee veram caruem assumpsit ; nee unquaui fuit in hoc niundo, nisi spiritualiter in corpore Pauli. Ideo autcni diximus in Bethleem terrestri et visibili, quia haei-etici fingebant esse aliam terrain novam et invisibileui, et in ilia terra, secundum quosdam, bonus Christus fuit natus, et crucifixus. Item dieebant haeretici, bonum Deura (without doubt : malum DeumJ habuisse duas uxores, Collara et Colibaui, et ex ipsa filios et filias proereasse (CoUa and Coliba is only a mistake in spelling for Oolla and Ooliba according to Ezek. xxiii. I ss. Etfactus est servio Domini ad me : — Oolla major, et Ooliba soror e-jus minor, et habui eas, et peperenmt filios et filias. Porro eoriim noinina, Samaria Oolla, et Jerusalem Ooliba, comp. Schmidt in the Strassb. Beitr. i. 87.) Erantalii haeretici, qui dieebant, quod unus est creator, sed liabuit filios Christum et Diabolum. Diee- bant et isti, omnes creaturas bonas fuisse, sed per filias, de quibus legitur in Apocalypsi, omnia fuisse coiTupta. Hi onmes, membra Antichristi, — provinciam Narboneusem veneno suae perfidiae infecerant fere totam. Romanam Ecclcsiam speluncam latrouum esse dieebant, et quia ipsa erat meretrix ilia, de qua legitur in Apocalypsi. They had rejected Baptism, the Lord's Supper, Confirmation, Confession, Marriage, the Resurrection from the Dead, dicentes, an i mas nostras esse spiritus illos angclicos, qui per superbiae apostasiam praeeipituti de caelo, corpora sua glorificata in aere reliquerunt ; et ipsas auimas post successivam qualiuiucunque septem corporuin terrenorum inhabitatio- nem, quasi tunc deinum poenitentia peracta, ad ilia relicta cor])ora reraeare. Sciendum autem, quod quidam inter haereticos dicebantur Perfecti, sive Boni Homines, alii Credentes. Haereticorum, qui dice- bantur Perfccti, nigrum habitum praeferebant, castitatem se tenere mentiebantur : esum carnium, ovorura, casei omnino detestabantur : non mentientes videri volebant, cum ipsi maxime de Deo quasi continue menlirentur. Dieebant etiam, quod nulla unquam ratione tlebeant jurare. Credentes autem haereticorum dicebantur illi, qui, saeculariter viventes, — in fide tamen illorum se salvari sperabant : — dediti erant usuris, rapinis, homicidiis et carnis illeccbris, perjuriis et perversitati- bus universis. Isti siquidem ideo seeurius et efirenatius peccabant, quia credebant, sine restitutione ablatorum, sine confessione et poeni- tentia se esse salvandos, dummodo in supremo mortis articulo Pater noster dicere et manuum impositionem recipere a n)agistris suis potuis- sent. De perfectis vero haeretieis magistral us habebant, quos vocabant Diaconos et Episcopos, sine quorum manuum impositione null us inter Credentes moriturus se salvari posse credebant. Then he treats of the Consolamentum. Lastly : Quidam haeretici dieebant, quod nullus poterat peccare ab umbilico et inferius. Imagines, quae sunt in Ecele- siis, dieebant idololatriam, canq^anas earum tubas l3aemonum aflinuf.- bant. Item dieebant, quod non peeeabat quis gravius, dormiendo cum matre vel sorore sua, quam cum qualibet alia. -'I' Fleck (wissensehafll. Jieise dureh das Siidl. Deutschland, Italicn, Sieilien und Frankreich II. i. DO) discovered this translation in the CH. VII.— HERETIC'S. § 87. CATHARI IN CENT. XII. 409 The Cathari also were widely sj^read in Northern Italy, and made their appearance under Innocent III. even in the States of the Chm-ch.'^° Their head-quarters were at Milan, where they were encountered so early as 1173 by the Archbishop Galdinus.^^ Here wrote Bonacursus, formerly himself a teacher among the Ca- thari, but afterwards a convert to the Catholic Church, about 1190, his Vita haereticorum, seu manifestatio haeresis Catharorum,^'^ Library of the Academy of Arts at Lyons. Next after the Acts of the Apostles follows the Apocalypse, then the Catholic epistles, and lastly the epistles of St Paul (after the Epistle to the Colossians comes the apocryphal Epistle to the Laodiceans : the Epistle to the Hebrews forms the conclusion.) Then follow prayers : the Paternoster and the begin- ning of the Cxospel of the evangelist John in the Latin language, other prayers in Romaic. This appendix, which is evidently the form used in the administration of the Consoianientum, admits of no doubt with regard to its Catharic origin. As far as can be judged from the style of the writhig, the manuscript belongs to some time betwixt the 12th and 13th centuries. ^" In Orvieto (Urbs vetus) even the Papal Lieutenant Petrus Paren- tius, was slain b}' the heretics in 1 199, see his life by a contemporary in the Act. SS. Maj. V. ii. 86 to 21. Mai. In 1207 Innocent betook himself in person to Viterbo, ad eliminandam Patarenorum spurcitiam, qua Viterbiensis civitas erat vehementer infecta (Gesta [nnoc. iii. c. 123), and issued there the severe decree lib. x. epist. 130. Comp. Hb. ix. epist. 7. 18» 167. 204. Ilurter's Innocenz HI. ii. 249. 3' Vita s. Galdini in the act. SS. Apr. ii. 593 to 18. April. Juc. de Vitriaco hist. Orient, et Occident, lib. ii. c. 28. ^^ On Bonacursus cf Labbei specimen antiquarum lectionum p. 206. This work has made its appearance in d'Achery spicileg. T. i. p. 208 (some chapters there missing were publisht supplementarily by Mansi in his edition of Baluzii miscell. T. ii. p. 581) : Dominus noster Jesus Christus — errores illorum, qui Cathari vocantur, manifestare — volens, quenidam Episcopum doctorem, Bonacursum nomine, misericorditer gratia s. Spiritus illuminavit, et ad sinum s. matris Ecclesiae per gratiam renovavit. — Quidam illorum dicunt, Deum creasse omnia elementa, alii dicunt, ilia elementa diabolum creasse : sententia tamen omnium est, ilia elementa diabolum divisisse. Dicunt etiam, eumdens diabolum Adam de limo terrae fecisse, et quemdam Angelum lucis in eo summa vi inclusisse, with reference to which they explain Luke 10, 30. Hevara dicunt fecisse, cum qua concubuit, et inde natus est Cain, de sanguine cujus dicunt natos esse canes, ideoque tam fideles sunt hominibus. Conjunctio Adae cum Heva, ut dicunt, fuit pomum vetitum. — Omnia, quae facta sunt in aere, in mari, et in teri'a, facta esse a diabolo. — Ex filiabus Hevae et daemonibus dicunt natos esse Gigantes, qui cognoverunt per daemones patres suos, diabolum omnia creasse. Unde diabolus dolens, eos ista scire, dixit: Poenitet me fecisse hominem (Gen. vi. 6). Unde quia Noe lioc ignoravit, a diluvio liberatus est. 410 ' THIRD TEKIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1.305. in wliicli he also gives an account of a judaizing sect the Pasa- gnu. ^ Shortly before the year 1200 the Patarenians passed from Dalmatia into Bosnia, and there became very numerous.^* The Patriarchs of the Old Testament were the instruments of the devil. De dictis ss. Prophetaruni dicunt quaedara esse revelata a Spii-itu Dei, quaedam a Spiritu maligno. Unde Apostolus : Omnia probate etc. (1 Thess. v. 21). Beside the well known tenet: Non credunt Filium aequalem Patri, quia dicit : Pater major me est (Joan. 14, 28). Cruceni dicunt characterem esse bestiae, quae in Apocalypsi esse legitur. — B. Sylvestrum dicunt Antichristuni fuisse, spoken of 2 Thess. 2, 4. A tempore illo dicunt Ecclesiam esse perditam. The Consolamentum is here described as impositio m annum, quam baptismum appellant, ct i-enovationem s. Spiritus. Ipsum diabolum credunt esse solem, lunam dicunt esse Hevam, et per singuios menses dicunt eos fornicari, ut vir cum aliqua meretrice. Omnes Stellas credunt esse daemones. 3^ Bonacursus 1. c. p. 211 : In primis dicunt, quod Mosaica lex sit ad literam observanda, et quod Sabbatum et Circumcisio et aliae legales observantiae adhuc habere statum debeant, Dicunt etiam, quod Christus Dei Filius non sit aequalis Fatri, et quod Pater et Filius et Spiritus sanctus, islae tres personae, non sint unus Deus et una substantia. Praeterea ad augmentum sui ei-roris, cnmes Ecclesiae Doctores et univer- saliter totam Ecclesiam Romanam judicant et condemnant. — Hunc suum errorem novi Testamenti ac Prophetarum testimonio [asserere] nituntur. cf. Specimen opusculi quod G. Bergomensis contra Catharos et Pasagios elucubravit circ. ann. 1230 (in Murat. antiquitt. Ital. medii aevi V. 152) : Pasagini dicunt, Christum esse primam et puram crea- turam, et vetus Testamentum esse observandum in solennibus et in circumcisione et in ciborum perceptione, et in aliis fere omnibus, exceptis sacrificiis. The origin of tliis sect Landulphus junior hist. Mediol. c. 41 (Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. v. 513) derives from the excommuni- cation, wliich the Archbishop of Milan in 1133 pronounced against the enemies of the Emperor Conrad and the Pope Anacletus : Ex cujus exconimunicationis radice circumcisi Christum filium Yirginis ignorant, et maxima pars Quiritum et Longobardorum auctorem divinae et humanaelegis minime amant. Neander V. ii. 796. 3* Innocentii III. ep. ad Emericum Peg. Ungar. ann. 1200 (in Ge. Fejer codex diplom. Ilungariae ii. 378) : Accepimus, quod, cum nuper — Spalatensis Archiepiscopus Patarcnos non Paucos de Si)alatensi ctTragu- riensi clvitatibus effugasset, nobilis vir Culinus, Bamxs Bossinus (l^an of Bosnia), iniquitati eorum non solum tutum latibulum, sed et praeni-. dium contulit manifestura, — ipsos pro catholicis, imo ultra catholicos honoravit ; vocat eos antonomaslice Christianos, — The King was called upon to oppose them, and they were forced in 1203 to submit tlu^m- selves to the Roman Clnuvh, see the Professio fidei in Fejer ii. 405, which the priores illorum hominum, qui hactenus singularitei- christian! nominis praerogativa vocati sunius in tcrritorio Bosnae, omnium vice CH. VII. -HERETICS, g 88. \VALDEN8ES IN CENT. XII. 4\l s^88. CONTINUATION. WALDENSES. Principal work : Jean Leger (Pasteur et Moderateur des Eglises des Vallees, et depuis la violence de la persecution, appelle. a I'Eglise AVallonne dc Leyde) hist, gene rale des eglises evangeliques de Piemont, ou Vaudoises, divisee en deux livres. Leyde 1669. fol. (publisht in German by J. F. V. Schweinitz. Breslau 1750.4.) Also: Hist, des Vaudois (by Jacques Brez, a preacher among the Waldeuses and an inhabitant of Utrecht). Paris, Lausanne et Utrecht 1796. 2 Tom. (in German Leipzig 1798.) Histoire des Vaudois par Alexis Muston (Waldenser). T. 1. Paris 1834. Fuesslin's Kirchen- u. Ketserhist. d. mittlern Zeit i. 293. Chr. U. Hahn's Gesch. d. Waldenser (2r Band der Gesch. d. Ketser im Mittelalter, Stutt- gart 1847). (Die gesammte Literatur von Kist verzeichnet in d. Neder- landsch Archief voor kerkelijke Geschiedenis vi. 109). From the Scriptural and reforming turn of mind which had been spread by means of Peter of Bruis and Heniy, along with the sect of the Cathari, in Southern France, there arose from the year 1170 the party of the Waldenses :^ free from constituti, pro omnibus, qui sunt de dicta nostra societate fraternitatis, issued. It is remarkable, that in the whole of this they renounce not one heretical error, but only promise obedience to the Roman Church (impriniis abrenunciamus schismati, quo ducimur infamati, et Romanain Ecclesiam mutrem nostram et caput totius ecclesiasticae unitatis recog- noscimus), and undertake a monastic life in conformity to its rule*. Still they also add, nullum deinceps Manichaeum, vel ali'um haereticum ad habitandum nobiscum recipiemus, and : de caetero nou Christianos, sicut hactenus, sed fratres nos nominabimus. So we cannot account them only as scldsmatic monks : especially when we consider, that in Dalmatia, in times earlier than this, there' were many Manichaeans to be found (see above note 18), and that in the 13th century they were very numerous in Bosnia. They seem to have been Bogomili : these called themselves pre-eminently Christians, led a monastic life, and when it was necessary pretended to hold every orthodox doctrine, see below § 96. 1 Confusion has been introduced by both friend and foe into the history of the Waldenses. At first 'they were confounded with the Cathari or Albigenses by Catholics (as for instance by Mariana, and Gretser), in order to represent them as Manichaeans ; by reformed writers (as by Abbadie and J. Basnage) in order to clear the Albi- genses also from the charge of Manichaeism. Further, the origin of the Waldenses is often referred to an earlier period than that of 2 412 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Peter Waldensis, though it is so clearly proved by the witness of con- temporaries (see note 3) that he is the founder of the sect. This error arose in the following manner : as in general the beginning of corruption in the Church was dated from the Roman Bishop Sylvester, the con- temporary of Consiantiue (see § 54. note 49. § 59. note 36. § 87. note 32) : so the Waldenses also of the 13th century taught (Reinerii Summa in Martene thesaurus v., 1775), quod Ecclesia Christi per- mansit in Episcopis et aliis Praelatis usque ad b. Sylvestrum, et in eo defecit quousque ipsi earn restaurarunt : tamen dicunt, quod semper fuerunt aliqui, qui Deum timebant et salvabantur. But their adver- saries argued as Moneta (about 1240) did adv. Catharos et Valdenses p. 402 : quod universitas pauperum Leonistarum non est Ecclesia Dei — osteuditur, si ipsorum origo attendatur. Non enim multum tem- poris est, quod esse coeperunt, quoniam, sicut patet, a Valdesio cive Lugdunensi exordium acceperunt, qui banc viam incepit, non sunt plures, quam octoginta anni, vel si plures aut pauciores, parum plures vel pauciores existunt. Ergo non sunt successores Ecclesiae primilivae, ergo non sunt Ecclesia Dei. Si autera dicunt, quod sua via ante Val- densem fuit, ostendaut hoc aliquo testimonio, quod miuime facere possunt. Accordingly it was now the interest of the Waldenses to point out those persons, among whom the true Church was upheld from Sylvester to Peter Waldus. This led by degrees to a misunderstand- ing, as though their sect as such was older than him. With this many fabrications connected themselves, for instance that of a founder named Leo, who is indebted for his origin entirely to Leonistae the name of the sect. Thus speaks the German author of the additions in the enlarged Summa Reinerii c. 4 (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxv., 264) : Inter omnes has sectas, quae adhuc sunt, vel fuerunt, non est perniciosior Ecclesiae, quam Leonistarum. Et hoc tribus de causis. Prima est, quia est diutnrnior. Aliqui enim dicunt, quod duraverit a tempore Sylvestri : aliqui, a tempore Apostolorum. Conrad Justinger (recorder of Bei-n about 1420) in his Bernese Chronicle (Bern 1819. s, 385) makes out Peter Waldensis to be a disciple and companion of Pope Sylvester, who separated from him und wollt dcm Pabst nit gehorsam syn. Petrus de Pilichdorff" (about 1444) contra Waldenses c. 1 (Bibl. PP. Lugd. XXV., 278) : iniquitatis filii coram simplicibus mentiuntur, dicentes, seclam eorum durasse a temporibus Sylvestri Papae, quando videlicet Ecclesia coepit habere proprias possessiones. Claud. Seysselli Archiep. Taurin. adv. AValdenses disputationes 1517 : Nonnulli h&eresis hujus assertores, ad eblandiendum apud vulgares et historiarum ignaros favorem, banc eorum sectam Constantini M. temporibus a Leone quodam religiosissimo initium sumpsisse fabulantur, qui execrata Silvestri Romanae urbis tunc Pontificis avaritia, et Constantini ipsius imino- derata largitionc paupertatem in fidei siraplicitate sequi maluit, quam cum Silvestro pingui opulentoque sacerdotio confaminari, ciii cum omnes, qui de Christiana religione recte senticbant, adhaesissent sub Apostolorum regula viventes, banc per manus ad posteros verae reli- gionis normam transmiserunt. Quo sane commento quid potest esse fabulosius? That this fabrication is of later date tlian the 13th cen- tnrv is clear from llio ])assage of the genuine Rcinorius quoted above. CH. VII.— HERETICS. § 88. WALDENSES IN CENT. XII. 413 all speculative enthusiasm they consecrated all their energies, to reahze once again apostolic Christendom, with all its simplicity, and all its inward devotion. About that year began the founder of the sect Peter Waldensis'- from Lyons, with several companions (Panperes de Lugduno, Leonistae, Sabatati)^ to preach the gospel However after the Reformation it was not only received by the refonned writers (Beza, Abbadie, J. Basnage and others) and the Waldenses (most extravagantly by J. Lcger) but even adorned in many different manners. By these writers first the Waldenses without any historical ground, are brought also into an external connexion with Claudius of Turin, Peter of Bruis, Henry, Arnold of Brescia and others. On the reasons drawn from the writings of (he Waldenses for their earlier origin, see below note 12. Against both of these errors here toucht upon Fuessli i., 293, ff and ii."^ 200, has declared himself at great length. Against the plea of the Waldenses for an antiquity reaching beyond Peter Waldensis, see Kecherches bistoriques sur la veritable origine des Vaudois et sur le caractere de leurs doctrines primitives, Paris 183G. ^ Among the different forms of this name (Leger p. 16) Valdo, or Waldus is the most in use, and is found already in Alanus : Stepbanus de Borbone, the autiiority most to be trusted, has Valdensis, Moneta p. 371 Valdisius, p. 402 Valdesius and Valdens-'s. According to Petrus de Pilichdortf 1. c. Peter was a citizen of the town of Walden, which is situated on the borders of France : According to a Tractatus contra Waldenses, which is appended to that of Peter of Pilichdorft' (I. c. p. 300) he was from the region of AYaldis (according to the Centur. Magd. xii. p. 1204 sito in marchia Galliae.) Comitatus Waldensis (Frudentii Tree. ann. ad 839 in Pertz. i. 434, and in the document of Rudolph King of Upper Burgundy in 888 see part i. § 30. note 1.) is the country of Vaud. AYaldo is a name often recurring in the middle ages, which might very easily be substituted by mistake for Waldensis. That the name Waldensis was transferred from Peter to his disciples, we have the assurance of the contemporary writers Gualterus Mapes and Alanus, and of Stepbanus de Borbone and Moneta, who lived shortly after (see the quotations put in as evidence, in note 4. and 5.) Never in this period, was the name derived from the valleys in which they dwelt, or from which they drew their origin : Although even so early as this time this Heretical name, as well as that of the Cathari (§ 87 note 5.) afforded plentiful sport to arbitrary etymologians. Ebrardi liber antihaeresis cap. 25 : Quidam autem, qui Vallenses se appellant, eo^quod in valle lacrymarum maneant etc„ Bernardus Abb. Fontis calidi adv. Waldenses piaef. dicti sunt Val- denses, nimirum e valle densa, eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantur. 3 Leonistae from Leona Lyons. Sabatati Xabatenses, Inzabbattati from sabbatum (the Italian ciabatta, and French sabot), a wooden shoe, open above, such as they were wont to wear. These sabots of the 414 THIRD PERKjD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. in tlie manner of the apostles.'* At first they had so Httle inten- tion of separating fi*om the Church, that when the Archbishop Waldenses, moreover, were distinguisht by the sign of the cross upon them, probably the sandals with which they were fastened, were tied crosswise. Ebrardi liber antihaeresis c. 25 : Xabatenses a xabata potius, qiiam Christiani a Christo, se volunt appellari. Sotulaies cru- ciant, cum membra potius debeaut cruciare, calceamenta coronant, caput autem non coronant. Inuocentius Hi. lib. xv. ep. 137 describes these sabots as calciamenta desuper aperta, to distinguish them from calcia- mentis comraunibus. Chron. Ursperg. above § 68. not. 2 calceos desuper pedem praecidebant, et quasi nudis pedibus ambulabant. Petrus Mon. Vallium Cernaji below note 14 says one of the errors of the Waldenses consisted, in portandis sandaliis more Apostoloruni. * Alani Summa quadripartita (comp. above § 87, not. 27) lib. ii. c. 1 (in 0pp. ed. de Visch p. 258) : Waldenses dicuntur a suo haeresiarcha, qui vocabatur Waldus, qui suo spiritu ductus, non a Deo missus, novam sectam inveuit, scilicet ut sine Praelati auctoritate, sine divina inspiratione, sine scientia, sine iiteratura praedicare praesumeret. Stephanus de Borbone or de TJellavilla (a Dominican in Lyons about 1225, not 1262, as Schrockh says xxix. 530) de septem donis Spiritus sancti tit. 7, c. 31 (ex Ms. in d'Argentre i. 87); Waldenses autem dicti stmt a prime hujus haei'esis auctore, qui nominatus fuit Waldensis. Dicuntur etiam Pauperes de Lugduno, quia ibi inceperunt in profes- sione paupertatis. Vocant autem se Pauperes spiritu (because of Matth. V. 3.) — Incepit autem ilia secta per hunc modum, secundum quod ego a plm-ibus, qui prioi'es eorum viderunt, audivi, et a sacerdote illo, — qui dictus fuit IJernardus Ydros, qui, cum esset juvenis et scriptor, scripsit dicto Waldensi priores libros pro pecunia in Romano, quos ipsi habue- runt, transferente et dictante ei quodam Grannnatico, dicto Stephano de Ansa, quem ego saepe vidi. Quidam dives rebus in dicta urbe, dictus Waldensis, audiens Evangelia, cum non esset multum literatus, curiosus intelligere, quid dicerent, fecit pactum cum dietis sacerdotibus, altero, sic ut transferret ei in vulgari, altero, ut scriberet, quae ille dictaret : quod fecerunt : similiter multos libros Bibliae, et auctoritates Sanctorum multas per titulos congregatas, quas sententias appellabant. Quae cum dictus civis saepe legerct, et corde tenus firmaret, proposuit servare perfectionem evangelicam, ut Apostoli servaverant. Qui, rebus suis omnibus venditis, in contemptum mundi per lutum pauperibus pecuniam suam projiciebat, et officium Apostoloruni usurpavit et prae- snmpsit : Evangelia, et ea, quae corde retinuerat, per vices et platcas praedicando, multos homines etmulieres, ad idem faciendum, ad se cou- vocando, firmans eis I*]vangclia: quos etiam per villas circumjacentes mittebat ad praedicandum vilissimorum quorumcunque officiorum. Qui etiam, tarn liomines, qnam nmlieres, idiotae et illiterati, per villas discurrentes, et domes penetrantes, et in plateis praedicantes, et etiam in Ecclesiis, ad idem alios provocabant. Cum autem ex temcritate sua et ignorantia multos errores et scandala circumquaque diffunderent, vocati ab Archiepiscopo Lugdunensi, qui Joannes vocabatur, prohibuit eis, ne intromitterent se de Scripturis exponendis vel praedicandis. CH. Vi I.— HERETICS. §88. WALDENSES IN CENT. XII. 41', of Lyons forbid them to preach, they petitioned the Pope Alex- ander III. (in 1179)^ for his permission. But when Lucius Ipsi autem recurrentes ad responsionem Apostolorum (Act. v, 29) : Magister eoruni usurpaas Petri officium, sicut ipse respondit principibus sacerdotiim, ait : Obedire oportet magis Deo^ quam hominibns, qui praeceperat Apostolis : Praedicate Evangellum omni creaiurae in fine Marci. Quasi hoc dixisset Dominixs eis, quod dixerat Apostolis : -qui tamen praedicare non praesumpserunt, usquequo induti virtute ex alto fuerunt etc. — li ergo, Valdensis videlicet et sui, pvimo ex pi-aesuinp- tione et officii apostolici usurpations ceciderunt in inobedlentiani, demum in contumaciam, demum in excommunicationis sententiam. Post, expulsi ab ilia terra, ad Concilium, quod fuit l\omae ante Lateianense (viz. before the iv. Later, ann. 1215, and so that of the j'ear 1179), vocati, et pertinaces, fuerunt, schismatici postea judicati. Postea in Pi'ovin- ciae terra et Lombardiae cum aliis haereticis se admiscentes, et errorem eorum bibentes et serentes, haeretici sunt judicati — infestissimi et peri- culosissimi, ubique discurrentes, speeiem sanctitatis et fidei praeten- dentes, veritatera autem ejus non habentes, tanto periculosiores, quanto occultiores, se sub diversis hominum liabitibus et artinciis transfigur- antes. — Incepit autem haec secta circa annum ab Incarn. Domini 1170 sub Joanne dicto Belesmanis, Archiepiscopo Lngdunensi. Jean de Bellesmains, formerly Bishop and companion of the Legate Peter of St. Chrysogonus in his mission to Toulouse (Hist, de Languedoc iii, 47), after the preceding Bishop had been deposed, was advanced in 1181 to the see of Lyons (1. c. p. 58.) This account is repeated from Stephamis de Borbone, by an anonj'mous writer in the tractatus de haerosi Pauperum de Lugduno (in Martene thesaur. v. 1777), but instead of 1170 he fixes the year 1180. Compare the fii-st appearance of Francis of Assisi, above § 68. ^ Compare Steph. de Borbone above note 4. Gualterus Mapes (see above § 62, note 20) ex Ms. ap. Usserium de christ. Eccles. succes- sione et statu ed. ii. Lond. 1682. fol. p. 112: Vidimus in concilio Romano sub Alexandre TIL celebrate Valdesios, homines idiotas illiterates, a primate ipsorum Valde dictos, qui fuerat civis Lugduni super Rhodanum : qui librum domino Papae praesentaverunt lingua conscriptura Gallica, in quo textus et glossa Psalterii plurimorumque legis utriusque librorura continebatur. Hi multa petebant instantia, praedicationis auctoritatem sibi confirmari. — Hi certa nusquam habent domicilia, bini et bini circumeunt, nudi pedes, laneis induti, nihil habentes, omnia sibi communia tanquam Apostoli, nudi nudum Chris- tum sequentes : humillimo nunc incipiunt modo, quia pedem inferre nequeunt; quos si admiserimus, cxpellemur. Moneta (about 1^40) adv. Catharos et Valdenses lib. v. c. 1. (ed Ricchini p, 402) says to the Waldenses : Vos venistis a Valdesio. Dicatis, unde ipse venit. Constat, quod non nisi a papa Romanae Ecclesiae. Ergo Papa est solus haeres Ecclesiae primitivae. Si autem dicat, quod non sit a Papa : ad quid ergo venit ad Papara, et promisit servare IV. Doctores, scil. Ambrosium, x4ugustinum, Gregorium et Hieronymnm, et sic 410 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. III. (in 1184)" pronounced sentence of excommunication against them ; then they thought tliey must obey God rather than man, and withdrew from a church, which cursed that Avliich seemed to them a call from Heaven. At first the only question at issue betAveen them and the Roman Chui'ch was on the exclusive right of the clergy to preach : And they spread themselves more easily in those countries, where the deficiency of the Church was exposed plainly enough for the con\action of all, but where many still felt themselves not less repulsed by the Catharism, which was set up in opposition 'J for instance in France particularly the southern parts,^ down as far as Aragon,^ and in northern accepit a Papa praedicationis officium ? Cujus rei testimonium facile potest inveniri. So even in the 14th centnvy the Waldenses had the tradition (see Rohrich in Illgen's Zeitscliv. f.hist. Tlieoh 1840. i. 149. a note from an old court register in Strasburg), das vor 200 joren der gloube vaste abe luten gaiigen, und lebent zu derselben ziten zweene von den genannt ivaldensiiim, di warent gen Rome geforen zu dem bobeste, und hetten an dem geworben den glonben, den si seitent, und solte das der recbte gloube seyn, luid bette in der bobest die cbi'istenbeit dazu empfolen in den glouben wiederzubringende. In the tradition the occurrence in the time of Alexander III. seems to be confounded with the establishment of the Pauperes catholici under Innocent III. (see below § 00, note 27.) ^ Lucli decretum contra Ilaereticos (Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit, 7. c. 9, and ]\[ansi xxii. 476, issued at the Concil. Veronense ann. 1184, 1. c. p. 488. 492) : — In primis ergo Catbaros et Patavinos, et cos, qui se Humiliatos vel Pauperes de Lirgdunn felso nomine mentiuntur, Pas- saginos, .Josepinos, Arnaldistas perpetuo decernimus anatbematc sub- jacere. Et quoniam nonnulli sub specie pietatis, virtutem ejus, juxta quod ait Apostolus, denegantcs, auctoritatein sibi vindicant praedicandi : cum idem Apostolus dicat : quomodo praedicabunt^ nisi mitfantur? (Rom. X. 15) omnes qui vel probibiti, vel non missi, praeter auctori- tatem ab apostolica sede vel Episcopo loci susceptam, publice vel privatim praedicare praesumpserint, — pari vinculo perpetui anathematis innodamus etc. ^ fJuilelmus de Podio Laurcntii (see above § 87, note 28) in prologo : Et illi qnidem Valdenses contra alios (Arianos et Manicbacos) acutis- simc disputabant. Unde ct in eorum odium alii admittebantur a saccrdotibus idiotis. Compare below note 13 and 14. ^j\.bout 1190 there was a conference in Narbonne between the Catholics and Waldenses, see Bernard de Fonte calido below note 15. In the year 1207, the Avife and one sister of the Count do Foix, had joined the Waldenses, see below § 89, note 5. — In Toul (see statuta synodalia Odonis Episc. Tullensis. ann. 1192 in Martene thes. anecd. iv. 1182 : De haereticis autem, qui vocantur Wodoi/s, omnibus fideli- bus — praecipimus, ut quicunquc cos invenerint, vinculis astrictos CH. VII.— HERETICS. §88. WALDENSES IN CENT. XII. 417 Italy particularly in Milan. ^'^ And in every place where tliey came fresh zeal went forth from them among the people, to learn to understand Holy Scripture for theraselves.^^ Howevei*, by consistently carrying out the fundamental prin- ciple upon which they had dissented from the Church, and by diligent reading of Holy Scripture, they could not fail to be led teneant, et ad sedem Tullensem puniendos adducant) ; and in Metz (Alberici chron. ad ann. 1200: in urbe Metensi puUulante secta quae dicitur Valdensium, directi sunt quidaiu Abbates ad praedicandum, qui quosdam libros de Latino in Romanum versos combusserunt et praedictam sectam extirpaverunt. Cf. Caesavii Heistei bac. de miraculis et visionibus sui temporis lib v. c, 20, according to whom even in his time, about 1222, they were not yet entirely exterminated.) ^ There is an edict of Alphonso il. king of Aragon in the year 1194 (in Nic. Eymerici directorio Inquisitorum p. 282. edit. Venet. in d'Argentre i. 83) : — Si quis igitur ab hac die et deinceps praedictos Waldenses et Zappatatos (above : Waldenses, sive Inzabbatatos, qui alio nomine se vocant Paupei*es de Lugduno) aliosque haereticos, cujusque fuerint professionis, in domibus suis rccipere, vel horum funestam praedicationem aliquo loco audire, vel his cibum, vel aliud aliquod beneficium largiri praesumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et nostram se noverit incurrisse, bonisque suis, absque appellationis remedio, confiscandis, se, tanquam reura criminis laesae majestatis puniendum. ^^ Innocent. III. lib. xii. epist. 17 ad Archiepisc. Mediolanenseni in the year 1209 mentions a pratum, quod commune Mediolanense ipsis olim concesserat, in quo sua schola constructa consueverant convenire ac exhortari fratres adinvicem et amicos, quam bouae memoriae prae- decessor tuus destrui fecerat, dum essent excommunicationis vinculo innodati. Thus in the diocese of Besan(j;on a Waldenser was taken prisoner, who according to Stephanas de Borbone ap. d'Argentre 1. c. p. 86 for eighteen years apud Mediolanum studuerat in secta haereti- corum Waldensium. ^' So in Metz comp. above note 8. Innocent. III. lib. ii. ep 141. ad universos Christ, tarn in urbe Metensi quam ejus diocesi constitutes ann. 1199 (also Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. 7. c. 12) : Significavit nobis ven. frater noster Metensis Episcopus per literas suas, quod tani in diocesi quam urbe Metensi laicorum et mulierum nuiltitudo non modica, tracta quoclammodo desiderio Scripturarum, Evangelia, epistolas Pauli, psal- terium, moralia lob, et plures alios libros sibi fecit in Gallico sernione transferri, translation! hujusmodi adeo libenter, utinam autem et pru- denter, intendens, ut secrctis conventionibus talia inter se laic! et mulieres eructare praesumant, et sibi invicem praedicare ; qui etiam aspernantur eoruin consortium qui se similibus non immiscent, et a se reputant alienos, qui aures et animos talibus non apponunt. Quos cum aliqui parochialium sacerdotum super his corripere voluissent, ipsi eis in faciem restiterunr, coriantes rationes iuducere de Scripturis, quod ab 2 D 4lH TIIIKD PERIOD.— D!\. lil.— A.D. 1073—1305. onward step by step. How far they advanced in the 12tli centnry, we are able to ascertain, partly fi'om their own literary remains/- partly from the writings of their adversaries of this liis non deberent aliquatenus prohiberi. Quidam etiam ex eis simplici- tatem sacerdotum suorum fastidiunt, et cum ipsis per eos verbum salutis proponitur, se melius habere in libellis suis, et prudentius se posse id eloqui, submurmurant in occulto. Licet autem desiderium intelligendi divinas Scriptuvas, et secundum eas studium adhortandi reprehendendum non sit, sed potius commendandura ; in eo tanien apparent merito arguendi, quod tales occulta conventicula sua celebi-ant, officium sibi praedicationis usurpant, sacerdotum simplicitatem eludunt, et eorum consortium aspernantur, qui talibus non inhaerent, — Tanta est enim divinae Scriptm-ae profunditas, ut non solum simplices et illiterati, sed etiam prudentes et docti non plene sufficiant ad ipsius intelligen- tiam indagandam. — Unde recte fuit olim in lege divina statutum, ut bestia, quae montem tetigerit, lapidotiu' ; ne videlicet simplex aliquis et indoctus praesuniat ad sublimitatem Scripturae sacrae pertingere, vel etiam aliis praedicare, Scriptum est enim : AU'mra te ne quaesieris. Propter quod dicit apostolus : Non plus sapere^ quam op()rteat sapere, sed sapere ad sohrietatem. — Qmn Doctorum ordo sit quasi pracipuus in Ecclesia, non debet sibi quisquam indifferenter praedicationis officium usurpare etc. He says the same in Epist. 142. ad Episc. Metensem with the remark quod vel iidem errent in fide, vel a doctrina discrepent salutari, nobis per tuas literas non duxisti exprimendum. '-' Concerning these see Hahn ii. 3 : the greater portion of them are printed in Hahn ii. 5G1. Many of these ever since Leger's time have been referred to a period between 1100 and 1120: this, however, is without doubt wrong. At the head of them stands the Poem La nobla Leyczon (in Raynouard choix des poesies originales des Troubadours ii. 73. in Halm ii. 628.) From the passage (quoted in Raynouard P-73): Ben ba mil e cent ancz compli entierament. Que fo scripta I'ora : car sen al derier temp. The woi-ld has already completed a thousand and a hundred years, — ■ since the hour was appointed : therefore we are in the last time — according to Leger it has always been concluded that this poem pro- fesses fo have been written in the year 1100. But the reckoning here is plainly not from the birth of Christ, but probably from the writing of the Apocalvpse, which, according to Irenaeus should be placed at the enl of Domitian's reign, and so this number of years extends to the close of the 12th century. The whole is a simple and forcible exhor- tation to Christian life and faith, with bitter censures on the demoralised clergy. Among other passages see p. 95. Si n'i a alcun bon, que ame et teme [timet) Yeshu Xrist, Que non volha maudire, ni jurar, ni mentir, Ni avoutrar (to commit adultery), ni aucir (occidere), ni penre [prendre) de I'autruy, fil. Vir.— HERETICS, f 88. WALDENSES IN CENT. XII. 410 date ; amoii^ these Eberhurd of B(.'tluiiie,'^ and IVtor of Vaiix- Cemay/* make only cursory mention of tlie Waldenses : hut Ni venjar [vent/er) se de li seo enemis, lib dion {(lisent)^ qu'es Vaudes e degne de murir. Further, p. 97 : No Pope from Sylvester till now can forgive sins : " .''olaiueiit Die pcrJona.' Acrordinj:; to tliis the Popedtnii Hrst bi'gan with Sylvester. Tlie rest of the poesies (kvs Vaudois eontrihuted hy luiynouard and Ilahn breathe the sanu* spirit (viz. La Harca, Lo novel seriaon, Lo novel comfort, Lo i'ayre (Pf/v) eternal, Lo ilespreczi del mont (contempt of the world), L'avangeli de li (juatre semencz (in reference to Mattb. xiii. 8 tY.); accordingly they likewise undoubtedly belong to the first age of the sect. Comp. on the collective I'oesies des Vaudoi.s Kayuouard in the dissertations at the bet;inning of T. ii. p. cxxxvii, on their doctrinal views, Ilabn ii. 71. The rest of the works, for which wc arc indebed to Leger, namely, a Catechisinus date de I'an 1100 p. oS, .Xbhandlungen iiber den Antichrist date de I'an ll'JO p. 71, iiber das Fegfeuer de I'an 1120 ]». H.J iiber die Anru- fuiii; der lleiligeii de I'an 1 1*20 p. H7, and a Glaubensbekenntnitss de I'an 1120 p. U2, bear traces on the other hand of a controversial development in dnetrine, \\hi(h points to a later date, so long as we have no information, on what authority the year of each is here' determined. The mention of the adoration of the Eucharist on p. 71 also directly contradicts the date assigned (see above § 77. note 14.) The passage on p. ^.'t : Nous non aven conegu (^connu) autre Sacrament, que lo Baptisme, e la Kueharistia, is already manifestly opposed to the seven Catholio sacraments fcomp. above § 77. note 20.) '' Kbrardi lii). antih.iere-is (see above § 87. note 2o) cap. 26 : Quidan) autem, qui X'ullenses se appellant, eo ([uod in valle lacrymarum maneaut, Apostolos hal)cnte3 in derisum, et etiam Xabntntotses a Xabatata potius, cpiam (.'hristiani a Christo se volunt appellari, Sotu- lares cruciant, cum membra jxdius debeant cruciare : calceamenta coronant, caput autem non coronant. The accusations made are, that they did not work for their bread, but begged, and preacht on their own authority. lie brings against them no definite errors in faith. (Juamvis enim contra fidem multa doceant, tamen quaedam bona permiscent, ut dum bonum confenint, niiilum abscondant, more venofi- coruiii, qui dum vencna porrigunt, ora calieis melle Uiiiuiit. — Quia in (piibiisdam nobis communicatis, in aliis non dissentitis, hostes estis tanquam douiestici. '* Petru-s .Mon. Vallium Ceniaji c. 2 after the passnge quoled above, § 87. note 2S, writes thus : I'>rant j)raeterea alii haeretiei, (jui Walden- ses dicebantur a quodam Waldio nomine, Lugdunrnsi. Hi quidem mali erant, sed comparatione aliorum haereticorum longe minus perversi. In multis enim nobiscum conveniebant, in alifpubtis dssentiebant. Ut autem plurima de infidelitatibus • orum omittamus, in ([uatuor praecipue consistebat error eorum : in portandis scilicet sandaliis, more Apostolo- rtim ; et in eo quod dicebant, nulla ratione juraiidum, vel occidenduni ; in hoc insuper, quod asserebant, quemlibet eorum in necessitate, dum- 2 D 2 420 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Bernard, Abbot of Foiitcaude/^ in hi.s account of a religious inoclo haberet sandalia, absque ordinibus ab Episcopo acceptis, posse conficere coi'pus Christi. ^5 Bevnardus Abb. Fontis calidi contra Valdenses (prim. ed. Jo. Grctser in Triade scriptorum adv. Wald,, afterward in Bibl. PP. Lngdun. xxiv. 1585.) Praef. Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae praesidente domino Lucio, inclitae recordationis, subito extulerunt caput novi baeretici, qui quodam pracsagio futurorum sortiti vocabubxm, dicti sunt Vaklenses, nimirum a Valle densa, eoquod profundis et densis crrorum tenebris involvantur. Hi, quamvis a praefato summo Pontifice condemnati, virus suae perfidiae longe lateque per orbem temerario ausu evomuerunt. Eapropter contra eos proEcclesia Dei dominus Bernardus Narbonensis Arcbiepisco})us (Bernard Gaucelin, Arcbbisbop from 1181 — 1191. Cf Hist, de Langucdoc iii. 128) — se fortem nuu'um opposuit. Accitis itaque pluribus tarn clericis quam laicis, religiosis ac saeculari- bus, adjudicium vocavit. Quid pKu-a? Causa diligentissime investigata condemnati sunt. Nibilominus tamen postea, et clam et publice, semen suae nequitiae spai'gere ausi sunt. Unde rursum, quamvis ex abundanti ad disceptationem vocati sunt per quosdam tarn clericos quam laicos : et, ne lis diutius protraberetur, electus est ab utraque parte judex, quidam sacerdos, Raimundus scil. de Daventria, vir siquidem religiosus ac timens Deum, nobilis genere, sed conversatione nobilior. Assignata igitur die causae adveniente, congregatis invicem partibus, aliisque quam plurimis clericis ct laicis, de quibusdam capitulis, in quibus male sentiebant, a veris Catbolicis accusati sunt : eisque per singula respon- dentibus bine inde diu disputatum est, et ab utraque parte multae productae auctoritates. Auditis igitur partium allegationibus praefatus judex per scriptum definitivam dedit sententiam, et baereticos esse in capitulis, de quibus accusati fuerant, pronunciavit. Quibus autem auctoritatibus vel rationibus suam assertionem defenderent : quidve eis a nobis Catbolicis responsum sit : — praesenti inteximus opusculo, adjectis etiam quibusdam aliis tractatibus contra alias haereses. Haec autem omnia fecimu.s maxime ad instruendos vel commonendos quos- dam Cleros, qui, vel imperitia vel librorum inopia laborantes, hostibus veritatis non resistendo, facti sunt in offensionem et scandalum fidelibus, quibus praesunt etc. Tbe points of accusation against tbe Waldenses are, I. In primis arguuntur de inobedientia, quia scilicet non obediunt Ecclesiae Romanae, — nee Episcopis, nee sacerdotibus obtemperant (cap. 1 — 3), but tbe reasons why the AValdenses did not do so are not given. II. cap. 4 : Secundo praedicant omnes passim, et sine delectu conditionis, aetatis vel sexus. Et quoniam in hoc errore multi eorum, qui specie tenus Christiani dicuntur, seducuntur, gratia revocandi ipsos, et reliquos confirmandi, — videamus, quibus rationibus — innitantur ipsi, quidve a Catbolicis dicatur contra eas infirmandas, — et tertio loco, quid in sua assertione Catholici inducant. The Waldenses asserted, ab omni, qui scit verbum Dei in poj)ulis seminare, praedicandum esse, and referred, by way of proof, to James iv. 17, and the declarations of Gregory the Great : qui in corde vocem superni amoris acceperit, foras etiam proximis vocem exhortationis reddat, and, In quantum pro CH. VII. -HERETIC. § 88. WALUENSES IN CENT. Xll. 421 conference held about 11 90 in Narbonne, and Alanus/*^ attack them in detail. divina largitate sufticitis, proxiinis vestris boni verbi cyathos date; and to Mark ix. 38, 39 ; I'iiil. i. 15 -18 ; Num. xi. 29. They said further, quod inulti laici verbum Dei in populo fideli disseniinavcrunt, .>icut fuit b. Honoratua cts. Equitius, quorum meminit s. Gregorius in lib. Dialog, ct in his temporibus^, liat/nuindus cognoinento Paulas^ ad cujus sancti- tateni approbaiidani multa tiunt niiracula. — On the other side Bernard, ill cap 5, unfoUls the positive reasons for the statement, quod nan licet eis verbum Del ininistrare fidelibus : Et quoniam de laicis quaestio est, an verbum Dei seminare valeant in ])opulis, distiiiguendum est, an sint Catholici, vel non. Nimirum si sint Catholici, et honestas vitae cos commendet, si si-nno eorum sit sale conditus etc. — ad nutum Episcopo- rum, vel Presbyterorum, in quorumterritoriofuerint, proximos exhortari, ut arbitror, poterunt : si tamcn uxoribus alligati non fnerint, nee eos pondus terrenae sollicitiidinis oppressit. Cap. G : Sane sivelnicus, .sive clericus in haeresim lapsus fuerit, a fidclibus audicndus non est, sed vitandus. — Tales sunt, qui dicunt, non esse obedicndum Episcopis, sacerdotibus, nee, quod dictu horribile est, s. Jtomanae Ecclesiae. Alterwards in answer to their plea, ubedire oportet Deo inar/is, qiiam hominious. — I'rovocant vero iram Dei in se, quiaaliter quam s. Ecclesia decent. This must refer to their Scriptural methoil of teaching, for disobedience was always given out as their only heresy. Cap. 7 : Seducunt mulieres prius, per eas viros. Cap. 8 : Praeter errores jam dictos graviter errant, quia foeminas, quas in suo consortio adinittunt, docere p«jrndttunt against 1 Cor. xiv. 34. In support of this they appeal to Tit. ii. 3. 1, and Luke ii. 3G. — Cap. 9 : Et quoniam mos est male errantium, nisi continue resipiscant, in ileteriora labi, — audent jam insani haeretici eis, quos seducunt, dicere, defunctis nil prodesse tidelibus vivorum eleemosynas, jcjunia, orationes, nee etiam Missarum solemnia, seu orationes pro eis factas. In support of this they appeal to John xii. 35 ; 2 Cor. vi. 2 ; Gal. vi. 10 ; Eccl, ix. lU; Ps. cv. 1. Then follow some treatises against other heretics, viz. cap. 10: qui negant ignein purgationis ; cap. 11 : qui dicunt, animas ncc caelum nee infernum ingredi ante judicium ; sed animas justorum placidis contineri rcceptaculis, reproborum vero spiritus in locis poenalibus ; cap. 12 : qui domum Dei contemnentes, malunt orare in stabulis, vel in cubiculis, seu in thalamis, quam in — Ecclesia. ^^ Alani Summa quadripartita lib. ii. (eomp. § 87, note 27.) He proves against them in cap. I : quod nuUus debcat praedicare, nisi sit a majore Praelato missus ; he overthrows, cap. 2 — 4, their assertion, nsminem debere alicui o:)edire, nisi Deo ; and then in cap. 5 — 7, attacks those qui dicunt, (juod bonis Praelatis tantum^it obedicndum ; cap. 8, qui dicunt, quod Officium vel Ordo nihil confcrt ad consecrandum, vel benediceudum, ad ligandum et solvendum ; cap. 9 and 10, qui dicunt, quod non tenetur quis coufiteri sac'rdoti, si praesto sit laicus ; cap. II, quod generales absolutiones, quae fiunt rfb Episcopis in variis officiis, non sint ratae ; cap. 12 — 1-4, quod sutfragia ilia, quae fiunt ab illis, qui 422 THIRD PERIOD.- DIV. 111. A.D. 1073—1305. 89. WAR AGAINST THE ALBIGENSES, INQUISITION, PROHIBITION OF THE BIBLE. Petrus Vallium Cernaji historia Albigensium (Rerum Gall, et Francic. scrip- tores xix. 1), and Guilelmus de Podio Laurentii super historia negotii Francorura adv. Albigenses (1. c. p. 193. Concerning both see above § 87, note 28.) Histoire de la croisade contre les heretiques Albigeois, ecrite en vers provenQaux par un poete contemporain, traduite et publiee par E. Fauriel, Paris 1837. 4. (in the Collection de documents inedits sur 1' histoire de France, premiere serie.) There is a later work in prose by the same author, the Histoire de la guerre des Albigeois, ecrite en Languedocien, par un ancien auteur anonyrae in the Histoire de Languedoc. T. iii. Preuves p. 1. Histoire generale de Languedoc, par un Religieux Benedictin de la Congr. de S. Maur. (Claude le Vic and Joseph Vaissette) torn. iii. (Paris 1737. fol.) p. 127 ss.i Histoire des croisades contre les Albigeois par J. J. Barrauet B. Darragon, 2 tomes, Paris 1840. Schlosser's Weltgeschichte HI. ii. i. 187. Hurter's Innocenz III. ii. 263. Hahn's Gesch. d. Ketserim Mittel- alter i. 171. The earlier measures taken against the heretics in Southern France, had caused so little hindrance to their extension, that they constituted the dominant party^ at the end of the 12th snnt in peccato mortali, non prosunt mortuis ; cap. 15 — 17, quod omne myndacium est peccatum niortnle ; cap. 18, 19, quod nullo mode est juraiiduiu ; cap, 20—23, quod nullo mode homo est occidendus ; cap. 24, 25, quod Praedicatores non debent laborare raanibus. 1 These Benedictines by their candid impartiality, drew upon them- selves the reproaches of the Jesuits of Trevoux, against Avhich they defended themselves with consummate skill in the preface to torn. iv. ^ Petrus Vail. Cernaji c. 1 : Haec Tolosa tota dolosa a prima sua fundatione, sicut asseritiir, raro vel unquam expers hujus pestis vel pestilentiae detestabilis hujus haercticae pravitatis, a patribus in filioa successive veneno superstitiosae infidelitatis diffuso. — Vicinae urbes et oppida radicatis in se haeresiarchis per ejusdem infidelitatis surculos pullulantes inficiebantur mirabiliter et miserabiliter peste ista. Ba- rones terrac provineialis fere omnes haereticorum defcnsores et receptores efi'ecti ipsos amabant ardentius, et contra Deum et Ecclesiam dciende- bant. Guilelm. de Podio Laur. in prologo ; Adeo profecerunt haeretici, quod per villas et oppida habere sibi hospitia, agros et vineas incepe- runt, domos latissimas, in quibus haereses publiee pracdicarent suis credentibus venditantes. Erantque quidam Ariani, quidani Manichaei, quidam etiam Valdenses sive Lugdunenscs, qui licet inter se essent dissidcntes, omnes taraen in ani)narum pernicieni contra fidem catholi- (11. VII.— HEKETRS. § 89. ALBIGENSIAN WAH. 423 ceiitui-y in many parts of this country. For this reason Inno- cent III., immediately after his accession to the see in 1198, was induced to send Legates thither armed with the most ujilimited powers for the suppression of heretics.^ After that they had produced by forcible measures, effects more appa- rent than real, Diego Bishop of Osma, with Dominic the subprior of his Cathedral, persuaded them in the year 1206 to adopt a more apostolical way of proceeding.^ Now the cam conspirabant. Et illi quitlem Valdenses contra alios acutissime disputabant : unde et in eoruin odium alii adraittebantur a sacerdotibus idiolis. Propter quod terra tanquum reproba et maledictioni in'oxima pauca praeier spinas et tribulos germinabat, raptores et ruptarios, fures, boinicidas, adulteros et usurarius manifestos. Capellani aiitem tanto contemptui babebantur a laicis, quod eorum nomen ac si Judaei essent in juramentum a pluribus sumebatur. Unde, sicut dicitur : mallein esse Judaeus^ sic dieebatur : mallem esse Capellanus^ quam lioc vel illud facere. Clerici quoque si prodirent in publiciun, coronas modicas prope frontom pilis occipitis oecultabant. Milites enim raro suos liberos clericatui ofterebant : sed ad Ecclesias, quarum tunc ipsi decimas percipiebant, hominum suorum tilios praesentabant. Et Episcopi quales pro tempore poterant clericabant : ipsi quoque milites doniinationem contemnentes, prout libebat, neniinc probibeute his aut ilHs baereticis adhaerebant, et haeretici in tanta reverentia babebantur, quod babebant coemeteria, in quibus, quos haereticaverant, publice tumulabant, a quibus lectos integros et vestes recipiebant : quibus et largius quam personis ecclesiasticis legabantur : ipsi nee ad excubias, nee ad tallias cogebantur. Si quis etiam homo de guerra gradiens cum eis in via jnveniretur, ab bostibus tutus erat : sic pro magna parte diabolus per illos teiTara in pace sua, velut suum atrium, possidebat. ^ Innocent III. lib. i. epist. 94 to all the Bishops and Barons of Southern France, an attestation of the Legates Hainerius and Guido, two Cistercians, with the charge to the Bishrps, ut omnia, quae idem frater Rainerius contra haereticos, fautores et defnsores eorum duxerit statuenda, recipiatis humiliter et inviolabiliter observetis : and to the Barons, ut eis contra haereticos viriliter et potenter assistant : There is a threat withal : Dedimus autem dicto fratri R. liberam facultatem, ut eos (Principes) ad id per excommunicationis sententiiim, et interdictum terrae appellatione remota corapellat. In conclusion : Scribimus etiam universo populo vestrae proviiiciae, ut cum ab eisdem fratribus R. et G. fuerint requisiti, sicut ipsi mandaverint, contra haereticos accingantur ; illis, qui pro conservatione fidei christianae in tanto discrimine, quod Ecclesiae imminet, ipsis adstiterint tideliter et devote, illain peccatorum suorum iudulgentiam concedentes, quam b. Petri vel Jacobi limina visitantibus indulgemus. Lib. ii. epist. 122 is the warrant given to Rainerius. ^ Petrus Vallium Cernaji c. 3 : Factum est igitnr, ut dum rediret (Diegus, Episc. Oxomensis) a curia: et esset apud Monttempessulanum, 424 THIKD PERIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1305. two Legates, the Cistercians Peter of Castelnau and Kaoul, with these two Spaniards, wandered barefoot from place to place and held conferences with the heretics on the disputed points, viz. at the castles of Verfeuil, Cararaan, Montreal, and Pamiers (1206 and 1207).^ When however all this continued without effect,'^ they returned again to the old method with tenfold cruelty. Eaymund VI. Count of Toulouse, though outwardly a Catholic,^ had fallen out with the ambitious Legate Peter of Castelnau. So when the latter in 1208 was murdered by an unknown hand, the Monks threw the blame on the Count ; and Innocent III. seized this opportunity, to have a crusade preacht against him by Arnold Abbot of Citeaux f for which national jealousy and the invenit ibi venerabilem virum Arnaldum Abbateni Cisterciensem, et F. Petrum de Castrouovo, et F. liadulphuin, Monachos Cisterciensey, apostolicae sedis Legates, injunctae sibi legationi prae taedio reniinciare volentes, eo quod nihil aut parurn haereticis praedicando proficere potuissent. Quotiescunque enim vellent ipsis haereticis praedicare, objiciebaut eis haeretici conversationem pessiinain clericorum, et ita, nisi vellent clericorum vitam corrigere, oporteret eos a praedicatione deaistere. Meraoralus autem Episcopus adversus hvyusniodi perplexi- tateni salubre dedit consilium, inoner.s et consuleus, ut caeteris omissis praedicationi ardentius insudarent ; et ut possent era obstruere malig- norum in humilitate praecedentes exemplo pii magistri facerent et docerent ; irent pedites, sine auro et argento, per omnia formam apos- tolicam imitantes. •"' Concerning these see Petrus Vail. Cernaji c. 3 and G, and Guilehn. de Podio Laur. c. 8 and 9. On the conference at Montreal, Vignier recueil du I'hist. de I'eglise (Lejde 1601. fol.) p. 410 gives some information from a manuscript in the Catalonian language : so also Perrin histoire des Chrestiens Albigeois (Geneve 1618) p. 8 from an Albigensian manuscript. The opponents in the first three conferences seem to have been Cathari. In Pamiers, at the castle of Count Ray- mund ivoger of Foix, whose wife and one sister were Waldenses, while the other sister belonged to the Cathari, the Waldenses were the party attackt. One sister defended the heresy : cui F. Stephanus de Minia : lie, dumino, inquit, Jilate cohim vestram^ non Interest vestra loqui in hujusmodi cont.entione. (Guilehn. de Podio Laur. c. 8.) ^ On the redoubled activity of the Catharic teachers, and the rebuild- ing of the strong castle Montscgur, to serve as a place of refuge for them, see Schmidt in the Strassburger lieitragen zu den theol. VYissens- chaften i., 1 10. ' Inwardly beyond doubt he was united to the (^athari, see Schmidt S. 05 and other places. ^ Innocent III. lib. xi. epist. 26 to the I^ishops of Situlhern i''r;uice : CH. VIL— HERETICS. § b9. ALBIGENSIAN WAR. 425 allurements of the delicious south procured great popularity in Northern France.^ In order to avert the threatening danger, Raymund sought for reconciliation. Innocent granted this with a view to weaken the resistance of the victims by division.^*^ When (in June 1209) the Count submitted to the most humi- Uating conditions which JSIila the Papal Legate prescribed to Sane rem audiviinus detestabilem, — quod cum sanctae memoriae F. Petrus de Castronovo — in commisso sibi rainisterio laudabiHter pro- fecisset ; — concitavit adversus cum diabolus ministrum suum Comitem Tolosanum etc. Then follows a detailed account of the murder of the Legate. Licet antem praefatus Comes — ^jam dudum sit anathematis mucrone percussus, quia tamen certis indiciis mortis sancti viri prae- sumitur esse reus, — ob banc quoque causam anathematizatum eum publice nuncietis, — Umnes, qui dicto Comiti fidelitatis seu societalis aut foederis hujusmodi juramento tenentur astricti, auctoritate apostolica denuncietis ab eo interim absolutes ; et cuilibet catholico viro licere, salvo jure domini principalis, non solum persequi personam ejusdem, vei'um etiam occupare ac detinere terram ipsius etc. Epist. 28. is the summons to King Philip : Clamantem ad te justi sanguinis vocem audias, et contra tyrannum hostemque fidei scutum pro Ecclesia pro- tectionis assumas. Epist. 29. is a similar exhortation addrest to the French nobles and people, cf. epist. 32. ad Abb. Cisterciensem and ejjist. 33. ad Turon. Archiep. et Paris, et Nivern. Episcopos. Yet Raymund was guiltless of the murder, see Hist, de Languedoc iii. 154, and even Innocent III. afterwards owned that he never was convicted of the crime, lib. xv. ep. 102 (below note 17). ^ Hurler's Innocenz iii. ii., 300. Schmidt in the Strassburger iJeitragen i., 116. ^^ Compare the Papal instructions to the Legates, Innocent II L lib. xi. epist. 232 : Licet nobis jamdudum Comes Tolosanus per suos nuncios supplicaverit, ut super comitatu Melgoriensi, qui b. Petri juris et proprietatis existit, fidelitatem ab eo recipere diguaremur, — preces suas non duximus admittendas etc. — Quia vcro a nobis est sollicite requisitum, qualiter procedendum sit circa comitatum eundem fideli exercitui signatorum, id vobis providimus suadcndum ; quatenus ad Apostoli dicentis, Cum essem astutus, dolo vos cepi (2 Cor. xii. 16), magisterium recurrentes, — divisos ab Ecclesiae unitate divisim capere studeatis. Dummodo videritis, quod ex hoc idem Conies vel aliis minus assistere, vel per se ipsum minus debeat insanire; non statim incipiatis ab ipso, scd eo primitus arte prudent is dissimulationis eluso, ad exstir- pandos alios haereticos transcatis, ne si squamis Leviathan nese conjun- gentibus una vi fueritis simul omnes aggressi, tanto demum hujusmodi satellites Antichristi difificilius possint contcri. — Sic enim et illi facilius sterni poterunt, remissius adjuti per istum ; ac iste illorum interim visa strage ad cor fortasse redibit, vel si perseveraverit in malitia, tandem contra ipsum et solum et destitutum levius procedatur. 426 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—130.5. him, and even took the cross himself from his hands ;^^ lie onh' effected the delay of the blow destined for himself, that it might strike with so much the greater certainty. The crusading army assembled against the Albigenses/'^ with the frantic Arnold as Papal Legate at its head, first marcht upon the domain of Raymund Roger, Viscount of Beziers (1209.) After the fall of Beziers^'^ and Carcassone,^^ the devastated land was conquered. But among the noble crusaders only Simon de Montfort was willing to receive the spoil from the Legate. Next they turned against Raymund of Toulouse, who had been spared till now. Extravagant demands,^'^ which he could not ^^ Petrus Vail. Cei-n. c. 9 — 13. Processus negotii Raymundi Comitis Tolos. after Innocent III. lib. xii. ep. 85 (ed. Baluzii ii. 346.) Comp. epist. 90, a letter of Papal good wishes to Kaynmnd. ^- The entire territory of the Viscount of Albi, Ijeziers, Carcassone, and Rasez was called Albigeois, Albigesium in the wider sense of the word. So Albigenses from this time forth became a heretical -name, at first for all the enemies of the crusading army, afterwards for the ('athari. Hist, de Languedoc iii. 553. ^•^ Then it happened as Caesarius Heisterbac. lib. v. c. 21. relates, tiiat Arnold when askt by the Crusaders : Quid faciemus, dominef Nan possumiis discernere inter honos vivos et malos (Catholics and heretics) : answered : Caedite eos ; novit enim Dorninus, qui sunt ejus. This terrible man in his letter announcing their victory to the Pope (inter epistt. Innoc III. lib. xii. ep. 108) relates himself with triumph : nostri non parcentes ordini, sexui, vel aetati, fere viginti niillia hoini- num in ore gladii peremerunt : factaque hostium strage permaxima, spoliata est tota civitas et succensa, uUione divina in earn nurabiliter saeviente. '* On the faithless manner of the conquest, and imprisonment of the Viscount see. Hist, de Languedoc. iii. 173. ^5 Although in 1210 Raymond had gone in person to Rome, and bad met with a friendly reception, and a recognition of his right from the Pope, see Ilurter's Innocenz III. ii. 354. Compare especially the letter of the inhabitants of Toulouse to Peter, King of Aragon, in the year 1211 (Preuves de I'hist. de Lang. iii. 232): Dom. Abbas Cisterciensis nuncios suos cum literis ad nos direxit, praecipiens, ut omnes illos, quos sui nuncii credentcs haereticorum nominarent, cum omnibus corum rebus, Baronibus cxercitus traderc non differrcnnis, ut ipsi ad cognitionem Baronum — se purgarent : quod nisi facerenms, nos et nostros cont'iliarios excoinmunicabat, et villan* nostram interdicebat. I Hi vero, quos crerientes haerciigorum nominaverunt, a nobis inquisiti, se non esse baereticos vel credentcs liaereticorum constanter respond- erunt, et sesc stare juri in contineJlti judicio Ecclesiae promisenmt. Nos vero illos {.vaereticos vel credentes liaereticorum esse ignoravimus. — Nos autem lifc.ns et nunciis lospondeittes, dixirnus, quod onmes illos. CH, VII.— HERETICS.— § 89. ALBIGENSIAN WAR. 427 satisfy formed the pretext, for excommunicatino- and attacking him (1211.)^'^ The Pope himself was no longer able to check his own instruments:'^ the crusade was preacht with fresh quos nobis nominabant, et si quos alios nominare vellent, faciemus stare juri in episcopali sede civitatis nostrae : — et si hoc vecipere recusabat, scientes nos ab ipso praegravari, uos et accusatos viros sub protectione dom. Papae posuimus, et sedeiu apostolicam appellavimus : — et licet hnjusniodi responsio a nobis protenderetur, nihiloniinus nos et nostros consiliarios de facto excoramunicavit, et villam nostram interdixit. How the ill-fated Raymond eagerly offered every kind of submission, and was continually rejected, see Hist, de Languedoc. iii. 175. The most wanton insult was coupled with the injury, in the conditions wbich were laid before him by the Legate in the Council of Aries ann. 1211. According to the Hist, de la croisade en vers proven^aux p. 99, the chief conditions were (in Fauriel's French translation) : Que le comte rende aux clercs leurs droits (et I'assurance) d'obtenir (de lui) toute chose qu'ils lui demanderont; qu'il chasse de ses etats tons les perfides Juifs; et (quant) aux partisans de I'heresie, qu'ils lui designeront, qu'ils les leur rende tons, avant I'annee revolue, pour en faire a leur volonte et a leur plaisir. Qu'ils ne mangeront pas de plus de deux viandes (a leurs repas), et ne se vetiront desorniais plus de riches draps, mais de gros- sieres capes brunes qui leur durerent davantage ; qu'ils abattront tons les chateaux et toutes les forteresses. Les chevaliers ne sejourneront plus en maison (dans les villes), mais dehors, dans les campagnes, comme paysans ; — qu'ils payeront quatre deniers toulousains par an aux paciers qui seront etablis (par I'Eglise) dans le pays ; — que si le comte de Montfort et les Croises qui viendront chevauchant centre eux, comme centre tant d'autres, leur enlevent quelque chose du leur, ils ne s'y opposent pas ; qu'ils s'en remettent sur tout a la decision du roi de France ; que le comte Raymond s'en aille outro raer, lii-bas au fleuve du Jourdain, et qu'il y reste aussi longteinps que le veudront les moines, les cardinaux de Rome, ou ceux qu'ils designeront ; qu'apres cela, le comte entre dans un ordre, dans celui du Temple ou de Saint- Jean. Quand il aura fait tout cela, ses chateaux lui seront rendus ; et s'il ne le fait pas, il sera prive de tout pouvoir, tellemeut qu'il ne lui restera rien. The remodeling of this history in prose in the Provencal language (Hist. gen. de Languedoc. T, iii, Preuves p. 30) gives these conditions somewhat differently, and from this work Mansi xxii. 815 has translated them into Latin, but he is not always accurate. ^^ The Abbot Arnold won his way so early as 1212, to the archi- episcopal see of Narbonne, and at the same time took possession of the dukedom of Narbonne (Histoire de Languedoc iii. 223.) 1^ Innocent. III. lib. xv. Ep. 102. ad Raimundum Uticensem Episc. et Narbonensem electum (namely ^i mold) Legates in the year 1212 : Kaimundus Tolosanus Comes — quia nondum est damnatus de haeresi vel de nece sanctae memoriae Petri de Castronovo, etsi de illis sit valde suspectus, — non intelligimus, qua ratione possemus adhuc alii concedere terram ejus. — Accordingly cum nondum sit locus illi petitioni, 428 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. ardour ;^^ the territory of the count was conquered by Simon de Montfort,^'' and formally adjudged to him by a council at Mont- quain de terra ejus alii concedenda fecistis, he had empowered Regen- sem Episc. and Thedisium Canonicum Januensem to make a closer investigation. Under the charge : sollicite provideatis, ne in nostri executione mandati sitis tepidi et remissi, sicut hactenus dicimini extitisse. How little this charge availed, see lib. xv. ep. 212. ad Archiep. Narbon. Episc. Regensem et Thedisium Canonicum in the year 1213, after Peter king of Aragon had interested himself in behalf of Raymund. Tu, frater, Archiepiscope, ac nobilis vir Simon de Monteforti, Crucesignatos in terram Tolosani Comitis inducentes, non solum loca, in quibus habitabant haeretici, occupastis, sed ad illas nihilominus terras, quae super haeresi nulla notabantur infamia, manus avidas extendistis : et cum ab hominibus terrarum illarum fidelitatis exegeritis juramenta, et terras sustincatis habitare praedictas, haereticos illos existere verisimile non videtur. Raymund had complained to the king, quod sati.sfactionem ejus non admittebat Ecclesia, cum paratus existei'et facere, quaecunque sibi possibilia mandai'emus. Peter had requested on this account, Tolosanum comitatum filio memorati Comitis reservari, qui nee unquam venit, nee veniet Deo dante in haereticae pestis errorem. Until he came of age the king was ready to undertake to be his guardian. The old count bad declared himself willing to submit to any kind of penance, sive quod partes adeat transmarinas, sive quod sit in Hispania — contra gentis perfidiam Sarracenae. The Pope gave orders that an assembly of Prelates and Barons should be summoned, to consult on these proposals. However the Cone. Vaurense ann. 1213 (see Petrus Vail. Cern. c. 66 in Mansi xxii. 863) was under the control of the Legates; Innocent at length prevailed: and Peter at last received an answer in the negative (Innoc. lib. xvi. ep. 48.) ^^ Arnold Archbishjp of Narbonne required Gervasius, Abbot of Preinontre to preach the crusade, and authorized him, (Gervasii Praemonstrat. ep. 42 in Hugo sacrae antiquitatis monumenta, Stivagii 1725. fol. p. 43) injectoribus manuum in ecclesiasticas seu religiosas personas, — necnon incendiariis absolutionis bcneficiuui secundum for- mam Ecclesiae impertiri, ut sic eos in succursum praedicti negotii transmittatis. Thus was proved that which was made a ground of complaint to the Pope (Innocent III. lib. xvi. ep. 17), quod zelus fidelium in haereticae pravitatis labe notatos esset in partibus illis tunc temporis sic accensus, ut incendio traderent non solum manifestos haereticos, sed etiam quoslibet de hujusmodi pravitatc suspecfos. ^^ Ecclesiastical assistance was constantly rendered to this end. Thus Petrus Vail. Cernaji c. 78, shows how much the result of the year 1214, was owing to the co-operation of the craft of tlie Legate and the might of the crusading army : Kgit ergo misericorditcr divina dispositio, ut duin Legatus liostes fidei, qui Narbonae erant congregati, alliceret et conqjesceret fraude pia. Comes Montisfortis et peregrini, qui venerant a Francia, possent transire ad paites Caturcenses et Aginnenses, et sues, imo Christi, impugnare ininncos. 0 Legati fraus pia! 0 pietas frauduhmta! Compare Hurtcr ii. 589. C'H. VII.— HERETICS. § )^0. ALBIUENSIAN WAK. 429 pellier ill 1215"^ for his own possession. Innocent III. did not only confirm this gi*ant at the great Lateran council in this same year,^^ but also held up the principle of the method of procedure hitherto adopted against these countries, as a precedent in similar cases.^- Then at length Raymund sought for help in -*> Petrus Yall. Cern. c. 81 in Mansi xxii. 935. Thus Simon wi-ested the dukedom of Narbonne from his former comrade the Archbishop Arnold, without caring- for his Ban and Interdict. Hist. gen. de Languedoc iii. 281. -^ The Poetical history of the crusade ed. Fauriel p. '266, relates expressly the previous transactions, in which several Prelates, and parti- cularly the Pope showed themselves inclined, to give back his land to Count Raymund. But the greater number extorted the following decree. Concilii Later, sententia de terra Albigcnsi (in d'Achery spicileg. i. 707. in Mansi xxii. 1069) : Quantum Ecclesia laboravit per Praedicatores et Cruccsignatos ad exterminandum hacreticos et ruptarios de provincia Narbonensi, et partibus sibi vicinis, lotus paene orbis agnoscit. — Quia vero novella plantatio adhuc indiget irrigari, sacro consulto concilio ita duximus providendum : ut Raymundus Tolb- sanus comes, qui culpabilis repertus est in utroque, nee unquam sub ejus regimine terra possit in fidei statu servari, sicut a longo tempore cert is indiciis est coinpertum, ab ejus dominio, quod utique grave gessit, perpetuo sit exclusus, extra terrain in loco idoneo moraturus, ut dignam agat poenitentiain de peccatis. Verumtaraen de proventibus terrae pro sustentatione sua quadringentas uiarcas percipiat annuatim, quamdiu curaverit humiliter obedire. Uxor v( ro ipsius Coniitis, soror quondam Regis A rragonuni,— terras ad suum dotalitium pertinentes integre habeat et quiete. — Tota vero terra, quam obtinuerunt Crucesignati, — dimittatur et concedatur — Comiti Montisfortis, viro strenuoet catholico, qui plus caeteris in hoc negotio laboravit, ut earn teneat ab ipsis, a quibus de jure tenenda est. Residua autem terra, quae non fuit a Crucesignatis obtenta, custodiatur ad mandatum Ecclesiae per viros . idoneos, qui negotium pacis et fidei manuteneant et defendant; ut provideri possit unico adolescenti filio praefati Comilis Tolosae, post- quam ad legitimam aetatem pervenerit, si talem se studuerit exhibere, quod in toto vel in parte ipsi merito debeat provideri, prout magis videbitur expedire. cf. Hist. gen. de Languedoc. iii 277. According to the poetical history of the crusade the Pope said to him at leave taking {in Fauriel's translation p. 257, on the historic truth of the tale see Fauriel's introduction p. xc) : Comte, tu ne dois point perdre courage. Je connais, je sais bien ce que j'ai a fairc ; et si tu me laisses un peu respirer on reflechir, je te rendrai ton droit et corrigerai mon tort. — Quant a ces felons qui me blament (the Prelates who had forced him to the sentence), je te dis, qu'avant peu tu ra'en verras venge. — Mais laisse-moi ton fils : je veux deliberer (sur lui) : de maintes manieres je puis lui faire un heritage. Hurter ii. 657. ■-'- Cone. Lateran. iv. can. 3. (Deer. Greg. lib. v. tit. 7. c. 13) : Excommunicamus et anathematizamus omnem haeresim etc. — S. 1. 430 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. the attachment of his former subjects : and, after Simon's death (t 1218) he made a considerable advance in the recon quest of his country, although the Pope, without ceasing, used every means of resistance. When after the death of Raymund VI. (f 1222) Raymund VII. regained his whole ancestral heritage, and had even forced his enemy Amalaric, son of Simon, to a complete surrender ; ^^ then Honorius III., elsewhere so mild, still thought it due to the Papal honour, to hate the Father in the Son how- Damnati vero saecularibus potestatibus praesentibus, aut eorum bailivis relinquantur, aniinadversione debita puniendi : — ita quod bona hujus- inodi damnatorum — confiscentur, §. 2. Qui autem inventi fuerint sola suspicione notabiles, nisi — propriain innocent! am congrua purgatione monstraverint, anatbematis gladio feriantur, et usque ad satisfactionem condignam ab omnibus evitentur ; ita quod si per annum in excommu- nicatione perstiterint, extunc velut haei'etici condemnentur. §. 3. Moneantur autem et inducantur, et, si necesse fuerit, per censui'ara ecclesiasticam corapellantur saeculares potestates, — ut — pro defensione fidei praestent publice juramentum, quod de terris suae jurisdictioni subjectis universes haereticos — exterminare studebimt : ita quod amodo, quandocumque quis fuerit in potestatem sive perpetuam sive temporalem assumptus, boc teneatur capilulum juramento firmare. Si vero dominus. temporalis requisitus et monitus ab Ecclesia, terram suam purgare neglexerit ab bac baeretica foeditate, per Metropolltanum et caeteros coinprovinciales Episcopos excommunicationis vinculo innodetur. Et, si satisfacere contempserit infra annum, significetur boc sumuio Ponti- fici : ut extunc ipse vasallos ab ejus fidelitate denunciet absolutos, et terram exponat Catholicis occupandam, qui eam exterminatis baereticis sine uUa contradictione possideant, et in fidei puritate conservent : salvo jure domini principalis, dummodo super boc ipse nullum praestet obstaculum, nee aliquod impedimentum opponat : eadem nihilominus lege servata circa eos, qui non habent dominos principales. §. 4. Catholici vero, qui crucis assnmpto cbaractere ad baereticorum exter- minium se accinxerint, ilia gaudeant indulgentia, illoque sancto privi- legio sint muniti, quod accedentibus in terrae sanctae subsidiura conceditur. §. 5. Credentes praeterea, receptatores, defensores et fautores baereticorum excommunicationi decernimus subjacere : firmiter statuentes, ut postquam quis talium fuerit excommunicatione notatus, si satisfacere contempserit infra annum, extunc ipso jure sit factus infamis, nee ad publica ofiicia sen consilia, nee ad eligendos aliquos ad bujusmodi, nee ad testimonium admittatn.r. Sit etiam intestabilis, ut nee testandl liberam babeat facultatem, nee ad baei'editatis successionem accedat. Nullus praeterea ipsi super quocunque negotio, sed ipse aliis respondere cogatur etc. Si qui autem tales, postquam ab Ecclesia denotati fuerint, evitare contempserint : excommunicationis sententia usque ad satisfactionem idoneam percellantur etc. '-^3 Schlosser HI. ii. i. 222. ClI. VII.— HERETICS.— §89. ALBIGENSIAN W All. 431 ever guiltless. lie stirred up Lewis Vlll., Kiug of France, to conquer Toulouse for himself in a new crusade.^* Hostilities began on the 6th of June 1226, but they were greatly crippled by the death of Lewis YIII. on the 18th November of the same year : at length Raymond obtained peace on the hardest condi- tions, by which a part of his domain passed into the power of France, and the annexation of the rest to this kingdom was fui'thered.^^ The unhappiness of this country was accomplisht by the horrors of the inquisition which now rose up.^*' Li order to perpetuate ■* Matth. Paris ann. 1226. p. 331 : Multitudo maxima praclutorum et laicorum crucis signaculuni susceperunt : plus metu Regis Fran- corum, vel favore Legati, qaam zelo jitstiliae inducti, Videbatur enim multis abusio, ut hominem fidelem Christianum (Comitem Tolosanumj infestarcnt : praecipue cum constaret cunctis, eum in concilio, nuper apud civitatt'iu ]3ituricam habito, miilti.s precibus pcrsuasisse Legato, ut veniret ad siugulas tcvrae suae civitatea, inquirens a singulis articulos fide! : et si quempinm contra fidt in invcnerit senticntcm catholicam, ip.se secundum judicium s. Kcclesiao justitiae ex eis plenitudincm exhi- beret. — Pro se autcm obtulit, si in aliquo deliquit quod se focisse non recoluit, plenara Deo et s. Ecclesiae satisfactionem, ut fidelis Chris- tianus : et si Legatus vellet, etiam fidei examen subire. Ilaec quoque omnia Legatus contempsit ; nee potuit Comes catholicus gratiam invenire, nisi pro se et hacredibus suis haereditatem suam deserens abjurarct. -^ Hist, de Languedoc. iii. 370. Preuves p. 329. Together with the rest of the allies of the Count of Toulouse, now also the valiant Roger Bernard Count of Foix, was forced to yield (1. c. p. 379 ss.) Compare his remarkable declaration before the Papal Legate in J. P. Perrin histoire des Chrestiens Albigeois (Geneve 1618) p. 140, taken from an old life of Count Roger P>ernard by Ilolagarai : Certes je vous dirai que je n'ai jamais desire que de maintenir ma liberte : car je suis dans le maillot de franchise- — Pour le Pape, je ne I'a point offense : car il ne m'a rien demande comme Prince que je ne lui aye obei. II ne se doit niesler de ma religion, veu qu'un chacun la doit avoir libre. Mon pore m'a recommende tousjours cette liberte, afin qu'etant en cette posture, quand le ciel crouleroit, je le puisse regarder d'un oeil ferme et assure, estimant qu'il ne me pourroit faire du mal etc. 26 Works upon this subject in general : Nicolai Eymerici (General- inquisitor in Aragon -}- 1399) dircctorium Inquisitorum ed. cum comm. Francisci Pegnae, Romae 1578, ed. 2. 1585. fol. and often besides. Ludovici de Paramo de origine, de officio et deprogressu s. Inquisitionis libb. iii. Madrit. 1598 and Antwerp 1619. fol. Phil, a Limborch bistoria Inquisitionis, Amst. 1692. fol. J, Ant. Llorente hist, critique de I'inquisition d'Espagne, Paris 1817, 4 Tomes. Compare F. A. 432 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. the work of blood begun by the Papal I^egates in a permanent mstitutlon, the fourth Lateran Council in (1215) made it the chief business of the Episcopal Synodal tribunals, to search out and punish heretics f^ and the Council of Toulouse (1229) achieved the organization of this Episcopal Inquisition.^^ How- ever soon after it was in fact almost annihilated ; for in 1232 and 1233 Gregory IX. appointed the Dominicans to be the standing Papal Inquisitors,^^ and forthwith they began their hideous work, in the countries tainted with heresy. In order that the Church may not seem to soil herself with blood, the secular princes must serve the office of executioner. Lewis IX. in 1228,^° Frederick II. in 1232,^^ the ill-fated Raymund VII. in 1233,^^ each passed Biener's Beitrage zu der Gesch. des Inquisitions-Processes. Leipzig 1827. S. GOff, -^ Cone. Lateran. iv. c. 3. § 7. (This is taken word i'or word fi'om the decree of Pope Lucius III. in the year 1184 mentioned above § 88, note 6, which however does not seera to have been carried into execution at that time) : Adjicimus insuper, ut quijibet Archiepiscopus vel Epis- copus per se, aut per Archidiaconum suum, vel idoneas personas honestas, bis aut saltem semel in anno propriam parochiam, in qua fama fuerit haereticos habitare, circumeat : et ibi tres vel plures boni testimonii viros, vel etiam, si expedire videbitur, totam viciniam, jurare compeUnt : quod si quis ibidem haereticos sciverit, vel aliquos occulta conventicula celebrantes, seu a communi conversatione fidelium vita et moribus dissidentes, eos Episcopo studeat indicare. Ipse autera Episcopus ad praesentiam suam convocet accusatos : qui nisi se ab objecto reatu purgaverint, vel si post purgationem exhibitam in pristi- nain fuerint relapsi perfidiam, canonice puniantur. Si qui vero ex eis juramenti religionem obstinatione damnabili respuentes, jurare forte noluerint ; ex hoc ipso tanquam haeretici reputentur. § 8. — Si quis Episcopus super expurgando de sua dioecesi haeretlcae pravitatis fermento negligens fuerit vel remissus : — abepiscopali officio deponatur. -^ The 45 Capitula Cone. Tolosani are in Mansixxlii. 192. Planck's Gesch. d. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. IV. ii. 463. -' In 1232 in Germanv, Aragon, and Austria Bullarium Ord. Prae- dicat. i. 37. Then in 1233 ad Priorcm Fratrum Ord. Praedicatorum in Lombardia in Mansi \xiii. 74. In tliis year also the Legate liishop of Tournay a])pointe(l Dominicans to be inquisitors in the towns of Albigeois and Toulouse, Guil de Podio Laur. c. 43. ^" In the Ordonnance Cupientes see Ordonnances des Roys de France de la 3ieme race par M. de Lauriere i. 50. 21 See Pertz nionum. hist. Germ. iv. 287, repeated more than once for the last time in three laws dd. Paduae 22. Febr. 1239 in Petri de Vineis lib. i. ep. 25—27. Pertz iv. 326. '2 Statuta Havmundi in Mansi xxiii. 265. CH. Vll.— HERETICS. ? SU. ALBIGENSIAN WAR. 433 the requisite laws. That tlie new Inquisition might strike more of the guilty, a way of proceeding Avas prescribed for it, to which of necessity many of the guiltless must fall victinis.^"^ Thus armed, this monster raged with most frightful fury in Southern France,^* where the heretics liad only learnt from former events, ^^ 1. The witnesses were concealed from the accused. Cone. Nar- bonense ann. 1235. c. 22 (according to Pegna comm. ad Eymericum no. 124, so early as Cone. Biterrense 1233. c. 10) : Illud autem caveatis secundum providam sedis apostolicae voluntatem, ne testium nomina verbo vel signo aliquo publicentur. This order was afterwards repeated by many Popes : thus by Innocent IV. in the Bull Cum negotium 1254 (Bullar. magn. in Innoc. iv. no, 15) : volumus ut nomina tam accusantium pravitateui baereticam, quain testificantium super ea, nullatenus publicentur, propter scandalura, vel periculum, quod ex publicatione hujusmodi sequi posset. — 2. Criminals also were admitted as witnesses, (Jonc. Narbon. ann. 1235. c. 24 : in hujusmodi crimine propter ipsius enormitatem omnes criminosi et infames, et criminis etiam participes ad accusationem vel testimonium admittantur. — 3. Still conviction might be effected by such witnesses. Cone. Nar- bon. can. 26 : Si quis tamen culpam suam, ex qua possit credens vel haereticus judicai'i, de qua plene per testes seu aliam probationem constat, "pertinaciter negare non metuit, — haereticus absque dubio est censendus. — 4, Confession was extorted by torture : first Innocent IV. in the Bull Ad exstirpanda 1252 (Bullar. magn. in Innoc. IV. no. 9) § 25 : Teneatur praeterea Potestas seu Rector omnes haereticos, quos captos habuerit, cogere cltra membri diminutionem et mortis periculum — errores sues expresse fateri, et accusare alios haereticos quos sciunt, et bona corum, et credentes, et receptatores, et defensores eorum, sicut coguntur fures et latrones I'erum temporaliuin accusare sues complices, et fateri maleficia, quae fecerunt. However the Inquisitors soon began to withhold the torture on their own authority that the depositions might remain secret, especially after that Urban IV. 1261 (Bullar. magn. in Urban IV. no. 8) had decreed for them, ut, si vos et Fratres vestri Ordinis, socios vestros, excommunicationis sententiam et irregu- lar katem incurrere — contingat, — mutuo vos super his absolvere — et vobiscum auctoritate nostra dispensare possitis. Clement V. in Cone. Viennensi ann. 1311 (Clementin. V. tit. 3. c. 1. § 1) censures this power and limits it : 13uro tradere carceri, sive arcto, qui magis ad poenam, quam ad custodiam videatur, vel tormentis exponere illos, aut ad sententiam procedere contra eos, Episcopus sine inquisitore, aut inquisitor sine Episcopo dioecesano — non valebit. — Corap. pai'ticulavly the Doctrina de modo procedendi contra iiaci-eticos in Martene thesaur, anecdot. v. 1795, which belongs to this period, and the instructions in the Tractatus de baeresi Pauperum de Lugduno ibid. p. 1786 ss. Biener's Beiti*. zu d. Gesh. des Inquisitionsprocesses. S. 72 ff. ^* The manner in which the Inquisition began in Narbonne, is repre- sented in a letter from the Consules of Narbonne to the Consules in 2 E 434 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 107:^—1305. to keep themselves more secret. Germany for a short space of time (1231 — 1233) was taught to know the Inquisition in its maddest Nismes in the year 1234 (in the Histoire de la ville de Nismes par M. Menard. T. i. Paris 1750. 4. Preuves p. 73 ss.) : Archiepiscopus et (piidani de Fratrilius Praedicatorum — ad inquisitioiiis, imo potius con- cussioiiis, officiuiu tarn injuste tanique enoriiiiter processerant, ut juris ordine non servato, et oinissa juris observantia tarn canonica qiiam civili, ad eaptioiiem hominuin et occupaiionem reruin et distributioneni, licet nulla de ipsis suspicJo haberctur, nee contra eos laboraret infamia, procedebant, et quosdam ex ipsis spoliates rebus propriis diniittebant, et alii in carcerali custodia necabantur, nulla cognitione habita, et nulla sententia super eorum fide per ipsos vel alios promulgata, rebus ipsoruni omnibus penitus confiscatis. — Item ut bomines simplices et illiteratos caperent in sennone, eis quaesliones hujusraodi faciebant, dicentes : credis qiiod^ quando mid'ier conc'ipit, quad ilia missio fat per Denm, vel perhnminemf Et si laicus responderet, quod per homiiieni illam crede- bat fieri missionem ; ergo^ dici'bant ipsi, tu es haereticus : nam haeretici dicunt, quod maVgnns spiritus et homo faciunt hominem^ et non Dens. Et si illam simplex laicus timens responsionem nuitaret, dicens, quod per Deum fiebat dicta missio : ergo tu dicis quod Deus cognoscit midie- rem, et ita es haereticus manifestus. Item interrogabant eundem, si facta missione, jjraedicta anima infundebatur in contlnenti, an postea per multos dies ipsius infusio tardabatur ? Item si anima infusa in illo grano^ sicut infans crescit, cre.scebat? Item si omnes animae factae fuerunt simul et uno momenta, et ubi ? Item si hostia, quam consecrat sacerdos, erat totus Deus, vel pars ejus ? Et tunc si laicus, quod totus Deus est, responderet, dicebant : responde ergo mihi, credis, quod, si quatuor sunt in Ecclesia sacerdot'S, et quilibet consecret hostiam suam, sicut decet, quod in qualibvt hostia sit totus Deus ? Et laicus respon- deret, quod sic : ergo tu credis, quod quatuor sunt Dii. Et tunc laicus tremens aliquando contrarium respondebat. Tlience arose tumults among tbe people in Narbonne in J 234 (Hist, de Langued. iii. 402), in Albi (Narratio de illatis Arnoldo Inquisitori apud Albiensem civi- tatem injuriis, in Martene thesaur. i. 97) : ut inultis innotuit, inter caetcra rej)reh('n- flibilia principalior caiisa fuit innbedientia, (piae scelcre idr pnnire: et convenienter in lioc puniuntnr, quod subditis fidelibus dominnri non pussint. — Et ideo quam cito aliquis per sententiam denunciafm- excommmiioatns propter apostasiam a fide, ipso facto ejus subditi sunt absolnti a dominio ejus, et juramento fidclitatis, quo ei tencbantur. Ad priminn ergo dicendum, quod illo tempore Ecclesia in sui novitate nondum liabebat potestatem terrenes Principes eompescendi : et ideo toleravit, fideles Jidiano Apostatae obedire in his, quae nondum erant contra fidem, ut majus pcrieulum fidei vita- iv'tur cto. CH. VII.— HERETICS. § 90. SECTS IN CENT. XIII. 441 outrage, was, that the Laity were entirely forbidden Holy Scrip- ture,*^ so that the possession of a translation of the Bible was forthwith accounted a token of heresy,*^ and only transla- tions prepared for the purpose of supporting the Eomish Church were tolerated.*'^ §90. SECTS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. The regulations which were adopted against the heretics, and the cruel manner in which their so called conversion was pursued,^ ^^ Even Gregory VII. was no friend to translations of the Bible, nor at the same time to universal reading of Scripture, see above Part i. § 38. note 17. However Innocent III. expresses himself somewhat more mildly on this head, see above § 88. note 11. On the other hand Conc.*^ Tolosanum ann. 1229. cap. 14 : Prohibemus etiam, ne libros veteris Testament! aut novi laici permittantur habere : nisi forte psalterium, vel breviarium pro diviuis officiis, aut horas b. Mariae aliquis ex devotione habere velit. Sed ne praemissos libros babeant in vulgari translatos, arctissime inhibemus. The Cone. Biterrense ann. 1246 in its advice to inquisitors cap. 36 (Mansi xxiii., 724) speaks de libris theologis non tenendis etiam a laicis in Latino, et neque ab ipsis neque a clericis in vulgari. Comp. T. Gr. Hegelraaier's Gesch. des Bibelverbots. Uhn 1783. S. 123. *-' Cone. Tarraconense ann. 1234. c. 2. Item statuimus, ne aliquis libi'os veteris vel novi Testamenti in Boraanico habeat. Et si aliquis habeat, infra octo dies post publicationem hujusmodi constitutionis a tempore sententiae, tradat eos loci Episcopo comburendos : quod nisi fecerit, sive clericus fuerit, sive laicus, tamquam suspectus de baeresi, quousque se purgaverit, babeatur. ** Petrus comestor or manducator (Episcopal Chancellor in Paris, afterwards in the Monastery of St Victor f 1198) gave in bis bistoria scholastica (often printed) an abridged translation of the historical books of the Bible, with the insertion of other liistories, and sayings of the Fathers. This was translated into French with fresh translations from the other books of the Bible, by Guiavs des Mouhns (1286 — 1289) as histoires escolatres, (Henry's Leben Calvins. Bd. 1. Beilagen S. 71, Archinard notice sur les premieres versions de la Bible en langue vulgaire, Geneve 1839, p. 9) : About the same time also a rhythmical translation was made into low Dutch, (Catalogus biblioth. Paulinae Lips. p. 163. Sanderi biblioth. Belg. p. 285). ' Izarn (who wrote after 1242, because he mentions the murder of the Inquisitor Arnaud, in Millot ii., 57, according to Schmidt in the 442 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073-1305. could only produce exactly the contrary eflf'ect to that they had in view, upon their convictions. This however tliey did accomplish, that the persecuted persons, filled with exaggerated hatred and horror of the Church, spread themselves with the greatest secrecy over other countries also.^ Thus in the 13tli century public feelino; was roused ever more and more a On comparison of the morals ot the clergy da b\ wart man sic erkcnncn. Nu wanilelnt sie ir Lcbcn iind ir Ketzeric, rehte als der mane, der sicb da ^Vandtlt in so mamge W .sf. Als6 tra-cnt ni. die Ketzer Swert und Mezzer, langez liar, langez Gewant, und swornt die Eide nu. Sic hacten c-lewanne den lot e gehtcn : wanne sie spracben. Got dor baoten die Lidc ^erbotcn I nd ir Melster babent sie in nu erloubet, dnz sie Lule swern. S. 308 a so is worthy of note: K/ war ein verworbter K.;tzer, der mahte L.cder von Ketk-rie, und lerte sie diu Kint an der Strazo daz der ^^^^^^^f^^ uier in Ketzerie vielen. Turthuld wisht lor this reason that they might be counteracted bv orthodox hymns by goml authors. « See above, § G2. not. 18 ami 20, § 0:5. not. 28, i^ b.x note 10 and 14- How Conrad von Lichtenau saw in the conduct of Gregory 1 A. towards Frederick 11. a prodigium mentis Ecclesiae (sec above, § oo. not ID- So also did the men of IVovence naturally enough in 1 lie eviis which befell their country. Compare the Troubadour Gu.ll. Figueira about l-Jll (in Millot li. 451): Koine, tu te fais un jeu d'envover les Chretiens au martyre. Mais dans quel livre as - tu lu, que tu'doives exterminer les Chivliensy-Com.ue uue bete enn.gee, tu is devore les grand et les petits. Que le brave comtc Haimond vive encore deux ans, il fera rei>cntir la France de s'etre hvreo a tes impos- tures Tes crimes sont montes si haut, que tu meprises Dieu et sea Saints Ta tvrannic t-clate par I'injustice, que tu fais au comte Uaimond.— Rome, je mc console par I'esperance, que dans peu tu auras une manuvaise fiu ! , „ „^ . .^rw a 1 1 * * Compare La Hible dc Guiot de Proving above § 62. note 20, Abbot Joachim^ 70. note 8, and the complaints of the Minnesingers, for instance VValther v. d. Vogelweidc (herausgeg. v. Lachmann. Berlin 1827. S. 33): Alio Zungcn suln ze Gote schrien wafen (wehel), und riiefen ime, wie lange cr welle slafcn. Si widerwurkent siniu Were und felsehcn siniu Wort. Sin Kameraere stilt ira sinen Uimelhort (himmclssehatz), Sin Siiener mordet hie und roubet d<>rt, a i •<• Sin llirte ist zeinem Wolve ira wonlen under sinen Schalen. Diu Kristenheit gelepte nie so gar nacb Wane ; die si da leren solten, die sint guoter Sinne ane ; 63 waer ze vil, und taet ein tumber Leie daz. Si siindent ane Vorhte : darumb is in Got gehaz.— Swelh llerze sicb hi disen Ziten niht verkeret, Sit daz der Habest selbe dort den Ungelouben meret. Da wont ein saelic Geist und Gotes Minne bi. Nu sebt ir, waz der I'fatVen Were, unci waz ir Li-re si. E daz was ire Lere bi den Werken reine : Nu sint si aber anders so gemeine. 444 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. with tliose of tlie heretics, the advantage is decidedly in favour of the latter f so it cannot seem strange^ if in the 13th century, Daz wirs Unrehte wiirken selien, Unrehte lioeren sagen, Die uns guoter Lere Bilde solten tragen : Des mugen wir tumbe Leien wol verzagen. Bruder Wernher (Minnesinger v. F. H. v. d. Hagen ii. 231) : Wir Leijen ban die Wisel vloren (die Wegweiser verloren), die unser solten pflegen, Nu grifen selbe (sucbet selbst) nacb den Pfaden, wir strucben bi (straucbeln auf ) den Wegen. Meister Stolle (at tbe end of tbe 13tb centurv in v. d. Hagen iii. 5) : Der Babes solte ein Houbet sin der Kristenbeite gar, unt daz er si beschirmete vor den unrebten dar : er solte oucb ir Ribter sin : nu dunket micb, wie er sie gar verkere. Wir Leien sin der Pfaffen Spot, si belfent al einander uns betriegen. Daz erwendet vaterllcbe, Got ; Sit sie durcb Guotes Girikeit an juwern Buocben licgen (liigen), unt velscben den Gelouben, da wir solten an genescn : sit si nacb Rebte night entuont, wie mobte dan ein Leie guot gewesen ? 5 Innocentii III. lib. vii. ep. 75 : Haeretici incautos tanto facilius post se trabunt, quanto ex vita Arcbiepiscopi et aliorura Praelatorum Ecclesiae contra Ecclesiam sumunt perniciosius argunicntum, et aliquo- rum crimina refuudunt in Ecclesiain generalem. Pseudo-Rainerii Sumraa (see below, note 11) cap. 3 (in liibl. PP. Lugd. xxv. 263): Sex sunt causae baeresis. Prima inanis gloria. — Secunda est, quia onmcs, soil, viri et foeminae, parvi et magni, nocte et die, non cessant docere et discere. — Quidam baereticus ad boc tantum, ut quendain a fide nostra averterc.t et ad suam converteret, nocte, tempore byemali, per aquam, quae Ibsa (Ips, a river in Lower Austria) dicitur, ad ipsum natavit. — Tertia causa.^bacresi3 est, quia novum et vetus Testamentum vulgariter transtulerunt : et sic decent et discunt. Audivi, et vidi quendam rusticum idiotam, qui Job recitavit de verbo ad vcrbura, et plures, qui totuni novum Testamentum perfecte sciverunt. — Quarta causa baeresum est scandalum dc male exemplo quorundara. Unde cull,* quosdam vident ni:ile vivere, dicunt : Sic ApostoU ncn vixenint, nee 7i0^s, qui sumiis imitatores Ajyostolorum. Quiiita causa est insuffi- cientiadoctrinaequorundam,qui praedicantquandoqucfrivola, quandoque falsa, l^^ndc qiiidquid Lcclesiae doctor doeet, quod per textum novi Testamentr'.non probat, boc totum pro fabulis babcnt, contra Ecclesiam. Sexta causa V?st irreverentia, quam quidam Tuinistri Ecclesiae perbibent CH. VII.— HERETICS. § 90. SECTS IN CENT. XIII. 445 we find the earlier parties more widely spread than before, and fresh sects spruncr up along side of them. Yet the number of new names of heretics in this period is far greater than that of new parties.^ Sacramentorum. Septinia causa est odium, quod habent contra Eccle- siam. On their manners ibid. cap. 7. p. 272 : Haeretici cognoscuntur per mores et verba. Sunt enim in moribus compositi et modesti : super- biam in vestibus non habent, quia nee pretiosis, nee raultura abjectis utuntur. Negotiationes non habent propter mendacia, et juramenta, et fraudes vitandas ; sed tantum vivunt de labore, ut opifices. Doc- tores etiam ipsorum sunt su tores et text ores. Divitias non multiplicant, sed necessariis sunt contenti, Casti etiara sunt, maxime Leonistae. Temperati etiara sunt in cibo et potu. Ad tabernas non eunt, nee ad choi-eas, nee ad alias vanitates, Ab ira se cohibent : semper operantur, discunt vel decent, et ideo parura orant. Item ad Ecclcsiam ficte vadunt, offerunt et coufitentur, et communicant, et intersunt praedi- cationibus; sed ut praedicantem capiant in sermone. Cognoscuntur etiam in verbis praecisis et modestis. Cavent etiam a scurrilitate et detractione, et verborum levitate, et mendacio, et juramento. Nee dicunt : wre, vel certe., et similia : quia haec reputant juramenta. Item ad quaestiones raro directe respondent. Ut, si quaeratur ab ipsis : Scis tu Evangelium vel Epistvlas ? respondent : Quis docuisset me isia ? etc. ^ Frederick II. in his law against heretics dd. Paduae 22. Febr, 1224 (in Hartzheiin Concill. Germ. iii. 509. Petri de Vineis epist. i. 27, adopted a second time into a Bull of Innocent IV. of the 22d May 1253) enumerates the following heretical parties, whose names vary much in part in different texts : Patarenos, Speronistas (al. Spo- ronistas), Leonistas, Arnaldistas [al. Arrianislas), Circumcises, Pas- saginos, Joseppinos, Carracenses (a/. Garratenses, in Kainer Concor- rezenses), Albanenses, Franciscos, Bagnarolos (in Rainer Bajolenses, al. ex amjecliira Begarclos), Comistos [al. Cvmlstas, al. Comrnissos), Waldenses, Runcarolos [al. Romanolos-^ al. Burgaros), Communellos, Warinos [al. Varrianos, al. Barrinos), et Ortolenos [al. Ortidenos, al. Orfolevos, in Pseudo-Rainerius : Ortlibenses and Orllibarii) cum illis de aqua nigra. Berthold, the Franciscan, in his Sermons publisht by Kling s. 302 : Ein heizent Poverlewe (i. e. Paiiperes deLvgduno\ und eine Arriani, vind RmJceler^ und Manachei^ und Sparer, und Swirder, und Arnolder. Psendo-Rainerhis c. 6, besides those above mentioned speaks of the Syfrldenses also (this reading, which is found in the Variis lectt., should be substituted for Siscidenses the false reading in the text). — Among these names we may refer the following toihe Cathari : Patarenos, Manichaeos, Arrianos (see §. 87 note 7), and the names of the Catharic sects Albanenses, Concorrezenses, and Bajolenses, of which below. The Joseppini are probably the Perfecti of the Cathari, who lived like Joseph and Mary in an appearance of marriage [Pseudo- Rainerius c. 6 in fine: Josephistae contrahunt matrimonium spii*ituale, 440 TJIIRl) PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—130.0. We learn most about the state of the earlier sects from the con- troversial works of their enemies : Such as that of Lucas, Bishop of Tuy, in Gallicia (about 1236),^ against the Albigenses ; of the Dominican Yvonetus (about 1278)^ against the Wal- denses ; and of the Dominicans and Inquisitors Stephanus de Borbone, in Lyons, (about 1225) ;^ Moneta, in Bologna (after 1240^,^'^ and liainerius Sacchoni in Lombardy (t 1259),^^ against both parties. et praetur coitum omnes delectationes exercent). 'I'he names of the Waldenses (Leoaistas, German Poverlewe), of the Arnaldists and Pas- sagier (Circumci.sos, Pasaginos see above §. 87. note 33) need no explanation. The rest of the names seem to have been local names adopted in part from chiefs, who exei'cised a special influence in a certain region (e. g. Ortliebenser from Ortlieb, see below note 33), Sifridenses, Berthold's Swirder, from Sifried, probably the name of a Waldenser in some part of Germany, cf. Pseudo- Rainerlus c. 6. init. concordant cum Waldensibus fere in ouuiibus &c.), in part from the places which were their head quarters (e. g. Riinkeler Runcarii, see P.-ieudu-Rainer c. 6. in fine : Ilaeretici quidam vocantur ex loco, ut Runcarii a villa, probably from Runkel : thus the Sporonistae in Ber- thold tSporer, as well as Robertus de Spernore §. 87. note 18. probably took their name from Sparone, a market-town in the Piedmontese province of Ivrea), in part from their employment (texerants, see above §. 87. note 7.), comp. J. Grimm in the Wiener Jahrbiichern xxxii. 213. ^ Lucae Tudensis E})i8c. de altera vita fideique controversiis adv. Albigensium errores lib. iii. prim, ed J. Mariana, Ingolstad. 1G12. 4. and in Bibl. PP. Ludg. xxv. 188. '' Tractatus de haeresi Pauperum de Lugduno in Martene thesaur. anccdot. v. 1777. D'Argentre collectio judicior. i. 95 discovered that the author, who is there anonymous, was the Dominican Yvonetus. According to a communication from Professor Schmidt in Strasburg, this tract is to be found in the library of tliat place, in three manuscripts agreeing with each other, revised by a German, in the same way as that of Rainerlus by Gretser (note 11.) " Comp. above §. 88. note 4. The extracts which belong to this place from Stephani de Borbone lib. de septem donis Spiritus Sancti d'Argentre collect judiciorum. i. 85 — 91. "^ Monetae Summa adv. Catharos et Valdenses libb. v. ed. Thorn. Aug. Riccliiiii. Romae 1743. fol. ^^ His Summa de Calharis et Leonistis in Martene thesaur. anecdot. V. 1762 and in d'Argentre i. 48 is of especial wciglit in reference to the Cathari, comp. it in Martene v. 1763 : Ego Frater Raynerius, olim haeresiarcha, nunc Dei gratia sacerdos in Ordine Praedicatorum. — annis XVII. conversatus sum cum eis (Catharis). Afterwards he CH. VII.—HERETICS. § 90. ALBIGENSES IN CENT. XIII. 447 The Cathari, or as they are now more commonly called, the Albigenses or Bulgarians,^'^ did not only maintain their ground in Southern France,^^ but increased in number chiefly in was an Inquisitor, and as such was banisht from Milan by Palavicini (see below note 14.) His Summa was much in use, but it was also greatly enlarged by additions (as Yvonetus note 8.) Thus the Codex Kotomag. in Martene, the Codex Cadomensis in d'Argentre, and the Codex Dublinensis (see Echardi scriptt. Ord. Praed. i. 154), have each of them their peculiar additions to the end, they are, however, plainly distinguisht from the genuine Summa. In other Codd. there are found on the contrary additions at the beginning and end, and even united to the Summa withoiat distinction. Manuscripts such as these, but diftering from each other, furnish the materials for the quotations in the anonymous treatise of the year 1415, in H. v. d. Ilardt rerum Cone. Consf. t. iii. p. 663, and Gretser's edition (with the conjectural Title contra AValdenses, 1613, also in Bibl. PP. Ludg. xxv. 262). This Summa of Gretser's, which according to the preface by d'Argentre i. 47, is eiToneously considered as a genuine work of Kainer's, and indeed as the second edition of his Summa prepared by himself, con- sists of ten chapters, and contains in the sixth chapter, together with other matter, Rainer's genuine Summa. All the rest was gathei'cd from many sources, with great confusion and carelessness, by a German Inquisitor, who lived in Austria, probably at the end of the 13th century. As a help for the history of heretics in Germany, this Pseudo-Rainerius, as I have already several times called him, should not be overlookt, comp. my Comm. Crit. de Rainerii Sachoni Summa de Catharis et Leonistis (Gottinger Osterprogramm 1834.) The so-called Summa Rainerii In Claudii Coussort Waldensium ac quorun- dam aliorum erroi-es confutati (Paris. 1548. 8. fol. 123) contains nothing of Rainerius, but only Excerpta from Yvonetus, and at the end some lines from Stephanus de Borbone. 1- On their name see Stephanus de Borbone in d'Argentre I. 90 : Diet! sunt Albigenses. — Dicuntur etiam a Lombardis Gazari vel Pa- thari : a Teutonicis Kathari vel Kataristae : dicuntur etiara Burgari, quia latlbulum eorum speciale est in Burgaria : galllce etiam dicuntur ab aliquibus FopeUcani. — Matth. Paris ad ann. 1236 p. 214 : qui vul- garlter dicuntur Patherini et Bulgares. The appellation ]5ulgari is also to be found in the Chron. Antisslodorense (written In 1211) ed. Camussael p, 96. 102, Bulgrl In. Alberlcus p. 569, Bogri in Chron, Lobiense in Martene thes. HI. 1427. The French forms are Boidgare and Boulgre (see § 59, note 39), from which afterward rose Bougre. 13 Hist, generale de Languedoc ill. 319. C. Schmidt die Katharer in Siidfrankrelch In der ersten Halfte des 13ten Jahrh, In den Strass- burger Beltragen zu d. theolog. Wissenschaften. Heft I. (Jena 1847) S. 85. Compare above § 89, note 34.) During the wars of Raymund VII. (1220—1229) and his rising (1239—1242) they came forth again more publicly (Schmidt S. 123. 144) : Whilst the Inquisition was active they kept themselves concealed, and some fled Into Northern 44H rmiU) TEKlOD.— DIV lll a D. 1073— 1305. UppL-r Italy,'* where the [Kjlitical distraction of the countn' was aiiviiMtugooiLs to them, ami wliere Milan'* continued to Ik? tlieir Italy. Their hcal-qij.irters, the Castle of Monttfcgur, \va» taken in 124 I by linyinund VII., w!i ) was forced to this Htep (Schmidt 15.>) : the party did not disappcir from this country till the 1-lth century. *• Thus in tin- yi'ur 1225 at Hrosciii cf. Ilonorii iii. epi.st. ud Kpi.sc. Ariminens. et IJrixienscm (in l{:iynald ami. \'2'2'» no. 17): In civitale Hrixia*', quasi (|uo]iuluin ad Holemnes disputationes conviK-abant, in forn et in oampis praedicabant ct ir> tectis : et nun erat, (pii eos im]H'diru audcret propter potcntiam ct niultitudincm fautonim ipsornm. •* Compare Frederick's II. charge against the I'ope, alwvo § 55, note 19 and 22. — Matth. Paris ami. 12.'iC p. 433: Krat civitas ilia i'Mediolanum) omnium haen'lieoruni, Paterinorum, Lueiferanorum, *ublicanorum, .\lbigensium, nsurariornm refugium et receptaculum. .. -Incertus auctor in I'ruti.sii (lerm. histor. ii. 'JO: .Vnn. I>«>m. '.'"!XXXI. fiu^ta crsc(piutio outra hacreticus, lui^ies fidei, *is inimicos, quoriint multilulo niagtia latit.ibat in ))opulo IX'i, in Vn. VIJ.— HERlCTiCS. ? yo. ALBIGENSES LN CENT. Xlll. 44*» principal abode. But they spreaol themselves also into the rest of Italy/" as far as Spain,i^ ^^^,\ throughout Germany ;^« they civitfitibus, oppicHs et villis, subvertontcs ct in errorem mitteiites quos poteraiit de Ecclesia. Quorum plurcs comprehonsi— et confessi sunt, —quod anuualeni censum transiuittorc solebaut Mediolanmn, ubi diver- sarum haeresium primatus agebatur. Tritheiaius in chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1230 had this passage before hlin, but he thus extends the last notice : Unum Mediolani erroris sui Patriarcham habebant, inter con- similes latitantem, cujus mandatis obtemperabant in omnibus, cum Christi vicarium esse dicentes, cui singulis annis ex omnibus locis atquo provinciis — censum dcstinabant annuum.) — Matth. Paris ann. 124(K p. 542 : iMediolanenscs autem tunc temporis formidine poenae po*.ius, quam virtutis amore, haercticos, qui civitatem suam pro_ magna parte inbabitabaut, ut famam suam redimerent, et accusationi imperiali hbe- rius responderenf, combussei-unt ; quamobroui numerus civium nirais est mutilatus.— However after 1259 full toleration was again esta- blisht under Palavicini see Ann. Mediol. above note 14. 1" Particidarly in Florence after 1228 where Philip Paternon was Bishop of the Cathari (Raumer iv. 187) ;— in Rome in the year 1231 (Raynald ad h. a. no. 13 ss.) :— in Viterbo 1235 (Raynald ad h. a. no. 15, from the antient Vita Gregorii IX. : Ibimultos haercticos, quorum unus Joannes Beneventi Papa dicebafur,— damnavit) ;•— in Sicdy : Frederici Imp. constitt. Sicul. lib. i. tit. i. (in the year 1231) : Ab Italiae finibus, praesertim a partibus Longobardiae, In quibus pro certo perpendimus ipsorum nequitiam amplius abundare, jam usque ad reg- num nostrum Siciliae suae perfidiae rivulos derivarunt. '7 Especially in Leon (Lucas Tudensis iii. c. 9), where they allowed Arnaldus one" of their companions, as Lucas asserts, to be honoured as a saint hv the people.— Matth. Paris ann. 1234. p. 395 speaks of an attack made by the Albigenses on the Christians of Spain, which how- ever en.^ed in a crusade and the complete extermination of the forr-ier. i« Comp. Gesta Trevir. ad ann. 1231 (ed Wyttenbach ct MliUer i. 319) : In the time of Conrad of Marburg it is stated, in ipsa civitate Treviri trcs fuisse scholas haereticorum. — Et plurcs erant sectae, et multi carum instruct! erant Scrupturis Sanctis, quas habebant in theu- tonicum translatas.— Eo tempore (1238) Trevirensis Avchiepiscopus (Theodericus) synodum tenuit, in qua ipse publico enunciavit, haercticos in sua dioccesi' habere Episcopum, quern cognominassent secundum suum nomen Theodcricum, et idem alibi feclsse de Episcopis locorum ; itemque eos habere communltcr Papam, quem secundum catliohcae Ecclesiae Episcopum nunciiparent Gregorium, ut, si interrogarentur de fide, cam fidem se habere diccrert, quam habcrct Papa Gregorius, et ille Episcopus sic nominalus, nostrum nominantes et suum intcndentes. Thus also Albericus chron. p. 569 relates of tlie Bulgri : habebant isti quasdam vetulas, quibus nomina subornata imposucrunt, ita ut una dicerelur sancta Maria, altera Ecclesia sivelex Romana, altera sanctum Baptisma sen iSIatrimonium, sive sancta Communio vocabatur : et quando dicebant in examinatione : ego credo quicquid credit sancia 2 F 4;)() THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. lli.-A.D. 1073—1:^05. were very numerous in IJosnia and the adjuininrr countries, often the prevaiHng party/" and they maintained in all hinds a close connection Avith each otlior.'-^ I'cclesia seu lex Romaiia, eorum erat intontio ad illain vetulani, quam ipsi vocabant Ecclesijini, et sic de aliis.) In eadeni synotlo tres fuerunt haerctici praescntati, quorum duo sunt diniissi, unus exustus. In the brief in which (Jregory IX. calls upon the Archbishop Theo- deric to continue tliis persecution (in Ilartzheini f'oncil. Germ. iii. 540), he complains, quod Teutonia, quae — cati.olicae viriditatc tidci ct operuui pietate redolere consuevit hactenus et vigere, nunca{)parct plena senti- hus et foedata sordibus vitiorum. The Landgrave Conrad in the year 1233 destroyed many heretical Schools in the Hessian territory, and ahso an entire village Weilandsdorf now Willnsdorf in Siegenschen, because of its heres\', see the Reimchronik in Kucheiibeckcr's Analecta Ilassiaca col. vi. p. 250. Pseudo Rainerius c. 3. enumerates forty-one schools of heretics in the diocese of Passau. ''-' Comp. § 87, note 34. lionorius III. in 1226 prai?es Colomannus, Dux Sclavoniae, for being willing to exterminate the heretics in Bosnia (Fejer codex diplomaticus Hungariae III. ii. 99), and censures Joannes ulterioris Sirinii dominiis, for not entering on the crusade vowed against them (p. 101.) In the year 1233 the Bishop of Bosnia was deposed for heresy (p. 34 1 ) and Nicolsclavus, Dux de Bosna, whose predecessors were once addicted to heresy, renounced it on oath (p. 342.) In 1234 Gregory IX. sent a Legate to preach a crusade against heretics : tanta in Bosnia et vicinis provinciis excrevit copia perfidorum, quod jam tota terra velut deserta et invia luget et languet (p. 379, comp. 396 f.) Zibislaus, Knes v. Wo.scura, in 1236 is inter Princi])es Bosnensis dioecesis, infectos macula haereticae pravitatis, quasi liliam inter spinas fiv. i. 36.) In the year 1238 a new crusade was preaeht against the Bosnian heretics in llungary (p. 126.) Innocent IV. sent a Legate in 1243 to Croatia and Dalmatia, in order to externdnate pravitatis haereticae maculas, quibus tcrrae hujusmodi Ramis (V). sieut accepi- nius, sunt infectae. Innocent IV. ad Epi.sc. Jauriensem etc. ann. 1247 fp. 467) : tarn Ecclesia quam dioecesis liosnensis — totaliter lapsa est — in perfidiam haereticae pravitatis. Licet Archiepi.'^copus Colocensis — non sine magna effusione sanguiids, strage hominum, dispendiis rerum I'.celesiae Colocensis, quae temporale ibi domiidum obtimiit, magnam ])artem illius terrae, abductis iiido. haereticorum nudtis nulli- bns, expugnarit ; quia tamen Kcclesiae munitiones et castra non fuerunt iljidem ita firmata, quod possent al) aggressoribus et obsidione defendi, trescia (Bagnolum, vicus agri Brixiensis, Jacob. Volater- ^ranus in Muratori xxiii., 199. Brixia, hacrcticorum domicilium, see above note 15). Moneta on the other hand is not acquainted with these names, but distinguishes between two chief parties of the Cathari, illi qui duo asserunt principia, and illi qui ponuntunum principium. Tiic doctrines of the Albanerisians may be seen in Kainerius p. 1768, but much more fully in Moneta, who confutes them in lib. i. comp. the latter p. 3 : Duo asserunt principia sine initio et sine fine. Unum dicunt patrem Christi et omnium justorum, et Deum lucis. Aliur.i vero Deum credunt esse ilium, de quo Christus ait Joan. 14, 30 : Venlt enim Princeps mundi hujus etc. Istum credunt esse Deum cxcaecantcm mentes infidelium et Deum tenebrarum. — Credunt etiam, quod iste sit Deus, de quo ait Moyscs Genes, c. 1. : in py^inc/pio creav/'t Dens caelum et terrain etc., et ea, de quibus habetur in Pentateucho, in lib. Josuae, et Judicum, et Ruth, Regum, et Paralipomenon, credunt ab co dicta et facta fuissc. Exceptis sesdecim Prophetis, et Psalmis, et quinque libris Salomonis, totam scripturam veteris Testament! credunt ab eo esse ; quidam tamen eoi-um Job recipiunt, et totum Esdram, sicut prae- dictos Prophetas, et quinque libi'os praenoSatos. Isti credunt, visibilia ista et transitoria esse ab illo per crealionem. E converse credunt, Deum patrem Christi et justorum esse creatorem permanentium tantum et aeternorum, et credunt, quod ipse alia sua quatuor elementa creaverit, et omnia, quae in eis sunt, et sues caelos, et quod ornaverit sole alio, qnam sit iste visibilis, et alia luna, et aliis stelhs (this loftier creation is called by them according to p. 42 .Jerusalem caeleste.) Dicunt I 11. \ 11.— llt:kKTK"S<. $i)0. ALHKlKN'JsES IN fKNT. Xlll. 4j[\ auteiu I'l creJunt, quod istc iJtHW sauftus ft vi-nis suiiiti ]K)i>iiIuin habiierit aielestein (ot'tcii called also ovcs Israel) coristantcin ex tribus, •scil. corpore et aniiiio et spiritu. Aniiiia iutni corpus existit, spiiitus vero, qui custos est aniuiar, ct rector ipsius, intra eorj^us non est : et quod unaquiuvjue aniiua a Doo bono ereata propriuiu habct sj>iriluui ud sui cusiudi.iui. Creduiit etiniu, (juod Diabolus, ijui et Satnras dici- tur, invitleiis Altissiino, eaute ascendit iu caelum Dei sancti, et ibi colloonment of souls.) Credunt etiam, quoil .Satan h .Michaile dejeclus de caelo aninc.s praedictas corporibus istin veluti carceribus inchHit, et quotidie includit. (Kainerius I. c. : infundil cas quotidie in humanis cotj>uribus et in brutis, ut etiam do uno corpore eas transmittit in aliud, donee omne-t reducentur in c^iclum). Ista^i etiam animas dicunt tertiam partem stellaruiii, dequiltus dicilur.\poc. 12, 4. quwl Dr.tco trahrhat tertiam partem slellariim caeli^ ad hoc ideo, quia sunt (ertia pirshotninuma Dcosanctocreatorum, ut opinantur, dicentcH. ut praediximus, u?iuinquem(iuc in i-ae! •■oenitentiam agero : et banc po<-nilentiaiii dicunt eas incipcre, qu.uvlo fidem suam habere incipiunt, et manus inqmsitioncm recipiutit. Ilane mahuum impositionein ba|ili>>lne. I lane aufem 4,54 'rillKD TEKIOD.— DIV. 111.— A.D. 1073—1305. supreme principal, to escape the difficulties of Dualism, and was receptionem corporuin illorum, qui in caelesti patria surgunt, dicuiit essecorporum mortuorum i-esurrectionem, de qua saepeagitur in Scrip- turis. Isti uon credunt Filium, vel Spiritum sanctum esse Deum per naturani, sed creaturam tantum Dei omnipotentis. Credunt etiani Patrem majorem Filio, etdiversum ab eoet Spiritu saucto in substantia, et Filium majorem Spiritu sancto, et ab ipso substantialiter diversum. Isti distinguunt inter animam et spiritum : distinctionem etiam faciunt inter Spiritum sanctum, et Spiritum paraclitum, et Spiritum principalem. Spiritum sanctum appellant unumquemque illorem spirituum, quos secundum intellectum eorum Deus Pater dedit ipsis animabus ad custo- diam. Illos autem spiritus ideo sanctos dicunt, id est firmos, quia firmi steterunt, nee decepti uec seducti fuerunt a Diabolo. Spiritum Paraclitum dicunt Spiritum consolatorem, quern recipiunt etiam illi, quando recipiunt cousolationem in Christo, et dicunt, multos esse Pai-aclitos et a Deo creates. Spiritum principalem dicunt unum Spiritum sanctum, de quo intelligunt illud verbum, quod orantes dicunt : Adoremus Patrem^ et Filium, et Spiritum sanctum. Hunc autem dicunt majorem omnibus aliis Spiritibus Sanctis, et ideo principalis denominatur Hunc dicunt ineffabilis esse pulcbritudinis, ita quod in ilium desiderant Angeli prospicere, sicut dicitur 1 Petr. i. 12. Credunt etiam, nemini datum esse Spiritum sanctum ante Christi resurrectionem. Credunt etiam isti, b. virginem Mariam caelestem fuisse, et non babuisse corpus humanum, sed caeleste, — et animam, atque spiritum ad custodiam animae deputatum. Dicunt etiam et credunt, quod in uterum Mariae descendit Christus a Patre missus in 8Uo eorpore, et anima, et spiritu, et nihil aliud traxit de Virgine, quam id, quod portaverat in ipsam : — propter quod credunt etiam illud Joan. ii. 4. dictum a Christo ; quid mihi el tibi est midier? quasi diceret, ut perverse intelligunt : nihil de te habui. Credunt etiam, quod his cibis usus non fuerit, aut quod famem vel sitim de hujusmodi non habuerit. Credunt etiam, quod in illo eorpore caelesti passus sit et mortuus, tamen sine dolore, — Cum illo etiam eorpore dicunt caelum ascendisse quadragesimo die, et ad dexteram Patris cum magno triumpho sedere, quia vicit eum, qui habebat mortis imperium, i. e. Diabolum et propter illam victoriam dicunt, quod Pater dedit ei omnem potestatem in caelo et in terra. This was, according to Rainerius 1. c, the antient system of the Albanenses, still generally received in the years 1200 — 1230, until Johannes de Lugio, Bergamensis, eorum Jilius major et ordinatus Episcopus, in many pomts departed from it. In tbe Italian communities the greater number of tlse young members followed this John, while the older members, with Belasmansa, their Bishop at Verona, at their bead, remained true to the old system, which also the Cathari Ecclesiae Tolosanae, et Albigensis, et Careassononsia, et fere omnes Ecclesiae Catharorum de ultra mare, continued to maintain (Rainerius p. 1774 ) John of Lugio seems to have been led on to bis peculiar opinions by the question, ITow could souls created good have been induced to sin ? Thus he thought that good and evil had limited each other from everlasting, and CH. VII.— HERETICS. § do. ALBIGENSE8 IN CENT. Xlll. 455 again divided into the ConcorrezensesandBagnolenses.-'^ However, had already intermingled in the world above, so that even the good God was thus restricted in power and knowledge. Further Ivainerius says, p. 1772 : Iste Johannes recipit totam bibHam, sed putat earn scriptani esse in altero mundo, et ibidem esse forniatos Adam et Evam. Item credit, quod Noe, Abraham, Isaac et Jacob, et caeteri Patriarchae, et Moyses, et Josue, et omnes Prophetae, et b. Johannes baptista placue- runt Deo, et quod fuerint homines in alio mundo, et quod Christus natus est ex patribus secundum carnem ex. b. Virginc, — sed putat, quod omnia praedicta fiunt in alio superiori mundo, et nou in isto. Item quod verus Deus dedit in eodem mundo populo supradicto legem Moysi.— Quid plura? quicquid in totabiblia legitur fulsse in hoc mundo, ipse in qviodam alio mundo ad literam fulsse convertit. The Albanensians lield the Vlsio Esaiae in very high estimation (Moneta p. 218) ; it was an apocryphal book originally written in Greek (see vol. i. part i. § 52. note 30), which, ever since the third century, many of the Gnostic sects ( Archontici, Hierakltes, PrlsclUlanlsts, Bogomili), prized greatly ; it was probably by means of the Bogomili that it reacht the western Cathari. It is probably the Latin translation used by the Cathari. Avhlch was printed in Venice in 1522, and has been lately reissued (by me in the Gottinger Pfingstprogranime 1832 : vetus translatio latina Visionis .Jesaiae edlta atque praefatione et notis illustrata, and in Engelhardt's Kirchengeschlchtl. Abhandlungen, Erlangen 1822, s. 209 ff.) 23 Against them Moneta lib. 11. Rainerius p. 1773 speaks as follows of the Cathai-i de Concorrezo : Istl bene sentlunt de uno principio tantum, sed multi ex els errant in Trlnltate et Unitate. (Moneta p. 112 : credunt, quod Christus sit minor Patre in Deitate, et Splritus sanctus minor Christo.) Ita confitentur, quod Deus ex nlhilo creavit Angel s, et quatuor elementa; sed errant credendo, quod Dlabolus de llcci Dei formavlt omnia vlslbllia, slve hunc numdum. (Moneta p. 110 k nt, quod — Lucifer a Deo creatus est, et fuit bonus, sed propter a ^am suam contra creatorem cum multls aliis Angells sibi faventibus de caelo ejectus est. — Satan primo venit ad videndum quod creatum erat a Deo, et cupivit hie regnare, ista autem cupiditas radix fuit omnium malorum, according to 1 Tim. vi. 10. Postea rediit, et astra caell, i. e. Angelos multos seduxit. — Dicunt, quod sol et luna, et aliae stellae Daemones sunt, adjiclentes, quod sol et luna semel in mense adulterium committunt etc.) Item credunt, quod Dlabolus for- mavlt corpus primi homlnls, et in illud etludlt unuin Angelum, qui in modico jam peccaverat (Moneta p. 110: quod Adae splritus, qui erat caelestis Angelus, ex mandato Dei venit ad videndum, quallter Lucifer elementa distlnxerat, et rerum species ex eisdem ; quem Lucifer appre- hendit, et in corpore carneo velut in carcere reclusit ; p. Ill: quod Satan allum Angelum inclusit in corpore mullebri facto de latere Adae dormientis, cum qua peccavit Adam : fuit autem peccatum Adae, ut asserunt, fornicatio carnalis.) Item, quod omnes animae sunt ex tra- duce ab illo Angelo (Moneta p. 110: quod sicut caro ex carne per 456 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073— 130o. with few exceptions, all Catliari stood in close connexion with each other,^"* as also in their practical principles and customs coitum uascitur, ita spiritus ex spiritu procreatur.) Item reprobant tolum vetus Testamentura, putantes, quod Diabolus fuit auctor ejus, exceptis^ illis tantummodo verbis, quae sunt inducta in novo Testamento per Christum et Apostolos, sieut ilkid : ecce vlrgo coneipict et similia. (Moneta p. 112 : sicut Moysen ministrum Diaboli crcdunt, — ita credunt ipsi Prophetas nuncios fuisse ejus : et si aliquando aliquid boni dixerunt de Christo, coacti a Spiritu sancto dixerunt, quod et de Moyse credunt, ubi de Christo locutus est.) Item isti omncs damnant Moj^sen, et ex illis multi dubitant de Abraham, Isaac et Jacob, et caeteris Patriarchis et etiam Prophetis in speciali, et multi ex eis modo bene creduiit de b. Johanne baptista, quem olim omnes damnabant. Item dicunt, quod Christus non assumpsit animam humanam, sed fere omnes credunt, eum assumpsisse carnem de b, Virgiue. Nazarius an old Isisbop of the Concorrezensians maintained however against Rainerius (see his works p. 1773) quod b. Virgo fuit Angelus, et quod Christus non assumpsit animam humanam, sed angelicam, sive corpus caeleste. Et dixit, quod habuit hunc errorcm ab Episcopo et Filio majore Ecclesiae Biilgariae jam fere olapsis annis Ix. This doctrine may also be found in the Catharic Evangelium Johannis in Benoist histoire des Albigeois i. 283, and in Thilo codex apocryphus N. T. I. 884, to which in the MS. this note was added : Hoc est secretum Haereticorum de Coiicorrezio por- tatum de Bulgaria a Nazario, suo Episcopo, plenum erroribus. But Nazarius according to that passage of Rainer, and therefore also this manuscript, came into the west about 1180—1200. Besides this work would be more suitably called tbe Apocalypsis, than the Evangelium Johannis : for it consists of questions, which John puts to Jesus about the creation of the world and mankind, the mission of Jesus, and the consummation of things, and of the direct answers of Jesus, which correspond with the views of the Concorrezcnses, as well as tbose of the Bogomili, Raineriu.s says of the Bagnolenses p. 1774, that on almost all points they agree with the Concorrezenses, excepto hoc, scilicet quod dicunt, quod animae sunt creatae a Deo ante mund! constitutionem, et quod tunc etiam peccaverunt : Moreover, they agreed with Nazarius on this point, quod b. Virgo fuit Angel us, et" quod Christus non assumpsit uaturam humanam ex ea, nee vere passus est aliqnem dolorem in mortc, sed quod assumpsit corpus caeleste. On the extension of these two parties Rainerius s^ys I. c. : Nulla vero Ecclesia Catharorum concordat in omnibus Ecclesiae de Concor- rezo. ^ Ecclesia Franciae concordat cum Bajolensi. I Hi vero de Marchia Tervisina, et de Tuscia, et de Vallc Spolitana concordant dictis Bajolensibus in pluribus quam cum Albanensibus. -^ Rainerius 1. c. Omnes Ecclesiae Catharorum se rtcipiunt ad invicem, licet habeant diversas et contrarias opinioncs, praolcr Alba- nenscs et Concorrezenses, qui se damnant ad in\iorm. (JH. VIL— HERETICS. § 90. ALB1GENSE.S IN CENT. XIII. 457 they quite agreed.-^ A well organized hierarchy contributed not a little to promote this connexion.^** -^ On this head beside Rainerius and Moneta the Liber sententiarum Inquisitionis Tholosanae, ab anno Chr. 1307 ad annum 1323, at the end of Ph. Limborch hist. Inquisitionis, Amstelod. 1692. foi. is of especial weight. Comp. Ivainerius p. 1761 : Communis opinio Catha- rorum est omnium, quod matrimonium carnale fuit semper mortale peccalura, et quod nou punietur quis gravius in future propter adulte- rium vel incestum, quam propter legitimum conjugium. — Item credunt, quod comedere carues, et ova, vel caseum, etiam in urgenti necessitate sit peccatum mortale, et hoc ideo, quia nascuntur ex coitu (on the other hand even the Perfecti took wine without scruple, see Liber sent. p. 3, 22, 42 and many places, and fish, cf. ibidem p. 50, 55, 57, 105, for both of which the old Manichaens entertained the greatest abhorrence.) Item quod non licet jurnre in aliquo casu, et hoc ideo esse mortale peccatum. Item quod potentes saeculares peccant mortaliter puniendo malefactores vel haereticos. Only the Perfecti, called by way of dis- tinction Cathari, who had been fully admitted into the sect by the Consolamentum, had to observe these regulations strictly. They went about clad in black (nigrum habitum praefercbant, see Petrus Vallis- sarn. above § 87, note 28), were required to avoid even the touch of a woman (Lib. sent. p. 150 : non tangunt mulierem, nee permittunt se tangi a muliere), and dared not taste a morsel of food without prayer (Rainerius p. 1765 : multi ex eis in suis infirmitatibus dixerunt aliquando eis, qui ministrabant eis, quod ipsi non ponerent aliquid cibi vel potus in os eorum, si illi infirmi non possent diccre Pater noster ad minus.) The vow which was imposed upon them was according to the App. ad Rainer. in Martene thes. v. 1776 : Promittis, quod de caetero non comedas carnes, nee ova, nee caseum, nee aliquam victuram, nisi de aqua et ligno ? quod non mentieris, nee jurabis, nee cccides quicquam ex reptilibus, nee exercebis aliquam libidinem de corpore tuo, nee ibis solus, dum possis socium habere, nee solus comedes, nee jacebis sine camisia et bracis, nee relinques fidem timore ignis vel aquae, vel alius generis mortis ? The Credentes, the Catechumens of the party, were not on the contrary bound by this law, and often lived licentiously, because they expected to receive full forgiveness of sin in the Consola- mentum (Rainerius p. 1763: saepe dolent, cum I'ecolunt, quod non impleverunt saepius libldinem suam tempore, quo nondum professi fuerant haeresim Catharorum.) They often put off the reception of the Consolamentum even to their death-bed, they made with this view a formal compact (la convenenza) with a Perfeetus, in order that if it were impossible for them from sickness to make the necessary declara- tion, they might not be hindered by this from receiving the Consolamentum ( Liber sent. p. 42 : fecit convenientiam seu pactum haereticis, quod vellet recipi in fine suo ad sectam et oi'dinem ipsorum : this is often mentioned.) When those who were thus admitted in case of recovery, were bound as Perfecti to observe the rides of the sect, they were not always believed to possess the requisite firmness ; so 4j8 TlilliU rKKKU).- UIV. 111.— AD. l()7;i-13U5. ^Vlu•Il tlu' persecutions Ik'^uu the Waldenses were standing they were commonly urged after the reception of the Consolamentum, to undergo the Kndura (from the provcu^-al word endurar, abstinence), in other word.s to refrain entirely from meat ami drink, in order to make their death certain (e. g. Lib. sent. j). 28 : Montolina — se \m- suerat in endura, quam s(!rvabat, et in qua obiil reecpta in soctam haenticorum : — per sex septimanas steterat in endura, et iiec eomederat, nee biberat nisi aquam). Accordingly the nund)er of the Perfucti in coni|)arison with that of the Credtuites was very small (Raineriusp. 17().S: 0 lector, dicere poles secure, quod in toto muiido non sunt C(;///rtr/ utriusque sexus numero quatuor millia, (Jretser's Text Bibl. PP. Lugd. XXV. *2nuin Jinciti). According to liainerius p. 1702 the Cathari had four sacraments, namely \. Im- jiDs'dio manus (Lib. sent. p. G : (piam ipsi voeant baptismum sjiiritunlem, sen con.so!a>neiifiim, vel rfceptianeni, et bnnuin fincin), compare the dcscrij)tioiH in l>nu'ngard above §. 87. note 26, in the appendix to Jiaincrii .Suninia in Martene thes. v. 1776, and in Lib. sent. p. 52. Is6. 1(>U. 21*(. .\t tiie end of this (see Ajip. ad h'ainerium) datur illi haereticalo (ju xldam filum sul)tile lineum vol lanenm pro habitu, quem •"'•'at supra camisiam, et sie ille postmtMlum dicitur haereticus i/i'rc'.icus vestitus. 2. The ^rr'^i qui>d b. ^\j every meal bread was broken by the chief jHirson uturaiii liinnanaui .j jjnd distributed with jjrayer. Pieces of this con- setl quod assumpsit ; gent. p. 2'.> : panis benedirtus, quem voeant pnncm On the extension ..p distributtd also to the Credentibus, and kept bv vero Ecelesia Catharorn.^.i,.,,,,,)^ „f tl,,.,,, from time to time. (Lib. .sent. re/o. Krclesia Traiiciae ^\^^,\J. Lord's Supjter, but it was unaccom- Marchia v be/.'^.''"'' *'^ "'*' '^ •♦antiation. 3. The pocniUntia, n public •lictis Hajo. ,jf ^;i^s in pluribus .i." , ^a..,,, ^f lighter tran-^gressions was -* Kaiiu-rii; ft JuniuDmnes K<\ of more grievous sins the {\uisola- invieem, licet *o be repcrt'.versas et -do. see note 26. nensca et Conco. Iclt.r al)ovJ «' dannd < >,, il,,.;,- Iiicijucln Raiin rii Cil. VlI.-HEKEl'lCt?. g UU. WALDEXiSES IN CENT. Xlll. 45i.) so near the Catholic Churcli, that a reconciliation seemed to be Sumniain Martene tlies, v. 17G6 : Ordines Catharorum sunt quatuor, llle, qui est in priiuo et maximo Online constitutus, vocatur Episcopus: illc, qui in secundo, Filius major : ille qui in tertio, Filius uiiuor ; et qui in quarto et ultimo, dicitur Diaconus. Caeteri, qui inter eos sunt sine Ordinibus, vocantur Christiani et Christianae. Officium Episcopi est, tenere semper prioratum in omnibus, quae faciunt, soil, in impo- sitione manus, in fractione panis, et in iucipiendo orare. Idem serx-at Filius major absenle Episeopo, similiter facit Filius minor, absente Episcopo et Filio majore. Praeterea isti duo Filii, simul vel sepa- ratim, discurrunt visitare Catharos et Catharas omnes, qui sunt sub Episcopo, et omnes tenentur obedire eis. Similiter in omnibus servant et faciunt Diacones, unusquisque in suis subditis, absen- tibus Episcopo et Filiis. Et est notandum, quod Episcopus et Filii habent in singulis civitatibus, maxime in quibus morantur Catbari, singulos Diacones. The Bishop with his two sons was perhaps a representation of the Divine Hierarchy, as it was acknowledged by the Euchetae [Trarrjp, vlos npfa^vrfpos, vlos vemrepos, see Part i. §'. 45. note 5). the Bogomili (see below §. 96), and according to them by the Concorrezenses also (note 23). That the Hierarchy of the Cathari was constituted at this time, is plain from the following remark of Rainer, that f .rnierly after the death of a Bishop, the Filius minor used to consecrate the Filius major as Bishop : that this how- ever was now altered by the Cathari dicentibus, quod per taleni ordina- tionem Filius instituat Patrem, quod satis apparet incongruum. Thence rose the custom that every Bishop before his death shoitld consecrate tlie Filius major to be Bishop. There is much to be said in favour of the supposition, that a Pope stood at the head of the Catharic Hierarchy, in Conradi Portuensis Episcopi et apostolicae sedis Legati ep. ad Gaufridum Archiep. Rothomagensem in the year 1223 (in Martene thes. anecdot. i., 901, more correctly among C. L. Hugo sacrae antiquitatis monumenta, Stivagii 1725. fol. p. 115) we find: Hie homo perditus, qui extollitur super orane quod colitur, aut quod dicitur Deus, jam habet perfidiae suae praeainbulum Haeresiarcham, quem haeretici Albi- gen^es Papain suum vocant, habitantem in finibus Burgarorum, Croatiae et Dalmatiae, juxta Hungarorum nationem. — Ad eum confluunt haeretici Albigenses, ut ad eorum consulta respondeat. — Iste Satan quendam suae perversitatis hominem usque in Agensem dioecesin destinavit nomine Bartholomaeum Cartes, est enim de Carcassona oriundus, vices illius Antipapae agentem, ut illis corruptis partibus propiuet uberius fel Draconis in calice Babilonis, Cui Bartholomaeo Vigorosus de Barcelona hacreticorum Epis^pus funestam exhibendo reverentiam, sedcm et locum suum concessit in villa, quae dicitiu- Poreus (al. Poiros), et se ipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas. Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum undique discurrentium tenore, se in primo salutationis alloquio intitulat in hunc moduni : Bartholomaeus servus scrvonan sanctae fdei, tali salutem. Ipse etiain inter alias cnormitates crcat Episcopos, et Ecclesias perfide ordinare confendit. 4H0 rillUD PEKIOb.— DIV. UI-A.D. 1073-130.0. by no iiit'uns difiicult. Kemarkabk- in tliis view, is tlio attempt of Durandus de Osea (1210) who had ivlurnod to the Catholic Church — an attempt which met the apitruval of Innocent III., to constitute tlic Pauperes de Luishops were called also Patres and Papae, with reference to the Filius major and minor : besides the Catholics merely from analogv m:iy have transferred the notion of the Papacy to certain distinguisht Catharic Bishops. '■''^ Innocent. III. lib. xi. ep. 19G. communicates to tiie Archbishop of Tari-jigona and his Suffragans the conlessiun uf faith, upon which Durandus de Usca was received back by the Pope, and the ai)i)rov('d Priiposituiii convcr.-tdtiimis ; and charges him likewi.se to admit agaiti into the Church, those Waldeuses who would swear to the same condi- tions. The chief points of the Propositum are the following : Ad honorein Dei ct ejus Kcclesiae catholieae, et jid salutcm aninuuum nostrarum, fiileui catholieani per omnia et in omnibus integi-am et invio- latam eorde credere et ore ])roj)osuinius confiteri, sul) majristerio it reginiine Komani Poniilieis pernianendo. Saeculo abrenunciavimus, ct quae habebamus, velul a Domino consultum est, pauperibus crogavimus, et j)aupen!S esse decrevimus : ita quod de crastino sollieiti os.se non curamu.s, nee aurum nee argent uni vel ali(]uod tale praeter victum et vestitum quotidianum a ipioquam aecepfiiri sumus. Consilia evangelica velut prare.'pta servare proposuimns. — (Jum autem ex magmi parte clerici simus et paent^ omnes liti;iali : Irelioni, exhorlationi, doelrinae, p\ dispulationi eonira mini's ornaiim sccta*; dcfrevimns d^ siidare. - IVr VH. ViL— HERETICS. § 90. WALDENSES IN CENT. Xlll. 4(^1 thus attained. Moreover the horrors of the persecution had no further effect on the surviving Waldenses, than to confirm honestiores nutem et instructiores in lege Domini et in ss. Patrum senteutiis verbum Domini censuimus proponendum in schola nostra fratribus et amicis, cum Praelatorum vero licentia et veneratione debita, per idoneos et inslructos in sacra pagina fratres, qui potentes sint in Sana doctrina arguere gentem errantem, et ad fidem modis omnibus trahere, et in grctnio s. Romanae Ecclesiae revocare. — Religiosura et modestum habitum ferre deei-evimus, qualem consueviraus depovtare, calciamentis desuper apertis ita speciali signo compositis et variatis, ut aperte et kicide coguoscamur nos esse, sicut corde, sic et corpore, a Lugdunensibus et nunc et in perpetuum segregates, nisi reconcilientur catholicae unitati. — ISi qui vero saecularium in nostro vohierint consilio permanere, consulimus, ut, exceptis idoneis ad exhortandum et contra haereticos disputandum, caeteri in domibus religiose et ordinate vivendo permaneant, — manibus laborando, decimas, primitias et oblationes Ecclesiae debitas persolvendo. Ibid, epist. 198 ad Durandum, the Pope grants at his request iis qui remanentes in saeculo ad honorem Dei et salutem animarum suarum in vestro proponunt consilio perma- nere,— ne contra Christianos cogantur ad be'lum procedere, vel pro rebus saecularibus — juramentum praestare, onl}^ with this addition, quantum sine aliorum praejudicio et scandalo possunt salubriter obser- vari, maxime cum permissione saecularium dominorum. Lib. xii. ep. 17. ad Archiep. Mediolan. Durandus was come to Milan, and here also had converted many Waldenses. The Pope writes to the Arch- bishop, that according to Durandus's assertion, alii fere centum recon- ciliari volebant, dummodo quoddam pratum, quod commune Mediolanense ipsis olim concesserat, in quo sua schola constructa consueverant convenii-e ac exhortai'i fratres adinvicem et amicos, quam bonae memoriae praedecessor tuus destrui fecerat, dum essent excommunica- tionis vinculo ianodati, et nunc iterum est erecta, ipsis concedere velles, ut ad exhortationem mutuam faciendam fratribus et amicis libere valeant convenire. Unde nobis humiliter supplicarunt, ut pratum praedictum eisdem faceremus concedi ad proponendum in schola praefata more solito vei'bum Dei, The Pope writes on this head to the Archbishop, that the granting of this request, certain!}' ought not to be made a condition of reconciliation, but that he might afterwai'ds grant it, sine gravi scandalo aliorum. But thereupon Lib. xii. ep. 69. ad Durandum de Osca et fratres ejus : Gravem contra vos venerabilium fratrum nostro- rum, Narbonensis Archiep. et Biterrensis, Uticensis, Nemausensis et Carcassonensis Episcoporum querelam recepimus, quod vos plus debito de gratiae nostrae favore jactantes, adversus ipsos nimium insolescitis, adeo ut in eorum aspectu quosdam Valdenses haereticos nondum recon- ciliatos ecclesiasticae unitati duxeritis ad Ecclesiam, ut vobiscum consecrationi dominici corporis interessent, participantes in omnibus cum eisdem. Quosdam quoque monachos, qui a suis monasteriis exie- runt, et alios quosdam sui propositi desertores in vestro vos asserunt consortio retinere. Habitum etiam pristinae superstitionis, scandalum 4Cd TUWiD i*i:i!ini). - niv. iii.— a.d. kits— i.sn-.. apud Catholicos geiieraiitem, in luiilo vos ijenitus iinimitasse testantur. Occasione practerea doctrinalis sennonis, quern in scliola vftstra pro- ponitis fratrihus et amicis, ab Ecclesia nmlti recedunt, noii curantes in ea divinum officiimi aut sacerdotalem praedicationein audirc. Sed et Clerici, qui sunt dc vestro consortio in sacri.s Ordinibus constitiiti, diviimni olficiiun secundum institutioncs canonicas non frcquentanr. Adhuc insiiper aliqui vestruin affirmant, quod nulla saecularis potestas sine niortali peccato potest judicium sanguinis cxcrcere. The Pope warns them very solcninly to put away these abuses — still he answers these Bishops Ep. 67. ad Narbon. Arc/iiep. et Suffraganeos ejus: Si, quemadmodmn nobis — intimaslis, Durandus de Osca cum com- plicibus suis intideliter agit, vel ad fallcmlum Romanam Ecclesiam, vel ad cludcndum canonicam disciplinam : illud sibi [irofecto continget, quod de talibus Scriptura tesiatur: In i)isidiis suis capientur iniqui, cum astutias Satanae non penitus ignoremus. Si vero de pristina superstitione quicquam retineat ad cautelam, ut facilius capere possit vulpeculas, quae moliuntur vineam Domini demoliri, tolerandus est prudcnter ad tempus, donee arbor e fructibus cognoscatur, dummodo circa substantiam veritatis dc corde puro et conscientia bona et tide non ficta piocedat, quandoquidcm Paulus Apostolus dicat : Cum essem attulus dolo vos cepi. — Quod si etiam a prisca consuetudine ncn subito recedat ex toto, aliquid sibi de ilia reservans, ut vei-ecundiae forte parcendo quasi veterem legem sopeliat cum honore : nee sic est penitus confutandus, dummodo, sieut ])raediximus non aberret in substantia veritatis etc. Afterwards also Innocent took the side of this brother- hood once more, lie charged the Archbishops of Nai'bonne Tarragona and Milan, as well as their sutfragans (lib. xiii. ep. 63). quatenus ipsos — caritative tractantes, non permittatis, eos aut illos, qui suum ipsis intuitu caritatis impenderint beneficinm, — a quoquam temcre molestari : lie forbade ep. 77. ad Durandum et fratres, ut nullus vobis (pialibet violentia vel suireptionis astutia in Praepositum praeferatur, nisi quem vos cum consilio dioecesani Episeopi — duxeritis eligcndum : and rebuked the above named IJishops op. 78. for lingering over the reconciliation of those, qui sub pracscripta forma recnnciliari Ecclesiae proposcerunt. Similar protection he afforded to these PaujH'ribus Catho- licis lib. XV. ep. 82. 90 — 96. — To a second society of Waldenses under Bernardus Primus, who were received back upon the same confession of Faith, lib. xiii. ep. 94, the same I'mpositum conversationis was allowed lib. xv. ep. 137, but with this alteration : Keligiosum et modestum habitum ferrc decrevimus, qualem ex vote consuevimus deportare, utendo de caetero calciamcntis communibus, ad consilium et mandatum summi Pontificis, pro tollendo scandalo, quod contra nos movebatur de ealciamcnlis dcsuper apcrtis, quibus uti hactenus soleba- mus. Innocent recommendi'd this society also to the Bishop of ("remona, lib. XV. ep. 1 16. On this compare also ('hron. Ursperg. ad ann. 1212 sec above § 68. note 2. It is sulticicntly plain from this, that Inno- cent III. would have treated I'cter Waldus in a ditVerent n)anner from that adopted bv Lucius III : Perhaps the reason nuiy here be found, why S. Francis also did not become a heretic. This society however soon came to an end : Hist. gen. dc Langnedoc iii. 148. CH. VII.— HERETICS. § 90. WALDENSE^ IN CENT. X!il. 4(3^ them more and more in their antihierarchical system,-® and to place their doctrine and ecclesiastical constitution on a more 2^ Concerning their doctrine in the 13th century, see Rainerii Sumnia in Martene thes. v. 1775 : Dividitur haeresis in duas pai'tes. Prima pars vocatur Puuperes Ultramontani secunda vero Pauperes Lomhardi^ et isti descenderunt ab illis. Primi, scihcet Pauperes Ultrarno7itcm>, dicunt, quod omne juramentum est probibituin in novo Testaniento tani- quain mortale peccatum. Et ilhul idem dicunt de justitia saecuiari, scilicet quod non licet Kegibus, Principibus et Potestatibus punire malefactores. Item quod simplex laicus potest consecrare corpus Domini, credo etiam, quod idem dicant de mulieribus, quia haec nonnisi (probably hae non mihi) negavei'unt. Item quod Ecclesia Roraana non est Ecclesia Jesu Christi. PaiqjeresLombardi concorCiant cum primis in juramento et justitia saecuiari. De corpore vero Domini sentiunt etiam pejus quam primi, dicentes, quod concessum est cixilibet homini sine peccato mortali consecrare illud. Item dicunt, quod Ecclesia Romana est Ecclesia malignantium, et bestia et meretrix, quae leguntur in Apocalypsi (Apoc. xiii. 17): et ideo dicunt, nullum esse peccatum, in quadragesiraa et sextis feriis contra praeceptum Ecclesiae comedere carnes, dummodo fiat sine scandalo aliorum. Item quod Ecclesia Christi permansit in Episcopis et aliis Praelatis usque ad b. Sylvestrum, et in eo defecit, quousque ipsi earn restaurarunt : tamen dicunt, quod semper fuerunt aliqui, qui Deum tiniebant et salvabantur. Item dicunt, quod infantes salvantur sine baptismo. The German reviser of Rainer's Sunima, gives a much more lengthened representation of the Waldensian opinions, but it is full of tautologies. What follows may serve as a completion of what is given above (Pseudo- Rainerius c. 3. in the Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxv. 264 ss,) : Dicunt, quod Romana Ecclesia — defecerit sub Sylvestro, quando venenum tempor- alium infusum est in Ecclesiam. Et dicunt, quod ipsi sunt Ecclesia Christi, quia Christi doctrinam, Evangelii et Apostoh)runi, vei'bis et exemplis observent ; — quod ipsi sint vere pauperes spiritu, et perse- cutionem patiuntur propter justitiam et fidem ; — quod nemo major sit altero in Ecclesia ; — quod decimae non sint dandae ; quod Clerici possessiones non debeant habere because of Deut. xviii. 1. — Item omnem Clerum damnant propter otium, dicentes eos manibus debere operari, sicut Apostoli fecerunt. — Item quod nullus sit cogendus ad fidem.^ — Item dicunt, quod obsei'vanliae, per homines religiosos factae, sint tradltiones Pharisaeorum ; — quod ablutio, quae datur infantibus, nihil prosit. — Item omnes exorcismos et benedictiones baptism i repro- bant. Item sacramentum Confirmationis reprobant. Mirantur etiam, quare solis Episcopis lieeat ccnfirmare. Item de sacramento Eucha- ristiae dicunt, quod sacerdotes in mortali non possint conficere. Item dicunt, quod transsubstantiatio non fiat in manu indigne conficientis, sed in ore digne sumentis, et quod confici possit in mensa communi (according to ]Mal. i, 11.) Item quod semel in anno fideles communi- cant, hoc reprobant, quia ipsi quotidie communicant. Item dicunt, quod transsubstantiatio fiat per verba vulgaria. Item dicunt, quod 404 Tllllil) rEK(^>l).— DIV. 111.— A.L). 10T3-1S05. Missa nihil sit, tjiiia Apostoli earn iion habebant. et fiat propter quaestmn. Item (."aiioncm Mi?sae noa r.cipiunt, nisi tantum verba riiri-sti vulgaritor. — De sacramento poenitentiae dicnnt, quod nullu? possit absolvi a nialo .^acerilote ; item qnod bvinus laicus potestatem habeat absolvondi jiiey taught for instanoe according to the expression of a Wal- densian woman, in the year 132 1 , in the Liber scntentiarum p. "Ji^O, which is to be found at the end of Limborch. hist, inquis, quod sohis Deus absolvit de p.ccatis. et ille, cui tit confessio peccatorum, soUnnmotlo dat consilium, quod debejit homo faeere, et injuncrit poeniteutiam, et hoc potest faeere homo sapiens et disci-etus, sive sit sacerdos, sive non.) — Item sacramentum conjngii damnanr, dicentes, mortaliter peccare conjures, si absque spe prolis conveniant. — Item gradus al^nitatis et eonsangninitatis carnalis et spiritualis, quos Ecclesia instituit, et impe- dimenta Ordinis, et publicn » honestatis, et Ecclesiae vetirum spernunt. — Item quod Koelesia erraverit dicnnt, matrimonium clerieis prohibendo, cum etiam Orionta'es contrahant. — Sacramentum unctioniseliam repro- bant, quia tantum d vitibus datur, et propter pluvos sacerdotes ibi neeessarios. Item Sacramentum Ordinis dicnnt nihil esse. Item dicmit, quoil omnis h\icus bonus sit sacerdos, sicut Apos'.oli laici erant. — Item quod latina oratio laicis non prosit. — Item quidquid praedi- ctitur, quxl per textum bibliae non probatur, pro fabulis habent. Item dicnnt. quo I sacra Scriprura eundem et^ectum habeat in vulgari, queui in latino. Unde etiam conficiunt in \-ulgari. et dant Saeramenta. Item Testamenti nod textum, et magnam partem veteris vulgariter sciunt corde. Item Decretales, et Decreta, et dicta, et expositiones Sanctorum respnunt, et tantum inliaerent textui. — Nullum Sanctum invocant, nisi Deum solum. Item canonizationes, ti-anslationes, et vigilias Sanc;orum contemnunt. — Item letaniam numquam legunt, lezendas Sanctorum non credunt ; item miracula Sanctorum subsan- nant; item i-eliqnias Sanctorum contemnunt. Item sanctam crucem renutant nt simplex lignum, item signum siinctae crueis horrent propter supplicium Christi, noc unquam signant se. Ite.n dieunt, quod doctrina Christi ct Apostolorum sine statutis Ecclesiae sufficiat ad saliitem ; quod traditio Ecclesiae sit traditio Pharisaeorum. — Item mvsticum sensum in divinis Scripturis refutant praecipuc in dictis et ao'tis ab Ecclesia traditis : nt quod gallus super campanile (Belfry) signiticat Doctorem. — Omnes cvmsnetudines Ecclesiae approbatas. quas inEvangelio non legunt, contemnunr, sicut festmn luminnm, palmarum, reconciliationem poenitentium, adorationem crueis in Parascoue, festum Paschae, Christi ot Sanctorum fosta spernunt propter multiplicationem festorum, et dicnnt. quod nuns dies sit sicut alius. — Dorident Ecclesi.im rauratam. reputant ul horreum, et ajipellant eam vulgariter Stonehouse. — Item ornatum Ecclesiae dieunt esse peccatum, et quod melius esset vestire pauperes, quam ornare parietes. Item de altari dicnnt. quoil damnum sit, pannum putrescore super lapide. — Item conticiunt in picario (Goblet) pro calice. — Item dieunt, quod exequiae mortuonini, Missae defunctorum — non prosint animabus. — Negant Purgatoriura, dicentes, tantum duas vias esse, scilicet unam electorum ad caelum, aliam damnatornm ad infernuni. Eccl. xi. 3 : Lujnuin quocxinque ceciderit, ibi erit. Si enim est bonus, non indigct sntVragio : si est C'H. VII.— HERETIC'S. ^ 90. WAEDENSES IX CENT. XIII. 4',;') independent footing.^^ The more plainly their departure from Churcli teacliing could vindicate itself as a purification of the Church, tlie more easy acceptation they found, with the thoughtful of their time. So early as in the 13th century they showed iiialus, nihil prodest. Item dicunt, quod onuic peccatum sit mortale, ct nullum veniale. A catalogue of Waldensian doctrines from a manu- pc-ipt at Vienna in J. Krone's Fra Dolcino and the Patarenians S. 201. — Yvonetus in Martene thes. v., 1779 in his description of the WaldeJises, attributes to them also many Catharic doctrines and cus- toms; but the distinction between the Cathari and the Waldenses seems to me so manifest, that 1 can give no credit to this witness, standing as be does quite alone ; neither can I adopt the distinction made by Fuessli i., 460 with reference to this, between the pure and mixt Waldenses. This however is worthy of more attention, when Stcphanus de Borbone (in d'Argentre i., 87) attributes to his Wal- denses, beside their antient doctrines, the opinions of the sect of the free spirit also, and indeed with a direct appeal to their own words, see below note 33. ■•^3 In the old documents of the Waldenses their teachers are called Barbas, (lo Barba means the uncle Leger i., 205). These Barbas who like Peter Valdensis and his first disciples went about teach- ing, might have b'en outwardly much like the Perfecti of the Cathari, and so Yvonetus represents them in Martene thes. v., 1781 : Duo sunt genera sectae ipsorum. Quidam dicuntur perfecti, et hi proprie vorantur Povres Valdenses de Lyon^ nee omnes ad banc formam assu- mimt, sed prius diu informantur, ut et alios sciant docere. Hi nihil proprium dicunt se habere, nee domos, nee possessiones, nee certas mansiones. Conjuges si quas ante habuerunt, relinquimt. Hi dicunt se Apostolorum successores, et sunt magistri eorum, et confespores, ct circumeunt per terras visitando et confirmando discipulos in errore. His ministrant discipuli necessaria. — Vadunt etiam in diversis habitibus vestium isti curatores ne agnoscantur : et cum transeunt quandoque de domo in domum, aliquod onus deferunt in capite paleae, vel vasis. — Solent etiam tales mansiones habere in locis, iibi habent studia sua, vel celebrant conventicida, quae circumquaque aliis sunt inaccessibiles, ne prodantur, ut in foveis subterraneis vel aliter sequestratis. Noctibus autem maxime hujusmodi conventicula frequentaiit etc. The Cathohc Hierarchy, and its pretension to a mediatorial character ordained by God, they rejected. To this the Pseudo-Rainerius c. 5 plainly alludes : nomina Praelatorum reprobant, sicut Papa, Episcopi etc. Still they were obliged to allow Bishops, Priests and Deacons, if they wisht to imitate the Apostolic communities, and so, in the above mentioned place, but farther on, we find : Item peregrinantur, et ita Lombardiam intrantes visitant Episcopos suos. In the year 1321 a Waldenser declared (Lib. sentent. at the end of Limborch"^p. 290), qucd in Ecclesia non sunt nisi tres Ordines, episcopalis, sacerdotalis et diaconalis. In the same place p. 289. 290. 291. there occurs more than once the title 2 G 46G THIRD PERIOD.— DIY. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. themselves in the valleys of Piedmont,^^ in which they have maintained themselves until now. Still not only did they spread in other countries, as for instance as far as (jermany,^^ but also put in circulation among numbers, who did not come over to Majorulis, which they probably used instead of Episcopus. Moneta lib. v. c. 1. § 4. p. 402 : Ordinem ecclesiastieum ipsi ad minus triplicem eonfitentur, scil. Episcopatum, Presbyteratum et Diaconatum, sine quo triplici Ecclesia Ordine Dei non potest esse, nee debet, ut ipsi testantur. Dicamus ergo eis : si Ecclesia Dei non est sine istis Ordi- bus, vestra autem generatio sine eis est ; ergo non est de Ecclesia Dei. Si autem dicant : nostra generatio illos Ordmes habet ; quaero a quo hahuit ? quis enim est Episcopus vester ? Si dicant : talis humo ; dicite : quis ordinavit eum t Si dicunt : quidam ; quaero etiam : qids istum alium ordinavit ? Et sic ascendendo compellentur usque ad Valdesium venire. Postea quaerendum est : imde iste Ordines habidt ? Still the , answers of the "VYaldenses were put in and refuted : quidam dixerunt, quod Valdesius Ordinem habuit ab universitate fratrum suorum. Eorum autem, qui hoc dixerunt, principalis auctor fuit quidam haere- siarcha pauperum Lombardorum, Doctor perversus, Thomas nomine : hoc autem probare taliter nisus est : Quilibet de ilia congregatione potuit dare Valdesio jus suum, scil. regere seipsum, et sic tota congre- gatio ilia potuit conferre, et contulit Valdesio regimen omnium, et sic creaverunt ilium omnium Pontificera et Praelatum. A more common ans^ver may be seen p. 404 : Dicunt autem haeretici, quod sicut Moyses in V. T. a nuUo homine ordinatus fuit sacerdos, et tamen fuit sacerdos, — et aliis sacerdotium contulit, — similiter autem et Paulus fuit Sacerdos et Episcopus, sicut et alii Apostoli omnes, — et tamen a nullo homine ordinatus ; — ita etiam et Valdesius et Ordinem habuit, et aliis conferre potuit. Hence it is plainly evident that the Waldenses of the 13th century, neither thought of referring their origin farther back than Valdesius, nor of tracing their Episcopate to an Apostolical succession. At the same time we may ascertain the exact vahxe, of the claims of the Bishops of the Bohemian brothers and the Herrnhuters for Apos- tolical succession, for they derive them from the old Waldensian Bishops. ^^ Jul. Krone (Era Dolcino u. die Patarener, Leipzig 1844, S. 22 Anm.) communicates the following extracts from the original deeds in the Archives of Turin : 1297. Philippus (d'Acaja) libravit inquisitor! Vaudensium pro medietate expensarum per eundem inquirendo Val- denses in valle Peruxiae [Perosa). Otto (IV) Rom. Imp. Episcopo etc. mandamus, quatinus haereticos Valdeses, qui in Taurin. diocesi zizaniam seminant, imperiali auctoritate expellas. •^^ Conrad of Marburg persecuted also the Waldenses, see § 89. note 35, Afterwards they were to be found in the region oip Ratisbon, see the document of the year 1265, in Thom. Ried codex chronologico- diplomaticus Episcopatus Ratisbonensis (Ratisb. 1816. 4.) i., 481 : Chunradus viceplebanus in Nitnaw, per quem invent! sunt et compre- liensi haeretici sectae Pauperum de Lugduno. PH. VII.— HERETIC'S, g 00. WALDENSES IN CENT. XIII. 407 their societv, iiloa.s \int:ivourable to tlu' prevailing Faitli of the ( Miiirdi.^-' Hosides the ohl .seets new ones were enfjendereil in the 13tli century. The pantheistic system introduced by Amahnc of Hena (§. 74. note 10. 11), after the persecution it underwent in Paris in the year 1210, only spread more widely than before. In tlie course of the 13th centur}- its disciples might be found in different places :^^ at the end of this centuiy they were already ^ Pseudo-Kainerius c. 4. (Hibl. PP. Lugd. xxv., 264) : sectae Imoreticormu fueruiit plures cpmin Ixx., quae oinnes per Dei gratiain deletae sunt praetor scctas ^lanichaeonuii, Arinnoruni, Runcarioruni et Lconistaruni, (juae Alcmanniain infecoruut. Inter oinnes has sectas, (piac adhiic sunt, vel fuerunt, non est pernici«)sior Ecdesiae, (piani Li'onistaruin. Kt hoc tribus dc cau.sis. Prima est, quia est diuturiiior : aliqui enim dicunt, quod duraverit a tempore Sylvc-stri ; aliqui, a teiu- l>ore Apostolorum. Secunda, quia est generalior : fere enim nulla est terra, in qua haec secta non sit. Tertia, quia, cum omnes abac sectae inunanitate blasj)hemiarum in Deum audicntibus horrorem inducant, haec, soil. Leonistarum, niagnam habe^ speciem pietatis, eo quod coram hominibus juste vivant, bene onuiia 3e Deo credant, et o-nnes artii-ulos, qui in SyndM)lo continentur : solunimodo Homanam Iv-clesiam blaspheniant et Cleruin, cui multiludo laicoruin facilis est ad credendum. Their way (»f approaching Catholic laymen, and winning thorn over to themselves is portrayed in Pseudo-Kainerius c. H, and Yvonetus in Martene tlics v. 1782. 3^ This is in m\' opinion tlic true origin of the .sixt of the free Spirit, which Mosheim (Institutt. liist. eccl. p. .Oi'»5. not. t), according to some vague conjecture allows to have risen in Italy. My opinion is grounded on these reasons : that Amalrick's doctrine quite agrees wilb the tenets of this party. That before Amalrick those opinions were never brought foward as the tenets of a sect, but after him often; that soon after his death adherents to his doctrine were to be found in several dioceses (C.iesar. Ilcisterbac. lib. v. cap. 22 says of its emis.saries : circuie- runt Episcopatum Parisiensem, Lingoncnsem, Trccenscm, et Archiepi.s- copatum Senonoiisem in tribus monsibus, et (\\v,\m plurimos de eorum secta invencrunt) ; and that the wide spread of the doctrine may be easily accounted for by the persecution in Paris (see above §. 74. note 10). Tiie sect made its appearance first under the name of Ortlibenser in Strasburg, in the year 1212. For the German Pscudo-lvainerius c. 6. (Bibl. PP. XXV.2GG) describes a sect under the name Ortlibcnses orOrt- libarii (this the true reading according to Cod. Lamb, see I. c. p. 311, instead of Ordibarii) which evidently agrees with tlio doctriucof Amalrick, and the sect of th(! free Spirit. Now we find in a paragraph appended to this Pseudo-Kainerius (1. c. p. 277) : Dicerc hominem dcbere ab exte- rioribus abstinere, et sequi responsa spiritus intra Be, haereais est cujus- ilam Orfleni (so should we read with Cod. Lamb, instead of Orcleiii), qui fuit de Argentina, quern Innocentius III. condcmnavit. Here, as we recognise a characteristic doctrine of that system, so we may ven- 2 c; 2 4(V'^ TillRD TERIOD.— DIY. III.— A.l). 107:3—130.5. tm-..', to place tliese Oi-tliebeiiser in close connection witb tliis haresiarch, and to read its name Ortleni in that passage, the rather that the name Ortlieb or Ortleb often occurs (see for instance Schoepflini Alsatia diplora. in the Index; at Nuremberg-, in the 13th century, there was a family of the name of Ortlieb, see Riedei-er's Nacbriehten zur Kircben- Gelehrten- u. Biicbergeschichte iii. 4), but not one single name Ortlein or Ortlin. The Annales Argentinenses ad h. a. in Bohmer's Fontes reruin German, ii. 104 (a castigated edition of an uncertain author before Albertus Argentin, in Urstisius ii. 74), and many subsequent clironiclers, see Schmidt in lUgen's Zeitschr. fur d. hist. Theol. 1840. iii. 34. record also the burning of several lieretics at Strasburg in the year 1215. According to this view the Ortliebenser are a number of disciples of Ainalrick at Strasburg, called after their local chief Ortlieb, who was probably the first to introduce the new doctrine there and had won adherents to it. — 2. With this agree the notice of Ilartmannus in annalibus Ei-emi ad ann. 1216 (in Fuessli ii. 6) : Sub idem tempus in Alsatia et etiam in Turgovia haeresis nova et pudenda emersit adseren- tium carnium et aliorum ciborum esura quocunque die et tempore, turn vero omnis veneris usura nullo piaculo contracto licilum et secundum naturam esse. This last tenet is characteristic of tbe sect of the free Spirit : tbis sect bad also spread itself from Strasburg into the rest of Alsace and tbe Thuvgau. — Further still, 3, the sect showed itself about 1250 in Cologne, according to J. Nideri (f 1438) formicarius lib. iii. c. 5, who refers on this bead to Albertus Magnus as a contemporary, see Mosheim de Beghardis et Beguinabus p. 198 ; — 4) about 1260 it appeared among the Beghards in Suabia, see Martini Crusii (f 1607) annales Suevici P. III. lib. ii. c. 14. ad ann. 1261, who appeals to Feli.K Baber, a writer of tbe 15th cent., see Mosheim I. c. p. 199. — 5) It is especially woi'tby of notice, that, in the year 1230, they appear to have crept in among the Waldenses in Lyons. Stephanus de Borbone in d'Argentre i., 87, brings forward a medley of the doctrines of tbe Vv^'aldenses, and the sect of tbe free Spirit, as the system of the Wal- denses : likewise tbe Appendix of the Codex Cadomensis to Rainerii Summa (in d'Argentre i. 56), which, bowever, is probably derived from Stephanus. Doctrines, evidently those of the sect of the Free Spirit, are to be found in Stephanus : aniinam primi hominis esse divinae substantiae portionem, — Concedunt fere omnes, quod anima cujuslibet boni hominis sit ipse Spiritus sanctus, qui est Deus : — quo poccante egreditur, et subintrat Diabolus. — Item spiritus hominis, ex quo bonus est, si moritur, est idem quod spiritus Dei, et ipse Deus. — D\cnut plurimi eorinn, sicut aurlivi per confessionem iHultoruin mag- norum inter eos, quod quilibjt bonus hoino sit Dei filius, sicut Christus eodem modo. — Et cum dicunt, se credere incarnationeni, nativitatem, p.issionem, resurrectionem Christi, dicunt, quod illam credunt veram conceptionem, Christi, nativitatem, passionem, et resurrectionem, et ascensionem, cum bonus homo conei])itur, nascitur, resurgit per poeni- tentiam, vel ascendit in caelum ; cum martyrium patitur, ilia est vera passio Christi. — Item haec est Trinitas, quam, vel in qua credunt, ut sit Pater, qui alium in bonmn convertit, qui convertitur, Filius ; id per quod convertit, et in quo convertitur, Spiritus sanctus, et hoc CH. Vli.— HERETICS. § 90. SECT Or THE FREE SPIRIT. 4(5y SO numerous among the Begliarcls'^"' on the Rhine, that the peoj)le understood them only to be meant by the name of Beghards, altliough they called themselves brothers and sisters of the free spirit.^^ In the beginning of the 14th century they made their appearance also in Italy.^® intelligunt, quando dicunt, se credere in Patrem, Filium, et Spiritum sanctum etc. When Stephen expressly refers to the acknowledg- ment of certain Heads, his statements are not easy to refute. There is also ground for believing that the general corruption of the whole Catholic Church- SA'stera, and the general persecution they had to undergo, first drew both parties outwardly together; that then the doc- trines of the Free Spirit found acceptation among the VValdenses at first as mystical expressions for the union of the soul with G od and Christ : aud that at last the advance from this mysticism to Pantheism (as may be shown by the example of other mystics) was facilitated by the need of a speculative development of the Waldensian system. The prac- tical principl's of immorality, which prevailed in the sect of the Free Spirit, were not laid by Stephen to the charge of the Waldenses. A similar confusion of the Waldensian maxims with those of the Free Spirit, and equally immoral, is attributed in Trithem, annal. llirsaug. i. 543 to the Strasburg heretics of the year 1230 (see Schmidt in Illgen's Zeitschr. 1840. iii. 54) : His authority certainly is too modern, however there are some W^aldensian maxims to be found in the collec- tion of the doctrines of the sect of the Free Spirit (see note 35) made by John, Bishop of Strasburg in 1317. In conclusion, the Libertines in Calvin's time, the remnant of the purty of the Free Spirit, claimed descent from the Waldenses (Calvini instructio adv. Libertinos c. 23 in fine) ; so it seems as if they had always stood in some relation to the Waldenses. ^* See above § 71, note 11. ^^ On these see Statuta Henrici i. Archiep. Coloniensis contra Bec- gardos ann, 1306 (in Mosheim de Begliardis et Beguinabas comm. p. 210) ; Clenientis V. bulla contra Beghai'dos in Alemannia ann. 1311 (Clement, lib. v. tit. 3. c. 3. in Mosheim 1. c. p. 618) ; Joannis Epise. Argentinensis epist. circularis ann. 1317 (in Mosheim 1. c. p. 255.) In this last the errors of those, quos vulgus Begehardoo et Sclacestronea, Brud durcli Gott (they begged their bread for CTod's sake, not as was the custom elsewhere for St Nicholas', St Peter's, or at most our dear Lady's sake, see Specklin in Schmidt in Hlgen's Zeitschr. 1840. iii. 36) nominant, ipsi vero et ipsae sedesecta liberi spirilus, et voluntan'ac paupertatis parvos fratres vel sorores vocant, are given to the following effect : Primus est contra divinitatem, Dicunt enim, credunt et tenent quod J3eus sit formaliter omne quod est. Item dicunt, quod homo possit sic unirl Deo, quod ipsius sit idem posse ac velle et operari quodcunque, quod est ipsius Dei. Item credunt, se esse Deura per naturam sine distiuctione. Item quod sint in eis omnes perfectiones divinae, ita quod dicunt, sc esse aetcrnos et in acternitate. Item 470 THIRDPEKIOD.— DIV. III.-A.D. 1073—1305. Other sects pass quickly in review before us. As the universal discontent at the advancing tyranny of the Hierarchy, aroused dicunt,^ se omnia creasse, et plus creasse, quam Deus. Item, quod nullo indigent nee Deo, nee Deitate. Item, quod sunt impeccabiles, unde quemcunque actum peccati faciunt sine peccato. Item, quod sunt ipsum regnum caelorum. Item, quod sunt etiam immutabiles in nona rupe, quod de nullo gaudent, et de nullo turbantur, unde se ipsos nollent a quacunque morte solo verbo, si possent, libevare. Secundo contra Christum. Dicunt se credere, quod quilibet homo perfectus sit Christus per naturam. Item, quod Christus non est passus pro nobis, sed pro se ipso. Item, quod Christi bumanitas a Christo deponitur et assumitur, sicut corpus a diabolo. Item non exhibent reverentiam corpori Christi, av^ertendo se ab bostia consecrata, et blasphemando dicunt, quod sapiat eis, sicut stercus in ore. Item dicunt, se credere, quod aliquis homo possit transcendere meritum Christi. Item, quod nihil debeat fieri propter praeuiium quodcunque, etiam propter regnum caelorum. Item, quod homo perfectionis debet esse liber ab omni virtute, ab omni actione virtutis, a Christo, ab ejus passione cogitanda, et a Deo. Ter- tio contra Ecclesiam, multipliciter errando. Dicunt enim, se ci-edere, Ecclesiam catholicam, sive Christianitatem fatuam esse, vel fatuitatem. Item, quod homo perfectus sit liber in totura, quod tenetur ad servan- dum praecepta data Ecclesiae a Deo, sicut est praeceptum de honoratione parentum in necessitate. Item, quod in ratione hujus libertatis homo non tenetur ad servandum praecepta Praelatorum, et statutorum Ecclesiae : et hominem fortem, etsi non rehgiosum, non obligari ad labores nianuales pro necessitatibus suis, sed eum libere posse recipere eleemosynam pauperum. Item dicunt, se credere, omnia esse communia, unde dicunt, furtnm eis licitum esse. Quarto contra sacramenta Ecclesiae errando, dicunt se credere, quod quilibet laicus bonus potest conficere corpus Christi, sicut sacerdos peccator (this is a Waldensian tenet, see above note 28.) Item, quod sacerdos, postquam exuit se sacris vestibus, est sicut saccus evacuatus frumento. Item, quod corpus Christi aequaliter est in quolibet pane, sicut in pane sacramentali. Item, quod confiteri sacerdoti non est necessarium ad salutem. Item, quod corpus Christi, vel sacramentum Eucharistiae sumere per laicum tantum valet pro liberatione animae defuncti, sicut celebratio Missae a sacerdote. Item quod omnis concubitus matrimonialis praeter ilium, in quo speratur bonum prolis, sit peccatum (this again is Waldensian). Quinto errando contra infernum et regnum caelorum, dicunt se credere, quod judicium extremum non sit futurum, sed quod tunc est judicium hominis solum, cum moritur. Item, quod non est infernus, nee purgatorium. Item, quod, mortuo corpore hominis, solus spiritus vel anima hominis redibit ad eum, unde exivit, et cum eo sic reunietur, quod nihil remanebit, nisi quod ab aeterno fuit Deus. Item, quod nullus damnabitur nee Judaeus, nee Saracenus, quia, mortuo corpore, spiritus redibit ad Dominum. Item, <]uod homo magis tenetur sequi instinctum interiorem, quam veritatem Evangelii, quod quotidie praedicatur. Sexto errando contra Evangelia dicunt, se credere, nudta ibi esse poetica, quae non sunt vere, sicut est Cil. VII.— HERETIC'S. ? W). IN HALLE. 47I isolated resistances in England^^ and in France/^*^ so the ill usage illud : Venite, benedict i caet. Item, quod magis homines debent credere Immanis conceptibus, qui procedunt ex corde, quam doctriiiae evan- gelicae. Item dicunt, aliquos ex eis posse meliores libros reparare omnibus libris catholicae fidei, si fuerint desti'ucti. Item, quod pro illis, qui sunt in purgatorio, nou sit orandum. Septhno et ultimo contra sanctos viros errando dicunt, se credere, quod perfecti homines com- muniter transcendere possint, et perfectiores sunt gloriosa Virgine, et quosdam eam transcendisse in ti'ibus virtutibus. Item, quod commu- niter aliqui inter eos perfectiores sunt s. Paulo. Item, quod quidam ex eis adeo sunt perfecti, ut non possint deficere, nee proficere in sanctitate. Item, quod perfectus homo non indigeat in hac vita virtutibus theolo- gicis, sicut fide, spe, et caritate. '^^ Clemens V, epist. ad Episc. Cremonensem in Raynaldus ad ann, 1311. no. 6G. writes in nonnuUis Italiac partibus, tam Spoletanae provinciae, quam etiam aliarura circumjacentium regionum, nonnullos ecclesiasticos et mundanos, religiosos et saeculares utriusque sexus — versari, qui — novum ritum — introducere moliantur, quern libcrtatis spiiutum nominant, h. e. ut quicquid eis libet liceat. '^'^ Matth. Paris ad ann. 1240. p. 533 : Diebus illis quidam quasi honestae vitae ac severae vir, habitum et gestum praetendens Ordinis Cartbusiensis, eaptus est apud Cantabrigiam, nolens intrare Ecclesiam aliquam. He was handed over to the Papal Legate in London. Palam enim asseruit, dicens : Gregoriusnon est Papa, non est caput Ecclesiae : sed aliud est caput Ecclesiae. Ecclesia profanata est, nee debent in ea divina celebrari, nisi rededicata fuerit. Vasa et vestimenta ejus recon- secranda sunt. Diabolus solutus est : Papa haereticus. Polluit Ecclesiam, imo mundum, Gregorius, qui Papa dicitur. When the Legate reminded him of the Pope's privilege, ut vices b. Petri exequa- tur in terris ; he answered, Quomodo possem credere, quud cuidain Symoniali et usurario, et forte majoribus facinoribus invuluto, concedatur talis potestas, qualis concessa fuit b. Petro, qui immediate /actus est Apostolus, sequutus est Dominum, mm tantum incessu pedum, sed virtutum claritate ? Ad quod verbum erubuit Legatus, et ait quidam de circumsedentibus : Stulto rixandum non est, furno nee hiandum. ^ Comp. above § 63. note 28. § 86. note 8. Beside the rising of the Pastorelli, see Vita Innocentii P. iv. ex ms. Bernardi Guidonis (in Muratorii scriptt. rer. Ital. iii. i. 591): Eodem tempore quo Rex Ludovicus eaptus et detentus fuit sub anno MCCLI. quibusdam Trutannis (wandering beggars, see Mosheim de Beghardis p. 35) machinantibus facta est subito crucesignatio Pastorellorum, etpuerorum multorum ac puellarum in regno Franciae, quorum aliqui pestiferi inventores istius fraudis fingebant aliquos ex eis pueris, se visionem Angelorum vidisse, miracula facere, et ad ulciscendum Regem a Deo missos esse. Inter quos errant, qui se magistros vocabant, quibus caeteri obediebant, qui per vias, et villas, et civitates more Episcoporum signabant, aquam etiam benedictam Gregorianam in ipsa civitate Parisiensi feceruut, matrimonia conjunxerunt, Religiosos et 472 TillUD rEKlUl).— DIV. III.— A.D. 1078.— i;]u5. of the Holienstaiiten family, gave rise to a sect in Halle in Suabia (about 124:8),^^ which declared the Hierarchy to be abolisht, in consequence of its moral corruption of the entire purpose of the Church. After the extermination of the Hohenstaufen family, (Jlericos ubicumque poterant gravabant, alios spoliantes, alios verberan- tes, alios occidentes ; nee erat qui compesceret inalignantes, aut resisteret in virtute. Universns autem populus eis favebat, aliqui quia baec fieri, et ad bonum finein perventura spectabant fl. sperahantj , pluvimi autem et paene universi, quia de persecutione clericorura gaudebant. Sed postquam eoepit detegi fraus interiorum (the inward, unseen circum- stances) infra breve tempus sicut fumus evanueruut. More in detail Matth. Paris ann. 1251. p. 822 ss. ^'•^ Albf^rtus Stadensis ad h. a. Anno Dora. 1248 coeperunt in Ecclesia Dei mirabiles et misevabiles haeretici puUulare, qiu pulsatis campanis, et convocatis Raronibus et Doniinis terrae in TIallis Suevorum sic prae- dicarunt in publica statione. Frimo quod Papa esset haereticus, omnes Episcopi et Praelati simoniaci et haeretici, inferiores quoque Prelati cum Sacerdotibus, quia in vitiis ac peccatis mortalibus non habevent auctori- tatem ligandi ac solvendi, et omnes isti seducerent et subduxissent homines. Item quod Sacerdotes in peccatis mortalibus constituti non -jjossint conficere. Item quod nuUus vivens, nee Papa, nee Episcopi, nee aliqui possint interdicere divina, et qui prohiberent, essent haeretici et seductores : et licentiaverunt in civitatibus interdictis, ut Missas audirent super animas ipsorum et Sacramenta ecclesiastica libere perciperent, qui ipsis perceptis mundificarentur a peccatis. Item quod Praediratores, et Fratres Minores perverterent Ecclesiam falsis praedicationibus, et quod omnes Praedicatores, et Fratres Minores, Cistercienses quoque, et omnes alii pravam vitam ducei'ent etinjustam. Item qaod nullus esset, qui veritatem diceret, et qui veram fidem opere servaret, nisi ipsi et eoium socii, et si ipsi non venissent antequam Deus in periculo demisisset suam Ecclesiam, prius ipsos de lapidibus suscitasset, vel alios, qui Ecclesiam Dei vera doctrina illuminassent. Pracdicaverunt etiam : Hucusqne vestri praedicatores sepeliverunt verita- tem, et praedicavennit falsitatem ; nos sepelimus falsitalem, et praedicamns veritatem. Et porro ; Indidgentlam, quam damns vobls, non damus fictam vel composltam ah Apostolico vel Episcopls^ sed de solo Deo et Ordlne nostro. Et sic : no?^ audemus habere memorlam Papae, quia Ita perversae vlfae est, et tarn mall exempli hmio, quod eum tacere oportet. Et blasphemando adjecit idem praodicator : O^^ate, inquit, pro domino Frlderico Imperatnre, et Conrado^ fillo ejus^ qui p)erfectl et justl sunt. Item dixit, quod Papa non baberct auctoritatem ligandi et absolvcndi, quia non haberet vitam apostolicam, et hoc probare vellet per quandam glossulam. Istos baereticos fovitct defendit Conradus, filius Friderici, imperatoris quondam, et patrem suum per talia venena crcdidit defensare. Sed res lapsa est in contrarium, quia catholicis praedicatori- busaudacter resistentibus, et fideles exliortantibus, Hberi et ministorialos a Conrado cesserunt ita quod quasi exul et profugus do Ruevia in IJavaria morarofur. Krant/ Metrop. lib. viii. c. 18. and Saxon, lib. CH. VIL— HERETICS, g yu. Al'O8T0LlC BROTHERS. 473 the detestation caused by this deed of the Hierarchy, was maintained for centuries by the expectation, that one time an Emperor Frederick would wreak vengeance in blood on the Papacy.'^'^ This expectation also found place among the manifold superstitions, chiefly borrowed from the Fratricelli, with which the Apostolic-brothers'*^ from 1260 to 1307, disquieted the north of Italy. viii. c. 16. quote only this passage. FuessH ii. 14 considers these preachers to be Waldenses, not without probability. ^^ At first there was a hope in Germany that Frederick II. yet lived, and would appear again (Jo. Vitoduranus in Eccard corpus histor. medii aevi i. 174:1) : Hence arose from 20 to 30 pretended Fredericks. Compare the opinion of the people on one such impostor, who was burnt to death at Wetslar in the year 1283, in Greg. Hagen's osterreich Chronik (Pezii scriptt. rer. Austr. T. i. p. 1105): Nu hub sich unter dera Volk ain groszer widertail. Etleich spracben, er wer gewesen ain Nigromanticus ; die andern spracben, sie funden in clem Fewr nicht seines Gebaines^ und chem her von Gotes chraft^ daz Cheiser Friderich lebte, und solt die Pfaffen vertreihen. Then the prophecy, attributed to the Abbot of Joachim, spread more and more for centuries, that an Emperor Frederick III. should take this vengeance. In one of its simplest forms, even in the 13th century, it runs thus : Veniet aquila, de cujus volatu delebitur leo. Veniet pullus aquilae et nidificabit in domo leonis. De radice aquilae surget alius aquila cujus nomen Fridericus, qui i-egnaus reguabit extendetque alas suas usque ad fines terrae. Cujus sub tempore suramus Pontifex et Clerus dilapidabitur et dispergetur. On the duration of this prophecy see Mosbeim's Versuch einer unpai-t. u. griindl. Ketzergeschicbte. 2le Aufl, s. 342 fit". Sibyl- line-prophecies in German verse may be seen in Grimm's deutsche Mythologie 2te Ausg. II., 909. With this agree the popular legends, that the Emperor Frederick (generally Barbarossa, Frederick I. and II, are confounded in the legends) is sleeping in a mountain (Kifhauser, Unterberg at Salzburg &c.) Grimm ii. 906. *^ The Principal sources : Historia Dulcini and Additamentum ad hist. Dulcini in Muratori scriptt. rer. Ital. ix. 425 — J. L. v. Mos- beim's Gesch. des Apostelordens, in dess. Versuch einer unparteiischen und grundl. Ketzergeschicbte. 2te Aufl. Helmst. 1748. 4. S. 193 ff. There are some additions on the after fate of the party in Ejusd. de Beghardis et Beguinabus comra. p. 221. Fra Dolcino und die Patarener von Jul. Krone, Leipsig 1844. —The founder, Gerhard Segarelli, began about 1260 in Parma, as Francis had done before him, but he with his apostles zealously denounced the secularized Hierarchy : Honorius IV. in 1286 prohibited the new order (the Bull may be seen in Bullar. Rom. i. 158. and in Mosbeim's Gesch. d. Apostelord. s. 391) : during the persecution which now began Gerhard suflFered death by fire in 1300 at Parma, the spirited Dulcinus put himself at the head of the society, and their superstition was raised bv '2 474 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Apocalyptic prophecies to an indescribable Fanaticism. Extracts from his two prophetical Synodal-briefs from the year 1300 to 1303 may be found in the Additamentum ad hist. F. Dulcini in Muratori scriptt. rer, Ital. ix. 450. He announced in the first, that in the year 1303 a period should be inaugurated, in quo ipse et sui publice apparebunt, et publico praedicabunt, omnibus suis adversariis exterminatis. — He taught further, quatuor status Sanctorum fuisse in propriis modis vivendi which at first were good in their kind, but afterwards dege- nerated, and were displaced by a new state. In primo fuerunt Patres veteris Testamenti. — In the second Christ and the apostles. Tertius status coepit a s. Silvestro tempore Constantini Imp. in quo Gentiles coeperunt magis ac magis converti ad fidem Christi generaliter. Et dum sic convertebantur, et non refrigerabantur in amore Dei et proxirai, melius fuit s. Silvestro Papae et aliis successoribus suis possessiones terrenas et divitias suscipere, quam paupertas apostolica ; et melius fuit regere populum, quam non regere, ad tenendum ipsum sic et con- servandum. Sed quando inceperunt populi refrigerari a caritate Dei et proximi, et declinare a modo vivendi s. Silvestri, tunc melior fuit modus vivendi b. Benedicti. — Et quando Clerici et Monachi quasi ex toto a caritate Dei et proximi refrigerati fuerunt, et declinaverunt a priori statu suo, tunc melior fuit modus vivendi s. Francisci et s. Domi- nici : — et quia modo est tempus, in quo omnes tam Praelati, quam Clerici et Religiosi a caritate Dei et proximi et refrigei'ati sunt, et declinaverunt, — est reformare modum vivendi proprium apostolicum : — et istum modum vivendi apostolicum incoepit Fr. Gerardus, et durabit et perseverabit usque ad finem saeculi. — Et iste est quartus et ultimus status, — et differt a modo vivendi s. Francisci et s. Dominici, quia vita illorum fuit, multas habere domus, et illuc mendicata deferre. Sed nos nee domus habemus, nee etiam mendicata portare debemus. Et pi'opter hoc vita nostra est major, et ultima omnibus medicina. Afterwards he prophesied : Fredericus Rex Siciliae debet relevari in Imperatorem, et facere Reges novos, et Bonifacium Fapam pugnando habere, et facere occidi cum aliis occidendis. — Tunc omnes Christiani erunt positi in pace, et tunc erit unus Papa sanctus a Deo missus mirabiliter et elec- tus, — et sub illo Papa erunt illi, qui sunt de statu apostolico, et etiam alii de Clericis et Religiosis, qui unientur eis, — et tunc accipient Spiritus sancti gratiam, sicut acceperunt Apostoli in Ecclesia primi- tiva. When these prophecies were not fulfilled in the year 1303, he extended them in the second brief to the year 1304. The third Synodal brief is lost. The sources of these prophecies were undoubtedly the works of Joachim (see above § 70 note 8) see Mosheim s. 261. ff. The open warfare which the Apostolic-brothers after the year 1304 waged against the Roman Church, was brought to an end in 1308 by the conquest of Mount Zebello in the Bishopric of Vercelli. CH. VUI.— CONVERSIONS, g lU THE FOMEHANIANS. 475 EIGHTH CHAPTER. EXTENSION OF CHRISTIANITY. Schiiickh's Kirchengesch. xxv. 186. Schmidt's Kirchengesch. tbrtg. v. Rettberg vii. IGG. §91. CONTINUED CONVERSION OF THE VANDALS. As the Church of this age in general relied more upon secular than spiritual weapons ; so she was accustomed for this reason to convert unbelieving nations with the sword, instead of the Word. The efforts of the Polish Dukes, ever since the first subjugation of Lower Pomerania about the year 997, to estabHsh Christianity to(»-ether with their dominion in this country,^ were brought to a successful issue by Boleslav IH. Krzivousti by his victory over the rebellion in 1121. ^ In the same year Boleslav wrung from the AYest Pomeranians also, and their Duke Wartislav the pro- 1 Martini Galli chron. (the most antient Polish work ou history about 1130) ed. J. V. Bandtkie. Varsav. 1824. 8. Prooem. p. 15 : Ad mare autem septemtrionale tres habet (Polonia) affines Barbarorum gentilium ferocissiiuas nationes, Seleuciam (i. e.Luticiam s. LeuticiamJ , Pomer- aniam et Prussiam, contra quas regiones Polonorum Dux assidue pugnat, ut eas ad fidem convertat. Sed nee gladio praedicationis cor eorum a perfidia potuit revocari, nee gladio jugulationis eorum penitus viperalis progenies aboleri : saepe tamen Principes eorum a Duce Poloniae proelio superati ad baptismum eonfugerunt, itemque collectis viribus fidem christianam abnegantes, contra Christianos hel- ium denuo paraverunt. P. F. Kanngiesser's Geschicbte v. Pommern. Bd. 1. (Greifswald 1824) S. 290. F. W. Barthold Gesch. v. Riigen u Pommern Thl. 2, Hamburg 1840. C. Giesebrecht's wendische Gescbichten v. 780—1182. Th. 2. BerUn 1843. 2 For Boleslav's wars against the Lower Pomeranians see Kann- giesser i. 363. 476 TiilKD TEKIOU.— DiV. HI.— A.L). 107.3—1305. inise to recognize Polish supremacy, and become Christians.' Otto Bishop of Bamberg, who was invited to undertake the conversion of the country, had under these circumstances an easy task.* In a few months of the year 1124, the greater portion of West Pomerania was won over to Christianity, not so much inwardly, as outwardly by the influence of circumstances and by Otto's winning and reverend presence : in a second and still shorter visit, in the year 1128, Otto accomplisht the conver- sion of the country. The newly founded Bishopric of Julin or Wolin^ was meant to ensure its continuance. After that the great Vandal kingdom (see Part 1. § 39) upon the death of its last supreme ruler Knut (f 1131) had fallen to pieces under the dominion of several Princes : The neighbouring- Germans had an easier game to play against them. Albert the Bear, Margrave of the North Saxons, after the year 1133, vanquisht the Lutizier or Wilzen, establisht the March of Brandenburg, restored the Bishoprics of Havelberg and Branden- burg,^ and drew the Knights of St John and the Templars into the country,'^ for the protection and extension of Christianity. Kanngiesser i. 508. * Libb. ill. de vita b. Ottonis by an anonymous writer shortly after bis time, in Canisius-Basnage III. ii. 35. Andreae Abb. Bamber- gensis (1483 — 1502) de vita s. Ottonis libb. iv. editi, cum libris coraitis cujusdam s. Ottonis, quern Sifridum esse putant, collati a Valer. Jaschio, Culberg. 1681. 4 (reprinted in Ludevvig scriptt. rer. Episcoporum Bam- berg, i. 193.) Much also is to be found on this head in the manuscripts of Bambei-g, see Jack's Bericht in Oken's Isis, August 1822. S. 827. — (J. J. Sell) Otto Bisch. v. Bamberg, der Pommern Bekehrer, Stettin 1792. H. F. G. Kahlow de introductione religionis christ. in Pome- raniam diss. Goetting. 1806. 4. A. C. F. Busch memoria Othonis Ep. Bambergensis, Pomeranorum Apostoli. Jenae 1824. Especially Kanngiesser i. 522. Barthold ii. 3. ^ Adelbert was appointed by Bolislav in 1125 to be Bishop of Pomerania; in 1140 Julin was the seat of this Bishopric (Kanngiesser i. 681. 809. Barthold ii. 120) in 1175 Camiu (Barthold ii. 244.) '^ Helmoldi (f 1170) chron. Slavorum (ed. Bangert, Lubec. 1659. 4.) lib. i. c. 49. 50. 62 ss. 88. Gebhardi's Gesch. aller wendisch-slavischen Staaten. i. 150. Chr. U. Spieker's Kirchen u. Keformationsgesch. d. Mark Brandenburg, Thl. i. (Berlin 1839) S. 49. — The aversion of the Vandals in Havelberg to Norbert Archbishop of Magdeburg, in the _ve£ir 1128, may be seen in vita Ottonis in Lndewig scriptt. Bamb. i. 195. Kanngiesser i. 694 s. Spieker i. 73. ^ Spiekcr i. 95. 417. ('[TAP. VIII.— CONVERSIONS, g 91. VANDALS. 477 Since the vear 1121 Viceliu had® laboured among the Obotriten, ill a more a])ostoHcal manner: he could not however achieve the conversion of Wagria, until Adolphus Count of Schaumburg- Holstein had made himself master of the country. After that Henry the Lion in 1142 had strengthened himself in the possession of the Dukedom of Saxony, German sway and Christianity con- tinued to advance farther among the northern Vandals. In the year 1149 the Bishoprics of Oldenburg (transferred toLubeck in 1160)^ and Mecklinburg (transferred to Schwerin in 1165)'*' and in 1154 the Bishopric of Eatzeburg, were renewed or founded : At length in 1162, after the complete conquest of the Obotriten, Henry the Lion entirely demolisht Heathendom. '^ During these many wars the whole country of the Vandals was wasted to such a degree, that it was necessary to introduce German colonists throughout its wliole extent. Thereby the antient inhabitants of the countr}' were almost entirely supprest, and the security of Christendom was thus more firmly estab- lisht. Last of all the Vandal region, Rugen also yielded, the seat of the greatest sanctuary, and the most stubborn champion of idol worship. After a long war the island was conquered in 1168 by the Danish King Waldeinar, the sanctuaries were destroyed, and the inhabitants baptized.'- ** Concerning Vicolin after 1149 Bishop of Oldenburg, see J. E. cle Westplialen monuinenta inedita rer. Germ, praecipue Cimbricarum et iMegapolensium. ii 234 ss. Praef. p. 33 ss. St Vicelin, von F. Cbr. Kruse, Altona 1826. 8. Kirchengeseh. Mecklenburgs v. J. Wiggers, Parchim u. Ludwigshist, 1840, S. 28. Vicelinus v. G. F. E. Crusius, in Liicke's vi. Wieseler's Viertcljabrschrift. 1846. 8. 357, Giesebrecht's wend. Gesch. ii. 241. ^ On this transfer poe Dr F. H. Grautoff's histor. Schriften, Bd. 1 (Lubeck 1836) S. 119. '" The documents <'ire given in .1. P. de Ludewig reliquiismanuscriptt. vi. 230 : There is a critical edition of the documents of the Bishopric of Schwerin in G. C. F. Lisch Mecklenburgischen Urkuuden Bd. 3, Schwerin 1841. ^^ On the conversion of these northern Vandals in general see Hel- nioldus 1. c. lib i. c. 47—58. 68—87. Gebhardi i. 175. '■- Helmoldus lib. ii. c. 12. 13. Saxonis Granimatici (Provost in Rothschild f 1204) historiae Danicae (libb. xvi. ed St, J. Stephanius. Sorae 1644. fob) lib. xiv. p. 295. 310. 319. Erich Pantoppidan's Annales Eccl. Danicae diplomatici i. 404. Gebhardi ii. 9. F. Miin- 478 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. §92. CONVERSIONS IN THE NORTH-EAST OF EUROPE. In the year 1157 St Erich IX. King of Sweden conquered the Finns, forced them to profess Christianity, and founded among them the Bishopric of Randamecki (removed to Abo in 1300.)^ On the other hand the efforts of the Swedes against Esthland in 1166, and the following years, remained without success.^ In Livonia, with which Bremen and Lubeck had entered into a mercantile connexion ever since the middle of the 12th century, the canon Meinhard, from the year 1186, endeavoured to establish Christianity : after some small success he was forthwith appointed in 1188, by the Archbishops of Hamburg and Bremen, to be Bishop of Yrkill. But as the number of Christians did not increase notwithstanding this measure ; the Livonians were rather more distrustful of Christianity ; then recourse was had to the wonted expedient, the sword. Several crusades in 1198 and the following years, were brought about in Westphalia and Lower Saxony, against the Livonians. Thus Albert the third Bishop of Livonia (1198 — 1229), who chose the newly-built Riga as the site of his See (1200), with the help of the order of the sword^ insti- tuted by himself in 1202, succeeded after much bloodshed in accomplishing the work.'* Then in the year 1211 Albert began ter's Kirchengesch. v. Danemark u. Norwegen, II. ii. 781. The same author in Illgen's Zeitschr. II. i. 112. Barthold's Gesch. v. Kugen ii. Pommern ii. 182. ^ Claud. Oernhjalmi hist. Sueonum Gotborumque ecclcs. (libb. iv. pviores. Stockholm. 1689. 4) Hb. iv. Co 4. Olof Dalin's Gesch, des Reicbs Schwe.den. ii. 82. '' Oernjalm 1. c. lib. iv. c. 5. Dalin a. a. 0. S. 105 ff. Gebhardi's Gesch. V. Liefland, Estbland, Kurland u. Semgallen. (Allg. Welthi- storie Th. 50) S 309 ff. ^ See above § 72. note 16. On the conversion of Livonia Lithuania and Estbonia (see von Parrot's Entwickelung der Sprache, Abstammung, Gescbicbto, Mytho- logie der Liwen, Letten, Eesten. IM. 1. (Stuttgart 1828) s. 240. On the conversion of Livonia see Heinrich's (a Lettish Priest about 1226) Origines Livoniae sacrae et civiles, s. Chronicon Livonicum vetus, cum CH. VTI I.— CONVERSIONS. § 9'2. NORTH EAST OF EUROPE. 479 to wage war with the Esthonians : and with the help of Walde- mar II. King of Denmark, this people also was snbdued in 1219. A painful dispute about this land, between the Danish and German clergy, ended in favoui* of the latter during Waldemar's imprisonmeiit in 1223, and Dorpat was made the see of the new Esthonian Bishopric.'^ When also in 1218 Semgallen became Christian, and the Bishopric of Selon was founded in this country; the Kuren (1230) now threatened on every side, determined of their own accord to receive baptism^ in order to escape slavery. After the year 1207 some polish Cistercians began to preach Christianity in Prussia also, not without success. When however the neio-hbouring Dukes of Poland and ^lasovia, endeavoured to turn these efforts to account in the subjugation of their country, the Prussians avenged themselves by a devastating invasion of Masovia. Conrad Duke of Masovia first sought deliverance from the aid of crusaders; at last in 1226, he summoned the Teutonic order to his assistance ; after wearisome w^ars (1230 — 1283), which changed the land into a desert, the knights succeeded in forcing the remnant of the nation, to an outward profession of Christianity.^ So early as 1243 Innocent IV. had the country divided into the four Bishoprics of Culm, Pomesania, Ermeland, and Sameland." notis J. D. Giniberi. Francof. et liips. 1740. fol. Gebhardi s. 314. Voigts Gescli. Preussens i. 380. ^ Origines Livon. p. 72 ss. Gebbardi s. 334 ff. Hunter's Kirch- engesch, v. Danemark u. Norwegen II. ii. 807. " Albertus Stadens. ad ann. 1229 (in Schilteri scriptt. rer. Germ. p. 306.) Raynaldus ad ann. 1232. no. 3. Gebhardi s. 367. 7 See above § 72. note 15. 8 On the conversion of the Prussians in general see Petri de Dusburg (about 1326) chronicon Prussiae, ed. Christ. Hartknoch. ^ Jenae 1679. 4. and Hartknoch diss. xiv. de originibus relig. christ. in Prussia in the appendix to that chronicle p. 208. ss. Wagner's Gcsch. v. Polen (Guthrie's allgemeine Weltgeschichte. Bd. 14. Abth. 1.) s. 161 fF. Voigts Gesch. Preussens i. 428. 9 The documents may be found at the end of Petrus de Dusburg ed. Hartknoch p. 476. 480 THIRD PERIOD.—DIV. III.— A. i). 1073— 130.1 ATTEMPTS OF THE WI";STERN NATIONS TO SPREAD CHKISTIANllY IN ASIA. So far tlie Ncstorians alone^ of all Christian parties, had extended themselves into the interior of Eastern Asia (see vol. i. Part 2, § 122.) In the beginning of the 11th century, they even succeeded in converting the Royal family of the Tartar tribe Kerait, which inhabited the countiy south of the Baikal sea. The native Christians of Syria interpreted Owang Khan, the Royal title of this tribe, into Prester John,^ they delighted in opposing to the arrogance of the western crusaders, tales of the might and maonificence of their associate in Faith throned in the farthest East f and caused letters to be issued from him ^ They were so iiiuch in favour with the Kh^lifs, tliat the christians of all other churches wore placed under the jurisdiction of the Nestorian l*atriarch, see J. S. Asseuiani bibl. orient. III. i. 96. - Marco Polo lib. i. c. 51. in the Jxecueil de voyages ct de memoires public par la soeie^e de geographic T. i. (Paris 1824. 4.) p. 346 : de Presto Joanne, qui proprio nomine vocabatur Uuchan, loquebatur totus muudus. Hammer Gesch d. Goldenen Horde s. 61 has Owang-Chan. Tha Nestorian inhabitants of Syria, understood the mongolian royal title Khan as J^^HD priest, and Owang as a name for which they substituted Juchanan, see my remarks in d. theol. Studien u. Kritiken 1837. ii. 353. In the tliirtecnth century this Mongol title was better known. Abulpharagins hist, dynast, p. 280 calls Owang-Khan Malek Juhana, Rubruquis : Regem Johanuem. '' Rubvuquis (l^ecueil de voyages iv. 260): Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus, per quas transivi, et in quadam planitie inter illaa alpes crat quidani Nestorinus pastor potens ct dominus super populuni, qui dicebantur Haiman, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Mortuo Corr- cham elevavit se ille Nestorinus in Regem, ct vocabant cum Nestorini Regem Johanncm, et plus diccbant de ipso in decuplo quam Veritas esset. Ita enim faciunt Nestorini venicntes de partibus illis : de niliilo enim faciunt magnos rumorcs. The fictitious talcs of the Bishop of (iabula, one of the Armenian ambassadors who in 1145 were sent to Eugene III. brought the first intelligence of Prester John, to the western world. Otto Prising, vii, c. 33. — Oriental accounts of Prester John may be found in Asscmani bibl. orient. HI. ii. 484. Conip. Mosheim hist. Tartarorum ecclesiastica (Helmst. 1741. 4.) p. 16. Ejusd. iustitutt. hist. cccl. p. 443. Schlosser's Wdtgesch. III. ii. i. 268. 0. Rittcr's Erdkundo Thl. 2. I3d. 1. (2te Aufl. lierlin 1832 ) s. 256. 283. d'Avezac in the Recueil de voyages iv. 547. CH. VIIL— CONVERSIONS. § 93. PKESTEK JOHN. 4^1 to the sovereigns of Europe.^ Alexander III. in answer invited Prester John, to put himself in subjection to the Roman Church.^ He was in fact in 1202, a vassal of the powerful Zengis Khan,** but he long survived in western poetry, as the priestly ruler of an earthly paradise.''' Among the Mongol Kans, the mendicant friars who had been repeatedly sent by the Popes and St Lewis for their conversion,^ expected to find so general a reception of Christianity, that the western world long fostered the hope, of seeing this great people quite incorporated ^vith the Roman * To the Pope, the Kings of France, and Portugal, and the Greek Emperor, see Petit de la Croix hist, de Genghizcan p. 31, This is printed in Assemani bibl. oriental III. ii. 490. " Alexander's letter to him [carisshno in Christo filio, Ulustri et magnifico Indorum Regi^ sacerdotum sanctissimo) in Rogeri de Hoveden annall. anghc. ad ann. 1178 p. 581 in Baronius ann. 1177 note 33 ss. ^ Marco Polo lib. i. c. 63. (Recueil de voyages i. 358) : Mastra civitas est Tenduch, et in ista provincia est Rex unus, qui descendit de Presto Johanne, et adhuc est Prestus Johannes, et suum nomen est Gorgion. Ipse tenet terram pro magno Kaan, sed non totam illam, quam tenebat Prestus Johannes, sed aliquani partem illius. Et semper magnus Kaan dedit de suis fihabus istis Regibus, qui descenderunt de Presto Johanne. "^ The magnificence of Prester John may be seen in a German poeti- cal translation of his letter to the Gi-eek Emperor (note 4), in Haupt's and Hoffman's altdeutschen Blattern i. 308. This legend is placed in connexion, with the legend of the grail, by Albert the Dichter des jiingern Titurel in the middle of the 14th century : The Holy grail at last forsook the sinful west, and withdrew "into the country of Prester John, see San Marte's Leben u. Dichten Wolframs V. Eschenbach, Bd. 2. (Magdeburg 1841) s. 437. 351. In the 15th century Prester John was supposed to have been again discovered in the Kings of Ethiopia, See Magistri Hospitalarii Jerusal, epist, ad Carolum Regem Francorum in the year 1448 in d'Achery spicileg, iii. 777, compare d'Avezac in the Recueil de voyages iv. 556. "^ Innocent IV, in 124";, sent three Franciscans to the Great Khan Gajuck, and four Dominicans to his commander-in-chief in Persia ; (Raynald, ann. 1245 no, 16 ss. There are extracts from the notes of the voyage by the Franciscan Johannes de Piano Carpini, and the Dominican Simon de Sancto Quintino in Vincentii Bellov. specul. hist, lib. xxxii. Johannis de Piano Carpini hist. Mongalorum, quos nos Tartaros appellamus, was first publisht entire in the Recueil de voyages et de memoires publie par la societe de geographic, t. iv. Paris 1839. 4, p. 603) : In 1248 St Lewis sent a Dominican to the same great Khan (Joinville hist, de s, Louis ed, Petitot. p. 332), and in 1253 a Franciscan to his successor the Great Khan Mangi\, and the 482 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III. A.D. 1073—1305. Church. However the ^longols showed an equal regard for the rehgions of all nations, that they might vanquish, and rule over the nations themselves.^ Thus the Christians as well as the Mahometans were taken with the same delusion : They vied with each other in endeavouriijg to win over the Khans, exclusively to their own faith. Moreover among the Mongols, the Nesto- Mongol Pi'ince Savtacli (on this head see Itinerarium frati-is Willelini de Rubruk [Ruysbrock, doubtless liubruquis] de Ord. Frat. jNIinorum, ad partes orientales, first publislit entire in the original, in the l^ecueil de voyages iv. 199.) — The conversion of Sartach, which his pretended chaplain, John, soon after announced to the Pope, and upon which Innocent IV. congratulates him in 1254 (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 1 ss.), was undoubtedly as fabulous, as the intelligence given by the Armenian Monk Haitho ( Ilaithonis historia orientalis, Colon. Brand. 1671. 4. p. 37), that the great Khan Mangu in 1253, upon the request of Haitho, King of Armenia, had received baptism. — After Mangu's death in 1257, the great Mongol kingdom was divided between his two brothers, llulagu in Persia, and Cubla'i in China. Hulagu {■\- 1265) w-as favourable to the Christians (Asseman. HI. ii. 103. Alexandri IV. epist. ad Olaonem Regeni Tartarorum in Raynald. ann. 1260 no. 29 S3.) : likewise his son and successor Abogha (-|- 1282, the Pope's negotiations with biin may be seen in Raynald. ann. 1267. no. 70, 1274. no. 21, 1277. no. 15, 1278. no. 17). His successor Achmet (-}- 1284) was indeed a Mahometan : but Argun [f 1291) renewed the former alliance again (Raynald. ann. 1285. no. 79, 1288. no. 38, 1289. no. 60, 1291. no. 32), and the two Khans Baidu and Cazan even became Christians (comp. the Ilislor. Orientalis p. 58 ss. of their con- temporary Haitho.) However these Mongol princes attacht less importance to Christianity, than to an alliance with the Christian princes against the Mahometans. — Also the great Khan Cublai in China was favourable to the Christians (compare the pererjrinatio of Marco Polo, a Venetian in great favour with the Khan, from 1275 — 1293, probably written in Italian in 1298, in two old texts, one pub- lisht at full length, in French in the Recueil de voyages et de memoires, public par la societe de geographic, t. i. Paris 1824. 4, p. 1, and one in Latin ibid. p. 297 ; compare die Reisen des Venezianers Marco Polo, deutsch mit einem Commentar v. Aug. Biirck, nebst Zusiitsen u. Verbesserungen v. K. F. Neumann, Leipzig 1845) : accordingly in 1275 with Marco Polo, and afterwards in 1296 and 1299 (Raynald. ann. 1299 no. 39), a Dominican and Franciscan were sent to China. — Compare on tlie whole subject Mosheim hist. Tartarorum eccl. p. 29 ss. Memoires sur les relations politi(|ues des Princes Chretiens, et particuHercment des Rois de France avec les Empercurs Mongols p.T M. Abel-Renuisat in the Memoires de I'institut royal de France, Acad, des inscript. t. vi. (1822) p. 396, especially p. 418 ss. ^ So says Rubruk (Rccucil iv. 313) of the festivals which Manga Khan instituted : raos ejus est, quod talibus diebus, quos divini fdevins, CH. VIII.- CONVERSIONS, g 93. MONGOLS. 483 rians always surpast the Roman Catholics in number and influence,^^ so the fruit of all these missionary labours at last was nothing more than one small community in Cambalu (Peking) for which Clement V. in 1307 appointed an Archbishop,^^ while this Mongol confusion of religions in the 13th century, probably gave its present form to the superstition of the Lamas.^^ soothsayers) sui dicunt ei festos, vel sacerdotes Nestorini aliqui sacros, quod ipse tunc tenet curiam, et talibus diebus prime veniunt sacerdotes christian! cum suo apparatu, et orant pro eo, et benedicunt scyphum suum. Istis recedeutibus veniunt sacerdotes Sarraceni, et faciunt similiter. Post hos veniunt sacerdotes idolatrae, idem facientes. Et dicebat mihi Monachus (a Nestorian at the Khan's court), quod solum credit Christianis, tamen vult ut omnes orent pro eo. Et ipse raentie- batur, quia nullis credit, sicut postea audietis, cum omnes sequuntur curiam suam, sicut muscae mel, et omnibus dat, et omnes credunt, se esse familiares ejus, et omnes prophetant ei prospera. jNIangu said to Rubruk p. 359 : Nos Moal credimus, quod non sit nisi unus Deus, per quera vivimus et per quern morimur, et ad ipsum habemus rectum cor. — Scd sicut Deus dedit manui diversos digitos, ita dedit hominibus diversas vias. Vobis dedit Deus Scripturas, et vos Christiani non custoditis eas. — nobis autem dedit divinatores, et nos facimus quod ipsi dicunt nobis et vivimus in pace. Compare Alarco Polo translated by BUrck S. 264 lit. "■^ Abulpharag. ap. Asseman. iii. ii. 102. llaithon hist, orient, c. 25. 26. 1^ This was the Franciscan Joannes de Monte Corvino cf. AVadding ad ann. 1307 no. 7. ss. With regard to the condition of this com- munity, compare the two letters of this Franciscan in the year 1305, (Wadding ad h. ann. no. 10 ss.) in which he complains : Nestoriani — tantum invaluerunt in partibus istis, quod non permittant, quempiam Christianum altcrius ritus habere quantumlibet parvum oratorium, nee aliam quam Nestorianam publicare doctrinam. ^^ Cublaikhan in 1260 appointed the first Dalai-Lama, see Abel- Remusat recherches sur les langues tartares. t. i. (Paris 1820. 4) p. 346. 386. Ritter's Erdkunde ii., i., 258. 2 H 2 484 THIRD PERIOD.— DIY. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. FIRST APPENDIX. HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. §94. INTERNAL RELATIONS. Among the Greeks all freedom, including that of the Chnrch, and of scientific enquiry, was stifled for a long time hy the oppression of a despotic government.^ On the other hand slavishness and insolence, falsehood and hypocrisy, were deeply rooted among them. They thought that in the classic age of Hellas, the piimacle of earthly civilization had been attained, in the antient Fathers of their Church, the loftiest height of theolo- gical knowledge had been reacht. So they battened on the lees of this twofold past, and by virtue of this then' inheritance lookt down with scorn on all other nations as barbarians. Michael Psellus the younger^ (t about 1100) may be regarded ^ Nicetas Choniata de Manuele Comneno lib. vii. c. 5 : tois TrXet'oo-t /Sao-iXeCcri 'Pconaicop ova dveKTov ecmv 6Xa>s lipxeiv fiovov, Koi ;(pucro0opeTi/, Koi ^pTjcrdai toIs kolvols v pt] (Tvp(^u>vovvT(ov avrois y'lvovrai- 2 cf. Leo Allalius de Psellis et eorum scriptis diatriba (also in Fabvi- cii bibl. Graeca v. 1.) On his Morks, Avhich comprise almost the whole learning of the time, and are for the most part still unprinted, Oudinus conim. de scrippt. eccl. ii. 640, and Hamberger zuverliissige Nach- richten v. d. vornehmsten Schriftstellern iv. 11, may be also compared. The tlieological works, however, (Commentaries on certain books of the Old Testament — dogmatical Explanations de Trinitate etc. — lib. de vii. sacris Synodis oecumenicis etc.) are of no particular value. APR I.— GREEK CHURCH. § 94. INTERNAL RELATIONS. 485 as the representative of the Grecian learning of this age ; for in him we find even in the region of theology, very few original creations, but still here and there the merit of a judicious collec- tion and interpretation of former writings. Such a reputation the two exegetical writers Theophylact Archbishop of the Bulgarians in Achrida (f 1107)^ and Euthymius Zygadenus, a monk at Con- stantinople (t after lllSj,-^ have earned for themselves pre- eminently. This Euthymius Zygadenus even issued some works on polemical divinity in his UavoTrXia SoyfiariKr) tt)? opOoho^ov 7rio-Te&)9,^ so also did the historian Nicetas Acominatus, from Chonae, (f after 1206, see above s. 3) in the Grjaavpo^ 6p9o- Bo^la^.^ Works of greater research in defence of the Chvirch, 3 Comm, in xii. Proph. minores, in iv. Evang., in Acta Apost. et Epistt, Pauli. — Epistolae. — Lib. de iis in quibus Latini accusantur (see Part 1, §. 42. note 10) ect. — 0pp. edd. Finetti, de Rubeis et al. Venet. 1755 ss. vol. iv. fol. (comp. Ernesti theol. Biblioth. Bd. 5. s. 771 flF.) cf. Rich. Simon, hist. crit. des principaux commentateurs du N. T. c. 28. ^ Zygadenus, not as he is commonly called Zigabenus, see my Intro- duction to Euth. de BogomiHs. By him were written : Comm. in Psalmos (in Theophyl. 0pp. ed. Venet.)— Comm. in iv. Evang. (ed. Ch. F. Matthaei. Lips. 1792. t. iii. 8.)— Comm. in epistt. PauU (Ms. in bibl. Vat.no. 636. s. Anecdota Hteraria. Romae 1783. vol. iv. p. 6.) cf. Rich. Simon. 1. c. c. 29. 5 In 24 Titulis, according to Anna Comnena lib. xv. p. 490, sug- gested and entitled by the Emperor Alexius, latine ex. vers. P. F. Zini Venet. 1555. fol. (also in the Bibl. PP. Lugd. xix. 1), in which, however, Titulus xiii. Kara t5>v rrjs noKaias 'Pco/xtjs, fJTOi rav IraXcop, on ovK €K Tov vlov fKnopeverai to ayiov irvevfia (Ms. in Pans and Rome, see N. Fogginius in Anecdot. literar. iv. 10. Romae 1783) is left out. The Greek text was printed in 1711 fol. at Tergowist in Wallachia, but with some omissions in the first tituli on the Trinity, and with the rejection of the whole Tit. xxiv. against the Mahometans (which how- ever J. J. Beurer in Frid. Sylburgii Saracenicis, Heidelb. 1595. 8. had already publisht in Greek and Latin.) Concerning Tit. xxiii. against the Bogomili, see below §. 96. note 5. cf Fabricii biblioth. Graeca vii. 461. Matthaei praef. ad Euthym. Zigab. commentarium in iv. Evangel, p. 8. Ullmann in d. theol. Studien u. Krit. 1833. iii. 665. 6 On Nicetas see Ullmann in the work quoted above s. 674, Michael Akominatus of Chonae, Archbishop of Athens, brother to Nicetas, by Dr A. Ellissen, Gottingen 1846. s. 7. The ejjo-avpci? in 27 books is written with the assistance of the UavoivKia of Euthymius, but it has more original matter, see Ullmann, s. 680 of the same work. The first five books are publisht in a Latin translation by P. Morellus, Paris 1569. 8. (also in the Bibl. PP. Lugd, xxv. .54, lib. xxiii., the con- troversies at the instigation of .iMexius, in Greek in Th. L. F. Tafel Annae Comnenae supplenienta, historiam cccl. Graecorum saec. xi. et 48G THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III. A.D. 1073—1305. and certain Church doctrines, were publisht by Nicholas Bishop of Methone (about 1190).' Lively pictures and outlines of the moral and religious condition of the age, may be found in the speeches, and lesser writings of Eustathius Archbishop of Thessalonica (about 1170)- distinguisht for his classic learning. The historian John Zonaras (after 1118, see Part 1, s. 1),^ and particularly Theodore Balsamon,^^ Patriarch of xVntioch (f after 1203), have bequeathed to Constantinople useful illustrations of ecclesiastical law. When the Christian faith in general had settled down to a formal profession without inward life, many were led by a narrow classical education, to seek for truth in the antient philosophers ;" xii. spectantia. Tubing. 1832. 4.) There is a description of the whole work to be seen in Montfaucon Palaeographia Graeca p. 326 ss. Fa- bricii bibl. Graeca vi. 420 ss. A. M. Bandinii Catalogus codd. mss. bibl. Medicoae Laurentianae varia continens opera Graecorum Patrum. Florent. 1764. fol. p. 430. ^ Concerning him see Ullmann, s. 701 of the same work. Works by him : 'AvaTrm^t? Tf)s dfoKoytKrjs (TTOi^eiaxreuis npoxXov ed. -J. Th. V oemel (Creuzeri initia philosophiae ac theologiae ex Platoiiicis foiitibus ducta. P. iv. Francof, ad M. 182.5) ; Nicol. Meth. Anecdoton (questions and answers on points at issue between Christians and Heathens) ed. Voe- mel P. ii. (2 Schulprogramme, Frankf. 1825 and 1826. 4.) ; Lib. de corpore et sanguine Christi (in the Auctarium biblioth. vett. Patr. Ducaeanum ii. 272.) The unprinted works against the Latins are, De primatu Papae, de processione Spir. s., de azymis. ^ The celebrated author of the Commentary on Homer, and on Dio- nysius Periegetes. His theological works are sermons, short treatises, letters: Eusthathii opuscula ed. Th. L. F. Tafel, Francof ad. INI. 1832. 4. '•^ His Coramentarii in canones ss. Apostolorum, — in canonicas aliquot Graecorum Patrum epistolas, — in canones ss. Conciliorum, formerly publisht separately, are best collected in Guil. Beveregii (Beveridge) iSynodicon s. Pandectae canonum ss. Apostolorum et Conciliorum. Oxon. 1G72;' fol. 1*^ Concerning him see Fabricii. bibl. Gr. ix. 184. His works are Coramentarius in canones Apostolorum et Conciliorum, et in epistt. canon, ss. I'atr. (in (juil. Beveregii Synodicon): Commentarius in Photii Nomocanouem (in Guil. A^oelli et Henr. .Justelli biblioth. juris canon, veteris. ii. 780. Compare Biener's Gesch. d. Novellcu Jus- tinian's. Berlin 1824. s. 210): Collectio ecclesiasticarum constitu- tionum (ibid. p. 1223) : licsponsa on several questions in Canon Law in Jo. Lcunclavii jus Graeco-llomanum (Francof 15',)G. ii. tomi fol.) i. 130. 138. 1()0. .3G2. 442. ^1 Nicolai IMethon. refutatio Procli ed. Voemel. p. 1 : Qavfj-aarov ovBev, uiu "EWrjues — ynoplav rjycovTiu tiju (Wrjdii'ijv Kai rj^fTfpav cro(f)Lav- — 'AXA« Oavfidadfu iiv th fxuXXnv fiVdrojy, oTTwy Kai riva rrji (vfinv tgvttjs Kai APP. I.— GREEK CHURCH. § 94. INTERNAL RELATIONS. 487 whilst Others were carried away by a system of theology grounded only on the understanding, to fruitless questions on points of doctrine ;^" and lastly others even thought all profession of religion ritiiTepas yeyovores avXf]s — Kai ixvaTr^picov deMV yevadpevot, eVetS?) /cm t^j e|co nm^eias /xfTeVxoi/ v ttov kol a/cpo(9tywy ^x/^ai/ro, eTnVpoo-^ei/ twv oIk€icov Tieevrai to. dAXorpia, rovrc^v /xeV to aa(}}is Kcil AnXoiu Ka\ aKaTaaKfvov, ws eureXe?, biaTrriovres, iK^'ivwv Se ro ttolk'iKov kiu ypicpov Ka\ Koixy\ruv, ws oVrtos aepvov re Km a-o(j)6p eK^eiafoi'Tfj- — "OSev avToh kiu ra tvoWu TrpoaKonreiv avplSalvfi, Ktii T^s opBPis eVrpeVeo-^ai niarfcos, Kai rah aeaocjiiapevais Tret- OavdyKais aTvayopevois, els ^Xaacjujpwv alpeaeis VTVo\ia6alviiv. In the time of Alexius Comnenus an Italian taught Philosophy m Constantinople, and gained influence by spreading error, Nicetas Chon. in Tafel Annae Comn. supplementa, p. 2 : 'Hi/ Se ray /xeT6/x>|/vxcoo-ei? bo^d^c^v, km rds dyias eiKdvas ovx <»? edei Tip.&v aXXa Kai rds nXarwvtKas Ibeas Trapehix^ru, Ka\ c'DO^a cirra KaKo Tw Trarpl Ka\ rw TtvevpaTi ti]V eVl Toi aravpoi Ova-lav Trpocrrjvexdai^ oii ar)v Ka\ avTM tm Tipoa-eviyKavTi Aoyw, (^dvpov Xiyf L Tuv Oeov tjtol o-f^aipiKov, i.e. as filling the whole globe), and after much resistance from the Bishops prevailed so far as to have the following passage substituted instead : dvddepa rw Mwd/ier Ka\ Tvaaj} rfi avTov 8i8a)(^fj Koi 81080^^. ^^ Nicetas thes iv. 39 de haeresi Gnosimachorum : Gnosimachi cuivis Christianismi cognitioni et scientiae resistunt, illosque frustra laborare assevunt, qui sacris in Scripturis scieiitiam ullam aut cogni- tionem investigant, cum praesertim a Christianis Deus praeter bona opera nihil requirat, ut sit satius, si quis siraplicius amhulet, nee curi- osius quicquara perscrutetur. 1* When Alexius Comnenus, in want of money, had the precious metal stripjit from certain sacred images, Leo, Bishop of Chalcedon, characterized the deed, as elKovopaxiav Trpu^rjXov, and asserted with em- phasis, TTjii v\r]V Koi peril tt]v tov (T)(i)paTos d(f)dvicriv (iKovas XpLarov Koi ribu dyioiu elvai (Nicetae the.s. in Tafel Annae Comn. suppl. p. 6.) ^5 Eustathius enumerates the different methods, ad stylitam quendam Thessalonicensem c. 48 (opp. ed. Tafel p. 18.9.) These are distin- guisht 01 yvpv'irai, 01 twj/ TpL)(a>v dveni(TTpo6(n Kal avToL The third sort consisted of the a-rvXirat, who lived in columns (c. .54. euros rov arvXov.) ^^ Compare especially Eustathii (7Tta!((\ln\ ^inv poi'dxiKov fVi ^inpOi'oa-ci Twv TTfp) nxWih' (opp. ed. Tafel. p. 214.) APP. I.— GREEK CHURCH, g 95. REL. TO LAT. CHURCH. 489 the few men, who in their zeal for the Church ventured to resist the imperial despotism.^^ § 95. RELATIONS TO THE LATIN CHURCH. Leonis AUatii de Ecclesiae occidentalis atque orientalis perpetua consensione (libb. iii. Colon. Agripp. 1648. 4.) lib. ii. c. 10—16. J. G. Walch hist, controversiae Graecorum Latinorumque de processione 8piritus sancti- Jenae 1751. p. 62. Schrockh Kirchengesch xxix. 372. During the crusades, continual but unavailing etlbrts were made on the side of the Latins, to unite the Greek Church with the Koman, or rather to bring it under its dominion. Kemarkable in- this point of view are, the Synod at Bari^ summoned by Urban II., the mission of Peter Grosulanus Archbishop of Milan from Paschal II. to the Emperor Alexius Comnenus in lllo,^ the negotiations of Anselm Bishop of Havelberg at the court of John 17 Thus the Abbot Nicephnrus Blenimydes, about 1240, dismissed from his Church the Marchesina. the concubine of the Emperor John Ducas (Nicephori Gregorae hist. Byzant. ii. 7. Leo. Allat. de Eccl. occid. et orient, perp. consensione p. 718.) Arsenms, Patriarch ol Constantinople, excommunicated Michael Palaelogus, because in 12.59 he put out the eves of the former Emperor's son, and seized on the crown for himself. He was deposed : a monk Joseph entered upon his see: the con.sequence of which was a tedious schism, between the Arsenians and Josephites (Nicephorus Gregor. lib. iv. Georg. Pachymeres de Mich. Palaeol. iii. 10. 14. iv. 5. 10. de Andromco i. 13. 21.) 1 First summoned, with reference to the Greeks in Lower Italy. Anselm, Archbishop of (Canterbury, had to take up the cause of the Roman Church ; see Eadmeri hist. Novorum lib. u. p. o3. Idem de vita Anselmi p. 21 ; Willelmi Malmesburiensis de gestis Pontihcum Ano-lorum lib. i. (in Rerura Anglicarum scriptores post Bedam prae- cipui. Francof 1601. p. 223.) Anselm was thus induced to compose his treatise de processione Spiritus s. contra Graecos (0pp. p. 49 ss.) 2 The Archbishop's speech before the Emperor is given in Latin by Baronius ad ann. 1166 no. 8. in Greek in Leonis Allatii Graecia ortho- doxa i. 379. Eustratius, Archbishop of Nicaea, took up tlie argument aoainst him ; his report of the controversy is preserved in a manuscnpt at Paris ( Lequien Oriens christ. i. 649. ) On the correspondence which ensued see Allatius de Eccl. occid. et orient, perp. cons. p. 626. 490 THIRD PERIOD.— JDIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. Comnenus,^ and the eftbrts of the Popes during the reign of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus,^ who was inclined to the union himself, but found a general disinclination to it among the clergy and people.^ The Greeks rejected the demand which was always reiterated, that in all points of difference they should give way to the Latins ; this they did more resolutely than before, now that the universal monarchy of the Popes, lately developed in things spiritual and temporal, gave thein new ground of oifence.^ Many 3 About the year 1 135, Anselm had been ambassador of the emperor Lothair at Constantinople, and in 1150, at the request of Eugene III., he prepared for him a full report of a religious conference held with Nicetas, Archbishop of Nicomedia, in the Diologorum libb. iii. (in d'Achery spioileg. i. 161.) On Anselm see Riedel in v. licdebur's Archiv. f. d. Geschichtskunde d. preuss Staats viii. 97, and Spieker in Illgen's Zeitschr. f hist. Theol. 1840. ii. 1. ^ A letter of Pope Hadrian IV. to Basilius Achridenus, Archbishop of Thessalonica, and his answer, are to be found in Baronius 1155, no. 42, in Greek and Latin in Jo. Leunclavii jus graeco-romanum ed. M. Freher i, 305. The disputation of this Basilius with Henry, Arch- bishop of Beneventum, in Greek in MS. in the imperial Library of Vienna, see Lambeclus ed. Kollar. v. S8.— On the Synod negotiated about 1170 in Constantinople by a Roman embassage, see Allatius de Eccl. occ. et orient, perp. cons. p. 664. Michael Anchialus, the Patriarch at that time, afterwards noted down the conference, in which he sought to prove to the Emperor the impolicy of acceding to the demands of the Latins. Fragments of it are preserved in Allatius p. 664. 526. 555. 558. of. Michael Anchiali in Allatius p. 558 : Kvpievaoi 8e /jlov tls 'Aya- prjvos TO (paivofxfvov, koI fxi) /xoi (TVVTpex,oi to voovpevov 'irnXdj- Toi p.iv yap ovx OjioyvuipLOVU), Kav vnoKupat ■ tov 8e Trjv avp.(^(i>viav eVt Trj tvi(tt€1 Se^a- fievos, TOV 6eov p.ov aTre^^copjjcra, ov eKelvos dyroStcuKei epavTov evaTepviadpevos. " Nicetas says to Anselm (cf. note 3) lib. iii. c. 8 : Si Romanus Pontifex in excelso throno gloriae suae residens nobis tonare, et quasi projicere mandata sua de sublimi voluerit, et non nostro consilio, sed proprio arbitrio, pro beneplacito suo de nobis et de Ecclesiis nostris judicare, imo imperare voluerit: quae fiaternitas, seu etiam quae pater- nitas haec esse poterit? Quis hoc unquam aequo aniino sustinere queat ? Tunc nempe veri seivi, et non Hlii Ecclesiae recte dici possc- mus et esse. Quod si sic necesse esset, et ita grave jugum cervicibus nostris portandum immineret, nihil aliud restaret, nisi quod sola Ilo- matia Ecclesia libertate, qua vellet, friierelur, ot aliis quidem omnibus ipsa leges conderet, ipsa vcro sine lege esset, et jcim non pia mater filiorum, sed dura et iraperiosa domina servorum videretur et esset. Quid igitur nobis Scripturarum scientia ? Quid nobis litei'arum studia i (■iuid magistrorum doctrinalis disci])lina ? Quid sapientum Graecoium nobilissiraa ingenia ? Soki Romani Pontificis auctoritas, quae, sicut tu dicis, super omnes e>t, vmiversa haec evacuat. Solus ipso sit Episcopus, APP. I.— GKEEK CHURCH, g 95. REL. TU LAT. CHURCH. 4yi Greek authors of the 12th century wrote iu defence of their Church ;' and these haughty proposals of the Latins, only served to arouse among the Greeks, already injured by the overpowering- might of the West, and the licentiousness of the crusaders,*^ an indelible hatred of the Komish Church.^ solus niagister, solus praeceptor : solus de omnibus sibi soli commissis soli Deo, sicut solus l)onus Pastor, respondeat. Jo. Cinnanius (about 1 176) denies that Rome had a high priest, and also an Emperor. 'O /jLiv yap rw rJjs /SacriXet'ay (TV€fji[iaiva>v fxfyakeia), ava^ias eavrS, 'nrTrevofievo) Tre^fj TW apxtepe't -napaBiei, Ka\ ocra Ka\ InTTOKopos avTa>, ylverai. 6 8e Iprrf- puTopa TovTov — ovopa^ei. IIwj, S (BeXna-Tf, Koi irudev (rot rols 'FaipaLcov ^aaiKevcnv els ImroKonovs Kexprjcrdai enrjXdev ; — 'AXX' e'/iot, (j)rja\., (SaaiKeas ■Trpo^e^Xrjo-dai e^eari. Nat, oaov iiTiBeivai x^'pos-, oaov ayiaaai, Tavra 8fj to. ■nvevpariKa, ovxt^ Se kui jBaovs civaKOTrfivai, kuI 'Pco/iatwj/ mfiara ■nepnToir)dT]vai sKx^drjaeadai KivbvvevovTU. p.ivetv be /cat nakiv n)v 'Ek- KKr]a[av aKaivoToprjTov. — rpt(ri 6e K€(pa\aLOis Koi ixovols to npos ti)v Ta)u 'Pco/xaicoi/ 'EKK\r](Tlav TrpaTTonemp Trepia-Trjaeadai, TrpoiTeico, eKKXjjTO) (right of appeal to the Pope), koL p.vr]p.o(Tvva (mention of him in the Church prayers), hv eKaarov e'i tis uKpi^Ms aKonoirj, Kevov elvai uvdyKT]. ttots yap KOI irapovaidaas 6 Udnas irpoKaOiaei rav ciWoiv ; TTore 8e ri(Ti Koi eneXdot diKrjv e'xouo-t, BaXaaaav roaavTrjv rapeaScu, koi roaov dvap-erprjo-at. TreXayos, ecjj' w rav vopiCopevav Trpareiav Tvxelv ; to 8' eVl Trj rjfxeTepa ku\ fxovrj 'E,<- K\r](Tia, Kcu hevTipa Tji naff vpds «al jueyaXr; tov Udnav p.vqp.ov€vea6ai roO narpidpxov XeLTOvpyovvTos, tI tiv r« opQco Trpoaa-Tcdr) ; iroaais oiKovopiais ol Ilarepes irpos o, tl yeveadaL (TVfx(f)€pov ixpn^ravTo ; k. t. \. 494 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 1073—1305. at the Council of Lyons in 1274, there was no occasion for the theologians, Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventvu-a, who had been summoned thither to convince the Greek delegates ;^'^ for they swore of their own accord to all that was proposed to them. Joseph the contumacious Patriarch of Constantinople, was obliged to give way, and John Bekkos was placed in his see, whom the Emperor by a strict imprisonment had transformed into a zealous advocate for the Latin doctrine.^*^ Thus this union, on the side of the Greek Chm'ch, was an affair of the court alone : The people regarded it with detestation.'^ Martin IV. at last dis- covered the artifice, and excommunicated the Emperor (1281) :^® After Michael's death (1282) John Bekkos was driven to take refuge in a monastery, from the anger of the people ; and soon after the whole union was revoked in form by Anckonicus.'^ §96. HERETICS. The Paulicians (comp. Part I. § 3 and § 45) who held almost independent sway in the district about Philippopolis, were first ^^ Clement IV. had already submitted to the Emperor a Roman Confession of Faith, which was to be forthwith adopted by the Greeks (Raynald. aim. 1267. no. 72. ss.) Michael repeated this word for word, and assented to it, in the Epist. ad Gregor. X., wliich his ambas- sadors delivered at Lyons (in IMansi xxiv. 67), and onlv added to it : Rogamus Magnitudinem vestram, ut Ecclesia nostra dicat sanctum sym- bolum, i)routdioel)athoc ante schisnia usque in hodiernum diem, et quod permaneamus in ritibus nostris, quibus utebamur ante sehisma, qui scilicet ritus non sunt contra supradictain fideni etc. cf. Sacramentum Imp. Graecorum 1. c. p. 73, Literae Praelatorum (jiraeciae p. 74, Sa- cramentum Graecorum p. 77. 16 His numerous works in favour of the union, and the Roman Church, are pul)lisht in Leonis Allatii Graecia orthodoxa. Tomi ii. Romae 1()52. \(h')9. 4. 1^ Pachymeres de Michaele Palaeol. lib. v. c 22. 1^ Pachymeres lib. vi. c. 30 : to. yap Ka6' f]fias as axoi' nadourts (viz. the Romans) koI ontp rjv VTroromiaaPTfs, x^^^rjv to yeyovos Ktil ovk uXijdfiav avTiKpvs- Tvapa p.6vov yap BaaiXea ku\ IlaTfndpxrjf, xm rivas rcoi/ Trep\ avrovs, iruvTfs fhvapevaivov rfi flpr)vr). — reXor 6? BuaiXea piv Ka\ tovs apcf)' avroi', as x^fyaaras — u(f)npi(Tpo'is KaOvnefiaXov. The Sentence of cxcomuiuuica- tion is given in Raynald. ann. 12.S1. no. 25. '^ Pachymeres hist. Andronici lib. i. c. 2. APP. I.— GPvEEK CHURCH, g 96. PAULICIANS. 495 humbled by the Emperor Alexius Comnenus (he reigned fi'om 1081 — 1118), because they deserted him in his war with the Normans (1081 — 1085).^ Afterwards Alexius resided for a time at Philippopolis (1115) in order to bring back the defaulters to the Church, by his eloquence in theology, and the distribution of rewards and punishments.^ Over against Philippopolis rose the orthodox Alexiopolis, to receive the penitent with great signs of favour.'"* Thus the heresy ceased to prevail in this region : Still its secret continuance and extension, were so much the less hin- dered, now that a new life was developed therein, by a process of inward leavening. From the Euchetae'* rose the Bogomili,^ who first made their appearance in the year 1116, when the Emperor Alexius unmaskt their leader Basilius by treachery,^ and had him burnt to death.^ In their peciiliar doctrines and customs, they ^ Compare Anna Coniiiena, the daughter of Alexius, in her Alexias lib. V. ed. Palis, p. 131. and lib. vi. p. 154. s. 2 Anna Comncna lib. xiv. p. 450 s. The pious daughter styles him for this deed rpicrKaibiKaTov cnrofTToKov. ^ Anna Conmena 1. c. p. 456 : ndXet? yap okas nai xw/jn? rah ttuvto- danals aipeaeai KeKparTjfievas TroXvTpoTrcos els ttjv rjnerepav opdodo^ov perrfveyKe TrtVrif. Toi/s pev ra Trpcora (pepovras peyaXwv rj^iov irpovoimv, Ka\ tSuv crrpa- Ticorav ra'is \oyd(ri KareXfye • tovs de )(v8aiorepovs (TwaOpoiaas anavras^ — (cat ttoXlv TovTOis 8eipdpevos dyxov ttov ^iXiTTTTOVTroXeas Ka\ irepav ILvpov tov Tvorapov, eKelcre tovtovs peratKicrev, ' AXe^iOvnoXiv rrji' ttoXlv Karovopdcras, rj Kal NoeKiKTTpov — aTroSvcrdpevos Kal tovtols ndKeivois dpovpas re Kal olvoTveha Kal oiKLUs Kal KTrjaiv aKlvi-jTOV, 4 See Part 1. § 45. note 5. ^ Engelhaidt on the BogoniiH, in his treatises on Church history, Erlangen 1832, s. 153. Neander's Kirchengesch. v. ii. 743. ^ The Latins also bear witness to the craft and faithlessness of Alexius. Otto Prising, vii. 10 calls him Imperatorem perfidissimum, in Willermi Tyrensis hist, rerum in partibus transniarinis gestarum ii. 5, he is called vir nequam et subdolus, and c. 13, vir subdolus, potens simulare et dis- simuUu'e propositum. ^ Anna Comnena lib. xt. p. 486 ss. records the transaction at length, but she passes over the doctrines of the Bogoniili, p, 490 : 'U^ovXoprjv 8e Kal Tzaarav Trju rav BoyopiXoiv 8iriyr)aaadaL aipeaiv, dXXd pe KaXvei Kal aldois, cos TTOV cf)T](Tiv rj KaXrj '2aTr(jia>. oti avyypacjifvs eycoye yvufj Kal rrjs ■n-op(j)vpas TO ripLutrarov, Kal rav ^AXe^lov irpoiTidTov (iXda-Trjpa. For this reason she refers to the Panoplia of Euthyniius Zjgadenus, which was written at her father's command (see above § 94. note 5.) Euthymius Zygadenus has indeed written more against the Bogomih, e.g. an 'Ettj- O'ToXrj arrfXiTfvovaa crraXfTcra otto KoyvaTavTivovnoXecos irpos rovs iv rfj avrov TTarpibi (cf. Lambecii comm. de biblioth. Vindob. lib. v. cod. ccxiii. no. 8. p. 38 and cod. ccxlviii. no 1, p. 134) : another Epistola steliteutica 496 THIRD PERIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 1073—1305. agree so marvellously with the Cathari of" the western world," that the connection of the two ]>arties, for which also there is (cf. ibid. cod. ccxlvii. no. 14. p. 1::^2) : a 2vyypa(pT) (rTrjXiTevriKi] (ex cod. Vat. t'dita in Anecdotis literariis, Roniae 1783. iv. 27) : in fine the EXeyx^os Koi Qp'iaiifios rrjs /iiXacrf/jij/xci; koi TrokvetBovs alpea-eas tu>v ddecov MacraaXiavcov, rav Koi ^ovi>5aiTa>i> koi BoyofxiXcou KciXovfieucov, koi Evxtrmv, KUL 'Evdovaia(TTci)P, Kai ^ Ey KparrjTcop, koi MapKtcoi/tcrrcoi/ (in Jac. Tollii insig- nia itinerarii Italic!, Trajecti ad Rhen. 16.96. 4. p. 106 ss. and in Gal- landii bib). PP. xiv. 293). However the most important work is srill Titulus xxiii. of the Panoplia, the Greek original in Jo. Christ. Wolfiii historia Bogomiloruni, Vitenib. 1712. 4. is dismembered and publisht incomplete, but has been issued by me entire (Euth. Zygad. narratio de Bogomilis, s. Panopliae dogniaticae tit. xxiii., Gottiiig. 1842. 4.) The credibility of Euthyniius in essential points, which J. L. Oederus in prodonio historiae Bogouiiloruni criticae, Gotting. 1743. 4. (also in Heumanii nova sylloge dissertf. ii. 492) his especially impugned, is cleared up remarkably by the similarity of his Bogoniili to the western Cathari. — Euthymius remarks on the title with regard to the name of the party : Boy piv yap )} roiv BovXydpcou yXcoaaa KaXel tov 6eov, fiiXovi Be TO eXirjcrov. firj 8 au BoyopiXos Kar auTovs 6 tov 6eov tov eXeov emcnTUipevos '. The Greeks erroneously connected the name with the word pomilui, in the Slavonian formula Gospodine pomilui, the Lord have mercy on thee : Bogomil is Gottesfieund Theophilus, see my remarks on Euthy- mius p. 1. Euthymius then begins: 'H tCiv Bo-yo/it'Xwv atpeais nv 7rp6 TToXXov (TvvtcrTT] Trjs Ka6 Tjpds yeveds, pepos oixra Tijs tmv 'MaacraXiai'wv, koi crvpdpepopevq to. rroXXa toIs eKeivcov doypaai, Tiva 8e Koi irpocre^evpovtra koi TTjv Xvpijv av^rjcracra. AieyvuxrBrj 8e kutcl tovs xP'^^ovs 'AXe^iov tov deoKv^ep- vijTov jSaaiXecos TjpSip, os ivrtxvas Kai irdw davpacrluts tov e^ap^ov avTrjs drjpevaas. BaaiXeios fjv oCtos 6 uiTpos, dvqp dXtOpios puXXov, Kcii Xoipos, koi (POopds pecTTos, Kai Trucrris kokms opyavov. — Anna Comnena 1. c. p. 486. ptyiaTOv eTreyeiperat vi(pos a'lpeTiKcov, Kai to "^jj? alpecreas eiBos Kaivov, prjTTb) '.rpoTfpov eyvs j3aStfet, Kai vwo'^idvpl^ei to aTupu, TtivBodt Be Xvkos ea-Tiv dKadiKTOs- ^ Their doctrines are -given in Euthymius c. 1 : 'A6eTova-i miaas tus McoiTaiKas jSi^Xovs peTci Kai tov ev avTa'is dvaypa(^optvov deov Kai twv eiiapea- TqadvTcov avTca 8iKaLU)v, val pyjv Km Ttis peT avTas ('nTU(ras (os KaT ewnvvoiav TOV "^aTavci a-vyypa(j}el.(ras. — Movas Be TrapaStxovTai Kai ripaaiv enTa, — Xeyci) B>) TO yj/dXTripiov, Kai to e^KaiBeKa7rpo(j)TjToi', Kai to Kara Mar^atof Evay- yeXiov, Kai to Kara MdpKov, Kai to Kara AovKav, Kai to /cara lu>dvv7)v, Kai eidBopov Ti)v jiilSXov tcov npu^ewv criiv toIs eTTtaToXals ndaais kol tij 2\noKa- Xvyfrei tov deoXoyov Icodvvov. — C. 6 : Aeyovo^i, roi' Aatpova, tov irapa tov APP. I.— GREEK CHURCH. § 9G. BOGOMILI. 497 2a}T7ipos ovofiacrdevTa laravau, v'lov Kai avTov eivui tov 6iov Ka\ narpos, ovofia- ^lifievov 'SaTavafjX, Koi Trpwrov tov v'lov Kai Xoyov, Kai laxvporepov, are Trpcord- TOKOV, ws elvuL TovTOVs d8eX(povs oAXr/Acoi'. Eivai 8e tov SaTavarjX oiKovopov K.a\ dfVTepfvovTa tov HaTpos, ti)v avTrjv aiiTa TveptKelpfvov Kai popcfirjv koi aToXrjV, Koi iv be^ia avTov Kadrjpevov eVt dpovov, koX tt)s peT avTov evOvs Tipris d^iovpevov, 'Y(ji fjs pedvuQivTa Ka\ els dnovoiav enapdevTa peXeTrjcrai aTTOcrTacTiav, Kai rroTe Bpa^dpevov Kaipov Kaddvai nelpdv rtcrt toiv XeiTovpyiKav dvpdpewu, el ^ovXoivto Kov(pL^6pepoL tov (Sdpovs ttjs XeiTovpylas dKoXovBriaai Tovra KOI a-vyKaTf^avaaTrjvai. Toii TVUTpos. — EiVa tovs elprjpevovs ayyeXovs — a-vvanaxdrjvai tovtco Kai Koivcovrjo-ai Trjs eTn^ovXrjs, aladopevov 8e tuvttjs tov 6e6v pi4rai tovtovs avu>6ev opov ndvTas. — C. 7 ' Aeyovai, tov ^.aTavarjX apcodfv pKpevTa Kai prj 8vvdpevov to'ls vdaaiv ((pi^dveiv, fj yrj yap (prjaiv rjv dopaTOs Kai dKaTaa-KevacrTos, enfinfp ctl kuI ttjv Oeiav TrepUKfiTO poptprjv Kai (TToXrjv, Kai Tijv 8r]piovpyiKf]V (KeKTTjTO bvvapiv, avyKaXeaai Tas crvyKaTaTrea-ov- (Tas avTci dvvdpeis, Kai Bapcros avTa'is eplBaXdv, Kai eiTrelv • as eVel tov ov- pavov Kai Trjv yrjv 6 6e6s enoirjcrfv [iv dpxjj yap (f}T]cnv eTToirjaev 6 oeos tov ovpavov Kai ttjv yfjv), ttoitjctco /cdyw devTfpov ovpavov, a>s devTfpos ofos, Kai ra f^rjs dKoXovdus. So he created the world and mankind; but as he could not endue the latter with souls. bieTTpea^evaaTo npos tov dyadov HaTepd, Kai napfKaXecre 'TTip(\)6r]vai irap avTov 7tvot]V, eTrayyeiXdpfvos koivov eivai tov avOpoiTTov, el ^Monoirjdrj , Kai drro tov yevovs avTov TvXrjpovadai tovs ev ovpava TOTVovs Ta>v aTToppKpdevTcjv 'AyyeXcov. Tov 8e 6eov, ois dyaOov, eTiivevcrai, Kai ep,(pv(Trjs airoXXvpev(av, poyis oXlyoi Tives Tjjs TOV waTpos pepiSos eyevovTO, Kai els ttjv tS)V AyyeXcof Ta^iv dvej3r](rav Tovtovs 8e elvat tovs ev Tals yeveaXoyiais tov Te kutci MaTdalov EiayyeXiov, Kul tov kuto. AovKav pvrjpovevopevovs. O'^e ttotc oe avvrJKf KUTacro(f)L(r6els 6 UaTrjp, Kai ddiKelcrdai yvovs, — koi apa KareXerjcras ttjv 'ilrv)(ijv, TO tdiov ep(j)vcrr]pa, Trdaxovaav ovtws dOXias koi KaTahvvadTevoptvrjV, diavaffTrjvai Tvpos (ipvvav, Kai ev rw Trefra/ctcrp^tXtocrTW TrevTUKoa-iocTTm eTet (according to the Constantinopolitan fera, Ideler's Chronol. ii. 4G3) e^epev^aaOai ttjs eavTOv Kopdias Xoyov, tovtov 8e tov v'lov Kai 6e6v. -. — KareX- Qeiv 8e avo)6ev Kai elapvrjvaL Sta tov de^iov mros Trjs napdevou, Kai TvepiOeapai crdpKa rto (paLvopevco pev vXlktjv Kai opoiav dv6pu>7rov crwpaTi, jrj 0 aXrjdeLq ("tiJXov Kai BeoTTpeirr], Kai e^eXdelv avOis, oOev elarjXQe, Tr]s irapBevov prjTe ttjv eiao8ov avTOv yvovarjs pr]Te ttjv e^ohov, dXX' airXuis evpovarjs avTOV ev Tea a-TTrjXaia) Keipevov eanapyavcopevov. Kai TeXeaai ttjv evcrapKov oiKovopiav, Kai TToirjcrai, Kai SiSd^ai to. ev Tols EvayyeXiois dvaTaTTopeva, TrXrjV'ev (pavTaaia rots dv6pa>TroTrpeTrecnv vnoKelpevov TtdBeai, aravpmdevTa 8e Kai dTTOoavelv, Kai dvaaTrjvai, 86^avTa Xucrai ttjv aKrjvrjv koI yvpvaxrai to 8pdpa, Kai dnoaepevov TJ TTpocrcoTre'iov crvcrxf^v tov dnocTTdTrjv, Kai 7ra;(Ei Kai ^apel kXoiS KaTaorjcrai Kai eyKXeluai tu> TapTapca, irepieXovTa Kai eK tov ovopaTos aiTOV to tjX cos dyyeXiKov {2aTavai)X yap KaXovpevov Saramv dcprjKev ovopd^ecrBai), Kai Xoinov TrXrjpuiaavTa ttjv eyxeipicrdelaav hiaKoviav dvuhpapilv eis tov IlaTepa, Km KaBicrai ev de^ia els tov Bpovov tov dTToppL(pevTos '2aTavarfk, eha eiaeXdeiv, oBev e^rjXBe, Kai dvaXvBrjvai tvuXlv els tov IlaTepa, els ov ev dpxfl ^"i ^f] yacTTpi TOVTOV avyKeKXeiapevos. — C. 9 : Aeyovai^ tovs dnoTTea-ovTas ' AyyeXovs^ aKov- (TavTas, oTi 6 ^aTavai)X vTreaxeTO rco Ilarpi, TrXrjpovcrBaL tovs ev ovpava tottovs ai'Tcov dno tov yevovs tu>v dvBpMwcov, Ibelv dcreXyws tcls BvyaTtpas tu>v avdpu>- 2 1 498 TrflRD PERIOD.— DIV. ITI.— A.D. 1073—1305. 7r-ji)U, Kai X«(Sfiv avTti? rls yvvcuKat, iva ra airfpfjiaTa avroiv tls rov ov- pavov ai'(\6u)criv, els ruis tottovs twv Trarepoiv avTcov. 'iSoi're? yi'tf), (baaiv, ni viol Tov dfoii Tus dvyoTfpas to)i> dv6pa>TTa>i>, oVi KoKci'i elaiv, eXa^ov tavTois yvvaiKai. Y'lovs 8e tov 6eov tovtovs ovopa^ovcriv. as Koi airovs an tKfipov ytyovorns. 'Eac 6e rrjs avvovaias avTcav 'dTvoyfvin)6T)vaL rovs TiycivTas, ovs avTicrTTJvai ra 'Saravarjk, koi Bpiapfievcrai rot? avdpooTrois rrjv anocTTaalav uvTov. Tov 8( Bvpadem-a enayayelv avrols tov KaTUKkvcrpov, koi 8La(p6f'ipai (Tvv avTo'is iraaav (warav adpKa. Movov Se tov Nwe 6vyaTepa firj KeKiiqpevov ayvor)(rai ttjv diroaTaaiav toC ^aTovarjX kqI 8iapf'ivat, BepairevovTci tovtov, ov Trj XaTpeia tov ^UTCivafjX dpeaKopfvov inroQiaOai to. Trept ttjs ki^ohtov Kai oiaatoaai tovtov povov ptTci tcov iv nvTrj. — C. 11: Toiis 'lepdpxas 6e Ka\ rovs UaTfpas opoii navTas arroboKipd^ovaiv a>s eldaiXoXaTpas, 8ta ttjv tcov fiKovcov TvpoaKwrja-Lv, Ka\ tovs pev fvae^ds dnavTas jSaaiXfls dWoTpiovai rov xXijpov Ta>v \piaTiavu>v, povovs 8e KaXovaiv 6p6o86^ovs Ka\ ttkttovs tovs eiKovopdxovs, Ka\ pdXicrTa tov KoTrpi)vvpov. ^ATipd^ovai yap Ka\ tcis (Tf^aa- piovs fiKovas, Ta (i8coXa XeyovTts twv iBvaiv, dpyvpiov Ka\ xpvcriov, fpya x^*-' paiv av6pu)iTv. — C. 1 3 : Aeyovcriv, drr aiirav ptv povov, jJTOi rav Boyopi- Xcov, (f)fvyfiv de\ tovs balpovas, cocrfl to^ov ^oXtjv, eKdcTTOi 6e t&v aXXav anavTOiv ivoiKtlv baipova, Ka\ 8i8daK(iv avTov Ta TrnvTjpd, koi ayetv eVt Tas Hvoaiovpy'ias, Koi aTTodvijaKOVTos tvoiKflv avdis to7s Xetyp-dvois avTov, Kai irapa- p.(veiv Tv (nfxofTfs Xfipas 01 napaTVxdvTfs av8pes Kai yvva'iKes ttjv dvoaiov fna8ov(ri TeXeT^v. — f'. 17: ATipd^ovai TTjv pva-TtKrjV Kai (ppiKTtjv Upovpyiav, Kai ttjv tov 8ea-7roTi- Kov (TvpaTos Kai aipMTOs dyiav pfTdXtr^iv, Ovaiav tcov fvoiKovvTcov toIs vao7s Caipuvaiv TavTijv uTroKaXovvTes. — C. 18 : Atyovaiv, (v Trdtri to'is iepois vao'is KaroiKflv tovs 8aipovas, 8iaXax6vTas avrovs dvaXoycos ttjs eKaarov ra^fcos Kai ovvapfa>s- Tov ptvToi 'SaTuvCiv TrdX.ai piv diroKKrjpmaai eavTO) tov TroXvdpvXXr]- Tov ev If poa-oXvpois vaov, p^Tci 8e tvjv cKfivov KaTaaTpG(})f)v e^iStaxrao-^at tov iv rfj ^a(TiXt8i ravTT] tuiv tt6X(u>v V7r(p(p(prj Kai irepirnvvpov Tfjs rov Otoii 2o0i'ay oLKov. Ov yap 6 v^iaros, (jjaa-iv, (v xf'poTTon'jrois vao'is KaroiKei, tov ovpavov *X<^^ KaroiKrjrtjpiov. — C. 19: Mdvrjv dvopd^ovai TrpoafvxrjV ttjv vtto tov Kvpiov napa8o6fl(Tav ev toIs EvuyytXlois, I'jyovv to Tldrep Tjpcov, Kai ravTrjv pdvTjv Trpocrevxovrat, (irrdKis ptv tt]s fjptpas. nevraKis 8e ttjs vvktos (they OlTlit the doxoJogy in use among the Greeks at the end of the Lor.i's Prayer, a.s the Latins do, see J. ToUii insignia itinerarii Italici, p. 118). — Tar «) aXXas ndaas Trpoafvxdi dripd^ovo'i, fiarroXoyias avrds aTvoKoXovvrfs, kuI Trjs idviKrjs pepi8os. — C. 20 : "EXtytv 6 rrjs alpicrtuis avrCdv e^apxos, eyyfy- pd(j)6ai Tins ¥AiayytX'iois avribv (prnvf/v rov Kvpiov Xtyova-av ■ ripdrf ra Saipoviay APP. I.— GREEK CHURCH. § 96. BOGOMILI, 4^9 historical testimony,' cannot fail to be recognized. Even after their master's death the Bogomili maintained their ground in the Greek empire, especially in the region of Philippopolis.^* ov^ Iva aCpeXrjdrjTf nap' avTOiv, oXX' Iva fxrj jSkd\lrcocnv vfj-as. ( Just SO the Slavonians dedicated the goblet to the good and the evil God, see Hel- moldi chron. Slav. i. 52, Compare my remarks in the theol. Studieu U. Kritiken 1837. ii. 359. 3fi5). — C. 21 : "Etc Trpoa-tyyeypac^Oai Kal rav- TTjv eXeye tov Kvpiov (pcovrjv • TpoTTO) (TioO-qre, TovTeari pera prjx^ai'ris pas iwdT-qs- C. 27 SS- on their alle- gorical interjiretation of Holy Scripture- They asserted, c 37 : ^tfr/ti/at TToXiTfiav dKpi^€(TT€pav T€ Kal Kadapa>T€pav, dne^opevovs Kpeuxpayias, Kal Tvpoii, Kal o)ov, Kal ydpov, koI t&v toiovtcov- ^ See above § 87 note 11 (Evervin), § 90 note 20 (Rainerius), note 23 (Pseudoevang. Jo.), note 26 (Conradus Portueusis). ^** AnnaComnena 1. c. p. 490 : evelBddwe to kokov kuI els olKias peyia-ras, Kal TToXXov TrXrjdovs rjyj/aTo to 8(iv6v- Euthvmii Victoria de Massalianis in Tolhus 1. C. p. 112; T) TToXvMvvpos Tcbv MacTCTiXcai/aJi/, e'tTOVV BoyoplXcov aipecris tv nda-rj rroXei, koI X'^P?) '^'^^^ enapxla eninoXd^ei Tavvv. — In the year 1 140 a Synod at Constantinople condemned to the flames avyypdppaTa Tiva TOV TOV jSiov rj8r] KUTaXinovTos HoyvirravTivov tov XpvcropdXov, in which it found nXeov tuv aXXwi/ 'Evdovaiaa-Tciyv Kal BoyoulXcov, and punisht the monks who had them in their possession (the Sententia Synodi in Allatius deEccl.occid. et orient. perp. cons. p. 644. Mansi xxi. 551 ) : — In the year 1143 two Cappadocian Bishops, Clemens and Leontius, were deposed as Bogomili, by a Synod at Constantinople (the Sententia is in Allatius 1. c. p. 671. Mansi xxi. 583) : about the same time, and for the same reason, the Monk Niphon was sentenced to imprisonment (Joh. Cinnami hist. lib. ii. c. 10. Allatius 1. c. p. 678.) About 1180, writes Theod. Balsamon schol. in Photii nomocan. tit. x. c. 8. (Voelli et Justelli bibl. juris can. vet. li. 1042) : dno tovt