r 4 ■ . ii*- ^ '/o '/-« i >5 ^ -S Z\)c Scottish tleyt Society THE RIGHT VAY TO THE KINGDOM OF HEUINE THE RIGHT VAY TO THE KINGDOM OF HEUINE BY JOHN GAU EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES, BY A. F. MITCHELL, D.D. I'ROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, ST ANDREWS THE GLOSSARIAL INDEX BY T. G. LAW LIBRARIAN OF THE SIGNET LIBRARY Prmteti for tlje Son'etg ig WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS EDINBURGH AND LONDON MDCCCLXXXVIII Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/richtvaytokingdoOOgauj CONTENTS. PAGE INTKODUCTION, ....... ix JOHN GAU TO THE READER, ..... 3 THE RIGHT WAY TO HEAVEN, ..... 7 The Ten Commandments, ..... 8 A Short Declaration of the Ten Commandments,, . ii How man may sin against the First Commandment, . . 12 Sins against the Second Commandment, . . . .13 Sins against the Third Commandment, . . .14 Sins against the Fourth Commandment, . . .14 Sins against the Fifth Commandment, . . . .15 Sins against the Sixth Commandment, . . . .16 Sins against the Seventh Commandment, . . . .16 Sins against the Eighth Commandment, . . . .17 Sins against the Ninth and Tenth Commandments, . . 18 How to keep the First Commandment, . . . .21 How to keep the Second Commandment, . . .21 How to keep the Third Commandment, , . . .22 How to keep the Fourth Commandment,. . . .22 How to keep the Fifth Commandment, . . . .23 How to keep the Sixth Commandment, . . . .23 How to keep the Seventh Commandment, . . .23 How to keep the Eighth Commandment,. . . .24 How to keep the Ninth and Tenth Commandments, . . 24 VI CONTENTS. Of the Holy Christian Faith, . . . . .26 The Twelve Articles of the Christian Faith as they are contained in the Creed, ....... 27 The First Article of the Faith, ... . . 32 The Second Article, . . . . . . .34 The New and Old Testament witness that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, ...... 37 The Third Article, ...... 39 The Fourth Article, . . . . . . .41 Witness of the Old Testament to Christ’s Holy Passion, . 42 Witness of the New Testament to the same Holy Passion, . 42 The Fifth Article,....... 43 Witness of the Old Testament to His glorious Resurrection, . 46 Witness of the New Testament to Christ’s Resurrection, . 47 The Sixth Article, ...... 47 Witness of the Old Testament to Christ’s Ascension to Heaven, 48 Witness of the New Testament to the Ascension, . . 49 The Seventh Article, ...... 50 Witness of Holy Writ to this Article, . . . .52 The Eighth Article, . . , . . . *53 The Ninth Article, . . . . . *55 The Tenth Article, ...... 59 Witness of the Old Testament, . . . .63 Witness of the New Testament, . . . .64 The Eleventh Article, ...... 65 Witness of the Old Testament, . . . .68 Witness of the New Testament, . . . .68 The Twelfth Article, . . . . . .71 Of Faith, ........ 73 The First Part of Faith, ...... 76 The Second Part of Faith, . . . . -77 The Third Part of Faith, ...... 79 The Pater Noster, ...... 82 How we should pray, ...... 82 What we should pray, ...... 84 The divisions of the Pater Nosier, . . . .85 The Beginning, ....... 85 The First Petition, ...... 87 The Second Petition, ...... 88 The Third Petition, . . . . . . .90 The Fourth Petition, ...... 92 CONTENTS. vii The Pater NOSTER—Continued. The Fifth Petition, ...... 94 The Sixth Petition, ...... 95 The Seventh Petition, ...... 96 A short Disputation upon the Pater Noster between God and the Soul, ........ 97 Of the Ave Maria, . . . . . .101 Hail, Mary! full of Grace, &c., ..... 102 AN EPISTLE TO THE NOBLE LORDS AND BARONS OF SCOT¬ LAND, ........ 103 GLOSSARIAL INDEX, • • • • • • .III INDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES REFERRED TO OR QUOTED, 125 INDEX OF NAMES AND BOOKS REFERRED TO OR QUOTED, • 130 INTRODUCTION. The year 1509 appears to have been an annus memorabilis in the history of the University of St Andrews. It was the year which saw actually invested with the Archbishopric and Chancellorship the youthful Alexander Stuart, the pupil of Erasmus, on whose noble character and great possibilities Dean Stanley has recently descanted. It was the year which saw enrolled as cives of the university a band of youths who were afterwards to take a prom¬ inent part, on one side or the other, in the hard and long-continued struggle for the revival of learning and the reformation of an effete and corrupt Church. Among the names first in order on the matriculation list are that of Alexander Ramsay, who gained a high reputation as a scholar, and, according to Dempster,^ was the teacher of Andrew Melville, and that of John Rouil, who afterwards, as Sir John Rowl,^ was a dignitary but not an ornament of the old Church. Farther down the list, in immediate succession to each other, occur the names of Da. Lindesay and Da. Beton, the former afterwards to be known as ^ ‘ Dempsteri Historia,’ vol. ii. p. 561. 2 He became Prior of Pittenweem before 1526, and was hardly less notori¬ ous for his incontinency than Betoun or Hepburn. See Stuart’s ‘ Priory of the Isle of May,’ p. xxxiv and note ; Sir James Melville’s ‘ Memoirs,’ p. 6. b X INTRODUCTION. Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount, Lord Lyon King of Arms, whose satires and dramas— “ Bursting on the early stage, Branded the vices of the age, And broke the keys of Rome ; ” and the latter afterwards to be known as Archbishop and Cardinal David Betoun, who strove with might and main to keep back the advancing tide, devoted his high talents and untiring energy to the service of France and of the Papacy, and by his gross acts of cruelty and oppression provoked the sad fate which at last overtook him, and which drew from his former fellow-student and later ad¬ versary the half-hearted reproof— “ And yet indeed the sooth to say, Altho’ the loon is weel away, The deed was foully dune.” After these comes Ro. Lesle, or Robert Leslie, possibly the same who afterwards joined the conspirators in the castle of St Andrews in 1546, shared their sufferings as galley-slaves in France, and yet, according to Knox, “ became an especial enemy of Christ Jesus and of all virtue.” Next in order comes Ga. Logye, or Gavin Logy, who, some years later, rose to be principal regent of St Leonard’s College, opened up to his eager pupils not only the long-sealed fountains of secular learning, but also the fountains of sacred truth, and made classical the adage, “ he has drunk of St Leonard’s Well.” The next two worthies on the roll, separated from those just mentioned and from each other by a considerable interval, are Ja. Scrimgour and Jho. Borthek, the former of whom, as Sir James Scrym- geour of Dudhope, and Constable of Dundee, was to prove INTRODUCTION, XI a steadfast and powerful protector of the friends of the Reformation ; and the latter of whom was to be enrolled among the confessors, though fortunately not among the martyrs of those unquiet times. He was to be arraigned before his former fellow-student, Cardinal Betoun, for reading the English New Testament and favouring the heresies of England ; and managing to escape his adver¬ saries, was to be burned in efhgy, but spared in person to have his sentence formally reversed after the Reforma¬ tion by John Wynram, who had also taken part in the original process of condemnation. “This worthy knight ended his aige with fulnesse of daies at St Andrewes.” The last on this roll who falls to be mentioned as an athlete in the great contest of the sixteenth century is Jho. Gaw, the author—or rather, as is now ascertained, the trans¬ lator—of the first treatise in exposition and defence of the Reformed faith which appeared in the Scottish tongue, with a brief account of whose story and book the rest of this introduction is to be occupied. John Gau, Gaw, or Gall (for in all these ways his name has been written) is supposed to have been born in the last decade of the fifteenth century, and in the city of St Johns- toun or Perth.^ There is this at least to be said in favour of the long-received tradition as to the place of his birth, that the name of Gaw was one not unknown in that district about that time, and is actually found in the records of the rentals of three of the altarages^ before the close of the cen¬ tury. In the year 1509 it appears on the matriculation list of the University of St Andrews, which, according to the 1 Laing in ‘ Miscellany of Bannatyne Club,’ vol. iii. p. 347. ® See letters in Appendix A. The name, however, is not peculiar to Perth. A “Patricias Gawe, na. Laudo.'" — i.e., of the Lothian nation,—matriculated a few years after John. Xll INTRODUCTION. custom of the time, probably implies that he had entered as a student there before the close of the year preceding, if not even at an earlier date. In the following year—1510—he appears in the list of Determinants, or Bachelors of Arts, and among those of them who had prosecuted their studies not in Pcsdagogio but in Collegia — i.e., in the College of St Salvator. In the next year his name appears in the lists of Masters of Arts, not as Gau or Gall, but as Gavy or Gawy,^ —probably through the carelessness of the scribe, as the name immediately preceding his is that of Gavyn Logye. His history for a number of years after he completed his studies, quite as much as before he began them, is involved in the deepest obscurity. Whether, like so many of the other promising ahunni, he was drafted into one or other of the monastic establishments of St Andrews, or was recalled to the “ Fair City,” and found a place in one of its religious houses, we have as yet not a vestige of sufficient data to warrant us to determine. The brief reference in the close of his treatise to the cruel martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton is hardly such as could only have come from a sympathiser who was then in St Andrews, and an eyewitness of his long agony. In later life it was his lot to be patron¬ ised by the same king, and located in the same city of Copenhagen, with John Macalpine, who, for several years, had been Prior of the Dominican Monastery in Perth, but fell under the suspicion of his ecclesiastical superiors, and had to flee from his native land,^ not long after the time when we come again on traces of John Gau. ^ Patrick’s name appears in our books as Gaw, Gawe, and Gawy. ^ He fled first to England, where through the favour of Bishop Shaxton he was promoted to a canonry in Salisbury Cathedral. This he held till 1540, but on the passing of the Statute of the Six Articles, he, like his countrymen Ales- ius and Fyffe, left England for Wittenberg, and was enrolled in the University INTRODUCTION. Xlll This is at Malm5, in the year 1533. That seaport is situated on the coast of what is now known as the king¬ dom of Sweden, but what was then more generally known as the Province of Scania, which continued under the Dan¬ ish crown even after the more northern parts of Sweden had shaken off the Danish yoke and recovered their indepen¬ dence. Situated on the eastern coast of the Sound, nearly opposite to Copenhagen, it was for long the great commer¬ cial emporium of the kingdom, and a chief seat of its trade with Scotland and other foreign countries.^ In it, as well as in the capital itself, Scottish merchants or their “ factors ” are supposed to have been settled at least as early as the time of James III., who had married a daughter of the Danish king, Christiern I. Her son, the lamented James IV., often assisted his uncle. King John, in his cam¬ paigns both by land and sea, and got from the Danish dominions, for his ships of war, taller masts than he could find in Scotland.^ King John, in return for the kindness of his nephew, took several Scotsmen into his employ, there on 25th November 1540. In 1542 he was made Doctor in Theology. He received from Melanchthon his surname of Machabaeus, and was sent by him and Luther as chaplain to the King of Denmark, and Professor of Theology in the University of Copenhagen. He aided in the revision of the Danish Bible. ^ For its commercial relations with Britain, see Appendix B. Its climate was deemed milder than that of Copenhagen, and an embassy sent by the kings of France and Scotland to Denmark in the early spring of 1512, after suffering much from the extreme rigour of the cold in Zealand, were taken by King John to Malmo, “propter moderatiorem aeris temperiem,” “et humanissime per regem et proceres suscepti et largissime vario esculento- rum et piscium genere (dies enim quadragesimalis erat) et cerealibus poculentis et Rhenensi vino largissime condonati,” p. 57.—Becker, ‘ De Rebus inter Joan- nem et Christianum IL, Danise Reges, ac Ludovicum XH. et Jacobum IV., Gallise Scotiseque Reges, a MDXI.-MDXIV. actis.’ ^ No doubt it was from the same quarter that he obtained both the masts and the “ aiken tymmer ” used in the construction of the ship called the Great Michael, which M'Pherson in his ‘Annals of Commerce,’ and several of our Scottish historians, speak of as one of the wonders of the age. XIV INTRODUCTION. and bestowed various favours on them.^ His successor, Christiern IL, followed a similar policy, had a Scotchman for his chief physician, and as Professor of Medicine in his University of Copenhagen, and also, strange as the conjunction may appear to us, as Dean of the Cathedral of Roeskilde. He sent him on embassies both to Scotland and France. He bestowed places of trust and honour on others of our countrymen, and conferred privileges on the Scottish merchants. In fact it was one of the charges made against him by the nobles of the kingdom, when striving to supersede him on the throne, and to raise his uncle to it — “ quod peregrinis ac prsecipue Scotis, Batavis, Germanis, nimium favebat eosque quovis pacto augere et ornare studebat.” The Scottish physician followed his master in his exile to the Netherlands in 1523 ; and as, for some years after, Christiern and his entourage continued to pose as favourers of the Reformation, and some of them even engaged in the 1 Avunculo non deerat Jacobus in bello quod susceperat ille ut Suecos imperio suo subderet . . . duo millia milituna duasque naves bellicas in Daniana misit. . . . Dum contra Suecos et Lubecenses bellabat Joannes rex semper fere in classe et exercitu suo Scotos habebat, qui, sive a rege suo missi, sive mercede conducti, stipendia merebant. Complures etiam Scoti eo tempore in Dania habitasse feruntur, quorum nonnulli muneribus turn aulicis turn civilibus fungebantur. Inter primes Universitatis Hafniensis professores duo commemorantur Scoti, quorum alter erat Petrus Davides Aberdonensis, qui ipso inaugurationis Academise die (A. 1479) decanus Artium electus amplius xl. annos munere Professoris fungebatur, nec tantummodo literarum studiis, sed rebus etiam civilibus sese idoneum prsebebat: alter Alexander Kynghorn qui, ipso anno quo obiit Joannes rex, artis medicse in Universitate professor et medicus regius creabatur, multumque apud Christiernum regem (quern exu- lantem baud dubie secutus est) dexteritate sua valebat (Thomas quidam Scotus Sieland erat armorum rex). ... Non alienum erit hoc loco observare tantum fuisse saeculo xvi. numerum Scotorum qui Plafnije habitabant ut proprium quoddam efficerent corpus, id quod evidenter patet e diplomate in Hofman’s ‘Samlinger af Fundationer og Gavebreve,’ x., 155 sq.”—Becker, pp. 35, 41, 42, 43. This Thomas was no doubt the “Thom. Zong” referred to at p. 132 of the ‘Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland.’ INTRODUCTION. XV translation of the New Testament into Danish, and sent it clandestinely for circulation in Denmark, it may have been by the Scotsmen who were among them that in 1526 copies of Tyndale’s New Testament were smuggled on board the Scottish ships in the Netherlands, and secretly conveyed to St Andrews, Dundee, and Aberdeen, as well as apparently to the Scottish residents at Malmo. This noted seaport had been one of the first cities in the Danish dominions on which the light of a more Scriptural faith dawned. It appears to have been the very first to enjoy the full sun¬ shine of the more perfect day/ and to attain a complete and general Reformation. The work began in the reign of Christiern II., when Michelsen was Burgomaster, and Christiern Pedersen was Canon in the neighbouring ar- chiepiscopal city of Lund, and Chancellor of the Diocese and Historiographer to the King.^ Both these men la¬ boured, and apparently with the connivance of the Arch¬ bishop, who like themselves was an adherent of Christiern and a sharer of his exile, to reform the more flagrant abuses of the old Church. To assist in this work Michelsen called in the aid of Nicolaus Martensen, or, as he was familiarly termed, Claus Tondebinder {i.e., Claus the cooper), a priest of commanding presence, powerful voice, and great elo¬ quence. He boldly exposed prevailing abuses, and won over to his side several of the more influential citizens, as ^ Schroeck’s ‘ Kirchengeschichte seit der Reformation,’ vol. ii. p. 8l.— “Malmo war die erste Danische Stadt, welche sich zu dieser Religion be- kannte. Ihre Burger baten den Konig, naclidem sie ihre Monche abgeschafft batten im Jahr 1529, um seine Genehmigung. Er ertheilte sie ihnen zwar; aber mit der Bedingung dass sie die eingezogenen geistlichen Giiter zur Stif- tung eines Gymnasium anwenden sollten. Das geschah ; und aus dieser Leh- ranstalt kamen viele geschickte Manner zum Dienste der Danischen Kirchen.” ^ Article on Pedersen in Ersch and Gruber’s ‘ Encyclopadie.’ “Erin der katholischen Kirche Licht zu verbreiten sich bemiiht.” XVI INTRODUCTION. well as many of the humbler classes. When Michelsen went into exile, George Kok or Kocks, who succeeded him as Burgomaster, took the bold preacher under his protection ; and when his opponents denounced him, and prevented his access to the churches of the town, he is said to have pointed to a grassy plot ^ in front of his own residence, and said, “You shall preach there, only be cau¬ tious. Preach the genuine Gospel, but do not baptise it with the name of Luther.” A fair field and some favour being thus secured for the preacher, the number of his hearers increased till the plot could no longer contain them ; and first one church, then another and larger, was granted to him, and then the largest in the city, still occu¬ pied in the forenoon by the adherents to the old order of things, was occupied in the afternoon by Claus and the adherents of the new.^ The new king, Frederick, who was called to the throne when Christiern was set aside, looked favourably upon the progress of the movement, and helped to bring it to a triumphant issue in Malmo, as well as in other parts of his dominions.^ With Martensen John Span- demager was first associated. Three additional preachers, who soon came to their aid, Peter Laurensen, Francis Wormorsen, and Olaus Chrysostom, greatly contributed to this issue. The churches, with the general concurrence of the citizens, were cleared of the tawdry images which had long disfigured them. Even the high altar was removed, 1 “In publico viridario,” says Gerdesius, but Wendt “in a chapel by it.” 2 In Oscar Alin’s ‘ Sveriges Nydaningstid,’ 1521-1611, is a neat woodcut of “Jorgen Kocks hus i Malmo,” and another of Malmo itself, as it stood in the sixteenth century, with its fortifications and the castle, in which Both- well passed two years of his Danish imprisonment, and St Peter’s Church, all conspicuous. ® ‘ Gerdesii Historia Reformationis,’ vol. iii. pp. 366, 370, &c. D’Aubigne, as cited below. Seckendorf’s ‘ Commentarius de Lutheranismo,’ iii. § xxxi. 5. INTRODUCTION. XVll and a plain communion-table set up in its place, and the Lord’s Supper began to be celebrated in a more simple and evangelical manner. Hymns and psalms in Danish took the place of those in Latin, even before the rest of the ser¬ vice began to be celebrated in the vulgar tongue. To give permanence to this the whole Psalter was translated into Danish prose for chanting, and a number of German hymns, especially those of Luther, were translated into Danish verse, preserving the rhythm and tune of the ori¬ ginal. In 1528 the first Danish psalm and hymn book, called the “ Malmo - Psalmebog,” was issued from the press.^ Edition succeeded edition, the people were so de¬ lighted with words and music which they could understand, that they sang them not only in their public assemblies, but also in their private houses. “ The whole town was gathered round the Word of God, and no other preaching was at last attempted.” Dissolute monks were expelled by the citizens, and the monastic revenues, with the king’s con¬ sent, were transferred to a hospital for the sick and the poor, and also from 1529 to a college or school of theology, which furnished many able Protestant ministers to Den¬ mark.^ The adherents of the old faith would have it that Malmo had become “ a den of thieves, a refuge for apos¬ tates and desperadoes.” ^ Had it not rather, as a modern 1 It is said no copy is now known to be extant of this Psalmebog or of those of 1529 and 1534, all of which appear to have been edited by Claus Martensen, and printed in Malmo. A Malmobog, issued in 1529-30, bears to have been printed there also, as does the Psalmebog of 1533. Both of these have been recently reprinted, as have also Danish hymn-books, printed in Rostock in 1529 and 1536. The Malmobog of 1529-30, in object and matter, resembles the early Lutheran Kirchenbiicher, giving general directions as to the celebration of divine service, the administration of the sacraments, the regulation of schools, &c. ^ ‘ Gerdesii Historia,’ vol. iii. p. 371. Schroeck, as previously cited. ^ Munter’s ‘ Kirchengeschichte,’ vol. iii. pp. 226, 255. D’Aubigne’s ‘Reformation in Europe in Time of Calvin,’ vol. vii. p. 195. XVlll INTRODUCTION. historian of the Reformation says, become to the lagging communities around a city “ set on an hill,” whose light could not be hid ? It was in this light, doubtless, that the city appeared to our countryman Alexander Alesius in 1531, when, to escape the cruelties of Prior Patrick Hepburn of St An¬ drews, he took ship at Dundee, and being driven by con¬ trary winds across the North Sea and into the Sound, had to take refuge at this port till the ship was repaired. The treatise ‘ De Apostolicis Traditionibus,’^ in which he has given an account of his visit, and of the manner in which he was received by his countrymen and the re¬ forming preachers of Malmo, is one of the rarest of his minor treatises, and is not to be found in any of our Scottish libraries, nor in the British Museum, nor even in the library of the University of Leipsic, in which he was so long an honoured professor. I owe it to the kindness of Professor Franz Delitzsch of Leipsic, and of Dr Von Gebhardt of the Royal Library at Berlin, that I am able once more to bring to light the long-forgotten reference of this Scottish confessor to his visit to Malmo at this inter¬ esting time. In his preface or dedication of this treatise to ^ The full title of the treatise is ‘ Ad libellum Ludovici Nogarolse comitis De Traditionibus Apostolicis et earum necessitate Responsio Alexandri Alesii D. ’ Prefixed is the “ Prasfatio ejusdem ad illustrissimos principes D. Fredericum Regem designatum et D. Magnum Christiani inclyti Regis Danise filios et D. Joannem Ducem Holsatiae fratrem Regis.” (Alternate title)—‘ Apostolicse institutiones a Ludovico Nogarola Com. in parvum libellum collectae et ab Alexandro Alesio in Disputationem propositae in celebri Academia Lipsiensi. Lipsije, Excudebat Georgius Hantzsch, 1556:’ 8vo. Perhaps in writing of his visit so long after it occurred, Alesius may have per inciiriam put the name of Petrus Palladius for that of Petrus Laurentius, who was prominent among the reforming divines in Malmo. I have found no other mention of the part taken in the movement by Petrus Palladius, but his brother, Nicolaus Palladius, was the second reformed Bishop of Lund. He himself was Professor of Theology in Copenhagen and Bishop of Roeskilde in Zealand. INTRODUCTION. XIX the king, Frederick II., and some other members of the royal house of Denmark, he assigns as one of his reasons for doing so : “ Deinde quod cum primum ex patria venis- sem, et navis vi tempestatis impulsa esset in portum Danicum, hospitium habui apud meos populares qui sunt in celebri urbe vestra Malmogia, in qua, vivente serenissimo rege Friderico avo vestro, jucunda mihi consuetude fuit cum doctissimis viris Francisco Wormordo, ,D. Petro Pal¬ ladio, M. Olavo Chrisostomo, quos inclytus rex pater vester Episcopos creari curavit; et quod D. Macchabaeum meum conterraneum Academiae Hafniensi praefecit multa- que beneficia in eum contulit.” Neither the name of Gau nor that of any other of his countrymen then in the city is given by Alesius. But we may with considerable prob¬ ability conclude that he was there by that time. It has come almost to be accepted as a fact that he was obliged to flee from his native country shortly after the martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton. But if so, we should have expected Knox or Foxe or Calderwood to have at least preserved a record of the fact. Calderwood indeed tells us that Alesius was accompanied in his flight by John Fyffe. But later historians have made it clear that Fyffe did not leave St Andrews till 1534, and that he then went to England for a time. We might have supposed that the historian had by mistake put the name of Fyffe for that of Gau, had not Alesius himself distinctly stated that he went forth alone —“ media jam nocte solus iter ingredior.” Principal Lorimer^ has ingeniously conjectured that Gau may have come out to act as chaplain to his country¬ men at Malmo. And I am inclined to accept the conjec¬ ture to a modified extent; for though I am not quite sure ^ Lorimer’s ‘ Patrick Hamilton, ’ p. 240, note T. XX INTRODUCTION. that while the services of the Church were in Latin it was deemed necessary that each merchant-community should have a chaplain of its own nation, yet I find as matter of fact that the Scottish merchants had one at Bruges and at Middelburg, and that in Copenhagen they had founded an altar of St Ninian in the Church of Our Lady, and that one of the chaplains of the church, if not also of the altar, was a Scotchman. It is just possible that the Scottish merchants of Malmo may have followed the example of those in Copenhagen, and that Gau may have held an appointment as an altar priest in one of the churches of the city, as he afterwards held a chaplaincy at Copen¬ hagen in the church where St Ninian’s altar had been. At any rate we find that before the close of 1533 he was in Denmark, and had got such an accurate know¬ ledge of the Danish language that he had translated and published a treatise of considerable length from Danish into his native Scotch. This was one of the treatises of Christiern Pedersen, above mentioned, termed ‘ Den rette vey till Hiemmerigis Rige,’ which had originally been published by its author at Antwerp in 1531, when he was in exile there. For being a partisan of Christiern II., and somehow compromised in an attempt made to restore him to his throne, Pedersen had been deprived of his can- onry, and banished from his home. Taking shelter in the Netherlands with the exiled monarch and his adherents, he had supported himself by his literary labours, and in par¬ ticular had prepared for the press an improved and more intelligible translation of the New Testament in the Dan¬ ish language.^ After the unfortunate attempt made by ^ This, as well as his Danish Psalter and his ‘ Rette Vey,’ was printed at Antwerp. The New Testament of 1524 bears the imprint of Leipsic. INTRODUCTION. XXI Christiern in 1532 to regain his lost throne, and its sad end in his surrender to his rival and lifelong imprisonment,^ Pedersen was permitted to return to Malmo, on coming under an engagement to be loyal to the reigning sove¬ reign. He was not restored, however, to his canonry, and had to depend for a precarious support on his literary labours and the profits of his printing-press. He is be¬ lieved to have brought from Antwerp the well-known printer, John Hochstraten, and in conjunction with him to have published quite a number of books which he had written or translated. Most of these were on the subject of religion, which he had so deeply at heart, some on the history of his native country, and two, at least, of which copies are preserved in the Advocates’ Library, at Edinburgh, on Medicine.^ These last were printed in the same year as Gau’s work, and have the same device at the end—the figure of Occasio, with bald hind-head and one lock of hair in front; but instead of the usual motto, “ Carpe diem, post occasio est calva,” the two Greek words, ., well ; and at p. 56, 1. I5) where the words “ I sal spousz the with me,” &c., which are left out in the Danish, are found in Rhegius. It is further proved by the use of Luther’s writings in his concluding epistle. On one occasion he corrects both Pedersen and Rhegius by substituting, at p. 67, 1 . 9, Dioscorus for Diosterus. On another occasion, however, he has either failed to translate accurately, or else has left uncorrected a glaring misstatement of a fact in Scripture history. He speaks at p. 36, 1 . 13, of “ Nave the sone of losue,” and not of “ losue the sone of Nave ” or Nun. The Danish “ Nave son losue ” is, I am told by those who know the language better than I do, rather ambiguous, and might bear to be rendered Nave’s son losue as well as Nave son of losue—and at any rate, the German, Latin, and English versions of Urbanus Rhegius all state the fact correctly. Again, at p. 52, 1 . 9, he cites the xxiiii chapter of Augustine’s treatise, “ callit the cite of God,” without mentioning the book (xxii) of the treatise in which the chapter is, while Pedersen specifies the book but not the chapter. Yet with all these variations from Pedersen’s Danish, it will be found in Appendix D. One section refuting at considerable length the old ideas about the Ave Maria is omitted by Gau, as is also the conclud¬ ing prayer founded on Psalm xii. I have not deemed it necessary to lengthen the Appendix with either of these. INTRODUCTION. XXXlll is astonishing how often Gau has contrived in translating to use a word cognate in derivation as well as in meaning with the Danish one. Through the kindness of Mr Law, I have been enabled to give in the glossary many examples of this—retaining generally the old form of the words used by Pedersen,—and to add to them other examples of the close affinity of the Danish and the Lowland Scotch. The form of many of the Scottish words found in the treatise differs considerably from that we find in contemporary treatises, and may have been affected by his residence in Denmark and among Scotchmen who had been long settled there. The frequent, indeed almost regular use of w for ?/, though occasionally it may be found in contemporary Scottish trea¬ tises, seems to me an undoubted imitation of the usage of Pedersen ; and so also is the frequent use of v instead of w, as vay, vitnes, visdome, vritis, &c. The use of such forms as asz, usz, hasz, vesz, wezs, &c., for ass, us, hes, wes, &c., has more affinity with the spelling in the early editions of Luther’s German works than with that of the old Danish, at least as it is found in Pedersen. The word “ forspeker,” as applied to Christ, is most naturally referred to the German,^ in which “ Fursprecher ” is the vox signata in that signification ; and so also, possibly, may the words vo 7 'd, zuordme, heil. Mr Laing^ says that the introduction and conclusion of the treatise do not of course form any part of Pedersen’s work. He infers that the former was primarily descriptive of Gau’s personal experiences before he came to the know¬ ledge of the truth—^just as Sir J. G. Dalzell inferred that the words of the gude and godlie ballad, “ In prison for the veritie, ane faithfull brother made this sang,” ^ The word, however, is not unknown in old Scottish. ^ Knox’s Works, vol. vi. p. 665. XXXIV INTRODUCTION. showed that the Scottish poet must have been then in prison, whereas they are found, with the addition of the author’s name, in the German hymn, which the Scottish poet merely translated.^ In like manner there can be no doubt that though applicable to Gau’s early experience, the introduction was primarily descriptive of the experience of Pedersen, from whose treatise Gau transferred it, or of that of Luther, from whose works Pedersen borrowed it. I think there is reason to doubt if even the conclusion—the epistle to the noble lords and barons of Scotland—is to be regarded as entirely original. The first part, treating of the shortcomings of the old priesthood, takes up a subject dwelt on by Pedersen and the Malmb reformers in their controversies of 1533, and the ideas are similar if the words are not. After this follows an explanation of the specific functions of the law and the Gospel, closely similar to that given in the ‘ Theses ’ of that Patrick Hamilton whose sad fate he had deplored.^ Next a short account of the gradual revelation of the promise of redemption to Adam, ^ Laing’s ‘ Gude and Godlie Ballates,’ pp. 40, 244 :— “ Hat Heinrich Muller gesungen In dem gefengnis sein.” “ This, I think, will be evident to any one who compares the extract from these Theses given by Principal Lorimer, at p. no of his ‘Memoir of Patrick Hamilton,’ with the corresponding passages in Gau’s epistle to the noble lords and barons of Scotland :— The law showeth us our sin, the Gospel showeth us remedy for it. The law is the word of ire, the Gospel is the word of grace. The law showeth us our condemnation, the Gospel showeth us our redemption. The law is the word of despair, the Gos¬ pel the word of comfort. The law is the word of unrest, the Gospel is the Word of peace. The law fchawis zou zour feiknes ye vagel fchauis to zow remeid, p. 105. We . . . ar borne ye bairnis of ir . . . quhen ye law fchawis to wfz our fine and condanatione it caufis wfz to dif- pair / bot we ar maid richtus quhen we belewe in ye word of grace ye vagel, p. 107. Ye law is ye miniftracioe of onreft and deid / the vangel is the miniftracione of liff and pece, p. 105. INTRODUCTION. XXXV Abraham, and David—manifestly founded on that given in Luther’s preface to his German New Testament; and then, after various texts have been quoted as to the ful¬ filment of the promise and the nature of the promised redemption, the correspondence between Gau’s epistle and Luther’s preface to the Epistle of St Paul to the Romans in regard to faith and the fruits of faith becomes still more close.^ The explanation of the righteousness of faith, and the illustration drawn from the case of Abraham, as set forth in Romans iv., are both found in Luther’s ^ To bring out this, it is only necessary to set the corresponding passages over against each other :— Gau’s Epistle. Faith is noth ane vayne opinione or ane vauerSd thocht quhilk ony herSd ye hiftorie of ye vagel may haiff ye quhilk renewis noth ye hart nay caufis notht ane new liff nay hefz nay guid warkis or frwitis folouand efter / weray faith is ye wark of God in wfz throw ye quhilk we ar new borne be his halie fpreit ad ar maid new creators to God / Faith virkis throw Iwiff (ad cane noth be ydil) as S. Paul fais in ye v c. to ye Gala, ad of it cuis guid varkis as guid frwit dwis of ye guid tre / ye ma quhilk hefz veray faith curis noth quhider guid varkis be comadit or noth / zei fuppofz thair war nay law / faith caufis hime to virk throw Iwiff godlie ad chriffme varkis / he quhilk dwis noth his varkis with ane godlie and quik Iwiff he is zeit onfaithful / ad al his varkis ar bot fine faith is ane coflant ad fwuer beleue of ye marcie of God to vfz quhilk is quik in ye hart ad wirkis michtilie and makis ye hart blith ad ioyful ad rafis it in fueit Iwif to God and ftarkis ye hart yat it feris noth deid nay ony oder creator this caufis ye fpreit of god quhilk cuis in ye hart throu faith / it cane noth be yat this faith be in ony bot guid varkis (or frwitis) man cu of it ficlik as heit procedis fra ye fyr / and the bemis fra ye fone.—Pp. 107, 108. Luther’s Preface. Glaube ist nicht der menschliche Wahn und Traum den etliche fur Glauben halten (wenn sie das Evangelium horen) und wenn sie sehen dass keine Bes- serung des Lebens noch gute Wercke folgen . . . fallen sie in Irrthum. Aber der Glaube ist ein gottlich Werck in uns das uns neu gebieret ans Gott (Joh. i. 13) machet uns gantz andere Menschen von Hertzen . . . und bringet den H. Geist mit sich. O es ist ein lebendig, geschafftig, thatig, machtig um den Glauben dass unmoglich dass er nicht ohn Unterlass sollte gutes wirken. Er fragt auch nicht ob gute Werck zu thun sind? sondern ehe man fraget hat er sie gethan und ist immer im Thun. . . . Wer aber nicht solche Wercke thut, der ist ein glaubloser Mensch und weiss weder was Glaube noch gute Werck sind. Glaube ist ein lebendige erwegene Zuversicht auf Gottes Gnade, und solche Zuversicht macht frbhlich, trotzig und lustig gegen Gott und alle Creaturen welches der Heilige Geist that im Glau¬ ben. • Also dass unmoglich ist Werck vom Glauben scheiden in so unmoglich als Brennen und Leuchten vom Feuer mag geschieden werden.—Luther’s Vorrede. XXXVl INTRODUCTION. preface to that epistle, and substantially in the same form as in Gau. Great as were the services Pedersen un¬ doubtedly rendered to Danish historical literature, and to the literature of the Danish Reformation, it is now generally admitted that he was more of a compiler than an original composer, fond of translating into his native language the writings of the chiefs of the German Re¬ formation. It has long been known that the bulk of his treatise on ‘ The Right Way to Heaven ’ is simply a translation and extension of the ‘ Exposition of the Twelve Articles of the Apostles’ Creed,’ which was published by Urbanus Rhegius in German in 1523,^ and was translated into Latin in 1527 and into English in 1548.^ Brandt, who in our own day has re-edited his Danish works with such loving care, traces the other parts of this treatise to some of the earliest treatises of Luther in exposition of the Ten Commandments, the Creed, and the Lord’s Prayer. These in 1520 were combined and abridged in his ‘ Kurze Form der Zehen Gebote, des Glaubens und des Vater Unsers,’ which, though not in the form of question and answer, may be said to form the groundwork of his later Catechisms. Some years after, he or his friend Justus Jonas published ‘ Ein Buchlein fiir die Layen und Kinder,’ which was an elementary reading-book as well as a prayer-book and manual of religious instruction. It follows the previous manual closely in its exposition of the Ten Command¬ ments and of the Creed, but inserts before its exposition of the Lord’s Prayer simple morning and evening prayers, 1 ‘ Die Zwolff Artickel vnsers Christliche glaubens mit anzaigug d’haillgen geschrifft Darin sie gegriindt seind.’ Small 8vo. Augsburg, 1523. 2 ‘ A Declaration of the twelue articles of the christen fay the with annota¬ tions of the holy scripture where they be grounded in. By D. Urbanum Regium.’ Small 8vo. London, 1548. INTRODUCTION. XXXVll graces, &c. ; and then in exposition of the Lord’s Prayer embodies the conversation or disputation found at p. 97 of Gau between God and the soul, which is supposed to have formed the groundwork of one German hymn and to have suggested the idea of some others.^ The introduction, expo¬ sition of the Ten Commandments, and section “ off the halie Chrissine faith ” (pp. 3-26), Brandt traces back to Luther’s ‘ Kurze Form.’ The exposition of the Creed and the first of the two sections “ of faith ” (pp. 27-76) he traces to the treatise of Urbanus Rhegius mentioned above; the second section “ of faith ” and the sections on the three parts of the faith (pp. 76-81) to Luther’s ‘Kurze Form’; the sec¬ tions introductory to the Lord’s Prayer (pp. 82-85) fo Lu¬ ther’s ‘ Auslegung des Vater unsers fiir die einfaltigen Layen,’ 1518; the exposition of the seven petitions of the Lord’s Prayer (pp. 85-97) to Luther’s ‘ Kurze Form.’ The disputation upon the Pater Noster (pp. 97-101) may be traced to Luther’s ‘ Bedebog’ of 1520 or to the ‘ Biichlein fiir die Layen und Kinder,’ and the exposition of the Ave Maria to Luther’s ‘ Bedebog.’ ^ Some of these treatises of Luther and also the treatise of Rhegius are said to have been translated into Danish a few years before Pedersen revised and incorporated them into his ‘ Rette Vey.’ These, in part at least, were the work of Paulus Eliae or Eliesen, who in the outset bade fair to be the Reformer of Denmark ; but as the work progressed he became dissatisfied with it, and finally cast in his lot with the friends of the old or¬ der of things, and sturdily defended their views. ^ More than one “ Gesprach Christ! und des Sunders ” is given in Wacker- nagel’s ‘ Kirchenlied,’ No. 245, 699, &c. Witzstadt’s hymn, “Von dem streyte des fleysches wider den geyst,” is translated in the ‘Gude and Godlie Ballates’ as “ane sang of the flesche and the spirit.” 2 Brandt’s ‘Christiern Pedersen’s Danske Skrifter,’ vol. iv. p. 597. XXXVlll INTRODUCTION. The prayers referred to at p. 84, as deemed of special value by many in the old Church because of the privileges attached to the saying of them, are all to be found in the ‘Tidebog,’ which Pedersen, who “traistit mekil of siclik orisons in his aid blindnes,” published at Paris in 1514, and which is reprinted in vol. ii. of his ‘ Danske Skrifter.’ The ‘ Hortulus Animae ’ and the ‘ Paradisus Animae,’ mentioned at p. 3, are but imperfectly described by Peder¬ sen’s modern editor. The following careful account of them has been kindly sent me by Mr Graves : The ‘ Hor¬ tulus Animae ’ was printed many times, both in Latin and in German. The first edition was issued from the press of Wilhelm Schafifener at Strassburg in 1498, in 8vo. It bore the title, ‘ Ortulus Anime,’ and was illustrated with wood- cuts. (See Hain’s ‘ Repertorium Bibliographicum,’ 8936, and Panzer’s ‘ Annalen,’ i. 62, 35.) It is not in the British Museum, but there are in the Museum two editions printed at Strassburg two years later, both in 8vo and with wood- cuts. One ‘ Ortulus Anime ’ was printed by Schaffener, with colophon dated isth March 1500; the other ‘Ortulus Anime, cum oratiunculis aliquibus super additis, que tame i prioribus libris non habentur,’ was printed by Johann Griininger, 31st January 1500. Both are in Gothic type. The ‘ Paradisus Animse ’ appears to be the ‘ Orationale Paradisus Anime nuncupatum,’ printed by Jacobus de Pfortzheim at Basle in 1498, in folio. (See Hain, 12,028, and Panzer, i. 185, 231.) There is also ‘ Der seelen Para- diss,’ printed at Strassburg by Matthias Schurer in 1510, in folio. The latter is in the British Museum, but not the former. The ‘Passionale Sanctorum’ and the ‘Legenda Sanctorum,’ referred to at p. 4, are too well known to stand in need of INTRODUCTION. xxxix formal description. The ‘ Saulis Traist,’ also referred to there, Brandt is disposed to identify with the German prayer-book described by Riederer, ii. 157, under the name of‘Salus Animse,’ and printed at Niirnberg in 1503. I have myself a copy of ‘ Anthidotarius Anime,’ printed “Lugduni apud Jacobum Giunta, 1542,” which contains all the prayers referred to at p. 84.^ The text of this reprint has been carefully and re¬ peatedly compared with that of the old copy, and it is hoped will be found a literal reproduction of it, with the single exception that manifest errors of the printer have been corrected and the erroneous readings given in the lower margin of the page. Most of these errors were manifest on the most cursory examination of the old copy. Others of them could only be pronounced on with confi¬ dence after it had been compared with the Danish—as on p. 26, 1. 21, the willis" for “the dewillis”; p. 33, 1. 17, la 7 ine'' for “lamme” ; p. 74, 1 . 16, “ giff ye trow that I am he" for “trow 7 iot that,” &c. It was in this way also that various Scripture references erroneously cited were cor¬ rected, especially those on page 42, 1. 7, which in the old copy are all referred to Isaiah, whereas only the first five are from Isaiah and the rest from Jeremiah. To another reading at p. 31, 1. 9, which is evidently corrupt, but can only be conjecturally amended, attention will be fully ^ At p. 46 reference is made to a hymn which “the haly kirk singis.” Whether the words “ Christ is rissine wp fra deid ” be the first line of any Scottish hymn existing at that early date I cannot say, but the Danish words of which they are a translation, form the first line of the old Easter hymn as it is given in the earliest Danish hymn-books :— “ Christ stod op aff dode, Frelste all werden aff node, Thy maa wy alle glade waere, Christ loff med heder oc sere, Kyrioley.” xl INTRODUCTION. drawn in Appendix F. The Psalms are generally desig¬ nated by the numbers they bear, not in the Hebrew and in our authorised version, but in the Vulgate; and the cita¬ tion of passages from the Old Testament is also at times made from it. Those from the New Testament are more generally taken from the Danish or Tyndale’s or Luther’s version. But they are so numerous, and are cited in such different forms at different times,^ that to deal with them in detail would require a separate introduction almost as lengthy as this. That is a task which may fairly be left to those to whom the Society shall intrust the work of constructing from the citations in this and other early Scottish treatises its proposed Scottish Bible. The best thanks of the Society are due to Mr Graves of the British Museum and Dr Gregor, who have done so much to lighten my labour in revising the proof-sheets, and to the latter for supplying a table of Scripture cita¬ tions ; to Mr Law of the Signet Library, for kindly prepar¬ ing the glossarial index and table of contents ; to Mr J. M. Anderson of the St Andrews University Library, for the great assistance he has rendered to me in tracing the history of Pedersen, and in consulting various Danish histories ; as well as to Professor Franz Delitzsch of Leip- sic. Dr Oscar von Gebhardt of Berlin, Professor Stephens of Copenhagen, Mr Clark of the Advocates’ Library, Mr Dickson of the Register House, Edinburgh, and the Rev. Dr Milne, Perth, for valuable assistance in points of special difficulty. ALEX. F. MITCHELL. April 27, 1888. 1 Thus Matt. xvii. 5, as cited at p. 29, agrees verhati?)i with Tyndale’s version, but as cited at p. 109 it varies from it. APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. APPENDIX A. Letters of Dr Milne and Mr Fittis as to Galls or Gaws OF Perth. My dear Professor Mitchell, —I regret that I can ascertain nothing regarding “John Gaw,” or his connection in early life with Perth. I have consulted Mr Fittis, who is well informed, and a copious writer on our local antiquarian matters, but, as you will see from his note enclosed, he is unable to furnish any information. At one time or other I have read over most of the pre-Reformation documents extant among us—charters given in favour of, or granted by the old religious houses, altarage foundations, &c.—and taken notes of them, but I have not come across the name in any memor¬ able form. It only occurs—so far as I have been able to trace—in some old rentals, which were given in by altarage chaplains conformably to an order of the Provost, Bailies, and Council, a.d. 1569. In one of these, “James Gall’s land on the north side of Northgate,” is mentioned as paying 13s. qd. annually to St Thomas’s altar in the parish church. Similarly, in the rental of “ Our Lady Presentation Altar,” 40s. is men¬ tioned as payable “out of the land lying on the north side of the Northgate, in Arnott’s Close, now yohn Gaws land.” The property appears to have continued in the family for a time. A revised rental- book, A.D. 1661, refers to that “midland on the west side of Arnott’s Close, sometime pertaining to umquhile Robert Gall," Arnott’s Close was a principal mercantile quarter of the town in those days. In a rental of the “confraternity altar” mention is made oi" Ber¬ nard Gaw’s land” in the Meal-Vennel.—Believe me ever, yours very truly, Robert Milne. Rev. and dear Sir, —I am sorry that I am unable to throw any light on John Gaw or Gall. He is mentioned incidentally in the Notes to M'Crie’s ‘Knox’ (edition edited by his son), p. 323; but nothing is said as to his Perth connection. Gaw or Gall was once a rather common surname in Perth, and especially in the Muirton of Balhousie, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Mr John Gall, younger, merchant in Perth—the hero of the “Muses Threnodie”—may have been a descendant or relative of John. Curi¬ ously enough, Alexander Gall, brassfounder, lives at 5 Skinnergate— d xlii INTRODUCTION. at the west entrance of the Old Ship Close—and claims to be de¬ scended from the old Galls, but can tell nothing about them.—Yours faithfully, Robt. Scott Fittis. In Parker Lawson’s ‘Book of Perth,’ p. i66, under date loth Janu¬ ary 1586, mention is made of Margaret Gall. At p. 93 of Maidment’s ‘Chronicle of Perth,’ under date of 9th December 1623, mention is made of the death of Andrew Gall in Muirtown ; and at p. 46, under date 9th June 1657, of the death of Patrick Gall. After the above notices of the Gaws of Perth were in type, Mr Dick¬ son, of the Register House, most kindly sent me the subjoined notices relating to one or two persons bearing the name of Alexander Gaw, and living in the first half of the sixteenth century, and possibly con¬ nected with Perth. The first of these notices relates to an Alexander Gaw who was chaplain at Finhaven from 1499 to 1513, and whose salary, allowed by the king out of the “ burgh fermes ” of the town of Forfar, is regularly entered in the Exchequer Rolls of these years. The following is the first entry:— “Compotum ballivorum burgi de Forfar redditum apud Edinburgh per Jacobum Graunt, unum eorundem, sexto die mensis Julij anno Do¬ mini, etc., quingentesimo primo, de omnibus receptis suis et expensis per firmas burgales dicti burgi a die octavo mensis Novembris anni Domini, etc., quingentesimi usque in diem hujus compoti. . . . “Idem onerat se de viijli. xiijs. iiijd. per firmas burgales dicti burgi ex assedatione domini regis facta communitati ejusdem in feodo ab antique de duobus terminis hujus compoti. “ De quibus allocantur compotanti per solutionem priori de Restinot percipienti annuatim quadraginta solidos de dictis firmis. . . . xls. “ Et capellano, celebranti in Fynevin, percipienti annuatim decern marcas ad manus proprias ex tollerantia domini regis per antiquam infeodationem, domino Alexandro Gaw capellano per suas literas fatente solutionem de anno compoti et anno elapso vjli. xiijs. iiijd.” —(Excheq. Roll., No. 320.) The last entry in which the name of Alexander Gaw appears is the account of the bailies of Forfar for the period from 24th July 1512 to 13th July 1513. In the following account, rendered 12th July 1514, John Michelson takes his place, and continues to hold it till 1523-24. The other notices are from a protocol book of Alexander Gaw, kept between the years 1538 and 1558. “The interval between the Alex¬ ander Gaw of the Exchequer Rolls and him of the protocol book,” Mr Dickson says, “ is considerable, but still not sufficient to show that they were different persons, apart from other evidence on the subject; for the book in question is in a small cramped hand, such as to suggest it may be that of an aged man. Of course, if the Gaw of Fynhaven and of this book are one and the same, he must, ere the book was finished, have been upwards of 80 years of age.” He was not only connected with the county of Perth, as chaplain at Abernethy, APPENDIX. xliii but also apparently with the city of Perth, He seems, from the entries subjoined, to have been an admirer of those books of devotion of which our Gaw confesses he was also fond in the days of his “aid blindnes ”; and the form of several of the Scotch words in the last of the notices has a close resemblance to that used by our author—as nyht for “ nicht,” vritiox “ writ,”for “ witness,”for “Perth,” &c. (On fly-leaf at the beginning of his Protocol.) Aspice qui transis mea vulnera rubra cruore, Vulneror in capite spinis, palmis pedibusque, Affigorque cruci clavis, cum corde sarissa Perforat atque latus, fluxere latex cruor una, Et maduere crucem stillantia vulnera totam, Et viles inter tanquam fur pendeo fures. Blasphemer verbis, et pocula fellis amari Labris apponuntur, et fel potare negabam, Finis amarorum Eloy dum clamo, caputque Inclinans animam Patri sic spiritus exit, Celi sub Centro quis corpore viderit uno Tot tormenta simul tantos remanere dolores, Q.^ Gaw, Laus Deo nostro. Libellus prothogollorum Domini Alexandri Gaw Notarii publici sequitur signum ejusdem. 1 Quoth. xliv INTRODUCTION. (Protocol Book, fol. 26.) Qiiedam pene Domini nostri Jhesii Christi citra o^nnia vulnera ejns seqimntur. Preputium simul exilium, ceclem puerorum Linquo, famemque sitim, sudores, frigora, verba Acria cum colaphis, lapides, iter atque labores, Triste cor et fletus, derisus, probra, procellas, Imbres et ventos, jejunia, demonis artem. Actus orandi vigiles, miracula spreta, Tedia, pauperiem, pensi vilipendia furis, Fellis amarores, blasphemantes stolidosque, Sepe sibi angores generantem plebis amorem. Membra fatigata, Deus erumnas reliquasque Humanas Domino non aptas sic quotiesque Passus est pro nobis, ter denis, et tribus annis. Numerus vulnerum Cristi sequitur Quinquies M ] c quater ] bis terdecies I quoque quinque ^ Pro nobis Christus vulnera pertuleri^, " Heu quare peccavimus cernentes Christum creatorem et redemptorem nostrum tot penas et vulnera pro nobis patientem, cum scriptum sit, Serviamus illi in sanctitate et justitia coram ipso omnibus diebus nostris. 0.2 Gaw, vicarius pensionarius de Abirnethy, anno 1545. (Protocol Book, fol. 27.) ' _ 9 die mensis Junii 1552, befoir thir vitnes Wilyam Pitcarn, Schir Robert Laing and Wiliam Bykartoun byndis thaim be the faith in thair body to deliver agane to Schir Alexander Gaw his airis a[n]d executouris and assignais his buik callit Ortus vocabulorum at Youl nyht the dait heirof. In vitnes heirof we have subscrivit this vrit wyth our hand, yeir, day and vitnesis abone vrytyn. Gaw recepit librum vocat- Johne Ramsay of Corston, um Vocabulorum ortus sic sua with my hand.® subscriptione testante. Walter Baward,^ burges Gaw notarius subscripsit. in Pertht.® In all probability it is this Alexander Gaw who appears as a wit¬ ness to several charters in the Register of the Great Seal, and who, along with Sir David Lindsay and others, witnessed the execution by the Bute pursuivant of a summons at the cross of Cupar-Fife in 1543. See Thomson’s ‘Acts of Pari.,’ vol. ii. pp. 428, 438. 1 According to another medieval legend, however, it was revealed to St Birgitta, Queen of Sweden, by our Lord Himself, that the number of His wounds was “quinque millia, quadringenta et octoginta ."—‘ Anthidotarius Animae,' fol. 1. ^ I.e., quoth. ^ Autograph signatures. ^ Balvaird. APPENDIX. xlv APPENDIX B. The early commerce of Scotland was no doubt principally carried on through the towns of Dieppe, Rouen, and Rochelle, in France; Bruges, Antwerp, and Middelburg, in the Low Countries; and with certain of the towns of the Hanseatic League. But from the time of Alexander III. onwards, friendly commercial relations were maintained also with the Scandinavian kingdoms. After these had come under one sovereign, the ancient league was renewed by Eric and James I., “giving mutual freedom of trade in parts formerly frequented.” The ancient league was again renewed between Christiern I. and his son- in-law, James III., and once more between King John and his nephew, James IV., who, as is stated in the Introduction, took a keen interest in his uncle’s affairs, and was ever ready to assist him by his counsel in negotiations as by his forces in his wars, and especially in his troubles with the Swedes and the Lubeckers. We have no details as to the contents of these ancient treaties, either in the Acts of the Scottish Parliament or in the published letters of the Scottish kings—and, in fact, the history of Scottish commerce in early times remains yet to be written ; but we can hardly doubt that the treaties would, if I may use a modern expression to describe an ancient fact, contain the most favoured nation clause. Though the Scottish treaties have not, so far as I know, been preserved, the treaty entered into between King John of Denmark and Henry VII. of England has been en¬ grossed in Rymer’s ‘Foedera,’ vol. xii. pp. 381-387; and we cannot doubt that the privileges conceded to the subjects of his nephew would be quite as large as those conferred on the subjects of Henry. But this treaty not only confers on the English the right of trading with the Scandinavian kingdoms and with Iceland, but allows them to hold lands and buildings, and to elect governors and aldermen of their own nation in certain seaports—among which Bergen, in Norway; Lund or Malmb, and Landscrona, in Scania; and Dragor or Copen¬ hagen, in Zealand, are specified. Modern Danish scholars express doubts whether, in the early part of the i6th century, any nation, save the German as represented by the Hanseatic League, was organ¬ ised as a distinct community at Malmd. I think they have failed to give due weight to the fact that both King John and Christiern 11 . were often at strife with the Lubeckers and the League, and might have good reason for wishing that England and Scotland should be encouraged to trade directly with their subjects rather than through the mediation of the Hanse merchants, as had been permitted in times when the Hanse League was less ambitious in its aims. If the treaty with Henry VII. does not suffice to prove that the English at Malmo had organised themselves as a distinct community, it proves at least that they were authorised to do so. I cannot doubt that the case was xlvi INTRODUCTION. similar with the Scotch. I subjoin one or two of the clauses of the English treaty :— “Etiam quod ipsi mercatores et legii Regis Anglise possint et valeant omnes terras loca et tenementa sua ... in civitatibus Bur- gensi in Norwegia, Lundensi, et Landscrona in Scania . . . libere habere et tenere sibi, heredibus et assignatis in perpetuum. Item quod mercatores . . . personas certas, sufficientes et idoneas in gu- bernatores seu oldermannos inter se ad eorum libitum eligere et ob- tinere valeant ita quod gubernatores hujusmodi . . . partem habeant et auctoritatem statuta condendi, omnesque et singulos mercatores Anglicos et alios quoscunque de Anglia . . . regendi et gubernandi,” &;c., p. 384. “Item quod mercatores de Anglia ... in civitatibus, oppidis sive villis per nos assignatis, videlicet civitate Haffniensi, Malmogensi, Landzskrone possint et valeant suos negotiatores et fau- tores ordinare et deputare, qui possint commodum et utilitatem alior- um mercatorum de Anglia in locis praedictis non existentium procu¬ rare pannos integros vel medios vel cum divisione ulnae vendere et libere permutare,” &c., p. 385. APPENDIX C. RESEMBLANCES BETWEEN Gau’s Right Vay and Hamilton's Catechism. Quhou man finnis aganis the firft com¬ mand ? Thay fine, &c., quhilk wfis wich craft ... or takis confal at thayme quhilk wfis ficlik / aKua thay yat wfis vritine letters trowand thairthrou to faiff thair lifF in vater land or in batel or in ony Oder neid . . . Thay that rewlis thair liff and warkis efter fpecial dais . . . thay that markis or chermis thair felf or beiflis / or bindis herbis or writings or ony oder thing apone thayme . . . that tempis god and giffis thair felf wil- fullie to ony parel without ony neceffite / and alfua thay quhilk ar pridful of thair wifdome ... or of thair richtufnes or guid lif / thay that honours god alanerlie for temporal guidis.—P. 12. Quha brekis this first command ? qu- hasaevir usis wiche craft ... or traistis in thame or seikis thair help . . . quhasa lippinnis thairself or thair beistis or geir aganis fyre watter swerd noysum beistis with certene takinnis or writingis super- stitiously . . . that supersticiously ob- servis ane day mair than ane other . . . that tempis God and expones thair bodie and saul to perrel quhen thai may help thameself be uther lauchful menis and wayis . . . quha presumis of thameself ony thing ... or makis a vant of thair wisedome or rychteousnes quha wyr- schippis or luffis God allanerlie for tem¬ poral geir. —Pp. 49, 50, ‘ Oxford Reprint of Hamilton's Catechism.' Against the 2 nd Command. Thay that fweris lichtlie without ne- Thai that sweris be the name of God ceffite . . . Alfua thay quhilk fweris be fulehardelie nocht taking tent of ane ane ewil wfz / ... as dois the ypocritis evil use . . . thai that avantis or prysis and the pharefians quhilk haldis thaime thameself ... as did the pridful Phare- felf halie wtuertlie befor men / and think- siane.—P. 63. kis yat thay dw better na oders.—P. 13. APPENDIX. xlvii Fourth {Fifth) Command. Thay fine aganis this command quhilk lichtlis thair fader and moder and thair pwir frendis for powerte or feiknes and wil notht help thayme with meit ad claith and Oder neidful thingis in thair necef- fite / and fpecialie thay yat banis or wil notht heir thaime na thoil of thaime . . . alfua thay that honours thayme notht fupos thay dw to thaime onricht.—P. 14. Thai brek this command that thinkis schame of thair natural father and mother for thair povertie seiknes or mischance. Thai that denyes thair necessarie susten- tatioun to thame of meit and cleyth or harborye in tyme of thair mister. Bot maist of all thai brek this command quhilk bannis thaime . . . and obeyis thame nocht. Alsua thai that tholis nocht thair father and mother suppose thai do thame injuris and be cummersum. —P. 81. Fifth {Sixth) Command. Thay fine agane this comand quhilk beris ir and hetrand aganis thair nicht- burs . . . alfua thay quhilk fais to thair broder wordis of ir ... as fwil or ony ficlik manifeft ewil wordis or bannis or bakbitis or leis apone ony man or voman . . . Thay that prais notht to God for thair inimis and dois noth guid to thayme for ewil quhen thay haiff neceffite / . . . Thay that ar difplefit of thair nichtburs or innimis weil fair or ar blith of thair aduerfite / . . . thay that caufis difcord . . . Thay that wil notht agre thayme quhilk ar inimis and Hop ftritf pleis and crabitnes and diffentione quhair thay cane.—P. 15. The firft tabil of Moyfes contenit the iii firft commandis of god vritine in it the quhilk leris al man and voman quhat thay awe to god / . . . This firft com¬ mand leris al man and voman quhou thay fal haiff thayme inuertlie in thair hart to god / . . . This ii comand leris euerie man and voman quhow thay fal haiff thayme to god wtuertlie in thair wordis / . . . This iii command leris euerie man and voman quhou thay fal haiff thayme wtuertlie in thair wark / That is in the feruice of God.—Pp. 8, 9. Thai brek this command that flytis and fechtis with thair nychbour, quha sayis ony words that cum mis of unlauchful ire and crabitnes, quha callis ane uther fuile of malice or says ony injurious wordis to him, nyknamis, banning, back- byting or scorning . . . will nocht pray for thair enemies, lufifis thame nocht or helpis thame nocht at the lest in tyme of thair extreme neid . . . quha invyis thair nychbouris gud fortune quha sawis discord and fosteris it, quha rasis pley amang nychbours, alsua thai that may mak concord amang nychbouris or be- tuix fais and dois it nocht.—P. 86. The first table of Moyses contenis three commandis quhilk schawis us the dewtie or service quhilk we aucht to God in our hartes, our wordis and dedis.—P. 37 - As the first command techis the hart, the secund command the mouth, sa the thrid command techis the outwart mem- beris how thai suld haif thameself in the rycht worschipping of God.—P. 66. In the Introduction which I wrote to Mr Paterson’s reprint of this Catechism, I stated that there were then resident in St Andrews, and high in the favour of the Primate, two English refugees who had con¬ formed to the changes in religion made under Henry VIII., but had refused to conform to those made under Edward VI.; and that prob¬ ably we owed to the fact that they had helped in the preparation of the Catechism, certain extracts taken from Henry VIII.’s ‘Necessary xlviii INTRODUCTION. Doctrine of a Christian Man.’ The names of the two Englishmen were Dr Richard Marshall, probably the same who had been prior of the Blackfriars’ Monastery in Newcastle ; and Dr Richard Smyth, who had disputed at Oxford with Peter Martyr, and was afterwards to dispute there with Bishop Ridley, and who is said to have vacillated for a long time between the two systems. This appeared to one of my critics to be a plausible conjecture, but nothing more. I am glad to be able now to add something more, which I am sanguine will satisfy most, at least, that Dr Richard Smyth at any rate had not a little to do with the preparation of this Catechism, and, possibly, with its type of doctrine. Appended to an early edition of Martyr’s re¬ joinder to Smyth’s reply to his book on the marriage of priests, are three documents bearing on the vacillation of Smyth. The first is the testimony of one who heard him lecture in the theological school at Oxford, in the presence of Bishop Latimer, on Romans v., and teach “ ut sola fides, sine ullis operibus, sine ullis mentis nostris, imo (inquit) si Latine liceat ita dicere, solissima et unissima fides justi- ficet.” The second and third contain two of the three letters he wrote from St Andrews to Archbishop Cranmer, in the last of which he implores that he may once more be taken into favour, promises to conform to the doctrine then received so far as his conscience will allow, and adds, that if he remain longer in Scotland, he will have, in the course of the next few months, to write an answer to Cranmer’s book on the Lord’s Supper, and “librum alium locorum communium contra omnia dogmata quas nunc in Anglia, regias majestatis authori- tate, recepta sunt, qiiod salvd conscientia facere non possum." “ Qua- propter,” he pleads, “obsecro dominationem tuam, per amorem Dei, effice ut redeam domum quam possis citissime.” The letter is dated from St Andrews, on the 14th February; the previous one, which is very similar, and is given in the Appendix to Strype’s ‘ Memorials of Cranmer’ (Ixi.) as well as by Martyr, bears the date of nth February; and the first, which is not known to be preserved, was written ten or twelve days before. Certainly Dr Smyth must have been reluctant to face the work his Scottish patrons were then pressing on him. But his importunate letters were unheeded by the English archbishop ; and, notwithstanding his professed scruples of conscience, he seems to have set to his task without much delay. Before the close of the year (1550) his reply to Cranmer’s book on the Lord’s Supper appeared ; and soon after its close, a catechism, with “common placis ordourlie intraittit,” was laid by Archbishop Hamilton before a council of the Scottish Church, and approved by them, and in 1552 it was printed at St Andrews. If this was not the other part of the task Dr Smyth expected to have imposed on him, his patrons must either have re¬ lieved him of it or have allowed his work to remain unpublished. But the large extent to which its materials were taken from previous treatises, and from treatises more likely to be familiar to an English- APPENDIX. xlix man of the school to which Smyth belonged than to a Scotchman,^ seems to me sufficient, in conjunction with his letters, to show that he at least must have been one of those chiefly concerned in the pre¬ paration of the Catechism, though Wynram, or some other St Andrews man who sympathised with his opinions, probably revised it, and arrayed it in a pure Scottish garb. APPENDIX D. Passages omitted in Exposition of Article X. of Creed. P. 59, 1 . 30.—“ Our Lord said these words to all Christian men that they should have power to remit and forgive sins. He said them not merely to priests and monks, as many have hitherto taught and said. This our Lord Himself proves, who straightway in the same chapter speaks of a king who had many servants,” &c. P. 60, 1 . 22.—“ Our Lord said these words not merely to priests and monks, because there were then no priests and monks. Nor did He say them only to the apostles and disciples, but to all Christian men who then were and since have been and who shall come hereafter till the day of judgment.” P. 60, 1 . 25.—“Priests or monks are not here spoken of (that they should pray more than others), but all Christian men.” The material from ‘ Our Salviour,’ 1 . i, p. 61, to 1 . 18, p. 62, is not in Pedersen. The following is the passage in his book :— “ St Peter was neither priest nor monk who said this. But he was a poor unlettered fisherman. He said these words on behalf of all Christian men. How often they should forgive each other their sins and faults. He said this not of himself or of apostles, priests, or monks. Because there were then no priests nor monks except Pharisees and Hypocrites, who were the Jews’ priests. And our Lord rebukes them everywhere in the Scriptures, and promises them all evil and condemnation. And he says always to them. Woe be to you Pharisees and Hypocrites and Scribes, as St Matthew writes in his 1 I refer especially to the Latin treatises of Richard Rolle of Hampole, ‘ The Bishops' book ; or, the Institution of a Christian Man ’; ‘ Henry VIII.'s Book ; or, the Necessary Erudition of any Christian Man'; and Cranmer’s ‘ Homily of Faith.’ Perhaps the Cologne ' Encheiridion ’ should be included in the list, though it was not unknown in Scotland. Henry VHI.’s copy of this last is still preserved in the Briti.sh Museum, with particular phrases and sentences underlined in red ink in the way Cranmer is said to have marked passages in books to which he wished to draw the attention of his royal master. Smyth was one of those intrusted with the preparation of the Bishops’ book, and may have been a member of the Con¬ vocation which sanctioned the king’s book. 1 INTRODUCTION. xxiii. c., and St Mark in his xii., and St Luke xi. c. The Jewish priests, who then were, could not remit sins, because the law could not remit them, as it stands in the whole epistle to the Hebrews. Because God’s Son must in the end come to remit sins, who was the true Lord and Priest, and He made all good Christian men to be kings and priests with His holy blood, death, and passion, as St John says in his Revelation, and St Peter in his first epistle, in the ii. chapter. Our Lord Himself says to all Christian men, Ye are a chosen race, a royal priesthood, and a holy people, and the heirs of the eternal kingdom. Hereby it is clearly enough shown that all good Christian men are priests, and must forgive and remit sins with God’s Word as frequently and often as any one sins and deems it to be evil from his heart, and has repentance and contrition therefore, and will amend himself.” Section in Pedersen’s book following immediately after that ending with page 83, and before that beginning on p. 84 of Gau’s treatise:— “ Here shall every one notice that the outward prayer happens in three different ways— “ First, from obedience, after which priests and monks sing and read, and likewise virgins and nuns in cloisters, and in the same way they who have received set reading as duty and penance, and read it on that account. In such reading is obedience the best, and it is almost equal to a second work or deed which happens from obedience if it otherwise happens from a simple intention of dutifulness, and not for the sake of reward, praise, or honour. Because there is so unspeakably great grace in God’s Word that when any one prays with the mouth without the intention of the heart for the sake of duty, then it is pleasing to God, and makes the devil sorry. “ In the second manner, outward prayer happens without obedience, with unwillingness and with dislike, and for the sake of money, reward, honour, commendation, praise, and recompense. Such prayer were better let alone than made. Yet they receive here in the world their reward therefor with temporal goods and money, reputa¬ tion and honour, like as God is wont to reward some of His servants here in the world who serve Him for money, reputation, and honour, and great recompense. But he rewards His true servants eternally in the kingdom of heaven with everlasting pleasure and joy. “ In the third manner, outward prayer happens with the heart’s desire and intention. And the outward appearance (which is that the mouth moves quickly and babbles) is changed to reality. And the same outward prayer is changed to inward prayer, because the inward reality is revealed with the outward appearance (which is that one moves the mouth).” APPENDIX. li APPENDIX E. Probably it will interest my readers that I should set alongside each other the titles of Pedersen and Gau’s treatises ;— Den rette vey till Hiemmerigis Rige Han lasris her i de thi Gudz bud ord och i Credo och Pater noster I huilke hwert christet meniske finder all del so staar i scrij^ten Och alle de ting som hanne er nottelige oc tilborlige ath vide til sin sielis salighed Lcess bogen till ende da skalt dw det saa finde MDXXXI. The richt vay to the Kingdome of he- uine is techit heir in the x c6 mandis of God / And in the Creid / and Pater nofler / In the quhilk al chriffine ma fal find al thing yat is neid ful and requirit to onderftand to the faluation of the faul. Both titles are within a woodcut border; both treatises are very neatly printed in black letter. Pedersen’s has no printer’s device at the end ; Gau’s has the device previously described. The words in the title of Pedersen’s book, as given above, which are printed in italics, are omitted in the title of Gau’s. Had they been inserted, the last part of that title would have run as follows : “In the quhilk al chriffine ma fal find al yat is cotiteinit in the Scriptures and al thing yat is neidful and requirit to onderftand to the faluation of the faul. Reid the buik til ye end and thow fal find it fa.” The following is Mr Maitland Anderson’s description of Pedersen’s treatise as published at Antwerp in 1531 : “The book is in small octavo, and consists of 124 leaves, unpaged, signed A ii—Q iii, 24 lines to the page. The title-page is enclosed in an ornamental border, which has the arms of Denmark—viz., three crowned lions at the top, and three crowns and a lion at the bottom—possibly meant to indi¬ cate that it was set forth with the approbation of Christiern II., who still claimed in his exile to be King of Denmark, Sweden, and Nor¬ way. Leaves A ii—A iiii contain the preface, which is not, like Gau’s, headed by his name. The text begins at leaf A 4, and is continued to leaf Q ii, verso line 18. Leaf Q iii—Q 4, line 17, contains ‘A prayer from the xii Psalm,’ ‘which every one may pray to God that He will increase among us the faith and His word and gospels.’ Under this comes the colophon :— 1 Denne bog er prentet i Andorp och rettet aff Christien ^ Pedersen fom vaar Cannick i Lund ^ Aar effter Gudz byrd MDXXXI. 1 A star. 2 Sic. 2 A clover leaf. Hi INTRODUCTION. “There are two copies of this book in the Royal Library at Copen¬ hagen—one of them imperfect. A defective copy is also found in the University Library at Copenhagen, and there is a copy in Karen Brahe’s Library. It was reprinted by C. J. Brandt in 1854, and forms pp. 211-332 of vol. iv. of ‘Pedersen’s Danske Skrifter,’ and is the third in order of his ‘ Smaaskrifter.’” Brandt has since published a life of Pedersen in Danish. I subjoin to this note the entry respecting the old copy of Gau’s book in the third part of the catalogue of the library of George Chalmers, F.R.S., F.S.A., 1842 :— “278. Gau’s (Jhone) Richt Way to the Kingdome of Hevine is techit heir in the Commandis of God, in the Creed of Pater Noster. In the quhilk al Chrissine Men sal find al thing yat is neidful to the Saluation of the Soul. With an Epistle to the Lordis and Barons of Scotland, excessively rare. Part of a line on two leaves at the bottom cut through, bid legible. “ Prentit in Malmw {^Marlborough) By me fhone Hochstraten, xvi day of Oct. 1533. *** “The Author had been a Catholic Priest, but embraced Pro¬ testantism. Mr Chalmers says, 'He was a native of Perth.' He adds, ' This Book was the First Work for the Reformation Printed and Published by any Scotchman. After every inquiry for 30 years, no other copy has been discovered in Scotland or Ireland.'" Mr Law, who drew my attention to this, adds that in Dr Laing’s copy of the Catalogue it is entered “that the book was purchased by Thorpe for W. H. Miller, Esq., at the price of £,\o, 15s. The Con¬ fession of Faith, , . . ‘ Imprented by me, Ihone Scott,’. . . 1561, just before it, sold for ,^11,—good prices, seeing that in the same sale the Kilmarnock edition of Burns went for ^i, los. ; and Nicol Burne’s ‘ Controvertit Headdis’ . . . 1581, which recently has fetched fyo and ^24, went for i8s.’’ Malborrow, or Marlborough, was used by Tyndale as the English equivalent of Marburg in Hesse. APPENDIX F. It will give to most a more vivid idea of the extent to which Gau is indebted to Pedersen and Pedersen to Rhegius, if I set over against two paragraphs of his Scottish the two corresponding paragraphs of the old English translation of Rhegius, than if I gave the correspond¬ ing Danish and German, and it will show at the same time my warrant for suggesting a certain conjectural correction of a manifest corruption in the Scottish text. Faith is noth ane thing quhilk ane man Fayth is not a slyght thynge, whiche cane giif to hyme felff quhen he wil / hot a man may geue unto hym selfe, or make APPENDIX. liii it is ane greit gyft of God the quhilk renwis the hart and makis ane nev ma quhair be for he wes of aid adame in ewil defiris and finful lyff / to trow / that is to Had fail at Godis vord quhat he promifis to wfz quhat euer it be that he wil fulfil his promis na ma cane haiff this faith of hime felff bot the fpreit of God giffis this licht in the hart ad renwis it inuertlie / ane \man ma mak to hyme felff ane opinyon of God that he is gwid and marciful bot\ this opinione hes na power na ftrinth in it / for quhen he gettis ony aduerfite or perfecutione than it waniffis and wauers as ane dreyme. That is noth aneucht that ony reid the creid or rekin ye articulis cotenit in it x or xii timis apone ye day ad ficlik the pater noller / bot we fuld perfitlie onder- Md it ad pret it inuertlie in our hartis that we noth alanerlie rekine adfpeikthe articulis cStenit in it with our mwth bot alfua wit our hart / that quhair thair cuis ony aduerfite or pfecutione thane we ma trow with the hart ficlik as we fpak befor with the mwcht. Thow fais i trow for- giffine of my fmnis / bot quhen the deuil cuis in the time of deid ad tepis the to difpair of forgififine of thayme / Thane thow art reid ad dowtis ad fallis in difpair Thairof euerie ma ma onderftad that thow fais this with thy mwcht and noth with the hart for thow trowis noth per¬ fitlie that thy finis ar forgififine / Thow fais i trow the refurrectio[ne of the body ad ye euerleflad liff bot quhen deid cuis yat ye faul ad body ma depart] thow art fa red as baith the faul ad the body fuld aluterlie de ad that thair var na mair thairefter of the, &c. it, when he wyll. But it is a great mygh- tye thynge, which renueth man, and leaueth hym not in hys olde opinyon, and in hys olde synne, and desyres. To beleue is stedfastly to cleaue unto the worde of God, whether it be wordes of threatenynges or of promyse, that thou doest truste there upon. That can no man do of hym selfe, the spirite of God must renue and illumyne hys herte before. A man maye make to hymselfe, an opinyon of God, that he is good and merciful, but it hath no efificacye, for as sone as the earnest nede cometh, it van- issheth awaye as a dreame. It is not enowgh, that we speake the articles of oure faythe euery daye, fyue, sixe, or seuen tymes after the pater nos- ter. Thei must be written in the herte, and that lyuely, and not onely mumbled with the tog, that when the affliction beginneth that it be then, euen as thou speakest. Thou sayest, I beleue the for- gevenes of synnes, and when the deuyll doth assayle the in necessyte of death, for thy manyfolde synnes sake, then arte thou abasshed, and wylt dispayre. Thereby do I see, that thou spekest this article with thy mouthe, but thy herte knoweth no thynge thereof. Thou be- leuest it not truely. Thou saayest, I beleue the resurrection of the body, and the lyfe euerlastynge, but whan death breaketh in, and body and soule must parte, than are thou so afrayde as though body and soule dyed altogether, and as yf it were cleane done with the, &c. The unintelligible phrase at p. 31, line 9, of the reprint, “ane ne of the body,” I suppose to have arisen in this way. The first word ane is the last on one page, D vii recto, of the old copy, and restirrectio, line 25, is the last on the page on the other side of the leaf, D vii verso. The words ne of the body and ye euerlestand liff bot qtihen deid cutntnis yat ye said and body man depart, now standing in lines 9 and 10 of the ' reprint, should, in the old copy, have stood at the top of the page fol¬ lowing resurrectio, D viii recto, instead of at the top of the page pre¬ ceding, and should be transferred to line 25 of the reprint. The words which should have formed the first two lines of that preceding page in the old copy, and followed ane in the reprint, have fallen out. liv INTRODUCTION. but can be supplied without much difficulty from the old English ver¬ sion. These emendations not only make the passages in the Scotch intelligible, but bring it into harmony with the Danish and German as well as with the old English, though they could hardly have been confidently suggested by any one who had not the old English version before him. ADDITIONAL NOTE. My friend Mr Law has brought under my notice that in the privately printed history (p. 41) of ‘The Colts of that Ilk and of Gartsherrie,’ Blaise (a daughter of Blaise Colt and Egidia Fleming) “ married in 1569 John Gaw or Gall, a merchant-burgess of Perth, son of Alexander Gaw or Gall of Maw, to which he succeeded in 1660 \sic, probably for 1560], as also to other lands, his son John afterwards succeeding.” Besides the numerous references in the Register of the Great Seal, between the years 1506 and 1546, to Alexander Gaw as a witness of charters, either as a presbyter, chaplain, or a notary public, there are two (vols. ii. No. 2883; iii. No. 27) in which the witness is styled ‘‘Alexander Gaw de Maw.” It may be that one and the same individual is denoted by these several designations, as some of the charters witnessed by the chaplain, as well as by Gaw of Maw, relate to lands of the monastery of Culross, and the other witnesses are the same in each case. But if this be so, other presbyters than the vicar of Tullibody must have ventured to exchange concubinage for honest matrimony before 1540. His wife was Alisoune Broun, possibly a rela¬ tive of “ Rob. and Joh. Broun,” two of the chaplains attesting the charters. He had a son, Matthew, legitimated in 1553; but the son, John Gaw, who succeeded him, may have been the issue of the above marriage. His succeeding in 1560 fits in with the conclusion natu¬ rally suggested by the protocol book before described ending in 1558. The “Johannes Gaw de Maw” mentioned in the Register of the Great Seal under the year 1512 (vol. i. No. 3738) was probably the father of Alexander Gaw, and possibly also of John Gaw, the author of the Richt Vay to the Kingdome of Hevine. I subjoin the notices of the Gaws, copied for me by Dr Milne from the Guildry Book of Perth. 1. 26th Jail. 1469.—“Quo die Robertus Gal factus fuit Burgensis, et frater Glide ad requestum, et cepit sasinam per dictum ballivum, Robertum Mercer.” 2. i\th Jan. 1541.—“ Quo die Johannes Gall factus est burgensis, et confrater Glide dicti burgi, et admissus ad libertatem ejusdem pro tribus libris et cepit sasinam per Patricium Adamson, ballivum ; inde solvit ib-; quia maritavit Elenam Nory, filiam David Nory, confratris Glide.” APPENDIX. Iv (i8//z Au^. 1556.—“ Ouhilk day Andro Schoir beand callit befoir ye Dene of Gilde and merchandis at ye instance of John Gaw for ye missaying and evil taking of him at his awin bothe dur, and gevin of him injurius wordis, quhilk was warifeit be certane famous witnes sworne and admittit: thairfor ye Dene of Gilde and merchandis or- danis ye said Andro to ask ye said John forgevynnis; and gif it sal happin ye said Andro to missay ye said John, or ony uthir honest man in tyme cuming, ye samyn being provin, to pay half an stane of wax to ye uphald of ye Halyblude altar, and to pay instantlie ane pund of wax for ye fait done as said is.”) 3. gt/t April 1551.—“ Quo die Jacobus Gall factus est burgensis, et confrater Gilde burgi de Perth, admissus ad libertatem ejusdem de consensu omnium confratrum Gilde pro solutione viginti librarum solvendarum Decano Gilde tantum, et cepit sasinam per Georgium Johneson, ballivum : inde solvit duos solidos.” 4. "jth Nov. 1571.—“Quo die Robertus Gall, senior filius et appar- ens hasres Johannis Gall, mercatoris, confratris Gilde, factus est burg¬ ensis, et confrater Gilde burgi de Perth, admissus ad libertatem ejusdem pro quadraginta solidis, quod vivit pater, et cepit sasinam per Patricium Ray, ballivum : inde solvit iP-” 5. Oct. 1577.—“Quo die Thomas Gall, scriba, factus est burg¬ ensis et confrater Gilde burgi de Perth admissus ad libertatem ejus¬ dem pro vino et specibus tantum, tenore praecepti desuper dati. Jura- tus est et cepit sasinam per Thomam Monypenny, ballivum : inde solvit iis-” 6. Sept. 1579.—“Quo die Johannes Gall, mercator, secundus filius Johannis Gall, mercatoris, burgensis, et confratris Gilde dicti burgi de Perth factus est burgensis, et confrater Gilde burgi de Perth admissus ad libertatem ejusdem pro solutione quadraginta solidorum cum vino et specibus, et juratus est, et cepit sasinam per Robertum Anderson, ballivum ; inde solvit duos solidos.” (The same year Robert Gall, and John Gall, elder, are recorded as members of the “ Inquisitio,” or body of “ Searchers,” and councillors —indicating that they were of some note as merchants.) 7. Anno 1619. (In a list of members.)—“Jacobus Gaw, mercator.” 8. loth Sept. 1628.—“ Quo die Andreas Gaw, mercator in Mure- town, factus est burgensis, et confrater Gilde dicti burgi de Perth ad¬ missus ad libertatem et privilegium ejusdem pro solutione decern librarum monetae dicto decano Gilde, et hoc ex gratia dicti praepositi. Juratus est et cepit sasinam per dictum Alexandrum Peblis praepositum.” 9. 2&,th Dec. 1630.—“ Quo die Patricius Gaw, polentarius, senior fili¬ us, et apparens hmres, Andrese Gaw in Muirtown, burgensis, et con¬ fratris Gilde dicti burgi de Perth factus est burgensis et confrater dicti burgi, admissus ad libertatem et privilegium ejusdem jure haere- ditario dicti sui patris, pro solutione quatuor librarum monetae dicto Ivi INTRODUCTION. decano Gilde, tenore acti desuper confecti. Juratus est, et cepit sas- inam per Andream Gray, ballivum.” These may all have been related. Though Nos. i and 2 are separated by a long interval, the name (Robert) again occurs. The compara¬ tively large admission-fee exacted from No. 3 also appears to show that he was not hereditarily connected with the incorporation. The relationship of 2, 4, and 6—father and two sons—is evident, and the author was possibly of close kinship with them. Thomas Gall (No. 5), who is styled “ scriba,” but whose family relationship is not stated, may have been either Guildry, or City, or Session Clerk. Nos. 8 and 9 are those whose deaths, as you mention, are recorded in the ‘ Chron¬ icle of Perth.’ Muirton, formerly a hamlet, in the parish of Perth, just north of the North Inch, is still represented by a farm and cottar-houses of the same name. Cant, in his introduction to the ‘ Muses’ Threnodie,’ p. 7, ed. 1774, Perth, says : “ Mr John Gall, younger (his father being of the same name), was a merchant, well educated, of sweet dispositions, pregnant wit, and much esteemed. His premature death, of a consumption, oc¬ casioned the following elegiac and descriptive poem. The represen¬ tative of these Galls was John Gall of Kinloch, Esq., whose son Patrick, an officer in the army, died lately unmarried. The Galls in Muirton are said to be of the same family.” The Mr John Gall of the ‘Threnodie’ may have been a son or grand¬ son of John Gall (No. 6), and the family may have been originally connected with the Fife or Kinross district. Robert Mercer—one of the Mercers who have been so long and favourably known in Perth— by whom Robert Gal (No. i) appears to have been introduced to the Guildry, was Laird of Balleiff, in the county of Kinross. There is more than one place bearing the name of Maw both in Kinross and in Fife. I have not seen ‘ The Colts of that Ilk and of Gartsherrie.’ One might conjecture that the marriage of which it speaks, of John Gaw, merchant-burgess of Perth, to “Blaise Colt,” was that of John Gaw (No. 2)—a second marriage on his part—and that he was a son of Alexander Gaw of Maw. “Blaise” is an unusual female name. A succession of Colts as well as of Gaws appear to have been merchant- burgesses of Perth in the sixteenth century. Blaise Colt, father-in- law of John Gall (No. 2), was admitted on nth February 1540, and on 13th February 1544 he “ protestit that he and his nichtbouris mer- chandis haif als greit privilege in ye occupatioun and selling of yair merchandis in all placis within yair efdrop, as yai haif within yair bothis, conform to ye use of uthir burrowis.” Q&th May 1888. urijc \)ap fo if)t atfng^omc of ttitje Tb f)iit (t) t^e ^ td manbie’of t^e iCuih / cd 5 pflfct noffer/ ^QtOequfiilk al c^tiffint me fal ffn^>dl fenel^ anbtequkft to oitbetf^nb to faluotioo of foul i 9 1 The richt vay to the Kingdome of he- uine is techit heir in the x co mandis of God / And in the Creid / and Pater nofter / In the quhilk al chriffme ma fal find al thing yat is neid ful and requirit to onderftand to the faluation of the faul A J Vi. ■'.ri.K ^ ^ •' M lr| ’!!.«! ♦ >* ttl \ IKrr'^ io fj " ')».■■ ■. - . ij . ;i(,i< . • f ‘f- *,. hhfiulf^k jdJ jpij^ J / Ij- f f'h f)‘rt It •yf jihUjy^ ^ H’ - iijf * t* i J vi} *" . * . m H i .W <1 ,* - J '•■' • /- «-• ■■ ^''' I -v* - j ‘J **»• i (.t.r "I ; I hone Gau to the reder Race / marcie / and pece / of god our fader / and of the lord Ihefus Chrifl our faluiour / be vith al chriffme breder and fifler / Amagis mony oder fkaithful bukis and fals dodlrine vith 5 the quhilk the pepil hes ben falflie diffauit befor in mony zeris and euil and ongodlie techit of the quhilk greit onfaithfulnes and herefie come amangis the pepil / Of thir bukis thir ar the greted (the quhilk mony befor wefz maifl vont to wfz) the quhilk ar callit Hortulus anime / And Paradifus anime That is the gardine of the lo faul / and the paradis of de faul / bot be richt thay fuld hayf callit thayme the errour and begeline and the diflrudlione of the faul / In the quhilk bukis thair is fa mony lefingis / and fablis / and dremis gadrit to gider / and mony orifons to diuerfz patronis and fadtis / and quhow men and veme fal ferine thayme and quhou 15 thay fal rekkine al thair fmnis to thair fchrift fader in quhat maner and vith quhat perfone thay var dune as fum fuyl or munk maid as thay thocht and dremit efter thair aune heid / and vrait thayme that oders micht dailie reid and vfz thair dremis for godlie prayers / Neuertheles thay reknit mony foul and abhominabil fmnis in 20 thayme the quhilk mony guyd men ad veme and fpecialie zung perfons kneu neuer of befor na thocht neuer to d\v in al thair dais / Thay haif gadrit to gider in thir forfaid and ficlik bukis mony findrie prayers as thay thocht maid godlie and vrait reid and fals fenzeit titels and marvelous comendations befor thaime 25 that thay quhilk red thayme or buyr thaime apone thayme fuld haiff fa mony thoufand ^ zeris of pardone And forgiffine of thair ^ Original, thonfand. 4 IHONE GAV TO THE REDER. fine and payne and deliuer thair faders and moders and oder frendis faulis of the paynis of purgatorie for the quhilkis thay vald pray for in that orifone Thay gaif fic vane glorious tetels and namis and pouers that thay quhilk red thaime euerie day or buyr thayme ^ apone thaime fuld noth be flayne be thair inimis 5 na drunit na brint na be hagit na fuld notht de ane euil or ane haflie deid na half na troubil na powerte Or quhay that redis fanfti erafmis orifone apone the fonday thay fal get meit and drink aneuth that ouk Or quhay prais to fandl chriflofer and feis his ymage fal notht that day haif aduerfite or de on- 10 chrifinlie / And ficlik thay dremit and maid innumerabil pouers ad vertus 2 ad laid to ficlik orifons the quhilk ver lang to vrit heir as it is thair to requirit Thairfor i poflpone thayme nou / thay quhilk befor vefz blindit and ar nou illuminat be the licht of godis vord thay knaw thayme veil thair felf / I traiflit mekil 15 of ficlik orifos be for in my aid blindnes / Bot bliffit be god quhilk hes helpit me thair owt be the licht of his halie vord and of mekil oder blindnes quhilk I vefz in befor / It is greit neid to informe and tech al chriffme pepil that thay vfz noth thir orifons as thay did befor And that thay put na hop na traifl in thayme 20 and to lat thayme alen and hald thayme noth of valour for caufz thay cane haiff na faluacione throu thayme And to giff ouer paf- fionale fadloru ^ legeda fadloru faulis traifl and bukis of miraculis / in the quhilk thair is mekil gadrit to gider quhilk the deuil pat in thayme quhilk firfl maid and vrait thayme to Draw the pepil thair 25 throu fra the richt faith and put thair hop and traifl in to fadlis and findrie patronis that thay fuld pray for thayme and faif thayme / And fua lichtlie our lord Ihefus Chriflis bliffit paffione and precious deid Vith the quhilk he maid alanerlie perfit fatif- fadlione for al our finnis and wil marcifullie forgif ws thaime of 50 his awne gracious guidnes. Quhairfor ve fuld alanerlie lowe and virfchip^ and honour the lord god our maker and redemar and pray to na oder bot to hime as hime felff commandit in the v and vi chaiptur of Deutero and in the xx and xxxiiii of Exodi and mony oder placis of the halie fcriptur comadis the fame Thairfor 35 ’ thatyme. " verturs. ^ fadlofi. ^ virflhip. IHONE GAV TO THE REDER. 5 now the richt and chriffme dodlrine ^ is heir contenit in this prefet buyk that al quhilk onderfladis the fcotis tung ma haiff vith thayme and reid and wfz it Dailie / That thay may chriffinlie leir and onderfland firfl quhou thay fal ken thair fine and ar finful 5 creaturs / This thay fuld leir of the x commadife of god Alfua thay fuld leir the chriffme faith as it is contenit in the creid / And onderflad quhou thay fuld trow in thayr god ad maker ad ken hime. Sine thay fuld leir the Pater nofler quhou thay fuld pray richt to god thair fader in the heuin for that is in verite / lo that ane richt chriffme man hes prait aneucht quhen he hes prait ane pater noller vith the hart and ane guyd mind / ffor ane prayer is noth the mair plefad to god for caufz we wfz mony vordis in it As our faluiour fais in the vi chaiptur of fandl matheu / Bot ane chriffme prayer is quhen ane ma prais and murnis inuertlie in his 15 hart to god efter his help / of the quhilk our faluiour fais in the V chaiptur of S. math Bliffit ar thay quhilk murnis for thay fal be confortit / the quhilk murning and inuert defir of the hart ve fuld al time haif to god for his help / Thairfor it is neidful that al pepil lat alen the orifons maid be men quhilk hes diuerfz namis 20 and titels / fa mony thoufand zeris / of pardone pouers / and remiffione of fine and payne / for the reding of thaime The quhilk is bot leing and begiline / Thairfor al chriffme pepil fuld nou leir agane to reid and pray the richt^ chriffme prayer (the quhilk is the pater nofler) apone thair aune ® tung the quhilk our faluiour ^ leirit 25 his difciplis to pray as fandl matheu vritis in his vi chaiptur and fandl Luc. in his xi / the quhilk is of fic natur that the ofter that ony man pray it vith hart and mind thair apone it is mair plefand and fueter to hime / Our lord Ihefus the fone of god the quhilk maid it and lerit vfz to pray it (to his and our hewinlie fader) gif 3 ® vfz al his halie fpreit that we ma haif Iwifif to reid and pray it vith ane chriffme hart to his gloir and honour and to the faluatione of our faulis AMEN 1 dodlrme. 2 riht. 3 ane. ^ faluionr. f Aidkjfiii ^ ^ j i 1 *'vm t* '*^ '•* }>♦ i }>♦ * irt^' „■« f^' ‘ . ■ '■ '■ ''f *v/ii v«*4w i ,*a 4»i* ,1 . ‘ = y' -%0{ Til .,v(C. * * »» i • ^ # ■ i «■ ..I'li^ 1 1* ;y . 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