} '"fS. PRESENTED TO THE LIBRARY OF^ PRINCETON THEOLOGlCfiL SEMINARY BY fArs. Alexander Proudfit. BR 404 .A6 1859 Anjou, Lars Anton, 1803 1884. The history of the reformation in Sweden THE HISTORY OF THE, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. By L. a. ANJOU, COUNCILLOR TO THE KING OF SWEDEN TRANSLATED FROM THE SWEDISH BY HENRY M. MASON, D. D. -^^ — ♦•-♦• ••♦— ^- N e B3 - 1j) 0 r k . PUDNEY & IIUSSELL, PUBLISIIERS, No. 79 John -Street. 1859. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859. By PUDNEY & RUSSELL, In the Clerk's Ofllcc, of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern District of New-York. PREFACE. The Protestant Episcopal or Catholic Church in the United States having passed a resolution, and appointed a Committee of its Greneral Convention to inquire into the expediency of opening an intercourse with the Church of Svi^eden, I have undertaken a translation of the work of Mr. Anjou, as connected with that ohject. There is no part of the history of our race which pre- sents more striking^ characteristics than that of the era known as the Reformation. Then rose again, after a night of profound darkness, the lights of science ; then, as if to diffuse those lights more widely, was discovered the art of printing ; then was a new world disclosed to the view of civilized man ; then was hro- ken the first link of that chain of tyranny of which not only bishops hut princes had so long felt the intolera- ble weight. In the history of that great era, the Swedes have borne a distinguished part ; as of them it would be no extravagant eulogy to say, that at one critical mo- / IV PREFACE. mcnt in that hi.story tlicy were the preservers of the liberties of protestant Europe. The rise and progress of the Reformation among this people constitute the subject of Mr. Anjou's researches. He is at this time tlic councillor, in ecclesiastical affairs, to the king of Sweden. His work having been transmitted to me by the present learned and eminent bishop of Gothberg, as the most reliable known among his countrymen, I found it replete wdth information for ^yhich, when publii>liing some years ago a compend of ecclesiastical history, I in vain sous^ht from authors otherAvise dif- fuse on the events of the Reformation. TVHiat I found interesting to myself, I have believed might prove no less so to others. The subject is attractive, not only from its inherent imxportance, but from the skill of its author, who, deriving his narrative from the most au- thentic sources, to which his office gives him peculiar access, has shown both judgment and candor, with no compromise of truth, in the management of his weighty theme. From the works of Ornjelm and Bazius, in Latin, and of Ryzelius, in Swedish, I have added, in an ap- pendix, an abridged account of the conversion of the Swedes to Christianity. J lirivc translated from the present Swedish liturgy the morning service ef that church, as containing the office for tlie administration of the Holy Communion, and as furnishing, mutatis fnutamlis, an evidence of the approximation of the PREFACE. V 'IT Swedish worship to our own. To the G-erman works of Schubert and Knos, and slightly to the civil history of Geijer, I am indebted for the compend which I have drawn up of the Swedish church constitution ; while it is little to say, that the letter of Mr. Knos, who is now at the head of the theological department in Upsala, written in Latin, at once elegant and terse, profound in its researches, and logical in its deduc- tions, will well repay the perusal of those who desire information on the origin of the episcopal succession in Sweden. His w^ork on the Swedish church consti- tution, though penned in another tongue than his own, has made his name widely known in Europe, for the elegance of its style, and it's philosophic acumen. I cannot but entertain the thought, of which my wish is certainly the father, that this translation of Mr. Anjou's work as one of great repute in Sweden, will contribute to a wider acquaintance, in this country, with a nation eminent in literature, as for asres it has been illustrious for its valor in arms. CONTENTS. BOOK I. CHAPTER I. The Swedish Church to the year 1520, p. 1 1. Episcopal Sees. 2. Canons and Cathedrals. 3. The Church's Wealth and Outward Poiver. 4. Cloisters. 5. Character and Moral Condition. CHAPTER II. The Pardon-Monger and Papal Legate, J. A. Arcimbold, .... p. 52 CH A.PTER III. Olaus Petri, the Friend and Pupil of Luther, p. 61 CHAPTER IV. First Information of the Agitations at "Wittenberg — Laurentius Andrese — Olaua Petri at Strangness — King Gustavus I. — John Mag- nus (until and during the Diet of Strangness in 1523), p. 66 CHAPTER V. Laurentius Andi-effi, the King's Chancellor — John Magnus elected Archbishop — Transaction at Rome respecting the Election and Con- firmation of Bishops till the year 1527, p. 87 CHAPTER VI. Assessment of the Church, till the year 1527, p. 104 ▼iu CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. Of the contiuucJ Preaching of the Gospel, with the accompanying Incidojits uud Consequences, to the Diet of Westeras in 1527, p. 112 C II ATT Ell VIII. Writings concerning the Reformation, before the Diet of Westeras in 1527 — The Answer of Glaus Petri to Paulus El'ix — The Answer to the Twelve Questions, 'p. 169 BOOK II. CIIAPTEK I. The Diet of Westeras in 1527 — The Treaty and Ordinances of Westeras, p. 192 CHAPTER II. The Operation of the Second and Third Points of the Treaty of Westeras, p. 226 CHAPTER III. Fhght of Bishop Brnsk -Consecration of the Bishops elect- Writings of the Reformers during the year 1528 p. 239 CHAPTER IV. The Council of Orebro in 1529— Dissatisfaction— Flight of Bishop Magnus of Skara, p 055 CHAPTER V. Provision for having the Gospel preached— Church Manual and Mass-Book in the Swedish language, p 072 CHAPTER VI. Election of a Bishop— Laurentius Petri, Archbishop ofUpsala— Fate of the Church till 1539 p. 277 CONTENTS. ix CHAPTER VII. The King's Displeasure with Laiircntiiis Andrese and Olaus Petri — Accusation and Judgment against these Men — The new Condition of the Church under Peutinger and Norman — Visitations of the Churches — Plundering of Churches — Dissatisfaction, p. 292 CHAPTER VIII. Translation of the Bible into Swedish in 15-41--Progres8 of the Eeformation — Ordinantia of Westeras in 1544 — Changes in Condition of Bishops, Chapters, and Parish Priests, (till King John III.'s Ac- cession to the Throne in 1568)^ p. 308 CHAPTER IX. The Reformation in Denmark and Norway — The Position of the Swedish Church in respect to the Foreign Protestant Churches, p. 328 CHAPTER X. The last "Work in which Olaus Petri was engaged — His Death — Laurentius Petri against the King, and against the Calvinists, p. 348 CHAPTER XI. The Kings Gustavus I. and Erik XIV. — Commencement of King John III.'s Reign — Ecclesiastical Law — Council of Upsala in 1572 — Day and Year of the Death of Archbishop Laurentius Petri,, .p. 368 BOOK III. CHAPTER I, The Swedish Church to the year 1573, p. 386 1. Church Government, Bishops and Priests. 2. Schools and Scientijiz Culture. 3. Divine Service, Morals, Purifying of the PeopWs Faith. X CONTEN'TS. CHAPTER II. Transactions in the Church in Europe, before 1573 — Bishops and other important Men in the Church at this Period — King John and the Royal House — First Attempts of the Roman Church to form new Engagements with Sweden j). 429 CHAPTEK III. The Church Coxtncil at Stockholm in 15G4 — Election of an Arch- bishop— Church Ordinance of 1575 — The Consecration of Bishops in 1575, p. 451 CHAPTEE IV. The Liturgy p. 47G CHAPTER V. Rome's Attempt to recover the Swedish Church, from the year 1574 to 1580, p.' 501 CHAPTER VI. The complete Breach between the Liturgic, Lutheran, and Roman Catholic Parties (until the Death, in 1585, of Bishop Nils Olai, of Striingncss) p. 538 CHAPTER VII. Dispute concerning the Election of a Bishop for Striingness — Election of Sigisrauud as King of Poland — Declaration of the Clertry in Charles' Duchy against tiie Liturgy — Commencement of its Down- fall (until King John's death in 1592) p. 560 CHAPTER VIII. Council of Upsala p. 594 A P P E N E> I C I : S . Tlie Conversion of the Swedes to Christianity — Letter from A. G. Knos, Doctor and Professor of Theology in the University of Upsala — Translation, made in Swcdon, of a Royal Rescript, relative to English Candidates for Confirmation — Contents of the Book of Common Prayer of the Swedish Church — Outline of the Swedish Church Constitution p. 631 THE HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL REFOMATION IN SWEDEN. CHAPTER I. THE SWEDISH CHURCH TO THE YEAK 1520. 1. — EPISCOPAL SEES. The first stream, of tlie liglit of Christianity, as far as ^ve can discern, falls over our fatherland at the same time in which our history advances into day. That Ansgarius, who came from the monastery of Corbey, in France, here preached the Gospel in the year 829, is the first incident that occiu"S in the annals of Sweden, with full historic certainty. But if this is beyond all doubt, we are still in doubt in what part of our fatherland he made his appearance ; and with this rising of the sun it is still wrapped in the mist of morning what people heard of him the word of life. For nearly six-and- thirty years after his first coming, venerable missionaries watched and worked over the tender plant. Some time after his first visit, he returned, in his old age, to keep it alive, since, of the teachers he meanwhile sent to Sweden, at least one had already become a blood-witness for the new 1 Z lUSTORY OF THE ECCLESIASnCAL fill til ; as arcliblsliop of Ilamburgli, and afterward of Bre- men, lie had charged himself Avith the conversion of the North. The erection of the arclibishoj:)ric of Hamburgh, in 834, its confirmation by the pope in 835, and the union of the see with Bremen, in 858, had for their object the Clmstian- izing of tke North. The archbishop of Bremen had this mission under his cai'e, until its primacy over the Swedish church was transferred from Bremen to the archbishopric of Lund, created in the year 1103. At length the arch- bishop of Upsal and the Swedish church publicly refused to acknowledge the bishop of Lund as their primate ; and the Swedish ecclesiastical provinces, through their oaati arch- bishop, stood in immediate connection with the Roman chair. For more than three hundred yeai's after the first efforts of Ansgarius for the conversion of the Swedes, and for more than a. century after Christianity, in consequence of the bap- tism, of king Olof Skotkonung, began to be more generally known by the Swedish, people, the Swedish was a missionary church. The country was visited by teachers, at first from France, afterward chiefly from England, whose distin- guished missionaries began to turn their attention to the North-, when their former fields of labor in the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Germany, had well nigh fully received the soed-corn of God's holy word. These teachers traversed the regions to which cither oppor- tunity or the hope of success called them. We are informed by Adam, of Bremen, that about the year 1070, there was found in Sweden, because of the late planting of Christianity, no episcopal see with defined boundaries ; but that any bishop, approved by the king or people, built churches in common with others, travelled over the land, converted to Christianity as many as he could, and ruled them during his life, without the jealousy of another. REfOKMATION IN SAYEDEN. 3 In the twelfth century, for the first time, the Swedish church was brought into a close agreement with the general institutions of the Western church ; and from being a mis- sionary field, became a complete member of the ecclesiastical communion of Western Europe. This condition of things was perfected, and the structure completed, in 1248 ; when, through the decree of a council held in Skening, the law of clerical celibacy was brought into practice in Sweden, and the whole legislation of the Roman church was more widely recognized and considered as a pattern. To present to the reader a clear picture of the church whose emendation was the work and honor of the sixteenth century, it is necessary, even in this general outline, to explain her condition anterior to the commencement of the Reformation. The present Sweden contains within its borders the two cities which, during the middle ages, from the twelfth century, were cen- tres, the one, Upsala, for the church of Sweden, and the other, Lund, for the church of Denmark. A picture of the church's outward condition must present the two metropoli- tan sees ; and also the episcopal sees which were subject to Upsala, and embraced in that ecclesiastical province. The see of Upsala first presents itself, with clearness for historic purposes, in the time of king Erik the saint. He had raised to this see the Englishman Henrik, who is re- ported to have come to Sweden with his countryman, Nich- olas Breakspear.* Henrik, who is wont to be considered the fourth bishop of Upsala, was, through a similarity of pious tastes, united in close friendship with king Erik. The king and the bishop labored mutually for the establishment of the Swedish church, and mutually to promote the conversion of the Finns. A few years after their death, an archbishopric was cre- ated at Upsala. The confirmation brief of pope Alexander * Cai-flinal of Alba ; afterward pope, under the title of Adrian IV. 4 IIISTOKY or THE ECCLESIASTICAL III., dated August 5, 11 04, for Stephen the first archbishop, places him below the archbishop of Lund. As Stephen, according to the pope's grant and command, was consecrated to his office by archbishop Eskil, of Lund; so, without doubt, were the successors of the one to receive consecra- tion, and to show duty and obedience to the successors of the other, as primate. The immediate successors of Stephen received consecra- tion to the archbisopric of Upsala from the archbishop of Lund. But an effort was. soon made to be released from this obligation, which seemed derogatory to the Swedish people. It was sometimes even denied that the obligation ever existed ; and the Roman chair upheld or permitted the case, according as ignorance of the true state of things, or the interest of the times, influenced the matter. It is said that Kichohis Kagvaldi, bishop of Wexio, repre- sentative of the kingdoms of the North at the council of Basle, and in the name of Erik XIII., effected the Swedish church's independence of the primate of Lund. It may be added of this remarkable man, "that, on his entrance into the council, he an'cstcd attention by his speech on the origin of the Goths from Scandinavia ; a speech which showed the right of Nicholas, as envoy of the Gothic kings, to take the first place among the legates of princes. He was afterward sent, by a commission of the council, to establish a peace between the king of France and the duke of Burgundy. In the year 1438 he was elected, and at Basle coniirmed and con- secrated, {IS archbishop of Upsala ; with firmness contended for tlic Swedish church's independence of the temporal jiower in the election of bishops ; as archbishop, after his return, laid the foundation at Stacket of that unfortunate castle, and in 1410 bartered it with the crown. Not a word, however, of the independence of which we have spoken, occurs in the records of the council ; and we are left in doubt of the passage of such a decree. In our day we REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 5 see that, in Sweden, this claim of the primate would be im- proper. Some years after the appearance of Nicholas at Basle, it happened, at the Scandinavian council of Kalmar, that Tuve, archbishop of Lund, permitted his archiepiscopal cross to be borne before him. This ri^jht belonged to a me- tropolitan only in his province. The archbishop of Upsala, the Nicholas wie have mentioned, was not in Kalmar ; but his suffrag'ans, the bishops of Linkoping, Strangness, and "Wexio, considered him injured, because Tuve, by the use of the cross in this place, seemed " to show that he wished to press either his pre-eminence or right of primacy within the province of Upsala." The protestors, together with the lag- man or judge, Bengt Jonsson, and the castellan of Stockholm, Magnus Gren, publicly and solemnly, in an express action noted and witnessed, appealed to the privileges and imme- morial prescription of the church of Upsala. In vain had archbishop Tuve declared, that, solely for the honor of God, and from respect to king Christopher, who was present at the council, had he employed his cross, but that he thereby by no means wished to signify any pre-eminence in the Swedish ecclesiastical provinces, and that he would readily permit the archbishop of Upsala to bear the cross before him in the ecclesiastical province of Lund. The legal pro- test was, nevertheless, in right of their archbishop, recorded by the cautious Swedish bishops. A like scene occurred again at Kalmar, in 1482, at a council where were present the archbishops of Upsala and Lund, Jacob Ulfsson and John Broksdorp, who, besides other merits, were each men of mark, and active in laying the foundation of the first universities in their fatherland at Upsala and Kopenham. John, like Tuve, permitted his archiepiscopal cross to be borne before him. Jacob Ulfsson protested, proceeded by two messengers to forbid the attempt 6 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL of tlie prelate of Luiitl, and even laid liis complaint before pope Sixtus rV. The relations, however, were in process of time con- siderably changed. John Bengtsson, the dean of Upsala, was called, after the death of Nils Ragvaldsson, in 1448, to the archbishopric. His procurators were sent to seek con- firmation from that pope, for whom a strong party in Ger- many declared. itself. There was no question of seeking this confirmation in Lund. One of the messengers hastened before the others to Basle ; the others to Rome, to pope Nicholas v., who AATote to John Bengtsson, that if he would reject and denounce the council of Basle, and acknowledge Nicholas as pope and Christ's representative, to whom belong con- firmation and investiture in office, the election should be ap- proved, and John in all else experience the pope's favor. The archbishop, Avho had been consecrated at Upsala, on the confirmation of the council of Basle, allowed himself to be consecrated anew after he obtained the confirmation of Nicholas. The reward of this compliance was received in 1455, when pope Calixtus HI. called him primate of Swe- den, a title which thus belonged at the same time to two archbishops. With John Bengtsson, who was connected with the most influential families of the land, and portioned it among his time-servers and partisans, began, with increasing vehemence, even in Sweden, the cftbrt to match the visible church's strensth with that of the state. This fidse extension of the church's power, which culminated in the contests between the popes and emperors, had chiefly shown itself in Western Europe, and had for some time occasioned the archbishops of Lund to reach the highest point of rivalry with the kings of Denmark. Jacob IJlfsson, successor to ai'chbishop John Bengtsson, was nominated at Rome, though the chapter of Upsala elected another, Thord, who, however, died before the return from Italy of Jacob, who was li\ing there when REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. . 7 the nomination occurred, and who possessed his dignities the unusually long period of nearly forty-five years.* He experi- enced, in 1497, the revenge of the elder Sten Sture in the sack and plundering of the archiepiscopal garden at Upsala, and in other outrages done to the persons of churchmen and the property of the church ; for which Sture was excommuni- cated by him. But Ulfsson was to a great degree protected, partly by his own skill, partly by the quieter state of the times, from the storm which obliged his predecessor, at last, in order to escape the wrath of king Charles VIH., to seek refuge in Oeland. There he died ; and prepared for his next successor the mournful lot of bringing upon himself a more determined hate than ever any Swedish man experi- enced from his countrym^en. This was the well known Gustavus Troile, whom Jacob Ulfsson proposed as his successor. He had studied at foreign universities, especially at Cologne, and resided at Rome ; when, in 1513, he became dean of Linkoping, and May 25th, 1515, archbishop of Upsala, with the right of retain- ing the deanery of Linkoping. He hastened home to Up- sala to strengthen, by the weight of his office, the party in his native land to which he and his father, the senator Erik Troile, belonged. But already had the union with Denmark begun to show the fruit which, in some few years, was fully ripened ; for the struggle to preserve this union was, in the eyes of many, treason against the fatherland. The noble and placable regent, Sten Sture, had determined to solicit the pope's confirmation of the election, which raised to the chair of Upsala the son of the man who was in rivalry with himself for the regency. His innate mildness did not per- mit him to foresee the character of that passion of party hate, which, in the confusion of the times, disconcerts men, * He was consecrated at Rome in 1470, laid down his office m 1514, and retired to a monastery of the Carthusians, where he died in 1522. His body was removed to Upsala in 1526. 8 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL and confounds cveiy noble suffrage of their hearts. From the moment the archbishop again trod the soil of his fatherland, was he the declared open foe of the regent. All the ad- vances Sture took for a reconciliation, were rejected with contempt and ridicule. The deiiant prelate regarded neither the pope's advice to him, nor that of the clerg}^, not to begin an open strife with the temporal powers, but to aim at promo- ting peace. In vain did sundry of the bishops, the foniier ai'chbishop Jacob Ulfsson (now in a monaster}^), and the chapter and burgesses of Stockholm, exhort him to modera- tion. After TroUe had declined to appear at the diet of Sodertelje in 151G, where he had been called, the regent was obliged to attempt by force to put a restraint upon him, and undertook to besiege him in his gastle of Stacket, St. Erik's castle, in which the archbishoj) had shut himself up. At the diet of Arboga, the estates, Jan. 7, 1517, decreed that TroUe should be degraded from his office, and that Sture was not worthy of his office if he allowed such treason to bo unpunished. It was desired that the pope should be applied to for another archbishop, and Jacob Ulfsson was im- prisoned on suspicion of having part in the machinations of TroUe. In vain was an effort made to eliect a reconciliation in a diet at Stockholm, in the end of November of the same year. The archbishop, who was there under a safe conduct, de- clared himself unwilling to acknowledge the estates for his judge. lie wished to prove his innocence before the holy father at Rome, who intrusted him with both the spiritual and tempond sword, by which he hoped to maintain the allegiance he swore the royal house of Denmark, and added that /ic would be more ready for treason who seduced them from tliat allegiance. Still more provoked by this insolence, the estates pronounced Trolle guilty of high treason, as one who rose in opposition to the lawful authority of his native land ; and decreed that he should be degraded from his REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 9 office, and that his castle of Stacket, which had been from its foundation prejudicial to the kingdom, should be razed to the ground. The archbishop, whom the defeat of the Danes at Dufvena deprived of all hope of relief, was obliged, soon after his re- turn from the diet at Stockholm, to give up his castle, which, as every one who had held possession of it had used it as a stronghold of power, was in the following year levelled to the ground. Trolle himself, who, on the arrival of the Danish succours at the rocks of Stockholm, had inconsiderately and unworthily declared that he now " would make his blessing in the kingdom, over its peasantry, with his sharp spears," was rescued with difficulty from the rage of the people, and was shut up in the convent of the grey friars. He then resigned his office into the hands of pope Leo X., because the estates refused to pay tithes as long as he held the epis- copal chair, with an oath vowed to God they never more would acknowledge him as archbishop, or take the sacra- ment at his hands, and required his solemn promise never more to resume the crosier. At the diet of Ai'boga, in De- cember, 1518, he renewed his abdication, and obtained a permission to maintain himself on his father's property at Ekholm in Upland. In the last named diet, the j udgment of degi'adation pro- nounced upon Trolle by the estates, was approved by Ar- cimbold, the papal legate. The judgment was, neverthe- less, contrary to the rule and law of the church ; and Ar- cimbold was found not more disposed to it for Sture's sake. It was also already settled that the contest between Sture and Trolle was at an end. Pope Leo X., who had already, in 1514, excommunicated, or threatened to excommunicate, Sten Sture for his unkindness to the queen mother Chris- tina,* commissioned, in 1517, Bergcr, archbishop of Lund, * Mother of Christian II., to whom Sture refused to give up her widow's seat at Orebro. 1* 10 HISTORY OF THP: ECCLESIASTICAL " as primate of Sweden and legate of the Apostolic see," and the bishop of Koskild, to inquire into the charges which king Christian brought against Sture ; such as his outrage toward archbishop Trolle and the church's property, the imprisonment of Jacob Ulfsson, the Avithdrawal of the re- venues of Upsala which were due to Trolle, and the sup- port given to the injustice of his countrymen who were trai- tors. Berger, on May 30, 1517, put in force the excommu- nication against the regent and his adherents, declared Sture unworthy to hold office, and his descendants in the second degree incapacitated from having places or benefices within the diocese in which the archbishop was besieged. This excommunication was renewed and sharpened in 1519. Sture and his adherents were mulcted for the sum of a hun- dred thousand ducats if they did not, within a given time, ])lace Trolle in full freedom, leave the church and castle at Upsala in as good condition, or better, than before, and restore or make compensation for the church's property which had been destroyed. So rose the mightiest prelates of the North, the arch bi-hops of Upsala and Lund, and the resigned archbishop Jacob Ulfsson, with the united strength of their ovm and the pope's authority, to oppress the cause, which, in Sweden, was all the more embraced and accepted as that of freedom and the fatherland. Events verified the expression which was used in. 1497, by the elder Sten Sture, that "bishops should not have fortresses, but seats in their churches ;" and they prepared the minds of the people for the measures adopted at "Westeras, iu 1527, to avert for the future what the kingdom had felt, that " bishops, and the privileges of the church, had boon used for moans of power." J5ut still the matter wn.s notlu'ought to completion. Kin if not constantly at Wittenberg, were fruitful in the acquisi- tion of knowledge and mental vigor. He stood in connection with the man who, in a short time, became, during his own and for succeeding centuries, the foremost man in the history of human progress. He was present in Wittenberg when Luther posted up his ninety-five theses ; the residts of which, through Olofs own exertions, changed the condition of church and state in Sweden. He was an ear and eye Avit- ness of the first disturbances, at the very spot where the fer- * An eminent writer assigns reasons for the opinion that Laurcntius Petri was not a student at Wittenberg. 64 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASnCAL ment first began. He had also, tliougli for a shorter time, an opportunity of hearing the famous lectures which the young Melancthon, born in" the same year with Olof, and Luther's truest and dearest friend, and the second man of the Reformation, began to deliver at Wittenberg, in the autumn of 1518. The spirit of Olof, however, was more allied to Luther's than to that of Melancthon. Olof had thus stood, in relation to men and circumstances, the memory and impression of which could never be effaced from his soul. He had received this impression and this memory, in an ardent and youthful soul, burning with love for truth and right ; with a zeal and com'age boldly to pro- claim that truth, and resuscitate it to a life-giving energy. This love, this zeal, and this courage, attended him during the whole of his earthly career. But the excess to which he cai'ried these virtues too often colored them with the appear- ance of faults. His courage always continued to resemble a young man's raslmess. He never learned to restrain and control himself ; but, a man of fifty years, he still needed the force of necessity, to keep the fire of his nature within proper limits. The compass and depth of his knowledge cannot be ac- curately determined. They were not small ; but the men, who have to pass through a school of life like that of Olof, cannot be measured according to the rules of books and read- ing. A luminous and clear understanding, and a power of eloquence, applied with an exact suitableness to the circum- stances which called it forth, were the supports of his mental activity. That internal conflict of soul, which fitted Luther for his high vocation, Olof does not appear to have experienced. But of how many such champions for spiritual freedom, in the sixteenth century, have we to make report ? Is not Luther, in this respect, alone ? All minds of a higher cast, experi- ence, in a greater or less degree, sjmpathy and pain for the KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 65 maladies of the times in wliicli they live. They feel a joy in their amendment. But, whenever there is a great break- ing np in the life of humanity, it is not unusual that one man experiences, in all its depth and bitterness, this pain, in which is the death of the old and birth of the new. Wliat he suffers he suffers for all. The experience of all times, repeats, in however low a point of view by comparison, the experience of humanity through the suffering of Jesus Christ the Son of God, for us all. Olof returned to his fatherland in 1519, after about three years' stay in Germany. On his return he presented himself to his bishop, the before-mentioned Matts Gregersson of Strangness. He held the canonry of the cathedral of that see, and was ordained at Michaelmas, September 29, 1520, as deacon of the bishop, who, when he lost his life in the massacre of Stockholm, left to the church a greater legacy than he himself expected. Olof had won the bishop's con- fidence. He had become his chancellor ; and, being in this capacity near the bishop's person, was witness to his efforts to have homage rendered to Christian, and was even em- ployed in the negotiations. That his own life, or that of his brother, was in danger at that sorrowful event, the mas- sacre of Stockholm, is doubtful. Neither of them, in their accoimts of it, speaks of the circumstance; and there is no other source known to me of that dang-er havino; been in- curred, than a supposed letter of Laurentius to king Erik XIV. 66 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL CHAPTER IV. THE FIRST ACCOUNTS OF THE MOVEMENTS AT WTTTENBEIia— LAU RENTIUS ANDREiE— OLAUS PETRI AT STRANGNES3— KING GUSTA VUS I.— JOHN MAGNUS. (until and at the diet at strangness in 1523.) The constant intercoui'se witli Germany, maintained by tlie coming hither of German merchants and soldiers, by the retm-n of Su'edes from foreign universities, and by the trade carried on between the chief Swedish commercial to^\Tis, and the German citizens, would not allow of the transactions at Wittenberg and other parts of Germany in 1517, and the following years to remain in darkness, and unknown among us. The people, who, in defiance of the papal menace of the church's law and the ban of the pope, had already, in a diet, declared his archbishop unworthy of office ; who, with weapons in hand, conquered and destroyed the castle of St. Erik, his patron saint ; who, with the profits of his indul- gences, but furnished to his foes the means of wai* ; and who prepared a bloody revenge for his aims and his traffic, in order that they might regain the freedom of tlicir native land ; a people like this could not be inditlerent to the doubt awakened by the monk of Germany, whether indulgences were lawful in the use, or to the abhorrence of their mis- use .; if it may not rather be said, that by their actions, they had ventured further against Ivome than he had yet ven- tured. Steps and measures were already taken and means provided for giving security to those measures against the Roman hierarchy, to which, as a consequence, the transac- tions in G^irmany must lead. REFOBMATION IN SWEDEN. 67 The earliest written information of Luther's advances against the sale of indulgences came from Kome, but were penned by a Swedish hand. The monastery of Wadsten al- ways had one of the brothers residing in its house at Rome, who had charge of the house, and was the embassador of the order to the papal chair. Petrus Magni, who, in 1499, when he was rector of the school at Wadsten, and chaplain of St. Peter's church in that town, had been or- dained as priest of the order, was sent, in 1508, to Eome ; and he appears to have remained there till his return home to become bishop of Westeras. In a letter to "the abbess, father confessor, and all the beloved brothers and sisters in God" at "Wadsten, dated September 30th, 1518, he replies, among other things, to the requests of the monastery, that he would procure of the pope the privilege of more indul- gences, with their accompaniments, for the use of the officials of the cloisters. " A doctor," he says, " of the order of St. Augustin, in Germany, has written, the present year, many conclusions against indulgences, and widely circulated them ; and sent them even here to the pope. If the pope had him, he would burn him ; but he has supporters. Another doc- tor here, in Rome, has written, at the pope's command, a reply ;* and where he thought to loose the knot he has only tied it. An account of the matter accompanies this letter to you. I have read how indulgences first began, and it is slippery ground. Repentance is the surest way, and in that will I hope to die." The openly declared disesteem of Petri for indulgences, is a proof of what men ventured, eren in Rome, to think of the case. * Silvester Prierias. His dialogue on the presumptuous conclusions of M. Luther appeared in December, 1517. He appeals to the pope's suprem- acy, as the ground for issuing indulgences. He declares "that man to be a heretic, who does not confidently repose upon the Roman church and the pope of Rome, as the unerring foundation of truth ; from which even the Holy Scriptures derive their authority and regard." 68 niSTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL In tlie year 1520, Laurentiiis Andrece was tlie archdeacon of Striingness ; for his knowledge, liis temper, and talents in business, a man of high esteem. He was probably bom at Striingness, and about the year 1480. Of his earlier life we know no more than that he became a master of arts, and was some time in Rome. John Magnus, the archbishop, who fled from Sweden, speaks of him with all the bitterness with which a passionate man judges an adversary, in con- tending with whom he has been a loser. Pie censures es- pecially his violent behavior at Rome, where he became associated " with subtle men, and whence he brought home nothing but a stolidity combined with a singular malignity." Rome, in the days of Alexander "VT. , who in times past was the most vicious of all the popes, and in the days of Julius n. also, was no good school for a young man ; but the subse- quent life of Laurentius furnishes ample reason to reverse the sentence of John, and to attribute to Laurentius quali- ties and virtues coiTcspondent to the admitted vigor he dis- played. We find in him a calm and grave man, but at the same time we find firmness and resolution, and a prudent, calculating spirit. Li another work which he has written, the same adversary bears witness to the piety of Laurentius, though he says it was " more as pretence than reality," and reproaches him for " an insatiable appetite for honor and applause and novelty."* What John further reports of Lau- rentius Andrece's rage at being passed by in the choice of a bishop for Striingness, may be dismissed, since nobler mo- tives are found to vindicate his subsequent proceedings. It proves, however, his influence in the chapter, as well as his colleague's distrust of his principles, or the fruits of his superior predominance. It merits remark, that the writings of John were, after his death, published by his brother Olaus * " A man, religious more in appearance llian rrality, but extravagantly lend of glory, praise, and novelty, and enraged because he was not elected into the place of the deceased bishop." REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 69 Magnus, who was the colleague of Laurentius in the cathe- dral of Striingness, or its proepositus, a part of the time Lau- rentius was its archdeacon. That Lars, who received, though we know not where, the degree of master of arts, had an extensive mental cultiva- tion, is manifest from his letters and writings. After the death of bishop Matts Gregersson, king Chris- tian, contrary to the will of the chapter, to whom canonical law gave the election of a bishop, wished to introduce into the see of Striingness John Bellenake (the bald-headed), one of his^ advisers in the massacre. Having a little before despotically deprived him of the see of Odense, in Fyen, he now wished to place him in Striingness. He was obliged to fly from the country in 1521, and it is doubtful if he could be possessed of the see. The most important man of the chapter, even with a bishop, and stiU more in a vacancy, was the archdeacon. He was the " bishop's eye," to assist him in the care of the clergy, in business, and in the general affairs of the diocese. He exercised, in no inconsiderable degree, the bishop's power of pronouncing sentence ; and had, at least in many sees, a part in the government and admin- istration of the church's property. This office was now held at Striingness, by Laurentius Andrete ; and could, in these times of confusion, be of the utmost importance. The archdeacon was the foremost man of the diocese. Master Olof had begun, at Striingness, to read portions from the Old and New Testaments, for those of the prebends and basket-boys who wished to hear him. The archdeacon soon began to be attentive to his instruction, approved of it, and was the cause of the school being intrusted to Olof. This patronage, and Olof 's legal right in his new vocation openly to give instruction, increased the number and interest of the hearers. This was the first commencement of the improved teaching propagated in Sweden. That Olof did not conceal the insight into truth to 70 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL which he had himself attained, appears both from his o^^^l course and from tlie attention which the spread of the doctrine from Strangness began to awaken in the land. When, in the autumn of 1521, master Olof, with his brother Lars, came to Orebro to attend their father's funeral, they wished to exclude from its celebration the Carmelite monks, who, in the will of the deceased, were remembered with a legacy, on condition of having masses for his soul. Their mother, upon this, refused to go in, and showed both her piety and sense when, to the question of her sons, if she understood the Latin mass of the monks, she answered, " I do not understand them, but then I hear them, and I pray God in my heart that he will deign to hear their prayer, and I doubt not but he will." These words completely express the Iloman church's idea of the la}Tnan's relation to the church, and of performing mass during public worship in an unknown tongue. Yet she yielded to the will of her sons, to the great scandal of the Carmelites. They were destined to suffer from the freedom of speech of these young men. In a letter, dated Nov. 30, 1521, Magnus Birgersson, con- fessor general of the Carmelite convent, arraigned master Olof before doctor Nils, the dean of the chapter of Strang- ness. The deacon Olaus Petri, and his brother Laui'entius, had been at their father's funeral, " and spoke many oppro- brious things against God and his holy name, to the great scandal of us the brethren and all Christians, and have said, that they would change the church's holy state and law, which our forefathers have so inviolably kept. They have turned away contemptuously with many blasphemous words us brethren of the convent, from holy rites over their father's dead body, entirely contrary to their good father's command, who for his poor soul ordered masses, and there- for for our support gave his land east of the town ; in evi- dence of which he left a letter, still in possession of his un- godly sons (whom may God graciously convert), so that it REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 71 will never be of any advantage to us brothers. God help us. They have also spoken in opprobrious terms against the pope, and said they despised his power, as has been done by the heretical monk Luther of Rome (?), of whom they spoke in strong terms, and exalted him in the eyes of the people, as is remembered by many who treated us with ridicule and scorn. But we are willing so to suffer for God's sake, who suffered for us and our sins. Dear doctor Nils, to you be longs the care of these things, and the terror of the church'h law against this deacon Olaus Petri, who has been the occa- sion of so much confusion." It is not known whether this accusation was attended with any evil consequences to mas- ter Olof. Wliat doctrines were specially presented by Olof in his lec- tures, or in what relation they stood to the existing church, we are not informed. A specimen, however, we have in the notes which the above-mentioned doctor Nils made of sun- dry dangerous declarations, which Olof from time to time advanced, in the course of his preaching at Strangness, and which notes, with Nils's refutation, came, in 1523, into the hands of bishop Brask. They may be quoted, as a proof of what was either considered as the boldest of Olof's declara- tions, or as a proof of what he was then making the subject of his meditations. In the former case we contemplate the stand-point of the Swedish church, at that time ; in the lat- ter case, to some extent, OloPs own position. Master Olofs errors were as follows : 1. In the authentic Scriptures it is not found that St. Anna was the mother of the promised virgin Mary. Doctor Nils appeals thereon to the church's gloss upon the Bible and the church's liturgy ; concerning Master Oloi's appeal to authentic Scripture, he does not express his mind. 2. Joseph, who was betrothed to the promised virgin, was not an old, but a young man. Nils, in reply, appeals to the church's testimony in her hymns and legends ; and he does 72 niSTOEY OF THE ECCLESIAS'HCAL not appear to reflect that, respecting the validitj of even this testimony, there will arise a controversy. 3. Olof had said, " No one has here preached the truth for you before me." Against this presumptuous declaration, Nils objects the modest reply, that the question may be deter- mined by direct proof; St. Eskil had here (in Soderman- land) suffered martyrdom, because he here preached the catholic truth. The ground on which this expression of Olof rested, was dangerous, and decided the character and genius of protest- antism. It might thence be concluded, that now, for the first time, truth was opened to the world ; or that now, for the first time, it stood forth in a light which allowed men to ap- prehend its real nature, and thus transform the doctrines of faith into human assurance. By master Olof the declaration was made from an historical point of view ; so that he there- by intended to signify, that the church was already lost, when Christianity was first preached in Sweden. But even this supposition involves a degree of rashness and aiTOgance, since it implies that the Christian truth, and life in the church, might at some time be entirely stifled. 4. No monk should beg ; because it is said in Deuteron- omy xv. (according to the Vulgate), " There shall be no poor or begging person among you." Doctor Nils replies to this, that the passage quoted should be interpreted of the Jews ; and refers, for the justification of begging monks, to the wi*it- ings of Thomas Aquinas. 5. No one ought to put his trust in man, nor in the prom- ised virgin, nor in any saint, but in God alone. According to Jeremiah xvii., " cui*sed is he who trustcth in man." This point, which involves one of the weightiest controversies be- tween the Roman and Protestant churches, because it is con- nected with the doctrine of the relation of man's nature to God's grace, was answered by Doctor Nils, in regard to the quoted passage, by remarking, that it is spoken of Zedekiah REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 73 and his people, who trusted in the king of Egypt and mis- trusted the help of God. But to trust in man, in such a manner as to put the chief trust in God, is no error. He here also refers to Thomas Aquinas. 6. The vocation of the preacher is the highest in the church of God, and is of more consequence than the mass ; " it is considered," he says, " of little consequence, compared to the mass." Doctor Nils regards this position to merit no further reply than this, that the consecration of the body and blood of Christ is the highest and holiest action in the church of God ; and he again refers to Thomas Aquinas. As in each of the other points, so here, also, had master Olof predecessors within the Roman church itself. So spoke, in the thirteenth century, a Dominican, or general of the order of preachers, Humbert do Romanis, who asserted that preaching was before all else. Christ had only once cele- brated the mass, did not hear confession, seldom administered the sacraments, but often preached. As laymen understood preaching, but not the mass celebrated in Latin, so God would more clearly and openly bless the former than the latter. An order of precedence does not, however, express the protestant sense of the various acts which, in public worship, aim to awaken, invigorate, and promote, the spiritual life of man. 7. The brotherhood of the psaltery of the virgin ought not to be allowed ; because they have no Avarrant in Scrip- ture. To this doctor Nils answers, that where tvv^o or three are gathered together in His name, Christ Avili be in the midst of them ; and that, if a righteous man's prayer availeth much, so must the prayers of many, united in a brotherhood, avail much more. Master Olof's appeal solely to the Scriptures, proves that he followed, with steady step, the prote^ant development. His disapproval of the brotherhood of the psaltery of the vir- gin, was a direct blow to the circle around him. The cele- brated deceased bishop, Conrad lioggo, about twenty years 4 74 IIISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL before the preaching of master Olof, and a little before his own death, introduced, with allowance of the pope, in 1470, the fraternity of tlie psaltery of the blessed virgin. Six priests of the chapel of St. Eskil were to celebrate mass daily, from Easter to the end of the ecclesiastical year, with the exception of Saturday and Sunday ; singing the psalter, to the praise of the holy virgin, and imploring her protection. This psalter gained the title of the psaltery of Mary ; for the psalter itself was altered, and applied to her honor ; the first psalm, for example, being made to read, " Blessed is the man who loves thy name, O virgin Mary ! thy grace shall strengthen his soul." 8. Confession should be made by every one before God alone, and not before the priest. Doctor Nils admits that this could be permitted in case of necessity, but not else. Man needs spiritual medicine in order to be blessed ; but this he cannot give himself ; he knows not if he has a true repent- ance for sin ; he needs, therefore, to make known his sins to the priest, who is put in the place of Christ. Confession be- fore a priest is valid, by divine right ; silent confession, be- fore God, has merely a natural right. The pope himself cannot excuse from confession, for he cannot abrogate a di- vine right. "We find in these notes from the sermons of Olaus Petri, at Striingncss, the proi^ositions, which exhibit many of the points of doctrine, on which turned the controversy between the Koman church and ])rotcstants. They were, for the most part, protests against tlie abuses wliich, within three centu- ries, had crept into the western church, and there became, or were said to have become, established by law. At the fourth council of Lateran, in 1215, whose decisions, however, were in legal form received, as tlie church's conciliar decrees, auricular confession was dechired necessary. At the same council, the doctrine of transubstantiation, as already com- monly entertained, wa.s taught and enforced within the RKFORjMATION in SWEDEN. 75 churcli. The year after, the pope gave an act of confirma- tion to one of the most conspicuous of the orders of begging monks ; and the worship of the virgin Mary, and the saints, of which there were traces even in the fourth century, was, at the close of the middle ages, in a state of continual ad- vance. But the condition of the church, with the improvement of which the ecclesiastical Reformation in Sweden began, did not escape master Olof's attention and censure. In July of 1523, bishop Brask received, from the chapter of Upsala, ad- vices of how widely the Lutheran heresy began to spread all around, within the church of Striingness, by means of a cer- tain Olaus Petri ; of whom Brask appears, this year, for the first time, to have had any knowledge. There would be es- pecial danger to the holy Roman church's power, and the church's privileges, in the attempt to return the church, as now existing, to her first state of poverty, and her other prim- itive characteristics; though, beyond contradiction, she had long lived in poverty, through her own choice. She had certainly taken the temporal goods which were bestowed upon her. The heretic who then rose up had still more fired the laity, who already showed themselves hostilely affected to the church. It was now again pretended, that the church, by renouncing her worldly possessions, should be brought to a conformity with the church of primitive times. This would be only to give support to heresy. The zeal of Olof had not yet encountered the man who, for a time, was to stand forth as the most faithful and the strongest champion, in Sweden, of the old religion. Brask had already, with an observant eye, followed the course of Lutheran ism in Germany. In February of 1523, he writes of having heard that the Lutheran heresy was on the decline ; on the 7th of May following, of the mention of a man in Strangness, who ^^TOught scandal and schism by his sermons in favor of the Lutheran ferment. He calls God to witness, 76 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL that he was deeply concerned that there was no superior officer in the churcli who woukl watch over its peace. He circulated pope Leo X.'s brief of August 23d, 1518, to cai'- dinal Gaeta, against Luther. A letter which, on Mai'ch 7th, 1523, Brask wrote to master John Magnus, then at Kome, contains the bitterest complaints, and the blackest picture of the Swedish church's condition. " The kingdom," he says, " is shaken by war ; and men can enjoy no peace or quiet. "Whereas it was hoped, through the recognition of king Christian 11., to gain peace and harmony in the kingdom, we have experienced the sternest disappointment. The heav- iest weight of the war has fallen on the church, whose prop- erty and persons are ruined. This might patiently be borne, if there were any compensation ; but it cannot be re- garded with indifference, that the church can obtain no other return than hate for love. If an attempt is made to recover the lost property of the church, we are charged with ava- rice and the love of contention ; but if a la}Tnan has an eye to the church's possessions or to her persons, the profoundest meanness takes the place of justice, where she or her officers are concerned. There was none to comfort the church of Abo, which has lost her castle, her richest jewels, and her shep- herd, who perished by shipwi'eck. Bishop Otto of Westeras had died the previous summer, at the siege of Stockholm, and left his church wasted by foes and in poverty. The clergy of Striingness, three times plundered in one year, mourned over the suifcrings of their see. The church of Skara, burnt by its foes, lamented and expected further cause for lamentation over its desolation, and its stern neces- sities. It needed not to speak of the church of Upsala ; which has undergone ineffiible sufferings. The bishop of AVexio, a man stricken in years, and full of infirmities, placed on the hostile frontiers, was in daily dread of cap- tivity. Kalmar was possessed by enemies, and had be- come so commonly a prey by indecent guests and other REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 77 burdens, that its property, which before was a curse to the monks, was now more so to the priests. If complaint was made of plundered tithes, of disorderly occupants of glebes, of intrusions upon the rights of the clergy, it was said, that censure fell upon the landsman, who did less mischief to the church, more than uj)on her enemies, who left her nothing. AVith all this co-operated certain spiritual evils which must be passed over, that were the result of the infection of Lutheran principles. For these principles had brought many laymen to the opinion, that the church was made for the civil com- munity, and that therefore all that the church owned should belong to this community." Occasion will hereafter occur to speak of various points of these complaints of Bishop Brask. His fear of the Lutheran heresy was justified, not merely by advices from Strangness, but by the effects of it he experienced in his own diocese, where Severin Norby's power was the support of the heresy. It was this circumstance probably, and the news he received from Germany, which induced Brask, soon after the raising of the siege of Kalmar, to thank the prior of the Dominicans in that city, while congratulating him on his escape from the Danes, for his opposition to Lutheranism, and to send him the bulls of the universities of Louvain and Cologne, with the heresies of Olaus Petri. Although the more liberal principles began in many places to take root, it was from Striing-ness, the centre of reforma- tion in our fatherland, that the seed of the new dogmas was sown over Sweden. Archdeacon Laurentius Andreas was won over to the cause of the Reformation, and became- the disciple of his younger colleague, Olof. At Whitsuntide, near the close of May, 1523, was opened the diet of Strangness ; which, for Sweden's and the church's future, was of so great consequence, as resulting in the coro- nation of Gustavus Wasa as king. Bishop Brask was not present. He excused himself on account of sickness, but 7o HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL sent his chancellor with his seal. Of the king's election, he says not a word in the letters wi'itten before and during the diet ; either not having heard that it was in question, or, as is more likely, from the rest of his conduct, being too dis- creet to say anything beforehand. But, at this point, make their appearance in Swedish church history, two men of singular importance, King Gustavus I., and the papal legate, John Magnus. It may, with certainty, be assumed that Gustavus Wasa, during the nearly eight months he stayed at Lubeck, be- tween the years 1519 and 1520, had heai'd of the proceed- ings within the church, of which the effects were soon felt over the whole of the German dominions. But it is not known how much attention, amid the solicitude for his own safety and the welfare of his native country, he could bestow upon this subject ; or what leisure his mind could have, after his return to Sweden, amid the first three years of care, anxiety, and strife, to prcser\ ^ or refresh the impression he had received — an impression, which could never be effaced from his soul — an impression imbibed at the com't of the younger Sten Sture, and in the wars against king Christian and archbishop TroUe, in which, before his being carried off to Denmark, he took an active part — an impression which the massacre of Stockholm, where he lost father, brother-in- law, and many relatives, must have acutely deepened in his mind — an impression which was no less kept alive by his sub- sequent battles for freedom. This impression was a deep and inappeasable hate of the Roman hierarchy. He appears from that time never to have put confidence in a man who be- longed to it. But that on this hate he grounded any plans for Sweden's future, when it was yet a question whether Sweden should have a future, is not probable. But then, when hoj^e and quiet began to return, and Gustavus was seated on Sweden's throne, he could not, while staying at Striingness, fail to hear mentioned the new REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 79 dogmas tliere preached. He also heard master Olof 's disciples preach, and found in them the vindicators of the same views to which he was himself inclined. Laurentius Andreas, whom he summoned to acquaint him with the positions of the new teaching, opened to him the reasons of Luther's line of conduct, the papal error, the hierarchy's unjustifiable claims, and the unlawfulness, according to holy scripture, of its worldly power and dominion. To arrive at the truth, the king procm'ed information from Germany ; and as this con'esponded with what master Lars communicated to him, " he readily adopted the same views, and made daily prog- ress therein." All the advices we have from and of this period unite in assuring us that King G-ustavus became, through Laurentius Andreas, decided in adopting the principles of the Reforma- tion, and was entirely won to them. In what degree a live- ly spiritual sensibility operated on the king's mind, as it was gradual, and for some time resulted in no open declaration, it is scarce possible to determine ; while it would be unjust to deny him all pious emotions as the groundwork of his line of action. One thought, one determination, one fixed purpose, filled his soul and fired his firm heart : to establish the freedom and independence of his native land, and secure the throne to which God, amid great perils, and by a won- derful providence, had elevated him. This object mingled with all his thoughts, and influenced his whole life. The freedom of Sweden and establishment of her church, his own kingly dignity, and the stirrings of piety in his heart, were fused together as his motives to action ; and although states- manship and policy caused him to throw his weight into the scale against the church's external might, — these can, with little justice, be offered as the chief or only motives in his movements for the church's reformation, which, it may be affirmed, he undertook from purely spiritual reasons. It is very usual to attr:b i^'ie to King Gustavus either great 80 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL praise or great censure for having, hy his will or by his power, forced on the Reformation in tlie Swedish church in which he made use of men who were his willing agents. A closer view into the life and disposition of Gustavus brings to light, in connection with the testimony of history, the fal- sity of this opinion. The king was irritable and quick of temper, but, like all men of that disposition, pliable, and easily led by those who understood how to win his confi- dence. In combination with their influence and vigor, he threw into the scale the weight of his royal power and au- thority ; but even this with gi'eat forbearance, and only so far as he saw to be required by the occurring changes, and the fitness for them of his people. The will of an absolute prince had not suffered the work so long to progress, and left it, after well nigh forty years, unfinished and incomplete ; had not begun a reform which needed two of the ages of man for its completion ; had not given his work a slow development, that, for the first time, the third part of a century after, his fourth successor on the Swedish throne might then put the seal of perfection. But that the improvement of the church was indifferent to him, except as a means of gaining and keeping her wealth, is an accusation which the following pages will refute. We shall not, however, intentionally con- ceal the king's defects, which, according to our conviction, do not diminish his greatness and his merits toward the church and fatherland. At the diet of Striingncss, commences a brighter prospect for the Reformation of the church in Sweden ; and there dawns a hope for the stability of its temporal strength. At the same diet, makes his appearance, John Magnus, the papal legate, sent hither to regulate the aifairs of the church. The massacre of Stockholm must have awakened at Rome, the more attention and concern, as the abominable act was committed on the pretext of vindicating the church's WTongs, and on tl.e ground of her commission. King Christians KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 81 other arbitrary acts ; his alarming treatment of the episcopal sees ; his equivocal leaning to a reformation ; his offer to Luther of a refuge in Denmark when his life was jeoparded in Germany; his church laws, and other of his proceedings, could not but awaken doubts. He had engaged the chapter of Lund, by putting aside Ake Sparre, to give the crosier to George Skotborg, the king's secretary ; but when this man, whom Christian expected readily to surrender Bornholm when put in the archiepiscopal chair, refused to resign his office, the attempt was made, though in vain, to force the chapter to elect Didrik Slagok. The papal chair was not decidedly favorable to Christian, who, partly to avoid the threatening consequence of the measures by which he had given offence to the church, and partly to get confirmed his nomination of the bishop he Avished, sent, in the years 1520 and 1521, several embassadors to Rome. He obtained the promise of Didrik' s confirmation, in virtue of the supremacy by which the pope, during the later periods of the middle ages, found himself able to annul the election of the chap- ters, and to appoint bishops independently of them. But the loud complaints of the Swedes, in the pope's name, averted the act of violence, and the general abhor- rence it awakened, together with the church's danger, did not allow pope Leo X. to seem indifferent. In September, 1521, there came to Kopenham, John Francis de Potentia, from Naples, a Franciscan monk, as legate of the pope. The investigation made, resulted in the legate's condemna- tion of what had passed at Stockholm, and the sentence that had been executed. Didrik Slagok was made the sin- offering for the king's ofiences against the church. After a trial by torture, this man, who from a low origin, and a beginning of little promise, had been elevated to the place, which in the Scandinavian North, was next the king's throne, was hanged and burnt, on January 24th, 1522, in the market-place of Kopenham. 4# 82 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL In Sweden there had long been desired, as a necessity, the intervention of a legate. Against the blood-thirsty king himself men anxiously awaited the restraining justice of the highest moral guardian of order. The sentence which pun- ished the official tools could not, in the eyes of the suiferers, expiate the crime, and gave only occasion to increased dis- content. But, at Rome, there had already appeared, unex- pected and uncalled, an advocate for his countrymen, the Swedish people. This man was John Magnus. Born in the year 1488, at Linkoping, of which his father was a burgher, he had, at the age of sixteen, after receiving instruction at home, and an examination before the bishops and chapters of Linkop- ing and Skara, become canon of both these churches. He afterward went to the universities of Louvain and Cologne, and was, at the former, a pupil of the then professor, the learned and pious Adrian of Utrecht, afterward pope Adrian VI. He was subsequently sent by Sten Sture, the younger, to Rome, to attend to the affairs of the regent and his native country, and he there employed the opportunities which offered for his own improvement. After the death of Sture, he withdrew to Perugia, wliere he occupied the chair of theology. But when the news of the massacre of Stock- holm reached his ears, he hastened back to Rome, and ap- peared before Leo X., in the name of the Swedish people and of justice, demanding vengeance for the cruel deed. He had thus been the means of procuring the mission of the above-named legate. But as the issue of this mission did not prove satisfiictory, John considered his self-imposed duty not completed. Leo X. died, December 1st, 1521, and left in full flame tlie fire wliich his course had not so much enkindled as jiivcn occasion to break forth. To him succeeded, February 2d, 1522, the emperor Charles V.'s former preceptor, Adrian, a man, according to the opinion held of liim, " too good in those REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 83 times to be a pope," and the last of the few men born out of Italy who wore the triple crown. He was not a friend of the new views, but he concealed neither from himself nor others, that the dissoluteness of the hierarchy was the root of the church's disasters. " You may say," he writes, in his directions to his legate, at *^the German diet of Nuremberg, in 1522, "that we confess that God has sent this persecu- tion (the Lutheran heresy) for the sins of men, and chiefly for those of the clergy. The Scriptures show, that the sins of the people flow from the sins of the priests. We know that vices, for many years, have crept into this holy chair, abuses into holy things, transgressions of the laws, perver- sions in all. It is, therefore, not surprising that maladies press from the head to the members, from the popes to the inferior prelates. We, prelates and churchmen, have all gone, each one his own way. For a long time none have done good, no not one. Therefore must we all give praise and honor to God, and humble our souls. May every one see in what he has fallen, and recover himself, rather than be scourged of the displeasure and indignation of God." This man could not be deaf to the complaints of the Swedish people. He determined to send to Sweden as legate of the apostolic see his former pupil, John Magnus, the zealous for his fatherland and its church. The legate imme- diately commenced his journey, provided with the necessary letters of commission, and sundry directions of the pope to the bishop of Linkoping, to whom the pope declares his satisfaction at the pious zeal he had manifested for the pure truth, and especially for the extirpation of the monstrous dogmas of Martin Luther, Vv'hich had begun to spread over these regions. Adrian exhorts him to persevere ; apprizes him that he has determined to send to Sweden John Magnus, his notary and chamberlain, in whose truth, learning, and probity, he had the utmost confidence, to extirpate the Lu- theran delusion, to strengthen the hearts of the faithful, and 84 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL in general liavc a care of alFalrs appertaining to the faitli. Brask was admonished to be aidino; and assisting; the leo;ate and to regard him with the same confidence as if the pope himself Avas heard speaking. John, who had also a commission to effect a reconciliation between king Sigismund of Poland, and Albrekt, grand mas- ter or duke of Prussia, but found them already reconciled ; hastened to take ship at Dantzic, then the usual port of pas- sage for Sweden ; landed at Stegeborg, and arrived after three days' journey, at Striingness, without having time to commu- nicate with Brask, who, through real or pretended sickness, was absent from the diet, and, as appears from his con-e- spondence, was then staying at Norsholm or Linkoping. The legate came to Striingness the day after, or at least soon after the Gth of June ; that day of election when Gustavus Wasa was crowned king of the Swedes and Goths. He was re- ceived in Sweden with the customary solemnities. It soon appeared that the purpose of the legatees coming was not understood, and there was discontent at the plenary power with which he was invested. A fresh investigation of archbishop Trolle's conduct, an amelioration of the church's excessive powers, as well as a commission to exam- ine into king Christian's proceedings, had been expected ; but the legate was only anxious or authorized, in the first place, to root out the Lutheran heresy. The legate himself could not but see that he could do nothing toward this object in the disordered condition of the Swedish church, under an archbishop sentenced by the diet as a traitor to his country, and now in exile ; while, except the inactive Ingemar of AVexio, she had only a single con- secrated bishop, and Avas in a state of desolation from a war that had dissipated the strength of botli church and state. John, as well as the king, perceived that he must return to give an account to the pope of the condition of the Swedish church and obtain more ample ]iowors. Ah'cady had the EEFORIVIATION IN SWEDEN. 85 estates and the senate written, on the 12th of June, a letter to the pope, which was prepared to be carried by the legate, and which shows the state of things. " The legate," they said, " had presented the subjects which he had to deliver on the part of the pope, respecting the welfare of the king- dom and church of Sweden. He had, in a convincing manner, engaged them to enter into the views of his holi- ness ; that they desired, as much as they could, to promote and maintain the honor and stability of the apostolic chair. The legate had assured them that the pope was disposed to re- form the Christian church, and they were in hope he would have a care that such bishops were chosen in Sweden as far more promoted peace and harmony among their fellow-citi- zens, than the seditious Gustavus TroUe had done in the times lately passed. This archbishop had so misused his episcopal rank to produce war and discord, that it would seem of the singular grace of God, the respect for the church was not wholly and entirely lost among them. They had exhibited proof of his bad conduct and loose habits, before the legate, who would lay a true report before the pope ; and because TroUe had abdicated his office, and gone over to their foe, king Christian of Denmark, they had unan- imously and forever banished him. His holiness was called on especially to look to the interest of the tottering church of Upsala, on whose eminence and worth well nigh the whole of the Northern church's welfare depended. It had, of late years, suffered many losses, and could not be saved, unless a new archbishop, by great prudence and the king's confidence and favor, could reinstate it in its former privi- leges. In this they were desirous to co-operate as soon as they found the pope disposed to exert himself for its re-es- tablishment. Many errors had, during the disorders and confusions in the kingdom, crept into the fiiith, and could not easily be removed ; therefore they prayed that the em- bassador of his holiness, John JMagnus, already appointed a 86 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL bisliop in their lantl, miglit return to them, furnished with full authority bj the holy see, and with the laudable pru- dence they had found in him, to make the necessary regula- tions for the outward discipline of the church, and for the conservation of the faith." It is little probable that this letter, delivered to the legate, ever came to Kome. John remained three whole years in Sweden, and the relation of things was soon very materially changed. But the document exhibits the opinions and views which in Sweden were commonly entertained. Cases were here put according to their importance, in another fashion than that by which it was customary to judge them at Rome. The abdication of Trolle was first considered, of which the pope was put in mind, that he himself abdi- cated his office, and was obliged to go into exile. Then, if his doom of abdication by the estates, in 1517, was consid- ered a nullity, it was acknowledged there was a trespass against the existing law of the church; but his removal from the archiepiscopal chair of Upsala was, and remained, the primary condition of Sweden's return to obedience. Tlie confirmation of the election of bishops and their con- secration, was expected or recognized ; but that the usual, and in later times continually increased imposts, should go from the land into the papal chancery, was not to be thought of. In the third place, after discipline should be restored to the church, attention was to be paid to the extirpation of errors ; but these were only indefinitely mentioned, and seem to have been considered as the means of engaging the pope to compliance in other points. A severance from the Roman chair wjis not then thought of; but with self-confidence and the consciousness of strength, as in a strife for freedom, it was as little thought that there should be submission to all that came from Rome. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 87 CHAPTER V. LAURENTIUS ANDllEiE, THE KING'S CHANCELLOR— JOHN MAGNUS ELECTED ARCHBISHOP— PROCEEDINGS AT ROME IN RESPECT TO THE ELECTION AND CONFIRMATION OF BISHOPS TILL THE YEAR 1527. Laurentius Andrew won the confidence of the kino* during his stay at Strangness, in 1523. After the diet held in that place, he was called to be the king's chancellor ; an office which, for the three hundred years it was found in Sweden, was held by churchmen, either at the time bishops or afterward made such. Known and tried fitness must have gained him this post, on which he entered in the course of this summer. Thus was the most prominent of the friends of ecclesiastical freedom placed in immediate con- nection with the king, and obtained in his councils the strongest influence. He took a place, also, at least not later than in 1526, among the senators of the kingdom, and held, in connection with the archdeaconship of Strangness, the presidency of the chapter of Upsala, after the flight of Sven Eriksson, who took his departure with Gustavus TroUe, and who lived to the year 1532. The influence of Laurentius with Gustavus I. commenced at the same time with the appearance of John Magnus as papal legate in Sweden. The point of time was moment- ous, and the business of the legate in the highest degree in- tricate and important. How should he reconcile the pope's reluctance to give up the unworthy Trolle, with the settled, decided determination of his countrymen not again to receive him as archbishop of Sweden ? How should he be able, by 88 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL filling the vacant sees, to protect the supremacy of Rome and her interests ? If the newly-elected king was so fortunate as to defend, and on his head to seat the crown stretched out to him, would he be found, amid the storms of human strife and the menaced defection from Rome, to be an obedient son of the church ? Which of them icould ivbi his ear and mind, the skill/id and confident Laurentius Andrea^^ and the indefati- gable and undaunted herald oftlie new faith, Olaus Petri, or the temporizing policy of the legate, or the old interests on an un- altered basis, ivith Brask for their sj^onsor ? There was, amid all casualties and as opposed to the more liberal views, the possibility of again raising the old bulwark of the church's constitution, broken and impaired by the indiscre- tion and imprudence of its apologists. Was John Magnus the right man, in an hour so decisive, to be a leader in the church's cause ? Integrity, modera- tion, and a well-intentioned mind, are the qualities necessary for him who has undertaken the critical problem it was now the part of John to solve. But he had also two defects, and these among the most fatal for a man in his position — irres- olution and vanity ; and in addition to these, what is common with many, in times of revolution, a temporizing disposi- tion. It was, perhaps, vanity which tempted John to hasten to Strangness without having met Brask and consulted with him on the affairs of the church. It seems as if he did not wish to share with aily one the honor of reconciling the existing contentions. Bishop Brask laments that he did not meet with the legate, who seems, in liis haste, not even to have delivered tlie pope's letter to him. He had learned, so he writes on the loth of July, that the legate had concluded to take his departure without their meeting together to con- sult on the affairs of the Swedish kingdom and church, and rooting out the Lutheran heresy. This heresy was a source to him of pain upon pain. He suffered from sickness, but REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 89 still more from the spread of heresy through a master Olof of Striingness. Olof 's errors, a copy of which was commu- nicated to the legate, had become so openly promulgated that he could not with honor and conscience leave them Avithout investigation and correction. Pie might add to his troubles the heads of the chapters who were attached to the pope. Inquisition ought to be appointed in all the dioceses, to watch over the purity of the faith. The legate should also see that there should be brought before a spiritual tribunal, the complaints made against churchmen. There was danger that what happened yesterday might happen on the morrow. The church's privileges had been seized, on the plea that there was no justice in the spiritual courts. The legate should labor to recover to the church the immunities she had enjoyed for more than three hundred years, and which the king, when he was caUed at Wadsten to the administra- tion of the government, promised to preserve. It would also be important to protect the church in case of a large assessment by the king. Such vv^as the language and such the views of Brask. But the legate procrastinated, and did nothing of all that to which Brask prompted him. He was satisfied on his part with wishes, ideas, consultations. He speaks, in his letter, written at this time, of being able to effect what had long been passing in his mind, in regard to the advancement of truth and the church ; " but the unhappy state of the times, operated against his devout wishes and strenuous endeavors." The king promised him to sustain the church's immunities ; declared himself averse to the maltreatment of the peasantry of the church by his subordinates ; had avouched his dissatisfaction with the extortions which times of necessity had occasioned, and promised that his attention would be directed, when the kingdom was restored to quiet, to have the forced loans refunded. The king had also obligated himself to check the Lutheran heresy; but had 90 IITSTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL begged the legate, with caution and gentleness, not with bulls, to execute his commission in this respect, as otherwise, the whole Swedish church would be put in commotion. John was aware that the sterner modes of the church inter- vention had in other lands kindled an unquenchable fire. He negotiated Avith the men of Striingness, and had their promise to refrain from new doctrines, and in writing to attack no one, if themselves were not drawn into controversy by others. " Your grace," he writes complacently to Brask, on August 1st, 1523, "may be assured that my coming to Sweden has not been without its fruits. I may soon leave it. I came here. I examined the sore, the more effectually to heal it." He should return the following summer, or get the direction of the affairs of the Swedish church to be left in the hands of Brask. Soon after this, the business of the legate became so entangled, that he could neither depart nor effect anything. Five of the old episcopal sees of Sweden, were contempo- raneously in need of consecrated shepherds. Skara and Striingness, vacant by the murder of their incumbents in 1520, were again so when Didrik Slagok, and John Bellenake, intruded by Christian, were obliged, with the declining fortunes of that king, surreptitiously to leave the land. The disasters of the times caused two other vacancies, by the death of Otto of "VVesteras, and Arvid of Abo. In the year 1522, thoughts were entertained of placing new bishops in the sees. For Upsala was elected, or at least proposed, master Knut, chancellor of the regent, and the propositus of Westeras. For Skara, Christian's preference being disregarded, and the chapter disapproving its previous forced election, ]\Iagnus Ilaraldsson, archdeacon tlicre, was chosen. For Striingness, the propositus of tlie chapter, ]\Iagnus Sommar. For Westerns, he that was deacon there, the dangerous Per or Peter Sunnanvader, who now returned, and was absolved from accountability. Abo, which was REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 91 held by tlie toUowers of Christian, could not be provided for. But Upsala and Westeras were soon again declared vacant by king Gustavus, when master Knut and Peter Sunnan- vader, were deposed in September, 1523, for their turbulent machinations. The king, as soon as sure proofs of the • treason of Sunnanvader were in his hands, had hastened to Westeras, placed this proof before the chapter, and declared the elected bishop unworthy of the office ; and soon after declared the same of provost Knut. He also desired the chapter immediately to proceed to a new election, of which, the legate preparing for his departure, might procure confir- mation at Rome. As the canons were at a loss where to find a suitable man, the king proposed the administrator of the house of St. Bridget at Rome, Petrus Magni, who was accordingly elected. The pope confirmed this election, and after having been consecrated at Rome, he came home, in the year 1524, and took his seat in the senate of the diet — the last bishop, who, by virtue of his office, there had a seat and voice, as he was the last Roman catholic bishop who was consecrated to his office, before the Reformation took place in 1527. In September, 1523, the legate undertook the purposed return to Rome, which he had contemplated ever since his arrival. The king now wrote to the pope, and " declared the delight which the coming of the legate had given him and all his people, and lamented that the envoy could not effect the perfect re-establishment of the Swedish church, the cause of which was the tottering condition of the cathedi*al churches, which had now, for some years, beeu without bishops. The appointment of these was, above all, conse- quential ; and after this took place at Rome, and the legate returned with full powers, the king would aid him in all matters that concerned the church's dignity and Christian truth, according to the determination of the bishops to extirpate all heresy, to bring the schismatical Russians to 92 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the unity of the churoli, and Lapland to the faith of Christ, The legate had urged the king to have pity of the church's privileges. For these the king had contended against king Christian, the church's most ferocious foe. Pie would not now let them suffer any wrong ; if only the apostolic chair appointed such bishops as icere content witJiin thew limits, and had a care for peace and harmony among the king^s subjects — such as so vindicated the church' s privileges, that they did no harm to the crown. The king desired not this, to restrain the free appointment of bishops by his holiness, who by his holy manners had already improved the church, but to knit the firm alliance, which at this period was so necessaiy, between spiritual men and men of the world. The legate knew who were the men acceptable to the king, and useful to the church, and therefore suitable for bishops. The king had conceived such confidence in the legate, he wished the pope to intrust to him the reformation of the church." It is impossible not to be struck with the open and free, the firm and dignified mode of address in this letter of the king. Adrian VI. had, through his own uprightness here, as in Germany, called forth this candor. Men immediately laid hold on his promise of reform. This letter is also the first known act subscribed on the king's order by Laurentius Andreoe, as Gustavus's chancellor. Immediately on his entrance into the service of his majesty, he prepares a draft of the programme of the recess of Westeras in 1527. The letter of the king was given on September 10, 1523. A few days later, September 14, the king A\Tote again to the pope, and requested confirmation of tlie bishops' election The provost and chapter had solicited the king, to Avi'ite to the pope in behalf of the men who had been canonically elected as bishops. All these were then enumerated, but first John IMagnus, as elected to the see of Upsala. Abo alone is announced, as unable from the tumults of war, to proceed to the election of a bishop. All those REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 93 elected were acceptable to the king, and he therefore requested confirmation for them, and that as soon as possible. But he also asked his holiness to remit the taxes paid to the apostolic chamher, because those churches were reduced to the utmost poverty, and plundered, and the bishops elect had applied and must daily apply their income against the foes of the privileges of the church. By this liberality the apostolic chair would win great interest in the king and the kingdom, and the former to great obsequi- ousness. On the same day this was T\Titten at Stockholm, died, at Rome, the man to whom it was addressed, Adi'ian VI. In November, Clement VII., cousin-german to Leo X., succeeded to the papal dignity ; and with him came the old policy of Kome, to yield nothing. There was now no more question of reform ; and what might be hoped from the pious and well-meaning Adrian, it were vain to expect from Clement. But even in pope Adrian had Sweden been mistaken, when entertaining the ardent wish to be entirely delivered from archbishop Trolle. The Eoman chair had not ap- proved of Trolle' s deposition. The chapter of Upsala now elected his successor ; probably regarding the former sentence upon him to be fully ratified by what had occurred in 1520, in the outrage at Stockholm. This election, perhaps, took place between the 10th and 14th of Septem- ber, as in the above-mentioned letter. There is no mention of a wish to have the legate as archbishop. John stood prepared to take his departure for Rome, to obtain confir- mation for himself and the others. The king had fitted out a ship to transport him to Germany ; when at the moment he was about to embark, there came a letter wdiich changed the relation of things. The pope wrote, and enjoined, under threat of the church's correction, that the banished archbishop should be again received in Sweden and into his office. Was this a mere respect for the church's laws, 94 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL disregarded in the treatment which TroUe received, or more- over a colored and apologetic view of his conduct founded upon the report of John Francis dc Potentia, when legate ? or was it through the influence of the emperor Charles V., who might suppose that by TroUe's reinstatement, a way might be opened for his own brother-in-law's recall to his reconciled kingdom 1 or was it to furnish, although he was already provided for, the same bait for John Magnus, as for Arcimbold, in the hope of being raised to TroUe's place, if he was got rid of? or what other motive originated this unexpected letter? These are questions we are the less able to answer, as the letter is only known to us by the king's reply. The surprise, regret, and indignation, which were expressed upon the favor shown to Trolle by the pope, were a sufficiently clear indication of what was to follow. Among other things it is said, in the king's answer : " We have not been able to receive this communication otherwise, than as if your holiness had ordered us to interrupt or anni- hilate the peace of om' church and fatherland, which, with our own and. the blood of ours, we had gained. Harsh to the kingdom and the Swedish church, was the Danish king Christian, who cruelly murdered bishops and nobles, but no less harshly would the apostolic see act, in regard to our quiet, if it intruded, to the disturbance of our commonwealth, this archbishop, the close ally and most cruel accomplice of Christian. "We had long waited, holy father, to see what the pope of Kome would do against the aforenamed king Christian, for his sacrilegious slaughter of bishops ; and now the apostolic see takes this bishop, the foremost co-operator in the godless murder, under its protection, and wishes again to place him on the pinnacle of the Swedish church, whose liberties he has thrown to the gi'ound. It were a grief to us, that the apostolic see sliould not avenge the godless murder of the bishops. But, still less can we endure that this archbishop should return to Sweden, who is not REFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 95 only unworthy of the priesthood, but of life itself. We acknowledge ourselves to hold in such high reverence the holy Roman church, that we would willingly offer our blood and life for it ; but this act of severity, which threatens our commonwealth with such disasters, we shall endeavor to arrest, with our blood, if so required, and will show, if it be necessary, in the face of all Christian princes, how justi- fiably we have resisted such an outrage. Well did the afore- named envoy, John Magnus, endeavor to convince us, that never did such a brief emanate from the apostolic see, but that it Avas dictated and concocted by some illy-disposed men, who sought occasion for scandal ; and we have given some credit to what he says, for the honor of the apostolic see. But in consequence of this news, our intention to send him to your holiness has become changed, until we find out what your holiness will do in the case of the afore-mentioned archbishop, for our weal and the quiet of our subjects. As soon as we ascertain this, we shall either, according to your holiness' pleasure, effectually aid this embassador in all the points of Christian faith, or give him liberty to leave us, in order to announce in what manner^ as a consequence of the tardiness of the apostolic see, the Swedish church shall be reformed hy our royal authority. God is our witness, how ardently we wish the church herself, tlii'ough the authority of your holiness, and the decrees of the fathers, to be placed on a better footing, since it is altogether necessary, and the sooner the better, that a Reformation should take place in her spiritual and'temporal condition. The cause of Gustavus Trolle was irremediably lost in Sweden. The diet of Soderkoping, in October, 1523, again declared him the foe of the country, until he could make atonement to the king and kingdom ; and the estates ap- proved the election of John Magnus as his successor. Trolle had written to bishop Brask, who was then at Soderkoping, to try and effect his restoration ; but received from this, in 96 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL other cases, so prudent man, a harsh answer, which did honor to Brask's patriotic heart. Trolle had, on so many- accounts, made himself odious in his native land, that Brask advises him to make no further attempts to return, but have recourse to God, who disposes the destinies of men. Brask wished to partake the welfare, and resemble the other in- habitants of the kingdom ; and because he determined to live and die for the freedom of the kingdom, he requests the archbishop not to incur any further pains and expense in writing to him. It appears, at this time, to have been considered, that the archiepiscopal chair was not vacant, till a spiritual sentence confirmed the deposition of Trolle. In the month of Octo- ber such a sentence was pronounced by the legate, and Trolle declared unworthy of his office. Perhaps, also, the legate was willing to take into account, the vacancy in the Roman see, after the death of Adi'ian. But if the archi- episcopal chair, not legally vacant before, became so only after this sentence, then the previous election of John was invalid. Wherefore the king called together the chapter of Upsala, where, on November 23, Jolm was again unani- mously made archbishop. Olaus Magnus, the brother of the elected archbishop, is said to have gone to Home, at the close of tlic year 1523, on his own and the king's business. But his business with Clement VU. Avas not successful. Against the confirmation of John as ai'chbishop, there stood in the way, that tlie pope had not yet examined the charges against Trolle, and either was, or pretended to be, ignorant of the sentence pronounced • against him by the legate, during the previous autumn, or the sentence was not approved. But he gave directions, May 6, 1524, to John IMagnus, to whom, as its dean, the chapter of Upsala committed the management of the see, to proceed therewith until the case of the banished Trolle was finished. Petrus Mngni immediately obtained the see of REFORMATION IX SWEDEN. 97 Westeras, for which he obligated himself to pay a sum of mone}^, for the discharge of which, he was, after his retm-ii home, forced to provide the means hj great economy. But against the papal approbation, as well of John as of the other elected bishops, operated the before-mentioned declara- tion of the king, prohibiting them from engaging to pay imposts into the Koman chancery. This was, for the money- coveting Home, a too alarming and sensible reform, and was highly disapproved. The confirmation and consecration of the proposed individuals were, however, promised; and the pope was ready, it was said, out of his own money, to pay the requisite fees to the officers of the Roman courts, were it not, that, just at this time, in the beginning of his pontif- icate, the greatest need of money pressed upon him, and the Roman see was altogether bare, and indebted to a considera- ble amount. Against Magnus Haraldsson, elect of Skara, there stood also an objection of another kind. The above named papal legate, John Francis de Potentia, had, when, in the years 1521 and 1522, he was at Kopenham, cast his eyes upon the see of Skara, which became vacant through his own sentence upon Slagok, had obtained the promise of it from pope Adrian, and had been elected. This was not relished in Sweden, where there was an aversion to foreign bisliops. In 1524, Laurentius Campegia, at that time the papal legate in Germany, had written to king Gustavus, and recommended the cause of Francis, but was answered, that the king would not allow of foreigners being bishops, as long as suitable men could be found at home ; that the see of Skara had suffered too much from the murder of ^^ncentius to allow of a bishop being intruded against the will of the parties concerned, and that Francis, by his remissness and by his justly suspected conduct in his commission, had lost all con- fidence. As a consequence of king Gustavus's system of taxation, 5 98 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL ill tlic autumn of 1523, and the demands of the lloman chair, disapproved in Rome itself, measures of reform within the Swedish church were ah'eady begun. To the requisition of the king, that such bishops should be named as vindicated the church's privileges without injury to ihe crown, Kome gave no answer. The other two demands, that the election of bishops in the place of TroUc banished, and John Francis de Potentia not recognized, though nominated bj the pope, should be approved, and that no money for an act of confir- mation should be paid to the Roman chancery, were, through love of procrastination, virtually refused. The primitive statutes of the church, at least from the sixth century, forbade those who were consecrated to a holy office to pay anything to the consecrator ; and this was done to prevent simony. But to those who assisted at the conse- cration, he who was consecrated might give a compensation, though not exceeding a year's income of the benefice he held. In the western church, however, the abbots, bishops, arch- bishops and others, began to receive these annates out of such benefices as they bestowed. "Wlien the powers of the church became accumulated in the hands of the popes, they gave away, for the benefit of the church, the right of receiving the first year's income of such offices as, falling vacant, were subject to their obedience. Instances could be multiplied. Boniface VIII., granted annates to pay the debts of prelates. The need which the popes had of money was especially felt during the schism from 13V8 to 1415, when many popes divided the revenues, and it was increased by multifai'ious losses and by "waste. These incomes, therefore, not schlom increased by exactions, were forced either directly into the Roman treasury, or went as fees to the multitudinous officials of the pai)al cliancery. If there was a wish for the dissolu- tion, or the change of the Swedish church's relations to the see of Rome, nothing could be more desirable or welcome than the refusal of the pope, without a fee, to confirm the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 99 elected bishops in their sees. On the one hand, the resist- ance of the old church against any novelty injurious to it was thereby weakened. Not only were the duties of the office neglected and confused, but ordination and confirma- tion— those sacraments which a bishop only could perform — could be received only from the few consecrated bishops, especially Brask, either at their homes, or by journeys undertaken at the request of another diocese ; or he that was not consecrated must have by his side some man consecrated by a bishop to perform the office which he, the unconsecrated, could not. But a greater source of lamentation was the loss of influence and respect ; as it appeared how insecure and unstable was their position, when an election by the chapter, if not approved by the pope, was to be recalled, and of no validity ; neither did Brask forbear to complain of this uncertainty, and John Magnus joined in the chorus. The kingj too, declared his dissatisfaction with this treatment, which was greatly to be desired by him if he had already resolved on a reformation. But it appears that he and his counsellors looked for, or j^retended to look for a reform, more after the spirit of Adrian VI. than the Lutheran. The recess of TVesteras had begun to rise in its views, but not the council of Upsala. By degrees it was found out that Rome set a mark of heresy on every doctrine which was not in entire conformity with the old abuses. On the other hand, the demand of fees, in money, for con- forming the election of bishops, gave the aspect of meanness to the cause of Rome, in the eyes of the people. There had long been complaint of the extortions of Rome, and dissatisfaction was now more current than ever. After the refusal given by pope Clement, in 1524, to the king's request for a remission of these fees, was received, the subject became one of the points for deliberation at the diet of Wadsten, in October, 1524. Among the articles proposed was one " concerning the coronation of our gracious lord, * * * 100 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL and since the bishops for that purpose arc faw, what measures shall be adopted ; as the pope will not engage in the consecration of the good lords electa unless they purchase it of him.''^ The resoUition which it is likely was passed to renew negotiations with Rome is not on record ; but it is evident the case was under consideration. The question had, pre- viously to this diet, been started, whether they should wait for confirmation from Rome, or whether the legate, then in Sweden, had not, in this respect, the ability to put in use the papal right. It was also a principal subject of concern, whether the authority of the legate ceased, in its full extent, with the life of Adrian. In that case, must the hopes of John Magnus himself for support at Rome, in restoring the Swedish church, have fallen with this pope to the ground. But, if his authority had any abiding strength, he had not the right of appointing to offices, the bestowing of which was reserved to the pope alone. The difficulty with Rome occasioned an examination into the ancient customs of the church, respecting the confirma- tion of the election of bishops. It had belonged to the metropolitan of the ecclesiastical province.* But Avlien the papal supremacy swallowed up all other power within the church, the confirmation of the election of bishops was also reserved to the pope. We dive not, in Sweden, into inves- tigations and scrutiny of this matter, only so far as bishop Brask was a participator in it ; in whose acquaintance Avith canonical law may be reposed the highest confidence. He affirmed, witli respect to the confirmation of bishops, that lie and his two predecessors, from 1459, Kettil Wase and Ilcnry Tideman, received confirmation in Rome, but that all the rest, here at home, received it from the metropolitan. Even he, otherwise so Romislily inclined, finds it probable, * In 1299, the cliaplor of Westoras rcqiirstod, that tliR archbishop of Uf.sala would, by his mctropol ideal authorifi/y confirm its elected bishop, Nila Kctilsson. REFORMATION IN SAYEDKN. 101 " the case was so from tlie beginning." But a return was now not possible ; since the metropolitan see itself was vacant, at least was so considered in Sweden. Brask was afraid that they would break the church's unity, if they did not take the advice of their mother. He desired that the apostolic see might at least till up their numbers, and urges dispatch in the act of confirmation. It appears as if the elected bishops were in doubt, whether to procure confirmation from Rome, on such conditions as they could, or rely on the firm will of the king to save them from the consequences. Nothing, however, can positively be affirmed. Possibly they were undecided, or of different opinions among themselves. This hesitation and difference of opinion peep forth from a letter of Brask' s, dated March 10, 1525, to master Erik, bishop elect of Abo. " It would be agreeable," he says, " to obtain some information, however stale, of your negotiation on the subject of confirmation, in which you might not appear separated from the unity of the catholic church and the Christian faith. But if my brother, liJcQ some others, goes with the times, I fear that the Swedish church is lost — • which may God avert in our days. The church has few protectors, but many aggressors. But, if these few, who ought to resist such aggressors, have not confirmation, or some sure footing, they cannot, wanting security themselves in their position, give security to the church. The idea of separation, and some Lutherans, are the root of the deception. I counsel, rather to obey God than men, and in time, to procure authority for office, that another may not win for himself your blessing. For we must not doubt if the ship of Peter shall endure, however shaken by the storms of heresy." Counsel was sought, even from abroad, in these moment- ous difficulties ; at least such is found given by the dean of the chapter of Lubeck, John Brand, and by a canon of the same, John Roden. They advise the elected bishops to make 102 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL representation at Rome of their fears, on account of the king's stem prohibition of the payment of annates, of their own obedience to the Roman see, of tlie spread of the Lutheran heresy over the land, of their proximity to the Russian schismatics, all of which would rouse the pope not to refuse confii'mation. In the year 1526, it appears to have been seriously proposed that the bishops should be consecrated, and enter upon the full exercise of their office, without confirmation by ecclesiastical authority. Bishop Brask, Avho, all the time, so earnestly pressed the confirmation and consecration of his colleagues, now advised delay. They could not now, he thought, be consecrated without danger of a schism ; when this danger ceased, the assent must be redeemed, and money be paid for it. Advices from Rome had given him hope of a yielding on the part of the pope ; and the letter he received, assured him that he would be shown any degree of favor whatever, who would make resistance to the Lutheran heresy. The pope was apprized of the condition of the Swedish church, as was well known ; and that it was not the fault of the bishops that confii'mation from him was not sought. The mark might possibly be gained without danger to the body and the soul, and the whole church. * '^ Especially was it advisable, that Magnus Ilaraldsson, elect of Skara, should avoid being consecrated, before the dispute respecting the episcopal staff, between him and John F. do Potentia, became settled; since it would be of evil consequence, and in opposition to apostolic order, to be consecrated for a church for which another was already consecrated. Brask apprehended that if confirmation were not obtained, Sweden would have bishops separated from unity with the Roman church. But, " if Ave in this time of the persecution of the Christian faitli, become severed from the Roman church and ecclesiastical unity, I see not how far we shall fall and han"; our heads," REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 103 In this cause, the pardon-monger, John Arcimbokl, once more makes his appearance, in the history of the Swedish church. To him, who was then bishop of Novara, had Magnus Haraldsson applied for aid in persuading the apos- tolic chair to confirm his election. Arcimbokl answers on September 30, 1526, that the appointment was made out for Magnus to carry on the diocese of Skara ; but that the final adjustment of the case of John F. de Potentia, who had returned from an embassage to Russia, was waited for, the pope intending to provide him with another benefice when he took from him that of Skara. At all events Magnus might be sure of the diocese of Skara. He should, there- fore, as soon as possible, send the money to pay the fees of his commission. Thus, at the end of the year 1526, the case stood at the same point. But at this time men had begun to weaiy of the trafficking at Rome in the offices of bishops. 104 HTSTOEY or THE ECCLESlASTTCAl* CHAPTER VI. OF THE ASSESSMENT OF THE CHURCH, TILL THE YEAR 1527. At the time the negotiations were carried on, respecting the remission of the fees to Eome^ for the nomination of elected bishops, it was said that the Swedish church was impoverished by the losses and expenses it incurred during the war of deliverance against king Christian the cruel. This war was said to have been carried on for deliverance of the church from unworthy oppression, and, therefore, the church could not avoid a participation in the heavy costs of that war. It was an especial maxim of the papal church, that the wealth and revenues of the church, in personal property and dues, were entirely separated from the civil purposes of the community and its system of taxation. They were destined to purposes irrespective of the calls and necessities of the state ; and the foe of the existing constitution of the state, was a foe also of the church, only so far as he hindered the latter in the operations for what was evidently divine truth, and for peace with God and mutual peace among men. But tliis maxim was as indefinite and vacillating as the claims of the papacy itself; and not only in the church of each country was the love of fatherland too powerful to permit this maxim to strongly operate, but tlic cliurch would often furnish pay for the soldiers who fought for that country. Its defenders also had a dl.riculty in distingnij^hlng the true interests of the church, ami the real welfare of REFOEMATION IN SWEDEN. 105 fatherland, from the oblique views and agencies which were inspired by a carnal spirit and civil partisanship. Party disputes between fellow-citizens were often called disputes of the church ; and the church was obliged to suffer in its property and to pay for illusory benefits. The church could not, during times of confusion and violence, preserve, in the face of its outward wealth, its sanctity untouched. Human strife knows no distinction between cause and persons ; has no leisure to compare the innocence of office with the defects of those who hold it ; and necessity, when outward violence is current, knows no difference between the property of friends and foes. More than once, in Sweden, had the church experienced the fury of the foes of its privileges. The capture and destruction of Stacket were in point. The elder Sten Sture had, in his contests with archbishop Jacob Ulfsson, taken and pillaged the episcopal pleasance at Upsala ; and the adherents of Sture were obliged to take considerable supplies from the church. During the war against Christian II., the church was levied on by both friends and foes. Chris- tian himself showed no meekness in regard to the church's possessions. In his plans of reform, he had in vie^\', to draw to the crown the investitures of the church. Bishop John Bellenake, placed by him in Striingness, was compelled to give up the castle of Tynnelso, which was re-conquered by Gustavus Wasa, who kept it with consent of the adminis- trator of the kingdom, till 1523, when it was voluntarily restored, as a pledge of compensation for all the losses the bishop might have suffered. Unnumbered casual pillages by foes, had the church undergone in the year 1522 ; a willing tribute, however, to carry on the war of freedom. This tribute had, at least in most of the dioceses, proceeded from the property of the cathedrals, and monasteries, and from taxes on the clerical holders of benefices. In the year 1523, when payment v/as 5* 106 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL made for the admitted assistance of Lubeck in the war, tho king was obliged, Avith consent of the estates of the king- dom, to procure a loan of the churches and monasteries. Whatever could best be spared from their jewels, moveables, and cash, was to be brought to the king, for which a receipt in proof of the loan w^as given, with a promise of future payment. This loan was taken while the ambassador of Lubeck was still in Sweden waiting for payment. "Wliat was thus collected in indefinite sums, might be an offset against certain taxes. The king had also heard that bishop Brask had money upon deposit in Lubeck, and of this he requested an advance. The bishop denied that the money was his. A contribution was also required from the domes- tic supplies of the bishop. The requisition, as usual, awakened Brask's displeasure. Even the mode of collecting the taxes, sometimes produced dissatisfaction. Thus, the king had required from the bishop of Skara, for nearly half the churches of his see, four hundred marks of silver, but laid on the other half an impost whose amount was unknown to the bishop, collected by two laymen, as the churches were attached to their investitures. A contribution had pre- viously been made by the clergy and churches of the dio- cese, and now there was the requisition from them of two hundred oxen. A like assessment was made on nearly all the clergy and churches of the kingdom, and a like dissatis- fiction was commonly expressed. Bishops Brask and Ilaraldsson poured out bitter complaints. The discontent of Per Sunnavadcr proceeded to action, and the church's grievances were at least the pretence for those rebellious plots, which occasioned his own and master Knut's deposi- tion and flight to Norway. At the commencement of the year 1524, when king Gus- tavus was desirous of raising men and arms for an expedi- tion against Gothland, which, however, miscarried, he nuide application to the bishops to obtain money. The REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 107 bishops elect of Upsala, Strungness, and Abo, pledged them- selves, " because the pacification of the kingdom and church depended on the successful issue of this expedition," to con- tribute according to their own and the ability of their churches, and to supply whatever might still be found in the private repositories of the churches. Even Brask and Magnus Haraldsson, not indeed without murmurs, though they had before warmly advised the expedition, gave their contributions, and the monasteries bore their share. The complaint that the monasteries were stripped, was not just. Their contributions were for the most part, free- will offerings. They were shown, after 1527, to have still the greatest part of their property left them ; and twenty years later, Peutinger and Norman estimated that there remained in the coffers of the churches, far larger rents than they now voluntarily offered for the benefit of fatherland. The king often declared his dissatisfaction, in the slowness and meanness, with which they made their contributions, at least from the diocese of Linkoping, whose reluctance he, not without reason, attributed to the unwillingness and tardy movements of bishop Braik. For the two years succeeding 1524, the churches appear to have been exempted from contributions in silver and cash. But, on the other hand, a new assessment took place in the year 1525, by which all the church tithes, in the whole kingdom were appropriated to the maintenance of the war of the people, with the exception of what was required for the purchase of wax, wine, and the consecrated wafer. On Sunday, January 1, 1525, a contribution was made of the tithes that came in the foregoing autumn. On a Sunday in January the following year, there was offered two parts of all the tithes " of that winter," to pay the debt to Lubeck. On both occasions this tribute was said to be made in order to spare the country people. In August of 152G, two parts of all the tithes v/ere granted, 108 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASflCAL and a contribution from all the clergy of the diocese, to tho amount of 15,000 marks. This contribution was given in place of a proposes! tax of 25,000 marks, which would have taken up two thirds of the incomes of the clcrg}% The prelates at the diet then in session, said, that half the incomes of the clergy scarcely amounted to that sum ; but that it was preferable, on many accounts, to give a round sum, than to have nice questions started on the conditions of a loan. The bishops were also, like the knights and nobles, to give an escuage for all the revenues which were derived from the investitures of the crown, or the lands called fralse, that is to say, exempt by law from taxes. The tithes were collected by men appointed by the chapter, in connection with officials appointed by the crown. The pastors of churches were the most spared. No tribute was laid on their valuation. But they suffered much from the entertainment given to wayfarers, common in that nge, and which was peculiarly felt as a burden, when the land was being trampled under the foot of *var. The king once sent thirty sailors to the diocese of Linkoping, to be maintained by the bishop and his clerg3% The burdens laid upon the bishops, fell mediately on the parisli. priests, who were not unfrequently obliged to assist the bishop in sus- taining them. From the incomes of the canons, it is said, the king, at this time, derived nothing for the crown, except that they also were obliged to take their part in the general assess- ment of the church and clergy. Another case arose, when tlie brethren of the hospital at Sodcrkoping started the question, whether tho tithes should not be restored to them, which had gone to the chapter of Linkoping. These tithes had been granted the hospital, during the building of the church ; but in the time of the younger Sture, had been adjudged to the cluipter. The king wished a new investiga- tion to be instituted; and meanwhile sequestered the tithes. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 109 Besides the escuage, undertaken in 152G, the bishops were compelled to make another levy. As yet the king had not taken general cognizance of the incomes of the bishops. But with the five dioceses, which had yet no independent occupants, he was able to deal with some freedom. .Imposts, in such a case, were not to be laid, with a consideration of liow much the king was to divide with the elected bishops. Before his election as king, he restored Tynnelso, for the domestic support of the bishop of Striingness ; but, on the contrary, he retained from Westeras, Gronso, which was retaken by the enemy. Tynnelso was restored, in 1523, as we have said, before the king's election. When Petrus Magni came home, in 1524, the king had come to another way of thinking ; in which we fancy may be detected the influence of Laurentius Andi-eac. Gronso, it is said, had 'Come from the crown to the cathedral of Westeras, and they had held it sufficiently long to be fully compensated for all accruing expenses. The king was blamed, because Petrus Magni was put upon a retrenched establishment. The king declared, that he did not so much curtail his income, but that he observed the bishop husbanded his means to pay his debt to Rome, " when he bought his see of the pope." They who were dissatisfied with the bishop's parsimony, seemed to themselves to apprehend what a real bishop is. " The scripture," writes the king, " says that they are the people's servants for the gospel's sake. He comes better provided to take care of them who has few courtiers than he who has many." The officers of the king often did violence to the property of the church, sometimes of necessity, sometimes, perhaps, from ill will. Bat that this was done with consent of their lord is not mentioned. The monasteries had to pay their portion of the often-mentioned loan of money in cash. The monastery of Wadsten, in the beginning of 1524, gave up a portion of the silver which was offered by the people at the 110 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL shrine of* St. Catharine. But some weeks after, the king sent his chaplain to Wadsten, with the request, that the remainder of this money should be sent him. If the abbess wished a fief of the crown, in pledge of repayment, it would be granted her. In the year 1524, the question was introduced, at the diet of Wadsten, whether it was not advisable, that the horses of the war of the people should be quartered on the monas- teries, which had few persons to maintain. The resolution, it appears, was not then entertained ; but at Stockholm, in the year 1525, it was determined that the king should, that summer, have his horses in the lodges of all monasteries. The case was an unusual one in Sweden. It had come from abroad, through monasteries, to which princes had resorted with numerous retinues, to pass away the days of fasting or other holy seasons. In Denmark, at least, king John began to lay this burden on the monasteries, and king Christian n., had wished to import the same practice into Sweden. It became the first sore in the reign of Gustavus I., as it had been unhappily projected by Christian. Against this use of monastic lodges, Brask made his remonstrances, which were forcibly answered by the king. It is true, that through these lodgments, the service of God was interrupted, if there were no such service but to feed a multitude of hypocrites and liars ; but the scn'icc of God consists rather in sym- pathizing in the interests and the deprivations suffered by the kingdom and its inhabitants. If the crown had not given wealth to found churches and monasteries, the spirit- ual nobles would have had no ability for the service and tribute they were called to pay. The demand of these tributes, and the accuracy with which the interests and rights of the crown were protected and observed, are attributed to Laurentius Andreae. He wa^ the king's counsellor, of whom complaint was often heard, from those who were offended at the measures adopted. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN- 111 He had, at once, from tlie first, won the king's confidence. As early as March, 1524, when bishop Brask, in a letter to John Magnus, mentions the king's dissatisfaction with the bishop's declaration respecting the tithes of the hospital at Soderkoping, he adds, that he trusted he did not deserve blame, except so far as seemed good to master Lars, the man, who, with the good God's permission, governed everything. We shall soon come to speak of the maxims of master Lars, in regard to the wealth of the church, and offer new proof of the dissatisfaction awakened against him, among the friends of the old order of things. The tributes and faxes, which were now demanded from the persons and property of the church, were not new and unheard of, with the exception, perhaps, of the use of the monastic lodges. They are not, therefore, to be wholly regarded as the fruits of the new views, although these furnished new reasons and apologies for them. In making a comparison with former times, it will be sufficient to cite only a single case — that which occurred in the reign of king Albrekt. As reported in the chronicle of Olaus Petri, all the tenants of the church were obliged twice to pay money to buy horses. The king took half of the church tithes, in four successive years ; for one year, half of all the rents of the priests, bishops and churches. He borrowed of all parish priests and their churches, moneys which never were returned, and ultimately demanded that every third house of all the tenants of the church should be given to the crown, to help its enfeebled income. 112 inSTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL CHAPTER VII. OF THE CONTINUED PREACUING OF THE GOSPEL, WITH THE AC- COMPANYING INCIDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES, TO THE DIET OP WESTERAS IN 1527. We return to the narrative of the progress and spread of gospel truth in our fatherland, of its combats, and its success. No ordinance was passed for or against the new views during this year ; and the influence exerted by writers on either side, is, for the first time, manifested in the year 1527. Wc have thus far occupied our attention with the times imme- diately preceding the diet of "VVesteras, in order to give a picture of the movements within the Swedish church, before the first firm step was taken for a thorough reform. It has already been mentioned in what manner the atten- tion of king Gustavus, when he was called at Striingness to the throne of Sweden, was attracted to tlic new teaching, and that he soon after made the man his chancellor, wlio became the foremost support of its propagation. Olaus Petri either accompanied his patron to Stockholm, or went there at a later ^period, at the latest, in the spring of 1524. He was free from his duties at Stranjirness, and was appointed, during the occurring changes of the magis- tracy at Stockholm, to be secretary of its council. At tlie same time master ]\Iichacl Langcrbecn was appointed by the king to be pastor of the church in Stockholm. He also had studied at Wittenberg, had lately come home, and was inclined to the principles of the lleformation. Olof, who was not in the priesthood, was appointed as deacon to preach in the city church. KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. llo This was the commencement of the preaxihing of the pure word of God in Stockholm, and it opened a more extensive field for those who most actively labored for the church's reform. The church of St. Nicholas, at Stockholm, or as it was then commonly called, the city church (stads kyrka), because it was the only parish church, proper, to which the rest, as chapels or monastic churches, were subordinate, was now occupied by two of Luther's disciples, Langcrbeen and Olof. Of the former we have nothing special to relate. Probably his opinions and his line of action were less determined, and he was overshadowed by the more energetic, bolder, and more eloquent Olof. He often preached in the city church, and was called by a name, derived from the form of the pulpit he used, master Olof of the basket. Who procured his commission to preach in this church is not clear. It is probable that the burghers of Stockholm themselves wished to hear him, from his known activity and the ftime of his preaching, and that the request was still further superinduced by the conviction entertained of his freedom of speech in regard to the old teaching of the church. This presumption becomes fortified, when we consider that the proceedings in Germany could not be unfimiilia,r to this community, and that Stockholm was not under thj imme- diate influence of the bishop's residence, and of the chapter seated there. That the new preacher and his pulpit roused attention, cannot be attributed to the novelty of preaching. It had never ceased during the middle ages, if here and there it was rarely practised. It was a duty of the bishops, which they might execute through others. Nor were the canons and parish priests exempted from that duty, and pulpits were common. That deacons, to which grade Olof still belonged, should preach, was allowed, at least not forbidden, and the common pulpit of the church Avas fdled by them. This 114 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL pulpit (tlie ambo), usually stood in the clioir of the church. Perhaps that he might be better heard, a pulpit more like "what we now commonly have in our churches, was erected for Olof ; and as one -like it had not been there before, beside the dissatisfaction given the papists, it gave occasion to some sneers. All were not content with the new doctrines. Olof was sometimes interrupted in his preaching, by having stones cast at him, with other insults. But the attachment of many, and the protection he had of the king, so that no ecclesiastical authority had yet condemned him, made it practicable for him to continue his course, till, by degrees, all violent opf>osition ceased of itself. The tenor of the doctrine he now promulgated, is, in its details, not known. No writings, at this time, of his are to be found, from which we can have assurance of the platform on which he now stood. The main points of his opinions we shall hereafter examine. But, that his opiniuns were not mature, that he was not fully established in his knowl- edge of the truth, appears from the circumstance, that not long after his removal to Stockholm, he fell into the same errors, through which, two years earlier, many of his former teachers at Wittenberg became infatuated. It seems to appertain to men in general, that every at- tempt at reform, which is to be attended by a loosening of the bond which united the civil or ecclesiastical community, results, in the first place, in anarchy or disorder in the struggle for freedom. The desire of independence in man's nature, engenders the attempt to shake off all outward bonds, until the inevitable law of order and concord, as a restrainer and avenger, curbs the haughty spirit. Such an attempt was presented, at the commencement of Lutheran protestantism, on the appearance of the ana- baptists upon the scene. Within the church, the tie of human laws and ordinances was to be torn asunder. God's REFORMATION IN S\\T:DEN. 115 word alone was to be the light and leader of the way. Man had this word in the Holy Scriptures ; of this man was sure. But the thread of monkish indulgelices could no longer be followed. The Holy Scriptures alone were the watchword of freedom. But why should the Spirit of God speak in the Holy Scriptures, and speak immediately now no more "? Are not the Scriptures, in truth, the curb which checks the divine free work of the Spirit in and over the hearts of men ? Is it not the immediate work of the Spirit, that we are able to see the existing weakness and ^ defects of society ? Does it not belong to this insight into the fulhiess and maturity of humanity, now to go forward without leading strings ? Be- fore these questions of the tempter Satan, the anabaptists fell, as many did before and after them. To them, they thought, the spirit of God revealed himself. This alone should govern men. Outward order was but shackles to men. Baptism in infancy, was an involuntary, and therefore a void obligation. It was a fruitless and empty offering. Upon their appearance at Wittenberg, Carlstadt became their zealous adherent. Melancthon was vacillating and doubtful. The breaking; of ima2;es, and other acts of disor- der, attended their progress. Luther, himself, was, for a moment, at a loss ; but soon, from their fruits, satisfied of their false professions, he determined to check their proceedings. In the year 1520, when king Gustavus passed the sum- mer and part of the autumn in Southern Sweden, at a conference with the king of Denmai'k, in Malmo, attended by Laurentius Andrece, there came to Stockholm, in a vessel from Holland, some of the anabaptists. Among them the chief were Melchior Kink and B. Knipperdolling, the former a leather-dresser, the latter a shopkeeper. These men began to promulgate their doctrines of spiritual freedom, of the immediate revelations of the Holy Ghost, of the abhorrence of popery, of the heavenly kingdom, which was 116 HISTORY or THE ECCLESIASTICAL to go forth in light and salvation, as soon as the papal power, with all its idolatry and outward pomp, should be overthrown. Rink undertook, without being requested to do so, to preach in the church of St. John, on the book of the Revelations. His and KnipperdoUing's proceedings, called forth more preachers, chiefly mechanics. They preached in churches and chapels, in the suburbs of towns, in the churches of the monasteries, and in the island of the grey friars ; or, where they were not permitted to use the churches, they preached in the open air. The swarm was soon in full career. Not only among those who compre- hended the views of the German preachers ; but among others the evil was at work. The churches and monas- teries were attacked. The images of the saints were muti- lated around the market-places and in all the streets. Altars and organs became a -v^-reck. The work of destruc- tion was universal, except where it was practicable to put some limits to its progress. Master Langerbeen and master Olof did not, indeed, participate in this outburst, but " thought that good might come of it," " togo det for godt." They were so taken by surprise that they did not, till it was too late, take measures to protect their flock and recall it to its senses. There was here, as in Wittenberg, an exemplification, though happily incomplete, of the disorders, confusions, and tumults, which distinguished the appearance in 1533, of the anabaptists, at ]Munster in Germany. They Avished to appear canying on the work of the Spirit, while practising the works of violence. The papists and priests, it was said, had put a lie in the place of truth. Now light had come, though apparently in deeds of darkness. The few adherents of these new views, who retained their senses, doubted if this disorder was indeed the undoubted mark of evangelical freedom. The papists continued to condemn all novelty, and attributed to the preachers, who were said to enjoy the king's protec- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 117 tion, the blame of all tlic disturbance. The king himself was accused of favoring the tumults. The peasantry about Stockholm, witnessed with abhorrence, the indignities done to whatever they had been accustomed to regard as sacred ; and their dissatisfaction was near breaking out into an in- surrection. King Gustavus hastened to return to Stockholm, in order to appease the tumults. Vehement reproaches were brought against Langerbecn and Olof, as not having put obstacles in the way of the outbreak. The leaders of the anabaptists were imprisoned, and had well nigh paid the forfeit of theu' lives ; but the king allowed himself to yield to the interces- sions and petitions made in their behalf, and deemed it sufficient to banish them from Sweden, to which they were forbidden to return, on the penalty of death. This dis- appointment did not stay the riots of Eink and Knipper- doUing. The punishment of death, which they here with difficulty escaped, came home to them, in the tumults in which they participated at Munstcr, on their return to Ger- many. How far the impression made by these brigands of the Reformation, or the reports concerning them, may have contributed to maintain or strengthen an unfavorable opinion of the new teaching during the succeeding years, cannot be estimated. But it is a reason for not estimating this influence too high, that no mention is made of it in the private cor- respondence of Brask, in which the principal occurrences of these years are spoken of or discussed. This bishop, if the case had awakened deep or extensive interest, would not have failed to cite it as a proof of the perniciousness of the new doctrine. For the city, which was its theatre, the mischief done by the anabaptists could bear no other fruit, than what is common in such cases, to strengthen the aver sion to anything new in minds deeply rooted in partiality to the old order of things. But, it also gave vigor to the new teachers ; because it modified and gave discretion to 118 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL their advance, and, on the return of order, after the storm permitted, allowed an adjustment between the old and new. It permitted that something should be attributed to the temper of violent spirits, and diminished still more the numbers of the lukewarm, or entirely removed all sanction for errors which merited to be scorned and trampled under foot. From this time the Reformation advanced in Stockholm with rapid steps. "We cannot accurately follow them, be- cause sources of information are wanting. But the hints, which here and there are disclosed in public archives, manifest how far this city was in advance of other parts of the kingdom. The new doctrines were preached there openly, and without hinderance ; psalms, in the Swedish hmguage, were used in divine service. Monasteries and guilds were alloAved to remain, but with diminished respect. The two monasteries of begging friars especially felt the change, from the evident disinclination of the people to give them alms. Laurentius Andreas was, by his absence, protected from the danger of being infatuated by the error of the ana- baptists. The quiet sense, which enabled him to understand the problem of the Reformation, while at the same time he took into view the church's connection Avith the state, will scarcely allow of his being reproached with those errors. His desires centred in the advancement of the peace and welfare of the commonwealth, and the terms on which the church's faith might be secured. His ideas of the visible church, and other points that were now in dispute, had, on February 14, 1524, before the events in Stockholm, been expressed in a letter to the brethren of Wadsten. When the king, for the weal of the kingdom and the conquest of Gothland, asked a loan of money from the monastery of Wadsten, some of the monks, former friends of Laurentius, solicited his protection, and recommendation to the king in REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 119 behalf of their establishment. They regarded this demand of the king as a felony of holy things. " Therein," answers master Lars, " they were mistaken in calling it a felony of holy things, to use for the benefit of one's neighbor the money belonging to the church, or, to adopt their own words, dedicated to God. They understood not their own language. For, when they called it the church's money, they pronounced it the money of the people. It had be- come common to use the term ' church' for the prelates or the clergy, or sometimes for the material edifice. But in the Ploly Scriptures, it is spoken only of men, and especially of the community of believers. Therefore, when we speak of the church's money, what do we speak of but the people's money. Such were the contributions of which mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles and epistles of Paul, out of which widows and the poor were maintained, and the administration of which belonged to the deacons or ministers, apart from the apostles, who were to give attendance to the word of God, and not be hindered by such worldly things. But we, who are successors of the apostles, have abandoned God's word, and use his church's, that is to say the people's money, as if it were our own. It were well, if we so used it as the deacons did, in helping the necessities of our poor neighbors. But we keep it to adorn the walls of temples, or to build the shrines of saints, or for the host, or for other purposes, which, perhaps, are forbidden of God, or nowhere commanded in the Holy Scriptures. Moreover, we consider ourselves to act piously when we lean upon a reed, and plead custom and the decrees of the pope, which are in no icise to he observed when they militate against the Holy Scriptures. We priests steal this money, in the name of God, from the people, and make free use of it, as if we were not its stewards but its o^vners. We call the place of assembling for the faithful the house of God, not because God dwells in houses made by hands, but because the faithful are wont there to 120 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL come together to learn the things of God, especially God's word. Therefore, as the house is for the men, the money is for the men. It is consequently impious, when the people are in danger, for any one to think he ought to spare the church's money, and let his poor neighbor, whom Christ commanded us to love, and for whom he died, be so fixr oppressed as to suifer hunger and thirst. Has God, then, more care of stocks and stones than of men ? Would to God, that we clergy had a like concern for our neighbor's salvation as we have care for money. \Yhat godless piety, when the wealth of the church is rather bestowed on stately, 3^ea, sometimes extravagant structures, than on the neces- sities of the faithful ! Otherwise acted the old Jewish kings, Joash and Hezekiah, of whom the one sent to Hazael, king of Syria, all that he could find in the treasury of the temple, to induce him to withdraw from Jerusalem ; the other broke up the vessels in the temple of the Lord and the golden shields he had himself fixed there, to give them to the king of Assyria. Neither of these is blamed in scripture for hav- ing thus, for their subjects, bought what is surely the most precious of all things, peace. Now, a most Christian prince who does likewise, is called a felon of holy things. Li what doep hidden meaning could they well call it a felony of sacred things, to give this holy money to God's holy temple '^" Master Lars adds, that he could %vTite more on this theme, did not the other business of the king prevent him. In conclusion, he desires, in the same letter, to let the brethren of Wadsten know, that the king, when in Wadsten, heard with dissatisfaction some one declare that a " less catholic teaching" was spread over the kingdom. The king's pleasure was, that they should refrain from such vain speeches, lest the people should be misled by them. They should prove all, and hold fiist that which is good. If, there- fore, in some of the new books, either of Martin Luther or of others, they found strange doctrine, they should not cast REFORMATION^ IN S\7Et>EN. 121 lliem a"U'ay before carefully reading tliem through, and crit- ically examining them. If they found anything at war with the truth, they also might write books and confute such doctrine through tke Holy Scriptures. Thus, teachers might test what was right, and the truth be conformably promul- gated from the pulpit, and not according to one-sided views* He doubted not, that some among them were competent to this. " For, although little comes to my knowledge of the doctrine called Martin Luther's, yet, from the little I have seen, I have discovered, that he cannot be confuted by us simple men, because he is protected, not by the weapons of St. Bridget or any other, but by the weapons of the divine scriptures. We must take care, if even we have truth, that we do not, illy armed or entirely unarmed, advance against the well armed, and thus make manifest cur own simplicity," This letter of a prelate of the church, is in the main a declaration of the general principles of protestantism. Re- gard for the Holy Scriptures, independence of traditions, the idea of the church as the society of the faithful, who are all alike accounted members of it ; these, with more, are the outlines of what is signified or expressed in that letter. Its wi'iter had thrown down this gauntlet of defiance in the diocese which was almost the only one where the ecclesias- tical power still remained in its strength, and in a monas- tery v/hich, of all those in the North, was most respected, and which stood in constant communication v^dth Kome, whose chair it regarded as the mirror of sanctity. Laurentius Andrew was a man of action ; and his activity was directed by the principles of the Reformation. But nothing he had written had he yet put to press, nor had Olaus Petri carried his instruction beyond what he could communicate from the chair, the pulpit, or through personal intercourse. The influence of the activity of these two men must thus have been defective in depth and compass. - But 6 122 IIISTOIIY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the minds of men were at this time inflammable. The attempt at reformation had loosened many bonds ; and it was a moment, in Western Europe, when men talked of reform, even if they could not clearly determine wherein it ought to consist ; and when even those who were friends of the old order of things, urged reform, though the old attachments made them irresolute, in comparison with the often headlong zealots for a change. A century had rolled away since the demand for reform had been the w^atchword of almost the whole of the western church, even in its ecclesiastical councils. This cry had abated, but was never put to silence, till it was again loudly raised through Luther. At such times the ideas of uneasy minds hover around a name, a word, often without further apprehension of its significance than that it is connected with deliverance from the old constraint. It acts as a skeleton-key of argument, which is to dissolve an enchantment. So Avas it with many Lutherans, who knew little more of Luther than that he defied the pope and the priests. But not merely were such common challeni2;es of freedom now at work in Sweden. We have seen how master Lars showed wdiat he thought and wished. Travellers from Sweden, or strangers who had been in Germany, could accurately describe the condition of things in that country. The writings of Luther and others, against the papacy, its doctrines and constitution, were circulated and read with avidity. They were Avelcome in monasteries, among the burghers of towns, among the pastors of churches, among knights and nobles. We find traces of Lutheranism even there, where the reformers, in the peculiar meaning of that term, could not operate. With the exception of Stockliolm, the see of Linkoping was per- haps most exposed to the infection. The great commercial towns of Soderkoping and Kalniar, lay exposed to foreign influence. So too with Wisby, though at first it was defended REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 123 from Lutlieranism, by the regard felt for its bishop. The war, which for a time centred in these parts, also operated against the power of the church. Bishop Brask complains, that all around Kalmar, the Lutherans spread erroneous opinions, and enervated church discipline. He had been informed that the brethren of the hospital at Soderkoping had concluded to send two of their number to Germany, to finish their studies there, and that one of them in his preach- ing, had declared himself favorable to the Lutheran errors. The bishop, therefore, strictly forbade the prior to allow them to leave the limits of Sweden without the king's and the bishop's consent, because so many parts of Germany were infected with that heresy. But if their going out of the country was necessary, they must previously appear in person before the bishop. Berendt Von Melen, who had the investiture of Kalmar, was advised by the bishop not to suffer priests to unite in marriage persons who were nearer of kin than the fourth or fifth degree, according to church law and established custom : " notwithstanding many of Luther's party countenanced such and many other evils ichich luere comploined of as verij coinmon.^^ A Dominican monk Y/ho collected alms in the neighborhood of Skenninge, had, in the presence of many, said that he gave what was collected, to the monastery and St. Olof the devil. Nor were the walls of Wadsten itself, a shelter from trouble. Tlie brethren of this monastery, sent the above- quo Led letter of master Lars, to their bishop, to ask his counsel and aid. The spark had kindled. Within their cloister, often before the theatre of strife and discord, had appeared a disposition to freer opinions, and many turned to the side where it was believed the favor and grace of the king would meet them. In the case of the Lutheran heresy, they dreaded more the human than the divine majesty. The bishop, who thought he saw in the letter of master Lars, much that was not seemly in a good prelate, counselled 124 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL them not to allow themselves to be drawn from the true fouixhUion of truth, though an angel from heaven preached any other. Religion depended more upon the simplicity of truth, than on the subtle and swollen words of worldly science. lie wished them to bear in mind, what canonical law established respecting obedience, the church's unity, the church's order, and the church's property. But he was himself excited, by all he had learned, to stronger measures and courses of action. Two years before, m 1522, he had publicly, by a notice at the entrances and doors of churches, and by proclamations from the pulpits of all towns, forbidden to buy, sell, receive, spread, or read, the writings which emanated from the Lutheran heresy, until a council of the chm'ch had examined their contents. To the town of Soderkoping, the bishop, on June 3d, 152 i, wrote that he daily learned that many men from abroad, both mer- chants and others, brought into the diocese these heretical doctrines and books, and seduced Swedes not better informed than to abandon holy Christian truth and obedience. He, therefore, would implore them not to postpone truth to such false doctrines. The burgomaster and council ought, if any one was faulty in this respect, to take bail for his person, and sequester his property, till the king and spiritual judges had pronounced a decision on his person and goods, accord- ing to the equity of the church and of the civil law. The prohibition was repeated, on Easter Even of 1525, and was now affixed to the doors of all the churches and convents within the diocese. The bishop was persuaded that the Lutheran heresy would be arrested. God would not always be angiy Avith his people. Its errors were enu- merated. The friends of this heresy condemned the ma^^s, despised the sacraments of the church, disapproved the holy estate of single life, and would open the doors of the con- vents, that monks and nuns might freely leave them, and EEFORJIATION IN SWEDEN. 125 enter into wedlock. They overthrew the images of Christ and the saints, and forbade as godless the worship of the Virgin. They wanted to make the estate of the church odious to the laity. They recognized, in the civil power, the right to break and alter the ordinances of the church, and to gain a freedom which they called Christian, but which might better be called Lutheran, yea, Luciferan. They despised the judgments and laws of the church and state. They declared the merit of good works, purgatory, confes- sion, penance, fasts, canonical times, invocation of saints, prayers for the dead, and indulgences, to be but the devices of men. Laymen, priests, and monks, were infected with these errors, spoke of Lutheranism as of the gospel itself, and were ready to defend the doctrine of their chief, because they knew nothing of it, or at least, did not understand it. All, therefore, ought to beseech God to protect his church, to warn people and priests against these errors, and attend to the church's doctrine, customs, and ordinances. Li conlusion, Brask continued diligently to watch the pro- ceedings in G-ermany, expressed his hopes when he thought he perceived the heresy to be on the decline, and published such refutations of it as he deemed most likely to effect the object. He addressed king Gustavus, on May 21, 1524, assuring him of the loyalty in which he was bound to him, but beseeching him, for the king's own sake, and for the sake of the kingdom, that he would not further the purchase and sale of Luther's books in the kingdom, or allow Luther's disciples support and protection, before a council of the church should determine what should be renounced or adopt- ed. " The Germans have received no faith for our sake ; neither should we reject any for theirs." This letter was a covert complaint against the king's chancellor. But the king did not leave his servant without protection. He re- 126 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL plied that he did not perceive how he could forbid the writings of Luther, when he had not yet found them con- demned by impartial judges. Writings against Luther were imported into the country. It was but justice that men should have cognizance of both sides. None of Lu- ther's disciples had asked aid or protection from the king. But if it were so, the bishop ought to know that the king- was bound, in his sovereignty, to protect every subject. If the bishop wished, in a lawful way, to address or reprimand any who were under the king's protection, he would find the king offer no impediment. It is remarkable that neither this answer, nor many ex prcssions and actions still more decisive, led Brask to despair of the king. During the three years and more, he passed at home, and in the exercise of his office, he ceased not to warn, to advise, to complain, and to remonstrate, with king Gustavus himself, and his friends. But, the hope of better times, though lessened, was not abandoned by him. As late as 1526, he writes, that he had hopes of the king, " whose heart is in the hand of God, who is able of a Saul to make a Paul," if only evil counsellors were put away from tlie king. The friends within the land in whom Brask most trusted, and to whom he could open his heart, were the high stew- ard of the kingdom, Thure Jonsson, and the bishop elect of Skara, Mans Haraldsson. The latter was a good papist, though dissatisfied with the difficulties which arose to his obtaining the see, and straitened in his energies by the uncertainty of his position. He approximated to Brask, and rarely undertook anything without consulting him. Brask made him his deputy at the diet held during this year not being present there in person ; and set his seal to no decree Avithout concert witli the bishop elect of Skara. Mans, too, closely watched the progress of events. "Wlicn ho REFORMATION IX S\\T£DEN. 127 received some heretical books from master Sven, canon of Skara, then engaged in the king's chancery, and in 1529, elected to the see of Skara, and which books were sent to the king from Rome, he left them with Bishop Brask, and to the information that the king caused them to be sent, adds this prayer : " May God forgive those who sent such books to a stiff-necked people, hard of heart." To these men, a respect for the church's law and consti- tution, was the first and imperative duty of a Christian man. Canon law soon appeared to be their bible. The rules of canon law, and the schoolmen, were to them what proofs from the Holy Scriptures were to the Lutherans. So acted Dr. Nils, of Striingness, and so bishop Brask. When some scholars from Upland, as Rasmus Ludvigsson relates, came on a certain occasion to bishop Brask, he asked them what the Lutherans taught. They answered, " The pope is anti-christ, and the prelates followers of anti-christ." " Then," said the bishop, " it is not long since the admin- istrator, Sten Sture, placed me at his right hand, and now I shall be proclaimed an anti-christ." lie proceeded to in- quire on Avhat these new teachers relied. The scholars answered, they relied on Paul. On this the bishop rose up from his seat and exclaimed, " Better had Paul been burnt, than that he should be where we may suppose." * This is the very expression it is declared that he used. It is not unlikely, though the words were not meant to apply to St. Paul in particular. According to the views of the Roman church, which supposes its developments to be under the immediate teaching of the Holy Ghost, a return to the pure and simple teaching of the apostles must be a heresy, and the apostles themselves must appear as heretics when they stand forth to protest against these developments. * When, before bishop Ogmund of Skalholt, a certain priest was accused of heresy, he was asked, on what he built his heresy. He replied, "On the words of St. Paul." The bishop rejoined, "Paul was a teacher for the heathen, not for us." 128 IIISTOIIY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Bishop Brask issued out threats of excommunication and interdicts -within his diocese, but without success even there, when an order of the king that compulsive measures should not be employed rendered the bishop's blows impotent. Neither was he from the first supported in his zeal. No- where could threats and interdict be issued except in the diocese of Linkoping, nor there with the same force and authority as aforetime. We are in want of information how the chapters of the several sees were aiTected tow^ard the cause of the Eeformation. That the chapter of Upsala was attached to the cause of the papacy is clear enough, although., it had suffered much in the contests of its bishops with the administratoi-s and the kings, from the time of John Bengts- son, and had thence learned caution. The differences of opinion in the chapter of Striingncss may furnish a presump- tion of a like condition of things among the rest. Seldom or never does a case arise among men,^ however founded on right, but that it is neglected or betrayed by some of those wdio ought to be its protection. John Magnus could certainly, as papal legate, if else able after the death of pope Adrian, to take cognizance of it& concerns, be possessed of the power to take the necessary measures for quieting the church. But he was fettered not only by his o-wn natui*al want of decision, but by his electioit as archbishop, and his uncertain position as long as the pope did not approve the deposition of Trolle. As long, too, as a man attached to the Keformation stooil near the kin'T in the enjoyment of his full confidence, Magnus might not have thought it advisable, by rigid measures, which would have proved cmjity, to expose his real want of power. In 1523, Olaus Petri, with others, had received a sum- mons, and been warned by him to desist from preaching the gospel. But we do not find that he did anything more. The disorder and commotion in the Swedish church must not, however, be represented as at th'is time such, that the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 129 old order was lost, and its preservation set at nauglit. We have already spoken of the signs which, in the year 1524, foreboded the storm. But, in general, the community of church and state, proceeded in the order of law, according to the old institutions and customs. The rites of public worship went on uninterruptedly ; the discipline of the church was maintained ; the chapters examined the candidates for the different grades of office, and the bishops made visit- ations of their sees. Bishop Brask gave forty days' indul- gence to all such as would aid the abbot of Nydala to collect the rents, which were wont to be paid to the convent from the district of Smaland, but of which, after the massacres of Christian the cruel, the returns were more slowly rendered by the peasantry. In the year 1525 was printed, at Upsala, a collection of the decrees of the council of the ecclesiastical province of Upsala, which had been issued in 1440, during the life of archbishop Nicholas Ragvaldi ; at the same time there was published, at Upsala, a popish mass book, and a manual of prayer at Soderkoping. As the so called year of jubilee was approaching, in which every pilgrim to the shrines of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome, obtains a full indulgence, Clement VII. issued beforehand a bull. In this bull, it was made known, that, in consideration of the great distance from Pome, the war, and other hinderances, the jubilee would be observed in Sweden, by whoever confessed his sins to any father confessor that might be chosen, which father had the power to release the person confessing from all sins, and from all, except the four cardinal vows, provided, that, after confession, he fasted on Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday, repeated on these days five paternosters and ave Marias, in memory of the sufferings of Christ and the five wounds ; giving also, according to his ability, alms to the poor, and receiving the eucharist the following Sunday. The papal chair remitted all money dues of this year of jubilee, a remission very acceptable to bishop Brask. " They 130 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL who favored heresy," he said, " pretended that indulgences were a bribe for good works, and a mere means of getting money for the pope. They were now confuted ; since the pope gave this indulgence for nothing, and since he who received it was excited to fast, give alms, and, as far as human infirmity admits, be worthily prepared for the recep- tion of the Lord's supper." Since the time, when Arcimbold Avas engaged here, in his office of pardon monger, what a change had six years WTOught for Rome ! Then the grace of indulgence was sold for money, now it was given for nothing, if anybody would take it. The end of the year 1524, Avas memorable for the first public disputation between the contending parties. Wlien king Gustavus held his Christmas festivities at Upsala, at his request, and that of many of his council, this disputation was held in presence of the chapter, between Olaus Petri and doctor Peter Galle. This man, an intimate friend of bishop Brask, was scholasticus of the chapter, or, as he calls himself, professor of theology at Upsala. He died in 1537, or the year after. He must have been considered the most skillful champion of the land, to defend, by pen and tongue, the Koman church, as he was more than once summoned to that duty. Pie was a learned man, but in disposition he was still and quiet. His name was Galle, but he was with- out gall. The disputation involved the most, momentous tenets, in wliich the papists and Lutherans differed from each other. It was carried on with much vehemence, and Olof was the superior, in that ho proved his propositions from holy scripture. This report of the disputation may 1m? relied on, for the thing itself has strong probability. It corresponded with the kind's course of conduct, not to declare himself for either side, but to allow the champions to measure their REFORSIATION IN SWEDEN. 131 strength, and by that means to gain more certain informa- tion. This must also have been a contest very agreeable to the wishes of Olof, and those like minded, for the contest was itself a victory, and was the means of attracting attention to their doctrines. It is the usual difference between the friends of the old and the new views, and marks their respect- ive merits and defects, that the former rely upon the cause to defend them, the latter upon themselves to defend the cause. What Kasmus Ludvigsson reports of Brask's dissatisfaction with the archbishop's permitting this disputation, and thus drawing things ah-eady settled in the church into a fresh in- vestigation, is very much in agreement with that bishop's principles. But our oldest sources of information are, in this case, not altogether clear. Tegel reports the case, but is undoubtedly mistaken, when he makes the twelve ques- tions put forth in 1526, to be a fruit of this disputation. Messenius furnishes us the same substance of debate, but gives the wrong year, when, as does the oldest witness, Rasmus Ludvigsson, he refers the matter to 1525, in which year the king passed his Christmas not in Upsala but Wadsten. In the year following, 1525, there was again a disputation respecting the truth at the diet of Westeras. We know no more of it, than that John Magnus, according to his own report, with energy and success, placed himself in opposition to the new teachers. The beginning of the year 1525, Avas made full of signif- icance by the marriage, on Septuagesima Sunday (Feb- ruary 12), of Olaus Petri, who, "being a deacon, thus re- belled against papal usage, and put at defiance the exist- ing laAvs of the church." He wanted not precedents, since the marriage of clergymen had taken place in Germany as early as 1522, though he had not the example of hiij master; since Luther was not married till June, 1525, some months later than Olof. The case was a thunderclap of 132 niSTOllY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL scandal, altliougli somewhat softened by his not having yet taken priest's orders. The bishop of Linkoping could scarcely credit the reprort when it reached his ears, and was reluctant that the heads of the church should leave the case without avenging it. He mourned over it to his friends, and wrote the same day to the king and the archbishop. He urged the latter, by his sense of duty, to put a stop to the delusion, and if it was necessary, to call on the king for aid. To the king he represented, that this mari'iage of a man belonging to the spiritual estate, and who was in the metropolis of the kingdom, was a topic of conversation throughout the land. jMuch irregularity would be the result, as the law did not recognize the inheritance of the children of priests. Tlie Greek church did not permit those who were already in the clerical state to marr}', although she permitted those already married to be, on certain con- ditions, ordained. The marriage of master Olof, therefore, was not legitimate wedlock or the conjugal state, but he would, according to the church's rule, be under a curse for such an act. Tlie king, therefore, should aid in punishing this ofiencCj'as was the duty of a Christian prince. John Magnus was, as usual, still and quiet. The king again declared, that he was ignorant of Olof's marriage, till it had already taken place, nor when it occurred had he been at Stockholm but in IJpsala. He had already sum- moned master Olof, and desired him to say how he avouIcI justify his action, so contrary to old usages. Master Olof answered, he would justify it by the law of God, before equitable judges, who Avould take into account, whether the law of God should not take precedence of human law. "Such being his answer," continues the king, ''that he entirely submits to be judged thereby, we cannot refuse him. If he cannot defend and justify himself, we leave him to the consequences." It seemed to him strange, that a man, who belonged to the spiritual estate, should, according to the laAV REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 133 of the pope, be excommunicated for marriage, which God had not forbidden, and yet not be for breaches of the sixth commandment. It appears that the predictions of the ill will and troubles to be raised by OloFs marriage were not verified. Clerical celibacy was, with difficulty, after its introduction in 1248, enforced, at least mth strictness, within the Swedish church. The dissatisfaction of the people at first with the restriction itself, and afterward with its loose observance, diminished the dissatisfaction when it was thrown aside. It was so common for the priests to live in commerce with women, though not sanctioned and blessed by the church, that the supplement of the church's blessings could not be scandalous in the eyes of those who were living in no nearer conformity to the church's teachings and lavv's. Concubinage was so common, that fines for the mistresses of priests and their bastards, were no inconsiderable sources of revenue to the bishops. King Gustavus, v/ho strictly maintained his purpose to restrain the abuses of the old order of things, and check the forwardness of the new, took, during this year, a step which advanced the improvement in the church's faith and teach- ing. The Lutherans constantly appealed to the Holy Scrip- tures, as the witness against the doctrines and constitution of the church, as then existing. The popishly affected clergy were exceptionable judges in the dispute. The ap- peal must be to the people. But to form a judgment they must have a knowledge of the word of God, on which the men of the new views avouched themselves to stand. The Bible must be made accessible in the mother-tongue, in order to determine the controversy. The common people demand- ed such a translation. But the wish to open to the hearts of men the healthful streams of the divine word, for comfort and consolation, was compatible with Koman catholic, though not with papistic belief; since no general council had con- 134 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL firmed the policy adopted in 1229, of forbidding the laity to possess or read the Bible in their mother-tongue. Transla- tions already existed before the Lutheran Reformation. There was, however, at this time, no translation of the Holy Scriptures to be found in the Swedish tongue. Por- tions had been translated, but not the whole, and these por- tions were very rarely in the hands of the people. The translation which doctor Matthias, father confessor of St. Bridget's, made, was so scarce, that bishop Brask, in 1525, knew of it only by report. In the year 1522, came out Luther's translation of tlfe New Testament. Two years after came out the Danish translation, which is attributed to the burgomaster of Malmo, Hans Mickelsen, who was a fugitive with king Christian. This is said to have called to mind the need of having the precious possession in the Swedish tongue. King Gustavus made application on the subject to the archbishop elect, and desired that the prelates of the church would provide a translation of the New Testament in Swe- dish. The king alleged, as a reason, that almost all nations had the New Testament, indeed the whole of the sacred vol- ume, in their own language. The times were such, that, in consequence of the many disputes respecting the sacred "writings, it was necessary to lay them open before all Christian people and congregations, that pious and well-in- formed Christians might render an intelligent judgment, in order to quiet the existing divisions. The king had with sorrow learaed, " what even I," says John Magnus, " must, alas ! acknowledge to be true," that the clergy were so ill educated, that very few of them could preach God's word to the people. Some could not correctly read the Holy Scrip- tures, still less expound them ; and for such it was undoubt- edly useful to have the Bible in their own language. By this means, foolish and indiscreet persons were deprived of an occasion for interpreting the Scrioturcs, as had often REFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 135 been attempted by such, in monasteries and other places. " Plis majesty declared that we were shepherds, and obliga- ted, by every consideration, through learned and sufficient men, to feed the sheep of Christ with the word of God ; and that, if we refused to take upon us this work, he could not see how we deserved the name of shepherds, when we not only did not feed the sheep, but grudged them pasture ground." These reasons of the king are enumerated by the arch- bishop, in his letter from Stockholm, dated on Trinity Sun- day, June 4th, 1525, to the bishops, chapters, and some monasteries. Pie adds that he could have no objection, but promised, with the assistance of many of the bishops, to fulfil the wishes of the kino;. And because all those who were called shepherds, were obligated to this work, at least all to whom God had given that grace, he had, after consultation with the king, apportioned the New Testament among the chapters, and some learned men in the convents. Pie had also, by the king's permission, advised them all immediately to undertake the translation of the parts respectively as- signed to them. As soon as the archbishop returned home from German}^, one or more of each chapter was to appear at Upsala, where he summoned all his fellow-laborers to meet, on the 10th of September of that year, so that each might give, in presence of the re^t, an account of his work, and according to their combined judgment, a complete translation be produced and approved. The parts were so distributed, that the chapter of Upsala was to translate the gospel according to St. Matthew, and the epistle of St. P^aul to the Romans ; of Linkoping, the gospel of Mark and both tlic epistles to the Corinthians ; of Skara, the gospel of St. Luke and the epistle to the Gala- tians ; of Striingness, the gospel of St. John and the epistle to the Ephesians ; of Westeras, the acts of the apostles ; of Wexio, the epistles to the Philippians and the Colossians ; of 136 IIISIOIJY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Abo, the epistles to tlic Tliessalonians and Timothy. To the vicar of the Dominicans and his brethren, were assigned the epistles to Titus and the Hebrews ; to the minister of the Minorites and his brethren, the epistles of Judc and James ; to the brethren of Wadsten*, the epistles of Peter and John ; and to the prior of the Carthusians and his brethren, the book of the Revelations. We know no other country, where, at this time, the church had a proposal so high and consequential, as that now made by the king to the church of Sweden. What -would have been the future of the Swedish church ; what of our fatherland ; had the spiritual estate, with united hearts and luuids, arisen to accomplish the momentous un- dertalcing, with one voice, to speak in our tongue, the won- derful works of God ? There had not been an immediate separation from the lloman chiu'ch. There had beeij a col- lision and a struggle, whose consequences we may not ven- ture to estimate. It was not the illegality in itself of the measure, but his opinion of its utility, which again called out bishop Brask in opposition. The archbishop was now out of the way of his reproaches, and he turned to Dr. Galle of Upsala. He was in the highest degree astonished, that the archbishop, without consultation with the heads of the church and its chapters, should " enter into this labyi'inth." So many translations into the mother-tongue, had but bred so many heresies. This it was which led to the revolt from the church of the Bcguinc^s. and the poor men of Lyons. The Scriptures might be interpreted, or ex])laincd, in a fourfold manner. They could not, therefore, without much danger to souls, be explained in a literal sense. The letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life. Such a translation could not benefit laymen who were not book learned, for they could not then read it ; while among those acquainted with books, both of the clergy and laity, there were few who did not un- derstand the naked text, at this lime, as well as hitherto, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 137 though it was now maintained otherwise, in scorn of the Tjlergy. If the translation now proposed were rejected, as containing Lutheran heresy ; or, if any new en-ors were found in it, or arose from it, the Swedish church would thus have the appearance of favoring heresy. He had seen the gospels for the year, translated into Danisli. These which, from similarity of the language, might easily be understood, could be easily made accessible by the facilities of the press, and thus, all that was needed, be gained without danger to the Swedish church. He designed, moreover, to look after the translation of doctor Matthias. The meeting appointed did not take place till September, 1525, probably because John Magnus did not, till then, re- turn from Lybeck. At Wadsten, on Sunday, January 11, 1526, when most of the bishops were present, there wa,s a hasty decision made of the case. The chapter of Linkoping was even ready with its contribution ; and on January 23dy master Erik, cantor of the chapter, was sent to Upsala. "Many," i^Trites bishop Brask to the archbishop, "were of one mind, that delay in the work would be safest, and he should think so, were it not for the carefulness of the trans lator (probably the aforesaid master Erilv) and the maturity of preparation of the theological faculty at Upsala, to whom he was willing to commit all. He hoped the case would be directed by the Holy Ghost." Here all traces of the progress and termination of tne work are lost. Whether it was thought best to put off the work, or whether there could not be had an agreement in a common translation, or whether the workmen were not ready with their parts, is unknown to us. There soon after occurred hinderances to the carrying on of the work. In the year 1526, there reached Stockholm, a translation of the New Testament, composed in the spirit of protestantism. It is singulai', that in regard to a work of this compass and importance, there should be wanting an accurate 138 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL account of its authors. That their names have not come down to us, is the less surprising, as the evident object is, to appear unconnected with the party strifes respecting the doctrine and constitution of the church, while the names of the translators would have stamped it as a party produc- tion. But during and after the times when it came out, general opinion has not fixed upon its authors. No con- temporaneous witnesses are to be found ; and later ones are divided in attributing this undertaking to Laurentius An- drew, or Olaus Petri, or both ; some giving reasons in favor of one or other of these men, probably no better founded, than because at this time, no other than these two can be found, from whom to expect such a work. That with these men, the sponsors of the ^new direction things were taking, the translation had its origin, there is no reason to doubt. But when we, with most authors, are disposed to assume that Laurentius Andreas was its genuine author, we acknowledge that we have no other reason for this assump- tion than that the translation betrays a consistency and maturity^ which, in a work of tJiis sort, is not to be expected from one of Olof's age. We regard it, however, as highly probable, that in this matter the two friends consulted together, and worked in concert. Wliat relation this enterprise had to the challenge made to the heads of the church, to provide a translation, cannot be certified on historic testimony. But, when the provision was made by the same men, avIio, in matters that concerned the church, were the king's counsellors and prompters, the work may be considered as the result of that challenge, and as itself a challenge to rivalry. Either in the year 152G, the work had been already put to press, or master Lai*s, who, as a prelate, was included in tlie king's challenge to the church, took, himself, the work in hand. The' proposi- tion made the church, to take in hand, by her principal men, this great work of the churclu was in keeping witli the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 139 king's usual course, not to pass by these men in any tiling, in which their co-operation could be reasonably counted on. Their rejection was a judgment of the Koman church upon itself. The prompt accomplishment of the task was, for the fi'iends of the new order of things, much easier than for those of Rome. These latter were embarrassed by doubts, not only whether the work should be taken in hand, but how. They, on the other hand, who had no need to con- form their opinions and modes of expression to an abstruse and difficult system of theology, could, with surer step, greater confidence, and brisker progress, carry the Avork for ward. Lars, or whoever was the translator, had also in Luthei a predecessor and leader, in whom he could place depend- ence. This relation to Luther's versions was not mentioned, as, in all public measures, steps, and proclamations, which related to the reform of the church in king Gustavus' time, the words Luther and Lutherans were avoided. But the Swedish translator was far from being a slavish follower. He differs in many places, omits the disputed word all, which Luther inserts, Rom. iii. 28, and inserts 1 John, v. 7, which Luther leaves out, and these are but examples. He declares that he had consulted many books and many treatises of learned men. The depreciation of the epistle of St. James, which he allowed to be preceded by Luther's condemnatoiy preface, he regarded in conformity with Luther's judgment. He even introduced, though with caution and some alter- ations, those marginal notes, partly to make clear the protestant sense, and partly to explain the words which are to be found in Luther's translation. In the preface, the translator states that he undertook this work for poor simple priests, who knew but little Latin, and were unskilled in the Scriptures, and that other Chris- tian men who could read might have at least the text, as 140 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL given by the evangelists and apostles. It had been required, says this preface, that priests should read Latin ; why then does Paul, enumerating the qualifications of priests, 1 Tim. iii., not reckon among them the knowledge of Latin? As in centuries gone by, among various peoples of Christendom, missionaries established their work of conversion by a trans- lation of the Bible, for which purpose they were obliged to construct an alphabet, so now, in Sweden, the deliverance from the voke of a forci"ii church, dates its commencement from a ti'anslation of the New Testament. This was the first work published at the time of the breaking up of prin- ciples ; and it was considered as a work for the future of the church, the first-born and foundation of the new order. But it was also destined to begin the deliverance of the Swedish language from a foreign domination by which it was op- pressed at the close of the middle ages. Wliat struggles were required for this object, appears from a catalogue of words, with which the translator thought it necessary to preface his work. The v.Titings of the reformers that after- ward came out. and the translation of the whole Bible, fifteen years later, well nigh completed this deliverance. The cause of Swedish progress and freedom, has, therefore, for all time, been married to the truths of protestantism. Nearly at the same time with the New Testament, there was made a translation into Swedish, of the Psalter, and gome smiiU portions of the Old Testament ; but these were never printed. A Swedish translation of the New Testament, in the spirit of llumo, was made " with learning and fidelity," by a canon of Linkoplng, Petrus Bcnedicti, who had there cor- rected (as he said) more tlian a thousand places, falsified in the translation of 152G. Ilis work, to which he was prompted by John Magnus, and in which he made use of the writings of the learned men of his church, was never printed ; and it is probable has not been preserved. It was REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 141 written at a somewhat later period, and not on Swedish ground. Its author, Petrus, was staying this year, before 1527, at Rome, and probably never returned to his native country, which Avas soon abandoned by his friends and patrons, John Magnus and Brask, but employed himself in this occupation, during his voluntary expatriation, with hope of better days. The expatriated archbishop, whom he served as chaplain, could not, from want of funds, procure the translation to be printed. Over the popish church hovered a threatening cloud. The king became, as the enemies of the Reformation said, more and more a captive to those who were about him, and favored the new principles. Much was hoped from a change of counsellors ; but still Laurentius Andreie stood, as he had done ten years before, the foremost man in his confidence, and the attempts at his removal, had only resulted, as one might say, in passing from the fire-pan into the fire. The sedilions in the kingdom, a fruit of the anxiety which agitated all mingls, and loosened the ties of obedience, con- duced to give the king a mistrust of the church. The dis- satisfaction of the clergy sought aid in the credulity of the people, and the consequence was, that the strong hand, which in the ferment of men's minds held the commonalty in check, was laid heavily also on the men of the church, who sometimes were, and more often were suspected of beinu, instisrators of rebellion. Already, in 1523, had the newly-elected bishop of Wes- teras, Per Sunnanvader, begun to write seditious letters; tempted by his love for the house of Sture, and discontent with the taxes laid on the church, but perhaps still more seduced by his naturally adventurous spirit. The king, hereupon, did no more than recall his approbation of the election of Per to the see of Westeras, and deprive Knut, the former chancellor and designed archbishop, of all hope of the metropolitan dignity, as being proved guilty of the 142 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL like seditious practices. These men retired to Dalecarlia, "where, together with the brother of the chapter, master Jacob, who was also pastor of Mora, they fomented rebel- lion. It was among the complaints made, that the hing broke his oath of coronation, because he imposed in an un- christian manner taxes upon churches, monasteries, priests and monks ; took the valuables which were given and con- secrated to the service of God, the offering to the shrines of saints and holy women, and scattered them uselessly over the kingdom, took all the Swedish money from the churches, and in its place substituted valueless money, called kleppings, which he himself rejected, and appropriated the church's tithes, Avhich no Christian prince before him had done. For these, his cruel acts, would the wrath and vengeance of God, as natural results, come upon the kingdom. Allien, aflerward. Per Sunnanvadcr and Knut or Canute, ried to the archbishop of Trondhem, they were claimed, on the ground of the treaty of Malino with the Swedish govern- ment. After a long negotiation and assurance, given by king Gustavus, " that they should be tried by proper judges, and Fuiier and undergo what justice required," master Knut was sent home, in 1526, and tried, not before a spiritual tribunal, but before senators of the kingdom. On the trial sat the bishop of Linkoping, the bishops elect of Upsala, Skara and Striingncss, with the provost, Goran Ivoos, of Upsala; and it cannot be supposed that these, had they found illegality in the conduct of the suit, would have failed to pass their comments. Even Brask admits that there were grave offences committed, yet he hoped in the possibility of an accommodation. To the intercession of the court the king answered, that such cases were not so readily to be pardoned. Knut was condemned, on August 9, 1526. Soon after, Per Sunnanvader was brought home a prisoner from Nor- way. Both were carried in an ignominious manner around REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 143 the gates of Stockholm, clothed in tattered habiliments, Per with a crown of straw, Knut with a mitre of birch bark on his head. Per was condemned at Upsala, in the large hall of the archiepiscopal close, by a court, consisting of many temporal nobles, besides the bishop of Westeras, the elect of Striingness, and the chapter of Upsala, headed by its provost, Goran Thuresson. The spiritual nobles protested afterward against the competency of this court. It was said that churchmen had approved a sentence upon spiritual persons, passed by the senators of the kingdom, but not vvhere lay- men participated without the senate. The protest had no effect. Per was executed at Upsala, during the time of its fair, on February 18th, and Knut at Stockholm, on the 21st of the same month, 1527. The severity of the punishment, and its public ignominy, were before unheard of, but acted as a significant warning to those of the spiritual estates. The temporal power would no more regard consecration to a holy office v/hen crimes were to be punished. Among the participators in the seditious plots, were Robert, vicar of the Dominicans, a Norwegian, prior of the convent at "Westeras, and many monks of that city, among whom, besides the prior, were many of the brethren of the convent, also Norweo;ians. The monks had been sent from thence to Dalecarlia, ^to foment dissatisfaction. King Gustavus de- posed . Robert, put in his place Martin Skytte, as vicar general, and one Nils Andrew, as prior of Westeras ; and ordered Robert and other foreigners in the Dominican con- vent, to leave the country before the feast of St. John the Baptist. Vv"hen the king heard that great disorder existed in the Franciscan monastery of Arboga, he sent there one of his attendants, Lars Sommar, a law^^er, and directed him, in concert with the bugomaster and council of the town, to nominate a guardian for the monastery, and take an invent- ory of its jewels and wealth. The king showed an arbitrariness, which spared neither 141: HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the spiritual persons, nor the freedom of spiritual establish- ments, whenever they stood in the way of the freedom and security of the land. Nor did he refuse, though with caution, not violently to interfere with the administration of the church, to afford his protection whenever solicited by individuals. The daughter of a citizen of Wadsten, whose father, against her wishes, had placed her in a convent, had, by a private message, begged the king's protection, as he stopped in 1524 in that city. He wrote to the bishop, that he ouo;ht not to devote her, and if he did it aj^ainst her will, it appeared to the king irrational and deserving of pun- ishment by him and every good man. What respect the bishop paid the king's remonstrance and recommendation is not known. With great firmness the king, three years later, treated the notorious case of Olof Tyste. This man had been affianced to a girl, who soon after was consecrated a nun by bishop Brask, " not only," as the king says to him, " against the law of God, but also, as ice are instructed^ against what ye call the law of the church." She was taken by her lover from the convent, wiicreupon the bishop excommunicated them. Olof Tyste applied himself to the king, who expressed his surprise that the bishop did not better acquaint himself with the case before making her a nun, declared the excommunication unrighteous, and prayed the bishop to remove it, at least till more of the clunTh's prelates had met together, and examined into this and other matters. ISIany tenants of convents already sought occasion to leave them. The new principles had loosened the bond of mon- astic discipline, when they declared life-long vows to be of no force, and that the service of God could be more worthily performed, and in a manner more acceptable to him, by an active attention to duties without a separation from the world. The monks, especially, were exhorted and stirred up to labor for the propagation of the gospel ; this was the REFORMATION IN SAYEDEN. 145 highest and most important, before which all other vows ought to give way. This consideration determined many, for whom the cells of a cloister had become too cramped. As eajiy as 1524, consultations were held at the monastery of Wadsten, with regard to the conversion of the Lapps and others. Brask would have checked their zeal, by the remark, that it was of more moment to aim at the conversion of those belonging to their o\\^n order who had fallen away. The king himself participated in the good work. In 1525, he gave the charge to one of the brethren of Wadsten, " as king's (?ommissioner, to bring the people of Lapland to the worship of God." In the following spring another monk of Wadstesi took his* departure for Lapland, " with the king's good mil and leave," to promote the faith of God, and if it should prove advisable, there to establish a school " for the children of the Laplanders, and other good men throughout the land.'* He was furnished with a passport from the king* At the close of 1526, the king's protection and favor weare granted a Franciscan monk of Arboga, who, for reasons which he was willing to lay before such men as the king might ap- point, desired to renounce his cloister and his order. From king Gustavus' own words, rather than from known records, we have the means of ascertaining the metliods taken to prevent gifts and legacies to spiritual establishments. At the town-house at Stockholm, the king made ^^ a long dis- course," in presence of the council, respecting the prebends and monks of Stockholm; how they said that the king wished to introduce a new faith into the land, because he wished to put a stop to their covetousness, that they should no longer engross to themselves so much wealth, to the injuiy of the crown and nobility, as had now for a long time been done. This form of expression, then uttered, became, two years after, the law of the kingdom. But before that time action 7 14G HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL was taken by the king in the suppression of the raonasterj' of Maricfrcd or Gripshohn. The administrator, Sten Sture the younger, founded it with certain hereditary property, by consent of king Gustavus' father, who, through his mother, the sister of Sture, was the heir. The law required, that if any one, for the benefit of his soul, wished to give of hereditary property to a church or monasteiy, the gift was binding with consent of the heir ; otherwise, tithes only could be given of such kind of possessions. But Gustavus I. declared that his father was forced to seal this settlement ; was, with menaces and compulsion, crowded out of his in- heritance and rights, and moreover, gave his consent, on condition, that if the cloister, for any reason, should not continue, Gripsholm was to return to the right heirs. The king, arbitrarily, offered the monks in exchange the Cistercijln convent of Juleta or Saba, in Sodermanland, because there was in it a small number and very few brethren, and they could, therefore, there very well be fed, agreeably to the course of life to which they were accustomed. The reasons of the king's dissatisfaction are no further known. But the Carthusians did not find it advisable to accept the offer, because, from the objections the Cistercians would raise, they perceived they would be unable to obtain undisturbed possession. They proposed that each should provide for himself among his friends, or accept whatever the king saw fit, as they had no other resource, and added that few of them remained to perform masses or serve God in any other manner for their maintenance in food and clotlies. Those who withdrew were to be supplied by the king with clothes and money, in compensation of which, he was to retain certain funds of the convent taken in pledge. A council of the kingdom adjudged the convent to the king, at the diet of Wadsten, and the bishop of Striingncss witnessed the deed of resignation given by the monks. In the spring, the convent was evacuated by the monks, and afterward REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 147 their butler, Erik, received from the king the charge of its property. He received, as soon as the agreement with the Carthusians was closed, an order to transmit to Stockholm the chest of silver Avhich stood there in custody, yet so secretly, that the brothers were to know nothing of it, and he was to restore to the owners the evidences of pledge which were left with the monastery, and take a sum of money for such restored evidences. The property of Sten Sture and his wife was removed from Gripsholm to the neighboring church of Kjernbo in Sodermanland, and finally from thence, by duke Chaiies, in king John III.'s time, to the cathedi'al of Strangness. That Gustavus, in this case, went beyond strict justice will not be denied; and his enemies saw a judgment from on high, in the events which made this place of Gripsholm a mournful witness of the fraternal hatred of his sons. The king had, of old, the right, on the occurrence of a vacancy among the prelates of the chapter, to present to the bishop the man whom he wished to promote. This right was sometimes exercised by Gustavus, at this period, to pay the incomes of those who were the officers of- his chancery. Thus the income of the dean of Linkoping was received by the king's clerk, John, until it was in 1526 restored to its former possessor, the elect of Abo, in consideration of liis services to the kingdom. The strength which the new principles acquired by their continued progress, and the king's manifest inclination to- ward them, at last waked John Magnus from the slumber into which, as is common to weak minds, he had been lulled, by the hope that time would cure the evil, and give his irresolution the color of judicious calculation. He had, the previous year, resolved upon a visitation of his diocese, assisted in the work, which could only be performed by a consecrated bishop, by one Vincentius, a Franciscan monk, consecrated to the see of Gada, as titular bishop. But he, 148 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL especially displayed his state, when, in the winter of 1525-'G, he travelled with a train of two hundred persons, and had even some nobles in his service. Beside the con- secration of churches and their furniture, he was now hot against the Lutheran heresy, and exacted, with severity, fines from the clergy for their concubines and bastards, a severity which was remarked upon by the other bishops of the king- dom. From Ljusdal, in Plelsingland, John wrote, on Feb- ruary 20, 152C, to the archbishop, Olof Engelbrektsson, of Tronhem in Norway. He informs him that, according to what he had before told him, he designed to be in Jemtland in the month of March, and begs an interview there with Olof, in order to renew their old acquaintance, and " consult tosjether on the affairs of the northern kingdoms and the Christian churches." Whether the two bishops really met, is unknoTNTi to us. But the knowledge of John's connection Avith the man, who, by his protection of Per Sunnanvader and his ac- complices, lay under suspicion of the king, increased the monarch's dissatisfaction at the archbishop's conduct during his visitation. He summoned him to return home, and asked if Christ commanded his disciples to appear with such pomp to the world, or concerned himself with such vanities. The king's more enlighted principles were shocked at such abuses, which gave the more scandal, as proceeding from the heads of the church. And it must have particularly irritated him, that the archbishop warned the people stren- uously against the Lutheran doctrines, and sowed the seeds of hatred to it among them. Neither for John himself, after he manifested his dislike of the men that promoted the jn'inciples of reform, nor for his office, as it hitherto existed, have we further room in tlie history of that ecclesiastical change for the better, which was ripened in 1526, by king Gustavus and his chancellor. REFORMATION IN SAYEDEN. 149 In the spring of 1526, the plans for this object were dis- closed, not merely in those encroachments upon the priv- ileges of the church, to which we have before referred, but in the effort to establish more comprehensive principles and a change, founded on the consent and approbation of the people. The king had summoned the peasantry of Upland to Upsala, on May 18th, being the feast of St. Erik. He came there himself at the head of an army of two thousand horse- men, and no inconsiderable number of foot soldiers. On the heights of old Upsala, he addressed, or, as it is said, held con- ference with the peasantry, on the true faith and worship of God and on state affairs. At his side, upon horseback, was his chancellor, Laurentius Andreoe. The archbishop was not present. The king complained, among other things, that here in the kingdom were too many lazy and unprofit- able priests, and convents full crammed with monks, all of whom were nothing but vermin, who consumed the best fruits of the land. Pie asked, therefore, the peasantry if they did not approve his making an example of such. Those who were learned and competent to preach he would support in a creditable manner. But the other unprofitable priests might well be obliged to feed themselves by the sweat of their brows, as God had commanded. In their stead he would put schoolmasters and scholars, who would educate and foster the youth in Christian learning and good habits, or poor, sick, halt, blind, and lame men, who would thus have necessary food and subsistence. The peasantry shouted, and replied, that they would keep their monks and not have them turned out, even if they should have to feed and sup- port them. They then began to complain that it was the intention to prohibit the Latin masses and other parts of the old faith. The sin of all these new things was to be at- tributed to the chancellor. He induced the king to disturb the privileges of the church. They demanded, with in- 150 UISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL creased arrogance and furj, tlie king's leave to drive the chancellor out of the city. " Do ye know him ?" asked the king smiling. " We know liim not," replied the peasants, " but if we had him here upon the ground, we should cer- tainly learn to know him." Laurentius Andreas being present, was an ear-witness of these expressions. This parley shows, that as yet the people were not ripe for any change in the church, although in Upland the preaching of the gospel, taken in the wider sense, was more diffused and unimpeded than in the southern parts of the kingdom. It also appeared how general was the impression that Laurentius Andreas was the man who influenced the king to principles and acts opposed to the old discipline.* This transaction, with the king's open declarations, and his attempt to win the peasantry to a reform in the church, awakened strong solicitude. " We have no remarkable tid- ings from Upland," writes bishop Brask, on the 16th of July, to Thure Jonsson, " except the conference at the feast of St. Erik, of which every one has enough to say. May God dispose all things for the best !" King Gustavus's disappointment at the result of the at- tempt on the peasantry, vented itself in his treatment of the archbishop elect and the chapter of Upsala. On his return to the city, from the parley at old Upsala, he nominated John Magnus a mock earl, and placed on his head a gar- land of flowers, which he wore on his ride home. This is thought to have been done to depreciate the archbishop in the eyes of the people. But it is doubtful whether it is not merely the report of later times. John himself does not * On a certain occasion, the year after these events, the peasants peti- tioned the king for the Latin mass. He called his chaplains and told them to curse the peojjle in Latin. He then bade the people answer for them- selves. They replied: "We don't understand what is said ; how then can we answer?" The king replied : "What do you want then with Latin masses. Ye don't understand them." REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 151 mention such an a,ct of degradation, though, if it were so, he surely would not have forborne to consider it a part of the martyrdom which his whole life appears to have been, from the time he was elected to the crosier of Upsala. At Whitsuntide (May 20th), he is represented as having undergone a humiliation. John was desirous, on this oc- casion, to exhibit the dignity and riches of his office. The king was displeased, both with the sumptuousness and ex- travagance of the entertainment, which himself could not have provided " in half a year," and at the haughtiness with which his host, seated on one of the two elevated dais, turned to the king, seated on the other, and said, "Our grace drinks to your grace." The king answered, " Our grace and your gi'ace have not room under the same roof," and with these words he left the table. When, on the same visit to Upsala, Gustavus was present with the chapter, he asked doctor Galle, whence the church derived her privileges and freedom ? Galle answered, that the holy church had them from Christian emperors, kings, and princes; nobles and commoners had also given goods and property to churches and monasteries for the support of persons who should attend on the worship of God. These gifts, the tem- poral sovereigns had made sure, by their letters of donation, so that the grants might be inviolable and eternal. The king further inquired, whether kings and princes might not, in the chances of time, recall these privileges, whenever in- considerately given, being deceived by the preaching of monks and priests, and the idea of souls being delivered out of purgatory, which had no authority from Ploly Scripture ? To this, doctor Galle made no answer. Even the arch- bishop, to whom the king put the same question, remained mute, because he marked the king's anger rising. But the provost Goran Thuresson Roos, began with zeal to defend these privileges. What princes had once granted and as- sured to the benefit of the church, their successors could not 152 HISTORY OF TlIE ECCLESIASTICAI. recall, Avithout God's highest displeasure and everlasting condemnation. Finally the king bade him corroborate his assertion by proof from holy "VATit, and he miglit then enjoy it for himself; he denied not that they who industriously wrought in the church, to promote the honor of God, should have sufficient support, but the others, " lazy bellies," who- could do nothing but unprofitable bawling in churches and convents, were deserving; of nothin";^ "VVlien it cajne to= proof from Scripture, even the provost was silent. John Magnus, who began to take a more independent po- sition in regard to the king, is suspected of having been at work for the preservation of his church, by secret machina- tions. There were reasons for believinjr that he sought to form foreign alliances, to the injury of the king and king- dom. Pic was therefore summoned to Stockholm, and there placed in custody, in the convent of grey monks. Pie was soon, however, set at liberty, and left the kingdom forever, in October of the same year. Different reasons ai'e assigned for his depai'ture. Either, as is said by John himself, after the resolution to put him to death was abandoned, the king banished him ; or he was employed in a commission to. ask for the hand of Iledvig, the I*olisli princess, though the king afterward refused his assent to the negotiations of John ; or he feigned some public commission as a pretext for leav- ing the country, and of his own accord made this overture in Poland. That John desii'ed now to leave Sweden, his subsequent conduct pi-oves ; that the king was pleased with his being out of the way, seems not to be doubted. But, under what specious plea ha left his post, is not clear. Pie set out on his journey with whatever things of value and books he could collect together. His vessel was lost on the rocky isle of Stockholm ; upon wlnK'h, after he had re- turned a Avhile to the city, he called together the priests of Koslag in the church of Soderby, and pleading that the ship wiL=^ lost on which Ivc had embarked with his effects, on u REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 153 foreign mission ; by the king's order, requested of them a sub- sidy, which, on his return should be repaid. The priests loaned him what they had themselves, or could borrow from their friends. The repayment was made at the same time that the borrower returned. From Dantzic, where he stayed, or at least obtained his chief means of support, he endeavored to obtain from the pope confirmation and consecration for himself and the other bishops elect. God, he said, displayed his wrath to him for the punishment of his sins, or as a probation to the bishops elect, whom, forsaken by God, the popes of Home had also forsaken, although at the pope's command he was brought into these troubles. Pie would take his oath, and give his written obligation, to pay for three years after his consecration, annates to the Roman see. He declared his unwillingness on several accounts to return to Sweden, un- less invested with sufficient authority to sustain the church, preferring to exchange his fatherland for banishment, his episcopal office for private life. To the pope he wrote that he could not venture back to his own country, without hav- ing received the archiepiscopal pallium. He solicited the recommendation of bishop Henrik, of Lubeck, and his chap- ter, who, as well as the burgomaster and council of that city, (where the Lutherans had many followers) petitioned pope Clement VH. in his behalf. The king of Poland, its primate and bishops, did the same at his request. During these transactions, tidings reached him of the diet of Westeras. He had obtained information from Swe- den, he writes, which being too true, showed that difficul- ties presented themselves, not less than if Christianity were anew to be established. On this quarter thus died all hope for the banished man. The star of hops, for even his return to Rome, was for a moment eclipsed. The wonderful counsel of God, through which he makes 7* 154 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the prudence of men folly, exhibits itself most remarkably in the revolutions of human affairs. Such revolutions did the years 1526 and 1527 witness, in the events occun-ing in Southern Europe, which extended itself also to Sweden. On the 23d of March of the foraier year, the emperor Charles V. wrote from Spain to many of the German prin- ces, that he designed to solicit the pope to concert with him on the best and surest means of rooting out the Lutheran heresy, and to visit Germany in order to commence there the operations agreed upon. At the diet of Spires was also announced by Ferdinand, on August 3d, the firm determi- nation of the emperor to maintain and carry into execution the edict passed at Worms, five yeai's before, against the Lutheran heresy. But pope Clement VII., having become dissatisfied with the emperor's movements against his schemes, to weaken that prince's power in Italy, had now arranged a holy league against him. The emperor immedi- ately recalled his rigorous orders against the German prot- estants ; was disposed to let the edict of Worms remain unexecuted ; proposed to the protestant princes a compact for a common expedition against the Turk or the pope ; on the 27th of August framed the decree for the calling together of an ecclesiastical council, either general or for Germany ; and, till the controversies were terminated there, each of the estates of the empire was to settle the affairs of the church, as might be justified before God and the emperor. Two days later, was drowned at IMohacz, in his flight from the Turkish sultan Soliman 11. , Lewis, king of the Hungarians and Bohemiaiiii, who had Avilled his crown to Ferdinand, the rigid and zealous popish brother of the em- peror Charles. He abandoned the concerns of Germany to attend to this rich but uncertain inheritance. Amid these disorders, the pope is supposed to have been in alliance with the sultan of the Turks. King Gustavus failed not to remind the pope's friend Brask, of this un- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 155 worthy proceeding. "It strikes us," writes the king to him on November 9, 1526, " that the pope is he who most de- parts from Christian fidelity, in giving himself to the Turk, who now is all powerful over the whole of Hungary, and is close to Germany, and has eminent means for extending liis power over Christendom, where he has support from the pope, who ought to be first and most his foe." The bishop, on this, declared to Thure Jonsson : " To-day our gracious lord has written us, that the pope holds with the Turk, and we cannot conceive how that can be, surrounded as he is with difiiculties on all sides. If it be so, the holy Christian faith or church, can in nothing be betterc-d. He has done, as if he wished to go in the way of others who, for such causes, have been deposed. And there is thus left no sui'e ground for opposing the Lutheran or any other heresy T The suspicion of Clement's conduct, provoked Brask to accept the principles of the councils of Constance and Basil, to which his mind naturally leaned. He replied to the king in much the same strain as that in which he had v/ritten to Thure Jonsson ; but added, " it is no wonder the Turk attacks Christendom, when he hears that the new doctrines are in favor." The mind of the emperor was embittered against the pope. Charles spoke and acted as a foe of the papacy would have done. He declared to the pope his astonish- ment that the vicegerent of Christ could dare to shed blood for the sake of v/orldly possessions. This was contrary to the teachmg of the gospel. Ferdinand received a commis- sion to have recruits raised in Germany. He directed it should be given out that the army was to march against the Turks. Every one well understood what Turks he meant. At the close of the year 15 2G, Clement having previously shut himself up in the castle of St. Angclo, in consequence of the riots in the city of Rome, the German troops of the emperor broke into Italy. In conjunction with the soldiery 15G HISTOIIY OF THE tCCLEblASTICAL of that countiy, who were in arms against the pope, and io defiance of tlic emperor's suspension of arms with that spiritual prince, they stormed Rome on the 6th of May, 1527. "It is the judgment of God," said Brask, when he heard of the differences between the pope and the Cassar, The judgment was now fulfilled. While the elect, but banished archbishop of Upsala, was preparing to solicit the pope more earnestly than ever for aid and protection, the pope himself, a prisoner in tlie capital of Christendom, stood in need of his own and his friend's intercessions and prayers. We must here make a short digi'cssion to follow the two last Roman archbishops of Sweden, the brothers John and Olaus Magnus, to the end of their career. Jolni remained some years in Poland, where he was maintained by the alms of the king and bishops. In 1533, after a protestant archbishop had been for two years seated in the chair of Upsala, he obtained, by an advised journey to Rome, con- firmation from the pope, and was consecrated for the church and province of Upsala, Gustavus Trolle being previously declared by the pope to be deprived of his office, and John himself having now no more annates to give. He was also made the pope's legate to Sweden, to recover the Swedish church to apostolic and catholic unity. But this was novv too late. For some time, immediately after he left Sweden, king Gustavus had frequently summoned him to return, but he refused to leave his darling ease. He now wrote in -vain to the king and chapter of Upsala. The bond between him and fatherland was dissolved. Tlie king had forbidden cor- respondence with him. In 1537, he Avas called again from Poland to Italy, to the contemplated council at Mantua, where he had a vote to support the papal party. The council was postponed, and he stayed some time in Venice, supported by its archbishop. At last, having in contemplation to return to Poland, h? REFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 157 was, instead, invited to Rome by pope Paul IV., and was there quartered in a hospital. After long-continued en- treaties, he obtained at last a better harbor, but in vain solicited the covetous pope for a settled income. Some years passed in empty requests and futile hopes, when the college of cardinals allowed him an annuity, which he received till the time of his death. Yet it is said that during his un- wearied begging applications to the pope, his poverty had six attendants. He died in the year 1544, and was buried in the church of St. Peter at Rome, at the expense of the pope, who then first extended to him a helping hand. Fourteen years later, 1558, was laid to rest by his side his brother Olaus, who, after his embassy to Rome in 1523, never again returned to the Swedish soil. He faithfully shared his brother's misfortunes, and after the death of that brother, was nominated and consecrated archbishop of Upsala and primate of Sweden. After him the archiepis- copal title of Upsala ceased to be considered even in name Roman catholic. Both brothers ameliorated their exile, and kept alive the memory of their fatherland, by historic worlvS. In Dantzic John composed his history of the metropolitan church of Upsala, brought down to his brother's death by Olof, and published at Rome in 1560, after the death of both. In Venice John compiled his praiseworthy history of the kings of the Goths and Swedes, which Olof first published at Rome in 1554. A year after came out, also at Rome, Olof 's history of the northern people, their habits and customs. Olof also made vain attempts to reconcile himself to king Gustavus. In 1554 he sent him the lately published history of John, which, in some copies, probably those designed for Sweden, has, in place of the dedication to the pope, a sim- ilar one to the sons of king Gustavus. He complains, in a letter to the king, o£ May 1st, 1554, that for eleven years, since his appointment to the bishopric of Upsala, he had 158 llISTOlli: OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL not received a farthing, not a word by letter, nor an in- struction from tlie king, wliicli grieved him more than all else. '' That the king built a castle at Upsala and Wadsten, might," says Olof, " be useful, in case any of his sons be- came archbishops, or any of his female descendants wished quietly to serve God in the convent at Wadsten." The king's answer was a mixture of seriousness and pleasantry. Gustavus regarded, at this time, both the reformed church and his own throne as too well established to be annoyed or agitated by the letter of the poor man. The books, he said, when he could overlook and examine them, he would recom- pense according to their merit. The castle at Upsala he had caused to be built, to restrain the superstitious and in- decent outrages of priests. The castle of Wadsten would certainly be erected, that his successors might there live in peace. But, as St. Bridget had prophesied that the last mass before the day of judgment would be held in Wadsten, and that Rome herself should come to Wadsten on that occasion, and as to this end it ought to be adorned, he would, on the part of the young ladies of that convent, beg Olof, as their guardian, to come to their help with a hundred thousand ducats, to be taken as a loan from the worthy mesdames of St. Bridget's at Rome, from the holy doctor, brother Peter, and that pious holy man, Mai'tcn Skinnare, who allowed no good deeds to be unrewarded, as they showed at Lagloskoping and Susenborg. But we return to the position and fate of the Swedish church in the year 1526. After his arrival in Dantzic, John Magnus wrote to Brask, and intrusted to him the care of the diocese of Upsala, in whatever required episcopal acts. This duty he took upon him, but appears not to have been satislied with John's leaving the kingdom. The only comfort he received from John's two letters was, to learn that he had found a safe harbor, while the Swedish church was shaken by the storm. Of the condition of the Swedish REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 159 church he did not wish to write, as it could afford no con- solation. It is not surprising that bishop Brask felt his courage sink and his dissatisfaction increase under the many vexations which now accumulated ground him. The pope neglected the welfare of the Swedish church, and exposed, by an un- wise entanglement in worldly affairs, the strength and dignity of his office. The king now treated him with more disrespect, and an extreme, sometimes an unreasonable degree of suspicion. The temporal sword which, according to the doctrine of Gregory VII. and Innocent III., was committed to the successors of St. Peter, threatened to turn itself against that church. The man who came hither in the name of the pope, to give the Swedish church order and discipline, had brought dismay by his remissness and indis- cretion, and at length deserted his charge. Of the shepherds of the sees, more than half were not acknowledged at Rome, and acknowledged by the government of the country only for the sake of quiet. In full power there stood on this man's side but two bishop^ and in strength and will to ex- ercise that power he stood alone. Ingomar of Wexio, was an inactive spectator of the times, and a yea and nay man in his resolves. Peter of Westeras — already, in 1517, a skeptic in the church's doctrine of indulgences, and ten years later indifferent to the church's riches, partly, it seems, from dissatisfaction with the old church, partly, it may be, from age and weakened vigor — was little interested. The protest against the sentence on Per Sunnanvader, and a later protest, in 1531, are almost the only striking acts of his life. It is singular that John Magnus intrusted the care of the see of Upsala to Brask, and not to the nearest neighbor, which was Peter. How far other men, besides the king, could now venture against the church, was shown by Arvid the Westgoth, who, in 1525, obtained Kalmar, More, and Oeland, in investiture. He took the tithes of the bishon in Oeland, violently Quar- 160 HISTORY OF THE .CCLESIASTICAL. tered on the clergy and tenants of the bishop, carried off the bishop's oxen and horses, levied his fines, imprisoned priests, dissolved marriages, allowed those to go to church who for adultery and other offences had been excommunicated, and committed many other outrages. It was the threatening precursor of the dissolution of the^hiu-ch's discipline, wdiich many times and in many places followed the Keformation, wherever it was carried on with any degree of vehemence. Brask wrote and complained, admonished Arvid, and begged his wife's mediation. Arvid, who pretended to have a com- mission for what he did, denies, in a letter to the bishop, having done anything unlawful, and begs the prelate not to put in use with him any Romish tactics. " May God put an end here to this," exclaimed the bishop, in a letter to Thure Jonsson, " otherwise we shall evidently be obliged to give up all, according to the desires of those who have long coveted it." Tlie disagi'eement between king Gustavus and bishop Brask, proceeded to greater lengths, and was more earnestly pursued on the part of the fornjer, after John Magnus left the country. The bishop desired, from the press he had established at Soderkoping, to circulate over Sweden a translation of some of the German emperor's decrees against the doctrine of Luther, and also the letter against Luther by duke George of Saxony. On the 10th of November, 1526, the king wrote and declared his disapprobation of such an attempt. It was not certain that these edicts were not sup- posititious. The king seemed to himself to find their cir- culation, as well as of George's letter, opposed to his own jurisdiction, as he had not so seriously decided as tliey had done against the doctrine of Luther. The king, therefore, enjoined him to refrain from the promulgation of these writ- ings. " And let there be sent hither," continues the king, " some learned men of your church, who with, reason and demonstration of the Scriptures, can prove that here another KEFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 161 teaching tlian that of the holy gospel is bruited and preached. They shall be heard with forbearance and with all favor, may set forth theu' positions, and where it can be proved that any unchristian doctrine is preached, we will willingly see that they are punished who cannot render a reason." The bishop exculpated himself. Pie had no intention of offend- ing the king, and desired him to place no confidence in those who, without being authorized, carried the bishop's mes- sage. The challenge to a disputation with the priests at Stockholm, he had communicated to his clergy, and they had all declared themselves to harbor no doubt of the Christian truth which hitherto had been held in Christendom. The course of Brask was watched with great suspicion. While they were still lying in press, the king had learned his intention to publish the above-named writings. The bishop complains that his letters were intercepted. The letter to Upsala, in which he censures the new teaching, had come to the king's knowledge, who also suspected that more such were written to many parts -of the kingdom. It had been said, what, however, the bishop denied to be true, that after his printing press in Soderkoping was prohibited, because it did mischief in Stockholm, he caused refutations of Lu- theranism to be printed at Kopenham. The king, there- fore, at last, on February 2, 1527, forbade him to let any- thing go abroad among the simple-minded people, before the king had seen it and investigated the character of its teaching. The question often before agitated, of a religious confer- ence for the settlement of disputes, was, it appears, now taken up in earnest. Dissatisfaction had been expressed through many parts of the land, to the effect, that the king was desirous of introducing a new faith. This the king re- garded as the more unjust-, because he offered that a strict examination should be instituted into the teaching and preaching called new. He now declared his determination 102 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL to call together tlie most learned and eminent men in the land, to investigate what was most true, which should be the base of an unalterable concord. He therefore directed bishop Brask to propose the time and place for such a con- ference. The letter of the king to this effect, bears date January 2, 1527. Fourteen days after, it was answered by Brask, evading the question of a religious conference. Such new doctrines had been before examined in many ecclesiastical councils, and no intelligent man could desire further to dis- pute upon them, contrary to the decrees of all Christendom, But if the king wished, in the course of the summer, for a provincial council, and to caU together the church's prel- ates and chapters, to consider of tliese and other matters, the bishop would in this, proceed according to the royal pleasure. Bishop Brask shunned and feared a disputation on the articles of the faith. He regarded it as dangerous for the disputant, wJio, 2^6'>^haps might himself he wavering in the faith, and so commit a sin in its defence ; and he regarded it as dangerous for the hearers. These mi^lit be confirmed in the faith, if strong defenders were found ; but the simple and weak in faith might easily become still weaker, when they perceived that faith to be called in question, of which they never doubted because they never heard of any deviation from it. Hence had the canon law forbidden lajmen, pub- licly or privately, to dispute on the faith. He would prefer that the king should give up the idea of a provincial coun- cil, under which form he supposed king Gustavus designed matters of faith to be examined ; but if the king could not be induced to change his purpose, one need not be frightened, knowing that patience has its perfect work. It would be proper, however, that such a case should be managed and carried on by men of the same rank and condition, doctor against doctor, knight against knight, king against king. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 168 The king of England liad ali'eady trod on that path. Such is the tenor of Brask's letter to doctor Galle. The reports disseminated through the land of an ap- proaching change Avithin the church, became more and more the topic of all men's thoughts and conversation. The minds of men were the more disturbed as they were the more perplexed and uncertain. In many parts were pro- claimed the hitherto almost unheard-of sentiments, respect- ing the overthrow of the papacy, the spiritual thraldom, the unfitness and incompetency of the priests and monks to be guides in the way of salvation, and many more topics of the like kind. But the new teachers preached many crude ideas, little else than a denial of what had hitherto been rev- erenced as truth. In other parts where these new teach- ers were unable to penetrate, there came alarming reports that the king was attached to a new faith, and they excited the greater alarm, that men wist not what this new faith meant. Many priests who possessed the confidence of the people, represented the case as dangerous to the exist- ence of Christianity. From Upsala such reports were spread over all the archdiocese. During the disturbances in Dalecarlia, in the years 1524 and 1525, complaints were rife against the king, for injuries done to the property of the church, though nothing was said of the introduction of a new faith. But in the year 1526, inquiries on this subject became more lively. Early in the spring, John Magnus had written to the king, of having heard that in Norway, where the news of the king's appre- hended defection was probably carried by Sunnanvader and Knut, prayers were offered up that the king might remain firm in the faith. "It is well prayed," replied the king, " although, perhaps, the most of them know but little of what the true Christian faith is." The dissolution of the monastery at Gripsholm, had ex- cited such interest throughout the land, that Gustavus found .164 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL it necessary to issue a proclamation on the subject through many provinces of the kingdom. There soon followed, occasioned by the above mentioned reports, letters from the king respecting the new faith, as it was termed, to Helsingland, dated on the 2Gth of May, 1526 ; to East Gothland on January 7th, and to West Gothland, on February 2 2d, of the following year. They are all in the main points, of one and the same tenox"*, and clearly show how much was done beforehand for the subsequent transactions at Westeras. It was complained that the king protected and favored in Upland certain preachers, who taught another faith than that we have learned from Christ and his apostles. This was not true. The king desired to die a Christian man, as his father and forefathers were before him. Dissensions had in other Christian lands arisen from the circumstance, that some prominent men were desirous of exercising the vices which had grown up within Christendom, to the oppression and in- jury of many. And here also, in this kingdom, had some begun to press forward to the same mai'k. But the lordli- ness and avarice of the heads of the church were obsti- nately opposed to every change ; an opposition prejudicial to the public weal and the good of the people. The heads of the church, the pope, the bishops, and their allies, had committed unbecoming outrages, and thus put the kingdom in danger. They had for selfish purposes oppressed the laity. So when any one owed them anything, they with- held from hira the holy sacrament, against the laws of God and all equity. This the king wished not to permit, but that like other good men they should recover their debts by law, and at the assize of the proper lord. In like manner it was an objectionable thing with regard to the breach of holy days, that, if any one shoots a bird or takes a dish . of fish, he must pay a fine to the priest on behalf of the bishop. God had not forbidden this, provided it is not done during KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 165 divine service, when a man ought to be hearing the word of God. It was an objectionable thing that priests offending against laymen had privileges above others. There would be better reason in their having only equal justice. It was also objectionable, that, if a priest beats a layman he is not excommunicated, but the layman is if he beats a priest. God had here made no distinction, but equally commanded priests to live in concord, love, and harmony, with laymen, as these with priests. It was objectionable that when a priest dies without having made a will, the poor heirs lost their right, and the bishop, though not of kin, took the inheritance. So also when the king wished to watch over and guard the interests of the crown, and not permit them, as hitherto, to draw the property of the crown to them- selves, or receive the king's fines, they said the king wished to introduce a new faith and the doctrines of Luther. The king had expected that from all Christendom a general diet would be assembled on the subject of these disorders, but as this had not yet taken place, he would call together a coun- cil of the kingdom, and the most prominent men of the whole realm, and by their counsel and consent, under the help of God, ordain what, between God and his conscience, he found to be ri2;ht. The king, on May 18th, 1527, puts forth a kindred de- fence, in answer to the complaints of the DalecarlianS, among which was that of Lutheranism being introduced into the land, and of the kind of preaching in Stockholm, as well as of the Swedish psalms and hymns. The king knew not of any other Lutheranism, than his having ordered to be preached the word of God and his holy gospel, that the priests might not deceive the poor peasantry and people with fables for their own avaricious ends, and trample upon nobles and princes. A swarm of priests and monks called this Lutheranism, and a new faith. The censure of the practice in Stockholm of Swedish psalms and hymns, sur- 166 IIISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL prised him, as " over the whole kingdom in parish churches, it was usual to sing in Swedish and so praise God." It was as well this should be done in our own mother-tongue, as in Latin, which was not understood. At last, but to no purpose, pope Clement VIE., began in 1526, to think of the flock in Sweden, which was well nigh being lost to Rome. Probably the urgent negotiations re- specting the consecration of the bishops elect, recalled this flock to the forgetful heart of the chief shepherd. On Sep- tember 19 th of this year, he TVTote a letter to the bishops of Linkoping and Westeras, in Kome's usual sharp and extrav- agant style. Through the repeated complaints of many, it had come to his ears, that some priests and clerks, and even monastic folk, whose life and faith ought to be an example to others, had so forgotten theu* duty and station, as to re- ceive the godless and condemned doctrines of Luther. The pope had learned that they publicly entered into illicit mar- riage ; that the service of the holy mass was either altogether changed, or wdiolly neglected and abandoned ; that the holy eucharist, without reverence, was received under both kinds ; that Christians of both sexes went to the holy communion without penance, without confession, without contrition ; that the sacrament of baptism was administered without holy unction, holy oil, and consecrated water, not in churches, but in worldly and indecent places ; and that ex- treme unction Avas given in contrariety to the church's order and the decrees of the fathers and councils, and was even re- fused to those who desired it. It was chiefly those to whom the souls of the faithful were intrusted, that seduced them, and incited them to follow the standard and dominion of Sa- tan. It was the duty of the bishops, even if it were requi- site with the aid of the temporal arm, to thrust these un- worthy ministers of the altar from tlie sanctuary, and for that purpose to address themselves to the king and nobility of the kingdom. In conclusion, the pope addresses his letter REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 167 to the king, princes, knights, and all nobles, admonishing them to turn their regards, power, and influence, to support the honor of God's holy name, that, by their exertions, with those of the bishops, the faith of Christ might be purified from these abominable errors. Historic information is wanting, to coiToborate each point of complaint in the pope's letter ; although it is probable that such expressions were the emanations of an unwise zeal. But there is no evidence that the papal letter, which came to Sweden in December, 1526, was published there, or communicated to the king and council. Either the bishops found it most advisable to delay its publication, the rather as from Clement's relations with the emperor Charles V. and with Sweden, they might foresee how useless it would be, or the king had forbidden its promulgation ; and we turn to the complaints made by Brask to his friends. In the soul of bishop Brask, faith maintained a contest in behalf of the old church ; and firm confidence was mingled with deep dissatisfaction and mistrustful dejection. " Be not uneasy," he writes, on January 22, 1527, to doctor Peter Galle, of Upsala, " knowing that faith has its perfect work. We have determined, according to the exhortation of the gospel, to fear Him who can cast the soul into hell. You have your prayers, your address to the Lord God, to St. Erik and other patrons of the kingdom, and nothing shall finally harm, because it is of the church a peculiarity, that she then triumphs when she appears oppressed. For the gates of hell shall not prevail against her." On December 11th, 1526, he wrote to Peter Benedict at Kome : " Your longing for cares, tumults and confusions, must hasten you hither ; and you must not leave your pa- tience behind. We are in hope that it is to us instead of our purgatory ; better here than in future, now than hereafter. The Swedish church is in the worst condition, and will be so as long as God pleases. The poorest peasant in Sweden 168 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL is in a better condition than slie, for lie enjoys law and jus- tice, his proper privileges, and the old good customs of the kingdom. I shall, as f\ir as lies in my power, willingly carry into execution, the papal brief, with consent of the king, which I hope to obtain, since his heart is in His hand and depends on His pleasure, who is always able to make a Saul to be a Paul, by removing evil counsellors." "If the Lord doth not shorten these days," he wrote on the 20th of March, 1527, " we can look for nothing but daily enmity, or await the dissolution of the flesh, when the goodness of God so determines." On occasion of the insurrection of the Dalesmen, in 1527, he exclaims : " God forgive those who have brewed all these evils with their new gospel, which Luther has dragged from the bench, according to the ex- pression of duke George's letter."* Li the midst of these sorrows, hopes, and remonstrances of the bishop, came to him the summons of king Gustavus to the diet of Westeras. Surprised that the place of meet- ing was changed from Soderkoping to Westeras, and uneasy for the quiet of East Gothland, he A\Tote, on May 23, 1527, to his friend, the administrator, Thure Jonsson, " We will certainly drag ourselves up to this diet, though we know what will thence befall us." The important change in the shifting scene, was now about to take place. Gustavus determined to hazard all upon the diet he had summoned on the very confines of the insurgent Dalesmen. A month after, the 23d of ^Nlay, worse had befallen the bishop than he even foreboded. * Petrus Benedict was the bishop's agent at Rome, where he resided in the house of St. Bridget. The bishop paid yearly for his agent's suppoii there, to the abbess of Wadsten, the sum of a hundred marks. REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 169 CHAPTER VIII. WRITINGS CONCERNING THE REFORMATION, BEFORE THE DIET OF WESTERAS IN 1527. THE ANSWER OF OLAUS PETRI TO PAULUS ELI^. THE ANSWERS TO THE TWELVE QUESTIONS. Until the year 1527, there appeared in Sweden, with the exception of the translation of the New Testament, no writings designed to win public opinion to a change in the teaching and discipline of the church. The spirit and con- dition of the times demanded the use of this instrument, less than immediate energy in word and action. For those who desired further instruction, there were in circulation, from Germany and Denmark, works for and against the Reformation. It was such a consideration that called forth the first of the two Swedish works, composed before the diet of Wes- teras ; although we cannot wdth certainty say that even these Avere in general circulation. They are to be received as representing the predominant views of the contending parties, so as to give a clear idea of the material points of the controversy. At this time there lived at Kopenham a Carmelite monk named I*aulus Elii^, come from PloUand, born in Warberg, and therefore a subject of Denmark, though on the mother's side, of a Swedish family. Wlien he speaks of master Sven of Skara as his teacher, he seems to intimate that for some time he had the benefit of education in Sweden, where, it is likely. West Gothland was the home of his mother's 170 IJISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL family, though he does not enter into particulars. He be- longed to the Carmelite monastery at Helsingor, and re- moved to that of the Danish Carmelites erected into a col- lege, and as bachelor in theology, lectured in the university of Kopenham, after king Christian II., on that condition, had transferred to the monastery of Helsingor the hospital of St. Gorau, at Kopenham. He soon took hold of the principles of the Reformation, read and approved the smaller treatises which first emanated from Luther, but afterward stopped short, or rather went back, when the Reformation appeared to him to go too far, and acquired, through this defection, which was sometimes attributed to not very credit- able motives, the nickname of Paul Turncoat. In the year 1526, he opened the campaign against Luther, in a letter to the knight Tyge Ej-abbe. This letter was circulated through Sweden by the enemies of the Reformation, and a copy of it fell into the hands of master Olof. Olaus Petri was requested to reply to this letter, as it might have an injurious influence upon those who were not experienced in the Holy Scriptures. His " Answer to an unchristian letter, which a lying monk called Paulus Eliuj has put forth against the Holy Gospel, which is now, by God's grace come to light," bears date March 28, 1527. In this, his first production, Olaus Petri comes out in sound, vigorous, and noble language, but with little mercy against his adversary, and with a clearness, depth, and compass of thought, which, from the commencement, appoints him that marked position among the learned men of the Swedish church, which posterity has continued to assign him. The grateful disciple defends his teacher against Paul's attack. The latter, had in his letter, which is only known through Olof 's answer, presented a multitude of accusations : as that Luther and his followers were tlie cause of the anarchy Avhich had entered into church and state, and displayed itself in the war of the peasants then raging in Germany ; REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 171 that tliey rejected good works and the books of the learned, and even portions of the New Testament ; desired, from abuses which possibly existed within the church, to remove the usages that were good and wholesome ; denied the free- dom of man's will ; discarded the sacraments of the church 5 Bought to deprive priests of all their incomes ; threw dis* credit on the poverty of monks ; abolished festivals ; with other charges of the like description. Olaus answers eveiy point according to its importance, with greater or less pro- lixity, and retorts upon the popish church the charges which his adversary wished to cast upon Luther and his followers. A careful study of the Holy Scriptures and of the fathers of the church, is apparent in this work of the reformer. From the writings of Luther, which had hitherto appeared, he quotes nothing ; but yet displays an accurate knowledge of them. He was far removed from the blind worship of Lu- ther which had beome so common. Paulus Eliie had blamed Luther for asserting at different times, that the church had been in error for three hundred, for a thousand, for thirteen hundred years. Olaus does not undertake, in this respect, a defence of Luther, but remarks : " He is but a man as we are, and may be mistaken as well as we. But he counsels us to follow the Scriptures. Let us see that what he says corresponds with the Scriptures, then let us follow him, otherwise not." Then, with an air of persuasion, he draws the distinction between the commandment of God and the commandments and ordinances of men, and shows how the latter, by little and little, prevailed, and how a good practice often degenerated into an abuse. He adds, as a defender of the Reformation ; " our fathers have confessedly changed good into evil, why hhould we not confessedly have changed evil into good f Although the church reform in Sweden was, in respect to doctrine, now approaching maturity, we must direct our attention to another nearly contemporaneous production? 172 HISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL " An answer to twelve questions on several points, in -which the evangelical and papal doctrines do not agree, and a refutation of the answer given by doctor Peter Galle to these questions. Olaus Petri. Stockholm, 1527." " King Gustavus had," says Olaus, in the preface to this production of his pen, " laid to heart the differences which existed respecting matters of faith, and made inquiries from both parties, in order to find wherein that difference was most to be found. He had at length become satisfied, that if there was a dissonance in many particulars, there were twelve points in which there could be no concord. The king put these points into the form of twelve questions, sent them to some men of both parties, and begged to have tlieir answers and arguments on the same." Olof supposes the purpose of the king to have been to call together some learned men and prelates of the church, to set them upon proving and settling these questions, and by this means to quiet the disputes. Who were the learned men named to answer the questions is not known. The chief, however, were the two leading champions of the war, Peter Galle and Olaus Petri. To doctor Galle the king sent the questions, on December 4th, 1526, with the request, that by Christmas eve he would return his written answer. The king supposed Galle ob- ligated to give his answer : " Because you are a doctor of the Holy Scri^^tures, and have to that end devoted your studies, that you might be able to teach us laymen those points, which for us to know is necessary to our sal- vation." Tlie questions delivered to Galle were but ten. More were at first not on the list, but the other two, respecting the monastic life and the sacrament of the altar, soon came, that they too might at the same time be answered. After master Olof returned tlie king his answers, he was asked if he were prepared to sustain and defend them, should any REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 173 one appear in opposition "? He declared himself ready and willing so to do, and twice made a journey to Upsala to meet doctor Galle, and had, in presence of the king and council and others, challenged him to the contest. But the latter had excused himself from further disputation. Olof, therefore, prepared a new set of answers, and sent them to him to see if he could find any further objections. Olof was the more incited to do this, as the friends of Galle declared he had gained the victory, and no one would now venture to attack or reply to him. At this point, when Olof had the advantage of the last word, the questions came out in print. The 14th day of May is the date of the printed copies. The significance and importance of these answers, which might be considered as containino; the confession of faith of both parties, and as an evidence of the position and spirit of the leaders when the reform of the church commenced in Sweden, demand of us, as to their substance and quality a closer investigation. The first question was : ''• If we may abandon (withdraw from) tliQ teaching of halt/ men and the churcKs usages and customs, when they have not the vjord of God with them f Doctor Galle divides his answer to this question into two parts. On the first, v/hether we may fall away from the teaching of holy men, he remarks, that the Holy Scriptures have sometimes so high and deep a meaning that they can- not be understood, unless interpreted according to the mind of the Holy Ghost. So speaks Peter of the things hard to be understood in the epistles of Paul. (2 Peter iii. 10.) So the eunuch could not understand the 53d chapter of Isaiah, until Philip was sent to him by the Holy Ghost. (Acts viii.) Holy men who interpreted the Scriptures, have had the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. (2 Pet. i. 21.) God has dealt out divers gifts of grace, some apostles, some the interpretation of Scripture. (1 Cor. xii.) Now after 174 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL that holy men of" the church have taught and interpreted the Holy Scriptures, not according to their own will but in- spiration of the Holy Ghost ; to fall away from the teaching of holy men is to fall away from God and the Holy Ghost, who has spoken through these men. In regard to the other point, of falling away from the church's usages and customs, which are not founded on the word of God, doctor Galle remarks, that such church usages as are reasonable and are not at variance with the Scriptures, and have been a long time held by our fathers, holy and learned men, who were more experienced, in the Scriptures than we, ought to be kept. The apostles had ordained much that is not found in Scripture. (1 Cor. xi. 34 ; 3 John 13 ; Acts xvi. and xvii.) Augustin also writes, that in all matters of the church, which are not mentioned in Scripture, the customs and practices of the fathers should be esteemed as law. Master Olof makes answer : The word of God cannot be altered. If, then, teachers, and so the usages of the church, carry with them the word of God, there should be no departure from them ; for by not doing so respect would be paid to the word of God. But if they have not God's word with them there may be a departure ; for otherwise there would be no difference between God's word and man's word, from which it would follow that God and man were equal, because their word was equal. There is no doubt that holy men, as Ambrose, Augustin, Jerome, and others, were full of the Holy Ghost ; " but it must be known to every one who reads their books that the Holy Ghost did not always direct them when they wrote, since they often, of liuman infirmity, wrote in contradiction to each other, often in contradiction to themselves, if not to the word of God itself." Bat their writings were to he read with judgment, with careful heed how they k^pt close to the Scriptures. That the Scriptures arc sometimes diflicult, does not pro- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 175 ceed from their being in themselves obscure, but from our blindness and ignorance, and want of skill. "It is not the fault of the sun that they who have weak eyes cannot look up to him. He is clear enough in himself, and has no need of being enlightened and clarified." Teachers should interpret the Scripture hj tJie Scriptures ; the Scripture n-liich appears dark and obscure hy that ichich is p)lain and obvious. When it is said (2 Pet. i. 20) that no Scripture is of any private inter- pretation, but that holy men spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost, it follows that they who give themselves to the Scriptures can interpret them. This comes to pass when Scripture is interpreted by Scripture. Certainly the apostles had ordained much in the churches which is not found in the Scripture ; but no one can say what that was, with the exception of some particulars. We have no need to know it, for had there been the need it would have been penned in Holy Writ. Some practices are in use from the apostles' times ; as the mode of keeping the Lord's day, celebrating Easter and the feast of Pentecost, with some others ; but on these things our salvation does not depend. Other things have been changed, as the prohibition to eat blood, that there was no difference between presbyter and bishop. In days of old, when a priest committed open wickedness he was deposed and con- sidered no more a priest, but now it is said that he can be allowed no more to execute his office, but that he is still a priest. The bishop or priest who cumbered himself with worldly cares was deposed from his office. This now takes place no more. They who gave money to become bishop or priest were degraded, as were those Avho took money to bestow the office, but now no man becomes a bishop without giving money to the pope. Pope Marcellus ordained twenty- five men at Rome, who were called cardinals, their office there to baptize those who embraced Christianity and to buiy tlie dead : " now there is such a change made in the 176 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL buriers of the dead and the baptizers, that they are kings ami princes." The second question was : " If our Lord Jesus Christ is found to Juive bestowed on priests, bishops, popes, any power oi' dominion over mankind, other than thai of p)roclaiming his word and will ; and ought there to be any otJier priests than they who dosor Plis answer to the former part of the question, doctor Galle rests upon the words of Christ to Peter (1 Matt, xviii.) : " If thy brother sin against thee," &c. Whej-e it is said : " If he will not hear thee tell it to the church," doctor Galle inserts, " tell it to the /leads of the church.'*'* Accord- ing to this commandment of Christ, the doctor regards spiritual power to have been given to popes, bishops, and priests, over all those who arc disobedient to God's com- mandment, and over all matters consequential to the church's welfare. This position he fortifies from Tit. iii., 10. 1 Cor. V. 5, 11. The question, if there should Ije other priests than those who proclaim the word of God, doctor Galle answers in the affirmative. 1. Because Paul, in his epistle to the Romans (i. 12), and in other places, speaks of manifold spiritual offices, as apostles, prophets and the like. 2. Because the priest's office is to pray for the people. So in the Old Tes- tament, according to the prophet Joel (ii. 17); and what is true under the old is still more true under the new dispen- sation. Christ had also commanded (Luke xviii. 1) always to pray and not to be weary, which Bcdc interprets thus : always to pray, that is to read or sing the seven horjr; canonica} of the church, and tliis intcr}>retation tlic royal psalmist fortifies. (l^s. cxix., clxiv.) 3. liecause the highest office of tlie priest is to consecrate the body of our Lord, and to otfor Ilim for men according to the apostle. (Ileb. v. 1.) Master Olof rc})lios, that Christ taught that His kingdom, is not of this world. He was obedient to the existing REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 177 powers, and so were his apostles. If the popes, bishops, and priests, are now followers of Christ and the apostles, thej cannot have worldly dominion. They should feed the flock of Christ, feed them with the word of God, for no other food profits them. To proclaim the word of God is the business of a priest, as to forge is the business of a smith. The priests are ever called in Scripture expounders of the word, and the Scriptures know nothing of any other priests than those who preach the word of God. Galle incurs the severe censure of his critic, for his man- ner of expounding the Scripture. When it is said, " tell the church," it is made AvhoUy different, " tell the heads of the church." These words are not said to St. Peter alone, but to every one of the apostles, and afterward to every Christian man. Galle also confounds spiritual and worldly power. All knov/ that bishops and priests receive from Christ him- self, in trust, the spiritual sword, which is the ivord of God. Olof further remarks, on Galle's answer, that the corpo- real or legal priesthood of the Old Testament, denoted the spiritual priesthood of the new, in which priesthood every Christian man is included. The command always to pray, also includes all men. The prayer we are always to make is not with the mouth. It is an affectionate longing, a desire and wish of the heart, to which our needs compel us. Did the words of Christ mean that priests should read or sing the seven horse canonic^e, they could never sleep or do any- thing else. The words of Bede are also by Galle misinter- preted. Bede declares, " They are said always to pray and not to faint, wliQ, at the appointed times (the canonical hours), do not fail to pray, or also, all that a righteous man does or speaks, according to the will of God, ought to be reckoned as prayer." Why are the words of David quoted for the praise of God seven times a day, and not of Daniel (Dan. vi.), who prayed three times a day 1 It is nowhere found in Scripture that Christ commanded priests to conse- 178 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL crate his body and blood, but he has strongly commanded them to preach. '' We may be saved without ever partaking the Lord's Supper, but we can never be saved unless we are taught by God's word on what we shall rest our faith, and be thus made spiritually partakers of Christ, who is the Word of God." The passage in Heb. v. 1, is spoken of the high priest, who was a type of Christ. The third question was : " Whether their law, command- vientSj or ordinances^ he so ohligatoi^, that they sin who do tJw contrary ?" Galle : If the commandments of the heads of the church are righteous, and draw men to salvation, they are truly our Lord's commandments (Pro v. viii. 15). As God contin- uously works (John v. 17) to retain all creatures in their natural existence, and does not create them anew, so Christ upholds the church, not so as to found a new church, but to uphold that already founded. So is it with the seed sown in the earth, which grows wdth time and docs not imme- diately appear full ripened to perfection. The church is developed by degi'ces, so that Almighty God constantly gives timely and often new impulses to the hearts of those who are her heads, in order to govern his holy church. There- fore their commandments may be the impulses of God, though they are called the ordinances of men. But if they were merely the commandments of men, they should be obeyed when they are given in the church, which God has intrusted to men. To this eftect are cited Luke x. 16 ; Mat. xxiii. 3; Heb. xiii. 17. If also the heads of the church, our fathers, came together in the wnity of the Holy Ghost, and established certain commandments, then were these to be regarded more as the ordinances of the Holy Ghost than of men. For Christ said : " Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them." Their conimandnients and ordinances, therefore, are so obligatory that they sin who do the contrary. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 179 Olof : That alone is sin which is contrary to the com- mandment of God. If bishops and priests could thus bind men in sin. there would be no difference between the com- mandments of God and the ordinances of men. But it has been proved under the first article that we can withdraw fj-om or forsake the teaching of men. After refuting the other answers of Galle, and his inter- pretation of the passages quoted from the Bible, he turns to the momentous tenet of continual impulse or inspiration and the church's progressive development. Did God give always new impulses or inspiration to the hearts of the church's officers, there would foUovv'' an awkward rule in Christianity, and the Holy Scriptures would have been given in vain ; for what need would we have of such old writings, having always a new inspiration and teaching by the prelates, which are equally of God as are the Scriptures, which we have of the apostles and prophets. It will also follow, that the longer Christianity stands, the better and more complete it will be ; so that now it will be much better and more com- plete than it was in the times of the apostles, and those immediately succeeding, and that the prelates in our times will have a fuller teaching than Christ himself or his apos- tles had — inasmuch as the tree is better when it is gi'own than when it is small. What became of the prediction of Christ and his apostles, that charity should be burnt up and faith be scarcely found upon earth ? And how, if progres- sive inspiration be received as true, shall we act, in case the prelates are opposed to each other "? How shall we know which is right ? " I think doctor Peter must confess that party to be in the right, which best agrees with the Holy Scripture." The fathers came often together, but not always in the Holy Ghost. This appears from the history of many eccle- siastical councils, especially within the last three or four hundred years. One council had often been in opposition 180 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIAS'lTCAL to another. Tliere is, therefore, but loose ground for build- ing on tlielr ordinances. Tlie fourth question was: " Whether ihcij have power to separate any one from Gud^ as a member cut off from Gods church, and to make him a member of the devil f Doctor Galle to this question only replies, that in answer to a former one it has already been shown, from Mat. xviii., that poj^es, bishops, and priests, have spiritual power. Master Olof, on the contrary, declares, that, as the church of God is a spiritual church in the Holy Ghost, so that he who has not the Holy Ghost belongs not to this church, bishops and priests cannot take the Holy Ghost from a member of the church, and make those who ai-e children of God children of the devil. When with the word of God one Christian comforts another who wishes to repent and amend, he looses him from sins, not by his own might, but by the might of the word of God, which he brings to him. In like manner, when he rej^roves another with God's word, and the person reproved will not change his mind, repent and amend, he binds his sin upon him. The v/ord of God binds him. Every Christian can use this power. But the wisest and most judicious are chosen to exercise it. It is a spiritual power ; extends so far that he who will not chanoe his mind or repent may be cast out of the Christian church, " so as not to partake with other Christian men of the precious body and blood of Christ, and none shall have intercourse with him. Thus is he also corporeally bound by an outward punishment, that he may repent, and submit, and amend." In support of this ;xnswer on the right of excommunication in the church, reference is made to Mat. xviii. ; 1 Cor. v. ; 2 Cor. xiii. " Doctor Galle," says Olof, " might have had a better answer than he has given to this question from his own master of the sentences, Peter Lombard." The fifth question was : '' Whether the dominion now set up by the pope and his parf>/, is for or n^iainst Chri'n, it was determinined that, whereas the rents which the bishops, cathedrals, canons, and cloisters, had, came from the inhabitants of the kingdom, and from grant of those who were then masters of them, the income of the crown should be ajrain auo;mented from those rents. For diminishing the incomes of the bishops, there was also assigned the reason, that the church thereby became a worldly power, or, as it said, the bishops were for the time being too mighty, so that they often set themselves up against the lords of the land, brought loss to the kingdom, and deprived many good men of life and goods, as happened in the time of archbishop Trolle and many times before his day. The estates therefore agreed for themselves and their successors, in order that the kingdom might henceforth be out of danger, to the tv/o following prudential measures, which tofjether mi^ht be the means of streno-thenino; the crown : (^a.) The bishops should thereafter not ride with more men than the king permitted, and what accrued by this deduction in their collection of taxes should be applied to augment the incomes of the crown. This might be managed by their compounding with the king for a certain sum of ready money, which they must pay down to the crown. (b.) The bishops should assign over to the king the castles and fastnesses which they possessed. On the former point it may, by way of illustration, be remarked, that, by a law of the land, in the chapter con- cerning the king, " the archbishop might ride ov^cr the king's land with forty horses, a suffragan bishop with thirty, bui not more." .In this respect, the then existing law had giver* 204 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the bishops a prescriptive privilege ; but the oivliiiance llo^v passed Avas an unlimited right in the king, to restrain this privilege of the bishops as he might find necessary for the income of tlie crown and compatible with the security of the kingdom. The pomp of the bishops Avas a burden to the land at the time of their visitations, during which the parish priests were to provide sustenance, and when a church wa? to be con- secrated the parishioners were obliged to pay a tax. The excesses of the bishops in this respect induced the council of Arboga, in 1423, to put a stop to their ostentation, of which John Magnus had lately exhibited a proof. King Gustavus also often called the attention of the clergy and people to the relief they experienced from the reduction of the number of attendants on the bishops' at their visitation?;. Whether there should be such a thorough-going change, as that the ofRce of bishop should be abolished, and the ancient constitution of the church founded upon it should be shaken, there was not one to propose as a question of debate. To account for this we may suppose there was a disposition on the one hand, In carrying through a change within the church, to avoid the necessity to which the Ger- man Eeformatlon was reduced, of doing without bishops, Avhereby the church's government, both theoretically and practically, was placed in the power of princes, and on the other hand, to avoid the theory of the presbyterian form of government, which the Swiss Reformation adopted. This disposition and proclivity were a peculiarity, through which the Swedish church took from the beginning a principle of development, removed alike from the sacrifice of that Inde- penfJence, which followed upon the advance of Lutheranism in Germany, where Luther soon began to ordain priests, and from the too hostile attitude to the civil community and power which the Calvinistic reformed church, like the papistic, assumed. REFOKMATION IN S^VEDEX. 205 The reformers of Germany did not at first contemplate the rise of occurrences, which should compel the church to do without the episcopal constitution. The reformers of the Swedish church thought of nothing less than of placing the constitution of the church on new found- ations. The conservation of the episcopal office was pre- supposed. Laurentius Petri declares, in the explanation he wrote of the treaty of Westeras, probably not long after the treaty was made : '' The office of a bishop is of necessity as well as that of king, though the former can be exercised at less expense than the latter, for the office of a bishop is carried on by the word of God, not by force. * * * Therefore as both these offices ought to be maintained by the people, something is taken from that which is abundantly provided, and transferred to that which is less so, and thus both are provided for, and eacli takes care of his own office." When the estates of the kingdom, in 1527, exercised their right of settling the incomes of the episcopal office, in a letter of the council of the kingdom to the inhabitants of the land^ dated June 24, 1527, it was added, that none should pervert the meaning of their order for money to be had from the bishops, as it was their intention to maintain and support that oflice. " We truly desire," says the letter, " that there should be bishops, but not so powerful as to endanger the kingdom. Their riches ought to be diminished when they have illy acquired them, some by extortion and self-advised modes of worship, which God has never com- manded, some by their craft and evil devices." With respect to the castles and fastnesses of the bishops, it is simply said in the decrees, that they must be delivered up to the king, but in the letter of the council it is added; that the king may take them, till the castles of the crown be rebuilt, the reason being given that the castles of the crown were partly decayed, partly in ruins. The opinion 20G HI5T0UY OF Tin: ECCLESIASTICAL of the nobles agrees witli tlie letter of the council. The burghers, and men of tlie market towns, propose that the bishops should relinquish their fortified castles to the king, till those of the crown be rebuilt. The farmers express themselves to the effect of relinquishing the castles as a loan to the crown : " they agree that the king may take them as a loan, and use them till the kingdom can come to a better condition, and the people, who are so exhausted, recover themselvesi again." It appears as if it were not seen that there was a necessity for the security of the kingdom against a too powerful hierarchy, to take from the bishops their castles and fortili- cations. But, at the diet of Striingness, in 1529, king Gustavus declares, that their transfer to the king was neces- sary, because they were often a protection for rebels, adding, however, that they must be in possession of the crown at least till its own were rebuilt. Laurentius Petri gives the same reason, and any restitution of them was never afterward proposed, probably because a strict inquiry would have had a similar result. The rents of the cathedrals and canons were, according to the treaty, to be dealt with in the same manner as those of the bishops. " When it was deliberated, what was required for their support, it was concluded that the king might help himself to what was superllous in their rents." This conclusion was in expression conformable to the answer of the nobles. The citizens and men from the hills, declared on the whole of this question, merely in general terms, that in regard to the rents of the crown and nobles, as the churches and cloisters had lowered, so they must aujirment them. The farmers still more avoided a decided answer. They said that they left the question of imjjroving the incomes of the crown to the king and council, and were Vvilling to acquiesce in what those should determine. Of the canons, Laurentius Petri, in his exposition of tho REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 207 treaty, expressed himself in correspondence with the general views in matters rekiting to the king. The office was not so necessary as that of the bishops. It was instituted to strengthen the bishop in his office, and for the purpose of superintending with him the affairs of the diocese. The office of a bishop rests on the word of God ; canons are only useful as they are learned and experienced in the Scriptures. There was no need of so many as formerly. They should give attention chiefly to the word of God, and not so much to the administration of justice, trials and jurisdiction. Canons were designed merely for masses, celebrations, and the like, and arose from man's device and not from God's word. In regard to the rents of the cloisters, it was decided, that as, in the cloisters supported by rents, there had been for a long time a feeble regimen, because they had weak administrators, and as the buildings were decayed and the property wasted, the king be, therefore, empowered to place over each of them a knight, who should allow their tenants an honest support, and keep the cloister in repair. Out of the surplus rents, he was to do service to the king, in the manner his majesty saw fit. The bishops should neither, by quartering on them nor by fines, burden the tenantry of the cloisters, nor them- selves meddle with them. When the consecration of one of these monasteries took place, the bishops were not to come there with a larger train than was allowed to men of their order. This decree is, like the former, in full agi'eement with the opinion of the nobles, in which, however, nothing is men- tioned of the decay of the cloisters and the weak adminis- trators. The train of the bishops on their visits to monas- teries, it was proposed by the nobles, should be limited to six or eight persons. The nobles also propose, that the pre- tends of cloisters should be treated like other prebends, and hospitals in like manners provided the sick were there 208 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL maintained, "especially those who were injured in defence of the kingdom." * The farmers passed their resolution that the cloisters should keep open house, but on condition that good men were sent there, " who should conduct themselves without noise or roguer}-, enjoy what these poor men had to give them, do no violence to those living about the convent, and in no manner interrupt divine service there." The king's declaration on the treaty, at the diet of Striing- ness, in 1529, furnishes a further reason for the arrangement now effected, and for the disesteem into which the rent- cloisters had fallen. The cloisters, he says, were so decayed, that where formerly there were forty or iifty brothers, there were now but four or six, while the rents were as large as ever. This was the occasion of a libidinous life, and justified for the public good, a watch over the surplus rents. The measures adopted for transferring the convents to the uses above mentioned, or at least the surplus of the rents to the king, would naturally be followed by their complete decadence. Laurentius Petri also remarks in his explana- tion, that in this matter there was the less dilficulty, because the existence of the conventual system was built on a sandy foundation, and could well be dispensed with by all. 3. To redi-ess the third abuse, the poverty of the nobility, it was agreed that the king and nobility might appropriate all the chattels given, sold, or mortgaged to the churches, monasteries, and prebends, after the time king Charles Can- uteson inventoried the same ; provided that the goods bought or in mortgage, might be redeemed according to the longer or shorter time that had elapsed. No one should take his own, till he had proved his claim before twelve men, in the presence of witnesses. The lands on which rents had been paid, should be returned to the legal claimants, how long * This is probably the fiisl essay in Sweden toward the establishment or a house for invalids. REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 209 soever in pledge, with the exception, in Norland, of so much of the land as vras necessary to the decent support of a priest. The decree was in conformity with the expressed senti- ments of the nobles, except a stronger requirement respect- ing the lands that were to be redeemed, and some slight va- riations respecting the lands in Norland. The ecclesiastical law book from which we quote, because though specially meant for Upland, it was generally adopt- ed, provides, (chap 2), that the glebe on which the parson- ajxe shall be built, shall consist of a mark of land for the church of a district, and half a mark for every twelfth church. The glebe shall be free from taxes. The fai^mers are to pay tax for the church land. If the church requires more land, it shall pay full taxes, unless the king gave it as land free from tax. In respect to the support for the table of the priest, the meaning of the treaty was obscure and defective. Lauren- tius Petri, in his explanation, gives a determinate sense which is not there found, but yet appears to have been prac- tically followed. When the treaty allows the restoration of property from the church and prebends, master Lars Vv^ould have it understood of the establishments which have no foundation in Scripture. But it was not the meaning of the treaty, that the goods should be taken again,- which were given for maintenance in hospitals and the like ; for in the word of God it is required of us, " to help the poor as well as help parish priests." Nor Avas it the mean- ing of the treaty, that the support of their table should be taken from the priests. An exception w^as made in Nor- land, because it was known that the support there w^as de- rived from lands that paid rent. It would be well for the practice in Norland to be extended over the whole land. But still less did the treaty design, that the lands not sub' Ject to rent -should be restored. The final reason for his 210 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL explanation, Lars finds in the commc^i maxim, that in tliis, as in all laws, we are to look to the intention of the law, and when that is known we are to interpret the words ac- cordingly. The whole decree, which in this third point was ratified bj the treaty of AVesteras, relative to the Swedish church, and which was alike made applicable in all lands where the Reformation prevailed, called forth here from the popisli party accusations of a breach of faith, since it violated the sanctity of the wuU of the dead. The popish church, there- fore, preserves her claim to restitution. She must have this claim if she will not allow that unrighteous possessions are in the control of the community or their representatives. The claim cannot be made good, where the changes of cen- turies make it impossible to find the property in the hands of those amenable to restoration. So rest the claims. Protestantism defends the decree, and justifies it on two grounds. The first reason for a change in the property of the church rests on the principles of Christianity itself. Those testamentary grants which conveyed property to the church, were in a great degree based on error and supersti- tion. The intention and purpose Avere at "war with the truths of Christianity. The church, which did not allow of masses for the souls of the dead, because these masses were a noxious superstition, and which did not recognize the v^alue of alms for the alleviation of the pains of purgatorv, and which did not recognize gifts to ecclesiastical establish- ments to be absolutely a good work, could not allow to stand within her borders, in full strength, a constitution or state of things which liad a superstitious or delusive foundation. Even without regard to the right or the wrong, it was un- avoidable, that when the order of things to which these es- tablishments appertained, ceased to exist, there should be no longer phxce for them. But wlio was the lawful heir to the property which could REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 211 no longer be applied to the purposes for which it was given ? The only valid course to be pursued was, that the gift, or thing sold or pledged, in the two latter cases according to an equitable redemption, should go back to the giver or sel- ler, to be left to their free disposal. These, or the proprie- tors of their rights, according to the communal law of in- heritance, acquired the right of birth or redemption, which right again, according to the same law, Avhere there was no legal heir, fell to the community of the borough. The in- heritance became lapsed. In the last named case, another view of the subject pre- sents itself. The gifts were bestowed with a pious design, for pious purposes. This purpose could, in the manner the givers immediately designed, be no longer obtained. But it was possible to employ the gifts, in the spiritual changes of the times, in a manner most nearly corresponding to the intention of the givers. "VYe therefore find, both within and without our fatherland, the wealth bestowed on a vanishing faith, transferred, either by resignation to the community, or by the course of events, to the church which conquered that faith. So, in the empire of Rome, the Christian church received the patrimony of paganism. For recalling its property from the church, there was still another reason, on the part of the state. The community, with respect to the basis on which it seemed to rest, had lost its stability. The excess of tlie church's wealth occasioned a correspondent weakness in the crown and nobility. These gifts were not legal if they weakened the basis of society ; the state must possess the right of enforcing the sanctity of the condition of its own stability ; the church must submit to that change in the possession and use of its wealth, which restored the lost cquiUbrium. During the two previous centuries, but especially after the bishops obtained worldly power which induced them, either for a cause, or from 212 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL party passion, to oppose the king, and exercised this power, as did Jolin Bengtsson Oxenstjerna and Ketil Vase, a change had been urged and kept in view throughout Swe- den. Tiie diet of Westeras carried into execution what, nearly eighty yeftrs before, king Charles VIII. desired, and in 1453 and 1454, attempted to carry through. When the treaty of Westeras only declared, that the pure word of God might be preached in the land, but did riot de- cide Avhich of the contending parties was right — when it only pre-supposed that the church had, or claimed for itself, the truth — it did not commit itself by a transfer of the church's property to the upholding or promotion of super- stition and error. It treated of and decided only the ques- tion of the inevitable necessity there was for putting the state and civil condition of the country in order. But cer- tainly the decree silently implied the supposition, that this wealth was for the church dispensable, only so, however, that she became poorer, not so that the objects of its estab- lishments and appointments should wholly disappear. The restitution to the heir, of property exempt from taxes, was limited to the period after the inquisition of king Charles Vm. Whatever was from that period given to re- ligious establishments, was considered within the memory of man, and the heir could reclaim it if the givers them selves were not living. But the older establishments were to remain undisturbed, and there was the strong reason for not taking from the church what it was allowed to retain under the former inquisition, that other principles were not professed than those prevalent in king diaries' time. But the taxable land was also another point for consider- ation, the church claiming exemption from taxes for all its I>roperty. Tiie giving away of such lands was an embezzle- ment of the rights of the crown and people. The individual giver, when giving the i?i-operty to the church, withdrew it from taxes to the crown, and thereby laid a great bur- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. . 213 den on his fellowcitizens. On the contrary, from the ne- cessary equipments for war, the lands exempt from taxes were not excused, and this was, besides, a personal service. The treaty of Westeras, places the decree solely upon the ground of the necessities of the state. Laurentius Petri, also, in his explanation, takes the view, that if there were no outwardly constraining motive, the property ought to be left with the church, but be more fitly employed. There being no demands made on the property of the nobility, was occasioned by the conviction of their poverty. Had this not been the case, it would have been necessary to consider how best to deal with this propert}'. The gifts to the church were doubtless made with a good intention ; givers purposed to serve God and his good pleasure, although they did not properly understand what the pleasure of God is. In the measure adopted, the good intention was carried into effect, not indeed in the manner thought of by the givers, but according to the word of God now better understood. 4. "With respect to the accusation against the king, of in- troducing a new faith into the land, both parties had, in compliance with the wish of the estates, disputed in their presence. And as the estates learned neither from the dis- putation nor from the preachers who were considered pro- claimers of the new faith, anything else than that the latter had good reasons, and taught nothing but God's word, the estates engaged, that each, in his place, would seek to quiet the clamor raised in this respect against the*king, and would assist in punishing those who caused it. ^'^ And they prayed all^ that God's word might everywhere in the king- dom.! he purely preached. " The several opinions of the estates as given, were : of the nobles, that as the king offered that the preachers of the new faith should stand forth to answer for their doctrine, it was to be observed, if their adversaries Avould not or could not convict them of error, that they had not reason on their 214 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL side who spread the report of a new faith being introduced. Wherefore, each of the nobles pledged himself to quiet this rumor, and desired " the pure Avord of God to be preached everywhere according to God's command, and not doubt- ful tales, human devices, and fables, as hitherto had been too much the case, and that the good old Christian customs should be countenanced." The men of the market towns and of the hills, said this subject of the new faith was beyond their understanding ; but they wished to know in what lay the difference, which party had the right, and had willingly listened to a disputation thereof, and desired that what is right might be preached. The farmers or peasants acknov/ledged that many idle reports had been spread among them respecting the new faith or learning as it was called, but as it surpassed their small understanding they referred the case to those good men who are highly learned and well experienced in the Scriptures, bishops, prelates, and others, to critically investigate what was right or wrong. At the same time they would earnestly beg of the king to allow those whom this matter most concerned, to meet in their presence, that they might be properly instructed in what v/as right and Christian. These answers of the respective estates do not make men- tion of the disputation wliich had already taken place between doctor Peter and master Olof. The decree in com- mon, both speaks of its having already taken place, and "consents," that the king should let it take place. It seems from this, as if there had been another conference on the subject of the faith, although it is not mentioned by the chroniclers. This is the more probable, as that previous conference and disputation acquired, in all likelihood, dur- ing the confusions of the time, less importance, and was less remarkable. The decree of the diet on this fourth point, was a recog- nition of the truth of the evangelical doctrines, and a KEFOEMATION IN SWEDEN. 215 requirement that they should be promulgated over the whole kinsfdom. But it was an eminent characteristic of the Keformation of the Swedish church, that it did not place the new and old order of things in sharp collision with each other. The name Lutheran^ which in Denmark, at the diet of Odense, was as freely used as that of catholic, was for a long time not employed in the public transactions in Sweden. The change effected, never lost in the minds of the Swedish people, its property and quality of a reformation. It was not a new faith. It was the old truth of Christianity^ which came forth purified from error. Only on the part of error boasting itself to be the original Christianity, could truth be branded as a new faith. " Many bad customs,'^ says Lars Petri, " had arisen through those who ought to have preached the word of God, and when it again began to be preached, it seemed to many extraordinary, and they called it a new faith." Tliat the pure word of God ought to be preached, was here assumed as a confessed case, and not the most inveterate ad- herent of the papal church could plead anything against this position of the Swedish church. But it was not declared by those adherents, that this word of God was only found in the Holy Scriptures, and that its preaching should by degrees cleanse away the corruptions which had crept into the church. The preached word was not wanting in effi- ciency, as long as oral tradition was nowhere in the church recognized and established as independent of the Scriptures, and of equal validity for settling the Christian faith. But this came to pass for the Roman church, when, from 1564, the decrees of the Council of Trent gave to tradition a dis- tinct and conclusive authority. Hence, Laurentius Petri, closes his explanation of this point of the treaty, with the following weighty sentiments, his programme for the order of reform in the Swedish church : "In proportion as we experience the gospel to be preached, we experience all that 216 IIIStOltY OiP THE liCCLESIASTlCAl. follows from the preaching of the gospel. All the changes, therefore, are valid which arc made in accordance with the sense and meaning of the gospel, and when it is preached the people become rightly and completely instructed." The estates gave no obscure declaration that they regarded the preachers who w^ere declared to be heretics by the hie- rarchy, to be preachers of the word of God. Who should now determine between the contending parties 1 This right Avas left to none ; but the ordinantia intrusted the king with power, not to prescribe dogmas of faith, but yet so far to interfere in the direction of the church, that the hinderances might be removed out of the way which could obstruct the preaching of God's word, 2.— THE ORDINANTIA OF WESTERAS. Many enactments, which in part were a necessary conse- quence of the treaty, in part were considered necessary improveaients in the church, Avere comprised in certain decrees, which are here termed ordinantia. It contains twenty articles, which for more easy examination we shall consider under certain general heads. The most important are those which relate to the power intrusted to the king in the affairs of the church. 1. The king's title to an inspection of the official conduct of the bishops, and his right of nominating to ecclesiastical offices. The first article declares: " Tlie bishops are to make provision for the parish churches when they become vacant. But where thoy provide clergy who are unfit, manslayers, drinkers, or those who cannot or will not preach the word of God, the king may inquire for those who are fit, have power to drive out those wlio are unfit, and provide the church with those who are fit." REFORM ATIOJS IN SWEDEN. 217 Art. 20. " The prelacies, canonries and prebendaries, shall not be filled, unless tlic king is asked, or unless by one who is satisfactory to the king." Art. 19. "The bishop may ordain no one to be a priest but one who can preach to the people the word of God." To comprehend this and the following enactments, we must compare them with the condition of things which pre- viously existed in our fatherland. We limit ourselves to the most necessary points of the church law prevalent in Sv. eden, derived from the general canon law. The right of bishops to appoint priests to a benefice was ancient. The bishop was, however, obliged to respect the will of the parishioners, or his who had the right of patron- age to the parish church, even as the king's will, if it was the king's benefice. The bishop was also to inquire into the capacity of the presentee. In certain cases, at least if the bishop refused to consecrate their churches, the law gave the peasants the right to complain of the bishop to the king. But the oversight now conferred on the king left the emendation of the church in the king's hand, as it was not settled what was to be under- stood by the preaching of the Avord of God. For nomina- tions to the episcopal office there was no responsibility, but the king could immediately exercise his power and reject the man opposed to the views of the king. The king could not remove a priest from his office, bat, as all promotion in the priesthood depended entirely upon him, there was a restraint thus laid upon ordination of priests by bishops. The high species of episcopacy thus intrusted to the king within the church, might hecome both dangerous and humil- iating if abused. Laurentius Petri, an ecclesiastic, desired, therefore, to have it regarded as a mere temporary exigency, because the bishops at that time were not well disposed to the evangelical principles and the word of God. "But when v/e have true and Christian bishops there is then no 10 218 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL need of tliis article, but the bishops may then have their rights as of old." The king's right of nomination to prelacies, was in part merely a ratification of what already existed. But it waa extended, at least so far that to no such office could any nomination thereafter be made without the king's knowledge and consent. It is remarkable, that of the appointment of bishops nothing was determined. The king appears to have proposed to the estates, to put a stop to the practice of the bishops to seek confirmation to their office from Rome, and send their gifts, imposts, and purchase moneys for the piirpose. The men from the hills requested, in their opinions at the time of the treaty, that this custom of bishops asking confirmation from Rome should be abolished. In the decree itself, however, there i" no mention made of the subject. It appears to have been taken for granted, although it was not thought advisable explicitly to say, that all the pope's influence in the church should disappear. The old practice, therefore, was tacitly continued, although not always acted on by Gustavus, that the chapter elected, and the king confirmed the election. 2. The king's rights in respect to the property of the church. The third and fourth articles of the ordinantia, repeated the decree of the treaty respecting the rents of bishops, cathedrals, and canons. There is only the addition of the mode in which the reduction shall take place. Cata- logues of all the rents from tributes, tithes, moneys, butter, iron and the like, were to be furnished the king, who was to determine how much should be retained. 3. The king's right to try or receive suits against trans- gi'essors of the church law. An account was to be given to the king of the fines for seduction after a promise of marriage (art. 5), and for suns in marriage causes generally (art. 6). Fines for adultery and fornication were paid to the king (art. 17). The priests were to pny fines to the king like other mon (art. 10). REFORMATION IN SWEDEN 219 The eighth article prescribes that as the treaty decided that the king should receive all suits and not the bishop, so the provosts should thereafter travel about and prosecute the suits which the bishops were wont to manage, and should give an account to the king of the moneys received. Of this there is no mention made in the decree signed by the estates. But in a letter of the council it is declared, " ^Ic- cording to the proverb^ that ' a man is hurdened icho is under two masters^^ we agree, that they who are found guilty of a, breach of the holy days and other offences, pay fines from this time to the king and not to the bishop." To the same effect is the opinion of the nobles. The two masters, of which complaint is here made, was a natural consequence of the efforts of the Roman hierarchy to acquire temporal power. Instead of being a leaven to pervade and renew the life of the civil community, the church placed herself without or by the side of the state with her own outward legislation. As long as the tem- poral power was kept in subjection, as long as the com- munity was theocratically governed in the spirit of the Old Testament, the opposition between the church and the state could not disappear. The ecclesiastics stood apart from the civil law, and laymen were, as Christians, under another law than as citizens. Thence, the highest condition was to escape from a life in the world. The priest is better, more perfect than the layman, the monk than the priest. Prot- estantism removes these sharp distinctions. The perfection of man is, unpolluted by the world to labor for the purifica- tion of the world, the civil community is not estranged from the aims of the church, the legislation of the church becomes that of the state, what is criminal or wrong in the one is so in the other community. There is no need of " two masters," because the law of the kingdom avenges what in the view of the church is evil. It is here presupposed, that the citizens of the state ai'e not divided as members of different churches. In Sweden 220 msTORv or the kcclesiastical it was not supposed possible ; and the decree that the fines which it was a trouble to the bishops to impose, should be transferred to the king, Avas an acknowledgment of the sanctity of the state through its incorporation with the church, the former taking upon itself to watch over the moral regulations which the latter established. The provosts obtained a commission to receive these suits ; but when they had not sufficient authority to call them in, the king, a year after the change, caused the bishops to receive and account for the suits, which fell under the class of cases belonging to episcopal jurisdiction. Others were to be received by country stewards and fiefsmen, and were no longer called bishop's suits, but were classed with king's suits. So was wiped out the very memory of " two masters." 4. Diminished and prohibited suits, and other sources of income. Fees for marriages and churching of women, burials and the like, were to be charged according to a law of the church and not above the legal sum (art. 7). Work in harvest time, and when there were shoals of fishes, or if *' a man shoots a bird in the forest," was not to be accounted a breach of holy day (art. 9). If a man lie with his sweet- heart, he shall not be punished for it after there has been between them a right marriage before God, and he shall not be separated from her. If he desert her, he shall be pun- ished according to law. The custom ought to be abolished, that when a priest dies the bishop takes his goods, to the in- jury of the lawful heirs. Sick people shall not be constrained by the priests to make a will against their own free will. "What is here enacted respecting breach of holy days, Laurcntius Petri a indicates, on the ground that even a law of the pope, who was wont to be strict, permitted work in harvest and fish seasons. The Swedish chapter of church law, before the Reformation, makes no such exception. The condition which the king previously made, that divine ser- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 221 Vice was not to be neglected, is wanting in the ordinantia, but appears in the king's manifesto for direction of the country stewards and fiefsmen in the king's suits. In respect to married persons, it may be remarked, that betrothal took place according to the law of the land, the bidding of banns and the wedding, according to the rites of the cliurch. This point was thus an acknowledgment of the civil marriage, although certainly under requirement that the church's benediction should follow. Of the enactment respecting the legacies of priests, king Gustavus, who anxiously guarded the rights of the crown, soon gave his own explanation. As the possessions of the priests were collected out of the rents received from the peasantry of the crown, it was fit the legacies hitherto given by the priests to the bishop should now be given to the crown. This did not become law, but probably was the view the king took in his often-occurring claim to the in- heritance of rich priests. Of the more than twenty cases in which fines were paid to the bishop, tAvo were suppressed, in the rest of them the fines were paid to the king. But, as in many of them, the king previously received the suits, so their amount was not diminished, but mingled with the others. The chapter on church law required the dead body of one guilty of an assault to be consecrated by the priest in the house of the dead, and not in the churchyard. The king decided, that " the dead body should be held innocent." 5. Enactments respecting matters reserved for the judg- ment of the bishops. Open and public confessions were put upon the same footing as heretofore. The bishop and his officers vv^ere, however, to exercise the power of excommunication with greater caution than had been done (art. 5). Of mar- riage coi=^es the bishop should have tlie management, as knowing what true marriage is according to God's law, 222 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL and whether separation ought to be allowed or not (art. 6). If any one had a complaint against a priest in a spiritual case, as that he did not truly fulfill his office, did not preach the woi*d of God, or the like, the complaint should be laid before the bishop, and be judged by him (art. 10). According to the king's manifesto, in 1528, the priests should be answerable, and pay a fine to the bishop, in cases which aiFected their office, and " for their women." This last-named case was probably placed among spiritual cases, partly because the question of the concubines of priests affected their morality, partly because the marriage of priests was either recognized by the general laws, or it was not thought advisable now to decide upon the subject. 6. The equality of priests and laymen in the eye of the law. In temporal or civil cases, such as trespasses, affrays, assaults, breach of bargains, the priest, as well for himself as the church, should seek his remedy at assize or by legal warrant, and pay a fine to the king like any other man (art. 10). The Lord's Supper should not be refused to any one on account of debt to the priest or church (art. 16). Where a priest and layman strike each other, the one shall no more be under ban or interdict than the other, since God has forbidden the one as well as the other to strike, but each must pay a fine according to the law of the land (art. 11). The priest is not to give legacies otherwise than according to the book of laws, like other husbands (art. 13). 7. Of clerical benefices, scliools, and monasteries. Where the benefices are weak, if occasion calls for it, two may be united into one, yet so that the word of God be not hindered, still less be not preached (art. 2). Tliis detail of the enactments is quoted from Laurentius Petri's explanation of the ordinantia. By the junction of benefices, the parishioners were able better to maintain the church and priests. Thereby was removed the necessity for those gifts, which for that purpose must heretofore bo be- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 223 stowed and, if they were now recalled, yet was provision made for the support of the church and priests. The diffi- culty of providing the churches with evangelical preachers, might, perhaps, have contributed to the desire to lessen their number. In respect to schools, it was prescribed, that " after this day the gospel shall there be read among other lessons, be- cause they are, to be sure. Christian schools." The treaty placed the wealth arising from the rents of the cloisters under management. The ordinantia (ai't. 12) for- bids that tlieir tenants be allowed to cro out beo-ginor. The mendicant monks proper, " as in truth they are found to circulate throughout the land much deceit and lying," are placed under inspection of the king's country stewards. A monk shall be allowed, for collecting alms, no longer time than live weeks at the feast of Olof, in summer, and five weeks at Candlemas, in winter, and shall take a letter of the country steward when he goes out, and present himself to him when he returns (art. 12). The limitation of time allowed them to collect alms for the cloister, limited also the possibility of their working on the minds of the people. After the decree was passed, which was contained in the treaty, it remained to obtain the approbation of the bishops present at Westeras. This was given on the 24th of June. After they had quoted in their declaration the king's com- plaint of the great and often misused power of the bishops, they add their consent in the following words : " Thus, since it i§ admitted and agreed by all, we cannot, and will not say to the contrary, hut let it so be, especiallj that the suspicion may be removed that the bishops, by their power and their castles, would endanger the king and kingdom, and let us have peace, how rich or how poor soever his grace will have us to be." This declaration was so conceived, that under a possible alteration of circmnstances, it permitted the bishops again to 224 HISTORY OF Till: ECCLESIASTTCAL resume tlie authority now laid tlown. But from this am- biguity, which, no doubt, originated in the influence of the bishop of Linkoping, we are not to conclude that the hier- archy of the Swedish church were altogether opposed to reform as far as in 1527 it had been carried. When it i.s considered that the bishop of Westcras, and bishop elect of Striingncss, at the opening of the diet, in the very terms of this declaration, expressed themselves unwilling to oppose a reduction of the wealth of the church ; that bishop Magnus Sommar was the man who, by his speech to the hesitating and discordant estates, produced unity in then* decree to comply with the king's demands ; that the foremost counsellor and guide of the king in these proceedings was archdeacon Laurent ius Andrea?, who himself held a prelacy in the church ; that the most impoVtant and influential preacher of the reformers was a canon in one of tlie cathe- drals of the kingdom; when, in addition, there is taken into consideration the undeniable abuse many prelates made of their poAver, how spiritual power becomes the instrument of party strife, it will be seen how little reason there is to represent the intervention of king Gustavus as an outrage to the church, against the will of both the clerg}'' and laity. Seldom or never has a change in the ecclesiastical or civil community won a contemporaneous, undivided approbation. Still less could the rupture in Sweden in 1527 win it. But that the king had, among both priests and laymen, a suffi- ciently strong support and countenance, that among both he had with him the stronger party, tlie annals manifest, as do the success and establishment of the cause. Tlie most fugitive glance at tlie treaty shows how great was the advantage derived to the nobles and knights from the decree. The recovery of the property exempt from taxes, and the grant of monasteries to the knights, might allure minds which were not more strongly rooted than these showed themselves to be in reverence for the church. Tho REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 225 first overture proceeded not from the nobles, but from churchmen, and the opposition was, at the beginning of the diet, strongest among the nobles, and a bishop was the man who undertook to conquer that opposition. Upon the altered position of the bishops followed the cessation of their dignity as members of the council. It was a necessary consequence of those views of the episcopal office which lay at the base of the treaty and ordinantia. It is also reported, though it cannot be fully proved, that they themselves desired a release from this dignity and duty, which the reduction of their incomes that now took place did not allow them to maintain. It is probable that they as willingly laid these honors down as let them be taken from them. We will not omit to observe, what is sufficiently apparent in itself, that in the decree of Westeras regarding the in- comes and wealth, the change affected the highest posts in the church, the bishops and canons. The position of the parish priests, in respect to their incomes, remained wholly untouched ; the reduction did not extend to their salaries. The diet of Westeras was a commencement whose prog- ress could not be discerned. It was not the destruction of the old church, because its principles were not so settled, that place could not be found in it for the new order of things, notwithstanding the exception that this new order was an insurrection against the papacy. But the chains which bound the faith, life and efficiency of the western church, the friends of a reform had for some time been shaking. Many among those who were disposed to the old times, first made the observation after the council of Orebro, in 1529, that a new order of things had indeed begun. 10* 226 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL CHxVPTER II. THE OPERATION OP THE SECOND AND THIRD POINTS OF THE TREATY OP WESTERAS. It behooves us now to show how the decree concerning the reduction of the church's wealth was carried into exe- cution. We shall consider the subject in the connection of its several parts, without confining ourselves to any certaia time, except that the account to be made of the goods of the bishops and canons was limited to the year 1544, when a change took place to be hereafter mentioned and discussed. As soon as the consent of the bishops present at Westeras was given to the treaty, king Gustavus immediately v\'ent to the diet to demand of them their castles. The castle of Gronso, belonging to the church of AVesteras, he already had in his hands, as has been before told. That of St. Erik at Stacket, the fortress of the archbishop, was some time previous destroyed, and the departure of John Magnus had left the king in the free use of the incomes and property of the archbishopric. The king now asked Magnus Sommar for Tj-nnelso, subject to the church of Striingness, which castle he had once won from the Danes, but had restored. The bishop declared, without licsitation, his willingness to give up this, and all of his incomes q;' property that the king should desire. The king then turned to Magnus Haraldsson of Skara, of whom he asked Lecko, and of him too obtained " a most pleasing answer." Now came the turn of bishop Brask, of whom t])e king demanded Munkeboda. The REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 227 bishop "puffed, and blowed, and stammered, and was reluctant to pledge himself." Then stood up Thure Jonsson and begged for his friend, that he might be allowed to hold the castle during his lifetime. But the king not only- refused the request, but immediately required of the bishop forty armed men then present, which were to be transferred to the king's service. The bishop was allowed to retain only two followers. Pie was . besides required to put the castle in repair, and wiis forbidden to leave Westeras without the king's permission, which was not given him before the king's people were able to garrison Munkeboda. This castle, according to the treaty, was to belong to the crown. For the employment of the other property on which the king obtained the right of raising money, there appears to have been adopted a settled principle, though not publicly announced, and not strictly observed. So many cases, however, occur, that we may regard the maxim as settled, and the deviations from it as occasional excep- tions. All the rents and tithes, which, as superfluous, passed, according to the treaty, and were used for the increase of the revenues of the crown, were employed for the public advantage and transferred to the customs and general sys- tem of taxation. The vacated revenues of the prebends were used for two purposes — partly for the support of those who labored in the king's chancery, partly to maintain those studying in the German universities, who aimed to perfect themselves in any branch of human knowledge. They were thus used for acquisition of a learned education, or for pay- ment of the almost only posts in the community for which, out of the church, high acquirements were requisite, and which of old were held by churchmen, who were maintained by their prebends. The rents of the cloisters were consid- ered as crown goods, and ivere granted in fee, according to the custom of the times, to the knights. The mendicant cloisters which were generally situated in towns, were 22b HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASnCAL appropriated to hospitals or transferred to some such pur- poses. In conformity with the decree of the diet, tlie king made difrcrcnt agreements with each bishop, chapter or cloister. The bishops and chapters themselves received, in the usual manner, their incomes, and remitted the portion agreed on to the king. The agreements were either renewed every year, or were made for an indefinite time. This continued until the year 1544. Some examples may be produced, how the reduction, im- immediately after 1527, was undertaken and carried into execution. From Westeras the king retired to his newly-acquired castle of Tynnelso, where, on July 4th, 1527, it was ordered that the tenants of the bishop's residence at Striingness were, witli Sela and Salabo, to be attached to the crown under Tynnelso. The other tenants, with their rents, obligation to lodge and board, and fines, the bishop was to retain, to- gether with the tithes of the districts of Rekarne, Oppunda, Akers and Selbo. The same day a copy of the treaty and ordinantia was sent to the chapter of Upsala, with an admonition to con- duct itself in conformity. The incomes of tlie archbishop- ric were already administered by the king. How it was ordered with respect to the chapters and cathedrals of Upsala, Striingness and Westeras, is not known. For Abo, whose bishop elect, Erik, had obtained permission to relinquish this oilicc and retire to the deanery of Linkoping, it was ordered, from Stockholm, July 7th, that provost Hans should, till further opportunity, manage the establishment, but John Westgote have the care of the episcopal grounds, tithes and tenants, with responsibility to the king. With bishop Brask it was settled at Wadstcn, August 2d, that he tihould yearly give the king fifteen hundred Danish marks, one and a half tons of butter, one and a half tons of honey, REFORMATION IN SWEDKN. 229 and on his part receive all incomes from Norsholm and the peasants who there Avcre day laborers. The king then went to Skara, and there agreed, August 24th, with bishop Magnus, that he should give one thousand Danish marks, and four baskets of salmon, and on his part hold all belonging to the benefices, except Lecko and the day-laborers of Kallandso. The town of Skara also, and the fines falling due there, were to appertain as revenues to the bishop, except certain isaposts. The cathedral of Skara obligated itself to a certain yearly payment. The king returned again this year to East Gothland, and entered into an agreement at Linkoping with the chapter there. It throws light on what took place with the chapters in general. Six prelates and canons, beside the bishop, should remain in the cathedral, with the best prebends, and keep ten priests to bear crosses, the bishop two, the provost two, the archdeacon two, the four canons each one. The chapter itself was permitted to fix terms for the non-resident canons, except doctor John, master Olof and Anders Algotsson, who were in the service of the kin"; and kino-dorn. The kingr should have control of the prebends becoming vacant. The country priests could become canons, but without separate incomes from the cathedrals. Vacant benefices in the land should be offered and opened to the canons and prebendaries of Linkoping, until those residing in the cathedral were reduced to the number just mentioned. The cathedral and chapter were allowed to hold the goods and rents they now had, except what, according to the treaty, was legally recovered from them, and to pay jointly to the crown eight hundred Danish marks. Of that sum, there should be a correspondent reduction when the number of prebends was reduced. The money, which under the name of Roman tax, was wont to go to the papal chancery, should, in- stead, be paid to the crown. Of proctors, the chapter 230 inSTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL should have the appointment, on condition that useless in- vestitures were abolished, that two chaplains were retained for morning service, and that the schoolmaster was properly maintained. At Linkoping arrangements were made the same day for Wexio, tliat there should be there four canons, with the best prebends, and six cross-bearing priests, and a school. The rest should be maintained by benefices in the neighbor- hood falling vacant. The bishop, cathedral and chapter should jointly every year give the crown two tons of butter, which amount should be diminished in proportion as their numbers dimini-jhed. They were allowed to hold all the goods which, according to the treaty, they were not obliged to surrender. The bishop moreover should hold the town of Wexio and all its incomes, upon payment of one hundred marks Danish. The agreements, though often renewed and altered, continued for the most part to rest on the same basis, till 1544. When the number of canons and prebends was diminished, which appears soon to have taken place — when their position in succeeding times could not be particularly agreeable, and a removal to priestly benefices in the land more advantageous — the houses belonging to their office in the towns, which fell to the crown, were either sold for their benefit or used for other purposes. As several country priests possessed prebends and canonries in Skara, the king considered them to be contented with their benefices, and in 1533, declared his pleasure to be to receive the rents of these prebends. In 1529 the king appropriated a multitude of houses in Stockholm, belonging partly to the prebends, partly to the corporation already dissolved, to the support of preaching, and of schools in Stockholm. Now, for the first time, Stockholm obtained preaching without rectors. Beside that the king, in his journey through the kingdom, in every place entered into these agreements, he sent EEFOEMATION IN SWEDEN. 231 about certain men to every cxitliedral, who were to examine and take into custody the records, by which the Avealth of the ecclesiastical establishment might be ascertained. Of the rents of the monasteries, the king took immediately the management. It was not always taken as the treaty directed, to leave them in investiture with the knights, but sometimes arrangements were made with the cloisters, as with the bishops and chapters, for a certain yearly payment, or proctors were appointed, who should for the benefit of the crown give an account of the taxes and expenses. The last mentioned expedient was often adopted with nunneries. The nuns of St. Bernard in Sko, were ordered, on October 30, 1527, to apply to Laurentius Andreas for a proctor to the cloister. Peter Svenske was, on September 1, 1527, appointed administrator of the cloister in Skeninge, because there was a profuse expenditure, as the cloister had more chaplains and took in more girls to support and instruct than was necessary. The abbess of Wadsten was required to pay three hundred Danish marks. The like agreements of a yearly payment were concluded with the abbots of Alvastra and Varnhem, and the abbesses of Wreta, Askaby and others, which monasteries afterward became investi- tures. In consequence of the profile expenditure of the means of the cloisters, the increased difficulties attending the ad- mission of new monks and nuns, the widely spread change in principles which created a disinclination or contempt for conventual life, one cloister after another disappeared, so that for the greater portion of them the time cannot be given when the last mass was held, or the last conventual vow vanished from within their walls. The crown, which became heir general to the property not restored to particular persons, had already taken possession of it, and when, at last, nothing was left of the monks and nuns, it was a matter of small importance. 232 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Of the monks, many became.parish priests, otliei'S returned to a secular life. Of the nuns, many went forth into the world, married, or ga\'e themselves up to a loose life, which was adduced by the papists as a reproach of the consequence attendant on the dissolution of cloisters ; by the protestants, on the other hand, as proof of the little modesty and reli- gious stability acquired in monastic life. When the number of monks and nuns was in any place diminished, the remainder Avere removed from the different cloisters, to one which became the common home of those who, from age and sickness or want of friends to take care of them, would not or could not again return into the world. But few or no proofs are found that the tenants of cloisters were anyAN-^here hunted with violence from their sanctuiuy. Yet it may well be imagined, that sclfisli fiefsmen and country stewards, either with undisguised rapacity, or under the cloak of protestant zeal, by their treatment of these forlorn objects of their care, compelled them to abandon the cloisters. As the decree Avas not to abolish monasteries, but to take care of their property, the principle in effect foUoAved, that none Avere to be forced to renounce the monastic aoaa' or live from under its influence. In modern times, on the suppres- sion of monasteries in Koimtin catholic countries, a certain yearly support has been assigned to each tenant of them, but with expulsion from the cloisters, Avhich Avere put into pos- session of the state. The same took place in Sweden, in 1526, Avhcn Gripsholm Avas recovered by king Gustavus, but so that each monk got at once a round sura. After the diet of Westeras there appear \'ery fcAV instances of the like. What tenderness Avas shown in the suppression alike of convents for monks and nuns, appears from the conduct of the kins: toward the above-named eminent cloister of Skeninge. The prioress, in the year 1529, Avas allowed to resume the management of a part of the pr''pcrty on hand, REFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 233 in consideration of a jearly sum. Tu'O years after, the king saw fit that the nuns should remove to Wadsten or Wreta, and the goods were stored there. But the nuns remained in their cloister, because they were disinclined to unite them- selves with another order. In 1544, the question of their removal to Wadsten was again raised. The nuns still refused to go there, and declared that they preferred the life of peasants. The king thought this unadvisable, because he feared they might spread disaffection among the people. He again offered them instead the convent of Wreta. The cloister of Askaby was, in 1520, united to Wreta under the same abbess. The cloister to which bishop Brask, m 1516, gave property on condition of having masses, vigils and other ceremonies performed for his deceased friends, was burnt down in the year 1537, the year before the death of the exiled bishop, and was never rebuilt. Some few cloisters that produced rents, remained beyond the times of king Gustavus. So Sko had a cloister stand- ing in 156G, Wadsten and Nadendal, in 1595. The nuns of the latter, implored the king, in 1530, to be allowed to retain their incomes, and obtained his promise for their keeping at present the goods which appertained to the crown, but the kino; could not liinder the restoration of the rest contrary to the treaty of Westeras. The monastery of Wadsten, the most important establishment of the papal church, was continued, though with a languishing life. Its wealth was considerably diminished. No more monastic vows were taken there. No bishop was found who wished or ventured to consecrate young women to such a life. In 1541 this cloister, formerly so rich, gained permission to collect alms. In 1544, the king issued a letter of permis- sion for the monks and nuns who wished it, to leave the cloister and enter the marriage state. This permission is said to have been given at the request of many of its tenants, who wished to return to a secular life. Soon after, a 234 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL brother of the cloister ceased to be found, and it scarcely possessed a father confessor. Its diary, one of the most important documents the middle ages has left us, becomes laconic and cautious from the beginning of king Gustavus's time, and the record ceases at the year 1545. Yet there were still eighteen sisters left in the cloister in the begin- ning of king John's reign, when, for a short time, it appears to have been again in bloom, until the stronger protestant- ism of Charles annihilated, on its suppression, in 1595, the last monastic establishment in Sweden. More expeditiously than those which were supported by rents, the mendicant cloisters were suppressed. The time for gathering alms was limited by the ordinantia of ^V esteras, and the new principles diminished the number of generous hands. Once the king extended the time for begging. Thus, the brothers of St. Anthony in Eamundaboda, ob- tained a prolongation of time for twelve weeks in winter and eight in summer, because they were obliged to enter- tain wayfarers in the forest. The first mendicant cloister which was suiTcndered by its tenants, was the oft-mentioned convent ot the Francis- cans in Stockholm. This was evacuated by the monks in 1527, either they disapproving their vows, or the unkind- ness of the people forcing them to the measure. The same year, the nuns were removed from the cloister of St. Clair, which was pulled do^vn. In 1531 a cloister was turned into a hospital, " as the monastic life was fiist vanishing away, while the Scripture commands us to take care of the poor and sick." This hospital, whose incomes are joined with another in Stockholm to support a certain number of rooms for the sick, was placed under the inspection of the burut you have done quite the contrary. You pressed into the office, and without necessity or compulsion have fled from it. As long as the case was such, that you could milk, shear and slay the flock, you were right at hand. But when the word of God came, and said that you should feed the flock of Christ, and not shear and slay them, then you fled. How you have made your case better, let every good man judge. AVlien wc now saw that you, and many such, for- sook the flock of Christ, we did what our office required, sent others, good men, instead, who would be at hand, and in this we had the law both of the pope and of the Cjesar to a^rree with us." * REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 243 In Dantzic, the place of flight for disatiected Swedes, Brask met with John Magnus. Neither of them had, by the methods each thought the most suitable, been able to put a stop to the church's reform. They were, after the appearance of Gustavus on the scene for the deliverance of the church and fatherland, the first among Swedes who saw fit to fly from their country, because there was no room for their activity in the new order of things. Bishop Brask saw his country never more again. He remained for a time in the cloister of Olof, at Dantzic, and passed the rest of his life, the hope of a return becoming more and more remote, in the Cistercian cloistey of Landa, in the arch- bishopric of Gnesen, where he closed his days, on Jidy 30th, 1539, or more probably a year sooner. Nothing could more contribute to further the preaching of the gospel, and the consequent changes, than the flight of John Magnus and Hans Brask. The favorers of the old faith were abandoned by those who should have supported and led them, and if the breach could only be stopped by the sacrifice of martyrs for the popish faith, it could not be expected their numbers should be accounted of, when the flock was deserted by its chief shepherds. The events of the year 1528, also showed how far all hinderances both to begin and prepare the new order of things, were removed. Without further waiting for confirmation from Rome or any metropolis, the year began with the consecration of the bishops of Skara and Striingness, elected in 1522. To these was now added Martin Skytte, the bishop elect of Abo, a Dominican monk, and vicar-general of the order in Sweden. He is said to have been won to the cause of church reform during his foreign journey, and for this in- clination to have acquired the confidence of king Gustavus. Not only the freedom and security which had been Avon for the land, but the impatience of the people, urged the king 244 IllSTOKY Of THE ECCLESIASTICAL to hasten forward the consecration, which indeed must pre- cede, if the king's own coronation was to be performed according to ancient practice. The bishops elect, at least Magnus of Strangness, were in doubt and hesitated. But the Jcing left them onbj the choice between consecration or abdica- tion, in which latter case he would endeavor to find some other for the office. The three bishops were consecrated in the cathedral of Strangness, on the 5th of January, 1528, by bishop Petrus Magni of "Westeras. He was himself consecrated at Rome, according to the popish ritual. It was wished not to break the old order of the churc^j, although the unfounded preten- sions of the Roman bishop were set aside. By this cautious proceeding, the so-called apostolic succession was secured to the bishoi")S of the Swedish protcstant church, by the laying on of hands by an already consecrated bishop. This suc- cession may be defined to be the continuance of the line of bishops in the church, in an unbroken chain from the apos- tles and those who, by the laying on of their hands, were first ordained bishops of the church. If the consecration of the bishops consecrated in the year 1528, was not canon- ical, that is, in conformity with a law of the church which directed it to be performed by three or two bishops, yet had this a meet apology as a case of necessity. In the absence of the bishop of "VVexio, no more ordainers could be pro- cured, provided bishop Yincentius, who was then, it is prob- able, either in Sweden or Finland, is not asked for. Petrus Magni for some time refused to perform this office, because the elect Avcrc not confirmed by. the pope. Laurcrrtius Andrea? could not induce him to consent, till he had given a promise that the newly consecrated bishops should tliem- selvcs seek this confirmation, and make an apology for Peter at the Roman chair. Eight days after, the king's coronation took place in Upsala, at which the newly consecrated bishops officiated. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 245 It created remark, and soon after objections, that tlie rela- tions of tlie cliurcli having been settled when the king placed the crown on his head as^ the estates had desired, he omitted the oath customary at a coronation, to protect the holy- church and her people. The remark and dissatisfaction of the popishly disposed, certainly called forth the sermon which Olaus Petri made upon the occasion. It was an exhortation to the king and his subjects. The former was admonished, among other things, to watch over the pure doctrines of God within the land. " As the king ought to punish his stewards and officers, when they abuse their trust, so ought he to have oversight of the bishops and priests in his land, when they are neglectful of what is committed to them, that is, when they do not faithfully make known the word of God, as they ought to do. Yea rather, he ought to punish them, since from their mismanagement follows the greater hurt, in proportion as the soul is better than the body." On the duties of sub- jects it is said : " As it is to the injury of many men that the king should misuse his power, so is it to the injury and ruin of many, that a part should withhold the obedience they owe to their king, and of the default of which — may God amend it — we have had too much evidence in Sweden. But him who has been at the root of this we have taken in hand. Doubtless they who have withdrawn their obedience to the powers that be, under pretence of privileges and liberty, and have adopted a new rule for themselves, had nothing to gain by the king. This is evidently contrary to what St. Paul says, that every man shall be in subjection to the powers that be ; he excepts no one, pope, prelate, or bishop." Thus was consecrated the new reign, with an open re- jection of the former position of the church. From that day the Swedish throne rests on a protestant basis. The liberty of teaching, which was granted at Westeras the previous year, was used, in 1528, by the reformers^ 246 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL especially Olaus Petri, to settle and confirm the principles of those who leaned to the Kefbrmation, by a multitude of small treatises. Many such productions on various sub- jects, by Olaus l*etri, came out in the course of the year, and one from the pen of Laurentius Andrea3. The first of Olof 's writings was again called forth by the Danish Carmelite monk, Paulus Elins. The questions of king Gustavus being circulated, had also fallen into his hands. He published, in 1528, an answer furnished with a preface and appendix, after he had read the answers of Peter Galle and Olof, being of opinion that neither of these had given the right reply, " because the one could not, and the other would not." They were also deemed by Paul to have each been obstinate in opinion, and not to have done justice to the parts they were to perform. He was yet to learn how little availed a temporizing policy. Paulus Elia?, who frequently quotes the predictions of St. Bridget now about to be fulfilled, and who attempts to flatter the king, by declaring that he did not believe his sovereign to have proposed the questions with any evil de- sign, but for the purpose of making known and pointing out the heresy, closes his tract or answer, with twelve questions put to the king, manifestly referring to the decree of Westeras. The general tenor of these twelve questions may be comprised in the one, whether that constitution of the church and its hierarchal power, cannot and ought not to subsist, with which the civil constitution and royal power can rightly possess its due stability, in other words, whether that ecclesiastial regimen ought not to endure which is best consistent with the civil regimen ? It was this question which called forth the answer of Olaus Petri, dated INIay 27th, 1528, in which, with strength and clearness, and in a manner hardly expected in dealing with his adversary, he beats down his positions. As Olof, a few years before, had with youthful presumption an- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 247 nounced, that no one before him preached the truth in Sweden, the following expressions in liis treatise merit ob- servation, as an evidence of his meaning, and how entirely he was attached to that conservatism which is a striking feature in the Reformation of the Swedish church. " You have never proved that St. Ansgarius and St. Sigfrid taught us to believe, that bishops and prelates were to lay aside their proper office in order to rule castles, lands, and cities, to tax us with their indulgences, to oppress us with their self-derived bans, interdicts, and the like. First prove that they brought such a faith into the land, and then that we have deviated from the faith they brought us. These good men brought us the holy gospel of Christ, the pure and precious word of God, and showed themselves faithful according to the grace which God gave them, and taught us that we should firmly abide by God's promise and word, put our dependence on the death and pains of Christ, who has made atonement for us to his Father in heaven whom we had offended, and who has gained for us everlasting life. On this should we believe, and place our trust, and in this faith have mutual brotherly love and do good to one another. This is the faith those men brought here." We will not repeat the positions, which, from Olof 's an- swer have been sufficiently apparent, but cannot omit the following particular, which witnesses Olof's modesty and sound judgment, alike. Paulus Elia3 had expressed a doubt of the truth of protestantism, inasmuch as its power to im- prove the life and conversation had not been manifested. To this Olof made an answer which was not needed in out- ward defence, while the truth of the church was confined to doctrinal controversy. " You say, also, that you yet see great sinners among those who have fallen off from the church of Home, and the governors appointed by Jesus Christ in the land. I acknowledge there are such sinners amonsc us. The old Adam rebels and draws us to act 248 IIISTOKT OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL ajrainst the commandments of God, whether we Vvill or not- But the case between us depends not on this point. AVe dis- putc not which party has the more or fewer sinnei*s. We- dispute which party luis the true doctrine. We defend our doctrine and not our sinners. Tlie saints, Peter, Paul,^ John,, and the other apostles, were sinners, as themselves confess^ though I do not compare our life with theirs, yet they had true doctrine." Soon after appeared, on tlie 12th of June, this treatise- of Olof, under the motto : " A good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep;" and another also of his: "A Chris- tian admonition ta the clergy meeting at the next clerical councils of Upsala, Btriingness, and Westeras, wherein is set forth Avhat tlie clergy owe to the laity, and what the laity to the clergy." It is said to be the duty of priests to the laity to preach the word of God, to administer the- sacraments,, and by their good lives to set a good example ; of the laity to the priests, to be obedient, to judge their failings with tenderness, and afford them a proper mainte- nance. The purport of the "WTitings of the reformers was to inculcate that rents and tithes were given for preaching and not for reading, for singing, for masses, and baptizing, all which without preaching was unprofitable. It was a snare toi the soul to receive tithes without pi-eaching. Priests who eould not do thL**, should have assistants, for above all there should be preaching. These expressions corresponded with the ordinantia of Westeras, and Avere a prognostic of tho decree passed the year following at the council of Orebro. But this treatise of Olof was also designed to obviate one of the consequences of the treaty of Westeras ; as the people began to refuse payment of taxes to the clei^gy. The priests had, says Olof, previously abused the Scriptures to tax laymen, and force them to give more than they ought. Now, in their turn, laymen abused the Scriptures to give their clergy less than they ought, or nothing at all. "The REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 249 one desired, on authority of the Scriptures, to have all, the other, on the same authority, to give nothing." Olof wished, therefore, to show what the Scriptures truly taught and com- manded in this respect. A few months after the diet of Westeras, it became neces- sary to inculcate in the minds of the people, that duties and payments should be made to the clergy, according to the old customs and usages, except where the treaty had made a change. In August, 1527, the king was obliged to warn the people against a perversion of the treaty and ordinantia to anarchy and selfishness. In the beginning of 1528, these admonitions were renewed, and from time to time, during al- most the whole of king Gustavus's reign, and with increased earnestness. In a letter to some of the provinces of the kingdom, in 1534, it is said, that the king had not abrogated such dues to priests ; else would the office of bishop have been abolished. If this admonition did not avail, they would not he allowed the privileges of Easter as they now enjoyed them. This was a threat to restore the usages abrogated at Westeras in 1527, and repel from the Lord's Supper those who refused to pay their dues to the clergy. Two months later than the work last mentioned, Olof was ready, August 14th, with another: "A small book on the sacraments, what they are, and how they may prop- erly be administered, many unchristian appendages being with good reason laid aside." This production is, of all those which appeared in the course of the year, the most comprehensive and the most deeply involving a doctrinal change. It treats of the nature of a sacrament, of baptism, of the forgiveness of sins, of confession, of the distinction between plain and mystical language in Scripture, of auric- ular confession, of absolution, penance, and vows, of indul- gences, of the election and consecration of priests, and how practised in apostolic times, of confirmation, extreme unc- tion, marriage, and the prohibited degrees, of the Lord's 11* 250 IIISTOKY OF THE KCCLESIASTICAL Supper, and how fur Christ made in this sacrament a differ- ence between priests and laymen, of the carrying the body of Christ in procession, of masses as a sacrifice, of the spiritual priesthood of all Christians, of masses and prayers for the dead, of true prayer, and of purgatory. The views of Olof in all these particulars may be learned and under- stood from his answers to the questions, and from the present existing confession and usages of our church. In the same month with this book, appeared also Olofs *' Instructions respecting marriage." Olof had for some time, as he says, had it in contemplation to put in print something on the subject of marriage, but for the sake of weak brethren had deferred his desirirn. But as a knowledge of the truth began to be now more widely spread, " so that innumerable many now embrace the gospel of Christ, who were at first firmly opposed to it," he would no longer procrastinate. Under three heads, that marriage is ordained of God, is permitted to all, and can be for- bidden by none, Olof presents an exhortation to bishops and prelates to grant freedom of marriage to the priests under their jurisdiction, and thus put a stop to the licen- tiousness which then existed and had been common amonji them. In the zeal which led Olof, in 1528, to set forth general principles, by writings which rapidly succeeded each other, the conventual life was a topic not to be neglected. A small volume, therefore, came out in November. Its purport was apparent from its motto : " They shall proceed no further, for their folly shall be manifest to all men." Not only as a controversial writing, but as a picture of the times, this treatise is of great value. After some notices of the origin of the cloistral life, and of the different orders, Avith their badges, the author enters upon an examination of the three vows, which he finds in part contradictory to the command of God, in part binding upon all men. A special REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 251 chapter is bestowed upon the mendicant monks.* In four- teen points are developed the injuries brought on Chris- tianity by the cloistral life, from which emanated divisions and schisms, seduction of children in disobedience to their parents, the enticement of people from faith and reliance on Christ, and the evil example which followed from the prac- tice of be";2;ino;. The hideous occurrences in Switzerland, in 1507, when four Dominican monks, agreeably to a pretended revelation of the Virgin Mary, bored through the hands, feet, and side of a brother of their cloister, are not forgotten in his picture of the evils consequent upon the conventual life. The admonition given to the tenants of convents to go back into civil life, and the sooner the better, and to all those who had children, friends or relations, to aid them in such a purpose, was, in a word, the very end that the king and Laurentius Andreas, in their treatment of monasteries, had in view. The list of Olof 's writings during this year, closing on December 18tli, concludes with the words: " Of God's word and man's ordinances, which in spiritual things are the rule of life for the soul." This treatise, which purposes to lay for the teachers of the Reformation a religious philo- sophical foundation, merits a particular attention. It was by no means desired to have a rupture with the faith and discipline of the church, but to guard against the abuse of them. God's everlasting wisdom and counsel, it is here declared, in which his inscrutable providence makes itself known, is his word, in whom all his will and purpose are contained, through whom also he has created all things. For all that he has created, he has created as from eternity * "When the devil was let loose after a thousand years, mentioned by St. John, he waked up the begging orders, so that God has suffered the world to be plagued with the mendicant monks, as, in the Old Testament, he plagued Egypt with frogs and grasshoppers." 252 IIISTOKT OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL he determined to create it. Tluis, God's wisdom, decree, and counsel, are called in Scripture God's word, God's Son, God's heart, God's mind, God's arm. No one knows the Father but the Son. He who sliall know the Father has of necessity God's word and wisdom. He wlio has this wisdom and science has everlasting life. Tlius everlasting life comes from God's Avord. But where the Father and Son are, there also is the Holy Ghost, for He is the love wherewith the Father loves the Son. There love is, where he is diffused and manifested, as God in all creatures has manifested his love. As long as men had this word, they had truth and life, but when they tuiTied away from him they came to lies and death. But when God willed to recover men he willed that his inward word, wliich he has in liis heart, should become man, and so be declared in tlic outward word, of which men shall be enabled to conceive the meaning, and from which they derive life and ti'uth. But if the Holy Ghost docs not infuse into the hearts of men the outward word, it cannot be comprehended or understood. The outivard word is contained in the Bible. To this nothing can be added and from it nothing subtracted. For it is impossible that the word of God, which is his eternal wisdom, and the reason of sinful man should be of equal value : for through Adam's sin man is fallen from God, who is wisdom, unto vanity and foolishness. His thoughts are not equivalent to the word of God, therefore they cannot be added thereto, unless we would mingle truth with lies. All that is not founded on Holy Scripture is the commandment of men, and is no rule of action for the soul. It is said that the Holy Ghost directs the church, and protects it from error, but it must first be declared what the church is, " for the ordi- nances of men have given us the benefit of not knowing what the church is." If thereby is meant the society of men who have the IIolv Ghost there can be no mistake, but if, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 253 as is common, be thereby meant the pope, cardinals, bishops, prelates and all ecclesiastics, this church, which is corporeal, has, in many of its parts, been in error. The crafty devices of men are now, for the most part, made to be the worship of God. The fathers of the church, councils, tradition, are of value only if they have the Scriptures with them. To the year 1528, must be assigned one of Olof 's pro- ductions : "A short introduction to the Holy Scriptures," which develops sundry points, as what the law, gospel, and faith of Christ, are. But Olof labored at the same time to gain an opportunity for having divine service in the Swedish tongue. It is prob- able that, in the course of this year, first made their ap- pearance, the psalms in Swedish, Avhich, with additions, became the basis of the present psalm book of the Swedish church. At this time, also, mention is made of the postils, which, for the aid and direction of the clergy, Olof translated from the German, and which, in 1530, came out complete, with the addition of a short catechism. In recording the protectant productions of the year 1528, we cannot omit a short treatise by Laurentius Andreoe, the only one with certainty known to be his : " A brief instruc- tion on faith and good works." Its purport is to show the injustice of their reproaches, who say that good works are rejected and made of no account, when faith is exalted as that through which alone we are justified. That is not the case. We are obligated to do good works, but we are not to place our dependence on them. " Good works make no man good, but on the other hand, a good man does good works." This review exhibits the compass and indefatigable zeal of Olaus Petri as an author, during the year which followed the diet of Westeras. The soil was opened and prepared to receive the seed, and the men of truth neglected it not. Including the coronation sermon, there appeared within the year at least nine larger or smaller productions from the 2o4 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL pen of Olof. This activity would be still more surprising, did we not consider, that the previous year gave him oppor- tunity for quiet preparation, and that these writings were in a measure translated or compiled. We do not regard it as worth while to examine into the relative labor he be- stowed on each of them. This fancy for searching out the foreign origin of every Swedish book is of little consequence, when we are concerned with the opinions and efficacy con- nected with these writings. The general views contained in them were of a protestant complexion, and there is no question that Olaus Petri and Laurentius Andreas were mighty men in the principles com- mon to protestants, and in their mother tongue, being in a great degree its framers, so that it may well be supposed they showed a spirit of independence in their explanation of those principles. While these writings Avere being spread it the land, king Gustavus issued his directions to the clergy to make themselves acquainted with the word of God out of certain portions of the Holy Scripture, and to promulgate them among their hearers. The following year bore the fruit of this seed corn of tho word, and serious efforts were also employed to stop its growth. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 255 CHAPTER lY. THE COUNCIL OF OREBRO IN 1529— DISSATISFACTION— FLIGHT OP BISHOP MAGNUS OF SKARA. On the 25th of November, 1528, king Gustavus issued a summons for an ecclesastical council to be opened at Orebro, at Candlemas, February 2d, 1529. The prelates and learned men of the church were to assemble, to determine on what was necessary for the improvement of the church and unity in her usages. At this council, Laurentius Andre^e, archdeacon of Upsala, acted as president, " in behalf and right of the archbishopric," and as plenary envoy of king Gustavus. That the presidency was assigned to the archiepiscopal see gave the council the legal form of a provincial synod, al- though certainly not because the council was held during a vacancy of that see or the voluntary absence of its occu- pants. That the king had his envoy at the council was not uncommon, but it was uncommon that the envoy and president of the council should be one and the same person. There were present at the council three bishops, Magnus Haraldsson of Skara, Magnus Sommar of Strangness, and Petrus Magni of Westeras. The representatives or deputies from the two other bishops to be found in the land, Ingemar of Wexio, and Martin Skytte of Abo, are not named. The diocese of Abo was now, as often before, not at all repre- sented. The list of the chapters, parish priests and monastic 2.16 rasTORV OF THE ecclesiastical orders, named as present or represented, is as follows : From Upsala two clergymen, canons, and John Kokemastere, pastor of the church in Stockholm, with Olaus Petri, secre- tary of the council of that city. From Linkoping, one prelate, the cantor Erik- Magni, the same who was chosen by bishop Brask and the chapter of Linkoping to take part in the translation of the Kew Testament, two canons, of whom Thorer Magni was one, with the pastors of the churches in Soderkoping, Skeninge and Wadsten. From Skara, two prelates, the provost Sven Jacobi, soon after made bishop of that see, and the archdeacon Magnus Arnberni, with two canons and the pastor of Lodose. From Striingness, four canons, of whom two were besides pastors of Nyk oping and Kumla, with the pastor of Orebro. From "Westerns, three canons, of whom two were also pastors of Fellingbro and Leksand, and to these were added the preachers of Westeras and Arboga, with the pastor of Rattvik. From Wexio, two canons, one of whom was the Gudmund Spegel mentioned in a former page. The monkish orders were represented by the vicar and two brethren of the Domini- cans, a confessor and two brothers from the cloister of "Wadsten, with a custos and a brother from the Minorites. The names thus counted, were therefore, in amount, three bishops, nineteen canons, of whom four held prelacies, eleven pastors of sundry the chief parishes of the sees among whom some were canons, three preachers, among whom Olaus Petri was numbered, and eight monks. There were also many other clerg}'men present at the council, although of their names and titles we have no informa- tion. Among the names of the forty men who took part in the council of Orebro, the thirty, bishops, canons and monks, men of standing in the church, who were deeply interested in the direction which church reform began now to take, may serve to illustrate the quality and character of the council, a circumstance of the greater consequence, as, with REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 257 the exception of the decree there passed, information is wanting of the course pursued bj an assembly so important to the church's future. The proceedings were neither diffused por of long contin- uance. The council met on February 2d, and its decree was passed February 7th, five days after. The work of a century is without verbosity summed up in a decree. The decree now framed at Orebro, may be divided into three heads. 1. Of the preaching of God's word. 2. Of the church constitution and discipline. 3. Of church usages. In regard to the preaching of God's word, the members of the council confessed themselves bound by their office to propagate, spread, and advance it. They would, therefore, provide that over the whole kingdom, in all its churches, the word should be preached purely and without molestation. The bishops obligated themselves to pay special attention that the parish priests within their dioceseSj with the hazard else of losing their henefices, should either preach God's pure word, or if they could not do so, allow it to be done by others "versed in the Holy Scriptures." By this last expression, • it was more plainly than at "\Yesteras declared, that in the Holy Scriptures alone the word of God was to be found. To promote an acquaintance with the Scriptures there should daily be had a lection of some portions of them, " with a good and true explanation." This Bible illustration should be frequented by the parish priests, in order " to become learned in the word of God." There was also to be in cathedral schools a daily reading of the Scriptures. On such occasions, the priests who were cross-bearers, and the candidates for the priesthood, were always or sometimes to be present, that the Holy Scriptures might be read in their ears. The times of the cathedral service were to be so regulated, that there might be leisure for this. The bishops were to take heed, that for the scholars there should be books of the New Testament in Latin, and that learned men 258 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL should be appointed as pastors of churches in towns, to whom the priests in the neighborhood might resort for in- struction in the word of God, and who should travel about and preach in cowntry congi'cgations. To furnish oppor- tunity for more general instruction, and probably also to produce an effect on the occupants of monasteries, it was ordered, that, in the churches belonging to monasteries situated in towns, there should be preaching only in the afternoon, so that there might be a better attendance on the preaching in tlie town church during the morning. Priests were forbidden mutually to recriminate each other in the pulpit. If any found fault with the preaching of another, he should give him his opinion in private, that scandal among the people might not be the result of an opposite course. The Lord's prayer, the creed, the hail Mary, were to be repeated before every sermon, " for the benefit of young and simple people," as also the ten commandments once or twice a month. All preachers were to begin and end their sermons in the same manner. The second division contains, under seven articles, direc- tions relating to the discipline and order of the church. 1. The first treats of scholars going about in parishes to collect alms, a subject on Avhich canons Avere often passed in the councils of the Swedish church during the middle ages. Thus, for example, it was decreed at the provincial council of Arboga, in 1412, that priests should confine the scholars found in the houses of the country people beyond the appointed time, and were to transfer their collections to the nearest schoohnaster, for the use of his poor pupils. In the diocese of Abo, tliis going about in pai'islics to collect alms, was, in 1489, prohibited, and the clergy of the chapter were requested to receive what " the friends of God " were willing to give, and this the chapter was to apportion ac- cording to merit. The reason assigned was, that the schol- ars, by long journeys through the country, neglected their REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 259 studies, practised manifold artifices among the people, preached to simple persons in a false and unreasonable man- ner respecting indulgences, and were guilty of other im- proper practices. On similar grounds the decree was passed at Orebro, that scholars should not long be allowed to collect alms about the country, to prevent their spreading lies among the peo- ple for their own selfish views, and that the priests of the parishes where they were sent, should have an eye over them. 2. The second article says : " As the law of the pope forbids some to enter into marriage whom God has not for- bidden, it is determined to dispense with this law, for hon- est reasons, provided scandal be avoided as far as possible." This point was one of the few plain protests against poperj^, which had been yet openly uttered in Sweden. From what was done at "Westeras it appears that the right of dispensa- tion was given to the bishops and chapters. But that there was no renunciation of the pope's law, but merely a dispen- sation from it, is another proof of the caution used in the measures adopted. 3. As the bond of previously existing laws was now loosened, the penitentiaries of cathedrals were allowed the right of taking such a course with ofienders, as they deemed most advisable, " and they might use any degree of severity with murderers and other heinous transgi*essors, as the worldly sword appears to be idle, and has not the force it ought to have." 4. The cloisters, which, in 1527, were, as to their out- ward discipline, placed in the hands of the king, were now, as to their spiritual relations, placed under the care of the bishops. The monks, it is declared, shall be under obedience to the bishops, especially in matters that appertain to the preaching of the gospel. 5. The number of saints' days shall, by each bishop in his diocese, be diminished as circumstances admit. The 260 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL reason given was, that there were more saints' days than ne- cessary, that they gave occasion to many sins, and were in- jurious to the body politic. " The peculiar high festivals of our Lord, of the Virgin Mary, of the apostles, and the days of patron saints," were to be kept. In conclusion, it was decreed that where there were many parish churches in the same town, they should be placed under the control of one pastor, and that bishops should not, v»'ithout weighty cause, give commissions for begging. The third division treats of the true explanation of church ceremonies. The council did not enter into an ex- amination of the truth of the doctrine of confession, but laid it down as a maxim, that the words of the Bible, now released from bondage, should accompany and explain what was truth upon the subject. It aimed to assist the erring eyes of the sons of the church, to recall the worship of God, which stood in outward ordinances, to a Avorship of Him in spirit and in truth. The outward usages of the church, which now existed and expressed the life of pietv, were not 'suddenly and violently to be removed ; they were on the con- trary to furnish a text for the preaching of the truth. We present this part of the council's decree in its own words : " As many abuses and erroneous a lews have been entertained respecting the customary ceremonies, we here give an account of some of them, and explain their true purpose. First : consecrated water is not used for the sake of taking away sins, for that the blood of Christ alone effects ; but it shall be borne in mind that we are baptized and sprinkled with the blood of Christ. Images are used, not for the purpose of courtesying and bowing down to, but for a remembrance of Christ and holy men. The palm branch is not consecrated, not used, that men should take comfort in it, but in memory that the people strewed palm branches in the way of Christ, when he entered Jeru- salem. Candlemas lights are not used for any special REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 26 1 worship of God, not given as possessing any special power, but in memory that the true light, Jesus Christ, was offered in the temple. Anointing, or chrism, is not used for any power it possesses, but to be an outward sign of an inward unction, which is effected by the Holy Ghost. The ring- ing of bells is only used that the people may be called to gcther. Church structures are kept up, not for any peculiar sanctity in themselves for the worship of God, but that men may meet together there, and learn God's word. God dwells not in houses built by men's hands. Consecrated churches, consecrated salt, meat, and the like, are not in themselves any the better, but they are consecrated to re- mind us that such things should not be abused by us ; so that the calling of God's name over them, is to improve us, not the thing consecrated. So should the people be taught, that they should rather give the poor lights than place them before images. Fast days are kept, not as a special wor- ship done to God, but to tame our lustful bodies. Saints' days are observed, that men may have a time to hear God's word, and rest from their toils, not as a special worship done to God. The people shall be taught that the ceremo- nies of Good Friday and Easter, are only in remembrance of Christ. It is also necessary that the people be instruct- ed with regard to pilgrimages, that, although such was scarcely their origin, their meaning is that the people should go where they can gain better instruction than at home ; so that pilgrimages are for the sake of good doctrine, and not for an especial worship done to God, or to obtain indul- gence which can be obtained in all places, for God is as much in one place as another. The like instruction shall be given the people beforehand, Avho will then not seek for it abroad." That besides the subjects which the decree of the council contains, others also were either discussed, or through the decree became established, will appear from what follows. 262 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL It will be evidenced from these, no less than fiom the open measures adopted and published, that, for the first time, after the council of Orebro, the favorers of the old church disci- pline began to dread that it was to be shaken to the foun- dation. So little was commonly foreboded of the conse- quences of the diet of AYesteras, held somewhat more than half a year before, or so commonly admitted was the neces- sity of the reforms there adopted, or so sure were men of the views which would be current at Orebro, that the result of that council awakened astonishment in many of the friends of the papacy. It seems to have been expected, that after the necessary improvements in the condition of the chm'ch were allowed and confirmed at Westeras, the order would now be, to adopt restraining measures against heresy. Thus, the diary of the cloister of Wadsten, mentions that three of the brethren had, on the 26th of January, gone, by command of the king, to the council of Orebro against the Lutherans, and had, on February 12, returned " in constei'- nation.''^ The council of Orebro also held the middle path of cau- tion, which distinguishes the reformation of the Swedish church, in almost all its progress. It was, therefore, natu- ral, that both parties, who went to the extreme on either side, both the zealous protestants and stubborn papists, should be dissatisfied. The former thought far too little done, far too great a concession to error to have been made ; the latter, now first having opened their eyes, began to per- ceive where the current of the times was leading them. The dissatisfaction exploded on the one side, though in a movement of less consequence, in the city of Stockholm, which was full of German protestants ; on the other side, in insurrections throughout many provinces of the king- dom. When the representative of Stockholm at the council re- turned home, he found the German merchants of the city, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 263 and a German preacher, named Tileman, who seems to have been either invited or favored by Laurentius Andreas, pouring out reproaches against the council for having fallen away from the Gospel, and returned to the old opinions because it allowed images, holy water, palms, and other practices to be continued. In vain did Olaus Petri and others offer the apology, that circumstances did not permit this council to go further, " that one must travel softly with the people of this land," and that all that was allow- ed might well be borne with, and was not contrary to the word of God. Tileman preached openly against this tol- eration. The king and master Lars were absent ; but the governor of the castle, and burgomaster of Stockholm, now less crest-fallen than during the disturbance of the anabap- tists five years before, forbade Tileman to preach before the coming home of the king, and, though soon setting them at liberty, imprisoned the most turbulent of the Germans. In an opposite direction, were the insurrections which occurred in this year in many other places. Of very lit- tle importance were the attempts of Goran, Thuresson provost of Upsala, who raised commotions in Roslagen and Helsingland. More menacing was the insurrection pro- voked about the same time in "West Gothland, by Thure Jonsson Roos, father of provost Goran, and by bishop Mag- nus of Skara ; the object of the bishops, nobles, and priests engaged in it, being to bring back the old order of things, by the election of another king. In Smaland, not in Warend, the diocese of bishop Ingemar, but in the district under the jurisdiction of the see of Linkoping, the revolt assumed the character of a dissatisfaction with the changes made in the church. At a later period, after the insurrection wa? stifled, king Gustavus complains of the provost and chapter of Linkoping, as having taken part in it ; although this con- duct of theirs does not correspond to the commission previ- 264 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL ously given them by the king to negotiate with the men of Sm aland. There is no reason to be assigned for the supposition, that the spirit of tlie insurrection, ahhough fed by the disorders of long continuance throughout the kingdom, presented the condition of the church merely as a cloak for the leaders' ambition and thirst of revenge. The letter which was published in the name of the burgomaster and council of .Tonkoping and the people of Smaland, exhibited a deep in- sight into the true position of the case, when it declared that it would be too late to stop the reformation of the church, if active measures and timely precautions were not adopted. ' The danger was delineated in striking colors, and with the common exaggeration, which makes a particular instance current as a general rule. It was known to all, what an unchristian regimen came into this poor kingdom by means of the Lutheran heresy, so that it would be al- together ruined if no good counsel were found, {f timeltj and 'immediate preventives icere not used. Otherwise, they might all become heathens and damned. In Upland, and, indeed, the whole kingdom, the cloisters were either laid in ruins, or the jewels and property, the pictures and images, yea, and the very tiles from the shattered buildings, were carried off. Bishops, prelates, monks, and priests, were expelled from their homes, t^at the king might come at their goods and tithes ; heretics and recreant runaway monks were placed as pastors in towns and all over the land. The king had eaten meat in Lent, and even induced others to do so. lie had also broken his royal oath. The mass was neglected or abolished in Sweden. • Many, in Stockholm and all over the land, made a laughing-stock of the mass, of tlie saints and their images. How the sacraments were debased and de- praved, and the good old Christian customs contemned, is evident from the books tuhich the king permitted the last winter to he published on the sacraments. They had punished Gott- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 265 frid Sure, who obtained the cloister of Nydala in investiture from the king, and they invited others to deal in the same manner with robbers of the sanctuary. In the published letters, the insurgents lay all the blame on the king. But, by those whom king Gustavus employed to negotiate with them — either it was really so, or they put in the mouth of the insurgents their own convictions and their own per- sonal spite — he was informed, that the fury of the rebels was directed against Laurentius Andrew and master Olof, with others devoted to evangelical principles. In East Gothland there was discontent with the teachers, who from Upland Avere scattered over tlie country, and whatever was preached or printed was said to be done with the king's knowledge and consent. Laurentius Andrete, in particular, was blamed for all the ill will the people harbored against the kinsr. He had used some violence in his treatment of the cloisters and in other respects, and was the first to •advise the removal of the jewels and other chattels of those establishments, shutting them up that no masses might be said within their walls. This he had done in Skeninge. They, therefore, propose to the king, to sacrifice this coun- sellor to appease the anger of the people. It were better that he alone should be punished, than that many others should sutFcr for his sake. This proposal did not induce king Gustavus to withdraw his confidence from the man who guided his counsels and resolves in the affairs of the church. The insurrection was quelled in the course of some weeks, after he had approved the agreement, which in his behalf, the knights Holger Karlsson and Mans Johansson, the chapter of Linkoping, and the burgomasters and council of the towns of East Gothland, with the envoys of some districts, had signed with the disaffected. He pledged himself, not to suffer any heresy to be introduced into the kingdom or be there countenanced, not to allow the preaching of any unchristian doctrine in- 12 • 266 HISTORY OF THE ECCl.ESIASTICAL consistent with the pure word of God and ancient Christian customs. He wished to abide by what was done at Westeras, and by what, with the people's full approbation, the treaty contains. The king could, without double dealing in word or act, accept these terras, since it was yet undetermined what was heresy or pure doctrine, and since on both sides it was ad- mitted, that the pure Avord of God was the fountain of truth. We cannot forbear to present in a compendium the declaration he laid before the estates of tlie kingdom at the diet of Striingness, after the disturbances were quieted. The king went into a copious defence of the treaty of Westeras, which he declared it to be his wish should remain unaltered. It was the condition on which he took the Swedi:?h crown. It would be contrary to his wishes, if any other doctrine were preached in the kingdom than the pure word of God and the gospel, the preaching of which the people themselves solicited at the diet of Westeras. Pie was yet desirous that learned men in the kingdom should meet together and investigate the subject. Complaint was made of his having broken his oath, because he did not protect the churchmen, but he weU knew that it was the duty of a king to punish the bad and countenance the good, and when he did this he fLdfilled his oath, " to 'protect and uphold the church and churchmen, that is to sa^/, his Christian subjects, since the holy church is no other than the congregation of Christian men and Christian women.^^ Would any one desire to inter- pret his kingly oath as confined to bishops, prelates, and priests, and consider it broken, when the power of these was diminished ? tlien let it be recollected, that this diminution was made witli consent of the council and estates of the kingdom. Tiieir power had become noxious, and to protect it was to oppress the church. The bishops had not been driven away by the king, but by their own unquiet tempers, nor could this be attributed to the new teaching, since long REFORMATION IN SV/EDEN. 26? before its appearance, lords and princes had contended with bishops. Churches and monasteries he had put under contribution, but it was done with consent of the diet. Monasteries he had not laid in ruins ; but their occupants, discontented with the curtailment of their privileges and selfishness, which took effect at Westeras, had themselves run away. Only some monks, plotters of rebellion in Upland, had the king expelled. So much holiness was not attached to monastic life as some supposed. Their jewels and chattels, rather than they should squander them, he had taken to pay the debts of the kingdom and to support students. The performance of masses in Sweden he had neither advised nor prohibited. Whether any had blas- phemed the saints, he could not say. If, in the writings put to press, there w^as anything contrary to God's word, it was not by his will and order. If the king ate meat on a fast day, it was to the injury of no one ; it was allowed in many other countries, and in Rome meat was sold during the whole of Lent. The marriage of monks and priests it was not in his power to prohibit, because they said they had the word of God in their favor. They must answer for them- selves. The knight Thure Jonsson, and Magnus, bishop elect of Skara, with whom bishop Brask, as long as he remained at Linkoping, carried on an intimate correspondence by letters, had been the heads of the rebellion in West Gothland, and by its unsuccessful issue, were obliged to fly to the borders of Denmark. From Halmstad the bishop issued a protest against the treaty of AVesteras. The approbation of the bishops to this treaty was declared by him to be merely an acknowledgment that the king and temporal estates so decree ; but suppose the approbation real, it was extorted, and there- fore without validity ; hence, he now appealed to the judg- ment of the pope and church of Rome, the Caesar, and all Christian princes in the approaching general council. From 268 IIISTOKY OF TlIK ECCLESIASTICAL Halmstad both these men wrote, that they could not return home under the king's letter of safe conduct offered them, because in that letter mention was made of the treaty of Westeras, which they could not approve, the rather as they had heard that the princes and lords of Germany were assembled at Spire, to condemn and punish Lutheranism and its allies. Both, together Avith archbishop Gustav Trolle, soon after took part in Christian II. 's war, marched into Norway, and, by letters, endeavored to raise new disturb- ances in their fatherland, although now to no purpose. Thure Jonsson was assassinated in Kongelf, the two bishops were carried captive into Denmark. They betook them- selves to Mecklenbero;. Masfnus, "who more than once wrote a letter of admonition to the Swedes, and, in 1543, of ex- hortation to them to dethrone the heretical king, passed his last years in a cloister near Rostock, and about the year 1560 there died. Bishop Magnus and Thure Jonsson appear, from the above mentioned answer, to have hoped that the decree of the German diet of Spire would elFcct a revolution which might operate on the Swedish church. This diet, so remarkable in the history of the German Reformation, was opened in March, 1529. The Swedish diet of Westeras, in 1527, was preceded by the German at Spire, in 1526, where religious freedom was accorded the evangelical party, and by a recon- ciliation between the emperor and pope. But this recon- ciliation was employed to suppress religious freedom in Ger- many, and in 1529, it gave rise to an attempt in Sweden to put a stop to the progress of the Reformation. On the 15th of March, it was declared, on behalf of the emperor Charles V., before the estates again met at Spire, that, as the religious freedom, granted three years before, had pro- duced many disorders, it was now withdrawn, by the power and authority of the Caesar. Thus, on the same day when rebellious liands sought to pluck the crown from the head REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 269 of king Gustavus, because he was said to favor the pretended heresy, the estates of Germany, In contradiction of the former decree, resolved that the further spread of evangelical doctrine shonld not be allowed. This occurred on 6th and 7th of April. On the 19th of that month, king Ferdinand, as representing the Grsar, confirmed the decree. On the same day, the evangelical part of the estates promulgated that protest against the decree which has become world renowned, and given name to the confessors of the truth. The disturbances in Dalecarlia, which were occasioned by the proclamation of a tax on bells, and had little connec- tion with disputes of faith, were provoked by the menaced plundering of churches, and at once were an-ested by the simultaneous attempt of Christian to recover his lost king- dom. At the council of Upsala, in 1530, it was resolved that, for the payment of the foreign debt, the second largest bell of every church, chapel, and cloister, in tow^ns, should be taken. This tax which was laid without opposition, was extended, the year after, to the country churches, but with a right to parishes, by payment of copper, or by money, to release their bells. If there was but one bell, it was to remain, l^ut to be released at half its valuation. A ransom was to be paid, not only for the bells, but for some of the products of the glebe, except what was needed for wine and wax ; and what was not indispensable of the con- tents of the chests of the church, v/as to be delivered up. The discontent among the Dalesmen, to which the impru- dence or ill will of Petri of Westeras, appears to have con- tributed, exploded in an attack upon the collectors of the taxes. The disturbance was fomented by some priests, among whom was Her Ewert, of the copper district, who, as pastor of Leksand, took part in the council of Orebro. There came out also, the usual accompaniments of a storm, insurrectionary letters from Gustav Trolle and others, in the camp of Christian II. These persons wrote to the nobles 27Q HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL of West Gothland, that the holy father of Rome declared that no faith was to be kept with Gustavus Eriksson, who had usurped the throne of Christian. To the Dalesmen, they ANTote, that homage to Christian woidd be attended by many advantages, and, what was of the utmost consequence, by the friendship and favor of the holy father, the pope of Eomc, and by commiuiion with the holy Catholic church, from which Swedes, by reason of the Lutheran teaching, were at that time excliuled. The Dalesmen complained, in regard to questions of faith, merely -in general terms, of the change of good Christian customs, but in particular of the use of the mass in Swedish, which they would neither bear nor permit. This charge against the mass in Swedish, touched the city of Stockholm, where, at least from the year 1529, the mass had been performed in the mother-tongue ; and an answer was given by that city, which had been chosen by the king to mediate with the Dalesmen. The king, it is said, in the letter of the city to these Dalecarlians, had put constraint on no one, but alloAved learned men to discuss the case. Not men, but the pure word of God, had induced the city to introduce the mass in Swedish. It was more to edification that men should hear any good thing in their own mother-tongue, which it was shameful in us to despise, more than the people of Germany, Lifliland, Denmark, and other countries, despised theirs. As the Dalesmen were probably but ill informed of the true state of the ca^e in Stockholm, they were invited to send thither some envoys, one or two from each parish, the expenses of whose journey, both going and coming, would be defrayed by the city, to satisfy themselves that the usages adopted in that city were not so wicked and unchristian as was represented. At the same time the mass in Swedish was printed, and this itself was answer to the accusa- tions. EKFOILMATION IN SWEDEN. 271 The issue of this disturbance was, as regarded churcli reform, that it corrected the elasticity of the Dalesmen, as also that of Christian II., who now came forward as the champion of the Roman church, and who henceforth ceased to hinder the development of the new life of church and state. 272 HISTORY OF THK KCCLESIASllCAL CHAPTER V. PROVISION FOR HAVING THE GOSPEL PREACHED— CHURCH-MANL'AI* AND MASS-BOOK IN THE SWEDISH LANGUAGE The most impartant result of the decree passed at Orebro, was the advancement of the knowledge and preaching of God's word. In order to give it energy, the king sent one or two learned and approved men to each diocese, to preach m the cathedrals, or to establish cathedral schools. They were commended to the care and attention of the bishops and canons. It is said, that at this time men were invited for this purpose from the schools of Germany, as were the brothers Henick and Marianus, who had Strangness as- signed them as the scene of their operations. To Skara, was sent a certain Mans Mansson, who, some time before^ read lectures in Stockholm upon the gospels. But he was not welcome in Skara, where he seems to have arrived soon after the council of Orebro, and, therefore, just at the time of the insurrectionary ferment in AVest Gothland. "When he entered the school, the pupils encountered liim with stones and missiles, so that he was obliged to save himself by flight, and when he saw that he was not safe in Skara nor in West Gothland, he betook himself to Wadsten. The behavior of the scholars was an indication of the feelings with which the bishop returned from Orebro. The ancient Christian church, did not read in her divine service the word of God without the accompaniment of an exposition, as appears from the homilies vet extant from REFORJMATION IN SV/EDEN. 273 the hands of many of the fathers of the church. But, after preaching became through the sacrificial worship of the mid- die ages only an occasional part of divine service, it was also in the Swedish church much neglected. It was natural that the Keformation, Avhich again called the word of God into the light of day, should endeavor to elevate this word and the explanation of it to its proper place in divine service. The duty required of every parish priest, either by himself or an assistant, to preach the pure word of God, went not immediately into full operation, partly because of the disinclination of one or another of the bishops to enter heartily into the measure, partly from the influence of habit, but chiefly from the impossibility of procuring a sufficient number of competent preachers on whom reliance could be placed. The indefatigable Olaus Petri, in performance of his prom- ise given a year before, endeavored to relieve the difficulty, by complete postils for the direction and assistance of preachers. " It has been a great oversight," he says in his preface, " that we have not practised our clergy in GodV word, before sending them out as priests of churches. Nor has the word of God been used in schools as it should have been, and as some provincial councils in this kingdom in former times commanded, but, which may God amend, has been neglected. It has thus come to pass, that, as soon as , any one has knowledge enough to read or sing a mass, he is immediately good enough to become priest of a church, though he knows nothing of the word of God, on which his office chiefly depends. God grant we may yet find a cure for this. In addition to exhorting priests diligently to read God's word, Olaus also proposes a method to render the people acquainted with the contents of the New Testament trans- lated into Swedish. It was a long time since it could be presupposed of every member of the church, that he had 12* 274 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL the ability to read for himself the holy books, and also be added, that they were to be found in his own possession. But Olof, on the contrary, advises that the parish priests, " who have the New Testament in Swedish," read a portion every holiday in divine service, so that the people might hear the whole gospel from one end to the other. At the end of the postils, are added directions how the priests ought to end their preaching with prayer and ad- monition, and a catechism freely translated from the larger catechism of Luther. The decision of the prelates and heads of the church respecting the publication of the postils, was one of those measures concerted at Orebro, which are not mentioned in the acts of the council as subscribed. An important work of a similar kind, with which Olof was ready, soon after the council, or in April, 1529, was a church-manual in the Swedish language. ' It was not now first composed. The holy exercises prescribed in this manual, were already in use at Stockholm. It was published as a pattern, which might be followed and iised, if found serviceable and convenient. It was a subject of deliberation at Orebro, that there ought to be a ritual of baptism in the Swedish language, and that there should be published an instruction for the sick, to pre- pare them for death. Olof, therefore, took occasion to add some other parts, and he was in hope that his work would be found more in agreement witli the Holy Scripture than the Latin manual. It was absurd that the lan£rua2;e under- stood by the people, should not be used in the holy actions of the church. In this manual the most common practices of the church were contained, especially with respect to baptism, but ex- orcism by salt put into the mouth of the child was rejected, " because salt is one of the pure creatures of God." Two years later than the manual, when dissatisfaction was expressed, during the insurrection of the Dalesmen, at the REFORM ATIOK IN SWEDEN. 275 introduction of the mass in Swedish, master Olof published a little work, upon the reasons why the mass ought to be in the mother tongue understood by the people. At the same time appeared the Swedish mass as it is now holden in Stockholm, with the reasons why it is now so held. This order of the mass, in 1531, is the most important change which took place in the church. Not only were laid aside many practices and usages, genuflections, crossings, frankincense, ringing at the elevation of the bread and chalice, but there was carefully rejected whatever presented the Lord's Supper as a sacrifice, or accorded with the doctrine of the Roman church, that the mass of the Lord's Supper was made by the priest the unbloody sacrifice of Christ for the sins of the world. It was prescribed, that there should be a distribution of the eucharist amono; the people at every mass, and that this distribution should be of both bread and wine, whereby the popish solitary masses, and the withholding the cup from the laity, were alike con- demned. It is singular that no direction for preaching, or any pre- scribed place for it, is to be found in the first four editions of the mass-book. As it was ordered by the council of Orebro, that the word of God should be preached in all churches of the kingdom, and that in city churches preach- ing should take place before mid-day, it is surprising that its place in divine service was not fixe4 ; unless it be borne in mind, that the mass-book of the year 1529, was pre- scribed for divine service as then held at Stockholm, and that in towns preaching was a part of the morning and afternoon services, when, on the other hand, it was not called for at high mass. But after this order of the mass by degi'ees became current in the whole kingdom, the whole order of divine service and the place for preaching were appointed, so as to be included in the service of the mass-book. This took place in 1548. 276 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Previously, there were occasional permissions for the use of the Latin tongue, at first in private confessions to the priest, afterward only in some of the psalms. The edition of 1529 makes no mention of the allowance of Latin in divine service. As early as 1529, the mass in Swedish was held in Stock- holm, and some other towns. Its introduction was not a jreneral ordinance, but took place gradually, where it could be effected by the priests, without creating scandal among the people. As late as the year 1539, when Mans Johansson, who had the castle and fief of Calmar, on occasion of the king's exhortation to the nobles of East Gothland to pro- mote and protect evangelical doclrine, commanded the Swedish mass to be introduced into divine service within his fief, he is reminded by the king, that no improvement would follow the use of the Swedish mass, if the people were not first instructed, and that it was^ therefore, of the utmost consequence to procure good and Christian preachers and teachers. Of the success of a Avork so important to the Reformation, by acquainting the people with the gospel and its meaning, by introducing true evangelical freedom through a true faith in the Son, who makes us truly free, we cannot expect to procure information from times yet unable to prepare work- men to cultivate the field of the church. The preaching of God's word, the purifying of divine service from super- stitious and strange practices, and from a language not un- derstood, together with the reclaiming of the ecclesiastical constitution from being a hinderance, to being a means of furthering the kingdom of God, were important steps, and the commencement of a holy progress to a holy end. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 277 CHAPTER YI. ELECTION OF A BISHOP— LAURENTIUS PETRI, ARCHBISHOP OF UPSALA —FATE OF THE CHURCH TILL 1539. That influence in the management of tlie church which the diet of Westeras gave the king, and which was sufficiently indefinite, was used at this time by him, partly to keep under his eye the bishops who were not to be depended upon or were inactive, partly, instead of the chapter, to direct the affairs of any vacant see, and to v/atch the election to be made by the chapter. As the king, in 1527, had placed the official acts of bishop Brask. under inspection, so he ap- pointed the dean of Westeras, Nils Andreas, as assistant of its bishop, Petrus Magni. The reason assigned was, that the bishop, through age and infirmity, was not able to deal with unruly people, and, therefore, had not in his diocese the due obedience, so that the king had it in contemplation to employ him in another see which was in want of a bishop, there to visit and ordain. Neither the bishoD nor Nils Andreos ven- tured on any undertaking without the knowledge and con- sent of the king's officer. The year following, the bishop was restored to the full exercise of his office, but, in 1530, when king Gustavus became dissatisfied with a letter of the bishop to his diocese, on occasion of the edict for taxing bells, Herr Nils was again placed at his side. The see of Upsala was intrusted to the dean of the chapter, John Laurentius, to be aided and assisted by the cantor, Erik Geting. After the flight of Brask, the care of the 278 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL see of Linkoping was committed to the succentor, Jons. After bishop Magnus of Skara, in 1529, abandoned his see, it was placed under the care of its provost, master Sven, and any good man of the chapter was also to see to its wel- fare. But, in 1529, doctor Jons or John Magni, provost of Linkoping, was elected by the chapter as its bishop, and their election was confirmed by the king, as in Skara was the case with the abovenamed master Sven, whose election was still further fortified by the recognition of the council, which, in 1530, sat at Upsala. By these elections the church of Sweden again broke with the Roman, whose bishops, Brask and Magnus Haraldi, had not resigned their claim. In 1530, Jons Bethius, canon of Wexio, was elected its bishop, as successor of Ingemar, who died some months before, having exercised his office for thirty-five years. But of the consecration of these bishops, as of filling the archie- piscopal chair, there was now no question. The delay appears to have been occasioned by the determination of the king to await the result of the celebrated and, for protestantism, im- portant German diet of Augsburg. It may also have had foundation in the increasing indifference to the episcopal constitution of the church. Laurentius Andi-ea;, on the contrary, showed himself to be not well content with this procrastination, and herein icere betrayed the first symptoms of the misunderstanding bettceen the king and his chief adviser in matters of chnixh reform. The dissatisfaction with the long-continued vacancy of the archbishopric spread still further. It was now ten years since it had been held by a consecrated bishop. In 1531, the Helsingers, who Avere then in a higli state of ferment, demanded, among other things, that an archbishop should be called to the cathedral of Upsala, by which they doubtless intended a new election, not a return of Gustav Trolle or John Magnus. The king, replied, that he agreed with them, but that in view of the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 279 injuries the kingdom had suffered from the bishops of Upsala, it was to be carefully weighed, on whom the honor should be conferred. He would very soon confer on the subject with the council of the kingdom. The king had previously given the case his serious thoughts. During the previous year, 1530, the suffrages of the council of the kingdom and of the chapter, had, at an elec- tion held at Upsala, fallen upon the bishop of Abo, John Skytte, whom the kin-g urged to accept the archbishopric. He, however, declined it. In the same year, the chapter of Upsala desired to have bishop Sven of Skara for its arch- bishop, but he also declined it, unless, probably, as a tem- porary trust. In the beginning of the summer of 1531, the king called together at Stockholm the bishops and chief clergy of the kingdom to make an election, the chapter of Upsala having neglected, it appears, to exercise its right. The election took place on midsummer day, in the great church of Stockholm. Of the four persons proposed, bishop Magnus of Striingness had four votes, Laurentius Andreas fourteen, Jons, dean of the chapter of Upsala, three votes. The remaining votes, in number about one hundred and fifty, fell upon Laurentius Petri, who immediately received con- firmation from the king to the office. If the number of voters was as large as represented, prot- estantism had, among the clergy, a decided preponderance ; since of so many votes only seven were withheld from the foremost originators and managers of the Reformation, Lau- rentius Andreae, and the brother of Olaus Petri. Protestants against the Roman church discipline, must all those have been, who took part in an election opposed to the practice of the church. It is said to have be(jn the first in that generation effected by any others than members of the chapter. Chance, or rather a certain providence, prevented Lau- rentius Andi'ece or Olaus Petri from being placed in this the 280 inSTORY OF THE ECCLESlASnCAL most elevated position in the church. The men who hither- to had been the heads of their party, were not suited to that conciliatory course, Avhich alone could in a peaceful way effect the objects of the Reformation. Laurentius Petri, thirty-two years old at the time of his election, is scarcely named in history, previous to his ap- pearance on the scene of action, as by the wishes of the clergy and nomination of the king archbishop of the Swedish church, a dignity, whose lustre and importance could not be forgotten by those who a few years before saw it occupied by Jacob Ulfsson, Gustav Trolle, and, though not with full power, by John Magnus. These and their predecessors had rivalled in might the princes of the kingdom, and had not come short of them in pomp and princely retinue. The "state of things had indeed been somewhat altered within the last five years, but this short period could not have oblit- erated the memory of what an archbishop of Upsala had been, and did not suffice to acquaint the occupant of the office with the place which, in the new discipline of the church, he Avas to hold. Much, if not everything, must depend upon the person who now took the crosier, which had been torn from one or two men yet living, and which could not be fully received from the otlier, a papal legate though without occupation. Of the previous life of Laurentius, we knoAv nothing with certainty. That he, as well as his elder brother, received the first rudiments of his education in the Carmelite mon- astery, at Orebro, is probable. That he accompanied his brother to AVittenberg, no ancient records testify. It is probable that he studied at Striingness, till he became a teacher at Upsala, in which occupation he was engaged, when, without being, it seems, a canon of the cathedral, he was called to be metropolitan of the Swedish church. The friends of the papal hierarchy spoke of his elevation as an injurious disgrace to the church. Not merely his de- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 281 cided inclination to church reform — not merely his intrusion into the chair legitimately claimed by another — but his youth and inexperience, provoked their malevolent remarks. During the forty years he exercised his functions, Lau- rentius Petri justified the confidence v/hich called him to be the foremost guardian of the affairs of the Swedish church, now moulding itself anew. His learning and piety ; his behavior, alike meek and serious ; his willingness to yield where conscience permitted him ; his firm adhesion to Avhat he knew was right ; the independence with which he la,bored for the church's v/eal, unmoved by the*clamor of the zealots for the new, or the obstinacy of the advocates for the old order of things, won a reverence for his name during his lifetime, which the scrutiny of after-ages into his acts, has not been able to diminish. No man could be tried in a severer school, or in a position of more difficulty and em- barrassments, than that in which Laurentius Petri was now placed, pressed, on the one hand, within the church's sphere by the encroaching claims of a powerful prince, and, on the other hand, by the opposite parties in religion, one of Avhom refused to acknowledge him as legitimate occupant of his office, while the other was dissatisfied with the caution he showed in exercising his influence in reforming the church. Of the bishops who, being present at the diet of Weste- ras, declared their approbation of the measures tliere adopt- ed, Magnus. Sommar, of Striingness, and Petrus Magni, of Westeras, alone were left. But after the late election of bishops, and influenced by the flattering hopes which the disturbances respecting the bell tax had awakened, of restor- ing the old order of things in Sweden, they circulated the insurrectionary letters of Trolle, Magnus of Skara, and their coadjutors. They were in expectation also of the approach of Christian II., to recover with the aid of the Caesar, the three northern crowns ; and they either regretted the inde- cision they had hitherto manifested, or were anxious to 282 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL make provision for the uncertain future. King Gustaviis had summoned the bishops elect of Linkoping, Skara, and Wexio, to appear at Stockholm, on August 13, 1531, for the king's nuptials, and their own consecration. He had also summoned the bishops of Striingness and Westeras to officiate at the consecration of the others and of the archbishop elect. Just before their journey to Stockholm, they prepared, on August 10th, a protestation against all that was now taking place in the land, to the injury of the privileges of the Swedish church, and the advancement of the soul-destroying' Lutheran heresy. They protested against the consecration of the intruded bishops and arch- bishop, which they themselves were necessitated to perform, *' under the influence of fears and apprehensions which may well arise even in firm minds." They protested against the use of the Swedish mass, and against the assessment of the clergy. They declared to be invalid and of no effect all that they had done or were compelled to do against the Ro- man chair and church, which they desired to acknowledge as " their mother, and the mistress of mankind." This protest was delivered to the well-known doctor Peter Galle, and the canon, Torger Gudlachi, " honor and reverence to the lord Gustavus, king of the kinerdom of Sweden, always inviolate." It was not di'awn up to be made public, unless under a change of circumstances, which should render it necessary as a self-defence. It "\vas another evidence of the moral laxity in the high places of the church, which we have had more than one occasion to notice. The church, whoje sponsors defended themselves by such means, could not count on stability. It is uncertain how far, or when, this protest came to the knowledge of king Gustavus. Bishop Petrus, of Westeras, retained his olficc, though un- der some restraints, till his deatli in 1534, and was succeed- ed the year after by Henrik Johannes, by birth a northman, who, in 1529. as lector and vicar-gencral of the Dominican REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 283 order, signed the decree of the council of Orebro, and soon became one of the most zealous reformers. Bishop Magnus Sommar, of Striingness, a member of the diet of Westeras, in 1527, was imprisoned by the king, at the time of his second nuptials, in 153G, on account, as is said, of the bishop's adhesion to the Roman church. He was released eight months after, but did not resume his office, retiring to the cloister of Krokek, where, provided with a sufficient support by the king, he ended his days about the year 1543, in undisturbed enjoyment of his faith. He was succeeded in his diocese, in 1536, by master Bothvid Suneson, who had been for some time, canon of Linkoping, and who was the active ally and intimate friend of Olaus Petri. All these bishops had their appointments by election of the chapter. In the month of August, 1531, the bishops elect were consecrated ; the archbishop on Septem- ber 2 2d, in the church of the Franciscans, on the island near Stockholm, two days before he married the king to his first consort. Accurate information is wanting of the cere- monies used at this consecration, and how those of former like occasions were observed. The king, however, is said to have delivered the crozier with his own hands, to the archbishop, anointing and robes of office being also used.* The king assigned to the archbishop a sufficient income to support the dignity of his office, in some degree approach- ing what it had formerly been. He even assigned him fifty attendants, probably that he might appear with dignity in Upsala, although such a train is certainly inconsistent with the decree of the diet of Westeras, and with the ideas of the office entertained alike by the king and the reformers. The archbishop soon discharged this life-guard, and transferred the expense of them to the support of fifty poor students. * King John III., declares that the ceremonies he wished used at the con- secration of an archbishop, in 1575, should be the same as those used by bishop Lars, of blessed memory. 284 HISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Two years later, there occurs a contract of the king with the archbishop, which shows the power that, by virtue of the ordinantia of Westeras, the king left to him, in the see whose chief shepherd he was. The archbishop Avas to have the right of appointment to all vacant benefices within the diocese, but every appointee to the larger benefices was to be first presented to the king. The offences of priests, such as neglect of divine service or unwillingness to preach the word of God, the archbishop was to punish. Full liberty was left him to appoint public confession, and the king per- mitted the money paid for absolution, and of Avhich account was to be made to him, according to the ordinantia of Westeras, to be turned to the support of schools and pooi students. The oversight of the schools of the diocese was especially committed to him, as also of teachers and the course of instruction, in order that fit persons for the service of church and state might be trained. The incomes which teachers hitherto had were confirmed, and the archbishop was to see that these incomes were paid, and if possible in- creased, and that poor students got what was as^igned for their support. But the archbishop was to undertake no reform without acquainting the king, " as hasty reformations were sometimes a scandal." In 1531, the Swedish church was a complete establish- ment, with maintenance of the old constitution, but inde- pendent of and sundered from the Koman church. It had bishops who labored on the principles of the Reformation. There is nowhere to be found an analogy to the state of things, or the relations here existing. England had not yet broken with Rome. Calvinism had not presented its constitution, wliicli, under an alleged liistoric testimony, in reality wants that testimony. In Denmark and Norway the liierarchy still contended for Rome, and in Germany neither had the ole relied on. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 345 self, without joining the league, to support it, in case of need, with a body of troops. During the subsequent year, negotiations were continued. When, .in 1541, Gustavus was, as appears, again invited to join the league, the Ger- man princes employed Luther as the mediator. The king, in his answer, gives him to understand, that he reformed the faith, " according to the doctrine of Luther, but being neglected by the German protestants, he could not renew the already made proffer of a league." In 1542, the king of Denmark was commissioned by the Germans to negotiate with Sweden to join the league of Smalcald. The year following, the German members of the league demanded of king Gustavus the performance of his promise of money and troops. But the disturbances of the times interrupted or broke off the negotiation, till the success of the emperor in the so-called Smalcaldic war, dissolved, in 1546, the league itself. This was a period gloomy and threatening for the fu- ture prospects of the German evangelical Lutheran church. The church council, announced in 1537, had, at last, at the close of 1545, been opened in the city of Trent. The prot- estants of Germany refused to appear. Sweden was not called. The victory of the Ccesar in the war of Smalcald, seemed to threaten the cause of the Reformation with ruin, Charles V., however, maintained with the pope relations of a doubtful aspect. When the latter removed the council from Trent to Bologna, and thus counteracted the emperor's design of constraining the defeated protestants to appear at the council, he withdrew from the Roman church's obedi- ence, and, by the Literim presented to the estates of the empire, at Augsburg, in 1548, prescribed the rule of faith and ecclesiastical usages, until they should be settled by a general council of the church. This religious ordinance was as little liked by the protestants as by the papists. It was transmitted by the king of Denmark to Gustavus I., who summoned Olaus 15* 346 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL Petri and G. Norman to deliberate on its contents. The archbishop of Upsala, bishop Bothvid of Striingness, the two representatives from bishop Ilenrik of AVesteras, Petrus Andrcai Svart, successor of Ilenrik, and Erik Nicohii, be- sides Olaus Petri, and the pastor, preacher, and schoolmas- ter, of the principal church of Upsala, met together, and on March 30, 1549, pronounced their opinion, which was strongly disapprobatory. It contained some things which might be tolerated, if the purpose and intention were good and Christian, but the bad suffocated the good. The Interim was nothing else but an introduction to popery, with its mass- sacrifice for the living and the dead, its worship of saints, its purgatory, and other the like errors, which were now rejected according to God's word. For themselves, they would cleave to the pure and clear word of God, and for this suffer and endure whatever might be allotted them. As the Swedish church, on the question regarding the Interim, decided against its reception, so did she also decide about ten years later, in the so-called Synergistic contro- versy, which was violently agitated in the evangelical Lutheran academies of Germany. She expressly declared herself, through her bishops, against those who regarded the nature of man, fallen through the sin of Adam, still to have strength with God's grace to work out its own conversion. She attributed all to the sole grace of God. The government of the kingdom of Sweden was charged with an additional duty respecting the church, by the union of Estland and Liflland with Sweden, originated in the reign of king Erik XIV. As early as the year 15G1, this king recommends, in his rules for the government of Lilf- land, the care of the pure word of God, the providing of priests and schools, and the building of churches. But as yet, these countries stood in no near connection witli the Swedish church. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 347 In general the Swedish church, although it almost wh oily- coincided with the Lutheran reformation, had maintained no intimate alliances in matters of faith, with foreigners. Its reform had gone on in its own path, and could not be brought into a full conformity with foreign patterns. The confession of the church was and remained indefinite, except in certain points. The complexity of his political relations justified king Gustavus's caution, in entering too closely into the German protestant league. Nay, within three years after his death, had king Erik already drawn his sword against his nearest fellow in the faith, the king of Denmai'k and Norway. Grave proofs would not be wanting of the rational grounds for dreading the intrusion even of Jesuitism. Another little less dangerous foe, Calvinism, awakened con- temporaneous disorders and contentions. It is to the im- perishable honor of archbishop Laurentius Petri, that he turned aside one of these foes, and armed the church against the other, while he protected her laws against the inroads of external power. 348 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTinAT. CHAPTER X. THE LAST WORK IN WHICH OLAUS PETRI WAS ENGAGED. HIS DEATH. LAURENTIUS PETRI AGAINST THE KING, AND AGAINST THE CALVINISTS. (to KIXQ JOHN III.'s ELEVATIOX TO TDE SWEDISH TIIROXE.) After the suit and trial, which well nigh terminated in the sacrifice of Laurentius Andreas and Ohius Petri, and wholly removed the former from participation in the public afiairs of the church, no trace, for the first three years, is dis- covered of the renewed or progressive activity of Olof. He appears to have kept himself in voluntary or constrained re- tirement, while the reformation of the church was zealously conducted under new leaders. He held, by grant of the king, in 1542, the canonry of Alunda, in Upsala, with all its rents. But in the year when the grand insurrection in Southern Sweden was with difficulty suppressed, and the new favorite Yon Pyhy was discarded, Olof again steps forth upon the scene of action, nominated by the king, on April 7, 1543, to the pastorship of the church in Stockholm. The king again bestowed on him a portion of the confidence he before enjoyed, listened to his advice, and used his aid. Yet he did not recover his previous degree of influence ; nor had his undaunted and incautious zeal been cm-bed by mis- fortune. He still continued intrepidly to utter his senti- ments and proclaim his opinions. In 1544, he was again in danger of being put upon his trial, probably for indiscreet expressions with regard to the king. The danger, however, REFORMATION IN S>VEDEN. 349 Stopped at the serious warning he received, to preach among the king's subjects, duty and obedience, and " not so often run a tilt against the buckler of his prince, as was his wont." For the last eight years, he appears to have enjoyed freedom and quiet, until, on April 19, 1552, he closed his active and fruitful life at Stockholm, whose chief church preserves his tomb and epitaph. But a few days intervened between his death and that of Laurentius Andrete. Both these men, who wrought together in the harmony of Christian faith and knowledge, for the church and their fatherland, went together to their rest. In little less than eight years from the time of Olaus's re- turn to Stockholm, on January 1, 1553, G. Norman also died. During the fourteen years he resided in Sweden, he steadily enjoyed the favor and conlidence of king Gustavus, was elevated by him to the council of the kingdom, in 1544, and was employed in the business of chutch and state. But the care of ecclesiastical affairs intrusted to him as the king's superintendent, was not, it is said, otherwise exercised by him, after the year 1540, than as adviser of his sovereign. Neither visitations, nor the placing of priests in their cures, are mentioned, as after that time practised by him. To the bishops and priests, he seems not always to have stood in a friendly relation, in consequence of administering or per- haps enforcing the not universally acceptable measures of the king regarding the church. Neither great praise nor blame attends his memory, which his piety protected from stain, and his modest and honorable conduct from reproach. At the time when these three men, soon after one another, passed to the higher tribunal, at which they were to appear to render an account of their actions, archbishop Laurentius Petri, who shared their labors, and filled the foremost place in the churck, had finished the half of his long earthly journey in his important vocation. "We have seen him du- ring the first twenty years of that period, step forward, and 350 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL on each occasion in bold relief, as when, in 1538, he resent- ed the abuses within the church, in 1541, offered a complete translation of the Bible into Swedish, and in 1549, pronoun- ced judgment against the Interim. The year after the pub- lication of the Bible translation he does not appear in any public transaction. But a work which he at this time com- posed, though not printed till more than forty years after, manifests that he did not disapprove the important meas- ures then pursued for the improvement of public worship. Probably this production was a quiet exercise for his mind in troublous days. It argues, in an easy dialogue, the rea- sonableness of introducing the mass in Swedish, because the Latin had not a divine origin, and, in its expressions of offer- ing up a sacrifice, was contrary to the word of God. They who took offence at the chan^ire had less claim to indulgent regard than those who desired to restore or not to lose the mass in Swedish. A good shepherd, convinced that the Latin mass was not Christian, and that the Swedish was good and right, ought not to give way, but unweariedly teach, exhort, and reprove, and rather hold no mass than return to the Latin. The activity of Laurentius was quiet and unassuming. He sought not controversy, but did not decline it where it was necessary. He was of that class of men who, in the lirm confidence that they are doing the work of the Lord, but also that He alone can give the increase, labor in pa- tience, and without any other ambition than the witness of a good conscience before God, and are therefore yielding and compliant, so long as the sanctuary of truth is not assailed, but lirm and ready for the combat, when its protection is demanded. For the last twenty-two years of his life he was the foremost man in the controversies of the church. The first controversy he had, was with the king and G. Norman. Among the immunities and privileges Avhich, at the time of the Reformation, princes in particular claimed, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 351 there were few that required a more nice investigation, were more trying, than those which required the restrictions to be removed that the laws of the church had imposed upon matrimonial engagements. Some of these restrictions were unreasonable and against the law of God. But it was un- decided how far the privileges should be extended. The king of England severed the church of his land from Rome, to gain a divorce refused him by the pope. The landgrave Philip, of Hesse, did not wish a divorce from his wife, but constrained Luther and Melancthon to give him permission to add another. This permission was repented by them, and disapproved by the church. In Sweden, king Gustavus, after the death of queen Margaret, demanded the church's approval of his wish to marry Katharina Stenbock, the sister's daughter of his deceased wife. But he could not in- duce the leading men of the church to give this approval. The case was laid before bishop Henrik, of Westeras, on the part of the king, when, in the spring of 1552, the latter was on a visit there. The bishop consulted with the arch- bishop, who, immediately communicating with those who were interested in the question, replied, that, according to his conviction, such a marriage was forbidden by the law of God. Soon after, the archbishop received orders from the king, who gave him to understand that he was determined on the marriage with Katharina, to call together the bish- ops of Strangness and Westeras, and in connection with them pronounce an opinion on the question. They met at Enkoping in midsummer, and delivered their judgment, in which, though admitting that no express prohibition was to be found in Scripture, they declared that the invalidity of such a marriage was to be inferred from the eighteenth chapter of the third book of Moses, that any respect of per- sons could have no weight in what concerned the law of God, that a good purpose could not justify the transgression of this law, that examples from the Old Testament did not 352 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL annul the law, and that scandal ought to be avoided. Dis- satisfaction with this judgment brought the king to "Wad- sten, wliere, in presence of the council and the dukes Erik and John, the king's cause was pleaded by G. Xorman, who attempted to prove, that the degree of consanguinity here existing was no preventive of marriage according to God's law. The bishops, to whom Erik Falk, of Skara, was now added, could not, either by bribes, or by the anger of the king, from whom, in his allowed prerogative, they received hard and reproachful words, be induced to change their judg- ment. This judgment they averred they could not, for conscience's sake, disavow, but they also averred their invio- lable purpose to keep the faith they had sworn to the king, to construe favorably idl that was done, and endeavor the prevention of disorders and discontent in the kingdom. Notwithstanding their opposition, the king's marriage took place, on the 22d of August, and the crowning of the new queen followed. Not the archbishop, but the ordinaiy of Linkoping, Claudius Hvit, who agreed with G. Norman, performed the sacred ceremonies. It belongs not to us to criticise tHe reasons which were alleged for and against this marriage on the ground of affin- ity. But that a king, otherwise so despotic, made such ac- count of the approbation of the clergy, merits observation. The king may have designed to provide against the censure which this marriage might create, but his course shows that the church, at the close of his reign, was still free, and did not sufter her laws to be bowed at the sport of caprice. The king also showed tliat he respected an opposition Avhlch pro- ceeded from pure conscientious scruples. Laurcntius Petri acted, not from the love of power, but from conviction of the contrariety of such a marriage to the law of God. About twenty years later, he was alike inflexible in regard to the marriage of first cousins, and allowed himself to be little moved by the sentence of the university of Rostock, which now agreed with the king. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 355 In the case of king Gustavus's marriage, the archbishop, and those of the same opinion, had from the first declared themselves not thoroughly satisfied, inasmuch as the Scrip- tures were not express on the subject, and they could^ there- fore, without doing violence to their consciences, give the pledge which tliey made the king, even after his nuptials, that they would favorably construe what had been done. As this dispute had given warning what the church might fear for the sanctity of its laws, from a power which could throw the sword into the scale opposite to that of truth, so was the archbishop soon summoned to another of great im- portance to the Swedish church. The church reformation had been consequent upon the necessity of purifying the church from the abuses to which it had been subjected. The investigation undertaken of the church's doctrine, usages, and constitution, in order to ascer- tain their agreement or disagreement wdth Holy Scripture, occasioned different senses to be given to one or other of the doctrines of the church, or a variant toleration for the ecclesiastical customs that in the course of time had become common in the church. There was a greater or less sever- ance from all connection with the past. A separation soon took place between the German and Swiss Reformation. The development of the latter, effected chiefly by French- men, and most of all by Calvin after he removed to Geneva, still further divided them, the more, that an apparent or specious agreement obliged Lutheranism to assume a hostile attitude whenever Calvinism seemed to be going too far. There was still some dissonance between the two bodies, arising from the dissimilarity of their form of government, after Calvinism built for itself a new form of hierarchy divergent from the Roman. But the question respecting the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Eucharist, in which question almost all the important dif- ferences between Lutheranism and Calvinism ai'e included, 354 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL together Avith Calvin's rigid doctrine of predestination, awakened controversies and contentions. Besides this, the gloomy eye of Calvinism saw in the innocent customs and ceremopies of the church retained from former times, a pa- pistic leaven which ought to be removed, and the more zealous Lutherans did not discountenance the removal. In Sweden, there still existed, even subsequent to the year 1544, much that was unlike what was to be found in other lands. The foreigners who came into the country, and who had more zeal than truth or discretion, interfered with the freedom which was observed with regard to church usages, and which in some places began in consequence to be laid aside ; while the Swedes who returned from their travels abroad, not unfrequently brought back with them that spirit of imitation which is wont to present the pretext of a higher cultivation and deeper acquaintance with truth. Their views were influenced by Calvinistic principles. As early as king Gustavus's time, the professors of those principles had entered Sweden, among whom Avas Dionysius Beurreus, tutor of duke Erik, of Avhose origin we have no certain information except that he was a Frenchman. He came to Sweden in 1547. Many others of various shades of opinion came hither, partly to follow up their fortunes, partly to escape persecution in their native lands. Not a few were from France and England. About the time of king Gustavus's third marriage, in Wadstcn, occurred there acts of violence originating in an immoderate hatred of popery ; at which time the images and pictures which had been left in the churches of the cloisters were mutilated and defaced. It was attributed to " the Calvinists among the king's fiddlers," and it is said that the king did not rebuke the offence, but was more concerned for the scandal than the act itself. To the king, Calvin himself wrote, in 1559, in recommendation of liis doctrine. The two older sons of Gustavus, who were among the most accomplished men of REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 355 their time, were tlioiiglit to liave no disinclination. Erik, it was feared, had drunk of the stream through his tutor Beurreus ; and John is said to have become captivated with the writings of Calvin, during his visit, in portions of the 3'ears 1559 and 15G0, to England, when the works of Calvin became known to him. On the accession of Erik to the throne, the more rigid protestant party, with which the Calvinists at first took part, were in hope of a still more extended suc- cess ; since the king, as his father had done before him, invited foreigners to settle in his kingdom. On March 5, 1561, Beurreus, who was that year sent to England, was em- powered to issue a charter, by which the invitation was confirmed upon condition that pure Christian doctrine, con- formable to Holy Scripture, should be taught by any who came, that no heresies should be sown, and that the religion of the country should not be disturbed, nor the people en- ticed away from its profession. But, inasmuch as the Swedish church had not yet set forth her confession of faith in all its parts, it could not be accurately determined when these conditions were broken or unfulfilled. At the diet of Ai'boga, held in the month of April, 1561, a discussion took place on certain changes which chiefly re- lated to ecclesiastical usages of an indifferent nature, but with regard to which it now became necessary to assert the church's liberty to retain or reject them, or certify their co- herence with her confession of faith. The king laid before the clergy orally, and afterward in writing, interrogatories respecting the elevation of the sacrament (that is, of the bread and Avine in the Lord's Supper), the use of images, the altar, the mass cloths, and the lighting of candles at the time of divine service. Were these to be retained or reject- ed ? The answer was, that the elevation of the sacrament was an indifferent ceremony, and might be omitted where it could be so done without scandal, but that the worship of it, by which was to be understood the kneeling at its reeep- 856 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL tion, should be retained, because there is the body and blood of the Lord, " which is worthy of all honor and reverence ;'* that images were not sinful in themselves, but all worship of them should be forbidden ; that one altar was nccasary in every church, but no more ; that mass cloths and wax lights were things indifi'crent, which any congregation might at pleasure retain or reject. The king appears to have been till now vacillating, and to have been worried by the representations of the foreign- ers. Somewhat more than a year later, in the summer oi 1562, he shows himself more settled in his views, when he required of the bishops and priests assembled in Stockholm their opinions on certain articles. Different views respect- ing the holy suj)per had become current ; he therefore asked, in order that the truth might be made manifest, con- sciences not be troubled, and the quiet of the kingdom put to hazard, that learned men should examine these questions. This was the more necessary, as the " local ordinary," M. Johannes, confessor to the late king Gustavus, was not regarded as ortliodox, and ought to be made to give an ac- count of his faith. A decision ought also to be given on the disputed point of dividing the ten commandments, of which some desired four to be put in the first table. It was in conclusion proposed, whether or not the indifferent practices, such as exorcising at the time of baptism, eleva- tion of the sacrament, and the like, should be discon- tinued. Any other answer is not known to us, than that of the decrees of a council held at Stockholm, where, however, no doctrinal determinations Avere promulgcd. The obscure records of the times, do not even enable us to say with cer- tainty, whether these decrees were passed before or after the propositions, which, on tlic 7th of July, were presented by the king. However that may be, it appears that the arch- bishop took upon himself to answer them. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 357 Laurentius Petri found himself, by the circumstances of the times, compelled to come forward in opposition to the party that threatened the freedom of the church and her confession, if such may be termed the Lutheran sentiments respecting the Lord's supper, which were generally preva- lent. He was the more induced to pursue the course he adopted, by the sincere and hearty interest he felt for the liberty Avliich called itself evangelical, but manifested ii;s op- position to the papal reverence for the sacrament, by cele- brating it with the head covered, or the face turned aside, or in conversation with the bystanders, to exhibit the indif- ference felt for anything like the real presence. A challenge to the combat was made in 1562, by two published works of Laurentius Petri. One of these is in defence of exorcism. The other expressly rejects alike the doctrine of the sacramentarians, of a mere spiritual eating and drinking in the eucharist, and the popish doctrine of transubstantiation. It also defends the consecration of the sacrament, and the kneeling at its reception, the allowable- ness of the use of images, and the liberty of the church in things indifferent. With respect to the elevation of the sacrament in the Lord's supper, which king Gustavus, in 1550, reproached the pastor of Wadsten for voluntarily omitting, the foreigners, it was remarked, had taken offence at the retention of a practice in Sweden, to which they were unaccustomed in their own countries. The archbishop answers, that their judgment might be disregarded, since they who were scandalized at the custom were no less in error than they who considered it essential. In conclusion, the writings of Laurentius, after this time, show that many of the resolutions, adopted in the councils held in the years 150 1 and 1562, did not meet his approbation. The better- informed members of the church, he says, had regarded images as to be tolerated in churches. If they were abused by bowing down to them, and the abuse could not otherwise 358 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL be rectified, they ought to be removed, but quietly, without riot. Abuses have occurred among us, and this was the reason the council of Arboga permitted the removal of images. The priests ought to see that the decree was carried into execution where it was necessary. AVith regard to the prohibition of several altars, the church law of 1571 had given notice, that, in towns where congi-egations were of a greater size, more than one altar in a church might well be allowed. The gauntlet thrown down was taken up by doctor Beur- reus, who felt himself so touched by the remarks of the archbishop against the sacramcntarians, as the Calvinists were then called, that he put forth a refutation. In this controversial production, the author undertakes to justify his faith, that is to say, his Calvinism respecting the Lord's supper, by quoting, among other modes of defence, the Augsburg confession and its Apology. This was the first time, if we are not mistaken, that these confessions of faith were quoted in Sweden ; but archbishop Lars, in his answer to Beurreus, allows them no special "weight and im- portance ; although he observes that between them and the doctrine of the sacramcntarians there was no gi'eater con- formity than between Christ and Belial. lie endeavors, in conclusion, to establish out of the Holy Scriptures and the fathers of the church, his belief of the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in the supper of tlie Lord. Beurreus did not hastily give up his case as lost. But with the theological erudition wdiich, from the later days of king Gustavus I.'s reign, was to be found in Sweden, and with the close intercourse kept up between Wittenberg and Kostock, where the most accomplished of the Swedes had studied, it was not to be feared that the archbishop w^ould be left solitary in his combat against Calvinism. Beurreus set forth ten queries, on the orthodoxy of the Athanasian creed, on the Lord's supper, on the participation of the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 359 divine properties by the human nature of Christ, and sub- jects of a like kind ; but was answered by Martinus Olai, who, in his turn, put to Beurreus other new queries.* King Krik soon found the necessity of quieting the commotions which these controversies awakened, and de-^ clared his opposition to Calvinism, which, although without mentioning it by name, he stigmatizes as " a distorted doc- trine." This he does in an edict issued, Aug. 29, 1563, from his camp, a few days after he went from Stockholm to the war lately undertaken against Denmark. The foreign- ers were forbidden to propagate their errors among the people, or to engage in disputations with any " but such as are appointed for that purpose," and others were prohibited from entering into dogmatic controversies with them. The foreigners, however, were permitted to hold their opinions, and even to have public worship at fixed times in the churches of the land, probably with a view of converting them from their distorted doctrine. The schism which occurred between the Lutherans and Calvinists, now crept even into the Swedish church itself. The foreigners seem imprudently to have been desirous of diffusing their opinions, and it is probable, found support from the Lutheran puritans. By this means they roused the Swedish clergy, who applied to the archbishop to preach against them, and warn his flock against their errors. When the church thus appeared to declare against them, the Calvinists of Stockholm were necessitated to appeal to the king's protection. They submitted to him their confes- sion of faith, with very few alterations, the same which, * Martinus Olai, in a Latin letter to the archbishop, says : " Some set Calvin so high as not to fear asserting that he can err in nothing, because he has the Holy Spirit. This seems to me redolent of popery." Beurreus is said to have accused the archbishop of being a papist. We find no proof of this, though it is probable he deemed the prelate's views to border upon the papal. Of the archbishop he speaks very respectfully, as " an eminent and remark- able man, from whose writings and conversation I much profited." 860 HISTORY OF TUE ECCLESIASTICAL translated into Latin, was, in 1559, adopted by the reformed church of France at its first national synod, and requested that it niiglit be compared with the word of God, and be printed in Swedish and Latin. They petitioned also to be secured in the free exercise of their religion within their houses, if the king should not think fit to allow them, like the Germans, to have their own churches and public wor- ship.* The most energetic opponent of the Calvinists in Stock- holm, after the year 1562, was Laurentius Olaus Gestricius, pastor of the principal church in the city, and successor of M. Johannes, who had been suspected of Calvinism. As soon as their confession of faith had been submitted to the king, Olaus presented a refutation, accompanied with a let- ter, in which he avouches that from the pulpit he had warned his hearers of the errors of which he now also wished to notify the king. We are sufficiently assured from public documents, that these controversies were the occasion of much disorder in Stockholm, but the details have not come down to us. The Calvinists, with whom we suppose that the Lutheran sepa- ratists had a common cause, f held their meetings, in which the natives participated, in the northern suburbs of the city. It appears, that, after the king, at the end of June, went to Eastgothland, Laurentius Olaus followed him with com- plaints of the interruptions experienced in the exercise of his office. He returned, armed with an injunction to the governor of Stockliolm that master Lars should be allowed * These Germans were generally of the Lutheran faith and confession. t These are ihey whom archbishop Lars describes in his book written in 1566: "They denounce and decry all others who do not join in their new devices, as papists and hypocrites, and just so did the Novatians and Donatists of old time. God is a God who will have mercy and not sacrifice, as he has himself declared. How much less wjU he accept the ceremonies of the sacrament in lieu of mercy, that is, in lieu of the peace and concord which Christian congregations should maintain." REFORMATION IK SWEDEN. 361 to prosecute his labors undisturbed, that the meetings of his adversaries should be suspended, until there could be a more thorough investigation of their doctrine, that no one should speak against the preaching and worship which were in con- formity with the principles of Martin Luther, " wlikli^'' says the king, " wq approve and desire to he strenuously main^ tained*'^ King Erik had by this letter expressly declared himself for the Lutheran confession, and it is evident, from its con- tents, how completely from a state of doubt he had passed to a disapproval -of Calvinism and an adherence to the Lutheran tenets, Li the public edict, however, he avoids citing the name of Luther. The controversy having con- tinued for some time, and the king having, in 1563, renewed his edict, he, at last, on Dec. 4, 1565, issued a mandate of even a more rigid complexion. In this mandate he says, that he perceived that some foreigners who had come into the kingdom harbored and endeavored to spread distorted doctrines, denying that the body and blood of Christ were really present and adminis- tered in the Lord's supper, and that the humanity of Christ was as omnipotent as his divinity. As such doctrines taught by them are contrary to holy Scripture, from which Dassa'2;es in refutation are Quoted, the kin"r in virtue of his royal office admonishes their maintainers to renounce them. If they would not heed this admonition, they must retain their false faith at the peril of their own souls, since the king " would not mastei' any man's conscience." But they were gravely forbidden, by speech or writing, to aim at prop- agating their errors among the king's subjects. Should they continue faulty alj heretofore, the king's officers and governors were to keep them in ward till they promised amendment. Upon a renewal of their fault, they were to be banished the land, unless within fourteen days they made their excifte to the king. 16 362 HISTORY OF TIIK ECCLESIASTICAL Kinn^ Erik XIV. TV'a.s thus dotermined not to leave Calvin- o ism any influence within his kingdom, notwithstanding he kept his promise of religious freedom to the extent granted in 1561 to immigrant foreigners. That these, especially Benrreus, thought they might venture to attempt the spread of tlieir doctrines is evident ; but no sign is to be found, un- less at the very beginning of Erik's reign, that they were countenanced by him. At least the church's confession of faith, if we may so speaJv of its guai-dians and sponsors, was in such a case strong enough to hold liim back ; and al- though among the probable and reasonable causes of his dislike, may be reckoned the treatment sho^vn by Beurreus and Goran Persson to the priests of Upland, whom they moved about at discretion, it was not a single case or Avords only that awakened fears and complaints of the intention of introdu- cing a new faith into the land. This doctrinal controversy brought the Swedish church into a clearer consciousness of its close affinity with the evangelical Lutheran confession. It became necessary to prove this affinity, not merely in comparison, as hitherto, with the Roman, but with the Calviuistic church ; and as far as the expressions of the king and her theological writers could be considered as those of the church of Sweden, she had expressly announced " her teaching and public worship to be conformable to the principles and views of Martin Luther." Until this period the Swedish church was prot- testant as opposed to the Roman ; henceforth she Avas evan- gelical Lutheran as opposed to the reformed church, as that term was technically applied. But, thirty years were yet to roll awnv, amid severe trials of faith and controversies, before the work could be graced with full comjilction. Simultaneously with the contest against the sacramenta- rians, arose another cause of agitation, which, though at first view it may appear insignificant, had a close connec- tion with the other, gave rise to a similar train of inquiries. REFORJIATION IN SWEDEN. 363 and had tlie same result of knitting stronger the bond be- tween the Swedish church and the German or Lutheran reformation. From the year 1544, the laity generally partook of the cup at the administration of the holy communion, and there was, therefore, an increased demand for wine in that sacra- ment. But the supply not corresponding to the demand, it was proposed, at least from the time that zealous puritanism found fault with the sanctity and reverence entertained for the ordinance and it was probably in some places the prac- tice, to substitute for wine some other element, such as water, mead, or cherry juice. In view of this purpose or practice, it was ordained, at a council held at Stockholm, in 1562, that no other liquid but wine should be used, since there ought not to be a deviation from the institution of Christ. If there was no supply of wine, the Lord's supper should be deferred, and at their visitation the sick should be comforted with God's word. On the breaking out of the war with Denmark, in 1563, and the surrender of Elfsborg to the Danes, the supply of wine was still further diminish- ed, so that commotions and discontents began to arise in Upper Sweden. The archbishop, in consequence, set forth, on February 14, 1564, an address to the clergy of his dio- cese, to instruct the people that the matter, of greatest moment was to put. their trust in the merits of Jesus Christ, and that the sacrament, when it could not be enjoyed according to the institution of Christ, might be dispensed with without dan- ger to the soul. The custom of using anything but wine should the less be countenanced and allowed, as such a cus- tom would tend to spread the irreverence Avhich the sacramentarians showed for the holy supper of the Lord. King Erik, who was heedful of these commotions, summon- ed, during the following month, the archbishop, with the bishops of Striingness and Westeras, to deliberate at Stock- holm on the subject. Lauren tius Petri maintained the opin- 364 lUSTORY OK THE ECCLESIASTICAL ion he had ah'cady expressed, but allowed that the wine might with propriety be mixed with water. The other view, that the most important consideration was the distri- bution of the sacrament, in which any element might be used, was maintained by Johan Ofeg, who, the previous year, became bishop of Westeras, after his intimacy with Beurreus, who dedicated to him the above-mentioned work against the archbishop. The king gave on the question the brief order, that the bishops should, on peril of losing their office, take heed that no further complaints were made of the sacrament not being administered. Hence arose the so-called liquoristic controversy. On his return home from Stockholm, Ofeg published a pam- phlet in conformity with the opinions he had expressed at Stockholm, and Avhich he pretended to be generally recog- nized and acknowledged. The sacrament was not to be administered with water, except in case of the want of wine. This had been sometimes practised in the ancient primitive church. Priests ought not to be deprived of their Christian liberty, which Ofeg did not think consisted in omitting the sacrament, but in the right to give and receive it in other visible elements than those in which it was insti- tuted by Christ. There Avould otherwise result a depend- ence upon those who, by denying or hindering access to wine, or stopping its supply, might wish to exclude the in- habitants of Sweden from the use of the sacrament. Laurentius Petri was not the man to let a cause drop, in which conscience or conviction constrained him to take a decisive stand. When the pastoral letter of Ofeg came to his knowledge, he issued one of a like kind to the pnests of Fjerdhundra, or the part of his diocese bordering on that of Ofeg, and warned them not to be led into error. The con- clusion at Stockholm had not been such as Ofeg represented. The ancient church had never used water instead of wine. Liberty consisted in the omission of the »>acramcnt. " It is a REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 365 miserable liberty which binds us to necessitj," and " God is wont not to give into the hands of their enemies the people who obey him." In the answer he gave, Ofeg partly recalled his former ex- pressions. The king made application on thi^ topic to D. Chytrseus, of Kostock, and desired his opinion. Before the opinion arrived, the Swedish bishops and priests assem- bled at the diet of Stockholm, in April, 1565, prepared and subscribed a paper, in which, on the authority of holy Scripture, the church's prescription, and the sense of the Fathers and more modern theologians, the use of anything but wine in the holy communion, is declared inadmissible. Even Johan Ofeg subscribed this declaration, and recanted his former opinion, which seems never afterward to have found a defender. The archbishop, now near seventy years old, wearied not, by his speech, and wi'itings, and acts, in conducting the church through the perils with which she appeared to him to be menaced. The time was near, when, as he hoped, its dis- cipline should be established by law. He approximated the Swedish church, although always avouching its indepen- dence, to the evangelical Lutheran ; as it now seemed to him necessary to declare himself openly for one or other of the great leading church parties. The controversies in which he was engaged, and their results, may be briefly de- scribed in his own words. " On the first appearance of the reformers, every man was inclined, nay more than inclined, to injure and crush them. One would say, that he could risk on them an old wash-room ; another, an old barn ; another, so many loads of firewood, so much turf, peat, or birch, with other like expressions of contempt. It was thought much money could not be better bestowed, than in helping to extirpate from the earth such cursed heretics, (that was tlie expression), and noxious men. It was, as our Lord Christ said to his disciples, the time cometh when 366 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL wliosoescr killeth you shall think lie docth God service. This all know and can certify, who are old enough and can remember what occurred six-and-forty years or more agone, when God's pure word was here lirst proclaimed, through speech and writing, by my blessed brother, master Olof Petri, and those others who were with him in the righteous cause. These things are not now recalled from any vain glory, as God is witness, still less as a reproach to any party. For it is well known, that here, as everywhere else, it has come to pass, rather from foolishness than malice pre- pense, that they who would advance God's word have be- fore all others suffered, as well in the present time as for- merly. For now that the people, through God's grace, have come to some better understanding, and the outcry raised by the papists is thought to be silenced, and the preachers have obtained some little quiet on that side, a new storm arises from another quarter, not less violent than the former, as too often happens in this Avorld. The foe comes again in his wrath, and smites us on the other side. "Watchful, as they say, for spirituality and truth, of which they make their boast, these men contemn and decry us as manifest papists, because we cannot approve their new opinions of the sacra- ment, and because our congregations suffer some of the cere- monies to which they have been accustomed, or which may be used by the papists, to remain undisturbed. In foreign lands, as well with regard to ceremonies as doctrine, there is great dissimilarity, so that the people who have discarded papal eiTors, are by no means in entire agreement. Each province, each principality, in some places each city, has its peculiar ceremonies and church usages. It is often the case that the same custom is not long preserved, but changes take place almost every month. I know nothing better to say or to advise, than that we assimilate with the congrega- tions who follow the doctrine of doctor JNIartin. For as we have truly proclaimed that God of his special grace has BEPORMATION IN SWEDEN". 367 raised up that man to expose tlie hideous errors of the pope, and show us the right way, and as we have received his doc- trine as the truest, I cannot believe that we shall find any better church usages than they observe who hold the same doctrines as we, that is doctor Martin and doctor Philip, hold. For this the special reason may be assigned, that we can easily and with least offence fall into those cus- toms, because between them and our otvti, as hitherto prac- tised, there is but little distinction or difference." 368 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAI. CHAPTER XI. THE KINGS, GUSTAVUS I. AND ERIK XrV\— COMMENCEMENT OF KINO JOHN III/s REIGN— ECCLESIASTICAL LAW— COUNCIL OF UPSALA IN 1572— DAY AND YEAR OF THE DEATH OF ARCHCISHOP LAUREN- TIUS PETRL The improvement of tlie church, as exhibited in Scandi- navia and Germany, aimed, among other objects, by a nearer union betAveen the church and state, at a removal of tlic discord which had existed, and which had been the fruitful source of disasters to both. Some members of the church, who saw the need of this improvement, desired also through the temporal power, a release from the strain of that wide-stretched and deep-reaching arm, which would stifle all diversities of opinion. To decide between the contend- ing church parties, really lay in the hands of this power, as far as human might can rule within the realms of truth. It must either unite itself to one of these parties, and suppress the other, or exercise its decision by protecting both alike. This latter course could not long be pursued. A piety at once energetic, and influencing the Avhole range of human thought, could not possibly penetrate a civil community without some established ecclesiastical confession, and the passions were not always sanctified by the spirit of Christi- anity, not always checked by the religious element, nor by the interests of the state. At the beginning of the Keformation, its success could not but be in a great measure dependent upon the personal REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 369 qualities and disposition of princes. It was sustained in Sweden during the long reign of king Gustavus I., by his powerful hand, which he stretched forth to this work in the full conviction that thereby the victory of the king- dom of Christ was advanced. During that period protestantism developed itself by degrees, till the necessity was apparent of there being established an independent self- existing church. This development Avas not consummated before the death of Grustavus, at Avhich time the hope was not yet extinct of restoring the unity of the churcji under the former ecclesiastical relations, by means of the Triden- tine decrees, and the devices of the Jesuits to save the tot- tering papacy. Gustavus I., therefore, did not complete the Swedish reformation. lie did not wish, as John III. afterward did, to be himself a reformer ; but he was, and continued to be, a disciple of the reformers, and in the dif- ferent progressive steps he took, and with increased decision on the path of reformation, he manifested a growing confi- dence in the doctrines of protestantism, which he himself embraced, and caused to be propagated among the people, as the father of his fatherland. The faults which may be observed in the means he employed, and in his actions, find an apology in the character of the era, which was one of great fluctuation, and in the imperfection that attaches to whatever is human, and from which no greatness is exempt. These faults notwithstanding, the Swedish heart shall not cease to bless his memory, while we enjoy the light and freedom for which he fought, and which, in his days, were diffused over our fatherland. King Gustavus, who died on Sept. 29, 1560, was buried in the cathedral of Upsala, where the cross that had, been consecrated to the Virgin Mary became his monument.* * " During the first three weeks of his illness," says Geijer, " he spoke of- ten, sometimes with wonderful energy, on temporal and spiritual affairs. The three following he passed chiefly in silence, and as it seemed in no 16* 370 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL The unhappy reign of king Erik did not interfere with the progress of the church, wliich now acquired both strength and vigor, on the principles which were followed during the later portions of his father's time. Ikit, on these principles, it was not yet determined what v/ere the rights of the cliurch, and what the rights of the king, or in what manner the king was to exercise his infiu- ence in regard to the former. The church herself had not developed any definite views respecting these questions, and the fluctuating laws of the state had not given a settled or detailed discipline to the church. The general principles, however, may be regarded as explained by archbishop Lau- rentius Petri in many of his writings, and among them, with a certain degree of authority, in his preface to the ecclesiastical code of 1571. According to this preface, the offices of temporal princes and the servants of the church ought not to be confused or mixed together, " as they had been under the pope." But it is the duty of princes to watch over and provide for the weal of God's everlasting kingdom, as well as their own temporal and perishable dominions. It is the part, therefore, and right of princes to see that the holy word and gospel of God be freely and without hinderance preached and spread, that false and he- retical doctrine be removed, that by the establishment of good and Christian schools, furnished with necessary teach- ers, and properly supported and protected, the way may be great pain. He was often seen to raise his hands as in prayer. Having re- ceived the sacrament, made confession of his faith, and taken an oath of his son to adhere firmly to it, he beckoned for writing materials ; but his trembling hand had not power to finish the sentence begun. The con- fessor continued his exhortations, till, as life was flying, Steno Lejonhuf- vud irfterrupted him by saying, ' All that you talk is in vain, for our lord heareth no more.' Thereupon the priest bent down to the ear of the dy- ing man and s:iid, ' If thou believe in Jesus Christ, and hear my voice^ give us some sign thereof.' To the amazement of all, the king answer- ed with a loud voice, ' Yes !' This was his last breath, at eight of the clock in the morning." — Trans. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. ' 371 prepared for obtaining learned and Christian preachers, and that provision be made for the sick and poor by the found- ing of almhouses and hospitals. For these objects princes should issue suitable ordinances and make laws. As yet there was no need, or perhaps no opportunity, to determine and settle these principles, while merely the papal tenets and the abuses of the Roman church were considered as " the false and heretical doctrine." But when, as we have seen, in king Erik's time, variant protestant views be- gan to contend for supremacy, the need became more appa- rent of a settled and determinate ecclesiastical confession, which the temporal prince was to protect and defend. Then the kino; and men of the church united in the recog- nition of the evangelical Lutheran doctrine. But soon the exigence arose, of a di^ssonance between the king and men of the church, on the question what was the creed of the church, or the confession which should claim support and protection. * This dissonance concerned the very dogmas of faith. A like uncertainty attended the limits of the church's privile- ges and independence. Bishops and priests were placed or displaced by the kings without election, or verdict of church authority, and after the reduction of the church's property, the incomes of her officers depended on the pleasure of the king. Whether he acted in these matters by virtue of the church's commission, or by virtue of the rights of the civil community ; whether the payment of salaries was to be considered as a management of the church's wealth, or as an application of the revenues of the state to church purposes, were points left undetermined. The king appeared to possess within the commonwealth, the rights and duties toward the priestly vocation, which the father of a family has within his own house. The king had, therefore, sometimes in days of yore, addressed words of spiritual admonition and warning to his people, and the 372 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL long-continued pious custom, for the kings of Sweden to summon llieir people to the observance of days of penance or thanks^l\ ing, either yearly or on extraordinary occasions, was renewed under the new order of things in the year 1544, a year so significant in regard to church reformation. The custom, however, was ancient, and thus the priestly nature of the royal sentence and decision was a maxim in the Christian church. King Gustavus refers to " the good old and Christian way," and in Sweden it had formerly occurred, that when God's judgments of death visited the land, her kings had summoned their people to mourn for their sins and do penance. ^yhen Erik, eight years after the death of his father, was hurled from the throne, the royal sceptre of Sweden was taken by John III. Like his brother, he had received a careful education. Plis disposition was peculiarly adapted to quiet meditation. When a youth of twenty, he was ad- monished by his father for his dreams of solitude. The eyes of mankind were fastened on the church, and circumstances conspired to turn the attention of John on the points of faith which divided the world, and on the means of restor- ing unity. The question, whether it was unavoidable that the outward unity of the church must be dissolved, pressed heavily on many hearts. At the moment when that unity seemed irretrievably lost, John had seen in England, in 1559, the still fresh tracks of the bloody domination of the Roman church under queen Mary, and the ilrst expiatory movements under Elizabeth. In Sweden, he was a witness lo the disorders created by Calvinism, which he could con- template with the more observant eye, as the storm raged around the walls of his prison. His imprisonment of four years, was shared by his wife,* who belonging to the * This woman, when DfTercd a princely maintenance on condition of parting from her husband, made answer, by pointing to her wedding-ring •with its Latin inscription : " Xaught but death." — Tr. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 373 cliurch of Rome had an aversion to the faith and worship of Sweden ; and the opportunities for comparing the shades of religion were the oftener presented, as he sometimes was obliged to be his wife's comforter, when her priest was occasionally denied access to the prison. There was also now leisure for study, and now were those plans formed which were productive of well nigh twenty years of strife, during the king's persevering efforts to give the Reformed faith a new shape. These plans had not come to maturity, nor been put in execution, during the first five years of king John's reign, although the news of them began to be spread. The Roman church was at this time scarcely tolerated. King Erik was not its friend. At the time of his courtship of Mary Stuai't of Scotland, it did not escape him, that she was attached to the Roman church. He did not doubt, as he declares, that she would embrace the same faith as he ; but his ambassador to Scotland is enjoined to ascertain what queen Mary thought of the ecclesiastical changes that had taken place in Sweden, and ascertain what was the real state and position of the Scottish church. The ambassa- dor replied, that the queen was a papist, and it was not likely she would abandon her creed. A counsellor, whose name is not known, dissuaded the king from proceeding further, because the French kinsmen of Mary would not give their consent, unless in the hope of thereby restoring Sweden to the "papal idolatry." That year, duke John maiTied a Roman Catholic princess. He promised, on that occasion, that he would put no constraint on his wife with regard to her faith ; but he also required, on his pai't, that he should not be obliged to partake of the cucharist accord- ing to the Roman usage, at the time of the marriage rite, but be allowed to continue its reception according to the cus- tom conformahle loith the Augsburg confession. After the breaking out of the civil war in 1508, king 374 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Erik complained of his brother as one who desired to intro- duce tlie doctrine of the Calvinists, and was a contemner of the holj word and sacrament of God. But this accusation, which was designed to attract ill will to his adversary dur- ing the strifes which the Calvinistic controversy provoked, is deserving of little respect ; and the same may be said of another charge, Avhich the same Erik, at the same time, made against his brother, that he Avas a papist. This charge had then, as subsequently, little foundation. The power which his father and brother exercised in the church, John had no mind to surrender. In respect to the property of the church, his acts were as arbitrary as those of king Gustavus. At the commencement of his reign, for example, he ordered his steward to transfer to the king's farm at Upsala, the cattle which were found with the priests of Upland. The glebe farms which the priests in the diocese of Skara cultivated were, in 1571, revoked to the crown. The steward of Helsingland was directed to take and register to the king's account the superfluous silver which remained in the churches of that district. In other respects, also, the king proceeded in the same arbitrary manner. Outwardly, the church retained the same order and constitution in the beginning of king John III.'s reign, as previously, except that the division of dioceses made by king Gustavus ceased to operate, that the sees of Lin- koping and Skara were fdled by new men, the former by Martinus Olai from 1571, and the latter from 1570, by Jacobus Johnnnis, previously the ordinarius of Orcbro ; and that Gottland, Jcmtland, and the Ilerjedalen, were severed' from the Swedish church, in 1570, when, at the peace of Stettin, Sweden relinquished all spiritual jurisdic- tion over those provinces. The church of Gottland, which, from 1527, had been left almost without care, had, in 1572, a superintendent of its own placed there by the king of EEFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 375 Denmark. Jemtland and Herjedalen were attached, as we suppose, to the see of Trondhem. King Erik had, in the beginning of his reign, proposed changes in the usages of the church, which seemed near enough to the papah King John published, at his coro- nation in 15C9, some articles, which manifested his deter- mination to maintain discipline and good order among the clergy. The dress of priests ought to be grave and de- cent ; the king would not tolerate in them levity or luxury, but their manners ought to correspond with their doc- trine, and their apparel with their office and character. Drunkards, and the unchaste, they who were disobedient to their bishops, they who through dishonest means ob- tained preferment, they who inflicted too severely the censures of the church for temporal gain, were to be re- moved from office. Bishops ought not to ordain as priests any but such, as on strict inquiry, were found by their eloquence and intelligence adequate to the office. No priest was to obtain a king's benefice without the recom- mendation and testimony of his bishop. Other benefices the bishops were to fill. These were admonished not to neglect preaching in cathedrals, and visiting the congre- gations ; and they were authorized to fix, probably out the church tithes, as large a sum for country churches, as was needed to build them and to purchase the commu- nion wine. The widows of priests, were to inherit half the dwelling-house, and the taxes of priests were to be proportioned to their incomes. The aged archbishop might hope, under this king, to issue the general church regulations by which he had long wished to settle the church's condition. Of the necessity of this measure, he had often reminded Gustavus I., and laid before him a project of the kind ; but the matter had come to no result. At the council of Arboga, in 1561, king Erik reminded the clergy of the need of a revision of 376 HISTORY or the ecclesiastical the cliaptcr of church law ; but tlie clergj, who acknowl- edged the need, at that time answered, fearing the too strong pressure of Calvinism on the church, that " the time and the hour" were not yet come. The archbishop in- forms us, that, in the beginning of the year 15G3, he submit- ted to the king his project of church law. It is probable that the influence of Beurrcus then prevented the royal ac- ceptance, and the disorders of the following year did not permit the matter to be further considered. The bishops, each in his own diocese, set forth rules of conduct and order, agreeably to the authority committed to them. These rules were in their general features the same, partly because they were based on certain generally recognized principles and decrees, but still more, because of the growing influence of the archbishop with whom they originated, wliose age and experience, learning and wisdom, gave additional weight to the oflicial position he held as the foremost man of the church. The church was thus, at the close of king Gus- tavus's reign, to a great extent united in ecclesiastical cus- toms, as she was harmonious in faith. Amid the confusions with which king Erik's reign began, amid the vociferous clamors for a change in doctrine and discipline which were now raised, and which it was feared would win the king's approbation, the church, beginning to feel herself the stronger after the first shock, drew more closely around Laurentius Petri. She did so with the more aftection, in proportion as the need of purity in doctrine, unity in dis- cipline, and agreement in the rights and privileges of the church, was felt. The church rules and ordinances, composed by Lauren- tius Petri, were at once diffused by means of pamphlets, and were regarded as current law, until, as was expected, it should receive public confirmation from the authorities of church and state. But while they who deviated from this law were unfavorably rcgai'ded as opponents of pure faith, REFOBMATION IN SWEDEN. 377 good order, and desirable unity, they had the valid excuse of its defective recognition as a law established ; and, as laws should be easily accessible, king John commanded that after it had been sufficiently examined by the bishops and other ecclesiastics, it should be printed, and that afterward, all, under a due penalty, should conform themselves to its requirements in all matters that concerned the church. The king's pleasure and command, is only known to us, through the archbishop's preface attached to this church code, which in 1571 was put to press. That it was inspect- ed and examined by John HI. himself is probable ; more so, than Avhat was pretended by its opponents, that he struck out some articles that displeased him, and that he persuaded the archbishop to introduce others which the prelate himself did not approve. Nothing is to be there found, that is not in entire harmony with Laurentius Petri's other writings and acts, and with his known principles and views. His preface opens with a defence of what he previously advanced respecting the church's freedom and independence of the judgment of foreigners in regulating her own inter- nal relations. That all would be satisfied was not to be hoped, " for where at any time will any man be found so happy as to give satisfaction to all f He foresaw that the papists would find this church code not to be Catholic, and that the sacramentarians would regard it as popish ; but he rejoiced in the conviction that it was conformable to " sound reason and the word of God'." That the holy word of God in the Old and New Testa- ments was the church's supreme law was pre-suj»posed, and the preaching of this word was declared to be the most important duty of the church. Bishops were appointed, and enjoined to watch over the discipline of the church. Their office has not an immediate divine establishment, but was eai'ly introduced for the sake 378 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL of order ; and " as this discipline is very useful, and without doubt proceeded from the Holy Ghost, the giver of all good gifts, so was it generally current and received over the whole of Christendom, and thus it has been and must be as long as tlie world stands ; but abuses nevertheless are to be re- moved. Bishops shall be elected by some of the clergy ap- pointed for that purpose, and others experienced in the sub- ject, Avho are to present the elect person to receive the con- firmation of the prince. lie is after that, clothed in a sur- plice and cope, to be consecrated by a bishop, but without the use of ointment. Seven cathedrals of the kingdom were to be kept up, and in each of them to be settled, besides the bishop, six per- sons, the bishop's official or provost, the pastor of the church, a schoolmaster, a reader of theology, a penitentiary, and a proctor. That these, besides their own particular duties, should participate in the bishop's care of the diocese, was not mentioned. To the bishop it appertained, to watch over the doctrine and manners of the priests, over the edu- cation and morals of the people, over schools, hospitals, and wards of the sick. He was to visit his diocese yearly, with one or two of the clergy, and if he was himself prevented, to send his provost or official. He might call to his assist- ance, as was hitherto usual, the provosts of the district, whom he might select from among the most competent priests. For the settlement of parish priests, the immediate call of the congregation was required ; but if the congregation could not find any to take the office, or if he that was called should prove uniit, the bishop was to appoint another. No one shall exercise the office of a preacher, before being openly, in the congregation, ordained thereto, by the laying on of hands and prayer, " for as the Holy Ghost, without whom this office can in no wise be exercised, is wont, by such means to be given, it Avould be great REFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 379 temerity in any one to despise those means, especially since it has been customary so to do from the Apostles' times." The sentence of the church which it was declared should not extend to the life or goods of any man, but only to ex- communication or spiritual concerns, might be pronounced and put in force by any pastor of a church. Country priests were to refer the more weighty cases to the bishop, if the case admitted of delay. As prayers, fasts, alms, might be imposed as church penance, it was merely said, that there should be no abuse connected with their imposition. Igno- minious punishments, such as standing naked before the church door, or being manacled, should only be used in the case of atrocious criminals. He who audaciously refused to submit to his church penance, was to be punished severely by the temporal arm. Pie who remained longer than a year under the ban of the church, was to be dealt with accord- ing to the chapter of general ecclesiastical law. This church discipline rested on the same principles with the whole Swedish ecclesiastical reformation, the desire in every possible way to avoid all novelty, and solely by the manifest word of God in holy Scripture to test the doctrine, institutions, and church usages previously existing, rejecting what was inconsistent with that word, but retaining what with a good conscience could be retained. King John desired this church law to be acknowledged and recognized by the clergy in a church council. This must have been still more the wish of the archbishop ; the rather, as according to a contemporaneous author, a report began to be circulated of a threatened alteration of the church customs and usages. Another reason for this desire, was the controversy that again sprang up respecting the allowableness of the marriage of cousins-german. One of the first nobles of the kingdom, Erik Gustafssbn Stenbock, as there was an obstacle in Sweden to his marriage with his cousin-german, had been 380 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL married by a Danish clerg}Tnan "within the limits of Hal- land. But in Sweden, where such a union was generall}% disapproved, as coming within the prohibited degrees of affinity, the case caused remark and scandal, and it was not to be supposed that archbishop Lars, who would not yield in a similar case which concerned his king, should more easily grant another the liberty which he considered as opposed to the word of God. To no purpose was an opinion procured from the theologians and jurists of Rostock, that such a union was allowable. Of the same opinion were one or more of the Swedish bishops. The commotions which hence arose, were urged as one of the strongest reasons for a council. King John proclaimed the council, for the assembling of which many obstacles concurred. The first was, that it was to be opened at Upsala, on the loth of June. But a fire on the 23d of April destroyed the cathedral of that city and part of the city itself, so that Stockholm was then ap- pointed as the place of meeting. But, as there again a plague was prevailing, the king left it to the archbishop, bishops, and heads of the clergy, to call together the council at Upsala, Westeras, or where they would. The 17th of August was named as the day, and the deliberations com- menced on the 18th of that month, in Upsala. The king was not present. The assembly was not numerous. Of the bishops, those of Wexio and Abo were absent, though the former was represented. Of provosts, pastors of churches, and administrators of schools, there were thirty in number, as recorded, but many other clergyman made their appear- ance. For the first time the academy of Upsala is here seen to take part in the public afi'airs of the church and fiitherland, being represented by its rector and two profes- sors, who participated in this council. After the usual opening wilh ])raycr, and an address from the archbishop, who explained the nature of church couii- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 381 cils, their various objects, and causes of being assembled, the question of marriage within the degrees of affinity was first discussed. The stricter interpretation of the divine law triumphed, and bishop Marten of Linkoping recanted, and deprecated his inconsiderateness in the case. Ceremo- nies, church punishments, and the like topics, were then discussed. The need of a fixed and precise confession of faith was acknowledged, but no question appears to have been brought before the meeting, as to the receiving and adopting that of Augsburg, " although the archbishop prom- ised to give one according to that pattern.^' The decree of the council was drawn up by bishop Mar- ten, and on the 22 d of August was subscribed. It was de- sired, so runs the document, to abide henceforth, as hither- to, by the pure Christian doctrine contained in the writings of the prophets and apostles, and which has been preached " here in this kingdom for some time." It was desired that what belongs to probity, discipline, and good customs, should be promoted, and what is contrary to them taken away. It was desired that the sanctity of the ties of blood should not be rent in marriage. The union therefore be- tween cousins-german, as contrary to the law of nature and of God, w^as not to be alloAved, notwithstanding that some- where in foreign lands there Avas another teaching and prac- tice. It was also decided to abide by the ceremonies and church usages hitherto customary in Swedish congi'egations, and now settled by the church ordinances set forth in print. The doctrine and discipline which had been current at the close of \s.m^ Gustavus's reisfn, and had continued amid the conflicts of king Erik XIV.'s administration, were now con- firmed, and, as was believed, the church was unanimous in her purpose henceforth to guard them. This council was the crowning glory, the lustrous star, in the life of Lauren- tius Petri, the seal of his labor of forty years. Their father in 882 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL doctrine, now seventy years old, stood here among his young family,* who, with reverence and confidence, looked up to him. and listened to his words. It was in the hope that the work was now completed, that he cried out : " Lord, now let- test thou thy servant depart in peace." In this hope he re- ceived the reward of grace, which God sometimes gives the faithful laborer, to see the glory of the victory, but not the bitterness of strife whereby it shall be won. Or, did he foresee, that within a few years, his work should be again menaced with ruin, and that the very men who now in con- cord were assembled around him, would be sundered from each other in the hot conflict of human passions, and in doubt of the truth itself; some of them to be displaced from office, imprisoned and exiled, though they now believed that with united hand they had perfected the temple of peace ? There were not wanting prognostics of the coming storm, and anxious forebodings that with tlie death of the venera- ted father of the church, troublous times would come. These forebodings were expressed by those present on the touching occasion, when the archbishop, in his sickness, at the close of the council, assembled the clerg}- at his house, to bid them farewell, and exliort them to steadfastness, for the last time before he was removed from among them. Prognostics in part were connected with the attempts at changes which claimed an antiquity to which they had no title, in part with the audacity Avhereby the Roman church, which filled the minds of men with awe, on account of its mighty patronage, began to lift its voice, though not by the tongue of Swedish men. Queen Catharine's chaplain, Johan Herbst, from Poland, in defence of the Roman '• It might be literally so spoken of some in this assembly. Laurentius Petri, Gothus so caUed, to distinguish him from the archbishop, Olof Luth, and Andreae Angerman, famous in tlie contests of after-times, were at this time, or were afterward, married to the daughters of the aged Laurentius Petri. EEF0R5IATI0N IN SWEDEN. 383 cliurcli, and in opposition to archbishop Lars, perhaps also to master Erasmus Nicholai, the king's chaplain, composed works, whose object was to sliow that in that church only were to be found a valid clergy and sanctifpng means of grace ; that the Lord's supper ought not to be administered under both kinds, and that the invocation of saints was al- lowable. These writings, which were circulated over the land, and of which some were said to have been submitted to Erasmus Nicholai, were known previous to the council of Upsala, in 1572, when the archbishop promised to an- swer and confute them. This was done in one or more works written against Herbst. At the diet of Stockholm, in 1573, the clergy were again assembled, but the archbishop was absent, prevented by the sickness, which in a few months terminated in death. The archbishop's refutation of the writings of Herbst on the Lord's supper, sacrifice of the mass, and power of the priest- hood, were on this occasion, adduced by Erasmus Nicholai. The king himself took an interested and observant part in the examination of the doctrinal questions at this council ; enjoined it upon Marten, of Linkoping, to dispute with Herbst on the primacy of the pope, the holy Scriptures, and other points ; and entered with much zeal into the contro- versy against the papists opposed to the bishop. The epoch when these transactions occurred, and their character, must be made to coincide with that period in the life of the Swedish church, when the life also of Laurentius Petri Nericms closed. He was taken hence without beino; a witness of the strife. " Lord, give peace in our days,'* were his last words, in his last pastoral letter to his diocese, dated April 24, 1573, appointing a day of thanksgiving for the victory won at Liffland. His prayer was heard in ano- ther sense than was intended in those words. When he knew that his end drew nigh, he sent, by Erasmus Nicholai, the expression of his gratitude to king John, for that monarch's 384 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL care of the church, and implored him by that imperishable cro^^•n, so much more glorious than his earthly, -which he might hope to win, to protect the Swedish church in the purity and stability it now liad gained. The good prelate fell asleep in the Lord, on October 25th, 1573, after a life of seventy years, forty of which he had spent in the exercise of his office as archbishop. He was buried by the clergy of his diocese, who mourned him as their father, in the choir of the cathedral of Upsala, Avhere his sepulchre still remains. His long life had been rich in fruits, but not exempt from trials. Not a few of his troubles resulted from the relations lie held towards the royal house, with which, by marriage, he was distantly connected. In addition to the stem and often specious domination of Gustavus, the fraternal hate, and soon fraternal war, between that king's sons, caused the archbishop much disquiet. In 1563, he had probably united with the estates of the kingdom in their sentence pronounced against king John. He was present in Stockholm, when, in 1568, that city was beleaguered by the dukes John and Charles. On that occasion, some of king Erik's officers re- quested his advice as to what it was best for them to do, so as to answer for it before God. His reply was such as to make a distinction between a defection from the king and a breach of their oath of fidelity. Afterwards he took part in the doom of deposition pronounced on king Erik, and sub- scribed the sentence which resulted, as the means of obvia- ting revolts and the ruin of the kingdom, in that monarch's death. At the death of Laurentius Petri, more than half a cen- tury had passed away, since the diet of Striingness, which elevated Gustavus Wasa to the Swedish throne, was the occasion of Laurentius Andreas's influence in the public affairs of church and state, and awakened attention to Olaus 51"E^^011MaH0:N IK SWTSDE^l^. 385 Petri and -the preaching of his disciples. The third part of a century liad now passed away &ince the new order of things had iDecome more generally and more firmly estab- lished. A new generation had sprung up, and become estab- lished under new auspices atid relatio^is. In contemplating these new arid extraordinary eventf?, we might seek a justi- fication of the changes effected, in the improvement then wrought in the people's banners and intelligence ; although the truth and strengtii of God's word depend not on human wisdom or human agency. To a perfect picture of the character of the Swedish ichurch, during the last twenty years of king Gustavus's times, and during the year 1573, there is still required the ■delineation, however rapid, of its constitutional, scientific, and moral position. Such a delineation will constitute a fit introduction to the history of that period, which, with the strength and weapons furnished by the preceding period, witnessed the war of the church for truth, and her gain of a final yictory^ 17 386 HISTORY v^F THE ECCLESIASTICAL BOOK III. CHAPTER I. WEDISH CHURCH TO THE YEAR 157 3. The storms of half a centuiy had shaken the church Avithin our fatherland, when archbishop Laurcntius Petri, the man Avho had deeply impressed on that church the stamp of his own sj)irit, passed from time into eternity. We wish to collect together, or to present more fully the outlines which seem to us to afibrd an idea of what it was, when in suc- ceeding years new trials were encountered, when this Prot- estant church was tried by the attempt to reclaim it again to Pome, or at least reform it to a nearer resemblance to the lioman church. 1.— ADMmiSTRATION OF THE CIIURCn ; BISHOPS AND PRIESTS. The change introduced by king Gustavus in the church's condition, by the division of dioceses, and the substitution of the name ordinary for bishop, had, as we have already remarked, ceased before the year 1573 to go into operation : so that the old sees, with the exception of Abo, remained the same in compass as at the beginning of the Peformation. The men who lillcd the new sees were removed by king John, either to some episcopal chair, or to provostships, with the exception of Pctrus Caroli of Kalmar, Avho for a REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 387 time fell into disgrace, and Andreas Torchilli, who was con- tinued as pastor of Jonkoping. The bishops possessed an almost unlimited jurisdiction over their sees, subject however to the oversight which the ordinantia of Westeras conferred on the king, and which king Gustavus in 1539 claimed as belonging to his royalty. The limitations of the king's supremacy were not defined, and the rights of the archbishop as primate of the church remained vacillating and uncertain ; preserved indeed through the personal qualities of Laurentius Petri, and the respect felt for him, but watched with suspicion by the king. Respecting the mode of managing the common affairs of the church, nothing was yet settled. The church ordinance of 1571, prescribes yearly meetings of the clergy in council within each diocese, and the mode in which those meetings are to be conducted, but makes no mention of a general council for the Swedish church, although such, during the reigns of Gustavus, Erik, and John, were held under the presidency of the archbishop. This church ordinance was itself adopt- ed by the clergy at such a council. The old Laurentius Petri had perhaps intentionally passed over a case which he could not arrange to his satisfaction. The deliberations and decrees concerning the church, were conducted and passed, sometimes at the diets with all the estates participating in them, as at Westeras in 1527 and 1544, in which case the estate of the clergy was represent- ed by the bishops and other prelates. Sometimes church cQuncils proper were held, as at Orebro in .1529, and at TJp- sala in 1572, at which only the clergy were present and took part in matters regarding doctrine, discipline and public worship, although the king had there a representative ; or as at Stockholm in 1573, where he personally participated in the council. Sometimes the clergy assembled at the diet formed themselves into an ecclesiastical council to deliberate on church affairs, which were sometimes proposed and 388 UISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL brought forward by the king himself, or else by one of his secretaries. Sometimes a number of the bishops and clergy "vvere called together by the king, to give their opinions on certain questions laid before them, as in 1549 respecting the Interim, and in 1552 on the subject of Gustavus' third marriage. The form was still indefinite and unsettled, chiefly because of the conflict of principles relating to the church's privileges and independence of the royal power. King Gustavus's ordinances of 1539 and 1540 were the first attempt to raise for the church a firm government, but as an instrument of the royal power within the church. They were immediately carried into execution, and this king and his two eldest sons exercised this power without law and without legal pretension, though seldom without using the agency of bishops and ordinaries. That there was need of a settled ecclesiastical regimen, appeared in the attempt in the ordinantia of 1575 to create an ecclesiastical consis- tory. This, however, was never perfected. The third at- tempt, in the following century, resulted in the well-known project of a consistorium generale. After those laws lost their force, which, during the papal period, protected the persons and property of the church in privileges which were not always consistent with the weal of the commonwealth and the vigor of its government, the out- ward discipline of the church lay open to the grasp of eveiy power which gained importance in the state, and could es- tablish its own will, or its peculiar' aims, in the place of that fallen order and discipline. The Swedish people had read- ily and even approvingly, with the consent of a lai'ge num- ber of ecclesiastics, transferred to the king the regulation of the church's relations to the state. The limits of his power were, in this respect, as in others, marked out with little ac- curacy, and were still less defined, inasmuch as neither the regulations nor laws of those who were reforming the churcli, coulcj claim any validity. The people's content pr EEFORJIATION IN S^VEDEN. 389' discontent was the only guide, and king Gustavus had an ample measure of both. He and his sons, however, had a regard for the church, and used their power to uphold ec- clesiastical and moral order, and even to protect the persons and property of the church as far as the new state of things allowed. But the temporal aristocracy, against which the ecclesi- astical had in foregone time with difficulty protected itself, desired to enlarge its power at the expense of the now de- fenceless church. Instead of citing particular cases, we will cite the points with regard to which, in 1575, the clergy prayed the protection of king John against the injuries of the nobles, as they dreaded them, or what is more correct, as current in the times we are describing. In the ordinan- tia of that year, which was submitted to the king, the clergy petition that the right of patronage should be restrained ; that the king would not suffer the nobles to place and dis- place priests, even if they or their forefathers had paid the costs of the, church or glebe; that churches might not "be subjected to their outrages, so as to put their chaplains in them, and seize the rents, for this was to intrude into another man's office," and that no privileges should exempt the nobles from paying tithes to the church and priests. In the same document they petitioned that the clergy should be protected from the demands upon them for entertainment, which, in addition to that given bishops and stewards, whose claims were admitted, was unreasonably exacted from priests by the nobles, who quoted St. Paul's injunction, " that ought to be interpreted only of the poor and needy." They petitioned, moreover, that the nobles' and king's offi- cers should not be allowed forcibly to withdraw scholars from the schools to their own service, a case that often oc- curred, although the church ordinance of 1571 forbids schol- ars to be taken from school without the consent of parents. With these demands for redress of grievances, the Swedish 890 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL church began the contest for its freedom and privileges, wliich Avas still more rigorously carried on in the following century. The edict for reconstructing the chapter, which appeared in the church ordinance of 1571, was not a confirmation of the old relations of that body, but a project for a new ar- rangement, to take the place of the previous chapter, now wholly dissolved. We do not find the project perfected in any diocese. In 1573, Westeras was the only see which had a reader of theology. In most places a penitentiary, and in Upsala and Viborg a provost, was not to be found, while, in Wexio, the office of provost was connected Avith that of the pastor of the church in the town where the bishop resided. In 1575, there was proposed a new arrangement, or at least a renewal, with some variations, of many of the old prelati- cal titles. The choir priests, who in popish times were placed in cathedrals, and a number of whom were still retained, after 1527, in each cathedral, were now wholly discontinued. The church ordinance, however, regards it as probable that they might again be found useful. The church ordinance of 1571 speaks of bishops, prov- osts of a district, and pastors of churches, as members of the clergy. It supposes the existence, though not universally, of chaplains in large congi'egations, or in benefices which had several churches. These chaplains were known of old in Stockholm, and were supported by the rectors or pastors of churches. In 15G1, there were three in the pay of the state. Foi- the most part, except perhaps in large cities, these chaplains wei'e what are now commonly called assist- ants, and were attached to such rectors as had large benefi- ces or many churches under their cai'e. This was the only reason, according to the church ordinance, which could justify, or oblige the rector to have a chaplain. In case of sickness, by which was meant long-continued, or incurable REi^ORilATION IN SWEDEN. * 391 eickness, or for old age, an assistant was not allowed, but tlie parish priest was to give up his benefice. He who reg- ularly resigned his benefice, still retained the priestly char- acter, and might, at the request of another parish priest, as- sist him in his duties. The chaplains had their domicile and support in the house of the rector of the church, and, by the regulations which the bishops issued for their sees, appear to have been placed under the control and strict inspection of the rector. For the first time, in 1575, is mention made of a settled sal- ary. They who did duty for priests, were to have, at least, four dollai's a year, and " any advantages they could get from the parishioners," without violating the rights of the rector. The bishops are admonished not to ordain more priests than were necessary for their respective dioceses, and there is no mention of the regret felt for the want of young priests, in case of unexpected vacancies, to officiate in pub- lic worship, and assume the care of souls. It seems, how- ever, that, according to ancient custom, some such were maintained by the cathedrals. In 1572, king John assured the bishops of the continuance of the prebends and other sources of income, on condition of their supporting " the young persons newly ordained to the priestly office in Skara, until, by benefices, or otherwise, provision could be made for them." In the ordinantia of 1575, which refers to them as previously existing, mention is made, beside the . clergy at- tached to the king's palace, and the parish priests, of an- other sort of chaplains residing in the houses of the nobility. We know not whether the number of such was large, but of " these chaplains of the nobility," it is ordained, that they should, like other priests, be subject to the bishop, and be obliged to appear at the convocations of the priests, where inquisition was to be had of the learning and lives of the sacerdotal order. 892 . HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTIC AJL T.liey who wished to enter the priesthood, were to be ex- amined, and afterward ordained. This examination was- incumbent for the most pai't on the bishop ; but with whoni he miglit divide the duty, or to whom transfer it, was not determined. In 1575, this duty of examination is assigned to the dean; but in the church ordinance of 1571, it is- merely said, that they shall perform, the duty to whom it belonged. The first protestant church ordinance found it necessary, to remedy a bad custom, the obviating of which still apper- tained to the bishops. This was the removal or translation of priests from one benefice to another. The bishops are admonished not to be precipitate in sending any clerk from one to another, thii'd, or fourth benefice, as has been the injudicious custom ; for such a custom gives room to suppose that he who is so ready to chano;e his benefice, seeks not what Christ approves, the care and welfare of the people, but the advancement of his awn temporal interests. The incomes of rectoi'S remained much the same as in former times, except the glebe farms, which, from 1545, were absorbed by the crown, and for which a compensation was not always given. Tlie progress of agriculture made this comficnsation anything but an equivalent. Ilie appro- priations too, which, from this time, were made to the bishops and chapters, after the crown became possessed, not only of their tithes, but thcii* tenants, depended on the good pleasure of the king. The salary was in the nature of an investiture of the crown, and was fixed every year on the register books of investitures. It was not so pai"simoniously dealt out by king Gustavus, as one might be led to suppose. In 1556, the arclibishop had 025 barrels of corn, besides his palace at IJpsala, and a manor near the city. Bishop Both- vid of Strangness, had only 365, but the ordinaiy of Skara, Erik Falk, had 576 barrels of corn. In 1561, or the year after king Gustavus's death, the bishops and ordinaries had REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 393 appropriated to them 124 tons, or 5,952 barrels of corn, of which the archbishop had 16 tons, or 768 barrels. The rectors in nineteen towns, besides three chaplains and the preaclier of the grey monks' cloister, at Stockholm, had 71 tons, or 3,408 barrels, from 48 to 288 barrels for each. In king John's time, these investitures were augmented, not- withstanding that more ecclesiastical offices were set on foot. At the close of the reign of Giistavus, no other appropria- tions were made than for bishops and ordinaries, rectors in cities and schoolmasters. The regulation contained in the above-named ordinance of 1571, that the priest incapacitated from managing his benefice should give it up, was a relict of former times. But the permission to priests to enter into the marriage state, which followed on the reformation of the church, les- sened the facility of making any change in their circum- stances, and the pity felt for their widows and children occa- sioned a new legislation. It was a recognized principle, that the vacant benefice should be immediately taken by a new legal occupant, although, as before the Reformation, a portion of the current year's income was to belong to him Avho resigned the benefice, or to his heirs after death. In 1559, it was ruled that the resigner, or his heirs, should have that portion of the year's income which corresponded with the time of his management of the benefice. The year was divided into quarters, the heirs being entitled to the in- come of the last quarter, provided they kept up divine ser- vice to the close of the year. The widow and children of the deceased had a right to the stock and house-room in the parsonage, for at least the first half year. The same rule is observed in the church ordinance of the year 1571, except that the year is divided into two parts, and that nothing is said of providing for divine service. The afterward often- abused custom, of what was called a whole year of grace, is not mentioned. But both the law and church ordinance of 17* 394 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL 1559, express, in llie same terras, the hope, that the widow will not be removed from the parsonage till otherwise pro- vided for ; and the ordinance appeals to the heart of the successor in the Scriptural admonition, not to afliict the widow and fatherless. The hope expressed, that the widow, before being removed from the parsonage, should be provi- ded for by marnidng again, or otherwise, became the occa- sion of the bad practice of patrons inducing unprovided priests to marry the widows and daughters of priests, as the condition of being promoted to benefices. The right to half the house, granted to the widows by king John, in 1569, they were justified in claiming, as is allowed in the ordinantia of 1575, when the clergy begged of the king that after the death of the husband they might be released from this incumbrance. 2.— SCHOOLS AND LITERATURE. The Eeformation which distinguished the fifteenth cen- tury, stirred the spirit of inquiry. But when we wish to contemplate its influence on the cultivation of science in Sweden, two distinct questions present themselves ; what was done in conformity with the impulse given to llteraiy cultivation at a time Avhen every man was demanded a rea- son for his faith, and the clergy, in general, were required to possess ability to preach God's word ; and, c!id the ab- sorption and diminution of the church's establishments and property, in any degree, check or lessen the means and op" portunities for training up the Aleves and scholars of the church 1 It has already been remarked, that king Gustavus I., his chief counsellor Laurcntius l^etri, and the bishops, as soon as they could pay attention to the altered relations that had arisen from the first breach in the church's life and disci- pline, showed their anxiety respecting the cause of educa- tion, for which the new order of things had occasioned a REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 395 demand. In order to complete the picture we design to draw of the condition of things during and before the year 1573, we must go back to the year 1539, or that period when the more thorough change began to take effect. The preparative means of education, which the old era left as an inheritance to the new, were the diocesan and state schools, and the cloisters. The former, as far as they were connected with the church, did not suffer by the re- duction of the incomes of cathedrals and chapters, because the nec(}ssity of maintaining schoolmasters was keenly felt, and the old idea that on cathedrals was imposed the duty of building up diocesan schools, was still dominant. The most important change in the means of instruction, arose out of the dissolution of the monasteries. But in consider- ing the cloisters as a provision for educational purposes, we {dlude only, or chiefly at the time of the Reformation, to those of the Dominicans and Franciscans. If we inquire where, after these except in Finland were generally dissolv- ed, schools were to be found established, we shall discover, according to the registry of 1501, soon after Gustavus's death, that, in almost all places where these orders existed, there were schools. There were, besides, schools in the dio- cese of Upsala, at Gefle ; in that of Linkoping, at Wadsten ; in that of Skara, at Elfsborg and Linkoping ; in that of Strangnes#, at Nykoping and Orebro ; in that of Westeras, at Stora Tuna. The Franciscan cloisters of Finland, at Tlokarna and Raumo, had a school at Helsingfors ; but, in 1573, Raumo had one of its own. That at St. Tuna was dissolved at the same time with the office of ordinary. The support which was given to students out of the pre- bends of cathedrals and other considerable incomes of prelates, was withdrawn or diminished, especially after the tithes and other church property, except the thirds of the rectors, were suppressed to the crown. Out of these, on the other hand, a certain amount was 396 HISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL applied to the support of students in every cathedral. This amount was not parsimonious, and certainly not less than was before given to the same object. In 15G I, the whole allotment for the support of students in all the cathedrals amounted to 6G tons, or 3,168 barrels of corn Tliis ap- propriation might not have been the same every year, but in the later years of king Gustavns, that amount was com- mon. The students of the diocese of Upsala, were rated, in 1561, at 480, and five years before at 470 barrels of corn. Scholars were, besides, supported by alms-begging in par- ishes, and this method was, in 1571, allowed for the future, by a church ordinance. King Gustavus, thought no scorn to leave in his will a sum of money to schools. It was di- vided among them the year after his death, and invested for their benefit. The church ordinance, and tlie salary project, show that in each school there was but one teacher appointed. The pay of tliese teachers for twenty-two scholars, Avas 2,664 barrels of corn ; on an average, 121 for each scholar, 144 for the highest, 96 for the lowest. The church ordinance allows them exemption from taxes, and a domicil. In king John's time there began to be appointed, here and there, an additional teacher, or corrector of the school. According to the first school law, occurring in the church ordinance of 1571, it was usual for the pupils of the four lower divisions of schools, to be termed " hearers." It was the practice of old time. This school law limits the instruction in langua- ges, in the four classes, to Latin and Swedish ; the latter tongue, " so much as is required for the seasons of the church." The Latin was the only proper speech of the schools. Not only, as was the case long after this time, were the teachers forbidden to speak to the pupils in any other lan- guage, but they who wished to learn Greek or Hebrew, were to question no one in any tongue but Latin ; otherwise, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 397 preceptors were to look to themselves as liable to be called to account ; the reason assigned being, the useless- ness of burdening children with a multiplicity of reading. Hence the school was called a Latin school, but its object was to provide fit materials, not only for the priestly office, but for the business of the state, which required a superior literary culture. Within the compass of the Latin, was included what might be termed the humanities. To the reading of the authors of old Rome, were added, in their tongue, the. study of grammar, rhetoric, dialectics, and the exercise of the pen in large and small hand, and the strengthening of the memory by repeating certain passages from classic authors and the poets. A deeper wisdom, a training for the wisdom Avhich lies in the life and con- duct, was inculcated and effected by the precepts of Christi- anity ; and these were taught out of the Holy Scriptures as the fountain of truth. Singing was a pai-t of the daily exercises of the school. The youth Avere practised both in choral singing and in what was termed "figurative music," and they were well grounded in the principles of this pleas- insc science. Li the ordinantia of 1575, we find that the acting of plays in Latin and Swedish, both " comedies and tragedies," was customary in schools, and it is spoken of as beneficial to the actors and spectators. That these plays, under th^ title of " miracles" and " morals," were similar to those performed in other countries, appears from the rule prescribed in the above-named ordinantia^ that after this time it should not be permissible to introduce in these dramatic performances the persons of the Holy Trinity. The number of pupils in a school depended on particular circumstances, such as the size of the diocese, and the skill of the teacher, and cannot be given. From a report, that the school at Wadsten had, some years later, or in 1580, one hundred pupils, we may presume that the rest were nu- merously attended. The age at which lads entered the 398 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL public schools varied, but it seems that ten was the usual period of life. The time of their remaining at school also varied ; depending upon the disposition of the youth, or upon the character of the school, as imparting a complete scientific education, or as merely preparative to a higher course of instruction. They who preferred it, had private tutors for their children. Among the schools which flourished in the middle of this century and afterward, the most eminent perhaps was that at Gefle, founded by king Gusiavus /., in connection, it may be presumed, with the nomination of an ordinary for that town. It is highly prized by its grateful pupils ; and these pupils, for the latter half of the sixteenth centurj^, were men eminent in the church and the sciences. The excel- lent condition and management of this scholastic institution, the only one for all Norrland, but frequented by students from other places, will account for the well-known fact, that most of the men who were foremost in the controversies which arose during the times of Erik and John, were from Gcstrikland, Helsingland, and the northern districts. They were zealously attached to the Lutheran reformation, and opposers of Calvinism, popery, and the liturgies of John III. These schools did not pretend to furnish an education to its full extent. The school ordinance of the year 1571, does not refer to academical studies us a continuance of their labors, but in expressly requiring that the youth of every diocese should be kept to their studies both at home and in foreign lands, acknowledges the need of a literaiy lini?h. not to be obtained through the ordinary resources of Sweden. From tlic diocesan schools the young men were either immediately transferred to the service of the church or State ; or, deriving a support from the prebends assigned for that purpose, sometimes from the donations made to students, sometimes from tlie invested tithes distributed by the bishops, REFORIMATION IN SWEDEN. 399 they hastened to foreign academies. A large number of the scholars passed immediately from the schools to the ful- filment of the duties of parish priests. From time to time, king Gustavus demanded that suitable men should be sent him from the schools, to serve in the royal chancery and chamber of accounts. With the schools, however, he was not always satisfied. Thus, in 1559, he complains that the bishops and schoolmasters chose out and sent for the service of king and kingdom unpolished and ignorant pupils, " the vilest trash that one could expect to find." Schools for special purposes began now to be established. For the advancement of arithmetical knowledge, king Gustavus, in 1538, gave one of the prebends of Stningness to the organist Lars of Stockholm, on condition that he should instruct pupils in keeping accounts. It appears from the ordinantia of 1578, that " writing schools" were established at Stockholm, probably corresponding to what are now called arithmetical schools ; and mention is made of schools for teaching to sew, in the place of the nunneries gone to decay. The extent to which education could be carried in our fatherland, depended, in a great degree, upon the care of the bishops to provide fit teachers for the schools of their dio- ceses. Such were sought out, and from this time, the men most eminent for learning, were those who had labored in the work of education. It was generally expected that they who had pursued their studies abroad, should, on coming home, offer their services in institutions of learninsr. This course operated for the present to the less advantage, as almost all the vigor which would have been applied to the church was absorbed in the calling of the schoolmaster ; and as the aid of foreigners must be employed in education of a more finished kind, Germany especially was the re- source for scientific scholarship. But it was a sacrifice made by a family rich in hope and love, which exposed its 400 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAI, deficiencies, in preparation for the spiritual riches which were to follow. The number of Swedes who sought out foreign uni- versities was not inconsiderable. They received prebends or other means of support, either to pursue their studies in foreign lands, or to perfect themselves in some special walk of science, as theology, jurisprudence, medicine, or to pre- pare themselves for the higher posts of the government ; and they retained these means of support for a definite or in- definite time. Some maintained themselves at their own expense. Schism within the church, was the reason why the protestant universities of Germany were almost ex- clusively frequented. Among these, "Wittenberg and Ros- tock were the most prominent marks for the travels of science-seeking Swedes. Wittenberg Avas made illustrious by Luther and Melancthon ; and Kostock, in tlie latter half of the centuiy, by D. Chytra?us, Avho stood in close connection with the learned men and statesmen of Sweden, esteemed and consulted in its ecclesiastical affairs, and the man around whom gathered strangers, especially from the north. On the matriculation register of the academy of Wittenberg are inscribed, from the year 1540 to 1573, the names of more than seventy Swedes and Finns. On the register of Rostock, which might at this time be called with justice the university of Sweden, there are more than a hundred Swedish names ; although certainly the names of the same persons are to be found in both places. It is to be considered, that very many went immediately from the schools of our own land into the service of the church and state. If we except archbishop Laurentius Petri, there was scarcely a man of science in Sweden who had not studied abroad. All, however, had the means of support till they reached the higher branches' of science; but many after a short stay were obliged to return home. Otlicrs remained several years in foreign lands, even after they acquired the master's degree. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 401 This degree was sometimes received by Swedes in one or two years after coming to the imiversity ; a circumstance which proves that the schools of our own land were not so low in the higher walks of literature as has been pretended, and as otherwise one might be tempted to suppose. The number of those Avho, in foreign academies, won the higher titles of learning, has not been clearly ascertained. A catalogue furnishes the names of twenty-five Swedes and Finns, who, from the year 1529 to 1561, were promoted at Wittenberg to the degree of master. But, besides that we have no reports from other universities, even this witness does not fully testify ; because it is demonstrable that men who are not there named received these titles of honor at Wittenberg itself during that period, and because the higher attainments in literature were then particularly coveted. The times of king Gustavus I., however, appear not to have been in general favorable to a learned education. To test the justice of this opinion, as far as regards the blame to be attached to the memory of this great king, those cir- cumstances must be taken into consideration, which did not depend on him, and those for which he is to be censured. Till the first suppression of the monasteries, these institu- tions, where the love of carnal enjoyment did not interfere, might work beneficially in the cause of education. But the Reformation denied that the influence of the cloisters was beneficial, and in preserving them must have denied its principles. The monks of the sixteenth century were not distinguished for scientific cultivation. The same was the case with the suppression of the chapters, whereby it seemed, because in every diocese they were to a great extent the sponsors of learning, that the influence and regard for learning itself were lessened. But the men of the Reforma- tion and their contemporaries had in general little respect for wdiat did not immediately promote the life of the church and state, and although the chapters were instituted for that 402 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL purpose, their efTioiency hud for the most part ceased. To restore them in conformity to the condition of the old church, could not' be done by the reformers, who protested against that church and its condition. To build them up in conformity with the new order of things was not the work of a moment, at least not of the Reformation, which had to make provision for its own theories. In Sweden, therefore, the suppression of the chapters was demanded, or they were allowed to expire. But it cannot be proved that the commencement made, in 1571 and 1575, for their re- construction according to the spirit of the Reformation, was in contrariety to king Gustavus's views and purposes. The means employed by this king for the promotion of learning, and his defence for the failure of those means, we have, under the year 1539, already made the subject of con- sideration. Immediately after that period, began the insur- rection which more endangered the stability of his throne than any that had preceded, while the increasing breach in the church relations, and the alarms felt for the revenues and dignity of the clergy, militated against the interests of literature. If, after quiet once more returned, there was not immediately a richer bloom, the disregard exhibited for science and the arts was not the fault of the king. Such a disregard cannot be imputed to the man who gave his sons the careful training and educational discipline received by the sons of king Gustavus. For their instruction, the learned foreigners, G. Norman, D. Beurreus, II. MoUerus, the Latin poet, J. Berndes, Tycho Gyllcncreutz, were invited into the kingdom, and such men were recalled home as Marten Teit, and Erik Petri, afterward the teacher of the school of Tuna. It was more perhaps his fault, that with a sparing hand he dealt out the riches of the church that were recovered to the crown, and to which schools might be regarded as the legitimate heir, the claimant by hereditary right. The ex- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 403 penence of a great necessity, and want of means to carry- out his plans, often tempted him to use parsimoniously the resources painfully acquired ; and this temptation continued to operate on the rescuer of his impoverished country, after quiet and plenty had taken the place of disorder and penury. Justice, too, demands that there be taken into consideration the circumstances which pleaded his apology, or in a great measure must soften the censure which might be passed upon him. Among these circumstances, may be enumerated that the king stood in need of ampler means for carrying on the business of the state than were always at hand ; that he notwithstanding appropriated no small part of his revenues to the support of schools and students ; that the incomes of the chapters were considerably diminished at their suppression ; that the prebendal churches, created at the time, acquired pastors for them^selves, to whom allot- ments were made ; that the eminent want of men who could manage the dioceses, churches, and schools, in the spirit of the new times, did not always admit the develop- ment of his generosity, because he could not always de- Tcrmine how far that want extended. His gifts must be proporlioned to the numbers to whom he was to give. At the time when the amount of this want was ascertained, at the end of king Gustavus's reign, there commences the davvai of a brighter day. That king Gustavus allowed the university of Upsala to decay, we have already shown to be an unfounded accusa- tion. That he pulled down the old cathedral school-house in Upsala, in order to convert its materials to the building of a castle there, is a charge that comes homes to him, only so far as it can be shown that this house was in good con- dition, and either needed no repairs, or was fit for the pur- pose to which it was originally destined. Income he could not take away from the academy of Upsala, for it had none. Was it his fault that he did not erect a university out of the 404 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL temporal and ecclesiastical resources at his command ? The former, perhaps, in the later years of his reign, were found sufficient. Of the latter, we have already remarked that they were taken on the pressure of an inevitable and urgent necessity. A university could not be established, except by calling in foreigners to keep it up, and there would thus have existed a foreign university on a Swedish bottom and territory. Gustavus I. preferred the expedient of allowing invited foreigners to instruct the successors to the throne and the princes of the land, while others were sent abroad to receive a liberal education, until his people acquired sufficient science to enable them, from their own bosom, to derive the means of that more liberal education. Different judgments may be formed of the correctness of his course of action ; but when viewed in its true light, it must win the approbation of many. The first traces of the reestablishment of the academy of Upsala are veiled in darkness. In 1538, there are none found. But within two years after, king Gustavus excused himself for having neglected this important matter ; and not long after Peutinger and Norman acquired their in- fluence, the signs of a care for higher literary attainments began, in 1540, to be manifest. An author of the follow- ing century reports that king Gustavus, in that year, es- tablished tlie university of Upsala. It is also reported that ii Hollander, Jacob Stieger, and one Olaus Magni, were professors at Upsala, the latter in mathematics. But of any statute for the erecting of the academy, or for the pay of these men or their successors, there is no mention. Without positive evidence with regard to persons and pai*- ticulai'S, we may presume that the king placed these men in Upsala, and that their being placed in that position, as well as some hints on the subject, were intended as an intimation that the regeneration of the academy was designed. In a subsequent year, the king invited from abroad foreign REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 405 teachers for special branches of science. Thus, in a letter written in 1547 to some professors at Kostock, he requests them to send him a man skilled in law, to instruct the youth of Sweden. The need of a university at home was the more perceived and felt, in consequence of the increasing improvement in the manners and habits of the people, and the connection with Germany arising out of the Danish war ; king Erik, therefore, on June 8, 1566, made known his determination to found a college or university to be opened in the old chapter house. The king promised " to grant sustenance, privileges, and more than what their necessities required," to its teachers, and he took both teachers and pupils under his royal care and protection. As a beginning, only one teacher was appointed, Laurentius Petri Gothus, who was to give instruction in the Greek language, and in what else might be serviceable to youth. This was a small beginning, but from that time the establishment was without interruption for some years, and was even enlarged. In 1573, the institution had but four teachers, sometimes called professors, sometimes readers, and the high school itself v»^as interchangeably termed a uni- versity, academy, and college. There was yet wanting the apparatus and appointments which are regarded as belong- ing to a university. King John was minded to issue orders for this purpose. The university was to be put upon a more complete foundation, and directions were given for the arrangement of the faculty, or as it is expressed in the edict, for the " four colleges" of which the university was to consist. These were to be directed by a dean, and the whole university to be under the control of a rector. This construction was perhaps the form it took a century after the first institution of the academy. But just at this period, the breaking out of disturbances within the church was the cause of its remaining incomplete, and occasioned 406 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL for some years an interruption of the progress of the academy, instead of its being amplified as was intended. The men of the half century between 1523 and 1573, were the last whom the Roman church brought up, and were the first fruits of the Reformation. The latter need not fear comparison with the former. On either side we find authors of the first magnitude, the lights of learning. Improvement in education and manners proceeded slowly ; but it cannot be shown that the Reformation was a hin- derance, although it counteracted the tendency to pure hea- thenism to which that improvement at first gave rise. Highest among the learned men of Sweden stand the re- formers, at first educated under the discipline of the old times, but by the Reformation made what they were. Among these, archbishop Laurcntius Petri is the most illustrious for tfilents cultivated by extensive reading, but more in the school of life ; a bright example of that un- assuming conduct which brings to light by their application to the benefit of the commonwealth the results of learned investigation, rather than the labors by which those results are won. He belonsfed to both the old times and the new. The former expired during his life, but not without shedding some beams of light. From the latter there grew up around him a body of princes, senators, and men of the church, who exhibited in the vigorous measures they pur- sued no mean degree of culture and science. The men of the times of John III., Sigismund, and Charles IX., were the youths of the days of Gustavus I. and Laurentius Petri. A probable estimate of the measure of learning required from priests who were not sent to the foreign high schools, may be formed by a reference to the Latin schools, on the supposition that these were a fair exemplification of all the rest. A knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, in the original tongues, was not required ; nor was thcolog}^ taught as a REFORBIATION IN SWEDEN. 407 special branch of learning, except as a trial exercise in the church's divine service ; an hour every day being also de- voted to the reading and explanation of certain portions of the Bible and catechism. The education of priests apper- tained to the bishops and tliose who belonged to the chapter, or was conducted by persons specially designated, and was continued at yearly convocations and visitations. In 1541, it was ordered that youths, after a preparative course of instruction, should be trained in theology, by those who were provided with prebends. The schoolmaster probably also had this duty, where there was no reader of theology. Older statutes, as well as the church ordinance of 1571, refer first and last to the Holy Scriptures, " so that it shall not again come to pass, as under the pope, that so much attention was paid to other things, yes, even to hea- thenish books, that no time was left for reading the Bible." But an acquaintance with other writings on the part of priests was presupposed. The church ordinance prescribes, as the condition of becoming a priest, only the legal age and some experience in the Ploly Scriptures, and says nothing expressly of literary exercises before the convocation. The Reformation would have denied itself, if it had not sought to promote the cultivation of Christian knowledge among the people. It might be made a question, whether the church, by the suppression of the monastic usages, had not deprived itself of a very useful aid, especially in those monks of the begging orders, whose mission seemed adapted to this object. But even with respect to this object, the reformers condemned that whole body of monks, and we have before remarked in what bad repute the begging orders were then held. The church considered herself able, with great advantage to Christian truth, to dispense with this so lately misused aid. A long time was to elapse, before an attempt was to be made to enable every man to read a book. One scarcely 408 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL ventured to imagine such a thing possible. All effort?) therefore, were centred in an oral communication of the knowledge of Christianity. Preaching, therefore, was of the utmost importance, not only that the priest might take his place in the congregation as one who sought for Chris- tian truth, and made it known, not only as one who was to infuse a new spirit into the minds of his hearers, but as one who was even to indoctrinate them into the first prin- ciples of the Christian faith. To furnish postils as a guide to the clergy, was, in addition to controversial writing against the Roman church, one of the first things underta- ken, in 1528, by the reformers; and from the year 1529, the duties of the pulpit were made obligatory on all priests. Until 1571, in some country churches, probably the smaller kind, there was no pulpit. The church law, there- fore, provides for their erection, and for an alteration in them where they were inconvenient. Whatever interfered with them, altar or image, or anything else, was to be moved out of the way. By preaching and reading from the pulpit, the priest was to be diligent in impressing on the minds of his hearers the truths of Christianity. There were as yet but few portions of the Holy Scrip* tures in Swedish, printed in editions accessible to the peo- ple. Neither the whole of the Old or New Testament was to be had, except in the large and expensive editions of 1526 and 1541. In the year 1530, Olaus Petri expresses his doubt, whether the translation of the New Testament of 1526 was to be found in every priest's hand. The church Bible of 1541, was found at least in every church, but how far it was in common use, is unknown. Its form, its price, and the inability to read, Avcre probably hindcranccs to its general circulation. As early as 1530, Olaus Petri proposed that the priest should be required, portion by portion, to read the New Testament from beginning to end, in order to communi- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN^ 409 cate a knowledge of it to the people. He piibliehed also, in the same year, a work on Luther's large catechism ; and cate- chetical works appeared from time to time. But the spe- cial book of the people, the smaller catechism of Luther, was, as far as known, not yet printed in a Swedish trans- lation. An assiduous attendance on public worship was either pre- supposed or ordered, and the church, even for catechetical instruction, Avas the peculiar school of the peo- ple ; a school for all that related to the knowledge of Chris- tianity. Not only an acquaintance with the contents of the Bible, but with the catechism, was there to be acquired. This Avas a carrying out and an extension of the measures, which, long before the Reformation, were adopted, or at least contemplated. In 1541, it was proposed, that during Lent sermons on the catechism, should daily be delivered, and four times a year besides. The church law of 1571 prescribes, that there shall be sermons on the catechism in the afternoon, at least twice n year in towns, during the seasons of Advent and Lent, Li the country, at morning service, the priest was to spend half an hour in preaching on the catechism, and another half hour on the gospels. The catechism w^as taught the people by oral instruction, and, as is done by Luther in the preface to his smaller catechism, the clergy are admonished, plainly, clearly, and in the same words, to propound and present its doctrines. It was required that instruction should be received, and kept up, and at least, from the year 1540, none were admitted to the Lord's Supper, who could not show their acquaintance with the chief points of Chris- tianity, the ten commandments, creed, and Lord's prayer ; or who could not explain why they sought the table of the Lord. 3.— DIVINE SERVICE, MORALS, PURIFYING OF THE PEOPLE'S FAITH. The public worship had, from 1529, in the towns and other places of the land, and, from 1544, over the whole 18 410 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL land, been placed on the same footing in most respects, which it now holds, and, till 1811, with scarcely any differ- ence. There was a strong disposition to promote unity and uniformity in this respect. The bishops prescribed changes or improvements within their own sees, especially their ca- thedral churches. Many councils, and even the church or- dinance of 1571, gave independent directions respect- ing mass or service books, and manuals generally. The false and superfluous service of the Roman church, was allowed by degi'ccs to die out, but nothing new was added, except the exhortation with which, till 1811, the morning service commenced, and the exhortation which is still used in the mass or service of the Holy Communion. The most important measure was the publication of a manual to promote the exercise of preaching on every occa- sion of public worship. Complaint was made, in 1571, that, in popish times, •' there was either no preaching, or such preaching as had better be unpreached." The rule for having preaching on eveiy occasion of public worship, was however not absolute. A sermon ?w'ght be delivered, but was especially called for when tlie Lord's Supper was to be administered. The whole of divine service was to be in the mother-tongue, especially preaching ; and priests are admonished to speak " pure Swedish," and to avoid, in unreasonable measure, foreign words, "since we ourselves have just as good words as any foreign tongue can produce." In'15-11, hoAvevcr, it is permitted on high festivals to have the mass or service in Latin. In church music, the use of Latin in conjunction Avith Swedish, was, till the year 1533, permitted, and even in country churches, it was used on the three high festivals. In 1571, Latin was permitted in singing, on condition that it was understood by some of the congregation. Psalm books, in Swedish, made their appearance from the year 1530, and in 1567, there was published a book ot spiritual REF0R3IATI0N IN SWEDEN. 411 songs, under the title, " The Swedish Psalm Book," con- taining ninety-nine psalms, and another, in 1572, with sixty-six psalms. But there was yet no general rule on the subject, prevailing over the whole kingdom. The centre of the Roman church's divine service, was the Lord's Supper, as involving the sacrifice of Christ, though without the shedding of blood. In 1541, daily mass or service is allowed ; but the priests were to admonish the people by catechetical instruction, to celebrate the Lord's Supper. Till 1553, the mass of the Holy Communion might be liolden without communicants, although, even then, the priests were enjoined so to instruct the people, that some guests might be obtained for the holy ordinance. For the first time, in 1562, it was expressly forbidden to hold the mass of the Lord's Supper, where no communicants were present. How soon the people, in large numbers, as- sembled at the table of the Lord, and participated in the sa- crament, as a spiritual need, appears from the so-called liquoristic controversy, in king Erik XIY.'s time, and from the church ordinance, which permitted city churches to have several altars, with the reason, that the Lord's Supper might be simultaneously received at them all. Li the use of service-cloths and other outward ornaments, there was a variant practice, according to the variant views of bishops, ordinaries, and priests. The necessity, in the beginning of king Erik's reign, of protecting the church's freedom in these matters, rather increased than diminished their importance ; and at length a church ordinance was passed to the effect, that " church attire, such as service- cloths, altar-cloths, pictures, images, lights, candlesticks, crowns, bells, are permissible, where not excessive or abused ; " and it is ordered, that the priest " shall clothe himself as was wont." The principles of 1544 and 1529, approached near to each other. The cathedrals continued to be regarded as the model 412 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL churches of the diocese, and the heart and centre of public worship. Divine service was held in them, a? generally in the city churches, oftener than in country churches. Ab- solution, for the more atrocious crimes, could only be obtain- ed at the cathedral, from him who was placed there as the penitentiary for the whole diocese, or from one who supplied his place. Divine service was there more imposing than elsewhere, and after the old canons, vicars, korpriests, and others, that had been employed in church music, disappeared, the duty Avas performed by the scholars under the direction of the schoolmaster. This duty was imposed on the schools in all towns where schools were to be found, but only on holidays, because on ordinary working days no people were present, and for their sake alone it was now thought divine service should be held. Of old, each diocese had its own method of singing in divine service, which method it was the part of the bishop to regulate. A priest, who removed from one diocese to another, and they who remained in places transferred from one diocese to another, were to use and observe that method in church music current in the cathedral of the diocese to which they had last become attached. The decree for diminishing the number of saints' days took effect in 1529, when it was left to the bishops to act in the matter, according to circumstances, and it was re- peated in 1544, with more exact details in 1571, when the days of patron saints being no longer observed, the rest were treated as still to be continued, in addition to Sundays and the usual holidays. The visitation of the Virgin Mary and the days of the apostles were also retained in the cathedrals, except St. Peter's day, observed in the Eoman church on the 18th of January, in commemoration of that apostle assuming the chair of Home. In respect to keeping holy the Lord's day, a Christian freedom was allowed. There was, however, enjoined on that day an attendance on divine REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 418 service, and a rest from labor. During the wild duck and fishing seasons the people were permitted to work in the fields and meadows after divine service was ended- The old custom of confessing to the priest and receiving absolution was continued. But with the Reformation came also the maxims, that the enumeration of all sins was not necessary, that there need be no fixed time for confession, and that outward penance was not to be required as the condition of absolution. The first of these maxims was absolute. Witli regard to the third, it was declared to be advisable that the priest should counsel the penitent as to his meat, drink, and apparel. The old custom of announ- cing to every congregation certain times for confession, was allowed to be continued. The country priests were wont on such occasions to assist each other, so that many of them met at the church where confession took place, and the person confessing addressed himself to which priest he chose. But if any important case occurred, it was referred to the pastor of the congregation. Absolution was given with the laying on of hands upon the head of the absolved. The custom, which is now the only one that is common, had already commenced, that many persons confessed themselves at a time. The priest examined one or another, or none, and then delivered to them '•' a general exhortation from the pulpit," and pronounced a general absolution. Confession was not of necessity immediately to be followed by a parti- cipation of the Lord's Supper. It was, however, usual that the guest of the holy table first confessed and received abso- lution, and the general observance of this custom was the means by which the priest tested the faith and morality of those who came to the holy communion. This test is recommended in repeated directions, as far back as we find any given on such subjects. All were to be able "to pledge themselves," and no one who was in manifest wickeiness, or in implacable enmity, was to be admitted to the table of 414 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the Lord. The Lord's Supper, for which tlie rite of confir- mation was not requisite, could be administered to children, but not under eight or nine years of age. We turn our attention to the church's public and charita- ble care of the poor and sick, a care which from the founda- tion of the Christian church was regarded as among its first duties. All the church's wealth, after provision had been made for its clergy and those who served at the altar, was considered as belonging to the poor and sick. The bishops, therefore, began to adopt measures that might be lasting for this purpose. Even individuals and the monastic orders provided such establishments, all of which at an early period in the Greek, and from 1311, in the western church, were placed, unless they belonged to the monastic orders, under the inspection and care of the bishops, and they were not to be diverted from their original destination and end. In Sweden, also, by Gustavus I.'s explanation of the recess or treaty of Westeras, the property appro- priated to hospitals and almshouses, the abodes of the sick, were exempted from the claims of heirs, and the cloisters of the begging monks were given to that charitable use. How far they were to be regarded as belonging or not to ecclesiastical institutions was a point undetermined. The views of king Gustavus on the subject corresponded with those he had of the church, and he gives as his reason for regulating the hospitals and almshouses of Stockholm, that it was a part of his kingly office " to know and provide what was best for the poor as well as for others." The king placed them either under the charge of the burgomaster and council, or appointed special persons for the purpose, or intrusted tlie wliolc matter to the governor of the district. By the projected ordinance of 1540, it was contemplated to place such institutions under a conservator. Tliere seems to have been little or no idea of placing them under the care of the bishops and ordinaries, and the formulary of 1557, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 415 conferring full powers on the latter, makes no mention of their oversight of hospitals. In 1571, however, those of them at least which were situated in the towns of a diocese, were considered as in some measure under the care of the church. The hospitals attached to cathedrals, were to have room and means of support for at least thirty sick persons, and to provide nurses and attendants. They were em- powered, as before was usual, to send out collectors of alms furnished with a letter of recommendation from the bishop, and when these bidders, as they were termed, made their appearance in a parish, its priest was to urge upon his flock the duty of giving alms. Every holiday, when the people were assembled in large numbers in church, a col- lection should be made after divine service. The immediate oversight of them was committed to a proctor or attorney, appointed by the burgomaster and council, in connection with the bishop, or pastor of the church. Over the proctor was placed one of the burghers, chosen for the purpose from the guild, whose members were called guardians. The ex- amination of accounts was intrusted to men chosen by the burgomaster. The pastor of the church was every week to visit the hospital, which was to have also its special chaplain. None capable of work, none who had relatives to take care of them, or had any property, was to be ad- mitted ; in the last named case it was understood, that the claim to any inheritance was not to be given up as a con- dition of admittance. But when these measures were inadequate to the object, it was advised that every parish should have a fe\jf rooms provided for the sick, " so that they who feared God and wished to do what was right and Christian might have an opportunity with their alms and benevolent gifts to prove their faith and brotherly love to their neighbor." This recommendation gave rise to parochial halls for the sick. 416 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAJ. In 1561, there were eighteen public hospitals in the kingdom, two of which belonged to Finland. It would hardly be possible to say how the public care of the poor and sick was advanced or retarded in respect to income, when after the state, or church and state together, took the matter in hand, ciForts were soon made to place these insti- tutions under strict regulations. It seems, however, that as they either retained their property or received appropriations from the crown, their means of support were not diminished^ In 1561, an investiture of tithes was received by the eighteen hospitals of the kingdom, to the amount of 7632 barrels of com, beside the so-called St. Sigifrid's l^skct, to the hos- pital of Wexio. The hospital of Upsala had 480 barrels* Five years before it had received from thirty-live farmers about 206 barrels of corn, beside money and day-labor. The hospital at Westeras, which in 1561 also received 480 barrels, in 1566 had, beside money and day-labor, about 390 barrels, the amount of church tithes from several con- gregations. Scarcely had Christianity Ixien able to subdue the minds of the people of the north of Europe to the obedience of gospel faith and precept, an obedience tried by the evils of the papacy and a corrupt church, when the sixteenth centuiy threatened the ruin of the tender plant. There were as yet few traces of what may be called humanizing influences. The habits of the people, retaining something of the old heathenism, weakened the strength of the Chris- tian life, and kept up a looser morality than was consistent with even that to Avhicli the Ivoman church unconsciously paid li^mage. Nor was tlie cause of good morals likely to be promoted by a contest respecting the very interpretation of the gospel, or that between a tottering church discipline shaken at its base and another not yet established. From this condition of things were bred anarchy and a contempt of religion, and in the minds of others a luke- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 417 warm indifference. Even the more serious were tempted. From the heat of controversy or defeat sprung hatred, from victory arrogance. During this breach, the old church discipline must of necessity fall with the hierarchy which was its stay. It must fall, not only through the absurdity of many of its penances, which oftcner injured than pro- moted its purpose, but through the false principles on which in later times it was based, when penance was converted from being a proof of amendment and love to God, into a satisfaction for sin. This abuse or perversion of penance raised the question, whether the discipline of the church might not be altogether resolved into a binding and loosing through the word of God, so that he who sinned, by merely declaring his repent- ance and desire of absolution, should be entitled to this absolution. In Sweden, there was no intention to abolish all ecclesiastical duty, although the mode and measure of its management were rendered difficult, by the uncertain limits of spiritual authority. It was exposed, on the one hand, to the claims of exemption from it rife among the people, and it was watched, on the other, by the suspicious eye of king Gustavus, who found it either too strong or too weak. From 1526, submission to the church's discipline was more desired and sought to be maintained, in order to strengthen the use of the temporal sword, rather than from a regard to the word of God. The reason is assigned at a later period, in 1571, when it is plainly said, "The sword does not bite as it ought" the temerity and license with which "men here almost universally commit sin." During the period between those years, as in the ordinantia of Westeras, in 1544, in the admonition to penitence and pen- ance set forth that year by the king to his people, and in various ordinances either of the king or bishops, a variety of offences, such as swearing, perjury, drunkenness, intention 18* 418 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL to kill, and fornication, were denounced and declared pun- ishable by the civil and ecclesiastical power. There is a va- ciUation shown in the church ordinance respecting offences. Open public confession and a submission to the ecclesiasti- cal penalty enjoined is required, but only for the grosser crimes, while it is intimated that the general spread of other vices precluded an examination into them. It was the prevalence of this looseness of morals which in a great measure called forth the Reformation, and, as that gained stability, awakened in the reformers deep thought and apprehension, and at a later period produced what has been termed pietism. Yet do not the delineations made of these times, though 'the times are dark enough, exhibit a decadence from good morals so deep, but that some, how- ever unreasonably, mi";ht denv the breach of the Reforma- tion to be on this account necessary. We do not find an eminent exemplification of improved morals, or any reason for praise, further than is always to be implied from a more diffused and clearer insight into the religious grounds of morality, and the transition from a slavish to a free obe- dience. As it is not reasonable to presume an increased degree of ignorance among the clergy, at a time when the cathe- dral schools remained unaltered, and the foreign universities were frequented more than before, so is there no reason to impute to them a gi'catcr degree of immorality. Circum- stances might operate disadvantagcously. The disinclination of parents to send their children to school, and the chilling effects of the uncertain position of the clerg}', might oblige bishops, for the maintenance of public worship, to ordain those who were not ripe for the olHce. To the usual, and during the strife of opinions, not easily removed obstacles, in the way of an accurate inspection into the conduct of the clergy, was added the inclination to wink at and overlook the transgressions of adherents. Party interest is a merit REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 419 which covers many offences. Another obstacle existed in the uncertain position of the bishops. It was no settled point how far they could proceed without exciting suspicions of a hierarchical aim, and without being disturbed in their course of action, by the immediate 'nterference of the royal power. King Gustavus, moreover, was not disposed to look with indifference upon the moral qualifications of the clergy, as appears from many of his letters, and tlie plenary commission to G. Norman as superintendent. The most stern testimony against the clergy of this period, are the articles of king John, in 1569, issued soon after the reign of king Erik, in which he rebukes their ignorance, gambling, love of lucre, loose and gross sensual habits. Similar charges are applicable, at the beginning of the Reformation. The like are reiterated against the clergy v/ho embraced the liturgy of king John, and to follow any practice is to be abused by its opposers. It cannot be proved that the priests of the first protestant church were worse than those who immediately preceded or succeeded them. That they were better, cannot be shown by witnesses to be cited from a time that cared not to Avrite its own epitaph. Many particular instances occur, that prove the priesthood to have partaken the rudeness of the times, but there is nothing to justify the condemnation of the whole body. In punishing the offences of priests, not- withstanding the decree of 1527 that they were to stand before the civil tribunals as other citizens, it was sometimes regarded as sufhcient punishment to deprive them of office, or, according to the view of the Roman church that official character could never be lost, displace them from its exercise. We have endeavored to show, how, by instruction, admo- nition, and a Christian-like regulation of public worship, it was essayed to purify by degrees the popular faith from superstition and idolatry. Many customs and usages which the foregoing times approved, or which typified the sanctity 420 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL of divine service and a holy life, were slowly discontinued, until tliey could with safety be wholly prohibited, others were allowed to be continued, and of those forbidden many were still kept up, either as mysteries of piety, or as mere popular superstitions, or as harmless customs. The church ordinance of 1571 prohibits many superstitious practices, some of which, it is truly said, were abolished, but of v/hich the very prohibition proves the remembrance still to exist. Such were the covering of church images during a fast, the burning of incense and bowing before them, the taking down of the cross and putting it up again at certain seasons, the carry about of images, and vigils for the dead. Fasting was still enjoined in 1541, so far as to provide for the observance of the usual Friday fast, but the people were to be instructed that it was not necessary to salvation. Subsequently we are not aware of any command or pro- hibition respecting fasting, except that, according to a church ordinance, it might at confession be enjoined as a beneficial exercise. The practice has been maintained to the latest times. In connection with fasting, there were repeated admoni- tions, and even in church ordinances, to the giving of alms. Alms were given by will to the jioor, to students, to churches, to hospitals, and to schools. In these wills the cloister of Wadsten was still sometimes remembered. We cannot determine in what manner those testamentary devises to the cloister were connected with the belief in their merit, or the efficacy of the prayers of the nuns. But when we find that men gave money to the cloister for the benefit of their cattle, we may judge how superstition still clung to these institutions. It ought not to be forgotten that, in 1573, scarce thirty years had passed away since a more rigorous purification had been undertaken of the Roman church's customs and usages. lu many hearts was still preserved a secret or less reserved REFOR^MATION IN SWEDEN. 421 attachment to them, and many still retained an invincible affection for these departed objects. The cloister of \Yadsten was still alive. It was richly endowed, and had many nuns. Abbesses were elected, and on king Gustavus's death, in 1560, a still greater freedom was anticipated, because in that year a nun assumed the monastic vows. The nuns, however, were dependent on the uncertain favor of the king and individuals. King John himself, in 1573, took the silver shrine of St. Bridget, to be turned to his own or the kingdom's use, though nine years after he gave a new one. The house and ground which belonged to the cloister were appropriated by him to the castle of "Wadsten, and after the town church was, in 1550, destroyed, protestant worship was held in the church of the cloister. The monks of Wadsten had experienced severer treatment than the nuns. Two priests of seventy years of age were still left in 1570, who did service as father confessors. The one had embraced protestantism, had been promoted by king Gustavus to the pastoral charge of Haradshammar, and been married, but returned to Wadsten after the death of his wife. The other, Johannes Paul! Montigena or Monta- nus, so called from his home in the Koppar mountain, had entered Wadsten as a monk, but seems to have been also priest of the adjacent church of Hof. During the per- secution which befell the monks of Wadsten in 1548, or at the time the canon Tliure was imprisoned at Linkoping, Montanus Avas driven from the cloister, and as he would not submit he was imprisoned in the house called Tavast, in 1554, the same year that Thure on recantation was liber- ated, and obtained permission to settle himself at Wadsten. By the captain of Tavast and his wife, he was allowed to preach. His books being lost, he borrowed others from his friends and those of kindred opinions with his own. He here compiled, in his prison, commentaries in Latin upon the gospels for Sundays. These commentaries, he tell us, were 422 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL drawn from the writings of the fathers and schoolmen, whose names are given. This, if he had those books in hand, would prove an improbable wealth of books in Finland. He dedicated his work, May 24, looG, to the Roman arch- bishop of Upsala, Olaus Magnus, still living in Rome. On the accession of John to the throne, lie was allowed to return to Wadsten, where, in 1578, he was accused of superstitious practices and rebaptizing. He reports him- self, at a somewhat earlier period, to have been in Kop- parberg and in Hederaora, where he practises conjurations over the workers in the mines and other sick persons, and, at the request of the steward, over the huts, when the work of the mines was in disorder. Beside Wadsten. there were also found some feeble rem- nants of cloisters at Nadendal, AYrcta, and Sko. Nadendal liad, in 1578, four nuns, but in the commencement of king John's reign more. Wreta, in 1572, had three nuns, who, in 1580, were still left. In 1579, Sko, according to Posse- vin, had only two nuns. It is to be suspected, from an investiture given to them that year, that these convents had more tenants. The havoc made with cloisters was a con- sequence of the warrant of the times, issued against estab- lishments that little corresponded to the purpose for which they were designed. The few persons left, that belonged to an institution which had been doomed with the old church, were livino' memorials of the scarcely foregone times, and their thoughts and habits corresponded to those times, and kept up the recol- lection of thorn. But others also of the old race had their childhood recollections of those times. The pastor of a church from tlie diocese of Upsala, declared during the deliberations on the consecration of a bishop for that see, that it would gladden him to see the old abolished cere- monies restored. Almost the same lanjruajxe is used, in 1580, by the papal ambassador Possevin the Jesuit. A cer-i- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 423 tain Jons Mansson, who went over to the popish church, sent from Rome, in 1578, a letter and some images of saints to his friends in Sweden. He advises his father to have recourse to the intercessions of saints to God, as his fore- fathers had done, and recommends his sister Catharine to receive the image of St. Catharine, and take her for a patron, as our old mother taught and commanded while she lived. Possevin relates, that several persons had, on his visit to Sweden, 1758, and the two following years, desired to con- fess to Roman priests, as their consciences would not suffer them to confess to the priests now in the land ; and that an old farmer found his way to him, having, on the news that a Roman priest had come, hastened to the holy father with part of a rosary faithfully kept for a long time. The same Possevin also says, that the people in Gota and Finland were obedient to the old faith. But as he was only a short time in Gota, and never in Finland, he can speak only of what he heard. Hoav little his report is to be relied on will hereafter be shown. Many popular customs were retained, which had their root in the ideas of the Roman church, or in the heathen- ism which she admitted into her bosom, giving them merely Christian names. Among these was drinking to the memory of the dead, a practice which the church ordinance of 1571 required to be discontinued among the people ; ad- monishing the priests so to instruct them. Our heathen fathers were wont to drink to the memory of Thor, Oden, Frey, and other of the Asars. The Roman church allowed the custom to be continued, but changed it into draining the feast cup to the memory of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, and then to that of the Virgin Mary, and the other saints. These cups were fol- lowed by verses in honor of the divine persons, or of the saints whose names were mentioned and invoked. 424 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Among the principal resorts of superstition, were the oblation springs. Immediately on his return from the diet of AVesteras, in 1544, archbishop Laurentius Petri caused to be taken to Upsala and burnt a crucifix which had been erected at the much frequented spring of Svinegar. More than twenty years afterward, Laurentius Petri re- lates, that they who oftenest frequented this spring made offerings of money. Olaus Petri had made a catalogue of these springs, and in his treatise sharply rebuked the super- stitious rites practised at them ; but the archbishop prevented the printing of it, because he was afraid it might produce scandal, and because he hoped that these superstitions would soon be forgotten. But when, in 1568, it became knov^m to him that an Englishman, William Molteke, of a family which, in the middle ages, settled in Sweden, had made offerings at St. Ekil's spring in Striingness, " with much superstition, such as lights, saying of mass, and cross-kis- sings," the bishops w^ere chai'ged to find out and fill up all such springs, unless necessary for domestic purposes. This had been done by bishop Peter Svart of Westeras, with the spring of St. David at Munktorp. The priests were to instruct the people in their sermons that God was not pleased with such delusions and offerings. It was natural that Sweden should pay her tribute, also, to the generally current ideas and customs of the times. This remark is applicable to signs and prognostics, which were everywhere seen. Olaus Petri preached, in 1539, upon some mock suns which appeared in the heavens, put up in the church a tablet on which they were painted, and interpreted them as a prognostic of punishment for the sins of the prince. Astrolog}-- was, long after this period, still common ; and it is known that king Erik busied himself with this art. That the processes of witchcraft, which came into use in the previous century, were not liere un- known, appears from the short but sharp order of the ordi- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 425 nantia of Westeras, in 1544, " that idle carls and hags, where they are found, shall be burnt." In 1551, some women in Dalecarlia were accused of witchcraft, whom the king orders to be sent to bishop Henrik of Westeras, who was commissioned to deal with them according to circum- stances. In 1541, there was issued a strict prohibition against the superstitious observance of the Sabbath, or Saturday, which was pertinaciously kept by numbers of people. This prohibition, however, must regard some other than the delusion which, in 1544, was current among some of the inhabitants of Finland, who believed that the hard year and dear times were a punishment from God, because they did not keep Saturday holy, according to the law of Moses, and therefore undertook, according to the Old Testament, to celebrate it as a day of rest. The occasion and extent of this delusion are not known to us. We know it only from a letter of king Gustavus, in which he endeavors to en- lighten the deluded, and by admonitions and threats to bring them to reason. The Swedish church reformation was not the work of a party within the church, but aimed, by a slow and wary change, to alter the whole condition of the Swedish church, and win the consent of the members of all the estates. From the care and attention which the church bestowed on all within the sphere of its efficiency, Laurentius Petri, du- ring this year, excepted those wandering people forming no part of the civil community, who, under the name of Tar- tars or Zingani, were from this time an object of the legis- lation of both church and state. In the church ordinance of 1571 they are not mentioned; but, among some articles which, at the wish of the archbishop, were passed at the diet of Stockholm, in 1560, was one that the Tartars shall not have priests, either to baptize their children or bury their corpses. The archbishop abided firmly by this resolu- 426 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL tion, the reasons of which appear from a letter -vvTitten by him, at a later period. These people were no other than wanderers from Germany and other regions, and had no Christianity. Pearls are not to be cast before swine — and, therefore, their children were not to be baptized, because they would be destitute of all Christian care. Lauren tins Petri, therefore, regards the baptism of children, irrespective of the care of the congi*egation of believers, and a suretyship for their Christian nurture, to be a superstition and abuse. The brief view we have taken, shows the plant of church improvement to have been slowly advancing to maturity, as is in general the case with the animal and vegetative life of the north ; but the plant was never left without protection and care, sheltered by watchful consideration and love. It was a people's training, under the hand of God, into a full possession of the truth. "\Ve see the care bestowed upon the object, but the fruit is not always immediately visible. We must take it as a fact, that this fruit w^as not wanting. A careful examination of the memorials of these times, leaves us no reason to acquiesce in the oft-repeated opinion that among the people the grossest ignorance prevailed ; that a large portion of them knew not, till the beginning of king John III.'s reign, that they were other than catholics, in the sense of the immediately preceding period ; and that a crafty policy introduced a change, by the retention of the old forms. The first is, without doubt, a rash judgment on a people among whom the work of enlightenment was carried on by the persevering vigor and freshness of oral instruction, although book-learning was as yet not common. No less precipitate is the other judgment on a people whose nobles, bishops, priests, merchants, burghers, and commonalty, took part in drawing up the decrees of reform. This judgment cannot affect the nobles, of whom a great portion, from the middle of the century, w-cre remarkable for a high degree of REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 427 culture ; not the clergy, who, in the education they received at home and abroad, imbibed an abhorrence of the papacy, of which their preaching, their learned books, their contro- versial writings, and their pastoral letters, are a witness ; not the burghers, who, by the interests of their professions and trades, and by communication with foreigners, were compelled to become acquainted with the occurrences of the times. With not more propriety can it affect the common- alty, who stood in connection with all these classes of society ; who, from the times of tlie Engelbrects and Stures, awaked to war for their freedom ; who now saw the cloisters in their vicinity fall or tumble into ruin, and v.'ere a witness to the changed condition of public worship ; who more than once were ready to meet with violence every more violent change. It was not possible that this people, the commonalty of the realm, whose representatives were present in 1527 and 1544 at Westeras, could be ignorant of a change, which only a wilful silence- could have hindered their priests from bring- ing before them, repeatedly admonished as those priests were, by preaching and instruction, to win the consent of the people to the reforms. Even if this were not absurd, the people themselves, under the influence of traditional know- ledge, must have made the comparison between now and then. King John III., indeed, says that his people knew not but that they were catholics ; but, as he says this as a reason against the change in the mass or public services, which was demanded by Rome, he shows the injustice of supposing that the change had taken place without the eye of the people being opened. The word catholic, too, is am- biguous : to be taken in general opposition to protestant, or as synonymous with Roman catholic. In conclusion, the judgment passed on the changes made, that they were effected by craft and policy, is the judgment of the men of the Roman church on the Lutheran reforma- 428 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL tion in general.* They could not apprehend, as opposed to " a rooting up of the tree of Christianity,," the principles of the Evangelical Lutheran church, which was to disavow the exclusive right of the Roman church to the old doctrine, customs, and usages of the church ; and, in purging away errors and abuses, to assert the privilege of proving all things, and holding fast that which is good. * Possevin, the Jesuit, says ; " They retained in their temples the old rites, in external appearance. It was a fraud of Luther, by which the people were deceived, that the name of mass was retained, and parts of it recited, though in the popular tongue, together with surplices, images (except where Calvin- ism crept in), and things of that kind.'' REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 429 CHAPTER II. TRANSACTIONS IN THE CHURCH IN EUROPE, BEFORE 1573 —BISHOPS AND OTHER IMPORTANT MEN IN THE CHURCH AT THIS PERIOD.— KING JOHN AND THE ROYAL HOUSE.— FIRST ATTEMPTS OF THE RO- MAN CHURCH TO FORM NEW ENGAGEMENTS WITH SWEDEN. Scarce had the archbishop, Lanrentius Petri, so worthy of reverence, and full of years and honor, passed to the re- pose of the grave, when, by degrees, flamed forth the contest which for twenty years divided the princes and senators of Sweden, its bishops, priests, and learned writers, into two conflicting parties. To these may be added a third, which consisted of foreigners, who came into the country and drew some of the natives to their side. Laurentius Petri, at the close of his life, in the conviction that she ought to unite herself with a stronger ecclesiastical society, had approximated the Swedish church to the Ger- man evangelical Lutheran. That some genuine and estab- lished connection could be effected, was scarcely made a question. This connection, however, was interfered with by the sort of freedom which, in 1526 and 1555, this latter church was allowed — the liberty, on the part of the princes and estates, to choose the confession of faith that was to be proclaimed. All connection had thus the aspect of a state relation ; and we have seen, in the foregoing pages, how the negotiations were carried on in king Gustavus's time. But Lutheranism itself was not long indefinite. Its first written confessions of faith, and chiefly the Augsburg con- fession, were a project of reform whose adherents, when it 480 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL was laid before the estates of Germany, in 1530, appealed, if it was not approved, to a general council of the church. The author of this Augsburg confession, Melancthon, in 1540, conceived himself at liberty, on his own motion, to make alterations in it ; and in 1545, when the council of Trent Avas opened, the protestants were prevented from par- ticipating in that assembly from objections to its structure. The so-called Interim, which went into operation after the year 1548, was framed on the principle of a future accom- modation of differences, by means of an ecclesiastical coun- cil. From that time a sterner determination began to manifest itself, and after the decrees of the Tridentine coun- cil gave the papal church a confession of faith, which estab- lished as the law of the church the errors and abuses cen- sured by protestants, the two ecclesiastical bodies stood poised against each other, and the Augsburg confession became the recognized formula, in contradistinction to both popery and Calvinism. It was not long that men were generally content with this rigorous antagonism, in which there appeared to many an excess that on either side went beyond the truth. Lovers of moderation have at all times been found, and after the publication of the decrees of the council of Trent, in 1564, there was a Roman catholic party dissatisfied with the rigid maintenance and objectionable structure of the church's doc- trine and discipline resulting from that council. These ideas of moderation began to be diffused, after the middle of the century, through those countries which had been shaken by the Reformation ; in most places without fruit ; the issue of a mediating policy where the contest is for principles. England, from the accession of queen Eliza- beth to the throne, in 1558, was happy in establishing a church government that was neither Roman nor protestant, but might be said to be both combined. In France and Navarre there was, about the year 1560, a moderate party, KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 431 that recognized the defects of the old, and was on its guard against the extravagances of the new preachers. This party endeavored to find a medium by which, according to the standard of holy Scripture and the primitive church, the church might be made better with the least possible change. In Poland, king Sigismund Augustus II., brother to the first w^ife of king John III., had, in 1555, requested permission of pope Paul r\^. to hold a national council in Poland, for the reconciling of controversies of faith ; with a view, also, to the partaking of the Lord's supper in both kinds, the marriage of priests, and the celebration of divine service in the mother-tongue. In protestant Germany, Melancthon and his school, to a great extent, united themselves to this moderate party. Among those who were dissatisfied with the council of Trent, was the Romish emperor Ferdinand I., the rather that he found himself deceived in the flattering hope that the council and pope would follow out his views respecting Germany. The C^sar now determined, as his brother and predecessor, Charles V., had done in 1548, to help himself by means of the Interim, and at least for his own land, to endeavor to effect an accommodation between the church parties. Seeking to find a man who could promote an ac- commodation between the parties, his attention was directed to George Cassander, a Belgian theologian, celebrated for learning and compliant principles. He was called to Vienna, but as sickness prevented his personal appearance, he wrote down his opinions respecting the articles of faith in dispute between catholics and protestants, which, as Ferdinand meanwhile died, were sent to his son, Maximilian II. In his answer to the letter of invitation, Cassander says : " I find for the church of the present time no other council or help than to explore the mind and judgment of the prim- itive church, in order that, as far as is practicable, the present, which is propagated from that, may be renovated, 432 HISTOKY OF TirE ECCLESIASTICAL in conformity to its constitution and discipline." He be* lieved that thus both parties might be satisfied. In his opinion, therefore, he put the primitive church, anterior to the age of Constantine the great, as the judge between the contending parties. He did not spare the Koman church. He allows that the right of its bishops to precedence in the church Avas abused, disapproves the withholding of the cup from laymen in the Lord's supper, explains the sacrifice of the mass in a manner to remove or diminish its reproach, si^eaks cautiously of transubstantiation, condemns solitaiy masses, urges, in regard to the circumstances of the times, the discontinuance of enforced celibacy, and rejects the wor- ship of saints. In respect to the question of faith and good works, he adopts the moderate views put forth in Charles V.'s Interim. AVe shall soon find how this production, which was gene- rally acceptable in Austria, exerted a great influence on the Swedish church. On the same platform with Cassander stood king John and the liturgic party. In all the important posts within the Swedish church, stood, in 1573, those men v/ho, in purity of life and church activity, were the disciples of the aged Laurentius Petri, and most of them had brought home their learning from the academies of AVittenberg and Rostock. Laurentius Petri, strong in his principles but mild in their application, had during almost his whole life acted upon the conciliatory though energetic policy which his church ordinance dis- plays. At the close of his day he had zealously and suc- cessfully contended against the hot puritanism which here, as elsewhere, aimed at currency by a secret or open connec- tion with Calvinism. The university of Wittenberg, through Melancthon and his school, had become suspected in the eyes of the more rigid Lutherans. In general it may be said, that in the protestant church of Germany many minds became perverted who were not REPORMATIOK 5N S^rEDE^^ 433 Fast rooted in the trutli. In the searcli for a firm confession of faith, tlie war of controversy flamed forth attended witli the bitterest hate. University rose against university ; the princes embraced opposite parties ; tire dukedom of Saxony was arrayed against the elcctoi'ate ; the evangelical Lutheran against the Calvinist ; the pure Lutherans against the Me- iancthonians and cryptocalvinists. On many points, as those of justification, the Lord's supper, and church authority, these strifes made an irruption into the domain of the life of faith, and disturbed its holy pence. The Koman church did not conceal its joy over a discord from which was hoped the self-overthrow and self-destruction of protestantism. In 1573, on the death of archbishop Laurentius Petri, there was still no provost of IJpsala. The pastor of the church was Joachim Olai, who was born in Stockholm and had studied at Wittenberg. More conspicuous, both for learning and finnness of mind, than even this eminent man, were the first professoi^ or read'crs in the newly established academy, Laurentius Petri Gothiis, soon called to the post of his namesake and father-in-law as archbishop, Petrus Jona3, and Olaus Jonaj Luth, both from Helsingland, both students at Rostock, the latter at Wittenberg also, which he visited in 1570, when Petrus had been two years teacher at Upsala, and the fourth the reader Petrus Benedict, from Oeland, who in 1558 began his studies at Rostock. Among the pastors of the diocese, in all respects the foremost Avas Andreas Laurentii Bjornram of Gefle, son of king Gusta- vus's faithful and heroical ileid-marshai, Lars Oloftson. He had studied at Rostock, at whose academy, in 1556, he Avas matriculated. In Linkoping the episcopal chair was filled by the learned and valiant Martinus Olai, Avho had been previously ordi- nary of Gefle. In the most important post, as pastor at Wadsten, stood Jesper Marci, whose name we find not on the register of either Wittenberg or Rostock. 19 434 HISTORY OF THE ECCI^ESIASTICAL After Erik Svnrt resigned his episcopal olFice at Skara, his place was filled by Jacobus Johannis, avIio had been pre- viously ordinary of Orcbro. Of his youth and studies we know notliinjr, thoudi he was afterward zealous for the conciliating party. He lived to the following century. Nicholas Olai held, from 1562, the see of Striingness. A more arduous situation could scarcely be found in the Swe- dish church ; its occupant being required, at the same time, to use his influence in the district that composed his see, for the conflicting interests of the two brothers, the king and duke of the realm. The pastor of the city church was Rcinold Kagvaldi, who was born in Striingness, and whose name, in 1555, is found enrolled on the registers of Kostock and Wittenberg. John Ofeg, known in the church controversies from the time of king Erik, was bishop of Westeras till his death, in 1574. Next him in eminence, was the provost and reader of theology, Erasmus Nicolai, who had studied at Witten- berg until 1562, and was subsequently schoolmaster in his native town of Arboga, pastor of Westeras, ordinary of Stora Tuna, till this office being resigned, he was made provost and court preacher to king John. The school- master of Westeras was Salomo Bergeri, a student of Rostock. Both these men were distinguished, Erasmus as bishop of AVesteras, Salomo as provost of that city and court chaplain, and for a short time steward of the church at Stockholm. The see of Wexio, was worthily occupied by bishop Nicholas Canuti, who died in 1576. The provost and pas- tor was Nicholas Stephani, named in 1570 as superintendent of Jcmtland, but, on Sweden resigning the spiritual juris- diction of this province to Denmark, he was made bishop of Wexio. Of the Finnish dioceses, Abo was occupied from 1563 by Paulus Juusten, whom, broken by age and a three years* REFORMATION IN SWEt>EN. . 435 imprisonment in Russia, king John sent to this see in 1572, where he. died four years after. The see of Wiborg was filled by Erik Herkepe. Both these men were disciples of Melancthon. Of the former ordinaries we have still to mention two, both belonging to the Smaland divisions of the diocese of Linkoping, but unlike in disposition and tone of mind. The one is the quiet and contented Andreas Torchilli, pastor of Jonkoping, who, in 1583, declined the offer of the archbishopric, doubtless from his native modesty, in ex- change, on the abolition of the office of ordinary, for that of a bishopric or provostship. The other is the restless and ambitious Petrus Caroli, Avho, in 1538, eight years before Luther's death, had studied at Wittenberg. In 1540, he is said to have been schoolmaster at Linkoping, and to have aided king Gustavus in the changes made respecting tithes and church property, and in the rooting out of popery, being made pastor of Skeninge and ordinary of Kalmar. As belonging to the dukedom of Erik, he won the con- fidence and support of that prince and king, and was an intimate friend of Goran Persson, in whose views and secret purposes he was supposed to be well informed and interested. In vain he protested his innocence regarding the murder of Sture, against whom it was believed that he, as newly connected with king Erik, had irritated that prince with false tales. After the dethronement of king Erik, disgrace and im- prisonment overtook him from king John, who now united Kalmar and Oeland to the see of Wexio. But king John, finding him well disposed and useful for his church plans, restored him to favor, and he became bishop of Linkoping. Since his own times, he has been severely faulted for auda- city, the love of power, and covetousness. Justice demands 'that he be commended for what is apparent from his ac- tions when closely examined, his active zeal, for discipline 436 HISTORY OF Tin: ECCLESIASTICAL within his diocese, and his fostering care of science and learning. Laurentius Olai Gestricius, the undaunted champion of Calvinism, being dead, the city of Stockholm had, in 1565, Olaus Petri from Medelpad as pastor of its principal church. He was a man of great respect and influence, and was sur- rounded and supported by the men of Norland, pupils of the school of Gefle, foremost in opposition to John III.'s plans of reform. At his side in office, from 1573, and afterward in the controversies in which he was engaged, stood Abraham Andrea? from Angermanland. Of his youth we merely know what he himself tells us, that the reformer Olaus Petri was the first guardian of his youth, that the pastor of Upsala, Erik Petri Ilelsingus, was his godfather, and the above-named Laurentius Olai his teacher in the school of Gefle. He appears to have studied at Wittenberg, and in 1564, to have stayed at Rostock. A restless and persever- ing, perhaps somewhat daring energy in gaining a purposed object, is testified by the letters he wrote at this period. It brought him greatness and honor, but at last became his ruin. He was greater in prosperity than in adversity. We turn from the priests to the laymen, to take a hasty glance at the council and high nobles of the kingdom, who, by their education and the interest they took in the church, which at this time was foreign to no Swede, even as civilians were induced to bend their energies to ecclesiastical inquiries. First of all, comes forward the sister's son of king Gustavus, Peter Brahe, who, with Gabriel Kristersson Oxensticrna, took his seat in behalf of the church among the councillor of the kingdom, at tlie important diet of Westcras in 154-1. He was made chief justice in 1569, and died in 1591, gen- rally esteemed for learning, wisdom, and moderation. Next, are the illustrious Erik Sparre, a man of learning and great genius, Hogenskild Bjelke, of a highly cultivated under- REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 437 standing, and Nils Gyllenstjerna, for his quickness of con- trivance and conciliatory address, admired and caressed by all parties. Many more might be mentioned. A great portion of these appear, however, in church questions to have depended upon the prevailing views of the court. The Frenchman, Pontus De La Gardie, who, in 1565, entered the Swedish service, took an active part as a courtier in matters of faith. The men A^dlo, under the name of secretaries, stood first in the king's chancery, were of special eminence and influ- ence both by their position and their high culture. Of these a large number, if not all, had studied at the foreign academies. The most effective, and one of the leaders in the church during the transactions of the subsequent years, was Petrus Michaelis Fecht, provost and afterward bishop of Westeras, the fi'iend and fellow-student of Erasmus. He was probably born in Stockholm. Supplied with means by the burgomaster and burghers of that city, he went to Wittenberg, where he was enrolled as a student in 1558, on the same day as Erasmus. He became a master in 1561, but was still there three years after. In 1571, he was placed in the chancery by king John, and two years after, he had the oversight of the printing of books in the kingdom committed to him. lie M^as ordained priest, and for some time engaged in matters relating to schools. Abraham Andreas Angerman, one of his most persevering opponents, bears witness after his death, but Avliile the controversy still burned in the kindling of which Fecht took part, that he was a man of much learning and much respect, and that he showed special zeal for the interests of the church and priesthood. Possevin, Avho never personally knev/ him, says that he was in regard to his office quite a learned person. Not less than any of the men of the church and state, and more than most, the royal house itself is conspicuous in the history of the church, not only on account of the 438 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL weight of its power, but the part it took in the experiments and decrees that wrouglit the exhaustion of the churcli. Of king Gustavus's four sons, two were removed from the controversy, Erik by his imprisonment after his brother's taking possession of the crown, and Magnus by his mental imbecility, in consequence of which his dukedom of Oster- gotland was administered by the king. Mention will be made in the following pages of such of king Gustavus's daughters as participated in these movements. Kespecting the two other sons, John and Charles, the church's history of the succeeding period has much to say. • Duke Charles was a child not ten years old at his father's knee, when that father, shortly before his death, took a solemn farewell of his people, and uttered Avords which then, as always, no Swedish man can hear without emotion. More than any other of the sons the heir of his flither's vigor and gravity, he perhaps, also, as is wont with the 3'oungest son who has lost his father, held in deeper rever- ence and honor that father's memory. When a child of but ten years old, he is said to have often carefully read and meditated on his father's will, which, besides advice as to temporal concerns, admonished him, " not to be drawn from God's pure word, not to be afraid or flinch, but hold to it with firmness." King Erik took great care to carry on and complete the training and education of his youngest brother, to whom, in that king's palace, where Beurreus was staying, and amid the controversies of the period, 15 GO, strict protestantism, and the nice distinctions between papists, Lutherans, and Calvinists, could not be unfamiliar. AVhen he was about eighteen years of age, at which time he parti- cipated in the dethronement of king Erik, he entered upon the charge of his dukedom, which beside the whole of Striing- ness, included the diocese of Skara with the districts of Yerm- land, and, from 1571, Vadsbo and Valla in West GotWand. REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 439 Respecting the riglits of princes over the church within their dukedoms, there was no specific direction in the will of king Gustavus. The priests of the dukedom participated, like others of the kingdom, in ecclesiastical councils, and in the mutual deliberations that concerned the church. This may specially be noticed of the see of Striingncss, whose bishop and clerical representatives were present and subscribed the proceedings of the council of Upsala, in 1572, and even those of the following year. Something has already been said of king John's charac- ter and education. It is probable, that even he in early youth received instruction from Beurreus, and that thus the seed of Calvinism was early sown in his mind — sown in a thankless soil. His mind was piously inclined, and once, when he was a child, staying with his parents at Gripsholm, he ran frightened to his mother's arm.s, exclaiming that he saw the form of the Crucified enter the room and approach him. He was then four years old, and the narrative, which refers to the year 15-41 or 1542, may serve to show the turn of mind and impress of his early character. A monk of "Wadsten had foretold him v/hen a lad, that he would wear the kingly crown. The fulfilment of the prediction contributed to win for the cloister his royal favor. When, at a later period, the books of Calvin predisposed him to the views of that Genevan, a Lutheran proposed to him, as an antidote, the reading of the works of the church father Cyril of Alexandria, in order to settle the purity of his faith in the Lord's Supper. This study turaed his at- tention and his love to the writings of the church fathers. From Calvinism he was soon fully weaned. The edict he issued at the beginning of his reign, wherein he " gave warning to all the inhabitants of the kingdom who would not unite in God's word and our religion," must have l)een aimed at the religious patent of king Erik, which spoke especially well of the Calvinists. 440 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAT. How mucli the divisions in the protestant church of Germany wrought on king John will hereafter appear. In his prison at Gripshohn, v.'here he had time and oppor- tunity " to converse with his books," he continued his read- ing of the works of the church fathers. On their contents and arguments he discoursed with his Vv'ife's chaplains, among whom arc mentioned one Albert and Polacken Herbst. Tliese men were not nurtured in Jesuitical colleges, or in the principles of the council of Trent. They, there- fore, entered into John's views of recognizing the fountain of truth to be, not the church as it then existed under the sup- position of its being developed by the immediate inspiration of the Holy Ghost through the episcopate and papal head, but in the Holy Scriptures, as the churcli fathers se^ forth its doctrines and bore witness to the faith and worsliip of the primitive church. The Jesuit Posscvin, more indoc- trinated by the spirit of the new era, therefore remarks, that if these chaplains 'Miad been, as should be carefully attended to in the choice of such persons, better grounded in the doctrines of faith and the church's mode of contro- versy, it is probable they had long ago been able to bring John over to the Koman chui'chJ' The convictions respecting Christian faith and the church which John III. entertained, v/ere the result of his thoughts and studies within the walls of his prison at Gripsholni. They influenced his mind, from the hour he began to operate on the position and relations of the Swedish church till his death, although they sometimes vacillated from side to side. He was, however, for a long time unsettled in his determination, and undecided, until the work and words of one man gave coherence, clearness, and strength, to the thoughts and sympathies of his heart. That work was the opinions given by George Cassander, to which we have before referred. What was there said, gave birth to prin- ciples that operated for a time, and were widely spread, but REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 441 soon disappeared. It did not probably reach the hands of John before his release from prison, and the disturbances of the period immediately succeeding, gave him little leisure for such investigations. His acquaintance with this book was perhaps brought about by a man who had the greatest influence over him. This man was the secretary, Petrus Fecht, a pupil of the school of Melancthon at Wittenberg. Once the king asked him what he thought of the writings and doctrines of the old church fathers and the new authors. Fecht answered, that he found greater satisfaction in read- ing the fathers. From that hour the bond was tied between the two men. They undertook conjointly to investigate the doctrines, constitution, and ecclesiastical usages of the primitive church. These studies kindled a contest of twenty years Avithin the Swedish church. King John would certainly have found himself less dis- posed to seek a medium between the protestant church's claim for the freedom of private judgment, and the Roman church's demand of blind obedience, had not the claim of the latter been strongly impressed on his mind by his Roman catholic wife, Catharine. Not being at first zealous for her faith, but sliding into zeal for Ms conversion and in- struction, though a truly pious and godly woman, she had a legitimate claim to his attention, from the proved love she had shown him in the day of his calamities. Through her the Roman priests obtained access to her husband. On her, and the consequences resulting from her influence, the Roman church built the hope thus awakened to a new life, of restoring king John, and with him his people, to the obedience of the papacy. At first, by degrees, and during the menacing progress of protestantism, the Roman church began to meditate upon what concerned its peace. It had acted under an illusion, which is the doom of human judgment that has lost its way. It had let loose, or not essayed to restrain the newly 19* 442 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAI^ aAvakcned propensity for science and investigation, Avithout turning it to the service of the church, without seeking to bend it to the obedience of faith. It had allowed those calling themselves servants-of God to pay tribute to infidel- ity, and audacious vice had sat uncovered in holy places. It had struggled to subject to itself princes and people, but had relied for support on the weapons of violence. It found, therefore, its foes and vanquishers in the spirit of inquiry, in the knowledge brought to life of faith and good works, in a living piety, in a temporal power professing a true faith, all of which Avere turned against the then existing faith and confession of the church. A reaction against the church's corrupt principles of action had commenced, too, within its own bosom, and in Italy itself; and it is remarkable that, after the death of Marcellus III. and of Paul IV. in the same year, 1555, men of great morality were elevated to the papal chair. But it may be said of a hierarchy, be it a popish, epis copal, or presbyterian church, that its inner mission can only be regenerated by its peculiar priesthood, or those wdio fill the active post of doctrinal teachers. Such a class Avas to be found in the Roman church, in its monkish orders. The begging monks were not adapted to the chano-e of times, and had not fulfilled their original destina- tion. Upon the contrary, the newly-established order of Jesuits became the preservers of this church, because they understood its wants. "SVith the deepest piety, according to the forms of his church, Ignatius Loyola learned to read its heart, and out of that piety grew the system of his order — by the science of faith to bend science to the obe- dience of faith, by austerity and devotion in their bringing up, to bend the rising generation into a reverence for the church ; by the strength of self-mortification and sacrifice, the immeasurable power of sufiering, to bend princes and people to the ecclesiastical rule and sway. The obedience of the REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 443 members of the order to their chief, was to bend the world to the obedience of the church. An institution, called forth by the deep necessities of the time, stands nearly fall fledged in the hour of its appearance. The order of the Jesuits obtained its first conlirmation from the pope, in 1540, to the number of sixty members. Three years later, this limitation was removed. Nearly twelve years after, Ignatius, himself the first general of the order, who died in 1555, counted in his order more than a thou sand members, in a hundred colleges,' houses, and residences. This number was soon multiplied. The order stood as an outpost in those parts of Europe which had not yet wholly thrown off the yoke of the papacy. Behind it protestantism made no progress, and lost a part of what it had won, while the waxing courage of the order began to act on the offen- sive, in order to win back the people who had discarded the obedience of the papacy. The nature of its piety, the deep inroad which, in many cases, it made upon the sanctity of Christian morals, and even its success, made this order to be regarded in relation to the Christian life, as was the council of Trent in relation to the church's faith and constitution. Its " holy craft" substituted for violence, soon rendered it an object of the most lively abhorrence and hatred to prot- estants. The hottest zealot for the full re-establishment of the Ro- man church in Poland, the fatherland of the Swedish queen Catherine, and a warm friend of the Jesuits, was Hosius, the bishop of Kulm and Erm eland, who, in 15G1, was made a cardinal, and lived eighteen years after that eleva- tion. He was a pattern of Jesuitical piety, was put in the high posts of the church, and is much commended for good works and learning. In 1571 he composed, at the request of the Polish bishops, a confession of faith, in oppo- sition to that of Augsburg, and endeavored, by letters and representations, to harden the lenient heart of king Sigis- 444 HISTORY OF the ecclesiastical mimtl, against any toleration of heretics. He was in hope, on occasion of the theological (lis2:>utes in the Lutheran church, to win over the duke of Saxony and liis land, for ■which purpose he sent the Jesuits there, and exhorted duke Albcri of Burnc to assist liim, which that pnncc, however, declined to do. When, after the death of Sigismund Augus- tus, in 1572, the Polish estates established freedom of faith for the protectants, the p«i: diss^identinm, he used all his ciForts to prevent the newly-elected king, Ilenry of Anjou, from acquiescing in this aiTangement, and when that mon- arch had confirmed it, to induce him to brciik his oath as by no means binding. This is an exemplification of the moral wortli of Ilosius. The Lutherans, in his viev/, could not be considered as Christians ; their priests were, in his opinion, servants of Satan. It does not appear that, immediately after his marriage, any connection with Home was kept up by king John's wife. But, from the commencement of the year 1540, a stir began to be noticed both for and against the Roman church. The training of the young successor to the throne was first intrusted to a Roman catholic teacher, not on the ground of any resolution to educate him in this faith, but partly to please the mother, and partly in conformity with John's idea that he should be devoted to neither church until he could make his own choice between them. This view resulted, not only from John's persuasion that there was a middle path, but also from the rcHection that young Sigis- mund must not be excluded from the future possession of either of the kingly crowns, that of Sweden by right of his father, or that of Poland by right of his mother's brother or mother's family. This hope was centred in this son of John's imprisonment. The popish teacher, Nicholas Mylonius, was, however, in 1572 or 1573, removed from this trust, because the estates of Sweden were dissatisfied that the education of the crown prince should be committed REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 445 to such a man. It was at tliis period tliat the controversial Avritings of Herbst roused attention to the enterprize of the ])apists and the care of the Jesuits, stretching even to tight little Sweden. The reaction Avhich awakened the Roman church to renewed activity, extended even to Sweden. The reanima- tion had, by degrees, affected all the adherents of this church ; and a more zealous interest in what relates to the church began in our own land to be felt. We have before noticed a change in the mind of queen Catherine, proceeding either from the influence of the spirit of the times in* general, or from her increasing intimacy with men of more decided views. It appears probable, but we cannot determine to what degree, that the above-named Mylonius had a share in the change. We have more certainty of the influence over her exerted by a priest, Vvdiose name is not known, that came from Kome, and seems to have accurately inquired into the state of the queen's mind, and to have excited her zeal for the church. Through him or some other, attention had been attracted at Home to the means of reknitting the connection with Sweden, of which the queen was to be the link ; and cardinal Hosius made use of his intimate relation- ship Avith the royal house of Jagellon to put himself into immediate communication with her. His first letter to queen Catherine, written in May or the beginning of June, 1572, is the commencement of a correspondence carried on for some years- It commends her steadfastness in faith, and unity with the church, her zeal for her husband's salvation, in requesting that some Jesuits might be sent to Sweden, by whose aid she might restore to the right path those who had ])een led astray by the servants of Satan. The whole city — Hosius Avas then at Rome — was talking about it. The car- dinal could not forbear expressing to her his pleasure and congTatulations at the report that her husband too was not far from the kingdom, of God. He siipplicates God's 446 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL favor on her efforts to restore her husband and people from damnation, oilers his assistance, and assures her of the pope's benediction.* Doubtless the cardinal gives the queen's wishes and pur- poses a stronger import than they really deserved. We cannot regard this desire of having Jesuits sent hither, other- wise than as a loose expression heard in Sweden from those who supposed that such must be the wish of the queen — and so it Avas made a reality. We find no means adopted ; and when at last Jesuits came here, there is no hint of their having been earlier called. The queen, brought up in a Polish fjuuily, in more liberal views than tliose now current, must, if by her king John and his people were to be won, be herself first reclaimed to that tmity with the Roman church, for which the cardinal had already commended her. Rome could no longer be satis fied with an imperfect connection. Catherine, who was commonly regarded as possessing so much power over her husband, had been induced bij him to partake of the Lord's Supper in both kinds, without a papal dispensation, and her catholic chaplain had in this manner administered it to her. A priest, that had lately come hither, informed the pope and Hosius of this, and the consequence was a prohibition to the queen so to receive, and to the priests so to administer the Lord's Supper. This awakened dissatisfaction. The queen now addressed the cardinal in a letter, dated Nov. 12, 1572, with a request that he would obtain for her the pope's pardon, and also his permission to continue receiving the eucharist in both kinds. King John ordered his am- bassador in Poland, A. Lorich, to endeavor, through the papal legate in that country, to gain this permission. The king expressed himself in strong terms against Rome, and accuses Hosius of having prevented the grant of the * Gregory XIII., the same who celebrated with a Te Deiimihe horrid mur- der of the Huguenots, and had a medal struck in honor of the event. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 447 queen's request. The refusal had afflicted the sick queen, who could not be induced to take the Lord's Supper from Swedish priests, or be disobedient to the pope, but only- wished, by participating in both kinds, to win the favor of her subjects. The pope had often absolved from tliis com- mand, and from another ivhich is against God and nature. Hosius replied to the queen's letter, in March, 1573, and expresses a wish to do her service, but represents how wrong slie had acted, since it was better to obey God than men. Tlie priest who permitted her to take wine in the sacrament had been in great error, when he said that Christ himself so instituted it. He had indeed given the apostles both bread and wine, but it did not follow that laymen had the same right. If the king still required this mode of reception from her, she was to answer in words that the cardinal puts into her mouth, that she would willingly comply with the king's wish, if he would grant a little prayer of hers, to restore his people to the obedience of the Roman see, himself to take his departure, and humbly beg pardon for the fifty years' separation between Sweden and Rome. The cardinal assured her that the use of the cup would readily be allowed, if thereby Sweden's kingdom could be won. The withheld dispensation was used as a spur to the queen's zeal for conversion. But the royal house of Sweden had also for its negotiations with Rome a worldly motive. Queen Catherine had, in conjunction with her sister, after the death of their mother, Bona Sforza, who was buried at Naples, a considerable inheritance, the principality of Bar, with some ready money. As the Spanish government raised difficulties in giving it up, the pope's intervention was re- quested. Even this was promised, if any inclination was manifested on the part of Sweden to a reconciliation with Rome. Hosius became adviser to the conscience of the queen, and at this time held a frequent correspondence with her by letters. She was urged to endeavor to gain her 448 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL husband to tlic papal cluircli. " It was," says the cardinal, " a good sign that he allowed his wife to negotiate at Rome respecting the use of the cup in the Lord's Supper." "Gregory Vll.," he proceeds, "seems to have been the pope through whom Sweden first received the gospel, that li'om and with him the present Gregory XIII. was the seventh, a number peculiar to the Holy Ghost, whose gifts also are seven." Pie promises the intercessions the queen had requested of him, and sends in his letter, prayers to Christ and the saints of Sweden for its conversion. I'his letter, from wdiich we have made these extracts, appears to have been written in June, 1573. At the same time the cardinal attempts to bring himself in connection with king John, who had hitherto avoided all open communication with the men of the Roman church. He wrote him a letter, but uncertain how it would be received, sent it to the queen, whom he left to decide whether its delivery would be prudent or not. It was produced, and the cardinal was happy enough to receive an answer, though not in accordance with his wishes. The king appears to have merely justified himself in regard to the cardinal's allusion to the allowing the queen the religious liberty guaranteed at her marriage. The queen having in one of her letters spoken of the threat of the Swedish people, that they w^ould not endure her popish priests, as the reason for her taking the cup of the Lord's Supper, the cardinal replies to the king, that he could not believe the king would allow his sceptre to be wrenched from him by his subjects. " Is this, in God's name, the gospel, that subjects shall not submit to their princes, but princes must submit to their subjects?" But when king John alludes in his letter to the matter of the inheritance, as desirous of using the assistance of the Roman court, the cardinal gives him to understand that a greater disposition for a church communion with Rome would be attended with a more lively participation REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 449 m that cause. To tlie Roman chair, from the times of the apostles, all disputes had heen referred, as the king might learn from Ilosius's confession of faith, of which a, copy accompanied the letter. The divisions in Germany ought also to admonish him that the act which was nov most concerning to a king was the reclaiming of his people to the unity of the church. To the crown prince, Sigismund, now eight yeai'^ old, the cardinal at the same time wrote a letter, in which he ex- presses the hope, that Sigismund, through his mother's piety, would be preserved from the confusion of tongues which had already arisen in the tower of Babel begun to be built in Saxony. That he might understand what the catholic chm'ch is, books are sent liim, out of which his teacher, whom Hosius supposes to be a catholic, miglit read for his struction. Other small presents and prayer books were sent him and his sister Ann, then a child of six years of age. In this correspondence from Rome tlie queen Avas not forgotten, but received letters from both the pope and Hosius. She had, in a letter to the former, thanked him for the receipt of absolution for her fault in taking the cup in the Lord's Supper, assured him she had not harbored and did not harbor the design of being disobedient to the church, expressed her wish for her husband's and his people's return to the bosom of the church, and begged permission to con- tinue the use of the cup. Gregory declares, in his answer, his delight with her church principles, promises, in the question of using the cup, to determine what God directed him as consistent with his own honor and the church's wel- fare, sends her two hundred guilders for the nuns of Wad- sten, whom she had recommended to him, with some Acjnus Deis for herself and children, and refers her, in conclusion, to a letter she would receive from Hosius. This letter of the cardinal was, on the contrary, less 450 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL • gracious. He had expected, what a letter from Herbst allowed him to hope, that the queen would have already refrained from the use of the cup in the Lord's Supper. As long as this was not the case, she must not hope for per- mission to be allowed its use. He had already written to her, that the condition of the permission would be the queen's endeavor " that some sign should appear in the kingdom of a return to the church, and a reestablishment of the sacrifice of the mass with its ceremonies." With respect to the threat of the Swedes not to endure Romish priests and the mass, the cardinal repeats what he expresses in the letter to the king. It was now considered at Rome that a step further might be taken. The letter of Hosius to the queen ends with the notice that a Jesuit priest, Stanislaus Warsewitz, from Poland, would soon arrive in Sweden, and that the pope desired six noble youths to be sent to Rome to be trained in Christian piety. The further progress of the matter will be related after we have described the measures for a change in the church, which after 1573 were adopted. Meanwhile the intercourse which Avas now opened be- tween Sweden and Rome, had awakened anxiety over Europe, as to king John's purpose of returning to the obedience of the Roman church, provided the pope would permit laymen to partake the Lord's Supper in both kinds, and grant marriage to the clergy. There was, howcAcr, a general conviction that the transactions of the year 1573, chiefly regarded the pope's recommendation for obtaining the queen's maternal inheritance at Naples, and that after the recent vacancy of the Polish throne, in 1574, John desired to win the pope's co-operation in the suit for the crown of Poland. refor:«ation in s\\t:den. 451 CHAPTER III. THE CHURCH COUNCIL AT STOCKHOLM IN 1574— ELECTION OF AN ARCHBISHOP— CHURCH ORDINANCE OF 1575— CONSECRATION OP BISHOPS IN 1575. ]\IoRE than seven months went by after the death of archbishop Laurentius Petri, before his successor was named. This space of time was devoted by king John and his friend Fecht to the studies which might give their judgment and measures respecting the church both character and stability. A scheme was concerted for sundry changes and additions to the church ordinance of Laurentius Petri, and the king desired, before the election of an archbishop, to assemble the bishops and priests in order to ask their confirmation of this scheme, possibly, also, to ascertain beforehand how far they might be disposed to any further alterations. Before the meetino; of the council, neorotiations were carried on with O 7 0 the newly-elected bishop of Westeras, Erasmus Nicolai ; and the scheme was previously communicated to him through Fecht, with the king's injunction that he should endeavor to gain for it the consent of the clergy of his diocese. It is said that the delay in fdling the archiepiscopal chair was occasioned by another plan of king .John, to elevate to that post his cousin-german, John of Ploya, bishop of Munster in Westphalia, count Per Brahe's half-brother. It may be that king John spoke of it without reflection, and that while a general attrition was drawn to the popish scheme, suspicions were raised and conjectures formed as to 452 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL such a step and its consequences. It is not probable, how- ever, that it was seriously contemplated, as the man belonged to the Koman church. However this mayl)e, the whole matter came to nothing by the death of the bishop, which occurred at this time. The ecclesiastical council, with which commence, within the Swedish church, the movements called liturgic, was opened on June 6, 1574, at Stockholm, the day and city appointed also for the meeting of the diet. The bishops were summoned, and were to bring with them certain mem- bers of their chapters, and principal priests of each district. There are one hundred and four names of the clergy re- corded as present, in which number, the representatives of the see of Linkoping are not counted. The king sometimes appeared in person at the council, sometimes took part in it through the agency of Fecht. He had found it necessary to clear himself from the suspicion of being attached to the Iloman church. It was, he said, " a Jewish lie." For his part he was desirous of maintaining, protecting, and propagating the doctrines of the old church. It was well known, how many heresies were spread over all the countries of Europe, what disunion and disorders pre- vailed even amon"; the theologians of the Augsburo; con- fession, of whom those of Wittenberg and Leipsig wished to adapt themselves to the primitive church of the fathers, which the others presumptuously assailed. Yes, doubtful of their own doctrine, as not uninterruptedly derived iVom the apostles, they had, this very year, sent ambassadors to Constantinople to seek a union of protestants with the Greek church. Amid such doctrinal discords, it would be well to close with tJie apostolic and Christian veriti/ of the primitire church, evidenced alike by holy Scripture and the writings of the holy fathers of the church. There had been in many respects a deviation from those old paths, especially in the order of divine service, and a beginning ought to be KEl'ORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 453 made by a return in that office of the mass to the primitive purity. The ten points which Avere proposed to the clergy by Fecht, rehited either -to the proper address of the priests in the time of divine service, and the administration of the Lord's Supper, or to some church usages. They had for their object the maintenance of the sanctity of worship and the sacrament, for which king John, as did the old Lauren- tius Petri before liini, showed himself solicitous. Both of them referred in the same terms to the Calvinistic and puritan mischief which had prevailed in the times just past. The first point having confirmed the order of the mass which had been settled in the year 1571, the priests were exhorted to prepare themselves carefully for divine service. They often made no preparation for their sermons before the hour of delivery. They ought to call to mind the holi- ness of the cause in which they were engaged, especially the mass. During singing, while they stood before the altar, they ought both for themselves and the congregation to offer up holy and Christian prayers, especially those the fathers and teachers of the church had used, which had been composed with great piety. The people should be admonished to approach wdth the greatest reverence the Supper of the Lord. There should then be the same mind, thoughts and gestures, as in prayer to God. A preparation should be made, by both those who administered and those who partook of the sacrament, with fasting, mortification, and frequent prayers. The priest Avho was drunk the after- noon before he administered the Lord's Supper was to be degraded. At the mass they ought to demean themselves with outward reverence, and respect the service cloths, and not, as some were wont to do, lay their old hats or dirty gloves upon the altar. If the offered bread and wine at the time of the eucharist was not enough, the priest was to consecrate more. lie should see that none remained, but 454 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASllCAL if any of the wine remained, he was to drink it at the altar, and afterward rinse the cup with unconsecrated wine, which he was also to drink. The " lauds," which the old cliurch was wont to sing as an introduction to the mass, were again to be used. The priests should in their lives and vocation conduct themselves with propriety. The layman who seduced a priest into drunkenness, or otherwise put a con- straint upon the liberty his office requires, was himself to be subjected to punishment. These proposed points, which were thought to appertain to a bishop to be presented to a convocation of his clergy rather than to a king in the presence of the clergy of the kingdom, produced sundry objections, when the clergy came to consider them. Of these objections, in the answer and criticism afterward given by the king, lulio thus conchided the matter, one only, regarding a change in the formula of prayer, was respected ; the rest were disapproved. The clergy had objected to a repetition of the words of consecra- tion, when fresh bread and wine were placed upon the altar, because it seemed to sanction the popish doctrine of tran- substantiation. The direction was retained, but it was added, that it was not meant that on these Avords depended the real presence of the body and blood of Christ. In respect to the consumption at the altar by the priest of the bread and wine that were left, the clergy declared that they would treat them reverentially, but that they by no means considered that there was in what was left any such presence of Christ as in the participation of the sacrament. The king gave his judgment respecting the objections of the clergy, but after they were made known, he called the bishops to the castle, and made them a speech, which is an exposition of liis whole course. They must not be surprised that he meddled with theological matters. It resulted from his zeal for the house of God. He had seen how carelessly the sacrament was treated. They must not suppose him un- KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 455 skilled in these subjects. During liis imprisonment he had thoroughly perused many works of the best fathers of the church. He wished both to guard the clergy against the intricate meanings of the new theologians, and to arm them against the papists. He inveighed against the theologians of ^Vittenberg and llostock. Among the German theolo- gians were as diverse opinions as there were members in their body. No two agreed together. Their writings, therefore, were to be cautiously used, or not be read at all by the Swedish priests, who should rather devote themselves to the church fathers, whose works contained on one page more matter than the thickest books of the new theologians. He would, therefore, no longer permit Swedes to study in Germany, but would take care that there should be sufficient instruction for them in the academy of Upsala. After the king -had subscribed the decree of the council, the election of an archbishop was at last taken in hand. The bishops, priests, and teachers of schools, gave their votes. The gi'eater number of these votes were divided between bishop Marten of Linkoping, and the professor at Upsala, Laurentius Petri. The former had a majority, as a man of stricter protestant principles, bnt the king's vote gave Laurentius the office. Laurentius Petri thus took, after his namesake and father- in-law, the foremost place in the Swedish church. His elevation was the result, not of a treacherous sun-ender of the claims of duty, not merely of the royal favor, or his connection with the family of his predecessor, but also from his known talents for business. In learning he surpassed most, and was inferior to none of his countiymen of that time. The man who, in 1566, Avas before all others chosen for the first chair in the newly-established university of Upsala, and soon became its chief pilot, could not want respect. But when he took the archiepiscopal chair, the post was for its occupant no less perilous if not more so 'i56 IIISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL than when the old Laurentius Petri entered on the path, in which, with honor and success, he cheerfully passed through so many rough and tliorny places. King John's self-confidence in his own theological acumen, and his lofty ideas of the width and weight of his kingly episcopal rights, was for the leader of the church no less dangerous than the terrible power of his father had proved. The Roman church also, after it be^an through the order of Jesuits to comprehend its own relations to the times, had opened a more insidious mode of controversy than its former reliance upon measures of violence. The new archbishop was not deceived. If he yielded to the king's plans, it was not from courtly pliancy, but because he would give the weight of the royal approbation to those plans and views, in many of which from perfect conviction, he (Coincided with the king. A conviction which is not perfect but vacillates, can find no limits to compliance, when tried by a demand for concessions. Laurentius Petri was led farther than he expected or wished. It must be supposed, either that king John and his friend Fecht, had not yet, in the middle of the year 1574, during their investigations, clearly determined upon their measures, or that their design of bringing the Swedish church into those measures met with so much opposition, so many ob- jections, that they were compelled to delay for some time carrying them into execution. Otherwise it is unaccounta- ble why those changes were not at once brought forward, which, four months later, were i)roposcd and adopted. Al- though to tlic changes which took place in 1574, the clergy gave, not without great caution, their consent, there is no evidence that the king and Fecht deferred them longer than they could. On the contrary, the i)roceedings of the council of June, 1574, must have contributed to enlighten these men of a middle way, as to the path they were to pursue, and we cannot be mistaken in refz-ardinr;; an occurrence that 5lEI^0RMA.TI0N IN SWEDEN. 457 iiappened during this summer, a few weeks after the close ■of the council, and while the impression of its transactions was still fresh, as having greatly contributed to complete the king's and Feclif s consciousRCSs of their position as theolo- gians and church reformers. On the 16th of July, there came to Stockholm, heralded by a letter from Hosius to queen Catherine, Stanislaus Warsewitz, the first Jesuit known to have reached the shores ■of Sweden. Duiing the time he stayed here, which did not exceed a month, he had four conferences with the king, and many with Fecht on faith and the church. King John, of whom Warsewitz remarks, that he was ingenuous and eloquent, more willing to teach than be taught, could not be won from the principles he had already embraced. Every one, bowever, who has experienced how, in the struggle of the human spirit from its dim depths to extract •a firm and clear conviction, each word, especially of objec- tion and contradiction, is a spark that fires and enlightens, may understand w^hat influence, even in tliose few confer- ences, Warsewitz's manner, piety, culture, and ductility, must have bad on the kino-, seekino; for truth, and not un- allied to the Jesuit in his ^iews. If we may credit Warse- witz's own report, his influence w^as still greater with Fecht, whose star of life his own resembled. Like Fecht, he had been a pupil of Melancthon at Wittenberg, and in Poland held the same relation to kin!:; Sicrismund II. as Fecht now held to John III., the brother-in-law of that king. Each was secretary to the prince he served. To Warsewitz, John had declared, that, above all, he de- signed to re-establish the primitive church usages ; and they consulted together upon ceremonies valid and invalid, with regard to which, tbe king held fast to the stand-point of the testimony of the cliurch fathers. Warsewitz is fond of rep- resenting this determination of re-establishing the usages of the primitive church, as a fruit of his conference with the 20 458 nisTOKY OF the ecclesiastical kinsj. That this determination was not now first formed in John's mind, appears from the foregoing transactions, espe- cially from the council of 1574 ; but that it now presented itself to him in all its importance, is clear from the measures which were taken in the course of two years from this time, and through which John's reformation nearly attained the limits by which he firmly abided during the rest of his life. Warsewitz left Sweden in the middle of the month of August, and soon after, the plan was developed into a church ordinantia, adopted the following spring. The new arch- bisl^op, who did not yet hold a full commission from the king, was summoned to Stockholm, in December, and here were presented for his approval seventeen articles, which are manifestly a programme of the ordinantia, such as it was designed to be. Assurance might thus be had of his assent to the changes to be proposed for general acceptance. That it was in contemplation to go further than had yet been attemjited, will soon be made manifest. After the archbishop had approved these articles, he was confirmed in his office, and he pledged himself to maintain the pure doc- trine of the church, according to the writings of the apostles and prophets, and not allow any opinions that conflicted with " the unanimous faith of the true, universal (catholic) church," to be spread in the kingdom. INIany false doctrines had sprung up, or been revived, such as the physical presence everywhere of the body and blood of Christ, and the prof- anation of the Virgin Mary, instead of the former extrava- gant reverence and adoration of hci*, contrary to God's word. The reason was, that men contemned or neglected thcr witness which the primitive church bore to truth. The archbishop, therefore, promised to maintain and de- fend the right doctrine, according to the Niccne, Apostles', and Athanasian creeds, and the witness of pious antiquity, and to engage as well the professors of Upsala, esp(^cially those of theology, as the priests of the diocese, to read " the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 459 writings of the purer church." He bound himself to pay attention to the lectures delivered in academies, and for the theological, to furnish materials from the writings of the church fathers* Over the doctrine and lives of priests he would keep a watchful eye, and°see that they were regard- ful of their studies, pious exercises, fasts, sobriety, chastity^ and prayer, and observed the church's ceremonies and holy days. His jurisdiction he would not abuse, and would, in other respects, comport himself in conformity with the law which was or should be adopted, and not introduce anything that was not sanctioned hij a church council, and the Jcing. Soon after the archbishop had given this pledge, the archbishop, the bishops of Linkoping, Skara, Striingness, and Westeras, with the priests of Stockholm, the provosts Sveno Benedicti, of Skara, and Salomo Birgeri, of Westeras, the pastor of Striingness, Reinhold Eagvaldi, and the school- master of Skara, Olaus Laurentiee, were, on Feb. 1, 1575, assembled in Stockholm by the king's summons. Possibly, there were more present, though their names are not given. Before these, when assembled, were now laid the proposed changes or additions to the church ordinance of 157i, in conformity to the articles accepted by the archbishop elect. The proceedings were conducted under the leading of Fecht, and occupied an unusually long time. On the sixteenth of March, the new ordinantia was ready, which the above named persons subscribed, '-in their own behalf," and pledged themselves to hold and comply with, as far as could .be done, and it won general consent. This church ordinantia was framed, not to be substituted for the lately adopted one of 1571, but as an interpretation or explication of it, and has the merit of accuracy and pre- cision in many cases which were passed over in the former. It is worthy of note, as an exemplification of the discipline current in Sweden for nearly twenty years after, but it is no less so on another account. 460 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL It has been remarked, that the aversion of king John, and those of like sentiments, toward the contemporaneous Crer- man Lutheranism, was based on the many variant opinions and the controversies thereby provoked, which well nigh caused Melancthon to be pronounced a heretic, and threat- ened to overthrow the peace and unity of the church. The same year that the plan for the ordinantia, which, in most respects, is a confession of faith, was concerted in Sweden, there took place the first attempt of a serious kind to effect a union among Lutherans, so as to exclude all open or secret Calvinism from the doctrine respecting the Lord's Supper. The year after the ordinantia was adopted, when a liturgy was established in Sweden, there was effected among the Lutherans of Germany a union, which, in 1577, by the so- called Form of Concord, more strictly severed the Lutherans, as well from the Koman church, as in especial from Calvin- ism. Thus was abandoned the old archbishop Laurentius Petri's plan of uniting the Swedish church with that of the 'evangelical Lutheran, of Germany, just at the point of time when the latter began to attain a more complete stability and unity ; and men were willing to go back from a settled confession of faith into the momentous disputes of the times, at the very moment they were terminated in Germany. The German " form of concord," a child of nearly the same age with John III. 's ordinantia, became, at last, after the lapse of ninety years, and when John's building of union had fallen, the rule of faith, even for the Swedish church. The principles of both these writings are the same. Al- most in the same terms as the form of concord, the Swedish ordinantia declares, that '' the Scriptures are the standard and the test of all writings." But here commences a dili'cr- cnce. The German form of concord adopts, as its symbol, the Augsburg confession, its apology, the articles of Smal- cald, and Luther's catechism, terming them the " layman's REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 461 bible," and still further developed and determined the doc- trines then in dispute In Sweden, on the contrary, no mention is made of these writings. It is declared, tliat men are to be satisfied with " the ' simplicity of learning,' which so clearly places before us what we believe and hope, and how we ought to live." In controverted points, the confession of the primitive church should be maintained, as that is testified by the writings of the church fathers. These, therefore, ought to be diligently read and carefally studied. The authors were mentioned who were regarded as the best, from the apostles' times till the death of Gregory the great, in 604 ; Ignatius, Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and many others, the chief 'Cvriters of the Greek and Latin church. But, as even among the church fathers, different views present themselves ; it Avas remarked, that in their writings the subject matter is twofold. They either treat of doctrines of faith, in which they all agree, and " of Avhich there has never been, is, or can be, among the godly, any disunion or difference of belief," or they treat of questions on which men may think differently without injury to salvation, or at least, shaking its foundations. " As the Scripture is not of human origin, but God's own .'ing for times and circumstances, is as near as possible like the lilurgisra of Sweden REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 463 successors keep pure and right our Swedish mother-tongue, unmixed with foreign tongues, either Latin or German." Protestant in relation to the form of faith, church usages, and constitution, as they had been exhibited for the last thousand years within the church of Rome, this ordinantia was totterin"; and vacillatino; when it referred to the writings of the first centuries, for the finding of truth. It was the more so, as the very doctrines now in dispute were in the first ages not developed ; and when it acknowledged no other judge than the church fathers, whose evidence was plenteously quoted, it was compelled to shun, as irrelevant and over curious, every doctrinal question which went be- yond the old church's confession. It defines the doctrine of man's original sin as chiefly evil concupiscence, the forgiveness of sins as derived solely from God's grace and mercy, " apart from all human aid," and received through fiiith ; but the root of sin remains. Man, therefore, must always acknowledge himself an unprofitable servant, though works of faith are not improfitable. On the sacraments, it is remarked, that the term means all that God in his holy word has commanded, with a glori- ous promise attached, such as penance, amendment, prayer, temperance, alms, marriage, God's word and gospel, and its ordinances, the office of prince, and the like. But the things peculiarly sacraments are, baptism and the Lord's Supper, to which might be added absolution as a third. They have their completeness from. God's word, and depend not upon the worthiness of him who ».lministers them, work not ex opere operato, but require intelligence and faith, are not in- dispensable, but may not be used contrary to the institution of Christ, such as the baptism of bells, the putting of the bread after consecration " into a box to be carried through the streets in procession, like a play, and worshipping it as God himself." Ceremonies ai^e declared to he adventitious things. 464 HISTORY OF TirE ECCLESIASTrCAE, In treating of the questions at this time agitated, the ordinantia is especially diiFiisive on the Holy Supper of the Lord. We are to be careful of the errors which are founds not only among the papists, but among tliose M-ho claim for themselves evangolical faith* We are to abide by the words- of institution, and hold our judgment imprisoned. " Were human judgment to be decisive in the ease^ then the Tui-k harr as good a religion as we ; so have the sacramentarians and the anabaptists." "If any old customs and liuman decrees are to prevail over God's word, our case is no better ilian that of the papists. The body and blood of ChriJ^t are really present in their natural and coi-poreal essence, not merely in their power to be participated and received ; but an over curiosity pretends that the humariity of Christ, as well a» his godhead, is always in all creatures, and in all places,, therefore, also in the Lord's Supper.* But as little to be accepted is the popish transubstantiatiort. The words of the fathei-s do not imply that the natural essence of the bread. disappears after consecration.'* It is an abuse, practised by the papists, to consecrate the sacrament not to be received, but shut up* So, also, to take away the cup, which, contra?^ to the order of Christ, they have resei*\'ed to the clergy alone. That of the sacrament is made a sin offering for the living and the dead, " is not only unreasonable and a plain error, but is to be regarded with extreme disapprobation and abhorrence." Some of the fathers had called it sacrijicium, an offering, but because of Christ's true body and blood therein present, for its fruit,, as an application of the offering of Christ, as a remembrance of this oH'ering, and its a thank-olforing. In regard to con- fession, was expressly rejected the popish claim to an enu- meration of all sins, which was declared to be contnwy ta * An express disclaimer of the doctnne of ubiquity, which, by the forrT> of concord, became current m the Lutheran church. It was objected to as a laying of false prirvciplos, noiv done in some foreign lands. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 465 God's word, and the writings of tlie fathers. The jmest was not a judge, hut a servant. It was acknowledged that confirmation of tlie young had not been properly attended to, and a new form for its recep- tion was adopted. That the instruction of the young in Christianity might be duly cared for by pastors, parents, and sponsors, the bishop, or if he could not, the provost, or some others, appointed by the bishop in every parish, should ex- amine the youth, previously instructed by the pastor before such examination. After examination, the visitor should, with exhortation and prayer, confer the benediction of the laying on of hands upon each candidate. The ordinantia condemns, in many words, the invocation and vv'orship of saints. If it be that they pray for us, we ought not to pray to them. They ought, however, to be held in reverence, especially the Virgin Mary, who doubtless was chosen by God to a holy office before she was conceived, and, therefore, sanctified and purified by the Holy Ghost in the womb, and afterward ruled by the same Spirit all her days. Care must be taken " not to condemn all those, and hold them as castaways, who from human infirmity have erred in this article, by having invoked the saints." From the number of saints' days previously observed, were now withdrawn the festivals of Magdalen, Laurentius, Corpus Christi, the assumption and nativity of the Virgin Mary. One of the principal objects of the ecclesiastical legisla- tion of this period, was the restoration of church discipline from the uncertainty of the limits for its application, caused by the Reformation. The ordinantia is in this respect very decided. It takes note of twenty-nine " grievous sins," com- monly called notorious crimes {crhnina notorid), which for- merly were subjected to the punishment of the church, and to punish which was still her right. The things accounted crimes are such as militate against Christian and moral order. There are also enumerated fifteen sorts of churph 20* 466 HISTORY OF THE eccleslCstical punishments, afterward made the subjects of church legis- lation ; and it was declared that some of them had Christ, others of them had his apostles, the fathers, and the congre- gation of the faithful, prescribed, and that they ought to be respected as necessary and uscftd church punishments. This jurisdiction, it belonged to the priests, the servants of God's word, to use and exercise. But the servant of God's word, be he who he maijy has no godly right or license to use, as the expression is, both swords ; for the Scripture speaks clearly to the contrary. But where some bishops and men of the church have w^orldly right and authority, there' have they them as a donation, gift, and gi'ant, given and granted by human authority and permission. The ordinantia thus puts aside all the claims of the popish hierarchy. But it does not define the limits of the rights of the prince within the church. In respect only to the elec- tion of a bishop, it settles this right according to the church ordinance of the year 1571. The chapter was to announce an occurring episcopal vacancy, to the prince, who there- upon should call in the votes of the other bishops, and most influential priests of the diocese, for a successor, according to custom. After these votes were given, the prince ought to investigate which of those voted for was the most fit per- son, and nominate him, so that the prince lias the chief vote. For the valid consecration of a bishop, prayer, and the lay- injx on of hands, are declared to be sufficient. It was re- garded as proper to use the episcopal bonnet and stafi*, the mitre, and crosier, which had been customary since the time of Constantine ; but they were not essential to the office, or to consecration. Tlic chapter was to consist of a provost, who was to be the bishop's assistant, a dean, who was to have the over- sight of schools, and examine matters relating to the priest- hood, and as notary keep the chapter's records ; an archdea- con, who was also to be reader of theology and public peni- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 467 tentiaiy, and besides these, the pastor, schoohnaster, and proctor. On account of the many and difficult cases which fell to the jurisdiction of the church, and that a good ecclesiastical order as well in doctrine as in church discipline might be kept up, it was proposed to erect in Stockholm an ecclesi- astical consistory (ecclesiasticum consisiorium), which should consist of the bishops, and of '' old, godly, learned, and ex- perienced men." They were to meet together twice a year, or oftener if it was necessary, and deliberate, consult, and give their opinions upon the cases respecting doctrine, or other topics laid before them by civilians or ecclesiastics. The ordinantia expresses also the wish, that there should be appointed, at Stockholm, a reader of theology, as well for the sake of young men who were there in the priesthood, or at court, as of the strangers who understood Latin, but not the language in which divine service was performed in churches. It concludes with lamenting that cloister edifices were for the most part destroyed. It allows that the cloistral life had occasioned great abuses, but the buildings might have been turned to Christian purposes. The cloisters that still remained, or could be repaired^ might be converted into a refuge for priests advanced in years, or decayed, and others who have no appetite for the world ; or for aged matrons and young women " who have no desire for marriage or are not adapted to it," who there may live in quiet, and in spiritual exercises. The occupants of cloisters, as well those for men as women, should be obligated to train up father- less and motherless children, and instruct them in reading, writinsr, sinofino;, and sewino;. These children were to be recommended by the prince. There was to be no lifetime vow. Such cloisters, it is added, would be properly schools, and it would be an honor to the kingdom, if at least one such, with a yearly income, were found in every diocese 468 insTORY OF the ecclesiasticajl . We have been prolix in presenting the different points of this ordinantia, because it, more clearly than anything else, exhibits the character and importance of the often misconceived reform which king John III. aimed to intro- duce into the Swedish church. It opposed itself, on the one hand, to the Koman church, and on the other, not merely to Calvinism, but to what soon after was current as the sole pure Luthcranism. It was now, however, accepted by all the men, who, afterward, for their opposition to this ordi- nantia and the liturgy, hazanled their ollice and personal liberty. But it was accepted, not without opposition and many scruples. Tlie transactions, which, for the most part, were held before the king himself, were unusually pro- longed. /On the IGth of March, it was subscribed by those present. After it was ready, an opinion upon it was demanded from the readers at the college of Upsala summoned thence to Stockholm. They found the church's recognized doctrine to be in this document, jjroinded it be righflij understood, un- falsilied, and presented in a clear light. They approved of what was prescribed respecting ceremonies, as far it did not create scandal, and referred, in conclusion, to the further explanation of the bishops and the consent of the estates of the kingdom. Everything shows that these, and a large number of those present at the proceedings, rather yielded an acceptance and acknowledgment, in order to avert what seemed a danger, than actively promoted the cause. Questions had been mooted on some other points than those comprised in the ordinantia. Two at least of the articles previously exhibited by the archbishop were omitted in the ordinantia, extreme unction, and prayers for the dead at their burial. Anoint- ing at the consecration of bishops had been proposed, but was rejected. Fecht was the active man in carrying through the ordinantia, exercised the greatest influence on the pro- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 469 ceedings and decrees, and was arbitrary enough in drawing- it up in writing. His signature, in which he promises that nothing shall be added, altered, or taken away in this ordinantia, from the hour it was subscribed, shows the im- patient dread lest any zealously urged addition should steal in, le^ the terms in which truthvwas expressed, or the exact limits of concession, should be changed. After the ordinantia had thus been recognized by most of the bishops, and by the most noted men of the church, and thereby even the ceremonies of the episcopal consecrations were settled, it was resolved that the ordinations of the yet unconsecrated archbishop, and bishops of Linkoping and Westeras, should take place. Bishop Marten had already for many years filled his see. The consecration of Erasmus • had been contemplated the previous year, but at the desire of the king had been deferred. Previously to the ordinantia it hjid been stipulated, that it should be conducted with greater splendor than had of late years been usual. For this consecration, all the bishops and a portion of the priests of Upsala were assembled, in the beginning of the month of July. The king, who was not himself presenf, to heighten the external splendor of the solemnity sent thither four of the principal men of the kingdom, the lord chief justice Per Brahe, and the senators Hogensk Bjelke, Erik Sparre, and Erik Stenbock, together with his secretary, Fecht. The impatience which already betrays itself in those who had consented to the ordinantia, was here put to a new trial, when Fecht unexpectedly came forward with a command from the king, that anointing with oil should be used in the consecration of the bishop. This custom, which had been retained in Sweden even after the commencement of the Reformation, and we suppose until ordinaries were put in the place of bishops, was afterward eschewed as papistic, and had, in 1571, been omitted from the church ordinance. 470 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL Disturbance and dissatisfaction were now awakened by the bitter exjjerience so constantly repeated in human life, that concessions only provoke new claims. The bishops had entered the same middle passage to the church of Kome with the king himself. A correspondence by letters was carried on between the Mng and archbishop. The*former reminded the latter of his engagement respecting ceremonies, wondered why he disdained the ceremonies which both in the Old and New Testament were used, which had been employed by his predecessor, the old Laurentius Petri, and by which many still living priests had been consecrated to their office. In conclusion, he declared that the archbishop as well as the bishop of Linkoping must submit to the anointing, if they would retain their office. The archbishop appealed to the deliberations before the king at Stockholm in regard to anointing, to the tenor of his pledge, in which the mitre and crosier Avere mentioned, but not anointing. This custom was in the Roman church attended with more superstition than any other. Apart from all superstition, he could for his part accept it, if the resulting dissatisfaction among the priests did not grow to such a height as to make a separation in the church to be apprehended. The clergy present, chiefly from the diocese of Upsala, declared their disapprobation. Such ceremonies would be agreeable to the partisans of the old church, who said that the old church usages were about to be restored ; would be the cause of many defections, and rouse against the clergy the just reproach 'of levity. King John, for the first time, exhibits in this matter the obstinacy with which he afterward handled the affairs of the church. AVe are unacquainted with the progress of the negotiations, but the end was that his will conquered. The archbishop was anointed with oil, at the splendid consecra- tion, which took place on the 14th of July, in the cathedral of Upsala, and at which the dress of the old times, with REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 471 the mitre and crosier, was borne by all tlie bishops. He was ordained by the old bishop of Abo, F. Juusten, at whose consecration, by bishop Bothvid of Striingness, these cere- monies were, probably, used. The archbishop afterward consecrated the two bishops. During the gathering together at Upsala, Fecht was ac- tive in recruiting consentents to the ordinantia. He engaged a large number of the clergy to go with him thence to Stockholm, where the subject was again discussed; but these debaters seemed willing to pull with the times, and they were vanquished by a desire to get home, accepting the ordinantia conditionally, with a reserve of further ex- amination some time hence. It was accepted as an exposi- tion of the church ordinance of which we have before spoken. A protestation too was made, that they by no means designed by such acceptance to give room in doctrine, church usage, or any indifferent thing, to the errors contrary to God's word and the faith of the congregation, which the papists and others harbored and entertained. The super- stitions, the wrong meanings, on account of which these cere- monies had been once laid aside, they hereby had no intention to recognize. The new regulations were regarded as adopted, in conse- quence of the subscriptions of the bishops, although they were not sanctioned by a church council. Such a council it was desirable to avoid, in order that increased strength might not be given to the opposition. Hence, there was no effort to circulate the ordinantia by means of the press. It was left to the zeal and good will of the bishops to apply its directions, and by pastoral letters, visitations, and clerical meetings, to carry its various points into practice. It there- fore proceeded slowly and uncertainly, and might almost be considered as not issued. The most energetic among the churchmen for the regene- ration it was desired to effect in the church's character and 472 HISTORY OF the ecclesiastical outward order, were the archbishop and bishop Erasmua of Westeras. The latter informs the king, in the spring of 1575, that he had partly introduced, and bj degrees would introduce, into his diocese, the order and ceremonies now recognized. His zeal soon be;!;an to cool, and in the follow- ing 3Tar the king complains tliat this bishop, as well a^ many others, began to draw back. The energy of the former was more comprehensive, as proceeding from a higher position. On the first of February, 1576, he issued, in conformity with his promise to promote in academies the study of the church fathers, a well- written progi'amme, in which he ex- presses himself to the same effect as in the ordinantia re- specting the writings of the fathers and the reading of them, and gives it to be understood tliat an hour every day should be spent in that line of study. He urges all who are in the priesthood to devote their attention to such reading. The same year he put to press a catechism, whose contents may be judged from his general principles. For the solemnity of church music, he directed, by a circular through the archdiocese, that youths should assist in it ; and for the musicians a place was to be provided in the choir, or in a part of the church built specially for that purpose. The determination to circulate the works that breathed the spirit with which it was desired to animate the church, was not without elfect. In 1576, for the first time in Sweden, was printed an edition of the celebrated work of Vincentius Lerinensis, who died in the year 450, which by pronouncing that to be Christian truth, which had always, ever}'^vhcre, and by all, been received as such, proclaimed the very principles which the Swedish church now appeared to adopt. In the following year a translation was made into Swedish of the opinions of G. Cassander, of which we have before spoken. The kins had before this time bestowed his attention on REFORilATION IN SWEDEN* 473 the re-establishment or rebuilding of the dilapidated cathe- drals and other churches in the towns and country, and continued to do so during the whole of his reign. Priests and congregations never in vain for this purpose invoked his helping hand. The cloisteral edifices, and churches also, were an object of his attention. The restoration of Alvastra was already contemplated in 1573, when count Per Brahe was accused of having demolished the buildings there and removed the materials to Wisingsborg. Duke Charles shared, at least at first, this care of the king for the cloister edifices. In 1574, he called the atten- tion of the king to Warnhem, situated in his dukedom, and to the question of its and its church's restoration. From 1575 the king's care of this matter became still more active. He received this year information that the church of Alvas- tra was in good preservation, that the cloister-house might be rebuilt, bat that the other buildings were more in ruins, and that the park should be enclosed and provided with a keeper. The year after he gives order that the church should be put in complete repair, and divine service be thei^ held. This was at once commenced, at the same time with the restoration of the cloisters of Nadendals, Askaby, Arno, and Stockholm. Of the establishment of cloisters as a pro- posed object of the ordinantia, we have no information. The concern previously felt for the king's inclination to popish doctrines, was, by these changes, still more increased. It proved how little participation was to be expected on the part of the people in such a return. It was employed as a fertile accusation against the king, in their plans for setting free the imprisoned king Erik, and elevating him again to the throne. These imputations made no noise till 1574, when the people of Upland showed an inclination to release the unhappy prisoner from the castle of Orby. But they became more rife, when, during the two following years, plots were formed in Yfest Gothland and Smaland by a 474 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL priest, one Mauritz of Bone, in the diocese of Skara. The movements in behalf of king Erik provoked, on March 10, 1575, from the council and the "bishops and prelates" assembled at Stockholm for setting up the ordinantia, a motion for that prince's death. This death is rendered more melancholy by its connection, at least in point of time, with the changes that M'ere designed for the church's im- provement. The separation within the Swedish church which the archbishop apprehended, began already to be manifested not only in the disinclination to the projects of the king and Fecht, but also in the threatened defection from the new order of things, of the church in the dukedom of Charles. The duke, who, in 1574, became attentive to the direction which the effort to improve the church began to take, or apprized of the purpose of the council of Stockholm in 1575, immediately wrote a letter to the bishop of Striingness, ac- quainting him with the position which the church of his principality Avould assume, as far as depended on the duke himself. He reminded the bishop of the character and nature of the church during his father's reign and to this hour, and how he doubted not that Almighty God would henceforward avert all heretical doctrines, " the pope's fables and tricks." He would also admonish the bishop to hold fast to the pure doctrine, which in the time of the duke's father had been generally preached and acknowledged in the kingdom, and also to keep his clergy steadfast in the true confession of faith. As the Swedish church had for the most part conformed to the church of Wittenberg, in harmony with the writings of Luther and Melancthon, so it was advisable she should continue in the same course. The duke, therefore, transmitted to him the confession respecting the Lord's Supper, which the theologians of the dukedom of Saxony had, in 1574, drawn up at Torgau. The duke appointed the bishop to meet him at Orebro, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 475 while the latter was busy with the transactions at Stockhclm. At this meeting Charles expressly declared, what he soon after, Feb. 19, repeated in a letter to the bishop, that he designed on his part " to make no new unnecessary changes in religion whatever, whether in points of moment or in ceremonies, for this could not be done without danger and scandal to many men. * * * And you may," concludes the duke, " communicate these our views to whom you please, for so we are persuaded." Bishop Nils, who was now placed between two fires, but, as is shown by his subsequent course, more inclined to John's than Charles's views, took part in the council of Stockholm, in the spring of 1575, and subscribed and recognized the ordinantia. When the question arose of its introduction into the diocese of Strangness, the duke pro- fessed that he feared that this church ordinance, althouo;li seeming to have a good sense, would not bear good fruit, but would produce, by the change in public worship, scandal among the people. His opinion, therefore, was, that it ought not precipitately to be introduced into the churches. In his cathedral of Strangness, the bishop could introduce such ceremonies as he pleased, or as were usual in other cathedrals. " Nothing, however, might be allowed in cere- monies, which has any savor of popery, even if a specious pretext might be offered for the same." Upon this very point, in the following J'ears, were opinions divided, whether the projected changes had a savor of popery, or of the Christian church, which Lutheran protest- antism, turning to the purer times of the church, considered to be its own type. When the reform in Sweden, by tlie publication of the new liturgy, proceeded a step further, a large part of the clergy and men of the church found them- selves compelled to draw back, and the dreaded separation occurred. 476 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTIC A I CHAPTER IV. THE LITURGY. The principal object of the change king John and Fecht wished to effect in the church was the divine service, and especially the mode of celebrating the Lord's Supper. It seemed to them, that bj the Reformation the reverence for the most holy thing in the worship of Christianity had either disappeared, or been diminished. It had disappeared in Calvinism, which denied the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Lord's Supper, a denial which too often coincided with a scorn of the pious worship of the papist. This reverence again seemed diminished even in the Lutheran church, which, till now, had been unable by convincing proofs to secure its confession against the assaults of Calvinism, and had become too much infected with a slight regard for the sacrament. The service of the mass by Olaus Petri, which, till now, was used in the Swedish church, appeai'cd too meagi'e and cold, and moved neither priest nor layman to a deeper piety. Subsequently to tlic few changes which were proposed ])y king John and Fecht, and which passed at the council of Stockholm, in 1574, and subsequently to the short visit of Warsewitz, which gave clearness to the views of these men, they began at the same time with the plan of the ordinantia, which was adopted the following year, to work upon a new order for the mass in the church of Sweden. The fruit of this labor was the traduced liturg}', or the REFORMATION IN SV/EDEN. 477 red book, as it was wont to be called, from tlie color of the binding of the printed volume. They had collated with it many liturgies, which were respectable for their antiquity, or, at least, laid claim to such respect. They based their own upon the lloman missal, but examined and altered this, according to the principles which before the liturgy was completed, were publicly, in 1575, set forth in the ordinan- tia. The first diP/crence it at once betrays from the mass of Olaus Petri, is, that the title is given only in Latin, the preface in Latin, the liturgy itself not merely in Swedish, but also in Latin, while all the directions for the priests, with the marginal remarks and notes, are only in Latin. The Swedish mass of Olaus Petri, on the one hand, in the length of the service, and in many particulars as to the contents, resembled the Roman mass, although from the former was rejected whatever in the latter militated against God's word in gcripture, together with superfluous prayers and practices. John III.'s liturgy, on the other hand, did not want all similitude to the mass hitherto customary in the Swedish church. But, while from this it retained the exhortation and confession at the beginning of divine service^ and the preface for the mass of the Lord's Supper, there was added a declaration, that the former might be sometimes used, the latter when deemed useful and necessary.* Upon the contrary, the liturgy took many, or properly speaking, all the parts of the Roman mass, but omitted the crossings, bowings, and altar hissings, and changed its offensive ex- pressions. It retained also the prayers and psalms, which the Roman mass prescribes to the priest when putting on the mass-dress and washing his hands. It may be proper to present some points of companson, "which were most commented on during the succeeding con- * In the notes the words of institution were quoted from six different liturgies, from the so-called apostolic, St. James's, that of Bisil, Chry- sostom, Ambrose, and Gregory the Great or the Roman. 478 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL troversies. The Roman mass has the words, " "We beseech thee * * * that thou wouldst accept and bless these gifts, these things presented, these holy and pure offerings, espe- cially those which we present before thee for thy holy universal church,* which thou vouchsafest to deliver, to protect, * * * and with thy servant our pope, and our spiritual rulers [their names are recited], as well as all the faithful in Christ." The Swedish liturgy has, " We beseech thee * * * that thou wouldest accept and graciously hear our prayers which we present before thee for thy holy universal Christian church, which thou vouchsafest to deliver, to protect, ^ ^ * and with all princes, spiritual and temporal, of whatsoever dignity, rank, and name they be, as well as all the faithful in Christ." Instead of the remaining prayers (inemento), and remembrance of the saints, in the lloman mass, the liturgy has a prayer, that the bread and wine might, " by righteous use," become to us the bo-ly and blood of Christ. The most offensive passage was the following : " Thy same Son, the same offering, Avhich is a pure, holy, and undetiled offering, for our expia- tion, shield, screen, and shelter from thy wrath, from the terrors of sin and death, presented for us, we embrace and receive with faith, and with our humble prayers present before thy glorious Majesty." The order of the prayers and actions were sometimes transposed. The words of holy Scripture are quoted in the Latin, from the so-called Vulgate version, but are altered in some places according to the original text. The words of the Swedish Bible are in correspondence, and independent of the translation made in the year 1541. The annotations partly explain the ex- pressions that occur, or refute erroneous meanings. That which is not the least remarkable in the liturgy, is the prcfjxce given by the archbishop, which contains a strong * "Catholic." This word John's Uturgy translates into "Universal." REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 479 censure of the preceding times. Mankind, he says, are tossed between two extremes, superstition and irreverence. Our predecessors had to contend against superstition ; but it was to be feared they had gone too far, and thereby left their flocks a prey to the too cruel wild beasts of irreverence and luibelief. They had thoughtlessly loosened the bonds of order and church, discipline, and opened a door to dissolute- ness, afifainst which the battle was now to be waged. There need be no fear, that by restoring exercises of piety and use- ful regulations, the people would again fall into superstition. Piety should not merely be found in the heart, but manifest itself in the life of the whole man, in the speech and* beha- vior. In order that beginning with the priests, especially in the administration of the Lord's Supper, these acts of piety might be restored, since by neglect of them piety itself had greatly decayed, a more spiritual order for the mass had been re-established ; and this attempt to resist the contagion of a contempt of holy things, which the sacramentarians were spreading, ought to be thankfully welcomed. From the spring of 1576, the liturgy having been printed, began to be circulated throughout the land. It was pub- lished in the name of the archbishop, who, however, had taken no part in its composition. It was the work of Fecht and the king. That Herbst lent his assistance, is a suppo- sition that wholly wants proof He was thought to have more of the king's confidence than he really possessed. Equally groundless is the supposition that the Jesuits either wrote or were concerned in its preparation. No Jesuit was in the land when this liturgy was compiled. But the pref- ace seems, for good reasons, to have been written rather by the archbishop than any one else. It was at the close of the year 1576, that this preface was added. Laurentius Petri showed a compliance which the promoters of the lit- urgy too well understood how to use, and which he soon had cause bitterly to repent. This easiness had its basis in 480 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL a congruity of views, but he went beyond the limits of wliat a man is required to do for his friends, when he was ready, more than once, to lend his name and the influence of his office to the v/ritings laid before him for subscription. The first promulgation of the liturgy was not followed by any command that it should be used. It was expected that this would by degrees take place through the bishops, in their dioceses, and that they would make it known by formally bringing it into use in the congregations; an acquiescence in it was also sought by separate negotiations. The issue of these attempts would certainly have deteiTed any less capri- cious man than king John, or one less persuaded of the truth and righteousness of his cause. In the month of March, 1576, it was brought to duke Charles by Goran Gera, Erik Sparre, and secretary Henrik Mattsson, Avho for divers purposes were sent to Nykoping, from the king. He requested that the liturgy should be used in the dukedom, as in the rest of the kingdom. The duke answered evasively, and half reproachfully, " What the new church customs require he could not so quickly and easily conform to, calling to remembrance that he, and his brothers and sistei*s, had been solemnly counselled and ad- monished, in their father's will, to beware of human devices and double doctrines." Continued negotiations, during the summer and autumn, could not win from the duke a more fiivorable answer. The duke, and the clergy of his dukedom, forthwith took a posi- tion from which they could neither be allured nor driven. Mindful of his rights, he previously caused extracts to bo collected from the records, on which he grounded his claim to spiritual and temporal jurisdiction within his duchy. He finally assembled, at Nykoping, the representatives of his dukedom, who, on September 20, 1576, pledged themselves to steadfiistly protect the true faith and doctrine, and not to accept other ceremonies than those, which from the time HEFORMATiOX IN SWEDEN. 48 1 t)!" king Gustavus to the present, were in Christian use. No express mention was made of the ordinantia or liturgy ; but the reception that these, and especially the latter, had to expect in the diocese, was plainly" signified. Within ths dukedom, disposition was already apparent ptill further to lessen and remove all novelties. We have before noticed in Avhat manner even bishop Erasmus, of Wcsteras, began to look about him. But the signs of a more active opposition commenced at Stockholm, from its pastor master Olof, and its schoolmaster master Abraham. Although the priests of that city subscnbed the ordinantia of 1575, they yet refused to execute its prescriptions, as Boon as it was manifest by the liturgy into what measures they might be led, if they went forward in the path they had begun to take. They refused to celebrate the festival of Corpus Christi, which occurred in June, and was prescribed in the ordinantia, but might reasonably give birth to their hesitancy, from its near connection, in the Roman church, with the doctrine of tran substantiation. When, in autumn, the festival of the Vii'gin Mary, September 8, was approach- ing, they refused to celebrate it, and expressly declared their purpose not to acknowledge the liturgy, the commencement of whose use, at Stockholm, M'as appointed for that day. This open repugnance Avas more than king John could bear, especially as it might become a dangerous example, from the respect entertained for the men who thus opposed the new order of things. On the 7th of September, the day before the festival of the birth of the Virgin Mary, the two chaplains, Erik Petri, and Petrns Erici, together with master Olof, and master Abra- ham, were, as repugnants, deprived of their office and kept prisoners in their houses. Tlie king accused them, not only of disregard of the church ordinance, but of disobedience to the command of the temporal prince. When the noise of the increasing storm began to wax 21 482 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL louder, Feclit left the country, but introduced another man, who exerted no inconsiderable influence on succeeding transactions. King John had at last overcome his repugnance to enter into open correspondence with Korae, and determined to send Pontus de la Gardie, and Fccht, into Italy. The avowed reason for their journey was to obtain Gregory Xm.'s support in persuading the emperor to enter into a confederacy against Kussia, and if necessary, against Den- mark. The embassy was also to receive from Spain the maternal inheritance of the Swedish queen, and for tliat pur- pose to negotiate at Naples with the Spanish vice-king, Igna- tius Mendoza. The secret commission was to enter into a negotiation with Rome respecting a church union, which John proposed on the conditions he soon after again set forth. The king seems now, especially, to have laid great Aveight on obtaining bishops that were not sundered from the unity of the church. AYe can, from the king's and Fecht's stand-point, very easily comprehend their scruples on the validity and efficacy of an episcopate severed from the church's outward unity, and their wish to remove those sjrupleg by a new inoculation of bishops from Eome, of whose bishop they thus acknowledge the rights of a patri- arch over the Swedish church. But the king did not ven- ture, and, indeed, did not Avish to allow such bishops to be nominated abroad, or that foreigners should fill the office, or even that the consecration should be performed by Roman catholics. He therefore requested of the pope to permit him to nominate them himself, and to allow them to be conse- crated in Sweden by some man previously ordained for that purpose. Fccht was the man selected to be consecrated at Rome, and afterward to propagate a purer episcopacy in his fatherland. This project sufficiently shows how little the king and Fecht understood the Roman church, and as little the deci- KEFOHMA-TION IN SWEDEN. 483 ded direction in which, after the council of Trent, it resolved to renew its youth. The judgment of this church, on the whole reform of king John, was based on Possevin's judg- ment of Fecht, to whose efforts he found three reasons to object. The first was, that though Fecht had some incli- nation for catholic truth, he wanted the necessary training for the cause he had taken in hand. He had, therefore, compounded a sort of "mixed theology," without distin- guishing times and circumstances, when some things, such as the reception of the Eucharist in both kinds, and the mar- riage of priests, may be tolerated, allowed, or enjoined, ac- cording as the church has occasion to declare the sense of the Holy Ghost. The second objection was, that although Fecht perceived, and even told the king that the composing of mass books and the like belonged not to laymen, yet he^ himself, was concerned in what he disapproved. The third objection was, that although married, he hoped to hold from the pope the office of priest an his doubts^ John contended for his privileges, and while both were-, agreed in their disapproval of protestantism^ and in array- ing against it the catholic ehurcli, the nuncio claimed that he only Avas to be acknowledged a true catholic^ who wai5- in visible comiection with the Koman church,, and was iti* and the peope's leal son. The king presented written questions, which were answered in writing by Possevin^ and they show how the former endeavored to avoid being driven into the only refuge tlie latter opened to him. Could not they, asked the king, who avouch theii' faith in the- Scriptures and liate sin be saved, even if they do not accei)t all the articles of faith of the catholic church ? Could not they who arc sundered from the church's outward unity be saved, if they hold all that belongs to faith ? Have not the- Lutherans,- bishops and priests, or is not the church there where true bishops and priests are not? There were other similar questions. All these questions revolve around a centre, wliidi it was- all important to the Jesuit carefully to defend — obedience to the Roman church. 15ut while he iTJoiccd to sec the king daily approximate to his views, lie experienced what Klos- terlasse said to him upon coming to Sweden, that the king was inflexible on certain points, and woidd not be per- suaded that the pope should not on these give way. Even on these points there was an earnest discussion, and the REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 513 kins: believed that he had satisfied Possevin of the reasona- blcness of his propositions, in conformity with the holy Scriptures, the institutions of the apostles, and writings of the fathers, and even the edicts of popes and decrees of councils. Possevin, when he found the king's obstinacy in these points was invincible, was obliged in part to yield, and appear to deem it not impossible that the pope would consent to the use of the cup in the Lord's Supper and the marriage of the clergy. He, therefore, sent the king's demands to Rome, to be submitted to the pope's examina- tion and final decision. Meanwhile the Jesuit and John continued to interchange arguments with each other, and wdiat Possevin could not gain from John's convictions, he hoped to effect by means of his deep piety, his facile imagination, and his sensative heart. No one was more suited to the task of obtaining an influence over king John than Possevin, whose grave and self-denying life, manifested in bodily mortifications and fasts, whose eloquence, great learning, and acquaintance with the Scriptnres, which was peculiarly estimable in the king's eyes, made him in all respects a man after John's: own heart. Drawn to him by this similarity of character, the soul of John was bowed under the stronger will and fascinating powers of his companion. One day, while they were conversing on the catholic church, and, it seems, on the d^eath of Peter Fecht on his journey to Rome, and the king was in an agitated frame of mind, Possevin remarked what a difference there was between the Peter who went on the sea and when he began to sink was rescued by the hand of the Lord, and him who, because he was not called of the Lord, perished in the waves. The king ought to imitate the former, to deny him- self, to take up his cross and follow Ch:^st. Then would he be able to save his people. The cross and its suilering would by God's help disappear. Pie ought, — the Jesuit 22* 514 HISTORY or THE HCCI-ESIASTICAL was proceeding, when John burst into tears, abjured all heresy, made a general confession of liis whole previous life, received absolution, and professed his determination to be guided by his counsels who occupied the place of Christ upon earth. "When John had avowed his purpose, Possevin put into his hand the creed of pope Pius IV., or that of the so-called council of Trent, for his examination and acknow- ledgment, and appointed him three days for reflection, after which he was to confess and obtain absolution. Hardly was the second day at an end before John again summoned Possevin, and declared himself ready. On his knees, the king confessed all his foregoing life, and after promising obedience in all things, received absolution from the papal nuncio. The nuncio now kneeled down, thanked God for the king's conversion, and prayed that the good work which had been begun, might be brought to completion. The king stood up in great agitation, and embracing Possevin, exclaimed, " I embrace you and the catholic church for ever !" The following day, which was the Ctli of May, 1578, the king requested Possevin to perform mass in his presence. This Avas done the same day in the king's parlor, in which he and his two secretaries. Nils Brask, the nephew of bishop Brask, and John Henriksson, received the sacrament from Possevin. Such, in brief, is the narrative of the only man who has left it us, respecting king John's return to the Koman church. Possevin himself would willingly have it as he represents it, but his own representation and conduct create mistrust. lie was too much inclined to mistake a hasty transport of feeling for a serious conviction. The king certainly thought^ himself in connection with the Poman catholic church, even if the words he uttered in an hour of great excitement, do not assure us of this sentiment. It KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 515 would be more to the purpose, if, as reported, he acknow- ledged the Trindentine creed, Avhich, in many points, is at war with John's views, expressed before and after this time. But John liad an idea of the llomun church other than its then condition justified. He had iicver ceased to believe in tlie possibility of the concession of what he required from the pope. He could not have acknowledged his belief in the creed of Trent, unless he either dissembled, for which there was in that hour no call, or, mastered by his feelings, spoke unconsciously, which is not probable ; or, if he did so speak, believed himself able to, explain that creed consistently with his own views, or, if that were too much for even John's blind egotism, regarded his union with liome, not as a full conversion, but as embracing it with the reserve of perfect freedom. This last supposition seems the most probable ; and Pos- sevin either did not understand the king, or would not un- derstand him. Before the king received absolution after confession, he must have promised to submit to the pope's determination in regard to the required concessions. The following day, immediately after the administration of the Lord's Supper by Possevin, the king conferred with him respecting these concessions, without which ho regarded a reunion of the Swedish church with the Roman to be diffi- cult or impossible. When Possevin said he did not believe the pope would grant them, the king was amazed. He had, he said, during the wJiole time presupposed this mode of pacifica- tion. There is not the slightest evidence that John III. partook of the Lord's Supper even once after the 6th of May, 1578, at the hands of Possevin, during the three weelcs the latter subsequently remained in Stockholm, or from the hands of any Ivoman priest. This, according to the custom of the times, he doubtless should have done, if he considered him- self to stand in full ecclesiastical communion with those 516 iiistojRY of the ecclesiastical priests. "When he empowered Posisevin, under promise of certain advantages, to engage Roman catholic families to immigrate to Sweden, he added a half permission that they might bring their own priests and open a church. But the condition was attached that they should perform mass in their native language, and, at least when they first came, twice a week in Swedish. This proves that he did not con- sider his liturgy incompatible with the Koman catholic con- fession. Possevin, himself, found the success of his cause \ery un- certain ; an uncertainty which equally aifected the king, as to the possibility of converting his people. The cause of the catholic religion, he writes, has as yet ;70 firm founda- tion in this kingdom, and " I am in great distress of mind when I know what our hinderanccs are ; an extraordinary mercy from on high and a watchfvd attention are needed in this undertaking ; otherwise, the whole of this frail web will either be broken or illy continued, and so there will be a separation." Even at Kome, according to Possevin's own representation, it was found that the king was agitated by a variety of opinions, wishes, and fears, and that the cause " was far from being as prosperous as was hoped." Possevin thought it best to go to Rome, not only because he was afraid of a further explanation with the king and hoped that time would farnish opportunity, but to reflect upon the measures and steps to be adopted, how the denial of the king's demands might be given in the mildest manner. Possevin left Stockholm on the 28th of May, 1578, after more than five months' stay. The king exprcs.-^d to him the wish that the house of St. Britas, or Bridget, at Rome, should be converted into a Swedish seminary for priests, and gave him reason to expect a project for the support of that seminary out of the Neapolitan inheritance, giving him at the same time an instalment out of that resource for the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 517 purchase of books and cliurch ornaments. He was conveyed by a royal ship to Dantzic, accompanied by five Swedish youths who were to be placed in the German college at Rome, and then to Braunsberg, accompanied by the secre- tary John Henriksson. This last person soon returned to Stockholm with four Jesuits, of whom two, A. Wisowsky, and the Warsewitz who was here in 1574, became chaplains to the queen, the other two being assistants to Klosterlasse in the college. Possevin took with him many commissions, one of which was to propose the marriage of young Sigismund with a member of the liomish imperial family. He sent to Kome an account of his embassage, and a project for carrying on successfully the missionary work in Sweden, together with a most important scheme for educating Swedish young men. Possevin proposed the extension of the Jesuit colleges estab- lished in 1565 and 1566 at Braunsberg and Olmutz. The former, instituted by cardinal Hosius, was peculiarly adapted to the purpose, because it lay near the coast of the Eastern sea, not far from Dantzic, so much frequented by Swedes, and between that city and Konigsbcrg. For youths either leaving Sweden or returning, as Avell as circulating books in that country, this place was exceedingly conve- nient. Toward the close of 1578, these institutions ob- tained the pope's confirmation, according to Possevin's pro- ject. These seminaries were to pay special attention to the work of conversion in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Russia. The pope appropriated a sum of money for the support of a hundred youths, fifty in each place, together with their teachers and those Avho were to superintend the work of missions in northern lands. The young men were to have everything free, except clothes. Some time after their entrance they were to pledge themselves always to maintain the Roman catholic faith, but if they renounced 518 HISTOKY or THE ECCLESIASTICAL or apostatized from this faith, tliey were to refund all ex- penses. They were not obliged to become priests, but each was at liberty to choose his calling. In their studies they were to confine themselves to such a course as coiTesponded to the character and needs of the people among Avhom they were to live. If for the Swedes or Finns who were at Braunsberg, there was danger, from proximity to their fatherland, of falling into heresy, or being recalled by their parents or relations, they were to be removed to Olmutz, which, as more inland, was considered more secure. After Possevin had put everything in order for opening the sem- inaries, young men were at once admitted, and of these Olmutz, in 1580, had ten Swedes and Finns, whose names were enrolled the preceding year, and Braunsberg probably still more. Some time before Possevin left Sweden, he had received, in March, 1578, and immediately sent to Rome, king John's conditions, which not being granted, that prince declared a reunion of the Swedish church with Rome impossible. These conditions were twelve, and were regarded in Rome as a demonstrative proof how little the result of Possevin's mission corresponded to the hopes entertained from an easily won victory. The pope caused them to be examined by a congregation appointed for the purpose. The most import- ant were, that the pope should allow that the mass should be celebratrd in Swedish, that the Lord's Supper should be received y.j both kinds, that priests might marry, that cath- olic prie^ls should refrain at their mass from reading with a loud voice the invocation to saints and prayers for the dead, and that the use of holy water and some other cere- monies might be abrogated. All these were refused by the pope.* AVjth some hesitation, he was willing to grant the * On the Q-j«stion of administering in both kinds, it was answered, that the church thEX. 525 The day after Possevin landed, duke Charles returned to Sweden, accompanied by his bride of sixteen, with the ani- mated spirits and joyous hopes that follow on the marriage of a youthful pair. The duchess Maria, granddaughter of the landgrave Philip of Hesse, renowned in the history of the German Peformation, and the daughter of that Louis VI. of the Palatinate who established in his land the Lu- theran confession, though it both before and after his reign yielded to Calvinism, became the protectress of the protest- ants, as the queen was of the papists* On his arrival in Sweden, Possevin found his cause in a worse condition than he expected. The king was alarmed by the menacing attitude of the protestants, both Avithin and v/ithout the land. The revolt of the Belgians against king Philip's religious persecution, appeared to him a fear- ful warning. His disquiet was kept alive by many of the lords of his council. Chytrneus had, it is probable with .an object in view rather than inconsiderately, dedicated to the king a new edition of his history of the Augsburg con- fession, and in this dedication had praised king GustavusL, who early embraced and faithfully protected the pure doc- trine, and had expressed his hope and satisfaction that the son was like the father. This book was circulated over all Sweden, as was also the discourse of the same author on the state of the Greek church, which awakened the deepest attention from its assertion, that this church had no sacri- ficial offering, no invocation of saints, that the Lord's Sup- per was administered there in both kinds, and priests al- lowed to marry. Possevin confessed in the writings of Chytraeus and his followers, his own most dangerous foes, who withered the fruits of his former efforts. He made fruitless attempts to gain over this man. Klosterlasse had not been able to recover the king's confidence. The Spanish king's am- bassador, F. Erasso, who entered Stockholm in great 526 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAl splendor, distributed alms, gave largely to the college of tlia grey monks' holm, and whose house and Romish chapel were frequented by many of the nobility, also lost the royal favor, if he was not even put under arrest. The cause of this, was the suspicion that he had an eye to the Swedish crown. Some Swedes who openly professed themselves papists, were imprisoned, and the king attended the Lutheran churches as assiduously as he did at any time before. When Possevin came to Stockholm, the king was staying a{ Upsala, where the former was soon summoned. Here he appeared as ambassador from the emperor and many other princes. From Philip of Spain he tendered a considerable sum of money, to aid in the work of conversion of Sweden. The king had till now hoped for some concession from the pope, but when he found himself deceived in his expectation, he let Possevin understand that nothing further could be done. Possevin with his coadjutors remained a year in Sweden. Their object was to recruit as many youths as possible for the Jesuit seminaries, to strengthen in their faith those wlio belonged to the Koman church or were converted, to sow the seed of future conversion, and by perseverance en- deavor to overcome John's obstinacy and fears. Immediately on the arrival of Possevin, iiis drag-nets were put out to catch elevcs for the seminaries, for which purpose any express condition of their becoming converts to the Roman church was avoided. The good condition of the Jesuit institutions made it a desirable thing to many parents to lind there situations for their sons. The suc- cess was such, that in the autumn twenty young men were sent off. The nuns of Wadsten were encouraged by Possevin to procure from among their relatives four or six pupils of noble birth, to be sent out as managers of a seminary at Braunsberg. Many were sent afterward. Possevin carried fifteen with him on his second return, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 527 and without counting those who had previously gone to Rome, the whole number amounted to fifty. Of these young persons, many from sickness or other causes, and with permission of the Jesuits, returned to their native country. Others came home at a later period of life, but attached themselves to the new order of things. A large number lost for ever their fatherland. Among those who soon returned, were the aforenamed Per Brask, who, in 1579, had been sent to Rome, and Erik Falk, son of the deceased bishop of Linkoping. Another, Lars Eriksson, who accompanied the first exportation made by Klosterlasse, returned in 1579, openly denounced the infidelity of the Roman church and its management of the German college, and occasioned Possevin and his coadjutors much annoyance and vexation, when they endeavored, though in vain, to silence him. An important object of the Roman mission was to strengthen in their faith those who belono;ed to the Roman church. The centre of these cares was queen Catharine, through whom this missionary field was opened. Now, surrounded by Jesuits, she became herself more active. But when her term of life, worn by sickness, seemed near its close, and she herself was, therefore, not to be taken into the account, her own zeal and that of herself and mis- sionaries, failing in the hope of gaining the husband, was directed to her children, especially the heir to the crown. To save them to the Roman church was a prime object of that zeal. The looseness of religious principles in which king John had thought this heir, now thirteen years of age, should be brought up, aided the work of turning his youthful mind in favor of his mother's views. When the father required him to attend the liturgic service, Sigismund refused with a firmness which provoked the king to inflict corporeal punishment on his obstinate son. John's dis- pleasure extended to the Jesuits, whose success in the case •^>28 mSTORY 01?^ tllE ECCLESIASTICAL became, through God's wonderful providence, the means o^ rescuing protestantism, wlien a way was opened for Gustavus Adolphus the great to the Swedish throne. Fossevin was at this time active in Sweden, furnished with extensive powers and Avith briefs of indulgence for those who believed and those who should be converted to the papal faith. After confession, the Lord's Supperwas ndministered to those who openly or secretly professed their attachment to the Koman church. Among the latter were Nils Brask, now burgomaster of Stockholm, and count Per Brahe. Of the latter it may be observed, that his inclina- tions undoubtedly Ic-aned to the faith of Homo, which he regarded as consonant with the Catholicism expressed in the ordinantia and liturgy. But that he formally joined the ranks of Rome wants proof, unless his making con- fession, in 1579, before the court chaplains of the queen, a«d receiving the eucharist from their hands, may be so considered. This is said to liave been done by many of the chief persons of the court, though without the king's knowledge, and without their being therefore considered as having hipsed to Rome, the king himself having in the previous year acted in the same manner without being a decided convert. The manner in which the Lord's Supper was administered prevented attention from being Axstened on the difl'erence between the faith of the two cliurchesv Posscvin, for example, and we presume the other Jesuits also, employed under the name of ablution, and as an old custom, the trifling trick of giving the communicants im- mediately after administering the bread, wine mixed with water thereby to rinse the bread. This was not given from the same cup out of which the priest received the wine, and it is probable that a great number of the recipients wist not but that they were taking the body and blood o£ Christ under both bread and wine. A special object of Possevin's cares ^Yas the cloister of Wadsten, "that blooming garden inclosed in a forest of heresies." The other re^^imants of the monastic institutions were of no account. Kadendal was not again to bloom, -although the king furnished a project lor the support of the buildings and nuns, and queen Catharine encouraged the nuns that remained, by virtue of the decree of the bishops "in 1575 for restoring cloisters, to adopt as many young girls as possible, to be nurtured in good works and charity, in the faith of the apostolic and catholic church, according to the institutes and rules of their predecessors and abbesses. The queen promised to provide for the expenses. The eyes of Possevin were particularly directed to Wad- sten, whose nuns, when compelled to attend the Lutheran service, protected themselves from its eifects by the pre* caution recommended to them by the abbess, of stopping their ears with wax. This institution seemed to him wonderfidly preserved by God, as the only Noah's ark in the north, to restore the seed of Catholicism, well-nigh drowned by the flood of heresy. He directed that the number of nuns should be augmented, and himself conse- crated some new ones, even against the will of their kins- folk. They Avere incited to adopt girls, to be trained in letters, and be indoctrinated in the Roman faith. But even here the old faith was recast in the spirit of the new times. The nuns and the priests were in future to be pledged to the creed of Trent. The catechism of Canisius and a book of devotion were left, of which every nun was to write out a copy. It was expected that the priests of the cloister would, by manoeuvring, be able to found the like establishments for the new popish church in Sweden, or be themselves of the number who were to go as missionaries into other lands. The much frequented school of Wadsten, where the teacher was a secret papist, was taken into account. Wadsten, in a word, was to be 23 530 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the centre of the work of conversion in the land, especially as the prospect of establishing- a Jesuit college in Stock- holm became more dark. This monastery was the more deserving of watchful and tender attention, as the institu- tion and its abbess at this time enjoyed the special favor of both the king and the queen.* The more the hope of king John's decided conversion disappeared, with the more unreservedness did the Jesuits address themselves to his people, to sow at least the seed of a future harvest. Mylonius preached in Germany, in the chapel which the king allowed Possevin to open in his house, and Possevin administered the Lord's Supper. At Upsala, where Possevin with his company stayed some weeks, there was less opening for the activity of the Jesuits, which, however, called forth the opposition of its professors and priests. A severe pestilence which raged at Stockholm, in the autumn of 1579, promoted their plans, as the king with the court and queen's chaplains removed to Westera^J, and the clergy were less mindful of watching the steps of the Roman missionaries, to whom the burgomaster Brask was a friend and patron. It was at this time that Sigis- mund was, while staying at Westeras, completely fixed by Warsewitz in his attachment to the Roman church. A portion of the Jesuits, among whom was Possevin himself, left Stockholm, and took up their abode at Lindo in the parish of Lofo, at which place the king gave them a college, and afterward the queen her property at Torfve- * The abbess, from the year 1553, was Catherine Gylta, descended from one of the most illustrious families in the land. King John and she were walking in the garden of the convent, in an avenue shaded by trees. The king asked her, if a longing for marriage and the world's life did not sometimes arise in the hearts of the sisters. She answered, that as they could not hinder the birds Hying over their garden, but could prevent ihera building their nests — so they coald not prevent such thoughts from hovering over their hearts, but they could prevent those thoughts from nestling there. hefokmation in sweden. 531 Slind, tlie present Drottnlngholm, where they greatly enlarged their house, as a protection from the pestilence. During their stay at Lindo, they instructed, by means of an inter- preter, the peasants in the catechism, and read the litany and prayers, ■which sentence by sentence were translated into Swedish. They endeavored to give while there con- solation to the dying, probably using an interpreter, or in houses where their foreign speech was understood. When they withdrew from this place Klosterlasse was left behind, on whose great eloquence and knowledge of the tongue of the country much hope was built. The catechism of the Jesuit Canisius had been translated into Swedish, and fifteen hundred copies of it were dispersed, with a great number of German prayer books. In February, 1580, Possevin and his followers were summoned to Wadsten, where the king and the court had gone to attend a diet that was to assemble in that town. They remained in East Gothland, Wadsten, Linkoping, and parts adjacent, and labored to spread the popish doctrines until they left Sweden, the same year, in the month of August. But their success corresponded not with their expectations or their efforts. Possevin had, he writes to Warsewitz on November 29, 1579, received information of the missions of the Jesuits in Brazil. They had in one year converted five thousand men, " and what have we eflfected here ? We are in truth their antipodes." Possevin comforts himself, that the jubilee which the Jesuits held at Westeras, November 1, 1579, had borne good fruit. This fruit, which was confined to the court alone, appears only in the entire conversion and first com- munion of Sigismund. In Stockholm nineteen persons, who were previously numbered among the papists, had, at the time of the jubilee, received the Roman church sacrament. During the devastation made by the epidemical disease, the dying applied chiefly to the Lutheran priests. The Jesuits 632 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL could assign no better reason for this, than that it was done for the sake of being buried and having preaching over tlie dead body. Success was at this time expected from Klosterlasse's labors. Some came to hear him preach, but though he admonished them to come to the sacrament of confession, not one confessed to him. " So deeply," exclaims Possevin in his astonishment, '' have the roots of heretical insensi- bility struck." In Wadsten, on Easter, 1580, there were eighteen communicants, in which number the court, mem- bers of the cloister, and the Jesuits, are, probably, to be counted. In Linkoping they had some women to commu- nicate with them, and it was resolved that these were no more to seek absolution or the Lord's Supper at the hands of Lutheran priests. The activity of Klosterlasse had a different result from what was expected. The hatred, which, from the beginning almost of his career, was felt toward the disguised Jesuit and his college, was exalted to its height, when he threw off his mask ; and in the spring of 1580 there took place a riot, directed against the college, whose buildings were well- nigh being set on fire, and whose occupants were driven out. Order was restored and the rioters were punished, but the king forbade Klosterlasse to have any concern with the school, banished him from Stockholm, and ordered him to confine himself to Lindo or Torfvesund. He remained in a state of inaction, till he with Possevin left Sweden. His double dealing with the king deprived him of even this degree of protection, when he began to abuse in speech and writing the liturgy he had before so warmly defended. In Stockholm the zeal for conversion on the part of the Jesuits had the same result. Possibly also the influence of duke Charles or his court, where there were Calvinists, and the death of pastor Nils Olai, approximated the Lutherans and Calvinists to each other, so that on Easter, 1580, they REFORMATION IN S\VEDEN. 533 partook of the Lord's Supper together. Possevin regards this union as the cause of the riot which drove away Klos- terlasse, for which, however, reasons enough before that were to be found. The illusion would be unaccountable by which the Jesuits believed that they could effect anything in Sweden, where almost all were against them, did not their whole histoiy, with the exception of their first exertions and the long-con- tinued consequences, testify that their fate was — it was the curse of their false principles — to live in illusory and deceit- ful hope, and to destroy their own work by precipitate measures. They speak of the Swedish people's inclination for their faith, without understanding and comprehending the good fruits preserved and rendered firm by the storms of the warily-conducted Reformation, and they must ac- knowledge that among this people they could make but a very small number of proselytes. They speak of the lean- ing of Sweden's priests to the Roman faith and public worship, without comprehending the many national char- acteristics here maintained, without comprehending, as foreigners cannot, the old Swedish simplicity and modesty, which, for a while, give way before conceited disapproval of home customs and relations, until sense and after-thouo-ht again restore to the mind its elasticity. They speak of many friends within the senatorial council of the kingdom, that same council which at this very time, and during the riot of Stockholm, made to king John serious remonstrances, as- suring him that both within and without the land he was suspected of desiring to introduce old and new errors. They then advised him, to declare that he merely aimed at a general union, to reinstate the priests who had been removed on account of their religion, to take heed that the crown prince of Sweden, Sigismund, was nurtured in the pure faith. In these remonstrances the very men took part, who are most claimed by the Jesuits from among the 534 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL council of the kingdom, Per Bralie, Nils Gyllenstjerna, Hogenskild I\jelke, and Erik Sparre. The Jesuits speak of the great advances they made "vvith king John, but they soon give him up as the sule cause of the miscarriage of their projects, a judgment as little reliable as that which made them believe the king himself an easy or a possible conquest. On Possevin's second coming to Sweden, he found king John determinately unwilling to deviate IVom the explana- tions he had already given. Possevin's influence, and the esteem entertained for him, much softened the mind of the king. But Possevin's representations could not bend the king, nor could Warscwitz effect anything. The latter, during the king's stay at Westeras, received from the former written directions how he could best woi'k on the kinjr's mind, even the words, which for that purpose he was to put into the mouth of the queen, A. Lorich, and others to be depended on, including, though with less assuriince. Per Brahe, Erik Sparre, and the secretary Henrik Mattson.* In vain had Possevin more than once begged that a church might be allowed the confessors of the Roman faith. The almost scornful answer was, that this could not be granted unless the pope would grant the required dispensation, or in Rome grant a church to the Lutherans. During the time of the pestilence some of the youths belonging to the college, who had turned Romanists, died. But the confessors of the Roman church had no place of burial, and it was not permitted them to bury their dead according to the usages of their church in any of the usual graveyards. Tliey were, therefore, buried by Klosterlasse in the grey monks' holm, secretly, at midnight. King John, already dissatisfied with the pope, was still ♦ As one of the mpans of working on the mind of the king, Possevia recommended to imjjress on him that his fears ■would render him the laughing stock of the protestant princes. EEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 535 further irritated inconsequence of Sigismund's conversion by the Jesuits to the chui'ch of Rome, and his refusal to take part in the liturgic service, and they experienced not only hard words, but threats of scourging, imprisonment, and exile. The king's wrath was quieted, but not his dissatisfaction, and when he summoned Posse vin and his coadjutors to East Gothland, his intention Avas to allow the visitation of Wadsten by the papal legate, but no less to prevent the Jesuits in his absence from having free play in the rest of the land, and thus creating scandal. The king, who hoped to constrain Rome into granting the desired dispensations, could not wish to be convinced that the work of conversion could go on v/ithout them. This Possevin perceived. " I find," he writes to Warsewitz, on November 14, 1579, "that if the king is grieved for anything, it is that he sees the cause has great success." That the king harbored a special fear of their success is not likely. Possevin finds proof of this, for he warns them not to trust in Per Brahe and Erik Sparre, of whom he had before spoken very well. A law of the council at Wadsten, in 1580, shows that the king more rightly estimated these men than did the Jesuits. The king dissuaded persons who professed themselves in- clined to go over to the church of Rome. They ought, at least, to wait till it was seen whether the use of the cup in the Lord's Supper would be allowed. Sigismund's first communion must have taken place without his fixther's knowledge. At "Wadsten, the king, in presence of the pa- pal legate, permitted the marriage according to the Lutheran liturgy, of Pontus de la Gardie, with his natural daughter Sophia Gyllenjelm. The ceremony Avas performed in the cloistral church restored to the nuns in 1577, and created no little scandal to the papists, who regarded it as a profanation of that church, and therefore considered a misfortune which happened during the service, by the falling down of the gal- lery, as a judgment from heaven. 536 HISTORY OF TlIK ECCLESIASTICAL The hope of the Jesuits to h\y Sweden at the feet of the Roman pope, miscaiTied, and all the blame was laid on the king. Had he, as they fancied, possessed a resolute wiil^ and left them free hands, Sweden would have been con- verted, for, " it is a simple and good people, which, enough to make one weep, follows in lite and death its leaders and teachers, just as they happen to come." The Swedish peo- ple have indeed accounted this fidelity their commendation, but in a higher sense, as directed of free imtt to those high and noble aims for which the heart of a people ought to beat. That their fidelity was so diixicted, just such a case as the present shows. The same John III. could, notwithsicniding' his resolute v.ill, as little bring his liturgical reform into operation, as could the Jesuits establish the Roman church, and Sigismund, who gave the Jesuits free hands and wishecJ their success, was obliged in the attempt to sacrifice the royal cro-wn of Sweden. The attempt which was now made, had called forth in many minds the remembrance of their fathers' faith. The old were reminded of the customs and usages of theii* youth ^ the younger generation could recall but little of what in the homes of their childhood was acknowledged and practised* Tliis faith showed itself not to be dead, but alive, ingrained, and strong. From this remembrance, the Jesuits hoped a future harvest out of the seed now sown. Meanwhile, there was for the present nothing more to perform. King John was content to be free of the mission- aries who seemed to hate the peace of his kingdom, and were a hinderancc to his own plans. lie wished, if he did not order, their departure, and they themselves regarded further attempts as fruitless. On the 10th of August, 1580, Possevin departed from Stegeborg, and left Sweden for the second and last time, carrying with him Klosterlasse, who was summoned to Rome before the general of his order, to clear himself from the not unfounded accusation of having REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 537 by his double dealing ruined the cause. Mylonius, who afterward obtained, through Sigismund, a priest's charge at Dantzic, and all the other Roman priests, took their depart- ure at the same time, with the exception of five, "Warsewitz, Wisowsky, J. Ardulf. who stayed with queen Catherine, and an unnamed individual who remained at Stockholm to attend upon the papists there. The aged Laurentius Magnus also remained in Sweden, having a pension of two hundred ducats from the pope, and as it seems, was now admitted into the cloister of Wadsten. The attempt, then, to recover the Swedish church to the obedience of Kome, had failed, although begun with brilliant hopes. At first, after king John's death these hopes for a short hour revived. 23* 538 HISTOKV OF TIIK ECCLESIASTICAL CHAPTER VI. THE COMPLETE BREACH BETWEEN THE LITURGIC, LUTHERAN AND ROMAN CATHOLIC PARTIES. (CXTIL THE DEATH, 1585, OF BISHOP NILS OLAI, OF STKASGNESS.) At the beginning of the connection between king John and the men of the Roman church, each party calculated on an easy victory; just in proportion as they fancied them- selves to be near each other, could neither understand the other. The king could imagine nothing else than that the papists should be ready to extend to him the hand of broth- erly union, if not wboUy turn to him where he stood on a stand point which he conceived that church to have never denied or rejected. He let slip from his memory two im- portant circumstances. One of them, which the papal church soon learned, was, that she could, during the ferment of the Reformation, only save herself by holding fast to the position she had at the time of the outbreak ; purifying her- self from the worst abuses, and quickening her life by piet- ism. The other was, that the papal church never actually stood where John stood. At the period, about the fourth century, which for John was to be the ecclesiastical pattern, he could find nothing of popery in the modern sense, and he would not receive it as developed by the continued in- fluence of the Holy Ghost. At that period, too, there was found no supreme prince within the church, and he there- fore could not comprehend the preaching of the Jesuits re- specting the kind of obedience he owed as a son of the church. On the other hand, the Jesuits deemed incomprehensible refor:matiox in Sweden. 539 the obstinate opposition to them of a man whose views seemed so nearly allied to their own. Some believed that he broke off the connection from fear ; others, that he acted with the dishonest cunning of a selfish man, merely to obtain the good will of Rome in gaining possession of his wife's- inheritance. Some, more clear-sighted, discovered the true reason that the king, " who esteemed himself wiser than all others, had built up a religious reform little differ- ing from the Roman, and therefore published his liturgy, and conceived he could not wholly cast aside the pope's au- thority." The Jesuits, who received from the king the assurance which abated their sorrows, that he never could become a Lutheran or Calvinist, but at the same time the distressing information that he contemplated seeking a union with the Greek church, must have seen how perseveringiy, even un- der their watchful eyes, he labored for the reception of the liturgy. This labor became the more earnest as he saw more clearly the hopelessness of a union with Rome. Meet- ing the views of the Jesuits, he had allowed them to believe that he regarded their views as preparative to a union with Rome, and that he " was practising a device to gain over his people." But the Rome he sought was, as we have often remarked, not the Rome of the Jesuits and papists of the latter half of the sixteenth century. His doubt whether the Swedish church had a legitimate priesthood, induced him, when Klosterlasse left Sweden, to try if the latter, who was thought to be a temporizing man, might not be drawn into the views of the king. He pro- posed to Klosterlasse to remain here, on condition he did not attempt to spread the doctrines the king disapproved. Although this proposal miscarried, the king persevered in avoiding a nearer relation with the priests of the Swedish church. His father confessor was one Martinus, who had been a Roman and afterward a Lutheran priest, but now was 540 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL attached to the liturgy. Tho king wished this man, who lived in separation from his wife, to receive absolution from Possevin for defection from popery ; but when it was refused by the legate, the king caused Martinus to be absolved by a priest of the cloister of "Wadsten. After the project of union had come to the ground, the parties stood completely sundered from each other. The papists soon had no public Avorship in the land, except in queen Catherine's court, where preaching was held only in the Polish language. The priest who remained at Stock- holm, atPossevin's departure, was obliged soon after to leave the country in consequence of a riot in Stockholm ; so that of the Jesuits, Warsewitz and Ardulf alone were left. Tlie Roman confession was embraced by the young heir to the throne, and by king Gustavus' daughter, the margra- vine Cecilia, wdio for a while lived a widow in Sweden, but in 1579 left it altogether. The chief men of Sweden who approximated to the views of Possevin, stopped short within the liturgical church. Per Brahe, Nils Gyllenstjerna, Goran Gera, Hogenskild Bjelke, and Erik Sparre, subscribed on the 9th of February, 1580, all the deliberations of the coun- cil. Brahe, Avho died in 1591, and Gera, who died in 1588, were rejxarded as havincr breathed their last in the bosom of the evangelical church. Of the three others, neither was among those whose defection to Rome was, in 1595, avowed. /Bjelke declared, in his last confession, that he had not in- tended the introduction of popery. Possevin wrote, some time before his departure from Sweden, to Sparre, of his having once expected that Sparre would aid in restoring in Sweden the old truth. Sparre, therefore, was not a papist. When the pope, in 1581, was endeavoring to save some threads of the connection with Sweden, wliich were now breaking asunder, he wrote to Nils Gyllenstjerna, and praised his steadfast faith, and urged him to activity in its diffusion. He did the same to Pontus De La Gardie, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 541 adding his thanks for the great and important services rendered Possevin, and reminding him of his promise to assist king John in his plans for the catholic religion. There is some hesitancy in deciding whether this language is a reproach, or really meant, or pretended ignorance. It is the same Gyllenstjerna, whom, in 1596, a Jesuit calls " a thorough biting foe of the catholics," and the same De La Gardie, of Avhom Possevin himself complains that he, of all others, except Typotius, caused the work of con- version to miscarry, and to the latest hour labored against the legate's plans. It may, in conclusion, be remarked, that the lords who were accused at Linkoping in IGOO, were regarded as faulty in having promoted the liturgy, " which is an entrance to popery," and circulated it in the land, and with both threats and good words constrained the clergy and people, but these lords were not accused of having fallen into popery, which certainly would not fail to have been laid on Erik Sparre's head, if there had been reason found to do so. The very strong opposition to the papal church moulded the Lutheran such as it existed at the court of duke Charles, with a leaning to Calvinism, to which the duke himself began to be inclined. Calvinists were staying at his court, and exorcism began to be laid aside there, a change contemplated in the Swedish church in king Erik XrV.'s time, but not at that time acceptable. The Cal- vinistic public worship was not used there or at Stockholm, except in private conventicles, whose worshippers were publicly regarded as belonging to the Lutheran church. Pure Lutheranism was professed by the princess Elizabeth, who, in 1581, was married to duke Christopher of Mecklen- burg. The Lutheran public worship was scrupulously maintained in the duchy of Charles, as it existed in the time of Gustavus ; and the largest part of the Swedish people 542 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL embraced it with a seriousness of heart, which by the trial it was now passing through, made them more and more to appreciate its depth and strength. Between popery and Lutheranism, but with a prepon- derating inclination to the former, and on the same basis with it stood " the king's religion,''^ founded on the ordinantia and liturgy of 1575. This religion had in favor of it the outward show of piety, and the license which often covers itself under the abused name of protestant freedom. It had also in its favor, a pretended agreement with the doctrine of the fathers, and presented all the fascination of royal favor, with its rich rewards on the one hand, and the dis- couragements attached to the threats of power on the other. To such an extent had men in Sweden become divorced from the Roman church, that a likeness to it became the liturgy's most dangerous foe. The council of the kingdom at Wadsten, drew the king's attention to this circumstance, at the same time that their deliberations gave support to his zeal for introducing the liturgy, which now under a wider separation of the two other parties was more eagerly pressed than ever. The next sacrifice to this zeal was bishop Marten of Linkoping. In what manner his opposition made dithcult the first recognition of the liturgy by the clergy in 1577, has already been narrated, and how he and his chapter afterward declared themselves against its introduction. The appearance of the Jesuits at Wadsten and Linkoping in 1580 increased the ill will. Admonished by duty and conscience, the bishop preached publicly against the pope's primacy, called him anti-christ, watched the steps of the Jesuits and endeavored to counteract their attempts. This open enmity to the Roman church awaked the dis- pleasure of the king, to whom Possevin complained, and who still wished peace with that church, if no outward unity could be eti'ected. His displeasure was still more IlEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 543 increased, when the bishop included the liturgy in the same category of condemnation. He opposed it in speech and writing. He declared that his consent had been extorted. He had not willingly, but with great regret and pain, sub- scribed the liturgy with an explanation. It was not enough at the council of Stockholm, in 1577, to be willing to resign office, but whoever did not subscribe was threatened with being accused as a traitor and insurgent. The king, while staying in East Gothland and four months in Linkoping, perceived how little the liturgy had in that diocese come into use. He, therefore, while on his visit at Linkoping, issued from Wadsten a letter, which menaced the bishop and his clergy, that unless they kept to the liturgy, they should be looked upon as traitors and lose their support. We suppose that this letter was issued at a later date than that of the explanation to which the bishop alludes. But when, during the negotiations respecting the liturgy, the criticisms of an imfavorable kind written by Abraham Angerman from a protestant point of view, and by Klosterlasse and his friends from a papistic, made their appearance, the king found it advisable more openly than hitherto had been done to express his disapproval of these men and their views. This Avas done in a stringent edict, which, from that time, and while the Jesuits were still going over the matter with the king, was issued against the op- posers of the liturgy. The king had, it is there said, with dissatisfaction per- ceived that, although bishops and prelates by their promise and their subscriptions had pledged themselves to introduce the use of the liturgy into divine service within the congre- gations of the kingdom, this pledge had been by many neglected. The priests ought to be constrained strictly to follow this liturgy, and not merely, to save appearances, the preface be read, and the rest left out. The disobedient should lose all investitures and tithes, and be punished as 544 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL perjurers. The provosts were on their court days to take a sworn assurance from the priests to observe the liturgy in all its parts. If any one excused himself, because master Lars of Stockholm (lOosterlasse) had spread and caused to be spread writings "vvhicli were contrary to God's word and the truth, the king would give such a one to understand that he did not approve of these writings, whose author had been forbidden to read in the college and to preach. He had purged out false doctrines, and this liturgy had no alliance with the Koman mass-book. Master Abraham of Saltvik had also written against the liturgy, " with silly arguments and little correctness." As the king approved neither the writings which master Abraham and his party, nor those which master Lars and his followers, had put forth, they and such ought all to be collected and burnt in the king's chancery. Whoever concealed them or spread them should be punished as a traitor. Some weeks later, when the king had called together the clergy of the diocese of Linkoping in the city of that name, bishop Marten was declared unworthy of his office, and its robes were taken off him before the altar of the cathe- dral. Hogenskild Bjelke was commissioned to give the people an account, at the fair of Linkoping, of the reasons for displacing the bishop, and to let them know that Klosterlasse and the schoolmasters at Stockholm and Wad- sten who had caused scandal should not only be displaced, but banished the kingdom. Before the assembled priesthood of Linkoping the king repeated his disapproval of Iflosterlasse and Abraham, and his prohibition of their writings. They ought not to be- lieve, he said to the clergy, that the Ploly Ghost was con- lined to Wittenberg, or Geneva, or to Rome only ; truth could be but one, and must be sought for in the writings of the church fathers. Although our information of this meeting is but partial, REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 545 it shows that even here the king's will met with contradic- tion. Separate assurances and subscriptions were not taken of those present, perhaps in order not to provoke a stronger opposition. But the king's competency to regulate and give order in these matters had been questioned. On this point, he said, they touched him both as a Christian and as a king. He had been bidden to stand by the faith his father held. The king objected, that his father might have been misled. Not his fathers faith but that of the fathers was to be followed. In the year 1580 commences that point of time in the history of the liturgic controversy, which was marked by more rigid measures. As in 1577, so now, the king adopted the expedient of sending agents into various parts of the land, either to treat with the people and present the king's views, or to ascertain how the liturgy was received. H. Bjelke labored in East Gothland. But the king's prin- cipal assistant at this time was his secretary Henrik Matt- son, who was directed this year to provide a new edition of the liturgy, from which the Latin annotations were to be removed. Erik Stenbock and the bishop of Skara, were ordered to treat with the priests in West Gothland, Knut Lilje with those of Smaland, and he and John Henriksson with the people assembled in 1581 at the f^ir of Upsala. It was a visitation which, with many and great differences, may be compared to that king Gustavus appointed in 1540 through G. Norman and his assistants. As king Gustavus was led to adopt this course, because he thought the bishops did not go forward with the work of reforma- tion, so now king John III. complains, that in his reform " nothing was smoothly done," and he resolved that the cause should, on the part of the bishops, be pressed forward with activity and determination. Besides the persecution which overtook the leaders of the opposition, and of which more will be said, John adopted 546 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL a measure which shows to what width he thought his royal rights within the church to extend. But lie pronounced beforehand judgment on the vanity of liis own attempts ; because all history witnesses that he who thinks meanly of men, never executes for humanity a work that lasts. It is love that wins fruit-bearing victory, but not disdain. The measure to which we have referred, Avas an attempt, by the prohibition of tithes, to overcome the dislike of the clergy to the liturgy. The suppression in 1527, and espe- cially in 1544, of two thirds of the tithes to the crown, Avas connected with the principle, that what was restored to the church was to be considered an investiture from the crown, and not only was a compensation given for the sup- pressed glebe, but two thirds of the tithes of the rent of the soil belonging to the priests was regarded as an investiture of the crown. Not only then was the holder dependent on him who had recovered the property, but the king was obligated to protect the rights of the priest against the tithe- payers of the thirds. According to a decree of the year 1527, the right of the clergy to tithes was so secured as not to be called in question. But this security was not opera- tive against the principle that knew of no right but the king's will. This payment, therefore, became for the priests, a ques- tion of privilege ; and John's self-will permitted him not to slight the exercise of power which the state of the case ofTercd him, as to the affairs of the church ; since for their tem- poral incomes, all parish priests were dependent on the king. The entire incomes of bishops, professors, and teach- ers, were investitures of the crown. Promises of privileges were the bait for every change to which the consent of the clergy was to be won. Fecht first gained their contidence, according to Abraham Angerman's report, by promising, among other things, to procure greater privileges for them from the king. But the opposition made to the king's REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 547 views, was followed bj the recall of such privileges. This revocation was, from 1580, extended by king John to the tithes of the parish priests. A royal edict came out, which threatened the withdrawal of tithes and all investitures, from the priests who did not follow the liturgy in public worship. No longer relying upon the good will of the bishops, or mistrusting their ability to overcome the ill will of the parish priests, the king applied himself to his stewards. They were ordered to stop the compensation, or other means of support from the crown, and to sequester the tithe of unthreshed corn brought into the barns of the priests, who refused to follow the liturgy in divine service. The bishops and clergy, it is said at the commencement of this edict, had not abided by what they had promised respecting the liturgy, or, as the king expresses himself, had been " disobedient to him in matters of religion." Their support, therefore, and the composition made with them, was recalled, and the parsons or pastors were forbidden to take from the people, tithes of unthreshed corn, as long as they would not abide by the liturgy, or take an oath at the court of assize that they used it, and give a written pledge to that effect. The king did not take into account the people's selfish- ness. The tithes of unthreshed corn were always to be de- livered, and the stewards Avere to permit its being threshed, but not to let the priests have any before they took the pre- scribed oath. If the stewards did not obey this command, they were themselves to repay the tithes they allowed to the disobedient priests. The prohibition was renewed over the whole kingdom, or in special parts of it, and was de- clared void for particular districts, as soon as obedience was shown to the king's will. From Gestrickland and Medel- pad, petitions were sent in for their priests, but were re- lected by the king, who expressed his astonishment that 548 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL they should petition for those who would not accept tho order and ritual of the mass. The king's inllexible determination to enforce the general acceptance of the liturgy, necessarily brought him into unwonted collision with his brother, duke Charles, and made the spirit of the chief persons opposed to the liturgy more unrelaxiu"; than before. The duke, who was not of a disposition to trouble himself with cloisters and monks, and thought that things more important and necessary for fatherland might be undertaken, was as firm in his opposi- tion to reform as the king was to carry it through. The mind of the king was particularly embittered, when, from 1584, the duke not only received into his duchy and pro- tection, the men who, by their repugnance to the liturgy, drew upon them the king's displeasure, but invited to him many among the most eminent of these men. The courage of the enemies to the liturgy increased with the prospect of security for their temporal support, and within the duchy raised up an opposition party, which was animated and led by the most cultivated theologians and priests of the land, made the more eminent by the lustre of the persecution they suffered. All the men who were promi- nent in the contest which duke Charles now commenced against the liturgy of John, were those who had previously held places not in his duchy. Charles, therefore, stood in this contest, not in the strength which the church already possessed within his dukedom, and which might have suffi- ced to sustain him, but he formed a band of warriors out of the forces John himself supplied. One only of these men, Henrik Gadolenus, who a short time before had been reader at the college in Upsala, appears to have taken the pastoral charge of Balinge, in Sodermanland, in the duchy, previous to the open breach. A part of Charles's dukedom, the districts of Yermland ftnd Valla, and Vadsbo, lay in the diocese of Skai'a, whose tlEt'ORMATlON IN SWEt)EN. 549 bishop Avas favorable to the liturgy. There could not fail being a contest between the spiritual ruler, who in his juris- diction enforced the reception of the liturgy, and the tem- poral, who would permit no change. Dissatisfaction with bishop Jacob, determined the duke to separate his portions from the diocese of Skara. He then offered, in 1581, Jesper Marci, who had been for two } ears deposed from the pastoral cure of Wadsten, to become superintendent of those portions, and appointed him accordingly, on condition that he would watch over the church's doctrine and ceremonies, so that nothing should be introduced contrary to God's word in holy Scripture rightly interpreted and understood, or contrary to the usages of king Gustavus's time, and that he would abolish all abuses. Jesper held the pastorate of Ullarva, and from 1583, the newly settled Mariestad, as his place of residence. In Carlstad and Mariestad, schools were founded, and for the latter, collections made in the parishes which before had contributed to support the school in the diocese of Skara. Bishop Marten, who had been displaced in 1580, remain- ed in Linkoping nine months, without ofhce or salary, until duke Cliarles, soon after the coming of Jesper, gave an in- vitation to the bishop also, took him under his protection, and appointed him to be pastor of the congregation of St. Nicholas, at Nykoping, the capital of the duchy. Master Marten wrote to the king, and solicited his favorable con- sideration. He deemed that he had done no wrong, but he could not draw in the yoke with sophists and papists. The duke, too, made application to the king, though in vain, that what Avas left of the bishop's sequestered prop- erty at Linkoping, might be restored to him as a free gift. The men who previously refused to acknowledge the liturgy, could not avoid acknowledging the pressure of the king's renewed severity. The provost, Olof, was permit- 550 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL ted, on his promise of silence, to enjoy the freedom of pri- vate life. Peter Joachim was persuaded to accept the liturgy. More immoveable ■were the two readers, Petrus Jonce, and Olof Luth, whom neither persuasion nor loss of salary could bend. The latter was, in the beginning of 1580, removed from trouble by death. Master Petrus, truly named, became now a rock on which the opposition founded itself, together with Olof, who had been allowed to continue teaching at Upsala, until in conse- quence of the plague's breaking out, the king closed the col- lege. His salary had been withdrawn, and he asked the king for the benefice of Funbo, situated near Upsala. The answer was, that it would be granted him on condition that he allowed divine service to be performed by a chaplain of the king. At first he refused, but removed at last to Fun- bo, to escape the contagion of the plague. Unvanquished by the persuasions of Knut Liljes, and Henrik Mattsson, at Upsala, he was called in 1581 to Stockholm, and, when neither threats nor promises availed, he was cast into prison. Still inflexible, he was banished by the king's order, to a place within the Russian territories ; but in the autumn of 1581, he found an opportunity to escape, and went to !N^y- koping.* He was soon met there by the third of the more noted refugees, Abraham Andreie. The latter had remained un- * While under arrest at Stockholm, his wife and children were supported by alms, in the glebe at Funbo. His wife was a brisk woman, who coinci- ded in her husband's views. She made application to the king for her hus- band, and was in treaty with his secretaries. She called on Henrik Matts- son, who gave her to understand, that her husband's obstinacy woald cost him his life. She gives an account of the interview : "I answered him, 'I thank you, Henrik Mattsson, for your comforting answer. I have not before been aware of your plots and purposes, for the tongue readily speaks what the heart dictates.' Then I said to him, ' Henrik Mattsson, as this is a serious matter, and may cost a neck, I would be over curious with you, and know whether it is to cost me mine with his, for he and I are of one faith. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 551 disturbed in Aland, until his activity against the liturgy oc- casioned his being, in 1580, imprisoned at Abo. After some time, he gained an opportunity of laying his case before Pontus de la Gardie, who, on the ground of his present enlightenment repenting his participation in the church's disturbances, of his own motion, released Abraham, Abraham was then sent to Saltvik, there to remain till his wife and de la Gardie should go to Stockholm, and obtain for him the king's grace. The attempt miscarried, because he who now managed the diocese of Abo, declared that all order would be lost if Abraham again got at liberty. The order was given that he should be returned to Abo, and thence to a life imprisonment in same castle on the con- fines of Russia. In vain he begged, that with his sick wife, and children, he might reside in some remote corner of fatherland. But when they who were to seize him had already come, he flung himself into a boat, and fled to the coast of Sweden, and there found refuge with d6ke Charles. This prince, at the request of the exiled Abraham, and Petrus Jonae, peti- tioned the king and council of the kingdom for them both, and as he was aware that the king Avas averse to them be- cause they could not conscientiously comply with some re- ligious points, he expressly declares the reason of his peti- Bnt whicli is the true faith, that which my husband maintains, or that which hereafter you will put forward ? Shall I hold to the former, or with the lat- ter ? Which is better for me ?' To this he replied : ' The king's is the true faith.' ' If God will so have it,' was my answer. Then he replied again, with asperity: 'Is the king against God?' Said I, 'I am not his judge; God searches the heart.' The longer we talked logether the more we disagreed. So I went from Pilate to Herod, (Nils Hansson). He poured out to me from the same bottle, all sour and no sweet," Ac, &c. Advised by her husband of his flight from Stockholm, she also fled, and after many adventures, came to Nykoping. Her children, whom she left at the glebe, were driven out, and after some months came to their parents. 552 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL tion in the words, " we, too, acknowledge the same religion that they maintain." It could not escape king John, how fruitless his severity was likely to prove, as long as Charles confessed himself to have a common cause with the opposers of the liturg}--, and kept his duchy open to them. He called together a diet in 1582, and summoned to it about eight hundred of the clergy. Of these he required a new subscription, which, also, by the exertions of Henrik Mattsson, was brought to pass. The church ordinance of 1575, (that of 1571 was not mentioned) and the liturgy, were to be the rule of all congregations in Sweden. Whoever Avould not submit to this decree, they would -reject and esteem them to be unrea- sonable and disobedient men. They avowed their recog- nition of all the king's privileges within the duchies, of but " one public worship in the kingdom, of but one king and one law." What these privileges were, in relation to the church, was set forth in an ordinance of the king, published some days later. The church customs which, in other parts of the kingdom were received, Avere agreed to by the bishops, prelates, and many clergy, and which Avere in conform- ity to God's pure and clear word, should be also received within the duchies. No one but the king and archbishop had authority to settle bishops anywhere in the kingdom. He who was guilty of an offence against the king, and re- moved into the duchies, should not, against the king's will, be protected and harbored by their princes, but every man be compelled to obey the king's warrant. The duke could not be indxiced to give his assent to some of these points. The king soon after issued a warrant to the three refugees, to appear in Stockholm, and make an- swer to the charges the king had against them ; but the warrant was not obeyed. Master Marten declared that he could not appear, because he had been displaced without REFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 553 examination or trial, and was now the duke's servant, and thus could not be righted out of the duchy. The king's anger against this man was not abated. He was, in 1583, proclaimed a peijurer and infamous, and his breach of oath to maintain the liturgy, was proclaimed worthy of the pil- lory. The old man remained, till his death in 1585, un- disturbed in his benefice. The king's Avrath did not permit the two others to remain quiet in the dukedom ; but they removed to the hef of Bohus, which was subject to the crown of Denmark. Fearing that the protection and countenance there afforded them might occasion a strife between the king of Sweden and Denmark, and that thus they might seem to rely upon the arm of flesh, they passed over, at the close of 1582, into Germany, furnished with a recommendation by duke Charles to his sister Elizabeth, the dutchess of Meklenburg. When at the same time, duke Charles took himself a jour- ney to Germany, he was followed to Lubeck by Petrus Jon£e with his wife and children, for whom there seemed no safety in Sweden, Petrus Jonse and his family, however, returned in August of the same yeai', with the dake, to Ny- koping, of which, after the death of Marten, he became the pastor. Master Abraham, to whose restless impetuosity the duke did not wish to be in too close proximity, and whom it was thought advisable to remove from the king's wrath, kept himself in the north of Germany, till, in 1593, he was recalled home to take the archiepiscopal chair of Upsala. Bishop Nils of Striingness, who, from 1577, took no further part in the injunctions of the king, was not now more able to endure the still greater and energetic require- ments of the duke. It seems that the duke, on a visit of the bishop to Nykoping, in 1582, presented a project, from the approval of which the bishop endeavored to escape by hastily leaving the town. He soon after requested permis- sion to resign his office, as being too old for its duties. Charles, who, after the publication of the edict of 24 554 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL 1583, qould not be desirous of a vacancy in the see, expressed a wish to confer with the bishop. He ex- excused himself on the plea of sickness from coming, and Henrik Gadolenus was appointed, in conjunction with the chapter, to manage the episcopal office, which he continued to do till the death of his father-in-law. This master Henrik also drew upon himself the displeasure of the king; being accused by Bjelke and Baner, of having, in a sermon, inveighed against the king. Duke Charles took him under his protection, declared him innocent, and refused to permit him to be tried beyond the duchy. During these commotions there Avas, from the commence- ment of the year 1579, no ai'chbishop of Upsala. While the negotiations with Eome were going on, the king did not wish to fetter himself by a nomination, whose validity, in case of a union, might be called in question. In con- ducting, moreover, his compulsive measures Avithin the church, a vacancy in that office left the king more at liberty. The choice of a proper person was not easy. King John was favorably inclined to the before-named Laurentius Magnus, recommended by his relationship to the last of the papal bishops. Bothvid of Nerike, celebrated for his learn- ing, was also proposed. These, probably, were the candi- dates of the Jesuits. But after the breach of the purposed union with Eome had rendered these men, avIio had gone over to that church, ineligible, the king fixed upon Andreas Torchilli, pastor of Jonkoping, wlio, notwithstanding his refusal, was, in 1583, summoned to Stockholm, with the bishops who were to consecrate him. His persistent refusal probably rendered the choice of him ineffectual, and Andreas Lauren tii l^Jornram, bishop of Wexio, was looked to as a suitable person for that high post. This man, who for his father's services, and his own zeal in the liturgic cause, had won tlie king's favor, and been promoted to the bishopric of AVexio, seems to have become sufficiently luke- warm ; so that his own chapter did not, until 15S0, accept REFORMATION IN SWE£»EN. 556 the liturgy, and that through Lilje's and Plenrik Mattsson's exertions. He had, beside reputation for learning, acquired much esteem as a man of pure character and sound faith, so that the anti-liturgical party considered him as one of them. Now upon the contrary, he declared himself ex- pressly in favor of the ordinantia and liturgy, and was suspected of having sacrificed his convictions for the hope of elevation and the royal favor. The provost Nicolaus Stephani succeeded him as bishop of Wexio. After bishop Marten's displacement, in 1580, he was succeeded by provost Petrus Michaelis, who was then eighty years of age and died the same year. The diocese, was administered for two years by superintendents lOap Petri, penitentiary of Linkoping, and Nils Petri, school- master of that city, until the father of the latter, Petrus Carol! of Kalmar, now a zealous liturgist, was, in 1582, appointed bishop, who, in the following year, acquired the addition to his diocese of Oeland, Kalmar, and More, which, for a time, had been attached to the see of Wexio. A few weeks before bishop Marten's displacement, Fecht's former friend, and for a time the promoter of John III.'s re- form plans, bishop Erasmus of Westeras, departed this life, not without self-reproach for the aid he furnished in a cause which menaced the church's stability and freedom. As his successor, Petrus Benedict! was nominated, who, being reader at Upsala, had subscribed the church ordinances of 1572 and 1575, but was transferred to the pastoral care of Soderkoping, before the men of Upsala opened the contest against the liturgy, which he in 1577 accepted. After the death of P. Juusten, in 1576, Abo had, during the insecurity of the following years, remained vacant. In 1579, the provost Henrik Knutsson was appointed its super- intendent. In 1583, Erik Erici, born in Finland, at that time school-master of Gefle, eminent for suavity and learn- ing, was nominated as its bishop. The diocese of Viborg, 556 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL vacant by the death of E. Ilerkiepes, in 1580, was re-united to Abo. The new bishops of Linkoping, Westeras, and Wexio, had, soon after their nomination, been consecrated. They were now summoned, in September, 1583, with all the other bishops, to attend the consecration of the archbishop, wliich took place on the fourth of that month. Ihe archbishop then consecrated the bishop of Abo. There is no doubt that the ceremonies were now used which nine years before created so much disturbance. On this occasion there Avere assembled, beside the bishop from Sriingness, all the bishops of Sweden, to whom was now added the bishop of Revel, Christian Agricola, son of the bishop of Abo. Certain resolutions were adopted in presence of the king, to confirm and perfect the liturgical reform. It was not a question of doctrine, but of church usages of which they treated. The principle they professed was, that although they acknowledged that without the guidance of the Holy Ghost, whom they must seek by prayer, they could not rightly fulfil the work of their office, yet for this purpose some certain regulations and rites were necessary as a means. They would, in their dioceses, follow accurately as a pattern the ordinantia of 1575, and for the culture of priests in the doctrines of the church fathers, they would import and circulate the neces- sary books. At the mass the liturgy should be accurately followed, and they would have an eye to the church music, such as had been wont to be practised in each diocese. The bishops promised that on high festivals they would perform the mass themselves, and on all occasions, as well as festivals, use their appropriate dress. The priests should be obligated, when going to administer the Lord's Supper to the sick, to use their canonical attire, and on other official occa- sions, at least the dress called roklin. Care was to be taken that the proper garments were to be found in aU churches. REFORaiATION IN SWEDEN. 557 Uncomely images, which might bring the saints into con- tempt, should be removed from the churches. In cathedrals and the towns, where a part of the congregation understood Latin, there should, on high festivals at leas^t, one mass be performed in Latin, but at the same time, at one or two of the other altars, in Swedish, especially if guests for the Lord's Supper were found. The bishops were to be careful that suitable persons were called to the priests' office. They would, at the ordination of priests, adopt the old; custom of anointing with oil, provided it could he done without scandal, an exception which reminds us of the question of the foregoing times respecting the removal of unnecessary or injurious church usages. The same ex- ception was now made, when they were to be taken up again. One of the resolutions underwent a separate investiga- tion, the bishops either wishing to avoid attracting general attention to the subject, or taking it up, for the first time, at a late period. This was their engagement to instruct the clergy that they were to anoint the sick with oil. The resolutions of the bishops, passed on the 10th of September, 1583, mark an important point in liturgical reform. King John had now found for the church, leaders who, in union, and unconditionally it was thought, would enter into his views, and be ready and willing to promote them. This, in connection with the conciliar decree of 1582, and the compulsive measures taken since 1580, seems to announce that the work was now complete ; and yet it was near its dissolution. The church was now by no means fully reformed. The first to rebel was Charles' duchy, which, under the guidance of the duke's firmness and strength, and the decided faiih of the men Avhom John's zeal had driven thither, was more and more alienated from liturgism. We must also, at this time, take into account, what is usually found to be the 658 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL case, that where good will is wanting, edicts and decrees are slowly and inertly, or not at all operative. After the strong measure of forbidding the payment of tithes had been carried into operation, and after the decree of 1582, and under a bishop favorable to the liturgy, the priests of the chapter of the cathedral of Westeras itself were not unan- imous respecting the use of the new order of the mass ; and it was neglected in many places of the diocese, both in the towns and in the country. Even after the pledge made by the bishops, the arch- bishop himself is reproached by the king for giving the charge of congregations and parishes to men who were op- posers of the liturgy and the king. We conclude, therefore, that the change Avas not carried through. The bishops winked at a disobedience which they did not always disap- prove. It may be supposed, what is not unusual, that the measures pursued with the priests had different effects. Many contented themselves in their straitened circum- stances, or with the good will of their congregations, on which they depended for support when the tithes were with- drawn. Many aaIio could not see into the dangers which the better informed apprehended from the liturgy, its origin, its relations, and aims, or who could not show where lay its false doctrines and superstitious usages, followed the judgment of those on whom their confidence rested. Doubt- less there were not wanting those who could find good reasons, such as might cover their personal interests with the cloak of a zeal for truth — men who consulted only their temporal advantages. Many were removed from their offices, or laid them down of their own accord. But when it is said that priests were often put into places, whose only credit was their avowed attachment to the liturgy, men who not only were unlearned, but adulterers, thieves, murderers, pei-jurers, drunkards, and libidinous persons, it must be borne in mind REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 559 that these charges brought by each party against the other have no great weight, in a time which constantly so painted the character of foes. These charges only show that no period and no party can boast of perfection. But while on the one hand we allow that party interest could blind the eyes to manifest vices, we must on the other hand give credit to the sincerity of the assertions of the friends of the liturgy, that their efforts were directed to the promotion of Christian piety and virtue. The rigorous measures by which king John now desired to press the reception of the liturgy, were the trial that purified the Swedish church into a clear consciousness of its protestant principles. Beside what we have already told, many cases are mentioned of the perturbations produced by this war of opinions, and the mental conflicts which agitated individual priests, upon the question whether con- science would allow the reception of this liturgy or not. The names of many are on record, who either in their last moments deplored in deep repentance their being seduced into an acknowledgment of the liturgy, or termi- nated their anguish in madness ; and the reports of these particulars were carefully taken down and witnessed under the hands of members of the congregation who allowed their names to appear in print. Of the people's inclination for the liturgy, there is no testimony offered, other than the requests made to king John in 1577, and what is reported by Possevin. No dis- satisfaction, such as was expressed in king Gustavus's time at the removal of superfluous ceremonies, betrays itself now against the priests who refused introduction. Upon the con- trary, it is asserted, though not by unexceptionable wit- nesses, that very many kept away from public worship in the churches where it was conducted according to the liturgy, and frequented those only where the liturgy was not used ; that many refused in their last hours to receive the 560 History of the ecclesiastical sacrament when they could only receive it from the hands of the liturgical priests, and that j^arents recalled their sons from their schools and studies, to save them from the storms of the future. During the active contests between the more rigid prot- estants and the friends of the king's religion, the prospects of the Roman church became more and more dark. John and his party were reluctant to admit that the projected union had failed, had, as so often is the case, been con- verted into a more bitter hate, and that the courtesy to- ward Rome, on the part of the philoliturgists, had become a scandal in the eyes of the misoliturgists. The former did not permit those bitter sallies against the pope and his ad- herents of which the protestants were not sparing. Even those must sometimes speak against the papists; but, as master Abraham remarks, they spoke of the pope as at present not in his natural condition. They said : " So thought formerly some passionate papists ; * * * but of antichrist, the wolf and devil who harrows and ravages the fold of Christ in the kingdom of the Swedes and Goths^ they whisper not a word." But there was cause for remark, even among those not the most zealous, when the archbishop, in a sermon on the virtues which adorned queen Catharine, preached at the cathedral of Upsala in 1584, praised her even for her steadfast adherence to the catholic faith which she inherited from her fore- fathers and out of Avhose pale no one can be saved. The expression does not expressly imply praise of the Roman faith ; but he was censured by tlie protestants, to whom the only excuse of the archbishop was the obedience he considered himself to owe tlie king's will. In the Swedish psalm-book were contained many energetic psalms against the pope. These were regarded as offensive, and were either removed from the edition of 1585, or altered into milder effusions. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 561 Rome, on her side, was still willing to hope for a change, and pope Gregory wrote in 1581 to the king a letter, in which he commends his good purposes, and exculpates his own refusal to assent to the king's demands, especially with respect to the Lcuid's Supper. The Tridentine council had passed its decree on this subject, but he would willingly allow the question to be examined anew by a church coun- cil, if one could be assembled. Pie would take it into further consideration. The chief point seems to be the overture made by the pope, that as the king had no valid priests in his kingdom, he should appoint a popish bishop only in some remote parts of Finland, to effect the restoration of the church. This letter was brought from Rome by Possevin, Avho was at this time dispatched on an embassage to Russia, undertaken with the like flattering hopes as that to Sweden, but with the same fruitless results. Once, when pressed by a war with Sweden, Poland and the Crim Tartars, the Russian czar, Ivan Vasiljevitsch, determined, by an advan- tage proffered to the Roman church within his dominions, to win the pope's mediation for peace with Poland. The business was undertaken by Possevin, who was fortunate enough to re-establish peace between Russia and Poland, on the 15th of January, 1582. But there had not been taken into account what impression this interference to bring about such a peace would make on the king of Sweden, who alone continued the war. Dissatisfaction with the peace might recoil upon the peace-maker. Soon after, on September 16, 1583, the bond was broken on the death of queen Catharine, by which Rome first gained an opportunity of approaching king John. She had, during the last years of her life, remained under the influence of the Jesuits, who, through her had access to the king. The queen's death raised in the foes of the Roman church the hope that its advance in Sweden was 24* 562 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL now at an end, and so audible were the tlireats, that Warse- "vvitz and Ardulf prepared immediatclj to leave the land. Nothing but the king's promise of protection induced them to remain for some time. Warsewitz, however, in the spring of 1584, took his departure, taking witli him five Swedish youths for the seminary at Braunsbei'g, to which the queen bequeathed a large sum of money. Of the two children of Catharine who survived their mother, the princess Ann was lost to the Roman church. There seems to have been no special attempt to win her who was not heir to the throne. She was considered as having followed the faith of her mother, but had, according to king John's assurance, already, before her mother's death, " altogether abandoned" the Roman faith and doctrine. There is a report that Ann, without being observed, was present when the queen, near her end, made known to "Warsewitz her fear of purgatory, and asked if she could hope that the troubles she now suffered would contribute to shorten its pains. Warsewitz answered, that there was no purgatory, but that the doctrine thereof was fabled to keep the simple in check, an answer Avhich occasioned his own dismissal from the queen, and in the princess an unchamreable abhorrence of Roman doctrine. Upon the other hand, Sigismund was, and remained, attached to the Roman church, one of the most obedient sons, after the Reformation, she had among the princes of Europe. In vain the king and council of the kingdom sought to detach him. Their representations, that by his attachment to popery he hazarded the crown he was to inherit, merely called forth the answer, that he did not so much value an earthly crown as to be willing to throw away a heavenly. Notwithstanding this firmness, he now more than before took part with his father in the liturgic worship and service. There was, however, held for him a Bpecial popish mass, and the Jesuits were constantly found about the person of the prince. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 563 "When the illusory hope of concessions on the part of the church of Rome, which hope was the offspring of John's own imagination, had dwindled awaj, he was brought no nearer to the protestant church; but, driven by necessity to look for a strong ecclesiastical body, he turned his thoughts to a union with the Greek church, with which, though sundered from the Roman, the Lutherans of Ger- many had not the good fortune to connect themselves. Bishop Erik, of Abo, such w^as the king's scheme, was to translate the liturgy into the Greek language, and with it journey to Constantinople to open negotiations with its patriarch. The king, however, abandoned this project. The disguised attacks which the papists and their near of kin, the liturgists, among whom were many who un- reservedly confessed the popish faith, made upon protestant- ism in their sermons, awakened a dissatisfaction that was loudly expressed. Protestantism was the object of the popular belief and affection, and when, about a year and a half after queen Catharine's death, king John married Gunila Bjelke, who by education and inclination belonged to the protestant church, the dissatisfied began to hope a nearer access to the king's ear and heart. At the time of the marriage festivities at Westeras, in February and March, 1585, the assembled council and bishops availed themselves of the opportunity to offer the king their serious remonstrances. The councillors com- plained of the insolence with which the faith and church of the Swedish people were assailed. The king ought to adopt in time measures and means to put a stop to it. They urged that such mischievous persons should either be banished the land, or punished in some other way, and they said that it was currently reported that the populace and soldiery threatened at any rate, if they did it themselves, to get rid of such weeds. Prince Sigismund's Polish priest preached openly and in Swedish against the religion of the 564 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAI, countiy, and circulated books and tracts to the same pur- port. The council required that a stop should be put to this, that the prince should follow his father's foith, or that at least his priests should be forbidden to preach in any language but that of the Poles. The bishops complained that the preacher at Stockholm, Lars Forsius, or Franne, had fallen off to the Jesuitical faith ; that another " Jesuit," Johannes Finne, had in their presence, and at other times, declared that in Sweden there were no bishops or priests, but soul-murderers, who had no power in matters relating to salvation. The bishops, in- cluding the otherwise compliant bishop of Linkoping, remonstrated against the king's interference with the dis- cipline of the church. If a priest, for viciousness of doctrine or life was displaced, he was without trial reinstated by the king. The king allowed the chapter to continue either incomplete in numbers, or to melt away, whereby bishops were shorn of their strength, since one man is no man. This was an effort to regain the church's lost independence, made by the very men whose power king John wished to elevate, but only on the supposition of their submissiveness to him. They were to be catholic bishops, but likewise, merely as the king's working geai', superintendents of the districts around them. This struggle for freedom had at this time no conse- quences. But the outcry against papists had an easier suc- cess. Forsius, who openly renounced the faith he -was pledged to preach, could not be patronized. He was cited to "VVesteras and stripped of his clerical robes, on a festival, before the altar of the cathedral of Westeras ; a publicity similar to that with which bishop Marten, of Linkoping, five years before, was displaced. Johannes Finne, then present in Westcras, challenged the bishops to a disputation, n challenge which they did not accept. It was natural that the city whose teachers were dis- REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 565 covered to have fallen awaj, should attract to itself general observation, and the conduct of the papists was resented. In Stockholm, notwithstanding the riots of 1580, a Roman catholic congregation had been kept up, which celebrated divine service in a private house. Now, or soon after this time, their service was prohibited, and the free exercise of their religion was permitted the papists only in Wadsten, until Sigismund, after his mother's death, took up his abode at Drottiningholm, to which place those of them- who by engagements or occupations were not confined to Stockholm seem to have resorted. At the same time, and for the same reason, a more strin- gent course was adopted with the then existing college at grey monks' holm, near Stockholm. After the opening of the year 1580, when the work of instruction was laid waste by the scourge of pestilence and the king's persecution of the teachers at Stockholm, the college at the holm was the only institution for the higher kinds of literature in the land, and was shielded by the king's special favor. As the first Swedish principal of the institution, John Billius, was a secret papist, he was removed from his office. Qualified teachers, most of them afterward the chief ornaments of the church and of the academy of Upsala, such as Lars Lgelius, Erik Skinner, and Paul Kennicius, were forthwith installed. Books of instruction and science, theses and disputations, bear witness to a lively energy, and among the most eminent men of the following period, are to be found those who received their literary training in this institution. These instructors, who entered on their office about the year 1585, were all of a protestant mind, but at first undetermined or reserved. If they did not side with the liturgy, they were at least not against it, until the transactions of subsequent years compelled them to take a more decisive part. The commencement of 1585 was a moment in which 560 HISTORY OF Tllli ECCLESIASTICAL the hope of victory dawned on the friends of protestantism. The archbishop and bishops undertook, upon inquiry, to exonerate from the use of the liturgy, those persons whose consciences it wounded. The judgment passed on Forsius, whose inclination to popery the Lutheran puritans could not separate from the cause of the liturgy, was thought, after the sufferings of some years, to afford them freer scope. The old master Olof, formerly pastor of Stockholm, hastened back, by the archbishop's permission, to his flock, and began to preach in the large church of Stockholm, certainly not in the spirit of a philoliturgist. In like manner acted other priests, whom the king forbade the pulpit. The clergy of the cloister church appear to have laid aside the liturgy. But this was not king John's intention. The archbishop was severely reproached. Master Olof was ban- ished the city, and for a time deprived of his support. Another clergyman, master Biynolf, was even sent abroad, and the priests of the cloister church were threatened with displacement. In this respect the year 1585 was a picture of the year 1580. As when Klosterlasse and master Abraham were at the same time condemned by the king, so now at the same time with the above-named persons, the chaplain at Stockholm, Johannes Salhmontanus, who fol- lowed the footsteps of Forsius, Avas forbidden to perform divine service. The king kept with impartiality the middle path of the liturg}^, between the opposing parties. P^'or the Roman church there remained little more than the hope of better times, through Sigismund. To save him was the object of their most solicitous cares. To him pope Gregory, a little before his death, wrote a letter, exhorting him to steadfastness. The new pope, Sixtus v., soon after his own accession to the papal cliair, implored Sigismund's aunt, queen Anna of Poland, to watch over her nephew, whom he wished to be separated from his father and put under her care. Sixtus wrote also REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 567 to John and SIgismund, thanking God for the Catholicism of the former, and warning the latter to shun tlie rocks of heresy. Gregory had resolved on another Jesuit mission to Sweden. He informed Sigismund, that, hearing of his love for church music, he had selected three qualified youths, who were moreover versed in the Holy Scriptures, and from whose musical talents and conversation, the prince in his domestic hours might be edilied. They were Jesuits, chosen by Possevin, who also drew up instructions for their guidance. They were carefully to conceal what they really were, to hide their dresses and books from sight, and during their journey, only in private to perform their devotions. They were to announce themselves as sent by queen Anna to her nephew. On their arrival in Stockholm they vvere to put themselves in communication with Nils Brask and one father Vandeler, but in all things to be guided by the Jesuit Simon Nicovius. To the king they were to make known and assure him of the pope's good will, although weighty reasons did not suffer him to enter into the king's wishes for a council. If they did not gain access to the king, they were to put down the purpose of their errand in writing, in a handsome chirography, in which the king took great delight. How these young * men were received we know not. But, a few years later, the king's mind became so averse to the Jesuits, that he warned Sigismund to beware of them. They were the worst of priests, and were wont to have one foot in the pulpit, and the other in the council, and were ready to perpetrate any evil, if only their pur- poses could be thereby promoted. He could not, without repentance and grief, reflect upon the trouble they brought upon him, what time they were in Sweden. Sigismund ought to drive them from him, and thereby obviate 568 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL the suspicions which the Swedes would otherwise harbor of the heir to the throne. During the course of tliese transactions, the episcopal chair of Striingness became, in 1585, vacant by bishop Nils Olai's death. The events Avhich followed, prepared the ripened fruit of the decrees of the council of Upsala, which were the basis of the present Swedish church. KEFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 569 CHAPTER YII. CONTESTS RESPECTING THE ELECTION OP A BISHOP FOR STRANGNESS — SIGISMUND'S ELECTION TO BE KING OP POLAND— REMONSTRANCE OP THE CLERGY IN CHARLES'S DUCHY AGAINST THE LITURGY— THE BEGINNING OF THE DEFECTION. (till king JOHN III.'S DEATH IN 1592.) Among the indefinite parts of king Gustavus I.'s will was this, who was the church's guardian within the duchies apportioned to his younger sons 1 Was it a right invented by the king, or had Gustavus thought the church and its discipline so merely and purely a separate part of the state, that the rights of the dukes in this respect must be the same as the other powers they possessed in their lands *? But if he borrowed this principle from the neighboring protestant countries, it cannot be supposed that he wished to annex the rio:ht of establishing or abrogating within their duchies the faith and worship of their subjects at pleasure, as was sometimes done in the German states. Pic did not foresee the divisions which began to appear in the realms of protestantism even before he went to his rest, and if he regarded the royal authority as carrying along with it the rights which he, from 1539, allowed himself to claim, he had little idea that they would be used otherwise than for the protection of his own work. The matter was now brought to that pass, that his successor to the crown re- garded the royal right to consist in making ordinances other or in addition to those which marked the church's condition 570 mSTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL in his f:itlier's time, wliile the only one of his sons -who retained the duchy left him by his father's will, considered it his princely right and duty to uphold his father's work in opposition to the king himself. The point about which, in the existing relations and posture of the church's constitution, the question specially revolved, was the right to nominate bishops, a right which king Erik had enforced against his brother. Between John and Charles the discord in this respect began to manifest itself in connection with the demand of the former, that the decree respecting the liturgy and other matters passed in a council called for the whole kingdom, should be obli- gatory on the church of the dukedom. The ordinance of 1582 was answered, by Charles's removal, without consult- ing the king, of Nils of Striingness from the exercise of his office, and by putting another in the place on his own ducal authority. He had previously placed a styresman or adminis- trator, independent of the bishop of Skara, over that part of the diocese which was subject to his duchy. But when, by the death of the occupant, the see of Skara became vacant for a nomination, the case ^xsls rendered more press- ing and intricate. Charles, after the death of bishop Nils, allowed an elec- tion to take place, according to the church ordinance of 1571, and confirmed the election. Not only was no respect paid to the ordinance of 1582, but scarcely, bishop Marten of Linkoping being now dead, could a man more unaccept- able to John be pitched upon than he who was now chosen, the former professor at Upsala, the now pastor of Nykoping, the opposer of the liturgj-, the refugee from the vengeance of the king, the protege of the duke, in a word, Petrus Joncc. TJie choice of this man was an open defiance of the king and his darling liturgy. It v.as not wonderful that king John's Avrath was roused. He declared tlie election invalid, made without consulting him, and an in- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 571 fraction of his royal rights. He threatened the people of the duchy with outlawry if they sustained the election. Charles, and the priests and people of his duchy, remained unmoved. Petrus Jonse, however, was not episcopally consecrated, a matter on which probably he and the duke laid little stress, but which, if the consecration was to be performed by bishops, could not be brought to pass, while the controversy with the king was unsettled, since the elected would be acknowledged neither by the king nor by the bishops. He did not remove to Strangness, but retained his pastorate of Nykoping, and abode there. . But from the hour he was placed at the head of the clergy of the duchy, he made their views, struggles, and dangers, his own, and chiefly through him and other men of note, united to him by the persecution against the anti-liturgists, the passive was converted into an offensive opposition. The strong position they were able to assume by virtue of the case itself, together with the learning and suffering of its supporters, caused the numbers of the opponents of the liturgy to increase. One by one of its friends fell off, so that at the death of king John, scarce a voice was raised in defence of his most dear and cherished work. Soon after the election of Petrus for bishop, there was held at Orebro a council, whose decree, issued in the name of king John, decidedly announced the position tahen by the duchy. It began to be perceived that the Reformation had, in many points, degenerated from its first plan and direction in 1527, and in others had taken a direction whose con- sequences were now regarded as pernicious. A reform of all this was to be essayed. He who railed at "the Chris- tian doctrine and our Swedish customs'^ was to be instructed and admonished by the priests, and if he did not amend, was to be given up to the prince. The ceremonies at divine service, were, without alteration, to be observed, ,as was customary a long time after the Reformation, and as 572 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL by a decree of the council of Upsala in 1572, they had been generally practised. The ordinantia and liturgy indeed were not expressly named, but a cut is evidently aimed at them in the clause, that the people should be instructed in the difterence be- tvreen God's word and '• these church usages and gestures, which are established only on human authority." A pro- test against the king's intrusion into the management of the church's discipline, is apparent, in the cofert language of the direction, that as the recess of Westeras allows it, in an action between a priest and layman judgment should be administered according to the law of Sweden, but in what concerns the doctrine and conduct of priests, and in cases of conscience, the heads of the church should have the free and independent exercise of judgment, without any inter- ference of the temporal power. We connect this ordinance with the troubles, represented the same year by the bishops, as caused by the king's inter- ference with the affairs of the church ; and we find a general effort on the part of the church, in consequence of John's oppressive measures, to recover itself from an unsettled con- dition, to a law-established freedom. The principles of the year 1539 had been learned by experience. A return to the ordinantia of Westeras was the resolution, that the heads of the church (the name bishop was avoided) should give judgment in cases of marriage, which the king had been in the habit of deciding. In regard to the bestowal of benefices, it was prescribed that the ai)plicants should first be strictly examined by the heads of the church, and afterward referred to the prince for letters of confirmation. The purpose of this evidently was to obviate a bad practice in the time of Jolm, and also before and after, of sending priests from the governing tem- poral authorities to the bis^ho})?, with a command to provide the priests so sent with benefices, irrespective of a trial REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 573 of their competency. This was also a rectification of the abuse, which had arisen from the right of inspection and oversight given by the ordinantia of Westeras to the king. The recess of Westeras had declared it to be the duty of the priests to have a care and make an inventory of the two thirds of the tithes withdrawn to the crown. That declaration was now interpreted to mean, that those clergy should consider themselves bound to do this, " inasmuch as churches, pastors, schoolmasters, and hospitals, were to be supported from such resources." The transfer of these tithes to any other purpose was disapproved. The articles were not calculated to diminish king John's dissatisfaction Avith the duke, which many other causes raised to a degree that threatened the breaking out of a M'ar between the brothers. In vain did the duke, by a messen- ger, represent to the king that the clergy, in the election, acted in conformity with the church ordinances printed and acknowledged by the king, Avho had prescribed no investi- gation into the case before the election was made, while the king's right of confirmation could only be valid for the person whom the duke had previously accepted. The king avowed his unwillingness to accept Petrus Jonce, because he disturbed the kingdom, and moreover had treated his sovereign with disrespect. The diet of Wadsten, in February, 1587, was designed to settle these as well as other contested points between John and Charles. With respect to the election of a bishop, it was resolved that the archbishop and his chapter, together with the clergy of the see of Striingness, should nominate three of the clergy of that see, with the exception of any who had fallen under the king's displeasure. Out of these three the king should nominate the bishop. The nominated should take the customary oath of allegiance to the king, and with a due correspondence of obligation, also to the prince. The nominated should have the same poAvers of office as other bishops of the kingdom. • 574 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL The schools of Marlenholm and Carlstadt, established by the duke, Avere to be continued, and twelve benefices were appropriated, in which to collect parochial alms for the sup- port of the scholars. These alms the duke had, by his own authority, withdrawn from the schools of Skara, to be applied to those portions of Skara contained within his duchy. On some few points an agreement could not be elfected. Among these, was that of the ordinantia and liturgy. On this point, it is said, in treating of an arrangement that as the church ordinance of 1571 was not annulled by the ordinantia of 1575, and as, to the order of the mass, nothing was added by the liturgy, except some godly prayers and songs of praise, and as the smaller congregations in the duchy ought not to oppose themselves to what the gi-eater number and the most distinguished, such as the archbishop, had recognized, so ought this book, even within the duch}', to be received and accepted. But as the duke could not pledge himself by any promise for the clergy of his duchy now absent, the subject should be postponed to a church council, which the king, sometime hence, would cause to be called together. The fixedness of purpose with which duke Charles now came forward as the head of the misoliturgists, and the ref- erence of the decision of the liturgical question to the clergy of the duchy and a church council, warned Charles to arm himself and his priests for the contest which could not longer be avoided. He hastened to summon the exiled master Abraham to the assistance of the cause of protestantism. With him the duke does not appear, after he left him, in 1583, in Germany, to have established any correspondence. But now, on Charles's summons, he came forward as the fore- most warrior against the liturgy, although remote from fatherland. He was desired by the duke, soon after the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 575 diet of Wadsten, to visit the universities of Leipsig, Wittenberg, and Helmsted, and send home their written opinions of the liturgy ; and the duke sent him letters of recommendation, with money for his journey, and soon after a copy of the liturgy, which did not reach its destination. He fulfilled the commission : and opinions from those academies, and from the theological faculty of Frankfort on the Oder, arrived. They find in the liturgy the same faults which had been, and continued to be, in the controversial wa-itings of the day, the subject of criticism in Sweden. Wittenberg remarks, moreover, that as the Jesuits had spread the report, that by their means Sweden would be recovered to the obedience of the Roman church, there was abundant reason for going forth entirely from Babylon, and not halting between two opinions. Leipsig compares the liturgy to a whitened sepulchre, outwardly beautiful, but inwardly full of dead men's bones, and all uncleanness ; and accuses it of ascribing the work of the devil to the Holy Ghost. The most passionate of these opinions was that of Helmsted, which observes, that when the archbishop speaks in the preface, of the wild beasts of superstition and pro- fanity, he was himself a third, the devouring wolf in sheep's clothing. But the zeal of master Abraham, praised, salaried, and incited by the duke, did not cease with the procuring of these documents. In the autumn of the same year, he pub- lished a collection of the opinions of the German divines and theologians on church usages, and how far there might be similarity in them to the church of Rome. The work was dedicated to the preachers, shepherds, and servants of the gospel, in all the Swedish dioceses who truly taught God's word, and guarded the faith that sanctifies. Pie now, also, undertook an edition of the writings of Laurentius Petri the elder, those to which we have before alluded, and those which had not yet appeared in print. 576 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL They commanded respect from the name of the author, were applicable to the church's present relations, and were ren- dered still more so by a preface and dedication. This lat- ter was made to the qneen Gunilla, the princess Ann, and the archbishop and bishops of Sweden. In it, the author very respectfully addresses the king and bishops, severely scourges the liturgy, " the Herbestic, Possevinic practices," and its underwriters. These books were imported into Swedish ports, in defi- ance of the prohibition against Svvcdish books printed abroad, and were dispersed by the misoliturgists all over the kingdom. A bitter controversial tract, by Abraham, against the Ai'chbishop and his party, was, in 1587, sent to the friends of the author in the duchy, and circulated by them, through copies of it, within the dominions of the king. But while these firebrands from the exiled master Abra- ham were being cast into his fatherland, the war of opin- ions had burst into a full flame. Immediately after the diet of Wadsten, the duke sent to Petrus Jonoe and the chap- ter of Striingness, his court preacher, Matthias, to consult with them what was noAV to be done. It was proposed to call together the clergy of the diocese, for common consulta- tion. The priests and theologians of the diocese should, each one for himself, be prepared to speak his sentiments of the liturgy. This council of priests was opened on the fourth of May. Its members were all assembled in about a week's time, and each individual pronounced his opinion, which, agreeably to the spirit that reigned in the body, was a disapproval. The most learned and eminent remained behind, and sup- ported by the duke for a month's time, either singly or by pairs, wrought out in form their reflections. The writings published against the liturgy, at the commencement of the controversy, by Petrus Jonce, Olof Luth, and Martinus Olai, HETPORMATIOlN IN SWEDEN. 577 were accurately examined. The most complete and argu- mentative opinion at this time produced, was that jointly composed by Olaus Marten, bishop Marten's son, and the learned Mattliias Marci Molina^us. It was welcomed for the most part, as the general sentiment of the clergy of the diocese. The clergy in the districts of Vermland and Valla, and Wadsbo, had not participated in the transactions at Striingncss. The duke sent the document to the superin- tendent Jesper Marci for their ^opinion, which was furnish- fid in accordance with that given by the members that met at Striingness. This opinion disapproves of the liturgy. It was regarded ■as unnecessary, because the former order of the mass was conformable to God's word, because scandal should be avoided, and the liturgy warred v/ith the pledge given at Westeras, in 1544, with' the confession of the Interim in 1549, and with the church oi'dinanG<3, v/hich, in 1571, had been accepted. The clergy of the diocese of Striingncss had also pledged themselves at Nykoplng, in 1576, not to intro- duce new ceremonies. It was regarded as an attempt to darken the light of truth, and open a door to popery. Soon after the death of Laurentius Petri the elder, there began to be an approximation to popery ; " until the book called the multiplication of church ordinances, and that written in the year 1575, under the pretext of extraordinary, but false piety, and with crafty forms of expression, came out ;" and afterwards, " in an evil hour," followed the liturgy. At- tention had not been paid to God's command, that we should not be unequally yoked together with unbelievers. It was held to be lilled with errors and false ceremonies, and it used phrases liable to misinterpretation. An illustration where- of was afforded by Possevin's assertion in his answer to Chytrseus, that the word ^' oblation," which appears in the Swedish liturgy, was precisely that which signified the offer ing in the Roman mass. It had occasioned much evil in 25 578 IllbTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL the kingdom. Under this head were enumerated the ruin of the college at Upsala, the establishment of a popish school at Stockholm, under Klosterlasse, " who was very dexterous in deluding simple youth ; " the sending youths to Jesuit academies, from which coming home they circula- ted false opinions, and yet were held in lionor while others were despised and persecuted ; the qualms of conscience in those who accepted the liturgy, and lastly, the sale of popish books translated into Swedis^i. With papists, sacramentarians, and anabaptists, they wished to have nothing in common. They hoped that neither the king nor any other would require them to intro- duce the liturgy into their congregations, and by so doing, prove the truth of the union or agreement to which the diet of Wadsten had referred. The opinion w^as distributed to all the priests of the duchy, through the medium of copies, which, by order of the duke, were made by the teacher's dictation to the scholars. It was also circulated throughout the dominions of the king, with proper precautions for the personal securi- ty of the messengers. These thincrs occurred at the time Si^ismund went over to Poland, to receive the crown vacated, on December 12, 158G, by the death of Stephen Bathoris. King John and the council of the kingdom were anxious to secure for the Swedes in Poland ecclesiastical and religious freedom ; the council looking to the exercise of their own authority in re- lation to the latter, and both they and the king, to the liturgic services in relation to the former. On the same days that the clergy of the duchy, under duke Charles's pro- tection, were seeking at Striingness to ward oft' the liturgy, as the entering wedge of popery and the occasion of much evil in the kingdom, the king and council at Wadsten were devising means for jiiLardinir this service, kinj:^ John's church constitution, against his son's papistry. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 579 Sigismund feliould, wiien in his father's life-time, visiting Sweden, not have more priests in his court than hitherto. He should afterwards not bring with him more than ten, and take them again w^ith him when he left the land, atid not allow them, while staying here, any service in churches and schools, or sutFer them to revile the religion of the land. The free exercise of religion should not be allowed those who were of another faith, unless the king, on some special occasions, saw reason to give his assent. The Swedes who followed him to Poland should there enjoy religious freedom. Tliey who did not embrace the faith recognized in the cathe- drals of the land, and by the mass of the people, should not be employed in the public service, or be supported out ot the public revenues. The cloisters and hospitals should be maintained in .a condition correspondent to the religion now prevalent in Sweden. Wadsten might maintain a popish priest, but the nuns who wished so to do, should be permit- ted to take the Lord's- supper in both kinds. The church ceremonies Avhich were already accepted, or should be intro- duced in king John's life-time, were not to be altered. The Gregorian calendar should not be adopted. The incomes paid to the archbishop, bishops, and priests, by king John, were not to be taken from them by his successors. For the first time, because these incomes were considered an inves- titure of the crown, it was now purposed to secure them from the change apprehended from a popish king. - While the king was endeavoring to secure the stability of his work against his owti son, he wished also to guard that son against too great a submission to the Koman chair. He ought not, when at his coronation he addressed the pope by letter, to use the word obedience (obedientia), because it en- croached too much upon the kingly dignity, but to use the word ohligatlon, (obsequium). Thus had John acted tow- ards Gregory XHI. Pope Sixtus V., Avho opposed Sigis- mund's election, deserved not greater honor. He was not 580 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL to speak of foot-kissing', (the common expression, cum devota osculationc pedum) since it woidd stir the ill blood of Swedish men, who from Sigismund's too great reverence for the pope, might apprehend the bringing in of the inqui- sition. If the king and father was disturbed by these partly grave and partly trifling considerations, it may readily be supposed what anxiety the power of Sigismund, augmented by the Polish kingdom, awakened in the protestant people of Sweden. Precisely at the period of these apprehensions and fears, appeared the declaration of the clergy of the dio- cese of Striingness against the liturgy. Charles sent a copy of it, but Avithout his subscription, to the king. Any audacious attempt to wrest from him or to dishonor his crown, would probably have less embittered king John, than this onslaught made upon his darling work : an att^ick made on one side, while he was busily engaged in guarding it from danger on another and an opposite. One only of the more eminent men who were banished for the sake of the liturgy, had found a rest in the grave. The others again came forward, not alone and unsupported, but in combina- tion with the whole clergy of Charles's dukedom, and the king could not avoid foreboding that this open declaration would now, more than ever, find an echo in the rest of the Swed- ish church. His wrath was without bounds. He issued a patent against these traitors, grand-liars, faith-breakers, blasphe- mers, ignorant, good-for-nothing assheads, and every other nickname his anger could invent. They ought to know that the word offereimus does not signify we sacrifice, but we present Christ, which is done in the heart, in belief, in prayer. They appealed to the council of Westeras in 1544, but they neither kept its decrees, nor were tliere many of them left by whom it was comprehended. They ought, by the doom of displacement against Forstius in 1585, to have REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 581 perceived tliat the king did not approve the management of the popish priests. They called the king and his faithful men papists. They should call themselves Satanists ; " since they obeyed the devil, who is the father of lies." They ex- cused themselves on the plea that they must follow God rather than men ; the same plea common in the mouth " of Nils Dacke, when he engaged in his treasonable practices against king Gustavus." Having now, these many years, provoked the king to wrath, he could no longer endure such limbs of Satan, but proclaimed the priests of the districts of Sodermanland, Norikc, Vermland, Wadsbo, and Valla, outlawed. If any of them showed himself outside the duchy, he should be seized and held in custody, until he became converted or convinced, by God's pure and clear Avord. All their goods and inheritance not in the duchy, should be sequestered. The priests and teachers within the king's do- mains, who participated in the like opinions, should be treated in the same manner. In the first century of the Keformation, it was not un- common with any party, to utter, in the name of the Holy One, the most violent language of human passion. If the king could forget himself to the degree which this patent testifies, it is not to be expected that the crowd of after- speakers would weigh their words. A lampoon, containing the most virulent sallies against Luther, the Reformation, and clergy of the duchy, was circulated through the land, and was particularly remarkable and influential, from being regarded as the composition of one or more of the king's secretaries. It called forth from Petrus Jonae and Olaus Martini, a calm and dignified answer, which by the side of this cruel scorn of the work of the Reformation and its fore- most man, from the adherents of the liturgy, could not but operate advantageously for the cause it defended. The an- swer Avas circulated over the dominions of the king. But tlie king stopped not at the point of issuing the 582 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL patent. His bailitFs were enjoined to keep a watchful eye upon the priests of the duchy. The extreme men on either side were to be checked. The castellan of Stockholm was directed to summon L. Forsius, who was still to be found in the city, and " roundly reprove him " for spreading popish errors, whereby the king and his true men were exposed to the suspicion of being papists. Both he and Hans Kantor, Avliom the king accuses of contemning God's word, and ca- lumniating the sacrament, should be threatened with severe punishment. The bishops and chapters were written to on the subject of the treason of the clergy of the duchy. The patent was read aloud in the churches. On the 28th of April, there were assembled at Borgholm, the clergy of Oeland, and a part of Smaland, with the bishop of Wexio ; and the king made them a speech. This speech, which is entirely in harmony with his other expressions, specially testifies to his conceited blindness, which made him believe himself the only wise man. Pie boasts of his erudition and learning, and he considered deviation from his views of faith, as rebellion and treason against his kingly authority. A like meeting was held at Stegeborg, with the clergy of Eastgotha, who signed, as before, a declaration against the clergy of the duchy, but only a part of them, constrained by the king's secretary, without knowing what they signed. The king's patent was spread even within the dukedom. In Strangness, it had already been made known at the fair gathering, and the chapter applied, with anxiety to the duke, inquiring what they ouglit to do. Tliey inquired of him, whether, in order to avoid the king's accusations, an in- vestigation ought not to be instituted in every benefice, so that every one might legally testify to the life and doctrine of the priests. Tliis was virtually a project of appeal from the king to the people. They proposed, further, to submit their confession of fuith to be tried by tiie council of tlie king- dom, and to publish a justification of themselves in answer REFORMATION 12>^ SWEDEN. 583 to the king's letter. They petitionee!, lastly, for protection of their property lying beyond the duchy, and for liberty to go to it when they pleased. The duke answered them calmly, and promises protection, but advises circumspection and " a gentle answer," that their silence might not be misconstrued. To his bailiffs he wrote to watch over the safety of the priests, so that they should suffer no violence, as long as they resided within the limits of the dukedom. In conformity with what had been agreed upon, the clergy convened at Orebro, and thence sent out letters to the king and others, but more full to the council of the king- dom, to the bishops and inferior clergy of Sweden, remark- able for the calm and temperate, but at the same time, firm tone in which they are written. They transmitted also to the king, a Latin confession, reiterating the reasons which hindered their acceptance of the liturgy. The time was now come, wdien the Swedish protestant churches were to seek safety in confessions of f\iith of more general validity, and more widely known. The clergy, therefore, of the duchy, who now came forward in the cause of the church, in order to defend themselves against the charge' of being betrayers of the faith, expressly appealed to the confession of Augsburg, of the year 1530. and to doctor Luther's smaller catechism, translated into Swedish, as embodying a summary of the truth contained in the writings of the prophets and apostles. They repelled the charge of treason. What the)'- spoke and wrote against the liturgy, did not militate against the obedience they owed their lord and king. " The weapons of our warfare," they said, in the words of St. Paul, '' are not carnal, but mighty before God to the breaking down of strongholds, with which we demolish projects and every liish thinrr that exalteth itself against the science of God, and bring into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ." The king had doubtless, " in a hasty manner and in 5^84 HISTORY OF THE IXCLESIASTICAL wrath," suffered his letter to be published. Tehy prayed for some means of averting his disi^leasure. The letter to the bishops and inferior clergy, was met by a letter from the king, in which he required, that at a council to be assem- bled, each and every priest should express his opinion of the ^mtings of the priests of the duchy against the liturgy, re- nounce all fellowship with that body of clergy, and condemn their conduct as ungodly and rebellious, and affirm thi.^r written declaration with their names subscribed. Matters had now reached the crisis, when this very lit- urgy, which was designed to be a medium of union for the divided church parties, menaced a schism within the Swedish church. No diecese, however, appears to have unreservedly placed itself on the side of the clergy of the duchy ; but either a declaration such as the king a^ked for was given, as had been done at Borgholm and Stegeborg by the assem- bled clergy, or a temporizing and more pacific position was taken. In the former line of action, the clergy of the dio- cese of Wexio, whose bishop favored the liturg}', chiefly and zealously distinguished themselves. They declared that as the priests of the duchy had opposed themselves to Al- mighty God, to his word rightly understood, to the accept- ed order of the mass, and to the king, they would consider them as outlawed. They disapproved their opinions, and would hold no fellowship with them. Others again condemned this declaration of the priests of Wexio, as rash and well nigh ungodly. The priests of the duchy had acted unreasonably, when, instead of await- ing the church council which had been determined on at Wadsten, they had, by their writings against the. liturgy, aggravated the difficulties of reconciliation and j>eace. It could not be denied that in the liturgy there was one or another particular that needed to be altered, that there oc- curred superstitious usages and objectionable forms of ex- pression. But one ought not, therefore, to pronounce dam- REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 585 nation on his brother, who had the same foundation of faith, and administered the sacrament in the same manner as other priests of the congregations in the kingdom. A sin would thereby be committed against God's prohibition, to judge another's servant, the old Swedish order of the mass, would thereby be condemned, and indeed the whole Swedish church, by which, for forty years, it had been used. It would also be bearing false witness, if, as the clergy of the see of Wexio had done, it was said that the priests of the duchy erred against God and the right understanding of his word by refusing to accept of some ceremonies, whose dissimilarity, like dissimilar forms of expression, should in their view sever the unity of faith and charity. If, moreover, in despite of the king's own assurances, they accused him of a design to introduce popery, or if they plotted rebellion, all intercourse with them should be with- holden. But on the question of the liturg}^, there should be nothing further done, till a request had been made the king to call together a provincial council of the Swedish church. Possibly, by mutual conference, the controversy might be laid to rest, if, the first preface and notes upon the liturgy being removed, a new preface and notes explained what in the mass book or liturgy, had given occasion to scandal. The project for conciliation, noble and cheering by its aims, and by the probability of its being effected, was made public in a series of reflections from the pen of the school- master at Upsala, Petrus Petri, at the time when a council of the clergy of the archdiocese was to be opened, at which it was feared the archbishop would press the recognition of the king's demands. These reflections sufficiently well ex- pressed the general sense of the diocese, to which Petrus Jona3 and Abraham Andreas by birth belonged, and in which they both began their war against the liturgy. The priests of the diocese of Upsala, also declared their acquies- 586 HISTORY OF THE E/CCLESIASTICAL cence in this project. They admitted that the clergy of the duchy had occasioned much discord and skeptical confusion, by disapproving of the order of the mass, and crying out against those'who followed it as men papistically inclined. They had done as the king had done, " gone too far." For themselves, they would neither digress from the faith and duty becoming subjects, nor from the liturgy. But they did not denounce fellowship with those clergy, and desired the calling together of a church council, to re-establish con- cord and unanimity. This desire foreboded the approxima- tion of the council of Upsala. On the other hand, the letter from the clergy of the dio- cese of Strangness, was answered, in a less friendly spii'it, by the archbishop and chapter of Upsala. A correspond- ence by letters, w^as carried on, with repeated accusations on the one hand, and apologies on the other, respecting the liturgy and the clergy of the duchy, to whom was im})uted a contempt of the royal authority, together with mutual charges of papistic and Calvinistic tendencies. From Striingncss, it was proposed that the dispute should be deci- ded by impartial and unexceptionable arbitrators, and this proposition was accepted at Upsala, on condition it was ap- proved by the king, who it was well known would allow the cause to be determined in favor neither of Rome nor Wit- tenberg. The conclusion of the correspondence was, that the archbishop and chapter of Upsala declared all inter- course forbidden l^ctwecn the clergy of Upsala and those of Strangness. Meanwhile, the books of master Abraham had been cir- culated through the land, and sustained or increased the scruples and dislike of the liturgy, which the clergy of Charles's duchy awaked to new life. King John, in vain, endeavored to hinder the sproad of these books, which against him addressed themselves to his people, to the clergy and bishops of the church, to his own daughter and REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 587 his wife. He wrote to the princess Anna, exhorting her not to be seduced by the Avritings Abraham dedicated to her. He ordered inquiry to be made of such as imported or sold them, and all the copies to be seized. "Whoever con- cealed them should lose his property, and be indicted as guilty of a capital crime. It might be supposed, that the last years of king John's life and reign, from 1588, would have brought with them a change in his views and measures, as to the church. But this was not the case. Dissatisfied with himself and his renewed efforts, wearied with the opposition that encoun- tered him on all sides, longing for his son absent in Poland, and troubled about him, he complained of Bi-ahe, Nils Gyllenstjcrna, Erik Sparre, and others, who were now out of favor, that while they abetted their king in his efforts for the liturgy, they would themselves not tolerate a priest who used this order of the mass. The king became reconciled to duke Charles, who now even took part in the management of the kingdom. The duke excused himself on the score of the litur- gic controversies, inasmuch as he had neither himself written against the liturgy, nor incited others to do so, and of the clergy of the duchy only some few " who would gladly be wiser than all others," had raised up an opposition. The council, in view of the prevailing contentions, had urged an accommodation at Wadsten, and the clergy of Upsala in their declaration against the diocese of Strangness, had also desired a church council ; while the duke himself had said, that if at the beginning a free Christian council could have been called together, the difficulties would have been overcome, or at least the violence of the strife been obviated. There was, therefore, in 1590, an accommoda- tion effected between John and Charles, on the condition, that a church council should be held, in which every mem- ber should have a free vote and j^oice ; but if an agreement could not be attained between the two parties of the clergy, 588 insTOiiT OP the ecclesiastical neither should put ix restraint upon the conscience of the otlier, and no contentions or contumelious writings should pass between them, but all should live with each otlier in peace and quiet, so long as thej were at unity in the true principles of God's word, however thcj might differ in church usages. It might from this be supposed, that John was wavering; but that very year, 1590, he directed, in his last will and testament, that the confession of Christian faith and worship, wliicli were accustomed to be held and observed in the later years of his reigti, and especially at court, shoidd Ix? held and observed in his kingdom .after liis death. It was now, from 1590, agreed on all sides, to refer the subject to a church council. But in the complicated state of the case, this measure was more an expedient for getting rid of it for the present, than with any expectation of its being thereby immediately and finally settled. Still did king John, before his death, design to renew his vain at- tempt to enforce obedience by severity, and he was to wit- ness the commencement of that decadence and downfall that waited on his work. About the middle of the year 1580, men were put in office at the college in Stockholm, who were already acquir- ing eminence for their learning and cultivation. Now, and at a later period, disputes were engendered by the preference shown l)y many of tlicsc teachers to the philosophy of Ramus, in opposition to that of Aristotle. Kamus had been a martyr for protestantism, being murdered in the ' massacre of St. Bartholomew. His theological tenets, it is said, had been introduced into the universities of Leipzig, "Wittenberg, and Kostock. These universities were still frequented not only by the subjects of duke Charles, but also and chiefly by students from Norrland and Stock- liollxi, which were the birthplaces of those teachers. Their coming back hither presaged no friendship for the liturg}\ REFORMATION IN S^VEDEN. 589 They avoided for some time all interference with the con- troversy, until the open declaration of the clergy of the duchy and still more master Abraham's writings, induced th'em to take part with the anti-liturgists, while on the other hand the king demanded a decided acceptance of the liturgy. The option was left them, in 1589, of subscription to the liturgy or banishment. Three of them, Nicolaus Olai, Petrus Kenesius, and Ericius J. Schinnerus, refused subscription, and when in strong terms they condemned the liturgy for the same reasons as those of master Abraham and the clergy of the duchy, they were thrown into prison. The same fate awaited Erik Olai Schepper of Angerman- land, who became from this period very conspicuous in the controversy. He was a man of restless and impetuous spirit, was from 1583 schoolmaster and then preacher at Stockholm, had been a warm admirer of the liturgy, and wrote in its defence. He acknowledged the dithculties connected with its use and introduction, but remained vacil- lating, until his friend, Erik Schinner, one day met liim at the gate of Stockholm, took him by the coat, and besought him to change his mind. From this hour he became a most zealous anti-liturgist, thereby acquiring the king's dis- pleasure, and from his former friends the nickname Turn- coat. King John endeavored to win him back, but failing, turned him into ridicule, with the exclamation "To the lion and adder shalt thou go." Even the chaplains of Stockholm, Erik Petri and Englebert, were imprisoned, as was also the pastor of Taby in the archdiocese, Johannes Johannis, who wrote against the liturgy. Complaint was made that the case was now rendered more complicated, since the rejection of the liturgy was regarded as a breach of loyalty, while it was not settled whether this breach consisted in mere disobedience to the king's will, or in the reasons offered for refusing the mass- book as an entering wedge for popery. I^ow, as before, 590 HISTORY OK THE ECCLESIASTICAL those; who protested, denied the king's power to decide v.'hat confession of faith his people should adopt, but repelled the accusation that thej meant any wrong to the king's person. They demanded freedom of conscience, and appealed to a council of the church. The three lecturers at the college of Stockholm in vain implored the arch- bishop's intercession. A paper laid before them, by which they were to acknowledge that they had been misled, they refused to sign, because they would thus condemn their own and the church's cause. The question now was that of banishment. But they were kept in prison until the death of king John. The point of time was approaching, v/hen the words of freedom that had been spoken, and which hitherto had slum- bered in many minds, or were silenced by prudence and hesi- tation, were to find a general echo. At the commencement of 1591, departed this life archbishop Andreas Laurent ii Bjornram, who had been the king's most fiiithful ally in the contest for the liturgy. That he sacrificed his convictions to the royal favor, in the zeal he displayed for promoting the king's plans, cannot with full assurance be maintained. But lie is obnoxious to the charge of being willing, by means of the royal favor, to force forward tlic establishment of a church discipline, since he was disposed to stigmatize the refusal of that discipline as a breach of loyalty. His place remained vacant till the council of Upsala. In 1587, the zealous liturgist, bishop l*etrus Caroli of Linkoping, had died. To that see Potrus Bcnedicti of Wcsteras was, in 1589, trans- lated, and in his fidelity the king had great confidence. Olaus Stephani Bellinus, pastor of Gcfie, was chosen bishop of Westeras. Of these changes the vacancy only of the archbishopric could be of importance, or give occasion to fear any disturbance of the discipline that had been set up. There was, however, given a sign of defection from a quarter whence it could least have been expected. REFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 591 King John lind begun to give the city of Stockholm a more perfect ecclesiastical organization and division than it had before, bj the appointment of pastors to the churches of Riddarholm and St. Clara. But, by the imprisonment of Schepper and the two chaplains, a priest was wanting for the congregation of the large church or Storkyrk, the rather, as Petrus Pauli, its pastor, by his open zeal for the liturgy and the suspicion of his inclination for popery, had lost the confidence of his flock. The king adopted the measure he had previously taken, of calling from the dio- ceses priests to perform divine service for a short time in the city. In 1592, the bishop of Wexio received an order to send up two priests. At a convocation of priests at Wexio, on the 20th of May, of that year, this matter was brought under consideration, in connection with the king's inquiry how the liturgy was observed in the diocese, of which these clergymen were to give him information. On this occasion the clergy prepared themselves for the consequences of not accepting the liturgy. They drew up in form their reasons against it, and these sufficiently testify to the influence of the confession set forth by the clergy of Striingness, and particularly of the writings of master Abraham ; and as they had formerly been among the most zealous to condemn the clergy of Charles's duchy, so were they now the most for- ward, under the leading of their bishop, to make amends for this uncharitable precipitation, by a resolution to present their objections to the king, and refuse the use of the liturgy. They pictured, in a missive to the king, the unhappy effects of the liturgy, which occasioned disturbance to the con- science, doubts of the truth of religion, suspicions and controversies. Their consciences were wounded and made sore by the use of the liturgy, and they, therefore, begged to be delivered from it, begged not to be tied in religion by human ordinances, but to be allowed Christian freedom, •which they would not abuse to a carnal self-will. They 592 HisTOKr OF the ecclesiastical begged to be allowed to return to the church practices, which, before 15G0, had been in use. But in order that unity might be restored to the church of fatherland, they requested the calling together of a church council, whose decree in respect to the order of the mass, they promised to respect and obey. The two priests, who Avere selected by the bishop to be sent to Stockholm according to the order of the king, Steno Magni and Jonas Andreas, pastors respectively of Wexio and Moheda, brought along with them the document and delivered it. King John was now sick, and awaiting the approach of death ; but he did not falter in his resolution respecting the liturgy. His answer was severe and reproachful. Par- don for their request to be allowed to break their promise, was all that the petitioners obtained of the king. To par- ticularize, however, the king said to the messengers, that he allowed them, on the subject of the order of the mass, to act as they believed they could conscientiously answer to God and the king. They both refused to return with such an answer to their brethren *" They received at last one, more gentle but oral, and accompanied with a promise that the king would overlook a neglect of the use of the liturgy. The steps taken by the bishop and clergy of the diocese of Wexio, could not but awaken joy and hope, in propor- tion as the hearts of the people and clergy Avere attached to the order Avhich Avas to yield to the liturgic. The men especially, Avho led the opposition to the liturgy, must have hailed the daAvn of the day of freedom and release. The two messengers from AVcxio, received congratulatory letters from the imprisoned lecturers and chaplains of Stockholm, testifying their true faith and folloAVship Avith them. ]\Ias- ter Abraham exulted at the news of their success, and the gentle reception they had experienced from the king. Soon after, bishop Olof, of "VVe^teras, also, in the name of his REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 593 clergy assembled in September, 1592, forwarded a petition to the king for release from the liturgy, whose inconsiderate acceptance grieved and harassed their consciences. It is uncertain v/hether this petition ever reached the king dur- ing his last protracted sickness. By the opposition he ex- perienced, and especially by the defection of the diocese of Wexio from the liturgy, he had become doubtful, not of the truth of his cause, but of the possibility of its now acquiring a lasting stability. For himself, he remained faithful ; re- nounced all fellowship with the pope ; excused his inter- ference with the affairs of the church, by its condition at the commencement of his reign, and by the judgment of the kings of the Old Testament ; and while he expressed his disapproval of the recall, by the priests of Wexio, of their given promise, added that he was not " the king of their consciences." This bitter controversy had afflicted his mind ; and for four yeai^, until a few weeks before his death, he had withdrawn from the partaking the Lord*s supper. Its reception implied forgiveness of those who had offended and opposed him ; and he ordered the release of those who had been imprisoned on account of the liturgy ; which release, however, did not take place before his death, Tliis occurred on the 17th of November, 1592. 594 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL CHAPTER A^III. COUNCIL OF UPSALA The death of king John foreboded vehement contentions and agitations, not only in the ecclesiastical, but in the other relations of fatherland. The last years of his reign were, for Sweden, one of those periods in a people's life, when a determined and dominant Avill, which puts itself above law or the public opinion which is stronger than law, thereby awakens opposition, and brings everything into dis- order. The measure of the people's dissatisfaction was full. In the church, the liturgy which had been forced upon them, had already begun to be abandoned ; and the increasing opposition which foreboded its approaching death, gained from the king the order for release of the men who had been imprisoned on account of that liturgy. One woe had come ; another was soon to follow. The estates had already done homage to John's successor in the papistic Sigismund. From his blind attachment to Jesuitism, whose great power was at his command, and from his obstinacy, which, if possible, was greater than his father's, the most alarming dangers menaced the church's freedom. But the last twenty years had taught the church what was due to its freedom, and wherein it consisted. The sympathy or acquiescence which was found for John's liturgy, was not to be calculated on for Sigismund's popery. The priests and people of Sweden had proved what they were, and now swore allegiance to protestantism. To preserve their most sacred inheritance, they must secure, against their powerful RKFORSIATION IN SWEDEN. 595 foe, a surer foothold than that which could be won on the smooth and slippery ground of the liturgic middle-way. This necessity was the doom of the liturgy. All were of one mind, that the freedom of the evangelical confession must be guaranteed and made sure, if power was left in king Sigismund's hands. If the liturgy were not set aside before he returned from Poland, where, from 1587, he had been residing, and where complaints were made of his assaults upon the liberties of protestants, there would be danger and risk to the freedom of God's word and the pure preaching of it, not less than when one carries a light in a furious storm. / But if the king would not guarantee to the land the freedom of the Gospel, he had lost all just claim to the inheritance of the Swedish crown, which had been granted to the race of king Gustavus I. ; because this grant was based on the twofold service rendered by Gustavus, in having delivered his fatherland from foreign foes, and from the darkness of popery. Of the sons of king Gustavus, there only now remained, since the demented Magnus w^as out of the question, duke Charles, in whose eyes the reformation, carried through in his father's time, was sacred, and to whom it was precious as a condition of the claim of his race to the Swedish throne. General attention was now directed to him, and his position in the commonwealth, as well as his resolute character, made him its chief. Immediately after king John's death, he presented to the consideration of the coun- cil, the project so often urged since 1587, and from so many quarters, of a church council, in which it might be settled whether the liturgy was to be retained or not. He soon after called home Abraham Andrete from Germany. The king had pardoned all who were out of favor ; and the duke thought that the sooner master Abraham came the better. He left also, with consent of the council, supplies of money for Erik Schepper and the professors who had been released 596 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL from prison, an. I who, for some time, bad been deprived of their incomes. The duke then had ah'eady agitated the question of a church councib It was urged soon after by a portion of the clergy, who, on the 30th of December, 1592, were as- sembled at Stockholm on occasion of the solemn interment of the body of king John. It had been promised by the deceased king, as a means of reconciling all schisms in the church of fatherland. The duke purposed to lay before the council of the kingdom, his views on many points connect- ed with this question. One was, how far it was admissible to announce the meeting of this council, without the king's knowledge, and before his return. It seems to have been concluded, that the council ought to be held, because its object Avas not merely unity respecting the liturgy, but still more to provide a defence for the protestant confession against the popish church favored by the king. Another subject of consideration was, whether the clergy only should ])e called together, or the estates of the kingdom. The former was urged by the council ; the latter by the duke, who remarked, that as it w^as desired to provide a safeguard against popery, its practice ought not to be followed by hold- ing only a council of priests. There was no difference of opinion upon the point, that the clergy, principally, were the persons to deliberate and decide at the council ; but it was made a question, how far the liberty of decision, re- specting the reform of the church, should be extended. The council advised that all alterations should be limited to a re- turn to the condition of the church at the close of king Gus- tavus's and bei2;inninj2; of kinn; John's reifj;n, until the meet- ing of the council of Upsala, in 1572 ; an advice which seems to discover a dread of the influence of the duke's Cal- vinistic tendencies. The duke and council, on the 8th of January, 1593, gave each mutual pledges, to maintain in unison the government of the kingdom during the absence REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 597 t)f king Sigismimd, and to protect every man in the true religion, in the clear and pure word of God, according to the Auysburgh Confession, The? duke, on the following day, is- sued, in his own and the name of the council, a summons to the adrhinistrators of the dioceses, to meet in a council of the church, agreeably to the request of the clergy assembled at the funeral of king John. The council was to be opened at Upsala, on the 25 th of February next, in order to estab- lish unity in doctrine and ceremonies, as had been purposed for some time ; to make decrees regarding these matters and church discipline, and to elect an archbishop and sufira- gan bishops. The bishops should be attended by members of their respective chapters, by the provosts, and some of the most learned and qualified persons of each district. King Sigismund's permission for holding the council, was neither a-^ked nor waited for. The right of calling it to- gether, was founded upon the commission which the king, on being advised of his Other's sickness, gave his uncle, to watch over the affairs of the kingdom, in case of that father's death, and upon a subsequent authorization for the duke and council. Information thereof Avas sent to the king, by the secretary Olof Sverkersson ; and the duke ex- pressed his hope, that the king would both sanction the calling of the council, and the decrees it should pass. The king's assurance, that he would maintain religious freedom, and show neither hate nor love on account of any man's faith, was not trusted. The experience of seventy years lay between the time of opening this council, and the time when the teachers of the Reformation began to preach in Sweden. The hierarchy had been shattered, and the errors were by degrees cast off, which for five hundred years had grown and been rooted in the church. King Gustavus had carried for his people, who willingly followed him, the work of reformation to its summit, and after the insurrection of Dacke, not an arm 598 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL was lifted in defence of the old order of thing?, and only, a few, Avho were pitied, remained attached to that cause. While the king and people sought a common goal, the principles which led each man to it were not accurately triticised. King Gustavus had, in the last twenty years of his life, acted on principles which prejudiced the people's freedom in matters ecclesiastical. But when, by their vigorous application, John first wounded the love and affec- tions of his people, and when Sigismund's religious convic- tions and faith threatened to wound them still deeper, it was thought necessary, and that the time had come, when opposition should be made to those principles. The decree of the council of Upsala was a solemn protest against the principles of 1539, that there was a right in the king to determine what the religion of the land should be, and the council itself, indeed, was still more a protest. This protest, whose consequences for the promotion of exteraal quiet and freedom were incalculable, was attended by a grave and deep toning of the popular mind. But if there was a general inclination to follow duke Charles and the clergy of his duchy, in the contest against the Roman church, and to a great extent against the liturgy, there was also a dread of their too great influence, because they were suspected of Calvinism, which was not at all acceptable to the majority. Against this, too, must the freedom of the church be maintained. The favorers and defenders of the liturgy could not anticipate an acquiescence in their views and measures, but there was no certainty beforehand that a favorable turn might not give preponder- ance to their opinions and movements. The clergy assembled at the appointed time in large num- bers at Upsala. There are reported as present, four bishops, Petrus Benedicti of Linkoping, Ohius Bellinus of Westeras, Petrus Jona; of Striingness, and Erik Erici of Abo. The bishops Jacob of Skara, and Nicolaus of AVexio, were, in KEFOKMATION IN SWEDEN. 599 consequence of their great age, absent. There were pres- ent, also, the four professors who belonged to the college of Stockholm, but who, after king John's death, were removed by permission of duke Charles and the council, to Upsala, to the re-establishment of whose academy king John, before his death, had given his assent. There were, as reported, also present at the council, twenty-two masters, and other priests, to the number of three hundred and six or three hundred and eight, without counting those who without a special summons were there. Duke Charles and nine of the council of the kingdom, together with many of the nobles and some representatives from the towns and the country were also present, but without taking part in the transactions and decrees, with the exception of the council of the kingdom who did so participate. The day on which the council was called was the 25th of February, being the first Sunday in Lent. On this day, after evening service, the clergy of the archdiocese of Upsala assembled in the large audience-room of the college or academy, where, afterward, the meetings were held. The pastor of Upsala, Joakim 01 ai, made the opening ad- dress of Avelcome, and spoke of the reasons for calling the council, and of the propriety of electing a prolocutor or president. • The. day after there was a general gathering of the members, although the order of proceedings was not yet settled, and they seemed to have waited for the coming of duke Charles, who, on Tuesday, February 27, made his appearance. On the previous day, February 26, bishop Bellinus of Westeras delivered a long address, setting forth the objects of the council, to establish a confession of faith, church ceremonies, and discipline, as well as to elect an archbishop, and bishops also, in jDlace of those shepherds of the flock who were now well stricken in years. He exhorted to unity and peace, and implored the GOO HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL members each to regard his brother in the spirit of gen- tleness and love. As yet nothing, after the opening of the council, had cleiu'ly manifested the tone which it would assume. This was sulliciently indicated the next day. Professor Erik Schepper delivered a discourse on the Holy Scriptures, and the studies proper to a theologian. He commended Luther and king Gustavus's merits toward the church, enlarged against the liturgists, and especially against the bishops, who, though they ought to have discovered the mischievousness of the liturgy, in the spirit of court adulation supported king John, who, with good intentions only, promoted its cause. The pastor, Petrus Paulinus, was severely reproved for one of his writings in favor of the altered litany. The church councils meanwhile had been of no use, since the questions discussed regarded only subscription to the liturgy. The bishops, professors, and the most eminent among the clergy, convened to deliberate on the rules of order and the course of proceeding in the council. On the subject of a prolocutor, the bishops urged the deferring of the election of an archbishop, until the council had passed its resolutions on other questions. The professors of Upsala, and the clergy of the archdiocese, demanded that an arch- bishop should immediately be chosen, because they could not take part in the council as long as there was no aix*h- bishop, nor any one instead of an archbishop to pi-esorve order. It cannot be supposed, that a paltry impatience of the archdiocese's right of precedence operated in this ob- jection. But as the archbishop, as long as the church's freedom was respected, was always regarded by natural right to be the prolocutor of a church council, or as at the iirst council of the reformed church in 1529, a prolocutor had been appointed piv hoc rice, while the archbishopric was vacant, the wish to elect an archbishop before taking up other business probably proceeded from an anxious care for REFORMATION i:^ SVVEDEN. 601 the chiircli's freedom. The term president (prtcses), was avoided as a term of worldly power, or a Calvinistic form of expression, implying a free election for the time being. Probably, too, the fear operated, that some one of the priests suspected of Calvinism might be chosen. There- fore, after the duke had come, he was, on February 28th, waited upon by three of the prominent clergy, the pastors of Gefle, Tierp, and Ljusdal, who on behalf of the diocese requested leave to proceed immediately to the election of an archbifihop. The duke promised that after consultation with the council of the kingdom, lie Avould on the follow- ing day give an answer. When the bishops also appeared before the duke, bishop Petrus of Linkoping was received with severe reproaches for his unwise zeal in promoting ^he cause of the liturgy. The bishop confessed and depre- cated his fault. At a meeting together of the priests, Joachim, pastor of Upsala, met with similar reproofs from the chancellor. Nils Gyllenstjerna. Reproofs and apologies were received and offered by several other clergymen. All things being now ready for the opening of the council and proceeding to business, tJie council of the kingdom^ headed by chancellor Nils Gyllenstjerna, entered the hall where the clergy were assembled. There the chancellor, in behalf of the duke and council, respectfully saluted the clergy, and then announced that what king John had prom- ised and what the clergy had requested was now to be accomplished, and a free church council be holden. Unity in faith and church usages, was necessary for even the temporal quiet and welfare of fatherland, as Avas too mani- fest from the ravaging wars that were raging in France and the Netherlands. Every member should be allowed freely and openly to utter his opinions, and give his reasons for them. In his own, and the name of the council of the kingdom, he declared that they desired to be rooted and grounded on the Augsburgh Confession of the year 1530, 26 C02 llISTOltY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL and on the church ordinanco of archbishop Laurentius Petri the elder. He asked the clergy if* they could promise and give assurance that they who were absent would ap- prove and adhere to the decrees passed by those now present. This Avas unanimously affirmed. The king, con- tinued the chancellor, shall not be, on his return, lord over our faith and our consciences. A confession of faith ought, therefore, to be drawn up and subscribed by all and every one, to be laid before the king, for his recognition and assent. That the election of an archbishop should precede any other acts of the council was npt necessary, since an individual might be chosen, who instead of an archbishop could preserve order and act as prolocutor, and the priests of Wexio and Skara were here present without their bishops. He concluded by invoking God's blessing on the council. The chancellor's speech was answered, in behalf of the clergy, by the bishop of Linkoping. The poor man, who, the day before, had been reprimanded by the duke, now brought down upon himself a storm of indignation from his fellow-members, by requesting directions from the duke and council of the kingdom, how the proceedings of the church council should be conducted. Schepper and the professors accused him of being always a court flatterer. This wa^ a free church council, and directions were improper and un- necessary. The question respecting a prolocutor, was still undetermin- ed. The majority, and especially the priests of the see of Upsala, pressed the immediate election of an archbishop. The others, among whom were the bishops, wished the election deferred. A church must be built, was one of the arguments, before a priest was required. In this agreed those who loved not the freedom of the church, and did not do homage to its episcopal constitution. The result was a reference to the duke, and a request for his opinion. Two REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 603 councillors, therefore, went up to the castle, to laj the case before him. The duke, who often expressed himself in a manner that showed he was disposed to find the right in what was opposed to the usages of the Roman church, an- swered, that one ought not to ape the pope in thinking it necessary to have an archbishop or bishop, as prolocutor of the council. They ought to elect from among themselves a suitable man, who, however, when the council was closed, should have no authority. The election of a. prolocutor was appointed for the fol- lowing day, which was the 2nd of March. The session was opened, as were all that followed, with prayers and singing of the Veni Creator Spiritus. Professor Ericus Jacobi, and the schoolmaster of Nykoping, Olaus Martini, were chosen for secretaries. The votes were then taken) of which 196 fell to professor Nicolaus Olai Bothniensis; 56 to bishop Petrus Jona?, of Strangness, and 5 to the bishop of Linkoping. The election was confirmed by the duke, in favor of master Nils, who, notwithstanding bis en- deavors to decline the trust, was at last persuaded to take it upon him. The result of the election satisfied both those who wished to regard the" prolocutor as merely acting in place of the archbishop, and those who dreaded the strong influence of Calvinism, with which the duke and priests of Strangness were supposed to be infected. As the person elected had suflfered persecution for his inflexible opposition to the liturgy, the views of the council seemed thus before- hand ascertained. On the proposition of master Ericus Jacobi, it was resolved to choose twelve assessors, who, to- gether with the bishops, should act as counsellors and assis- tants to the prolocutor. 1 he election of them, however, was put off to the following day. On that day, the seventh from the day on which the council had been called together, being the 3rd of March, the proceedings were opened at 8 o'clock in the morning, in 604 HISTORY or THE ecclesiastical presence of the council of the kingdom, and a large number of nobles. The twelve assessors were first chosen ; being men selected from all tlie dioceses. The first chosen was the old master Olof Medelpadius, formerly pastor of Stock- holm, and a leader of the opposition to the liturgy. From the see of Upsala wel'e chosen professor Kenicius, and pas- tor Olof of Gefle, and Schepper, the newly made pastor of the great church of Stockholm ; from Linkoping, pastor Clemens of Wadsten ; from Skara, pastor Gunnar, of Nylo- dose ; from Strangness, pastor Reinold, of Striingness. and the reader of theology there, Paul Melartopajus ; from AVesteras, pastor Petrus Jona3, of Arboga ; from AVexio, provost Petrus Svenonis ; from Abo, Gregory, the rector of the school at Abo ; from Mariestad, in the diocese of Skara, superinten- dent Matthias Marci, who had been removed from that office. After the prolocutor had delivered a short speech, thank- ing the council of the kingdom for permitting the church council to be held, and recommending to the members unity and prayer for the divine blessing, the first and most important point was, to settle the church's faith and con- fession of doctrine. Glaus Marrini read seven theses, pre- sented by the prolocutor on the Holy Scripture, enforcing its divine origin, its sufficiency for human fiiilh and prac- tice, its perspicuity and power to explain itself, its exclusive honor as the only rule for faith and Avorks. Apart from this Holy Scripture, the writings of the f;xthcrs and the old doctors, could only be of value where the doctrine of the apostles and prophets was believed and acknowledged. The Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian creeds, were acknowledged and confessed as expressions of the doctrine of Holy Scrip- ture. These theses and opinions were further explained and en- larged upon by the prolocutor, and by bishop Petrus Jonoe. They were considered as the basis of the deliberations of the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 605 council ; as they expressed contrary views to those put forth in the ordinantia of 1575, and the liturgy. They corres- ponded with the German form of concord, in 1577, which, at the council of Upsala, was not mentioned. But as these conclusions were wanting in the Augsburgh Confession, they were offered as an introduction to it. Master Nils, after going through these theses, declared, that beside the three creeds, the Augsburgh Confession Avas an expression of the truth contained in the Holy Scripture ; and the reading of its articles was immediately commenced. They were proposed, in succession, by Olaus Martini, both in Latin and Swedish. After the reading of each article, it was explained by the prolocutor or some other ; and the prolocutor recommended every member who was not satisfied with the explanation given, or harbored a doubt of the article itself, to present openly his thoughts and opinions, that he might not complain either of mis- conceiving the truth, or that the council was not con- ducted with full freedom. By noon the first four articles were gone through ; and in the afternoon, between 3 and 6 o'clock, the five following. Pastor Joakim, of Upsala, who wished to defend an expression applying the word oblation to man's faith and prayer, was attacked by the prolocutor and the bishops, and obliged to recall it. On Sunday, the 4th of March, there was no meeting. But when it is observed that pastor Joakim performed mass according to the old manual, we may thence conclude, that the previous Sunday the liturgy of John was still used at divine service in the cathedral. l^ishop Petrus Jonae preached at high mass or morning service, and in the after- noon the chaplain, Engelbert of Stockholm, who had suHbred for the liturgy. On Monday morning, March 5th, between 7 and 10 o'clock, the readiu"; of the Au2;sburo;h Confession was con- tinned, Avith explanations and remarks upon the papistic 606 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL and calvinistic errors which lay on each side of the truth. In proof of the article of the Lord's Supper, bishop Petrus Jonie of Striingness, stood up, delivered a long address on the error of the sacramentarians, and complained of the suspicion which had been fastened upon him, but which he repelled, of being a secret favorer of Calvinism. On the article respecting the office of a preacher, the bishops were reminded by the council of the kingdom, not to ordain more priests than need required. The prolocutor hereupon was somewhat warm, and used a proverbial expression, that if one struck on a bush immediately ten priests came forward. Mention was made of a prescription of the canon law, that Avhoever ordains more priests than necessary must himself support them. On the following article, concerning ceremonies, there was complaint laid before the council ; of a treatise in defence of the liturg}^, composed by Petrus Paulinus, formerly pastor of Stockholm, as a work peculiarly obnoxious to censure. Twelve clergymen were selected to examine the production. The nineteenth article being reached in the forenoon, they assembled again in the after- noon at 2 o'clock, and concluded the examination of the Augsburgh confession. Then E. Schepper, addressing the body, complained, of the conduct of the Jesuits and papists in Stockholm. A burgher of the city, Tideman Cornelii, had allowed them a room in his house, where they held public worship. The same thing was done in Drottningholm. The clergy generally objected to the cloister at AVadsten, its suppression was demanded, and the transfer of its incomes to the support of poor students. It was further urged, that no papist, Calvinist, or anabaptist, should be per- mitted to serve in the work of education in the national schools, or in the chancery ; and that the Swedes who studied in Jesuit seminaries should be forbidden to return to their native land. 'J'lic council of the kingdom promised, in concert with the duke, to take the necessary measures and steps in all these respects. REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 607 After tlie reading of the Aiigsburgli confession, and the examination of it, were completed, bishop Petrus Jonaa rose up and asked the council of the kingdom and the rest of the assembly, if they received the confession which had been now critically examined and approved, and would hold fast to it, even if it should be God's will that they should on that account somewhat suffer. All arose and declared unanimously that they would not deviate therefrom, but be ready for it to stake their life and blood. Then the prolocutor exclaimed with a loud voice, '■''Now is Sweden become one man, and we all have one Lord and God /" This hour, June 24, 1527, was, of all others, the most important and conclusive for the Swedish church Reforma- tion, and thereby for the future of fatherland. On the principles of the decree noAV passed, rest the religious cul- ture and character of our people, though more than two hundred years have rolled away. Not merely the fu- ture of Sweden, but of Eu7:ope, was determined by this decree, in the strength of which Sweden soon after came forward to war and conquer in the cause of religious freedom. On the following day, March C, Schepper preached in the morning at the cathedral, after which the men who had been selected for the purpose, met together at noon, to ex- amine Petrus Paulini's treatise in defence of the liturgy. The council assembled at 1 o'clock in the afternoon. The liturgy was now brought forward, and whoever would, was invited to come forth in its defence. But it found not a warrior in its cause, not a voice was raised in behalf of that order of the mass which for seventeen years had occasioned such convulsions in the Swedish church. When it thus was doomed, the prolocutor turned to the bishops with the reproachful inquiry, how they had brought them- selves to accept it. There now took place a renunciation of the liturgy by acclamation. The three bishops present, 608 HISTORY OP THE ECCLESIASnCAI. who had been friends of the liturgy, stepped forward. Bishop Petrus of Linkoping declared, he had accepted the liturgy partly from ignorance, partly from constraint, or led on by those who then managed the church. He acknow- ledged himself to have done wrong, and prayed God's and the church's forgiveness. Bishop Bellinus of Westeras said, that he had been imposed upon by the explanations given of the liturgy, and offered as an apology that, before king John's death, he had already recalled the approval he had given. Bishop Erik of Abo professed that he had only acquiesced in the liturgy because he regarded it as compati- ble with pure doctrine. After this the priests of the city, the teachers, king John's court preacher, and lastly, the clergy of the dioceses, came forward, and, without an ex- ception, recalled their consent to the liturgy. It became the cause of many abusive terms and nicknames. Strict inquiry was made of the course pursued by those who had more actively labored for the liturgy, or who had declared themselves in its favor. Many priests, who, without any other merit than accepting the liturgy had been promoted to good benefices, were displaced. Pastor Joakim of Up- sala, was again attacked. He said that if all the rest abandoned the liturgy he was willing to do so. Master Nils was not satisfied with this, but wished a plain answer to the question, whether in accepting the liturgy he was conscious of having done good or evil. Joakim made no reply, and the matter dropped. Schepper thanked master Erik Jacobi, who had recovered him from error. Many of the priests of the archdiocese acknowledged individually their fault in having shown a zeal for the liturgy. This was done in the name of the bishop of Skara and the diocese, by the bishop's son, Olaus Columbus, who was dean of the chapter and pastor of Larf. An inquiry was now set on foot respecting the writings,, which, by king John's direction, were issued in 1588, in REFORMATION IN SWEDP:N. 609 the name of the diocese of Linkoping, W esteras, and Wexio, against the clergy of Charles's duchy. Pastor Olof of Linkoping, exculpated himself and the brethren of his diocese, on the plea, that the king's secretaries, Olof Sver- kersson and Henrik Mattsson, laid before them at Stegeborg a paper without any writing, on which they were compelled to underwrite their names. The bishop of AVesteras de- clared, that to this lampoon he had never given his assent. In behalf of the diocese of Wexio, the provost of Wexio professed their sorrow at having been the occasion of scandal in the church, and offered the apology, that before king John's death they had withdrawn their support from the obnoxious liturgy. Hereupon, the chancellor rose and thanked bishop Petrus Jonse, and the priests of Strangness for the firmness with which they had striven and sutfered for the truth. The councillor, Gustaf Bauer, admonished the priests to be warned how they signed obligations without reflection. They might be sure that it Avould bring ruin on their heads to be again tempted to defection. When Hogenskild Bjelke spoke in the same strain, he was spared, by his rank in the commonwealth, from hearing what was whispered among the clergy, that he ought to ask himself what he was think- ing of, and what were his opinions, when, some years before, he forced the liturgy upon the priests of East Goth land. Mutual reconciliations took place among the clergy, and promises to bury the past in oblivion. The question being then put by the prolocutor, whether they would abandon the liturgy, and the answer being unanimously in the affirmative, the session was closed by reading the confession of the diocese of Strangness on the liturg}\ When they were assembled in the morning of March 7th, from 6 to 1 o'clock, the prolocutor summed up the reasons on which the liturgy must be regarded as worthy of con- 26^' 610 IIISTOUY OP THE KCCLESIASTICAL demnation, and there were read the opinions on it of cer- tain German universities. Petrus Paulinus was then cited to answer for his treatise, to which allusion has before been made, and other charges were brought against him. He had, in that treatise, 'made use of contemptuous expressions toward the opposers of the liturgy, had defended the doctrine of tlic change in the eucharistic bread in a manner jejeune and tending to superstition, and in relation to ceremonies, had said, that man was to be instructed in religion by two processes, in his youth by ceremonies, at a later period of life by the word of God. He endeavored to defend himself, but was overwhelmed with replies. He excused himself by saying, that this treatise was composed by king John's direction ; but one of the councillors testified, that the king had ex- pressed dissatisfaction with Petrus and his book. There were now other accusations brought airainst him ; but the case was deferred to the following day. In the afternoon, at three o'clock, another session was held, in which there were brought under review the church customs and usages, that as a consequence of rejecting the liturgy, ought to be removed. Such were the saints' days introduced by the ordinantia of 1575, the white roklin of the priest, the episcopal robes and crosier, prayers for the dead, ringing at the elevation of the sacrament, chiming bells in the morning and afternoon in praise of the virgin Mary, the so called ciboria or tabernacle for the consecrated elements in churches, the washing of the liands of the priests at the altar, the removal of the mass book from one corner of the altar to the other, the having more altars than one in the same church, the shrines of St. Erik and other saints Pesolutions were not passed in respect to these several points, with the exception of abolishing the newly introdu- ced saints' days. On the 8th of March, after a sermon by the German REB^ORMATION IX SAVEDEN. 611 preacher at Stockholm, the general subject of church ordi- nances and church usages, was introduced by the prolocu- tor. He reproached the bishops with having surrendered a great part of their jurisdiction to the chancery of the king, and reproached the officers of that court, with having in- truded on the episcopal office. The whole question embra- ced the princip'es that, in 1586, were promulgated in the church of Charles's duchy, by the articles of Orebro. On the question of what mass or service book should be adopt- ed in place of the liturgy, it was generally desired to return to that which was in use before the introduction of the lit- urgy. 'J'hus was the old manual confirmed. The case of Petrus Paulinus was afterward again brought up. There now came forward, as his accusers, Schepper, Engelbrecht, chaplain at Stockholm, and the representative whom the burghers of Stockholm had elected and sent to Upsala for this very purpose. He had forbidden the use of the Latin catechism of Chytrceus in the school of Stockholm ; he had, to an indiscreet excess, carried the doctrine of faith and good works, as presented in John's ordinantia and lit- urgy ; had, in a funeral sermon at the burial of the burgo- master, N. Brask, who died in the popish faith, praised him as blessed ; in a word, both in his preaching and his life, had manifested pride, ambition, and covetousness. A gen- eral dislike seems to have been accumulated on his head ; and the council doomed him, as unworthy of his office, to have his official robes publicly taken off him by the bishop of Linkoping.* On the next day's session, being the 9th of March, from eight to one o'clock, the subject of the mass book and man- ■* Only one young man, an eye witness of his deposition, at the council of Upsala. shed tears over his ruin. This was his younger brother, Lauren- tins, newly come home master from his studies in Germany, who in after years, became archbishop of Upsala. 612 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL ual was taken up, in order to decide what ceremonies ought to be laid aside or retained. On motion of tlic prolocutor, the principle was recognized, that ceremonies were in tlie class of indifferent things, and could with Christian freedom be retained, but ought to be abolished when they were mis- understood or abused. This was the old principle of the Swedish reformation. Hereupon arose a question, respect- ing the use of exorcism in baptism, which had been, at an early period, debated in Sweden, and which Laurentius Petri, the elder, defended against the Calvinists of his time. It was now determined to retain the practice, as a declara- tion to the people of the child's condition before baptism. But as the usual words in this ceremony, " begone thou foul spirit," were thought to be hard and susceptible of an ill sense, the milder expression, " may he depart hence," was substituted. More easily than in the case of exorcism, which, as before remarked, had been abolished in the court of Charles, was there an agreement respecting the uselessness and superstition of certain other customs, — such were the lighting of candles on the altar when the gospel was read, and whicli were held behind the priest at the elevation of the sacrament ; the carrying of a light in the hand at the churching of Avomcn, and the giving an offering to tlie church at the time ; the bearing of a cross and standai'd be- fore the dead body at burials; the consecration of the dead body and of graves ; the use of frankincense ; the practice of having lights at weddings ; the marching with a train of the bridegroom around the church or churchyard. On this day, however, as on tlie 8th of March, the topics were canvassed, but no decree was passed. The afternoon session began at three o'clock, with an examination of some priests, complained of for too great zeal for liturgism, but whose case was not till now settled. These were, Petrus, pastor of Skcptuna, in the archdiocese ; REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 613 Hakan, of Stockholm, Thomas, of Abo, and Amured, of Stockholm. They were now received into fellowship. As on the previous days, the council had drawn up its de - crees, regarding matters of faith, divine worship, and church usages, the question of church ordinances and church disci- pline was discussed at this session. The church ordinance of 1571, was accepted and adopted, having' been read and criticised in those portions, which, in the deliberations on ceremonies had not already been examined. Here, too, the views of the council were manifested, although they were not put in the form of decrees. To the conduct of priests especial reference was made. They ought to be examined before being ordained, and undergo a new examination v/hen they were promoted to benefices. An elderly priest, who relinquished his benefice to his son, or son-in-law, should be allowed to take it again, if he experienced from him either ingratitude or disrespect. The same subjects were canvassed on the following day, being the 10th of March. Mention was made of a church ordinance, that preaching and prayers should not last more than one hour. Complaint was made of the claim of the nobles to the right of patronage. The bishops and chapter ought, in conjunction, to have the right of conferring bene- fices. None should be transferred from one benefice to another, without passing through a fresh examination. Priests were admonished to take heed to themselves, and not to become " gadabouts." They should always bear in mind that they stood in the stead and place of God. On this day, the council had concluded its deliberations and decrees, on all the topics whereof they considered them- selves to have freedom of decision. But, while it was in session, much had occurred, and much was still to be desir- ed, for the church's weal, that could not be perfected with- out recourse to the civil authority. Sixty-three points were therefore presented to the duke and council of the kingdom, containing; the demands of this council of the church. G14 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL The first part contains the demands of tlie council in re- gard to the exercise of religion. Tlie duke and council are requested to acknowledge, confirm, and subscribe the de- crees of the ecclesiastical body, and to take care that they were approved and confirmed by the other estates. King Sii2flsmund, before enterino; on his reijjn and beins; crowned, should confirm them. No alteration should take place through the constraining or persuasive influence of individu- als, but through the joint action of the clergy and laity; and this action should not be accounted as an offence against the prince. The king should not have more than three popish priests, natives of Sweden ; and these, as well as those from abroad, should be allowed to preach only in the king's court, and were to be carried with him when he left the land. The exercise of the popish or any foreign relig- on, sliould not be allowed, save in the king's chapel. No native, or foreigner, of another faith than that now adopted, should obtain office or service in the kingdom, should enter into marriage with a Swedish maid or widow, stand god- father, or receive public burial ; and if there was no change of opinion within a night and a year, should be banished the land. Frequenting of Jesuit or calvinistic schools should be prohibited. Clergymen who sought those schools, should be deposed ; fathers who sent their children there be fined. The second part contains the demands of the council for the church's freedom, in relation to the temporal power. Bishops should not be intruded, but be legally elected, and within tliree months after the coronation, be confirmed by the king. They should be allowed to exercise their office according to the laws of Sweden, the ordinantia of Weste- ras, and the printed church ordinances -, by advice and con- sent of their chapters should place and displace priests and teacliers, according to their merit or demerit ; should exer- cise in the church the power of binding and loosing ; have judgment in all marriage cases ; hold visitations and con- REFORMATION IN SAVEDEN. 615 vocations ; and decide on disputed cases between tliose who were entering upon and those leaving a benefice. The bishops and their chapters should be at liberty to call to- gether diocesan councils ; and the archbishop, with the con- sent of the other bishops, to hold a general and free church council, if need were. The bishop or his official may see that the parsonage is kept in repair, and the priest must not be made to build beyond the legal requirement, but the parish must keep up the repairs. Except in the more weighty cases, such as high treason and capital offences, ac- cusations against a priest may be brought before the prov- ost of the district, from whom there shall be an appeal to the bishop and chapter, and from these to a council of bish- ops ; and in like manner, if any one had a complaint against the bishop and chapter, in a matter that involved punishment. The bishops were critically to inquire into false doctrine, admonish, put under ban, and if there were no amendment, inflict banishment. When the bishops were summoned to court, one was not to be summoned to answer for the rest, but all were to be present at once. The lagmen, justices of the district, and stewards, were to encourage the people in reverence for the clergy, and in freely giving the salary to which they are entitled, on the principles and by the command of Holy Scripture. The third part treats of the sanctity of divine service ; and prescribes punishment to those who make a noise in or do not to go to church. The assize should not be holden in Advent, contrary to Swedish law, nor in Lent, Passion "Week, nor on Saturday. The sergeants of the district and stewards, at their meetings in the church tower, " must not fall to WTangling." Proctors of cathedrals must always be priests. The council now proceeded to pass resolutions respecting the incomes of the church and clergy. The wine and corn levied for buildhig churches, should be maintained without 616 HISTOKY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL diminution, and the tax laid where it did not already ex- ist. Settled and established rates of salaries should be drawn up for bishops, chapters, priests in towns, and teach- ers, so that they u»ight not, from their straitened resour- ces, be necessitated to tread court stairs, and become the poor, mean, door-watchers of the gi'eat. Amelioration was desired of the heavy tax of entertaining guests from the way- side, and Avriting certificates for them ; since the priests ex- cused the neglect of the proper duties of their office, by the hindrances and cares required by such calls upon their time. Kclease, especially was asked, from borough law meetings ; instead of which, it would be preferable to pay a yearly tax. It was also requested that the compensation which khig Gustavus gave to the support of the domestic establishment of each priest, might be affirmed, and they who had none, as yet, might obtain it out of the tithes of river and other fish ; so that poor priests, and the widows of priests, might have the old support. In respect to the work of education, the council urged, that the regulations which it was now in contemplation to establish, might be applied to the college and schools. In every cathedral there should be a reader of theology, to have the oversight of schools. From every diocese some students should be supported at such foreign academies as acknowledged the Augsburgh Confession. Teachers should be allowed a yearly income. The professors of the college should be twelve in number, " double that number being found in the smallest foreign academies, and there could not be fewer, if things were to be conducted as they ought to be." A fellowship for students should be instituted : the libraries at Stockholm and Upsala inventoried and kept in order ; and no man be allowed to send his children to study abroad, till they had been previously taught at Upsala. It was further requested, that the printing press should be removed from Stockholm to Upsala, Avhose chapter and KEFORMATION IN S^\TEDEN. 617 professors were to take care that no popish or calvinistic books were printed there. A new edition of the Bible ought to be then printed, and the writings of Olaus and Lauren tins Petri the elder, be collected and put to press, as also the Swedish Psalm-Book, with the excluded psalms reintroduced and all the newer ones left out. The clergy requested that no vows on entering upon their office should hereafter be taken by priests, other than such as were publicly known and prepared in a form com- mon to all, and that the duke and council of the kingdom would aid in restoring the written pledges to the liturgy, that they might be destroyed. Finally, with regard to the cloister of Wadsten, whose dissolution was urged on the 5th of March, the council limited itself to requiring, that the nuns should be obliged to listen to a sermon on the Aug-sburo-h Confession. These demands, picturing the position of the church and the judgment of the clergy respecting that position, and constituting a programme of the Swedish church's history from 1593 for the succeeding century, were not separately deliberated upon by the council. There is no mention of a decree passed for their being made a rule of action, nor of the time of its being done. After the session of the 10th of March, and a rest on the following day, which was Sunday, when bishop Petrus Jonge preached in the cathedral, no meeting was held, either on the 12th or loth of the month, those days being occupied in writing out clean copies of the decrees that had been passed. It is highly probable, as a manuscript gives us reason to believe, that during the examination of the previous proceedings, these "postulata" or demands, were arranged into divisions, and collected into a whole, and were then, with the addition of some new points, transmitted, on March the 13th, together with the decrees, to the duke and council of the kingdom. The consent 618 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL of the duke to the decrees of the council, and his answer and that of the council of the kingdom to the " postulata " were anxiously expected, but in vain. The council again assembled in session on March 14th, after hearing a sermon ; and the hitherto deferred subject of the election of an archbishop occupied the attention of the members. The council had come together without the king's knowledge and assent. They had, independently of him, passed decrees, which they foresaw would prove un- acceptable to him, and had expressed the determination of making his acknowledgment of these decrees a condition of admitting him to take possession of the throne. It now concerned them, to find a man sufficiently tried for courage and firmness, to be put in the chief seat of the church, amid those struggles and dangers with which the mainte- nance of the decrees of the council threatened the occupant of that seat, and the church itself. Master Abraham Andrew, who had not yet returned to his fatherland, was looked upon as the most worthy of that dangerous honor ; and he was called by an almost unanimous vote from his banishment to the highest honor and office in the church. On the following day, being the loth of March, an election was ordered for the sees of Skara and Wexio, the great age of whose occupants seemed to require a release, and for the see of AViborg, which was to be again sundered from Abo. In these votes, only the masters of arts and the city pastors of the respective dioceses participated. To Skara, Ilenricus Gadolenus was elected ; to Wexio, Olaus Martini ; to Wiborg, Petrus Melartopqpus. At the inter- cession of their dioceses, however, the two first-named bishops were afterward retained in office, although their former compliance with the liturgy, no less than their age, was regarded as a fault by the council. The see of Abo remained unmutilated. The council had, with perfect unanimity, cast out the REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 619 papacy, and provided defences against it for the church. They had also, without difficulty, vanquished liturgism, and won its general rejection. But from the termination of the proper proceedings of the council, on the 10th of March, there began to rise a storm, which threatened to destroy the not yet perfected building of a sole church in fatherland. The decrees of the council yet wanted confirmation of the civil government of the land, which was exercised by the duke and council of the kingdom. That council had been present and followed the course of the ecclesiastical synod ; and as we have seen, one or more of the members of the former had given expression to his opinions before the latter. The duke, upon the contrary, had abstained from all inter- ference with the movements of the church council. Both the council of the kingdom and the clergy construed this as a proof of his care for the church's freedom, and deliberated and decreed without applying to him for advice. There was also an anxiety to guard against the influence of Cal- vinism, of which there was something to be feared from the duke. His favorite bishop, Petrus of Striingness, had, as we have remarked, thought himself obliged to exonerate himself before the council from the suspicion of that error. But, after the transactions of the council, on the lOtli of March, were terminated, the duke, who in all other things was in harmony with the council of the kingdom and the clergy, began to make known his dissatisfaction, that di- verse church customs offensive to him were retained. From that day forward, there was a private altercation on the subject. But the synod neither would nor could retreat. And the decrees, notwithstanding the duke's known dis- pleasure, were recorded, and on the 13th of March forwarded to him. When still, on the 16th' of March, the answer of the government to the request for coniirming the decrees was not received, the bishops, and some of the priests, 620 HISTORY or THE ECCLESIASTICAL t waited on the duke, who was residing at the castle, formally to solicit his approbation and assent. The duke addressed, them in harsh terms. They had, shutting him out, of their own pleasure prepared the meat for the dish, but they ought to bear in mind that the lid was not closed. His wrath was moderated, Avhen the bishops excused themselves, on the plea that they believed the council of the kingdom to ha\ e acquainted him with the progress of matters. But they could not induce him to yield the points, in regard to which he required the council to alter its decrees. These were chiefly three, that exorcism should be removed from the baptismal service ; that the use of salt and candles should be dispensed with, and that there should be no elevation of the sacrament in the mass or service of the Lord's Sup per. The duke refused to subscribe the decrees as long as these changes were not made. When he could not be induced to yield, the council held a new session in the afternoon of the 16th of March, to deliberate on his requi- sitions. It was fully expected by the duke that the council, which in concert with him had assumed the right of assem- bling, and by its decrees had well-nigh put at defiance the king of the land, would be tamely submissive. The council resolved to abide l)y what had been done, both to preserve tlie church's freedom in indifferent things, and because it was thought that these church customs could not be laid aside without creating disturbance and scandal. This was the very principle, which, about thirty years before, Laurcntius Petri the elder, in quite the same form, maintained and pressed against king Erik and D. Burnrus. The council so far yielded, as to deem that an alteration might be made in drawing up the decrees, by the use of a moderated form of expression, and the decrees were, there- fore, on the 17th of ISIarch engrossed, and they were in those points couclied in the sense they afterward retained. On Sunday, March 18th, there was a meeting at the close KErORMATION IN SWEDEN. 621 of higli mass ; and the recent modifications of the decrees of tlie church council in the disputed points were read and approved. They were also approved by the duke. But a number of the clergy, at the head of whom were the bishops of Westeras and Abo, and the professors at Upsala, were dissatisfied with the alterations made, and by duke Charles's obstinacy they had been put still more on their guard against the dreaded secret influence of Calvinism. The decree^ contained a rejection of heresies, among which was also specified the doctrine of the sacramentaries. It was urged that the name Calvinists should expressly be introduced. Hereupon arose the most vehement debates in the assembly. Many, perhaps cautiously, wished to avoid a Avord which in their secret sentiments betokened nothing damnable. In vain the prolocutor reminded them that the Calvinists were included in the general term sacramentaries, and that after an accommodation with the duke had been brought to a happy close, he ought not to be again troubled and provoked. The opposition party were not to be moved from their de- mands, and the prolocutor, in an angry mood, left the as- sembly, without any decree on that point being passed. A portion of the clergy immediately left the city, without wait- ing for a decision on the case. But after evening service of the same day, the peace-loving and mediating bishop of Linkoping, with a number of the clergy, met together, and the decree was accepted and acknowledged in the fomi in which it had been last drawn up. It was agreed that they would assemble the following day, to subscribe it. At that meeting, which was on Monday, March 19th, a large part of the members of the council refused to subscribe the de- cree unless the Calvinists were in it expressly condemned. The moderate party were now obliged to yield, and the bishops of Linkoping and Striingness, with the prolocutor of the council, went to duke Charles, to obtain his consent to the required addition. Displeased with this demand, and 622 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL •with what he suspected to be its reason, the duke objected that the decree ought to contain the condemnation of others who were equally heretics with Calvin, but finally said, ''If you put in all whom you know to be of that sort, you must include the devil himself, in hell; for he, too, is my foe." There was now added to the decree a condemnation of the Zwinglians and Calvinists. After this was done, the clergy assembled the same day, being March 19, 1593, in the castle of Upsala, in presence of the duke, the council of the kingdom, and the rest of the laity, and delivered up the decrees as recited. The duke, council of the kingdom, and those present, acknowledged, received, and promised to subscribe them. The duke de- clared the council at an end, and dismissed the members to their homes. The decrees of the council are a convincing proof that, as in recent times, discord and disunion, in matters of religion, within the realm of Sweden, had been the cause of divisions and scandal, and experience had shown that nothing is more mischievous in a kingdom than discord and disunion, and nothing more beneficial, or more calculated to bind hearts together, than concord and unity in religion ; this unity was to be best won by a Christian general free national council. Such had been common from the apostles' times ; and as King John had, some years before his death, consented that a council should be held, so had this assembly, by universal consent and approbation, been brought together at Upsala. Here, in the name of the Holy Trinity, after an earnest calling upon God, and after a godly and close investigation, had the following points been conciliarly settled. 1. All desire and will to continue and abide in the pure and saving word of God, contained in the writings of the holy prophets, evangelists and apostles. They acknowledge this holy Scripture to have its origin from the Holy Ghost ; to contain fully all Christian doctrine ; to be the basis and REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 623 stay of the true Christian faith, and judge in all religious controversies, and needs no additional light either from the holy fathers or any else. 2. The council further recognizes the unity and agree- ment of the Swedish with the church of the first ages, by acceptance of the Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian creeds, with the reformed evangelical church, by acceptance of the Augsburgh confession of 1530 ; with the previous reforma- tion of the Swedish church, by acceptance of the church ordinance of 1572, as the expression and exhibit of that re- ligion which, at the close of king Gustavus's reign, and the life of archbishop Laurentius Petri JSfericias, was here re- ceived and professed in this kingdom. 3. In respect to certain ceremonies at baptism and the Lord's supper, such as the use of salt, candles, and the ele- vation of the sacrament, the moving of the mass book from one end of the altar to the other, Avhicli ceremonies, from their abuse, had been rejected by most congregations; the council ordered that as well the parish priests as the bishops, at their visitations, should endeavor to remove the abuses from the minds of the people. But if this could not be done without rejecting and casting oft' the ceremonies them- selves, the bishops, with their chapters, and the most learned of the clergy, should meet together and deliberate upon the most suitable means of getting rid of the evil, without scan- dal or noise. In regard to exorcism in the baptismal rite, the council declared that it was not necessary, but that, as it corresponded with the effect of baptism, it might be re- tained in congregations with Christian freedom ; the words, " may he depart" being substituted for " begone hence." In retaining exorcism, there was no intention to condemn " high persons here in the kingdom," witli whom it was not in use. 4. As the liturg}^, which some of the clergy here in the kingdom had adopted, was superstitious and promotive of 624 HISTORY OP THE EOCLESIASTICAL scandal, and in its principles, altogether resembling the popish mass, so was it disapproved, together with all its evil train of doctrine, ceremonies, and discipline. The errors, moreover, were rejected, of the Zwinglians, Calvinists, Ana- baptists, and all other heretics. 5. The church discipline, so it was said, was principally made known by the printed church ordinances ; but as its exercise had been for some time neglected, all now promised to put it in force, and what was wanting in written prescrip- tions, the care of the bishops and chapters was to supply. 6. AlthouGfli the council considered that forei<2;n modes of faith could not be allowed to become established in the king- dom, yet, as they could not well be hindered, it was resolv- ed that the professors of such modes of faith should not be allowed to hold any public meetings, in houses or else- where ; and the council threatened those with punishment, who were convicted of the same, or who spoke injuriously of the religion of the land. 7. AVhatcvcr else was agi'eed upon and resolved in this council, should be forthwith made known in print. This promise, however, remained, by the circumstances of the times, unfulfiled. In conclusion, they all, with great unanimity, pledged themselves, by God's help, to hold ftist, and maintain the de- crees that had been passed, committing themselves and their cause into the hands of Almighty God, " His Divine Maj- esty," as they express themselves, " being to us a gracious defence, and ever-»ready shield." The decrees of the council of ITpsala, the fundamental principles of the Swedish church unto this day, were pub- lished and proclaimed in the name of Charles, the chief feudatory noble of the kingdom of Sweden, and in the name of the council of the kingdom, and of the bishops and nu- merous clergy, who had been present. They were subscri- bed by the duke, council of the kingdom, knights, nobles, REIFORMATION IN SWEDEN. • 625 clergy, and men of the market towns, for themselves and their successors, on the 20th of March, on which day the subscribers, though a small number only of the members of the council, first enrolled their names. The decrees, how- ever, were sent around the dioceses, in copies which were subscribed by those who had been present at the council. Nor was this done by them only, but as the synod had de- sired, by all others, by the council of the kingdom, the bish- ops, knights and nobles, priests and crown officers, individu- ally, and by the burgomasters and councils of towns, in the name, and with the seals of their corporations. The vow was appended, that this document should be for them and their posterity perpetual. These subscriptions were continued during the following spring and summer. Many of the councillors and others' travelled about in various parts of the land, to make the people acquainted with the decrees. A century later, when the Swedish church, in 1G93, celebrated the jubilee of the council of Upsala, a copy of the decrees of the council, with the names of all the subscribers collected toecether and in order, was issued to each diocese. The names appended are those of duke Charles, duke Gustavus of Saxony and Westphalia, the nephew of king Gustavus L, fourteen councillors, seven bishops, 218 knights and nobles, 137 holders of court offices, 1,556 priests, of whom 250 were of the diocese of Abo ; making a sum total of 1,934 persons. To these are to be added the subscriptions of the burgo- masters and councils of 30 towns, and that of an agent who came from Narva, for the purpose of signing in behalf of the burghers of that town, both Swedes and Finns. The list is closed with 197 names from the remoter provinces and dis- tricts. The Swedish people rose up a^ one man, publicly and unanimously to confess and ackno^vledgc the faith in which alone they found unity and peace. 27 626 HISTORY OK THE ECCLESIASTICAL The cause was won, ami the descendants of the men Avho, by an honest war against that cause, had in reality promo- ted and perfected the victory, now by subscribing the de- crees at the council of Upsala, gave up the formularies of their f\xthers. Among those who subscribed, are to be found a nephew of bishop Brask, and a son of Dionysius Burraius. The recognition of the council by king Sigismund was still wanting, and it was uncertain if this could be won from him. In vain did Thurc Bjelke the councillor, who was sent in the summer of 1593 to Poland, use all his efforts for that purpose. But the dread entertained of the king's obstinacy, was one of the causes that roused the Swedisli people to enter warmly into the the contest for the freedom of their church. When, therefore, king Sigismund, on dis- embarking at Stockholm, on September 30, 1593, was met at the castle bridge, not only by duke Charles and the council of the kingdom, with others, but by the clergy, headed by the newly elected and newly returned archbishop Abra- ham Andreoe, the token of respect was an expressive sign, that there was no intention of neglecting the council of Upsala, or of slighting its decrees. Tlie autumn slipped by in fruitless negotiations and a suspicious ; apprehension and occasional malign occurrences increased the bitter feeling toward papists. In the churches E. Schepper, and the Jesuits who came in the train of the king, preached against each other. Scenes of violence oc- curred, and only under protection of Polish weapons could the bodies of the popish priests Avho died be buried in tlie churchyards. It was demanded, that the king should banish from the country the papal legate, Malaspina, who had accompanied him liith^r. Although that Jesuit, in defiance of the prohibition of the council of the kingdom, attended the funeral obsequies of king John at Upsala, the alarming menaces he received forced him and his compeers REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. 627 to abstain from burying in the cathedral of Upsala. On the occasion to Avhich we have just referred, being February 1, 1594, the sermon delivered over the body of the deceased king was preached by the man he most hated, Abraham Andreae. When king Sigismund had come to Upsala, where, after his father's obsequies, his own coronation was to take place, and where the estates of the kingdom were summoned to meet him, the subject of giving his sanction to the council of Upsala was brought before him. The king who, soon after his return to Sweden, had stopped the printing of the decrees of the council of Upsala, finding there was no hope for its entire suppression, endeavored to obtain such a modification, as respect for the faith he professed might authorize him to demand and expect from the estates of the kingdom. He offered to confirm the religion which was current and received at the close of his grandfather's and beginning of his father's reign. He required merely the suppression of the points which related to free exercise of any other faith than the evangelical Lutheran confessions. He promised to give his sanction to the council of Upsala. on condition that the estates of the kingdom should re- examine its decrees. He finally shrunk his demands to the single request, that the yet unfinished church of Sodermalm, in the suburbs of Stockholm, might be opened for the ex- ercises of his religion. All was in vain ; nothing was con- ceded beyond what had already been conceded— the right of the king to have the papal service performed in his own court. "When the negotiations had for some time been carried on, under a growing impatience on the part of the estates, and an attempt to divide them on the part of the king's faction, and to gain over at least the peasantry, the estates assembled, on the 11th of February, at the college, in the same room where the church council had met. The arch- 628 HISTORY OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL bislioD read the decrees of that council, and a:^ked if the estates were willing to abide by them. The four estates now entered on an examination of the several parts of those decrees. Soon after, the priests and burghers individually made known to the archbishop, who filled the place of prolocutor, their resolve not to deviate from the evangelical doctrine, but for it to venture life and goods. So also did the commons, and finally the knights and nobles, who all pledged themselves as willing for that faith to live and die. They declared, that whoever apostatized from this faith should lose all their inheritance, and if their children for- sook it they should be disinherited by the parents. The same punishment was to be meted to those who allowed their children to be brought up in any other faith. All this was confirmed by all the estates, with the addition, that whoever refused to subscribe the decrees of the council of Upsala, should be incapacitated from holding any spiritual or temporal office in the kingdom, and that the exercise of no foreign religion should be allowed, except in the king's chapel. After this solemn confirmation of the council of Upsala had been given, the whole asssembly fell on their knees, while thanksgiving and prayers to God were read by the archbishop. Two days after, on February 13th, the declaration that had passed and been engrossed was read. The commander of the militaiy forces, who had not been present on the 11th of February, was now called up, and on the archbishop's putting the question, declared his hearty assent to the decrees of the council. A member of the assembly was appointed to inform the king of what had been done. Finally, on the IGth of February, the king promised unconditionally to accept the decrees of the council ; on occasion whereof, the following day, being the first Sunday in Lent, the Te Deum was sung in the cathedral of Upsala. The archbishop elect of the council, who preached REFORilATION IX SWEDEN. 629 that day, and himself raised that Te Deum, had not yet received the king's coniirmation to office. It was not sur- prising that Sigismund should withhold it to the last moment, from the avowed foe, not only of his own, but his father's doctrinal views. It was given, however, at the last hour, on the evening of February 18th, and on the follow- ing morning he was consecrated, by the bishops of Linkop- ing. Westerns, Strangncss and Abo. On the same day took place the coronation of the king. The king was spared the humiliation of being compelled to allow the arch- bishop to place the crown on his head, and put on him the other regalia. But even in this transaction was marked the victory gained by protestantism. The bishop of Linkoping, who Avas preferred by the king, was not allowed to perform the act, but the archbishop drew back, only on condition that Petrus Jonai, bishop of Striingness, scarce less odious than himself, should take his place. The king, on this occasion, pledged himself to protect and preserve his subjects in their religion according to the Augs- burgli confession of faith of the year 1530, such as it was at the close of king Gustavus's and beginning of king John's reign, and as it had been settled by the council of Upsala in 1593, and that none should suffer let or molestation for the profession of that faith. Some weeks later, he confirmed and certified the demands presented by the clergy at the council of Upsala, and which had, though in a mitigated form, been offered the king for his recognition. The king obligated himself to nominate as bishop, one of three per- sons presented to him " by the clergy, chapter, and diocese.'* Of the privileges reserved to the bishops by the council of Upsala, those only were confirmed which gave them the power to appoint and displace priests and scholars according to the ecclesiastical ordinance of 1571 and the ordinantia of Westeras. The right of the chapter to give its assent, and the jus paironatus, were protected, as also the king's 630 ECCLESIASTICAL REFORMATION IN SWEDEN. right to confirm iu otRce the pastors of cities, and th'ose of the royal benefices. A church council was not to be called without the king's consent ; but the archbishop, who, by virtue of his office, " ought to have honor and authority above other bishops," was to possess the right, aided by the difierent chapters, of holding a general visitation throughout the kingdom. Bishops were to have the right of pronounc- ing sentence of excommunication. If the excommunication was not regarded, the case was to be referred to the king. The academy of Upsala was to be well supported, and kept up in strength. The king, by advice of duke Charles and the council of the kingdom, -was to settle the incomes of churches, priests, schools and chapters. The tertial tithes were confirmed. In all disputes that concerned temporal matters, the clergy were to plead before the assize of the district, in spiritual causes before the bishop and chapter. "We have already begun to trespass on that circle of time, in whrch the eye, looking forward, contemplates that devel- opment of the church for the enjoyment and possession of which the Swedish people endured a struggle of seventy years. Blessed be the memory of the fathers who bequeathed to posterity the good inheritance. Amen. APPENDICES. THE COSVERSION OP THE %Vimn TO CHRISTIANITY. Under the kings and queens of the Yngling race, the darkness of heathenism reigned over the land of the Swedes. Some knowledge, however, of Christiaiiity was, in all j^robability, acquired by its in- habitants through the commerce which, in the third and fourth cen- turies, was carried on, to a greater or less extent, with Constantinople, where, even before its change of name from Byzantium, the gospel had gained a permanent settlement. But the conversion of Sweden to the faith of Christ was not undertaken by missionary zeal, till the earlier part of the ninth century. In the year of our Lord 817, Louis, the son of Charlemagne, conferred with certain bishops on the most advisable means of converting the northern regions to Christianity, and induced Pope Paschal to appoint Ebbo, at that time archbishop of Rheims, as apostle of all the North. But Ebbo, although not contemning the papal bull and order, preferred the quiet of his see to the risk of a journey to Sweden, and the probable crown of mar- tyrdom. The coldness, however, of the archbishop did not wholly defeat the purpose of the emperor. Solicited by a message from the then king of Sweden, he sent, in 829, a Benedictine monk named Anscar or Ansgarius, who afterward became the first archbishop of Ilamburffh, with directions to use his zeal in converting the nations of the North, and bringing them into obedience to the cliair of Rome. After a year spent with some success, Anscar I'eturned to the emperor ; but as neitlier the king, Biorn III., nor his people, were converted, it cannot be said that Sweden was yet Christianized That the spark kindled by Anscar might not be wholly extin- guished. Pope Gregory IV. deputed, in 836, Gautbert, or Simon, as he is sometimes called, to carry on the work of conversion ; and with this object in view, conferred on him the episcopal dignity. But the rashness of this missionary and his fellow-laborer Nitard, caused them to be driven from the laud ; and tliey left no favorable impression behind them. This event distressed the pious heart of Anscar, who not only, in 837, sent tlie eremite Ardgar to king Biorn, but urged 632 APPENDICES. on bishop Gautbert to return once more to Sweden, fortified witli a papal bull and the archiepiscopal authority. This prelate, however, excused himself, on the plea of being too distasteful to the Swedes, and proposed his relative Erinibert as worthy the commission of a missionary to that jjeople. At length, and because no other would, without him, undertake the office, Anscar himself, in 860, commenced a second journey to Sweden, accompanied by Erimbert, with a letter of recommendation from the emperor Louis to king Olof. In this- latter journey Anscar obtained, before returning to his see of Ham- burgh, a free permission to j) reach the gospel throughout the land ; and converts were made. But a hundred years were yet to elapse, before Sweden could properly be said to have embraced Christianity. And although Anscar, who died at Hamburgli in 8G9, did not neglect the seed which he had sown, but sent two able missionaries, Ragimbert and Rimbert, to strengthen the things that remained ; and, although the archbishops of Bremen, where the see of Hamburgh was re- moved, either themselves, as in the case of archbishop Unno, went to Sweden or sent others to labor in that field, yet, during the whole of the ninth and tenth centuries, the gospel and heathenism were still in conflict for the mastery. The Swedish writers themselves attribute this slow progress of divine truth, partly to the greater interest shown by the missionaries in winning the people and their kings to an obedience to the Roman chair than to a knowledge of the gospel, and partly to the policy of the rulers, who feared openly to avow themselves in ftxvor of a new religion which admitted no compromise with the old. Not till a thousand years after the birth of our Lord, did Suilhiody the kingdom of Sweden and the Goths, become obedient to the foith. At this time Olof Skcitkonung, or the lap-king (so called because he was made king when yet an infllnt in his mother's lap), was ruler of the land, and inherited from his father Erik the throne of L'psala. The king of Norway, Olof Trygasson, whose people had been alread3- converted to the gospel, had received from England a bishop named Sigurd or Sigfrid, who, together with his prince, had become offen- sive to the Norwegians. The bishop lied to Upsala, to king Olof Skotkonung, who kindly welcomed him. and when sufliciently in- structed, received from him. A. D. 1001. the rite of baptism, ata place still called, from the event, the spring of Sigfrid. This memorable baptism, which gives to Olof Skotkonung the honor of being the first Swedish monarch that openly professed the Christian faith, was fol lowed by commotions excited on the part of those who still adhered APPENDICES. 633 to heatheuism, except in Westgotliland, where the rite had taken place, and wliere Christianity Jiad been most widely diffused. To this diffusion king Olof Trygasson, of Norwa}', had in no small degree con- tributed, by the introduction of English priests, especially after the intermarriage of his sister Ingeborg with Olof Skotkonung's cousin- german, Ragwald Ulfsson, jarl or earl of Westgotha, who himself received baptism, with many of liis courtiers, relatives, and people. This example was soon followed by men of every rank ; and the zeal of Sigfrid was not without abundant fruit in the soil which before him king Trygasson had caused to be sown. The work of conversion was ably, zealously, and with success, car- ried on during the reign of Skotkonung, to whom the archbishops of Bremen had sent Odinkar, the elder and younger, Gothbald, an Eng- lishman, Folgard, a German, and others, to assist and strengthen the pious purposes of the monarch. Among these missionaries should not be omitted the mention of Torgoth, a learned man, devoted to his work of evangelizing the Xorth. He came, in 1010, to Sweden, to whose queen and infant princes he administered baptism, and became the first bishop of the diocese of Skara, established by his exertions. King Olof Skotkonung had so long welcomed the teachers sent Lira by the archbishops of Bremen, and submitted himself in whatever concerned religion to their guidance, that archbishop Unvan, as papal legate, conferred on him the title of Most Christian King, a title which his son and other successors .to the throne of Sweden long retained, and of which the kings of France also, for many ages, made their boast. But King Olof soon had reason to hold such flatteries in suspicion, and to observe, that those prelates had in view to subject his kingdom, under pretences of religion, to the authority and do- minion of the Roman see. He began, therefore, to look for teachers from another quarter. The neighborhood of England, especially to Westgothland, where the teachers of the gospel had found the most ready welcome, naturally attracted his attention ; and accordingly wo find that maiiy of the missionaries in this king's reign were sent to Sweden from the British isle. Among them the most conspicuous is St. Sigfrid, who, actuated by a like zeal with his predecessor of the same name, left his archdeaconry of York in England, and passing through Norway, came, in 1020, accompanied by his three nephews, to preach and plant the everlasting gospel in the kingdom of the Goths. His steps were soon followed by other teachers, as Eskil and David, from the same shores. These men at fii'st established them- selves in no particular locality, but, like the apostles of old, journeyed 27* 634 APPENDICES. wherever time and circumstances seemed most to require their pres- ence for the preaching and proclaiming grace and salvation through Jesus Chi^ist. In process of time, however, they found it necessary to imitate the other parts of Christendom, in establishing centres of action, which were to constitute the future see% of Sweden. Thus^ St. Sigfrid, after having long preached the gospel over almost every part of the land, settlea at "Wexio, as the first bishop of that diocese, where he died in 1007. St. Eskil organized, after many labors in the work and duty of a missionary, the diocese of Strangness, where, in 1076, he received the crown of mart3'rdom from the hands of those who still retained their adhesion to the old idolatry ; while St. David, at an extreme old age, died, in 1080, in the see which he had established in Westerafe. These, together with Skara, are the oldest dioceses of Sweden ; and it is not without reason, that her historians attribute to the reign of Skotkonung the first firm establishment of Christianity in the land of their fathers, and the commencement of all that can claim the clear light of history in her civil or ecclesiastical annals. II- TRANSLATION OF A LETTER, FRO)! STOCRHODI, WRITTE\ I\ LATIV, BY A. G. R\OS, DOCTOR AND PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF UPSALA. To THE Reverend Dr. Henry M. Mason . Reverend Sir : I seem to mj^sclf at liberty, with propriet}*, to count it among the pleasant and honorable events which have occur- red to me, that the book which I published on the constitution of the Swedish church, has become known to you, reverend sir, and that you have sought more accurate information on a subject which has appeared worthy of a further explanation. Your letter, Reverend Sir, dated the I'Jth January, of this year, in reference to this subject, and which is an evidence alike of your courtesy, learning, and piety, I have received with the grateful feelings which it merits; and in carefully replying to it, will endeavor, to the best of my power, to explain the matter in question, concerning the succession which is called apostolic, of the bishops of Sweden, The evangelical Luther- an Swedish church, does not, indeed, make this question of such im- portance as does the reformed episcopal Anglican and American church, but that we do not altogether neglect it, appears from my book just mentioned. APPENDICES. C35 In treating this subject, the first point to be considered is, on what authorities rest the constant opinion and declaratrt)n of our historians that Petrus Maa:ni, bishop of Arovia,* received episcopal consecration at Rome. It will readily be agreed between ^-ou and me. Reverend Sir, that tlie testimony of Roman catholics themselves, who lived at the same time with Petrus Magni, and were intimately connected with him, must be of great weight in proof of that point. Two such testimonies I am able to present. In the first, -place (and this is most worthy of regard, and would, if nothing else could be shown, put it beyond doubt, that this was so done), it is road in the diary of Wad- sten, as written down in their diary, by the monks of that monas- tery (whose brother, that is a presbyter monk, Petrus Magni, had been), from the time, when returning from Rome to his country, he took up his abode with the monks of Wadsten, and informed them of his consecration received at Rome. In that great work, which is entitled " "Writers of the Swedish Affairs of the Middle Ages," edited in folio, tom. i, at Upsala, 1818, there is extant, a very recent and accurate edition of the annals of Wadsten, from which the following particulars are very accurately transcribed. At the year 1524 (1. 4, page 218), It is said " on the eve of the separation of the apostles, came our brother Petrus Magni, consecrated at Rome, as bishop of Arovia ; received in the hall of the proctor, he then spent two days in the infirmary of the monaster}'-, entertained with collationst among us. He afterward retired to the diet of Joncopia."t In the same diary, for the year 1499 (1. c. page 204), it is written : " that the lord Petrus Magni was consecrated for a brother priest ;" and again, for the year 1508 (I. c, page 209), "Brothers Petrus Ingemar and Petrus Magni, went forth for the recovery of the house of our mother ~ St. Bridget "II * From ancient time.. This work was printed at Stocklrolm in 1700. It is proper, by the way. to mention that this Messenius was enrolk'art of this question, viz., that the first evangelical Lutheran bishops of the Swedish church were con- secrated by Petrus Magni. Proofs of this exist in the epitaph above cited, and in the chronicles of Sweden, written at the very time. In these chronicles it is recorded, that king Gustavus I., was anxious concerning the apostolic succession of the bishops of Sweden, and that for this reason, Petrus Magni, by order and admonition of the king, received consecration at Rome, with the very object, th.nt by bim this succession might be preserved and propagated ; moreover. APPENDICES. 639 that Petrus Magni, by order of the king, on January 5, 1528, atStriing- ness, consecrated as bishops, Magnus Ilaralds for Skara, and Magnus Soramar for Strangness, also Marten Skytte for Abo ; moreover, that at Stockholm, in the same year, on the Sunday next before the feast of St. Michael (September 22), in the church of the Francis- cans, (at this time Ridathholm), Laurentius Petri elect, archbishop of Upsala, was consecrated by the same Petrus Magni, and Magnus Sommar ; all those three, then very lately consecrated bishops, also as- sisting, as some annalists assert. Thus it is proved, that the thing was done, even with reclamation (we may say protest or reservation, though less properly in Latin), by the bishops Petrus Magni, and Magnus Sommar. Two well-known canons, adherents of the papal church were present, when this reclamation was drawn up and confirmed, with the subscribed names of these four. In this writing, these bishops declare, that not of their own accord, but yielding to the powerful authority of the king, and salvo jure of the lloman pontiff, they had willed the episcopal consecration conferred on the other bishops and the elect archbishop. This reclamation, which they certainly thought not of making public, unless a changed order of ecclesiastical affairs in the country, should perhaps require it, to de- fend themselves by it before the papists, was found after their death, and is preserved in the archives of the kingdom. Written in the Swedish tongue, it is too long to be now transcribed by me and turned into Latin. This reclamation was printed in a collection of acts upon the history of the Reformation of Sweden, by P. E. Tliy- felius, doctor of theology, edited at Stockholm, 1841, f. 99, under the title, " Handlingar till Norigcs Reformations ocli kyrkohistoria.' There is also read in vol. 2, page 21, f 99 : " The archbishop Lau- rence Petri, lived to the year 1573, and through the whole of this time, the space, therefore, of 45 years, executed the archiepiscopal office. There can be no doubt, that all the bishops of Sweden, who were at this time elected and confirmed by the king, were consecra- ted by him, though the place and day of consecration we cannot indi- cate in all cases. This is proved chiefly by three arguments. 1. The apostolic succession of bishops, was, from the very beginning of the Reformation, a subject of great regard with king Gustavus I. 2. A law, to this day incorruptly observed, orders that no bishop, before he be consecrated, shall enter on the episcopal office, or preside in a diocesan chapter, or perform in any manner, the duties of the episco- pal office, or enjoy the returns and emoluments of his office. Whei'e- fore, from the times of which we speak, to our own age, the custom 640 APPENDICES. has prevailed, that every bishop, immediately after he has been elect- ed and confirmed, and so, in the space of one or another week, at the most of one or another month, has been consecrated. 3. When in the reign of John III., who too much favored popery, bishops were to be consecrated, a great dispute, indeed, arose concerning the rites and ceremonies with which this consecration should be performed ; be- cause the king wished all the ceremonies of the papists introduced in these acts, while the clergy admonished him that certain of these ceremonies, as redolent of superstition, had not for some time been observed in the consecration of the bishops of Sweden. Yet, not a word was said of the bishops themselves, to wit, whether they should be considered to have received legitimate consecration, and were able to imjjart it to others. This was not doubted, either by the king, or by the legate of the Roman pontiff, the well-known cardinal Posse- vin, who then treated with the king in Sweden. I am not ignorant that some of the papists, in later times, have been unwilling to admit this apostolic succession of the bishops of Sweden. But they have been able to bring none at all, or very foolish arguments to sustain this opinion. Some, indeed, have said, that we ought to prove the consecration of Petrus Magni, performed at Rome, by documents drawn from the archives of the Roman pontiff. But how could that be done ? since, to these archives access is given to no protestant, and the papists themselves, by no means wisli to publish any such testi mony. Moreover, they pretend that if it be granted that Petrus Magni was legitimately consecrated, it does not thence follow that the consecration he imparted to others is legitimate ; since it was both done without the assent of the Roman pontiff, and Petrus Magni himself wrote a secret reclamation of this act. But it cannot escape you. Reverend Sir, that such a kind of argument, openly contradicts the doctrine of the papists themselves, concerning the force and effi- cac}' of the opus operatum. In the same mauner, perhaps, they might call in question the apostolic suecossijn of the protestant bishops of England and America. The matter being thus explained, I hope that the act itself may bo considered worthy of acceptation. Most surely I seem able to con- tend, that no historian, who should examine a thing proved by so many and important documents, would refuse his belief in it. To you. Reverend Sir, I give and entertain the greatest gratitude, that you have been pleased to write to me. Surely the time has come, when it is necessary that Europeans and Americans should more and more be united in a literary commerce. I cannot but APPENDICES. 641 grieve, that the theological and ecclesiastical literature which at this time flourishes under happy auspices iu the republic of North America, with the exception of a few names is almost wholly un- known in Sweden. I am ashamed to confess this ; but I promise, with all my heart, that I will labor with all zeal as far as in me lies, that this evil or disadvantage may be removed. Farewell. God be with you, wishes, with sincere prayer. Your most devoted, A. G. KNOS. Given at Stockholm, on the 14th day ) of May, in the year 1857. j III. TRANSLATION, MADE IN SWEDEN, OP A ROYAL RESCRIPT, REL- ATIVE TO ENGLISH CANDIDATES FOR CONFIRMATION. Carl John by the Grace of God, &c. By our royal grace and favor, SfC., ^c. Whereas, on the 21st of March last, you have represented, * * that frequent applications may now be made in the city of Gothen- berg for the rite of confirmation ; that although the English Factory there existing is furnished with a special minister, he, the aforesaid minister, is not emj^owered to perform the act of confirmation, which, according to the statutes of the English episcopal church, can only be done by a bishop : And Whereas, the bishop of London, under whose authority the aforesaid minister is placed, having denied him the right to confirm, has yet found a Swedish bishop competent so to do: And Whereas, moreover, a Mi\ Nonnen, merchant of the city of Gothenberg, being of the English nation and church, has made application to yon for the confirmation of his daughter : And Whereas, you desire that we would graciously allow Swedish bishops to confirm children belonging to the church of England, according to the rules of the ritual of the Swedish church, provided the afore- said children possess sufficient knowledge of the doctrine of salvation, together with the first rudiments in the Swedish language ; by which gracious permission these our subjects Avould be spared the great inconvenience of taking their children to England for confirmation, without which the right of entering into the state of matrimony and other privileges cannot be obtained : An'd Whereas, you finally, humbly advance, that you, for your own part, would not scruple to 642 APPENDICES. fulfil sucli desire on tlie part of brethren iu faith, the more so, as evaugelical tenets are daily becoming more and more united, and that you consider that the act of confirmation might be performed in such wise that the English minister having let candidates either in presence of the congregation (which, however, is not customary in England) or of the bishop, give proof of possessing the requisite knowledge of the parts prescribed ; the examination might be conducted in the English tongue, the bishop performing the act of confirmation, ac- cording to the prescriptions of the Swedish ritual, reading the " Our Father," and using the laying on of hands, in England considered essential : And Whereas, you desire that this confirmation, in order to avoid attracting public attention, or causing disturbing assem- blages of people, might be performed in the English Factory church : Therefore, in view of these things, We have found good to grant you the right of confirming members of the church of England in the manner humbly proposed, whenever application shall be made to you to that effect. We therefore graciously give you these iu answer for your guidance. We graciously recommend you to the Almighty God. Carl Johan, * A. C., OP Skitlbero. Stockholm Castle, ^th May, 1837- To the Bishop of Gothenberg, C. F. WiNGARD. In witness whereof, Ex-ojicio, Oscar Ed. Rahl, Cons't NoCr. FROM THE PRESENT CHURCH MANUAL j OR, BOOR OF CO.MMON PRAYER OF THE SWEDISH CHURCH. CONTENTS OF THE WHOLE VOLUME : Chap. I.— Of the Public Divine Service. 1. Morning worship. 2. Noon divine service. 3. Afternoon worship. Week preachings. APPENDlCKls!. 643 Chapter interpretations. The public morning and aftei'noon prayers. High court and other court time preachings. Chap. II. The Litany, and sundry otlier forms of pra^-er. Chap. III. Of Baptism. 1. Infant Baptism. 2. Foundhng Baptism. 3. Private Baptism. 4. Baptism of Mahometans, Jews, and Heathens. Chap. IV. How it ought to be, when young persons go for the first time to the Lord's Supper. Chap. V. Of public confession. Chap. VI How it shall be with the sick, and those who are trou- bled on account of their sins and weakness of faith. Chap. VII. Of marriage. Chap. VIII. Of churching of women. Chap. IX. How the body shall be buried. Chap. X. How those who are doomed by civil courts to undergo public penance, shall be received into connection with the congre- gation. Chap. XL Of the preparation of prisoners doomed to death. Chap. Xll. How a new-built church shall be consecrated. Chap. XIII. How a bishop shall be installed into office. Chap. XIV. Of ordination to the bishop's office. Chap. XV. How a rector shall be installed into a congregation. CHAPTER I. OF THE PUBLIC DIVINE SERVICE. ON SUNDAYS AND HOLIDAYS. 1. — Morning Worship. It is to begin with a morning psalm or some other suitable psalm. After a verse in the pulpit is to be read the usual morning prayer. I thank thee heavenly Father, through Josus Christ thy well be- loved Son, that thou hast preserved me this night from all hurt and danger ; and beseech thee to forgive rac all my sins, and mercifully 644 APPENDICES. to preserve mo this day from sin, misfortune, and all evil, so that my thoughts and all my actions may be acceptable to thee. I commit m3'self in body and soul into t\ij hands. May thy fatherly care be my protection. Amen. Our Father who art in heaven,