•'. t IS liflBBa 4 ' .'•'■ JHP ' ' ': | Soefets i ® OF | INQUIRY ON MISSIONS, * AND ® # THE STATE OF RELIGION J LIBRAEY OF TOE Theological Seminary PRINCETON, N. J. Case, Shelf, Booh, '">...-*-. Sec! a. I if 1 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/lifeoflutherembrOObowe Eff. 3UUTH THE LIFE OF LUTHER, EMBRACING AN ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY PROGRESS OF THE 'Reformation. BY ALEXANDER BOWER. Quantus vir Lutherus, quantis dotibus excellat, quanta animi foititudine et constantia, quanta doctrinae efficacia. Calvin. Ep. ad fiullinger. PHILADELPHIA : PUBLISHED AND SOLD BY JAMES HOGAN, Jr. NO. 255, MARKET-STREET. J. Anderson, Printer. 1824. INTRODUCTION. IN contemplating the Reformation effected by Luther, it is difficult to decide whether our admi- ration should be more excited by the magnitude of the event, or by the appearance of total inadequacy in the means. On the one hand, we see a hierarchy of absolute dominion ; on the other, a humble and unknown individual. The doctrine of the former rested on the steadfast belief of many ages, and was supported by the concurrence of powerful sovereigns ; that of the latter arose from solitary meditation in an obscure corner, and, during many years, could boast of no other temporal support than toleration. Yet it was ordained, in this memorable contest, that strength should yield to weakness, and that the humble should triumph over the lofty. To trace the course by which Providence was pleased to ac- complish this wonderful revolution, is the task pro- posed in the following pages — a task which involves the relation of events of the highest interest to the members of the Protestant communion, and not un- profitable, we may hope, in regard to the improve- ment of our personal conduct. If we examine his- tory with a view to conclusions of practical utility. vi INTRODUCTION. we shall find no part of it better calculated to awaken a sense of the vanity of power, and to warn us how far impatience and pride may be rendered instrumental to their own humiliation. In endeavouring to discover the means employed by Providence to effect this sudden change, our at- tention is directed chiefly to two things — the state of the times, and the character of him who was made the principal agent in the cause. In regard to the former, the revival of learning, recent as it was, had operated sufficiently to render the under- standings of men equal to the comprehension of an improved doctrine. The progress of civilization, though not rapid, was sufficient to demonstrate the grossness of many of the practices of the Romish church. The season for crushing the advocates of a new creed by treachery and assassination was past. Germany and a considerable part of Europe were in a condition to appreciate and to welcome that in- formation, which, a century before, would have been branded, by general consent, as a dangerous and damnable heresy. Nor must it be forgotten that the prince, under whose protection Luther was destined to act, took greatly the lead of the majority of his cotemporaries in discretion and sound judg- ment. In the personal character of Luther we discern many qualities calculated to enable him to discharge with success the important duty to which he was INTRODUCTION. vii called. A constitutional ardour for devotion, a boundless thirst of knowledge and a fearless zeal in communicating it, were prominent characteristics of this extraordinary man. At the age when others indulge sanguine expectations of success in life, Luther withdrew from the flattering prospect, and secluded himself in the recesses of a monastery. Here, on discovering a copy of the Bible, he for- sook all other employments and became immersed in the study of the neglected volume. Called after- wards to teach others from the pulpit and the pro- fessor's chair, he soon departed from the beaten track, and promulgated his discoveries without the slightest fear of civil or ecclesiastical power. An unwearied perseverance in theological research led him to detect farther errors, and to relinquish, step by step, many of his early opinions. In all situa- tions Luther is the same, — pursuing indefatigably the knowledge of the word of God, and never scrupling to avow his past mistakes whenever the confession could facilitate the inquiries or confirm the faith of others. It was in vain that the head of the church and the chief of the German empire combined to threaten and proscribe him — he braved with equal courage the vengeance of either power, and continued to denounce, with an unsparing hand, the prevalence of corruption. These are the leading features of the subject which I have endeavoured to elucidate. In addition viii INTRODUCTION. to the narrative, I have attempted occasional obser- vations on Luther's theological and controversial writings. Along with these I have interspersed some remarks on the general state of education and knowledge in that age. On all points of conse- quence a reference is made to a specific authority; but the extent of labour bestowed on research, I wish estimated rather by an examination of the book, than by any previous enumeration on my part. — It remains that I express my acknowledgments to those friends who have taken the trouble to superintend my work in its progress to publication, and have be- stowed on it that attention which distance from the place of printing, and the pressure of other avoca- tions put out of my power. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. Luther's birth and parentage — his education — Observations on the state of the universities — Death of Alexius — Luther goes into a monastery — Observations on monastic institu- tions — Luther's distress of mind — Discovers a copy of the Bible — His eagerness in studying it — Savonarola, Kempis, and others -------------- 17 CHAPTER II. PROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517- Luther appointed a professor at Wittemberg — visits Rome — - exchanges the philosophical for the theological chair at Wittemberg — Observations on the scholastic philosophy ; the Platonists, the Aristotelians, Positivi, Sententiarii, Mys- tici — Progress of Luther's studies — Begins to question and to oppose prevailing tenets --------- 35 CHAPTER III. YEAR 1517- Strength of the church — Account of " Indulgences " — Tetzel, quaestor for the sale of " Indulgences " — Luther opposes the sale of " Indulgences " — his offer of a public disputa- tion — his letter to the archbishop of Mentz — Tetzel's threats— Tetzel's book burned by the Wittemberg students 51 B x CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. YEAR 1518. Luther anxious to avoid a rupture with the pope — his letters to several persons — A friendly disputation held at Heidel- berg — Luther is opposed by Eckius a Dominican ; and by Prierio, a Dominican — Leo X. dilatory in resisting Luther — Influence of the elector Frederick of Saxony — Mission of the legate Cajetan to Augsburg — Luther summoned to Rome — Frederick consents that Luther shall appear at Augsburg— his journey thither — his interviews with Caje- tan — his subsequent letters to Cajetan — Cajetan's com- plaint to Frederick — Luther's disquietude — Frederick's answer to Cajetan — Luther appeals to a general council 71 CHAPTER V. YEAR 1519- Death of the emperor Maximilian — Proceedings of Miltitz, the papal nuncio — Circulation of Luther's writings — The Franciscan Minorites — Public disputation at Leipsic with Eckius— Duke George of Saxony— Luther's farther publi- cations j increased occupation --------117 CHAPTER VI. YEAR 1520. Luther's letters to Charles V. and others— Miltitz the nuncio — Letter from Luther to Leo X. — Leo proceeds against Luther ; issues a bull against him ; and applies to Fre- derick against him — Protection offered to Luther in Fran- conia — Luther continues to publish — Popular discontents at the bull— Luther burns a copy of the bull and of the CONTENTS. xi canon law — Observations on the canon law — Remarks by Erasmus — Extension of the controversy — Leo's reiter- ated application to the elector Frederick 138 CHAATER VII. YEAR 1521. Observations on the policy of the papal court — Proposed re- ference to crowned heads — Francis I. — Charles V. — Lu- ther excommunicated by the pope ; apprized that he would be summoned to the Diet at Worms ; determines to accept the summons; aware of the danger of going thither ; pro- ceeds to Worms ; called before the diet — His conference with the princes of the empire — His interviews with others — The majority of the diet hostile to him — Luther carried to the castle of Wartburg ; his situation and conduct there — He continues to write and publish — Henry VIII. of England writes against him — Luther's answer — Death of Leo X. 168 CHAPTER VIII. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. Luther occupied in translating the Bible — Observations on that work — Objections of the Catholics to his translation — Precipitate conduct of his friends at Wittemberg — Lu- ther returns to Wittemberg — Explains his tenets to his friends — His differences with Carolostad — Continues to publish — Opposition of duke George of Saxony — Election of pope Adrian VI. — His character — Adrian's acknow- ledgment of corruption in the church — The " Centum Gra- vamina" — Ferdinand of Austria — Christiern of Denmark — Henry VIII. of England — Progress of the Reformation W CONTENTS. — Flight of the nuns from the convent at Niinptschen — The Bohemian sectaries — Duke George of Saxony — Louis, king of Hungary — Martyrdom of two Protestants at Brus- sels — Luther's occupations and anxiety — Cochlaeus, an op- ponent of Luther — Fisher, bishop of Rochester - - - 195 CHAPTER IX. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. Election of pope Clement VII. — Cardinal Campegio — Diet of Nuremberg — Diet of Ratisbon and consequent proceed- ings — Progress of the Reformation in Prussia — Vehemence of Carolostad — Luther finally leaves his monastery — Eras- mus writes against Luther — Luther's reply — Death of the elector Frederick of Saxony — War of the peasants — Lu- ther's marriage — Henry VIII. of England - - - - 230 CHAPTER X. PROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537- Rapid progress of the Reformation — Distinction between the biography of Luther and the farther history of the Protes- tants — Luther occupied in translating the Bible — His far- ther publications — Reforms the Saxon church — Diet of Spires in 1529 — The Reformed give in their celebrated u Protest" — Zwinglius and Ocolampadius hold a disputa- tion with Luther — Luther's subsequent publications — Arti- cles of Torgau — Diet of Augsburg — The " Augsburg Con- fession " — Luther's occupations at Cobourg — Co-operation of the Protestant princes — Death of Luther's mother ; of Zwinglius and Ocolampadius ; of the elector John of Saxo- ny — Conduct of duke George of Saxony — Paul III. elected pope — Verger, the papal nuncio, sent to Luther — Their CONTENTS. xiii interview described — Death of Erasmus — Articles of Smal- cald 252 CHAPTER XI. FROM THE YEAR 153? TO 1546. Luther's illness in 1537 — Recovers and resumes his functions — Publishes two editions of his translation of the Bible — His other publications — Death of duke George in 1539 — Conferences at Worms and Ratisbon in 1540 and 1541 — Decay of Luther's health in 1545 — His irritation of mind — He withdraws from Wittemberg — Is prevailed on to re- turn — His journey to Eisleben ; occupations there; last illness ; death and funeral — His character — Observations on his works ; on his private life — His widow and chil- dren 276 APPENDIX. NOTES. Calumnies about Luther's birth _-.-__._ 301 Hutten and Buchannan on the ignorance of the monks - 301 University degrees — Lombard's book of sentences - 302, 30S Luther's situation as a monk --------- 303 Commentators on Scripture who preceded him - - - - 303 A monk's exposition of the doctrine of justification - - 304 Extemporary preaching - - _ . 304 Particulars relative to Savonarola --___._ 305 Thomas a Kempis ------ 306 Gerson --------- 306 Taulerus --------- 306 Gabriel Biel 307 « Cammeracensis ------- 307 xiv CONTENTS. Particulars relative to Origen ------___ 308 Abelard ------.._ 308 Thomas Aquinas ------- 308 Dunscotus ----.... 309 Reuchlin, surnamed Capnion - - 309 Luther's avowal of early attachment to the pope - - - 310 Lorenzo Pucci, cardinal datary -------- 310 Discrepancy between Luther and Guicciardini - - - - 311 Abuses in the Catholic church ------._ 311 Definition of the word " suffrage" -----_-. 312 Staupitz, provincial of the Augustinians in Saxony - - 312 The Dominican order --_---._.__ 313 Spalatin, secretary to the elector Frederick ... - 313 Leipsic disputation in the year 1519 ------- 314 Maimbourg's history ------------ 314 Luther's letter to the pope in 1520 -----..315 Practice of burning obnoxious books --.___ 315 Profligacy of Leo X. ------------315 Bohemian sectaries ------------ 316 Different opinions about the circumstances of Luther's pa- rents 317 Cochlaeus 317 Luther's fondness for Music ----------318 Relics of Luther 319 His will 320 APPENDIX PAPERS. EXTRACTS AND MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS. Biographical notice of Ocolampadius ------ 321 Zwinglius •--- 323 Bucer 324 Henry VIII. — Observations on his book against Luther - 325 CONTENTS. xv Cajetan's letter to Frederick on Luther's appearance before him at Augsburg ------------ 327 Luther's rejoinder to that letter --------- 330 Centum Gravamina — an extract with a notice of the prin- cipal topics ------------- 342 Augsburg confession — extracts from it with a summary of its contents 347 Luther's preface to the first volume of his works published in 1545 351 Melancthon's preface to the second volume ----- 359 Observations on Luther's character, by Camerarius - - 373 Leo's bull against Luther in 1520 374 Luther's treatise on monastic vows ------- 381 preface to his translation of the Old Testament - 389 Particulars relative to Carolostad, Spalatin, Justus Jonas, and Cruciger 392 Funeral verses on Luther ---------- 394 Melancthon's observations on the conference at Worms, held in 1540 396 Letter from Melancthon to Luther, containing an account of the conference of Smalcald in 1540 ------ 401 Letter from Melancthon to Luther on the subject of the con- ference at Ratisbon in March 1541 ------ 403 THE »©«♦■ CHAPTER I. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. THE year of Luther's birth has not been deter- mined with complete certainty, ^is mother, when questioned by Melancthon, was accustomed to an- swer, that she was certain as to the day, (the tenth of November) but not in regard to the year. His brother, James Luther, however, has related, and with the appearance of accuracy, that he was born in the year 1483. The place of his birth was Eisleben or Eislebon, an obscure town in the count/ of Mansfeld, and electorate of Saxony. He was baptized on the following day and called Martin, after the saint to whom that day is dedicated in the Roman calendar. The names of his parents were John Luther and Margaret Lindeman. His father was employed in the mines, and being remarkable for assiduity, rose, in the course of vears, from an c 18 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, humble station to the possession of some property, and discharged with respectability the functions of a local magistrate. In his days of extended reputa- tion Luther did not cease to pay a tribute of respect and affection to his father. He inscribed to him his celebrated book on " Monastic Vows," composed in the year 1521, a time when his fame had become diffused throughout Europe.* The foundation of that devotional ardour which formed the prominent feature of Luther's character appears to have been laid by the careful tuition of his mother. " In matre Mar gar eta, cum cceterce erant virtutes, turn verb prcecipue lucebat pudi- citia, timor Dei et invocatio; intuebanturque in earn cceterce mulieres ut in exemplar virtutum."^ The impressions of maternal care received confir- mation at the school of Eisleben, where Luther was placed under the care of a pious teacher of the name of George Omilius. Notwithstanding the corruption of the church of Rome, and its indif- ference or rather opposition to the prog ess of a knowledge of the Scriptures, it was customary to teach the youth catechisms containing the elemen- tary principles of Christianity. At the age of fourteen, Luther was removed to a school at Mag- deburg, along with a youth of the name of John Reineck, who eventually rose to distinction, and with whom Luther continued during life in habits of close intimacy. After remaining a year at Mag- deburg, he was sent to a school of great repute at the town of Issenach or Eisenach, and placed under the protection, it is said, of his mother's * See Appendix A. t Melancthon Praef. T. ii. Luther. Oper. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 19 relations.* Here the foundation of his future emi- nence was laid. The charge of educating youth was, in that age, entrusted to the Romish clergy, or rather to the different monastic Orders establish- ed in that communion. There prevailed among these Orders a considerable degree of competition and rivalship ; for by presiding over seminaries of education, and by displaying zeal in teaching, op- portunities were afforded them of disseminating their own particular tenets. The school at Issenach was conducted by Fran- ciscans, and the name of Luther's master was John Trebonius. Rude and tedious as was the mode of teaching in that age, it is probable, that in regard to this seminary, some diminution of difficulty was pro- duced by the care of Trebonius, and the lessons held forth in the instructive writings of Erasmus. "Erasmi scriptis, jam invitata erant juventutis studia ad LatincB et Grcecce linguce cognitionem. Monstrato jam dulciore genere doctrines, multi, bonis et liberis ingeniis prcediti, abhorrere a barbarica et sophistica doctrina monachorum incipiebant."f At this early age Luther, we are told, applied to the study of grammar with all the ardour which characterized his subsequent exertions. His exercises were su- perior to those of his schoolfellows, and afforded, by their animation and fluency, an assurance of his future eloquence. This was strikingly exemplified in the composition of Latin verses, which formed the subject of emulation between him and his young associates, t * Seckend. L. i. 20. t Melancthon, Praef. in Oper. Luther. — Wittemberg, 154G. | Prasf. Melch. ad. Seckend. p. 21. 20 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Having gone through with much applause the ordinary course at school, Luther repaired to the university of Erfurt in the beginning of 1502. The state of universities in that age was worse, if possible, than that of the schools ; the mode of teaching philosophy being much more liable to cor- ruption than the simpler process of explaining the elements of language. Though the writings of the Greek and Roman authors had been, by this time, introduced into circulation by means of the art of printing, the general taste was formed on very dif- ferent models. The highest honours that learning could bestow had for ages been connected with proficiency in a refined and subtile logic, which consisted of little else than an accumulation of metaphysical quibbles. The writings of Aristotle were believed to contain all the science that human genius was capable of acquiring. No latitude was allowed to the exercise of the inventive powers in the cultivation of other departments of knowledge. Even the studies of the Peripatetic school were pro- secuted under incalculable disadvantages from per- verted translations of the works of its founder, and from commentaries still more intricate than the originals. Year after year was spent by the student in acquiring a familiarity with the complicated rules of the school logic ; while physics and ethics were regarded only as convenient materials for the exercise of syllogistic ingenuity. Instead of aiming to arrive at truth by the patient course of inductive reasoning, the ambition of the age was to seek dis- tinction b}' a dexterous application of syllogism to the solution of all inquiry. Luther being directed, like the other pupils, to FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 21 labour in this unprofitable field, became remarkable in it, as in the languages, for close assiduity and rapid progress. His teacher of logic was an en- thusiast in that science. He was named Iodocus, and in compliance with the fashion of the age as- sumed the additional title of " Doctor Issenacensis. r Not content with promulgating his doctrines from the professorial chair, this indefatigable advocate of Aristotle ventured afterwards to publish a work en- titled " Summa Philosophise Naturalis." This took place in 1517, by which time Luther was rising fast into reputation, and had begun to expose the absurdity of the scholastic theology. It hap- pened that Iodocus did not long survive his pub- lication ; and Luther appears to have apprehended that the tranquillity of his latter years had been disturbed by the rude attacks which his favourite science had received from the hands of his former pupil.* Though obliged to waste a great deal of time in the construction of barbarous syllogisms, Luther found means to prosecute the study of Latin, and to read Virgil, Livy, Cicero, and other classics. His preceptor in this department was of the name of Grieff, or with the addition of the termination common in these days of classical pedantry, Gry- phius. Whether Luther began to learn Greek when at Erfurt or afterwards, has not been ascer- tained. In most universities Greek and Hebrew were unknown. At the university of Wittemberg, Melanethon was the first professor of Greek. His appointment took place at a date considerably sub- * See Appendix B. 22 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, sequent to the time we are treating of, viz. in 1518, and Luther, though then occupying the station of a professor, did not scruple to avail himself of the classical attainments of his friend and colleague, to extend his knowledge of the Greek language.* Luther took the degree of master of arts in 1503.f The reputation, which he had acquired by the successful prosecution of his studies, induced his relations to urge him to embrace the profession of the law, a sure road, as they imagined, to the attainment of wealth and honour. He was pre- vailed on to make a beginning in that study, but his serious and ardent cast of mind soon tended to lead him in a different course. That alteration of his pursuits which the course of inclination would have produced in the progress of years, was acce- lerated by the occurrence of a most extraordinary circumstance. In the year 150.4, walking out one day with a young friend of the name, it is said, of Alexius, they were overtaken by a dreadful thunder- storm, and Alexius was struck dead at his side. The fall of a friend whom he ardently loved, and the awful scene around him, raised in Luther's mind a succession of serious meditations. He saw, or he thought he saw, in a stronger light than ever, the vain and fleeting nature of all terrestrial enjoy- ments, and determined at once to withdraw himself from their pursuit. Prompt in all his resolutions, he vowed upon the spot that, if God were pleased to deliver him from the danger of his situation, he would enter a monastery, and spend the remainder * Grsecum praeceptorem, illo salvo, alium non desidero. Lib. i. Ep. 57. Luth. Praaf. Seckend. p. 43. t See Appendix C. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 23 of his life sequestered from the world and its temp- tations. It was in vain that his parents, unwilling that he should relinquish the fair prospect before him, endeavoured to dissuade him from this sudden determination. He persisted in his purpose, and regarded the impression of his mind as a special command of the Almighty. The power of social attachment was strongly felt by Luther, and it required a commanding impulse to make him take a step which was to separate him from his companions and friends. His vow to be- come a monk had been made in secret, and com- municated to none but his parents. From his youthful associates he was aware that he should meet with nothing but dissuasion ; his cheerfulness of temper and playfulness of humour possessing attractions which they would be unwilling to re- linquish. To these agreeable qualities he added a fine voice and great taste for music ; an accomplish- ment which not only rendered him acceptable in society, but supplied a soothing resource in those accesses of low spirits to which persons of his ardent temperament are occasionally subject. Dear, however, as was the society of his companions, he accounted it indispensable to part from them, and took farewell by calling them together one evening when he entertained them with music, and broke to them his determination as conclusive and irre- vocable. It was in 1505 that Luther entered the Augus- tinian monastery at Erfurt. From what cause he was induced to give a preference to that Order neither himself nor any of his friends have ex- plained : a silence the more to be regretted, as the 24 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, knowledge of the cause might have tended to elu- cidate several parts of his history. His connection with the Augustinians gave a colouring to his re- ligious opinions, and formed his creed in regard to some leading doctrines of the Gospel, before he had an opportunity of access to the fountain head ; for he had not yet seen a copy of the Scriptures. It may not be foreign to our subject, to say a few words on monastic institutions generally. They have existed, in one form or another, in all countries and climates ; but more particularly in India, Egypt, and Syria. The introduction of the Pla- tonic philosophy into the Christian schools of divi- nity appears to have greatly contributed to their establishment. Some of the early Christians adopt- ed the favourite theory of the Platonists, that the body is an incumbrance to the soul, and that it is in consequence of this union that our faculties are confined within a narrow compass. It was a natural transition to suppose that the more the body was mortified the greater was the approximation to per- fection, and that those, who voluntarily submitted to a life of austerity and self-denial, were the fa- vourites of heaven. The first enthusiasts of this description were Paul of Thebes and Antony of iEgypt in the third century. These men were ac- customed to practise excessive austerity, and had, in the next century, a number of imitators, though a considerable time elapsed before the followers of monastic habits were associated into a body. The first Order was that of the " Caenobites," or bre- thren of the " common life," as the word implies, who lived together in fixed habitations ; the second were hermits (e^juraw) who lived in solitude ; and FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 25 the third, anchorites (ava^w^V*/) who professed to carry the practice of monkish austerities to excess. So far these names were indicative merely of the mode of life ; but, in process of time, the monks in- corporated themselves into particular societies, under the protection of certain saints. It was in the fifth century that the monks came to be considered in the light of ecclesiastics, and to call for the erection of appropriate buildings. During the dark ages their importance gradually increased, and in the eleventh century the Pope declared them exempted from the jurisdiction of the sovereign of the country which they inhabited. Luther, ardent in all his undertakings, was im- patient to conform, in the fullest manner, to the regulations of his new profession. On assuming the monastic garb, he returned his clothes to his father's house, and sent also his annulus magisterii, or ring conferred on him when he was made Master of Arts. His zeal for the patron of his Order, however it had been acquired, was so great that he at one time entertained a wish to exchange his name of Martin for that of Augustine. Non solum acer- rimo studio doctrinam Ecclesice discit, sed etiam summa disciplince severitate se ipse regit, et om- nibus exercitiis lectionam, disputationwn, jejuni- orum, precum, omnes longe superat* — The Order of the Augustinians was founded, or rather new modelled, in the thirteenth century, by pope Alex- ander VI. They followed the rules of the bishop of Hippo, from whom their name was taken, and * Melancthon — Prspf. 26 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, whose writings were of course esteemed oracular.* Of the profound ignorance of monks in regard to whatever bore a relation to classical literature, we may form some idea from the tenour of their cur- rent maxim ; " Quanto melior Grammaticus, tanto pejor Theologus."f On entering the monastery, Luther left behind him all his books, with the exception of Virgil and Plautus.J His preference of the former is easily accounted for by his characteristic gravity, and though the motive of his attachment to the writings of Plautus is less obviously connected with his pre- dominant feelings, we may safely conclude that the wit and good sense of that author must have been the source of the favourable impression. It is also to be kept in mind, that at this period of the Reformer's history, neither his principles nor the manners of the age were calculated to produce that disgust at inde- cent allusions which he so strongly felt after becom- ing acquainted with the Scriptures. || Luther on embracing the monastic profession was very imperfectly acquainted with the routine of the discipline. In these solitary retreats, according to his anticipation, no intrusion of worldly cares was permitted, and life was wholly devoted to the service of God. But he soon found that the por- * See Rodolph. Hospinian de Monachis, L. vi. a work which contains a great deal of very curious information, printed at Geneva, 1669. Also Gabriel d'Emilianne's History of the Mo- nastic Orders. London 1693. And Mosheim passim. + Hollinger de Necessit. Reform, p. 6. To attain a proper idea of the depravity of the monks before the Reformation, see the u Fasciculus Rerum expetendarum." $ Seckend. p. 21. || See Appendix D. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 27 tion of humiliating drudgery was not inconsider- able, and that the senior members made it devolve, with an unsparing hand, on the noviciates. This drudgery consisted in the performance of menial and other degrading offices. It is a standing rule in these societies to be independent, either in reality or in appearance, of all external assistance. At one time Luther was obliged to stand as porter at the monastery ; at another he was ordered to go through the town to beg. As the monks professed the most abject poverty, the avowal that they lived by beg- ging was accounted no degradation. The rudeness of the age conduced, in some respects, to lessen the mortification ; but after making every allowance, it must have been difficult for an independent mind, like Luther's, to reconcile itself to the practice of such an abject employment.* Certain it is that his former cheerfulness was now succeeded by frequent fits of melancholy. His impressions respecting his doom in a future state were of the most gloomy cast. Ignorant as yet of those truths of Christi- anity which alone can afford relief in such a situa- tion, he was under the necessity of seeking support in the advice of others. He disclosed his case accordingly to Staupitz, the head of his Order in Germany. Staupitz, who, as we shall find in the sequel, was a man of superior understanding, spared no pains to restore his mind to tranquillity. He recommended submission, and told him that such trials could not fail to turn out for his good, adding, it is said, that God was to make use of him for the accomplishment of important purposes.! He went * See Appendix E. t SeckendorfT, p. 19- 28 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, farther, and prevailed on the prior of the monastery to exempt Luther from the task of degrading ser- vices, and to allow him time for the prosecution of his studies, which until then had been discouraged in the convent. The general ignorance of classical literature at the time of the Reformation is clearly illustrated in Villers' Essay on the Spirit and Influence of the Reformation of Luther. This work is ably trans- lated into English, and will be found to contain the best exposition of the political, religious, and literary state of Europe in the 16th century which has yet been published. The faculty of theology at Paris went at this time (see Villers, p. 93) the length of declaring before the parliament assembled, that "re- ligion was undone if the study of Greek and Hebrew was permitted." The language of the mendicant monks was still more singular : Conrad, of Heres- bach, a grave author of that age, relates the follow«- ing words from the mouth of a monk — " They have invented a new language, which they call Greek : you must be carefully on your guard against it : it is the mother of all heresy. I observe in the hands of many persons a book written in that language, and which they call the New Testa- ment. It is a book full of daggers and poison. As to the Hebrew, my dear brethren, it is certain that whoever learns it becomes immediately a Jew." It was in 1507 (2d May) and in Luther's twenty- fourth year, that he entered into orders and cele- brated his first mass. This date is the more re- markable, because he discovered about the same time a Latin copy of the Bible lying in the library FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 29 of the monastery. He eagerly laid hold of this neglected book, and persevered in studying it with so much diligence, that he was able in a short time to refer with ease and promptitude to any particular passage. In the present day, we can with difficulty conceive how a copy of the Bible could remain un- noticed by the whole of a religious fraternity, or that a person so respectably educated as Luther, should be unapprized that the whole of the Scrip- tures was not read to the people in the public ser- vice of the church. It was with no small surprise that he discovered that there were many passages in the New Testament that were not thus read. The most striking of these Luther committed to memory, and treasured up, with equal diligence, many parts of the Prophetic Scriptures.* The History of Hannah and Samuel made, we are told, a strong impression on him.f Samuel had been dedicated to God from his infancy ; and Luther, in the fervour of his devotional zeal, seems to have re- gretted that an equally early consecration had not fallen to his own lot.J In this zealous prosecution of his studies, he had little opportunity of deriving assistance from the labours of others. The writings of the Fathers, with the exception of those of Augustine, were * Seckendorff, p. 21. f 1 Sam. ch. i. 2. Melchior Adam. | So minutely have anecdotes relative to Luther been recorded, that the copy of the Bible which he found is said to have been bound in red morocco. He read it over and over with such fixed attention as to impress on his mind a local recollection of many remarkable passages. The same was the case with him in regard to the voluminous writings of Saint Augustine ; a circumstance, which contributed a good deal to facilitate references in his fre- quent controversies. 30 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, wholly unknown to him. His knowledge of Greek was very imperfect, and with Hebrew he was en- tirely unacquainted.* Besides, the only copy of the Scriptures as yet in his possession was the Latin vulgate. Erasmus had not yet published his edition of the New Testament, and since the days of Jerome, no very eminent example had been given of the application of sound criticism to the sacred canon. f Deprived thus of information from the researches of others, Luther would often spend a whole day in meditating on a few particular pas- sages. To this he was prompted equally by thirst of information, and the disquieted state of his mind. Before his acquaintance with the Bible, he had, like other persons, been satisfied with the current doctrines, and had never thought of examining a subject in which he suspected no error. Now, how- ever, he was sufficiently advanced to perceive that his early creed must be abandoned, without having gone far enough to find another in its place. His former melancholy returned, and continued to do so at intervals, until his views of divine truth ac- quired clearness and consistency. During his state of uncertainty, when reflecting on the wrath of God and on the extraordinary examples of punishment recorded in Scripture, he was sometimes struck with such terror, as almost to faint away. " I have seen him," says Melancthon, " so much agitated by eagerness of temper when engaged in a dispute on doctrine, as to find it necessary to throw himself on a bed in an adjoining chamber, where he would fall down in prayer, and frequently repeat these * See Appendix F. t Seckend. p. 21. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 31 words : " He hath concluded all in unbelief, that he might have mercy upon all." In those agitations of mind, Luther's resort was to the works of Augustine, who was in his eyes an oracle of equal price as Jerome in those of Erasmus. When we consider that these Fathers had long been raised to the rank of saints, while their writings were regarded as on a level Avith the Scriptures, we shall find little cause of surprise at the extent of the predilection, however extravagant, of Erasmus and Luther. It required the lapse of another century, and the labour of future reformers, to show the comparative unimportance of the authority of the early ecclesiastical writers. This was first done with success by the celebrated French protestant John Daille, in his valuable treatise concerning the use of the Fathers, published in 1631 ; since which, it has been generally understood that the proper de- fence of Christianity is to be sought in the Scrip- tures alone. Luther, absorbed in study, and averse to con- sume time in the uninstructive routine of Romish ceremonies, became unmindful of the forms of the monastery. He would read and write with such ardour for days together, as to overlook the hours prescribed for divine service by the canons. He was, on the other hand, rigid in the observance of the penance enjoined to his profession. Under the ab- surd impression that uncommon virtue is attached to abstinence, the Catholic priest and his people are directed, on pain of excommunication, to celebrate mass fasting. Those who act up to the letter of the law, make it a rule to abstain from food from mid- night to noon. Luther, strictly conscientious, was 32 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, accustomed to read mass in the course of his duty without partaking of nourishment ; and it appears, that he was sometimes induced to try his power of abstinence so far as to fast for three days suc- cessively, an experiment unavoidably attended with the most debilitating effects. These, joined to ex- cess of sedentary application, brought on an illness which had nearly assumed a fatal aspect. The ter- rors of divine wrath, and the horrors of perpetual punishment, bewildered his imagination, and de- spair had nearly overpowered him, when the sooth- ing interpretations of an old brother of the Order brought consolation to his distracted mind. This venerable monk conversed with him at great length, taking as his text the article in the creed ; "I be- lieve in the remission of sins ;" and impressing him with the conviction that "justification was of grace by faith."* The perusal of a discourse of Bernard, on the " Annunciation," tended farther to confirm Luther in the reception of this doctrine. It became a favourite subject with him in his future writings, and his opinion of it is explained at large in his Commentary on the " Epistle to the Galatians," a work which he was accustomed to prefer to all his other publications. In this point, as in many others, his belief was founded on the reasoning of his ad- mired Augustine. It is but fair to the Augustinians to remark that, amid the general ignorance of the age, they were not altogether so inattentive to the study of divinity as the other religious Orders. This is proved by several circumstances. At the reformation of the * See Appendix G. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. 33 theological faculty or college at Paris, towards the beginning of the 16th century, the Augustinian monks were selected to furnish the college of di- vinity with a Scriptural bachelor.* Luther, too, found in his Augustine superior, Staupitz, a zealous adviser of the study of the Scriptures, in preference to any other pursuit. In the technical language of the times, Staupitz recommended to him to be- come a good " Textualis et Localis" by which he meant the acquisition of a thorough knowledge of the texts of Scripture, and an expertness in quoting them. Stimulated by this advice, and by his own ardour, Luther did not confine himself to solitary study, but frequently preached and did other duty for the clergymen settled in the neighbouring vil- lages. This exercise answered the double purpose of instructing the people, and of giving him that facility in public speaking which is to be attained by practice only.f The more we examine the theological works pub- lished before the time of Luther, the less will be our surprise at his hesitation and embarrassment in respect to points of faith which are now put out of all doubt. These works were, in general, of a class much fitter to perplex than instruct. The least de- fective publications of recent date were the writings and sermons of the unfortunate Savonarola, and the • Each of the mendicant Orders had been formerly called on for a Scriptural bachelor ; but at the Reformadon the call was confined to the Augustinians ; a compliment sufficiently indica- tive of their superior information. Luther was a Scriptural bachelor, (Mosh. vol. hi. p. 458, note q.) and so was Melancthon. Seckend. p. 43. t See Appendix H. E 34 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, well known book, "De Imitatione Christi," ascribed to Thomas a Kempis. In justice to the works of Taulerus too, it must be admitted that, though in- terspersed with mystical jargon, they had been in- strumental in cherishing a spirit of devotion, and in diffusing, on the subject of Christianity, notions somewhat less inaccurate than had hitherto been current. They had been of service likewise, by at- tracting attention to the works of Augustine and Bernard.* But these books, taken all together, formed feeble guides in the wide field of theology to an anxious and inquiring mind. * See Appendix I. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 35 CHAPTER II. FROM 1508 TO 1517. THE discovery of the art of printing had, by this time, promoted considerably the revival of learning. Among the German princes, the more enlightened became strongly impressed with the advantages attendant on the establishment of respectable semi- naries of education. At a Diet held at Worms, in 1495, it had been agreed among the electors that each should become the founder of a university. Luther's sovereign, Frederick, elector of Saxony, surnamed the Sage, was fully alive to the advantages of erecting such an establishment in his territory. He had fixed its site at Wittemberg, and was at this time anxiously employed in the selection of able teachers. Staupitz, being consulted in regard to the scholars among the Augustinians, had no hesitation in bearing a flattering testimony to the attainments of Luther. The consequence was the appointment of Luther to an academical chair in the university of Wittemberg, in 1503, at the early age of twenty-five. The department which Luther was called to fill was the professorship of logic. He was fitted for it as well by his general erudition, as by an expertness at the scholastic philosophy, acquired by the habit of reading public lectures at Erfurt. Now that it be- came the regular object of his official duty, he im- 36 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, mersed himself in the study of it with redoubled ardour, and became such a proficient, as to be able almost to recite by heart the logical commentaries of Gabriel and Cammeracensis.* To this thorough acquaintance with his subject, he joined the advan- tage of a prompt elocution. Nothing fell from him with an air of indifference ; all was clear and ani- mated, and he soon became not only an able but a highly popular professor. His labours in the philosophical chair, ardent as they were, had by no means the effect of rendering him inattentive to ecclesiastical affairs. A circum- stance, which soon after occurred, showed the extent of his reputation among his Augustinian brethren. A dispute having taken place in regard to matters of discipline, between the vicar general of the Augusti- nians in Saxony and seven of the convents subject to his jurisdiction, Luther was considered a fit per- son to proceed to Rome, and procure a satisfactory settlement of the point in question. f Unacquainted with the habits of the Romish dignitaries, and a stranger, in a great measure, to the corrupt ways of the world, Luther imagined that on visiting the holy city, the residence of the Vicar of Christ, he was about to become a witness of the exercise of every Christian virtue. How great then was his surprise on beholding the luxury, licentiousness, and de- * See Appendix K. "S" Ulenberg, Vit. Luther, p. 9. This author may be relied on in the present case, although, in general, his hostility to Luther leads him into misrepresentation. He says of the Reformer, erat acri quidem etfelici, sed vehementi, pertinaci atque impetuoso ingenio. For a character of Ulenberg, see Claude's Defence of the Refor- mation, p. 102. Ed. 1673. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 37 bauchery, which pervaded all ranks. " I have seen," he says, " the pope and the pope's court, and I have had opportunity of personally observing the morals of the Roman clergy. — I celebrated mass there, and I had occasion to see it celebrated by others, with so much indecency that I am still unable to think of it without disgust. — I have seen courtesans place themselves at the very altar, laugh- ing and behaving in the most irreverent manner. I have heard them say over the bread and wine at the altar : ' Bread thou art, and thou shalt re- main bread ; wine thou art, and thou shalt remain wine.' " — The Italian clergy were accustomed to say mass with so much haste and indifference, that be- fore Luther came to the Gospel part of the service, they had found means to run through the whole, and ridiculed him openly for the devotional air with which he performed it. Disgusting as were these scenes, their practical influence on Luther's future conduct was of the most beneficial kind. They contributed more than any thing to open his eyes to papal delusion, and he used often afterwards to exclaim, " That he would not, for the value of a thousand florins, have missed the instruction afforded him by the journey to Rome." We must, notwith- standing, keep in mind that his dislike was con- fined, at this early period, to the conduct of indi- viduals: the time was not yet come for the adoption of a similar feeling towards the institutions of the church. Distant, however, as it was, several of his friends had already ventured to predict that he would one day confound the doctors, and lay the foundation of a new creed. They founded their ex- pectation on his intimate acquaintance with Scrip- 38 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ture, and on his deriving from it " principles which neither Sophists, Scotists, Albertists, nor Thomists, could controvert." In truth it was his acquaintance with the sacred volume which gave him, as we shall see hereafter, a decided advantage over his antago- nists. " This kind of knowledge was so rare," sajs Mosheim,* " that when Luther arose, there could not be found, even in the university of Paris, which was considered as the first and most famous of all the public schools of learning, a single person qua- lified to dispute with him, or oppose his doctrine, upon a scripture foundation." On returning from Rome, Luther took the de- gree of Doctor in Divinity. This title was conferred on him under flattering circumstances ; the elector Frederick voluntarily engaging to defray the ex- pense, and the Augustinians using much entreaty to prevent his declining the proffered honour. The possession of this literary distinction was eventually conducive both to his personal safety and to the success of the Reformation. It conferred on him the right of teaching publicly, as well as privately; a right which he never failed to urge when his op- ponents wished to prevent him from delivering pub- lic discourses. Frederick now condescended to hear him preach, and was much struck with the strength and soundness of his doctrine. Audivit Fredericus concionantem ; et vim ingenii, et nervos orationis ac remm bonitatem expositarum in con- cionibus, admiratus est.-f Divinity continuing Luther's favourite study, the elector was pleased to accede to his wish of direct- * Vol. iii. p. 298. t Melancth. Pfcef. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 39 ing his attention to it exclusively, and permitted him in 1512, to exchange the philosophical for the theological chair in the university. It would be difficult to conceive any thing more erroneous or perverted than the mode of teaching divinity in those days. The plain doctrines and precepts of the Gospel were little known ; and divinity, like morals and physics, was considered a mere praxis, on which to found a display of logical dexterity. The influence of this vitiated routine affected Luther, as well as his cotemporaries, and has been found to leave its traces on a later age. — It may not be unin- structive to trace, at some length, the rise and pro- gress of the singular alliance which so long existed between Christianity and the Greek philosophy. If we go back to its commencement, we find that Platonism was the system first connected with our religion. Origen, the author of this extraordinary conjunction, was born in Alexandria, about the year 185, and was taught his philosophic creed by the Platonists of that degenerate school. Applying the habit of system-making to religion, he became the first who attempted to reduce the tenets of Christianity into a connected scheme. Before the time of this philosopher no other arrangement than that of the New Testament had been thought of. In the labours of Origen, the execution is more open to reprehension than the intention. Partial to the creed of the latter Platonists, he was unwilling to account any part of it irreconcileable to the Chris- tian doctrine, and accordingly undertook the ardu- ous, or rather impracticable task, of establishing their harmony and coincidence. No doubt of the divine authority of both seems ever to have entered 40 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, his mind ; and the influence of his name, joined to the great popularity of the Alexandrian academy, soon made it fashionable to incorporate their doc- trines with the religion of Jesus.* The Platonic philosophy bore, it must be ad- mitted, a nearer resemblance to Christianity than any other system. The study of it had a tendency to excite meditation on the nature of the Deity, and on the relation between the Supreme Being and the human mind. But the latter Platonists went in- finitely beyond the outline prescribed by their founder, and carried their credulity so far, as to imagine that every difficulty or mystery in Chris- tianity might be solved by means of a reference to his writings. It was in this manner that they at- tempted to explain the nature of the Trinity, of the person of Christ, of the Incarnation, and of other doctrines of equal obscurity. The author of the works attributed to Dionysius the Areo- pagite, (but which were in reality written towards the end of the fifth century,) carried the matter still farther, and sought in Platonic principles an explanation of the Scripture appellations of God, as well as of the nature of the hierarchy, and many other questions equally remote from the compass of Greek philosophy. After the lapse, however, of three centuries, a time approached when the popularity of the alliance between Christianity and Platonism was about to be shaken ; and the latter was to yield its place to the Peripatetic doctrine. In the sixth century, Boethius began to apply the principles of Aristotle to an ex- * See Appendix L. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 41 planation of Christian tenets, and in the eighth cen- tury, John, of Damascus, both published an abridg- ment of Aristotle's philosophy, and made use of it in a work in which he attempted to reduce all ques- tions in theology to a system. The circumstance of Origen being deemed a heretic by the church, was a powerful argument for gradually exchanging the Platonic for the Aristotelian doctrine, and, by the eleventh century, the analytics of Aristotle became very generally taught. John the Sophist, Rosceline, and Anselm, were the first who gave extensive po- pularity to that method. They were succeeded by the famous Abelard, Gilbert, and others, who read public lectures on the Aristotelian logic. — Otho, of Freisinghen, is considered to have been the first who introduced it into Germany. But it may be fairly suspected that neither the plausible character of the Aristotelian logic, nor the zeal of its advocates, could have rendered its adoption so general, if the church of Rome had not stood in need of its aid. Its abstract and subtile nature presented a very convenient medium for the defence of the absurdities of the Catholic creed. The obscurities of transubstantiation were trans- formed into plausible doctrines by the magic of the mood and figure of the founder of the Pagan Lyceum. In the days of Luther, the teachers of divinity might be divided into three classes, accord- ing as they had adopted the respective tenets of the Positivi, the Sententiarii, or the Mystici. — The Posilivi had several additional appellations, being called Biblici, or Bible Doctors, Dogmatici or Didactic Divines, and Veteres or Ancients. Their method appears to have been liable to fewer objec- F 42 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tions than that of the others. Though in their illus- trations of religious doctrines, they unfortunately disregarded the aid of learning or reflection, they not unfrequently made reference to Scripture for the confirmation of their tenets. An undue reverence for tradition indeed led many of them astray ; yet we can perceive in their attempts to explain the Old and New Testaments, the outline of a plan which, in a less ignorant age, would have led to instructive conclusions. The " Sententiarii" were by far the most numer- ous and popular of these sects. Their name was derived from the deference which they showed to the " Magister Sententiarum," the noted Peter Lombard, archbishop of Paris, in the middle of the twelfth century, author of the four books of " Sentences." This work consisted of a compila- tion of passages, extracted from the writings of the Fathers, and was an attempt both to reconcile their contradictions and to correct the errors already in- troduced by the scholastic philosophy. Though now an object of contempt, this production was so thoroughly adapted to the standard of the age, that it was soon received as a text-book throughout European seminaries, and the task of commenting on it became a favourite object of rivalship. From its contradiction, in various respects, to the system of theology defended by the school logic, the Sententiarii were at first cautious of taking the latter as the vehicle of their speculations ; but the magic of the Aristotelian name, and the influence of the celebrated Abelard,* proved superior to all objections. * See Appendix M. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 43 The explanation of the " Sentences," and the culti- vation of the school logic went, by a happy coin- cidence, hand in hand ; while, to complete the de- lusion, the adherents of this creed thought proper to overlook all reference to the authority of the Scriptures. The Mystici, or Mystics, differed considerably from either of the preceding. Their great rule was to loosen the stress laid on the externals of religion, and to direct the attention to the cultivation of the love of God. They were in general persons of warm temper and upright intentions, exemplary in their morals, but strongly actuated by enthusiasm. Although Luther, in 'his lectures on divinity, does not appear to have adhered to any of these sects, we may safely infer, that from constitutional feeling he was attached to the Mystics ; while his plan of literary research approached to that of the Biblical Doctors. Divinity having now become the object of Luther's professional duty, as well as of his choice, he im- mersed himself in the study of it with redoubled ardour. It was in his eyes the " nucleus nucis" the " medulla tritici et ossium."* The first subject on which he delivered lectures was the Epistle to the Romans, a choice probably founded on a desire to explain to his pupils his con- ception of the Doctrine of Justification. His next exercise was an illustration of the Book of Psalms, in which he chiefly followed the exposition of Augustine. As he advanced in his researches, he became, as is usual, more conscious of his deficien- * Seckend. p. !efore his offerings — but of this elsewhere. I am now to beg that you will discharge the duty of a friend and of a Christian, and inform Erasmus of what I have written. I hope, and am anxiously desirous, that his authority may become celebrated; I am at the same time afraid lest, by means of the same authority, many may be induced to adopt the manner of defending the literal method, that is the dead letter, of which Lyra's commentary is full, and almost all commentators since the days of Augustine."* This letter is interesting as containing an ex- position of Luther's sentiments on a most im- portant doctrine in opposition to the church, before he had any thought of commencing the work of Reformation. The time, however, was now arriving, when that opposition, though confined to mere opi- nion, was about to create him enemies. Saxony was at that time divided into two principalities, governed by two distinct branches of the House of Saxony. Frederick, as representative of the elder * Seckend.p. 23. G 50 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, branch, held the rank of elector ; George, head of the younger branch, was the hereditary ruler of an extensive territory, comprehending Dresden, Leip- sic, and several other cities of importance. He had the title of duke, and was extremely different, both in his religious creed and in general disposition, from his relation Frederick. Having heard of Luther's fame, and having prevailed on Staupitz to send him to Dresden to preach, the Reformer, instead of se- lecting inoffensive topics, had the boldness to deliver his real sentiments on the " assurance of faith and predestination." Not satisfied with declaring tenets at open variance with those of the bigotted court of Dresdon, he held a public disputation in that city with the sect of Thomists, on the twenty-fifth of July, 1517, the nature of which, in connection with his previous discourse, made a lasting impression on the duke and those around him. We shall in the sequel have frequent occasion to recur to the conduct of this prince, and to notice his inveterate hostility to Luther and the Reformation. YEAR 1517. 51 CHAPTER III. YEAR 1517. WE are now arrived at that part of Luther's history when, from a state of obscurity, he ven- tured to come forward as the antagonist of the doctrines of the church. We shall find him pro- mulgating his opinions from the outset with a boldness which attracted the attention of all Ger- many, yet nothing was farther from his wish than to proceed to the extremity of a quarrel with the See of Rome. He was in many respects not only a sincere but a zealous Catholic. Besides, the power of the church was so transcendent as to render almost ridiculous any deliberate project of opposition on the part of an individual. To ques- tion the foundation of her authority had been hitherto accounted not only an aggression on the laws of civil society but rebellion against the will of God. The papal decrees were ratified, it was believed, in heaven; nay, the presence of the Almighty, it was affirmed, attended his church and protected her from error. She was thus con- sidered to possess the right of demanding unlimited submission to her decrees. The antiquity of her doctrine was deemed incontrovertible evidence of its truth ; and above all, it was accounted the duty of every Christian to maintain the " unity of the faith." The memory of those who had attempted 52 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, to propagate new doctrines was held in detestation, and even Luther, as we shall see hereafter, was re- tarded in his bold career by the dread of incurring the name of schismatic. In addition to this powerful hold over public opinion, the leaders of the church possessed the command of more direct weapons of offence. Ex- communication and capital punishment had, in former ages, been employed with fatal success in crushing the spirit of innovation. The Bohemians were now silent. The Waldenses and Albigenses were contented to live in the fastnesses of the Alps, purchasing the liberty of free worship by seclusion from the rest of the world. Nor was there any reason to expect that the ecclesiastical rulers of the sixteenth century would be more disposed than their predecessors to forego an appeal to decisive extremities.* If we look to the personal character of the Pontiffs, who preceded the aera of the Reformation, we find that the multiplied crimes of Julius and Borgia had degraded them in the eyes of the well- informed part of the European community ; but the disgrace attached infinitely less to the office than to the individual. Many persons were to be found, and among the rest Luther, who bowed de- * The history of the Waldenses is comparatively little known among us. Many curious particulars respecting them are to be found in the History of the Evangelical Churches of the vallies of Piedmont, by Samuel JMorland. Morland was Cromwell's Commissioner Extraordinary for the affairs of those vallies. He deposited the originals from which he derived his materials in the public library of the university of Cambridge. His his- tory was published at London, in 1G58, and is dedicated to the Protector. YEAR 1517. 53 voutly to the See of Rome, without entertaining much respect for the character of its occupants. By this time too the papal chair had begun to recover from the stain consequent on the conduct o/ these unprincipled pontiffs. Leo X. had been advanced to the purple, and brought with him all the fame of the House of Medici, along with the reputation at- tached to the liberal patronage of literature and the arts. He thus secured the praises of that class in society who were most likely to disseminate his popularity ; and, his vices remaining concealed from the public eye, the Reformation had to struggle with the odium of opposition to a respected pontiff. All these circumstances concur to show, that had it not been for the interference of an over-ruling Pro- vidence, the Reformation could not possibly have taken place. The coffers of the church of Rome being emptied by a course of extravagant dissipation, Leo had recourse to the sale of " Indulgences." Indulgen- ces, such as they were now represented, may be defined, " remissions of any sin whatever on pay- ment of a sum of money according to a fixed table of rates." This extraordinary traffic was defended on the pretended authority of Scripture, and by a re- ference to the conduct of the Apostles, whose suc- cessors the heads of the Romish church think proper to style themselves. Though a commerce something similar had subsisted at a very early period, the year 1100 may be looked on as the date v of the commencement of Indulgences, such as they continued at the sera of the Reformation. The frenzy of recovering the Holy Land had at that time seized the Christian world, and it was the 54 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, custom to regard the persons engaged in these ex- travagant enterprises, as the most effectual labourers for the glory of God. While the military com- batants .were actuated by enthusiasm, the ecclesias- tical leaders looked to the more substantial con- siderations of increase of authority and revenue. Pope Urban II. went the length of granting Ple- nary Indulgences, or the remission of all sins, to those who should embark in the attempt of re- covering the holy sepulchre from the hands of in- fidels. His successors found it necessary to alter and extend the conditions of obtaining this most acceptable boon. Many persons willing to embark in the holy warfare were unable to quit their homes and their families. The alternative in that case was to furnish a substitute, an arrangement which the church of Rome admitted as a title to the grant of an " Indulgence." When the warfare against the Turks ceased to interest the majority of Europe, one of the chief classes of persons to whom the church con- ferred Indulgences, was the zealots who showed themselves vehement in the persecution of dis- senters, or, to use the clerical term, heretics. Next came, in the time of Boniface VIII. the appoint- ment of a Jubilee, or periodical resort of Christians to Rome. The advantages to the church of such an institution are sufficiently obvious. It had a direct tendency to establish the supremacy of the Roman patriarch, and to bring an influx of wealth into the Holy City. The regular term of the stay there was thirty days, with a conditional limitation to fifteen, if the devotee had come from a very great distance. The profligate Boniface published YEAR 1517. 55 Indulgences to all who should repair to Rome in the year 1300, and every fiftieth year from that time. The scheme having succeeded, Clement VI. gave notice in 1342, that Indulgences would be dispensed in 1350. Succeeding popes continued the gainful expedient, and two of them thought proper to abridge the duration of the interval be- tween the Jubilees, Urban VI. having reduced it to thirty-three years, and Paul II. to twenty-five. The revolution of the Jubilee in 1500 took place under Alexander VI. who went beyond his prede- cessors in this kind of traffic, as well as in other iniquity.* From the history of " Indulgences," we now proceed to say a few words about their nature and supposed efficacy. Here we very soon find our- selves on disputed ground. Generally speaking, Indulgences were understood as remissions of pe- nance. At first they proceeded from bishops only ; but afterwards penitentiary priests, and, in course of time, confessors of all descriptions were in- vested with the power of this important distribu- tion. It was understood that the remissions were derived less from ecclesiastical authority than from the merits of the saints. These merits, in as far as they exceeded what was necessary for the salva- * Of Alexander VI.'s bull about Indulgences, Felix Faber, p. monk of Ulra, writes, " The Pope hath sealed this bull with a leaden seal, because he is high priest of the Christian world. Peter's head is engraven on the seal, to intimate that by his keys heaven is opened to them who pay due regard to the bull. The head of Paul is also upon it, to signify that by the sword of Paul those who disregard the bull shall be driven to hell, &c." This monk's commentary may be seen at length in Seckend. p. 9. 56 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tion of the saints, were collected, as our credulous forefathers believed, into a coffer of which the pope kept the key, and was enabled to dispose as he thought proper. As the merits of the saints amounted only to a finite sum, it was found politic to add to the stock the infinite merits of our Saviour. This being once declared, the merits of the saints were accounted by many persons like a few small drops, while those of Christ formed an immense ocean. The buyer of an Indulgence was understood to re- ceive a portion of these superabundant merits, suf- ficient to constitute either a pardon for his own sins, or the release of a deceased relation from the pains of purgatory. Four hundred years had now elapsed since the popes had begun the distribution of " Indulgences." In resorting to their sale, Leo is said to have been actuated by the advice of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci.* In taking this step, Leo committed no innovation, but he discovered a strange inattention to the altered state of society and the increased diffusion of know- ledge. Plethoric in constitution and fond of ease and pleasure, he was little disposed to contemplate the unfavourable side of things, or to apprehend mischief from the indecent urgency with which the business was conducted. As if it had not been enough to extend the purchase of pardons to the living, these ecclesiastical charms were declared ca- pable of relieving from purgatory the souls of the dead. Indulgences were also issued to eat flesh, eggs, milk, cheese, and butter upon fast days, and the liberty of choosing one's own confessor was * See Appendix P. VKAR 151T. 57 granted on payment of a stipulated compensation. The papal briefs for this purpose were expedited in 1514 and 1515, but the sale of the Indulgences did not commence till 1516 and 1517. In support of such collections, it was customary for the court of Rome to address itself to some of the strongest feelings of a Christian community. On the present occasion, the ostensible motives were the expense of carrying on the war against the Turkish infidels, and of finishing in a style of mag- nificence the church of St. Peter at Rome. The money, however, went to neither purpose, but was lavished in gratifying the luxury of the court of Rome and of its dependents. It is even reported that a considerable portion of the expected produce of the Indulgences was mortgaged by anticipation. The sum to be levied from Saxony and the neigh- bouring part of Germany was appropriated, we are told by Guicciardini,* (though others say differently) to the pope's sister, Magdalen, as a compensation for the expense which Leo had occasioned to her family, on being obliged, in the time of Alexander VI. to take refuge in Genoa. Magdalen's husband was Franceschetto Cibo, a natural son of Innocent VIII. who, in consequence of this alliance with the House of Medici, had created Leo a cardinal at the early age of fourteen, and thus laid the foundation of his future greatness. Magdalen, reckoning with confidence on the collection of a large sum from the Indulgences, appointed as her deputies, Arcemboldi, a person remarkable for his avarice, and Albert, archbishop of Mentz and Magdeburg. The latter * See Appendix Q. H 58 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, employed as his quaestor, as such officers were called, one John Tetzel, a Dominican monk, whose character was notoriously immoral. He had been capitally convicted of adultery, and sentenced to be thrown headlong into the river Inn, but pardoned by the emperor at the intercession of the elector Frederick. Of the different monastic fraternities of the church, none at this time w r ere more active than the Domi- nicans. The Inquisition had been instituted by their founder, and now continued under their direc- tion. The individuals composing the Order were remarkable for a strong esprit de corps, so that al- together their popularity and power were great. The sale of Indulgences having been intrusted chiefly to them, the earliest opponents of the Reformation appeared, as we shall find in the sequel, among their ranks. Tetzel seems to have been selected for the traffic in Indulgences in Saxony, on account of his activity and popular address, recommendations however which were greatly outweighed by his demerits. He was not only grossly ignorant, but petulant and presumptuous in the extreme. In ex- tolling the efficacy of the Indulgences, he ventured, in the sixteenth century, to go to a length which could hardly have been tolerated in the darkest of the Gothic ages. In his harangues it was not un- usual for him to make the disgusting affirmation, " that had any one debauched, were it possible, the mother of our Saviour, the Indulgence would be adequate to the conveyance of absolution."* No wonder that such impious declamations roused * See Appendix R. VEAR 1517. Luther iVom a state of solitary meditation to active opposition. It appears, on his own authority, that he was engaged, at the time of the commencement of Tetzel's operations, in studying divinity for the instruction of his class, and, in particular, the doc- trine of repentance.* He candidly confesses that, on beginning to question the sale of Indulgences, he knew nothing of their origin or history. Other members of the church were, he adds, in general as ignorant as himself, the Indulgences deriving their weight solely from the authority of usage. His researches accordingly originated, less in a de- sire of effecting a change in the distribution of In- dulgences, than from an eagerness to ascertain their real nature. As he could not, to borrow an expres- sion of his own, obtain information from the dead, meaning the writings of lawyers and divines, he determined to apply for instruction to the living, and to form his opinion by the answer of the church.f Luther seems to have laid great stress on Tetzel's overbearing and disgusting manner. This, no doubt, was calculated to provoke him extremely, but we are informed by Myconius,J a cotemporary and friend of Luther, that there was another and a more direct reason. In addition to the duty of teaching his class and preaching, Luther occasionally heard confessions. In the exercise of this function, in the year 1517, some persons came to him to confess, and though guilty of serious crimes, refused to un- dergo the penance prescribed by him, because they * Luther, i. 100. t Luther, i. 50. t Ap. Seckend. p. 17- 00 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, had already received remission in the shape of an Indulgence. Luther, revolting at this evasion, flatly refused them the absolution for which they applied. As he persisted in this negative determination, the persons in question, considering themselves ag- grieved, entered a serious complaint against him with Tetzel, who was at that time in the neigh- bourhood of the town of Interbock. Tetzel, con- fident of support from his superiors, assumed all the consequence of a plenipotentiary of the court of Rome. In an evil hour for the papacy, he became violently incensed against Luther, and being one of the holy commission charged with the extirpation of heresy, he threatened to subject Luther, and those who might adhere to him, to the horrors of the In- quisition. To keep the populace in awe and prevent Luther's opposition from being imitated, he caused a pile for burning heretics to be erected in a con- spicuous situation. But all these threats were un- availing, and Luther, once roused, persevered in his course with his characteristic intrepidity. This is the place to refute an invidious imputation brought against Luther by several Catholic writers, in respect to the purity of his motives in opposing the sale of Indulgences. His resistance, they pre- tend, took its rise from the vindictive jealousy of the Augustine friars, on being superseded by the Domi- nicans in the exercise of this lucrative traffic. A bare reference to Luther's history, and to his con- stant contempt for money, is sufficient to shake the credibility of the charge. During his life-time no such insinuation was ever made, notwithstanding his numerous controversies, and the calumnious ex- aggerations of his enemies. But the foundation of YEAR 1517. 61 the whole is hollow, for the Augustinians appear never to have been entrusted with the sale of Indul- gences in Germany. Pallavicini, and other zealous advocates of the Vatican, however hostile to Luther in other respects, have the candour to relinquish this point. In the beginning, Luther, so far from being actuated by irritation at the court of Rome, proceeded on the belief that the pope would approve and sup- port his opposition to Indulgences. His opinion of Leo's character was at that time very high, and had been lately raised by hearing of some censure ex- pressed by the holy father on the indecent forward- ness of the preachers of Indulgences.* The manner in which Luther proceeded affords a convincing proof that he acted with no deliberate hos- tility to the church. Conformably to the custom of the age, in the case of doubtful points, he came to the determination of stating his ideas in a series of propositions, with a view to a public disputation. Accordingly, on the 31st Oct. 1517, he published ninety-five propositions, discussing copiously the doctrines of penitence, charity, indulgences, purga- tory, &c. Having affixed these propositions to the church adjacent to the castle of Wittemberg, an in- vitation to a public disputation on them was sub- joined, accompanied with a request, that those who were necessarily absent would transmit him their observations in writing. The words of this intima- tion deserve to be recorded, and were as follows : Amove et studio elvxidandce veritatis hcec sub- scripla themata disputabuntur Wittembergce, yre- sidente R. P. Martino Luthero, Eremitano Augus- * Luther, praef. Seckend. p. 16. 62 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tiniano, artium et S. Theologice Magistro, ejusdem ibidem ordinario Lectore. Quare petit, lit qui non possunt verbis prcesentes nobiscum disputare, agant id Uteris absentes. In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Amen* The practice of holding public disputations had long been common in Europe. Before the invention of printing, these discussions presented almost the only mode by which a scholar could extend his repu- tation or attract attention to his discoveries. The school-logic was the armour in which these intel- lectual combatants were in the habit of encountering each other. To appoint a disputation did not neces- sarily imply the circulation of opinions completely formed, but was rather to be considered a notice of a certain progress in inquiry made on the part of an individual, who was desirous of farther information. Luther's " propositions," or " theses," as they were termed, consisted in a chain of affirmations and deductions intimately related to each other. Though apparently nothing more than a series of abstract reasonings, it was easy to foresee that, if permitted to extend, they would have a direct and serious ef- fect on certain branches of church revenue. His views of the nature of repentance differed materially from those on which the sale of Indulgences was conducted. The current doctrine in regard to " confession and compensation" proceeded on the supposition that all previous guilt was cancelled by the performance of these acts. Indulgences were of still greater efficacy, and were represented as con- taining the pardon of sins not yet committed. * Luther, i. 51. YEAR 1517. 63 Luther subjected these extravagant tenets to an analysis on the principles of the general doctrine of repentance. From the tenor of Christ's command to repent, we ought not, he maintained, to contem- plate the discharge of a solitary act of contrition, but the habitual and daily exercise of penitence. Peni- tence administered under the name of a sacrament by a priest could, in his opinion, have no exist- ence ; the true repentance enjoined by Christ con- sisting in internal compunction, accompanied by ex- ternal acts of mortification. As Indulgences were founded on the assumption that the pope could for- give sin, Luther proceeded to scrutinize and define this part also of the Catholic creed. The Holy Fa- ther, he said, was neither able nor willing to remit any punishment except that which is prescribed by the canons ; or such as he himself might have im- posed by virtue of his personal authority. Strictly speaking, the pope, he added, could in himself be the author of no remission, but merely the declarer of what was granted by God. We see here by what gradual steps Luther began to limit his im- pressions of the extent of the papal prerogative. So little was he, as yet, disposed to question the autho- rity of the church, that he declared the offender, in a case of forgiveness thus communicated, bound to profess his submission to a priest, and to consider him, in that instance, as God's vicar. Luther assumed a more decided tone in repro- bating the notion of benefiting by Indulgences the souls of the dead. By a course of reasoning, which in that day was not accounted superfluous, he main- tained that the prescriptions in the canon law rela- tive to penitence were applicable only to the living : G4 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, that penance was originally imposed not after abso- lution, but before it, and was chiefly intended as a test of the sincerity of the offender's contrition. " The Holy Spirit in the pope," he said, " always excepts in his decrees the articles of death or neces- sity. The punishment endured in purgatory is in- tended, like all other punishment, for the most salu- tary purposes, and before any one can be relieved from it, his soul must increase in charity. His Holiness can affect the souls in purgatory, not by power but by intercession, and therefore does well to publish forgiveness to souls by way of suffrage only.* The indiscriminate pardon of sins held out by the Indulgences can, if granted at all, be granted to those only who approach very near to perfection. To hold forth to the multitude the promise of a general pardon must be productive of the worst con- sequences. How indecent is it in those who are employed to sell Indulgences to affirm to the igno- rant populace, that the soul, for whom they purchase a pardon, escapes from purgatory as soon as their money tinkles in the chest ! Let not the public be induced to prefer the purchase of Indulgences to acts of charity ; for the relief of the poor is among the first of Christian duties. If the Holy Father," he added, " knew the exactions of those mercenary preachers, he would rather that the palace of St. Peter's should be burned to ashes, than built with the skin, flesh, and bones of his sheep." Such is the outline of these propositions, the pub- lication of which constituted in a manner the first act of the Reformation. They contained evident in- * See Appendix 5. YEAR 1517. 65 dications of a vigorous understanding, mixed, how- ever, with a strong bias to early impressions. While they show that Luther had closely studied Augus- tine's doctrine of repentance, they prove likewise that he had turned the subject attentively in his own mind. Unaided by any other direction, he had at- tained, what was very rare in that age, a correct conception of the necessity of sincere penitence to the enjoyment of mental comfort. But in doing justice to him in this respect, as well as to his know- ledge of the Scriptures and church history, we can- not help being struck with the extent of his faith in the doctrine of purgatory and in the power of the pope. His whole career, however, is an example of the slow steps by which the mind, when left to its own resources, is destined to arrive at a knowledge of truth. No disputants having accepted his invitation, Luther determined to print and publish his " Propo- sitions." The novelty and boldness of the opinions which they contained, along with the rational founda- tion of his reasoning, procured them a very rapid cir- culation throughout Germany. Known hitherto only in a limited circle as a professor, the circulation of his "Propositions" made him one of the most public men in the empire. The respect which he showed to the authority of the Fathers recommended his work to the reflecting and moderate, while the dis- crimination evinced in his definitions of the power of the pope was calculated to stagger, in some degree, the belief of those who had hitherto bowed to it as infallible. In regard to that point there was indeed considerable difference of opinion, but there was hardly room for any other feeling than admiration as T 66 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, to another — I mean the necessity of inward contri- tion and the indecency of selling a general pardon through the medium of an Indulgence. At the time of giving a challenge to a public dis- putation, Luther addressed a letter to Albert, arch- bishop of Mentz, who has been already mentioned as deriving considerable profits from the sale of In- dulgences. This letter is remarkable as a specimen of his zeal for his tenets, and of his freedom in ad- dressing his superiors. After repeating the substance of the " Propositions," he proceeds to tell the prelate : " I do not complain so much of the manner in which the ' Indulgences' are published, (which I have not witnessed,) as of the injurious effects which they are calculated to produce upon the multitude, who believe that, if they purchase these pardons, they are certain of their salvation, and exempted from punishment. Good God!" (he exclaims,) "the souls intrusted to your care are stimulated to what will lead them to ruin ; and how hard must be the ac- count which you will have to render to God with respect to all these. From this cause I could be silent no longer, for no one can be certain of his sal- vation by any gift conferred upon him by a bishop. It is by the grace of God alone that salvation can be obtained. Works of piety and charity are infinitely better than Indulgences ; and yet they are not preached to the people with so great pomp or zeal, nay they are supplanted by the Indulgences. The first and only duty of bishops is to instruct the people in the Gospel, and the love of Christ. Jesus never commanded Indulgences to be published. What horror therefore must that bishop experience, and how great his danger, if he allow the sale of In- YEAR 1517. G7 diligences to be substituted among his flock in pre- ference to the doctrines of Revelation? Shall not Christ say to such persons, ' Ye strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel?' What can I do, most excellent prelate and illustrious prince, but intreat you by the Lord Jesus Christ, to direct your attention to this subject, to destroy the book which you have sanc- tioned by your arms,* and impose upon the preachers of Indulgences a very different method of recom- mending them, lest some one should arise and con- fute both them and that book to the great reproach of your Highness? The consequences of this I dread extremely, and yet I fear it must happen unless a speedy remedy be applied." It is apparent from this letter that Luther was not apprehensive of that insincerity in the character of the archbishop, which in the sequel he found cause to suspect. Still less was he aware that it would rest with himself to fight the battle with the rapacious exactions of the church. Meantime the boldness of his language began to draw the attention of all Ger- many. His friends of the Augustinian fraternity, particularly the prior and sub-prior of the monastery of Wittemberg, more alive to danger than himself, and less confident of a successful issue, beseedbed S*#£> him to consult the safety of the Order, and to cease exposing himself to personal hazard. But Luther was not to be stopped, and would give no other reply than "that if the cause were not of God it would fall, but if it were of God, its progress could not be resisted." Tetzel, whose passion far surpassed his prudence, * This was a book recommending the purchase of Indulgences, on the title-page of which were the archbishop's arms. 68 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, published soon after, at Frankfort in Brandenburg,, two theses in opposition to those of Luther. His ignorance evidently disqualifying him for such com- positions ; they have been generally ascribed to Con- rad Wimpina, professor of divinity in Frankfort. Their style is such as sufficiently to discover the weakness of the Romish cause, and the dictatorial tone of the Dominican fraternity. The first thesis consisted of one hundred and six positions; the second of fifty.* To mortify Luther and to make a show of respect for Tetzel, no fewer than three hundred monks were present at the disputation on the former of these theses. f Neither of these pro- ductions entered into a thorough discussion of Luther's arguments, but assuming a priori the pope's infallibility, asserted, as a necessary conse- quence, that every thing at variance with this fun- damental position must be false. This course of reasoning we shall find frequently pursued by Luther's opponents. The Catholics thought it unanswerable, and were not for some time aware that the day was past for proving the pope's infallibility by the wea- pons of syllogism. Tetzel, proceeding in his intemperate course, took occasion to throw Luther's work publicly into the fire, an indignity which the students of the univer- sity at Wittemberg were not long in retorting on the publication which bore his name. The latter of these transactions excited much surprise : an account of it is given by Luther in the following letter, ad- dressed to his friends, John Langus and Iodocus : — * They are to be seen in Luther, i. 94 — 98. Extracts are in Seckend. p. 26, 27. See also Sleid. L. i. Sarp. L. i. t Scult. An. 1517- FROM 1517. GO " That you may be informed of what actually hap- pened respecting the burning of Tetzel's proposi- tions, the following is the true state of the case. The students are exceedingly disgusted with the ancient sophistical mode of study, but very much attached to the study of the Holy Bible, and perhaps also very friendly to me and my cause. When they were in- formed that a person had come from Halle, sent by Tetzel, the author of the positions, they immediately went to him, and threatened the man for daring to bring such things to Wittemberg. Some bought copies from him, others took them by force, and having given notice of a meeting, invited every one that chose to be present at the burning and funeral of Tetzel's positions, to come to the market place at two o'clock. They there burned all the other copies, to the number of nearly eight hundred. They did this without the knowledge of the elector, senate, or rector of the university, or indeed of any of us. Such a grievous injury done to the man by our students certainly vexed me as well as every body else. Though I am nowise to blame, the abuse, I am afraid, will be imputed to me. It has made a great noise every where, greater perhaps than was necessary; yet it must be confessed they have some reason for being angry. What will happen I know not, unless that my situation, already critical, may become more so in consequence of it." In another letter Luther says, " I am astonished that you could believe me the author of the burning of Tetzel's positions. Do you think me so totally destitute of common sense, that I, a member of the church, should, in a place not my own, attempt to do so great an injury to one who holds so high an 70 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, office as Tetzel."* — Luther's enemies were, as he had foreseen, exceedingly disposed to throw the blame on him, but, however gratified he may have been by this testimony of the attachment of the students, there is no room to suspect him of being instru- mental in this indignity to the pope's agent. In a subsequent declaration from Tetzel, the orthodoxy of his creed was maintained against all opponents without mentioning by name an individual so ob- scure as Luther. f Tetzel made an appeal to the pre- judices of the age, by declaring his readiness to un- dergo the ordeal of fire and water in justification of his tenets : and Luther, equally convinced of the or- thodoxy of his new opinions, was not slow in volun- teering a submission to the same test.t Luther's compositions advanced this year with -a promptitude which gave an ample assurance of his future activity. They consisted, in the first place, of his " Propositions" printed 31st October, and of a sermon in German, on the subject of Indulgences. To these was added a more elaborate work, a " De- fence of his Propositions," which he prepared before the expiration of the year, but was prevented from publishing for the present by the solicitations of his friends, particularly his diocesan, the bishop of Brandenburg. Enough, however, was sent forth to awaken the minds of men, and to excite that dispo- sition to doubt and scrutinize, which generally pre- cedes a revolution of opinion. * Melch. Ad. Seckend. p. 25. t Seckend. p. 26. \ Luth. i. 133. YEAR 1518. 71 CHAPTER IV. YEAR 1518. RESOLUTE as was Luther's character, a con- siderable time elapsed before he came to an open rupture with the court of Rome. The year 1518 is remarkable by furnishing proofs of the gradual na- ture of his change in opinion, and of an anxiety that his warmth of language should not be construed into direct and unqualified assertion. The circula- tion of his " Propositions" had far exceeded his calculation, and many persons were disposed to assume their contents rather as declared opinions than as materials submitted for examination. These mistakes and the extraordinary ferment produced throughout Germany, led him, as we shall see by and by, to make to the abettors of Indulgences an offer of a mutual cessation of controversy. A few concessions would at this time have satisfied him ; but, to use his own words, " the poor monk was despised." The offer being mistaken by his antagonists for an avowal of weakness, he was obliged in self-defence to continue his polemical labours. Hence those farther investigations and discoveries which led him to attack corruption at its fountain head. But long before this decisive result, he composed various papers, which show a solicitude to prevent the public from carrying his notions too far, as well as to make the church instrumental in 72 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, accomplishing her own reform. The first of these, which we shall notice, was addressed to the bishop of Brandenburg already mentioned, whose name was Jerome Scultetus. Luther, treating him with the respect due to an official superior, had trans- mitted him last year a notice of the substance of his intended publication in defence of his propositions. It is in this sense that we are led to understand an expression in Luther's first letter to the pope, " Monui privatim aliquot magnates ecclesiarum." The prelate, startled at the boldness of the argu- ments, exerted himself to effect a delay in their publication, and, with this view, paid Luther the compliment of sending to him an abbot of distinc- tion. The condescension was pleasing to Luther, and induced him to postpone his publication. But his mind was too strongly engrossed by the interest of his subject to allow him to relinquish it, and we find him accordingly addressing, June 2, 1518, a letter to the bishop, which, under the appearance of an explanation of the controversy, may be regarded as a kind of apology for deviating from his cautious counsels. " There lately appeared," he says, " in our neighbourhood, new and unheard of opinions re- specting the nature of Indulgences. The learned as well as the unlearned were astonished at them. Not only my intimate friends, but many who were unknown to me, requested by letters, and, on oc- casion of personal intercourse, applied verbally for my opinion in regard to the new doctrines which had been published. For some time 1 avoided any open declaration, but at last, the dispute became so Mil YEAR 1518. 73 violent, that I was induced to go so far as even to incur the danger of offending the pope. "But what could 1 do? it was not in my power to determine any thing upon the subject, and I was afraid to contradict those whom I wished to respect. They however argued so plausibly in attempting to prove what is false and vain, that, to confess the truth, they arrested my attention, and fairly in- volved me in the controversy. That I might please both parties, I judged it most expedient, neither to assent to nor dissent from either, but in the mean time to reason upon the subject, until the church should determine what our opinions ought to be. I therefore published a disputation, and invited all persons publicly to declare their sentiments. As I knew several very learned men, I requested them in private to open their minds to me. I perceived that neither the doctors of the church, nor the canonists, generally, supported my opinions. There were only a few canonists and scholastic doctors who seemed to approve, and even they were not very hearty in their concurrence." After exposing the ridiculous conduct of those who belong to the church, and are yet unable to contend with heretics, he thus proceeds : " When I gave a general challenge to dispute with me upon the subject of Indulgences, no one appeared. I then perceived that my published dis- putations were more widely dispersed than I had wished, and were every where received, not as matter of discussion but as positive affirmation. I was therefore compelled, contrary to my hope and wish, to publish the arguments for the propositions, and thus expose my ignorance. I thought it better to K 74 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, incur the shame of being deficient in knowledge than to allow those to remain in error who took for granted that my propositions were asserted as un- doubted truths. Of the accuracy of some of them I myself was doubtful, and of several I am ignorant. Some persons deny them, but I assert none pertina- ciously. I submit them all to the holy church and the pope." After complimenting the bishop on that humanity and humility in the discharge of his high office, which made him almost as much venerated as the pope, he adds : "It is most just that I should lay first at your feet what I have been employed in. I therefore en- treat you to receive my trifles, that all may know that I assert nothing confidently. I not only give you leave but beseech you to blot out whatever you think fit ; nay, I shall not be concerned if you should burn the whole. I declare once more, that I affirm nothing confidently ; on the contrary I even argue with fear. Not that I stand in dread of the bulls and threats of those, who, not knowing what it is to doubt, wish to circulate whatever they dream, as gospel ; I confess that their audacity, joined to their ignorance, induced me not to give way to my own fears. Had not the cause been of so great importance, no one should have known me beyond my own corner. If the work be not of God, I do not pretend that it should be mine ; let it come to nothing, and be claimed by no one. I ought to seek nothing else, than that I should not be the occasion of error to any one." The respect which Luther had shown to his dio- cesan, he determined not to withhold from the YEAR 151S. 75 superior of his Order. To Staupitz, his provincial and benefactor,* he enclosed a printed copy of the defence of his propositions, requesting him to trans- mit them to the pope, that the malicious insinua- tions of his enemies might be counteracted. " I request," he says, " that you will send these trifles of mine to that most excellent pontiff, Leo X. that they may serve to plead my cause at Rome. Not that I wish you to be joined with me in the danger ; for it is my desire that these things be done at my own hazard. I expect that Christ, as judge, will pronounce what is right by the mouth of the pope. To those of my friends who would alarm me for the consequences, I have nothing else to say than what Reuchlin said; ' He who is poor, has nothing to fear; he can lose nothing.' I possess no property, neither do I desire any. — There re- mains to me only a frail body, harassed by con- tinual illness, and if they take away my life by open violence, or stratagem, they make me but little poorer. I am satisfied with the possession of my Redeemer and Propitiator, the Lord Jesus Christ, whom I shall praise as long as I exist. If any one be unwilling to join with me in these praises, what is that to me ? Let him raise his voice after his own fashion. The Lord Jesus will save me for ever."f This letter may be regarded as a faithful picture of the predominating feelings in Luther's breast. His anxiety to save his friends from the danger connected with his cause, his indifference to money, * See Appendix T. t Luth. i. 100. Extracts are made from this letter by Melch- Ad. and Seckend. p. 33. 7G THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the calmness with which he comtemplated death, are the infallible indications of a pure and con- scientious character. Can we require a more con- clusive proof, that neither selfish attachment to his Order, nor enmity to the Dominicans, had any share in stimulating his opposition to Indulgences ? On the day of writing to Staupitz he addressed also a letter to the pope, the tone of which is nearly the same as that of the epistles which we have quoted. The principal addition consists in his urging a claim to the privilege of engaging in public disputations, on the ground of being a Doctor in Divinity. His enemies had loaded him with re- proaches, and charged him with depravity of morals; but " were such the case, is it probable," he asks, "that so illustrious a prince as Frederick of Saxony would have taken me under his protection, or allowed me to remain a Professor in his uni- versity ?" His letter concludes thus: — " I prostrate myself at the feet of your Holiness, with all that I am and have. Give the command of life or death, call or recall, approve or disapprove, as you may judge fit : I acknowledge your voice to be the voice of Christ, presiding and speaking in you. If I have deserved death, I will not refuse to die. The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof."* From this, as well as from subsequent letters, it is apparent that Luther was little acquainted with Leo's real character. On another occasion, much about this time, we find him extolling Leo as the best of pontiffs, and affording, by his reputation for integrity and learning, matter of exultation to all * Luth. i. 101. Seckend. p. 33. YEAR 1518. 77 good men. " But what," he adds, " can this most delightful person do alone in so great con- fusion ? One who is worthy to have been pontiff in better times, or in whose pontificate the times ought to have become better. In our age, we de- serve only such popes as Julius II. and Alexander VI. or some atrocious monsters similar to what the poets have created ; for even in Rome herself, nay in Rome more than any where else, good popes are held in ridicule."* This language, however different from that which Luther subsequently held with respect to Leo, was, we have no reason to doubt, perfectly sincere. Leo was at that time the object of admiration through- out Europe, and Luther could hardly fail to par- ticipate in the general predilection. Whilst Luther was thus intent on explaining his opinions and motives to his superiors, he learned that his Augustinian brethren dissented from some points in his new doctrine. He determined ac- cordingly to embrace the first favourable opportu- nity of openly discussing the controverted topics. This was afforded at the annual assembly of the Order, held soon after midsummer at Heidelberg. Luther previously published twenty-eight theses on divinity which he proposed to defend ; and sub- joined twelve corollaries from them, calculated to show the power of his arguments in opposition to the Greek philosophy, particularly in regard to the doctrines of Aristotle, Plato, Parmenides, Pytha- goras, and Anaxagoras. The journey from Wit- temberg to Heidelberg he performed, long as it * Seckend. p. 35. 78 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, was, on foot, a mode of travelling which corres- ponded with his ideas of Christian humility. He was received most kindly on his journey by Lau- rentius a Bibra, bishop of Wurtzburg, who was decidedly hostile to the new plan of retailing In- dulgences, but unfortunately lived too short a time to evince his friendship for Luther.* Luther carried with him a letter of recommenda- tion from the elector Frederick to the prince Palatine, a precautionary safeguard which the boldness and obnoxious tendency of his writings rendered ad- visable. It deserves to be noticed, that the elector's recommendation was confined to a private letter, that Prince being too cautious' to declare himself, in the face of the church, the patron of Luther. From the same motive, Luther had not yet been admitted to any personal communication with the elector, the arrangements in his behalf having been conducted by his friend Spalatin. The theses debated at Heidelberg were of a much more comprehensive character than those previously published on the subject of Indulgences. The first twelve of the twenty-eight relate to the nature of good works ; the succeeding four to free- will. In those that follow, Luther deduces certain consequences from his previous reasoning, and enters on a discussion of the nature of good and evil, the operation of the law, and the tendency of what he terms false wisdom. Crude and undefined as his ideas are, they possess a claim on our at- tention on account of their subsequent operation, * Seckend. p. 29, says of him, "Ex fainilia equestri Franconiae splendidissima et vetustissmia," and adds significantly, " non uno adfinitatis nexu mihi juncta." YEAR 1518. 70 the early impressions of Luther being in many cases discernible in the future history of the Re- formed Church. The respondent in this public debate was M. Laurentius Beyerus, a monk of his own Order. Though two combatants only were named, many others entered the lists, and the disputation was attended, as well by the professors and students of Heidelberg, as by many of the inhabitants of the city. Among the doctors present, the most eminent was Martin Bucer, who, though he had only passed the rank of " scholar," was already possessed of sufficient sagacity to dis- cover the errors of popery. Bucer eagerly listened to the controversy, took notes of what was spoken, and applied for explanations to Luther, who was much gratified with his keenness for inquiry. Bucer, having arranged his notes, and corrected them by the explanations which he received from Luther, published an account of the debate, and while he commends highly the moderation of both parties, passes a particular encomium on Luther's earnestness and diligence.* Luther's own account of it is as follows : " The doctors willingly admitted my disputation, and debated with such modesty as to entitle them greatly to my esteem. Theology indeed seemed foreign to them ; nevertheless they skirmished both acutely and pleasantly, excepting the fifth and * Bucer afterwards became distinguished among the Reformers. For an account of him see Melch. Ad. Vit. Buceri, et Scripta An- glicana fere omnia Buceri, published at Basil in 1577- Dr. Bates has inserted the account of his death in his Vit. Select. Vir. p. 2 .00, &c. London, 1681. 80 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, junior doctor, who made the whole meeting laugh by exclaiming, " Were the common people to hear these things, they would stone you to death." On an assembly thus open to conviction, Luther could not fail to make a powerful impression, and he seems to have gained a fresh accession of courage from the result of this debate ; for on his return home we find him writing to his former master, Iodocus Issenacensis, and apprizing him that "all the Wittemberg doctors, nay the whole university, with the exception of one licentiate, (Sebastian,) were now of his way of thinking ;" adding, " that many ecclesiastics and respectable citizens now unanimously say, that they had neither known nor heard Christ and the Gospel before." The defence of Luther's disputation propositions was published under the title of " Resolutiones" or " Solutions," and was addressed to the pope. His reasons for giving them to the world were, " that he might conciliate his adversaries, yield com- pliance with a variety of solicitations, and undeceive those who thought him absolute and dogmatical in his mode of assertion." In conformity with the custom of the age, he inserted a solemn protesta- tion of his sincerity as a disputant. Disputo ergo hie, et qucero veritatem, testis lector, testis audi- tor, testis vel ipse hcereticce pravitatis inquisitor.* Nor was he behind-hand with his opponents in asserting in a determined tone, the truth of his tenets, and the heresy of whoever should differ from him. Ea quce jam dixi, protestor me non dubitare, sed paratus sum ignem et mortem sus- * Luther, i. p. 132. This was Tetzel's title as connected with the Inquisition. YEAR 1518. 81 nipcre pro Mis, et Iwereticum asseram omnem qui contra sapuerit* The composition of these " resolutions" discovers no ordinary degree of acuteness, and fully warrants Luther's high reputation as a disputant. Jt is re- markable that though his early predilection for Aris- totle had been by this time exchanged for a very dif- ferent feeling, the " resolutions" are completely in the style and manner of a dialectician. His argu- ments may be traced to four distinct sources : the Scriptures, in the knowledge of which he far sur- passed his opponents ; the Fathers, with whose writings his acquaintance was at least equal to theirs; the canon law ; and lastly the authority of Gerson and other celebrated doctors of the church. Though his chief stress was laid on Scripture and the Fathers, he had not yet come to the length of dis- regarding the authority of clerical law, or the argu- ments of the leaders of the schools. It was about the middle of this year that the respected name of Melancthon was added to the Wittemberg university, in the capacity of Greek professor. This nomination is ascribed by Luther to a wish, on the part of the elector, to give him an associate in theological labours. It appears, however, to have been more directly the con- sequence of an application from the elector to the celebrated Reuchlin, the restorer of Oriental lite- rature in Germany. Reuchlin likewise recom- mended Ocalampadius, as Hebrew professor ; but that eminent scholar was already engaged to accept * Luth. i. 133. L 82 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, an appointment of that nature at the university of Bazil. Meantime the disputations and writings of Lu- ther had abridged considerably the revenue arising from the sale of Indulgences in the North of Ger- many. The better part of the Catholic priesthood became ashamed of the traffic, while those who were less scrupulous, durst not venture to urge the multitude to purchase. But in so very numerous a body, it was not to be expected that antagonists to Luther would long be wanting. The first who took the field against him was John Eckius, a Dominican, and professor of divinity at Ingoldstad. To a book which he published against Luther, he gave the whimsical title of " Obelisci," in reference to the marks (ft) used in printing to indicate notes ; and from a wish that the public should con- sider his performance as merely a series of annota- tions. Luther and he had formerly been on terms of friendship, a circumstance which made the Re- former complain of the illiberality of sending him no previous notice of the intended work. Eckius, uneasy at the charge, affirmed that the book had been sent to press without his knowledge. His remarks, he said, were originally communicated to his bishop in a private pacquet, and had they been meant for publication, would have been composed with more pains. Well might he exert himself to apologise for the deficiency of his book, for a poorer performance can hardly be imagined. It was wholly unworthy of the future fame of the author, and afforded a striking example of the weakness of the scholastic philosophy in the re- YEAR 1518. 83 search of truth, or refutation of error. The in- fallibility of the pope, the testimony of learned doctors, and a string of logical common places, con- stituted the basis of Eckius' superstructure. An attack of this nature could only serve to add fuel to Luther's ardour. He speedily published an answer under the correspondent title of Asterisci (**). But in this as in many other controversies, the disputants had failed in fixing their first prin- ciples. " Fateor hcec omnia esse vera" says Luther, " si scholastica sunt vera. Quod Eckius asserit, ego nego ; et sic est petitio principii."* The tone of Luther's answer is, we must confess, exceedingly high, and partakes sometimes of a scurrility which can be extenuated only by a con- sideration of his constitutional warmth, and of the manners of the age. " Were I assured," he says, " that Eckius was an angel seated in the midst of the seraphim, I should still declare him an impious enemy of charity, and a deceiver of the credu- lous, so long as he shall teach that barren Indul- gences are good for the people, and that the pre- ference of charitable actions to the purchase of Indulgences savours of the Bohemian schism." After expressing himself very properly respecting those who flattered the pope, he proceeds to place the controversy on a just foundation. " I request," he says, " those opponents, who are willing to do me a service, not to attempt to terrify me by flat- tering the pope, nor by quoting writers on scho- lastic theology, but to instruct me by substantial arguments from Scripture and the Fathers."— Lu- * Luth.i. 154. 84 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ther's answer appeared to the public in the light ot a victory, and is said to have brought him a con- siderable number of converts. His next antagonist was a person of greater rank. Sylvester de Prierio, a Dominican like Eckius, and master of the pope's palace at Rome, entered the lists, in the persuasion that the refutation of Luther's heresy was one of the easiest things ima- ginable. In his dedication to Leo, Prierio takes occasion to say that he did not kuow who this Martin Luther was ; that the answer he had com- posed was the labour of three days only ; that he was certain of victory ; and would not fail, as soon as he saw Luther's other works, to write something more worthy of attention than this dialogue. No- thing in fact can be more insignificant than this pro- duction of Prierio. Though called a dialogue, it contains nothing but Luther's theses and short scholia by Prierio, consisting of a string of successive alle- gations on the authority of St. Thomas, the univer- sality of the church, and that never-ending theme, the pope's infallibility. He had no more scruple than Tetzel in recommending Indulgences, by asserting that the soul flew to heaven as soon as the "money tinkled in the chest." He alludes to the power of the Inquisition, and advises Luther to beware lest vengeance, in some shape or another, overtake him. Were the pope, he adds, to present Luther with a good bishopric and a plenary indulgence to repair his church, he would soon abound in more courteous language. Luther, determined not to be behindhand with Prierio, wrote a rejoinder in tivo days, retorting his personalities with no sparing hand, and declaring YEAR 1518. 85 his arguments so futile, that he could disprove them by writing whatever came uppermost. " You are sunk," he said, " in the darkness of Thomas Aquinas, and must come better armed to the next combat if you hope to escape without dis- grace." Nothing, however, could abash the con- fidence of Prierio ; he replied in the form of a letter addressed to Luther, repeating what he had previously advanced, defending Thomas Aquinas with great zeal, boasting of his high office at Rome, and taking no slight degree of credit for the honour paid, as he believed, to his works at Leipsic. He called this second essay " Epithoma," in honour of the angelical doctor, and he concluded by appealing, with great self-complacency, to the decision of the public. Prierio's pertinacity made Luther lose all patience. He wrote an answer in which, not con- tented with speaking of Prierio in a manner suffi- ciently contemptuous, he treated his book in terms which, to be tolerated, require rather more than the extenuating medium of a dead language. " Tot tantisque blasphemiis a capite ad pedes usque re- fertum, ut in medio Tartaro ab ipsomet Satana editum libellum existimem* The Dominicans, it appears, felt ashamed of Prierio's defence, for in a letter written to Langus about the middle of Sep- tember, Luther says, " the Dominicans are buying up the copies of Sylvester's dialogue, and are sup- pressing it, but we are re-printing it at Wittem- berg." The extravagant tone in which Prierio extolled the pope's power and his superiority to a general •Luth.l 189. 86 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Council, however agreeable to Leo or his minions was kept up with too little disguise. It had been the policy of the court of Rome to account such superiority its prerogative, but to forbear bringing forward the invidious assertion. The imprudent length of Prierio's assumption led Luther to reflect on the extraordinary consequences of which acqui- escence would be productive. And here we meet with the first symptom of that alienation from the church which afterwards became so conspicuous in Luther. "Were such," he says, "the sentiments entertained at Rome, happy are they who have separated from the church and gone out from the midst of that Babylon ! Cursed are they who hold communion with her! If the pope and cardinals do not check this mouth of Satan and compel him to recant, I solemnly declare before them, that 1 dissent from the Roman church and renounce her with the pope and cardinals as the abomination of the holy place." On reading these bold expressions, we can hardly resist the inference that Luther was actuated by a confidence of support and protection. The concur- rence of his brethren at Wittemberg, the popu- larity of his preaching, the success of his public disputations, and the steady though cautious as- sistance of the elector, were all calculated to inspire him in some measure with courage. But the length to which he went must have been much more the result of his constitutional temper than of a calculation of strength. Accordingly, it was not without much doubt and disquietude that he ven- tured to maintain his early struggle with the church. Looking back at a future period to these days of YEAR 1518. 87 anxiety, he exclaims, "How many things my heart suffered during the course of that first and second year, and how great at that time was my unfeigned humility — I might almost say, despair. Ah! how little is this known to those who fol- lowed me, and who were enabled to attack with impunity the wounded majesty of the pontiff."* Among his other early antagonists was James Hoogstraat, an inquisitor of Louvain, who, without bestowing time on the reasoning in Luther's doctrine, advised Leo to cut him off at once by fire and sword. f Hoogstraat had been the persecutor of the famous Reuchlin, to whom Luther compares himself in many passages of his works. The Re- former's reply to Hoogstraat was marked by no tame characteristics. He exposed his ignorance of that scholastic phisosophy of which he pretended so much knowledge ; upbraided him with brutality, and finally recommended to the pope to consult the inte- rests of the church by inflicting punishment on this inquisitor of heretics who was so illiterate as not to know in what heresy consisted. The writings of Luther and the answers to them having now been some time before the public ; the feebleness of the latter excited surprise in many who had never doubted the ability of the church to defend by argument whatever she assumed the right to do. From the increased diffusion of know- ledge, and the peculiar political situation of Ger- many at that time, the Catholics felt themselves unable to stop the progress of heresy in the sum- * Luth. i. 50. Seckend. p. 38. t Sleid. L. i. Melch. ad. Sarp. L. i. Seckend. p. 38. 88 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, mary method of earlier days. It is to this cause chiefly that we are to ascribe what has been called the inactivity, in the first instance, of the court of Rome towards Luther. It will be in vain to seek to account for it by a tolerating disposition on the part of Leo. Liberal as he was, in the patronage of literature and the arts, the men who in his court cultivated the works of Greece and Rome durst not indulge in those effusions of independence which mark the celebrated writers of antiquity. On the contrary, the habit of flattering and of showing an unqualified approbation of his measures will be found the characteristics of those who surrounded him. It is true that for some time Leo paid very little attention to Luther's opposition. Considering it below his dignity to discuss the merits of a dis- pute carried on in an obscure part of Germany he was disposed to let it be finished by those with whom it had begun. In process of time this con- troversy, he thought, would, like many others, fall into oblivion. Voluptuous and averse from busi- ness, he was accustomed to devolve the laborious part of his office on Julius, afterwards Clement VII. and had consequently not the means of forming a due estimate of the danger to be apprehended from Luther.* Maximilian, the emperor of Germany, though ostensibly attached to the pope, had no disposition to persecute Luther. He was remarkable for mild- ness of temper, and having had the curiosity to read Luther's theses, he is reported to have said to Pleffinger, one of Frederick's ministers, "Your * See Appendix U. YEAR 1518. 89 monk's theses are not to be despised. He will give the priests some trouble. Tell Frederick that he should protect Luther, as it may happen that he will have need of him."* The want of cordiality in Maximilian towards Leo arose from his having discovered that the pon- tiff, while pretending friendship for him, was en- gaged in secret intrigues with the king of France. " Had not Leo also deceived me," said Maximilian on this occasion,! " he would have been the only pope whom I could have called an honest man. "J But had the court of Rome even been assured of the zealous co-operation of Maximilian against Luther, their point would not have been gained ; for the in- fluence and reputation of Frederick was such as to form a counterpoise in the Diet to imperial authority itself. Of this, ample evidence had been given by two questions which Frederick had lately been in- strumental in carrying. 1st. That the pope should not, under pretext of a Turkish war, exhaust Ger- many by means of Indulgences ; 2dly. That no kir.g of the Romans should be elected during the life of Maximilian. Unwelcome as the latter measure was to the emperor's feelings, Frederick still re- mained on good terms with him, partly by uncom- mon discretion of behaviour, and more perhaps from the emperor's conviction that the preservation of Frederick's good will was the most likely method to secure the transmission of the imperial title to his grandson Charles. While the influence of Leo with the emperor * Seckend. p. 42. t Ibid. p. 43. | Nisi me hie quoque papa fefellisset, ille unicus esset cnjtis bonam fidem laudare posem. Ibid. p. 43. M 90 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, was thus limited, it was, for obvious reasons, still less powerful with Frederick. It had long been an object with the secular princes of Germany to lessen the pecuniary exactions of the church of Rome among their subjects. But the blind reverence of the people to the church rendered such opposition a matter of great delicacy and difficulty ; and the above mentioned resolution of the Diet was one of the few examples in which it had been attempted with success. A controversy which, like Luther's, tended to lessen the bigoted adherence of the people to the pope, had, in secret, the good wishes of Frederick and of most of the neighbouring princes. This reason, however, from not being avowed, has been less generally regarded as a motive for Frede- rick's protection than the importance of Luther to the university of Wittemberg — not that the last was of inconsiderable operation, for Luther's energy, as a preacher and professor, had excited a strong in- terest in his behalf, on the part both of the students and of the people. There were other circum- stances, too, which tended to fortify Frederick against the intrigues of the church. The attach- ment of a scholar, so well known throughout Ger- many as Melancthon, seemed to bring over the cause of literature to Luther's side. Several persons in Frederick's confidence had become patrons of the new doctrine : and it was not the character of the court of Saxony to forsake a resolution which it had once adopted.* In this age of civil and military contention, the independence of Europe appeared to be threatened * See Appendix V. YEAR 1518. 91 from the East. Selim I. son of Bajazet II. after subduing the nations in Asia, adjacent to the Turkish empire, seemed determined to turn the tide of warfare towards Christendom, and to rival the ex- ploits of Alexander and Caesar.* The powerful influence of religion was called forth to stimulate the Mussulmen to embark with alacrity in the prosecution of the war. The island of Rhodes and the kingdom of Hungary appeared the two vulne- rable points. Leo feared, or affected to fear, for the former, and Maximilian was seriously alarmed for the latter. Leo ordered public prayers to be offered up, and exhorted all Christian princes to suspend their animosities and fly to the succour of religion. He thought proper also to send to Ger- many, on a special mission, one of his confidential servants, cardinal Thomas de Vio de Gaete, sur- named Cajetan.f The Catholic writers represent the formation of a league against the Turks as the sole object of Cajetan's mission to the emperor, as well as of his appearance at the Diet of Augsburg in the capacity of pope's legate. There can, how- ever, be no doubt, that he had orders to accomplish a settlement of Luther's affair, and, if we may depend on the accuracy of the Reformer's conjec- ture, Cajetan was commissioned also to obtain the tenths decreed by the Lateran council. J The un- expected death of Selim having put an end to the ostensible plea for the mission, and a grant of the * Guicciard. L. xiii. t He was one of the thirty-one cardinals created by Leo in one morning in July 1517- Vit. Pontiff, p. 14. 21. \ Seckend. p. 42. 92 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tenths being found impracticable, Cajetan's principal employment proved to relate to Luther. Cajetan was a man of address, and zealous for the support of the pope's authority ; but his temper was impatient, and he was particularly stimulated against Luther by the indignities offered to the Dominican Order of which he was a member. During the dis- cussion of the Turkish war in the Diet, Cajetan had, for the sake of example, gone the length of offering the revenue of the church for the purpose of repel- ling the infidels. A favourable impression was thus made on the emperor. Other acts were employed to gain over particular members of the Diet. The archbishop of Mentz, who already enjoyed the un- precedented favour of possessing two archbishopricks and to whom the sale of Indulgences had been originally committed, was now promoted to the rank of cardinal. These manoeuvres so far succeeded that the emperor, influenced, no doubt, by views of policy, was made to come forward as a declared enemy to the new doctrine. He wrote or rather signed a letter to the pope, in which he censured not only Luther's theses but his public discourses, and particularly specified that in regard to the two articles of Indulgences and excommunication, his opinions were " heretical and damnable." Referring to a very ancient decree of the pope's consistory, by which doctors are prohibited from disputing on any doctrine unless it be pronounced doubtful in the decretals, he declared, in direct terms, the pope's right to interpose his judgment. He next expressed his confidence that whatever decision might be given at Rome would be in conformity to truth. He YEAR 1518. 93 beseeched his Holiness, therefore, to put an end to the diffusion of such opinions, because even men in power had become patrons and defenders of Luther's errors. He concluded by promising to approve whatever the pope should determine, and to cause it to be observed throughout the empire. It requires but a slight examination of this letter to trace in its tone and substance the dictation of an ecclesiastic. Maximilian, a total stranger to theological discussions, is here made to handle them with the familiarity and decision of a practised con- troversialist, and to allude to the elector of Saxony with a want of deference completely at variance with his usual temper and conduct. This remarkable epistle was dated from Augsburg, 5th August. Leo, stimulated by the Dominicans and others, seemed now to exchange his inactivity towards Luther for promptitude and decision. Before re- ceiving Maximilian's letter, he had summoned Luther to appear within sixty days at Rome. This summons appears to have been presented to Luther on the 7th of August, and could not fail to excite in him considerable alarm. Some intelligence of the machinations going forward at Augsburg had probably been communicated to him, but of their real extent, it is evident he was not aware. There was, however, little room to hesitate about the fate that would await at Rome whoever had been so daring as to oppose the views of the priesthood. Still less could he entertain a doubt of the decision that would take place in his own case, because the two persons whom Leo had constituted his judges, had already declared his theses heretical. These were his antagonists, Sylvester de Prierio and Jerome 94 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Ghinucci, bishop of Ascoli and auditor of the apostolic chamber.* In this situation, Luther de- termined to have recourse to the elector, through the medium of his cordial friend, Spalatin. Both being then at Augsburg, Luther lost no time in transmitting them the summons, and in proposing that Frederick should use his influence to procure the appointment of a commission to examine into his cause in some part of Germany. In the mean time his friends were a good deal at a loss for an excuse for his not repairing to Rome. This difficulty was solved, it appears, by a suggestion of his own, that it would be a sufficient apology " if the elector were to refuse a safe conduct, or to deny him per- mission to leave Wittemberg." The summons to Luther was followed, on the part of the court of Rome, by a dispatch to Cajetan, composed in a style sufficiently calculated to show the length to which the church would have been disposed to carry the punishment of Luther. He and his doctrines are described by very abusive epithets, and the act of publishing his opinions without consulting the church, the mistress of the faith, is termed rash, presumptuous, and licentious. The cardinal is then informed that orders had been given that Luther should first appear before him at Augsburg, where he was to be kept in safe custody until matters should be arranged for presenting him before the apostolic chair at Rome. If Luther should recant his opinions, Cajetan was empowered to receive him into the bosom of the church, but if * Ghinucci was afterwards nuncio at the court of Henry VIII. who made him bishop of Worcester. Paul III. created him a car- dinal. Ciacon. Vit. Pontif. p. 1505. YEAR 1518. 93 he continued obstinate, he and all his adherents were to be declared excommunicated and accursed. All civil and ecclesiastical authorities were enjoined, at the hazard of incurring the same penalty, to seize Luther and send him to Cajetan. This high tone, however, was assumed only in the letter to the pope's agent. A dispatch from the court of Rome to the elector of Saxony, written on the same day, is couched in terms so very different that one could hardly think they issued from the same quarter. Nothing is there said of imposing penalties on Frederick in the event of his refusing to assist in apprehending Luther — the high rank of the house of Saxony, the personal virtues of Frederick, the merits of his ancestors, above all, their zeal for the holy see, formed the leading topics of this polite communication. " Such a prince," added Leo, " was not likely to constitute himself the protector of a heretic, who, in the vain hope of countenance from his sovereign, had let loose the reins of his pride." With that diplomatic art which so early characterised the court of Rome, no notice was taken of the elector's avowed interference in behalf of Luther, but an appearance of disbelieving all such reports was assumed, and a caution given to the elector to avoid any thing calculated to excite suspicions of that nature. Leo concluded by men- tioning that he had committed the affair to Cajetan, and by requesting Frederick to lend his aid to de- liver up Luther to him. From the ordinary motives of statesmen as well as from the personal character of Frederick, there is little doubt that his interest in Luther proceeded less from zeal than from policy. His conduct on the 96 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, present occasion has a tendency to confirm this opinion. Apprised of the serious intention of the court of Rome and too cautious to declare himself in opposition to her, Frederick steered a middle course. He urged to the pope the propriety of adopting less severe language, and of consenting to refer Luther's examination to a German tribunal. All this* however, was expressed in very moderate terms, and, after conversing with Cajetan, at Augsburg, Frederick, as we shall see presently, became dis- posed to go a step farther, and consented that Luther should appear before the legate. In concurrence with the other measures of the court of Rome against Luther, means were now adopted to render him obnoxious to his own Order. Leo condescended to write to Gabriel, a Venitian, grand vicar of the Order, exhorting him to exer- cise his official prerogative, or, to copy the literal expressions, to " employ all his mind, study, labour, advice and diligence, in opposing the dissemination of the new doctrines."* "Abuses," he added, "slight in their outset, were apt to become incurable by de- lay." — Luther, on the other hand, was by no means inactive. Confident in the favourable disposition of his brethren of the university, he applied to them to intercede for him in a body with the pope. To this the rector, masters, and doctors of the university willingly assented, and addressed, on the 25th Sept. a letter to Charles Miltitz, a German, and chamber- lain of the pope, requesting him to exert his in- fluence with his master to obtain for Luther a trial in Germany, by judges free from suspicion, and in * Sleid. L. i. YEAR 1518. 97 a place where he might be assured of personal safety. After bestowing great praises on Luther's learning and exemplary morals, they inserted an explicit denial of the charge of impiety brought against his doctrine, alleging, that had this been the case, they would have been the first to expel him from their society and surrender him to the power of the law. On the same day they addressed a letter to the pon- tiff, in which, after apologising for their freedom in writing to so high a quarter, they proceed as follows : " Brother Martin Luther, a faithful and accepta- ble member of our university, has entreated us, in a confidence of the success of our intercession, to write to your Holiness, and to afford him a testi- monial of the soundness of his doctrine and cha- racter, both of which he complains have been un- justly censured. He is now summoned by com- mand of your Holiness to appear in person at Rome, on account of several propositions concerning In- dulgences disputed among us ; but his bad health, together with the danger of the road, prevents him from undertaking what it is both his duty and in- clination to do. On this account we, sympathising with the hardship of his case, have not been dis- posed to refuse our testimonial, since he believes it will be useful to him." After certifying Luther's orthodoxy and character, they make the admission that, " though he had asserted nothing as certain, yet, taking the liberty allowed in disputations, he had perhaps laid down positions with more freedom than some of his opponents could bear."* — Of this testi- monial no notice was taken by the pope. * Luth. i. 206. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 43 . N 98 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, We return now to Frederick, whom we find ac- quitting himself with much judgment and know- ledge of the world. After finishing the business of the Diet, he obtained from Cajetan an assurance that Luther should not be compelled to proceed to Rome, and engaged, in return, that he should pre- sent himself before the legate at Augsburg.* This course of proceeding was calculated, if not to pre- vent, at least to delay a rupture between the parties. It amounted to a compliance with the pope's man- date as far as regarded sending Luther to Cajetan ; while, by the precaution of stipulating for the per- sonal liberty of the reformer, it prevented that com- pliance from being attended with hazardous con- sequences. On returning home, Frederick gave Luther letters of recommendation to the senate and to some of the principal inhabitants of the city of Augsburg. Aware of Luther's poverty, the elector furnished him with money for the expedition. With these aids, Luther proceeded on his journey, which was long and tedious. Notwithstanding the pro- vision made for him in the pecuniary way, his attire was so unsuited to a public appearance, that, on arriving at Nuremberg, he found it necessary to borrow a friar's cowl from Linccius, a divine of his own Order, whom he had known from his child- hood. On leaving Nuremberg, he continued his progress to the southward, crossed the Danube, and, after a fatiguing peregrination, entered Augsburg. " Veni pedester et pauper Augustam, stipatus sump- tibus principis Frederici"f * Luther. Peaef. also Op. i. 208. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 45. t Luther. Praef. YEAR 1518. 99 Such was the humble equipage of the man whose cause now occupied the attention of Germany. "I had attacked," says Luther, " what neither bishop nor divine had in times past dared to touch. The public awaited the issue with minds full of suspense but favourably disposed towards me, because their eyes were at last becoming open to the imposture and oppressive exactions of the church of Rome." By the elector's advice he had ventured to come without any public safe-conduct, a step which, at a future period, he did not hesitate to consider im- prudent. Cajetan was a Dominican and an in- quisitor ; the papal court, moreover, had enjoined Luther's attendance at Rome, and was accustomed, in the execution of its decrees, to consider that the end justified the means. Luther arrived at Augsburg on Friday, October 3, and repaired to the Ausgutinian convent, where he delivered the elector's letter ; but he took up his lodging with the Carmelite friars, in consequence either of the advice of his Augustinian friends, or, as is more likely, of his personal acquaintance with the prior of the Carmelites. He was prepared to consider Cajetan in the light only of a controversial disputant, and was ignorant of his being invested with a power to judge, and if he proved incorrigible, to proceed against him. He determined, however, not to appear before Cajetan if he should ascertain that he had been previously condemned by the pope. Luther's arrival in the city did not long remain unknown. The first person whom he saw, on the part of the legate, was one Urban, surnamed "De longa Serra," an Italian belonging to the legate's mission. Urban, without acknowledging any au- 100 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, thority from Cajetan, conversed very freely on the subject of Luther's journey, and seemed desirous of removing all suspicion in regard to his personal safety. He omitted nothing to induce Luther to appear without hesitation before the legate. The Augustinians, however, dissuaded Luther from tak- ing that step without obtaining a letter of protection from the emperor, who was then at Augsburg. Ca- jetan, whatever was his object, seems to have been very desirous that Luther should appear before him without a safe-guard. " On the third day after my arrival at Augsburg," says Luther, " Urban re- turned and expostulated with me for not going to the cardinal, who would receive me very graciously. I answered, that I was under the necessity of fol- lowing the advice of the excellent men to whom Prince Frederick had recommended me, and whose opinion it was, that I ought not, on any account, to appear before the cardinal, without a protection from the emperor, or some public pledge of personal safety. When that is obtained, and application is now making for it to the emperor's council, I am willing immediately to present myself before him. Urban, under some agitation, said, " What, do you imagine that Prince Frederick would take arms in your defence?" I answered that, "I did not wish any such thing." " But," replied he, " under whose protection can you be safe?" I made answer, " Under the protection of heaven." He then asked, if " I had the pope and cardinals in my power, what I would do to them ?" To which I answered, " That I would show them all reverence and honour." On this he took a hasty leave and paid me no more visits." YEAR 1518. 101 Maximilian being absent on a hunting excursion, some days elapsed before obtaining the protection from him. Luther in the interval (Monday, Octo- ber 11,) took up the pen and wrote to his friend Melancthon : — "There is nothing new or unusual going on here, unless that the city is full of the rumour of my name, and that every one is desirous of seeing Erostratus the incendiary.* — Continue to behave manfully and to lead the youth in the right path. I am willing to be sacrificed for them and for you, if such be God's will. I choose rather to die and to lose what I should deeply lament — your delightful conversa- tion, than to recant what I have said, and become the occasion of casting disrepute on the most com- mendable studies. Italy is plunged in Egyptian darkness — all are ignorant of Christ and of the things that are Christ's. — Yet these are the men who are to remain our masters in faith and morals !" The imperial protection was now granted to Luther, and an official notice of it sent to Cajetan. This however was merely the fulfilment of a form, Cajetan having been privy to the discussion on the subject in the emperor's council. f Luther, having received his safe-guard, proceeded to wait on the legate, who received him very politely, and said that he had no intention to enter into argument, but hoped to settle their differences by private and unre- served conversation. This condescending tone was assumed in the hope of obtaining Luther's acquies- cence to the demands which he was about to make : * Erostratus set fire to the temple of Diana at Ephesus upon the day that Alexander the Great was born. i Epist. Cajat. ad Frider. ap. Luth. I. 220. 102 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, and in the complete confidence of victory if they should proceed to argue. He began by desiring, in the pope's name, that Luther should do three things : first, abjure his past errors; second, abstain from in- culcating them in future ; and, third, abstain from all errors which might have a tendency to disturb the peace of the church. Luther was on the point of remarking that had he been disposed to recant, he might as well have done it at Wittemberg, and spared himself the trouble of the journey. He con- fined himself, however, to requesting Cajetan to in- form him in what point his errors lay, as he was not conscious of any. On this the legate found great fault with his conduct in two respects : the first, and that on which he laid the chief stress, was his op- position to the sale of Indulgences, and consequently to the bull of Pope Clement VI. which he imagined Luther had not seen. But Luther soon informed him that he had carefully perused not only that bull, but another published by Sixtus IV. without being able to assent to them, as they contained many things contrary to Scripture. Cajetan, relying on his scholastic learning, referred to the authority of Thomas Aquinas in support of the bull. This Luther resisted, insinuating that Cajetan seemed to prefer the authority of Aquinas to that of Scripture. Cajetan, conscious of his acquaintance with Scrip- ture, and ill prepared for contradiction from a per- son in Luther's humble station, had recourse to di- rect and confident assertion, maintaining that his Holiness was not only supreme head of the church, but superior in authority to a General Council. He referred to the rejection and dissolution of the Coun- cil of Basil, and passed a severe censure on Gerson YEAR 1518. , 103 and his followers, by whom chiefly the measures of that Council were directed. Luther had not ex- pected the legate to proceed so far in his assertion of papal prerogative. He appealed, in reply, to the declaration of the university of Paris, the most emi- nent seminary at that time in Europe, and with whom the superiority of a General Council to the pope had been a favourite doctrine. On this the legate observed with warmth, "The Parisians shall see what punishment awaits them." — Videbunt pcenas suas* The second point of debate related to the necessity of faith in those who take the sacrament. Instead of regarding the sacrament as a memorial of the death of Christ, the Catholics involve a very plain doctrine in obscurity and mysticism. They affirm that, by the magic of a priest's benediction, plain bread and plain wine are transubstantiated into the real body of Christ, which they at the same time admit to be in heaven. This opinion Luther op- posed, and desired of Cajetan that, in their argu- ments, reference should be had only to the Scrip- tures and to those canons, the authority of which was acknowledged by them both. Cajetan assented to this limitation, but was unable, in the course of discussion, to refrain from founding his arguments on the authority of the scholastic doctors. It was in vain that Luther called on him to adduce in sup- port of his opinion a single argument either from Scripture or the Fathers. " Peto unam Scrijjtnrce auctoritatem, vel sanctorum pair um, quae sit contra meant hanc sententiam"\ But whenever Luther * Luth. i. 222. f Luth. i. 222. 104 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, laid stress on Scripture, the legate endeavoured to turn him into ridicule. Another remarkable cir- cumstance was their difference in estimating the comparative importance of the two points in dis- pute. Luther regarded that of the sacrament as by much the more serious, while Cajetan, viewing things through the medium of calculation, did not scruple to say, in a subsequent conversation with Linccius, that if Luther would not oppose Indul- gences, the business could be easily settled, the dif- ference with respect to the sacrament being " sus- ceptible of interpretation." — So much nearer was money than faith to the heart of this son of the church. Luther, finding after a long conversation that he eould not succeed in fixing the legate to a point, broke off the interview by desiring time for reflec- tion. Conscious of his own warmth, and appre- hending that without witnesses his behaviour might be misrepresented, he made his appearance next day, (October 13) attended by four Imperial senators, a notary, and witnesses. There were present also the envoys of the elector of Saxony, Philip Feilitsch, a knight, John Ruel, a lawyer, and Staupitz, who had arrived in the interval at Augsburg. In pre- sence of these witnesses Luther read to the legate a written declaration, which purported that, in main- taining his opinions, he was actuated by no want of respect to the church. It was drawn in legal form, and was as follows : " I, Brother Martin Luther, call to witness that I have respected and am disposed to respect the holy Roman church in all my sayings and actions, past, present, and future, and that if I have said, YEAR 1518. 105 or shall say any thing to the contrary, it is my wish to account it, and that others should account it, as not said." He then recites the three concessions already mentioned as required by the cardinal, and thus proceeds, " I have sought and argued for truth only ; 1 cannot therefore be condemned for merely seeking it, much less be compelled to recant un- heard and unconvinced. I this day declare that I am not conscious to myself of having said any thing contrary to the Holy Scripture, the Fathers of the church, the decretals of the popes, or right reason : but that every proposition which I have expressed appears to me to be strictly true, and consistent with the Catholic faith. Nevertheless, as I am liable to error like other men, I have submitted and do now submit myself to the determination and judgment of the true Holy Church, and to all my superiors in knowledge. Meantime, fully to satisfy my op- ponents, I offer personally to assign a reason for the sentiments I have espoused, either here or elsewhere, and even in public if it be required ; and if this be not agreeable to the right reverend legate, I am pre- pared to answer objections in writing, and to abide by the judgment and decision of the Imperial uni- versities of Basil, Friburg, Louvain ; or, if that be not sufficient, by that of Paris itself." In this second conference, Cajetan, still confident of success, continued to speak with his former volu- bility. In one point he allowed his ardour to carry him so far as to make an assertion, which on the actual inspection of the canons, he found it neces- sary to confess a mistake in Luther's presence. Staupitz, perceiving that from a discussion so loosely carried on, no practical good could result, proposed O 106 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, that at the next interview Luther should give in his defence in writing. This accordingly took place on October 14, Luther delivering a defence of the two propositions which had been impugned by the legate, and repeating his former arguments in positive terms. If the two former interviews augured unfavourably, the third was fatal to all hope of accommodation. It was now apparent that nothing but the clearest argument would satisfy Luther, and that he paid no deference to official rank. Cajetan lost all temper, and threatened to send Luther to Rome. He broke off the conversation by commanding him to leave his presence and not to return until sent for. After this hasty step, Cajetan appears to have befen in no small embarrassment about the plan to be pursued. Ap- prehensive of that censure at the court of Rome which was the ordinary lot of unsuccessful nego- ciators, and conscious that he had acted too impe- riously, he felt the necessity of trying the experi- ment of conciliation. On the same day that he had behaved so precipitately to Luther, he sent for Stau- pitz, and solicited him to use his influence, as pro- vincial vicar of the Augustinians in Saxony, to in- duce Luther to recant, assuring him that recantation did not necessarily imply delinquency. Staupitz having promised compliance, the legate made the further request that he would " confute Luther from the Scripture," to which Staupitz frankly replied, that he required what was above his ability, " Luther being his superior both in general attainments and in knowledge of the Scripture." Cajetan's assurance, that Luther would incur no delinquency by recanting, was spurned at by the latter the moment Staupitz mentioned it. He justly YEAR 1518. 107 argued, that a recantation would subject him to the perpetual infamy attached to those who act from the fear of man, and abjure truth in defiance of their conviction. In making the attempt, Cajetan had in view the official authority of Staupitz over Luther in his capacity of provincial. But this alternative had been foreseen, and Luther had been absolved by Staupitz from obedience previously to the conference, for the double purpose of exempting the Augusti- nians, as a body, from responsibility, and for af- fording an excuse to Staupitz, if ordered to exercise authority against Luther. In subsequent days, when Luther was enabled to look back with composure on his early troubles, he used to call Cajetan's denunciation, excommunica- tion the first. The hostile decree of the pope, which we shall have occasion to notice by and bye, he called excommunication the second, and that of the em- peror Charles at the Diet of Worms, excommuni- cation the third. At present, however, he was sur- rounded by friends of less energy than himself, and who spared no pains to persuade him of the necessity of pacifying the cardinal. The result of their en- treaties was apparent in a letter sent by Luther to that prelate a few days after, viz. October 17, and composed in a style altogether different from his or- dinary language, in this submissive communica- tion, Luther, after alluding to the admonitions of his friends, and his respect for the representative of papal majesty, admitted that he had spoken of the pope indiscreetly and irreverently; that although he had received considerable provocation, he now un- derstood that it was his duty to have treated the sub- ject with more humility : that he regretted the past, 108 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, and should henceforth endeavour to speak after a dif- ferent manner : that, in respect to Indulgences, he was perfectly ready to let the subject rest, provided that either silence or moderation of language were imposed on those who had given him provocation- He requested that the whole cause should be referred to the pope, so that these doubtful points being set- tled by the authority of the church, he might know whether it was incumbent on him to believe or to recant. And, to impress the necessity of a speedy decision by the church, he enlarged on the inutility of recantation without complete conviction. This letter appears considerably at variance with the frankness and boldness of Luther's character. But, in judging it, we are to take into account as well the timidity of his advising friends, as his own anxiety to act the part of a true son of the church ; a character, which as yet he identified with that of a sincere inquirer after truth. Besides, the juncture was replete with alarm ; he, as well as Staupitz, being at a distance from home and in a quarter where their enemies had power. Hence the appa- rent contradiction in his proceedings. On the 16th October he had privately prepared a protest addressed to the " Pope when better informed," recapitulating his conduct and motives in the late controversy, along with a short detail of the measures which had been taken against him. On the 17th he was pre- vailed on to take a very different step, and to write the submissive letter already mentioned ; and on the 18th he again took up the pen and composed a letter to the legate, containing a notice of the protest and of his inability to remain longer at Augsburg. This letter, though less submissive than that of the 17th, YEAR 1518. 109 is still a good deal different from Luther's usual tone. But neither it, nor the protest, was transmitted to the legate till after his departure from Augsburg, which took place suddenly on Wednesday, October 20. Cajetan having taken no notice of the letter of 17th, and having been heard to drop threats,* Luther, early in the morning, mounted a horse pro- vided by his trusty friend, Staupitz. Quitting the city by a private gate, he rode nearly forty miles that day, a continuance of exercise so unusual with him, that on dismounting he lay down on the ground and fell asleep. Staupitz, equally alarmed, left Augsburg soon after, while Linccius and Lu- ther's host, the prior of the Carmelites, lost no time in following the prudent example. These sudden departures gave great offence to Cajetan. His displeasure was increased by the pub- lication, a few day after, of Luther's protest of 16th of October. A monk had engaged to deliver this document to Cajetan, but wanting courage to face the legate, he affixed it to the market place. On this Cajetan took up the pen and wrote to the elector Frederick a letter couched in a very high tone. He asserted that he had obtained a victory in disputation over Luther, complained of the clan- destine departure of him and Staupitz, and urged Frederick not to forget the respect due to his own character by protecting Luther. He addressed him as pledged in conscience and in honour to expel Luther from his territories, and send him to Rome; adding, significantly, that so pestilent a heresy * Jactavit sese habere mandatum ut et me et vicarium incarcera- ret. Act. Aug. ap. Luth. Op?r. 110 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, could not be suffered to exist, for at Rome they would follow up the matter as soon as they had re- ceived his report of what had passed. It was at Nuremberg, on his return, that Luther first received notice that the pope's brief to Cajetan had gone so far as to appoint the legate, not a dispu- tant merely but a judge. Though unwilling to ascribe to the pope personally the origin of so arbi- trary a proceeding, he could not fail to consider it as a convincing proof of the rancour of those who guided the Romish councils. He now looked for nothing but persecution from a quarter in which he had hitherto cherished the hope of justice. Depri- vation of his appointment as professor of divinity, and separation from those whom he most loved and valued, were dangers which now appeared to im- pend over him. Frederick was, to a certain extent, friendly ; but how far could he make reliance on his venturing to incur the anger of the court of Rome ? In confidential intercourse with his ministers the elector held encouraging language, but this was partly unknown to Luther, and the backwardness of the court of Saxony in regard to public proceed- ings was calculated to lessen his confidence. He had prepared, and sent to press, a narrative of what had passed at Augsburg, but the printing was twice suspended by Frederick's order, and the final leave to publish was obtained with difficulty. At one time Luther had serious thoughts of repairing to Paris, and of putting himself under the protection of the university, whose sentiments on the pope's power were similar to his own. From this, how- ever, Frederick dissuaded him, and his own par- tiality to the establishment at Wittemberg, which YEAR 1518. Ill had flourished under his auspices, came strongly in aid of the negative advice. In this season of anxious suspense, Luther wrote to Spalatin in the month of November, and dwelt on the former suggestion of an application from the elector to the pope for a trial in Germany. "Not," adds he, "that I am very anxious about my own safety. It is cause of great grief to me, that I am not worthy to suffer, in an eminent degree, for the truth. By my journey to Augsburg I courted dan- ger almost to the tempting of God. The prosperity of our university is the chief ground of my anxiety. I am unwilling that the studies of our most excellent youth, who are wonderfully ardent in the investiga- tion of the Scriptures, should be strangled in the birth." In another letter to the same person, he pathetically compares himself to Abraham, the father of the faithful, who, on forsaking his country and his nation, knew not whither he was going ; but full of hope and confidence, like that man of God, Luther adds, "I do know, for God is every where." The elector, on receiving Cajetan's letter, was of opinion that Luther's cause should be brought under the immediate review of the emperor, and a com- munication to that effect from Frederick to Pfeffin- ger, who was then at Augsburg, bearing date 19th November, is still in existence. It relates what Cajetan had done and written, and renews a former instruction to Pfeffinger to recommend to the' em- peror to interpose his authority and write to Rome, that the cause should either be amicably settled, or investigated by disinterested persons in Germany. The elector at the same time communicated Cajetan's letter to Luther, desiring him to answer the theolo- 112 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, gical part of it; a task which Luther forthwith un- dertook and produced a reply in the form of a let- ter to Frederick. This reply has been the subject of great abuse on the part of the Roman Catholics, and of no less praise from the reformed. It differs, in several respects, from the account of the Augsburg transactions given by Cajetan. After finishing the narrative, Luther proceeds to refute the propositions advanced as arguments by Cajetan, and accomplishes the task with great felicity. This tract was pub- lished both in Latin and German and favourably re- ceived by all ranks. Its Latin style is superior to that of any of Luther's other pieces ; and towards the conclusion, in alluding to his own humble station and imminent danger, he becomes truly pathetic. After affirming that Cajetan's great object was to send him to Rome, he adds : "I am almost prepared to submit to the pains of exile, for I perceive that my enemies have laid snares for me on all sides, nor do I know where I can live in safety. What can I, a poor and humble monk, expect, or rather what danger ought I not to dread, since so illustrious a prince is exposed to threats unless he send me to Rome or banish me from his territories? Wherefore, lest any injury should befall your Highness on my account, I am willing to forsake my native country and to go wherever a merciful God shall be pleased to direct, leaving the issue to his will. Therefore, most illustrious Prince, I respectfully bid you farewell, and take my leave with infinite thanks for all the favours you have been pleased to confer on me. In whatever part of the world I may be, I shall never be unmindful of your Highness, but shall pray YEAR 1518. 113 sincerely and gratefully for your happiness and that of your family." This letter Luther sent to his friend Spalatin for perusal before transmitting it to the elector. It was forwarded on 25th November, after which he appears to have passed a very anxious week. On the second of December, we find him writing to Spalatin : " Had not your letter arrived yesterday, I should certainly have been preparing for my departure, and even yet I know not what course to follow, though ready either to go or to remain. The anxiety expressed by my friends for my safety is astonishing and even greater than I can bear. Some persons have urged me very much to put myself into the elector's hands, that he might take me under his protection and be enabled to write the legate that I was in safe custody, as well as ready to appear and answer what was alleged against me ; but how far that advice ought to be regarded, I leave entirely to your decision. I am in the hands of God and my friends."* Luther's disquietude might have been lessened, had he been aware that the incautious expressions in Cajetan's letter, approaching in some degree to a threat, had roused the spirit of Frederick. The latter wrote, on the 18th of December, an answer to the legate, in substance as follows : " Your letter of October 25th reached me on 19th November, not by a special messenger, but in the ordinary course of post. Luther's appearance at Augsburg I consider a fulfilment of all that has been promised on my part. Notwithstanding the as- surances which you gave me of allowing him to de- * Seckend. p. 53. P 114 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, part with tokens of your regard, a recantation, I hear, was required of him before the subject was sufficiently discussed. Many learned men can see nothing impious, unchristian, or heretical in Luther's doctrine, and its chief opponents appear to be among those who do not understand it, or whose private in- terest stimulates them to opposition. L am always ready to do my duty as a Christian prince, and am therefore at a loss to conceive why there should be held out such threats, as that the court of Rome would follow up the cause, that Luther should be sent thither, or that he should be banished from my principality. He has, as yet at least, been convicted of no heresy, and his banishment would be very in- jurious to the university of Wittemberg. I enclose an answer to the other parts of your letter from Luther, whom I do not consider in the light of a heretic, because he has not been proved such, and, because it is consistent with justice that he should have a hearing."* The tone and arguments of this letter are exactly in unison with what Luther himself had expressed. The members of the university of Wittemberg had, in the middle of November, entreated the elector to protect their colleague, and the success of their ap- plication may be traced in the letter which we have quoted. This unequivocal proof of Frederick's at- tachment gave Luther a fresh accession of courage. He well knew the cool and persevering disposition of the elector, and, confident of a candid hearing, he ventured, contrary to the advice of his friends, to publish a pretty full narrative of what had taken * Luth. i. p. 221. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 55. YEAR 1518. 115 place at Augsburg. Though he did not, to use his own expression,* expose to view the whole truth, he put on record enough of the extravagant pretensions of Cajetan, and of the court of Rome, to excite the public odium at their arrogance, and to pave the way for the adoption of more decided steps. Hither- to he had been satisfied with making his appeal to the pope, but the measures lately taken against him at Rome, having greatly lessened his attachment to Leo, he composed and sent to press on the 28th of /s November, an appeal from the pope to a general council. f His intention was that this appeal should not be published at the time, but kept back till he got farther notice of what was going on at Rome. He contracted accordingly with the printer to retain possession of all the copies ; but such was the in- terest of the subject, that the printer was induced to give way to solicitation, and to dispose of almost the whole impression without Luther's knowledge. Whilst Luther was thus preparing his weapons of defence, the guardians of the papal power continued to urge on Leo the necessity of vigorous measures against him. Believing that they might still venture to hold the arrogant language of earlier ages, a bull, or, as it was called, a decretal, addressed to the legate, was issued from the apostolic chamber on 9th No- vember, though not published by Cajetan till 13th December. It contained an order to all ecclesiastical dignitaries in Germany to publish its contents under pain of suspension from their offices, the power of doing which was vested in Cajetan. This bullcon- * Seckend. p. 56. t Luth. i. 231. Sleid. L. i. Sarp. L. i. Seckend. p. 58. 116 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tained no argument, and was merely a repetition of the old doctrine of Indulgences, expressed with all the confidence of infallibility. No mention was made of Luther or of his opposition, from a desire, no doubt, to avoid giving him importance by bringing him before the public eye, as well as, by studied ambiguity, to keep the door open for his recantation. In short, the object of the bull was to maintain the reputation of Indulgences, and to resist any attempt at a diminution of the papal power in Germany. We are now arrived at the close of this memorable year. Cajetan, in the course of next year, returned to Rome, and was considered as having acted with precipitancy as well towards Frederick as Luther. Mortified at the superiority of the latter in Scriptural erudition, he devoted himself with great assiduity to the study of Greek and Hebrew. We shall seldom meet with him in the subsequent collisions between Luther and the adherents of the church, but he lived eleven years after this date and published commen- taries on Scripture, which procured him the reputa- tion of being one of the most learned among the Dominicans. It had been fortunate for him had he earlier pursued this course, for his conversation at Augsburg with Luther, on the subject of Scripture, was such as to leave on the latter a suspicion of heresy, if not of atheism.* * Luther's letter to Spalatin, Nov. 19, 1018. YEAR 1519. in CHAPTER IV. YEAR 1519. MEANTIME the university of Wittemberg con- tinued a kind of central point for the diffusion of the new doctrines. The fame of Luther and the re- spectability of Melancthon increased, more and more, the number of the students. The prosperity of this favourite establishment tended to confirm Frederick in his friendly disposition towards Lu- ther's creed, and an event, which now occurred, increased considerably his power of promoting it. The death of the emperor Maximilian took place in the beginning of 1519, and left to Frederick, for a season, the uncontrolled direction of that part of Germany which is governed by the Saxon laws. This extension of authority continued during the five months which elapsed before the election of an- other emperor, a precious interval for the propaga- tion of the new tenets. Without appearing openly to favour them, Frederick permitted them to take root in silence, and to acquire a degree of strength which enabled them to offer a successful resistance to future attempts at oppression. Previously to Luther's appearance, Frederick had been reputed a zealous son of the church and had made application, in 1515, for what is termed a Golden Rose. Three years had elapsed without overcoming the difficulties in obtaining this singular US THE LIFE OF LUTHER, and mysterious gift :* but political reasons now concurred to remove all obstacles in the way of a donation, which was expected to render Frederick a sincere defender of the church. In September, 1518, a communication was sent him from Rome that the golden rose was at last obtained, and would, together with the bulls relating to it, be speedily for- warded to him. Cajetan having incurred the censure, whether real or ostensible, of his court, for his proceedings in the case of Luther, that part of his functions was committed to Miltitz, a Saxon by birth, and a lay- man. Miltitz possessed a large share of diplomatic address, and the circumstance of his being a lay- man was calculated to give the transactions respect- ing Luther a political rather than an ecclesiastical aspect. Having arrived in Saxony towards the end of 1518, one of his first steps was to summon Tetzel to appear before him at Altenburg. Tetzel had re- tired to a Dominican monastery at Leipsic, from which he replied to Miltitz that a compliance with his order would be attended with great personal danger to him, in consequence of the general fer- ment excited by Luther's opposition. The example of Cajetan having evinced the im- policy of imperious measures, the instructions from the pope to Miltitz appear to have been of a con- trary character. The nuncio having sought an early opportunity of a conference with Luther, an inter- * Various mysteries were conceived to be implied by a golden rose. It was significative of the body of Christ, the most pleasant and beautiful of all flowers, &c. Seckend. p. 65. L'Enfant has given an account of its origin and emblematic power in L. vi. Sect. 56. of Hist. Cone. Constans. YEAR 1519. 119 view took place between them in Spalatin's house at Altenburg, on the 7th January, 1519.* Miltitz, desirous of avoiding contentious ground, enlarged on the general danger of schism, and deplored that the seeds of discord should be sown in the church. To positions of this nature Luther could hardly fail to assent. The conversation became more spirited when Luther directed a pointed censure at Leo for accumulating ecclesiastical dignities on Albert, arch- bishop of Mentz,f and participating in the ignoble revenue of Indulgences. Miltitz was however de- termined that the conference should end amicably, and closed it with a repast and a cordial parting, the object of which Luther had now acquired sufficient knowledge of the world to comprehend. The final agreement was that Miltitz should refer the whole transaction to the pope ; that the disputants should in the meantime be enjoined silence; that Luther should write to Leo, declaring his subjection to the papal See ; and that a petition should be presented to Leo requesting him to remit the cognizance of the affair to some learned German bishops 4 As a se- * See Luther's account of this interview. T. i. 235 ; also Seckend. p. 61. t Albert was archbishop of Magdeburg, primate of Germany, administrator of the bishoprick of Halberstat, and on 9th March, 1514, was elected, in addition, archbishop of Mentz. Leo had granted him permission to hold the two archbishopricks at the same time ; a thing, says Ciaconius, quite unknown to the church, and which never had happened to any prince. Vit. Pontif. p. 1429. $ Leo named the archbishops of Saltsburg, of Treves, and Freisingen. In a letter to Staupitz giving an account of the con- ference, Luther writes very significantly respecting Miltitz's be- haviour. — Atque vesperi, me accepto convivio, la>tati sumus et 120 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, quel to this conciliatory arrangement, Miltitz pro- ceeded to express a public disapprobation of Tetzel's conduct. Having repaired to Leipsic, he sent for Tetzel and twice reprimanded him, in the presence of his provincial, for immorality as well as pecula- tion. From Leipsic, Miltitz proceeded to Augs- burg, whence, on the 6th February, he wrote to the court of Saxony, expressing a confident hope of an amicable adjustment of the controversy, and request- ing that Luther should in the meantime abstain from any publication. Miltitz now proceeded to Treves, where Cajetan happened to be, and where a step was proposed which seemed at variance with the late conciliatory proceedings. Luther having in his conversation with Miltitz expressed no aversion to defend himself before the archbishop of Treves, the admission was laid hold of, and it was resolved to send for him to plead his cause in presence of the archbishop. This desire was communicated in a letter from the elector of Treves to Frederick, bearing date 3d May. Frede- rick was aware that no good could result from the proposition, but, without giving it a negative, replied from Heldburg, one of his castles in Franconia, that he would make the communication to Luther, and converse personally with the elector of Treves on the subject when they should meet at Frankfort. On the death of Maximilian, the electors took unanimously the determination of offering the im- perial crown to Frederick. It had been the policy of their ancestors to avoid conferring this high rank osculo mihi dato, discessimus. Ego sic me gessi quasi Jias Itali- tafes et simidationes no intelligerem. Seckend. p. 63. YEAR 1519. 121 on a prince, who from the magnitude of his power in other respects might be dangerous to their liberties. This objection applied strongly to both competitors, Francis and Charles. On the other hand, they saw in Frederick a prince who, without possessing too much power from his hereditary do- minions, was admirably calculated to administer the affairs of the empire. But Frederick knew too well the disquietudes of governing to be tempted by the dazzling offer. He absolutely declined it, and gave, as his principal reason, that the danger to the em- pire from the side of Turkey, called for the nomi- nation of a powerful prince. Charles, he added, had, as well from his German descent, as from being the hereditary sovereign of the countries most ex- posed to the Ottomans, the first claim in his opinion, to the suffrages of the Diet. These arguments were decisive of the election in favour of Charles, which took place accordingly on the meeting of the electors at Frankfort, in the month of June. In regard to Luther, an understanding took place that his pro- posed appearance before the elector of Treves should not be insisted on, but that his case should be taken into consideration at the first Diet held by the young emperor. The papal court took a very lively interest in the proceedings relative to the election of an emperor. To Charles they were strongly adverse, the power of that prince in Italy being already such, that, with the addition of the empire, it could not fail to be subversive of the independence of the holy See. So long as there remained a hope of giving effect to the expectations of Francis I., the pope spared no pains to court so powerful a member of the electoral col- Q 122 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, lege as Frederick. And even after that hope was gone, the weight of Frederick's political influence rendered it desirable, to avoid giving him occasion of offence. Here, therefore, lay the secret of the for- bearance displayed by the court of Rome in regard to Luther, who enjoyed, as they well knew, the good wishes of his prince. Luther meanwhile continued to discharge his duty as professor and preacher with his usual energy and success. Nor was he dilatory in ful- filling his promise to Miltitz of addressing a dutiful letter to the pope. He wrote it from Altenburg on 3d March, 1519. Miltitz having demanded satis- faction for Luther's irreverence towards his Holiness, Luther declared himself exceedingly concerned at the charge, and maintained that his whole conduct had' proceeded from a desire to defend tire honour of the church. The wrath of Leo he could not bear, and yet knew not how to extricate himself from it. He was ready to recant as soon as his conviction should enable him, but his writings, in consequence chiefly of the opposition of his antagonists, had been very generally circulated and had made an impres- sion not easily effaced. Moreover, Germany abound- ing in well informed men, the true way for him to honour the church was to be very cautious how he recanted, or gave occasion of ecclesiastical scandal to the world. " It is those, most Holy Father, whom I have resisted, who have brought disrepute on the church. Under the shelter of your name, and through means of the coarsest pretexts, they have gratified a detestable avarice and put on the most revolting hypocrisy. Now they proceed to throw on me the blame of the mischief that has YEAR 1519. 123 happened, but I protest before God and man, that I never did, nor at present do wish to make any infringement on the power of the church or your Holiness, confessing in the fullest manner that nothing in heaven or earth is to be preferred to it, except the power of Christ Jesus, who is Lord of all." He then repeats his offer to observe silence on the subject of Indulgences, provided his oppo- nents would do the same; that he would recom- mend it to the common people to reverence the church ; that he was anxious that discord should cease ; and was ready to pursue arty course by which these desirable things could be accom- plished.* This letter, like Luther's communication to Ca- jetan, has exposed him to the charge of great hypocrisy from his opponents. When considered, however, along with the prejudices under which he was educated and continued to labour, we can have very little doubt that it was expressive of his real sentiments. As yet he was far from declaring himself an enemy to the general measures of the court of Rome, because his state of knowledge with which his resolutions never failed to keep pace, was not sufficiently advanced for the adoption of such a determination. There can be very little doubt that, wavering as he was, he inclined to the hope of a reconciliation with the church. His own opinions were by no means fixed ; his studies were only in progress, and his inconsistencies are in a great measure to be accounted for by a very con- spicuous feature in his character—the habit of com- * Luth. i. 235. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 65. 124 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, mining without hesitation to writing the impres- sions of the moment. By way . of counteracting any intemperance in his former publications, he now printed in German, and in a cheap form for general circulation, a religious treatise, discussing, with a very gentle hand, the contested points of the intercession of saints, purgatory, church censures, and the efficacy of good works. Yet, at the same time, it appears from his correspondence with Spa- latin, that he was beginning to become seriously doubtful of the title of the see of Rome to the res- pect of the Christian world.* It was in the beginning of this year, that the bishop of Brandenburg, Luther's diocesan, devi- ated from the passive course which he had hitherto held in regard to the Reformer's affairs. He called Luther before him, and expatiated at great length on his rashness in engaging in so arduous an enter- prise. But Luther was too resolute to be deterred from his purpose, either by the admonition of men of rank or by a calculation of the consequences to himself. Nor was there wanting intelligence of a different nature to animate him in his course. He was informed about this time by the celebrated printer John Frobenius of Basil, that his writings were read and approved of at Paris even by the doctors of the Sorbonne ; that the whole edition which he had printed was dispersed in Italy, Spain, and elsewhere, and had received the general appro- bation of the learned. Intelligence equally agree- able was communicated to the elector of Saxony, a short time after, in a letter from Erasmus at Ant- * Seckend. p. 70. YEAR 1519. 125 werp : " I perceive," he said, " that Luther's books are most eagerly read by all the best judges of this place."* Frederick's answer to Erasmus bore ho- nourable testimony to the Reformer, and showed how acceptable he accounted such communications. Not long after, Erasmus gave Luther an equally favourable testimony in regard to the sentiments of our countrymen ; " Your writings," he said, " have warm admirers in England, and among persons too of the highest rank."f — Important communications these, and proceeding from a highly respected quarter; but the sequel will show that the eventual conduct of this distinguished scholar, in regard to the Reformation, little corresponded with his favour- able disposition at its outset. Meanwhile the body of the clergy, regular as well as secular, began to employ their influence in checking the progress of Luther's doctrine. The Franciscan Minorites held a convention at Interbok, and, without considering their own incompetency, proceeded to take Luther's writings under con- sideration. Their rooted antipathy to the Augusti- nians gave a spur to their researches for the detection of heresy in a member of that body. They ventured to enumerate fifteen specific points containing the principal topics in which Luther differed from the church of Rome, along with some others more nearly relating to themselves, the Reformer having boldly asserted that the claim of the Bohemians to the title of Christians was superior to that of the * " Certe hie video libros Lutheri ab optimis quibusque cupi- dissime legi." Luth. i. 237. t " Habes in Anglia, qui de tuis scriptis optime sentiunt, et sunt hi maximi." 126 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Minorites. They submitted the grievous catalogue to the bishop of Brandenburg, in the confident ex- pectation that it would lead to an interdiction of any farther circulation of such obnoxious sentiments. But Luther had encountered more formidable enemies than the Minorites or his diocesan, and retorted on the former in a style which they little expected. Referring to their acknowledged deficiency in learn- ing, he expressed surprise at their presumption in attempting to decide on what they did not under- stand. He called on them to apologise for their rashness and to restore to him his good name, with- out which he was determined to publish their " scrawl," and subjoin a confutation in which their ignorance should be exposed to the world. After briefly refuting their positions, he concluded by offer- ing them the choice of peace or war. The result was, that the Minorites undertook no farther hos- tilities with this unsparing adversary. The public attention was next called to a dis- putation more worthy of the Reformer's cause. Among the numerous converts to his doctrine, he now reckoned the archdeacon of the church of All Saints at Wittemberg. The name of this zealous advocate was Bodenstein, but with the affectation common among the literati of the age, he assumed the adjunct of Carolostadius, derived from Caro- lostad in Franconia, the place of his birth. He was older than Luther, having presided as dean when the latter received his doctor's degree in 1512.* He had already published a pamphlet in opposition to Eckius, who lost no time in rejoining. * Seckend. p. 72. YEAR 1510. I J 7 Carolostad again took up the pen, but both parties soon became eager to relinquish this indecisive mode of warfare for a more conspicuous exhibition by public disputation. The city of Leipsic was chosen as the place of meeting, and thither each party repaired with their friends on the appointed day, 27th June. Luther was now persuaded to de- viate from his former humility, and no longer entered the scene of discussion alone and on foot. His cause had grown in importance, and his friends had multiplied. It was determined therefore that their entrance into Leipsic should be made with con- siderable eclat. Carolostad led the procession, seated alone in a chariot; Bernim, prince of Pome- rania, a student at the university of Wittemberg and its honorary rector, followed, accompanied by Luther and Melancthon; while a number of the stu- dents, zealous in Luther's cause, and wearing armour, according to the fashion of the day, brought up the rear. An unlucky accident to Carolostad's carriage, the breaking of a wheel as he passed St. Paul's church, afforded matter of ex- ultation to his superstitious opponents. The disputa- tion was conducted in the presence of George, duke of Saxony, who, however, took occasion to with- draw at what he thought a fit opportunity of throwing odium on Luther's cause. There were present, likewise, the members of the duke's council, the magistrates of Leipsic, the doctors and bachelors of the university, along with a number of persons from the city and adjacent country, among whom the theses had been dispersed. The greatest formality was observed. Scribes were ap- pointed to take notes of the debate, and the intro- 128 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ductory oration was delivered by a literary man, named Moselanus, who afterwards gave an account of the disputation. Eckius, though hardly thirty years of age, had acquired fame by his disputations in no fewer than eight universities. Carolostad was less accustomed to rapidity of debate, but amply provided with notes and references to authorities. He had brought along with him a carriage loaded with books, and referred, during the disputation, to one volume after the other with indefatigable perseverance. The subjects, however, were unprofitable, the ab- struse doctrine of the freedom of the will being the principal point of debate and involving the dis- putants in the endless subtleties of the schoolmen. A whole week was lost in these incomprehensible arguments, and Malancthon, who was a hearer, declared that it first gave him a practical demon- stration of what the ancients understood by " so- phistry." Carolostad excited respect both by his zeal and erudition, but his antagonist was superior in ease of elocution. Eckius maintained that he had brought over his opponent to his sentiments ; for that Carolostad believed in the same doctrine, though he rejected the authority of the Scotists and Thomists. The fact was that Eckius was tired of the debate with Carolostad, and eager to enter the lists with a more conspicuous antagonist. " Before the disputation had begun at all, he came up to me," says Luther, "with a familiar air, and said that he had heard that 1 declined to come forward as a debater." To this, I answered, " How can I take a share in the debate, since I am unable to procure a pro- tection from duke George ? He has permitted me YEAR 1519. 129 to enter Leipsic as a spectator only." On this, Eckius said, " It was on your account I came hither ; if I am not permitted to argue with you, I will not with Carolostad. If I succeed in obtain- ing a protection for you, will you then dispute with me ?" I made answer, " Procure it and I will." Eckius on this withdrew and obtained the desired protection.* The contest between these distinguished com- batants began on 4th July at an early hour. Luther had published thirteen propositions to be defended by him, and Eckius had published thirteen others in direct opposition. These related chiefly to the doc- trine of Indulgences, of repentance, of purgatory, but, above all, to the pope's prerogative, as supreme head of the church. The last was selected to begin the debate, on account either of its superior in- terest, or, as has been suspected, through the art of Eckius, who aimed at gaining favour by vindicating the claims of the pontiff— in this the point of all others dearest to Romish prejudice. It had the effect likewise of placing Luther on very delicate ground. Both parties acknowledged the pope as universal bishop, but on what foundation ? Eckius affirmed that he derived his rank from divine authority : Luther boldly advanced that it arose only from human institutions. Eckius was very sententious in argument, and appealed to the authority of the Fathers : Luther here found him- self at home, subjected the passages quoted to a rigid scrutiny, and maintained that they were too vague to establish the question of divine right. * Luth. Praef. 130 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Five days were devoted to this part of the contro- versy, and the disputants continuing as wide of each other as at the outset, it was mutually agreed to quit the subject and discuss the doctrine of pur- gatory. The defence of Indulgences, the primary source of all this warfare, was now abandoned and ridiculed even by Eckius. Finally the doctrine of repentance was agitated and the disputation ended on the 15th July. The best account of this celebrated debate is given by Melancthon. The disputants, he says, were often apt to fall into extraneous discussion, but were entitled, on the whole, to great praise. Caro- lostad was distinguished by ardour and perse- verance ; Eckius by the variety and prompt appli- cation of his arguments ; while Luther gave equal proofs of vivacity, learning, and zeal. When the disputation was concluded, John Langius of Lem- berg delivered an oration, ascribing considerable merit to Luther and Carolostad, but discovering an evident partiality to Eckius. It was necessary that a decision on the subjects in dispute should be given' by some competent authority, and a reference was made by common consent to the universities of Paris and Erfurt, Luther taking the precaution to reserve an ultimate appeal to a general council. The members of the university of Leipsic had seen too much of the interest taken by their students in Luther's cause, to venture on giving a decision. The young men had listened to him with eager attention and many of them now left their seminary and repaired to Wittemberg.* * Seckend. p. 92. See Appendix W. YEAR 1519. 1U Whatever moderation Eckius discovered in the course of the disputation, appears to have forsaken him immediately after it. Whether disappointed at the indecisive issue of the debate, or irritated by Luther's vehemence, he wrote, so early as the 23d July, to the elector Frederick, insisting that Lu- ther's book should be burned. Fresh fuel was added to his flame, a few days after, by the dis- covery, some how or other, of the contents of a letter from Melancthon to Ocolampadius, which de- scribed the disputation, without allowing Eckius the share of praise to which he thought himself en- titled. This brought forth an angry letter from the impatient disputant to Melancthon, whom he treated as a mere grammarian, unfit to form an opinion on a theological point. Melancthon returned an answer, which, along with the various pieces relative to this disputation, is inserted in Luther's works. To the intemperate letter addressed to the elector Frederick, that prince, with his usual caution, re- turned a civil but general answer. Eckius now lost all patience, and, in a subsequent letter, poured a torrent of abuse on the character and doctrines of Luther. The Reformer retaliated with his accus- tomed spirit, alleging, in exulting language, that Eckius had been found inferior in argument to Carolostad. Nothing however was more mortifying to Eckius than a satirical pamphlet printed under the humble title of an "Answer by the unlearned Lutheran Canons."* It was published anonymously, bat was afterwards acknowledged by Ocolampadius. * u Rosponsio indoctorum Canonicorura Lutheranorum." 132 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, At the same time the professor of canon law at Leipsic, whose name was Jerome Emser, took up the pen against Luther, and assailed him with much asperity. The Reformer lost no time in giving a reply and in retorting his adversary's invective with redoubled vehemence. It remains to mention the opinions pronounced on these subjects by the universities. Cologne and Louvain, being entirely subservient to the court of Rome, decided against Luther in the course of a few months. But the Parisian doctors gave no opinion till 1521 ; when, without taking notice of the Leipsic disputation, they extracted some theses from Luther's books and passed a formal censure on them.* The effect of this celebrated disputation was to widen greatly the breach between the church and Luther, and to give an additional range to the flame of his opposition. The bishop of Mersburg, apprehending this result, had endeavoured to pre- vent the disputation, and had affixed an interdict of it on the doors of the church where it was to take place. But duke George, confident of the success of his Catholic champion, made the senate order the paper to be torn down and the man who had affixed it to be put in prison. It was in a similar expectation of victory to Eckius, that duke George relaxed so far from his original intention as to let Luther come forward as a disputant. The churches of the city, however, were shut against the Re- former as a preacher, and it was with much dif- * Luth. ii. 36, 37- Seckend. p. 93. YEAR 1519. 133 ficulty that Bernim, prince of Pomerania, got leave for Luther to do duty before a limited audience in the castle. Luther gladly ascended the pulpit and the discourse which he delivered bore the marks of his usual animation. Instead of accom- modating himself to the feelings of duke George and his court, he enlarged, with great energy, on his own favourite doctrines, and gave unpardonable offence to the bigots around him. He has inserted an abstract of this sermon in his works,* and it is to it, along with the doubts which he ventured to express of the justice of the decrees against Huss by the council of Constance, that he in a great measure ascribes his final rupture with the pope. His diocesan, the bishop of Brandenburg, now lost all hope of reclaiming him to the church, and duke George was mortified beyond measure at the failure of a disputation from which he and Eckius had expected so much. The duke was a weak man and easily blinded by those about him. He had no turn for free inquiry or even for scholastic erudition. The long disputation about the pope had completely tired him, and he broke it off by a remark which, in his opinion, was quite conclusive, " Be his right di- vine, or be it human, he is still pope of Rome." Luther had now leisure for farther publications, and printed, in September this year, his commentary on the epistle to the Galatians. It is said to have been prepared for the press from notes taken by * Vol. i. p. 292% 134 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the hearers of his discourses on that epistle. When shown to Luther, he was struck with their accu- racy and consented to their publication. In this work he continued to speak respectfully of the pope, though in the succeeding editions he changed his tone. None of St. Paul's epistles require more patient examination than that to the Galatians. The ambiguity and frequent recurrence of the word " law" and the allegory in the fourth chapter, have a considerable tendency to perplex the inquirer. In those days hardly any thing like rational criti- cism had been applied to the sacred canon, and the reader, who expects in Luther's commentary a critical exposition of the epistles, cannot fail to be disappointed. The Reformer, at all times too eager to arrive at a conclusion, wrote this work with a vjew to the refutation of certain tenets of the Catholics, so that after an illustration of the doc- trine of justification by faith, we find him chiefly occupied with exposing the ignorance and unprin- cipled habits of the ecclesiastics. Its store of practical remark has given it a kind of permanent popularity, and Luther himself, when living after- wards in the greatest conjugal happiness, looked back with predilection to this early effort, and used to say of it, in reference to his wife's name, Epistola ad Galatas est mea Epistola, cui me des- pondi ; est mea Catharina de Bora* Amidst all his avocations Luther found leisure to write a little work for the comfort of the sick, which he entitled u Tessaradeca Consolatoria pro laborantibus et oneratis." The immediate occasion * Scckend. p. 134. 139- YEAR 1519. rag of its composition was an indisposition of the elector Frederick. It is a curious production, and contains evidence of that contemplative turn of mind which was all along conspicuous in Luther. To bring relief to the mind of his patron, he ex- hibits a picture of the situation of mankind as it is affected by the unpleasant circumstances inherent in our present depraved state. He next takes a com- prehensive survey of the various evils attendant on our condition, dividing them rather whimsically, into those which are " future or before us ; past or behind us; above or below us;" and finally " on our right and left." In the latter part of the treatise, he endeavours to supply antidotes for this long catalogue of misfortunes. The work contains a number of ingenious observations, mixed, it must be confessed with remarks indicative of Luther's peculiarities and ardour. A very compe- tent judge, (Erasmus,) makes an explicit acknow- ledgment of its piety and merit.* It was towards the end of this year that Luther began to express without reserve his dissent from the church of Rome on the subject of the sacra- ment. His ideas on this head were never very clear; and were productive, as we shall find in the sequel, of disputes between him and other eminent reformers. He, as well as the followers of the church of Rome, were no doubt misled by the words of the institution, which they took in a literal instead of a figurative sense. Luther saw, in part, the fallacy of the Catholic doctrine, but he went *In the year 1523 Erasmus wrote, in regard to this treatise : " Mitto libellum qui magnopere probatus est." 136 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, no farther than to supply its place by the theory of " consubstantiation," which is still less consistent than the kindred notion of " transubstantiation." This vision he had adopted at an early period of life, and adhered pertinaciously to it throughout his career. His predilection to this theory, must, like that of the Romanists to their's, he ascribed in a great measure to the attachment so frequently ap- parent in the mind to what it does not understand. Luther had very little assistance in his studies, and the age in which he lived was not sufficiently im- pressed with the simplicity of the real doctrines of the Gospel to regard the bread and wine in the com- munion as plain bread and plain wine. The church of Rome, desirous to exalt the priesthood above the laity, affected to consider the former as mem- bers ef a distinct society. Accordingly in their sacrament the wine is not distributed to the laity, and the boldness of the Bohemian schismatics in deviating completely from this distinction, appeared to Luther to be going a step too far. This and some other unlucky differences lessened consider- ably the connection between him and that perse- cuted people; and his work on the Galatians, which we have just mentioned, contains abundant proof of his hostility to this part of their tenets. At the close of this year (27th December) the elector Frederick received from his cousin, duke George, a letter intreating him to discourage and oppose Luther. Matters were however now so far altered that the title of Doctor ei vir celeberrimus was granted to Luther even by an enemy. The duke enlarged on Luther's presumption in always YEAR 1519. 137 printing his discourses, as if no one were capable of instructing mankind but himself. Desirous of con- necting Luther with the odious names of Huss and Jerome, the duke warned his cousin lest Luther, from being professor of divinity at Wittemberg, should become heresiarch of Prague. More than six thousand persons in Bohemia had, he understood, received the communion in both elements after the publication of Luther's sermon on the sacrament. The elector returned an immediate answer to the duke's letter, and stated that he never* had and never intended to constitute himself the defender of what Luther had published ; that he studiously avoided taking any part in the controversy, and accordingly did not pretend to form a judgment on the publica- tion on the sacrament which had called forth his cousin's letter. He made, however, the important addition that he had heard it praised by several per- sons whom he deemed competent judges and good Christians — a pretty significant declaration of his de- termination to protect the Reformer. Luther's occupations had now increased so much that we find him, in his letters to Spalatin, com- plaining greatly of their multiplicity. In addition to his routine of duty as an Augustinian, and to his labour in teaching, his correspondence was wonder- fully extended, and the demand on his conversation, by friend and stranger, formed a very serious tax on his time. It was in the course of this year that Tetzel died, leaving a memory equally odious to both parties. S 138 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER VI. YEAR 1520. THE year 1520 was no less remarkable than the preceding for a display of Luther's activity. Scarcely was it begun when he published in German a pam- phlet on the sacrament. About the same time he ventured to address a letter, in defence of the new doctrine, to the young emperor Charles V. That prince was under great obligations to Frederick, and Luther, who, like others, was as yet a stranger to his cold, calculating character, entertained hopes that the impulse of gratitude might render him to- lerant, if not favourable, to the reformed cause. He makes in this letter a declaration to the follow- ing effect. " The violent publications which have taken place are to be ascribed to the intemperance of my enemies. My object has been to circulate nothing but evangelical truth in opposition to traditionary superstitions. I have called, but in vain, on my adversaries to point out in what respect my opinions are erroneous. I now find it necessary, after the example of Athanasius, to invoke the protection of the Imperial majesty, but I desire it no longer than until my arguments have received a fair hearing, after which I shall either conquer or be conquered." A few days after, Luther gave to the world, in the YEAR 1520. 139 shape of a protestation, or open declaration of his tenets, a repetition of what he had written to the emperor. This was speedily followed by a letter, dated February 4, and addressed to Albert, archbi- shop of Mentz. It was expressed in terms equally respectful and submissive as the letter to the em- peror ; but, being directed to an ecclesiastic, it con- tained a fuller statement of the theological discus- sion. Imputing the hostility displayed against him, in a great measure, to persons who had never read his writings, Luther entreated the archbishop to take the trouble of perusing them. The prelate's reply was expressed in a style of greater attention than might have been expected from a personage so completely devoted to the court of Rome. It was addressed " Honor abili et religioso nobis in Christo dilecto, Martino Luthero, Theologice Professori."* The sequel, short as it was, bore the mark of coming from a practised politician. The archbishop avoided any discussion of Luther's works, by declaring that he had not had leisure to peruse them ; and accordingly would not attempt to censure them, but leave that to his superiors who had already un- dertaken the task. He inculcated strongly the pro- priety of moderation, and, whilst he saw no harm in learned men indulging in speculations on contro- verted points, he conceived that such discussions might be injurious to the multitude. Luther's object in these letters was to show that his sentiments were less violent than report had stated them. On the day of writing to the archbi- * Luth. ii. 4G. 140 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, shop of Mentz, he addressed the bishop of Mersburg on the same subject, but in a style of greater free- dom. The reply likewise contained a much more direct reproof than had been administered to him by the archbishop of Mentz. He paid Luther, how- ever, the compliment of styling him " venerable brother," and promised to give his observations at more length when they should happen to meet. The caution shown by both prelates sufficiently indicates that Luther's cause had acquired too much popu- larity to make open contradiction advisable. We now return to Miltitz, who had, in the be- ginning of the preceding year, made a favourable outset in the negociation with Luther. Since then he had had the mortification of seeing his measures arrested in their progress by the impatience of others, and Luther rendered much less tractable by the po- pularity of his publications. Miltitz, however, was still desirous of doing all he could to prevent matters from going farther wrong.* But it was an arduous task to give a satisfactory direction to so many indi- viduals opposite in temper and actuated by contrary motives. The letters of Miltitz are still extant in the library of Saxe-Gotha, and, if they create no favourable impression of his candour, they show that the temperate conduct which he desired to pursue was much more likely to prove successful than that which was adopted by others. f After various conferences of less importance, Mil- titz determined to make a vigorous effort to prevail * See Appendix X. t Seckendorff has preserved them and has inserted their sub- stance in pp. 98, 99, of his work. YEAR 1520. 141 on Luther to express by letter his esteem for the pope, and beseech his Holiness to interfere according to his wonted goodness. With this view he pre- vailed on the Augustinians to send a deputation to Luther with a request to that effect. Luther pro- mised to comply and to prefix the desired letter to his next publication. This produced the famous address to the pope published along with his treatise on " Christian Liberty." It is so remarkable as to have a claim on the particular attention of all who analyze the progressive changes in the Reformer's conduct. Its chief object appears to have been an exemption of the pope personally from the charges made by Luther against the church of Rome. Such, no doubt, was the desire of Miltitz and the Augus- tinians, and such, it is probable, was Luther's in- tention in beginning to write the letter. But he seems to have become so warmed with his subject, as to devote himself much more keenly to the accu- sation of the church than to the vindication of its head. His letter is in substance as follows. " It is impossible for me to be unmindful of your Holiness, since my sentiments concerning the papal office are held forth every where as the chief cause of continuing the contest. By .means of the impi- ous flatterers of your Holiness, who, without cause, are full of wrath against me, I have been compelled to appeal from the See of Rome to a general Council. But my affection for your Holiness has never been alienated, though I begin to despise and to triumph over those who have sought to terrify me by the majesty of your authority. One thing, however, 1 cannot despise, and that is the cause of my writing 142 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, this letter ; I mean the blame thrown on me for re- flecting on your Holiness personally." To this charge he gives an explicit contradiction, and panegyrizes Leo strongly, comparing him to Daniel in Babylon and to Ezekiel among scorpions. " 1 have," he adds, " inveighed sharply against un- christian doctrines, and reproved my adversaries se- verely, not for rudeness but for impiety. So far from being ashamed of this, my purpose is to de- spise the judgment of men and to persevere in this vehemence of zeal after the example of Christ, who called his opponents a generation of vipers, blind hypocrites, and children of the devil. The multi- tude of flatterers has rendered the ears of our age so delicate that as soon as we find that our sentiments are not approved, we immediately exclaim that we are slandered ; and, when we find ourselves unable to resist truth, we accuse our adversaries of detrac- tion, impatience, and impudence. But let me ask, of what use would salt be if it were not pungent ? or the point of a sword if it did not wound ? Cursed is the man who doth the work of the Lord deceit- fully." After assuring the pontiff that he never harboured any malice against him, and that he would yield in any thing except the word of truth, which he would neither desert nor deny, he adds, in emphatic lan- guage, " I have resisted and shall continue to resist what is called the court of Rome as long as the spirit of faith shall live in me. Neither your Holiness nor any one will deny that it is more corrupt than Ba- bylon or Sodom, and sunk, as far as I understand. YEAR 1520. 143 in the most deplorable, desperate, and avowed im- piety. I lament that under the sanction of your name and under pretext of the good of the church, the people of Christ should be made a laughing stock. Not that I attempt impossibilities, or expect that the endeavours of an individual can accomplish any thing in opposition to so many flatterers in that Babylon replete with confusion. But I consider myself as a debtor to my fellow men, for whose welfare it behoves me to be solicitous, so that those pests of Rome may destroy a smaller number and in a more humane manner. During many years nothing has been poured on the world but monsters both in body and mind, along with the worst ex- amples of all worst actions. It is clear as day that the church of Rome, in former ages the most holy of churches, has now become a den of robbers, a scene of prostitution, the kingdom of sin, death, and hell, so that greater wickedness is not to be con- ceived even under Antichrist himself. Your Holi- ness sitteth like a lamb in the midst of wolves. What opposition is it possible that you, with your very learned and excellent cardinals, can make to such monsters ?" After this extraordinary description, Luther pro- ceeded to relate his successive transactions with Cajetan, Eckius, and Miltitz. He entreated Leo to exert his authority in checking those flatterers who were the enemies of peace, and declared that the attempt to make him recant could not fail to in- crease the present confusion, for he would never consent that any one should lay down a law for the interpretation of the word of God. " On the two 144 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, conditions of not requiring me to recant, and of per- mitting me to interpret Scripture according to my own judgment, I am willing to do or to suffer any thing: I wish to provoke no one; neither do I wish to receive provocation ; but if provocation be given me, since Christ is my master, I will not be silent."* A letter expressed in this unexampled style could not fail to give the highest offence at Rome. That offence was little alleviated by Luther's distinction between the pope personally and those who sur- rounded him. For many ages no other language had been addressed to Rome but that of the most profound respect. Examples had occurred of indi- vidual ecclesiastics becoming refractory, but they were soon crushed by the powerful arm of the church. While the greatest princes were in the habit of observing the most respectful tone in their communications with the holy See, such licence on the part of an individual was not likely to be par- doned. Here, instead of a recantation, was a re- petition and re-assertion of all that had already been declared most offensive. No wonder, therefore, that even the more moderate members of the Romish communion should look on this letter as a mockery of the pontiff. To an unprejudiced reader, it is chiefly remarkable as presenting a curious example of Luther's disregard of the customary rules of civi- lity, and an evidence of the all-powerful influence of truth on his mind. This and this alone appears to have actuated him, and to have prompted him to * Luth. L. ii. 1. et seq. Sleid. L. ii. YEAR 1520. 145 go to lengths which every consideration of interest, and even of safety, would have forbidden. It is not a little extraordinary that Miltitz should have consented to transmit such a letter to Rome. On the accompanying treatise on " Christian Li- berty," Luther remarks to the pope : " This small tract published under your name, as an omen of ap- proaching harmony, I send you by way of specimen of the kind of study in which I would by preference employ my time, were I left in quiet by those pro- fane flatterers of yours." The essay is divided into two parts, the first containing an illustration of the proposition, that the " Christian is the most free lord of all, subject to none ;" and the second, " that he is the most ready to oblige all and subject to all." Nothing in the work has a relation to civil liberty ; it is strictly a description of the privileges annexed, in Luther's opinion, to the station of a Christian, and of the practical effects which these privileges naturally and necessarily produce. It may be fit to mention that there is a remarkable coincidence be- tween this little tract and the writings of the English puritanical divines.* It is now time to relate the hostile measures which Luther's undaunted perseverance drew on him on the part of the church of Rome. It was matter of surprise that they should have been so long delayed, but Leo, though without just pretensions to the virtues ascribed to him, was not of a hasty temper, and was, as has been already mentioned, afraid of offending Frederick. At last, however, the solici- * See Appendix Y. T 146 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tations for the adoption of a decisive step came from so many quarters, and Luther himself discovered such bold pertinacity in issuing one hostile publica- tion after another, that Leo felt it necessary to alter his course. The Dominicans, and particularly Eckius, were active in accelerating this determina- tion. The language of Eckius was wonderfully changed from the time when he invited Carolostad and Luther to that disputation Avhich he expected would be to him a scene of triumph. In writing to the former on that occasion, he had called Luther their "mutual friend;" but from the date of their vehement contest, he became his inveterate enemy. On Luther's part the animosity was equally strong, for in writing to a friend about Eckius, he exclaimed, " Totus infidus est, el aperte rupit amicitice jura."* Leo's first act was to appoint a congregation or assembly of cardinals, prelates, theologians, and canonists, to whom he remitted the whole manage- ment of Luther's affair. All were agreed on the necessity of directing the thunder of the Vatican against the new heresy ; but the peculiar feelings of the different classes composing the assembly led to violent disputes in regard to the mode of proceeding. The theologians proposed to lose no time in denounc- ing Luther's doctrines, the impiety of which, they said, was glaring, and acknowledged to the world : the canonists, on the other hand, maintained that no notoriety of crime could deprive any one of the inherent right of being heard in his defence. After long debates it was agreed to divide the cause into "* Seckend. p. 93» " YEAR 1520. U't three parts ; the doctrine, the books, and the per- son. The doctrine, it was determined, should be condemned, the books burned at a time to be fixed, and Luther summoned to appear after a suitable in- terval. The composition of the bull gave rise to almost as much debate as the preliminary discussions. The members of the conclave rivalled each other in ex- pressing abhorrence of the new doctrine and attach- ment to the holy See. Cajetan, though in bad health, made himself be carried into the consistory, and a bitter contention arose betwen Peter Accolti, cardinal of Ancona, and Laurent Pucci, cardinal datary,* about the honour of composing the mani- festo against Luther. Each had prepared a draught, and was eager for the preference. Nothing less than the pontiff's authority could settle this competition, and the draught of Accolti, after undergoing several emendations, was preferred. The bull at last came out on June 15, and set forth the papal pretensions in the loftiest tone. After affirming that the Imperial crown had been trans- ferred by the papal See from the Greeks to the Ger- mans, it claims a power not only of inflicting eccle- siastical punishments, but of depriving refractory persons of their property and civil privileges. The extravagant bulls of Pius II. and Julius II. which declared it heresy to appeal from the pope to a Coun- cil, are cited and made a ground for Luther's con- * The datary is an high officer in the Roman chancery, through whose hands most of the appointments to the vacant benefices pass. This was the same Pucci who advised Leo to have recourse to the sale of Indulgences. 148 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, / demnation. He is compared to Porphyry, the no- 1 torious enemy of Christianity 7 and is spoken of as the reviver of the Greek and Bohemian schisms. \ Forty-one heresies are selected from his works and condemned as " pernicious, scandalous, and pesti- lential." Luther, and all who may favour his opi- nions, are made the object of the most violent de- nunciations. They are incapacitated from perform- ring any legal act, and declared guilty of high trea- son, infamous, and unworthy of Christian burial. Luther is reproached for obstinately disregarding the admonitions and kindness of the pope ; and that all remembrance of him may be obliterated from the society of the faithful, no one is to presume to read, preach, or publish his works. Such as are written are to be condemned to the flames, and such as he may hereafter write are to be received with the greatest suspicion. He is ordered to appear at Rome within sixty days to take his trial, and in case he should not obey the summons, the civil and eccle- siastical powers are commanded to seize him and his adherents and send them to Rome. Here, at length, was the edict so long delayed from dread of the elector Frederick. The next point was to communicate it to that prince in the least offensive manner. With this view, the papal court deter- mined to avail itself of the following circumstance, although apparently ill calculated to forward conci- liation. One of the elector's agents, named Valentin Teutleben, being employed to transact some busi- ness for him at Rome, experienced a degree of re- luctance on the part of the pope, which, as he wrote to his master, was to be ascribed to the circumstance YEAR 1520. 149 of his defending Luther. Frederick lost no time in replying to his agent, and denied " that he had ever undertaken the defence of Luther's opinions, Luther being prepared to defend them himself before equi- table judges, and ready, if refuted from Scripture, to recant. Luther," he added, " had offered to leave Saxony, and would have done so before that time, had not Miltitz interceded that he might not be sent away, lest he should go where he could write and act with greater freedom. To attempt the forcible suppression of Luther's opinions, or to cut him off by the exertion of ecclesiastical power, would be imprudent and dangerous. Measures of that descrip- tion were not fit in the improved state of public knowledge, nor was the strong hold which the Lu- theran doctrine had taken in Germany, to be set aside by any thing else than sound argument." This letter was communicated to the pope's mi- nister, and gave occasion to an immediate address to Frederick. With the ordinary art of the court of Rome, their dispatch proceeded on the assumption that Frederick was, in his heart, an enemy to Luther. It was written in Leo's name, and was in substance as follows : " I experience great satisfaction on learning that you have no connection with Luther, who is altoge- ther impious. I have on former occasions uniformly entertained a high opinion of your virtue, and your conduct at present fully confirms it. Luther has been introduced into the world, not by Christ but by Satan, that he might revive the heresies of Wick- line, Huss, and the Bohemians; and that, by false interpretations of Scripture, he might give occasion 150 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, of sinning to the simple. There is danger lest he should set continence at defiance, do away confes- sion and penitence, favour the infidels by impure speeches, overturn the discipline of the church, and confound all things, sacred and profane. To such a pitch of pride and madness has Luther proceeded, that he despises the authority of Councils and of the holy See, preferring audaciously his own opinion to that of all others. In avoiding intercourse with such a pest, your Highness has acted a part worthy of your ancestors : and 1 give thanks to God for en- dowing you with such a disposition. Hitherto I have borne with Luther's forwardness and rashness, in the hope that he would return to his right mind. But now, seeing that heprofiteth nothing by admoni- tion and gentleness, I have been compelled to ap- ply a violent remedy, lest he should corrupt many by the contagion of his example. Having therefore called a Council, and deeply weighed the question, it has been decreed by direction of the Holy Spirit, which on these occasions is never absent from the holy See,* to issue a bull in condemnation of Lu- ther's heresy. Of that instrument a copy is here- with transmitted you." The alarm which these hostile measures might have excited in Luther was opportunely counteracted by a very satisfactory testimony of attachment in a different quarter. Shortly before the publication of the bull, two German noblemen, Sylvester von * " Convocato concilio, re multum agitata atque discussa tan- dem praeeunte Spiritu Sancto, qui in hujusmodi causis huic sanctse sedi nunquara abfuit," &c. Luth. ii. 50. YEAR 1520. 151 Schaumburg, and Francis Seckingen, came forward and wrote to him with offers of protection against all personal hazard. The letter of the former, in particular, deserves to be recorded : " I understand," he said, " from several learned men, that jour doctrine is founded on the Scrip- tures ; and that although you have offered to submit it to the decision of a general Council and to the judgment of pious and well informed men, you have reason to apprehend personal danger. You propose therefore to seek a refuge among the Bohemians. That plan I would earnestly entreat you to abandon, lest the nature of the connection should have the consequence of rendering your cause suspected and odious. I offer you my own protection and that of one hundred noblemen in Franconia, with whom you can live in safety until your doctrine has under- gone a deliberate investigation."* So clear a testimony of approbation could not fail to be highly acceptable to Luther, and we accord- ingly find him writing to his friend Spalatin, (July 10), that "his expulsion from Wittemberg would only make the state of things worse, for not only in Bohemia, but in the very heart of Germany, there were persons both able and willing to defend him. Nor was it doubtful that, under their protection, he could animadvert on the papacy with more severity than when he held the responsible office of a public teacher under the elector of Saxony. He had long- been doubtful how far Frederick would find it expe- dient to continue his protection, a consideration * Seckend. p. 111. 152 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, which, joined to a regard for the interests of the university of Wittemberg, had hitherto prevented him from going so far as he otherwise would. But now, were Frederick even obliged to withdraw his protection, the support of others would enable him to proceed in his career." " The die," he adds, "is cast, and I despise equally the fury and favour of Rome. — Never will I be reconciled or connected with them. Let them condemn and burn my books. — I, in my turn, so long as I can procure fire, will condemn and burn publicly the whole pontifical code." It appears that on the 28d of August he wrote to Rome, and ventured to use expressions of correspondent energy.* Luther's friends, however, were less tranquil than Jiimself. They prevailed on him to write to Spalatin, and to request him to use his interest with the elector to apply for an Imperial edict to prevent any one from condemning him unless it was previously shown that his tenets were inconsistent with Scrip- ture. In this letter Luther, always more interested about his doctrine than his personal safety, com- plained, in an earnest and affecting manner, of the endless libels published against him, and expressed an ardent wish that preachers might be found to promulgate his real sentiments among the people. Amidst all the alternations of fear and hope, Luther's active mind never gave way to sullen de- spondency or indolence. Application to study, as it had formed his chief pleasure in his early days, now constituted his best resource in a season of alarm. * Seckend. p. 111. YEAR 1520. 153 His next production was a book of a miscellaneous character, which he addressed to the emperor Charles V. and to the nobility of the empire. It was directed, among other topics, to a reproof of the vices of the clergy, and to a recommendation of the study of Scripture, of divinity, and other subjects lately in- troduced into universities. He reprobated prema- ture monastic vows, and animadverted on confession and on the disgraceful custom of begging, whether practised by monks or laymen. No one, he said, should be admitted into a monastery before the age of thirty. But the most serious part of the work consisted in an attack on the usurpations of the pa- pacy, and in an insinuation that Rome was the seat of Antichrist. Luther's next publication was his celebrated essay "De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae." He here examined into the nature and use of the sacraments, which, as is well known, are, according to the Ro- manists, seven in number. From this enumeration Luther dissented, and denied the name of sacrament to confirmation, holy orders, marriage, or extreme unction. But he continued to include penance in the list, as well as baptism and the Lord's supper In this, as in others of his writings, we have many vestiges of the impression made on his reasoning habits by the rules of the schoolmen. Instead of proceeding after the inductive method, to examine what the Scriptures had delivered respecting sacra- ments, he went on the plan of accommodating the passages in Scripture to a system previously adopted. This treatise was first published in Latin, but the general interest which it excited, made it soon be translated into German. D 154 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, That progressive advance in knowledge which every studious man experiences in himself, is very clearly exhibited in the writings of Luther. No man was less scrupulous in publishing his latest opi- nions, however they might vary from former im- pressions. The repeated attacks of his opponents obliged him, he said, to grow wiser in self defence. In the preamble to the " Babylonish Captivity," he requests booksellers and others possessed of copies of what he had published two years before on In- dulgences, to burn these copies, and to substitute for all that he had written, " Indulgently sunt adu- latorum Romanorum nequitice." His publication on the nature of the papacy he wished to condemn to the same fate, desiring his readers to adopt in lieu of his reasonings the concise definition, " Papains est robusta venatio Romani Episcopi ;" for he was now certain that the papacy was the kingdom of Babylon.* An unfortunate misunderstanding took place at this time between the students and inhabitants of Wittemberg. Matters having proceeded to the length of a tumultuous assemblage, Luther was dis- satisfied with the students and reproved them in very severe terms. The keenness of his censure gave them great offence ; and even his friends at court, Spalatin and Amsdorff, (a canon of the colle- giate church at Wittemberg,) were apprehensive that, he had gone too far and might injure the university. The dread of hurting that seminary, by the freedom of his writings, is enumerated by Luther among the many disquietudes of the first three years of his * Luth. ii. p. 63. YEAR 1520. 156 reforming career. Some time after this, Spalatin visited the university with a view, probably, of as- certaining botli its condition and the intended pro- ceedings of Luther after being apprized of the pope's bull. Spalatin's report of his visit has been pre- served and is curious. " A proportion of the students," he says, " are absent, but this is chiefly on account of a contagious disorder, and the university is still very numerously attended. I saw four hundred young men studying divinity under Luther ; and no fewer than six hun- dred learning the languages under Melancthon. Luther continues in good spirits, and is writing against the papal bull, but declares that from re- spect to the elector he will express himself with mo- deration. I saw more than thirty letters addressed to Luther from princes, nobles, and doctors, in Suabia, Switzerland, and Pomerania, replete with expressions of piety and offers of consolation. So popular a preacher is he, that both the town church of Wittemberg and that of the monastery are too small to receive the crowd of his hearers." We come now to the important business of pub- lishing the bull in Germany. This part of the pro- ceedings also was undertaken by Eckius, who hoped to make it a kind of finish to his laborious exertions. In corresponding with his friends, he had boasted much of his services at Rome, and of his repeated conferences with the pope, one of which lasted no less than five hours. He took to himself the merit of being the first to expose Luther's heresy in a proper light to the heads of the church, who till then had been very imperfectly acquainted with it. 156 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, So assiduous had he been in accelerating the pro- ceedings about the bull, that by the 3d of May matters had been got ready for dispatch at the next assembly of cardinals. Yet on his return to Ger- many, he endeavoured to represent his journey as undertaken with reluctance. But Luther, who, by some means not known, had got possession of one of his letters from Rome, published it with notes, and showed that Eckius' grand object, in these ex- traordinary exertions, was no other than his own preferment in the church.* Though the condemning bull was issued from the papal chamber on the 15th of June, it was not pub- lished in Germany till a considerable time after- wards. It appears to have reached Wittemberg in the beginning of October, for on the 13th of that month Luther wrote to Spalatin as follows : " The pope's bull is come at last — Eckius brought it. We are writing many things to the pope con- cerning it. For my own part I hold it in contempt, and attack it as impious and false, like Eckius in every respect. Christ himself is evidently con- demned by it, and no reason is assigned in it for summoning me to a recantation instead of a trial. They are full of fury, blindness, and madness. They neither comprehend nor reflect on conse- quences. Meantime I shall treat the pope's name with delicacy, and conduct myself as if I consi- dered it a false and forged bull, although I believe it to be genuine. How anxiously do I wish that the emperor had the courage to prove himself a man, * Ep. Eckii. ap. Luth. ii. 48. Seckend. p. 116. YEAR 1520. 157 and, in defence of Christ, attack those emissaries of Satan. For my part I do not regard my personal safety — let the will of the Lord be done. Nor do I know what course should be taken by the elector ; perhaps it may appear to him more for my interest that he should dissemble for a season. The bull is held in as great contempt at Leipsic as Eckius him- self. — L'et us therefore be cautious lest he acquire consequence by our opposition, for, if left to him- self, he must fall. I send you a copy of the bull that you may see what monsters they are at Rome. If these men are destined to rule us, neither the faith nor the church have the least security. I re- joice that it has fallen to my lot to suffer hardship for the best of causes ; but I am not worthy of such a trial. I am now much more at liberty than be- fore, being fully persuaded that the pope is Anti- christ, and that I have discovered the seat of Satan. — May God preserve his children from being de- ceived by the pope's impious pretensions. Erasmus informs me that the emperor's court is crowded with creatures who are tyrants and beggars, so that no- thing satisfactory is to be expected from Charles. This need not surprise us. ' Put not thy trust in princes, nor in the sons of men, in whom there is no stay.' " Eckius, having left Rome with copies of the bull, reached Leipsic, big with expectation of the rever- ence that would be paid to himself and to the pope's mandate. He found, however, that matters did not admit of the rapid progress which he wished. The Reformation had now taken a firm and a general hold. George, duke of Saxony, bigoted as he was, 158 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, found it necessary, from the dissatisfaction of the people, to delay the publication. At first, time was taken on the plea that the consent of the bishop of Mersburg must be previously obtained, and on ap- plication being made to that prelate, the publication was put off to the month of April in the following year. A letter written by Miltitz, on 2d October, throws some light on these matters. " I found Eckius at Leipsic, very clamorous and full of threats. 1 invited him to an entertainment and employed every means in my power to discover what he proposed to do. After he had drank freely. he began to relate, in pompous terms, the com- mission he had received from Rome, and by what means he was to bring Luther to obedience. He informed me that he had caused the bull to be pub- lished in Misnia on 21st September, at Mersburg on the 25th, and at Brandenburg on the 29th. Eckius was in the habit of showing the bull with great pomp. He lodged with the public commis- sary : duke George ordered the senate to present him with a gilt cup, and a considerable sum of money. But notwithstanding the bull itself, and the pledge of public safety given to him, some young men of family affixed on 29th September, in no less than ten places, bills containing threats against him. Terrified by these, he took refuge in the monastery of St. Paul and refused to be seen. He complained to Caesar Pflugius, and obtained a mandate from the . rector of the university, enjoining the young men to be quiet, but all to no purpose. They have com- posed ballads upon him, which they sing through the stueets ; and send daily to the monastery intinia- YEAR 1520. 159 tions of their hostility. More than one hundred and fifty of the Wittemberg students are here, who are very much incensed against him."— Miltitz afterwards added that Eckius had made a nocturnal escape to Friburg.* Similar commotions took place in other parts of Germany, where attempts were made to publish the bull. The elector of Saxony declared it wholly un- advisable to attempt its promulgation in his do- minions. The bishop of Bamberg availed himself of some informality as a pretext for declining to publish it in his diocese. At the university of Erfurt, the students tore a copy of the bull and threw it into the river. f Nay, the rector publicly encouraged them to pull down any copy of the bull which they might see posted up, and to oppose Luther's enemies by all the means in their power, t — The elector of Brandenburg and Albert of Mecklen- burg passed through Wittemberg, in December, on their way to the imperial coronation, and held a very gracious conversation with Luther. The bishop of Brandenburg who accompanied them, actuated by very different feelings, was desirous of pub- lishing the bull at Wittemberg, which was in his diocese, but durst not attempt it. The clergy alone, cemented as they were in interest with the Roman See, appeared friendly to the bull, but even among them there were many who reprobated its * Seckend. p. 11 6. t Scultet. Annal. Evang. 1520. | Rector Academiae Erfurtensis programmate publice affixo Academicos hortatur, ut si qui Bullara videant affixam, discer- pant, et quo possunt modo, Lutheri hostibus se opponant. Scultet. Annal. Evang. 1520. 160 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, violent tone, and who, without venturing to speak in favour of Luther, cordially wished him success. In several parts of the country, where the ascendancy of the Catholics was too decided to ad- mit of opposition, there were not wanting proofs of a favourable disposition towards the new doctrine, At Mentz the populace received the bull with in- dignation, and the persons employed to put the books in the fire, did it at the hazard of their lives. Even at Louvain, considerable opposition was ex- perienced, and, though the influence of the heads of the university was such as to enable them to pro- ceed with the burning of Luther's books, a party among the students and inhabitants insisted on com- mitting, at the same time, to the flames a number of books of an opposite description. In Italy also, at Venice and Bologna, though no direct opposition was offered, the partizans of Luther had become numerous. In the Palatinate the new doctrine was by this time planted, though not publicly acknow- ledged till three years after. The first regular step taken by Luther against the bull was a protest recorded before a notary and witnesses, and an appeal from the pope to a general Council. An appeal of the same nature had been entered by him a twelve-month before, but the re- spectful manner in which he then spoke of Leo was now exchanged for the most embittered expressions. Leo X. in impia sua tyrannide induratus per sever at — Iniquus, temerarius, tyrannicus judex — Her eli- cits et Apostata — Antichristus, blasphemus, super- bus contemptor sanctce Ecclesice Dei* * Luth. ii. 50. YEAR 1520. 161 The universities of Cologne and Louvain having openly burned Luther's books, and a similar exam- ple having been given at Rome, the Reformer now determined to retaliate. He caused public notice to be given at Wittemberg, that he purposed burning the antichristian decretals on Monday, 10th Dec. So novel a scene excited great interest, and the con- course accordingly was immense. The people as- sembled at nine o'clock in the morning, and pro- ceeded, in regular divisions, to the spot in the neighbourhood where the ceremony was to be per- formed. Having there partaken of a slight repast, an eminent member of the university erected a kind of funeral pile and set it on fire : after which Luther took Gratian's Abridgment of the Canon Law ; the letters commonly called decretals of the pontiffs : the Clementines and Extravagants, and, last of all, the bull of Leo X. All these he threw into the fire, and exclaimed with a loud voice, " Because ye have troubled the holy of the Lord, therefore let eternal fire trouble you." Having remained to witness their consumption, he returned into the city, accompanied by the same multitude, without the occurrence of the slightest disorder.* So extraordinary a step, however cordially re- ceived by his countrymen, seemed to call for a formal justification in the eyes of others. With that view Luther published a set of reasons, which, instead of proving a palliation of the act, had the effect, like his former vindications, of aggravating his offence. He warned the public not to be misled by high sounding titles, nor by declamations about * See Appendix Z. X 162 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, pontifical dignity, but to proceed to a rigid exami- nation of what was actually taught in those books. This, he said, was the true way to make them aware of their poisonous and abominable doctrine. He then enumerated thirty specific articles, as examples of the errors and usurpations of the papacy. The canon law, he said, went beyond all bounds. Among other things it contained the extraordinary doctrine that " the pope is God upon earth, superior to all belonging to heaven or earth, whether spiritual or temporal. All things belong to the pope, and to him no one dares say, What doest thou ?"* Towards the conclusion of the treatise, Luther places in a very strong light the oyerbearing conduct of the popes towards all who ventured to dissent from them. " Never have the popes vanquished, either by Scripture or argument, any one who has spoken or written against them.— Their alternative has always been to excommunicate, burn, or put them to death, through the medium of kings, princes, and others devoted to the papacy." Luther's hostility to the canon law deserves par- ticular attention. He was by this time aware, that without the abolition of this ponderous and ill -di- gested code, the projected Reformation in religion would confer only a limited benefit on mankind. It is deeply to be lamented that he should have been less successful in the one than in the other. I can- not more clearly explain the causes of his failure than by transcribing the words of his countryman, * Papa est Deus in terris, superior omnibus ccelestibus, terrenis, spiritualibus et secularibus. Et omnia papae sunt propria, cut nemo audeat dicere, Quid facis ? Luth. ii. 122. YEAR 1520. 163 the learned and accurate Boehmer, a well known professor of law : " On the introduction into Germany of en- lightened views iu religion, the canon law would probably have been annihilated had it not been for the interposition of the lawyers. Luther, even be- fore shaking off the papal yoke, had detected the imperfection, fraud, and impiety of this law. In his treatise addressed to the emperbr and the nobility, he expressed a wish that the ancient laws of Ger- many should be restored, a measure which, had it been effected, would have placed our affairs, both public and private, on a much surer foundation. It would have led to greater uniformity in our eccle- siastical law, to the cessation of tedious lawsuits, and to the re-introduction of that German candour and honesty, which are so conspicuous in the in- stitutes of our ancestors. : But Luther's boldness in burning the canon law gave deadly offence to the lawyers. Henning Goeden, and Jerome Schurff were at that time pleaders of great reputation at Wittemberg, and believed, or professed to believe, that the abolition of the canon law would endanger the safety of the state. The fact was, that their own interest and convenience were at stake, the canon law forming the rule of the whole mode of procedure in lawsuits. Hence arose the interfer- ence of these men, who, in an evil hour, proved the cause of preventing the abolition of the canon law, and the so much desired reform of ecclesiastical and civil law. The fact is, that from their igno- rance of the law of nature and moral philosophy, the lawyers were ill qualified to supply the want of the regulations established by a long course of pre- 1(54 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, cedents. Unaccustomed to exercise their reasoning and inventive powers, the blank occasioned by the absence of the canon law presented to their imagina- tions an irremediable chasm. Moreover, the study of the canon law had long been an object of great ambition, and superiority in the knowledge of it formed one of the leading features of professional distinction." We have already adverted to the favourable dis- position of Erasmus towards Luther and his writings. On the condemnation of Luther's doc- trine by the subservient universities of Louvain and Cologne, Erasmus was prompted to address to Spa- latin a set of axioms on the Lutheran cause. He had scarcely put them out of his hands, when, with his usual timidity, he begged that they might be re- turned to him lest they might do him an injury with the pope's nuncio.* These axioms however have been preserved, and the sentiments of so eminent a scholar deserve to be noticed. In the passage refer- ring to the act of the two universities, he says, " The motive of the proceeding is bad ; it is a love of ty- rannic rule, and a wish to discourage literary effort. Out of so many universities, two only have con- demned Luther ; and they have done nothing more than publish a sentence, for they have not confuted him, nor do they agree among themselves."f The court of Rome, however, thought proper to lay great stress on the sanction of these public bodies. Honour- * Seckend. p. 126. t Fons rei malus est, odium bonarum literarum, et affectatio tyrannidis. Duae duntaxat universitates condemnarunt Lutherum ex tarn innumeris. Et condemnarunt tantum, non convicerunt ; nee hae consentiunt. Axiom. Erasm. pro Caus. Luth. YEAR 1520. 165 able mention of it was made in the bull, and the uni- versities were called " agri dominici piissimce, reli- giosissimcB cu Unices* ' ' In the course of this year, the elector Frederick being at Cologne, an interview took place between him and Erasmus. It was on this occasion that Erasmus made the ludicrous remark, that Luther had offended in two capital points — " He had touched the pope's supremacy and the bellies of the monks." Luther, according to his usual practice, replied with great spirit to the condemning sentence of the universities of Cologne and Louvain.* A new an- tagonist soon after appeared in a Franciscan monk at Leipsic named Augustine. To him also Luther gave a speedy reply ;f and in fact, he was indebted to the writings of opponents for a considerable share of the publicity of his cause. Even Cajetan now came forward and displayed his whole scholastic skill in asserting the divine origin and the infallibi- lity of the pope. J On the other hand there ap- peared on the side of Luther, and in support of the cause of free inquiry, an essay from the pen of Ulrich Hutten, a young man of fortune and lite- rary talents. He published Leo's bull and annexed to it short scholia,^ exposing in very bold language * Luth. ii. 33, et seq. See in p. 115 of that vol. a short account of what took place at Cologne. t Seckend. p. 103. | The title of his book is " Card. Cajetani, de Divina Institu- tione Pontificates. " It was printed at Cologne, in June 1520. Seckend. p. 107. <§> Bossuet is in a mistake when he ascribes those notes to Lu- ther. Hist, des Variat. Liv. i. Sect. 26. ) 166 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the weakness of the papal arguments and the pre- sumptuous encroachments of that court. This auxiliary publication was soon followed by one from Luther, who was too confident of his cause to remain inactive. The title of this address to the public bore the stamp of his usual bold- ness — it was an " Answer to the execrable bull of Antichrist." In this, and in another treatise which speedily came forth, he passed in review the whole of the forty-one propositions enumerated by Leo. No longer satisfied with offering these propositions as subjects for disputation, he affirmed them to be incontrovertibly true. So highly was this work esteemed at the court of Saxony, that Spalatin translated it from the Latin into German. The pope now thought the time had come to make a direct and pointed application to the elector Frederick, on the subject of Luther. With that view he sent, in the end of October, two nuncios, Jerome Aleander and Marinus Caracciolus, to Frederick, who was then at Cologne. Both were distinguished dignitaries of the church and mem- bers of the Conclave. They enlarged on the danger to which Germany was exposed by Luther's ex- ecrable writings, and, after requesting that his books should be burned and himself either impri- soned or sent to Rome, Aleander proceeded to state that the emperor, and all the other princes who had been applied to, had consented to the pope's de- mand. The investigation of Luther's cause had, he added, been committed by the pontiff to him and Eckius. Urgent as this application was, the nuncios proved unable to extract an explicit answer from the wary Frederick. He replied in genera] YEAR 1520. 167 terms, that it was a matter of great moment and required mature deliberation. On the 4th Nov. he returned an answer by his ministers, but took care to adhere to the same general language as before. He declared " that the request was very unexpected on his part, and that, while at a distance from home, he had heard that Eckius, contrary to the tenor of the pontifical decree, had wished to injure not only Luther but other learned men in his dominions, an assumption of power, on the part of an unautho- rised individual, which could not but be extremely offensive to him. Having been absent, he could not say with certainty what had been done by Luther and others after receiving the pope's bull ; but it might happen that in consequence of the provocation given to him, there was a general dis- position to approve of his proceedings." Finally, he requested " that learned and good men should converse in a friendly manner on the whole business, and that Luther should be accounted entitled to protection and have an opportunity to plead his cause." 168 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER VI*. YEAR 1521. THE adherents of the court of Rome were much disappointed at the inefficient operation of the bull against Luther; and the conduct of that court in this business has been subjected to those charges of impolicy which are generally applied to unsuc- cessful counsels. It has been said by many persons, that the bull was too long delayed ; by others, that its language was too violent and arbitrary. An eminent historian,* adverting to these charges, is of opinion that the conduct of the Holy See on this occasion " bore few marks of its wonted sagacity." Were we, however, to extend our inquiries, we might find that its reputation for sagacity has been a good deal overrated. On analysing the history of former ages, we might discover that many mea- sures, accounted by Dr. Robertson, and others, " models of political wisdom," were nothing more than a close and unblushing application of those deceptions which men more artful than their neigh- bours have known how to apply in all ages. It was chiefly by a comparison with the other courts of Europe, that the policy of the Romish councils was estimated. Now we can hardly conceive any thing less skilful, or more capricious, than the measures of the sovereigns of Europe in these ages. After * Dr. Robertson, Charles V. 8vo. edition, vol. ii. p. 98. *~EAR 1521. 169 the general improvement consequent on the revival of learning, it became a matter of great difficulty to prevent the occurrence of a schism similar to that which Luther produced. The only effectual way to obviate a revolution of that nature was, to desist sincerely and speedily from the practice of the gross frauds devised for a rude state of society. Clear and unquestionable as this appears, it would have formed an act of self-denial very seldom ex- emplified in the conduct of governments. Frauds are generally too lucrative, and the retention of arbitrary power too gratifying to our pride, to be relinquished otherwise than from necessity. His- tory is replete with examples of calamities originating in a blind pertinacity of this nature. And we need go no farther than the events of our own day to find a dreadful revolution take its rise from the re- fusal of the higher orders to bear an equal share in the burden of taxation. If we apply this reasoning to the conduct of the court of Rome; we shall not find that discrepancy in her policy at the era of the Reformation and former ages, which many persons have imagined. Her strength lay in diplomatic intrigue, and the revolution commenced by Luther had its origin in a cause which no dexterity of that kind could re- move or overcome. The interest now generally excited by Luther's writings showed that his doctrines had taken a powerful hold on the public mind. Though they had not received the avowed protection of any prince, the impression made on many leading indi- viduals in Germany seemed indicative of an ap- proaching separation from the church of Rome. Y 170 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Meanwhile many pacific and well-intentioned per- sons, lamenting the vehemence of mutual recrimi- nation, and judging of the rest of mankind by themselves, were anxious to accomplish an ami- cable accommodation. To such persons it occurred that Luther's objection to the partiality of the judges hitherto named would be obviated by the appointment of exalted individuals, such as the emperor Charles, Henry VIII. of England, and the king of Hungary. But this expectation was ob- viously formed on no accurate estimate of the re- spective characters of these sovereigns. The magni- tude of Charles's empire rendered him an object of jealousy to all cotemporary princes, and to none more than the Roman pontiff. The possessions of Charles in Italy surrounded in a manner the ec- clesiastical territory, and obliged the pope to culti- vate for self-preservation a friendly connection with Francis I. Hence those interruptions to cordiality between Chafes and the See of Rome which afforded opportunity to the Reformation to expand itself in Germany. Nothing indeed could be more em- barrassing than the situation of the pope in regard to the rival sovereigns, Charles and Francis. To be on friendly terms with the one necessarily implied hostility with the other. But the pope was in no condition to brave the enmity of either ; for while Charles was so near and formidable a neighbour, Francis had a strong claim on attention, as well from the extent of his political power, as from the danger of his embracing the liberal views of the Re- formers. This danger, says a protestant author, was by no means inconsiderable. Erat enim Me rex non qualis eum sunt consecuti postea ; sed acerrimus rennri YEAR 1521. 171 estimator, judicii ad dignoscendam rerum non parvi, eriiditoium fautor, neqv.e per se a nobis alienus* Another difficulty in negotiating with the impe- rial court consisted in the rivalship and even dis- sension which existed among the emperor's counsel- lors. The Spaniards and Flemings were extremely jealous of each other, and the court of Rome found it necessary to cultivate both. Charles had hardly passed his twentieth year, and was as yet only beginning to acquire that sagacity which marked his future conduct. That his course of proceeding in regard to Luther's cause was at first very prob- lematical, appears to be beyond dispute. He, in common with many leading men in Germany, early discovered an inclination rather to favour a reform in the church, than to support the pretensions of the pontiff. So general was the impression made by the corruptions of the church, that George, duke of Sax- ony, who, as we have already seen, was a zealous papist, presented at this time twelve grievances on the subject of indulgences and the conduct of the clergy. All these circumstances concur to show the general demand for a reform ; and there can be lit- tle doubt that had the decision of the question been left to the people, the cause of liberality would have been as successful in France, Austria, and even in Italy, as in Saxony and in England. But these fair prospects were destined to be clouded by the in- trigues of the court of Rome, and by the unfortu- nate connection existing between the church and the principal governments of Europe. In these days of limited education, the chief ministers in cabinets were ecclesiastics. Attachment to their own Order * Beza, Vita Calvini. 172 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, was, of course, a predominant feeling with them; and the church of Rome well knew how to make the impatience of princes to grasp a present object, subser- vient to the attainment of lasting advantage to herself. The term granted to Luther having expired, a new bull made its appearance on the third of January, 1521, confirming the preceding in all its extent, with the serious addition of Luther's excommuni- cation. But this edict made very little impression, and its reception tended only to show the dimi- nished efficacy of papal fulminations, against the progress of opinion. Meanwhile another attempt at reconciliation took place between two persons in the employment re- spectively of Charles and Frederick ; Gregory Pon- tanus, the elector's chancellor, and John Glassio, a Franciscan and father confessor to the emperor. Glassio was a man of address, and began by be- stowing the highest praises on Luther's genius, and expressing great anxiety on the part of the empe- ror to be instrumental in reconciling to the church so valuable a member. He next proceeded to ex- press his disappointment at the treatise termed the " Babylonish captivity," which, in his opinion, was infinitely inferior to Luther's other publications. To refute it, he added, would be no difficult matter, but his proposition was that Luther should disavow this treatise ; on which the pope would recall the bull and excommunication, appointing at the same time men of learning and impartiality to try Lu- ther's cause in Germany. From the various inter- views which followed, it is apparent that the church of Rome had been sorely wounded by the publica- tion of that treatise. Glassio confessed that all YEAR 1521. 173 parties were agreed on the necessity of a reform to a certain extent ; but, after all his efforts, this ne- gotiation was destined to experience the fate of the others. It was regarded on the part of Luther's friends as little else than an attempt to obtain the disavowal of the obnoxious treatise. The time had now arrived for holding Charles's first Diet. The city of Nuremberg being infested with the plague, the place of meeting was fixed at Worms. Thither Frederick repaired in company with Charles, and probably communicated with him at some length on the subject of Luther. Charles had previously requested Frederick to bring Luther along with him to the Diet, where he pro- mised that he should be well treated. With this application, however, the cautious elector declined to comply. He apprehended that Luther's appearance before that assembly would be productive of very serious discussion, and he determined accordingly to delay it as long as possible. The Diet assembled in January, and the agents of the court of Rome were indefatigable in their efforts to get a summons for Luther speedily issued. Frederick, apprized of all their machinations, gave Luther information, through the medium of Spa- latin, of what was likely to happen, and caused him to be asked what course he would pursue in the event of his being summoned by the emperor to appear before the Diet, a step which, in consequence of the urgency of the pope's agents, he thought very probable. Luther's answer was conveyed in a letter to Spalatin and was nearly as follows : " I shall certainly not hesitate to come, for I shall regard the emperor's summons as proceeding 174 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, from God. If violence be offered to my person, an event not unlikely, I shall commend my cause to that God who delivered the three children from the fiery furnace. Should it not seem meet to God to preserve me, of what moment is my life com- pared with the life and sufferings of Christ ? It is not for; me," he adds, " to determine whether the danger to the Gospel be greater or less by my life or death. The truth of God is a rock of offence placed for the falling and rising of many in Israel. My chief duty is to pray that Charles may not stain his administration, at the outset, with my blood or his own. Let me rather die by the hands of the Romanists, lest he and all connected with him should be involved in sorrow by a guilty parti- cipation. You well remember what befel the emperor Sigismund — after the murder of Huss nothing succeeded with him. He died without male offspring, and Ladislaus, his grandson, fol- lowed him soon to the grave, so that his name became extinct in a single generation. His wife Barbara was a disgrace to the name of queen. But if it be determined that I am to be delivered, not only to the pope but to the gentiles, let the Lord's will be done. I have told you my mind fully. Your conjectures in regard to me are correct in every thing except as to the chance of my flight or recantation. I am unwilling to fly, but much more unwilling to recant. May the Lord Jesus send me support, for I can do neither without putting in hazard the piety and salvation of many persons." The elector's outward behaviour was extremely cautious; but, from a variety of circumstances, there can be no doubt that he had undertaken the YEAR 1521. 175 protection of Luther in good earnest. Charles, in the mean time, was induced to put his signature to several precipitate and inconsistent acts. He is- sued in January an order for summoning Luther before the Diet, but Frederick declining to forward it, the emperor thought proper to recall it. Fred- erick, apprehensive .of personal danger to Luther, was determined that he should not undertake to come so far without a solemn pledge of protection. On the 25th January, Luther, we find, wrote to the elector as follows: " As to myself I am most ready to appear at the imperial Diet at Worms, .be- fore equitable, learned, and good judges, provided I obtain a sufficient security and a safe conduct both for going and returning. ' By God's help I shall make it appear, to the conviction of all, that I have not been actuated by wilfulness, or by selfish views, but that whatever 1 have ta*ught or written has proceeded from my conscience, from an ardour for the salvation of the catholic church, and for the extirpation of the most dangerous abuses and superstitions." The next step which took place in the contra- dictory proceedings of Charles, was a letter, dated sixth March, summoning Luther to appear at Worms within twenty-one days. The letter is very short, and, while expressed in terms sufficiently attentive to Luther, it commands him peremptorily to appear before the Diet, and promises him protection in all the districts through which it was necessary for him to pass on his journey.* A private injunction was * The address of the letter was " Carolus Dei gratia Ronia- norum Imperator, semper augustus, &c. Honorabili nostro Di- lecto devoto Doctori Martino Luthero, Augustiniani ordinis." Luth. ii. lGS. Sleid. L. iii. 176 THE LIFE OF LUTHER added, it has been said, against his preaching by the way. In addition to the guarantee of the em- peror, the princes, through whose territories Luther had to travel, pledged themselves respectively for his safety. Meantime the pope's agents, impatient to draw down a censure on Luther, procured an edict from Charles, dated next day, seventh March, directing that his books should be submitted to the inspection of the magistrates. But the college of the empire interfered, and made a respectful re- monstrance against taking any such measure until Luther should be heard. This step, on the part of the college, if not indicative of a disposition to support Luther, showed at least that his cause had gained too much ground to be the object of pre- mature condemnation. Spalatin, having apprized Luther of the resolu- tion adopted by the emperor, added to the notice a communication that the object of his summons was the recantation of several of his opinions. Lu- ther replied on the 19th March, assuring Spalatin that he would not recant: " I shall tell the emperor Charles," he said, " that I am determined not to come, because it is to a recantation that he has summoned me. If that be all that is wanted, I might as well be asked to do it where I am. If, by this summoning, their intention is to put me to death, and, from the answer I am determined to give, to declare me a rebel, in that case I am willing to make my ap- pearance. I will not fly nor forsake the word in the field of battle. My enemies, I am persuaded, will never rest until they have put me to death." Various reasons contributed to induce Luther to adopt an affirmative determination in regard to the YEAR 1521. 177 question of going to Worms. The eclat given to his cause by appearing before the emperor and the assembled princes of Germany, and the assurance that his friends were sufficiently numerous and powerful to prevent his being condemned unheard, were conclusive arguments to a mind wholly en- grossed with the promulgation of a new doctrine. Other circumstances co-operated indirectly to sti- mulate Luther to come forward in vindication of his doctrine. The Bohemians had begun to receive his publications favourably, and to translate several of them.* Henry, brother of the bigoted George, duke of Saxony, seemed to discover an attachment to the Lutheran cause. And it may deserve to be mentioned, as an indication of the diffusion of zealous efforts against the papacy, that an artist of some eminence, Lucas Cranachius, joined himself to Luther, and engraved on wood delineations of the history of Christ and Antichrist. To these the Reformer fur- nished inscriptions, and to the prints of Antichrist he had no scruple in subjoining extracts from the papal decretals, sufficiently explicit to point out the connec- tion which he wished to establish between the two. Frederick conducted himself in this critical junc- ture with his wonted judgment. He assumed more than his usual appearance of reserve, that he might not be suspected of partiality to Luther. To pre- vent any molestation to the emperor's messenger on the part of the people, he gave orders to the pro- vost and senate of Wittemberg, that a guard should, if necessary, be given him. On Luther's agreeing to obey the summons, the senate provided him with a covered wagon, the only mode of con- * Seckend. p. 148. z 178 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, veyance then in general use in Germany. He was accompanied by his friends Iodocus,* Amsdorff, and Sauvenius, a native of Denmark. He took with him likewise as his counsel, Jerome Schurff, who has been already mentioned as an eminent lawyer. Eager to circulate his opinions, Luther took an opportunity of preaching at Erfurt on the nature of justification and the vices of the clergy. He exercised his talents in the same way at Issenach, so that the admonition against preaching by the road, if given at all, had not been acceded to by him. Wherever he arrived, he had the gratifi- cation of receiving marks of distinguished attention. The inhabitants of Erfurt, on hearing of his ap- proach, came out in a body to receive him. But, by this time the fatigue of the journey, joined to anxiety of mind, had produced a considerable degree of illness. On arriving at Frankfort he wrote to Spalatin, " I have been indisposed ever since I left Issenach, nor am I yet recovered. The mandate of Charles was issued, I understand, to affright me, but Christ is alive and I shall enter Worms in spite of the gates of hell and the powers of the air — I am determined to meet Satan and to strike him with terror." — Luther's friends were not equally courageous. They were apprized of the emperor's hostile disposition, and began to look on the Reformer as a devoted victim. On reaching Op- penheim, he found letters from several friends and one from Spalatin himself, dissuading him from pro- * This was a very different person from Luther's logical pre- ceptor of the same name. He was younger than Luther, and continued, as we shall find in the sequel, a steady follower and friend of the Reformer. YEAR 1521. 179 feeding to Worms. It was then that he made the homely but resolute declaration, " To Worms I will go, were there as many devils there, as tiles on the houses." His boldness on this occasion appeared surprising at a future period to himself: For, a short time before his death, in speaking of the cir- cumstance to his friends at Eisleben, he added, " Thus you perceive that God can render a man un- daunted ; I know not whether I should now have the courage to do so much." When drawing towards the close of his journey, Luther received an invitation from Glassio, the emperor's confessor, to meet him at the residence of one of Luther's friends, at some distance from the road. But Luther, whether suspicious of Glas- sio, or as is more likely, afraid of exceeding the li- mited term of twenty-one days, replied, " that he was determined to go whither he had been ordered by the emperor." Accordingly he reached Worms on the 16th April, attired in his friar's cowl, seated in an open chariot and preceded by the emperor's herald on horseback in his official dress. Several of the Saxon nobles and others having come out to meet him, the whole formed a kind of procession and entered the city at ten in the forenoon. Before Luther reached the inn appointed for his residence, above two thousand persons were assembled; and, in the course of the day, many of the men of rank connected with the Diet called to have a sight of a stranger of so great celebrity. Next day, 17th April, notice was sent from the emperor to Luther that his presence was required at the Diet in the afternoon. When the hour (four ©'clock) came, the crowd was so great that the only 160 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, access to the place of audience was through gardens and private houses. Even the roofs are said to have- been covered with spectators. An intimation having been privately given to Luther not to speak except in reply, the proceedings commenced on the part of one John Eckius, Official* as it is termed, of the archbishop of Treves, and equally hostile to Luther as his namesake, the disputant. This ora- tor, in an audible voice, first in Latin and next in German, proposed two questions : " Whether Luther avowed himself the author of the books bearing his name?" to a collection of which he then pointed ; and " Whether he was disposed to retract or persist in their contents ?" Schurff, Lu- ther's counsel, having required that the titles of the books should be read, they proved to be his com- mentaries on the Psalms and the Lord's Prayer, his treatise on good works, along with other pieces which were not controversial. Luther instantly ac- knowledged himself the author of these works, but in regard to the second question, he asked, no doubt by the suggestion of his counsel, that " time might be given him to consider his answer." One day was accordingly granted, accompanied, however, with an intimation that a written answer would not be received. The proceedings were then adjourned, and several of the by -standers called aloud to Luther in an encouraging tone, not to be afraid of those who could kill only the body. If Luther's opponents were led, by his requiring * The " Official " was an officer to whom an ecclesiastical prince, possessing, like the archbishop of Treves, extensive political power, was in the habit of delegating the detail of his spiritual jurisdiction. YEAR 1521. 181 time, to entertain any hope of hesitation on his part, they were speedily undeceived. On entering the Diet next day, Eckius recapitulated with great form, the proceedings of the day before, and asked Luther once more whether he retracted or persisted. Luther delivered an answer at great length, first in German and afterwards in Latin. Notwithstanding the awe of the assembly and the excessive heat from the great numbers present, he spoke in a tone of clearness and confidence. He began by enlarging on the distinct object and tendency of his several publications. Some of them referred, he said, to the doctrines, others to the duties of Christianity, and were such as no person in the sober exercise of reason could find fault with. Adverting next to that part of his writings which regarded the papacy, so far from disguising his sentiments, he expatiated on the baseness of which he would be guilty, were he to disavow what had been prompted by the perusal of the Scriptures and by the notorious corruption of the church. Repeating the words of our Saviour when before Annas, he said " If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil ; but if well, why smitest thou me ?" He entreated that any one present, of whatever sta- tion, would undertake to point out his errors, in which case he promised, as he had frequently done before, to recant and to be the first to throw his own books into the fire. Eckius, who had discovered symptoms of impatience during the delivery of the defence, declared, as soon as it was ended, that Luther had not answered to the point, and ought not to express doubts about things that had been already defined and condemned by so many councils. Then as- suming a peremptory tone, he demanded a catego- 182 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, rical answer whether he recanted or not ? Luther, addressing himself to the Diet, said, " Since a po- sitive answer is required of me, I have only to add, that unless I shall be convinced by Scripture, (for I can put no credit in the pope or in councils, as it is evident they have erred frequently and have even contradicted each other,) I say, unless my con- science be convinced by the word of God, I neither can nor will recant, since it is unworthy of an honest man to act contrary to his conviction — here I stand, it is impossible for me to act otherwise — so help me God." Eckius still affirmed that Luther had not answered the question, and, after some general conversation, informed Luther that the emperor was disposed to make a distinction between his different works, but still insisted on his saying whether he defended every thing in his writings, or what part of them he would recant ? Luther then asked whether the emperor could mean to compel him to recant against his conscience and even with- out any means being used to convince him ? Having repeated his assertion, that councils had often erred, and Eckius having said that he could not prove any error on the part of a council, Luther, nowise re- luctant to tread on controversial ground, affirmed his readiness to enter into proof of what he had de- clared. The discussion was protracted to a late hour, and some of the emperor's Spanish counsellors, bigotedly attached to the pope, could not withhold their murmurs at Luther on his leaving the Diet. The emperor being, in a great measure, unac- quainted with the mode of conducting the affairs of Germany, and impatient at the continuance of the controversy, allowed himself to be persuaded that YEAR 1521. 183 the fittest course would be to excommunicate Lu- ther at once. This took place accordingly next day, 19th April, but being done without the assent of the princes, the efficacy of the decree was very dif- ferent from what would have attended a concurrent resolution of the Diet. Many persons of distinction continued to visit Luther, and the multitude gave evident signs of their interest in his cause. They surrounded his lodging in crowds, and appeared as if they could not be satisfied with beholding him. His opponents, apprehensive of the odium attached to premature condemnation, procured from the emperor a suspension, during three days, of the execution of the sentence, an interval which the archbishop of Treves proposed to occupy in an at- tempt to prevail on Luther to retract his opinions, or, at least, to promise silence for the future. The archbishop had long been desirous of a conference with Luther. It was he who, two years before, had urged a meeting of this kind on the arrival of Miltitz in Saxony.* He appears to have entertained a hope, that by mixing temperance with firmness in the treatment of Luther, he might be prevailed on to stop short in his career. Such a course could hardly have failed at the outset, but the case was now much altered by the mutual and repeated effu- sions of animosity. Luther, being invited to a conference with the archbishop and the other princes, consented to appear before them. They met to receive him on the 24th without the formality of constituting themselves into a council. Luther having repaired fo the inn where the primate lodged, was addressed * See p. 120. 184 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, in very conciliatory terms by the chancellor of Baden, who acted on the present occasion as speaker to the princes. That officer, after pro- fessing a dislike to controversy, vindicated the con- sistency of general councils, and expatiated on the great commotions to be apprehended from Luther's books, in particular from the work on " Christian liberty." He mixed his censure, however, with a commendation of several of his writings, and en- larged principally on the hazard to be apprehended to the public tranquillity. The chancellor having spoken in the name of the princes of the empire, Luther, in his reply, thanked these illustrious persons for condescending to admonish him. He repeated his charge against the councils, particularly the coun- cil of Constance for their treatment of Huss, and re- iterated the wish which he had already so frequently expressed, that all his doctrines should be examined and decided by Scripture. Having thus spoken, he retired to give the princes time to deliberate. On being called in again, the chancellor of Baden advised him to submit his works to the judgment of the em- peror. Luther professed all due respect for Charles, and declared that instead of shunning, he courted ex- amination, but no consideration could induce him to relinquish what the Scripture taught. He concluded, by requesting them to intercede with the emperor and prevail on him to desist from compelling him to act contrary to his conviction. When he had con- cluded, the elector of Brandenburg, to bring the mat- ter to a point, asked him Whether he had said that he was determined not to yield unless convinced by Scripture ? to which he immediately replied, " Cer- tainly." He then retired, and the princes, thinking YEAR 1521. 1S5 any farther attempt vain, broke up their meeting and repaired to the Diet. The archbishop of Treves, however, was deter- mined to make one effort more, and, on his invitation, Luther, accompanied by Schurff and Amsdorff, re- paired to a fresh conference at the archbishop's. Here, along with that prelate, they met Eckius and Cochlacus, another ardent abetter of the papal cause. These zealous advocates employed a variety of argu- ments, as well to shake Luther in his creed, as to prevail on him to abstain from writing or teaching. But Luther in this, and in every subsequent confer- ence, scorned the idea of recantation, and adhered to his former text of reference to Scripture, and to Scripture alone. The archbishop having held a final conversation with him, asked him, what remedy could be adopted by way of compromise ? to which Luther replied in the words of Gamaliel, (Acts v.) " If this work be of men, it will come to nought; but, if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it." He persisted that the council of Constance had decided contrary to Scripture, and repeated that he would ra- ther lose his life than renounce what he considered the word of God. On his saying this, the archbishop desisted from farther urgency, dismissed him politely, and promised him a safe conduct. Accordingly, on the same day, Eckius and the emperor's secretary delivered him a safe conduct for twenty-one days, with an intimation that he might depart. To this they added, in a less gracious tone, that " since after so many admonitions, he was still averse to cherish a mutual good understanding or unity, Charles, as the defender of the Catholic faith, was determined to do his duty." The} 7 delivered to him also a prohi- ( 2A 186 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, bition as to preaching or haranguing the people on his road home. Luther's reply was, " As it pleased God, so it is come to pass. I thank the emperor and the princes of the empire for the gracious audience and the safe conduct they have given me. My wish is, for nothing but a reformation by means of the Scripture. In other respects I am ready to suffer any thing for the emperor or the empire ; life or death, good or evil report — reserving nothing to my- self but the freedom of confessing and bearing wit- ness of the word of God." Next day, 26th April, having taken a cordial leave of his friends and pa- trons, he left Worms and proceeded on his return, accompanied by the emperor's herald and the persons who had come with him from Wittemberg. Though the elector of Saxony avoided any open protection of Luther, his solicitude for him is evinced by a variety of documents which are still in existence. So early as 16th January, he had written to his bro- ther John that he had information of daily consulta- tions, the main object of which was to induce the emperor to declare Luther an outlaw. On 30th January he repeated a communication to the same effect. Again, on 25th March, after complaining of the great fatigue which he endured in consequence of the accumulation of business at the Diet, he added : " Luther is summoned to appear at Worms. I know not whether he will think it advisable to come. Every thing goes on slowly, nor can I pro- mise much good." On 23d April, the day of Lu- ther's first audience, Frederick wrote to his brother, " If it were at all in my power, I should be very ready to assist Luther in whatever I could lawfully do. They seem intent on banishing him. You YEAR 1521. 187 Would be surprised were I to relate how much I am harassed. Whoever has been thought to favour him in any respect, is accounted a heretic." On Luther's arrival at Friedberg, on his return, he addressed letters, dated 28th April, to the empe- ror and the princes, urging the propriety of appoint- ing proper judges to examine his books. He was at- tentively received at most places, and at the earnest request of the abbot of Heisfeld, a Benedictine and prince of the empire, he ventured to preach notwith- standing the imperial interdict. At Friedberg the emperor's herald took his leave and returned to Worms, after which Luther went out of the ordinary road to visit his relations. It was then that an event took place which, had it not come from a friendly quarter, would have been calculated to plunge his friends in despair. The elector of Saxony, appre- hensive from the spirit of the abettors of the papacy, of an attempt on Luther's person, determined to put him out of danger for a season. The measure had probably received Luther's previous assent ; but be this as it may, the Reformer, while travelling along the skirt of the Thuringian forest near the river Werra, and not far from the village of Schweina, was suddenly seized by a party of men in masks, who rushed forward on the road. They accomplished their commission without violence, and carried him back, through the forest, to the castle of Wartburg or Wartemburg. This castle is situated on one of the highest mountains near Issenach, and is remarkable for commanding an extensive prospect. It had been, in ancient times, a residence of the landgraves ol Thuringia. Here Luther found it necessary to remain a considerable time in a state of friendly confinement. 1S8 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, The subsequent proceedings of the Diet were such as to show the expediency of this step, extraordinary as it was. After some delay, incurred probably for the purpose of taking advantage of the departure of Luther's principal friends from the Diet, an imperial edict was issued which declared him a schismatic and heretic, and put him under the ban of the empire. A right was given to every one to seize the person and property of him and his adherents. This edict was not published until 26th May, although dated, for the sake of appearing the act of the Diet at large, so far back as the 8th May. How far the seizure and confinement of Luther at Wartemburg was the act of Frederick alone, or in concert with the princes friendly to the Reformation, has not been ascertained. Certain it is that the em- peror took no steps to follow up the proceedings against Luther, and was not scrupulous of availing himself, in his future politics, of the divisions attend- ant on the diffusion of the new doctrines. The new mode of life consequent on his removal to the castle, was by no means agreeable to Luther. The want of sufficient exercise, the change from the plain diet of a monastery, but particularly his anxiety for the state of the church and the university of Wit- temberg, all contributed to form subjects of complaint in his letters to his friends. His great apprehension was lest his absence from a participation in the exer- tions and troubles of his adherents, should be con- strued into a preference of personal safety to other considerations. In his letters to Melancthon we find him saying, " For the glory of the Scriptures and the consolation of mankind, I would rather submit to a violent death than that you should think me Ian- YEAR 1521. 189 guid in the cause. Even though I should perish, the word of God shall not perish, and you, I hope, like another Elisha, would succeed Elijah. If the pope proceed to attack all who are of my sentiments, Ger- many must be involved in tumult, and the sooner the attempt is made, the sooner will he and his abettors be defeated." Though secluded from intercourse with the world, Luther was incapable of passing his time in inac- tivity or indifference. He continued to study as la- boriously as before, but the caution of Frederick and his ministers obliged him to delay publishing. The public disputations at the universities, too, were sus- pended, lest offence should be given to the church. Many of the professors, and among others Melanc- thon, considered this a serious invasion of academi- cal liberty. Luther, when informed of it, urged them to deviate without hesitation from the injunctions of the court, adding, " had I followed Spalatin's cautious admonitions, the one half of what I have done would never have been effected." The first essay, which Luther found means to publish from his retreat, was a short treatise in Ger- man, on the abuse of auricular confession. The peo- ple, he said, so far from being benefited, were cor- rupted by it, and its chief use was to feed the ascen- dancy and luxury of the clergy. In contradistinction to this practice, he exhibited an account of the true nature of confession from the Scripture. His next publication was a short practical work, consisting of notes on the Evangelists, the merit of which was ac- knowledged even by his adversaries. He carried on likewise a controversy with James Latomus, a divine of Louvain, already known to the public by his dis- 190 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, putes with Reuchlin and Erasmus, and who had un- dertaken the defence of the decision given by his university in Luther's cause. Luther's zeal for the university of Erfurt? the scene of his early studies, led him about this time to compose an address to the students of that seminary. They had been wanting in respect to the clergy, and though this originated in partiality to his doctrine, he did not hesitate to write to them in a tone of repre- hension. Another of his publications related to the proper acceptation of the word " priests" in the New Testament. Connected with this question was the more important one of the propriety of the marriage of the clergy. It was now for the first time that he ventured to discuss this interesting question. He laid it dow 7 n as a principle, that all men were at liberty to marry ; that ecclesiastics were partakers of this general liberty ; and that marriage was even in- cumbent on those who felt themselves inclined to it. One exception, however, he made in the case of ec- clesiastics, and that exception was inclusive of him- self; — it was of those who had made a spontaneous vow of celibacy. We shall see hereafter that in this, as in other points, his dissent from the established doctrine became gradually more complete. His friend Melancthon, who was not in orders, had married the preceding year. The consideration of these subjects led Luther to the composition of his celebrated work on " Monas- tic Vows." Here he expressed himself with great freedom on this fictitious and unnatural institution. His father had, as we have already mentioned, op- posed his entering a monastery, and the treatise was dedicated to him as a tribute of filial affection. YEAR 1521. 191 Another publication was prompted by a work of Am- brose Catherine, a Dominican, who had undertaken to controvert several of Luther's arguments, and who was eventually rewarded for his zeal by the attain- ment of high rank in the church. Luther in his an- swer confined himself to one concise and favourite allegation — that the pope was Antichrist. Though much superior to Catherine in strength of argument, he permitted himself to follow the example of that writer in the adoption of irritating and abusive lan- guage. In fact, one can hardly imagine a more bit- ter publication than this of Luther. — Another pro- duction of great boldness was a letter addressed on 25th November to Albert, archbishop of Mentz. The reply of this dignitary was by no means so se- vere as might have been expected from Luther's con- fident tone. Albert was too cool a politician to quarrel with the Reformer, and seemed to discover a wish to tranquillize and flatter him. In these different publications no allusion was made to his place of retreat. Although fearless him- self, he made no difficulty in conforming to those precautionary measures which his friends thought necessary for his security. The castle of Wartburg was occasionally visited by gentry and nobility as a hunting quarter ; and to prevent observation, it was necessary for Luther to assume the dress of a horse- man. He sometimes even joined the party in par- taking of the sports of the field ; and, absent as his thoughts were from the scene before him, appear- ances were so well kept up, that the visitors to the castle do not appear to have found him out. The circumstance of his confinement, as it was calculated to increase the public sympathy for him, 192 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, probably tended to favour the diffusion of his tenets. Various appearances indicated that they were begin- ning to take general root. In one point, however, matters went at this time contrary to his wish. The public reproach which he had thrown on the canon law, would, he flattered himself, have brought it into disrepute at Wittemberg, and he was accordingly much surprised to hear of the appointment of a pro- fessor to teach canon law in his own university. To this office his friend Iodocus, or, as he afterwards chose to call himself, Justus Jonas, was nominated. This, joined to other circumstances, made Luther impatient to repair personally to Wittemberg, and satisfy himself about the measures that were going on. He ventured accordingly, without the elector's knowledge, to withdraw for a short time from the castle and re-appear among his friends. He found them proceeding very actively in the career of inno- vation. His brethren, the Augustinians, had gone great lengths. They had not only abolished private masses and the disgraceful custom of begging, but had granted a general exemption from the obligation of wearing the monastic habit, as well as liberty to whoever thought proper to withdraw from the Order. On the first of these topics, the abrogation of private mass, Luther addressed, in the month of November, a treatise to his brethren. Though somewhat appre- hensive of their going too far, he heartily approved of their principles, and composed a laboured refutation of the tenets of the Romish church on the subject.* However the introduction of all these changes caused a great deal of serious debate in the fraternity. The elector found it necessary to interfere, and to depute * Luth. ii. 244. Sleid. L. iii. Seckend. p. 214. YEAR 1521. 193 Gregory Pontanus to inquire into the points in dis- pute. On the other hand, certain persons being ap- pointed to carry on the discussion on the part of the university, the result of their deliberation was a peti- tion to the elector for nothing less than a general abrogation of mass throughout his dominions. Jonas, Carolostad and Melancthon, were in the number of petitioners. Luther was now to encounter an adversary of a new kind. Henry VIII. of England having, in the early part of life, paid some attention to the study of scholastic theology, was flattered by his courtiers in- to the belief of being able to obtain an easy triumph over the arguments of Luther. The " Babylonish Captivity" having attracted his notice, he boldly un- dertook the task of defending the seven sacraments of the Romish communion. He published a book and transmitted it, in the month of October, to Rome, where it was delivered, with the utmost formality, to the assembled conclave. The accompanying address was " Anglorum Rex Henricus, Leo X. mittit hoc opus etjidei testem et amicitice" The title of " De- fender of the Faith " was immediately conferred on this distinguished advocate of the church. Henry's book, considering the badness of his cause and the wretched system of learning then in vogue, is not destitute of merit. His courtiers had the ef- frontery to declare that it must have been written under the influence of the Holy Spirit. But Luther was not to be discouraged either by high-sounding encomiums or by the rank of his assailant. He re- turned a prompt reply, and had no scruple in de- scribing the king by the most abusive epithets. It is needless to make any selection, as the whole treatise 2B 194 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, is full of them. The length to which he went, gave his enemies a handle of reproach, and even caused regret among some of his friends. At the end of this year, the emperor Charles, who had hitherto declined to carry the pope's bull into effect, began to act in hostility to the Reformation. Some steps were taken, at the instigation, it is said, of Alexander, the pope's nuncio, towards persecuting the Lutherans in the Netherlands. Orders were likewise given to burn Luther's books at Vienna. Of all the remarkable events of this year, one of the least expected remains yet to be mentioned. This was the death of Leo X. which took place on the first or 2d of December. The suddenness of its occurrence, and the multiplied intrigues at the court of Rome, have given rise to a suspicion of poison ; but the examination of this question would be foreign to the object of our narrative.* * Ciacon. Vit. Pontif. p. 1417, 1447- See Appendix A A. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 195 CHAPTER VIII. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. LUTHER having, after a short absence, returned to the castle of Wartemburg, began to devote himself to a labour of great importance — the translation of the Scriptures into German. The magnitude of the design was in correspondence with his ardent and enterprising cast of mind, and the seclusion of his present residence was favourable to the commence- ment of its execution. Zealous, however, as he was, he soon discovered that the task was a very difficult one. In a letter to his friend Amsdorff, written in January, he says, " I am busily engaged in translating the Scriptures, although conscious that I have undertaken a work above my abilities. I have now some idea what it is to translate, and why no one who has attempted it has put his name to his version.* I cannot venture to attempt the Old Testament unless you and your associates be present and assist me. If by any means it could be managed, that I could lodge in complete secrecy with any of you, I would immediately come, and, with your assistance, would again go over what I have translated, that the work might be made wor- thy of being read by Christians. I hope that our * He alludes to the circumstance of no names being prefixed to the early translations of Scripture. This was probably owing to the custom of the times, and to the publicity of the individuals who undertook these meritorious labours. 196 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. translation will be superior to the Vulgate. The oc- cupation is great and honourable, and may employ us all, since the salvation of mankind is connected with it." The history of this noble monument of Luther's industry deserves to be recorded with minuteness. He had applied during the preceding summer, with extraordinary diligence, to the study of the Greek and Hebrew. From the attempts which had been previously made to translate the Scriptures into Ger- man, Luther could derive little or no assistance. Versions of a homely kind had been published at Nuremberg in 1477, 1483, 1490, and at Augsburg so late as 1518. The common people, however, were not encouraged to read them, and the vulgarity of the style, together with the miserable printing, was ill calculated to attract the attention of others. In regard to the translation said to have been made in the days of Charlemagne, or the rhyming versions of the dark ages, it would be ridiculous to notice them otherwise than as matter of record. In the management of this great labour, Luther had fre- quently recourse to the assistance of his friends, and freely confesses the obligations which he owed to them. The reward of his industry has consisted in the approbation of his countrymen ever since the publication of his work. Catholic authors themselves, while they make great objection to the sentiments which, in their opinion, he has ingrafted on the Scriptures, are loud in praising the perspicuity of the style. His manner of conducting his labour is explained in a letter which he addressed to Spalatin, after returning from his confinement to Wittemberg : l *i I translated not only John's Gospel but {he YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 197 whole of the New Testament in my Patmos ; but Melancthon and I have now begun to revise the whole of it, and it will, by the blessing of God, do us credit. We sometimes need your assistance to direct us to suitable modes of expression. Prepare yourself therefore, but supply us only with such words as are simple, and avoid all that are confined in their use to the camp or court. We wish the book to be distinguished by the simplicity of its style. To accomplish this, in one difficult passage, we beg you will furnish us with the names, colours, and if possible a sight of the precious stones mentioned in Rev. xxi." This request had reference to the elec- tor's collection of gems. Spalatin complied with the wish of his friends, and transmitted them the precious stones in question, which, after due examination, they sent back.* Of the different books of the New Testament, Matthew's Gospel was published first, next Mark's, and the Epistle to the Romans. The other books soon followed, so that the whole came out by Sep- tember 1522. With a view to extensive circulation among the lower orders, Luther took care that the form of the edition should be cheap ; besides, the different books of the New Testament were publish- ed separately and sold at a very low rate. The translation of this part of Scripture was only the be- ginning of his labours : He had the courage to pro- ceed to the Old Testament, and, on 2d November, he thus expressed himself in a letter to a friend : " In my translation of the Old Testament, I am only in Leviticus. It is inconceivable how much writing letters, business, conversation, and many * Seckend. p. 204. 196 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, other things, have interrupted my progress. I am now determined to shut myself up at home, and to use despatch, so that the five books of Moses may be sent to press by January. We shall print them separately : after that we proceed to the historical parts of Scripture, and, lastly, to the Prophets. The size and price render it necessary to make these divisions in the publication." Nor did his progress fall short of his expectation, for he was enabled to send the Pentateuch to press by the middle of De- cember. And in regard to the New Testament, such was the rapid sale of his translation, that a second edition was printed in the course of the same month.* In proceeding with his labours in the Old Testa- ment, Luther encountered various difficulties. Among other things, the proper names of animals were pro- ductive of much embarrassment ;f but nothing could discourage him — he persevered, year after year, and had the satisfaction, as we shall find in the sequel, not only of completing, but of publishing amended editions of his gigantic undertaking. The church of Rome was well aware of the danger to her superstitious legends and extravagant assump- tions, from a good translation of the Bible. Her de- fenders have therefore directed many attacks against Luther's labour, and have presumed to accuse it of frequently vitiating the sense of the original. Of these various critics none was more acrimonious than Jerome Emser, who, as we have already mentioned, was professor of canon law at Leipsic. Orfended, * Seckend. p. 204. t The Hierozoikon of Samuel Bochart, a work replete with Roman, Greek, and Oriental learning, has now thrown great light on this obscure subject. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 199 like the rest of his brethren, that Luther should pre- fer the Greek original to the Latin Vulgate, he hastened, in 1523, to publish, in German, critical notes on Luther's translation of the New Testament. The number of heresies and falsehoods, of which this zealot accused Luther in his translation, amount- ed to no less than fourteen hundred. Cochlaeus, equally hostile, but somewhat less presumptuous, is satisfied with estimating Luther's misrepresentations at the reduced number of one thousand. But Emser put the seal to his own condemnation by borrowing largely from Luther in a subsequent translation of his own. In regard to the Epistle of James, the at- tacks which Luther's opponents made on his hasty translation, were more formidable ; but the means of supporting their animadversions by reference to ca- nonical authority were either unknown to them or were very unskilfully managed in their hands.* Meanwhile the civil authorities in Germany con- tinued their efforts to crush the Lutheran doctrine. The affairs of the emperor had rendered his presence absolutely necessary in Spain, but the government was entrusted in his absence to a regency extremely hostile to the Reformation. Accordingly on January 20, under the presidency of the elector palatine, an edict was issued at Nuremberg, commanding the princes to proceed to punish those persons among the laity, who, in the language of the edict, " were pro- faners of the sacrament by partaking of the wine as * Father Simon, in his Hist. Crit. du Vieux Testam. endeavours to throw great blame on Luther's translation, but from the exam- ples which he has adduced, it may be suspected that either he had read only a small part of it, or that he was no great critic in the German language. 200 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, well as of the bread." Equal rigour was enjoined towards those of the clergy who had ventured to de- part from a state of celibacy. The bigoted George, duke of Saxony, was one of the few princes who thought proper to carry this decree into effect. He proceeded to imprison such of the monks as preached Luther's doctrine, and to recall from the universities those students who appeared to have imbibed a simi- lar partiality.* It was at this time, that the Anabaptists began their enthusiastic career, and showed to what an outrageous length the spirit of innovation may be carried in the hands of deluded men. As a sequel in some measure of the Reformation, Luther was much affected by these irregularities. But a more direct cause of disquietude arose from the precipitate mea- sures of his own friends. In his absence from Wit- temberg, Carolostad had taken the lead, and was ad- vancing with very decisive steps. He had not only- shaken himself loose of his clerical vow of celibacy and become a married man, a step of which Luther approved, but he had vehemently attacked the prac- tice of having images in churches. The people, at his instigation, had even gone the length of throwing down those that were in the churches at Wittemberg and elsewhere. These proceedings Luther accounted precipitate, and was very unwilling to do any thing of the kind until the common people were better instructed, by which time, he argued, that images would fall of themselves. It has been suspected that he was unwilling to let Carolostad, or any other of his followers, take a lead in the career of Reforma- tion ; a conjecture confirmed, it must be confessed, * Seckend. p. 196. YEARS 1522 AND 1528. 201 by a passage in a letter from Luther to his friend Caspar Guttelius, in which, speaking of Carolostad, he says, "At Me cupiebat fieri subitb novas magister, et suas ordinat tones in populo autoritate mea eri- gere. n * Be that as it may, Luther determined to leave forthwith his place of confinement. As he could have no hope of obtaining the elector's consent, he resolved to withdraw without his knowledge, and to assign his reasons by letter. He accordingly left the castle on 3d March, 1522, and addressed the elector a letter of some length, which, while it shows decided independence, is marked, more perhaps than any other production of Luther, with his character- istic eccentricities. It was expressed nearly as fol- lows : " I am almost in despair at what has taken place at Wittemberg. My former sufferings were child's play compared to this alarm, which is calculated to throw reproach on the gospel itself. My great source of confidence is in the consciousness of an upright life, and if you are not convinced of that, I am willing to be denounced by you. My gospel proceeds not from man but from the Lord Jesus, and I shall henceforth call myself a servant of Christ and an evangelist. That I might attract others to the right path, I have published such knowledge as I possess, but my strain of communication has been too humble. Now, how- ever, when I see that my moderation tends to impede the progress of the gospel, I am unwilling to yield any longer even to please a prince, as I did last year, not through fear, but for a different reason. I ven- tured to enter Worms without dreading innumerable devils, and since duke George is not equal in power * Seckend. p. 197- 2C 202 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, to one devil, the faithful have cause to rejoice and to be courageous, for they have God the Father, on whom they can call. The wrath of the duke should be scorned, and for my part I am resolved, were it necessary, to enter Leipsic, although the heavens should pour down for nine days together nothing but rulers of still greater cruelty. I write these things to your Highness that you may know that I return to Wittemberg under a protection far more powerful than that of an elector. The sword is not wanted to defend my cause, for God will take it into his own hands. Your Highness's faith is weak, and I cannot think of relying on it for my defence. You wish to know what you should do, and say you have done less than became you. — I reply, that you have nothing to do, and have already done too much. It is contrary to the will of God, that your Highness or I should have recourse to arms in the defence of my cause. If you put belief in these things, you will be saved ; if not, I at least believe them, and must per- mit your incredulity to be a source of vexation to you. Since I decline obeying you, you are not to blame if I be apprehended and put to death. I have no wish to oppose force to the emperor, that the world may see that he has the power of treating the persons and property of your subjects as he pleases. You cannot be asked to act the part of an executioner to me. Were that to be required, and I to be made acquaint- ed with the situation in which it placed your High- ness, I should take care (you may believe it or not,) that on my account you should be safe and uninjured in body, soul and property." Frederick received this communication the day after it was written, and appears to have pardoned YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 203 the singular freedom which Luther took. Lest the Reformer's warmth, however, should carry him too far, and lead him to measures injurious to himself, the elector commissioned SchurfT to converse with him and to treat, him kindly. No notice was taken of the letter which we have just quoted; and it was merely proposed that Luther should address to the elector such a statement as might be fit to be shown to others. It was to contain a plain enumeration of his reasons for returning to Wittemberg; adding that the step was taken without the elector's knowledge, and was meant to injure no one. It was farther to be understood that Luther was not to preach in the great church of Wittemberg. To all this the Re- former assented, and assigned, in the letter, three reasons for his return to Wittemberg — the invitation of the ecclesiastics and inhabitants of that city ; the trouble in which his flock was involved ; and, lastly 7 , the confusion which he apprehended might arise in Germany in consequence of the imprudent conduct of some of his adherents. He took care, however, to subjoin the significant remark, that he should be un- der no apprehension were the contents of his former letter to be made known to the public. Luther's return to Wittemberg gave occasion to lively demonstrations of joy, the learned and un- learned partaking equally in the general exultation. Various reasons induced him to lose no time in ex- pressing his sentiments on the commotions which had occurred in his absence. He therefore stated explicitly, in seven separate discourses, his opinion on the controverted points. After insinuating that the weak should be treated with kindness, and that, hasty measures were contrary to the spirit. of tho 204 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Gospel, he proceeded in a strain which was chiefly remarkable as indicative of his remaining attachment to several of the superstitious customs of the church of Rome. He was not yet prepared for the abolition of public mass, and consented to the disuse of private mass, from a sense, not of the folly inherent in the institution, but of the abuses which had crept into its practice. In expatiating on the evils of compulsory proceedings, he made a direct allusion to his having had it in his power to excite a tumult at Worms, had he chosen to render the emperor's stay there uncom- fortable. In regard to images, he thought that, if not worshipped in churches, they might have been tole- rated there, had not the excessive abuses introduced in regard to them rendered their removal expedient. The question of fasting, or abstaining from flesh, he left to every man's option. In treating of admission to the Lord's supper, he expatiated on the necessity of a pious preparation, faith above all being indispen- sable, and that without which no one could be a worthy partaker of the ordinance. He concluded these discourses with what appears, in our age, a singular recommendation, — the utility of practising confession to priests. While we praise the modesty with which Luther submitted to advise, where he might, in a certain measure, have commanded, it is obvious that his views on some important doctrines were still obscure. Several of his disciples, among others Carolostad, were more exempt from prejudice in particular points, however inferior on a comprehensive comparison of their attainments. Whether it was owing to the per- plexity of these intricate discussions, or to alarm at the dissensions which he saw springing up among the YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 205 reformed, certain it is that Luther was at this time a prey to many painful fluctuations. The divisions among his followers caused him much more vexation than the avowed hostility of the church of Rome ; and the alternations of confidence and despondence, which prevailed in his mind, are distinctly to be traced in documents which still remain. In a letter to his friend Langus, an ecclesiastic of Erfurt, he writes, " I am not permitted to come to you, nor is it lawful to tempt God and unnecessarily to court dan- gers, since here at Wittemberg I must lay my account with a sufficient number — I, who have been excom- municated by the pope, put under the ban of the em- pire, exposed to death on every side, protected by none but God."* About the same time, in writing to the elector, he thus expressed himself: " I am of opinion that the opposition or kindness of your High- ness, and even the hatred of the whole world, ought to be to me only secondary considerations in the present peculiar circumstances of the church. Your Highness is master of my body and of my destiny in this world, but Christ is the Lord of souls. The gospel which I preach, has, I am assured, its origin from God, and by God's grace no death or persecu- tion shall wrest it from me. Neither cruelty nor ter- ror can extinguish this light." f Of his various subjects of disquietude, one of the principal continued to proceed from the vehement temper of his friend Carolostad. The latter is repre- sented to have made light of all classical education, and to have maintained that the Scriptures alone should be studied in universities. In the same spirit of innovation, he is said to have been an advocate for * Seckend. p. 200. t Ibid. p. 196. 206 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, abrogating such honorary distinctions as the degrees of " Master of Arts and of Doctor." Nor did he find it easy to bring Luther fully into his opinion, that " at the Lord's supper it was necessary for the com- municants to partake of the wine as well as of the bread." So minute were the causes of division of opinion on this subject, that serious disputes arose on the question, whether the communicants should take the bread and cup into their own hands, or receive them from those of the priest. It was about this time that Luther had occasion to write to the Bohemians. They were beginning, he heard, to waver in their favourable disposition to- wards the new creed, in consequence of the divisions arising among its followers. He argued strongly, that to return to the church of Rome was not the way to escape the evils of discussion, since no com- munion was more distracted by multiplicity of schisms. Indefatigable in his labours against the papacy, he soon after published a work, entitled, Adversus /also nominatvM ordinem Episcoporum. It is of impor- tance to remark, that the persons attacked were only those " falsely called bishops," Luther never having entertained any doubt of the divine origin of the epis- copal office. It was at the intellectual and moral defects of the occupants of the station, and not at the station itself, that he aimed the shafts of censure. Whoever is acquainted with the history of that pe- riod, must be fully aware that ample scope was given him by the vices and ignorance of the bishops. Lu- ther exposed, with no sparing hand, their indecent luxury, their unbounded vanity, and their gross igno- rance of Scripture and religion. Seldom has there ap- peared a .more successful attack ; and numerous as YEARS 1522 AND 1523. .207 were the parties interested in its refutation, no satis- factory answer could be given to it. It is, in my opinion, the happiest of all his polemical works, and contains a most striking illustration of the tendency of monastic institutions to propagate dissolute man- ners. — Having now been deprived of his sacerdotal character, and stripped of his doctor's degree, by the excommunication of the pope and emperor, Luther contented himself with assuming the simple designa- tion of " Ecclesiastes " or " Preacher." The next of his numerous publications was a small treatise, entitled De Doctrinis hominum vitandis. This may be considered an abridgment of his former book on " Monastic Vows." In both works he argues against the merit of fasting and celibacy, but, in the latter, he takes occasion to pass a strong censure on those who, like his friend Carolostad, were advancing too fast in the race of innovation. " Let these for- ward men," he says, " who boast of their reformation because they have ceased to resort to confession, and have relinquished abstinence from eggs and flesh, or because they have gone the length of breaking down images ; let these persons know that I account them similar to those, who, contrary to the command, (Deut. xxiii. 12. 14.) polluted the camp of the Is- raelites. We tolerate them until they be corrected by God ; but my writings are intended for the mise- rable, afflicted, and as it were captive consciences of those who know not how to exonerate themselves, without self-reproach, from their vows." A production from the pen of Melancthon was the next publication on the side of the reformed. Lu- ther, having procured a manuscript commentary of his unassuming friend on the Epistle to the Romans, 208 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, caused it to be printed without his knowledge, and afterwards wrote to him that he preferred his labours to those of Jerome and Origen. He likewise pub- lished an edition of the works of Gensevoit, a native of Groningen in Friezland, who flourished in the fif- teenth century, and ventured, above fifty years before Luther, to step forward as a censor of the corruptions of the church, publishing his works under the assumed name of Wesselus.* Questions of doctrine and moral conduct had hi- therto so much occupied Luther, as to prevent him from bestowing sufficient attention on the ritual of the church. The ordinance of baptism continued to be administered with the service in Latin. Luther translated the service into German, but, by way of discouraging hasty innovation, he retained for a time the chief part of the Romish ceremonies, ridiculous as they were. The exorcism performed by the priest breathing three times on the child, the practice of put- ting salt into the child's mouth, of touching the ears and nose with consecrated oil, of putting a small mi- tre on the head and wax candle into the hand, along with the sign of the cross in the forehead, were all continued by Luther during the short remaining pe- riod of Frederick's government. The elector had not acceded to the wish of his senate to patronise the diffusion of the new doctrine, and it was not till two years after, and under the more decided government * This eminent person was born in 1400 and died in 1489- His learning was such as to gain him the appellation of " light of the world." His character is given in Mosheim, vol. iii. p. 257, and an abridgment of his work is inserted in Seckendorff, p. 226. Luther had not seen his book when he commenced his attack on Indulgences, though his enemies insisted that he had. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 209 of his brother and successor, John, that Luther re- vised the ritual of baptism, and abrogated all these superfluous forms, except exorcism and the sign of the cross. The Catholics meanwhile continued to exert them- selves with the different princes of the empire, to op- pose the progress of the new heresy. They were unfortunately too successful in their efforts with several of them, particularly with Luther's inveterate enemy, George, duke of Saxony. Leipsic was the chief theatre for the display of these persecutions. The early introduction of the Reformation into that city, the celebrated disputation between Luther and Eckius, but particularly Luther's translation of the New Testament, all concurred to create a partiality for the new doctrines. The bigoted George proceed- ed to buy up the copies of this translation, and to in- flict punishment on those of his subjects who ventured to retain them. At his instigation the bishop of Mers- burg visited the university of Leipsic, and interdicted the use of this obnoxious translation, a prohibition soon followed by an injunction to avoid repairing to the neighbouring territory of the elector Frederick, for the purpose of hearing religious discourses. — These measures, however, were altogether ineffica- cious. The youth, impatient of restraint, deserted the university of Leipsic, and resorted, in great numbers, to Wittemberg. — The other persecutors of the reformed faith were Henry of Brunswick and Ferdinand, the emperor's brother. The scene of their oppression was laid in the Austrian dominions and in the duchy of Wurtemburg.* In the month of October the Augustinian monastery at Antwerp, * Sleid. iii. Seckend. p. 240? 2D 210 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, and all the monks who had been instrumental in the diffusion of Luther's doctrine, were either forced to recant or put to death. Notwithstanding the hostile disposition of duke George of Saxony, Luther ventured to pass through his territory in his way to Zwickau. That town was at three days journey from Wittemberg, and it has been supposed that Luther, who had now acquired a powerful influence over the minds of men, went thi- ther by Frederick's desire to tranquillize certain dis- contents which had arisen. Be that as it may, his fame had gone before him, and strangers, to the number, it is said, of fourteen thousand, were col- lected to hear him. The points on which he chose to discourse were predestination, the merit of good works, and the lawfulness of the marriage of the clergy. He was heard with the greatest attention, and the multitude were so much struck with his ar- guments on the last of these topics, that they actually obliged the Franciscan monks, who were resident there, to withdraw from the city and neighbour- hood. It is now time to turn our eyes towards the court of Rome. On the death of Leo, an extraordinary degree of competition took place among the parties who were interested in nominating his successor. All the artifice and finesse, which are practised by men grown grey in intrigue, were exerted ; but the party of the emperor Charles prevailed. The indi- vidual chosen was, in point of personal character, by no means the man whom the public would have ex- pected to see advanced to the papacy in times of so YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 211 much difficulty and alarm. His name was Adrian, and he had filled the office of tutor to Charles. His promotion to the rank of cardinal had been compara- tively recent. It had taken place in July, 1517, at the time when Leo, having got notice of a combina- tion against him in the conclave, created no fewer than thirty-one cardinals in one day. Adrian was thus, in a great measure, a stranger to the manoeuvres of ecclesiastical policy. In early life, he had attached himself to the study of scholastic theology. Being a native of Utrecht, he had, from vicinity of situation as well as congeniality of pursuits, been intimate with Erasmus. Catholic writers, aware of this, and un- willing to acknowledge the preponderance of political intrigue in the conclave, allege that Adrian's supe- riority in learning was the great motive of his nomi- nation. The times, they said, called for a pope fa- miliar with the weapons of controversy. Doctis he- reticis doctiorem se opponere dicebant pontificem* If we find a difficulty in subscribing to so lofty an encomium on Adrian's erudition, we can have none in ascribing to him the merit of good intentions. His measures against the reformed, severe as they were, seem rather to have arisen from errors of judgment than from a disposition to tyrannize. His first step in this respect was to write to Frederick, on October 5, 1522, in terms of high compliment to the well known orthodoxy of the elector and his ancestors. The letter might have been called a repetition of one of Leo's epistles, had it not contained a reference to Adrian's intimacy with the elector before he was raised to the papal chair, and an assurance that his friendship had undergone no abatement. It was car- * Seckend. p. 252. 212 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ried to Frederick at the Diet assembled at Nurem- berg;, where prince Ferdinand presided as regent, during his brother's absence in Spain. The pope's agent at this diet was Francis Cheregato, a skilful diplomatist. Neither his intrigues, however, nor the letter to Frederick, promising any successful result, recourse was had to an address, in the name of the pope, to the assembled princes of the empire. This address was accordingly delivered to the Diet on 25th November, and the Reformation was handled in it in a tone which forms a curious contrast with the letter to Frederick. No meays, it is said, had been left untried to reclaim the new heretics, and to guard the Lord's people from a contagion which threatened to " overthrow property and dissolve the bands which unite civil society." The drift of this language was to identify the in- terests of the civil power with those of the church, and to spread among princes that alarm which hither- to had been felt only by ecclesiastics. With a ran- cour which no provocation could justify, the sacrifice of Liiither's life is represented in this address as a meritorious deed. The fate of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, of Ananias and Sapphira, is brought forward with as much solemnity as if the decision of the pope were equivalent to the interposition of God. The examples of perfidy exercised towards John Huss and Jerome of Prague, are appealed to without any sense of shame. This violent manifesto was followed by equally violent anathemas against Luther's books. These declamations are so much at variance with Adrian's character, that we are induced to regard him on this occasion as a passive instrument in the hands of his counsellors. In other things we are YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 213 enabled to trace the prevalence of his personal quali- ties. He was not only more sincere than his prede- cessors, but better qualified to judge of the extent of present corruption by a knowledge of the history of the church in her purer days. Neither Julius nor Leo understood or cared for church discipline, except in as far as it was connected with the prosecution of their political schemes. But Adrian made no scruple in acknowledging, in his instructions to his legate, Chcregato, that extraordinary and manifold corrup- tions had crept into the church. His communication on this head is not a little remarkable : " Many abominable things," he said, " have been committed in this holy chair for several years past. — Abuses in spiritual things, excesses in the mandates given, and, in fine, every thing changed for the worse. No wonder, therefore, that sickness should descend from the head to the members, from the elevated pon- tiffs to inferior prelates. In what relates to us, you will therefore promise, that we shall do our endea- vours, that our court, from which perhaps all this evil has proceeded, undergo a speedy reform. If corruption has of late flowed from it, sound doctrine and reformation shall now proceed from the same source. To this we shall account ourselves the more obliged to attend, as the whole world appears most ardently to desire the accomplishment of such a re- form. I have accepted the pontificate, that I might reform the spouse of Christ, assist the neglected and oppressed, and appropriate to the learned and virtu- ous the money which has of late been squandered on grooms and stage-players."* Candid as was the disposition of Adrian, his ac- * Seckend. p. 255. Sleid. L. iv. 214 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, knovvledgments conveyed but a feeble picture of the disorders of the church. The ecclesiastical profes- sion had long been followed throughout Europe, but particularly in Italy and Germany, as a mere trade. The younger sons of families of rank were provided with the richest benefices, without any regard to their morals or education. It often happened that persons in the station of bishops, were novices in the know- ledge of religion. The clergy arrogated, notwith- standing, as many privileges and immunities as if they had been beings of a higher order. They re- fused to be tried by the same laws as the laity, while the possessions of the church were declared to be un- alienable, and could not of course fail to be in a regu- lar state of increase. The popes, having usurped the patronage of ecclesiastical appointments throughout a great part of Europe, were enabled to introduce emissaries in all directions, and to keep the whole ecclesiastical body in a state of expectation and de- pendence. On many occasions, the preferments to livings were publicly sold ; and it has been said, that companies of dealers were known to buy them by wholesale at Rome to be subsequently retailed, at an advanced price, in the provinces. Among priests of a lower order, the want of education and of morals was notorious. For a proof of this we need go no farther than the proposition submitted to the Diet of Nuremberg, a twelvemonth after the time we are treating of. This proposition came from a quarter friendly to the church, and gravely recommended that priests should be prohibited from " meddling in traffic, from frequenting taverns, and from keeping concubines." The confessions of Adrian were too important to YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 215 escape the observation of Luther. He lost no time in translating them into German, and in publishing them with his own remarks.* Among the adherents of the papacy these extraordinary acknowledgments of Adrian could hardly fail to give great offence. However well informed in regard to the vices of ec- clesiastical dignitaries, he showed himself unconscious of their obstinacy, and of that unblushing hypocrisy which induced them to hold out the conduct of the members of the church as wholly devoid of blame. These explicit acknowledgments of Adrian were followed by a still more explicit declaration on the part of the princes of the empire. They had long been sufferers by the vices and exactions of the cler- gy, and they embraced the present opportunity of a threatened schism, and of the accession of a new pope, to make a strong representation of their case. Hence the origin of the Centum Gravamina, or cele- brated catalogue of one hundred grievances, drawn up at this Diet for the purpose of being transmitted to Rome. The princes here enumerated the gross corruptions, in doctrine as well as in conduct, of the members of the church, and insisted on the necessity of speedy reform. These things they neither could nor would suffer any longer, but were driven by the iniquity of the case, to devise means by which they might be relieved from them. They proposed to his Holiness to assemble a general Council in some part of Germany, while they, in the mean time, should endeavour to prevail on Frederick to prevent Luther from publishing any thing until the decision of the Council should be known. They declared, however, * Sleid. L. iv. 216 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the necessity of carrying the edict of Worms into effect, and desired that those who preached the new doctrine should be provisionally suspended in the ex- ercise of their functions.* On the receipt of this memorable remonstrance, Cheregato became sensible that Adrian's instructions had admitted too much. He demanded, as a kind of counterpoise, the adoption on the part of the Diet of new measures against the reformed, and on failing to obtain their consent, he left Nuremberg in anger and Without taking leave. He returned forthwith to Italy and joined the faction opposed to Adrian, to whom the compliment so grossly misapplied to Leo, of being a " lamb in the midst of wolves," might be very justly addressed. The cardinals, offended at the instruc- tions given to the legate, imagined that the best me- thod of correcting that imprudent measure, was to prevail on the pontiff to write a letter to the elector of Saxony, expressed, as far as regarded Luther, in very violent terms. At the same time, Adrian, seri- ously believing that the balance of sound reasoning was altogether in favour of the church, ascribed the want of success on the part of the Catholics to their unskilfulness in handling the weapons of controversy. Under this impression, he appointed Faber, suffragan of Constance, to harangue against Luther's doctrines, and to counteract their progress by a strenuous dis- play of argument. The injunction by the Diet to suspend preaching on controverted topics till the convocation of a gene- ral Council, was differently explained by Luther and by the Catholics. The chief point was to define the * Frederick protested against this. Seckend. 260. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 217 doctrine coming under this description. The Catho- lics laid stress on the authority of Thomas, Scotus, and other scholastic doctors ; while Luther refused attention to these obsolete luminaries, and founded his interpretations on the writings of Augustine, Cy- prian, and Hilary. Were the notions of the former admitted, there would, he argued, be no necessity for holding the required Council. — In regard to the pub- lication of obnoxious books, persons had been ap- pointed, in consequence of an Imperial edict, to su- perintend the press. The Catholics wished to include in the proscription Luther's translation of the Bible, but the Reformer contended that no personal excep- tion to him should be allowed to restrain the circula- tion of the word of God. The death of one of Luther's patrons, Seckingen, having taken place, his papers happened to fall into hands inimical to Luther. Eberhard, count of Ko- nigstein, boasted that he had found among them a letter from Luther, which contained expressions dis- respectful to the emperor, and tending to promote insurrection in the empire. Of this Luther's ene- mies contrived to make a great handle, which, joined to some other alarming considerations, made his friends advise, him to submit again to a secret con- finement. To such recommendations, however, he gave a decided negative. " Let Behemoth rage," said he, " I will withdraw no more into a corner." Prince Ferdinand of Austria, the emperor's bro- ther, continued to declare himself an inveterate ene- my to Luther's doctrine. The queen of Denmark, his sister, having, when passing through Saxony along with her husband, sent for Luther, and having 2E >/ 218 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, listened to his discourse, Ferdinand was heard to de- clare, that he would sooner have learnt that his sis- ter had perished in the sea than conversed with such a heretic. King Christiern, however, was of a very different way of thinking. " Never," said he, " have I heard the gospel so well explained as by Luther. So long as I continue to live, I shall hold his discourse in remembrance, and shall submit with greater pa- tience to whatever I am destined to endure."* The conduct of our Henry VIII. was more in the spirit of Ferdinand than of Christiern. His vanity and impatience could ill brook the triumphant and sarcastic tone displayed in Luther's answer. Urged by his ministers to oppose the progress of the Refor- mation, he came forward and declared it improper to bring the Scriptures within reach of the common people. He exerted himself accordingly to prevent the diffusion of Luther's translation, and addressed letters to that effect to the elector Frederick, to his brother John, and to George, duke of Saxony. George, who was exceedingly eager to suppress the circulation of the translation of the Bible, returned a very cordial answer, and lamented that Luther was not within his jurisdiction. Frederick and his bro- ther, between whom the utmost cordiality always subsisted, replied in the same evasive style as they had adopted on former occasions. They attempted to sooth the violent Henry, and were not altogether unsuccessful, though they were a good deal offended at the freedom taken by the English ambassador in publishing Henry's letter in Saxony before they had received a copy of it. * Seckend. p. 263. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 219 But the injury to the cause of the Reformation from the opposition of particular cabinets, was greatly out- weighed by the advantages attendant on the general circulation of the Scriptures. The obstacles thrown in the way tended to redouble the zeal of the advo- cates of translations of Scripture. Many persons ac- counted it honourable to devote themselves to preach- ing and commenting on the sacred volume.* They were more particularly occupied in demonstrating the analogy of Luther's doctrine to the precepts of Scripture, and their ministrations were received with great joy by the people. In the zeal of the age, all methods of disseminating religious knowledge appear to have been embraced. Persons who had a poetical turn composed hymns and sacred ballads, to be put into the hands of poor people, who made a livelihood by singing them through the country. One cannot well imagine a more effectual method of rendering Scripture history familiar to the minds of the lower orders. Among the persons who exerted themselves in turning such subjects into verse was Paul Spretter, a man of rank from Suabia , who was indefatigable in forwarding the Lutheran cause in Prussia. On one of the occasions on which he had turned into verse the subject of his discourse, it is related, that the poor man who received the printed copies of the rhymes, repaired to Wittemberg, and in the course of his progress through the town, sung them under Lu- ther's window. The attention of the Reformer was caught by the subject ; he listened with pleasure to * The names of the more remarkable among these preachers are to be seen in Seckend. p. 270. 220 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the song, and when, on inquiry, he learned the name of its author, he is said to have burst into tears, and rendered thanks to God for making such humble ex- pedients conducive to the propagation of sacred truth.* By this time, the diffusion of a spirit of liberty had induced many Augustinian monks to withdraw from an unnatural state of seclusion and an inactive life. This, though strongly censured by the Catho- lics, had ceased in the case of the male sex to be matter of surprise. But in the spring of this year, the public attention had been excited by a different circumstance. Nine nuns effected their escape from the convent of Nimptschen, near to Grimma. They were assisted in this by Leonard Coppe, a senator of Torgau, as well as by other respectable citizens. They were all of genteel families, and among the number was Catheiine dp Bora, who became, two years afterwards, the wife of Luther. This unex- pected evasion surprised all parties, and supplied a great handle of declamation against Luther's doc- trine. Frederick, when requested to provide for the support of these female refugees, until they should be sent back to their parents, thought proper to give his aid in secret. Other persons imitated his caution, but Luther spoke boldly out, and decidedly under- took the defence of the nuns, as well as of those who had aided them in effecting their escape. He blamed, in very severe terms, those parents who were guilty of so great a crime as to immure their children in a convent, without consulting their incli- * Seckend. 271 • The word ballad in our language originally signified a sacred song. Thus in the old translations of the Bible, Solomon's Song is called the Ballad of Ballads. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 221 nation, or considering the grievous nature of the yoke imposed on them.* Luther had long experienced difficulty and vexa- tion from the conduct of many of the canons in the Wittemberg monastery. Their adherence to private mass and other absurd ceremonies of the Romish church, their habits of idleness and vice, were griev- ances not to be overcome by the power of reasoning. By degrees, however, as the elder brethren died, the juniors adopted the new doctrine. Such was now the alteration of opinion in respect to the monastic vow, that the abbot of Heisfeld, although he con- tinued a Catholic himself, left the monks and nuns at perfect liberty to quit the monastery if they thought proper. Linccius, vicar of the Augustinians at Nuremberg, and Luther's early friend, relinquished that situation and came to Altenburg, where he en- tered into the married state and became the pastor of a congregation. The Bohemian dissenters from the Romish church, though not exactly coincident in opinion with Lu- ther, looked towards him with a friendly and res- pectful eye. In the course of this year, they had occasion to communicate with him on two subjects. The first regarded the sacrament, and was discussed by a deputation to the Reformer from a particular sect, descended from the disciples of Huss, and known by the name of " Picards." In their verbal conferences with Luther on the subj ect of the sacra- ment, there seemed to exist little difference of opi- nion ; but on a subsequent examination of their * Seckend. 272, et seq. Not long after, sixteen nuns deserted, under similar circumstances, the convent at Widerstetten in the county of Mansfeld. 222 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, doctrine expressed in writing, Luther was induced to state to them a series of contrary arguments, which are marked, we must confess, with the ordinary ob- scurity of his views on this subject.* The next topic of discussion was more general, and comprehended the Bohemian schismatics at large. These well-intentioned religionists laid great stress on what may be termed the " lineal descent of ministers of the gospel." Though at variance in several respects with the See of Rome, they consi- dered the pope as the successor of the apostles, and were desirous that their pastors should receive or- dination at the hands of him or his subordinates. Their differences with the church regarded the irre- gular lives of the clergy, and the impurity of cer- tain points of doctrine ; objections which, however serious, did not, in their opinion, affect the pope's right of ordination. But the Catholic bishops in Bohemia, inveterate against the schismatics for va- rious reasons, but particularly for the grand offence of giving the cup to the laity at the administration of the sacrament, refused to be the instruments of granting the desired ordination to their ministers. The latter accordingly were under the painful neces- sity of submitting to a journey to Rome; where, as every thing was venal, they were accustomed to get their wish accomplished on payment of stipulated fees. On this subject the senate of Prague had recourse to Luther's advice. His answer was, that they should unanimously resist these exactions, and if there were no means by which such fatiguing and disgusting journeys could be rendered unnecessary, * See Appendix B B. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 223 it would, in his opinion, be much better that they remained without ministers of religion. Fathers of families, he added, might read the gospel to their household and baptize children, though they durst not, or could not, take the eucharist during the whole course of their lives. A neighbourhood might associate together, and if they exercised faith and charity, they might rest assured, that Christ was in the midst of them, though they had no one present who had been anointed with oil. Soon after this Luther published a treatise, in which he attempted to prove, from reason and Scripture, the right pos- sessed by Christians to judge of doctrines, to ap- point individuals to the office of ministers, or to depose them if they became unfaithful. He went farther, and declared it the right of every respect- able Christian to act as minister whenever there ap- peared a deficiency of regular clergymen. The lati- tude of Luther's tenets, in these respects, has been warmly opposed by episcopalians, and as vigorously supported by other denominations of Christians. To enter on a discussion of the controversy would be altogether unsuitable to the plan of this work, but it may be proper to observe, that the length to which Luther went in declaring every Christian competent to perform clerical duties, may be sup- posed to have been in some measure prompted by the urgency of circumstances in the peculiar situa- tion of the Bohemians.* * These sentiments of Luther lead us to advert to the " Inde- pendents " in our country. Of these the first were the Brown- ists, a sect which has been much misrepresented by persons who have not taken the trouble to peruse what the defenders of that 224 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Luther's next collision was with his former oppo- nent, George, duke of Saxony. That prince having got into his possession some letters which had been written by Luther to a friend, named Croneberg, was highly offended at the free animadversions which they contained on his own conduct. In an indig- nant tone he demanded of Luther in writing, whe- ther he acknowledged himself the author of these letters. Luther, without any direct admission to that effect, replied to the duke in a style of great freedom. He declared that he had written nothing about the duke which he was not ready to defend on good grounds ; repeated the charge of his being un- merciful and disposed to accredit falsehoods ; but system have advanced. Ainsworth, the celebrated commentator on the Pentateuch, was a Brownist. The learning, judgment and ingenuity which he discovers in all his works, as well as his extraordinary knowledge of the Scriptures, ought to induce those, who make no scruple of profiting by his labours, and of allowing him extraordinary merit as a commentator, to hesitate, whether a man of his character was likely to associate himself with such persons as some have described the Brownists. The best account, as far as it goes, which I have seen of that sect, is pre- fixed to Ainsworth's Treatise on the Communion, published at Edinburgh by Dr. Charles Stuart, in 1789- The errors of Neale and others are there corrected by a reference to the works in which the different controversies are discussed. In the same train of thinking followed Dr. John Owen, who may be con- sidered the chief founder of what is called the Independents in England. Sir Peter King, in his " Inquiry into the Constitu- tion, Discipline, Unity, and Worship, of the Primitive Church," adopted a similar system ; and one of the persons who, in late years, approached nearest to the sentiments of Luther, was Principal George Campbell, of Aberdeen, in his lectures on ecclesiastical history. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 225 added, that he would pray for him, though an enemy, and would not be wanting in respectful be- haviour, although he stood in no dread of bulls. Albert, count of Mansfcld, having soon after con- versed with Luther, and urged him to pacify the duke by a milder reply, the Reformer made an- swer, " That were it not to impair the glory of the gospel, he would willingly declare himself the de- voted slave of that prince and of every personal enemy, as became a Christian ; that the count was at liberty to promise every thing to the duke, pro- vided he would desist from persecuting the word of God ; but unless that was agreed to, he was de- termined to take no step to appease the duke's fury and blindness." Nearly about this time, Louis, the young king of Hungary and Bohemia, was stimulated to declare himself on the same side as duke George. He ad- dressed a letter to the elector Frederick, advising him to withdraw his protection from Luther, be- cause he had defamed the Christians and extolled the Turks. Frederick replied with his usual com- posure, assuring him that none of the things of which he complained were protected in his princi- pality, and insinuated that it must have been Lu- ther's enemies who had calumniated him. This youthful sovereign was not destined to arrive at the age in which he might have proved either an ef- fectual friend or enemy of the Reformation, being killed in 1526, at the battle of Mohatz against the Turks, in his twenty-second year. I have now the painful task of adverting to a melan- choly example of the cruelty of the persecutors of the 2 F 226 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Reformed. Though in Germany their hatred did not go the length of inflicting capital punishments, the case of the Netherlands was very different. Jerome Aleander the pope's nuncio, and his cruel associates, Nicholas Egmond, a Carmelite, and James Hoogstraaten, a Dominican, with other monks of Louvain and Mechlin, acted an unrelenting part toward the protestants, and were supported in their nefarious proceedings by Margaret, the regent and sister of the emperor Charles, as well as by the imperial magistrates. The first victims in the cause of Lutheranism were two Augustinian monks of Antwerp, named Henry Voes and John Esch. While in prison they were treated with alternate lenity and severity, and every effort was tried to induce them to recant, but no length of confine- ment or extent of suffering could shake their con- stancy. A resolution was finally taken to commit them to the flames, after divesting them of their office of priest, since no one holding that rank could be made the object of an ignoble punishment. They were both brought to the stake at Brussels on 1st July, 1522, and endured the dreadful punish- ment, not only with patience but with exultation. Henry, the younger of the two, was a very inte- resting character. He openly declared that he pre- ferred reading the Scripture with Luther's com- mentary, to all the decrees of pontiffs or decisions of doctors. The pope, he affirmed, was not consti- tuted by Christ his vicar upon earth, but merely his servant to preach and to tend his flock. True faith, he added, cannot be separated from charity, because charity is the effect of faith, and with our YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 227 charity faith is dead. His persecutors endeavour- ing to attach to Luther the whole blame of these he- retical tenets, he freely admitted that he had come to the knowledge of the truth by means of Luther's writings. On their blaming him as one who had been seduced by Luther, he gave this memorable reply, " I have been seduced by him as the Apostles were by Christ." The fate of these victims was a signal to Luther and his friends, of the lot that awaited them when- ever the church should be in possession of a favour- able opportunity. The awful prospect formed a powerful bond of confirmation in their belief, and in their mutual attachment. Luther celebrated the fall of these martyrs in a hymn which long conti- nued to be sung in the churches of Germany, and which has been published in various collections of hymns of modern date. He wrote likewise a letter of condolence to the brethren in Holland, Brabant, and Flanders, and inserted in it a most animating and affecting account of the death and behaviour of the victims. Notwithstanding the increasing popularity of his cause, this year proved a season of much anxiety to Luther. Like the great Apostle of the Gentiles, he might say that the care of all the churches came on him daily. Many who were favourable to his cause had very indistinct conceptions of his doc- trine, and imagined that their doubts could be solved only by application to the fountain head. Hence innumerable applications, both personally and by letter, to Luther. To this was added a heavy demand on his time for the consolation of friends in affliction. The pressure of such an ac- 228 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, cumulation of tasks became almost too great for a constitution which had never been strong. His vexations were aggravated by what appeared to him languor and indifference on the part of the elector Frederick, as well as by the embarrassment attend- ant on straitened circumstances. Yet his confidence in God made him bear patiently with adversity, and his disposition was so generous, that on receiving presents from those friends who perceived his dis- tress, he frequently bestowed them on the poor. On one occasion, after receiving a small donation from the court, he wrote to Spalatin, " My re- lations at Mansfeld have extracted it from me. I do not wish to have any more lest I be deprived of it, I ought in truth to have nothing." * The name of Cochkeus has been already men- tioned as hostile to the cause of Luther. This per- son was chaplain to George, duke of Saxony, and afterward dean of the collegiate church of Frank- fort. Pertinacious in his opposition, he omitted no opportunity of encountering the new doctrines, and even stooped to the base expedient of inventing falsehoods for the personal detraction of Luther. It was he who, many years after, fabricated the story of Luther having undertaken his opposition to Tetzel from a selfish feeling towards his own Order. Indeed, after the rough manner in which Luther handled him, during this year in parti- cular, we need hardly wonder at his proceeding an extraordinary length at a time when the Reformer was no longer capable of contradicting his alle- gations.! * See Appendix CC. t See Appendix DD. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 229 Among the more respectable opponents of the Reformation, I must not omit the name of John Fisher, bishop of Roehester. This sincere and re- ligious member of the church impugned Luther's theses, and wrote a treatise against the Reformer, in vindication of that sovereign who was one day to make him the victim of his constancy in adhering to the catholic faith. 230 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER IX. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. IT is now time to direct our attention to the pro- ceedings of the court of Rome. The virtuous but inexperienced Adrian had paid the debt of nature on the 14th September, 1523. Short as his administra- tion had been, he had seen enough to make him lament his elevation to the pontificate, and cast a wishful eye to the happiness of private life. His plain habits and antipathy to ostentation prevented him from being popular among the Italians, who had been dazzled by the luxury and splendour of his predecessor Leo. His death gave occasion, as usual, to strong contentions of interest in the conclave. At last, Julius of Medicis was elected in the end of No- vember, and assumed the name of Clement VII. His character formed a complete contrast to that of Adrian, for he had been formed to business during the pontificate of Leo X. Having had the manage- ment of affairs during the government of that pope, he was thoroughly acquainted with the politics of the court of Rome, and determined to follow a very different course of conduct from Adrian. The chief difficulty which he apprehended, in regard to the Reformation, arose from the extraordinary admis- sions made by his predecessor. He deemed it expe- dient, therefore, to negotiate as if Adrian had taken no active part in these unpleasant proceedings. His first care was to make choice of a legate experienced YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 231 in diplomacy and acquainted with the affairs of Ger- man v- With that view he fixed on cardinal Cam- pegio, who had been nuncio in Germany in the time of the emperor Maximilian. It was in consequence of his former residence in that country that Clement in a letter to the elector Frederick, said with refe- rence to Campegio, nee minus istce provincice notus, et, ut speramus, earns* We are now to contemplate some of the proceed- ings of the papal court under the direction, not of the indolent Leo, or the unsuspicious Adrian, but of a leader thoroughly conversant with its politics. Agreeably to a former observation, we shall here find more room to attribute to it dexterity in diplo- macy than a comprehensive knowledge of the state of society. Blind, like most bad governments, to the real cause of public discontent, Clement and his ad- visers looked, in particular circumstances and events, for that which they should have sought in the gene- ral diffusion of information. The celebrated com- plaint of the " Hundred Grievances" was attributed by them, not to the detection of coarse abuses, or to indignation at the continuance of practices fitted only for an age of ignorance, but to the encourage- ment imprudently afforded by the acknowledgments of Adrian. Their policy accordingly was to avoid all admissions of the nature made by that pontiff, and to take as little notice as possible of the remon- strance of the German princes. On the seventh of * Luth. T. ii. p. 411. Campegio had likewise been legate in England, and was at a subsequent time, the bearer of the bull per- mitting Henry's divorce from Queen Catherine. He was chosen for this office because Henry and cardinal Wolsey wished the pope to employ a tractable man. Burnet's Hist. Reform, ii. 232 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, December therefore, Clement addressed a letter to the elector Frederick, alluding, in general terms, to the disturbances existing in Germany, and expres- sing a confident belief that the elector would advo- cate the cause of the church.* This letter, in imi- tation of the example of his two predecessors, was intended to pave the way for the farther progress of Campegio's negotiation. Accordingly on 15th Ja- nuary, 1524, that legate being about to repair to the Diet assembled at Nuremberg, the pope wrote ano- ther letter to Frederick, still expressed in general terms, but in a style of studied complaisance, and in- timating a wish that the elector would consult with the legate in regard to the best means of restoring peace and tranquillity to the empire. Campegio arrived at Nuremberg on 14th Febru- ary, and learned, with much disappointment, that Frederick had left that city and gone home. He therefore determined to transmit the pontiff's letter enclosed in one from himself, which is still pre- served, and is, of all the epistolary compositions ad- dressed to Frederick by the popes or their agents, by far the most skilfully prepared-! It was in sub- stance as follows. " I lament exceedingly that I have had no oppor- tunity of meeting your highness at Nuremberg, as the pope's letter by no means contains all that I have to communicate. Clement commanded me to state many things, which it is now impossible for me to do otherwise than by means of a nuncio or by let- ter ; neither of which are the modes of communica- *Luth.ii. 411. t Luth. ii. p. 412. Sleid. L. iv. Seckend. 287- YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 233 tion which I wish. A report, I hear, has been cir- culated, that your highness favours the new heresy; but nothing, be assured, is farther from the pope's belief, or my own, since we consider your highness a most shining star, a sedulous observer of Christian piety, and a warm adherent to the apostolic see. How can a prince of discrimination be otherwise ? The love of innovation on the part of the common people, confined at present to matters of religion, would, if allowed to go on, be very soon transferred to a subversion of that subordination to princes and magistrates, without which civil society is at an end. If we advert to the recent insurrections in Bohemia and Hungary, we shall find that all the tumults and confusion, which have taken place, have been owing to the dangerous example of the new heresy. Si- milar events, we may confidently predict, will hap- pen in Germany, unless a speedy check be given to such presumption. As for me, I have been sent by the holy father, to restore those that have fallen, to direct the wanderer, and to receive into the bosom of the church all who are disposed to return — an arduous enterprise, and undertaken chiefly in a re- liance on the gracious aid of your highness." Ably as this letter was penned, it does not appear to have extracted any answer from the wary Frede- rick. At the Diet, Campegio expressed his astonish- ment that so many wise princes should permit the abolition of the rites in which they had been edu- cated, without perceiving that those innovations had a direct tendency to shake the stability of their own power. His Holiness, he added, did not prescribe any thing, but had commissioned him to consult with the Diet about the measures best adapted to prevent the 2G 234 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, farther progress of the evil. To this the princes re- plied, that they were well aware of the dangers to which they were exposed, and had, with a view to meet them, delivered to Campegio's predecessor a me- morial of those grievances in the church establishment which they could no longer endure. All the world, they added, were apprised of their subjects of com- plaint, as they had caused their memorial to be printed. Campegio could not pretend ignorance of the me- morial, but he had no scruple in laying stress on the circumstance of the court of Rome having no official knowledge of it. The pope and cardinals had seen copies of it in the hands of individuals, and ascribed the printing of it to some enemy of the church, being unwilling to think that such a step could have been adopted by order of the princes. Some of their com- plaints were derogatory to the pope, and conse- quently heretical ; but, in regard to those relating to other topics, he was willing, though without instruc- tions, to make them the subject of a conference. A conference accordingly did take place, but it produced no other effect than a cold promise from the legate of a reform among the Germanic clergy. His plan, when it came to be examined, was found to contain only some regulations for the inferior clergy, without including the higher dignitaries. Such indeed was its nature, that the Diet declared that instead of be- nefiting the condition of Germany, it would tend to increase her evils, and seemed fitted only to augment the influence of the holy see. The propositions which ensued were equally unavailing, and the par- ties separated in mutual disgust.* * See a full account of the proceedings of this Diet in Sleid. L, iv. Sarpi. L. i. and Seckend. 287. et seq. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 235 The publication of the recess of the Diet took place on 18th April.* It was divided into two ge- neral heads, the first regarding Luther and his doc- trine, the second treating of the dangers which threatened Germany. To meet these difficulties, the princes proposed that the pope, with the consent of the emperor, should assemble a free council in Germany, and that the Diet should meet at Spires on 11 th November next, to consider what ought to be done until the convocation of the council. Mean- time competent persons were to be chosen by diffe- rent princes for the purpose of discussing the princi- pal points treated in Luther's works; and the ma- gistrates were to be enjoined to take care that the Gospel should be preached according to the doctrine of the writers approved by the church. All books and pictures which slandered the court of Rome, were to be suppressed. Such was, in substance, the resolution of the Diet, Campegio, after some remonstrance on the impro- priety of laymen interfering in matters of faith and doctrine, consented to lay their views before the pope. However, he soon took a step at variance with this promise; for, after the breaking up of the Diet, he assembled those princes whom he knew to be favourable to his cause. These were Ferdinand the emperor's brother, William mid Louis, princes of Bavaria, the archbishop of Saltzburg, the bishops of Trent, Ratisbon, Bamberg, Spires, Strasburg, Augs- burg, Constance, Bazil, Freysingen, Brixen, and Passau. The reformation had taken such deep root at Nuremberg, and the adoption of counter-resolu- tions on the spot where the late Diet had been held, * See it at length Luth. ii. 418. et seq. 236 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, would have been so indecorus, that it was thought advisable to assemble this new meeting at Ratisbon. But nothing further was attempted than to carry in- to effect the edict issued at Worms against Luther. His innovations were condemned anew, and the old established customs of the church were declared to be confirmed. This irregular meeting, accounted by some an ad- mirable stroke of policy, gave great offence to the absent members of the Diet. Nor was there any prospect of compliance on the part of the pope, with the request of the princes to assemble a general council. The popes have generally been extremely averse from resorting to this alternative. Clement was in the habit of saying that the assembling of a council would be always advantageous if they ab- stained from meddling with the power of the pope ; but that, under present circumstances, such a mea- sure was wholly unnecessary, as Leo had already condemned Luther. 4 * Luther, having speedily obtained a copy of the recess published by the Diet, was strongly agitated by the conduct of the princes. With that disregard of consequences which so frequently marked his conduct, he instantly republished the edict of Worms of eighth May, 1521, and, contrasting it with that of Nuremberg, had no hesitation to call the princes, " miserable, infatuated men, set over the people by God in his anger." He ridiculed the emperor's pre- sumption in assuming, like the king of England and the king of Hungary, the title of " Defender of the Catholic faith," and he went the length of exhorting all Christians to pause in contributing their services * Sarpi. L. i. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 237 or their money to a war with the Turks, " since the Sultan was far superior to the German princes in ability, integrity, and moderation."* A letter of this description must have been regretted by all the con- siderate part of Luther's friends, from the handle given by it to his enemies to accuse him of a depar- ture from that moderation which he enjoined to others. The pope, meanwhile, exerted in private all his influence with the emperor, to counteract the resolu- tion of the Diet as far as it regarded the assemblage of a general council. Charles was so much inte- rested in detaching the court of Rome from connec- tion with his great rival, Francis, that he did not he- sitate to take a decided part against the Reformation. Accordingly, in the beginning of July, the emperor addressed a letter to the states of the empire re- echoing the resolutions adopted at Ratisbon, and demanding a more peremptory enforcement of the edict of Worms. His letter was accompanied by a notice that he would not permit the Diet to assem- ble, as appointed, on 11th November, lest he should incur the wrath of God and the pope. Conscious, however, that he was attempting an exertion of power which might be found to exceed the limits of his prerogative, he transmitted this despatch through the medium of his brother Ferdinand, and cautioned him not to produce it if he was apprehensive of se- rious opposition. Ferdinand, a bigoted Catholic, paid no attention to his brother's caution, and ea- gerly published a despatch which he thought would have the effect of pledging the imperial authority * Luth. T. ii. 413. et seq. Sleid. L. iv. Seckend. 291. 238 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, to the condemnation of the Lutherans. The princes were greatly offended, but forbore to insist on hold- ing a Diet at Spires. In their opposition to the exe- cution of the edict of Worms they discovered greater firmness, and it accordingly remained little else than a dead letter throughout the greater part of Germany.* The impolitic resistance of the pope to the wishes of the Diet disappointed many leading men in Ger- many, and made them the more eager to investigate the subjects of controversy. Nothing could be more favourable to the cause of the Lutherans, for, con- fident in the superiority of their arguments, exami- nation was all they desired. During the sitting of the Diet at Nuremberg, the new doctrines had been publicly preached in that city. Albert, elector of Brandenburg, already favourably disposed toward them, was here made a thorough convert by the dis- courses of a preacher of the name of Andrew Osi- ander. Luther's works had met with a cordial re- ception from many persons in his electorate, and it deserves to be noticed that George von Polentz, a Prussian prelate, was the first Catholic bishop who recommended the perusal of Luther's works in his diocess. With this zealous convert Albert now co- operated, and commenced in good earnest the work * There must have been a curious contrast between the real and ostensible disposition of the church of Rome towards Frederick. While affecting to lavish flattering epithets on him for his con- stancy to the Catholic faith, hopes were secretly entertained that the emperor might venture to declare him a heretic and deprive him of his electoral franchise. Cum Saxonice electore, quia ver- borum blanditid nihil ejftcerelur, visum est severe procedendum, utj pro hcerctico habitus, Septemviratu dejiceretur. Seckend. 288. The electors were then only seven in number. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 239 of Reformation in his dominions.* Being master of the Teutonic Order, which, like the Order of Malta, is pledged to celibacy, Albert passed by Wit- temberg and consulted Luther in regard to the necessity of adhering to this unnatural injunction. Luther's answer is recorded in one of his letters. " I advised Albert to despise that foolish rule, and to marry ; as well as to reduce Prussia into the politieal shape either of a principality or a dukedom. Me- lancthon seconded what I said. He (Albert) smiled and made no reply, but I perceived that the advice was agreeable to him." , We are now to advert to a less pleasant topic — the dilferences between Luther and Carolostad. No good understanding had subsisted between them since Luther's return from his seclusion atWartbur°'. Those who, during the continuance of that confine- ment, had been attracted by the boldness of Carolos- tad's innovations, forsook him on hearing the disap- proving discourses of Luther. The consequence was that Carolostad withdrew from Wittemberg and retired to Orlamunda, a village near Sala, where he was invested with a parochial charge. Though thus retired from the scene of active discussion, he was of too warm a temper to relinquish the assertion of his peculiar tenets. These related chiefly to an imme- diate disuse of images, and to the much disputed point of the sacrament. Luther attached too much consequence to these doctrines to remain silent under their propagation. Though he recommended the disuse of images, he dreaded the consequences of hasty attempts at their abolition. Besides, Carolos- tad's vehemence was ill calculated to permit the en- * See Appendix E E. 240 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, jovment of tranquillity to a mind so ardent as Lu- ther's. Stimulated by these considerations, Luther repaired to Jena, where he understood there were several favourers of the obnoxious doctrine. Here he both preached and held a disputation against them. Unfortunately, the discourses on each side bore the stamp of the irritability of the leaders ; and this abusive language was calculated to lower the cause of reform in the public estimation. However, when the alternative of convoking a synod was pro- posed to Luther, he had the good sense to decline it, and at last consented that he and his opponent should exercise mutual toleration, and maintain a spirit of Christian charity. He contented himself with ad- dressing to the magistrates of the different cities of Germany a spirited remonstrance against the indif- ference to learning recommended by Carolostad.* It was nearly about this time that Luther wrote against the extraordinary innovations of Munster and the Anabaptists. His views in other respects conti- nued to expand, and he ventured on ninth October, 1524, to lay aside his monastic habit and to assume the dress of a professor or preacher. His tenacious adherence to the opinions which he had once es- poused, a feature in his character not generally un- derstood, was strongly illustrated by the circum- stances of this transaction ; for it is a fact that all the Augustinians, with the single exception of the prior, had left the monastery before Luther could prevail on himself to adopt that resolution. The advocates of papal authority, alarmed at the dissemination of the Reformed doctrine, and finding arbitrary edicts of little avail, now looked around for * Seckend. 306. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 241 a literary champion who might be instrumental in stemming the current of revolution. Nor could they long remain in doubt as to the man, when there was a prospect of engaging Erasmus in the cause. Per- sons in the most celebrated stations, particularly Henry VIII. and pope Adrian, had urged this emi- nent scholar to enter the lists with Luther. To this however there were, on the part of Erasmus, consi- derable objections. He was conscious of the neces- sity of ecclesiastical reform, and aware of the popu- larity of its advocates. He had already, as we have seen, expressed his approbation and his good wishes in regard to several of Luther's publications. Un- fortunately the wants of Erasmus were not suffi- ciently simple to render him independent of the as- sistance of the great. He was in the habit of re- ceiving pensions from crowned heads, among others from our Henry VIII. who was at that time invete- rate againsf Luther, and eager to recommend himself to the papal see with the view of accelerating his di- vorce from Queen Catharine. Cardinal Wolsey, the organ of all his important communications, pressed Erasmus to write against Luther ; and Tonstall, bi- shop of London, whose letter is still extant, urged him to the same effect.* Prompted by these and other applications, Eras- mus determined to embark in the Catholic cause. Soo politic to deny the necessity of reform, he con- Id himself to an attempt at shaking Luther's high reputation by questioning his accuracy in speculative points. The particular topic of which he made choice was Luther's opinion on the " Freedom of the Will." Erasmus's treatise on this subject was * Seckend. p. 309. Tonstall's letter was in July, 1523. 2H 242 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, published in September, 1524.* Though composed with studied moderation, we find him writing to England, a day or two after the publication, that he laid his account with a tumult, and perhaps with being stoned by the people. He would willingly have dedicated his work to his patron Wolsey, had not the notorious violence of that minister been cal- culated to create prepossessions unfavourable to the cause. Elevated as Erasmus was in reputation, he was by no means tranquil in regard to the reception of his work. He dreaded the vindictive pen of Luther, and was doubtful of operating conviction on the minds of even the more temperate adherents of the Reformer. A letter written by him to Melancthon, sometime after his treatise came forth, is indicative of solicitude in these respects, as well as of no ordi- nary share of personal vanity. He augured right in laying his account with an answer in a decided tone from Luther. It appeared in a short time, and the adverse essays brought both these distinguished cha- racters prominently before the public. But the sub- ject was unfavourable to a display of their respective talents. It is in itself extremely difficult, and, from a reciprocal want of accuracy in definition, it re- ceived very little illustration at their hands. Both declare man an accountable creature, though they differ in the detail of their expositions. Their va- riance would have been less had they written wmi more precision of language. But Erasmus, though educated for the church, had been chiefly conversant with classical pursuits, and found himself out of his depth when involved in metaphysics. In regard to * De Libero Arbitrio. Erasm. Op. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 243 Luther, on the other hand, it is in vain that his zea- lous admirer, SeckcndorfT, exerts himself to prove that he was no predestinarian. He is desirous of imputing the origin of that doctrine to Calvin ; but on comparing Luther's treatise with the more fi- nished labours of the Geneva professor, we must come to the conclusion that the only difference seems to consist in the greater clearness and precision of the latter.* If, in point of philosophical reasoning, Luther's treatise was uninteresting, it was, in another respect, abundantly emphatic — I mean in personal abuse of his antagonist. Nothing could be more mortifying to one who was exquisitely alive to whatever affected his favour with the public. Accordingly we find Erasmus making, some time after, a vehement re- monstrance against Luther to the elector John, Fre- derick's successor, and entreating him to interfere to prevent Luther from indulging in a repetition of similar invectives. Extat Erasmi autographon ad Johannem Elect. Sax. d. 2. Mart, datum in quo in- credibilem bilem effundit adversus Lutherum, a quo famam suam capitalibus mendaciis Icesam esse que- ritur.j A part of this year was passed by Luther in a manner much more profitable than controversy. He translated the psalms into German verse for the use of the common people, and added sacred hymns of his own composition. In the course of the work he invited the assistance of Spalatin and of another * See Calvin's Institutions, L. iii. cap. 21 — 24. They contain as good a defence of the doctrine of predestination as any that is before the public. t Seckend. p. 312. 244 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, friend, named Dolzy, in regard to the versification ; and for the composition of the tunes, of which he was an excellent judge, he engaged a person of the name of John Walther. His pains were amply re- warded, for his version became extremely popular. The elector Frederick had now reached his sixty- third year. His constitution was undermined by se- vere complaints, and he closed a life of great public utility on fifth May, 1525. His protection, though in Luther's opinion sometimes too cautiously be- stowed, was all along steady and effectual. He was found to perform more than he promised, and to ad- here firmly to the Reformer under the most alarming circumstances. The funeral of this lamented prince was conducted under the direction of Luther and Melancthon. They were allowed to omit all the ceremonies of the church of Rome. The place of interment was the church of All Saints at Wittem- berg. Melancthon delivered a Latin oration over the grave, and Luther preached a sermon from the text (1 Thessalonians, iv. 13.) "Brethren, concerning them which are asleep, sorrow not, even as others which have no hope." Prince John, Frederick's successor, was a good deal different in character from his brother. With- out possessing equal depth of reflection, his temper was much keener and his determinations more promptly taken. Frederick's great care had been to restrain the haste of the Reformers, and to trust to the operation of a gradual progress. But John was actuated by no such backwardness, and had no ob- YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 245 jcction to become the ready instrument of carrying their speculations into effect. The character of Fre- derick was evidently best fitted to foster and give strength to a beginning cause ; that of John was suitable to a season when it had attained conside- rable growth, and had become independent of such tender cares. The death of Frederick was to the Catholics a matter of great exultation; but their hopes were soon disappointed, and, all things taken together, it may be inferred that the cause of reform prospered as much under John as if his brother's life had been prolonged. The death of Frederick was nearly cotempo- rarv with the formidable insurrection in Germany, known by the name of the " war of the peasants." The condition of this humble class of the community was still deplorable throughout great part of the em- pire. In some places they were subject to personal and domestic slavery, and liable to be transferred, like any other vendible property, from one master to another. Even in quarters where their liberty was less restrained, they cultivated land under conditions of great hardship. To these were now added the imposition of taxes on several of the necessaries and comforts of life. Driven to despair, they took up arms to obtain a redress of their grievances. The first commotions appeared in Suabia, and soon spread to the north amid the converts to the Refor^ mation. It happened in this, as in other insurrec- tions, that the multitude, once roused, knew not where to stop. They went beyond all bounds, and seemed to aim at an absolute equality of persons and property. The elector John, along with the landgrave of Hesse and duke of Brunswick, found it 246 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, necessary to assemble a military force against them. Having succeeded in surrounding them, the princes endeavoured to quell the insurrection by amicable negotiation. But the infatuation of the peasants and of their leader Muncer, rendering this impracticable, it was necessary to resort to the painful alternative of assault. Several thousands fell in the field, and their leader being taken, the rebellion was finished by one blow.* The enemies of Luther laboured greatly to throw the odium of this insurrection on him and his doc- trine. But though the insurgents became, in the progress of the commotion, enthusiastic opponents of the church of Rome, and held some tenets in com- mon with Luther, this coincidence is to be viewed as a secondary and collateral circumstance, which had no influence on the origin of the sedition. The insurgents asserted that Luther had by no means done justice to the cause of freedom ; while he, on the other hand, employed the whole force of his elo- quence to convince the peasants of the criminality of their conduct, and to prevent others from co-operating with them. In a work addressed expressly to them, he strongly recommended forbearance by his own example : " The pope and the emperor have raged against me, but it has turned out, in consequence of my patience, that the more violent they have been, the wider has been the diffusion of the Gospel. I have exercised no revenge. I have never caused the sword to be drawn from the scabbard. The power of magistrates I have supported as far as I was able, even of those who have persecuted the Gospel and * Sleid. L. v. and Seckend. L. ii. from p. 1 to 15, have given an ample account of this war. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 247 me. I have committed all to God, and put my re- liance in his power and protection. God hath ac- cordingly preserved me in life, in spite of the pope and all my enemies, which is looked on as a miracle by many and acknowledged as such by myself. But you have now interposed unseasonably, and in wish- ing to promote the gospel by violence, you are not aware that you impede its progress." We have next to record an event in Luther's his- tory, which, while it had a powerful influence on his personal comfort, was calculated to excite in no small degree the surprise of the public. We have seen him relinquish, step by step, the prejudices and habits of his early years ; raising his voice first against the grosser abuses of the church, and sub- sequently questioning her fundamental doctrines. In that discussion, which more immediately affected himself, the obligation of the monastic vow, we have observed him begin by lamenting the premature age at which such engagoments were undertaken ; pro- ceeding, in the next place, to sanction the relinquish- ment of the pledge in other persons, and finally with- drawing from the fraternity himself. He now went a farther length, and determined to settle himself in marriage. This step, remarkable in itself on the part of one who had sworn celibacy, was rendered still more so by the existence of a similar obligation on the part of her whom he espoused. Among the nuns who escaped from the convent of Nimptschen, was one Catherine de Bora or Boria. It appears that soon after the time of the evasion, Luther had conceived an attachment to her, but repressed a feeling which he found it difficult to justify. His change of opi- nion, however, removed this as well as other scru- 24B THE LIFE OF LUTHER, pies, and, after mature reflection, he addressed the object of his affection, and entered on the married state. The step was taken without consulting his friends at Wittemberg. Some, he apprehended, might object to it on religious considerations, while others might pronounce it unseasonable at a time when the country was agitated by popular insurrection. Be this as it may, Luther appears to have been deter- mined to take the whole responsibility on himself. It was an act, we must confess, of considerable bold- ness; for, independently of the objection in public opinion, few individuals were less fitted to make provision for a family. His friend and well-wisher, Albert, elector of Brandenburg, had advised him to set up, for this purpose, a school or academy. But Luther was ill qualified to bear the necessary con- straint, and chose rather to live in a very plain man- ner ; prescribing the greatest simplicity in regard to the wants of himself and those about him, and sub- mitting to much that would have appeared privation in the eyes of others. The advocates of the church of Rome poured out the most vehement declamation against Luther on the occasion of his marriage with a nun. Some affirmed that he was mad, or possessed with an evil spirit.* Our Henry VIII. had no scruple in accusing Luther of a crime equivalent to incest, forgetting how open to reprehension his own conduct was in respect to matrimony. Seckendorff has entered into a long detail of the circumstances of this affair, but his narrative is chiefly valuable by containing an ample letter on the subject from Melancthon to his friend Camerarius.f In this epistle, Melancthon. * Sleid. L. v. t Seckend. L. ii. 17- YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 249 declining as unnecessary the vindication of Luther against popular prejudice, represents him as impelled, like most other men, to take the measure which he did, by powerful affection for the object. The elector John now consented to take steps to make the Lutheran the predominant religion in his dominions. Though the majority of his subjects were favourably inclined to it, the change was too great to be effected otherwise than by degrees. The university of Wittemberg being accounted the foun- tain head of theological instruction, Luther prevailed on the elector to inci-ease his patronage to it, as well as to augment the supply of preachers by encouraging schools of learning in other places. He and his friends, Melancthon and Pomeranus, now ventured to introduce some changes in the form of worship, among which the use of the German language in ad- ministering the sacrament was the most remarkable. About this time also, Luther published a commentary on the book of Deuteronomy. His controversy with Carolostad, being unfortunately revived, attracted \ the attention of Ulric Zwinglius, the famous Swiss ] reformer, a writer second to none of his cotempora- ries in talents or purity of intention. Zwinglius es- poused the side of Carolostad, and did not hesitate to attack Luther's opinion. We shall have occasion to enter afterwards more into the particulars of the dispute ; at present suffice it to remark, that, eminent as the controversialists were, the discussion failed in producing conviction on either part, and tended only to display that acrimony and improper freedom which characterized the writings of the age. A singular exchange of epistolary composition took place this year between Luther and Henry VIII. of 21 250 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, England. Reports having been circulated of a fa- vourable change in Henry's religious creed, the friends of Luther, and in particular Christiern, king of Denmark, were of opinion that the Reformer ought to make up for his former virulence by a re- spectful overture. From this Luther was the less averse, because he was of opinion that Henry was not the author of the book which went under his name.* But if Luther was so far amicably disposed, no man could be more deficient in the precaution ne- cessary for managing a delicate negotiation. The plan he took was to address, without much previous inquiry, a letter to Henry, mentioning that persons, worthy of credit, had assured him that the book pub- lished under his majesty's name was not of his com- position, and seemed to be the production of some crafty sophist. Imagining that Wolsey had had the chief hand in that publication, he alludes to him in the severest terms, and goes so far as to style him 11 a monster, and object of the hatred of God and man." Under this impression, Luther declared he had no objection to retract what he had written, and to express himself respectfully of his majesty, sub- joining in one short proposition what he considered the cardinal point of Christian doctrine.f The re- joinder from England, however, soon showed that Luther was ill informed about Henry's disposition, and injudicious in the manner of addressing him. The influence of Wolsey was not yet shaken, and the answer partook of the violence both of the sovereign * Certissimum est istum libellum ab ipso rege nequaquara esse conscriptum ; tamen adeo me non latuit autor ejus, quin ipsum sua ipsius verba prodant. Luth. T. ii. p. 494. t Luth. T. ii. 493. Sleid. L. vi. Seckend. L. ii. 37, 38. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. 251 and minister. Luther, nowise discouraged, soon printed a reply to this royal epistle, and entitled it " Maledici et contumeliosi scripti regis Anglice res- ponsio." In this he laboured, with considerable suc- cess, to free himself from the charge of inconsistency in his behaviour towards Henry, and retorted, with redoubled violence, the abusive epithets of the mo- narch. A correspondence, similar in some degree, took place this year between Luther and George, duke of Saxony ; * but it was productive of no other serious consequence than an altercation between the elector John and the Duke. Toward the end of 1525 an attempt, it was said, was intended to be made to cut off Luther by poi- son. The rumour w T as that a Polish Jew of the me- dical profession had undertaken to perpetrate the deed for a reward of two thousand crowns. In con- sequence of the suspicion of some of Luther's friends, the Jew and several other persons were arrested at Wittemberg, but, on their examination, nothing could be discovered, and Luther interceded that they might not be put to the torture. They were accordingly set at liberty. * Luth. T. ii. 488. Sleid. L. vi. Seckend. L. ii. 38. 252 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER X. FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. IN the beginning of 1526, the Protestants had the satisfaction of seeing Philip, the landgrave of Hesse, follow the example of the elector John, of Saxony, and declare the Lutheran the established religion of his dominions. The support of these and other princes, joined to the accession of the free cities of Nuremberg, Frankfort, and Hamburgh, now made the progress of the Reformation the most interesting event in the situation of Germany. The negotia- tions and disputes of which it was productive became numerous and complicated, and lead naturally to a change in the plan of our narrative. Hitherto Lu- ther had been not only the origin but the main spring of the opposition to the papacy; but the range which it now embraced was too wide to be directed by the exertions of an individual. The farther progress of this opposition belongs, therefore, to general his- tory, and would be wholly misplaced in a biographi- cal relation. The remainder of our work will ac- cordingly be, in a great measure, confined to the pri- vate events of Luther's life, and our account of the succeeding years will be comprised in a compara- tively smaller space. This brevity of detail is pro- moted likewise by the tranquil nature of several of his occupations, much of his time being employed in finishing and correcting his translation of the Bible. Luther had divided this stupendous labour into FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 253 three parts ; the books of Moses, the subsequent his- tory of the Jews, and lastly, the prophetical and other books of the Old Testament. In December, 1523, we find him writing to a friend that he had finished the second of these divisions, and was pro- ceeding to the third, the greatest and most difficult. In March, 1524, he was busily employed with the Book of Job, and complained of his task to Spalatin in ludicrous terms. " We find so much difficulty," he said, " from the sublimity of the style, that Job seems a great deal more impatient of our translation than of the consolation of his friends, or he would certainly have sat for ever on the dunghill ; unless perhaps its author meant that it should never be translated. This has been the cause of the great delay of the press." The version of the " Prophets" did not begin to appear till 1527, and in completing this part of his task, Luther received benefit from the assistance of some Jews of the city of Worms. The Book of Isaiah was printed in 1528 ; Daniel followed soon after, and in 1530 the whole was completed. His chief coadjutors in this noble undertaking were Bu- genhagen, better known by the name of Pomeranus, Justus Jonas, Melancthon, and Matthew, surnamed Aurogallus. There were, likewise, other persons by whose aid he was benefited in regard to detached portions of his translation. In a labour of such length and difficulty, the name of the corrector of the press has a claim to be mentioned ; he was called George Rorar, or, agreeably to the pedantic fashion of the times, Rorarius. Luther's occupation did not end with the completion of the translation. He un- derwent the labour of revising the whole for a new 254 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, edition, which was published in 1534, and was fol- lowed by impressions still farther amended, in the years 1541 and 1545. Like our own translation of the Bible, Luther's was accounted remarkably pure for the age ; and it long remained in Germany a kind of standard for prose composition. The year 1526 was the first since 1517 that Lu- ther allowed to pass without publishing a book against the Catholics. In another way, however, he carried on a warfare calculated to shake the power- ful hold which that superstition naturally takes of the faith of the lower orders. He published a series of wood-cuts representing the pope, cardinals, and bishops, along with nearly sixty different orders of monks and religious knights. To each of these homely portraits he subjoined rhymes explanatory of the origin of their names, and descriptive of their pe- culiar habits. To this curious compilation he added a preface and epilogue.* A more serious task con- sisted in writing commentaries on Jonah and Habak- kuk, which, along with some lesser pieces of Scrip- ture criticism, he published in the course of the year. Another topic, to which the increasing freedom of inquiry drew the public attention, was the question, whether it was " lawful for a Christian to go to war." It deserves to be remarked that the papal court never thought it necessary, during the many centuries that it had governed Christendom, to agi- tate a question so interesting to humanity. Luther entered on the discussion at some length, and was of opinion, that, in a general view, war was lawful ; but he made several important distinctions and limita- tions, the sum of which amounted to the simple pro- • Seckend. L. ii. 51. FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 255 position, that the lawfulness of hostility depended al- together on the justice of the cause. The Imperial Diet assembled at Midsummer at the city of Spires, and the pressure of business was such as to require the attendance of the elector John du- ring several months. Luther continued occupied in plans for the progress of the Reformation, which were to be submitted to the elector as soon as more urgent business permitted him to give them his atten- tion. — An unfortunate event, which took place this year, tended to show the strength of Luther's attach- ment to his favourite city and university. A pesti- lential disorder, after raging for some time in the neighbourhood of Wittemberg, became so serious, that the professors and students were ordered to re- move to Jena. Luther, however, ventured to refuse a compliance with the order, though proceeding from the elector. Agreeably to his usual practice he pub- lished the reasons of his conduct.* In a case like this of serious danger, it would be difficult to vin- dicate such a mode of acting ; but if we must admit Luther to have been wrong, it is but just to add, that he by no means remained from a pride of braving danger, or from a silly expectation that he was the object of the peculiar care of Providence. His friend, Pomeranus, and the deacons of the church of Wit- temberg, thought proper to follow his example and to remain at their station. The courage thus displayed by Luther will appear to many readers a singular contrast to what we are now going to mention. He who was so bold in as- serting the cause of Christianity, and so fearless of personal danger in its promotion, was, not unfre- * Seckend. p. 85, 86, 256 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, quently, sunk in despondency, and was doubtful even whether he was a real Christian. In a letter to his friend Justus Jonas, dated 26th December, 1526, he entreats him to " offer up his prayers that Christ may not desert him nor reject him from among the number of the faithful." " Non cessa pro me orare, ut Christus me non deserat nee sinat esse impiorum quos sentio, sed filiorum ; ne deficiat fides mea in finem."* The correction of abuses in the church of Saxony had long been an object very near his heart. At last, in 1527, the elector consented to appoint visi- tors invested with power to make inquiry into the personal conduct of the clergy, as well as into the other departments of church discipline. Among these visitors Luther held a conspicuous place. Their labours were not limited to the correction of temporary abuses, but formed the basis of perma- nent provision for the Saxon church. The regu- lations founded on their visitation embraced the church revenue, the ritual of worship, and the situa- tion of the clergy generally. The report was drawn up by Melancthon, and though Luther's name was not introduced in it, there can be no doubt, from the filial regard entertained for him by Melancthon, that he was consulted upon every point of importance. The elector, John, lost no time in carrying the re- commendations of the memorial into effect.f Next year, 1528, Luther published his commen- tary on Genesis and Zachariah, as well as a letter to the v feishop of Misnia, respecting the Eucharist. He had also a renewal with Zwinglius of the never- ending controversy on that subject. — It happened * Seckend. L. ii. 80. t Ibid. 106, 107- FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 257 somewhat unexpectedly that the measures of the Diet held the year before at Spires, had been favour- able to the Lutherans. This had been owing to the distracted situation of the emperor's affairs, and par- ticularly to his dissension with the pope, who had al- lied himself for a season with Francis f. A change, however, having taken place in the politics of the court of Rome, Charles determined to direct his at- tention anew to the ecclesiastical affairs of Germany, and to manage them to the satisfaction of Clement VII. with whom he was now closely connected. The Diet met again at Spires on 15th March, 1529, and the majority, influenced by the emperor, proceeded to declare a repeal of the resolutions of the former Diet. But the Protestant princes of the em- pire had now gained strength and confidence enough to prevent their being intimidated either by the em- peror's will, or by the numerical superiority of Ca- tholic votes. The court of Rome, aware of the de- sire of the friends of the Reformation for the convo- cation of a general Council, determined to amuse them by holding out the expectation of it. With this view a proposition was brought forward at the Diet to delay all innovations in religion until the meeting of a general Council. Had the Lutherans put confidence in their oppo- nents, they would have had little hesitation in ac-, ceding to the offer. But the known temper of the pope, his recent treaty with the emperor, and the long established maxims of the court of Rome, pre- vented them from placing any reliance on the pro- mise of a Council. By dint of the superior numbers on the emperor's side, the proposition against inno- vations was carried, but a protest was entered by the 2K 258 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, dissentients on the 19th April, which procured to the reformed the name of Protestants, and will be for ever memorable in the history of Christianity.* The names of the princes who thus stood boldly forward deserve to be recorded. They were John, elector of Saxony, George, elector of Brandenburg, Ernest and Francis, dukes of Luneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse and Wolfang, prince of Anhalt. They were joined by fourteen of the principal cities of Germany, viz. Strasburg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm, Reut- linghen, Windzheim, Memminghen, Lindau, Kemp- ten, Heilbron, Isny, Weissemburg, Nordlingen, and St. Gall. This spirited measure appears to have given considerable disquietude to Ferdinand, who re- presented his brother Charles at the Diet. He with- drew from Spires before the protest was given in, but the princes, nowise shaken in their resolution, drew up and published a formal narrative of the whole transaction. During the agitation of this affair, the elector, John, was in the habit of making frequent communications to Luther; and Melancthon who at- tended that prince at Spires, was probably the writer of the narrative which I have mentioned. The landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, zealous in the cause of the Reformation, spared no pains to esta- blish a good understanding between Luther and the Zwinglians. In conformity with the custom of the age, the best method of accomplishing this seemed to be by a public disputation. A meeting of that kind was accordingly appointed between the Swiss and German champion. The beginning of October was fixed dh as the time, and Marpurg, a city in the * Sleid. L. vi. Seckend. L. ii. 130. FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 259 landgrave's dominions, as the scene of debate.* Lu- ther, still as poor as at the outset of his career, re- ceived a new suit of clothes from the elector of Sax- ony, and repaired to Marpurg, along with Melanc- thon, Justus Jonas, and other friends. Zwinglius was attended by Ocolampadius of Basil, and joined on the road, at Strasburg, by his friends Bucer and Hedio. The disputation that ensued is thus described in a letter from Justus Jonas : f " We reached Marpurg on 26th September, and were received by the prince of Hesse, not only in a polite but in a courteous manner. Lodgings had been provided for us in the city, but the prince hav- ing changed his mind, received us in the castle and entertained us at his own table. On the first Oc- tober, by direction of the prince, the leaders on both sides had a private conference, Luther with Ocolam- padius, and Melancthon with Zwinglius ; but they could come to no agreement. Next day, Saturday, the disputation began. It was not altogether public, but there were present, in addition to those who had accompanied the disputants, the prince, his courtiers and chief counsellors. On the one side were Zwin- glius, Ocolampadius, Bucer, Hedio, Jacob Sturm, a senator of Strasburg,J Ulric Fundi, a senator of Zurich, and Rudolphus Frey, of Basil. On the other, Luther, Melancthon, Eberhard, Thane of Is- senach, myself, Caspar Cruciger, and others. Lu- ther, Melancthon, Ocolampadius, and Zwinglius, were seated at a table before the prince and the other * Sleid. L. vi. Maimb. L. ii. 1529- Seckend. L. ii. loG. t Seckend. ii. 139. | This was the person who assisted Sleidan in the composition ef his great work. 260 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, courtiers. In the early part of the debate Ocolam- padius pressed hard, and continued the argument al- most for two days, ' that Christ had but one body, which was in heaven, and that no real body could be at the same time in more places than one.' He also relied much on the spiritual eating of the flesh and drinking of the blood in John vi. But Luther de- clared that he would not allow the plain words of our Saviour to be distorted. They were, in his opi- nion, simple and unambiguous — 'this is my body;' and again the words of Paul, ' I have received of the Lord.' His opponents, however, affirmed that this w T as nothing else than begging the question, and the contest was very keen on this point. On Sunday, third October, the disputation was continued, in the hope of an amicable understanding ; but it was fruit- lessly protracted till evening, and both parties sepa- rated in a pertinacious adherence to their own opi- nions ; nor do I think we are at all likely to agree on the nature of the Lord's supper. To day, (fourth October) the prince attempted to produce an unifor- mity of sentiment by the interference of his counsel- lors and learned men, but it would not do. — I shall now say a few words on the disposition and talents of each. Zwinglius is somewhat rude and forward in his manner ; Ocolampadius is remarkable for mild temper ; Hedio is equally distinguished for humanity and liberality, but Bucer has all the cunning of a fox. They are all men of real learning, and in comparison with them, the Catholics are not worthy to be ac- counted adversaries. Zwinglius, however, I cannot help thinking, is learned against the grain." Such is the representation of Jonas ; but, in re- ceiving from him a character of Zwinglius and Bu- FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 261 cer, we shall do well to keep in mind that he was a keen Lutheran. Both parties, as usual, claimed the victory. However, the dispositions which they dis- covered toward each other, were much less hostile than was common at such disputations, a circum- stance owing, in great measure, to the judicious ar- rangements of the landgrave. A curious proof of this is given in the care taken to avoid a collision be- tween two such fiery combatants as Luther and Zwinglius, by classing them respectively with a mild opponent. It had been reported that Zwinglius en- tertained erroneous notions of the divinity of Christ and of original sin ; but his explanation, when com- municated, was admitted as perfectly satisfactory. Other points also were discussed at this meeting, and there was no material difference except as to the Eu- charist. Various plans were at this time in contemplation, to form a confederacy for the purpose of repelling the force which Charles threatened to employ against the Protestants. But neither were the minds of men sufficiently prepared for so serious a measure, nor were the reformed agreed in regard to the preliminary question of the legality of taking up arms in such a cause. Luther, in particular, was adverse to the idea, and, on being consulted by the elector of Saxony, declared that he would rather suffer death ten times than be the cause of commencing a war in defence of the Gospel.* A task much more congenial to Luther's disposi- tion, was the composition and publication of a cate- chism, which long retained its popularity, and is, even at present, used for the purpose of instilling into * Seckend. ii. 141. 262 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, youth the first principles of religion. He strongly urged the necessity of private as well as of public in- struction, and dwelt on the obligation on masters of families to interrogate their children and servants, particularly on Sundays. " I also," he added, " am a doctor and a preacher, perhaps as learned and ex- pert as those who rashly and frivolously despise these things: I, however, imitate the example of the boys who are learning their catechisms, and once a day, either in the morning, or whenever I have leisure, I repeat, word by word, the decalogue, the Lord's prayer, and several of the Psalms." The success of the Turkish arms on the side of Hungary had spread considerable alarm, not only in the neighbouring country but throughout Germany. Luther determined to come forward and exhort his countrymen to oppose this formidable foe. In the early part of his career, he had gone so far as to hazard the assertion, " that to fight against the Turks was to resist God, who was punishing us for our iniquities by their hostility." This expression, which escaped him under the smart of provocation, he now found it necessary to retract. He was still of opinion that, as Christians, his countrymen were not commanded to fight, but the Turk and the pope were, he said, the only two who attempted to disse- minate their tenets by the sword. He added, that to " expose the former, he should one day publish a German version of the Koran." * Meantime Charles, having finally composed his dif- ferences with the pope, and been solemnly crowned by his hands, had pledged himself to use every en- deavour to accomplish the extirpation of the Protes- tants in Germany. He had given a secret promise FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 2G3 to the pontiff to oppose the assembling of a Council. He now, in 1530, called a meeting of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg, to deliberate on the Turkish war, and on the state of religion in Germany. By this time the Protestants were persuaded that it was ne- cessary to present to the Diet a clear account of the doctrines which they maintained, as considerable ig- norance prevailed in regard to them. So early there- fore as 14th March, the elector of Saxony, having received a summons to attend the Diet, expressed his wish to Luther, Melancthon, Jonas, and Pomeranus, that they would transmit to him at Torgau, where he then was, a statement of those articles of the Pro- testant faith which they considered as of the greatest importance, and which it behoved them, as Chris- tians, publicly to maintain. The declaration was to be drawn so as to avoid giving unnecessary offence, and it was to be sent to him without delay. This Luther readily accomplished, comprising the articles of religion under seventeen heads, and transmitting them to the elector at Torgau, from which circum- stance they are generally called the articles of Tor- gau. Their titles were as follows : " 1. God and the Holy Trinity. 2. The incarna- tion of Christ. 3. The passion. 4. Original sin. 5. Justification. 6. The nature of justifying faith. 7. The preaching of the Gospel. 8. Sacraments. 9. Baptism. 10. The Eucharist. 11. Private con- fession. 12. The Catholic church. 13. The last judgment. 14. The power of the magistrate. 15. The prohibition of marriage and of the eating of flesh. 16. The abrogation of the mass. 17. Religious ceremonies." These articles had been agreed on the year before at Sultzbach, and they were destined to 264 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, form, as we shall see presently, the basis of a more extended and important declaration. The elector, John, aware that religious discussions would occupy a large share of the attention of the Diet, determined to take with him several eminent theologians, whose advice would enable him to be of advantage to the cause of the Reformation. Accor- dingly Luther, Melancthon, Jonas, and John Agri- cola, who was in the train of Albert, count of Mans- field, were selected, along with Spalatin, as his coun- sellors on this important occasion. From political reasons it was deemed unadvisable that Luther should enter Augsburg, and he was accordingly left at Co- bourg, in Franconia. Here he resided in the castle, and was at a convenient distance to be consulted by his friends on any emergency. After having been proscribed by the Diet of Worms, the Reformer might not only have exposed himself to unnecessary danger by entering Augsburg, but. his appearance be- fore the emperor would have looked like setting his authority at defiance. The whole plan had been concerted with the concurrence of Luther,* a circum- stance which seems a sufficient answer to those who would gladly ascribe his being left behind to a sense of the untractability of his temper. The Protestant princes had now received such an accession to their courage, that in passing through the different cities of Germany, on their way to Augsburg, they caused the ministers in their train to preach regularly before them. On arriving at Augs- burg, they continued desirous of being indulged in this important privilege. But Charles was prevailed on by the popish agents to discourage this reasonable * Mainvb. L. ii. Seckend. L. ii. 152. FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 265 expectation. Luther's advice being asked by the Protestants, he recommended that a petition should be presented to the emperor, but that if the point was not amicably conceded, it should not be farther insisted on. This moderate counsel, combined with other incidents in Luther's life, furnishes a proof of the singular union of impatience and forbearance which entered into the composition of his character. It was at this Diet that the Protestants presented the celebrated declaration known by the name of the Augsburg Confession. It extended to the length of twenty-eight chapters, and contained both an enume- ration of the doctrine of the reformed, and an expo- sition of the errors of the church of Rome. It pro- ceeded from the pen of Melancthon, and was an ex- pansion of the seventeen articles drawn up in a com- pressed form by Luther.* Luther, while residing at Cobourg, suffered several attacks of ill health, but nothing could relax his ap- plication to his studies. He employed his time in the translation of the Books of the Prophets, and in composing his Commentary on the Psalms. From the fatigue of these graver employments he sought relaxation in composing an admonition to the clergy assembled at Augsburg, which he thought proper to send to that city to be printed. It was entitled, u Ad- monitio ad Ecclesiastici ordinis congregates in Comi- tlis Augustanis." As a further amusement, he passed a part of his time in writing satirical letters to his * See for a full account of every thing connected with this " Confession," Celestine's History of the Augsburg Diet, pub- lished in 1577; also Chytrseus, who wrote expressly an account of this test of orthodoxy. See likewise Seckendorff on the year 1530. 2L 266 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, friends, and in making a translation of " iEsop's Fa- bles." But whether his occupations were serious or playful, he made it a rule to pass a considerable time of each day in the exercises of devotion. Thus, though alone and absent both from his family and his literary associates, he felt nothing of the languor of inactivity or solitude. He kept his mind steadily occupied with one thing or another, and found, in this constant application, the best solace for the dis- quietude inseparable from a cause in which such powerful interest was set at work in opposition to his wishes. The proceedings of the Diet of Augsburg were such as to put the patience and courage of the Pro- testants to the test. All their efforts were unable to counteract the effects of the connection between Charles and the pope, joined to the bigoted attach- ment of many members of the Diet to the church. There was reason to apprehend that ere long hostile measures might be employed against them. Under this impression, the protestant princes, although re- luctant to resort to force, felt the necessity of hold- ing frequent communications for the purpose of ce- menting their union and of apprizing their enemies of their strength. Hence the origin of the meetings which were subsequently held at Smalcald and Frankfort. In all these transactions, Luther took a lively interest, and his enemies went so far as to de- clare him the advocate of disobedience to the Impe- rial authority. On this, Luther had recourse to his usual medium of vindication, the press. To Charles, as a civil ruler, he professed all lawful submission, but farther he could not go. No authority, how- ever elevated, could bind him to obey mandates FJIOM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 267 which were immoral and unjust, a description fully applicable, in his opinion, to orders hostile to the re- formed doctrine. The resistance thus justified in religious matters, was not very remote from the display of a similar spirit in regard to civil government. It is accord- ingly to the Reformation that Europe, and particu- larly our own country, are indebted for the chief part of the liberty which they enjoy. Before the age of Luther, resistance on the part of the people to pe- remptory commands of the executive power was a thing unknown throughout almost all Europe. The share of freedom enjoyed in earlier ages had been confined to the aristocracy, and had been greatly abridged by the successive usurpations of the throne and the altar. In the course of the year 1531, a reconciliation took place between the elector John and duke George, an event which excited the most lively sensations of joy throughout the whole of Saxony. The severity of Luther's language to the duke being strongly in the recollection of the elector, his chancellor received it in charge to warn Luther against giving the duke any fresh provocations. The chancellor having made the communication in writing, soon received an an- swer from the Reformer. It bore the marks of a remembrance of past injury, and was expressed as follows : " I have many reasons to be dissatisfied with duke George, but I will not wantonly write against him. Nay, in order that peace and concord may be main- tained between the elector and duke, I will pardon all that the latter has done against me, on condition of his creating me no new cause of uneasiness, and 268 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, of leaving me at liberty to answer my other adver- saries/ 3 ' * Luther was too much occupied with clerical duty to publish much in the course of this year. He sup- plied at Wittemberg the place of his friend Pome- ranus, and did duty not only on Sundays but on Wed- nesdays and Saturdays. His attention was likewise diverted from any thing in the shape of controversy, by the death of his mother, which took place this year. He loved her tenderly, and had addressed to her, in her illness, a letter of condolence, which he afterwards printed. Her death, however, took place in the course of nature, and the loss thus sustained was confined to a private circle. But the public was destined to suffer a loss of a different kind — the loss of Zwinglius and Ocolampadius. Zwinglius fell in the field of battle on the 1 1th October, when, accord- ing to the ancient custom of the inhabitants of Zu- rich, he, as chief magistrate, led on his countrymen to action. He was left on the spot where he fell, and his barbarous enemies ireated his dead body with great indignity. He was in the vigour of life, being four years younger than Luther. Ocolampadius was a few years older, having reached the age of forty- nine. His affection for Zwinglius was of the most tender and ardent kind. His health had for some time been indifferent, but the loss of his excellent friend rendered irremediable a malady which till then had been only doubtful, and affected him so deeply, that after becoming progressively worse and worse, he expired on the 1 st December. During the following year, 1532, Luther published commentaries on different portions of Scripture. It * Seckend. L. iii. p. 16. FROM THE YEAR 152G TO 1537. 269 was now that he was destined to lose a valuable friend and protector in the person of John, elector of Saxony, who expired of apoplexy on 16th August, being cut off, like his brother Frederick, in his sixty- third year. Luther and Melancthon were sent for, on his being struck with the fatal complaint, but they arrived only in time to see him at the point of death.* His conduct proved him a warm friend to the cause of the Reformation, and his personal attachment to Lu- ther was equally strong. He was accustomed to sooth the Reformer's mind when in distress, and to desire him to forbear anxiety about his wife and chil- dren, declaring that he would make provision for them as for his own. The death of the elector John put a period to the short harmony between his government and that of his relation duke George. The Reformation had never been openly suffered to spread in the duke's dominions, and its secret progress was a source of the greatest jealousy to him. But to arrest its extension, or to recall the converts to the church, exceeded his power, zealous as he was. Some persons, who found the restraints imposed on the exercise of their mode of worship extremely inconvenient, determined to re- move to a quarter where they might have it in their power to serve God and receive the ordinances of Christ according to their conscience. To enjoy this liberty, they forsook their home and repaired to the neighbouring territory of the elector. Others had been sent from their residence by the duke's order. Luther, affected with the restraint imposed on those who remained at Leipsic, had written to them conso- latory letters, but perceiving that gentle means were * Seckend. L. iii. p. 30. Mosh. Vol. iii. 360. 270 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, not likely to obtain a favourable change in the duke ; s treatment, he determined to break silence and to hold up the duke to public odium.* This, as usual, he performed with unrelenting severity, and had no hesitation in declaring him " an apostle of the devil." So extraordinary a charge enraged the duke exceed- ingly, and produced an application to the regency of the electorate for an interposition of their authority to prevent a recurrence of similar invectives. To sooth the duke's rage, Luther was called upon either to make an apology, or to assign the reason for ap- plying such odious language to a prince, the near re- lation of the house of Saxony. As usual, Luther re- turned a prompt answer to the demand. But the defence was, if possible, w r orse than the accusation, because he exhibited, without reserve, his reasons for conceiving the title exactly applicable to the duke. It was not, he said, as a civil ruler, but as a persecu- tor of the church of Christ, that he had ventured to make him the object of such language. The series of arguments in support of this ungracious distinction were of the most downright and provoking descrip- tion. The duke was not of a disposition to suffer in silence, and a controversy arose which was protracted to a considerable length. f Though Zwinglius and Ocolampadius were no more, the never-ending discussions about the sacra- ment occupied this year a considerable share of Lu- ther's attention. It was in vain that Bucer attempted to persuade him that the difference was more in * George had banished from Leipsic about eighty citizens with their wives and children. The date of Luther's letter was 4th Oc- tober, 1532. t Sleid. L. ix. Seckend. L. iii. from p. 55 to p. 59. FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 271 words than in reality. Luther had very little idea of conceding even a point of form for the mere sake of conciliation, and in none of his opinions was he more pertinacious than in this. Truly might he say to his friendly antagonist, Bucer, " Quicquid dico in hac summcl Eucharistce causa, ex corde dico."* Bucer, however, continued a staunch adherent to the Refor- mation, and was of the most essential service in stop- ping the progress of controversy on this point as well in Germany as elsewhere. The subject which now chiefly engaged the public attention was the expected call of a general Council. The reformed were solicitous for the measure, in the hope of reducing the prerogative of the pontiff, while the moderate and well-intentioned part of the Catholics looked to it as the means of stopping the farther progress of schism. The majority of the Germanic body considered it the only effectual me- thod for the preservation of peace, and had made repeated applications for it to the court of Rome. After many delays, the unsteady and irresolute Cle- ment VII. at last declared his assent to the long ex- pected convocation. Whether he was sincere in this declaration, or, as is more probable, meant only an apparent concession to the wish of the German Diet, the occurrence of his death, in the midst of the ne- gotiation, has left a matter of uncertainty. Alexan- der Farnese, to whom Clement had, in a manner, bequeathed the pontificate, succeeded him without opposition, and assumed the name of Paul III. Be- ing descended of a Roman family, his accession was matter of great joy to the inhabitants of that city, who, during three centuries, had been ruled by * Seckend. L. iii. 62. 272 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, strangers. Paul proceeded, or affected to proceed, on the plan of making arrangements for the convo- cation of a Council. But as the Reformed were now too numerous to be refused access to the Council, Paul determined, as a preliminary step, to despatch a confidential person to confer with their leading men. His nuncio in Germany, Peter Paul Verger, a native of Istria, and a favourite of Paul's prede- cessor, was chosen for this commission. This person proceeded to Wittemberg to meet Luther. The in- terview was, as might be expected, not a little re- markable. Of the various accounts which have been given of it, Seckendorff's bears the greatest appear- ance of truth. It will be found a very amusing reci- tal, and we give it nearly in that author's own words. " When the pope's nuncio reached Wittemberg on 6th November, 1535, with a suite travelling on twenty horses, he was conducted, with all due re- spect, into the castle by the prefect of the province. Next day, Sunday, Luther ordered his barber to be sent for at an early hour, and on seeing the man sur- prised at the call, he said jocularly, that he was in- vited to visit the pope's nuncio, and was unwilling to appear before him in a slovenly dress. — If properly equipped, he might have a chance to be thought younger than he was, and thus alarm his opponents by the prospect of living a long time. Having dressed himself in his best suit, he put round his neck an or- nament, which he had probably received as a pre- sent from the elector. His barber being surprised at this, and remarking that it would give offence, Lu- ther declared, " That is the very reason for my putting it on. The pope's adherents have not been sparing of offence to us, and this is the way to treat serpents \ FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 273 and foxes." Having stepped into a carriage along with Pomeranus, who had been sent from the castle, he observed, in the same vein of humour, " Here sit the pope of Germany and cardinal Pomeranus. This is the work of God." On reaching the nuncio's re- sidence, Luther was immediately admitted to him, but not saluted with his customary titles. They pro- ceeded to converse about calling a council, when Luther expressed his apprehension that the pope was not in earnest, and meant only to amuse them. " Were it even to assemble, nothing of consequence was like- ly," he said, " to be transacted. Unmeaning discus- sions about tonsures and vestments were more likely to take up their attention than the doctrines of faith, justification, or Christian concord." He added, " I and those who think with me have our minds tho- roughly made up in regard to faith. The assistance of a Council in that respect is necessary only to those ignorant creatures who borrow their creed from others. But if you will actually call a Council, I will come, though the consequence might be that you committed me to the flames." On the legate inquiring what town he would prefer for the assem- blage of a Council, Luther replied, " Let it be where- ever you like, at Mantua, Petavia, Florence, or else- where." The nuncio then asking if he had any objection to Bologna, Luther inquired in whose pos- session that city was, and on understanding that the pope had possession of it, he expressed surprise that his Holiness should have seized upon it, but added that he would go thither likewise. The nuncio hav- ing afterwards said, that it might happen that the pope would come to Wittemberg, Luther replied, " Let him come : we should be very glad to see him 2M 274 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, here." " But do you wish," rejoined Verger, " thai he should come with an army, or not?" " Just as he pleases," said Luther ; " we shall expect him in either way." The legate proceeded to ask if priests were consecrated in Saxony. " Certainly they are," replied Luther, " because the pope does not choose to ordain any for us;" and added, pointing to Pomeranus, " Here is a bishop whom we have consecrated." During the whole conversation Luther made it a rule to be unreserved with the nuncio, as well in regard to the views of the Protestants, as to his own con- tinued antipathy to the church of Rome. On the breaking up of the conversation, Verger, imitating Luther's jocular manner, called to him, " Take care that you be ready for the Council ;" to which Lu- ther replied, with a significant gesture, "I will come, with this neck of mine." Verger is represented by the Catholic writers to have been a most unfit person to conduct such a ne- gotiation, a censure probably incurred by his eventual desertion of the church. He thought proper to give a very different account of this interview from that which is inserted in Luther's works ; but Father Paul has given us a circumstantial narrative of it, according, in every material point, with that of Luther's friends. The conference, as related above, contains every mark of authenticity. The display of Luther's humour, and the independence of his tone, are quite in unison with his general character. After the interview with Luther, the nuncio proceeded to hold conferences with the elector of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse, which led to nothing of importance. The year 1536 was remarkable for the death of the great Erasmus. It is much to be lamented that t* FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. 275 his dispute with Luther was revived two years be- fore with a great share of mutual asperity, Luther having gone so far as to bring the charge of atheism against his antagonist. Improperly as Erasmus acted in his latter years, he deserves to be regarded as one of the principal founders of the Reformation. His indefatigable labours in the cause of literature, and the length to which, at one time, he went in ridiculing popish superstition, were highly instru- mental in preparing the public mind for the reception of a better doctrine. " Illius scriptis" says a corres- pondent of Melancthon,* " primum via strata Luthe- ro, et lampas, docte Philippe, tibi." Luther's last controversy with Erasmus was fol- lowed by one with a very different description of opponents — the Anabaptists. That sect had recently exposed itself to the indignation of the public by the most unexampled excesses. They had taken forcible possession of the city of Munster, and had begun to mark their mode of living by vices wholly at variance with the good order of society. They were accordingly very fit objects for the angry effu- sions of Luther, as well as for resistance by force of arms on the part of the civil power. A task of a more acceptable kind remained to be performed by desire of the young elector of Saxony, the son of John. That prince was anxious for a shorter summary of the Protestant creed than the Augsburg Confession. He applied accordingly to Luther, who drew it up with the assistance of Amsdorff, Agricola, and Spalatin. The fruit of their joint labours has been generally known by the name of the " Articles of Smalcald." Buckholzer. J 276 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER XI. FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. WE are now arrived at Luther's fifty-fourth year, the period of his life at which his attacks of ill health first became serious. Excess in sedentary confine- ment had concurred with mental agitation to expose to severe inroads a constitution which had never been strong. The chief support of his health had con- sisted in his steady temperance; an advantage to which he, no doubt, owed the preservation of it during the years subsequent to the indisposition which we are now about to mention. In the beginning of 1537, Luther was afflicted with a strangury, and the symptoms were so severe that both he and his friends began to despair of his life. In a letter to his wife of 1 8th February, he thus expressed himself: " In short, I was at the point of death, and I commended you and our little ones to God, our good master. I had given up all hopes of seeing you again, and felt great sympathy for you. I laid my account with the grave; but so many prayers and tears were poured out to God for my re- covery, that it pleased him to afford me relief, and I am now considerably revived." During this alarming illness, much anxiety was manifested for his recovery, as well by his friends as by the public characters who favoured the Reforma- tion. His recovery appears to have been complete, and he was enabled to resume his labours in the cause I FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 277 of religion. In these he steadily persevered during the remaining nine years of his life. lie prepared for the press two editions of his great work, the transla- tion of the Bible, and published them suceessivcly in 1541 and 1545. He collected also his various com- positions and printed them in a connected shape, with an introduction which has supplied many useful materials to his biographers. He continued to dis- charge, with his accustomed zeal, his official duty as a preacher and a professor. He published, likewise, commentaries on various parts of Scripture, and showed no inclination to relinquish his former habit of sending forth a popular treatise whenever circum- stances in the state of religion appeared to call for it. But, amid these various occupations, it was remarked that his enterprising spirit appeared to undergo abate- ment, and that in his latter years, he was found to hazard no new doctrines. This alteration should, however, be ascribed as much to the matured state of the Reformation as to the progress of Luther's years. The season was now come in which it was fitter to defend established opinions than to advance others that were new. Judicious and appropriate as this plan of conduct was, it has unavoidably the effect of shortening the narrative of Luther's latter years. An account of his publications at this time of life would^. be, in a great measure, a recapitulation of the subjects mentioned in the former part of our book. An event of great importance to the progress of the Reformation in Luther's neighbourhood took place in 1539. This was the death of his obstinate oppo- nent, George, duke of Saxony. So bigoted was this prince to the last, that he introduced into his will a clause bequeathing his territory to the emperor and » 278 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, king of the Romans, if his brother Henry, who was his natural successor, should apostatize from the Ca- tholic religion. Henry, however, knew too well the secret wish of his subjects to be alarmed at this death- bed menace. He lost no time in inviting Luther along with other Reformers to Leipsic, and in ac- complishing, with their assistance, that revolution in the mode of worship which had long been desired by the people. The years 1540 and 1541 were remarkable for conferences held between the leading advocates of the Protestants and Catholics, with a view to an agreement on the principal topics in dispute. These took place first at Worms, and afterwards, under cir- cumstances of greater solemnity, at Ratisbon. This measure originated with the Protestants, and had the cordial wishes of the German Catholics, who desired, above all things, the restoration of tranquillity in their native country. A greater approximation to concord was made on this than on any former occasion ; Me- lancthon and Bucer on the part of the Protestants, and Grapper, a canon of Cologne, on that of the Ca- tholics, conducting their disquisitorial labours in a very friendly tone. Eckius also assisted at these con- ferences, and appears to have dropped much of the vehemence of his earlier years. After all, the trouble of these distinguished scholars turned to very little account, as the points on which they agreed had little application to practice. They concurred in specula- tive tenets, but differed widely in regard to that most important topic, the pope's authority. Had they even gone the length of harmonizing on this point, matters would have been little farther advanced, as the pope and the Italian Catholics disclaimed the * FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 279 concessions made by the Romish doctors at these conferences, and disapproved of the measure alto- gether. Luther, who had no idea of compromise, remonstrated resolutely against the yielding tone adopted by his friends; and the young elector of Saxony cordially joined him in disapproving all such concessions. They looked forward confidently to the eventual triumph of their cause ; and the progress made, from year to year, by the Reformation, ap- peared to justify their hopes. It was in 1545, in Luther's sixty-second year, that his constitution began to exhibit strong symptoms of decline. He had for some time back been subject to attacks of a malady not unusual among sedentary men — the stone; and in this year, the attacks of the complaint became both more frequent and severe. At midsummer his friend Pontanus mentioned in a letter that Luther had then laboured during eight days under that excruciating disease. In addition, his attacks of headach, which had long been trou- blesome, now assumed an aggravated appearance. The injury caused to the system by these attacks was manifest in the impaired sight of one of his eyes. Such a complication of illness led his friends, as well as himself, to conclude that the period of his dissolu- tion was not very remote. On the part of his ene- mies an indecent wish to anticipate the event did not allow them to wait the progress of nature. Impa- tient to record the end of the man who had been foremost in the career of Reformation, they published premature accounts of his death and funeral. They had even the malignity to assert that the course of nature was inverted, and that the elements themselves had testified their abhorrence of the heretic. Luther, • • • 280 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, however, lived long enough to publish a contradic- tion, and to expose to shame the propagators of these falsehoods. But bodily infirmity was not the only misfortune of Luther. That constitutional ardour which en- abled him to brave the threats of ecclesiastical and temporal rulers, was connected with a temper, pro- ductive, in several respects, of much uneasy sensa- tion to its possessor. The effect produced by the opinions of Zwinglius throughout a considerable part of the Reformed body, appears to have caused him much disquietude. His own arguments on the long disputed subject of the sacrament, were by no means of that clear and forcible nature that enabled him either to persuade others or to establish completely his own conviction. The want of earnestness, too, in this point, of the friend of his heart, Melancthon, was a source of great vexation to him. That emi- nent man, as different from Luther in point of temper as can well be imagined, was contented to be re- garded as a disciple of the Reformer. They had la- boured together during many years, and had gone through life with a harmony and cordiality which has seldom been surpassed. Whether Melancthon privately favoured the Zwinglian notion of the sacra- ment, and was withheld from an open declaration by respect for his friend, is not known ; but that he did not enter with any ardour into Luther's tenets on that subject, is abundantly apparent. By a man of Luther's zeal the slightest deficiency of acquiescence in religious doctrine was magnified into confirmed opposition. The elector of Saxony, apprehensive of the progress of disunion among the Protestants, thought it necessary to commission his chancellor FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 281 Pontanus, to recommend forbearance to Luther on the subject of the sacrament. It happened also very unfortunately, that the even- ing of Luther's day was clouded by an altercation with the lawyers on the subject of clandestine mar- riages. So strong was the effect of this accumulation of chagrin, that Luther lost his attachment to his fa- vourite city, Wittemberg, and left it, in the month of July, (1545,) apparenly determined never to return. His wife remaining there, he charged her to inform his friends Pomeranus and Melancthon that he had retired, because he could no longer endure the con- tradiction and displeasure to which he was subjected. This intelligence, when it came to be publicly known at Wittemberg, was productive of deep and general regret; Luther having long been endeared to the in- habitants, both by the sincerity of his heart and by the extraordinary services which he had rendered to their city. His fame in early life, as a professor, and his wonderful reputation after becoming a re- former, had attracted crowds of students to the uni- versity, and had been the source of great advantage to the citizens. Melancthon's affection for him con- tinued unabated, and so deeply was he distressed by his departure, that without inquiring whether his grievances were well founded, he was eager to fol- low and pass in his society the remainder of life. The consequence of this concurrent feeling was an application, on the part of the university, to the elector (on first August,) entreating him most ear- nestly to use his influence and authority to prevail on Luther, whom they called their dear and reverend father, to return. They promised that whatever had given him offence should be corrected. The 2 N 282 THE LIFE QF LUTHER, elector wrote forthwith to Luther, in the kindest and most affectionate manner, and even took the trouble to send his physician, Razenberg, to whom he begged that he would unbosom himself in the most confidential manner. Luther yielded to those cordial solicitations, and consented to resume once more his residence at Wittemberg. Here, though de- clining health necessarily contracted the degree of his exertion, he continued to write against the doctors of Louvain and other adherents of the papacy with an energy that revived the recollection of his better years.* Though Luther continued in his original poverty, and had little ambition to interfere in affairs of busi- ness, his integrity and high character for judgment induced many persons to apply to him for advice. A dispute had for some time existed between the counts of Mansfeld respecting the brass and silver mines at Eisleben, his native place. He had been prevailed on to undertake the difficult task of at- tempting to compose these differences, and had ac- tually made a journey thither, but without success. The parties now appearing more disposed to recon- ciliation, he was again induced, notwithstanding his infirmity, to undertake a repetition of the journey. In doing this he complied with the wish both of the counts of Mansfeld and of the elector of Saxony, who had interested himself in the business. That Luther was in a very feeble state will appear from the following extract of a letter to a friend, written on 17th January, 1546, only six days before he set out. " I write to you though old, decrepid, inactive, lan- guid, and now possessed of only one eye. When * Seckend. L. iii. 581, 582, 583. FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 283 drawing to the brink of the grave, I had hopes of obtaining a reasonable share of rest, but I continue to be overpowered with writing, preaching, and bu- siness, in the same manner as if I had not discharged my part in these duties in the early period of life." Razenberg had some time before prescribed the opening of an issue in his left leg. This was found to afford him considerable relief, and to enable him to walk to church and to the university to lecture. On going to Eisleben, however, he neglected to take- proper dressings with him, and, from the pressure of business, unfortunately paid it little or no attention, a neglect which was evidently a cause of accelera- ting his death. Nothing could be more indicative of Luther's ar- dour than the undertaking of a journey in the month of January, under such a pressure of bodily infirmi- ties. The river Issel having overflowed its banks, he was five days on the road. His companions were his three sons, John, Martin, and Paid, and his steady friend Justus Jonas. The counts of Mans- feld rode out attended by a hundred horsemen, and followed by a crowd of adherents to the reformed doctrine, to meet the illustrious stranger. Soon after entering Eisleben, Luther suffered an access of ex- treme debility, a circumstance not unusual with him on engaging in a matter of deep interest. But this attack was more serious than on former occasions. He recovered, however, and seemed to enjoy the hospitality which his friends were anxious to show him. His time was past in an attention to his cus- tomary hours of daily prayer, in the transaction of the business which had called him to Eisleben, and in cheerful and good humoured conversation. He 284 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, partook twice of the Lord's supper, and preached three or four times before the progressive advance of his malady led to the exhaustion of his frame. After passing nearly three weeks at Eisleben, his illness was productive of a fatal termination. He expired, surrounded by friends, and under a full sense of the nature of his situation. A letter written by Jonas to the elector of Saxony, a few hours after the oc- currence of this melancholy event, gives a clear and faithful account of the circumstances attending it : " It is with a sorrowful heart that I communicate the following information to your Highness. Al- though our venerable father in Christ, doctor Martin Luther, felt himself unwell before leaving Wittem- berg, as also during his journey to this place, and complained of weakness on his arrival ; he was ne- vertheless present at dinner and supper every day in which we were engaged in the business of the counts. His appetite was pretty good, and he used humour- ously to observe, that in his native country they well knew what he ought to eat and drink. His rest at night also was such as could not be complained of. His two youngest sons, Martin and Paul, were ac- customed, along with me and one or two men ser- vants, to sleep in his bed -room, accompanied some- times by M. Michael Ccelius, a clergyman of Eisle- ben. As he had for some time back been accustomed to have his bed warmed, we made it a rule to do this regularly before he retired to rest. Every night on taking leave of us, he was accustomed to say " Pray to God that the cause of his church may prosper, for the Council of Trent is vehemently enraged against it." The physician who attended caused the medi- cines to which he had been accustomed to be brought FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 285 from Wittcmberg ; and his wife, of her own accord, sent some others. The affairs of the counts of Mans- feld continued to require his attention every other day, or sometimes at an interval of two days. He was accustomed to transact business for one or two hours, along with Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt, and John Henry, count Schwarzburg. But yesterday, Wednesday the 17th of February, prince Anhalt, count Schwarzburg, and the rest of us, prevailed on him to remain in his study till mid -day, and to do no business. He walked through the room in his un- dress, looked at times out of the window, and prayed earnestly. He was all along pleasant and cheerful, but took occasion to say to Coelius and me, " I was born and baptized at Eisleben, what if I should remain and die here." In the early part of the evening he began to complain of an oppression at his breast, and had it rubbed with a linen cloth. This afforded him some ease. A little after he said, " It is not pleasant to me to be alone," and repaired to supper in the parlour. He ate with appetite, ws cheerful and even jocular. He expounded several remarkable passages in Scripture, and said, once or twice in the course of conversation, " If 1 succeed in effecting concord between the proprietors of my native country, I shall return home and rest in my grave." " After supper he again complained of the oppres- sion at his breast, and asked for a warm linen cloth. He would not allow us to send for medical assist- ance, and slept on a couch during two hours and a half. Coelius, Drachsted, the master of the house, whom we called in along with his wife, the town derk, the two sons and myself, sat by him watching 2S6 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, till half past eleven. He then desired that his bed might be warmed, which was done with great care. I, his two sons, his servant Ambrose whom he had brought from Wittemberg, and other servants, lay down in the same room ; Ccelius was in the adjoin- ing room. At one in the morning he awoke Am- brose and me, and desired that oiie of the adjoining rooms might be warmed, which was done. He then said to me, " O Jonas, how ill I am ; I feel an op- pressive weight at my breast, and shall certainly die at Eisleben." I answered, " God, our heavenly fa- ther, will assist you by Christ whom you have preached." Meantime, Ambrose made haste and led him, after he got up, into the adjoining room. He got thither without any other assistance, and in passing the threshold said aloud, " Into thy hands I commit my spirit." He then began to walk about, but in a short time asked for warm linen cloths. Meantime we had sent into the town for two phy- sicians, who came immediately. Count Albert like- wise being called, he came along with the countess, the latter bringing some cordials and other medicines. Luther now prayed, saying, " O my heavenly Fa- ther, eternal and merciful God, thou hast revealed to me thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. I have preached him, I have confessed him, I love him, and I worship him as my dearest Saviour and Redeemer, him whom the wicked persecute, accuse, and blas- pheme." He then repeated three times the words of the psalm, " Into thy hands I commit my spirit — God of truth thou hast redeemed me." Whilst the physicians and we applied medicines, he began to lose his voice and to become faint ; nor did he an- swer us, though we called aloud to him and moved FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1540. 287 him. On the countess again giving him a little cor- dial, and the physician requesting that he would at- tempt to give an answer, he said, in a feeble tone of voice, to Ccelius and me, " yes " or " no," accord- ing as the question seemed to require. When we said to him, " Dearest father, do you verily confess Jesus Christ, the Son of God, our Saviour and Re- deemer," he replied, " Yes," so as to be distinctly heard. Afterward his forehead and face began to get cold, and although we moved him and called him by name, he gave no answer, but, with his hands clasped, continued to breathe slowly until he expired between two and three o'clock. John Henry, count Schwartz- burg, arrived early and was present at his death. — Though much affected by the loss of him who has been our teacher during twenty-five years, we have thought it proper to give your Highness the earliest intimation of his death, that you may be pleased to give us directions concerning the funeral. We shall remain here until we receive them. We pray also that you may write to the count how to proceed. He would like to retain the body in Luther's native country, but he will obey the orders of your High- ness. We also beg your Highness to write to his wife, to Melancthon, Pomeranus, and Cruciger, be- cause you know better how to do it than we. May God, our omnipotent Father, comfort you and us in our affliction.* « Eisleben, Thursday, 18th February, 1546." This affecting letter reached the elector of Saxony on the day on which it was written. He immedi- ately intimated to the counts of Mansfclcl how much * Sleid. L. xvi. Seckend. L. iii. 634, et seq. 288 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, he was affected by Luther's death, and requested them to permit the body to be brought away, that it might be buried in the church of All Saints at Wit- temberg. Jonas has given a minute account of the removal of the body and of the interment. The day after his death, 19th February, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the body was brought with great solemnity into the church of St. Andrew, the largest at Eisleben. It was attended by the prince of Anhalt, the prince's brothers, and many other no- blemen, along with a number of ladies of rank, and an immense concourse of the lower orders. Jonas preached the funeral sermon from the fourth chapter of 1 Thessalonians, verse 14th, "If we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so them also which sleep in Jesus, will God bring with him." When he had concluded, the congregation separated, having left the body in the church under the care of ten citi- zens, who were to guard it during the night. On hearing that the body was to be carried to Wittem- berg, Michael Ccelius gave a discourse next morning, taking his text from Isaiah lvii. verse 1st. " The righteous perisheth, and no man layeth it to heart — none considering that the righteous is taken away from the evil to come. He shall enter into peace." After mid-day, all the persons whom we have men- tioned, accompanied the body from the church through the city and beyond the gate. The countrymen, as- sembled by the ringing of bells, came, with their wives and children, with tears in their eyes, to meet the melancholy procession. The body was brought to Halle about five in the afternoon, and was met at the gate by the senators and clergy. The streets of the city were so crowded by the multitude, that FROM THE YEAR 1537 TO 1546. 289 the procession moved on with difficulty. The hour was too late for the delivery of a discourse, but a psalm (the 130th) was given out, and sung in so- lemn harmony by the numerous assemblage. Early next morning, the senate, clergy and scholars, at- tended the departure of the body. On Monday, 22d, the funeral reached Wittemberg, and was re- ceived at the gate by the senate, the members of the university, and a numerous body of citizens. From the gate the procession moved, in solemn or- der, to the church, the prefect of Wittemberg with the counts of Mansfeld and their horsemen leading the way. The body followed in a carriage, and Luther's wife and family, accompanied by his bn> ther James from Mansfeld, were immediately be- hind. Next came the rector of the university and several sons of counts, princes and barons, who were students at Wittemberg. Pontanus, Melanc- thon, Jonas, Pomeranus, Cruciger, and other elderly ecclesiastics, now appeared, and were succeeded by the professors, the senators, the students, and the citizens. An immense crowd of the lower orders followed in the rear. The body was deposited in the church on the right of the pulpit. After the singing of hymns, Pomeranus ascended the pulpit, and delivered an excellent discourse. When he had concluded, Melancthon pronounced a funeral oration, which, while it bore affecting marks of his personal sorrow, was intended to afford consola- tion to others and to alleviate the grief of the church. These melancholy offices being performed, the body was committed to the grave by several members of the university. A stone was placed over the grave, with a plain inscription, expressive merely of the 20 290 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. name and age. A picture of Luther and an epitaph were afterwards affixed to the wall by order of the university. We are now about to bring our account of this distinguished man to a close. We have followed him throughout a career, which, if not lengthened in point of time beyond the ordinary course of na- ture, was rendered for ever memorable by his inde- fatigable activity of mind. At whatever age we contemplate Luther, we find the traits of no com- mon disposition. While yet a boy, we have seen him devoting himself with ardour to study, and out- stripping his youthful competitors in classic attain- ments. Advancing towards manhood, he loses in- deed a valuable portion of time in acquiring a famili- arity with the barbarous jargon of the schools ; but his progress in this unprofitable department is such as to afford a satisfactory indication of his success in a better cause. When arrived at the time of life for making choice of a profession, he exhibits strik- ing marks of a decided character. Young as he was, he had determined to devote himself to the service of God, and no entreaty of friends, no temp- tation of emolument, could shake his resolution. Having taken the conclusive step and become an in- habitant of a monastery, he avoids the idle and un- instructive habits of his brethren, and, without the aid of any advising friend, devotes himself to theo- logical research. In this he resolutely perseveres, notwithstanding the ridicule of those around him, whose knowledge of their duty was confined to the repetition, by rote, of a few prayers, and who had HIS CHARACTER. 291 allowed a copy of the Bible to lie for years neglected in a corner. By one of those remarkable dispensations of Pro- vidence, which rendered Luther the instrument of so much public good, he was early placed in a situation to distribute to others the fruits of his study. Though called to officiate as a teacher of philosophy, and for some time, perhaps, inadequately qualified to fill the theological chair, the bent of inclination remained as before, and he embraced the first favourable op- portunity of making his duty consist in that which had long been his delight. By this change he was placed in the situation best fitted to enable him to instruct others, and to prosecute his researches into the true nature of Christianity. We find him ac- cordingly holding for several years an assiduous but tranquil course. The time which thus elapsed was sufficient to shake in him the foundation of the false impressions of youth, without being of a length to carry him beyond the years of enterprising ex- ertion. Under these circumstances, it is so or- dered that the abuses of papal corruption shall be brought under the eye of himself and his country- men in their most offensive shape. Luther is revolt- ed at the sight, and ventures to commence an op- position which, under a different sovereign, or in any- other country in Europe, could hardly have failed to have been unsuccessful and disastrous. This opposition bears no mark of selfish motives — it im- plies, on the contrary, a relinquishment and forfei- ture of professional advancement. In all Luther's proceedings, various as they are, in his preachings, his treatises, and disputations, we discern no step taken for the gratification of personal advantage ;— - 292 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. all is disinterested and zealous; — all is prompted by an anxiety to understand and promulgate the word of God. Though learned beyond his cotemporaries, Lu- ther had much to acquire after coming forward as an author. His theological knowledge was derived, in great part, from the writings of the Fathers, and, familiar as he was with Scripture, he had to study its most difficult passages without the assistance of intelligent commentators. It was more suitable, however, to his constitutional ardour to attack cor- ruption at once with the weapons which lay at hand, than to allow time to pass in preparing arms of a less defective character. Hence those changes and in- consistencies in particular topics, which, however suspicious in the eyes of the weak or the malignant, afford to the considerate observer a complete evi- dence of his sincerity. Conscious of pure intention, Luther felt no shame in acknowledging the errors arising from haste or engendered by early prejudice. He journeyed along the track of inquiry without as- sistance ; he was obliged to feel his way ; and it was only step by step that he acquired a knowledge of the true path. He was long in the hope that the head of the church would disapprove of the indecent sale of Indulgences, and would extend support to the man who came forward to denounce it. When less con- fident of this support, he was inclined to ascribe to bad advisers that protection of vice of which he ac- counted the pontiff incapable. Nor could he prevail on himself to think otherwise till after the most con- clusive proofs that no integrity of motive was ac- counted a justification of the capital crime of de- veloping the corruption of the church. When this HIS CHARACTER. 293 was clearly ascertained, Luther's choice was no longer doubtful — the establishment, which refused to listen to reform, became in his view an object for di- rect and unmitigated hostility. Many years of his life were yet to pass, and his views in points of doc- trine were destined to undergo several changes; but no solicitation or argument had effect in altering his behaviour towards the church of Rome. After his rupture with the pope, and the adoption of the new doctrine by a numerous body of converts, Luther became one of the most conspicuous men in Europe. Princes embraced opportunities of convers- ing with him, and senates were not backward in ap- plying to him for advice. These distinctions, and the influence attached to them, were enjoyed by Lu- ther above twenty years, yet in no single instance did he seek to turn them to his personal advantage. In- difference to money is not unfrequent among men of his secluded habits, but how few individuals would have possessed Luther's power without making it subservient to the acquisition of rank or honours? All these were disdained by him, and his mind re- mained wholly occupied with the diffusion of reli- gious truth. Even literary fame had no attractions for Luther. The improvement of the condition of his fellow creatures was the object which with him superseded every other consideration. No tempta- tion of ambition could remove him, in his days of ce- lebrity, from his favourite university of Wittemberg. While his doctrines spread far and wide, and wealthy cities would have been proud to receive him, Luther clung to the spot where he discharged the duty of a teacher, and to the associates whom he had known in his season of humilitv. 294 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. In considering Luther as an author, we are struck with the extent and variety of his labours. They consist of controversial tracts, of commentaries on Scripture, of sermons, of letters, and of narratives of the chief events of his life. The leading feature of his controversial writings is an unvaried confi- dence in the goodness of his arguments. It never seems to occur to him to entertain a doubt of the ac- curacy of the proposition which he undertakes to de- fend. It unavoidably followed that he bestowed too little time on analyzing the reasoning of others, and on reconsidering his own. His natural temper led him to conceive strongly, and his triumphs over the Romanists powerfully seconded this constitutional tendency. The same warmth led him to avail him- self of the aid of whatever weapons were calculated to reach his adversary. Sarcasm in all its shapes, raillery, ridicule, direct personality, and even pun- ning, abound in his controversial tracts to a degree which is hardly justified by the example of other writers of the age. Impatience and irritability were his great faults, and they are abundantly conspicuous in his writings. No sooner had he formed an idea of the motives or of the doctrine of an individual at variance with himself, than he made it the object of unsparing condemnation. Hence the endless com- plaints from adversaries of his precipitation and rude- ness. Without desiring to excuse such exceptionable characteristics, it is due to his memory to observe that they originated in no malignant intention. They were not displayed towards inoffensive persons, nor were they meant as the foundation of lasting ani- mosity. They were often the ebullition of the mo- ment, and appear to have been carried, in the heat of HIS CHARACTER. 295 composition, to a greater length thatf Nvas intended at the outset. The freedom of his language in treat- ing of the conduct of the great, arose partly from constitutional ardour, and partly from an habitual impression of the all-powerful claims of truth. The lofty attitude so often assumed by Luther is not therefore to be attributed to pride or vanity. In treating of the Scriptures, he considered himself as acting in the presence of God, whose majesty and glory were so infinitely exalted above all created be- ings, as to reduce to one and the same level the arti- ficial distinctions of worldly institutions. Under this conviction, the prince or the king who ventured to oppose what Luther considered the word of God, seemed to him no more exempted from severe epi- thets than the humblest of his adversaries. However we may censure the length to which his freedom was carried, the boldness of his conduct was, on the whole, productive of much good. An independent and manly tone in regard not only to religion, but to civil liberty, literature, the arts and sciences, was cre- ated and disseminated by his example. His compositions of all kinds, including sermons and epistolary disquisitions, are calculated, by his dis- tinguished biographer, Seckendorff, at the extraordi- nary number of eleven hundred and thirty-seven. When we consider, in addition, the extent of his pub- lic duty, and the variety of his correspondence, w» cannot fail to admire the prodigious efforts of his in- dustry. Where the mass of writing was so large, we must expect little polish of style. Luther's ima- gination was vigorous, but the cultivation of taste en- gaged no part of his attention. His inelegance of style has been chiefly remarked in his Latin publica- 296 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. tions. His taste in early life had been corrupted by the barbarous diction of the scholastic divines, and in his riper years he was too impatient to communicate the substance of his thoughts, to bestow much atten- tion on the dress in which they appeared. It suited his ardour to commit to paper the impression of the moment, and to give free course to that excitement which grows strongly on men of his temper in the progress of composition. The consequence is that his sentences are generally of great length ; the succeed- ing members appearing an expansion, and not unfre- quently a repetition, of what had gone before. No pains were taken to promote clearness, and very little to correct ambiguity. As he was wholly indifferent to the praise of elegance, he gave himself no trouble about the choice of words. When classical vocables did not readily occur to him, he had no scruple in making a new word by giving a Latin termination to an expression borrowed from the Greek, or some other language. His arrangement is equally defec- tive, and the result of all this is, that his works are full of obscure passages. Some of them are so much involved, that it is next to impossible to make out the meaning. In his German compositions the case is different. His translation of the Bible has been al- ways admired, and his hymns have given way to ver- sifications of later date in consequence only of the progressive change in the language. His theological system he professed to found alto- gether on the authority of Scripture. Such, it must be allowed, was in a great measure the case, although his predilection for the writings of Augustine influ- enced his creed to a degree of which he was perhaps unconscious. Of his commentaries and sermons. HIS CHARACTER. 297 many were printed from the notes of hearers, and, though generally shown to him beforehand, he was so indifferent to fame, so immersed in business, and so intent on the object of the moment, that he al- lowed them to go forth without much correction. The plan of his discourses, if plan it can be called, was not calculated to procure him reputation on the score of composition. The leading points of contro- versy between him and the Catholics are introduced on all occasions, and some of his favourite doctrines, such as justification by faith without works, could never, he seems to have thought, be out of season. On the other hand, few writers discover greater knowledge of the world, or a happier talent in ana- lyzing and illustrating the shades of character. In this respect Luther is greatly superior to those who form their notions of mankind in the stillness of their closet. It is equally remarkable that no man could display more forcibly the tranquil consolations of re- ligion. Though unable to subdue his impetuosity of temper, he was anxious to moderate it, and seems to have been perfectly acquainted with the means which it is incumbent on us to use for that purpose. Let us now turn aside from Luther's public cha- racter, and contemplate him in the scenes of private life. Warm as he was in temper, and unaccustomed to yield to authoritative demands, he yet possessed much of the milk of human kindness. Few men entered with more ardour into the innocent plea- sures of society. His frankness of disposition was apparent at the first interview, and his communica- tive turn, joined to the richness of his stores, ren- dered his conversation remarkably interesting. In treating of humorous subjects, he discovered as 2V 298 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. much vivacity and playfulness as if he had been a man unaccustomed to serious research. The visitor of Luther's domestic circle was assured of witnessing; a pleasing union of religious service with conjugal and paternal affection. His fondness for music con- tinued during life, and spread a charm over the dis- charge of his serious duties. He was always a zealous advocate for the use of music in public wor- ship. In an evening before parting from his family and his friends, he was in the habit of regularly singing a hymn. This he usually did in a high key, and with all the advantage of a delightful voice. In his hours of occasional dejection, music proved his most pleasant and effectual restorative.* It was much to be regretted that his constitution, though apparently robust, by no means afforded him the steady enjoyment of health. Whether from taking too little exercise, or from the repeated occurrence of mental agitation, he was subject to frequent and severe headaches. In respect to diet, he was re- markably abstemious, a habit probably acquired in the monastery, and continued in consequence of the sedentary nature of his occupations. The diffusion of religious knowledge being always foremost in Luther's mind, he was fond, when along with his friends, of turning the conversation in that direction. Nor was there any objection to it on the part of his associates. The fluency of his arguments and the spirit of his illustrations were calculated to divest serious topics of whatever might be forbidding, and to give them all the attraction of subjects of amusement. The study of Scripture elucidated by Luther, appeared no longer in the * See Appendix F F. HIS CHARACTER. 299 light of a task, and the ponderous writings of the Fathers seemed in his hands divested of their cus- tomary incumbrance. If, among the numerous virtues of Luther, we seek for that which more particularly characterized him, we shall fix, without hesitation, on his con- tempt for the terrors of power. It was to this un- daunted spirit that he was chiefly indebted for his usefulness and celebrity. To maintain the cause of truth, as a servant of God, was a task in which no danger could appal him. His courage arose from no hasty resolution, and still less from any hidden ambition — it was a firm, deliberate determination, founded on thorough conviction, and unconscious of abatement under the most embarrassing circum- stances. Regardless of the threats of foes, or the expostulations of friends, he persevered in his course, and looked forward, with patience and confidence, to " reap in joy what he had sown in tears." Again, if we pass from the examination of his mind to a view of the different capacities in which he came before the public, we shall see him to greatest advantage in the character of a preacher. He mounted the pulpit full of his subject, and eager to diffuse a portion of his stores among his audience. The hearer's attention was aroused by the boldness and novelty of the ideas ; it was kept up by the ardour with which he saw the preacher inspired. In the discourse there was nothing of the stiffness of laboured composition; in the speaker no affectation in voice or gesture. Luther's sole object was to bring the truth fully and forcibly before his congre- gation. His delivery was aided by a clear clocu- 300 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. tion, and his diction had all the copiousness of a fervent imagination. Luther left the little property which he possessed to his dear Catherine de Bora. She removed after his death to Torgau, and survived him nearly seven years. His family, consisting of a daughter in addi- tion to the three sons already mentioned, were re- lieved from hereditary poverty by the liberality of the elector of Saxony and the counts of Mansfeld. The grandson of Paul, the youngest of Luther's sons, lived in the time of Seckendorff, and occupied a respectable situation.* * See Appendix G G. AWaSUDSSU NOTES. [A. page 18.] IT would be tedious and disgusting to report the end- less calumnies circulated by the meaner class of Catholic writers in regard to Luther. Every thing respecting his birth, education and character, is made to wear an unna- tural shape. As a specimen, take the following assertion from the works of Gabriel Prateolus Mareopius, De Vitis, Sectis, et Dogmatibus omnium Hereticorum. Edit. Cologn. 1569. 271: " Sunt qui Lutherum scribunt incubo natum, qui ejus matrem balnei, publici servulam, oppresserit." By incubus we are to understand a demon in human shape, and by way of giving farther consistency to the story, the appearance said to be assumed was that of a slave dealer, a class of men notorious for their profligacy. Another tale, not quite so absurd or monstrous, was the assertion that Luther was a native of Bohemia, and a de- scendant of John Huss and Jerome of Prague. The re- puted heresy and unfortunate death of these men, who had been committed to the flames by order of the Council of Constance, were calculated to affix, in vulgar apprehension, a stain on whoever might be related to them. [B. page 21.] Ignorance of the Monks. — The works of Ulrich Hutten of Franconia, entitled Epistolce obscurorum Virorum^ ridi- cules with great felicity the bad Latin, and general igno- rance of the opposers of the revival of learning. That which Hutten censured in Latin, designedly bad, afforded to Buchannan an admirable subject for satire in his " Franciscanus " and " Fratres Fraterrimi." The classic elegance, the harmony, and the nervous declamation of 302 APPENDIX.— Notes C.— D. the Franciscanus, lias never been surpassed. Juvenal, it i:> plain, was Buchannan's model. — An interesting - account of Hutten is to be seen in Seckendorff, p. 130. See also Hottinger de Necessit. Reform, p. 13, who relates that when Erasmus first perused the Epistolce obscurorurn Vi- ronnn, he laughed so immoderately as to burst an abscess in his face, which his physician had directed to be lanced. — A farther account of Hutten is given in Melchior. Adam. Vit. German. Jurisconsult, et Politic. Melchior. Adam is entitled to the praise of being an indefatigable compiler; but there is very little original composition in his book, and, in regard to Luther, he has transcribed almost all that Melanethon has recorded on the subject of his life. [C. page 22.] The origin of degrees in the universities of Europe, is a subject of curious disquisition. These distinctions were unknown to the ancients, and appear to have been invented by the clergy, who were the only scholars in the dark ages, by way of giving consequence to their order. The most probable account is that they were introduced when Lom- bard's book of Sentences made its appearance.* Those who commented on it were called " Doctors" or " Teach- ers," while Lombard himself was named " Master." [D. page 26.] Luther's father did not cease to express, during several vears, a disapprobation of his monastic vow. Seckend. p. 19. Luther afterwards acknowledged that this reproof was never forgotten by him, and that it sounded like the voice of God. De Vot. Monast. It is a singular coinci- dence, that Savonarola, who preceded Luther in his at- tempts at reformation, and whose fate was so tragical, also declared that he became a monk in compliance with the express command of Heaven. His parents were in like manner averse from the resolution he had taken. Mirand. Vit. Sav. C. 5. Also Savonar. Epp. Spirit, et Ascet, translated by Quetif. p. 9. Spelman's Glossavium APPENDIX.— Notes E.— F. 303 [E. page 27.] " Initio etiani durius a fratribus fuit habitus, dum cus- todis, at vocant, officio fungi, et loca immunda purgare, coactus fuit; uti et cum sacco per civitatem ambulare, Sec. Melch. Ad. Autor est duriter habitum fuisse a monarches vilissimisque servitiis gravatum," &c. Seckend. p. 21. [F. page 30.] Of Luther's knowledge of Latin and Greek in the early part of his life, Ludovicus Vives expresses himself thus in Ids celebrated work, " Ue Causis corruptarum Artium," Lib. ii. p. 363. Edit. Basil. 1555. " Quid, v.imi ndn etiam Lutherns et dialecticus, et Sophista, et Theologu scholasticus, et quidem magis qUam Latinus ? nam Gra-;' nihil penitus noverat, quum ad scribendum aecessit, Latim parum adrnodum ; et qua? tuenda susceperat, dialecti et argumentatiunculis tutatus est non linguis." Erasmus' edition of the New Testament was publi in February, 1516, and was the labour of live month ly. The Polyglott of Ximenes had been printed . time before this, but in consequence either of an int from the Pope, or from not procuring leave to pub Erasmus had not seen it. Vid. Millie, prolegom. Ad. N. T. P. iii. also Wetsten. prolegom. p. 120. The commen- tator in the highest repute at that time was Nicolas de Lyra. Father Simon gives a character of Lyra in his Hist. Crit. des principaux Commentat. du Nouveau Tes- tament, Chap. 33, and also in his Hist. Crit. du Vieux Test. Liv. iii. Chap. xi. Lyra's commentary, as far as I have consulted it, appears to be a work of considerable merit ; he flourished about the beginning of the fourteenth century. Laurentius Valla distinguished himself in the fifteenth century by a work entitled, De Collatione Novi Testament! libri duo. Bellarmine says of him, " Precur- sor quidam Lutheranse sectse videtur." Liber i. c. 7. De Poenit. Valla's epitaph may be seen in the Lateran. He died in 1465. See his character as a critic in Simon's Hist. Crit. du N. T. Chap. 34. His book is chiefly phi- lological. Revius published an edition at Amsterdam in 1630. in 18mo. to which he has subjoined a few annota- 304 APPENDIX.— Note G.— H. tions. The works of the authors mentioned in this note, are frequently referred to by Luther. [G. page 32.] The monk's explanation of this doctrine of the creed was curious. " Non solum in genere credendum esse, aliquibus remitti, ut et Da?mones credunt, Davidi aut Pe- tro remitti : sed mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli homines nobis remitti peccati credamus." Melch. Ad. — Luther, it seems, derived comfort from this reasoning. It contains an obscure enunciation of the doctrine called the act of appropriation, an attachment to which was the cause of the great body of dissenters in Scotland leaving the esta- blishment early in the last century. This goes generally by the odd name of the Marrow Controversy, owing to one Fisher having published in England about the beginning of the seventeenth century, a book which he called the Marrow of Modern Divinity, the republication of which gave occasion to great disputes. Mr. Hervey defended the same doctrine in his sixteenth dialogue between Theron and Aspasio, which was vigorously attacked by Robert Sandeman, under the fictitious name of Palsemon. Cud- worth answered Sandeman. [H. page 33.] Extemporary preaching appears to have been common in and before the days of Luther, so that the usual way of giving to the public the subject of a discourse, was from notes taken by one of the hearers. Erasm. Ep. Lib. xvii. Ep. 24. On the titlepages of many editions of the dis- courses of popular preachers, before and about the time of Erasmus, there is a print of a congregation assembled, with a person haranguing them, and there is always a clerk at the foot of the desk with a book and a pen in his hand. — Indeed many of those sermons were published by the Nota- ries, as they were called. Savonarola's sermons, many of Luther's discourses and commentaries, (that on the Gala- tians in particular,) were prepared for the press by those persons. An interesting, though rudely executed print, is to be seen on the titlepage of the edition of the sermons APPENDIX.— Note I. 305 of the former, published in Italian at Venice in 1540. A very well executed print by Picart, of a similar description, is prefixed to Gerson's works. Edit. Antw. 1706, published by Dupin. [I. page 34.] Savonarola was of the Dominican order, and was com- mitted to the flames at Florence in the year 1498, when he bore his fate with triumphant fortitude and serenity. Mosh. Vol. iii. p. 257. For a full account of the persecutions of Savonarola and of the circumstances by which his destruc- tion was accomplished, as well as a refutation of the false accusations made against him, consult Seckend. p. 119. See also his life by JohnPicus Mirandola, published at Paris in 2 vols. 12mo. with ample notes and additions, in 1674. This contains a great deal of curious matter, blended, it must be acknowledged, with a large portion of enthusiasm. Guicciardin has referred to him in various parts of his work. L. i. p. 132, 133. 156. 257. 291, &c. and Vignier de Bar, De l'histoire de l'Eglise. p. 622. Leyden, 1601. Mr. Roscoe in his Leo X. Vol. i. p. 278, 279, and in his Loren. di Med. Vol. ii. p. 269, gives a very unfavourable account of Savonarola. This unfortunate man was not, I allow, without his faults ; but the reader who is disposed to examine the authorities quoted in this note, will be sur- prised to find so little evidence in confirmation of Mr. Ros- coe's opinion. I have specified the passages in Guicciar- din, in which that historian animadverts upon Savonarola, that every one may judge for himself. The value of Mr. Roscoe's works is considerably impaired by the great par- tiality he shows to the advocates of the court of Rome. Thus, he almost invariably gives the preference to Palla- vicini when in direct opposition to Father Paul, though he could not fail to know, that the former of these writers was rewarded with a cardinal's hat by the court of Rome, for defending their cause, and was in short their professed apologist. In like manner he has given the preference to the Jesuit Maimbourg's history of Lutheranism, though he makes his references to Seckendorff's translation, and con- sequently had the antidote before him. Savonarola's works are not numerous. His " Triumph of the Cross" is a book of considerable merit, and written in a manner more methodical and philosophical than one 2Q 306 APPENDIX.— Note I. would have expected in that age. Its general tendency seems to be an attempt to prove the reasonableness of Chris- tianity in all its doctrines. His sermons in Italian are ac- counted very eloquent. His works must have contributed much to form Luther's sentiments in regard to religion : and, without detracting from our Reformer, the Domini- can's creed differed little from his. Kempis. — The real name of Kempis was Thomas Ha- merken von Kempen. He was a regular canon of the St. Augustine monastery of St. Agnesberg near Swol, under the chapter of Windesheim. Brandt's Hist, of Reform, in the Low Countries, Vol. i. p. 29. — Scarcely any book ever occasioned more bitter contests than the work which now goes under the name of Kempis. It has been ascribed not only to Kempis, but to St. Bernard, to John Gerson, chan- cellor of the university of Paris, and to one John Gessen. The canons regular and the Benedictines have each claimed it as their own. It is certain that when first published, it was attributed to Gerson. But since the edition of Budius in 1520, it has generally been published under the name of Kempis. Trifling as this dispute may now appear, it excited in 1641 such attention in France, that cardinal Richlieu sent a deputation from Paris to Rome to examine the manuscripts which were said to be found in the Vatican. The indefatigable Dupin has examined the evidence on the subject in a dissertation of 112 pages, and concludes by saying, that he can decidedly affirm, that Bernard and Gessen have no claim, but can assert nothing as to the real author. He seems, however, inclined to as- cribe it to Gerson. Hist, des Controverses et des Matieres Eccles. To. xiv. p. 585. Paris, 8vo. 1698. Gerson. — John Charlier was surnamed Gerson, from a village in the diocess of Rheims near to Rhetel, in which he was born in 1363. He went to Paris at the age of fourteen, and was admitted into the society of Artists of the college of Navarre. After having studied Latin and philosophy, he was admitted in 1382 into the Society of Divines, and having studied ten years under Peter de Al- liaco and Gilles Dechamps, he took his doctor's degree in 1392. He afterwards succeeded his master Alliaco as Chancellor of the university, and canon of a church at Pa- ris. He died in 1439. Dupin, L. 14. p. 223. Tauhrus. — " Joh. Tauleri sermones" — " neque in La- tina neque in Germanica lingua se vidisse Theologiam sa- APPENDIX.— Note K. 30T lubriorem et cum evangelio consonantiorem." Such were Luther's expressions in a letter to Spalatin, in December, 1516. Taulerus was a German and a Dominican of Co- logne, and one of the most celebrated preachers of his time. Surius translated his sermons into Latin from the German, and printed them at Cologne in 1548, with some small pieces, which relate chiefly to practical divinity. Taule- rus died in 1361. Acta Sanctorum Januarii. Tom. ii. p. 652. Dupin Hist. Controv. Eccles. T. xiii. p. 272. Some ascribe to him also the Theologia Germanica. See Bayle. Art. Taulerus. Augustine and Bernard. — In To. iii. of Dupin's work, the history of Augustine and a summary of the contents of his works are given at great length. In To. x. there is to be found an ample account of the life and writings of Bernard. [K. page 36.] Gabriel. — Gabriel Biel was by birth a Swiss, though some affirm that he came from Spires. Eberhard, count of Wirtemberg, founded a university at Tubingen in 1477, in which Biel was professor of philosophy and divinity. After he had taught with reputation for some years, he entered into the Order of Coenobite clergy, and died, ac- cording to some, in 1495, although others affirm that he lived till 1520. His most celebrated work is his commen- tary on the Sentences, a book which will be afterwards no- ticed. The title of the only edition I have seen is " Re- positorium generale et succinctum, verimtamen valde utile atque necessaritim : contentorum in quatuor collectoriis acutissimi et profundissimi Theologi Gabrielis Biel super quatuor libros sententiarum." Tubing. 1501. Cammeracensis. — The real name of Cammeracensis was Peter de Alliaco. He was a Frenchman, born of very poor parents in 1350, and educated in the college of Navarre, which he entered as a bursar in 1372. He began to teach the Sentences in 1375, and had for pupils John Gerson and Nic. Climangius. In 1389 he was elected Chancellor of the university of Paris and confessor to Charles VI. In 1394 he was made treasurer of the chapel royal. In 1409 he was present at the Council of Pisa; was created a cardinal in 1411; and died in 1425. He was called " Aquila Franciae, et malleus a veritate aberrantium hide- fessus." His works are numerous. 308 APPENDIX.— Notes L.— jYL [L. page 40.] Origen. — The original of the work in which Origen at- tempted to establish a concordance between Christianity and Platonism is unfortunately lost. It was entitled tfsg* dg^wv, " de principiis." A translation by Ruffinus is still preserved, but he has added many opinions of his own, so that it is now impossible to ascertain what ought to be as- cribed to Origen. [M. page 42.] Abelard. — The history of this unfortunate man is known in this country from Mr. Pope's beautiful poem. The story is told at much greater length, and with scarcely less interest, by Abelard himself in his first letter, entitled " Historia Calamitatum Abelardi ad amicum scripta." He died 20th April, 1142, aged 63. Vid. Prref. Apolog. prefixed to Abelard's works. Paris, 1616. The history of Abelard is well elucidated by Andrew Quercetanus, in notes, which are subjoined to the edition published at the expense of Francis Ambaese, councellor of state. Dup. Hist, de Controv. T. 10. p. 360—409. Lombard, magister sententiarum. Lombard was born in a village of Navarre, in Lombardy, and studied at Bologna. From his eminence as a scholar he attracted the attention of the French so much, that when the archbishopric of Paris became vacant and was offered to Philip, the son of Louis le Gros, he declined it, and gave it to Lombard. He died in 1164, and was buried in the church of St. Mar- cel, where the licentiates of the faculty of Paris were obliged, until the late revolution, to say mass in honour of his memory. The question respecting the existence of univeral ideas was, in former ages, a source of endless controversy in the schools. This was more particularly the case during the two centuries previous to the time of Luther. The parties were generally known by the distinction of "Nominalists" and " Realists," and their mutual acrimony gave occasion not only to persecution but to bloodshed. I subjoin a short notice of one of the principal leaders on each side. Thomas Aquinas (founder of the Thomists) was called APPENDIX.— Note N. 309 the " Angelical Doctor." He was descended from the royal house of Sicily and Arragon, and horn in 1224. After being educated at the monastery of Mont Cassin, he was sent to Naples where he studied Latin and philosophy. He became a preacher in spite of his mother, who, in 1241, caused him to be imprisoned and confined in a castle for two years. He went to Paris in 1244, and took his doc- tor's degree in 1255. He went to Italy in 1263, and after having taught the school philosophy in many universities, he settled at Naples, and refused an archbishopric which Clement IV. offered him. In 1274, he was called by Gregory X. to the Council of Lyons, but died on the road at the age of 50. John Dunscotus (founder of the Scotists) called the " Subtile Doctor," who flourished about 1300, opposed the doctrines of Thomas. He was followed in this by his brethren of the Minorites. It is uncertain whether he was of an English- or Scotish family. He was educated at Merton College, Oxford, and taught divinity there. He next went to France, and taught with great reputation in the university of Paris. Dupin, T. 12. p. 252. and T. 13. p. 195. Sleidan. Lib. i. Camden, Britann. Northumber. Luther changed his opinion of the school-logic as soon as he began to inquire and think for himself. He used after that to call Aristotle Momus, and said of the scholas- tic theology ; " Nihil posse tarn argute proponi quod non rursus possit retundi, miserum illud pistrinum abunde do- cet in quo Scotista?, Thomistae, Albertista?, moderni et sin- guli in suas quoque sectas divisi, tempus perdunt." Luth. Dedicat. to Frederick, prefixed to his Commentary on the Psalms. [N. page 44.] Reuchlin, surnamed Capnion. — " Capnion " in Greek, like Reuchlin in German, signifies " smoke." From the days of Jerome, few Christians understood Hebrew, till Reuchlin, by his indefatigable exertions, made the study of it popular. He published rudiments, and a Lexicon of the Hebrew Tongue. Vid. Vit. Jo. Reuchlin Phorcensis, primi in Germania Hebraicarum Grsecarumque et aliarum bonarum Literarum Instauratoris, a Jo. Henrico Maio. Frankfort, 1687, p. 7. 142. 164. 32. 238. 143. Reuchlin was persecuted by the admirers of the scholastic philoso- 310 APPENDIX.— Notes O.— P. phy for his endeavours to promote the study of Hebrew. Melch. Ad. Vit. Capnion. Seckend. p. 19. In 1497, he caused a comedy in Latin verse to be acted at Heidelberg, at the palace of the bishop of Worms. When at Paris, about the year 1470, he had seen the famous farce of VAvocat Patelin performed, and the Latin comedy acted at Worms was an imitation of this. L'Enfant. Hist. C. Const. L. v. The Reformers did not disapprove of thea- trical representations, nor of music and dancing, provided they were kept within proper bounds. Vid. De Regno Christi. L. ii. Cap. 54. Bucer. Script. Anglican, p. 141, he. " De Honestis Ludis." Edit. Basil. 1577.— Ocolam- padius wrote six tragedies. Melch. Ad. Vit. Ocolampad. [O. page 47.] It may gratify the reader to see in the original, this no- table extract from Luther's composition: " Lector sciat, me fuisse aliquando monachum et papis- tam insanissimum, cum istam causarn aggressus sum ; ita ebrium, imp submersum, in dogmatibus Papae, ut paratissi- mus fuerim omnes, si potuissem, occidere, aut occidenti- bus cooperari et consentire, qui Papa? vel una syllaba obedientiam detrectarent. Non eram ita glacies et frigus ipsum in defendendo papatu, sicut fuit Eccius et sui simi- les, qui mini verius propter suum ventrem Papam adhuc defendere videbantur, quam quod serio rem agerent. Imo ridere mihi Papam adhuc hodie videntur velut Epicuraei. Ego serio rem agebam, ut qui diem extremum horribiliter timui, et tamen salvus fieri ex intimis medullis cupiebam." [P. page 56.] Lorenzo Pucci was a native of Florence, Apostolic Pro- thonotary (an officer whose duty consisted originally in recording the acts of martyrs,) and Datary to Julius II. and Leo X. In this latter capacity he had the charge of expediting the petitions presented to the pope. Both of these were offices of great trust. He was also, when a presbyter, created " Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor Corona- torum," by Leo in the first year of his pontificate. He was in great favour with Julius, and was consulted on all APPENDIX.— Notes Q.— R. 31 1 1 important occasions by Leo. He died at Rome in 1531. Vit. et Res. Gest. Pontificum Roman. &c. Alphons. Cia- con. Tom. ii. p. 1406. Rom. 1630. Guicciard. L. 13. Sarpi. L. i. Erasmus dedicated his famous edition of Cy- prian to this cardinal, in 1519, and says of him " Cui meritissimo inter tot ordinis Cardinalitii lumina primas tri- buit Leo Pontifex," &c. The judicious and candid presi- dent De Thou, however, seems to have known his real character. Leo, quum alioqui ad omnem licentiam sponte sua ferretur, Laurentii Puccii Card, hominis turbidi, cui nimium tribuebat, impuhu ut pecuniam ad immensos sump- tus undique corrogaret. Shuan. L. i. [Q. page 57.] Guicciard. L. xiii. Sarp. L. i. It must be confessed that the account of these two authors is different from Lu- ther's. According to Luther the archbishop of Mentz had one half of the produce, and the pope the other. " Dimi- dium pecuniae ex Indulgentiis habebat (Archiepiscop. Mogunt.) alterum dimidium Papa." Luth. Preef. Luther possibly might, by a common figure of speech, call that the Pope's share, which was appropriated to his sister, Magdalen. This, however, is very unlikely. Had the Reformer been acquainted with this fact, there can be lit- tle doubt that he would have mentioned it. Sarpi trusted to Guicciardini. From the reasons assigned by Dr. Ro- bertson, Hist. Char. V. vol. ii. p. 125, 126, it appears that the historian of the wars of Italy had asserted this gift of Leo to his sister as a fact, without sufficient evidence. His known general accuracy, however, as well as its being re- peated by all historians since his time, has induced me to relate in the text the account which he has given. [R. page 58.] Abuses in the Catholic Church. — Louis XII. of France used to call the church of Rome Babylon, and applied to it the description, given by John, of the mother of harlot;?. Long before his time, in the year 1409, the Council of Pisa was called for the purpose of " reforming the church in its head and in its members." A century after, on the 312 APPENDIX.— Notes S.— T. deatli of Alexander VI. the cardinals bound themselves by an oath that a General Council should be assembled with- in two years for the reformation of the church. This en- gagement was ratified by an oath on the part of Julius II. after his accession to the papacy — no council, however, was called. For an account of the corruptions existing in the church, see a very curious work entitled " Fasciculus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum, pro ut ab Orthuino Gratio Presbytero Daventriensi, editus est Colonice, 1535. In Concilli tunc indicendi usum et admonitionem ; una cum Appendice sive Tomo II. Scriptorum veterum qui Ecclesice Romanse errores et abusus detegunt et damnant. necessitatemque reformationis urgent, &ic. opera et studio Edwardi Brown, Parochi Sundrigia? in agro Caniiano.'* Fol. Londin, 1690. A collection of a similar kind had been made by Dr. Edward Buckley, and published at London in 1606. 12mo. — In proof of the very general de- sire for the reformation of the church, which prevailed in the beginning of the fifteenth century, see L'Enfant's Hist, of the Council of Constans, passim; particularly the last book. — See the Lives of pope Alexander VI. and of his son, Csesar Borgia, by Alexander Gordon. London, 1729. [S. page 64.] Suffrage. — See the book of Common Prayer for the mo- dern meaning of this word. Luther thus expresses himself in regard to the meaning of sutfragium. " Quid nos ob- tundit vocabulo " suffragii," quod nemo intelligit " potes- tatem," sed omnes " intercessionein." Resol. de Indulg. i. 122. — " Sunragia, orationes, quibus Dei sanctorum suffra- gia seu auxilia imploramus." Again, " Suffragia appellan- tur etiam orationes quae pro defunctis dicuntur, quod pro eis sanctorum suffragia invocentur. Liber Ordinis S. Vic- toris Parisensis. M. S. Cap. 55. Ap du Cange Glossar." [T. page 75.] Staupiiz. — John Staupitz was a man of quality, related to the house of Saxony, and in great credit with the elec- tor. Dupin's Eccles. Hist. Cent. xvi. Fabricius calls him " Hominem nobilem et sui ordinis in Saxonia primarium," Appendix.— Notes u.— v . 31$ &c. Orig. Sax. Lib. vii. p. 859; also Melch. Ad. Vit. Staup. Mr. Roscoe in his Leo X. says, that Staupitz was vicar-general of the Augustinians. This is a mistake. He who held that office was Gabriel, a Venetian, to whom Leo applied in 1518, to interpose his authority and pre- vent Luther from spreading his opinions. Luth. T. i. 226. Gabriel had the Prafectura over the whole body of the Augustinians. Sleid. L. i. [U. page 88.] The Dominicans. — This Order were, it seems, the chief reporters of Luther's proceedings at Rome. Prierio's in- formation is alluded to in many parts of the correspondence on the subject throughout Luther's works. The circum- stance of the alarm coming chiefly through one quarter, appears to have lessened the weight that would otherwise have been attached to it. — The following anecdote is re- lated of Leo. One evening in a company at the house of one Scipio Attellanus at Rome, certain persons having ventured to insinuate to Leo, that it would have been well that he had shown earlier attention to the warning of the Dominicans ; the pontiff is said to have replied, in a mo- ment of convivial openness, (Seckend. p. 40.) " That brother Martin was a man of very fine genius, and that these reports proceeded from monkish envy." [V. page 80.] Spalatin is the person most frequently mentioned among Luther's friends at the electoral court. He was born at Spalatin in 14S2, and took his name from that town. He studied at Nuremberg, Erfurt, and Wittemberg. He en- tered himself a student of law at Erfurt, but changed his plan, and took orders in 1507. He assisted the studies of Otto and Ernest, Dukes of Luneburg, when they were at the university of Wittemberg. The elector Frederick of Saxony made him his chaplain and secretary. Spalatin was held in great estimation by him and his successors ; so much so, that he was present at almost all the diets which were called in his time. He translated several of Erasmus' treatises, and wrote a historv of Saxonv, which 2R 314 APPENDIX.— Notes W.— X. he named Chronicon. He died at Altenburg in 1545, and is buried there in the church of St. Bartholomew. Seckend. p. 21, 22. Melch. Ad. [W. page 130.] Leipsic disputation. — The conduct of the scribes or clerks deserves to be mentioned. John Agrieola, a native of Eisleben, was employed by Luther, but without becom- ing a convert to his doctrine, for he was found some years after among the opponents of the Reformation. On the other hand, John Poliander, amanuensis to Eckius, joined Luther at the end of the disputation, and became a preacher of the Reformed doctrine in Prussia. A voluminous account of this disputation is inserted in Luther's works, Vol i. It contains what was published by the scribes, who took down the debate as it was spoken; also what was printed by Luther, Eckius, Melancthon, and Emser. See also Seckend. from p. 72 to p. 93. Sleid. L, i. That part of the dispute which related to free will, he. is stated perspicuously and in few words, by Hottinger. in Hist, de Praedestinat. L. iv. Sect. 7. et seq. [X. page 140.] Maimbourg. — This ex-jesuit disapproves of Miltitz's mo- deration, and calls it an obsequiousness unworthy of the master whom he served. In this he is joined by other Ca- tholic writers, who do not seem to take into account what opposite dispositions Miltitz had to reconcile, nor how de- pendent his own situation was. Miltitz had enjoyed for some years at Rome a pension of 100 florins (about £10 sterling) from the elector Frederick and his brother. Seckend. p. 98. He had found it necessary to remind Frederick of this, and to express a hope that the allowance might be continued for life. To complain of poverty was not in those days accounted disreputable. We find both Eckius and Luther frequently mentioning their poverty ; and, on one occasion, Miltitz is not ashamed to recommend to Frederick to send 40 or 50 florins to Cajetan. Seckend. p. 99. To return to Maimbourg. — This author transcribes a APPENDIX.— Notes Y.— Z.— AA. 315 great deal from Pallavicini, and habitually misrepresents the motives and conduct of Luther, while he palliates every thing in the behaviour of the pope's agent. [Y. page 145.] Letter to the Pope. — There is considerable difficulty in determining at what time of the year 1520 this letter and the accompanying treatise on Christian liberty were pub- lished. Pallavicini and Sleidan are disposed to fix the date on the 6th April, while SeckendorfT has adduced a variety of reasons for supposing that it was much later in the year, perhaps in September. The latter opinion is strengthened by an expression in one of the letters of Miltiiz. [Z. page 161.] Burning books. — The custom of burning obnoxious books is of very ancient date. The Athenians burned publicly a work of the philosopher Protagoras, in which he had spoken ambiguously of the existence of the gods, and ba- nished him moreover from their city and territory. Cic. de Nat. Deor. L. i. c. 23. This fact is in direct opposition to the assertions and reasoning of Mr. Gibbon in his his- tory, first part of c. ii. With his usual desire to throw odium on Christianity, this author exerts all his ability to establish the existence of complete toleration among the Greeks and Romans; — : as if he were justified in charging on the gospel that which has been done only by its cor- rupters. Burning seems to have been adopted as a mode of pun- ishment in the case of heretics and heretical books, from its being emblematical of hell fire. In these ages of dis- graceful persecution, the first object was to burn the here- tic, and, when that could not be accomplished, vengeance was wreaked on his books. [AA. page 194.] Leo X. was pope during nearly nine years. His name was John of Medicis, and his character has been variously 316 APPENDIX.— Note BB. drawn. Cautiously as we must receive reports in an age of so much controversy, there seems abundant reason to make deductions from the flattering account lately given of him in a popular history in this country. Seckendorff (p. 190, 191) has abridged the account given of Leo by Vacillasius in his " Historia Florentina," in which it is as- serted that his character was very profligate. The sudden occurrence of his death at the age of forty-seven has been attributed by some to poison, and by others to the effect of a severe ulcer contracted through intemperance. The ex- istence of this complaint was known, say these persons, to the cardinals at the time of his election, and, as it promised to cut short his days, was considered an argument for giving their votes in favour of a person considerably under the usual age. Those great masters in history, Guicciar- dini and father Paul, have each given a character of Leo. The former observes, that such is the corruption of our manners, that if a " pope be not worse than ordinary men, he is certain to be regarded as an excellent pontiff." Guic- ciard. L. xiv. xvi. Sarpi is much more favourable to Leo, but subjoins that he would have been a perfect pontiff, if he had possessed some knowledge of religion, or any inclina- tion to piety. Hist. C. T. L. i. with Courrayer's note. That Leo chiefly delighted in the frivolous mirth of sy- cophants, buffoons, and jesters, is affirmed by Matthicu Hist, de Hen. IV. Lib. vii. T. ii. p. 716. And the little esteem he had for divines, and his preference of poetry, mythology, and other profane sciences, to those of his pro- fession, appears even from Pallavicini , s History of the Council of Trent. (Keysler's Travels, Vol. iii. p. 94.) [BB. page 221.] Bohemians. — Luther had two years before differed seri- ously in opinion from the " Picards." On account of their denjing the real presence at the sacrament, he had not scrupled to call them heretics, a remarkable proof of the sincerity of his belief in the Romish creed at the time when he began his opposition. With the principles of another sect of Bohemians, called " Grubenheimer," Lu- ther appears to have been imperfectly acquainted. They were a poor, persecuted race, compelled by the Romish priests to perform their rites in dens and caverns, as is im- APPENDIX.— Notes CC— DD. 317 plied by their characteristic appellation. They are called " Fossai'ii," or ditchers, by Spanheim, Seckend. p. 95. See a very interesting account of the unfortunate Huss in M. L'Enfant. Hist. Concil. Constan. L. iii. [CC. page 228.] Luther's Parents. — There have been considerable diffe- rences of opinion in regard to the pecuniary circumstances of Luther's parents. It is said (Seckendorff, p. 18, 19.) that when at school, he, like other poor boys, obtained a part of his support by begging. One writer, John Micrae- lius, mentions in his " Church History," but without quot- ing any authority, that he obtained a livelihood by singing for charity. On the other hand, we are told (Seckendorff, 20.) that Luther was boarded in the house of Conradus Cotta, a man of some rank, and apparently a relation of his mother. Nay, we have the authority of Luther himself, that his parents expected, before he took the monastic vow, to marry him to a female in affluent circumstances. " Des- tinabas me vincire honesto et opulento conjugio," is his ex- pression, in the dedication to his father of his book on Monastic Vows. It is probable, that the circumstances of his parents, at first humble, became improved in the course of years by his father's industry. Still it appears from the text, that Luther, when arrived at middle age, found it necessary to extend assistance to some of his relations at Mansfeld. [DD. page 228.] Cochlceus. — Pallavicini, Bossuet, and other writers un- favourable to Luther, made no dependence on the decla- rations of Cochlseus. Sleidan has described his character in the dedication to his great work. See a note by Dr. Maclaine, Mosheim, Vol. iii. p. 336. The treatise pub- lished by Luther against Cochlseus was entitled " Adversus armatum virum Cochlseum." Agreeably to the custom of the times, Luther has no scruple in punning on his name, calling him at one time " Cochlear" (a spoon) ; at another, " testudo" (a shell), in allusion to " cochlea" a cockle. This practice of punning on names, was used frequently by Luther, and not despised by Erasmus or his numerous 318 APPENDIX.— Notes EE.— FF. correspondents. One of the latest examples of the kind was given by Milton in his controversy with Salmasius. Luther's Essay against Cochlaeus began with a parodv on the first lines of the iEneid as follows : Anna virumque cano, Mojani qui nuper ab oris, Leucoream fato stolidus, Saxonaque venit Littora, multum ille et furiis vexatus et cestro Vi scelerum memorem Rasorum cladis ob iram Multa quoque et Satana passus, quo perderct verbura Inferretque malum studiis, genus unde malorum Errorumque Patres, atque alti gloria Papa?. Luth. T. ii. 407. [EE. page 239.] Polentz was converted to the Reformed doctrine by John Brisman, a Franciscan, originally of Kouingsberg, but compelled, on account of his tenets, to leave that city. He repaired to Prussia, where he spread the doctrines of Lu- ther with great success. He was a poet too, and some of his performances have preserved their reputation to the pre- sent day, being still sung in protestant churches on the Continent. Seckend. p. 271. Polentz was the first bishop who ordered the baptismal service to be read in the ver- nacular tongue. For a character of him by Luther, see Seckend. p. 298. [FF. page 298.] Luther's fondness for music. — Tradition has ascribed to Luther what is commonly called the hundredth psalm tune. It sometimes happened that, under an access of low spirits, lie would shut himself up for a day or two together, unwil- ling to admit any one to converse with him. On an occa- sion of this kind, Lucas Edemberger, tutor to John Er- nest, brother of the young elector, John Frederick, hap- pened, along with some other friends, to call on him. Having knocked fruitlessly at the door, they ventured to break it open, and found Luther in a kind of faint, from which music was more effectual than any thing else in re- covering him. His progress in music is explained by the following quo- APPENDIX.— Note GG. 319 tation which will be most intelligible to those who are something more than amateurs. Ex eodem Razenbergii M. S. percipitur, vocalis, quae vocatur, musica, non lcviter gnarum f'uisse Lutherum, ita ut in lineas, sive notas canen- da componere aut composita corrigere posset. Delecta- batur Grcgoriano, qua? dicitur cantu, et hymnis ac respon- soriis m Jigurati, quern vocant toni legis redactis. Seckend; p. 21. One of Luther's domestic concerts, where he himself presides, is the subject of an excellent picture by Titian, now in the collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Kinnoul, at Dupplin-castle, Scotland. Luther was accustomed to amuse himself, likewise, by the exercise of turning, for his health. In a letter to Linc- cius, written so late as 1525, he desires that he would send him some better tools from Nuremberg, and adds humour- ously, that if other sources failed, he was willing to earn a subsistence by the labour of his hands. SeckendorfT, p. 21. [GG. page 300.] " In the consistorial chamber at Eisleben, is shown a print of Luther, said to have been wonderfully preserved from fire. The house in which he was born was not equally fortunate, having been consumed by the flames. But that the memory of the spot might not be lost, a school has been built on it. A stone bust of Luther was placed on the outside over the door. In the stove room there is also a statue of Luther, with a crucifix in his hand, and an in- scription in German. " Anno 1483, ist M. Luther in diesem Hause gebohren und zu S. Peter getauftt." "In this house Dr. Martin Luther was born, in the year 1483, and was baptized in St. Peter's church." And lower down this Latin distich : " Hostis eram Papa? sociorum pestis ct hujus : " Vox mea cum scriptis nil nisi Christus erat."' Among other relics of Luther, the people of Eisleben are in the habit of showing a wooden bedstead, on which he lay. This is said, of course, to be of extraordinary virtue. The Swedes are very fond of being thought genu- ine sons of Luther, and when they were in possession of this part of Germany, were persuaded to purchase and 320 APPENDIX.— Note GG. carry away a great deal more wood than could have been cut from this bedstead, and a table said to have belonged to Luther. At the university library at Jena, there is, among the printed books, the copy of Luther's translation of the Bible which he was in the habit of using. It bears the marks of corrections with his own hand, in various places. There is here also a volume of the impressions from the wood cuts made by the painter Cranachius. These impressions were circulated, along with inscriptions composed b} r Lu- ther, and describing the pope as Antichrist. Keysler^s Travels, 4to. Vol. iv. p. 145, he. I shall conclude my labours on the life of Luther with an extract from his will, a document as strongly indicative of his extraordinary cast of mind as any that is mentioned in the preceding pages. His elevation of style is the more remarkable when contrasted with the insignificance of the property of which he had to dispose. " Notus sum in ccelo, in terra, et in inferno, et auctori- tatem ad hoc sufficientem habeo, ut mihi soli credatur, cum Deus mihi, homini licet damnabili, et miserabili peccatori ex paterna misericordia Evangelium Filii sui crediderit, dederitque ut in eo verax et fidelis fuerim, ita ut multi in mundo illud per me acceperint, et me pro Doctore veritatis agnoverint, spreto banno Papa?, Csesaris, Regum, Princi- pum et Sacerdotum, imo omnium deemonum odio. Quid- ni, igitur, ad dispositionem hanc, in re exigua, sufficiat, si adsit manus mea? testimonium, et dici possit, " hsec scrip- sit D. Martinus Luther, Notarius Dei, et testis Evangelii ejus." Seckend. L. iii. p. 651. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF OCOLAMPADIUS, ZWINGLIUS, AND BUCER. OCOLAMPADIUS, Whose name in German was John Hauksheim, was born in 1482. His parents were persons of affluence, as he has himself observed in the preface to his Commentary on the Prophet Isaiah. He was sent to school at a very early age, and his rapid progress enabled his mother to prevail on her husband to relinquish the plan of placing him in the mercantile line, for a literary profession. Heilbronn, and afterwards Heidelberg, were the places of his education. He was able, it was said, to write Latin at the age of twelve ; at fourteen he was made Bachelor, and, some years after, Master of Arts. He passed some time at Bo- logna, in the study of civil law, under a celebrated profes- sor, but found it necessary, in consequence of bad health, to return to his native quarter, where he devoted himself entirely to the study of divinity. It deserves to be noticed, that many eminent divines, such as Chrysostom, Luther, Calvin, Peter Martyr, Beza, Danseus, &,c. happened to pass some time in the study of the law before directing their attention to theology. Ocolampadius, according to the custom of the age, devoted himself to the works of the scholastic doctors, and it is said, that while he was parti- cularly attached to Gerson and Thomas Aquinas, he was comparatively indifferent to the works of Dunscotus. The Greek language he acquired while residing in the city of Stuttgard ; and he was afterwards taught Hebrew by a scholar of Spanish extraction. From Stuttgard he went to Basil, where his imagination being warmed by his He- brew studies, he composed no fewer than six tragedies on Scripture subjects. Under the impression that the quiet 2S 322 APPENDIX PAPERS. life of a monastery would be of advantage to a constitu- tion naturally not strong, he entered into an establishment of that description, with a reservation, however, that he should not be accounted under an obligation to remain, if his health became sufficiently good to enable him to dis- charge the active duties of a preacher. He continued in the monastery two years 9 a period sufficiently long to give him a lasting impression of the folly and profligacy of the monks. At the age of thirty-four, Ocolampadius received the degree of D. D. and assisted Erasmus in composing anno- tations on the New Testament, an assistance of which that distinguished scholar does not fail to make an acknowledg- ment. He received protection from Francis von Seckin- gen, the Franconian nobleman, who so generously offered a place of refuge to Luther. Like many other scholars of the age, Ocolampadius employed Andrew Cratander, a ce- lebrated printer at Basil, and published with him a trans- lation of Chrysostom's commentary on the book of Genesis. He was appointed, without solicitation, divinity professor at Basil, and afterwards one of the clergymen of that city. No man could be more assiduous in the discharge of his pastoral duty. While only a deacon, he had ventured so far to depart from Romish customs as to perform baptism in the language of the country, and to administer the sa- crament in both kinds. The latter was accounted an inno- vation of such importance as to require the sanction of the senate. He introduced also in divine worship prayers in the language of the country, a departure in those days of no small importance from the habits of the Catholics. He was engaged likewise in several important controversies. In addition to the disputation with Luther at Marpurg, he held a public contest with Eckius at Baden, in 1527 ; and, in the following year, he bore a part in a public disputa- tion at Bern, which lasted three weeks. All these debates regarded chiefly the endless controversy of the Eucharist. He was decided in administering the sacrament to the laity in both kinds ; but was, notwithstanding, exceedingly desirous of restoring concord and unanimity among the reformers. None of the divines of the age surpassed him in habits of application. His death took place in 1531. ULRIC ZWINGLIUS. 323 ULRIC ZWINGLIUS Was born in Switzerland, in 1487, and gave very early indications of an ardent and enterprising disposition. His education was begun at Basil and prosecuted at Bern, where he succeeded in acquiring that comprehensive know- ledge of the learned languages which laid the foundation of his future fame. Divinity becoming the object of his stu- d}', he laboured indefatigably at the Greek Testament. His reforming career was begun, as we shall presently see, very early ; and to an ardour for amending the church, he added a correspondent zeal for correcting political abuses. We have seen, in the text, his premature fall in the field of bat- tle at the head of his countrymen, and it has been men- tioned likewise that his views on the subject of the sacra- ment were more enlarged and more analogous to Scripture than those of Luther. They have been adopted not only by the British churches, but by many on the Continent. In regard to other leading doctrines, there was no mate- rial difference between him and Luther, but it is due to Zwinglius to mention, that no part of his tenets were bor- rowed from his distinguished cotemporary. In the course of their studies, as well as in their constitutional courage and perseverance, there existed a remarkable coincidence. " I began," says Zwinglius, in the exposition of his eighteenth article, " to preach the Gospel in 1516, at a time when I had not so much as heard of the name of Luther. /'I preached when mass was in almost universal use, and I urged that the part of the Gospel which was read to the people, should be clearly explained to them — explained not by the commentaries of men, but by com- paring Scripture with Scripture. However, at that time I continued devoted to the tenets of the ancient doctors, my learning having gone only so far as to enable me to detect partial inconsistencies in them. — In 1519, when I began to preach at Zurich, I undertook to expound the Gospel of Matthew, by illustrations derived solely from Scripture. In the early part of that year we had, in our country, heard nothing of Luther, except his publication on Indulgences, a subject on which I needed no new light, having been instructed several years before, that the whole system was a tissue of deception. " Luther, as far as I can judge, is a servant of Christ, 324 APPENDIX PAPERS. who searches the Scriptures with greater diligence than any other person has done for these thousand years. "■ When in such company as his, I am not averse to be called a heretic. Luther would readily declare, that the whole of our reform- ing labours proceeded from God. I am aware that Luther has been induced to concede many points to persons, of whose reasoning powers he has no high opinion; such, for example, as the practice of auricular confession. Though in many respects my religious creed is in conformity with his, I am not desirous to be called a Lutheran, because I learned the doctrine of Christ, not from him but from Scrip- ture. I hold Luther in the highest estimation, but I now declare that I have never written to him, nor received a let- ter from him. At the same time, I do not compare myself with Luther, for every one has what God has given him." MARTIN BUCER Was junior to Luther and Ocolampadius, being born at Selestad, in 1491. He became, at an early age, a mem- ber of the society of Dominicans ; but having acquired a thirst for literature from the writings of Erasmus, he ob- tained the permission of his superiors to repair to Heidel- berg, where he obtained a knowledge of Greek and He- brew. His faith in the Catholic creed began to be shaken by a perusal of Luther's first publications, and he had the good fortune to be present at the friendly disputation held at Heidelberg, between Luther and his Augustinian bre- thren. It was on this occasion that young Bucer became a convert to Luther's sentiments on the subject of " justi- fication." In 1521 he was present at Worms along with Luther, and, in short, took an active part in all the con- ferences of the Reformers. In the grand point of contro- versy, the Eucharist, Bucer steered a middle course be- tween the tenets of Luther and of Zwinglius; and he ap- pears to have evinced, all along, a sincere desire to recon- cile both parties, and to establish harmony among the Re- formers at large. Towards the close of life he changed his place of abode, having come over to England in 1549, on the invitation of Archbishop Cranmer. Here, during the short remainder of his life, he taught at Cambridge with a reputation worthy of his former years. He died, in HENRY VIII.'s BOOK. 325 that city in 1551 ; and in the gloomy period which fol- lowed under Mary, his dead body was dug up and pub- licly burned. OBSERVATIONS ON HENRY VIII.'s BOOK AGAINST LUTHER. The title of Henry's far famed publication was " As- sertio Septem Sacramentorum adversus Martinum Luthe- rum, edita ab invictissimo Angliae et Franciae Rege, et Domino Hibernia?, Henrico ejus nominis Octavo." Henry, being a younger brother, had been designed by his father to succeed to the archbishopric of Canterbury, and had received, during his early years, an education adapted to an ecclesiastical station. His progress is said, by his co- temporaries, to have been rapid; nor is this improbable, when we make due allowance for his inherent ardour of character. Luther's treatise on the " Babylonish Cap- tivity" was the ostensible cause of the royal rejoinder, but the wish to obtain from the court of Rome a divorce from his queen, the sister of the emperor Charles V. was pro- bably the most direct motive for the publication. The professed object of the book was to refute Luther's opi- nion on the seven sacraments ; but the impetuous disposi- tion of Henry led him largely into extraneous matter. He begins with a defence of the doctrine of Indulgences, in which, however, there is a much larger share of assertion than of argument. He bestows commendations with a la- vish hand on Leo X. " Cujus innocens et inculpata vita, moresque sanctissimi ab ineunte aetate per orbem totum satis explorati sunt, quemadmodum in epistola quadam ad Pontificem Lutherus etiam ipse fatetur, verum etiam tot retro sseculis omnes Romani Pontifices, qui (quod Lutherus ipse commemorat) indulgere solebant, alius re- missionem annuam, alius triennem, quidam aliquot con- donare quadragesimas, nonnulli certam totius poenitentiae partem, tertiam puto, vel dimidium : aliqui demum remis- sionem indulserunt, et poena? et culpa? plenarium. Om- nes ergo (si vera dicit Lutherus) fuerunt impostores." These compliments are followed by others couched in ;t still higher strain, and forming an amusing contrast to 326 APPENDIX PAPERS. Henry's subsequent hostility to the church. In propor- tion as he bestows praises on Leo, he pours the most vio- lent and scurrilous abuse on the Reformer. " Heretics, whose malignity is inveterate, and who treat pious reproof with contempt, should be restrained by the infliction of merited punishment. He who is not disposed to do well, should be made to cease from doing ill ; he who has ma- liciously injured others, should be made to profit them by his example. If Luther will not retract, it will certainly soon come to pass, if Christian princes do their duty, that the fire will consume both his writings and himself." Lu- ther, in allusion to the monopolizing spirit of the church of Rome, had called the papacy " Robusta venatio Epis- copi Romani." This expression Henry repeats, and views, or affects to view it with great horror. After quoting the authority of father Jerome, Henry enumerates three dis- tinct relations under which Luther was pledged to adhere to the church, viz. as a Christian, a priest, and a brother. Modesty, he adds, should be the characteristic of ecclesi- astics, but Luther has so departed from it, that he ought to be avoided as a serpent. The point, in which Henry is most successful, is the charge of inconsistency in Luther's different publications; a charge for which the Reformer's progressive change of opinion afforded a considerable handle to his adversaries. But Henry, when he ven- tures to argue in defence of traditionary miracles in the history of the church, finds himself on very different ground. The Romanists had contrived to render the me- mory of Huss so odious, that Henry considered the battle won if he could assimilate the doctrine of Luther to that of his unfortunate precursor. — In the dedication Henry expresses a boundless veneration for all the tenets main- tained by the head of the church ; and in a strain of great humility expresses a hope that his Holiness will co-operate with him against Luther, as well as that his book may lead to a detection of the origin of this accursed heresy. Amidst all this grave reasoning, he ventures to introduce some lu- dicrous allusions, and makes himself very merry with ridi- culing Luther's consjpicilia. He discovers a knowledge of Luther's private history, which could have been obtained only by communications from Germany — I allude more particularly to the intention entertained by Luther of tak- ing refuge among the Bohemians. The contumelious manner in which Luther had spoken CAJETAN'S LETTER. 327 of the conduct of the clergy afforded Henry either a mo- tive or a pretext for pouring out a vehement invective against him. He has no scruple in accusing the Reformer of falsehood, of abuse of Scripture, of taking Mahomet for his model, and even of being guilty of blasphemy. Viewed on the score of temper, the book affords a fair in- dication of the future violence of the royal author ; but considered in another light, I mean its claim to reputation as a theological disquisition, our opinion of the work will be less unfavourable. There is indeed little or no novelty in the reasoning, the substance of it being found in other defences of popery, and consisting chiefly of successive references to the authority of the church. Neither is much erudition discovered in the occasional allusions to the works of Jerome or Augustine ; but as a combination of the current arguments in defence of popery, the book is entitled to considerable approbation. The praise given to it must be relative, of course, to the rude state of theology at the time ; and however inferior the work may now be accounted, the author, whether Henry himself, or, as Lu- ther suspected, Wolsey, was entitled to hold a distinguished place among the adversaries of the Reformer. CAJETAN'S LETTER TO FREDERICK, on luther's appearance before him at augsburg. Epistola Thomae Caietani, Titulis Sixti Presbyteri Cardi- nalis, ad D. Fredericum, Saxonia* Ducem, sacri Imperii Electorem, &:c. De Lutheri causa, post discessum ejus- dem Lutheri ex Augusta, Anno M.D.XVII. Illustrissime et Excellentissime Princeps, venit frater Martians Lutherus cum Uteris Excellentise vestra?, et ante- quam nos adiret, voluit se munire salvo conductu, quern ab illis Dominis, Csesarese Majestatis Consiliariis, vestra? illustrissimre Dominationis intuitu et favore impetravit. Non tamen sine scitu meo, noluerunt enim hi Domini quidquam 1111 concedere, nisi me permittente. Quibus 328 APPENDIX PAPERS. respondi, facerent quidquid eis placeret, dummodo nomen nieum non misceretur. Et hie coepi mirari, nam si Ex- cellentia vestra in me confidebat, non erat opus salvo conductu; si non confidebat, non erat mittendus ad me ut Patrem. Adiit deinde nos frater Martinus, primum excusans se super impetratione salvi conductus propter inimicitias, &c. Deinde dicens, se venisse, ut nos audiret, et veritatem a nobis agnitam profiteretur. Nos hominem libentissime ac humanissime excepimus, paterneque complexi sumus. Dixi ante omnia, quod secundum solidam Scripturam sacram et sacros Canones interrogandus esset, et quod si se cognos- ceret, et de caetero caveret, possemusque secure dormire, ne reverteretur ad vomitum, omnia componerem, sanctis- simi Domini nostri Papas Leonis X. auctoritate. Ostendi deinde, monuique paterne, disputationes et ser- mones ejus, esse contra Apostolicam doctrinam, maxime super Indulgentiis, citavique extravagantem Clementis VI. aperte contra ipsum stantem, tarn super causa, quam ef- fectu Indulgentiarum. — Adduxi praeterea antiquam et com- munem Romanae Ecclesiae consuetudinem, ac interpreta- tionem super alto etiam articulo de fide sacramentorum aperui, admonuique opinionem ejus non esse sanam, sed manifete dissentire a sacra Scriptura et recta Ecclesiae doctrina, quae illi omnino repugnat. Is ad extravagan- tem claram et apertam dixit nescio quid relatione indig- num, et petiit diem ad deliberandum, rediturumque se af- firmavit. Ego ilium hortatus, ut se cognosceret, demisi. Rediitque postridie, una cum patre vicario generali con- gregationis observantium, multisque stipatus. Et cum ex- pectarem, ut severe agnosceret, caepit coram notario, quern secum duxerat, protestari; ego id subridens, iterum huma- nissime hominem hortatus sum, ut relicto hujuscemodi inani consilio, ad cor et sanitatem rediret, durum esse illi contra stimulum calcitrare. Addidit deinceps, in scriptis se velle mihi respondere, et causam suam agere, me ante- riore die satis digladiatum verbis cum illo fuisse. Ego audaciamhominis miratus, dixi, Fili, neque tecum digladi- atus sum, neque digladiari volo ; tantum paratus sum in- tuitu illustrissimi ducis Frederici, te paterne ac benigne (non disputandi coutendendive gratia) audire, ac pro ve- ritate monere ac docere, conciliare etiam (si voles) sanctis- simo Domino nostro Papae lieoni X. et Romanae Eccle- -ia'. CAJETAN'S LETTER. 329 Rogavit me turn is, turn Vicarius ejus, ut ilium in scrip- tis audire vellem. Dixi me libentissime auscultaturum, et facturum omnia paterne, non tamen judicialiter. Itaque abiit, reversusque postea tertio est, et longam scripto ex- hibuit phylacteriam, in qua fatue admodum respondet ad constitutionem Extravagantis Papae, nee parcit etiam suae sanctitati, quam dicit abuti auctoritatibus sacrae Scriptura?. Ad illud vero de fide Sacramentorum implet papyrum locis sacra? Scriptures omnino impertinentibus et perperam in- tellectis. Ego postquam ostendi non ita esse intelligendum quod in ilia extravagante et sacris Uteris scriptum est; iterum atque iterum fratrem Martinum ut filium monui et obtesta- tus sum, nollet plus sapere, quam oporteret, nee nova dog- mata in Ecclesiam intrudere, sed seipsum cognoscere, et salvare animam suam. Venit ad me deinde pater vicarius congregationis cum quo praisente, magnifico Domino Urbano Oratore montis ferrati, et uno magistro theologiae dicto Ordinis, multasque horas tractavimus de negotio hoc, ut tolleretur scandalum, salva reverentia Apostolicae Sedis, et sine ulla nota fratris Martini. Venit postea solus ille theologiae Magister, socius fratris Martini, qui probavit et collaudavit tractatum. Jactis his fundamentis, cum bene sperarem omnia, pro- fectus est hinc idem vicarius, insalutato hospite, ac me omnino nescio. Subsequutus est deinde frater Martinus, et socii ejus, mihique omnino, imo sibi, perbelle illuserunt. Accepi interea fratris Martini literas, quibus petit fucatam veniam, non ideo vero revocat maledicta et scandala, quaa catholicae ecclesiae concussit. Ego, illustrissime Princeps, fraudulentum fratris Mar- tini et sequacium consilium, non solum admiratus sum, verum etiam prorsus perhorrui et obstupui. Cum enim de bona illius valetudine maxime sperarem, maxime sum frustratus. Non video tamen cujus fiducia haec agat. In causa vero tria affirmaverim. Primo, dicta fratris Martini in conclusionibus suis disputative esse posita, in sermonibus tamen ab eo scriptis, affirmative et assertive esse posita et confirmata in vulgari Germanico, ut aiunt. Ea autem sunt partim contra doctrinam Apostolicae Sedis, partim vero damnabilia. Et credat mihi illustrissima do- minatio vestra, qui vera dico et loquor, ex certa scientia non ex opinionibus. Secundo, illustrissimam illam vestram dominationem 2T 330 APPENDIX PAPERS. hortor et rogo, consulas honori et conscientiae suae, vel mittendo fratrem Martinura ad Urbem, vel ejiciendo extra terras suas, postquam non vult paterna via errorem suum cognoscere et cum universali Ecclesia bene sentire. Postremo, illud sciat illustrissima Dominatio vestra ne- quaquam hoc tarn grave et pestilens negotium posse diu haerere, nam Romae prosequentur causam, quando ego lavi manus meas, et ad sanctissimum Dominum, Dominum nostrum hujuscemodi fraudes scripsi. Bene et feliciter valeat Excellentia vestra cui me intime commendo. Ex Augusta Vindelicorum xxv. die Octobris, Anno M.D.XVIII. Iterum atque iterum rogo, ut dominatio vestra illus- trissima non permittat se decipi a dicentibus, " Nihil mali continent fratris Martini Lutheri dicta ;" nee ponat macu- lam in gloriam majorum suorum et suam, propter unum fraterculum, ut toties promisit. Ego loquor puram veri- tatem, et servabo Jesu Christi regulam : A fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos. Haec pauca manu propria. E. V. et illustriss. D. ad obsequia THOMAS, S. Sixti Cardinalis, Legatus Apostolicae Sedis. LUTHER'S REJOINDER TO CAJETAN'S LETTER. Epistola D. Martini ad Lutheri illustrissimum et clemen- tissimum D. Fredericum, Saxoniae ducem, &c. In qua respondet ad ea, de quibus eum Legatus Apostolicus accusat, in Uteris suis ad praedictum Saxoniae Electo- rem ex Augusta missis. Illustrissimo et vere optimo Principi, D. Frederico Elec- tori, sacri Romani imperii Archimarschallo Duci Saxo- niae, Pra?sidi Thuringse, Marchioni Misnensi, Domino suo clementissimo, deditum mancipium, F. Martinus Lutherus Augustinianus, felicitatem, et quidquid potest oratio pec- catoris. LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 331 Accepi, clementissime ac illustrissime Princeps, per amicissimum meum Dominum Georgium Spalatinum, li- teras una cum exemplo literarum Reverendissimi Domini Thomse Cajetani, Tituli S. Sixti Cardinalis, Sedis Apos- tolicae Legati, voluntate illustrissimae dominationis tuae ad me misso. Accepi autem et reverenter et hilariter. Vi- deo enim pulcherrimam totius causae meae exponendae oc- casionem datam. Unum solum ab illustrissima celsitudine tua precatus fuero, ut sordidum hunc et mendicum frater- culum splendor magnitudinis tuae, clementissime, tolleret balbutientem. Primum vere scribit Reverendus D. Cardinalis me salvo conductu voluisse muniri meara Augustae praesentiam. Ne- que id feci aut meo aut illustrissima3 dominationis tuae con- silio, sed amicorum singulorum et omnium, quibus fueram Uteris commendatus, excepto uno, magnifico Domino Ur- bano oratore, qui solus multis verbis dissuasit. Sed ne- cesse fuit mihi, ut omnes prjeferrem uni, ne si quid temere mihi contigisset, me contempsisse scriberent, et illustrissi- maj dominationis tuae commendationem, et ipsorum fidelis- simam operam. Deinde non capitosi, sed naturalis affec- tus est, multos Germanos antea cognitos, atque vita et auc- toritate celebres, a me Germano praefei*ri uni Italo. Ipsa enim natio et multitudo me, spero, justissime excusabunt, ne orator ille dominus magnificus se a me contemptum possit causari. Non ergo tua, illustrissime princeps, diffidentia arguen- da fuit, imo plus in reverendissimum dominum Legatum confisum est, quam speraverant amici, ita ut meam temeri- tatem mirarentur, seu (ut ipsi bonorabant) audaciam, quod sine conductu essem ingressus Augustam. Manda- verat enim mihi illustrissima tua dominatio per Spalatinum meum, non esse mihi necessarium salvum conductum, adeo illustrissima tua celsitudo omnia bona de reverend. Legato praesumebat. Percurram et caetera epistolae reverendissimi domini Le- gati membra, ac paucis respondebo ad ea. Vere scribit me tandem comparuisse, et dilationem ac- ces6us ac salvi conductus impetrationem excusasse. Dice- bam enim me a magni ordinis utriusque status viris fuisse monitum, ne muros Wittembergae egrederer, esse enim mihi insidias aut ferri, aut veneni paratas. Deinde addidi et causam praidictam, scilicet amicorum studium nomine illustrissimae dominationis tuae mihi consulentium. Obtuli 332 APPENDIX PAPERS. itaque me prostratum ante pedes Reverendissimi domini Legati, et omni reverentia et humilitate petii veniam, si quid temere vel dixissem vel egissem, esseque me paratis- simum doceri et duci (sicut et hodie sentio) in saniorem sententiam. Hie me reverendissimus Dominus Legatus paterae et clementissime suscepit, commendans et congratulans huic meae humilitati ; statim tria mihi facienda proposuit, de mandate* Sanctissimi Domini nostri Papae Leonis X. sicut aiebat (nam exemplar breve petenti denegabat). Primum, ut redirem ad cor, et erratus meos revocarem. Secundo, ut promitterem, in futurum, abstinere ab eisdem. Tertio, ut ab omnibus quo que aliis abstinerem, quibus per- turbari possit Ecclesia. Ad primum petii, ut monstraret mihi, in quonam erras- sem ; mox id objecit, quod conclusione 7. inter declarandum dixeram, " oportere eum, qui ad sacramentum accedit cre- dere, se consecuturum gratiam sacramenti." Hanc enim doctrinam esse contra sacram Scripturam et rectam Ec- clesia? doctrinam voluit. Ego vero constanter dixi in eo puncto me non esse cessurum, sicut nee hodie neque in eeternam sum cessurus. Tunc ipse : " Velis, nolis, hodie oportebit te revocare, alioqui vel propter hunc locum om- nia tua dicta damnabo." Et quanquam dicebat sese non opinionibus doctorum, sed Scripturis Sanctis et canonibus mecum acturum, nee syllabam tamen Scripturae contra me produxit, cum ego contra multas Scripturas pro me adducerem, ut videri po- test in schedula responsionis meae. Nisi quod de efficacia Sacramentorum mihi concilia recitabat, quae non negavi, neque contra me erant. Labebatur tamen inter dicendum semper in opiniones Doctorum. Et expecto, peto, rogo us- que hodie unam Scriptural auctoi'itatem, vel sanctorum patrum, quae sit contra meara hanc sententiam. Et ut tibi, illustrissime Princeps, ex corde loquar, doleo totis visceribus hanc rem fidei nostras in Ecclesia non so- lum dubiam et ignotam, sed etiam falsam putari. Verum, optime Princeps, coram Deo et Angelis ejus protestor, fiat de alia mea Responsione quicquid fieri potest, sit falsa, sit contra extravagantem, sit damnanda, sit revocanda, faciam hie omnia, si ita oporteat. Hanc autem sententiam mo- riens confitebor, et omnia potius negabo, quam illam revo- cabo. Nam sive merita Christi sint thesaurus indulgentia- rum, non ideo indulgentiarum, non ideo indulgentiis ali- LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 333 quid accedit, sive non sint, nihil ideo decedit. Manent in- dulgentiaj id quod sunt, quocunque tandem nomine hono- rentur et inflentur. Nee sum ideo mains Christianus, siin- dulgentias nolim, quas ille tantum solas extollit et pro eis pugnat. Sed, si hanc fidei sententiam mutavero, Chris- tum negavero. Sic sapio, sic sapiam, donee contraria sen- tentia per scripturas fuerit probata, et adductaj per me auc- toritates dissolutas, quod nondum est factum, neque fiet, (Deo propitio) unquam. Deinde quia indulgentiae movebant plus, quam materia ilia fidei, sicut et scribit, maxime (inquit) super indulgen- tiis, attulit extravagantem Clementis VI. contra proposi- tionem meam LVIII. ubi negavi merita sanctorum et Christi esse thesaurum indulgentiarum, sicut adhuc nego, saltern ut jacentet sonant verba, quantumcunque ipse cla- ram apertamque jactet extravagantem, ego contra obscu- ram ambiguam, impropriam dico, sicut in responsione mea priori patet. Quod autem in Uteris suis scribit, me dixisse ad extrava- gantem " nescio quid relatione indignum," hoc tanquam Laico scribit. Illud indignum relatione (ut odium verbi illius revelem, et appareat, an hoc sit paterne me quaerere) hoc fuit, illustrissime princeps, quod dixi extravagantem il- lam non satis valere contra meam conclusionem, maxime cum torqueat in alienum sensum Scripturas et abutatur eis; hoc verbum, torquere et abuti, mire torquebat hominem et adhuc torquet, ut indicant literal ejus. Voluit enim et vult verba humana pontificis simpliciter accepi, non habita ratione, an consentiant cum Scripturis, necne. Verum, optime princeps, permittat celsitudo tua, ut et ego tanquam coram laico hanc rem tractem; id est crasse et aperte. Volo interim oblivisci acerrimum illud et omni- bus doctissimis quoque formidabile judicium, quo Deus in- signivit prae omnibus, quos nostra vidit «etas, ingenium principis Frederici. Dico itaque non esse rarum atque no- vum, Scripturas sanctas aPontificibuset doctoribus Sanctis fuisse tortas, et in alienum sensum ductas, quod ne multis agam etiam crasso cuique bubulco clarum faciam, uno extra propositum (ut vocant) exemplo adducto. Dicit decretalis quasdam, constitulionibus, " translato sa- cerdotio, necesse est, ut legis fiat translatio." Haec verba Apostoli sunt apud Hebraeos cap. 7. docentis temporale sa- cerdotium et legem abrogata et finita, succedente ajterno sacerdotio Christi. Haec est propria et genuina sententia verborum Apostoli. 334 APPENDIX PAPERS. At in decretali est ista sententia, " sacerdotium Cliristi est translatum in S. Petrum," sic enim Juristae interpre- tantur. Quis non videt alienam esse hanc intelligentiam, et prorsus talem, quag nisi multo sudore moderetur, sit im- piissima. Impiissimum omnium enim est dicere, sacerdotium Christi aeternum esse translatum, id est, abrogatum et fini- tum; et legem ejus asternam esse abrogatam et translatam, ut Petrus sit sacerdos et legislator, amoto Christo. Nolo Petrum aut Paulum habere sacerdotem, quoniam et ipse peccator est, non habens, quod neque pro se neque quod pro me oflerat. Ut interim taceam, quod in solum Petrum a Christo translatum dicitur, quasi caeteri Apostoli Jaici remanserint, aut a S. Petro in Apostolos ordinati fue- rint. Quanto rectius ergo non sacerdotium, sed ministerium tantum sacerdotiique in Petrum positum intelligeretur, aut alio quocunque sensu, qui illaesum permittat germanum Apostoli sensum. Nunquid ergo male dico, si in faciem hujus decretalis dixero, hanc contrariam propositionem sacerdotium Christi cum sit asternum, non est translatum in S. Petrum: aut etiam hie me coget reverendissimus Dominus Legatus, ut verum sensum negem, et decretalis sensum solum amplec- tar? Talia sunt in jure Canonico multa, quibus (ut cum fiducia loquar) si non corrupta, certe obscurata est Scrip- tura. Tale quid in extravagantem a me factum est nam certis- simum est merita Christi non posse per hominem dispensari. Deinde etiam ipsa potius imponunl, quam relaxant bona opera (quod est indulgentias esse) pcenitentiae, ut Petrus aperte dicit. " Christus pro nobis passus est, vobis relin- quens exemplum, ut sequamini vestigia ejus." Non ait, passus est pro vobis, ne vos pateremini aut ut vos relaxa- remini, sed exemplum reliquit sequendi, non reliquit the- saurum omittendi, he. Hasc est enim proprie virtus meritorum Christi, amare ad opus, non ponere cervical, et ponere pulvinos sub cubitis et capitibus, ut ait propheta Ezechiel. Ideo contra extrava- gantem, imo contra malum ejus intellectum opposui, et ad- huc oppono. Nee est ista communis Ecclesiae consuetudo, quam jactat, sed corruptela et abusus, contra Scripturae ve- ritatem militans. Igitur permitto extravagantem esse veram, sed nego sen- ium ejus esse, quern adducta verba Scriptural habent in suo loco, quae verba utique vera fuerunt plus quam per duode- LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 335 cim annorum centenaria, ante constitutionem hujus extra- vagantis. Neque ab extravagante, vel a tempore ejus pri- mum veritatem acceperunt. Nam si ista verba Scripturae de indulgentiis debent intelligi proprio et genuino sensu, jam possent ex sacra Scriptura probari et demonstrari in- dulgentias, quod ad unum omnes constantissime negant. Igitur volo utrumque servare, et dicitur mihi, " imo is- tum (scilicet pejorem sensum) servabis, alterum (scilicet meliorem) negabis." Ego autem nolo, sed sufficere puto, verbo hominis me tantum reverentiae gradum dedisse, ut verum esse confitear. Nolo verbum Dei, qui mentiri (ut ille) non potest, propter illius verbum negare. Non igi- tur " relatione indignum " est (nisi dum alteri velis mortem et perditionem moliri sine causa) dicere quod Papa aut sancti Patres aliquoties torserint Scripturas, et in alienum sensum abusi sint, aut si id pertinaciter negatur, jam et Pa- pain et sanctos haereticos et impios faciemus, ut quos man- ifestum est, alium sequi sensum, quam sit in Scriptura, et id non paucis locis, neque raro. Hue usque prima die actum est, id est, duo ista objecta sunt. Petii enim diem ad deliberandum, et abii. Non enim e re mea fore vidi, verbis rem agere, quod ille, loco Pontificis sedens, quidquid diceret, ratum apud me esse voluit ; rursum, quidquid ego opponerem exibilatum fuit explosum, imo derisum, etiamsi sacras adveherem literas. Nam omitto dicere, quod potestatem Papas, et supra Scrip- turas et supra concilia tollere conabatur, allegans, quo- modojam Papae concilium Basiliense abrogasset. Cum rursus Parisiensis universitatis appellationem allegassem, " Videbunt," inquit, " poenas suas." — Tandem nescio quos Gersonistas damnavit, nam Basiliense concilium, aut certe Gersonem allegaveram in resolutionibus, quod hominem movebat. Breviter paternitas ilia toties illustrissimas tuas dominationis promissa erga me, in hoc constitit, aut vim me passurum, aut revocaturum, non enim disputare sese me- cum velle aiebat. Ideoque consilium fuit, scriptis respon- dere, quae id certe oppressis praebent solatium, quod alio- rum quoque judicio examinari possunt, et nonnihil consci- entiae atque timoris incutiunt, alioqui verbis praevalenti. Altera itaque die redii, et mecum reverendus pater Vi- carius Johannes Staupitzius, qui interim advenerat, prae- sentibusque quatuor insignibus viris Caesareae majestatis senatoribus, caspi coram notario, quem adduxeram, pro- tostari, me nihil velle dicere aut dicturum esse unquam. 336 APPENDIX PAPERS. quod contra sanctas Ecclesiae Romanas doctrinam esset, pa- ratumque esse doceri ac duci, sicubi errassem, subjiciens mea dicta summo Pontifici. Deinde quatuor universitati- bus, Basiliensi, Friburgensi, Lovaniensi, tandem si hoc non essit satis, etiam ipsi parenti studiorum, Parisiensi, ut schedula protestationis meae indicat. Hie iterum ridens meum hoc consilium, cacpit monere, ut ad cor redirem, veritatemque agnoscerem, velle sese rursum me reconciliare ecclesiae, et summo pontifici, et his similia, quasi jam haereticus, apostata et extra ecclesiam essem declaratus. Sed cum ego non verbis, sed scriptis respondere promitterem, et peterem, satis fuisse mecum anteriori die digladiatum. Hoc verbum, digladiatum, mor- dicus apprehendit, et ridens, Fili mi, inquit, non sum te- cum digladiatus, nee volo tecum digladiari, sed monere, et intuitu illustrissimi principis Frederici, paterne ac be- nigne audire. Hoc est (ut ego cogebar intelligere) ad nihil aliud quam ad revocationem urgere. Displicuit enim merito stultitia mea, quod pro disputare vel contendere (quod anteriori die egimus, re ipsa, si non oportet negare) digladiari dixeram, elegantius, quam tunc res ipsa postu- labat. Interim, me tacente, surgit reverendus dominus vica- rius, petens, ut me (sicut et ipse petieram) in scriptis au- diret. Quod tandem vix obtinuimus, nam publicam dis- putationem noluit, privatim quoque negabat se mecum disputaturum. In scriptis etiam respondere simpliciter usque ad earn horam me noluit concedere, solummodo re- vocandi verbum inculcabat. Quod si fecissem, non du- bito omnia fuisse vel paternissime composita, benignissi- mus enim vir est, meo judicio, sed qui revocare libentis- sime audivisset. Tertio reversus, obtuli responsiones ad objecta duo in scriptis, quas primo multa et inania verba esse dixit, (sicut et nunc scribit) me admodum fatue respondisse, et im- plevisse papyrum locis scripturae impertinentibus, seseque veram eorum intelligentiam dedisse. Verum cum dixissem tandem pro me stare, quod extravagans dicit, Christum suis passionibus acquisivisse thesaurum Ecclesiaj suae, sta- tim arripuit codicem, legit et in verbum acquisivit, impe- git, sedulo tamen dissimulans sese impegisse. Surgens tandem dixit: Vade, inquit, aut revoces, aut in conspectum meum non revertaris. Ego vero mox abii, credens me simpliciter non reverti audere, quandoquidem LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 337 propositum non revocandi formaveram, nisi aliud docerer. Taceo quod rumor circumferebatur, permissum esse a re- verendo patre generali, me capiendum et in vincula, nisi revocarem, conjiciendum. Mansi tamen Augusta eodem die. Erat turn feria sexta. Post prandium vocato reverendo patre vicario, trac- tavit cum eo, at me ad revocationem adduceret, sine mea nota, ut hie scribit, id est, cum perpetua infamia, quae so- let eos sequi, qui timore hominum contra conscientiam abnegant veritatem. Quod ille quidem fecit, sed rogatus, ut Scripturas mihi solveret, dicebat, supra vires suas esse, et ego, contra conscientiam meam esse revocare, nisi Scrip- turae mihi aliter elucidarentur. Mansi deinde, et sabbato toto nihil dicebatur, nihil mandabatur. Mansi et sequenli Dominica, ubi saltern per literas adii reverendissimum Do- minum Legatum, sed nihil fiebat. Mansi et feria secunda; mansi et feria tertia. Et suspectum mihi et omnibus amicis silentium factum est. Ideo timens vim, et appellatione dis- posita, reliqui Augustam, et feria quarta recessi, confidens me praestitisse abunde arduam et fidelem obedientiam sum- mo Pontifici, juxta tenorem citationis si quid autem ultra prosequentur, vigore ejusdem, nihil mirum, si injuriam patiar. Deinde video, optime princeps, quod vere Deus in altis habitet, et comprehendat astutos in astutia sua. Dicit enim, tria affirmaverim in hac causa. " Primo, dicta fratris Martini, in conclusionibus suis disputative, in sermonibus tamen ab eo scriptis affirmative, et assertive esse posita." Respondeo : si disputative posita intelligit, quid ergo me miserum et pauperem hominem tot molestiis vexant, tot sumptibus extenuant, tot criminibus et ignominiis affi- ciunt, tot scandala et prope schismata excitant ? Sunt disputationes, (inquit,) gratias ago, absolutus sum. Imo et damnati sunt omnes, qui me in jus vocaverunt, ipse enim reverendissimus dominus Legatus his verbis testis nobis sit, se frustra et iniqna ratione omnia contra me egisse, et ista quoque non sincere scripsisse. An nondum pudet eos suae tyrannidis, quam proprio testimonio tarn clare confitentur? Quid enim disputationi potest objici criminis ? Quid dis- putatori, qualem hie me confitetur ? Quid istis Uteris vo- luit ? An ut nosceremus fratrem Martinum nihil egisse, nisi diputasse ? Ideoque contra eum motos fuisse ejus ad- versarios, ipsumquemet reverendissimum dominum Lega- tum, et non nisi insidiose calumniam et injuriam ei molitos 2U 333 APPENDIX PAPERS. fuisse ? Nam super disputatione fuit citatus, non super ser- monibus, super sermones enim postquam fuerat citatus, f'acti sunt certiores, quos ego facilius defendam (deo pro- pitio) quam ipsas disputationes. Nam hie multa dubitavi et ignoravi, illic loquutus sum ex certa scientia, et non ex opinionibus. Nunc hoc videamus, quod ea, qua; in sermonibus dixi, partim damnabilia, partim contra doctrinam Apostolicae sedis asserit. Quia scilicet ei aliud est, esse damnabile, et aliud esse contra doctrinam sedis Apostolicae. Forte quod danmabilis non est, qui contra doctrinam Sedis Apos- tolicae loquitur. Ac sic iterum absolvor et justificor, qui in hoc maxime et solum accusatus sum, et citatus, quod contra doctrinam sedis Apostolicae fuerim loquutus, id est, non damnabiliter, ut hie distinguitur. Quam vellem, illustrissime Princeps, hanc epistolam ab aliquo Silvestro Prieriate fuisse scriptam, ut libertate plena ingenii earn liceret excutere. Ostenderem profecto, quam difficile sit, malam pt sinistram conscientiam dextera operire specie. At nunc reverentia optimi et humanissimi viri cogit me bullientis cordis mei premere aestus usque in aliud tempus. Sed hoc pati non possum, quod ex prudentissimo et acerrimi judicii principe, nobis quendam facere Pilatum conatur. Nam cum Judaei Christum coram Pilato statuis- sent, et interrogati fuissent, " Quam accusationem affer- rent, aut quid mali fecisset homo ille. ? " dixerunt, " Si non esset malefactor, non tibi tradidissemus eum." lta et hie reverendissimus dominus Legatus, cum fratrem Mar- tinum principi obtulisset, multis odiosis verbis, et princeps interrogare posset, — " Quid fecit fraterculus ille ?" respon- det : " Credat mihi, illustrissime princeps, dominatio ves- tra, quia vera loquor ex certa scientia, non ex opinionibus." Respondebo ego pro principe ; Fac, ut sciam hanc esse certam scientiam, ponatur in scriptis, formetur in literas, non vereatur publicum et lucem. Quod ubi factum fuerit, tunc mittam fratrem Martinum ad Urbem, imo ipse eum capiam et interficiam. Tunc consulam honori meo et con- scientiae meae, et non ponam maculam in gloriam meam. Donee autem ilia certa scientia lucem fuget, et non nisi voce tantum prodit, nolo in tenebris confidere quando nee lux satis tuta est. Sic enim ego responderem, princeps illustrissime, verum nee doctore, nee consule eget illus- trissima tua prudentia. Nam crassae istae Italitates (ut LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 339 sic dixerim) et Romanitates, jam pueris quoque cantata? sunt. Nunc judicet illustrissima dominatio tua, quid amplius facere debui aut debeo. Per pericula tanta vita; et salutis, contra omnium amicorum consilium comparui, ut et hodie dicant, me non fuisse obligation comparere. Deinde co- ram reverendissimo domino Legato, reddidi rationem dic- torum meorum. Poteram legitima libertate unum verbuin respondisse, nee me in aliquam cxaminationem dare, pra> sertim, cum resolutiones meae essent oblatae et significatae summo Pontifici, ita ut ad me nihil pertineret haec causa nisi ut expectarem sententiam, nam in arbitrium Ecclesia; a me translation jam reposueram, et tamen ob reverentiam reverendissimi domini Legati passus sum ultra haec me etiam examinari. Non ego fraudulentus fiji, sed vim jus- tissimo timore declinavi. Nihil me omisisse video, nisi sex istas literas " revoco." Caeterum damnent, doceant, in- terpretentur, vel reverendissimus dominus Legatus, vel ipse summus Pontitex, non autem dicant solum, " errasti, male- dixisti," sed in scriptis signent errorem, probent maledic- tum, rationem, quam debent, reddant, dissolvant Scriptu- ras a me inductas. Doceant sicut jactant, verbis sese fe- cisse, instruant doceri cupientem, petentem, volentem, ex- pectantem, qua; nee Turcus homo mihi negaret. Ubi videro aliter intelligenda, quam intellexi si tunc non revo- cavero, et meipsum non damnavero, illustrissime princeps, tua celsitudo sit prima, quae persequatur me, expellat me, obruant me viri Academiae nostras, denique cadum et ter- rain contra me invoco, perdatque me ipse Dominus meus Jesu Christus. Loquor et ego ex certa scientia, et non ex opinionibus, nolo mihi DominumDeum ipsum, nolo ullam creaturam Dei mihi fore propitiam, si edoctus meliora se- quutus non fuero. Quod si me fraterculum et mendicum prae nimia condi- tionis mea; utilitate contempserint docere et in viam veritatis reducere, age faciat tua illustrissima celsitudo, et oret re- verendissimum dominum Legatum, ut saltern tuae celsitu- dini scribat, in quibus erraverim, et quomodo me errorem emendare oporteat, ut saltern per illustrissimam tuam do- minationem audire merear, quibus rationibus, quibus auc- toritatibus errorem meum confutare possint. Quod si etiam illustrissimae tuae dominationi hoc denegaverint, scri- bant id vel Imperatori vel Archiepiscopo alicui in Ger- mania. Quid enim aliud possum facere ? Mira res est quod errasse arguor, et obtinere non possum (nee per J40 APPENDIX PAPERS. tantum principem) in quibus, et quare, ipsi me errasse putent. Videat igitur tua illustrissima dominatio, disputationem publicam mihi negat (quam usque hodie vel Lipsiae, vel Erphordiae, vel Hallis, vel Magdeburgi, vel ubicunque tuae dominationis valet imperium, seu salvus conductus, non detrecto, quin eliam oro, et utinam exorem;) privatam similiter negat. In scriptis etiam ostendere errorem negat. Quatuor illustrissimarum Academiarum judicia recusat. Si nunc id addat, ut illustrissimi ac potentissimi principis petitionis rejiciat, quomodo possum aliud quam meram vim et insidias suspicari . ? lterum ego quoque atque iterum et tertio iterum rogo. illustrissima dominatio tua non credat iis qui dicunt fratrem Martinum male dixisse, antequam audiatur et doceatur male dixisse. Erravit Petrus etiam post acceptum Spi- ritum sanctum, etiam errare potest unus Cardinalis, quan- tumlibet doctus. Consulat igitur illustrissima dominatio tua honori suo, et conscientire su?e, non mittendo me ad Urbem. Homo enim non habet hoc mandare illustrissimae dominationi tua?, cum sit impossibile me tutum fore in Urbe, et id nihil aliud esset, quam illustrissima; dominationi tuae mandare, ut traderet sanguinem Christiani, et fieret homicida, ubi nee ipse summus Pontifex satis tuto vivit. Habent papy- rum, et calamos, et atramentum in Urbe, habent infinitos notarios ; facile erit in papyrum signare, in quibus et quare erraverim. Possum levioribus expensis doceri ab- sens per literas, quam perdi per insidias praesens. Unum ego intimo corde doleo, quod Uteris suis reve- rendissimus dominus Legatus oblique mordet illustrissi- mam dominationem tuam, quasi fiducia potentiae celsitu- dinis tuae moliar ista omnia. Sic enim et apud nos quidam sycophanta 3 jactaverunt, tuae celsitudinis hortatu et consi- lio, me ista disputasse, cum hujus disputationis nullus, etiam intimorum amicorum fuerit conscius, nisi reverendis- simus dominus archiepiscopus Magdeburgensis, et domi- nus Hieronymus episcopus Brandenburgensis. Hos enim, sicut intererat eorum ista monstra prohibere, ita privatis Uteris antequam disputationem ederem, humiliter et reve- renter monui, ut super oves Christi vigilarent adversus lupos istos. Bene sciebam haec non ad principes laicos, sed ad episcopos primum referenda. Extat epistola mea, multorum in manus devoluta, horum omnium testis, ista ego feci. LUTHER'S REJOINDER. 341 Sed quod nunc vellet reverendissimus dominus Legatus tua5 illustrissimae- dominationi maculam inurere, totique sanguini domus Saxoniae, et in invidiam summi Pontificis vocare, adeo homines hodie credunt, Christum esse sepul- tum, quasi non et nunc per asinam loqui possit, et apostolis apostolicisque viris tacentibus, per ligna lapidesque cla- mare. Verum opto, oro, cupio, ut illustrissima tua dominatio in omnibus adhasreat ecclesiae et sum mo Pontifici, mihi vero in omnibus adversetur. Nisi id unum pro me (imo pro sancta veritate, pro ecclesias, et pro summi Pontificis, denique pro ipsius reverendissimi domini Legati honore, denique pro illustrissima tuae dominationis fama quoque) supplicet, ut rationes et auctoritates appareant aliquando, quibus error meus convinci putatur. Nam sine his me damnare, neque tuae illustrissimae dominationi, neque sum- mo Pontifici, neque ecclesiae, neque reverendissimo domino Legato honorificum fuerit. Vivunt fideles, vivit Christus, vivunt vel homines certe, qui judicent. Quod vero reverendissimus dominus Legatus, illustrissi- mam tuam dominationem admonet, ut nisi in Urbem me miserit, vel ejecerit e regionibus suis, Roma? causam pro- secuturi sint, &ic. In exilium ire non magnopere abnuo, ut cui undique ab adversariis meis insidias parari videam, neque facile usquam tuto degere possum. Quid enim ego miser et humilis monachus sperem, imo quid non timeam discriminis ? Quid non metuam mali ab aemulis meis, cum illustrissimam quidem tuam dominationem, quamvis tan- lum principem tantum Romani Imperii sacri Electorem, tantum Christianae religionis cultorem, non dubitent ita in- signiter offendere, ut multo meliora merito minari videan- tur, nescio quam calamitatem, nisi me vel in Urbem mittat, vel e terris suis ejiciat. Quapropter, ne illustrissima? tuae dominationi quidquam meo nomine mali (quod minime omnium velim) accidat, ecce regiones tuas relinquo, iturus quo Deus misericors voluerit, et ejus divinee voluntati me in omnem permissurus eventum. Nihil enim minus sequor, quam ut quisquam mortalium mea causa (nedum illus- trissima dominatio tua) vel invidiam, vel in periculum ali- quod adducatur. Quamobrem, illustrissime princeps, illustrissimam tuam dominationem reverenter saluto, eique simpliciter valedico, gratias immortales pro omnibus suis beneficiis erga me 342 APPENDIX PAPERS. agens, ego enim, ubicunque ero gentium, illustrissimse do- minationis tuae nunquam non ero memor, futurus semper sincerus et gratus pro tua et tuorum felicitate precator. Porro, quod ait reverendissimus dominus Legatus reve- rendum patrem vicarium abiisse insalutato hospite ; quid hoc ad illustrissimam dominationem tuam ? Vicarius non erat vocatus, nihil ad eum causa ista pertinebat, poterat ire, redire, abire, venire, omni hora ut voluit. An etiam portas Augusta) ingredientibus et egredientibus propter me claudi oportebat? Sed timeo, quod undicunque cor- rodatur et quaeratur causa contra me ; necesse est enim quaei'i causam ab eo, qui vult habere causam, ubi nulla m habet causam. Sed jam ignoscat illustrissima dominatio tua verbosis- simis nugis meis. Ego adhuc gratia Dei gaudeo, et gra- tias ago, quod Christus Dei Filius in tarn sancta causa me pati dignum judicaverit. Qui conservet illustrissimam do- minationem tuam in aeternum. Amen. XIX. Novemb. Wittembergae, Anno M.D.XVIII. Illustrissima; Dominationis tuae precator indignus, F. MARTINUS LUTHERUS Augustinianus. CENTUM GRAVAMINA: AN EXTRACT, WITH A NOTICE OF THE PRINCIPAL TOPICS. The " Centum Gravamina" contain an ample list of the abuses practised by ecclesiastics, accompanied by com- plaints couched in language frequently more violent than even that of Luther. The first article in this long series was the Indulgences; and the gross impositions practised by the quaestors, or superintendants of this fraudulent traf- fic, are strongly animadverted on. These men had no scruple in forcing the purchase of Indulgences by holding the terror of divine punishment before the imaginations of their credulous hearers. The sums drawn from va- rious quarters of Germany had been such, as to be pro- ductive of very sensible impoverishment. Absolution from CENTUM GRAVAMINA. 343 any crime was promised, on payment of a prescribed fee. The tyrannical practice of forcing an appeal to Rome, in ecclesiastical as well as civil causes, is exposed in this remonstrance to merited reprobation. This notable expe- dient had been introduced and maintained for the double purpose of feeding the church dependents, and of conso- lidating the sway of the papal court. The manner of conducting processes before the ecclesiastical courts was no less reprehensible than the motives for bringing them there. The princes complained likewise, in strong lan- guage, of the venal manner of granting marriage licenses; of the improper issue of excommunications, and of the overbearing conduct of the papal commissaries in Ger- many. Ecclesiastics were not subject to prosecution or punishment in the same way as their humbler brethren among the laity. The right of patronage was frequently violated, and monasteries were arbitrarily exempted by the papal commissaries from the jurisdiction of the bi- shops. The collection of the tribute called " Annates" was persisted in, though the sums raised were not applied to the ostensible object — hostility to the Turks. Among other superstitious abuses, the " Centum Gravamina" enu- merated the consecration of churches and church-yards, and that almost incredible absurdity, the baptizing of bells, all accompanied, as well as the interment of the dead, with heavy fees. All classes of ecclesiastics, monks, parish priests, abbots, abbesses, and even the papal legates, were charged with fattening on the spoils of the credulous peo- ple. Under an administration of justice decidedly partial to ecclesiastics, it was vain to hope for redress by an ap- peal to law. And so glaring was the traffic in church appointments, that benefices were sold by the mistresses of ecclesiastical dignitaries and by courtezans. The following may serve as a specimen of this remark- able memorial. CENTUM GRAVAMINA, qua? adversus sedem Roma- nam ac totum ecclesiasticmn ordinem, oratori pontificiae sanctitatis, in comitiis Germanorum principum, Norem- bergaj, Anno, &c. XXII. inchoatis, finitis vero XXIII. proposuerunt. Postquam relatio per oratorem sanctitatis Pontificiae comitiis praedictis coram majestatis Caesareae locumtenente, 344 APPENDIX PAPERS. electoribus, caeterisque principibus, ac imperii statibus, ibidem congregates, habita, ac breve (quod vocant aposto- licum) ejusdem Romani Pon. in consultationem forent de- ducta, desuperque responsio consulta et conclusa ac eidem oratori et legato pontificio, in scriptis, nomine totius Ro- mani imperii tradita, factaque esset, forte inter alia, men- tio, non infrequens, gravaminum atque onerum Romani imperii procerum, quibus iniquius quam par sit, ab Ro- manae ecclesiae clero premerentur, placuit principibus ac caeteris imperii ordinibus, hasc ipsa quae contra ecclesise Romanae primores, se in medium adducturos polliciti erant, gravamina paulo altius a principibus, sigillatim per classes, et quam potuit maximum per ordinem digesta, repetere, recensereque, ac ita descripta fusius legato Romano, fe- renda secum trans Alpes, dare, rogareque bunc, ut apud sedem apostolicam curare velit, quatenus onera haec non ferenda Germanis, e medio tollere, emendareque sanctitas sua non dedignetur. Quemadmodum praedicta haec in responsione supra memorata, omnia latius continentur. Itaque per compendium, ut sequitur, Germanicae nationis onera haec justo graviora, digesta, ac oratori pontificio, qui se nomine sanctissimi Romani praesulis, ita sincere ac Christiane obtulerat, tradita sunt, quo saepe dictus ora- tor ac legatus Pontificius, haec inde sanctitati legatis re- ferre, ac apud eundem pro Germanis principibus et pro- ceribus, totius imperii Romani ordinibus, interpellare possit. Sunt autem gravamina supra memorata, qua? per capita nunc sequuntur. Gravamina sedis Apostolicce, non ferenda Germanis, ac primum de dispensationibus cere redemptis. I. Inter reliqua onera, vel illud minime postremo loco est collocandum, quod constitutionibus humanis multa prohi- bentur, imperantur item multa, quod nullo divino prae- cepto, vel interdicta sunt, vel imperata. Sunt matrimo- niorum tarn innumera excogitata obstacula, ex affinitatis, publicae honestatis cognatione, spirituali, legalique, et con- sanguinitatis tam multis gradibus originem trahentia. Ciborum item usus interdictus, quos Deus tamen ad homi- nis necessitatem creavit, ac cum gratiarum actione pro- miscue sumendos Apostolus docuit. Haec nimirum atque CENTUM GRAVAMINA. 345 his similes complures humanae constitutiones, eosque li- gant homines, donee pecunia sibi harum legum gratiam a statuentibns impetrent, ut ita pecunia faciat divitibus lici- tum, quod tenuibus gratis sit prohibitum. Illicitisque liis legum ac constitutionum humanarum retiaculis, non modo magna numerorum copia a Germanis expiscata, e Germa- nia et trans Alpes lata, sed et maxima inter rcque Chris- tianos orta iniquitas, plura oflendicula, simuitates, dum tenues hisce laqueis vident se allaqueari, non ob aliud, nisi quod spinas evangelicas (ita enim Christus divitias non se- mel appellat) non possideant. De tempore inter dicto. II. Pari modo agitur etiam cum celebrandis nuptiarum solennibus, a dominica septuagesima, qua cantatur in ec- clesia, " circumdederunt me," &c. sub quadragesimae us- que initium, quo tempore ab ecclesiae Romana? primoribus undique nuptias celebrari interdictum est. Quum tamen interim et ab ecclesiasticis et a secularibus passim sine dis- crimine publice, genialiter vivatur. Sed ita demum inter- dictum illud procedit, si gratis hoc facere quis intendat. Quod si nummi spes refulserit, jam quod primum erat pro- hibitum, impune ac libere facere licet. Est enim et hoc grave Germanorum crumenis retiaculum, quo extrahuntur nummi. Nee minus interim gravamen quam pauperis di- vitisque longe diversa in relaxandis his constitutionibus sit conditio. De oneribus papalium indulgentiarum. Illud importabile jam olim increbuit Romanarum indul- gentiarum onus, quando sub persona pietatis, quum aut basilicas Romanas construere, aut profectionem in Turcas parare polliciti sunt Romani Pontifices, omnem a simpli- cibus, nimiumque credulis Germanis exauxerunt pecuni- arum medullam. Et quod longe majoris est faciendum per has imposturas, ac earum conductitios prsecones et praedicatores, profligata est Germana Christianorum pietas, dum qui extrudere volebant venales suas bullas, laudes suis mercibus occinebant, miras et inauditas condonari, pe- remptitias has condonationes, nedum noxas praeteritas, aut futuras viventium, sed et defunctorum vita existentium in purgatorio (quod vocant cantores illi indulgentiarum) ignis, 2X 346 APPENDIX PAPERS. modo numeraretur aliquid, modo tinniat dextera. Atque his mercium nundinationibus simul et spoliata est sere Ger- mania, et Christi pietas extincta, quando quilibet pro pre- tii, quod in has merces expenderat, modo, peccandi impu- nitatem sibi pollicebantur. Hinc stupra, ineestus, adul- teria, perjuria, homicidia, furta, rapina?, fcenora, ac tota malorum lerna semel originem sibi traxerunt. Quod enim malorum amplius jam horrebunt mortales, quando sibi peccandi licentiam ac impunitatem, nedutn in vita, sed et post obitum, sere, licet immodico, comparari posse a nun- dinationibus illis indulgentiariis, semel persuasum haben- tur maxime Germani, quibus per bos verse pietatis fucos, sub religionis persona, nihil non persuaderi difficile est ? Ut ingenio plane ad pietatem credulo est Germania. Et licet indulgentiae ha? non semel in hoc ad Germanos missfe sint, quasi ex corrasa earum venditione pecunia, fideles con- tra barbaros, essent tutandi ac defendendi. Eventu tamen compertum habent Germani pecuniam banc, non in rem fidei, aut alioqui Reipublicai Christianae necessariam, sed in propinquorum luxum ac sublevandam familiam ipsorum esse versam, quo uno, bina haec nata sunt perquam maxi- ma incommoda, quod et offendicula orta sunt simplicibus, et quod nunc Germani toties sentientes lusam fidem quum vere jam res postulat, ut contra Turcas instituatur expe- ditio bellica, nullis rationibus persuaderi se patiuntur, ut credant, quod res ipsa fere notorium facit. Ita. S. in- stare cervicibus nostris crudeles Turcas, suspicantes sem- per, prioribus simile quippiam agi. Quae una ratio est, ut tarn aegre manus contra Turcas jungant. Quanto- rum erga malorum et in rebus temporalibus ac Christi fidelium conscientiis, causae fuerint Romanae indulgentiae, sanctitas Apostolica, pro sublimitate captus sui, exigua opera, vel inde, si non ex re ulla alia, conjectura conse- qui poterit. Proeterea Papalis sanctitas, caeterique Episcopi, ac ec- clesiae Romanae columnae, casus aliquot suas tantum abso- lutioni reliquos fecerunt, quorum si unum aut alteram commiseris, jam aut numerandum, aut absolutione tibi carendum est nempe quod in hoc reservati sint ut vel inde nummorum aliquid eis accrescat. Quod ex eo conji- cere licet, quod in casibus etiam quantumvis pro tempore honestis aut necessariis, nunquid turn nisi numeretur aliquid dispensant. At si nihil attuleris, numeraverisve, indispen- satus perpetuo maneas cportet. AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 347 EXTRACTS FROM THE AUGSBURG CON- FESSION, WITH A SUMMARY OF ITS CONTENTS. Tliis memorable document was originally composed in German, but translated afterwards into Latin. The first edition published at Wittemberg has been generally refer- red to by Protestant writers, as correct and authentic. Though composed by Melancthon, the doctrines contained in it had, with the exception of a few verbal differences, been submitted, a considerable time before, to the leading men among the reformed. It deserves to be noticed that the authority of the council of Nice is mentioned in this confession with respect. Of all the oecumenical councils convened by the church of Rome, none has obtained more general attention than the council of Nice. Its records were well authenticated, and they corresponded with the tenets of the party which acquired ascendency in the Ro- mish church. The discussions at this early assemblage of the Christian clergy were directed chiefly to the controver- versies concerning the unity of the Godhead. The writings of Saint Augustine discover, as is well known, a zealous at- tachment to the Athanasian creed. It was a natural conse- quence of Luther's admiration of these writings, and of the general support of the Reformation by the Augustinian fra- ternity, that many of the tenets of the founder of the Order should be incorporated into the Protestant system. In gene- ral it maybe remarked, that the Reformers were not at first aware of the strength of their cause, nor of the firm basis on which they might have taken their ground. While ani- madversions of this description are not inapplicable to the Augsburg Confession, the liberal and conciliatory spirit which it breathes, is deserving of high commendation. Of this the following extract contains a striking specimen : Haec summa est doctrinae qua? in ecclesiis nostris tradi- tur. Et consentaneam esse judicamus et propheticae ac apostolicae scripturae, et Catholicae ecclesiae, postremo otiam Romanae ecclesia?, quatenus ex probatis scriptoribus 348 APPENDIX PAPERS. nota est. Atque idem judicaturos esse speramus omnes bonos et doctos viros. Non enim aspernamur consensum Catholicae ecclesiae, nee est animus nobis ullum novum dogma et ignotum sanctae ecclesiae, invehere in ecclesiam. Nee patrocinari impiis aut seditiosis opinionibus volu- mus, quas Catholica ecclesia damnavit. Non enim ad- ducti prava cupiditate, sed coacti auctoritate verbi Dei et veleris ecclesia?, amplexi sumus hanc doctrinam, ut gloria Dei fieret illustrior, et consuleretur piis mentibus in uni- versa ecclesia. Constat enim plerosque abusus irrepsisse in ecclesiam, qui emendatione opus haberent. Et cum propter gloriam Christi, turn propter salutem omnium gentium maxime optamus, ut diligenter cognitis his con- troversiis, ecclesia repurgetur, et ab iis abusibus liberetur, qui dissimulari non possunt, quam ob causam diu jam om- nes boni viri in omnibus nationibus expetunt Synodum, cujus quidem spem aliquam clementiss. Imperator. omnibus gentibus ostendit. Faciet igitur Imperator rem dignissi- mam sua magnitudine et felicitate, et exoptatam universae ecclesiae, si in Synodo permiserit, judicium de tantis rebus, non illis qui privatos affectus in consilium adhibent, sed delectis piis et doctis viris, qui glorias Christi, et saluti universae ecclesiae consulere cupiant. Haec est usitata et legitima via in ecclesia, dirimendi dissensiones, videlicet ad Synodos referre controversias ecclesiasticas. Hunc morem servavit ecclesia hide usque ab Apostolis. Et praestantissimi imperatores, Constantinus ac Theodo- sius, etiam in rebus non valde obscuris, et dogmatibus ab- surdis, tamen sine Synodo, nihil constituere voluerunt, ut ecclesiae libertatem in judiciis dogmatum conservarent. Et honestissimum est Caesari illorum optimorum principum exemplum imitari, praesertim cum nos nihil mutaverimus, sine exemplo veteris ecclesiae. Et speramus hanc tantam felicitatem Imperatori divinitus datam esse, ad ecclesiae emendationem ac salutem. Certe hanc gratiam Deus ab ipso reposcit, ut potentiam suam conferat ad ornandam Christi gloriam, ad ecclesiae pacem, ad prohibendam im- manem et injustissimam crudelitatem, quae mira quadam rabie passim exercetur in membra Christi, in homines pios et innocentes. Harum maximarum rerum curam manda- vit Deus summis principibus. Ideo excitat monarchas ut in- justa imperia prohibeant, quemadmodum excitavit Cyrum, ut liberaiet a captivitate populum Judaeorum ; Constanti- AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 349 bum, itt illam infinitam saevitiam, quaj tunc in Christian 05 exercebatur, depelleret. Ita optanms ut Caesar, et curam emendandae ecclesiae suscipiat, et injustam crudelitatem prohibcat. Nam articuli nostri, quos recensuimus, satis clare testantur, nos nullum dogma contra Catholicam ec- clesiam, nullam impiam aut seditiosam opinionem docere aut probare. Imo quosdam insignes articulos Christianas doctriuae a nostris pie et utiliter illustratos esse. In ex- ternis traditionibus abusus quidam mutati sunt, quarum etiam si qua est dissimilitudo, si tamen doctrina et fides pura sit, nemo propter illam traditionum humanarum dis- similitudinem habendus est haereticus, aut desertor Catho- licam ecclesiae. Nam unitas Catholica3 ecclesiae consistit in doctrinae et fidei consensu, non in traditionibus humanis, quarum semper in ecclesiis per totum orbem magna fuit dissimilitudo. Nee vero ridem habeat Caesarea majestas his, qui, ut odia contra nos inflamment, miras calumnias spargunt. Pra?dicant omnes ceremonias, omnes bonos mo- res in ecclesiis deleri a nobis. Hasc crimina aperte falsa sunt. Nos enim et ceremonias divinitus institutas, summa pietate conservamus, et ut earum reverentiam augeremus, tantum novos quosdam abusus sustulimus, qui contra scrip- turam, contra veteres canones, contra veteris ecclesias ex- empla, sine ulla certa auctoritate vitio temporum recepti sunt. Ac magna ex parte veteres ritus diligenter apud nos servantur. Quare rogamus, ut Cassarea majestas cle- menter audiat quid in externis ritibus serve tur, quid qua de causa mutatum sit. It is of some consequence to remark, that the system which is generally termed the Calvinistic, is very perspi- cuously explained in the Augsburg Confession, a docu- ment antecedent to the writings of the Genevese reformer. The fact was, that respecting the fundamental doctrines of the Christian religion, the tenets of Zwinglius, Luther, and Calvin, were nearly alike ; and the doctrine known by the name of the last of these eminent men, belongs to him, not as its author, but as its ablest expositor. His " Institutions" contain by far the ablest defence of the sys- tem, and it is very questionable whether any material ac- cession of strength has been gained to the cause by the writings of his followers. The Augsburg Confession clearly asserts the necessity of the influence of the Spirit, to produce conversion; while, at the same time, it ex- 350 APPENDIX PAPERS. pressly declares that the word of God is the only medium through which the operations of the Spirit of God are com- municated. Those who entertain different notions are, without hesitation, pronounced fanatics. The perform- ance of good works is regarded in the Confession as a ne- cessary consequence of becoming a sincere Christian. In respect to the doctrine of repentance and the remission of sins, the Confession contains an exposition which fully shows the correspondence in these respects, of the ideas of Luther, Zwinglius, and Calvin. It discusses the sacra- ment of baptism, and ventures to touch, but with a gentle hand, the disputed question of the Lord's supper. Here we may discover in the Confession a considerable leaning to the Romish doctrine, mixed apparently with a dread of carrying innovation too far. However, the other five sa- craments of the Catholics are decidedly pronounced to have no foundation in the word of God. It would be su- perfluous to enumerate the declarations relative to parti- cular dogmas, such as the origin of evil, predestination, election, and other articles which enter into all the formulae of protestant churches. The conclusion of the Confession is as follows : Hi sunt praecipui articuli qui videntur habere controver- sial^ quanquam enim de pluribus abusibus dici poterat, tamen, ut fugeremus prolixitatem, praecipua complexi su- mus, ex quibus caetera facile judicari possunt. Magnae querelae fuerunt de indulgentiis, de peregrinationibus, de abusu excommunicationis. Parochiae multipliciter vexa- bantur per stationarios. Infinitae contentiones erant pas- toribus cum monachis, de jure parochiali, de confessioni- bus, de sepulturis, de extraordinariis concionibus, et de aliis innumerabilibus rebus. Hujusmodi negotia praeter- misimus, ut ilia quae sunt in hac causa praecipua, breviter proposita, facilius cognosci possent. Neque hie quicquam ad ullius contumeliam dictum aut collectum est. Tantum ea recitata sunt, quae videbantur necessario dicenda esse, ut intelligi possit in doctrina ac ceremoniis, apud nos nihil esse receptum contra Scripturam, aut ecclesiam Catholi- cam, quia manifestum est, nos diligentissime cavisse, ne qua nova et impia dogmata in ecclesiis nostris serperent. Hos articulos supra scriptos, voluimus exhibere juxta edictum C. M. in quibus confessio nostra extaret, et eorum qui apud nos docent doctrinae suinma cerneretur. Si quid LUTHER'S PREFACE. 351 in hac confessione desiderabitur parati sumus latiorem in- formationem, Deo volente, juxta scripturas exhibere. Caesareai Majest. V. Fideles et subditi, Joannes, Dux Saxoniae Elector. Georgius, Marchio Brandenburgensis. Ernestus, Dux Luneburgensis. Phillippus, Landgravius Hessorum. Johannes Fredericus, Dux Saxoniae. Franciscus, Dux Luneburgensis. Volfgangus, Princeps ab Anhalt. Senatus Magistratusque Nurembei'gensis. Senatus Reutlingensis. LUTHER'S PREFACE TO THE FIRST VOLUME OF HIS WORKS, PUBLISHED IN 1545. Martinus Lutherus Pio Lectori, S. Multum diuque restiti illis, qui meos libros, seu verius confusiones mearum lucubrationum voluerunt editas, turn quod nolui antiquorum labores meis novitatibus obrui, et lectorem a legendis illis impediri, turn quod nunc, Dei gratia, extent methodici libri quam plurimi, inter quos loci communes Phillippi excellunt, quibus theologus et episcopus pulchre et abunde formari potest, ut sit potens in sermone doctrinas pietatis, prassertim cum ipsa sacra biblia nunc in omni prope lingua haberi possint; mei au- tem libri, ut ferebat, imo cogebat, rerum gerendarum nullus ordo, ita etiam ipsi sint quoddam rude et indigestum chaos, quod nunc nee mihi ipsi sit facile digerere. His rationibus adductus, cupiebam omnes libros meos perpetua oblivione sepultos, ut melioribus esset locus. Verum improbitas et importuna pertinacia aliorum, qui mihi quotidie aures implebant, futurum esse, si ego vivus non permitterem edi, tamen post mortem meam essent cer- 352 APPENDIX PAPERS. tissime edituri ii, qui prorsus nescirent causas et tempora rerum gestarum, et ita ex una confusione fierent plurimae. Vicit (inquam) eorum improbitas, ut edi permitterem. Ac- cessit simul voluntas et imperium illustrissimi principis nostri Johannis Frederici electoris, &ic. qui jussit, imo coegit typographos, non solum excudere, sed et maturare editionem. Sed ante omnia oro pium lectorem, et oro propter ipsum dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, ut ista legat cum ju- dicio, imo cum multa miseratione. Et sciat, me fuisse aliquando monachum, et papistam insanissimum, cum istam causam aggressus sum, ita ebrium, imo submersum in dogmatibus papae, ut paratissimus fuerim, omnes, si po- tuissem, occidere, aut occidentibus cooperari et consentire, qui papae vel una syllaba obedientiam detractarent. Tan- tus eram Saulus, ut sunt ad Hue multi. Non eram ita gla- cies et frigus ipsum in defendendo papatu, sicut fuit Eccius et sui similes, qui mihi ferius propter suum ventrem papam defendere videbantur, quam quod serio rem agerent; imo ridere mihi papam adhuc hodie videntur, velut Epicuraei. Ego serio rem agebam, ut qui diem extremum horribiliter timui, et tamen salvus fieri ex intimis medullis cupiebam. Ita invenies in istis meis Scriptis prioribus, quam multa et magna humilime concesserim papae, quae posterioribus et istis temporibus pro summa blasphemia et abominatione habeo et execror. Dabis ergo hunc errorem, pie lector, vel (ut ipsi calumniantur) antilogiam, tempori et imperi- tiae meae. Solus primo eram, et certe ad tantas res trac- tandas ineptissimus et indoctissimus. Casu enim, non vo- luntate nee studio in has turbas incidi, Deum ipsum testor. Igitur cum anno M.D.XVII. Indulgentiae in his regio- nibus venderentur (promulgarentur volui dicere) turpissimo quaestu, ego turn eram concionator juvenis (ut dicitur) doctor theologiae, et caepi dissuadere populis, et eos de- hortari, ne Indulgentiariorum clamoribus aurem praeberent, habere eos meliora quae facerent, et in iis certus mihi vide- bar, me habiturum patronum papam, cujus fiducia turn for- titer nitebar, qui in suis decretis clarissime damnat quaesto- rum (ita vocat Indulgentiarios praedicatores) immodestiam, Mox scripsi epistolas duas, alteram ad Moguntinensem archiepiscopum Albertum, qui dimidium pecuniae ex In- dulgentiis habebat, (alterum dimidium papa, id quod tunc nesciebam,) alteram ad ordinarium (ut vocant) loci, epis- copum Brandenburgensem Hieronimum ; rogans ut com- LUTHER'S PREFACE. 353 pescerent quaestorum impudentiam et blasphemiam ; sed panperculus prater condemnabatur. Ego contemptus edidi disputationis schedulam simul et Germauicam concioncm de Indulgentiis, paulo post ctiam resolutiones, in quibus pro honore papae boc agebam, ut Indulgentiae non dama- reotur quidem, sed bona opera cbaritatis illis praeferrentur, Hoc erat coelum deturbasse, et mundum incendio con- sumpsisse. Accusor apud papam, mittitur citatio mei ad Urbem, et consurgit totus papatus in me linicum. Hjgc aguntur M.D.XVIII. sub comitiis Maximiliani Augustas celebratis, in quibus agcbat legation a latere pontificis car- dinalis Cajetanus, quem dux illustrissimus Saxoniae Frede- ricus elector princeps causa mea adiit, et impetravit, ne Romain cogerer ire, sed ipse, me vocato, rem cognosceret, et componeret — mox soluta sunt comitia. Interim quia fessi erant Germani omnes ferendis expila- tionibus, nundinationibus, et infinitis imposturis Romanen- sium nebulonum, suspensis animis expectabant eventum tantas rei, quam nullus antea neque episcopus, neque theo- logus ausus esset attingere. Et fovebat me utcunque aura ista popularis, quod invisae jam essent omnibus artes et Romanationes illae, quibus totum orbem impleverant et fa- tigaverant. Veni igitur pedester et pauper Augustam, stipatus sump- tibus et Uteris principis Frederici ad Senatum et quosdam bonos viros commendatitiis. Triduo eram ibi, antequam accederem cardinalem; prohibebant enim viri illi optimi 3 et dissuadebant summis viribus, ne citra salvum conduc- tum Caesaris, cardinalem adirem. Licet ille me singulis diebus per quendam oratorem vocaret; erat hie mi hi satis molestus, ut tantum revocarem, turn essent omnia salva, sed longa est injuria, longas ambages. Tandem tertio die venit expostulans, "Cur non acce- derem cardinalem, qui benignissime me expectaret?" Re- spondi mihi obtemperandum esse consiliis optimorum vi- rorum, quibus essem a principe Frederico commendatus; esse autum eorum consilium, ne ullo modo, absque tutela Caesaris, seu fide publica, cardinalem accederem, qua im- petrata (agebant autem illi apud senatum Csesareum, ut impetrarent) mox essem accessurus. Hie commotus ille, " Quid ? (inquit) putas principem Fredericum propter te arma sumpturum?" Dixi: " Hoc nollem prorsus." " Et ubi manebis?" Respondi: " Sub ccelo." Turn ille: " Si (a papam et cardinales in potestate tua haberes, quid esses 2Y f 354 APPENDIX PAPERS. facturus?" " Omnem," inquam, " reverentiam et hono- rem exhibiturus." Turn ille, gestu Italico movens digi- tum, dixit; " Hem !" Et sic abiit, neque reversus est. Eo die dermnciavit senatus Caesareus cardinali mihi esse datam Cresaris tutelam, seu fidem publicam, admonens, ne quid asperius in me designaret. Hie fertur respondisse: " Bene est, ego tamen faciam, quod mei officii merit." Haec fuere principia istius turbae; ceetera, ex actis infra cognosci potuerunt. Eodem anno jam M. Philippus Melancthon a principe Frederico vocatus hue fuerat ad docendas literas Graecas, baud dubie, ut haberem socium laboris in theologia; nam quid operatus sit Dominus per hoc organum, non in literis tantum, sed in theologia, satis testantur ejus opera, etiamsi irascatur Satan et omnes squamae ejus. Anno sequente XIX. decessit in Februario Maximilianus, et factus est jure imperii vicarius dux Fredericus; turn desiit paululum saevire tempestas, et sensim obrepsit con- temptus excommunicationis seu fulminis papistici. Nam cum Eccius et Carraciolus ex Urbe attulissent bullam dam- natricem Lutheri, eamque insinuassent, ille hie, iste illic, duci Frederico, qui Coloniae turn erat, Carolum recens electum cum aliis principibus suscepturus, indignissime tulit et magna fortitudine et constantia objurgabat ponti- ficium ilium nebulonem, quod se absente perturbassent ipse et Eccius ditiones fratris Johannis et suam, et exagi- tabat eos magnifice, ita ut cum rubore et dedecore ab eo discederent : intellexit princeps ingenio incredibili praedi- tus; artes Romanae curiae, et eos digne tractare novit, erat enim emunctissimae naris, et plus et longius olfaciebat, quam Romanenses aut sperare aut timere poterant. Itaque deinceps ab eo tentando abstinebant, nam et Rosam quam vocant auream, eodem anno, ei a Leone X. missam, nullo honore dignatus est, imo pro ridiculo habuit; ita desperare coacti sunt Romanistae a studiis fallendi tanti principis. Et procedebat feliciter evangelium sub umbra istius principis, et late propagabatur, movebat ejus aucto- ritas plurimos, qui cum esset sapientissimus, et occulatis- simus princeps, non poterat, nisi apud invidos suspicionem incurrere, quod haeresin aut haereticos vellet alere et tueri, quae res papatui magnum intulit detrimentum. Eodem anno habita est disputatio Lipsiae, ad quam Ec- cius nos duos, Carlstadium et me provocavit, sed ego nul- lis literis potui impetrare fidem a duce Georgio, ita ut non LUTHER'S PREFACE. 355 disputator, sed spectator futuros, sub fide Carlstadio data, Lipsiam ingrederer. Quis autem me impediret, ignoro, nam adhuc erat dux Georgius mihi non iniquus, quod scie- bam certe. Hie Eccius me accessit in hospitio dicens, sese audisse me detrectare disputationem; respondi, " Quomodo dis- putare potero, cum nequeam impetrare fidem a duce Georgio?" Ille, " Si tecum," inquit, "non licet dispu- tare, neque cum Carlstadio volo, propter te enim hue veni. Quid si ego tibi fidem impetravero ? Nunquid disputabis mecum . ? " " Impetra" (inquam) " et fiat." Abiit ille, et mox data est mihi quoque fides publica, et facta copia dis- putandi. Facicbat hoc Eccius, quia certain sibi gloriam propo- sitam cernebat, propter propositionem meam, in qua ne- gabam, papain esse jure divino caput ecclesiae. Hie pa- tuit ei campus magnus, et occasio summa plausibiliter adulaudi, et gratiam pontificis emerendi, turn odio et in- vidia me obruendi ; quod strenue fecit per totam disputa- tionem. Nee tamen sua firmavit, nee mea confutavit, ita ut ipse dux Georgius inter prandendum ad Eccium et me diceret : " Sive sit jure humano sive divino, papa ipse est papa;" quod verbum, nisi argumentis fuisset motus, ne- quaquam dixisset ; sed Eccium solum probasset. At que hie vide, vel in meo casu, quam difficile sit eluc- tari et emergere ex erroribus, totius orbis exemplo firmatis, et longa consuetudine, velut in naturam mutatis. Quam verum est proverbium, " difficile est consueta relinquere," et " consuetudo est altera natura," et quam vere dicit Au- gustinus ; " consuetudo, si ei non resistitur, fit necessitas." Ego, qui jam tunc sacras literas diligentissime privatim et publice legeram et docueram, per septem annos, ita ut me- moriter pene omnia tenerem, deinde primitias cognitionis et fidei Christi hauseram, scilicet, non operibus, sed fide Christi nos justos et salvos fieri, denique id, de quo loquor papain non esse jure divino caput ecclesiae, jam defende- bam publice, tamen id quod consequens erat, non vidi, scilicet, papam necessario esse ex diabolo; quod enim ex Deo non est, necesse est ex diabolo esse. Sic absorptus eram (ut dixi) turn exemplo et titulo sanctae ecclesiae, turn consuetudine propria, ut papae con- cederem jus humanum, quod tamen, si non sit fultum aucto- ritate divina, mendacium et diabolicum est. Nam paren- tibus et magistratibus paremus, non quia ipsi praecipiunt, 356 APPENDIX PAPERS. sed quia sic est voluntas Dei, Pet. 1. ii. Hinc est, quod minus iniquo animo ferre possum eos, qui pertinacius in papatu haerent, praesertim qui sacra vel etiam prophana non legerunt, cum ego tot annis sacra legens diligentissime, tamen ita haesi tenaciter. Anno M.D.XIX. mi sit rosam Leo X. (ut dixi) per Ca- rolum Miltitium, qui multis egit mecum, ut papae recon- ciliarer. Is habuit 70 Brevia Apostolica, ut si princeps Fredericus illi me traderet, sicuti papa per rosam quaere- bat, per singula oppida affigeret unum, et ita tutus me perduceret Romam. Prodebat autem coram me consilium cordis sui, dicens, " O Martine, ego credebam te esse senem aliquem theologum, qui post fornacem sedens, ita secum disputasset; nunc video te esse adhuc integrum aetate et validum. Si haberem 25 millia armatorum, non confiderem te posse a me Romam perduci ; exploravi enim per totum iter auimos hominum, quid de te sentirent; ecce, vibi unum pro papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra papam stabant." Illud vero ridiculum erat; exploraverat etiam mulierculas et virgines in hospitiis, quidnam de sede Ro- mana sentirent? lllaj, ut ignara? hujus vocabuli, et sel- lam domesticam cogitantes, respondebant : " Quid nos scire possumus, quales vos Romae habeatis sellas ligneas, ne an lapideas?" Rogabat itaque ut consulerem ea, quae pacis essent, se omnem daturum operam, ut papa idem faceret; ego pro- lixe quoque promisi omnia, quae ullo modo salva conscien- tia veritatis possem, promptissime essem facturus, me quo- que esse pacis cupidum et studiosum, qui per vim tractus in has turbas necessitate adactus fecissem omnia, quae feci; culpam non esse meam. Vocaverat autem ad se Johannem Tetzelium, pra?dica- torii ordinis, auctorem primarium hujus tragediae, et verbis minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem, hactenus terribilem cunctis, et imperterritum clamatorem ut hide contabesceret, et tandem aegritudine animi conficeretur ; quern ego, ubi hoc rescivi, ante obitum Uteris benigniter scriptis consola- tus sum, ac jussi animo bono esse, nee mei memoriam me- tueret; sed 'conscientia et indignatione papa? forte occu- buit. Futilis habebatur Carolus (Miltitius) et futile ejus con- silium; sed, meo judicio, si Moguntinus a principio, cum a me admoneretur, denique si papa, antequam me non auditum damnaret et bullis suis saeviret, hoc cepissent LUTHER'S PREFACE. 357 consilium, quod Carolus cepit, licet sero, et statim com- pescuissent Tetzelianum furorem, non evasisset res in tan- tuni tumultum. Sola culpa est Moguntini, cujus sapientia et astutia eum fefellit, qua voluit meam doctrinam compes- cere, et suam pecuniam per indulgentias qua^sitam, esse salvam. Nunc frustra quan'untur consilia, frustra cogun- tur studia. Dominus evigilavit, et stat ad judicandum po- pulos ; etiam si nos occidere possent non tamen haberent quod volunt, imo minus haberent, quain nobis vivis et salvis liabent. Id quod nonnulli inter eos, qui non omnino obesa* naris sunt, satis olfaciuut. Interim eo anno jam redieram ad Psalterium denuo in- terpretandum, fretus eo, quo exercitatior essem, postquam S. Pauli epistolas ad Romanos ad Galatas, et earn, quaj est ad Ebrasos, tractassem in scholis, miro certe ardore captus fueram cognoscendi Pauli in epistola ad Romanos. Sed obstiterat hactenus, non frigidus circum przecordia sanguis, sed unicum vocabulum, quod est Cap. i. " Justitia Dei revelatur in illo." Oderam enim vocabulum istud, " Justitia Dei," quod usu et consuetudine omnium doc- torum, doctus eram philosophice intelligere, de justitia (ut vocant) formali seu activa, qua Deus est Justus, et pec- catores injustosque punit. Ego autem, qui me utcunque ifreprehensibilis monachus vivebam, sentirem coram Deo esse peccatorem inquietis- sima? conscientiae, nee mea satisfactione placatum confidere possem, non amabam, imo odiebam justum et punientem peccatores Deum, tacitaque si non blasphemia, certe in- genti murmuratione indignabar Deo, dicens: Quasi vero non satis sit, miseros peccatores et aeternaliter perditos pec- cato originali, omni genere calamitatis oppressos esse per legem decalogi, nisi Dens per evangelium dolorem dolori adderet, et etiam per evangelium nobis justitiam et iram suam intentaret. Furebam ila sseva et perturbata con- scientia, pulsabam tamen importunus eo loco Paulum, ar- dentissime sitiens scire, quid S. Paulus vellet. Donee, miserente Deo, meditabundus dies et noctes con- nexionem verborum attenderem, nempe, justitia Dei reve- latur in illo, sicut scriptum est: " Justus ex fide vi vet." Ibi justitiam Dei caepi intelligere earn, qua Justus dono Dei vivit, nempe ex fide, et esse hanc sententiam, revelari per evangelium justitiam Dei, scilicet passivam qua nos Deus misericors justificat per fidem, sicut scriptum est: "Justus ex fide vivet." Hie me prorsus renatum esse sensi, et 35S APPENDIX PAPERS. apertis portis in ipsam Paradisum intrasse. lbi continue* alia mini facies totius Scripturae apparuit. Discurrebam deinde per Scripturas, ut habebat memoria, et collige- bam etiam in aliis vocabulis analogiam, ut opus Dei, id est, quod operatur in nobis Deus, virtus Dei, qua nos po- tentes facit, sapientia Dei, qua nos sapientes facit, forti- tudo Dei, salus Dei, gloria Dei. Jam quanto odio vocabulum, "justitia Dei," oderam ante, tanto amore dulcissimum niihi vocabulum extolle- bam; ita mihi iste locus Pauli fuit, vere porta Paradisi. Postea legebam Augustinum de spiritu et litera, ubi pra3- ter spem offendi, quod et ipse justitiam Dei similiter inter- pretatur, qua nos Deus induit, dum nos justificat. Et emanquam imperfecte hoc adhuc sit dictum, ac de impu- tatione non clare omnia explicet, placuit tamen, justitiam Dei doceri, qua nos justificemur. Istis cogitationibus armatior factus, ccepi Psalterium se- cundo interpretari, et processisset opus in magnum com- mentarium, nisi denuo per comitia Caroli V. imperatoris Vuormaciam sequenti anno vocatus, opus cceptum deserere fuissem coactus. Hsec idee* narro, optime lector, ut si lecturus es opus- cula mea, memor sis, me unum fuisse (ut supra dixi) ex illis, qui (ut Augustinus de se scribit) scribendo et docendo profecerint; non ex illis, qui de nihilo repente fiunt sum- mi, cum nihil sint, neque operati neque tentati, neque ex- perti, sed ad unum intuitum Scripturae totum spiritum ejus exhauriunt. Hactenus ad annum M.D.XX. et XXI. processit res In- dulgentiariae ; post sequuntur res sacramentariae et Ana- baptisticae, de quibus in aliis tomis, si vixero, praefandum est. Vale, lector, in Domino, et ora pro incremento verbi, adversus Satanam, quia potens et malus est, nunc etiam furentissimus et saevissimus sciens quoniam breve tempus habet, et regnum sui papas periclitatur. Confirmet autem Deus hoc in nobis, quod operatus est, et perficiat opus suum, quod incepit in nobis, ad gloriam suam. Amen. V. Martii, Anno M.D.XLV. MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 359 MELANCTHON'S PREFACE TO THE SECOND VOLUME OF LUTHER'S WORKS, PUBLISHED AT WITTEMBERG IN 1546. Philippus Melancthon Pio Lectori, S. D. Spem nobis fecerat reverendus vir Martinus Lutherus, et curriculum se vitae suae, et certaminum occasiones in prae- fatione hujus partis suorum monumentorum narraturum esse. Quod fecisset, nisi priusquarn officinae typographical hoc volumen absolverunt, autor ex hac mortali vita ad asternam Dei et ecclesiae ccelestis consuetudinem evocatus esset. Utilis autem esset et privatae ipsius vitae considera- tio luculenter scripta — plena enim fuit exemplorum, qua; ad confirm andam pietatem in bonis mentibus profutura es- sent, et occasionum recitatio, quae posteritatem de multis rebus commonefacere posset. Deinde et calumnias refuta- ret eorum, qui vel incitatum a principibus viris aut aliis, ut labefactaret episcoporum dignitatem ; vel privata ipsum cupiditate inflammatum servitutis monasticae vincula ru- pisse fingunt. Haec prodesset ab ipso integre et copiose exposita et commemorata esse. Et si enim malevoli vulgare illud ob- jecturi erant aurog aurou auXs, tamen et in ipso tantum gra- vitatis fuisse scimus, ut optima fide historian! recitaturus fuerit. Et multi boni et sapientes viri adhuc vivunt, qui- buscum sciret seriem harum rerum notam esse, fuisset ri- diculum, aliam historiam, ut fit interdum in poematibus, comminisci. Sed quia editionem hujus voluminis fatalis ipsius dies antevertit, nos iisdem de rebus ea, quae partim ex ipso audivimus, partim ipsi vidimus, bona fide recita- turi sumus. Vetus familia est, late propagata mediocrium hominum, cognomine Luther, in ditione inclytiore comitum Mans- feldensium. Pareutes vero Martini Lutheri primum in oppido Isleben, ubi Martinus Lutherus nat« s est, domi- cilium habuerunt. Deinde migrarunt in oppidum Mans- 360 APPENDIX PAPERS. felt, ubi Pater Joannes Lutherus et magistratus gessit, et propter integritatem omnibus bonis viris carrissimus fuit. In matre Margarita, conjuge Joannis Lutheri, cum cae- terse eraut virtutes honestae matronae convenientes, turn vero prascipue lucebant pudicitia, timor Dei, et invocatio, intuebanturque in earn caeterse honestae mulieres, ut in ex- emplar virtutum. Haec mihi aliquoties interroganti de tem- pore, quo filius natus est, respondit, diem et horam se certo meminisse, sed de anno dubitare. Adfirmabat autem na- tum esse die decimo Novembris, nocte post horam undeci- mam, ac nomen Martini attributum infanti quia dies proxi- mus, quo infans per baptismum ecclesiae Dei insertus est, Martino dicatus fuisset. Sed frater ejus Jacobus, vir ho- nestus et integer, opinionem familiae de aetate fratris banc fuisse dicebat, natum esse anno a natali Cbristi 1483. Postquam aelas doctrinaj capax fuit, parentes filium Martinum ad agnitionem et timorem Dei et ad aliarum virtutum officia, domestica institutione, diligenter adsue- fecerunt; et ut est consuetudo honestorum hominum, cu- raverunt, utliteras disceret; gestavitque in ludum literari- um adhuc parvulum Georgii JEmylii pater, qui cum adhuc vivat, testis hujus narrationis esse potest. Florebant autem eo tempore scholae grammatical in Saxonicis urbibus mediocriter, quare cum Martinus in- gressus esset annum quartumdecimum, una cum Joanne Reineck, cujus postea virtus fuit excellens, et virtute parta autoritas in his regionibus magna, Magdeburgam missus est, fuitque mutua benevolentia inter bos duos, Lutherum et Reineckum, semper eximia, seu ab aliquo naturae con- sensu, sen ab ilia puerilium studiorum societate orta. Nee tamen diutius anno mansit Lutherus Magdeburgae. Deinde in schola Isennacensi quadriennio audivit preeceptorem rectius et dexterius tradentem grammaticen, quam alibi tradebatur ; nam hujus ingenium memini a Luthero laudari. In eum autem urbem missus est qua mater in iis locis ho- nesta et veteri familia nata fuerat. Hie absolvit grammati- cum studium. Cumque et vis ingenii acerrima esset, et imprimis ad eloquentiam idonea, celeriter aequalibus suis prascurrit, et verbis et copia sermonis in loquendo, et in scribenda soluta oratione, et in versibus, caeteros adole- scentes, qui una discebant, facile vicit. Degustata igitur literarum dulcedine, natura flagrans cupiditate d'scendi appetit academiam, tanquam fonfem omnium doctrinarum. Et omnes artes ordine percipere MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 361 tanta vis ingenii potuisset, si, doctores idoneos invenisset, et fortassis ad leniendam vehementiam naturae mitiora stu- dia verae philosophias, et cura formandae orationis profuis- sent. Sed incidit Erfordiae, in ejus aetatis dialecticen satis spinosam, quam cum sagacitate ingenii praeceptionum cau- sas et fontes melius quam caeteri, perspiceret, cito arripuit. Cumque mens avida doctrinae, plura et meliora requireret, legit ipse pleraque veterum Latinorum Scriplorum raonu- menta, Ciceronis, Virgilii, Livii, et aliorum. Haec lege- bat non ut pueri verba tantum excerpentes, sed ut humanae vitae doctrinam, aut imagines. Quare et consilia horum scriptorum et sententias propius aspiciebat, et ut erat me- moria fideli et firma, pleraque ei lecta et audita in con- spectu et ob oculos erant. Sic igitur in juventute emine- bat, ut tota? academiae Lutheri ingenium admirationi esset. Ornatus igitur gradu magisterii philosophici, cum natus esset annum vicesimum, de consilio propinquorum, qui hanc tantam vim ingenii, et facundiam judicabant in lu- cem et ad rempublicam educendum esse, inchoat juris stu- diiim. Sed brevi post, cum natus esset annum unum et vicesimum, subito praeter parentum et propinquorum opi- nionem, venit ad collegium monachorum Augustinianorum Erphordiae, seque recipi petit. Receptus, jam non solum acerrimo studio doctrinam ecclesiae discit, sed etiam sum- ma disciplinae severitate se ipse regit et omnibus exercitiis lectionum, disputationum, jejuniorum, precum, omnes longe superat. Erat autem natura, quod saepe miratus sum, in corpore nee parvo, nee imbecilli, valde modici cibi et potus; vidi continuis quatuor diebus, cum quidem recte valeret, prorsus nihil edentem aut bibentem, vidi saepe alias multis diebus quotidie exiguo pane et halece conten- tum esse. Occasio autem fuit ingrediendi illud vitae genus, quod pietati et studiis doctrinae de Deo existimavit esse conve- nientius, haec fuit, ut ipse narrabat, et ut multi norunt. Saepe eum cogitantem attentius de ira Dei, aut de mirandis pcenarum exemplis subito tanti terrores concutiebant, ut pene exanimaretur. Ac vidi ipse, cum in quadam doc- trinae disputatione propter intentionem consternatus, in vicino cubiculo se in lectum collocavit, ubi hanc senten- tiam crebro repetitam miscuit invocationibus : " Conclusit omnes sub peccatum, ut omnium misereatur." Hos ter- rores seu primum, seu acerrimos sensit eo anno, cum so- dalem, nescio quo casu interfectum, amisisset. 2Z 362 APPENDIX PAPERS. Non igitur paupertas, sed studium pietatis eum in illud vitae monasticae genus induxit, in quo etsi doctrinam in scholis usitatam quotidie discebat, et sententiarios legebat, et in disputationibus publicis labyrinthos aliis inextrica- blies, diserte multis admirantibus explicabat; tamen quia in eo vitae genere non famam ingenii, sed alimenta pietatis quaerebat, haec studia tanquam parerga tractabat, et facile arripiebat illas scholasticas methodos. Interea fontes doc- trinae ccelestis avide legebat ipse, scilicet scripta prophe- tica et apostolica, ut mentem suam de Dei voluntate erudi- ret, et firmis testimoniis aleret timorem et fidem. Hoc studium ut magis expeteret illis suis doloribus et pavoribus movebatur. Et senis cujusdam sermonibus in Augustiniano collegio Erphordiae saepe se confirmation esse narrabat, cui cum consternationes suas exponeret, audivit eum de fide multa disserentem, seque deductum aiebat acl symbolum, in quo dicitur : " Credo remissionem peccatorum." Hunc arti- culum sic ille interpretatus erat, non solum in genere cre- dendum esse, aliquibus remitti, ut et daemones credunt, Da- vidi aut Petro remitti, sed mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli ho- mines nobis remitti peccata credamus. Et banc interpre- tationem confirmatam dicebat Bernardi dicto, monstratum- que locum in concione de annunciatione, ubi hasc sunt verba, " Sed adde, ut credas et haec quae per ipsum pec- cata tibi condonantur. Hoc est testimonium, quod perhi- bet Spiritus Sanctus in corde tuo dicens : Dimissa sunt tibi peccata tua. Sic enim arbitrator apostolus, gratis justifi- cari hominem per fidem." Hac se voce non solum confir- matum esse Lutherus dicebat, sed commonefactum etiam de tota Pauli sententia, qui toties inculcat hoc dictum, fide justificamur. De quo cum multorum expositiones legisset, tunc et ex hujus sermonibus et suae mentis consolatione animadvertisset interpretationum quae tunc in manibus erant vanitatem. Paulatim legenti et conferenti dicta et exempla in prophetis et apostolis recitata, et in quotidiana invoca- tione excitanti fidem, plus lucis accessit. Tunc et Augustini libros legere ccepit, ubi et in Psalmo- rum enarratione, et in libro de spiritu et litera, multas per- spicuas sententias reperit, quae confirmabant banc de fide doctrinam, et consolationem animadverlisse interpreta- tionum quae in ipsius pectore accensa erat. Nee tamen prorsus relinquit sententiarios. Gabrielem et Cammera- censem pene ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Diu MJELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 363 mult unique legit scripta Occam, cujus acumen anteferebat Thoiriae et Scoto. Diligenter et Gersonem legerat, sed omnia Augustini monumenta et sagpe legerat, et optime meuiinerat. Hoc acerrimum studium inchoavit Erphordiae, in cujus urbis collegio Augustiniano commoratus est annos quatuor. Eo autem tempore, quia reverendus vir Staupicius, qui exordia academic? Wittebergensis adjuverat, studium theo- logicum in recenti academia excitare cupiebat, cum inge- nium et eruditionem Lutheri coiisiderasset, traducit eum Wittebergam anno 150S, cum jam ageret annum vicesimum sex turn. Hie inter quotidiana exercitia scholap. et concio- num, magis etiam lucere ejus ingenium ccepit, cumque eum attente audirent viri sapientes, doctor Martin us Mel- lerstadius et alii. Saspe dixit Mellerstadius tantam esse vim ingenii in hoc viro, ut plane praesagiret mutaturum esse vulgare doctrinae genus quod tunc in scholis unicum tradebatur. Hie primum dialecticen et physicen Aristotelis enarravit, interest tamen suum illud studium legendi scripta theolo- gica non omittens. Post triennium Romam profectus, propter monachorum controversias, cum eodem anno re- versus esset, usitato more scholarum, duce Saxoniae elec- tore Friderico praebente sumptus, ornatus est gradu doc- torum, ut usitate loquimur. Audierat enim concionantem, et vim ingenii et nervos orationis ac reruns bonitatem ex- positarum in concionibus, admiratus merat. Et ut quadam quasi maturitate judicii videas gradum ei doctori attribu- tum esse, scias fuisse eum annum aetatis Lutheri tricesi- mum. Ipse narrabat sibi admodum defugienti et recusanti, mandatum esse a Staupicio, ut hoc gradu ornari se sineret, eumque per jocum dixisse, multum negotiorum Deo jam in ecclesia fore, ad qua} ipsius usurus esset opera. Cui voci etsi joco tunc emissa est, tamen eventus respondit, ut multa praecedunt mutationes praesagia. Postea enarrare epistolam ad Romanis ccepit, deinde Psalmos. rise scripta sic illustravit, ut post longam et obscuram noctem, nova doctrinas lux oriri videretur, om- nium priorum et prudentum judicio. Hie monstravit legis et evangelii discrimen; hie refutavit errorem, qui tunc in scholis et concionibus regnabat, qui docet, mereri homines remissionem peccatorum propriis operibus, et homines coram Deo justos esse disciplina, ut Pharisaei docuerunt. Revocavit igitur Lutherus hominum mentes ad Filium Dei, 364 APPENDIX PAPERS. et ut Baptista, monstravit agnum Dei, qui tulit peccata nos- tra ; ostendit gratis propter Filium Dei remitti peccata, et quidem oportere id beneficium fide accipi. Illustravit et caeteras partes doctrinae ecclesiasticae. Haee ei exordia rerum optimarum magnam autoritatem circumdederunt, presertim cum mores congruerint cum oratione docentis, videreturque oratio non in labris nasci, sed in pectore. Heec vitae admiratio magnas efficit incli- nationes in animis auditorum, ut veteres etiam dixerunt tfj(S(5ov, ug siirsTv y xupiw to. ttjv s^si tfj^iv to rj^oj. Quare postea cum quosdam receptas ritus mutaret, honesti viri, qui eum norant, minus vehementer adversati sunt eique propter au- toritatem, quam et rerum bonarum illustratione et sancti- tate morum antea pepererat in iis sententiis adsenserunt, quibus magno cum dolore videbant orbem terrarum dis- train. Nee Lutherus tunc in ritibus quidquam mutabat imo te- tricus disciplinae custos inter suos erat, nee miscuerat ali- quid opinionum horridiorum. Sed illam communem et prorsus necessariam doctrinam omnibus magis magisque illustrabat, de pcenitentia, de remissione peccatorum, de fide, de veris consolationibus in cruce. Hujus doctrinae dulcedine pii omnes valde capiebantur, et eruditis gratum erat, quasi ex tenebris, carcere, squalore educi Christum, prophetas, apostolos, conspici discrimen legis et evangelii promissionum legis, et promissionis evangelicae, philoso- phias, et evangelii, quod certe non extabat in Thoma, Scoto, et similibus, justitiae spirituals et rerum politica- rum. Accedebat hue, quod Erasmi scriptis jam invitata erant juventutis studia ad Latinae et Graecae linguae cog- nitionem ; quare monstrato jam dulciore genere doctrinae, multi bonis et liberis ingeniis praediti abhorrere abarbarica et sophistica doctrina monachorum incipiebant. Ipse etiam Lutherus Graecae et Ebraicae linguae studiis se dedere ccepit, ut cognita sermonis proprietate et phrasi, et hausta ex fontibus doctrina, dexterius judicare posset. In hoc cursu cum esset Lutherus, circumferuntur venales Indulgentiae in his regionibus a Tecelio Dominicano impu- dentissimo sycophanta, cujus impiis et nefariis concionibus irritatus Lutherus, studio pietatis ardens, edidit proposi- tiones de Indulgenliis quae in primo tomo monumentorum ipsius extant. Et has pub! ice templo, quod arci Witte- bergensi contiguum est, affixit pridie festi omnium sancto- yum, anno 1517. Hie Tecelius nihil sui dissimilis, ac spe- MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 365 rans etiam gratiam se apud Romanum pontificem initurum esse, suum senatum convocat, monachos aliquot et theo- logos sophistica sua utcunque leviter tinctos, hos compo- nere aliquid jubet adversus Lutherum. Ipse interea ne esset xw. Utinam vero omnes, qui Augustinum sequi se jactitant, perpetuatn sententiam, et ut ita dicam, pectus Augustini referrent, non tantum mutila dicta calumniose detorquerent ad suas opi- niones. Ac restituta lux Augustini scriptis posteritati profuitj nam deinde Prosper, Maximus, Hugo, et aliqui similes, qui studia gubernarunt, usque ad Bernardi aetatem, pro- pemodum Augustini normam sequuntur. Interea tamen crescentibus imperiis et opibus episcoporum, secuta est velut gigantum aetas; prophani homines et indocti regna- runt in Ecclesia, quorum aliqui aulge Romanae artibus aut forensi doctrina exculti fuerunt. Exorti sunt igitur Domi- nicani et Franciscani, qui cum viderent luxum et opes epis- coporum, et prophanos mores detestarentur, modestiorem vitam instituerunt, seque quasi disciplinee carceribus in- cluserunt. Sed primum inscitia superstitiones auxit, deinde cum viderent hominum studia in scholis ad solam forensem doctrinam converti, qua Roma? jam lites multis augerent autoritatem et opes, ipsi revocare homines ad theologica studia conati sunt, sed consilium demit. Albertus et si- miles, qui dediti fuerunt Aristotelis doctrinae, transformare ecclesiae doctrinam in philosophiam cceperunt. Et haec quarta aetas, non tantum coenum, sed insuper venena, id est, opiniones probantes manifesta idola in fontes evange- licos infudit. Tantum labyrinthorum et falsarum opinio- num est in Thoma, Scoto, et similibus, ut semper saniores Theologi desideraverint aliud genus doctrinae planius et purius. Nee sine insigni impudentia dici potest, non fuisse opus ejus doctrinae mutatione, cum manifestum sit magnam partem sophismatum in illis disputationibus ne ab iis qui- dem intelligi, qui in eo doctrinae genere consenuerunt. Deinde aperte confirmantur hSuXn^aviai, ubi docent appli- cationes sacrificii ex opere operato, ubi statuarum invo- MELANCTHON'S PREFACE. 371 cationes excusant, ubi negant gratis remitti peccata fide, ubi ex ceremoniis humanis carnificinam faciunt conscientia- rum, denique multa sunt alia magis tetra et ^p^a, quae cogitans toto corpore cohorresco. Gratias igitur agamus Deo asterno, patri Domini nostri Jesu Cbristi, qui Martini Lutheri ministerio ex fontibus evangelicis rursus ejici coenum et venena voluit, et eccle- sias puram doctrinam restituit, qua de re cogitantes omnes pios toto orbe terrarum conjungere vota et gemitus decet, ac petere ardentibus pectoribus, ut Deus confirmet hoc quod operatus est in nobis, propter templum sanctum suum. Tua est haec vox et promissio, vere et vere Deus, aeterne Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi, conditor omnium rerum et ecclesiae, " Propter noraen meum miserebor vestri, prop- ter me faciam, ut non blasphemer." Te oro toto pectore, ut propter gloriam tuam et Filii tui semper tibi inter nos quoque ecclesiam aeternam voce Evangelii tui colligas, et propter Filium tuum, Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum crucifixum pro nobis et resuscitatum, precamur nostra pec- tora Spiritu sancto regas, ut te vere invocemus, et officia tibi placentia praestemus. Rege etiam studia doctrinae, et guberna ac serva has politias et earum disciplinam, qua? sunt hospitia tua? ecclesia? et studiorum. Cum ideo genus humanum condideris, ut ab hominibus agnoscaris et invo- ceris, quare et illustribus testimoniis te patefecisti non sinas deleri haec agmina, in quibus doctrina tua sonat. Cumque Filius tuus Dominus noster Jesus Christus adi- turus agonem suum precatus sit pro nobis; " Pater, sanc- tifica eos in veritate ; sermo tuus est Veritas." Ad hujus Dostri sacerdotis precatiouem, nostra vota adjungimus et petimus una cum ipso, ut tua doctrina semper luceat in genere humano, et nos gubernet. Ha?c quotidie precan- tem et Lutherum audiebamus, et inter haec vota anima ejus ex mortali corpore placide evocata est, cum jam ageret an- num sexagesimum tertium. Habet posteritas multa monumenta et doctrina? et pietatis ipsius. Edidit scripta onSatfxaAixa, in quibus doctrinam complexus est salutarem et necessariam hominibus, erudi- entem bonas mentes de pcenitentia, fide, et veris lructibus fidei, de usu sacramentorum, de discrimine legis et evan- gelii, de discrimine evangelii et philosophic, de dignitate politici ordinis, denique de prascipuis articulis doctrina?, quam in ecclesia extare necesse est. Deinde addidit iXsyxTixa, in quibus refutavit multos errores perniciosos 372 APPENDIX PAPERS. hominibus. Ediclit et s^y^nxa, id est, enarrationes plu- rimas in prophetica et apostolica scripta, quo in genere etiam inimici fatentur eum superare omnium enarrationes quae extant. Haec merita esse magna, omnes piae mentes intelligunt. Sed profecto utilitate et labore aequat haec opera, interpre- tatio veteris et novi Testamenti, in qua tanta est perspicui- tas, ut vice commentarii esse possit ipsa Germanica lectio; quae tamen non est nuda, sed habet adjunctas eruditissimas annotationes, et singularum partium argumenta, quae et summam doctrinae ccelestis monstrant, et de genere ser- monis erudiunt lectorem, ut ex ipsis fontibus bonae mentis firma testimonia doctrinae sumere possint. Volebat enim Lutherus non detinere in suis scriptis, sed ad fontes dedu- cere omnium mentes. Ipsam vocem Dei audire nos voluit, hac voluit in multis accendi veram fidem et invocationem, ut Deus vere celebraretur, et multi fierint haeredes vita? asternae. Hanc voluntatem et hos tantos labores et grata mente praedicare decet, et exempli causa meminisse, ut nos quo- que pro suo quisque modo ornare ecclesiam studeat. Nam ad hos duos fines praecipue tota vita, et omnia vitae studia et consilia referenda sunt ; primum ut Dei gloriam illus- tremus; deinde, ut ecclesiae prosimus. De quorum altero dicit Paulus, " Omnia ad gloriam Dei facite:" De altero Psalmus cxxn. " Rogate quae ad pacem sunt Jerusalem." Et additur dulcissima promissio in eodem versu, " Eos, qui diligunt ecclesiam, felices et beatos fore." Haec coe- lestia mandata et hae promissiones invitent omnes, ut ec- clesiae doctrinam recte discant, ament ministros evangelii, et salutares doctores, et conferant studium et operam ad verae doctrinae propagationem, et ad vera? ecclesiae con- cordiam tuendam. Bene vale Lector, Wittebergae, Ca- lendis Junii. Anno M.D.XLVI. CHARACTER OF LUTHER. 373 OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF LUTHER, BY CAMERARIUS, IN HIS LIFE OF MELANCTHON. Erat Martini Luteri ingenium acre et sagax, erat animus ingens et excelsus. Nunquam enim in timiditate et socor- dia, vel etiam fortitudine et solertia mediocri, ea, quae agit, susciperentur. Excellentes autem homines sicubi incur- runt, non fieri id sine quasi fragore quodam potest. Sane lubricum esse hoc loco veluti iter expositionis video. Nam apud quosdam Martini Luteri nomen adeo odiosum est, ut auditum execrentur; contra nonnulli in illius dictis aut fac- tis aliquid argui omnino pati nequeant, et si quis hoc fa- cere audeat, eum statim impietatis reum declamitando pe- ragunt. Ego, quae comperi et vera esse scio ea corn- memoranda duxi, neque invidiam veritus neque gratiam aucupatus. Qui quidem Martini Luteri auctoritatem et nomen ita celebrant, ut supra conditionem et modum ge- neris humani non dubitent extollere, iis videndum, ne pra3- stantissimi atque summi viri bonam existimationem tribu- endo nimium diminuere, et suas audacias ab ilia excellentia preesidium quairere videantur. At isti insectatores, qui non modo omnia scripta illius damnant ut impia et turbulenta, sed nomen etiam auditum tanquam ominis mali detestantur, nunc etiam si quid cordis haberent poterant reminiscendo considerare, quid acerbitate odii et contumacia pervica- ciaque adversandi et clamoribus vesanis eftectum sit. Quo- rum enim vulnera sanandi causa attrectantur, eos cla- mando et obnitendo sibi ipsis nocere constat. Possitque his narrari iEsopica apud Aristophanem fabula : j?Esopus a coena redibat vesperi, Hunc allatrabat improba et petulans canis. At ille ad banc conversus, O Canis, Hac si repressa, ait, lingua tua mala, Panes coemeres, cor tibi esse crederem. Et isti, si quanta inopia laborarent eorum, quibus reli- giosam pietatem abunclare necesse est, revocarent ad ani- 374 APPENDIX PAPERS. mum suum, sique eis curae esset, ut sibi ac aliis ea copia pararetur, quam requirit vitae salutisque conservatio, sa- perent profecto et rebus communibus ac privatis consule- rent rectius. Sed (incidit enim aetas nostra in fatalis cu- jusdam conversionis quasi articulum, cum neque admoni- tiones quicquam proficiant, et querelis inanibus dolor tantum augeatur) orationem nostram ab instituta narra- tione recedentem non sinemus excurrere longius. Et de his rebus silentes, una cum caeteris eventus et ipsos fatales, ut mulierculae apud iEschylum se facturas aiunt, perfere- mts. Martinus Luterus, quo tempore diximus, mortem obiit, praesente infracloque animo et constante in sanctitate religiosae pietatis, reliquitque et suis et alienis desiderium sui ingens, quamvis aetate gravi decessisset (nam annum omnino LXIII. vivendo eum confecisse compertum puta- tur), qui lugentes et ita tunc exequias funeris conhonestan- das curaverunt, ut his memoria nominis ipsius quam stu- diosissime et officiosissime eelebraretur, et magnitudinem doloris sui gemitibus et lacrimis testati sunt. In quibus Philippi Melancthonis studia atque officia eximiae caritatis facile eminuerunt. Mite BULLA LEONIS X. 1520. The following extract from this celebrated document con- tains the Preamble, and the substance of the Charges against Luther : Leo Episcopus, Servus servorum Dei. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. ExsurgeDomine, et judica causam tuam; memor esto improperiorum tuorum, eorum quae ab insipien- tibus fiunt tota die. Inclina aurem tuam ad preces nostras, quoniam surrexerunt vulpes quaerentes demolire vineam, cujus tu torcular calcasti solus, et ascensurus ad Patrem, ejus curam, regimen et administrationem Petro tanquam Capiti, et tuo Vicario, ejusque successoribus, instar tri- umphantis ecclesiae, commisisti, exterminare nititur — earn aper de silva, et singularis ferus depascitur earn. Exsurge Petre, et pro pastorali cura praafata (ut prae- BULLA LE0N1S X. 375 fertur, tibi divinitus demandata, intende in causam sanctae Rom. ecclesias matris omnium ecclesiarum, ac fidei ma- gistral, quam tu, jubente Deo, tuo sanguine consecrasti. Contra quam, sicut tu praemonere dignatus es, insurgunt magistri mendaces, introducentes sectas perditionis sibi ce- lerem interitum superducentes, quorum lingua ignis est, inquietum malum plena veneno mortifero, qui zelum ama- rura habentes, et contentiones in cordibus suis gloriantur, et mendaces sunt adversus veritatem. Exsurge tu quoque, quaesumus, Paule, qui earn tua doc- trina, ac pari martyrio illuminasti atque illustrasti. Jam enim surgit novus Porphyrius, qui sicut ille olim sanctos Apostolos injuste momordit, ita hie sanctos Pontifices prae- decessores nostros, contra tuam doctrinam eos non obse- crando, sed increpando mordere, lacerare, ac ubi causae suae diffidit ad convicia accedere non veretur, more haere- ticorum, quorum (ut inquit Hieronymus) ultimum praesi- dium est, ut cum conspiciant causas suas damnatum iri, incipiant virus serpentis lingua diffundere, et cum se victos conspiciant ad contumelias prosilire. Nam licet haereses esse ad exercitationem fidelium, tu dixeris oportere, eas tamen ne incrementum accipiant, neve vulpeculae coales- cant, in ipso ortu, te intercedeute et adjuvante, extingui necesse est. Exsurgat denique omni sanctorum ac reliqua universalis ecclesia, cujus vera sacrarum literarum interpretatione posthabita, quidam quorum mentem pater mendacii exece- cavit, ex veteri haereticorum instituto, apud semetipsos sa- pientes, scripturas easdem aliter quam Spiritus Sanctus flagitet, proprio duntaxat sensu, ambitionis, auraeque po- pularis causa (teste Apostolo) interpretantur, imo vero tor- quent, et adulterant, ita ut, juxta Hieronymum, jam non sit Evangelium Christi, sed hominis, aut quod pejus est, diaboli. Exsurgat, inquam, praefata sancta ecclesia Dei, et una cum beatissimis apostolis prsefatis apud Deum omni- potentem intercedat, ut purgatis ovium suarum erroribus, eliminatisque a fidelium finibus haeresibus universis eccle- siae suae sanctae pacem et unitatem conservare dignetur. Dudum siquidem, quod prae animi angustia et mcerore exprimere vix possumus, fide dignorum relatu, ac fama publica referente, ad nostrum pervenit auditum, imo vero, proh dolor, oculis nostris vidimus, ac legimus, multos ac varios errores, quosdam videlicet jam per concilia, ac prae- decessorum nostrorum constitutiones damnatos, haeresim 376 APPENDIX PAPERS. etiam Graecorum et Bohemicam expresse continentes, alios vero respective vel hasreticos, vel falsos, vel scandalosos, vel piarum aurium offeusivos, vel simplicium mentium se- ductivos, a falsis fidei cultoribus, qui per superbam curiosi- tatem, mundi gloriam cupientes, contra apostoli doctrinam, plus sapere volunt quam oporteat, quorum garrulitas (ut inquit Hieronymus) sine Scripturarum auctoritate non ha- bere fidem, nisi viderentur perversara doctrinam, etiam divinis testimoniis, male tamen interpretatis, roborare. A quorum oculis Dei timor recessit, humani generis hoste suggerente, noviter suscitatos, te nuper apud quosdam le- viores in inclyta natione Germanica seminatos. Quod eo magis dolemus ibi evenisse, quod eandem nationem et nos et praedecessores nostri in visceribus semper gesserimus charitatis ; nam post translatum ex Graecis a Rom. ecclesia in eosdem Germanos Imperium, iidem praedecessores nos- tri et nos, ejusdem ecclesia advocatos defensoresque ex eis semper accepimus. Quos quidem Germanos, catholicae veritatis vere Germanos, constat hasresium acerrimos op- pugnatores semper fuisse. Cujus rei testes sunt laudabiles illae constitutiones Germanorum Imperatorum pro libertate ecclesiae, proque expellendis exterminandisque ex omni Germania haereticis sub gravissimis pcenis, etiam amissionis terrarum et dominorum, contra receptatores, vel non ex- pellentes, olim editaa et a nostris praedecessoribus conflr- matae, quae si hodie servarentur, et nos et ipsi utique hac molestia careremus. Testis est in Concilio Constantiensi Hussitarum ac Vinclevistarum, nee non Hieronymi Pra- gensis damnata ac punita perfidia. Testis est toties contra Bohemos Germanorum sanguis effusus. Testis denique est praedictorum errorum, sen multorum ex eis, per Colo- niensem et Lovaniensem Universitates, utpote agri Domi- nici piissimas, religiosissimasque cultrices, non minus docta quam vera ac sancta confutatio, reprobatio, et damnatio; multa quoque alia allegare possemus, qua3, ne historiam texere videamur, prasmittenda censuimus. Pro pastoralis igitur officii divina gratia nobis injuncti cura, quam gerimus, praedictorum errorum virus pestife- rum ulterius tolerare, seu dissimulare, sine Christianas re- ligionis nota, atque orthodoxae fidei injuria nullo modo possumus. Eorum autem errorum aliquos praesentibus duximus inserendos, quorum tenor sequitur et est talis. 1. Hasretica sententia est, sed usitata, " Sacramenta novae legis justificantem gratiam illis dare, qui non ponunt obi- BULLA LEONIS X. 311 cem." 2. In puero post baptismum negare remanens pec- catum, est Paulum et Christum simul conculcare. 3. Fomes peccati etiani si nullum adsit actuale peccatum, mo- ratur exeuntem a corpore animam ab ingressu coeli. 4. Imperfecta charitas morituri fert secum necessario mag- num timorem, qui se solo satis est facere pcenam purga- torii, et impedit introitum regni. 5. Tres esse partes poenitentue, contritionem, confessionem, et satisfactionem, non est fundatum in Scriptura, nee in antiquis Sanctis, Christianis doctoribus. 6. Contritio quae paratur per dis- cussionem, collectionem, et detestationem peccatorum, qua quis recogitat annos suos in amaritudine auimae suae, pon- derando peccatorum gravitatem, multitudinem, feeditatem, amissionem ajternae beatitudinis, ac seternaj damnationis acquisitionem, base contritio facit hypocritum, imo magis peccatorem. 7. Verissimum est proverbium, et omnium doctrina de contritionibus hucusque data praestantius, de eaetero non facere, summa poenitentia, optima poenitentia, nova vita. 8. Nullo modo praesumus confiteri peccata ve- nalia, sed nee omnia mortalia, quia impossibile est, ut omnia mortalia cognoscas. Unde in primitiva ecclesia solum manifesta mortalia confitebantur. Callide decerp- tum hoc, ut multa alia. 9. Dum volumus omnia pure con- fiteri, nihil aliud facimus, quam quod misericordia Dei ni- hil volumus relinquere ignoscendum. 10. Peccata non sunt villi remissa, nisi remittente sacerdote credat sibi re- mitti, imo peccatum maneret, nisi remissum crederet ; non enim sufficit remissio peccati, et gratiae donatio, sed opor- tet etiam credere esse remissum. 11. Nullo modo confidas absolvi propter tuam contritionem, sed propter verbum Christi, " Quodcunque solveris," he. Hie, inquam, con- fide, si sacerdotis obtinueris absolutionem, et crede fortiter te absolutum et absolutus es, quidquid sit de contritione. 12. Si per impossibile confessus non esset contritus, aut sacerdos non serio, sed joco absolveret, si tamen credat se absolutum, verissime est absolutus. 13. In sacramento poenitentiae, ac remissione culpae, non plus facit papa, episcopus, quam infimus sacerdos, imo ubi non est sacer- dos, seque tantum quilibet Christianus, etiamsi mulier aut puer esset. 14. Nullus debet sacerdoti respondere, seesse contritum, nee sacerdos requirere. 15. Magnus est error eorum, qui ad sacramentum Eucharistia; accedunt huic innixi, quia sint confessi, quod non sint sibi conscii alicu- jus peccati mortalis, quod praemiserint orationes suas et 3B 378 APPENDIX PAPERS. praeparatoria, omnes illi ad judicium sibi manducant et bibunt. Sed si credant et confidant se gratiam ibi conse- cuturos, haec sola fides facit eos puros et dignos. 16. Consultum videtur, quod ecclesia in communi concilio sta- tueret, Laicos sub utraque specie communicandos, nee Bo- hemi communicantes sub utraque specie sunt hajretici, sed schismatici. 17. Thesauri ecclesiae, unde papa dat Indul- gentias, non sunt merita Christi et Sanctorum. 18. Indul- gentiae sunt piae fraudes fidelium, et remissiones bonorum operum, et sunt de numero eorum quae licent, et non de numero eorum quae expediunt. Vah, qui destruis Servi servorum mercatum, illud singulare uberrimi lucri for- mamentum, ferte cito flammas. 19. Indulgentiae iis qui veraciter eas consequuntur, non valent ad remissionem pcenae pro peccatis actualibus debitse apud divinam jus- titiam. 20. Seducuntur credentes, lndulgentias esse sa- lutares, et ad fructum spiritus utiles. 21. Indulgentiae necessariae sunt solum publicis criminibus, et proprie concedunt duris solummodo et impatientibus. 22. Sex generibus hominum Indulgentiae nee sunt necessariae, nee utiles videlicet, mortuis seu morituris, infirm is, legitime impeditis, his qui non commiserunt crimina, his qui cri- mina commiserunt sed non publica, his qui meliora ope- rantur. 23. Ex communicationes sunt tantum externae pcenae, nee privant hominem communibus spiritualibus ec- clesiae orationibus. 24. Docendi sunt Christiani plus dili- gere excommunicationem, quam timere. 25. Romanus pontifex Petri successor, non est Christi vicarius, super omnes totius mundi ecclesias ab ipso Christo in B. Petro institutus. 26. Verbum Christi, " Quodcunque solveris super terrain," &ic. extenditur duntaxat ad ligata ab ipso Petro. 27. Certum est, in manu ecclesiae aut papae pror- sus non esse, statuere articulos fidei, imo nee leges mo- rum, seu bonorum operum. Si papa cum magna parte ecclesiae sic vel sic sentiret, nee etiam erraret, adhuc non est peccatum aut haeresis contrarium sentire praesertim in re non necessaria ad salutem, donee fuerit per concilium universale alterum reprobatum, alterum approbatum. 29. Via nobis facta est enarrandi auctoritatem conciliorum, et libere contradicendi eorum gestis, et judicandi eorum de- creta, et confidenter confidendi quidquid verum videtur, sive probatum fuerit, sive reprobatum a quocunque con- cilio. 30. Aliqui articuli Johannis Huss condemnati in concilio Constan. sunt Christianissimi, verissimi, et evan- BULLA LEONIS X. 379 gelici, quos nee universalis ecclesia posset damnare. 31. In omni opere bono Justus peccat. 32. Opus bonum, op- time factum, est veniale peccatum. 33. Hasreticos com- buri, est contra voluntatem spiritus. 34. Praeliari adver- sus Turcas, est repugnare Deo visitanti iniquitates nostras. 35. Nemo est certus se non semper peccare mortaliter propter occultissimum superbiae vitium. 36. Liberum ar- bitrium post peccatum est res de solo titulo, et dum facit quod in se est, peccat mortaliter. 37. Purgatorium non potest probari ex sacra Scriptura, qua? sit in canone. 38. Animae in purgatorio non sunt securae de eorum salute, sal- tern omnes; nee probatum est ullis aut rationibus aut Scrip- turis, ipsas esse extra statum merendae, aut augendae cha- ritatis. 39. Animas in purgatorio peccant sine intermis- sione, quamdiu quaerunt requiem, et horrent pcenas. 40. Animas ex purgatorio liberatae suffragiis viventium, minus beantur, quam si per se satisfecissent. 41. Praelati, eccle- siastici, et principes seculares non malefacerent, si omnes saccos mendicitatis delerent. Qui quidem errores respective quam sint pestiferi, quam scandalosi, quam piarum et simplicium mentium seductivi, quam denique sint contra omnem charitatem ac S. Rom. ecclesiae matris omnium fidelium et magistrae fidei reveren- tiam, atque nervum ecclesiasticae disciplinaa, obedientiam scilicet, quae fons est et origo omnium virtutum sine qua facile unusquisque infidelis esse convincitur, nemo sanas mentis ignorat. Nos igitur in prsemissis utpote gravissimis, propensius (ut decet) procedere, nee non hujusmodi pesti, morboque canceroso, ne in agio dominico tanquam vepres nociva, ulterius serpat, viam praecludere cupientes, habita super prasdictis erroribus et eorum singulis diligenti trutinatione, discussione, ac districto examine, maturaque deliberatione, omnibusque rite pensatis, ac saepius ventilatis cum vene- rabilibus fratribus nostris, sanctas Rom. ecclesiae cardina- libus, ac regularium ordinum prioi-ibus, seu ministris ge- neralibus pluribusque aliis sacrae Theologiae, nee non utriusque juris professoribus, sive magistris, et quidem peritissimis, reperimus eosdem errores respective (ut prae- fertur) aut articulos non esse catholicos nee tanquam tales esse dogmatizandos, sed contra catholicas ecclesias doctri- nam, sive traditionem, tanquam adeo veram divinarum Scripturarum receptam interpretationem, cujus auctoritati ita acquiescendum censuit Augustinus, ut dixerit, se evan- 389 APPENDIX PAPERS. gelio non fuisse crediturnm, nisi ecclesise catholicas inter- venisset auctoritas. Nam ex eisdem erroribus, vel eorum aliquo, vel aliquid palam sequitur, eandem ecclesiam quee Spiritu Sancto regitur errare et semper errasse. Quod est utique contra illud quod Christus discipulis suis in ascen- sione sua (ut in sancto evangelio Matth. legitur) promisit, dicens : " Ego vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem seculi." Necnon contra sanctorum patrum determina- tiones consiliorum quoque et summorum pontificium ex- pressas ordinationes seu canones, quibus non obtemperasse, omnium haeresium et schismatum teste Cypriano, fomes et causa semper fuit. De eorundem itaque venerabilium fratrum nostrorum consilio et assensu, ac omnium et singulorum praedicto- rum matura deliberatione praedicta auctoritate omnipoten- tis Dei, et beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, et nos- tra, pra?fatos et singulos articulos seu errores tanquam (ut praemittitur) respective haereticos aut scandalosos, aut fal- sos, aut piarum aurium offensivos, vel simplicium mentium seductivos, et veritati catholicaj obviantes, damnamus, re- probamus, atque omnino rejicimus, ac pro damnatis, re- probatis, et rejectis ab omnibus utriusque sexus Christi fidelibus haberi debere, harum serie decernimus et decla- ramus. Inhibentes in virtute sanctee obedientiae, ac sub majores excommunicationes latae sentential, nee non quo ad ecclesiasticas et regulares personas, episcopalium om- nium, etiam patriarchalium, metropolitan, et aliarum ca- thedralium ecclesiarum, monasteriorum, quoque et priora- tuum etiam conventualium, et quorumcunque dignitatum, aut beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum, secularium, aut quo- rumvis ordinum regularium, privationis et inhabilitatis ad ilia, et alia in posterum obtinenda. Insuper, quia errores praefati et plures alii continentur in libellis seu scriptis cujusdam Martini Lutheri, dictos li- bellos, et omnia dicti Lutheri scripta, seu praedicationes, in Latino, vel quocunque alio idiomate reperiuntur, in quibus dicti errores, seu eorum aliquis continentur, simili- ter damnamus, reprobamus, atque omnino rejicimus, et pro omnino damnatis, reprobatis, ac rejectis, (ut praefertur,) haberi voluimus. Mandantes in virtute sanctae obedientiae, et sub poenis praedictis eo ipso incurrendis, omnibus et sin- gulis utriusque sexus Christi fidelibus superius nominatis, ne hujusmodi scripta, libellos, praedicationes seu schedu- las, vel in eis contenla capitula, errores aut articulos supra MONASTIC VOWS. 381 dictos continentia, legere, asserere, pra?dicare, laudare, imprimere, publicare, sive defendere, per se, vel alium, seu alios, directe vel indirecte, tacite vel expresse, publice vel occulte, aut in domibus suis, sive aliis, publicis vel pri- vatis locis tenere quoquo modo prsesumant, quinimo ilia statim post harum publicationem ubicunque faerint, per ordinarios, et alios supradictos diligenter quassita publice, et solenniter in prjesentia cleri et populi, sub omnibus et singulis supradictis poenis comburant. LUTHER ON MONASTIC VOWS. This treatise is deserving of attention in several respects. It contains a course of reasoning on a subject affecting the fundamental establishments of the Catholic church, and it comprehends topics on which Luther's sentiments had, in the course of years, undergone a total change. The dedi- cation of this work to his father, the reason for which we shall see presently, is calculated to show that Luther, how- ever irritable, had nothing vindictive in his disposition. We give the dedication in English, and subjoin several passages from the body of the book in the original lan- guage : DEDICATION. MARTIN LUTHER TO HIS FATHER JOHN LUTHER, GREETING, DEAR FATHER, It has for a considerable time been my intention to de- dicate the present publication to you in the most affection- ate manner; not from a vain wish to give publicity to your name, but with a view to avail myself of the opportunity, which an address to you afforded, of explaining to pious readers the nature of my book. You are well aware how deeply I have been impressed with the belief, that nothing could be more important or more sacred than to yield obedience to the impulse of the divine command. And here you may be disposed to ask, 382 APPENDIX PAPERS. " Have you ever had doubts on such a subject, and is it but lately that you have learned the true state of the case?" It is so, I confess Until lately I have not only enter- tained doubts, but have been grossly ignorant of the true " state of the case." Let me add, with all due respect, that I believe I could prove, that, like myself, you were greatly deficient in this respect. It is now nearly sixteen years, since, without your knowledge, I ventured to make myself a monk. With the warmest parental affection, you felt alarmed on my account, because you knew beforehand the various privations and disadvantages of that mode of life. Your object was to connect me by marriage with a respectable and affluent family; and your anger at the course I had taken, was for some time exceedingly great. The words of the Psalmist, " God knoweth the thoughts of man that they are vain" — These words occurred to you, but without producing a full effect. At length you de- sisted and consented that yonr wishes should give way to what was the will of Heaven. My fears, however, were not then terminated, for I well remember that when you conversed mildly with me, and heard my declaration that I had become a monk not from partialit}' to the mode of life, but from the apprehension of divine wrath, your ob- servation was " I wish that it may not prove a vain illu- sion." These words sounded in my ears as if they had proceeded from the voice of God. — At no subsequent pe- riod have I forgotten them ; nor have any words, which I have ever heard, made so lasting an impression on me. Still I heard you only as a man, and persisted in adhering to what I regarded in the light of divine inspiration. Had it been in your power, you would certainly have prevented me from becoming a monk ; but as to me, had I even known what I now know, I should have pursued the same course, and have suffered death rather than have been stopped in it. Of the propriety of my conduct at that time, my opinion has certainly undergone a change; but God, by his infinite wisdom and mercy, has been pleased to produce great good out of evil. Would you not rather have lost one hundred sons than not have seen these happy effects arise . ? Satan seems to have anticipated in me, from my infancy, some of those qualities which have since appeared; and to prevent the progress of the cause in which they have been instru- mental, he affected my mind to such a degree as to make me often wonder whether I was the only human creature MONASTIC VOWS. 383 whom he tormented.* Now, however, I perceive that God directed that I should acquire, by personal experience, a knowledge of the constitution of universities and monas- teries, that my opponents might have no handle to boast that I pretended to condemn things of which I was igno- rant. It was ordained therefore that I should pass part of my life in a monastery. Let me proceed to ask what is the nature of your pre- sent opinions and feelings? Your are still my father; I am still your son ; and vows, we are now satisfied, have ceased to be binding. The right of paternal authority was on your side when you opposed my change of life — in mine, there was a wish to obey the command of God — Had it depended on you, would you not ere this have taken me from the monastery ? But lest you should imagine that God has only anticipated you by taking me himself from it, let me ask what if I should persist in wearing the mo- nastic garb and tonsure ? Are then the cowl and tonsure sufficient to constitute a monk ? — My conscience is now freed — I am, and I am not a monk — a new creature, not of the pope, but of Christ. The monks created by the pope are the mere fictions of temporal authority. — Of that number I was one, but from that bondage I am now deli- vered by the grace of God. It may be asked why I do not ascribe my removal to the influence of your authority. God, who moved me to withdraw, has a more powerful claim on my acknowledgment. " He who loves his father or mother more than me," (said our Saviour,) " is not worthy of me." By this Christ did not mean to set aside the authority of parents, but to express, by a familiar illus- tration, that when their orders came in competition with those of our Saviour, the latter ought always to be pre- ferred. These things I recapitulate merely to show that I could not obey you otherwise than at the hazard of my conscience. At that time neither of us knew from Scrip- ture that the impulse of God was to be accounted superior to any human orders. — I now dedicate this book to you that you may see how remarkably Christ hath enabled me to relinquish the profession of a monk, and hath given me so much liberty, that although I am become the servant of all, I am subject to him alone. He is to me, " bishop, * Ut sapius fueriin admiratus, egone solus essem inter mortales, quern jjeteret. 384 APPENDIX PAPERS. abbot, prior, Lord, father, and master." — I know none but him — Let me, therefore, hope that he may have taken one son from you to make him instrumental in the salvation of many of his other sons. This, I am fully persuaded, you are prepared to receive not only willingly, but with great joy. Nor have you reason to do otherwise — What though the pope should be the cause of putting me to death ? He cannot raise the dead and make them suffer a second time. The day, I trust, is approaching, when that kingdom of abomination and perdition shall be destroyed. Would to God we were the first who were reckoned worthy to be burned or put to death by the pope, that our blood might be the means of accelerating his condemnation. But if we are not worthy to show our sincerity by our blood, let us at least pray and entreat that God may show us this mercy, that we be enabled to testify by our life and conduct that Jesus Christ alone is our Lord God blessed for ever. Amen. — Farewell, and salute my mo- ther, your Margaret, with all those who are in Christ. Ex Eremo, XXI. Novr. Anno MDXXI. Having seen the manner in which Luther thinks fit to address his father, we are now to observe his language to other persons. The work is introduced by what he calls a protestation, or opinion concerning monastic vows. " In the first place," he says, " I wish those who have discovered such inveterate hatred to me to be informed that I do not address the work to them — they would con- demn on my account the plainest truths — because I am un- willing to ' give what is holy to dogs, or to throw pearls before swine.' My object is to serve those persons who are suffering under the tyranny of conscience and sin." After mentioning the injury which Christianity had sus- tained from monastic vows, Luther proceeds to state that he does not mean to discuss the question whether a vow ought to be performed, but to inquire " what vows are real vows." He next enters on a long course of argument, of which it would be difficult to exhibit an analysis within mo- derate compass. This, like his other works, seems to have been composed in great haste, and the collateral illustra- tions are so numerous, that to form an adequate idea of them, it is necessary to travel through the whole work. He lays down, clearly and explicitly, that in Scripture MONASTIC VOWS. 385 there is neither precept nor example for monastic vows. Certain passages brought forward by the abettors of mo- nastic establishments, he subjects to a scrutiny and pro- nounces to have no application to their argument. He enters also on an examination of the reasons alleged in support of celibacy, and does not hesitate to affirm that his opponents have completely failed in making good their case. The monastic life he represents as a tissue of errors, falsehoods, ignorance, foil}', deceit, and confusion. The nature of the vow is inconsistent, he maintains, with the true faith, and hostile to Christian liberty. He next gives an account of the origin of vows, which we transcribe in his own words : Humanum inventum est votum, humanum inventum manet. Sed non in to turn tamen ridiculum est, nam vo- vere subjectionem istam liberam ad tempus, non est inu- tile. Videmus enim primitivae ecclesiae institutum fuisse et morem plane saluberrimum, ut juventutem seniores sibi ad tempus commendatam, instituerent in fide et disciplina, quod et Apostolorum Petri et Pauli epistolaj indicant, ubi juniores volunt subdi senioribus. Hinc primum natse scholae Christiana} in quibus et puellae quoque erudieban- tur, ut sanctae Agnis habet historia. Ex his tandem col- legia et monasteria pullulaverunt, propter eos, qui perpe- tuo et libere in scholis istis manere volebant. Ubi autem coeperunt ii, qui juventutem instituendam susceperunt, segnes fieri et sua curare, aucti opibus et otio, et juventus rebellior facta, turn voti laqueos invenerunt quibus conscientias alligatas tenerent sub disciplina, ut quisque seipsum metu peccati cohiberet, et otium fieret cu- ratoribus. Sicut et nunc mos est furiosus academiarum, juventutem irretire juramentis, et conscientias eorum ex- carnificare, ne sit necesse illis vigilare et solicitos esse in utramque aurem secure dormiant. Sic ex liberis et Chris- tianis scholis servilia et Judaica monasteria verae que sy- nagogae impietatis facta sunt. Si igitur votum hodiernum ad priscum ilium morem revocatur, et ita servaretur, nihil ibi periculi esset, et absque dubio apud Deum aliter non agnoscitur, quam ad ilium morem servandum temporaliter, tantum ut institutionem Christianam infirmiores et rudiores animi imbibant, et postea rursum liberi dimittantur, id quod infra etiam operibus Dei tcstibus probabimus. Without expressing any opinion on the accuracy of this passage, we proceed to the part of the work which con- 3C 386 APPENDIX PAPERS. tains an account of the habits of the monks and of their manner of conducting public worship. After alleging the inconsistency of monastic vows with the commands of God, and accusing those who take them, of no less crimes than sedition and blasphemy, Luther adds — Primum amiulantur hodie lectionibus matutinalibus, epis- tolis, evangeliis, et singularibus cantibus ; alterum homi- liis ; tertium, responsoriis, antiphonis, gradualibus, et quae- cunque communiter leguntur vel cantantur, sed infeliciter omnia, non enim docendi aut exhortandi, sed operandi tantum studio omnia fiunt, sic enim legisse, sic cantasse, sic boasse, illis satis est; hoc opus quaeritur, et vocatur cultus Dei, quid autem legatur et cantetur, aut cur legatur et cantetur, ne in men tern quidem venit, nee est propheta qui interpretetur et doceat. Proinde ne sint otiosi in hoc mirabili cultu Dei, dedunt sese curae et solicitndini praele- gendi, praecantandi, recte distinguendi, pausandi, termi- nandi, attendendi, hoc unum spectantes, ut bene, devote et laudabiliter legatur et cantetur. Hie est finis ultimatus hujus cultus divini, ibi disciplinae, poenae, articuli, statuta, peccata et merita hoc cultu dignissima. Dicas hunc gra- vissimum cultum Dei in hoc exerceri, ut viri illi magni et graves saltern particulam aliquam grammatical et musicae toto vitae tempore discant. Quid enim aliud quasrere pos- sunt judicari ? Si intret, ut.Paulus ait, aliquis infidelis in medium horum mugientium, murmurantium, boantium, vi- dens eos neque prophetare, neque orare, sed tantum suo more sonare, ceu fistulas illas organorum, (quae sibi optimo consilio sociaverunt, et simile juxta simile suum posue- runt,) nonne optimo jure dicet : " Quid insanitis ?" Quid enim sunt nisi fistula? aut tibiae illoe, quas Paulus dicit, nul- lam vocum distinctionem dare, sed tantum in aera sonare, non aliter, quam si quis declamaturus suggestum conscen- dat, et horam totam sonet verba peregrina in populum, quae nemo intelligat. Nonne hie in aera loquitur ? Nonne insanus judicabitur ? Scilicet talis cultus decebat sacri- legos et blasphemos adversarios Christi, ut essent nihilo meliores mutis illis et ligneis fistulis, multo labore sonantes, nihil docentes, nihil discentes, nihil orantes, et tamen hoc opus insaniae pro summa latria jactarent, omnium opes illius meritis ad sese corrivarent, et banc quidem domum talis decet sanctitudo. By this time, Luther, we perceive, was fully satisfied of the_aburdity of monastic regulations. In the fifth section MONASTIC VOWS. 387 of this book he endeavours to show their inconsistency with charity, with obedience to parents, and with the love of our neighbour. The following passage is marked by his usual decision of language, and contains an account of his own feelings when a member of a monastery. Eadem obedientia pulchre sese exoneraverunt operibus illis misericordiae, quae Christus, Matth. 25. in judicio sese exacturum minatur. Videat monachus famelicum, sitibun- dum, nudum, vagum, captivum, he. sed caveat ne egre- diatur monasterium, ne visitet infirmum, ne consoletur tristem, sed sinat ire et perire, quidquid perierit, claudat viscera sua, etiamsi possit ilium juvare. Postea dicat, ideo sese omisisse charitatem, quia noluerit victimam offerre prae obedientia. Idem faciat, si pater aut mater opera ejus coeperint opus habere, ut vel pascat, vel serviat iis. O furorem inauditum ! Ego sane in meo monachatu, quan- quam hebes sum et rudis, nihil tamen asgrius tuli, quam banc crudelitatem, et negatae charitatis sacrilegium. Ne- que potui unquam persuaderi, ut quietus crederem rectam et licitam esse obedientiam istam monasticam adversus charitatem, tam impudenter saevientem. Dicent vero hie: Si ista monachis detur licentia vagandi, peribit universum institutum monasticum, desolabuntur monasteria, ruet cul* tus Dei, singulis euntibus, ut parentibus et proximis egen- tibus ministrent. Pulchre. Ut ergo stent lapides et ligna, ut perseveret fistularum ululatus et murmur in choro, ut rasura capitis et longa tunica non deponatur, mandatum Dei deserendum est, pro quo etiam sanguis fundendus, ani- raa et omnia ponenda sunt. Quam sapienter, quam seque judicant isti viri de mandatis Dei ? Nonne hoc est quod dixi, monasticum institutum et divinum mandatum ex dia- metro natura sua, pugnare ? Si enim divinum mandatum servare voles, votum perpetuum servare non potes : elige utrum volueris. Luther was so much accustomed to make his writings the vehicle of his feelings, that we have little reason to ex- pect exaggeration in his picture of monkish privations, however much at variance with the habits of the present age. He represents the monks to have been frequently in want of the necessaries of life, and as suffering both from hunger and deficiency of clothing. In this, as in his other works, we meet with frequent repetitions in the leading to- pics of discussion between him and the Catholics. Per- haps in none of his publications is there a more lavish in- 388 APPENDIX PAPERS. troduction of extraneous illustration. A similar remark may be made in regard to the confidence of his tone, and his remarkable characteristic of never doubting that an honest inquirer would go along with him in his conclu- sions. We close our extracts with the passage which forms the termination of the work. Ha;c pro tempore de monastica volui dicere, plura dic- turus, si quis ea impetierit, quanquam sic arbitror omnia scripturis et rationibus evidentibus munita, ut non solum possint adversariorum os oppilare, (quod parum spectavi,) sed etiam conscientias fideliter erga Deum erigere et secu- ras facere, id quod maxime spectavi. Illaqueatis enim diu- turnis legibus, consuetudinibus, propriis pavoribus et scru- pulis, deinde sanctitatis auctoritate, multitudine et magni- tudine hominum, maxime vero divinis Scripturis erroneo sensu altissime imbibitis, certe dimcillimum est mederi et libertatem tarn laetam, tam desperatis et jamdudum in in- ferno deploratis persuadere. Nam ut hasc pugnent et triumphent adversus papam et suas synagogas, infinitum illud academiarum, monasterio- rum, collegioruin vulgus, non magnopere gaudeo, quid enim ad nos, quid sapiat perditum hoc papae et pejorum Turcarum regnum, quod jamdudum contempsi? Nobis hoc curae est, ut conscientias roboremus adversus Satanam in hora mortis, et securas reddamus ante Filium hominis. Insaniant homines, utvolunt, in morte saltern nos relinquent sive victi sive victores. At coram Satana et judicio Dei quis subsistet, nisi certissimis et evidentissimis verbis Dei munitus, steterit supra petram et custodiam suam, audi tu- rns quid contradicatur ei, qui possit dicere Deo sine haesi- tatione et trepidatione cordis. Haec tu dixisti, qui mentiri non potes. Unde et ego per Christum oro omnes, qui meo voluerint hoc consilio uti, et deserto monasterio libertati sese reddere, ut ante omnia suam conscientiam probent, ne forte hoc tentent novitate rei allecti, aut solo hominum con- temptu vel odio. Nam ii in morte, suscitata et vexata per Satanam conscientia de apostasia, de soluto voto, &tc. non subsistent, sed ad sacrilegam pcenitentiam spectabunt, fientque novissima pejora prioribus. Opus est enim hie solis verbis Dei puris fortiter inniti, et ne judicio quidem Dei cedere, cum sciamus veracem eum esse, sese negare non posse. Verba autem, quae hue valeant, ea sunt, qua; supra posuimus, in quibus solus Christus nobis lux et dux praeficitur. et quidquid est ab hominibus inventum, damna- LUTHER'S PREFACE. 389 tur. Ipse igitur dulcis dux et lux nostra Jesus Christus illustret et roboret cor nostrum, in virtute sua propria et verbo salutari in vitam asternam, cui est gloria, et impe- riuin in secula seculorum. Amen. M.D.XXII. Mense Januario. 1 Petri ii. Quasi liberi et non quasi velamen habentes maliciae li- ber tatem, sed sicut servi Dei. LUTHER'S PREFACE TO HIS TRANSLATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. This composition is of considerable length, and consists chiefly of an exposition of the intimate connection subsist- ing between the Old and New Testament. The following are extracts from the introductory and concluding passages. INTRODUCTORY PART. Multi sunt, qui veteris Testamenti libros non satis magni faciunt, quod putent illos Judaeis tantum scriptos esse, nee porro aliquem eorum esse usum, cum nihil contineant pras- ter quasdam veterum historias; sic enim sentiunt, suflicere sibi Novum Testamentum, in veteri nihil quaerendum prae- ter allegorias. Atque hsec fere Origenis et Hieronymi sen- tentia est, et aliorum multorum. Verum Christus Johan. v. aliter sentit, sic enim inquit : " Scrutamini Scripturas, illae enim de me testantur;" et Paulus monet Timotheum, ut sit sedulus sacrarum literarum lector. Et ad Rom. i. gloriatur evangelium in scripturis a Deo promissum esse. Item, 1 Corinth, xv. dicit, Christum, sicut in scriptura praedictum est, ex semine Davidis natum, mortuum esse et resurrexisse. Et Petrus quoque sa?pius lectorem ad scrip- turam remittit. Docent autem nos omnes hi loci, quam non contemnendi sint veteris Testamenti libri, sed quod summo studio sint legendi cum ipsi apostoli testimonia suae doctrines ex veteri Testamento accersant illiusque auctori- tate evangelium confirment. Sicut S. Lucas quoque scri- bit, Act. xvii. quod Thessalonicenses quotidie scrutabantur 390 APPENDIX PAPERS. Scripturas, nura cum Pauli doctrina convenirent. Magni igitur aestimandi sunt veteris Testamenti libri, quod sint ceu fundamentum quoddam, quo novum Testamentum ni- titur, unde certa argumenta novi Testamenti peti possint. Et novum Testamentum quid, quaeso, aliud est, quam aperta qusedam prsedicatlo sententiarum et promissionum veteris Testamenti, qua? per Christum sunt completae. Volui igitur breviter in libros veteris Testamenti praefari, ut simplicioribus viam quandam aperirem quam secuti, majore cum fructu hos libros legerent. Ac principio qui- dem omnes pios diligenter admonitos volo, ne offendantur simplicitate orationis, item absurdis in speciem historiis, qua3 saepius lectori occurrent. Sint enim quantumvis sim- plicia et stulta, qua? hie scribuntur, tamen sunt divinee raa- jestatis, potential et sapientiae divinae verba, opera, judi- cia, et facta. Ha? enimillae sunt literae, quae ex sapientibus et prudentibus stultos faciunt quas non nisi parvvdi et stulti assequuntur, sicut Christus quoque Matth. ii. Ergo cum hos libros legis, non tuum judicium nee rationem tuam se- queris, sed sic senties, te omnium maximas ac pretiosissi- mas res tractare, te in possessionem amplissimi cujusdam thesauri venisse, cujus pretium nemo unquam aestimare queat, ex quo divina sapientia hauriatur. Ideo autem sim- plicius et stultius sapientiam suam nobis in his libris pro- posuit Deus, ut superbiam et arrogantiam nostram penitus retunderet. Hae enim sunt illae fasciae, hoc praesepe illud est, in quo Christus jacet, ad quod pastores remittit An- gelus ; tenues quidem et viles sunt fasciae, verum thesaurus involutus maximi est pretii, Christus scilicet. Hoc igitur primum scias, hunc librum esse librum legis, in quo doce- mur, quid faciendum, quid non sit faciendum ; praeterhaec adduntur quoque exempla et historiae servatae et non ser- vatae legis. Et quemadmodum evangelium gratiae est liber, qui docet unde ea facultas petenda sit, ut legi satisfacia- mus. Sunt autem praeter illam gratiae doctrinam, multa alia praecepta de mortificando vetere homine addita (illis enim praeceptis opus est cum semper in nobis haereant re- liquiae peccati, neque quisquam hominum perfectus sit) sic in veteri Testamento legibus quaedam promissiones et sen- tential de Christo intertextae sunt, quibus servati sunt sancti Patres qui sub lege ante revelatum Christum, in fide tamen promissi liberatoris vixerunt, et quemadmodum No- vum Testamentum hoc prascipue agit, ut gratiam et pacem per remissionem peccatorum in Christo nobis annunciet. LUTHER'S PREFACE. 391 Sic vetus Testamentum hoc praecipue agit, ut proponat leges, peccata ostendat et arguat, exigat quoque a nobis bona opera. Atque hunc veteris Testamenti scias esse scopum. CONCLUSION OF THE PREFACE. Hactenus dixi, diligenter cogitandum esse piis omnibus, ac praecipue docentibus, ut recte de Mose judicent, et dis- cernant, quid ad Judaeos pertineat, et quid nobis prosit, videlicet utcum leges tradit, ne judicemus nos obligari, nisi quatenus cum notitia legis naturae congruit, et earn decla- rat, Sit Moses sui populi doctor et legislator, nos alium magistrum habemus, Christum, qui nobis abunde tradidit omnia, quae nobis discenda et facienda sunt, confirmat illam ipsam doctrinam legis divinse quae in Mose exposita et illustrata est, sicut inquit, Non veni solvere legem et prophetas, &.c. et addit evangelii doctrinam de suo bene- ficio. Sed tamen et Mosi libros propter has, quas dixi, utilitates retineamus, et studiose legamus, quod decalogi doctrinam diligenter et copiose enarrat et illustrat, quod plenus est exemplorum et de pcenis impiorum et de fide et obedientia, et giorificatione sanctorum; quod collegit dul- cissimas promissiones de Christo, quas proprie etiam ad nos pertinent, itaque sic legamus Mosen, ut etiam ipsam evan- gelii historiam legimus, in qua etsi multa sunt, ut sic dicam, personalia, quae ad alios nihil pertinent, ut quod leprosos Christus mittit ad sacerdotes cum sacrificiis, et similia, ta- men exemplum fidei et obedientiae ad omnes pertinet. Haec copiosius luerunt dicenda, propterea quod saepe multi in ecclesia in hoc errore fuerunt, de legibus Mosaicis, nee viderunt, quid nobis ex Mose praecipue dicendum sit, aut quomodo discernendum inter legem moralem seu decalo- gum, et alias politicas seu forenses leges, ut et Origenes et alii eum secuti hie hallucinati sunt, et nostra astate multi contenderunt etiam forenses controversias ex Mose dijudi- candas esse; extiterunt interdum etiam Anabaptistae et ho- rum similes fanatici, qui circumcisionem et Sabbata Ju- daica contenderent observanda esse. Simus igitur cauti et de Mose ex Christiana doctrina judicemus, quae mon- strat, quomodo utiliter legendus sit, et quae copia salutaris doctrinae ex ipso peti possit, quae nos erudire potest ad sa- lutem (ut Paulus 2 Timoth. iii. de lectione sacrarum li- terarum loquitur) et confirmare fidem nostram in Jesum Christum, qua similiter patres. ut nos, Deo accepti et salvi facti sunt. 392 APPENDIX PAPERS. PARTICULARS RELATIVE TO CAROLOSTAD, SPALATIN, JUSTUS JONAS, AND CRUCIGER. CAROLOSTAD, Being of a respectable family, had the benefit of good education at an early age. The places where he studied have not been accurately ascertained, but it is certain that he resided some time at Rome. On returning from Italy, he fixed his residence at Wittemberg, where he took his degree of doctor of divinity, and became one of the ear- liest professors in that university; he was the first who came forward to advocate Luther's cause by his writings — a priority in the lists of controversy, which may perhaps be ascribed as much to his characteristic enterprise and ambition for distinction, as to motives of friendship. He was likewise the first Catholic in the station of priest, who took the decisive step of entering on the married state, in defiance of the long established prohibition of the head of the church. Unfortunately his prudence was not equal to his zeal, and he was deficient in the respect due to the judgment and the attainments of Luther. In his latter years he went to Basil, and died there in 1541, after hav- ing filled the station of a public teacher during ten years. The testimony of Zwinglius in regard to him is favourable, that eminent reformer considering him as possessed both of knowledge and energy, although unskilful in the manner of bringing his powers to bear on the particular subject under discussion. SPALATIN. To the particulars already mentioned (p. 313) about this meritorious person, it is proper to add, that on his con- sulting Luther in regard to the course of study which was most likely to afford him a thorough knowledge of the sacred Scriptures, the latter recommended the writings of Erasmus next to those of Jerome, Ambrose, and Augus- tine. Above all, he advised his friend to drink at the fountain-head, and to obtain a familiar acquaintance with Scripture itself. Spalatin continued throughout life a zea- JUSTUS JONAS. 393 lous friend of Luther and the Reformation, and the access which his official situation gave him to correspondence with the leading men in Germany, was of the greatest use to the cause. He wrote a book, called " Chronicon," containing an account of Saxony; and he translated, from Latin into German, the work of Erasmus " De lnstitutione Prin- cipis," prefixing to his version a dedication to the emperor Charles V. JUSTUS JONAS. In addition to his professorship at Wittemberg, Jonas was one of the clergymen of that city, and appears from the suavity of his manners and the extent of his informa- tion, to have been a great favourite with many of his co- temporaries. Among those who have left ample testimo- nies to his good qualities, we find the names of Melancthon, Stigelius, Camerarius, and Siberus. According to them he was not only animated by cordial attachment to his friends, but conspicuous for piety, industry, and erudition. His writings are not numerous, and relate principally to topics connected with his course of teaching. He pub- lished an answer to Wycelius on the death of Luther, in which he brought forward an ample vindication of the me- mory of his friend. — At the same time, his attachment to Luther did not interrupt his good understanding with Erasmus. — The following account of Justus Jonas is taken from Melchior Adam : " Northusae imperiali Cheruscorum oppido, Justus Jonas in lucem editus est, anno Christi, millesimo, quadringen- tesimo, nonagesimo tertio, die quinto Junii. Inciderunt autem studia ejus Theologica in ipsa initia mutatse religio- nis fuitque Jonas hie non tantum auditor et spectator, sed etiam actor, approbatorve eorum, qua; in religionis ne- gotio tunc gesta. Sub annum Christi millesimum, quin- gentesimum, vicesimum primum, mortuo Henningo Goe- den jurisconsulto celeberrimo, reique ecclesiasticae in col- legio omnium sanctorum Wittembergae praeposito, Jonas, in locum ejus est surrogatus, doctorque theologize die de- cimo quarto Octobris ejusdem anni renunciatus. Ubi, cum variae exorirentur quzestiones, presertim super missa privata, et ejus abrogatione, ac princeps elector Saxoniae, ne ea res motus excitaret majores, metueret, ipse cum col- legis ac delectis electori rationem ejus rei reddidit, utque in ipsorum facto, quamvis tunc insolenti et periculoso. 3D 394 APPENDIX PAPERS. princeps acquiesceret, effecit. Interfuit etiam postea pie- risque omnibus, qui religionis causa instituti, conventibus, suoque loco et veritatem tueri et pacem stabilire, si qua posset prudenter annisus est. Nam cum sacrarum litera- rum peritus, et juris etiam civilis non plane hospes esset, negotia ecclesiastica, quibus politica ssepe immixta, dex- terius aliis administravit. Itaque anno undetrigesimo, cum Luthero et Melancthone ad colloquium Marpurgi indic- tum venit :, et anno sequenti celeberrimis illis comitiis Au- gusta? celebratis cum eodem Melancthone adfuit : et nego- tium religionis adjuvit." CRUCIGER Was full twenty years younger than Luther, and had the advantage of acquiring Greek and Latin at an early age. Leipsic was the scene of his first studies, but on reaching the time when it became proper for him to learn Hebrew, he repaired to the more celebrated seminary of Wittemberg. Few of the Reformers possessed more mis- cellaneous attainments than Cruciger. At the diet of Worms he attended in the capacity of notary, and was af- terwards of much assistance to Luther in the great work of translating the Scriptures. He was so indefatigable a scribe, that it was to him the public owed copies of the chief part of the expositions and sermons delivered by Luther in the university and church of Wittemberg. He was appointed rector of the school of Magdeburg, and gave great satisfaction in the discharge of the office; but the thirst of information was all powerful with him, and induced him to return to the university of Wittemberg. The same passion led him to add the study of mathematics and even of medicine to his theological labours. For se- veral years, in the latter part of life, he held the station of rector of the university; but his career was not of long du- ration, for he died in 1548. FUNERAL VERSES ON LUTHER. The best scholars in Wittemberg were anxious to testify their regard for the man who had lived so long among them, and had rendered such distinguished service to the cause of religion. FUNERAL VERSES ON LUTHER. 395 The inscription on his tomb-stone deserves to be re- corded. Continet hie tumulus Martini membra Lutheri : Nosse sat hoc fuerat : sed tamen ista lege. Near the statue are the following : Hie prope Martini rursus victura Lutheri In parvo tumulo molliter ossa cubant; Qua? prius horrendis errorum pressa tenebris, Atque operum obscura nube sepulta fuit. Hoc monstrante iterum patefacta est gratia Christi Qua?que Deo acceptos nos facit esse, fides. Namque superstitio cum regnum cceca teneret : Et premeret longo dogmata vera situ : file Dei afflatu monitus, verboque vocatus, Lucem evangelii sparsit in orbe novam. Instructusque, tuba? Paulinae et fulmine lingua?, Exploso coepit vera docere, dolo. Utque agnum in media Baptista ostendit eremo, Qui pia pro populi victima labe foret : Sic quoque monstravit te, maxime Christe, Lutherus ; Cum totus tenebris obrutus orbis erat. Et legis tabulae, quas in Sinaide Moses Allisas fregit rupe, proplieta Dei ; Quid distent Evangelio : quod pectora sanet ; Conscia qua? culpa? terruit ira Dei ; Hoc prias amissum discriinen reddidit orbi, Essent ut Christi munera nota magis. Arguit Ausonii fraudes atque impia regna Pontificis, populo qua? nocuere Dei. Pollutasque monens vitare idola per aras, Ad verum adduxit corda levata Deura. Magnaniruusque Deo, cursum, servante peregit, Insidias contra multiplicesque minas. Tandem ex hac vita tranquilla morte vocatus, Ardua propitio venit ad astra Deo. Sentit ubi coram felicia gaudia Christi Veraque post obitum praemia vivus habet. Grata Deo tanto sit pro doctore futura iEtas ; qua? Christi dogmata vera sciet : Atque oret precibus, Deus hanc, quam prabuit orbi Lucem evangelii servet ut ipse sui. Decessit in patria sua Isleben. Anno a natali Christi M.D.XLVI. Die Februarii XVIII. Anno a?tatis sua? LXIII. Acidemia Witteberg. ul filia patri dilecto. E. C. On the Stone : Martini Lutheri S. Theologia? D. Corpus H. L. S. E. Qui anno Christi M.D.XLVI. XII. CAL. MARTII EISLEBII IN PATRIA S.M.O.C.V. \NNO LXIII. M. III. D. X. 396 APPENDIX PAPERS. Other epitaphs and inscriptions are extant, from which we select the following: PHILIPP. MELANCTHON. Occidit omnigena venerandus laude Lutherus, Qui Chrisftm docuit non dabitante fide. Ereptum deflet vero, hunc ecclesia luctu Cujus erat doctor, verius, imo pater. Occidit Israel praestans auriga Lutherus, Quem mecum sanus lugeat omnis homo. Nunc luctumque suum lacrymoso carmine prodat Hoc etenim orbatos flere, dolore decet. THEOD. BEZA. Roma orbem domuit, Romam sibi papa subegit, Virions ilia suis, fraudibus iste suis. Quant5 isto major Lutherus, major et ilia ; Istum, illamque uno qui domuit calamo. I nunc ! Alciden memorato Grsecia mendax, Lutheri ad calamum ferrea clava nihil. JOANN. MAJOR. Lutherus decimum confecit strage Leonem ; De clava noli qurerere ; penna fuit. JOACHIM A BEUST. In sua concessit quo tempore fata Lutherus, Mortuus est purre religionis apex. Mens it ad astra, die cui dat Concordia nomen, Lutherum in coelum qua? comitata redit. Huic quia successit lacera discordia veste, Da populo Eliffi pallia, Christe tuo. MELANCTHON'S OBSERVATIONS ON THE CONFERENCE AT WORMS. The following Observations on the Conference at Worms held in 1540, are given in the words of Melancthon. Renovat mihi colloquii Wormaciensis recordatio acerbum luctum et verum dolorem, quem cepi ex interitu duorum quorum ibi recens consuetudo mihi dulcissima fuit, D. Ca- pitonis videlicet et Simonis Grynsei, qui cum ambo propter excellentem eruditionem, virtutem, et pietatem magno or- namento ecclesiae Christi fuerint, publica jactura et agno- scenda et deploranda est. Nihil enim dicam hoc loco de privata nostra amicitia, qua fruemur aliquanto post multo ON THE CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 397 suavius, cum una cum Christo, prophetis et aposlolis con- versabimur. Grynaeus cum videret magnum decus esse ecclesise eruditionem, magno labore accendere omnium ho- nestarum artium studia conabatur, optimos auctores veteres edebat ac enarrabat. Erat ingenium capax omnium bo- narum artium, sed haec major laus est, quod non fastidit doctrinam ecclesiae, sed semper ad philosophica studia lec- tionem adjunxit prophetarum et apostolorum. Capito ec- clesiam et voce et perpetuis monumentis erudiit. — Sed ut de Wormaciensibus coiigressibus dicam. Erasmus eo missi ut amanter et piacide, sed tarnen, sicut praesertim in ecclesia decet, publice de controversiis, inquisita veritate, dirimendis, conferremus. Ac sperabamus ad futuros gu- bernatores colloquii et fipaQswrug, non mutos, sed qui con- tentionem moderarentur, et eligerent sententias veras ac concordias utiles. Sed dum adversarii defugiunt publicam collationem et inter se aliquot insulsos et flexiloquos articu- los componunt, nobis postea obtrudendos, nos otiosi fere quotidie conveniebamus omnes, ac de singulis controversiis suinmo candore acerrime disserebamus. Ibi memini multa singulorum pie dicta, quae a multis in commentaries relata sunt. Sed ut caetera omittam : ventum erat ad controver- siam de auctoritate episcoporum et legibus, quas in ecclesia hum an a auctoritate conditas sunt. Ibi cum mentio fieret decreti apostolici, quod est in Actis capite 15. audiebamus et D. Andrcam, Osiandrum, et D. Capitonem historica quadam recitantes ex Judaeorum monumentis, quae quia nonnihil lucis addunt decreto apostolico, duxi hie corn- memoranda esse. Scio prudentibus omnibus historica grata esse. Et narratio ilia continet exemplum erudi- tionis, ortum baud dubie a summis prophetis, itaque mag- no me munere judicabam ab utroque ab Osiandro et a Capitone donari cum veterem ilium ritum nobus ignotum exponerent ; dicebant enim Judfeos veteres, florente adhuc eorum politia, siquando vicinam aliquam civitatem Ethni- cam hello ceperant, aut fcedere sibi adjunxerant, non soli- tos imponere victis legem Mosaicam aut circumcisionem, sed tantum \v, cui assen- tiebantur plerique episcoporum. Hos ut confirmaret Ec- cius, misit ad senatum principum brevein epistolam in qua improbat librum; ac testatur nunquam sibi placuisse, prop- terea quod errores non ferendos contineret, nee in loquendo sequeretur theologorum phrasin et consuetudinem. Dicun- tur sentential moderatiores a legatis Coloniensis episcopi, a- legatis Palatini, et a marchione Brandenburg electore: ut conciliati articuli comprobentur. Ca3teri rejiciantur ad sy- liodum, aut alium conventum. Hi enim disputabant, paula- tim coituras in concordiam ecclesias, si asquitas adhibere- tur: et conscientiis piorum, qua; desiderent quorundam rituum vitiosorum emendationem, consulendum esse. Ter- tia fuit sententia nostrorum, non reprehendi articulos con- cihatos, si tamen in his quaedam ambigua diserte explica- rentur. Addebant et de controversiis non diremptis: se judicare articulos a nostris in colloquio exhibitos veros, et ita moderate scriptos esse, ut sperent sanis judiciis sa'tis- facturos esse. Et quia jusserat imperator exliiberi delibe- rationem de reformatione ecclesiae, adjecti sunt libelli de gubernatione ecclesiarum. Cum vero principum senten- tiae inter se non congruerent, imperator, ne de summa rei ipse statuere videretur, cardinalem Contarenum adhibet. Hie ut honesto praetextu certamina finirentur, proponit senptam sententiam, in qua jubet totam vel integram cau- sam servari Romano pontifici, ac vetat in conventu de 408 APPENDIX PAPERS. his rebus iterum disputari. Et quia fuerat contentio de conciliatis articulis recipiendis, quos visus est antea Con- tarenus non improbare ; adductus est importunitate Eccii ut alterum scriptum proponeret, in quo diserte iuquit, se de conciliatione non pronunciare, nee probare eos, sed re- linquere judicium Romano pontifici. Mirabantur multi Contarenum, cum et doctrinae Christiana? peritissimus esse diceretur, et singulari gravitate et virtute praeditus, non libere profiteri quod sentiret. Nam cum omnes Christiani et intelligere communem evangelii doctrinam debent ; turn vero maxime illis, qui primas in ecclesia tenent, et guber- natores doctrines esse volunt, convenit aperte suam senten- tiam ostendere. Nee continent articuli conciliati inanes argutias, sed res magnas, et ecclesiae necessarias : ut de morbo originis, de libertate voluntatis humanae, et fide justificante propter Christum, de retinendis officiis episco- porum et aliorum graduum ecclesiasticorum. Sed quo concilio suam sententiam Contarenus occultavit, nihil ad nos attinet : sed eventus satis ostendit, eos qui spe- rarunt initio adversarios nostros aliquam moderationem aut emendationem suarum opinionum admissuros, non satis perspexisse eorum voluntates ; tentandos putarunt animos nostros, ut sen inclinatio quaedamj seu distractio fieret, posteaque suum odium declarerent. Alii meliores qui se- rio moderationem aliquam expetunt, cum viderent nee ani- morum concordiam vere coituram esse, nee semina odio- rum tolli, etsi receptae essent hae moderationes, minus suc- censebant nobis quod repugnaveramus. Audio et cum videret frustra tentatas esse has conciliationes, dixisse De- ura fortassis hos conatus impedivisse, qui arcano et mirabili consilio regit ecclesiam : quod his moderationibus receptis, mala quaedam confirm ata fuissent et eorum stabilita poten- tia, qui errores praecipue defendunt. — Deum vero orandum esse ut ipse ecclesiae opem ferat, et pios cultus ac veram doctrinam restituat. THE END. mi ^ KiPW'