SAINT AUGUSTINE A SKETCH HIS IJFE AND WRITINGS. AJ3. ^87 -4^0. ^^^^■i^«i« CHARLES HASTlNaS aajM JflX**^ oi rtw llwomaf ^ . ■%4 PRINCETON, N. J. % 5//iTAL Sacerdotal System ,, XI. — Bellarmine and Augustine . „ XII. — Cardinal Wiseman and Augustine „ XIII. — Dr. John Milner and Augustine ,. XIV. — "The Faith of Catholics" and Augustine Conclusion Appendix A. — Extracts from Augustine's " City of God " on Miracles „ B.— Extracts from the Romish Magazine, "The Ram BLER," ON Persecutions Ill 1 7 20 26 44 60 66 76 84 91 99 105 115 126 136 138 141 SAINT AUGUSTINE. "Mira sunt qufe dicitis, nova sunt quse dicitis, falsa sunt quse dicitis. Mira stu- penius, nova coiivetiinius, falsa conviucimus."* — August., Cotit. Juliaiium, Lib. iii. o. 3. CHAPTER I. BIOGRAPHICAL. Of all the Fathers of the Church Augustine is reputed, and justly so, one of the most illustrious. Milner, in his " History of Christianity,"i* gives the following testimony as to his genius : — " Of the several Christian writers since the Apostles, Augustine has maintained the most prominent and extensive influence. ... By the extraordinary adaptation of his genius to his own age, the compre- hensive grandeur of his views, the intense earnestness of his charac- ter, his inexhaustible activity, the vigour, warmth, and perspicuity of his style, had a right to command the homage of VVestern Christendom. He was at once the first universal, and the purest and most powerful of the Latin Christian writers He retained the fervour and energy of tlie African style, with much purer and per- spicuous Latinity. His ardent imagination was tempered by reason- ing powers which grappled with every subject." A late writer has thus summed up the general estimate of Augustine : — " Augustine's position in history has been a singular one. Most prophets and teachers of that high rank have been honoured by a large measure of tlie world's hatred and abuse. But it has been his lot to receive, through all the ages, a nearly unanimous acclaim of admiration. Romish Church historians, like Dupin, tell us of ' his holiness and his virtues, known and admired by all the world ; ' or, like Butler, in his Lives of the Saints, remark that ' the name of the great Augustine raises in all minds the most exalted idea, and commands the most profound respect.' As to Protestant writers, it is not at * " Your assertions are wonderful, are novel, are false. At the wonderful we marvel ; the novel we answer ; the false we refute." f London, 1840. Vol. iii. Book iii. cap. x. pp. 263, 371. H 2 SAINT AI'GUSTINF,. all surprising that, with Mosheim, they speak of him as a man ' whose fame is spread throughout the Christian world ; ' or, hke the late Dean Milman, describe him as ' the one great authority in Latin theology ; ' or, like the Church historian, Robertson, as ' a teacher of wider and more lasting influence than any since the apostles;' or, like Dean Waddington, as ' tlie most celebrated among the ancient Christian fathers.' But the most recent writer, and not least competent judge, Dr. Merivale, Dean of Ely, may be allowed to sum up all former testimonies, when he describes this great theo- logian as — ' He who is regarded by common consent as the greatest of the Christian Fathers, the most illustrious, I may say, of all Christian thinkers; the most learned, for his time the most en- lightened—let me add, the most spiritually-minded, of the early Church — St. Augustine.'" Augustine is professed to be held in the highest estimation by members of the Roman Church. The compilers of the " Roman Breviary"* inform us that: — "Augustine wrote so much, and that with such godliness and understanding, that he is to be held among the very chiefest of them by whom the teachings of Christianity have been shown forth. He is one of the first of those whom later theologians have followed in method and in argument." He has been raised to the distinguished position of " Saintship," and takes his place in the Roman Calendar as one of the canonized. His festival is celebrated on the ScSth August. One of the requisites previous to canonization is proof that miracles have been wrought by or through the candidate proposed for celestial honours, either during this life or after death. In the " Roman Breviary," which otherwise contains an elaborate profusion of miracles attributed to various (so-called) " Saints," none are there recorded as having been performed by or through Augustine ; nor do we find any men- tion throughout his voluminous woiks tiiat he exercised any such power. In his celebrated work on " The City of God/' at the begin- ning of the eighth chapter of the second book, he said: — -"I can say miracles were necessary before the world believed, that it might believe; but whosoever now doth require a wonder that he may believe, is himself a wonder that believeth not when all the world believeih."t At what time, or under what circumstances, Augustine was de- clared to have attained that exalted rank does not appear. Although he repudiated the authority of the Bishop of Rome, and actually died in what would now be called heresy, and if living would subject himself to the ban of Rome's excommunication, his works teeming with, as we shall presently see, heretical teaching, Augustine is * See Dublin Edition, 1846. Tars Estiva, p. 603. f Ttie reader is referred to tbe remarks iu cap. XIII. bifra. BIOGRAPHICVL. 3 nevertlieless considered an object worthy of prayer as a Mediator before God, and his merits are pleaded on behalf of men.* Augustine was born at Tagaste, a town of Numidia, in Africa, on the 13th Nov., a.d. 354. His father, Patricius, a citizen of that place, embraced Christianity late in life. He was poor, but a member of the Town Council. His mother, Monnica, was a Christian woman, remarkable for her piety and for her devotion to her son. The early days of Augustine were by no means encouraging to his parents. His father sent him to Aladaura, to advance him in classical learning, but he not only showed no inchnation for study, but was what we should call in the present day " a fast young man." This we learn from his " Confessions," which he wrote in the forty- first year of his age. He there tells us that he " shunned the school as a plague ; he loved nothing but gaming and public stews ; he stole all he could from his father; he invented a thousand lies to avoid the rod, which they were obliged to make use of to punish his licentiousness. "t At the age of sixteen he was removed from Madaura and sent to Carthage to study rhetoric. Here he made great progress in the sciences ; but, alas ! he gave himself up to debauchery and other vices,J and notwithstanding the earnest remonstrances of his mother, he persisted in his career of vice. He tells us that he " looked upon her admonitions as such womanish advice that he was ashamed to follow it."§ This life of dissipation he continued to indulge in, even up to the time of his baptism, which took place in his tliirty-third year. While at Carthage Augustine perfected himself in rhetoric and other sciences. When he returned to Tagaste he became a teacher of rhetoric, and gained for himself considerable applause for the uncommon abilities he displayed. The study of the Scriptures was not suited to so unhealthy a mind ; he was disgusted with their simplicity, devoting himself rather to the study of Pagan writers. He was a great admirer of their eloquence. In this frame of mind it is not surprising that we find him joining the Manicheans, a heretical sect founded by one Manes in tlie third century, who taught most pernicious doctrines, alike repugnant to reason and Holy Scripture. Augustine, however, did not embrace all their opinions. It was a happy event for the cause of Christianity that so zealous and powerful an advocate and reasoner, one who under- stood so well the arts of controversy, eventually abandoned the Manichean heresy. His restless energy, and perhaps his ambition, * The " Roman Breviary," in the Festival of Augustine, has the following prayer : — " right excellent Teacher, Light of the Holy Church, Blessed Augustine, lover of the Divine Law, pray for us to the Son of God." — Pars Estiva, p. 603. Dublin Edition, 1846. t "Confessions," Lib. i. c. xix. t Ibid. Lib. ii. c. ii. § Ibid. Lib. ii. c. iii. B y 4 SAINT AUGUSTIKK. certainly his love of argument by profession, might have induced him to become a leader of the sect, and in his more mature years to frame such a system as might have become formidable to the ortho- dox bishops and clergy, as well as a stumbling-block to the laity, all of whom had sufficient to try their constancy in the persecutions of the age. While, on the other hand, the intimate knowledge he had acquired of the practical woiking of these very heresies led him, by God's mercv, to be one of their most determined and effective oppo- nents. He continued a follower of the Manichean sect for nine years, and unhappily led many, during that period, to embrace their errors. Augustine went back to Carthage a.d. 380, where he also taught rhetoric with continued success and reputation to himself. He was accompanied by his mother, who devoted herself to the apparently hopeless task of weaning him from his vices. His ambition led him to go to Rome, a.d. 883, where he hoped to find a new field for the display of his learning and abilities. His father was then dead, but he was maintained by an intimate friend, Romanian. He left Carthage without communicating with either his mother or his patron, lest they should thwart him in his designs. At Rome he taught rhetoric with as much success and applause as at Carthage ; but, after a short stay of only a few months, he left the city in disgust at the fraudulent conduct of the students. By the intro- duction of Symmachus, Prefect of Rome, he was appointed, A.D. 383, Professor of Rhetoric at Milan. Here also he was much esteemed, and was received with great kindness by the Bishop of that city, the illustrious Ambrose. He was first induced to attend his lectures from curiosity, having heard a high report of his eloquence. His mother followed him to Milan, and she continued to bestow on him her maternal tenderness and advice. It pleased God that this double influence should convert his heart. In his " Confessions " Augus- tine thus describes the first Christian influence on his mind : — " There at Milan I waited on Ambrose, the Bishop, a man renowned for piety throughout the world, and who then ministered the bread of life to the people with much zeal and eloquence. The man of God received me like a father, and I conceived an aS'ection for him, not as a teacher, but as a man kind to me; and I studiously attended his lectures, only with a curious desire of discovering whether fame had done justice to his eloquence or not. But salvation is far from sinners such as I then was ; and yet I was gradually approaching it, and knew it not. By degrees I was brought to attend to the doctrines of the Bishop. A number of difficulties raised upon the Scriptures by the Manichees found in the exposition of Ambrose a satisfactory solution. My mother was now come to me, courageous through piety, following me by land and sea, and trusting confidently in Thee through all perils. She BIOGRAPHICAL. 5 found me very hopeless with respect to tlie discovery of truth. How- ever, when I told her ray present situation, she answered that she believed in Christ that before she left this world she would see rae a sound believer."* Augustine was now led to study the Scriptures ; and by the aid of his mother's prayers, tears, and entreaties, and the wholesome society and influence of his friends, Alypius and Simplician, and of the venerable Ambrose, it pleased God to give him a new life.f He ceased to teach rhetoric, and was baptized by Ambrose on Easter Eve, in the year 387. His illegitimate son, Adeodatus (a strange name this — A-deo-datiis—io give to such an oifspring) was bap- tized at the same time. Augustine appears also to have been greatly influenced by reading the life of the Hermit Antonius. He further describes the immediate incidents which led to his conversion. He tells us that he retired to a quiet spot, accompanied by his friend Alypius, and there in tears he bewailed his former iniquities, beseeching God's grace to assist him in bis repentance, when he heard " from a neighbouring house a voice, as of a boy or girl, chanting or oft repeating the words Tolle et lege, tolle et lege — ' Take up and read.' " He received this, he says, as an invitation to take up the Holy Scriptures, which he did, and he opened the book, and his eyes fell on the text (Romans xiii. 13, 14), "Not in revelling and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and jealousy : but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and take no thought for the flesh to fulfil the lusts thereof." This incident seems to have directed his future course of action, leading to a new and Christian life. His mother, however, did not long survive to joy over the final conversion of her son — the single aim and object of her life. She died at Ostia, on tlie Tiber, on her journey home to Africa with her son ; and in the ninth book of his " Confessions " Augustine has left a brief, but touching, tribute to her memory. He was ordained priest a d. 391 by Valerius, Bishop of Hippo, having spent the three previous years in retire- ment and study, when he wrote, among other works, his book on "True Religion." In the year 395 Augustine became coadjutor to his Bishop, and was in that year consecrated Bishop of Hippo, which see he occupied for the space of thirty years, and died a.d. 4.30, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, during which period be devoted himself with untiring zeal and energy in combating the various heresies which threatened almost the existence of Christianity — * "Confessions," Lib. v. c. xiii. xiv. , Lib. vi. c. i. tin the early part of his "Confessions" Augustine thus refers to bis having received the truth through the ministry of Ambrose :—" My Faith, Lord, calls on Thee : the faith which Tliou hath breathed into me by the incarnation of Thy Son, tl rough the ministry of Thy Preacher." ("Confessions," Lib. i. c. i.) 6 SAINT AUGUSTINE believers suffering at the same time under the cruel persecutions of the invaders who had laid desolate the vast provinces of the Roman Empire, and who, in 429, under the ferocious Genseric, devastated the north of Africa. Hippo, Augustine's native town, was one of the few cities which still afforded a refuge for the persecuted provinces. This venerable Bishop and soldier of Christ refused, though more than seventy years old, to abandon his post. In the third month of the siege he was released by death, and escaped the horrors of the capture, the cruelties of the conqueror, and a witness to the desolation of the Church. We are informed by the compilers of the Roman Breviary that " his body was carried to Sardinia, but Luitprand, King of the Lombards, afterwards bought it for a great price, and took it to Ticino, where it is honourably buried." At the present day the tomb of Augustine is exhibited in the Cathedral Church of Pavia, a town in Lombardy, on the River Ticino, where it is pretended his body still reposes.* This great and good man, whose youth was spent in debauchery and vice, died, there can be no doubt, a true servant of Christ; and his own life he has himself described with much dramatic fidelity in his "Confessions." The works of Augustine have gained for him immortal honour. Among these we may particularly mention "The City of God," a remarkable production of human intellect and industry ; while his (so called) "Retractations," written late in life, shows him to have had a mind superior to earthly vanity, since in this he had the courage to acknowledge errors into which he had fallen in his previous writings. His "Confessions" are also remarkable as being, perhaps, the only woik of the kind of the early Christians, giving the reasons which led so powerful an intellect to quit the more seductive paths of Pagan philosophy. It illustrates the successive workings of a reasoning mind, which induced him ultimately to embrace the simplicity of the Gospel, and to lead a holy life, inseparable from the practice of true Christianity. His principal efforts were directed against heresies. He enume- rates eighty-eight distinct heresies which distracted the Church. f Again, the unauthorized novelties and superstitions introduced by recent converts to Christianity formed the subject of many of his protests, but apparently not with the same zeal which led him to combat the heresies of his day. "Approve of these things," he said, "I cannot; reprove them more freely I dare not."| *A'lclison, in his interesting travels in Italy in 1699, refers to this subject. He states : — " That the Canons Regular, who held half of the same church in their hands, would by no means allow it to be the body of the Saint, nor is it yet recognized by the Pope." (London, 1726, pp. 24, 25.) t Lib. de Ha?res. Tom. viii. p. 3, Bened. Edit. % Epist. ad Januar. Tom. iv. p. 142. AS AN AUTHORITY IN CONTROVEKSIES. 7 The best edition of the works of Augustine is that printed at Paris, under care of the Benedictine Monks of St. Maur, 1679- 1700* If all that is attributed to him were genuine, we should have [fifteen in] eleven folio volumes the produce of his indefatigable pen. Among these, however, some are admitted to be decidedly spurious, others doubtful, and many of the genuine writings have been interpolated. Dr. James, in his learned " Treatise of the Corruptions of Scripture, Councils, and Fathers by Prelates, Pastors, and Pillars of the Church of Rome for the Maintenance of Popery,"t has cited sixty different works attributed to Augustine which have been admitted by learned Romish theologians to be either doubtful or decidedly spurious, but which are nevertheless repeatedly quoted as genuine by less scrupulous writers, in order to maintain the authority of some modern Romish dogma, under the sanction of so illustrious a Prelate as was Augustine. It is a lamentable fact that the garbled and interpolated passages, and the decidedly spurious writings attributed to Augustine are those principally quoted by Roman Catholic controversialists in order to give a colour of antiquity to their modern dogmas. *,^* From the manner in ttjlich I have treated my subject, taking the citations of different chamjnotis of Romanism, some few repetitions will he found. Under the circumsta?ices such repetitions can scarcely he avoided- CHAPTER II. AUGUSTINE AS AN AUTHORITY IN CONTROVERSIES. Controversy, on questions of religious belief, which turn princi pally on points of dogma, is at all times unsatisfactory. The trite proverb is too true, that the disputant convinced against his will claims the right, notwithstanding, to retain, and does retain, his original convictions. When, however, a great and esteemed theo- logian and Christian Bishop, such, for example, as the illustrious Bishop of Hippo of the fourth century, is claimed as a Doctor and Teacher, and as belonging to one particular communion of Christians, it becomes a legitimate, and, to a certain extent, an interesting sub- ject for investigation, how far that exclusive claim can be justified by the only test afforded us— namely, by an impartial examination of his writings. * I have quoted largely also from the 1562 edition (Lugduni), being greatly assisted by the admirable and careful selection made by Mr. Keary in his "Handbook of the Fathers." t London, 1843, pp. 45-67. Du Pin enumerates about 330 sermons as "spurious." Nouvelle Biblioth., Tom. v. p. 218, col. 1. Paris, 1690. '8 SAINT AUGUSTINE Augustine being claimed as a canonized Saint of the Boman Church, the question at once suggests itself: "Did St. Augustine l)old and teach the distinctive principles of Kome's dogmatic theo- logy of the present day ? " A lay member of the Roman Church, who is required to accept everything relating to his religion upon trust, and without inquiry, will doubtless consider the proposition self-evident from the fact that the individual in question is claimed as a canonized Saint, and a Doctor and Teacher of his Church. He misquotes, or rather, misapplies the oft-repeated saying attributed to Augustine : "Romalocuta, causa finita est " — "Borne having spoken, the question is settled." We, however, of the Beformed Churches, look higher for our guidance on such matters. We follow the wise counsel of Paul, to " Prove all things, and hold fast that which is good." With us, therefore, the proposition raises a fair subject for consideration. Members of the Boman Church generally afiPect the greatest reverence for the Fathers. Their Church, in her Creed known as Pope Pius IV.'s Creed, lays down a precise rule for their guidance — namely, that no one shall advance any particular interpretation of Scripture unless that particular interpretation is suj}j)orted hy the imanimous agreemetH of the Fathers.'^ Another principle insisted on and repeatedly asserted in the decrees of the Council of Trent is, that their doctrines, as deBned by that Council, have remained unchanged since the time of the Apostles; and have, as thus defined by them, been universally taught by the Fathers, and through them been held unchangeably by the Church. Their doctrines, they assert, are proved from Scripture and Tradition. The former the written word of God, the latter the word of God not committed to writing by the Apostles, but revealed to them by Christ, and handed down by them by word of mouth. It is frankly admitted that there are doctrines taught by the Boman Church, as matters of faith, w^hich are not found in Scripture. The late Cardinal Wiseman in his Lectures says — " I have more than once commented on the incorrectness of that method of arguing, which demands that we prove every one of our doctrines individually from the Scriptures. I occupied myself, during my first course of lectures, in demonstrating the Catholic principle of faith that the Church of Christ was constituted by Him the deposi- tory of His truths, and that although many were recorded in His Holy Word, still many were committed to traditional keeping."! He here refers to a statement made in his third lecture^with reference to these Traditions of his Church, where his definitions are clear and * Concil. Trid. apud Bulks, p. 311. Romffi, 1564. t " Lectures on the Principal Doctrines and Practices of the Catholic Church." 1S51. Lect. xi. vol. ii. p. 53. ; Ihi.l. vol. i. r- 61. AS AN AUTHOIilTY IN CONTROVERSIES. 9 concise : — " Tradition, or the doctrine delivered down, and the tin- written Word of God, are one and the same thing. But it must not he thought that Catholics conceive there is a certain mass of vague and floating opinions wliich may, at the option of the Pope, or of a Council, or of the whole Church, be turned into Articles of Faith. Neither is it implied by the term unwritten Word, that these Articles of Faith, or Traditions, are nowhere recorded. Because, on the contrary, suppose a difficulty to arise regarding any doctrine so that men sliould differ, and not know what precisely to believe, and that the Church thought it prudent or necessary to define what is to be held, the method pursued would be to examine most accurately the writings of the Fathers of the Church to ascertain what in different countries and in diflPerent ages was by them held ; and then collecting the suffrages of all the world and all times — not, indeed, to create a new article of faith — but to define what has always been the faith of the Catholic Church." To the same effect did Cardinal Bellarmine as distinctly, but in fewer words, declare that : — • " Although these Traditions are not written in the Scriptures, they are, nevertheless, written in the monuments of the ancients, and in the ecclesiastical books."* We need not wait to comment on the hopeless — nay, we venture to assert, the impossible — task here set before us. The inquirer after the truth must first ascertain which are the genuine works of the Fathers, and then he has to satisfy himself what is a genuine Tradition to constitute it an Article of Faith. But this hopeless task, nevertheless, exemplifies the impor- tance professed to be given to the written testimony of the Fathers in all questions of disputed doctrine. In the "Faith of Catholics"t we are informed that "Antiquity is the badge of our Faith. In anv other view, as the Catholic Creed in all its Articles is clearly defined, and is as unchangeable as it has been unchanged," .... "the Creed or religious belief of Catholics is not confined to Scripture, but it is that which our Saviour tauu:ht, and His Apostles delivered, before the sacred books of the New Testament had any existence. During the course of His mission, and after His resurrection, the Apostles had been instructed by their Divine Master, fully and explicitly we cannot doubt, in all things that it was necessary for them to know." We are not informed which are the dogmas thus alleged to have been communicated to the Apostles, which they did not afterwards commit to writing. As a fact, we in vain search in the writings of Apostles, or of (what are called) the Apostolic Fathers — or even of the Christian " Fathers '' for four hundred years — for any sanction or authority whatever to lead us to believe that any one single Article of the Koman Church — added to the old Creed — has been handed down as an Apostolic Tradition ; and it • Bell, de Verbo Dei non Sciii)to, Lib. iv c. 12. t Introduction, pp. vii-xi. vol. i. Edit. 184H. 10 SAINT AUGUSTINE may be boldly asserted that not one of these additional Articles, now made necessary to salvation, to be believed as an Article of Christian Faith, is to be found in the voluminous writings of Augus- tine. Nevertheless, the Fathers are claimed as Rome's exclusive property. We, on the other hand, examine their writings for what they are worth, as a Counsel would a Witness ; and, as a general rule, we admit them as bearing testimony to the common belief of the Church of their day. In perusing their writings, we are not required implicitly to admit all that they taught. We accept them only so far as they conform to Scriptural teaching. Augustine him- self invites us to examine his writings by this rule. He says : — " That which in my books you think to be undoubtedly true, unless thou provest it to be true indeed, hold it not."* Again, he said : — " We give not such weight to the writings of men, be they never so worthy and Catholic, as to the Canonical Scriptures, yet yielding that reverence that is due unto them. We may mislike and refuse something in their writings, if we find they have thought otherwise than the truth may bear ; and such am I in the writings of others, and such I would wish others to be in mine."t Again he protested in these emphatic words : — " If, concerning Christ or His Church, or concerning any other thing which belongs to the Faith or to our life, I will not say if we, for we are not to be compared with him who said, ' But if we,' and immediately added, ' or an angel from heaven, declare to you any gospel besides that Avhich w^e have received in the legal and Evangelical Scriptures, let him be accursed.' ''% Augustine's reverence for the Scriptures, and his estimation of their authority, are clearly shown in the following declaration : — " Let not these words be heard between us — ' I say,' or ' you say ; ' but rather let us hear — ' thus saith the Lord ; ' for there are certain books of our Lord in whose authority both sides acquiesce ; there let us seek our Church, there let us judge our cause. Take away, therefore, all those things which each alleges against the other, and which arc derived from any other source than the canonical books of the Holy Scriptures. § But perhaps some will ask, Why take away such authorities ? Because I would have the Holy * August, de Prone. Lib. iii. de Trinit., p. 55, Tom. xi. Edit. Basil. + August, ad Fortunat. Epist. Tom. ii. p. 502. Paris, 3 679. i Lib. iii. Gout. Lit. Petil. c. vii. Tom. ix. p. 302. Bened. Edit. § I shall have to consider, in its proper place, the question of Augustine's alleged acceptance of the 47th Canon of the Council of Carthage, containing, in the list of the Canon of Scripture, the Apocrypha, as is erroneously alleged. For the present I content myself with referring to the following works of Augustine, wherein be specially rejects the whole of the Apocrypha from the sacred Canon of Scripture : — De Mirab. Sacr« Script. Lib. ii. c. 34, p. 26, Tom. iii. Pt. i. Paris, 1686 ; De Civ. Dei, Lib. xviii. c. 36, p. ;')]!*, Tom. vii Paris, 1685 ; Cont. Secundam Ep. Gaud. Lib. i. c. 31, p. 821, Edit. Basil. AS A.N AUTHORITY IN CONTROVERfcilEg. 11 Church proved, not by Imman documents, but by the Word of God/'* And this is the rule by which we desire that ourEeformed Church should be judged. " Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation ; so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man that it should be believed as an Article of Faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation." There is, therefore, this marked difterence between the members of the Reformed Church and the members of the Eoman Church in estimating the doctrine and teaching of Augustine, or any other of the early Christian writers. We hold all that they taught when it agrees with Scriptural teaching, and reject— as invited by Augustine himself — whatever is contrary or repugnant thereto ; while Romanists, on the other hand, arbitrarily reject all that does not agree with the teaching of their Church, as embodied in the decrees of the Trent Council and their Pian Creed, irrespective of Scrip- tural authority. Nevertheless, while they reject such parts of Augustine's writings as are repugnant to modern Romish dogmas, they still claim him as an orthodox Doctor and teacher, because, as Mohler interprets him : '* herein he showed himself a good Catholic, that he himself gives us permission to examine his private opinions and to retain only what is sound." This is true ; but Augustine did not submit his works to the authority of " the Church " which, in modern parlance, means the Pope and Bishops and the " Congrega- tion of the Index,'' who claim the right of prohibiting or purging supposed erroneous sentiments; but he defers to the judgment of each individual reader, lay or clerical. We shall see that the rejected opinions of Augustine are exactly those which are thoroughly Scriptural, and such as militate especially against Romish excrescences on " the faith once delivered to the Saints." Augustine was one of the most prolific writers of the early Church ; and notwithstanding modern objections, the greatest weight is at times professedly attached to all he wrote. Of his writings Jerome, a Presbyter, and claimed also as a Saint of the Roman Church, a contemporary of Augustine, observed, in his 172nd Epistle : — "Whatever could be said respecting sacred Scripture, or derived from its source by the most profound intellect, has been said by thee." And even in modern times we find Maldonat, a Jesuit writer, express the opinion — though at times inconsistent with him- self, as we shall presently see — that :—" St. Augustine is an author of that esteem, that were his opinion neither proved by Scripture nor reason, nor any other author, yet the sole reverence of his person deserves sufficient authority by itself. "f So important, indeed; were * De Unit. Eccl. c. iv. Tom. vii. p. 625. Lugrluni, ],5(32. t Maid, in .John. vi. No. 69, p. 1471. Liisduni, IHl"). 12 SAINT AUGUSTINE the opinions of Augustine considered^ that the whole of the Romish Church, in the seventeenth century, was thrown into confusion, more particuhirly in France, arising from a dispute whether certain doctrines on grace and justification, alleged to have been taught by him, were or were not in his works. A most deadly feud arose on the subject between the two contending sects of Romanists, who were called respectively Jansenists and Jesuits, the Augustinians and Dominicans siding with the former. It was Dr. Newman (now Cardinal), in one of his lively moods, who wrote: — "I venture to say, that if you wish to get a good view of the unity, consistency, solidity, and reality of [Roman] Catholic teaching, your best way is to get up the controversy on Grace and the Immaculate Con- ception."* Cornelius Jansen, Professor of Divinity at the College of Louvain, and afterwards Bishop of Ypres, after twenty years of close study of the works of Augustine, wrote his celebrated work entitled " Augus- tinus Cornelii Jansenii," which, when it appeared, some time after his death, convulsed the whole of France ; the contest between the opposing sects lasted nearly seventy years ; the propositions respecting the mystery of Divine grace, supposed to have been derived by Jansen from Augustine, and alleged to be in the " Augus- tinus," being violently opposed by the Jesuits. The controversy had arisen previous to the days of Jansen, and was maintained for many years with the greatest acrimony on both sides. The question which raged between the Dominicans and Jesuits had been referred to Pope Clement VIII. He entrusted the investigation to a committee of learned divines, who, after several years' deliberation, reported in favour of the Dominicans and Augustinians, whose opinions they declared were more in accordance with Scripture and the Fathers than those advanced by Molina, the champion of the Jesuits. Clement died in the year 1605, before his decision was given. Paul V. laboured on the questions, but he also died before his infallible wisdom could be brought to decide the dispute. Jansen's book was, nevertheless, through the influence of the Jesuits, condemned by the Inquisitors in 1041 ; and Urban VIII., in the year following, anathematized it by a solemn Bull. The Jansenists, however, treated that Bull with contempt. Ultimately, Innocent X., by Bull dated 81st May, 1653,t in five leading propositions condemned the doctrines of the Jansenists, and of consequence the teaching of Augustine on the disputed points, as heretical. J There can, however, be no doubt that an impartial reader will agree that Jansen followed the doctrines taught by Augustine i and * Newman on "Anglican Difficulties," p. 225, 1850. t See BuUarium Romanura, Tom. vi. p. 456. X See Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. Cent. xvii. c. i. sec. ii. part i. § xlii. AS AN AUTHORITY IN CONTrtOVERSir.S. 13 we cannot but admire tLe incoBsistency of Eome condemning, on the one hand, the doctrines of the Augustinians and Dominicans, as maintained by Jansen and as taught by Calvin, and lauding and canonizing Augustine on the other. I'he Council of Trent con- demned the doctrine of "Free-will " as taught by Calvin ; and yet nothing is more clear than that the teaching of Calvin and Augustine was one on "Free-will " as well as " Predestination," as explained by Jansen. This has been clearly proved by Canon Mozley in his admirable book, "The Augustinian Doctrine." IMilner, in his "History of Christianity,'^ remarks : — " In later days Augus- tinian theology formed much of the doctrinal system of Luther ; it was worked up into a still more rigid and uncompromising system by the severe intellect of Calvin, and it was remoulded into the Koman Catholic doctrine of Jansen. The popular theology of most of the Protestant sects is but a modified Augustinianism.''* And the learned Priest Erasmus said that some condemned those things in Luther's writings which in St. Augustine's and St. Bernard's works passed for orthodox and pious. f The followers of Thomas Aquinas, into whom it was said that the soul of Augustine had migrated, and the Dominicans, taught much the same doctrine on "Free-will" as did Augustine and the Jansenists ; and yet they would have deemed it a libel to be classed with Calvinists. "If one might be suffered," said the learned Bayle, " to judge of another's thoughts, here would be great room for saying that Doctors are, in this case, great comedians, and only acting a part; and that they cannot but be sensible that the Council of Trent either condemned a mere chimera, which never entered into the thoughts of the Calvinists, or else that it condemned, at the same time, both St. Augustine and the 'physical predestination;' so that, when they boast of having St. Augustine's faith, and never to have varied in the doctrine, it is only meant to preserve a decorum and to save the system from destruction, which a sincere confession of the truth must necessarily occasion." The Jansenistic and Calvinistic doctrines were, in fact, so identical with those taught by Augustine that the Church of Eome found herself in some perplexity. She could not repudiate so great a name, which she had glorified ; but there were those who had more zeal than discretion, who went to the source of offence — namely, Augustine himself, and attacked him. Among others we may men- tion John Adam, the French Jesuit and preacher of the seventeenth century. I When John Adam was reproached for his boldness he very justly retorted : — " I fear nothing ; no one can attack my • Vul. iii. p. 246, Edit. 1840. f Erasm. Epist. ad Albert. Episcop. et Princ. Mogunt. CHrdin. Tom. iii. p. 514. Luf?f1. Bat. 1703 t See Bayle's Dictionary, title "John Adam," Notes C, D, L. London, 1734. 14 SAINT AUGUSTINE sermons, nor my book about ' Grace," without undertaking at tbe same time to support Calvin." And in our day we have Dr. Mohler, who, in his "SymboHk" (i.-v. 42) (a work recommended by the late Cardinal Wiseman, in his Introduction to his Moorfield Lectures), and on the authority of the Fathers, says: — "No Church Father, even the most eminent, ever succeeded in imposing his own peculiar views on the Church. Augustine is a remarkable illustration of this. What writer ever acquired a higher authority than he ? Yet his theory of oruiinal sin and grace was not tliat of the Church ; and herein precisely he shows himself a good Catholic, that he himself gives us the permission to examine his private opinions, and to retain only what is sound." This is an artful evasion of a palpable difficulty, ingeniously conceived by a most subtle controversialist. It may not be considered out of place to insert here a few of the many maxims uttered by Augustine on the doctrine of "justification by faith " : — " All our good merits are only wrouglit in us by grace ; and when God crowns our merits. He crowns nothing but His own gifts."* " If it were not given gratuitously, bat was a rendering of one's due, there would be no grace. "f " Eighteousness is not by the law, nor by the possibility of our nature, but by faith, and the gift of God through our Lord Jesus Christ."! " ' For who makes thee to differ, and what hast thou that thou hast not received? ' (1 Cor. iv. 7.^ Our merits therefore do not cause us to differ, but grace. For if it be merit, it is a debt ; and if it be a debt, it is not gratuitous ; and if it be not gratuitous, it is not grace."§ " Have just men, then, no merits? Certainly they have, because they are righteous. But they were not made righteous by merits. For they are made righteous when they are justified ; but, as the apostle says, they are justified freely by his grace. "|| There are not wanting numerous other examples where Roman Catholics have from time to time been compelled to reject the authority of Augustine when he appears to have condemned, by anticipation, as it were, their favourite dogmas. To give a few instances of the many that might be adduced, Augustine said: — " The works which are done without faith, though they seem good, are turned into sin.'H Such a sentiment cuts at the very root of Rome's favourite teaching on merits and works of supererogation, on which so much depends, especially " Indulgences," and, to a certain * Ad Sextinus, Epist. 194, Tom. ii. Edit. 1691. f Epist. 105. X To Innocent, Letter 177, Tom. ii. p. 626. Elit. as above. g Sermon 293, on the Birtli of John the Baptist, Tom. v. p. 1182. II To Sextinus, Letter 194, Tom. ii. Ed. as above. "H Aug. Cont. duas Ep. Pelag. ad Bonif. Lib. iii. c. .5, Tom. xvi. p. 4.57. Paris, 1690. AS AN AUTHORITY IN CONTROVERSIES. 15 extent, Purgatory. The same Maldonat above quoted opposes Augustine, and says : — " We may not defend that opinion which the Council of Trent did of late justly condemn — 'Omnia ii)Jidelium opera esse peccata! (' All works done without faith are sinful.') — although the great Father, St. Augustine, seems to be of that opinion. "* Again, when Augustine said that the " Rock " referred to in the text Matt. xvi. 18 was Christ, f Stapleton, a celebrated champion of Romanism, replied that : — "It was a human error, caused by a diversity of the Greek and Latin tongues, which either he (Augustine) was ignorant of or did not mark.":}; And, referring to the same interpretation, Cardinal Bellarmine said that Augustine " was deceived only by ignorance of the Hebrew tongue. "§ And when Augustine is found to interpret the words of Christ, "This is my body, "II figuratively, by saying tliat Christ spoke these words when he gave a sign of His body, their champion, Thomas Harding, D.D., apologizes for these words thus: — "St. Augustine, fighting against the Manichees, oftentimes useth not his own sense and meaning, but those things which by some means, howsoever it were, might seem to give him advantage against them, so he might put them to the rout."1I How truly cliaracteristic is this ! Here is a Roman Catholic who does not hesitate to admit that it is justifiable to put a false and alleged heretical interpretation on a text of Scripture for the purpose of obtaining a temporary victory over an opponent. When Augustine, commenting on the words in St. Luke's Gospel, " I will not henceforth drink of the fruit of the vine" says: " They are to be understood of the sacramental cup,"** and, consequently, it remained wine after consecration, Bellarmine replies that : — " lie did not well consider that text, which appears by this, that he passed it over lightly. "ff And upon the same subject, where Augustine said: — "The Israelites ate of the same spiritual meat, but not the same corporal, which we eat ; for they ate manna, we another meat, but both the same spiritual meat.";j;| Maldonat found this to be too Calvinistic, as he termed it ; that is, it denied Transubstantiation, so he explained: — "I am verily per- suaded that if Augustine had been living in these days, and had seen the Calvinists so interpret St. Paul, he would have been of another mind, especially being such an utter enemy of heretics. "§§ * Maid. Com. in Matt. vii. 18, p. 171. Lugd. 1615. + Aug. De. Verb. Dom. Sertn. xiii. Tom. iii. p. 8:^2. Paris, 1680. X Stapleton, Princip. Doct. Lib. vi. c. 3. Edit. Antvp. 1596. § Bell. Disp. Lib. 1, de Pont. c. x. sec. 32. Prag. 1721. jl August. Coat. Adim. c. xii. p. 124, Tom. viii. Paris, 1688. il See Jewel, Art. xii. p. 346. London, 1609. ** Aug. de Con^ens. Evang. Lib. iii. c. 1, p 99, Tom. iii. pt. 2. Paris, 1680. t+ Dico Augnstinum non expendisse hunc locum diligenter. (Bell, de Eucbar. Lib i. C. xi. sect. 61. Praar. 1721.) XX August, in Johann. Tract. 26, Tom. iii. p. 1934. Paris, Bened. Edit. §§ Maldonat in .John. vi. n. 50, \\ 1476. Lugd. 1615. 16 SAINT AUGUSTINE That is to say, Augustine would have written against his own con- viction for the sake of expediency ! We kuow that modern Roman controversialists allege that the daily sacrifice spoken of by the Prophet Malachi was a prophecy pointing to the sacrifice of the Mass, whereas Augustine, following the interpretation given by Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, Hilary, and others, interpreted the prophecy as simply meaning the '•prayers and praises of saints."* Azorius, a noted Romanist, takes Augustine to task for this, and says boldly : — " We oppose against him the general consent of the other Fathers and the testimony of the Council of Trent." f Again, Augustine said: — " I know certain worshippers of tombs and pictures whom the Church condemns."! Bellarmine objects by saying that: — "This book was written in the beginning of his first conversion to the Catholic faith." § And in like manner Augustine, in his 119th " Epistle ad Januarium," cap. xi., said : — "No image of God ought to be worshipped," &c. Bellarmine gives the same reply, and adds that : — " On better information, Augustine changed his mind." He nowhere, however, tells us where we are to find such retractation ! And, once again. The text 1 Cor. iii. 13, wherein Paul says that fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is, is quoted by Romanists to prove their doctrine of Purgatory. Now, Augustine upsets this theory by stating that: — "By this fire is meant the fire of tribulation in this life."|| Bellarmine thus summarily disposes of him by saying: — " This opinion of his we have rejected." 1[ But perhaps the most extraordinary piece of assurance in this line was perpetrated by Fulbertus, Bishop of Chartres. In the year 1G08 was published in Paris the works of this Bishop, "pertaining as well to the refuting of the heresies of his time as to clearing of the history of the French.'" In page 168 we find quoted, word for word, a passage from Augustine's commentary on the words of our Lord in the 6ih chapter of St. John's Gospel ;** the interpretation given by Augustine is directly attributed to heretics! The passage is as follows: — "Unless ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink His blood, ye have no life in you. Now, this seems to com- mand a crime, or horrid thing, therefore it is a figure, tcill the heretic say, commanding us to communicate in the passion of our Lord, and sweetly and profitably to treasure up in our memory that the flesh was crucified and wounded for us.''' The passage is thus given in the original, being Augustine's * August. Lib. ii. Cont. Lit. Pet. c. 86, p. 272, Tom. ix. Paris, 1688. t Azof. Inst. Moral, part 1, Lib. x. c. xi. t August, de M.ir. Eccl. Lib i. c. 34. p., 713, Tom. i. Pa' is, 1679. § Bell, de Imag. Lib. ii. c. 16, sect. 6. Prag. 1721. II August, de Fide at Oper. c. 16. "!I Bell. dePurg. Lib. i. c. 5, sent. 36. Prag. 1721. ** De Doctrina Christ. Lib. iii. e. 16, p. 66. Lugd. 1562. AS AN AUTHORITY IN CONTROVERSIES. 17 exact words, except " dicet hsereticus " : — " Nisi raanducaveritis, inquit, carnem Filii hominis, et sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Facinus velflagitium videturjubere. Figura ergo est, dicet luereticus, preecipiens passioni Domini esse communicandum tantum, et suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria quod pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa et vulnerata sit." So, according to this Bisbop of Chartres, Augustine was a heretic for giving this figui'ative interpretation to our Lord's words ! And so we might proceed to weary the reader by citing additional examples.* The above fully justifies what Dr. (now Cardinal) Newman said, when a Minister in the Church of England, in his "Lectures on the Prophetical Office of the Church,"t on the use Komanists make of the Fathers as it may suit their purpose. " The Fathers," he said, " are only so far of use in the eyes of Romanists as they prove the Roman doctrines, and in no sense are allowed to interfere with the conclusions which their Church has adopted ; they are of authority when they seem to agree with Rome, of none when they differ." As an apt illustration of this jealousy of the Fathers, Cardinal Hosius, a learned Polish Bisliop, said : — " Often, when I was at Rome, 1 used to deplore this misery of oursj and so much the more because, when I was desirous of purchasing works of the four principal Doctors of the Church [St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Athanasius, St. Chrysostom], I was informed by the bookseller that he was not allowed to sell them — because there was an Edict of the Tope to the contrary." | Another summary way of overcoming difficulties presented by the writings of Augustine, adopted by the Roman Church, is to order passages repugnant to her modern theories to be expurgated or expunged from his works. We find these expurgated passages conveniently classified in their Expurgatory Indices, under diflFerent headings. I have in the next chapter given a series of examples, selected from many others, set forth in the Madrid (1667) Edition. This process of Ecclesiastical Vandalism is boldly admitted by the compilers of the "Belgian Expurgatory Index," published at Antwerp, 1571. In page 5 we read : — "We bear with many errors in the old Catholic writers ; we extenuate them ; we excuse them ; and by inventing some devised shift, we oftentimes deny them, and * See Sir H. Ljnde's "Via Devia," sect. xii. t London, 1837, p. 83. See Appendix A. % Quoted by Dr. Wordsworth in his "Sequel to Letters to M. Goudon," 2nd Edit. . 102. London, 1848. C 18 SAINT AUGUSTIXE feign some commodious sense for them, when they are objected to in disputations or conflicts with our adversaries." In fact, the Expur- gatory Indices of the Roman Church are the clearest and most damning witnesses against her modern innovations. Had Augus- tine hved to see this process of expurgation, he would have exclaimed, in the words of his great master, Ambrose, " They may well blot out our letters ; but our faith they shall never abolish." (Orat. i., Cont. Arian.) But some of their crew took even a bolder step by publishing the •works of Augustine, from which they excluded everything which, in their estimation, savoured of heresy, and repugnant to — what they were pleased to call — the Catholic faith. David Clement, in his "Bibliotheque Curieuse Historique et Critique,"* refers to this corrupted edition in the following words : "The editor warns us, as an honest man, that he has removed every- thing which might infect Catholics with heresy, or cause them to turn from the orthodox faith." And several examples of manipu- lating of the text are cited. The same fact is recorded by Le Clerc in his " Bibliotheque l]niverselle."t Referring to the same edition (Venice, 1570) he says: "They inserted in the title, that they had exercised great care to cause to be expunged everything that might possibly infect the souls of the faithful with any evil of heresy, or to draw them from the Catholic and orthodox faith ciiravimtis removeri ilia omnia qucvjidelium mentes htereticd praritate j^o^sent injicere, aut a i'athoUca orthodoxa Jide detiare." Thus fully confirming the extract given in the note below. In the preface to the reader to the index of prohibited books, Geneva 1629 we read the following passage : — " St. Augustine was lately printed at Venice (1570), in which edition, as we have restored many places according to the ancient copies, so likewise we have taken care to remove all those things which might either infect the minds of the faithful with heresies, or cause them to wander from the Catholic faith.";!; Augustine was accordingly purged, as they frankly admitted § Another mode of dealing with Augustine and his views is to mis- quote his very words. The facility with which the uninitiated may be misled is exempli- * tJotiingeD, 1741, Tom. ii. pp. 268-272. t Tom. V. p. 272. Amsterdam, 16S7. X Augustinus nnper Venetiis excusus in quo, prseter multorum loconim restitutionera secundum collationera veterum exemplariiim, curavimus removeri ilia omnia qusefideliiim Dierites bferetic^ pravitate possent inficere, aut a Catholica orthodoxa fide deviare. Piffifat. Iiid. Lib. prohibit, ad Lectorem, Geneva? impress, an. 1629. § " In hunc niodum est repurgatus, ut in libri inscripsione testantur qui editioni prsef uerunt. " James, "On the Corruption of Scriptures, &c.," p. 6. AS AN AUTHORITY IN CONTROVERSIES. 19 fied in a quotation, purporting to be the exact words of St. Augustine, cited in the first and second editions of " The Faith of CathoHcs," being extracts from the writings of the " Fathers," edited by two priests of the Roman Church, Kirk and Berington, a work purport- ing to be compiled with the greatest care, and which forms a text- book for Roman Cathohc controversialists generally. " On tlie authority of the Church" (of course they mean the Roman Church), we have in the second and revised edition, I 830, p. 25, a passage from Augustine's book " Contra Crescon.", and the reference given is Lib. i. T. vii. p. 168, Edit. Paris, 1614 :— " This Church, moreover, the divine authority commends, and, as it cannot deceive us, he who fears to be imposed on, under the obscurity of the present question [re-baptism], will consult the Church, which, without aay ambiguity, the Scriptures esta- blish." An ordinary reader would conclude that " the divine authority " here is "the Church," that the "it" vA\\g\\ cannot deceive is the same Church ; whereas the phrase translated " the divine authority " is " Scrijyturarum ipaarum authoritas " — " the authority of the Scriptures themselves: " and that rendered "as it cannot deceive us" is " qnoniam sancta Scriptura Jallere non potest" — " because Holy Scripture cannot deceive."* It should be noted that, on the subject under discussion, "re-bap- tism," Augustine in the same place distinctly admits that there is no Scriptural authority. It is natural, therefore, to refer to the practice of the Church, " established by the Scriptures ; " but that is no reason why Messrs. Kirk and Berington should make it appear, by omitting the reference to the Scriptures, that the authority of the Church supersedes that of the Scriptures, which is the modern Roman theory so well appreciated by Dr. J. H. Newman, before he fell away, as shown in the following passage in his " Prophetical Office" of the Church (p. 60, 2nd Edition). " Whatever principles they profess in theory, resembling or coin- cident with our own, yet when they come to particulars, when they have to prove this or that article of their Creed, they supersede the appeal to Scripture and Antiquity by the pretence of the Infallibility of the Church, thus solving the whole question by a summary and final interpretation both of Antiquity and of Scripture." It is a matter for wonderment that in the face of all these facts Augustine should be still claimed as a great light of the Roman Church. The above sketch amounts merely to negative evidence, as expos- * See, in addition to the editions above cited, Edit. Antwerp, 1577, Tom. vii. p. 168; Benedict. Edit., 1679, Tom. ix. p. 407; EUt. Paris, 1531, Tom. vii. p. 46; E lit. Basil., 1642, Tom. vii. p. 219. And see Pope's Roman Misquotations, pp. 46 and 188, London, 1840. c 2 20 SAINT AUGUSTINE ingthe fallacy of such a clnim. A careful examination of Augus- tine's writinpfs themselves will enable us to arrive at a more decisive opinion, how far this illustrious Bishop taught the modern theories ■which form the substance of the present Creed of the Roman Church. Such an examination, as we shall presently see, will prove him, measured by such a standard, to be a heretic. I shall, however, first draw attention to Rome's P^xpurgatory Index, and show how Augustine has been treated by " the Sacred Congregation," entrusted with the supervision of literature in general, and theological literature in particular. CHAPTER HI. home's EXPURGATORY index and AUGUSTINE. The following is an arrangement, in a tabular form, of some of the leading sentiments of Augustine which are to be found in various parts of his writings, and have been condemned as heretical, and, as such, have been placed m Rome's Expurgatory Index, with a com- mand that none of the editions referred to, in which the extracts are found, are to be tolerated until ihe passages objected to have been expunged. The second title-page of the volume from which I quote is as follows : — " Indices Librorum Prohibitoram et expurgandorum novissimi Hispanicus et Romanus. Anno mdclxvii." Madriti. Folio. The condemned passages cover eleven closely-printed pages in double columns, from page .^4 to page 64, both inclusive. Five entire columns are taken up with censures on editors of, and com- mentators on, Augustine's works. The editions that are specially condemned are : — Paris; per Claudium Chevallonium, 1531. Bnsilese ; ex off. Frobenianum, 1556. Basileee ; apud Ambrosium, &c., 1570. Lugduni, 1586. Paris; apud Ambrosium ; Girault, 1548. And two other Paris editions, 1516, 1685. The Benedictine Paris Edition, 1679-1700, was not then pub- lished. Were I to transcribe all the condemned passages on Grace, Justi- Jicaiion, Merits, Good Works, Faith, and Free will, they would AND Rome's EXPURaATORY index. 21 cover many pages. This fact alone is sufiBcient proof how widely the Roman Church differs from the teaching of Augustine uu the doctrines on which the Reformation was principally based. There are many other subjects than those I have selected which are condemned as heretical in Augustine's works, but I have limited my extracts to the more immediate questions in controversy. The following, however, are amply sufficient for our present purpose : — " Out of thine own mouth will I judge thee." — Luke xix. 22. The Alleged Heresies of Augustine. 1. God alone is to be adored. 2. Angels neither good nor bad are to be worshipped. 3. The adoration of angels is pro- hibited. 4. That angels cannot be our mediators. 6. How saints are to be honoured, not adored. 6. Saints are unwilling to be adored. 7. Created beings are not to be adored on account of having repre- sented in a figure certain holy things. 8. Created beings are not to be worshipped nor adored. 9. There are no mediators between us and God. 10. Strike out what follows after "the worship of saints," that we do indeed celebrate their memory, but do not invoke them. 11. The dead have no concern for the living. 12. No help of mercy can be ren- dered to the dead. 13. Saints are to be loved and imitated, but are not to be wor- shipped. 14. Saints are to be honoured with imitation, but not with adoration. 1. Solus Deus adorandus. (P. 56, col. 2.) 2. Angeli, nee boni, nee mali colendi. (P. 56, col. 2.) 3. Angelos adorantes prohibentur. {Ibid.) 4. Angelos non posse esse media- tores nostros. (P. 59, col. 2.) 6. Sancti quomodo honorandi, non adorandi. (P. 57, coL 2.) 6. Sancti nolunt adorari. (P. 57, col. 2.) 7. CreaturfB adorandaa non sunt, propterea quod sancta qu^dam figuraruut. (P. 57, col. 2.) 8. Creaturae non colendje neque adorandee. (P. 61, col. 1.) 9. Non sunt mediatores inter nos et Deos. (P. 60, col. 1.) 10. Litei'a S. post sanctorum cultus, &c., dele. " quod sequitur et quod memoriam quidem illorum celleremus, non invocamus." (P. 61, col. 1.) 11 . Mortuis nulla cura de vivis. (P. 59, coL 1.) 12. Mortuis nullum auxilium misericordiEe pr^beri potest. (P. 69, col. 1.) 13. Sancti amandi et imitandi, non colendi sunt. (P. 59, col. 2.) 14. Sancti honorandi imitatione, non adorutione. 22 SAINT AUGUSTINE 15. We neither build temples to saints, nor offer sacrifices to them. 16. We do not honour saints by oblations. 17. John left a forewarning against the invocation of saints. 18. The holy dead, after this life, cannot help. 19. The saints are not mediators between God and man. 20. Prayer, unless preceded by a good life, is not heard. 21. Temples are not to be built to angels. 22. It is not lawful to build temples to saints. 23. It is a sacrilege to build temples to created beings. 24. The adorers of images are cen- sured. 25. The use of images is pro- hibited. 26. Against the worshippers of images. 27. It is wicked for Christians to place images of God in churches. 28. There is no use in images. 29. Tho invention of images has brought with it many evils. 30. Against those who say, I do not worship images, but through them I address my petitions to that which I ought to worship. 31. Even the Pagans detest the use of images. 32. Scriptures condemn images. 33. The worship of images is pesti- lent. 15. Sanctis, nee templa statuimus, nee sacriticia. 16. Sanctos non honoramus obla- tionibus. 17. Sanctorum invocationem pr^- cavit Joannes. ] 8. Sancti mortui post hanc vitam subvenire non possunt. 19. Sancti non sunt mediatores inter Deum et hominem. (P. 59, cols. 1 and 2.) 20. Oratio, nisi bona vita iDrsecedat, non exauditur. (P. 59, col. 1.) 21. Templa angelis non sunt con- struenda. 22. Sanctis eedificare templa non licet. 23. Templa creaturis eedificare sacrilegiura est. (P. 59, col. 1.) 24. Imaginum adoratores tax- antur. 25. Imaginum usus prohibitus. 26. Contra cultores imaginum. (P. 58, col. 2.) 27. Simulachrum Dei in teraplia ponere nefas est Christianis. 28. In Simulachris nulla utilitas. 29. Simulachrorum inventio multa mala attulit. 30. Contra eos, qui dicunt, simu- lachra non colo, sed per se ea id quid colere debeo adhortor. (P. 59, col. 2.) 31. Simulachrorum usus etiam detestantur Pagani. 32. Simulachra reprehendit Scrip- tura. (P. 59, col. 2.) Simulachrorum pestilens cultus. (P. 61, col. 1.) 34. Mary even in Christ's Passion doubted concerning him. 34. Maria etiam in Christi passione, de ipso dubitavit. AND ROME S EXPURGATORY INDEX. 23 35. It IS by no means to be be- lieved that one Joachim was the father of Mary. 36. Mary bore and did not bear the Son of God. 37. Mary was mother of Christ's Humanity, not of his Divinity. 35. MariaB patrem fuisse quemdam Joachim minime credendum. 36. Maria genuit, et non genuit Filium Dei. (P. 58, col. 2 ) 37. Maria fuit mater humanitatis Christi, non Diviuitatis. (P. 61, col. 1.) 38. The authority of the Scrip- tures and not of Councils is to be relied on. 39. Let him who is without the authority of the Scriptures follow the Church. 40. Nothing is to be added to Christ's words. 41. The book of Maccabees is apocryphal. 42. That the legends of the saints are apocryphal. 38. Non Conciliorum sed Scrip- turarum auctoritati imitandum est. 39. Ecclesiam sequatur qui Scrip- turarum auctoritatem non habet. (P. 58, col. 1.) 40. Christi verbis nihil addendum. (P. 60, col. 1.) 41. Machaboeorum liber apocry- phal. (P. 68, col. 2.) 42. Sanctorum legendas apocry- phas. (P. 59, col. 2.) 43. God crowns His own gifts, not our merits. 44. Salvation is of grace, not of free-will. 45. Grace and merit are opposed to each other. 46. We are saved by grace, not by works. 47. Our justification is through faith, and what is the justification of faith. 48. In man there is no merit. 49. Our merits are only God's gifLs. 50. "Works do not go before justifi- cation. 51. Without charity no one per- forms any good work. 52. Faith is void without good works. 43. Dona sua, non merita nostra, coronat Deus. (P. 56, col. 2) 44. Ex gratia salus, non libero arbitrio. (P. 56, col. 2.) 45. Gratia et meritum" pugnant. (P. 56, col. 2.) 46. Gratia salvamur, non operibus. (P. 57, col. 1.) 47. Justitia nostra ex fide est, et qu£e sit justitia fidei. (P. 57, col. 1.) 48. Meritum hominis nullum. (P. 57, col. 1.) 49. Merita nostra non sunt nisi Dei dona. (P. 57, col. 1.) 50. Opera non prfficeduntjustifica- tionem. (P. 57, col. 1.) 51. Sine charitate nemo quidcun- quam boni facit. (P. 57, col. 2.) 52. Fides nulla est sine bonis operibus. (P. 58, col. 1.) 24 SAINT AUGUSTINE 53. We are justified through faith alone. 54. Faith alone delivers from con- demnation. 55. There is no merit of ours, but it is God's only. 56. We are not saved by merits, but condemned by merits. 57. By our merits we do not merit eternal life. 58. Good works done without faith are wicked. 53. Per solam fidem justificamur. (P. 58, col. 1.) 54. Fides sola damnatione liberat. (P. 58, col. 2.) 55. Meritum nostrum nullum est, sed unius Dei. (P. 58, col. 2.) 56. Meritis non salvamur, sed meritis damnamur. (P. 58, col. 2.) 57. Meritis nostris vitam aeternam non meremur. (P. 68, col. 2.) 58. Bona opera extra fidem facta impia sunt. (P. 60, col. 1.) 59. Confession is not necessary to salvation. 60. Confession is to be made in the nearest church, if there is no priest at hand. 61. God forgives sins before con- fession passes the lips. 62. Remission of sins can be given by means of the Church ; but only by the Lord can the sinner be quickened to life. 59. Confessio non est necessaria ad salutem. (P. 61, col. 1.) 60. Confessio proximo fano faci- enda, si non adsit sacerdos. (P. 58, col. 1.) 61. Prius quam confessio ad os veniat Deus peccata dimittit. (P. 58, col. 1.) 62. Absolutio peccatorum per Ec- clesiam dari potest, suscitari autem peccator, nisi a Domino, non potest. (P. 57, col. 2.) 63. Sacrament] strike out " from the side of Christ flowed two sacra- ments." 64. The two sacraments of Chris- tians ai-e Baptism and the Eucharist. 63. Sacramentum] (^eZe. "Ex latere Christi manarunt duo sacramenta." (P. 57, col. 1.) 64. Sacramenta duo Christianorum Baptismus et Eucharistia. (P. 58, col. 1.) 65. The body and blood of Christ] strike out, " Christ gave the sign of his body." 66. Eucharist] strike out, "What Christ propounded with relation to eating his flesh, is to be understood spiritually." 67. The Sacrament of Bread] strike out, " Christ is Bread from the Kingdom of God, and is eaten by faith." 65. Corpus et sanguis Christi] dele. " Corporis sui signum dedit Christus." (P. 56, col. 2.) 66. Eucharistia] dele. " Qnsa de carne sua manducanda Christus pro- posuit, spiritualiter sunt intelli- genda." (P. 56, col. 2.) 67. Panis Sacramentum] dele. " Panis de Regno Dei Christus, et fide comeditur." (P. 57, col. 1.) AND ROME S EXPURGATORY INDEX. 25 68. Spiritual Bread is either the Eucharist or the word of God. 69. The flesh of Christ profiteth nothing. 70. The body of Christ is a mysti- cal sacrifice. 71. Christ called it his body when he gave a figure of his body. 72. In the Eucharist the Lord de- livered a figure of his body and blood. 73. The Eucharist for children under both species. 74. That the Eucharist is not a sacrifice, but a memorial of a sacri- fice. 75. Christ commended to his disciples a figure of his body and blood. 76. The Sacrament of the Euchar- ist, although visible, should never- theless be understood in an invisible and spiritual manner. 68. Panis spiritualis, vel est Eu- charistia, vel verbum Dei. (P. 57, col. 2.) 69. Caro Chi-isti nihil prodest. (P. 57, col. 2.) 70. Corpus Christi mysticum est sacrificium. (P. 57, col. 2.) 71. Corpus suum dixit Christus, cum figuramdaret corporis sui. (P. 68, col. 1.) 72. lu Eucharistia figiiram cor- poris, et sanguinis sui tradidit Domi- nus. iP. 58, col. 1.) 73. Eucharistia parvulis sub utra- que specie. (P. 58, col. 1.) 74. Eucharistiam non esse sacri- ficium, sed sacrificii memoriam. (P. 68, col. 1.) 75. Corporis et sanguinis figuram discipulis Christus commendavit. (P. 60, col. 1.) 76. Sacramentum Eucharistioe, etsi visibile sit, invisibiliter tamen, et spiritualiter debet intellegi. (P. 60, col. 2.) 77. Whether there be a purga- torial fire after this life Augustine doubts. 78. It is not incredible that there is a purgatory after this life, but whether it be so may be a question. 79. In a future state there is none other than condemnation or reward. 80. That purgatory is not to be found in the Scriptures. 77. Purgatorius ignis post hanc vitam, an sit, dubitat Augustinus. (P. 59, col. 1.) 78. Purgatorium post hanc esse vitam incredible non est, sed utrum sit, quceri potest. (P. 59, col. 1.) 79. In futuro saeculo nihil aliud, quam condemnatio, aut remuneratio est. (P. 69, col. 1.) 80. Purgatorium non inveniri in Scripturis. (P. 59, col. 1.) 81. Peter never claimed for him- self a primacy. 81. Petriis Primatum sibi nun- quam vindicavit. (P. 59, col. 1.) " Suo sibi gladio hunc jugulo." — Terence, Adelph., v. 8. We thus foil them with their own weapons. 26 SAINT AUGUSTINE CHAPTER IV. ON THE ALLEGED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. When we discuss the claim of the Bishop of Eome to a supremacy over all Christian Churches, we are gravely informed by Cardinal Bellarmine that we are discussing the very sum and substance of Christianity. He said : * — " For what is the subject in dispute when we discuss the Primacy of the Pontiff? In a few words, it is the sum and substance of Christianity ; whether the Church ought any longer to maintain its existence, or to dissolve and so fall into ruin. What is the difference between asking whether it is expedient to remove the foundation from a building, the shepherd from his flock, the general from his army, the sun from the stars, the head from the body, and asking whether it is expedient that the building should fall, the flock be scattered, the army routed, the stars darkened, the body prostrate?" And a late seceder to the Roman Church, appre- ciating the importance of the subject, declared his " conviction that the whole question between the Roman Church and the Church of England, as well as the Eastern Church, turns on the Papal Supre- macy, as at present claimed, heiny of Divifte right or not."\ This theory was formally promulgated by the ex-cathedra Bull Unam Sanctam, issued by Pope Boniface VIII. , in which he stated : — " We declare, we say, we dejine, that it is necessary for the salva- tion of every human creature that he should be subject to the Roman Pontiff." t We are informed by Bishop Fessler, who acted as Secretary- General of the Vatican Council, that by reason of the Pope using the word " definimus," " we define," so far as that clause is con- cerned, it was an ex-cathedrd definition on a matter of faith ; and by the late Vatican decree, vesting Infallibility in the Pope personally, it becomes of consequence an article of faith. ^ The same rule was subsequently adopted by a so-called General Council, and is therefore doubly binding on every member of the Roman Church. || " This right of the Popes," Bellarmine further tells us, " has its * " De qua re agitur, eum de primatu Pontificis agitur ? Brevissime dicam, de summa le Christian^,, &,c." In Lib. de Sum. Pont, in Prsefat. sec. ii. Edit. Prag. 1721. + The Rev. Mr. Allies' " See of St. Peter," 2nd Edit. Preface, p. iii. Dublin, 1855. t Corpus Juris Can. Extrav. Com., Lib. i. Tit. 8, c. i. ; Tom. ii. p. 1159, Edit. Lipsife, 1839. § " The True and False Infallibility of the Popes," translated by Ambrose St. John, 2nd Edit. p. 67. London, 1875. II Fifth Laterau Labb. et Coss. Concil., Tom. xiv. col. 313. Paris, 1671. ON THE ALLEGED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 27 foundation in the fact that St. Peter established his seat at Kome hy Divine command, and that he occupied it till his death."* When the Pope is crowned, the following form is used at the pre- sent day : — " Receive this tiara, embellished with three crowns, and never forget, when you have it on, that you are the Father of Princes and Kings, and Ruler of the world, and on earth the Vicar of Jesus Christ our Saviour.'^'f Picard, quoting the words of Innocent III., the original of which he gives in a note, says that this Pope asserted that the Church, the bride of the Vicar of Christ, conferred on him in the marriage a full power over the temporal and spiritual; that the Mitre is the sign of Spiritual, the Crown is of the Temporal ; that one and the other teach to all Christians that he is King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. | I need only add that the present Roman Creed makes it impera- tive to believe that the Roman Church is the Mother and Mistress of all churches, and that true obedience is exacted to the Bishop of Rome, as the alleged successor of St. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles and Vicar of Jesus Christ. § To a member of the Roman Church, therefore, the importance is apparent of being able to answer in the affirmative that Augustine recognized in the Bishop of Rome any such supremacy. The period which our inquiry legitimately covers is from the time when Augustine first embraced the Christian religion until his death. We have seen that he was baptized by Bishop Ambrose, at Milan, in the year 387, after which he returned to his native country, Africa, where he was ordained Priest a.d. 391, and made Bishop of Hippo A.D 395, and died a.d. 430. It may be here convenient to name the contemporary Bishops of Rome : — Siricius, from a.d. 385 to a.d. 398. Anastasius I., from a.d. 399 to a.d. 402. Innocent I., from a.d. 402 to a.d. 417. Zosimus, from ad. 417 to a.d. 418. Boniface I., from a.d, 418 to a.d. 422. Celestine I., from a.d. 422 to a.d. 432. It is not my intention to enter on an investigation of the subject of Peter's alleged occupation, as Bishop, of the See of Rome, or even his alleged visit to that city. The supposed presence of Peter at Rome has been so often discussed (the result being that there is no ri liable evidence whatever in support of the Papal view), that I am spared a re-examination of the subject. Indeed, neither the alleged * De Rom. Pont., Lib. ii. c. i. t See Paris " Univers," 1 July, 1846, and Picard's "Ceremonies Religieuses, &c,," Part ii. Tom. i. Amsterdam, 1123 ; title, " A Fifth Adoration of the Pope." i Picard, as above, p. 51, " Rex Regum et Dominus Dominantium." § Concil. Trid, apud Bullas, p. 311. Romse, 1564. 28 FAINT AUGUSTINE Episcopacy of Peter, nor his alleged visit to Kome, are matters of faith in the Roman Church ; the propositions may therefore be rejected without our being charged with heresy. Further, Peter Dens, in his " Theologia," a text-book of authority, informs us that : — "It is probabli/ a matter of faith that a modern Pontiff is the Vicar of Christ, but not a matter of ohligatory faith. It is, how- ever, to be noted," he continues, " that a modern Pontiff being the successor of Peter and the Vicar of Christ is not a niatter of ohli- gatory faith, for that is not sufficiently propounded by [or set before] the whole Church with the necessity of believing it."* And as such speculations were never suggested in the days of St. Augus- tine, we will take for granted the propositions thus laid down by Peter Dens, and reject them as a matter of faith. What we have to consider is, have we any evidence to lead us to suppose that Augustine accepted any such proposition as the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, by Divine right or otherwise, as successor of St. Peter ? As an historical fact, recorded by Ireneeus, Bishop of Lyons A.D. 190 (the first ecclesiastical writer who refers to the subject), Peter and Paul, while they were going about founding and constructing churches, together ordained Linus as the Jirst Bishop of Rome ;t but so little could even this bit of tradition be relied on, that his con- temporary, TertuUian, tells us that the same two Apostles appointed Clement, not Linus, the^rs^ Bishop of that See.| Neither, how- ever, ever mentions that Peter himself was the Jirst Bishop of Rome. The claim of Supremacy by Divine appointment being, neverthe- less, maintained up to the present dayj§ I may be excused if I digress for a while from my immediate subject, in order to trace the history of this usurped Supremacy. We have seen that Cardinal Bellarmine said that the theory of the Pope's Supremacy is the " sum and substance of Christianity." He added : " The Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome may be proved by fifteen several names or titles, as, namely, ' Prince of Priests,' the ' High Priest,^ the 'Vicar of Christ,' the 'Universal Bishop,'" and the like.|| As a fact, however, none of these titles was given to the Bishop of Rome, exclusively, for a period of six hundred years. The title of " Universal Bishop " was first assumed by John, Bishop of Constantinople. Pelagius II., Bishop of Rome a.d. 690, * Dens' Theologia, Vol. ii. pp. 19-22. Dublin, 1832. + Adv. flseres., Lib. iii. c. 3, p. 171, fol. Geneva, 1570. X De Prescrip. Hreret. , c. 32, Tom. ii. p. 40. Halfe Magd., 1770. § Every Bull or Brief of the Popes from the days of Hildebrand (Gregory VII.) to the late Vatican decree proclaiming the Pope's Personal Infallibility, maintains the title to Supremacy on the alleged appointment of Peter as Vicar of Christ, and the Bishops of Rome as his alleged Successors. I De Rom. Pont., Lib. ii. c. 31, sec. i. ON THE ALLEGED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 29 at once denounced the assumption of this title as an unlawful usur- pation, and protested that none of his predecessors had assumed " such a profane appellation."* His successor, Gregory I., declared the title to be a " name of vanity," a " new and profane appella- tion," a " name of blasphemy, in which the honour of all priests is taken away, while it is arrogated madly to himself by a single in- dividual." f And, again, the same Bishop said : " No one of my predecessors ever consented to use this so profane appellation ; for if a single patriarch be styled Universal, the name of Patriarch is taken from the others. But far, very far, be it from a Christian mind, that any person should wish to snatch himself a title, whence he may seem, in any even the smallest degree, to diminish the honour of his brethren."! " To consent to the adoption of that wicked appellation is nothing less than to apostatize from the faith." § " I indeed confidently assert," he further said, " that whosoever either calls himself, or desires to be called, Universal Priest, that person, in his vain elation, is the precursor of Antichrist, because, through his pride, he exalts himself above others." || This title, then, so late as the year 601, was repudiated by the Bishop of Rome ; but, notwithstanding the above denunciation, it was assumed by Boniface III. a.d. 607, second in succession to Gregory I., under the following circumstances : — Phocas having obtained the empire by the murder of the Emperor Mauricius, his predecessor, with his wife and five children, made common cause with Boniface III. against Cyriacus, Bishop of Constantinople, who refused to countenance his murderous and traitorous deeds. The compact was, that Boniface should recognise Phocas as lawful Emperor, and the latter should recognise the Church of Rome to be the head of all churches, and the Bishop of that See as Sovereign and Universal Bishoji. This spiritual title was thus given and confirmed to the Bishop of Rome by Imperial edict, not by Divine right. It is under this title that the succeeding Bishops of Rome hold their sjnritual 2)rimacy. The title " Vicar of Christ " was never applied to a Bishop of Rome exclusively before the Council of Florence, 1439 ; and, even then, it was expressly stated to be so applied " reserving the rights of the Bishop of Constantinople." The spiritual power was to be exercised only " according as it is contained in the acts of General Councils and in the Holy Canons. "H We find this title in Cyprian's * Pap. Pelag. II., Ep. viii. Labb. et Coss., Tom. v. cols. 949, 950. Paris, 1671. t Pap. Greg. I., Ep. Lib. iv. Ep. xx. Opera, Tom. ii. p. 748. Benedict. Edit. 1705. X Ibid., Lib. v. Ep. xxv. Tom. ii. p. 771. § Ihid., p. 742. II Ep. xxiii. Tom. ii. p. 881, and Labb. et Coss., Tom. v. coL 1027. Paris, 1671. IT Labb. et Coss., Tom. xii. col. 154. Paris, 1671. BO SAINT AUGUSTINE r2tli Epistle; but it is applied to all bishops. So also it was used in the Synod of Compiegne, under Gregory IV., a.d. H33 : — "It is convenient that all Christians should know what kind of office that of bishop is— who, it is plain, are the Vicars of Christ, and keep the keys of the kingdom of heaven."* And so at the Synod of Melun, under Sergius II., a.d. 845:— "And although all of us are unworthy, yet we are ' the Vicars of Christ, and successors of the Apostles.' "f Further, for one thousand years after Christ the title " ^ope " was not the exclusive privilege of the Bishop of Eome. Hildebrand (Gregory VII.) was the first who declared that this title should be exclusively applied to the Bishop of Rome.| It is thus clear that the titles " Supreme " or " Universal Bishop," " Vicar of Christ," or even " Pope," were not assumed as the ex- clusive right of the Bishop of Rome in the days of Augustine. The Temporal Power of the Popes was not assumed until the year 741, when it was conferred by the usurper Pepin on Zachary, the result of an unholy compact between them. And here again we have the solemn protest of Gelasius I., Bishop of Rome a.d. 492. The treatise De Anathemalis Vinculo, " On the Bond or Tie of the Anatliema," attributed to Gelasius, is one of four tracts which are to be found under his name in all the orthodox editions of the Councils, such as Labbeus and Mansi, Binius and others. In this tract Gelasius lays down a clear distinction as then existing between the temporal and the spiritual jurisdiction of bishops and emperors or kings. He states that anciently the royalty and priesthood were often united in one and the same person, among the Jews as well as the Gentiles ; but that since the coming of Christ these two dignities, and the different powers that attend them, have been vested in different persons ; and from thence he concludes that neither ought to encroach on the other, but that the temporal power entire should be left to princes, and the spiritual to priests; it being no less foreign to the institution of Christ for a priest to usurp the functions of sovereignty than it is for a sovereign to usurp those of the priest- hood. § This is a very clear statement, and could never have been made by a Bishop of Rome had he held the modern notions of the present possessor of the Papal See, who declares that the temporal is inseparable from and is necessary to the spiritual rule. But to return to Augustine. He imbibed his first principles of Christianity from Ambrose, Bishop of Milan. The See of Milan at that time and for many centuries after was wholly independent of * Labb. etCoss., Tom vii col. 1686. Paris, ]671. t Ibid., Tom. vii. col. 1818. X " Biograpbie UniverscUe," Paris, 1817, Art. Gr^go're VII., p. 396. § Sacro. Concil., Tom. viii. cols. 9.3, 94 ; Mansi (Edt. Plorent., 1762); and Binius, Concil., Tom. ii. par. i. p. 487, Colon., 1618. ON THE ALLEGED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 31 the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome. The jurisdiction of the Bishop of Eome extended only over those churches lying " within one hundred miles round Rome, being equal in extent with that of the Roman Provost," or Prefectorate. Sucli was the view taken by Dr. Cave, Stillingfleet, and Beveridge.* Dupin, the French eccle- siastical historian, while maintaining the independence of the See of Milan, gives the names of seven distinct provinces as being subject to the bishop of that See. f Milan formed no part of such outlying provinces subject to the Bishop of Rome. Proofs of the independence are incontestible. Pope Pelagius I., writing in the year 655, distinctly confesses that it was then an ancient custom that the Bishops of Milan did not come to Rome for ordination, but that they and the Bishops of Aquileia were accustomed to ordain one another.!}; Pelagius, how- ever, like other Popes, was anxious to reduce the Bishops of Milan to dependence upon himself, and shortly after (as appears from another Epistle) he actually invoked the secular power of the Emperor's lieutenant to endeavour to effect his object. § So far, however, was this object from being attained that Platina, the historian of the Popes (who was librarian of the Vatican under Pope Sixtus IV.), in his life of Pope Stephen IX., distinctly admits that Milan entirely withdrew itself from communion with the Church of Rome for two hundred years together. || That See was ultimately, but with difficulty, reduced to submission by the all-powerful Hildebiand (afterwards Gregory VII. ) about the year 1059. Peter Damiani, in that year, was sent by Pope Nicholas II to interfere on his behalf in a period of great disturbance. Cardinal Baronius tells us that the interference of Damiani, instead of being at once submitted to, was met by a popular clamour, led hy the clergy, " that the Ambrosian Church ought not to be subject to the laws of Rome ; that the Pope had no power of judging or ordaining matters in that See, and that it would be a great indignity if that Church which under their ancestors had been always free, should now, to their extreme reproach (which God forbid), become subject to another Church." Baronius goes on to tell us tliat " the clamour increased ; the people grew into a higher ferment ; the bells were rung ; the Episcopal Palace beset, the legate threatened with death."5[ This is pretty clear evidence that the See of Rome was not acknowledged to be, in its Metropohtan or Patriarchal character, the Mother or Mistress of the Church of Milan, nor had the Roman Bishop any * See Bull's " Corruptions of the Church of Rome," Edition of S.P.CK., Sect. ii. t De Antiq. Eccl. Disciplina, diss. i. sec. 14, p. 92. Paris, 1686. J Labb. et Coss., Concl., Tom. v. col. 805. Paris, 1671. § Ibid., col. 807, Epist. Valeriano Patricio. II Plat, de Vit. Pont., p. 132. Colon., 1529. "il Baron. Annal., Tom. xi. p. 262, a.p. 1059, n. 43. 32 SAINT AUGUSTINE power or supremacy over the Bishops of that See until the eleventh century. It is not within the object of the present treatise to examine the several passages from the voluminous works of Ambrose, forced at times into this controversy, but it may safely be admitted that no- where does he admit an ecclesiastical supremacy in the Bishop of Rome, or that the Roman See was Mother or Mistress of the See of Milan. He admitted Rome to be an apostolically-founded See ; and he had a reverence for Peter, in whom he seemed to acknowledge a precedence of honour among the Apostles ; but it is equally clear that Ambrose did not place any importance on any alleged personal succession from Peter, nor does he anywhere say that Peter was personally Bishop of Rome. The views of Ambrose with reference to the position of Peter in the Church may be summed up in the following extracts from his works : — " Faith," he said, " is the foundation of the Church, for it was not said of the hodii of Peter, but of tYie faith of Peter, that the gates of death should not prevail against the Church. It is the confession that conquers hell."* Again, he said, " They do not possess the inheritance of Peter who have not \\\q faith of Peter." — " Non habent Petri hsereditatem qui Petri fidem non habent." The passage thus stands in all the old Editions,t even in the Paris Edition of 1661.| But the text has been skilfully manipulated, by changing^r/^/^ into sedem ; so they would make Ambrose say, " They have not the inheritance of Peter who have not the chair of Peter "' ! And on the gift of the keys — " To you he [our Lord] says, I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven. . . . What is said to Peter is said to the Apostles. "§ With reference to the commission to feed the flock, Ambrose gave a very different interpretation to the text from that now assigned to the thrice-repeated injunction of our Lord, " Feed my sheep." " Peter, by feeding well the flock of Christ with the food of faith, blotted out the fault of his former lapse; and therefore a third time he is admonished that he should feed them ; a third time he is asked whether he loves the Lord, so that he should a third time confess Him whom three times he had denied before his crucifixion.'^ |( Again : — " And the Holy Apostle Peter, since in our Lord's passion he fell by the infirmity of human nature, because he thrice denied Him, afterwards, that he might blot out and be absolved from his fall, when he was thrice asked by Christ if he loved Him, says, ' O Lord, thou knowest that I love thee ' He said it a third time, that * De Incar. Dom. Sacram., Lib. i. c. v. Tom. ii, p. 711. Benedict. Edit. Paris, 1690. t Tom. i. p. 156. Basil. 1527. t Tom. iv. col. 391, H. § In Psalm xxxviii. Eniarr., p. 858, Tom. i. Paris, 1690, I Prologus in Lib. v., de Fide, sec. 2 Tom. ii. p. 551. Paris, 1090. ON THE ALLE3ED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 33 he should be a tliircl time absolved/'* And with regard to Peter's alleged primacy, the same Ambrose said: — " But what do you tell me ? Immediately, not unmindful of his place, he enacted the primacy, a primacy of confession, not of honour, a primacy of faith, and not of order."t Again : — " Nor was Paul inferior to Peter, although he was the foundation of the Church, aad tbe former was the wise architect, knowing how to establish the footsteps of the people. Paul was not, I say, unworthy of the college of the Apostles, but might be compared with the first, and was second to none. For he who does not acknowledge himself to be unequal, makes himself equal. "| The remaining point now to be ascertained as to Ambrose is, whetlier he submitted to the authority of the Bishop of Kome, as Supreme Pastor and Vicar of Christ. On this he clearly expressed his views in the first chapter of the third book on the Sacraments, when he said,§ " I desire to follow the Komau Church in all things ; but, never- theless, we are men who have some common sense, therefore, what- ever is better preserved elsewhere, we will also properly guard. We follow the Apostle Peter himself; we adhere to his devotion. What answer can the Eoman Church make to this ? " We should be glad to receive a satisfactory reply to this pertinent question ! Whatever else, therefore, Augustine, in the way of doctrine, took -with him to his native country, as the teaching of Bishop Ambrose, it certainly was not that he considered it necessary to his salvation that he should be subject to the Bishop to Eome. On his return to Africa, Augustine found a Church in direct antagonism to the Bishop of Rome. Cyprian was Bishop of Car- thage A.D. 248 to 258, when he suffered martyrdom. He died not only in what would be now called schism, but in actual heresy. He maintained that the lapsed, in order to be reintroduced into the Church, or those who bad been baptized at the hands of a heretic, should be rebaptized. Stephen, Bishop of Rome, held the contrary opinion, and took upon himself to call Cyprian " false Christ, and false Apostle, and deceitful worker." || For this piece of imper- tinence on the part of Stephen, Firmilian, Bishop of Ceesarea, in Cappadocia, in the Epistle last quoted, protested against the Bishop of Rome's unauthorized and impudent interference and assumed authority. He declared Stephen to be "a second Judas," and called him " an arrogant, presumptuous, manifest and notorious * Lib. ii. de Sacramentis, c. 7, Tom. ii. p. 360. Paris, 1690. (Treatise attributed by Romanists to Ambrose, but of doubtful autbority.) t De Incar. Sac. [the Mystery of the Lord's Supper], Lib. i. c. iv. Edit. 1690. i De Spiritu Satict., Lib. ii. § See pp. 1244-5. Paris Edit. 1549. II See Firmilian's Epis., Ixxv. ; 0pp. Cyprian, Vol. ii. pp. 218, 224, 225, 227, 228. Edit. Oxon, 1682. 34 SAINT AUGUSTINE idiot " ! Cyprian, in the Epistle No. Ixxiv., addressed to Pompeius, a Bishop in Tripoli, retorted on Stephen, by declaring his theory " an error;" and he speaks of his "obstinate pride" and " hardy pre- sumption," his " blindness of heart and corruption of manners." At a Council of eighty-seven Bishops held at Carthage, over which Cyprian presided, the insolent pretensions of Stephen were rejected. Cyprian, in his prefatory address to the assembled Bishops, pointed out that such an assumption by the Bishop of Kome was contrary to ecclesiastical custom and discipline: — "For (said he) no one of us has set himself up as the Bishop of Bishops, or has driven, by tyrannical fear, his colleagues to the necessity of obeying him, since every Bishop has his own will for the exercise of his liberty and power, and can be no more judged by another than he can judge another."* Mosheim, in his " Ecclesiastical History," has rightly estimated the relative positions in the Church of Cyprian, as representing the African Church, and Stephen Bishop of Rome : — " With respect particularly to the Bishop of Home, he is supposed by Cyprian to have had at this time a certain pre-eminence in the Church ; nor does he stand alone in this opinion. But it is to be carefully observed that even those who, with Cyprian, attributed this pre-eminence to the Roman prelate, insisted at the same time with the utmost warmth upon the equality, in point of dignity and authority, that subsisted among all the members of the episcopal order. In consequence of this opinion of an equality among all Christian bishops, they rejected with contempt the judgment of the Bishop of Rome, when they thought it ill-founded or unjust, and followed their own sense of things with a perfect independence." Mosheim then goes on to say : — " Whoever compares these things together, will clearly perceive that the pre-eminence of the Bishop of Rome was a pre-eminence of order and associaiio?i, and not of poiver or authority. "\ With reference to the position of Peter among the Apostles, Milman, in his " History of Latin Christianity," observed that " Cyprian, in whom the unity of the Church had taken its severest form, though practically he refused to submit the independence of the African churches to the dictation of Rome, did far more to advance the power of the primacy which he assigned to St. Peter, than he impaired it by his steady and disdainful repudiation of his authority whenever it was brought to the test of submission." That may be to a certain extent true, but that is no reason why Romanists should exaggerate the position of Peter by a deliberate and impudent forgery, making Cyprian say in his book on " the Unity * Sent. 87 Episcop. Synod. Carthag. Labb, et Coss., Tom. i. col. 786. Paris, 1671 ; and Cyp. Oper., Tom. i. pp. 229, 230. Oxon. 1682. t Vol. i. pp. 214, 215, C«nt. III. p. ii. sec. ii. London, 1763. ON THE ALLEGED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 35 of the Churcli," " Upon him [Peter] He huilds His Church, and to Him He commits His sheep to be fed ; . . . and the primacy is given to Peter, that it might be shown that the Church is one, and the Chair one. . . . He who opposes and resists the Church, who forsakes the Chair of Peter, upon which the Church is built, can he trust that he is in the Church ? " These words are not found in the Edition of Gryphius of 1537; Morellus, 1504; nor in that pubHshed at Oxford 1682, which latter Dupin describes as the most correct of all editions; and although the passages are admitted by Bigaltius into the text (Paris, 1666), he confesses their spuriousness in his notes. They were, in fact, excluded from every printed edition till the one published in 1563. But Pamelius and Manutius, two Roman Editors of Cyprian's works, retain the passages as genuine, without being equally candid. The passages are still constantly quoted as genuine. Dr. James* has given sufficient proof of this "notorious corruption in Cyprian's 2)6^ Unitate Ecclesm." The following is what Cyprian did say with regard to Peter's position in the Church : — " Peter, whom our Lord chose first, did not insolently and proudly claim or assume to himself anything, as to say he held the primacy over other bishops or apostles."t " After his (Christ's) resurrection the like power was given to all the apostles." " The rest of the apostles were even the same that Peter was, being imbued with the like fellowship of honour and power."| Milman had probably before him one of the corrupted editions of Cyprian's Epistles when he made the observation above quoted. The independence of the African Church was maintained inviolate to the days of Augustine. A notable circumstance then occurred which reflects little credit on the Roman Church. The facts are stated by Dupin in his Ecclesiastical History,§ and in all the transactions Augustine took a prominent part. Apiarius, a Presbyter of the African Church, being degraded and excommunicated by his Bishop, Urbanus, was unable to get a reversal of the sentence from his own Church. Apiarius sought the protection of Zosimus, Bishop of Rome. Contrary to ecclesiastical usage in such cases, Zosimus admitted this man into communion, and took upon himself to send Bishop Faustinus and two Legates to Africa to cause the restoration of Apiarius, maintaining the right of every Priest to appeal to Rome. The Bishops assembled at the Council of Milevis, a.d. 418, passed the following decree: — "If * "Treatise of Corruptions of Scripture Councils and Fathers," Part II. ; " Correc- tions of the True Fathers," pp. 74 et seqq. London, 1843. t Epis. at Quintum Fratrem, Ep. Ixxvi. Oper. vol. 2, p. 194. Oxon, 1682. t De Unitate Eccles., p. 107, Oxon., 1682, and p. 172, cap. 2' Paris, 1836. § Vol. i. pp. 415, 417 and 637. Dublin Edit., 1723. D 2 36 SAINT AUGUSTINE they think it necessary to appeal, tbey should not appeal unless to African Councils, or to the Primates of their provinces. But if any one appealed beyond the seas, he should }iot be received itito com- munion by any in Africa."* Augustine's signature stands fourth in the list of Bishops who signed the decrees of this council. The deputation was asked to produce their credentials, authorizing their interference. They produced a forged canon as of the Council of Nice (a.d. 325). The genuineness of this document was challenged. On the 23rd of May, 419 (Zosimus was then dead ; but Boniface I., liis successor, continued to persist in the same course), a general synod of African Bishops, 217 in number, was assembled at Carthage, at which Augustine was also present. In the presence of Faustinus and the other Legates the African copy of the canon was read, and shown to be at variance from that produced by them. It was thereupon proposed to adjourn the sitting, until the return of deputies to be sent to Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, who should examine the copies of theNicene canons deposited with those apostolic sees. In November of the same year Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, and Atticus, Bishop of Constantinople, forwarded to Carthage authenticated copies of the Nicene canon; and the Koman copy was thus proved to be a gross forgery. Boniface had been scarcely dead when Celestine, his successor, made another attempt to encroach upon the Church of Africa by receiving the same Apiarius into communion, and sending Faustinus again to Africa to procure his restoration, asserting a right in Rome to hear appeals ; but the African Bishops again resisted, — " seeing (as Dupin,t the Boman Catholic historian, says) of what importance it was to take care that for the future the African Councils should not be thus oppressed." They wi-ote to Celestine a letter of protest, which concluded as follows: — " As for your sending Legates, we find no such ordinance in any council, nor in the writings of the Fathers. As for what you have sent us by your colleague Faustinus as a canon of the Council of Nice, we must let you know that 7io such cano7i is to he foufid in the genuine and uncorrupt copies of that council which have been transcribed and sent us by our fellow-Bishop Cyril, of Alexandria, and the Reverend Atticus, of Constantinople. These copies we sent to Boniface, your predecessor, of worthy memory. We, there- fore, earnestly beg you will send no more Legates nor Ecclesiastics to execute your judgment here, lest you should seem to introduce worldly pride and arrogance into the Church of Christ."| The fraud was not confined to the production of this spurious canon, for the canon passed at the Council of Milevis above quoted, * Lab. et Coss., Tom. iii. Cone. Milev. cap. xxii. col. 385. Venet., 1728. t Ecc. Hist., Vol. i. p. 639. Dublin, 1723. + Lab., Tom. iii. Epist. Cone. African., ad Papam Ctelest. col. 1675. Venet., 1728. ON THE ALLEGED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 37 being so decisive against the Koman claim, that Romanists have even ventured to falsify that canon also, by adding, — " except it be to the Apostolic See." Even Bellarmine was obliged to admit that that addition was not warranted by the original text: — "This exception (he said) does not seem to square with the Council."* It is important to note that throughout this disgraceful transaction, the claim of Supremacy was not founded on the pretence of a " Divine right " or privilege derived through Peter, but on a forged document in no way alluding to one or the other ! With reference to the controversy which took place between Stephen, Bishop of Rome, and Cyprian on the question of heretical Baptism, Augustine referring to that dispute, maintained that Stephen's views or decision did not bind the Church, and that Cyprian and the other African Bishops were justified in rejecting his inter- ference, f though Augustine seems to have held the same views on re-baptism as Stephen. With reference to Augustine's interpretation of the text Matt. xvi. IH, it is very evident that he did not place any great importance on our Lord's words as afifecting Peter personally. In his 149th Sermon on the words of the sixteenth of Matthew, with reference " to the keys," he thus expressed himself^ : — " It appears in many passages of Scripture that Peter represented the Church, and particularly in that place where it is said, I give to you the keys of the kingdom of heaven. . . . For did Peter receive those keys, and did John and James and the other apostles not receive them ? . . . What was given to him was given the Church. Therefore Peter repre- sented the Church, and the Church was the body of Christ." And in his (socalled)§ " Retractations" he wrote, with reference to the meaning of the word "rock " : — " I have said in a certain passage respecting the Apostle Peter, that the Church is founded upon him as upon a rock. . . . But I know that I have frequently after- wards so expressed myself, that the phrase 'Upon this rock,' should he imderstood to he the rock ivhich Pefer confessed. For it was not said to him, Thou art Petra, but, Thou art Petrus, for the rock was Christ. Let the reader select which of these two opinions he deems the most probable.'" And in his 270th Sermon || : — " He says to them, 'But whom do ye say that I am ? ' and Peter, one for the rest, one for all, says, ' Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God.' This he said most rightly and truly : and he deservedly merited to receive such an answer, * Hiec exceptio non videtur quadrare, &c. Bell, de Pont., Lib. ii. c. 24, p. 374 Tom. i. Prag., 1721. ' t De Biipt. contr. Donat., Tom. ix. pp. 98-111. Benedict. Edition. J Tom. V. p. 706. Benedict. Edit. § Tom. i. p. 32. I] In die Pentecostes, Tom. v. p. 1097. 38 SAINT AUGUSTINE ' Blessed art thou, Simon BarjoDa, for flesh and blood hath not revealed it to yon, but my Father which is in heaven.' — 'And I say unto thee,' because thou hast said this to me, listen ; thou hast given me a confession, receive a blessing: therefore, 'And I say unto thee, thou art Peter:' because I a.m j)eira, a rock, thou art Petrus, Peter; for petra, the rock, is not from Petrus, Peter, but Petrus, Peter, is fvomj)etra, the rock : for Christ is not so called from the Christian, but the Christian from Christ. ' And upon this rock I will build my Church : ' not upon Peter, who thou art, but upon the rock whom thou hast confessed. ' I will build my Church ;' that is to say, ' I will build thee, who, in this answer, art a figure of the Church.' " And once again in his 13th Sermon: — "Christ was the rock, Peter figuratively the Christian people. . . . Therefore, He said, ' Thou art Peter,' &c. ; that is, I will build my Church on Myself, the Son of the living God. I will build thee on Myself, not Myself on thee. Por men willing to build upon men, said, ' I am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas, that is Peter.' But others who were unwilling to be built on Peter, but would be built upon the rock, said, But I am of Christ.' But the Apostle Paul, when he knew that he was chosen, and Christ contemned, said, ' Is Christ divided ? was Paul crucified for you, or were ye baptized in the name of Paul ? ' Wherefore, as not in the name of Paul, so not in that of Peter, but in the name of Christy that Peter may be built upon the rock, not the rock on Peter."* And as to the commission to feed the sheep: — "When it was said to him, ' Lovest thou me ? Feed my sheep,^ it was said to all."t Again, our Lord asked Peter three times, " Lovest thou me ?" when he replied, He told him as many times to " feed His sheep." Augus- tine, far from attributing this to any appointment of governorship over the Church, applies it to Peter's inWX: — " The threefold con- fession relates to the threefold denial, that the tongue might not be less submissive to love than to fear. If it was the mark of fear to deny the pastor, let it be the duty of love to feed the Lord's flock." It is very clear, therefore, that Augustine did not conceive that the Bishops of Rome derived any pre-eminence from their assumed succession fi'om Peter, or that the Roman branch of the Christian Church was built on Peter as on a rock. There is a remarkable passage in his exposition of the 3Gth Psalm, giving his view of the Church of Christ: — "Christ is our head, and we are the body of that head. But are we only the body, and not those also who lived before us ? All who ever have been just from the beginning * De Verbis Domini, c. i. sect, i., Tom. v. p. 415. t De Agone Chrinti, c. xxx. p. 260, Tom. v. Paris, 16S5. X Tract. 123, in Evang. Johan., Tom. iii. pt. 2, p. 817. Parif, 1680. ON THE ALLEGED SUPEEMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 39 of time have Christ as their head. For they believed that He was about to come, whom we now believe to have come ; and they were healed by his faith, by whose faith we are healed, so that He should be head of the entire city of Jerusalem ; all the faithful being collected from the beginning to the end of time, legions and hosts of Angels also being united to them, so that there should be one city under one king, and as it were one province under one emperor, happy in perpetual peace and safety, endlessly praising God and endlessly blessed."* Again, as to those who constitute the Church: — "For He only is our head who was born of Mary, and suffered, and was buried, and rose again and ascended into heaven, and now sits at the right hand of the Father, and intercedes for us. If He is the head, we are the members ; the whole of His Church which is everywhere diffused is His body, of which body He is the head. But not only those believers who now exist, but those also who existed before us, and those who are about to exist until the end of time, all belong to His body, of which body He is the head, who ascended into Heaven. "f In commenting on such passages as these the Kev. Mr. Allies, in his work, " The Church of England cleared from the Charge of Schism,^'! says : — " St. Augustine everywhere appeals to the Church spread through- out the whole world, as being, by virtue of that fact, the one com- munion in which alone there was salvation ; and this, upon the testimony of the Holy Scriptures only. ' To salvation itself,' quoting Augustine's words,§ ' and eternal life no one arrives, save he who has Christ for his head, but no one can have Christ for his head except he be in His body, which is the Church, which, like the Head itself, we ought to recognize in the holy canonical Scriptures, nor to seek after it in the various reports, opinions and doings, sayings, and arguments of men.' But in the whole book [on the unity of the Church] there is not one word about the Eoman See, or the necessity of communion with it, save as it forms part of the Universal Church. It is not named by itself any more than Alexandria and Antioch." And in page 169 he says: — " I have as clear a conviction as one can well have, that St. Augustine did not hold the Papal theory of Supremacy." If ever an opportunity presented itself to Augustine to agree with the modern Koman theory it was when he wrote the work mentioned, on the " Unity of the Church." He counted upwards of eighty-eight heresies ; and surely in combating these the more ready course would have been to appeal to the " Centre of Unity," * Serm. iii. Tom. iv. p. 284. Edit, as .above, t Enarratio. in Psl. Ixii., Tom. iv. p. 607. + LondoD, 1846, p. 66. ^ De Unit. Eccl., Tom. ix. p. 372, F. 40 SAINT AUGUSTINE if such a centre existed. But, as has heen remarked, not once does he refer to Rome as of any authority. Further than this, Augustine dehvered five sermons on the festivals of Peter and Paul, and these do not contain one word about any special commission or privilege descended by inheritance to the Bishop of Rome. The following observations are made in the " Pope and the Council," by "Janus" *: — " St. Augustine has written more on the Church, its unity and authority, than all the other Fathers put together. Yet, from his numerous works, filling ten folios, only one sentence, in one letter, can be quoted where he says that the prin- cipality of the Apostolic Chair has always been in Rome — which could, of course, be said with equal truth of Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria. Any reader of his Pastoral Letter to the separated Donatists on the unity of the Church, must find it inexplicable, on the Jesuit theory, that in these seventy-five chapters there is not a single word on the necessity of communion with Rome as the centre of unity. He urges all sorts of arguments to show that the Donatists are bound to return to the Church, but of the Papal Chair, as one of them, he knows nothing. Even Pope Pelagius praises St. Augustine for ' being mindful of the divine doctrine which places the founda- tion of the Church in the Apostolic Sees, and teaching that they are schismatics who separate themselves from the communion of the Apostolic Sees' (Mansi. Concil. ix. 716). This Pope (555-5G0), then, knew nothing of any exclusive teaching privilege of Rome, but only of the necessity of adhering in disputed questions of faith to the Apostolical C/iurc/ies — Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, as well as Rome." These citations from the writings of the Rev. Mr. Alhes and "Janus" are so far important from the fact that Mr. Allies subsequently joined the Roman Church, as the result of the controversy on baptismal regeneration, and wrote a book on the " See of St. Peter," in which he nowhere refers to or attempts to displace his own evidence with regard to St. Augustine ; and as to " Janus," as being written byRoman Catholics, and the reply, " Anti- Janus, "by Dr. Hergenrother, a professor of great celebrity in the Roman Church, nowhere refers to the above facts, tliough he appears otherwise to reply very minutely to other statements made by "Janus" ! A passage from Augustine's forty-third Epistle is not unfrequently quoted as an evidence of his acknowledgment of some Supremacy in the Church of Rome. " In the Church of Rome the principality of an Apostolic Chair has always flourished." In "Romana ecclesia semper apostolicse cathedrae viguit principatus." The words j)rt//ceps {iii(l2Jr/ncij>al//s were terms not unfrequently given to Bishops gene- rally, as well by the Greek as by the Latin Fathers of the fourth and * 2nd Edit. Rivingtons, 18G9, pp. 88-9. ON THE ALLEGED SUPREMACY OF THE BISHOP OF PvOME. 41 fifth centimes, referring to their spiritual powers, but exercised within the limits of their several jurisdictions ;* and it was in that sense that the vford jrn'/icijyatus was used by Augustine. It was an expression properly used as applied to a Church of Apostolic origin, like that of Rome, whose Bishop exercised a supervision over the suburbicarian churches. "The Catholic Church," wrote Augustine, "was propagated and diffused over all the world by the Apostolical Sees and the succession of Bishops in them."t De Maistre, in his book on " The Pope," as far as I can trace, refers only once to Augustine, where he is made to say that to Peter was by our Lord entrusted the keeping of His sheep, but we have seen that Augustine considered that the commission to feed the flock was equally entrusted to all. Whenever Augustine speaks of the Church, Roman contro- versialists at once conclude that he refers to the local Roman Church. For instance, when he said " I should not have believed the Gospel except the authority of the Church had moved me thereunto,"! they would have us believe that he looked to the Roman Church as that authority. What possible reference can these words have to the Roman Church more than to his own Church in Africa, to the Greek Church, or any other Church ? Augustine was arguing with a Manichee, who sought to enforce a gospel of his own without dispute. Augustine opposed that gospel as not acknowledged by the Universal Church. The Romish Bisliop Canus has himself given the explanation. In this case he says Augustine puts the question : " What if you find one who doth not believe the Gospel ? What motive would you use to such a one to bring him to your belief ? I, for my part (lie adds), should not have been brought to embrace the Gospel if the Church's authority had not swayed me to it."§ We have it sufiiciently clear what Augustine meant by the Church from the extracts I have already given, and on that head he adds the further testimony : — "By the mouth of God, which is the truth, I know the Church of God, which is partaker of the Truth. "|| Let the Roman Church bring herself to that test ! So also in his arguments against the Donatists, a sect of Christians in Africa who, in Augustine's time, maintained for themselves exactly the position assumed by the Romish Church of the present day. They claimed to be exclusively the Cat/wlic Church. In fact, the Donatists of the third and fourth centuries were in theory the same as the Romanists of the nineteenth century. Augustine denied the * See Laud's Conference with Fisher, sect. xxv. p. 187. Oxford, 1849. t Videtis certe multos prascisos a radice Christianse societatis, quse per sedes aposto- lorum et successiones episcoporum certa per orbena proijagatione diffunditur. Aug. ad Madaurenses, Ep. 232, alias 42, col. 843, E., Tom. ii. Paris, 1G79. + Gont. Ep. Fund., c. v. Tom. viii. p. 154. Edit, as above. § Canus, Loc. Theol., Lit>. 2, c. 8, p. 52. Colon. 1(305. il In I'slm. Ivii., i>. 545, Tom. iv. Paris, 1681. 42 SAINT AUGUSTINE Donatists that exclusive title, but he nowhere says that the Koman Church could assume it. Donatist Bishops set themselves up in opposition to the legitimate Bishops of the Roman See. Augustine naturally claimed for the Bishop of Eome, in opposition to this usurpation of the Donatist Bishops, to be the rightful successor in that See as an apostolically-founded Church, but in doing so he nowhere claims for the Roman Bishops a supremacy over other Bishops, though he admitted and advocated their claim as the legitimate successors in an apostolically-founded See. He rightly maintained that the Donatist was an intruder on the established successors of Bishops of that See from the time of Peter.* His answer to the claims of the Donatists is summed up in the fol- lowing : — " Let the Donatists," he said, " if they can, show their Church, not in the rumours and speeches of the men of Afnca, not in the councils of their Bishops, not in the discourses of any writers whatever, not in signs and miracles that may be forged, for we are forewarned by God's word, and therefore forearmed, against those things ; but in the prescript of the law, in the predictions of the Prophets, in the verses of the Psalms, in the voice of the Shepherd himself, in the preachings and writings of the Evangelists, that are in all the canonical authorities of the sacred Scriptures. "f Here was an opportunity for Augustine to assert the authority of the Roman Church. But no ! He said that the authority of the Church is to be found in the ca?ionical Scriptures. It is a true Church so long as it keeps within the bounds of the Word of God. The Holy Scripture is alone the charter of Christ's Church on earth ; and so Augustine taught. When we argue with members of the Roman Church, who, like the Donatists of old, claim to be the Church exclusively, we cannot do better than use Augustine's own words as applied to the Donatists. He said : — " The question is where the Church should be. What then shall we do ? Shall we seek it in our words, or in the words of our Lord Jesus? In my judgment we ought rather to seek the Church in His own words, for that He is the Truth, and kuoweth His own body.^l Again, in writing to the Donatist Bishop Petilianus, Augustine retorted on him as we now retort on members of the Roman Church : — " Whether it be a question of Christ, or whether it be a question * In the passage referred to Augustine apparently points to Peter as Jirst Bishop of Rome. I shall prestnily refer again to this fact. It is evident that the text has been tampered with. t De Unit. Eccl., c. 18, Tom. ix. p. 371. Paris, 1688. + De Unit. Eccl., c. 1, sect. 2, and in Tom. ix. p. 236, Antv. Edit. 1700. ON THE ALLEGED SUPEEMACY OF THE BISHOP OF ROME. 43 of His Church, or anything relating to our faith, or life, I will not merely say we, but I will go much farther, and add, that if even an angel from heaven were to pronounce to you anytliing besides what you have received in the Scriptures, in the Law and Gospel, let him be accursed/'* The head of the Church is Christ, for he says : — " His whole Church, which is spread everywhere, is His body, of which He is the head. But not only do the faithful of the present day, but those who were before us, and those who shall exist after us to the end of time, belong to His body, of which body He is the head who ascended into heaven. "t Such passages might be multiplied. The above extracts are amply sufficient to show that Augustine had no idea of localizing the Church in those over whom the Bishop of Rome presided. 1 have referred to the often-quoted saying, " Rome has spoken, the cause is finished," as attributed to Augustine, and which is repeatedly and triumphantly advanced as an acknowledgment that Augustine recognized a final appeal in the Bishop of Rome. "Roma locuta; causa finita est." Augustine never made any such acknowledgment, and the words are a misquotation. The question in dispute related to Pelagianism. The passage stands thus : — " The results of two Councils [Carthage and Milevis] on the matter have been sent to the Apostolic See, and replies have come thence. The cause is ended. Would that the error may end some time or other."J The question in dispute had been decided against the Pelagians by tw^o African Councils and a Council held in Rome, but, as a fact, it did not end the controversy, for Zosimus, the Pope in succession, immediately afterwards sided for a time with the Pelagians, and the controversy was not terminated till the Council of Ephesus.§ If, then, it be asserted, with Bellarmine, that the dogma of the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome is the sum and substance of Christianity, and, with Pope Boniface, that it is necessary to salvation to be subject to the Bishop of that See, then Augustine lived and died a heretic ! * Cont. Lit. Petil. Don., Tom. ix. p. 302. Paris, 1688. + Enar. in P.sal. Ixii., Tom. iv. p. 607. Paris, 1691. X "Jam enim de bac causa duo concilia missa sunt ad sedem apostolicam unde etiam rescripta venerunt. Causa linita est : utinam aliquando finiatur error. Serm. cxxxi. col. 645, D, Tom. vii. Bassano, 1802, and col. 930, Tom. v. Pars. I. Paris 1837. § See Fleury's Eccl. Hist,, Tom. xxiii. 44, cited by Dr. Littledale ; and see "The Pope and the Council," Janus, 1869, p. 70. 44 SAINT AUGUSTINE CHAPTER V. SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION. The Eomati Church, by the first decree passed at the Fourth Session of the Council of Trent, declared that : — " flaving constantly in view the removal of error and the preservation of the purity of the Gospel in the Church, which Gospel, promised by the Prophets in the sacred Scriptures, was first orally published by our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who afterwards commanded it to be preached by His Apostles to every creature, as the source of all saving truth and moral discipline ; and perceiving that this truth and discipline are contained both in tvritten hooks and in unwritten traditions, which have come down to us, either received by the Apostles from the lips of Christ Himself, or transmitted by the hands, as it were, of the same Apostles, under the dictation of the Holy Spirit ; following the example of the orthodox Fathers, doth receive and reverence, with equal piety and veneration, all the books of the Old as of the New Testament, the same God being the author of both ; and also the aforesaid traditions, pertaining both to faith and manuers, whether received from the mouth of Christ Himself, or dictated by the Holy Spirit, and preserved in the Catholic Church by continual succession." The creed of Pope Pius IV., the present binding creed on every member of the Roman Church, by its Article I. (additional) re- quires the following acknowledgment : — "I admit and embi'ace the apostolical and ecclesiastical traditions, and the other observances and constitutions of the Church." Here, it will be observed, that as an addition to "Apostolical Tradition," all " Ecclesiastical Traditions and observances of the Church " are equally binding on the members of the Roman Church. With reference to the " Canon of Scripture," the Council of Trent, by the same decree, adds that " lest any doubt should arise respect- ing the sacred books which are received by the Council, it had been judged proper to insert a list of them in the present decree." A list is then given of the "Sacred Scripture" alleged to have been dictated by Divine inspiration and handed down and preserved by a continuous succession in the Church. In the list of the Old Testament are boldly inserted, for the first time, in April, 154G, the several books passing by the general title of the "Apocrypha," which are — Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, two Books of Maccabees, and the rest of the Books of Esther and ON SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION. 45 Daniel — that is, from nfter the third verse of the tenth chapter of Esther to the end of the sixteenth chapter; and from and including the thirteenth and fourteenth of Daniel (so called), comprising the Story of Susannah, Bel and the Dragon, and the Song of the Three Children, as they at present stand in the Douay Version. The Canon of the New Testament is the same as acknowledged by all orthodox Christians. It is a matter of fact that the Koman Church has not authorita- tively defined what questions, as relating to " faith and manners," are enforced for acceptance on the authority of " Scripture," or what on that of "Tradition." This omission is very significant, and is some- what embarrassing when we come to discuss with them the Divine authority of any of their pecuUar dogmas. I have never yet met with any precise declaration on this subject. Whenever they are hard pressed, however, in controversy on any peculiar dogma of their Church, they fall back on " Tradition," as their Bishop Canus in- genuously observed : " Because Tradition is not only of greater^force against heretics than the Scriptures, but almost all disputation with heretics is to be referred to Traditions."* The importance of " Tra- dition ^' to the Roman Church is thus boldly summed up in the following startling passage from the pen of a popular Jesuit writer, Costerius, and it has not the honourable distinction of appearing either in the Prohibitory or Expurgatory Indices of Rome : — " The excellency of the unwritten word doth far surpass the Scripture, which the apostles left us in parchments ; the one is written by the finger of God, the other by the pen of the apostles. The Scripture is a dead letter, written on paper or parchment, which may be razed or wrested at pleasure ; but Tradition is written in men's hearts, which cannot be altered. The Scripture is like a scabbard which will receive any sword, either leaden, or wooden, or brazen, and suf- fereth itself to be drawn by any interpretation. Tradition retains the true sword in the scabbard ; that is, the true sense of the Scrip- ture in the sheath of the letter. The Scriptures do not contain clearly all the mysteries of religion, for they were not given to that end to prescribe an absolute form of faith ; but Tradition contains in it all truth, it comprehends all the mysteries of faith, and all the estate of the Christian religion, and resolves all doubts which may arise concerning faith ; and from hence it will follow that Tradition is the interpreter of all Scriptures, the judge of all controversies, the remover of all errors, and from whose judgment we ought not to appeal to any other judge; yea, rather, all judges are bound to regard and follow this judgment.'^ f * Canus. Loc. Theol. Lib. iii. cap. 3, p. 156. Colon., 1605. t Coster. Eucharist, cap. i. p. 44. Colon., 1606. Quoted by Sir H. Lynde,F/« Dev'm^ sec. vii. p. 300. Lond., 1819. 46 SAINT AUGUSTINE The two questions, then, which we have to consider are : — 1. Whether Augustine anywhere in his writings accepted the iQodern Roman doctrine of Tradition as being of the same authority on matters of faith as the Holy Scriptures ? 2. Whether he admitted the Apocrypha as a part of the sacred Canon of Scripture ? First, as to the Scriptures. If there is one subject insisted upon more than any other by the early Christian writers, it is the absolute sufiBciency of Holy Scriptures for our rule and guidance in all ques- tions of faith. Further, when they applied the word Tradition to points of doctrine, they expressly referred to the traditions handed down by the Apostles in their writings. In arguing with the heretics of his day (a.d. 140), Irenseus applied this word tradition to those doctrines which Eomanists themselves admit to be clearly taught by the Scriptures. He declared that " the Scriptures are per- fect, as having been dictated by the Word of God and His Holy Spirit."* And he says: — "For we have become acquainted with the dis- pensation of our salvation through no other men than those through whom the gospel has come to us ; which indeed they then preached, but afterwards, by the will of God, delivered to us in the Scriptures to be the foundation and pillar of our faith." t And, in fact, this same father accused the heretics of his day of using, on this very subject, the argument invariably advanced by Protestants against Romanists of the present day ; — " When they (the heretics) are confuted out of the Scriptures they turn round and accuse the Scriptures themselves, as if they were not accurate, nor of authority, and because they are ambiguous, and because the truth cannot be discovered by those who are ignorant of the tradition, for that the truth was not delivered in writing, but orally." % And while Tertullian (a.d. 194), in matters of discipline, set a great value on usage, custom, and tradition, which he admitted not to be authorized by Scripture, on questions of doctrine he looked to the Scriptures alone as of authority. In arguing with the heretics, he demanded from them proofs from Scripture— " If it is not written, let them fear the curse allotted to such as add or diminish." Suicer, the eminent professor of Greek, whose works are almost in- dispensable to the study of the Fathers, furnishes examples of the * Iren. cont. Hoeres., Lib. ii. c. 47, p. 173. London, 1522 ; and Edit. Grabe, 1853 ; and c. 25, p. 117. Edit. Basil., 1526. t Iren. Advers. Hseres., Lib. iii. c. 1, p. 198. Oxon., 1702; and p. 117. Basil., 1526. t Iren. cont. Hares., Lib. iii. c. 2, in iuit., same edition ; and p. 140. Edit. Basil., 1526. ON SCRIPTUKE AND TRADITION. 47 fact that the word Trapddoaig, tradiito —tradition — was used as " identical with the written word." The passages from the early Christian Fathers, which insist on the Scriptures as alone of authority on matters of doctrine, are so numerous and so well known, that it is at the present day almost labour and time lost to repeat them ; they are to be found in almost every Protestant controversial work. I shall, nevertheless, transcribe two or three of these, merely as illustrations. What could be more striking than the words delivered at the first General Council of Nice (a.d. 325) by Eusebius, Bishop of Csesarea, in the name of the 318 Bishops there assembled ? " Believe the things that are written : the things that are not written, neither think upon nor inquire into."* And Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa (a.d. 379), said, "Let a man be persuaded of the truth of that alone which has the seal of the written testimony." t And Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem (a.d. 386), places the matter very clearly before us. He said : — " Not even the least of the Divine and holy mysteries of the faith ought to be handed down without the Divine Scriptures. Do not simply give faith to me while I am speaking these things to you, unless you have the proof of what I say from the Holy Word. For the security and preservation of our faith are not supported by ingenuity of speech, but by the proofs of the Sacred Scriptures."^ Such passages might be multiplied largely. They all tend to prove that the modern practice of placing Tradition on a level with Scripture, to estabhsh a point of faith, would have been then con- sidered most heretical. Indeed one Father, Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria (a.d. 412), emphatically said: — "It is the part of a devilish spirit to follow the sophisms of human falsehoods, and to think anything to be divine that is not authorized by the Holy Scriptures. §" But we have only to deal with Augustine. It may safelv be as- serted that there is no Latin Father whose works contain so many decisive passages on the value and importance of the Scriptures as in Augustine's. The same honourable distinction may be awarded to Chrysostom, of the Greek Church ; the two most powerful cham- pions of Christianity, in the Eastern and Western world, being of one mind in approaching the inspired Scriptures alone as the supreme and final arbiter in every question of faith and doctrine. The diffi- culty consists not in bringing forward evidence of this, but in * Euseb. ad. Philosp. in Qelas. Cyzic. Comment, art. Nic. P. 2, c. xix. p. 185. Edit. Balf. + Greg. Nyss. Dialog, de Anima et Resurrect., Tom. i. p. 639. Edit. GrKCoIat. t Cyril Hieros. Catech., iv. sec. 17 p. 108. Monac, 1848. § Op. Epist. Paschal., i. sec. 6, in Bib. Vet. Patrum, Tom. vii, p. 617. Edit. Galland. 48 SAINT AUGUSTINE selecting the most appropriate.* Thus in his treatise on the "Unity of the Churcli," ngainst the Donatists, he brings us at once to the source from whence the decisions on all questions controverted between Christians must be decided : — " Let not these words be heard between us, ' I say/ or * You say/ but rather let us hear, ' Thus saith the Lord ; ' for there are certain books of our Lord on whose authority both sides acquiesce ; there let us seek our Church, there let us judge our cause. Take away, therefore, all those things which each alleges against the other, and whicb are derived from other sources than the canonical books of the Holy Scriptures. But, perhaps, some will ask, Why take away such authorities? Because I would have the Holy Church proved, not by human documents, but by the Word of God." f " Eenounce, therefore " (he further observes), " all such things, and show your Church, if you can, not in the sayings of Africa, not in the Councils of your Bishops, not in signs and lying wonders | but in the writings of the Law, the predictions of the Prophets, in the Psalms, in the words of the Shepherd Himself, in the preaching and labours of the Apostles — that is, by the authority of all books of the Canonical Scriptures. For we do not say that we ought to be believed because we are in the Church of Christ, or because that Church to which we belong, was commended to us by Optatus, Ambrose, or other innumerable Bishops of our communion ; or because miracles are everywhere wrought in it. These things are indeed to be approved, because they are done in the Catholic Church, but it is not thence proved to be the Catholic Church, because such things are done in it. Our Lord Jesus Christ Himself, when He rose from the dead, and offered His body to be touched as well as seen by His disciples, lest there should be any fallacy in it, thought it proper to convince them, rather by the testimony of the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms, showing how all things were ful- filled which had been foretold ; and so He commanded His Church, saying, that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in His Name, among all nations, beginning at Jerusalem. This He testified was written in the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms ; this we hold, as commended from His mouth. These are the documents, these tlie foundations, these the strong grounds of our cause. We read in the Acts of the Apostles, of some believers, that they daily searched the Scriptures if these things were so. What Scrip- tures ? but the canonical books of the Law and the Prophets ; to which are added the Gospels, the Apostolical Epistles, the Acts of * In making this selection I have followed Kearj's "Common Place Book of the Fathers." Lond., 1828. He quotes the Edition " Lugduni, 1562," which references I shall retain. t De Unit. Eccl., c. 4, Tom. vii. p. 625. + Is this not exactly applicable to modern Romanists ? ON SCIUPTUEE AND TRADITION. 49 the Apostles, and the Revelation of St. John, Search, then, all these, aud hring forth something manifest, by which you may prove the Church to have remained only in Africa, or come out of Africa."* In another part of the same treatise he observes : — " The ques- tion between us and the Donatists is, Where is the Church to be found ? What then shall we do ? Shall we seek it in our words, or in the words of its head, our Lord Jesus Christ? I conceive that we ought to seek it in His words, who is the truth, and best knows His own body."t And again, excluding human authority, he adds : — " Neither must we agree with Catholic Bishops, if they err, or decide anything against God's canonical Scriptures. "| " Faith (he remarks, in treating on Christian doctrine) will waver, if the authority of the sacred Scriptures be weakened.^' ^ "For in those things which are clearly set forth in Scripture, are found all those things which contain matters of faith and practice." || In another treatise against the Donatists, on Baptism, he asks : — " Who is igno- rant that the sacred canonical books, both of the Old and New Testaments, are contained within certain bounds, and ought to be so far preferred before the later writings of Bishops, that of them alone we are not to question or doubt anything written in them, whether it be right or wi'ong. But all other writings, since the confirmation of the canon (^f Scripture, may be questioned, and even the decisions of one council corrected by another." H "Whether it be a question of Christ" (he remarks in writing against Petilianus, theDonatist Bishop), " or whether it be a question of His Church, or anything relating to our faith, or life, I will not merely say we, but I will go much farther, and add, that if even an angel from heaven were to propound to you anything besides what you have received in the Scriptures, in the Law and Gospel, let him be accursed."** And in defence of the above work against the grammarian Cresconius : — " According to these books of Scrip- tures, we freely judge all other writings, whether they be faithful or unfaithful." ft In the beginning of his forty-ninth Tract on St. John's Gospel, he says : — " Our Lord Jesus Christ did many things which were not written, but that which is written is precious, the belief in which must be considered as suflScient for salvation.'^ XI The nineteenth Epistle, addressed to Jerome, contains the foUow- * De Unit. Eccl., pp. 664-6. Edit. Lugduni, 1562. t Ibid., cap. ii. p. 622. J Ibid., p. 644. § De Doct. Christ., Lib. i. cap. 37, Tom. iii. p. 21. II Ibid., Lib ii. cap. 9, p. 39. *J De Bapt. Cont. Donat , Lib. ii. cap. 3, Tom. tii. p. 472, ** Cont. Lit. PetiL Don., Lib. iii, cap. 6, Tom. vii. p. 206. tt Cont. Crescon. Grramm., Lib. ii. cap. 31, Tom. vii. p. 295. tt In Joan. Tract. 49, Tom. ix. p. 436. U 50 SAINT AUGUSTINE ing very decisive opinion as to the light in which we should view human authority when placed in competition with the Scriptures : — • " This reverence and honour T have learned to give only to those books of Scripture which are called canonical, that I firmly believe that none of their authors could err in anything which they have written. But others I so read, that however they may excel in holi- ness or learning, I do not consider anything to be true, merely because they thought so ; but because they were able to persuade me, either by these canonical authors, or by some probable reason, agreeable to truth. Neither do I conceive, brother, that you think otherwise, nor do I believe tliat you expect that I should read your books as I do those of the Prophets and Apostles, of the truth of whose writings, as being exempt from all error, we must not doubt."* The same thoughts we find in his Epistle to Fortunatus : — " How- ever catholic or praiseworthy any man may be, we do not appreciate his writings in the same way that we do the canonical Scriptures; but that, saving the reverence due to them, we may disapprove or reject anything in their writings if we should happen to find that they have decided contrary to truth. Thus do I judge of the writings of others, and thus do I desire to be judged myselff We also find in the writings of this Father many very striking descriptions of the general adaptation of the Scriptures to the wants of mankind ; as well as exhortations to their universal perusal ; thus, in his third Epistle to Volusian, " The mode of expression used in the Scripture, although penetrable by few, is accessible to all. Those plain things which it contains, it speaks to the heart of the unlearned and learned, like a familiar friend, without disguise. Wliile those things which are mysterious it does not conceal under high- flown language, which unlearned men and slow of apprehension, would not dare to approach, — as the poor man fears to approach the j-icl^^ — l^Qt invites all by the homeliness of its style, not only to feed on those plain things which it contains, but to seek those which are hidden. By it the depraved are corrected, the humble nourished, and the highest intellects delighted. That mind which is inimical to its doctrine is either erroneously ignorant of its salubrity, or loathes the medicine from disease.''^ He thus exhorts his hearers in one of his sermons: "Know, my dear brethren, for a certainty, that as our flesh is, which for many days is destitute of food, so are our souls, when they do not feed upon the word of God. For as hunger and want of nourishment make our bodies lean and infirm, so the soul which does not feed upon the word of God becomes unfruitful and useless, and unfit for any good work. Continue then to hear, as you are accustomed, the Scriptures * Ep xix., Tom ii. p. 76. Edit, as above. t Ep. cxi., Tom. ii. p. G02. + Ep. iii., Tom. ii. pp. 13, 14. m ON SCEIPTUEE AND TRADITION. 61 read in the Church, and read them again in your own houses. If any man is so occupied that he cannot read the holy Scriptures before meals, let him not neglect to read something of them at them, that thus, while his body is nourished with material food, his soul may he nourished by the word of God. For if we feed the body only, and the soul is not nourished by the word of God, we pamper the slave while we starve the mistress, and how unjust this is you cannot be ignorant."* In his tract against the Manichean Faustus, alluding to the writings of uninspired men, he observes : " As for this kind of books we read them, not as necessarily bound to believe them, but ■with the liberty of judging what we read. We make a distinction between the books of later writers, and the excellency of the canonical authority of the Old and New Testaments; which, having been eon- firmed in the times of the Apostles, have since, by the Bishops who succeeded them, and the churches which were founded, been placed as it were upon a high throne, to be reverenced by every pious and faithful mind. And if we find anything there apparently inconsis- tent, we must not say that the author of the book was ignorant of the truth, but that either our copy is corrupt, the interpreter mistaken, or we ourselves are ignorant. But as for the writings of those authors who have come after them, we are at liberty, in reading or hearing them, to admit what we approve, and to reject what we dislike ; so that he who rejects those passages which are not proved from Scrip- ture, or which, at least, do not appear agreeable to the truth, is not to be reprehended."t It has been repeatedly urged in controversy, and more particularly by Dr. Milner in his " End of Religious Controversy,'" as an argu- ment against the alleged sufficiency of the Scriptures as the sole rule of faith, that Christ Himself never wrote anything. They overlook the fact that their Trent Council declared that the " sacred Scriptures were first orally published by our Lord Jesus Christ, and transmitted by the Apostles under the dictation of the Holy Spirit;" but if Augustine is to be admitted as an authority on this head, he said : — " For as many of His actions and sayings as Christ wished us to read, these He commanded to be written in a book, as if it were by His own hands. For this common bond of unity, and harmonious ministry of the members, in difierent offices, under one head, each should understand and should receive the narrative of Christ's disciples in the Gospel no otherwise than if he saw the very hand of Christ writing it, which was attached to His own body."| * De Temp., Serm. Ivi. Tom. x. p. 179— and see p. 180. Edit, as above, t Cont. Faust. Manich., Lib. xi. cap. 5, Tom. vi. p. 309. J De Consensu Evangelist., Lib. i. cap. 35, Tom, iii. pt. 2, p. 26. Paris, 1680. E 2 52 SAINT AUaUSTINE We have in the ahove sufficient evidence that Augustine did not subscribe to Rome's modern theory of Tradition. And Secondly. — Our next subject for investigation is whether Augustine, in appealing to the Scriptures, included the Apocrypha in the " Sacred Canon," to which he repeatedly refers. A few preliminary observations may not be out of place here. Rome's appeal to the Fathers of the Church on the subject of the sacred canon of Scripture as testifying in her behalf, is one of their bold assertions which will not for one moment bear even the most superficial investigation. The fatal decree above quoted, declaring the Apocrypha part of the sacred canon, was passed at the 4th Session of the Trent Council, ■when there were no more than forty-nine members present. There was much diversity of opinion even among these, when the subject was under discussion. The Bishops behaved so clamorously, that it was necessary to direct them to give their votes one by one, and to number them as they were received. So great was the diversity of opinion on this subject, even so late as April, 1546 ! It is a popular error to suppose that the Trent Council merely declared what was previously of faith : so far from this, some of the venerable Fathers came even to blows, and tugged at each other's beards to enforce their own private opinions. It is true they passed their decrees, and asserted the authority of Fathers and Apostolic Tradition in their favour ; but the assertion was not true. It was and is unsupported by evidence. St. Paul tells us that "unto the Jews were committed the oracles of God," and this he wrote to the Romans themselves (iii. 2), as if in prophetic warning : the Jews rejected the Apocrypha, and the early Christians professed to receive the code or canon of the Old Testa- ment from the Jews. Neither Christ, nor any of the inspired writers of the New Testa- ment, ever quoted the Apocrypha as of any authority. We have several successive Christian writers who have left us lists of tlie sacred canon of Scripture, as accepted in their respective periods. I now name some of the leading Fathers of the early Christian Church, and other divines (all claimed as members of the Church of Rome), in each successive century, who rejected the Apocrypha, and who, therefore, bear evidence to the belief of the Church in their respective ages. The references given in a note are easily accessible. (See pp. 54-55.) The Apocrvphal books were rejected from the sacred canon, expressly by word, or indirectly by giving a list excluding them, by*— * Some few of tbe writers here referred to admit in their list "Bavuch," but these exceptions will be noticed iu the note of editions, infra, pp. 54-55. ON SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION. 53 In the Second Century — Melito, Bishop of Sardis. In the Third — Origen. In the Fourth — Eusebius, Bishop of Cgesarea, and Saints Atha- nasius, Hilary, Cyril of Jerusalem, Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, and theBishops assembled at tlie Council of Laodicea,* confirmed by a decree of the General Council of Chalcedon, and by the sixth General Council in Trullo, can. 2, and therefore binding on the Church of Rome.f In the Fifth — Saints Jerome, Epiphanius, and Augustine. In the Sixth — Junilius (an African Bishop), and some add Saint Isidore, Bishop of Seville. In the Seventh, we have no less authority than Pope Gregory the Great himself. Even the Vatican edition^ of Gregory's Works testifies that he rejected the Apocrypha from the sacred canon. Id the Eighth — Saint John Damascene, the founder of School Divinity among the Greeks, and Alcuinus, Abbot of St. Martin's, Tours, France. In the Ninth — Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, and the " Ordinary Gloss" begun by Alcuin or by Strabus, and enlarged by- divers writers. In the Tenth— The Monk " of Flaix " (Flaviacensis) and ^Ifric Abbot of Malmesbury. In the Eleventh — Peter, Abbot of Clugni, styled " The Vener- able." In the Twelfth— Hugo de Sancto Victore, Ricardus de Sancto Victore, Rupert, Abbot of Deutz, the author of the " Gloss upon Gratian," and the English translation of the Bible of this date in the University Library, Oxford. In the Thirteenth — Hugo Cardinalis and Saint Bonaventure. In the Fourteenth — Richard Fitz Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland ; Nicholas de Lyra, and Wyclifie. In the Fifteenth — Alphonsus Tostatus, Thomas Waldensis, and Dionysius Carthusianus. In the Sixteenth, we have the famous Cardinal Cajetan. This * It may be useful here to remark tliat, witli regard to the Council of Laodicea, the Book of Baiuch and Epistles of .Jeremiah, are inserted in some copies. (Labb. etCoss., Tom. i. p. 1507-8. Paris, 1671.) They are found in the version of Gentian Hervet ; but in the Latin copies of previous date they have no place. (See Merlin and Crab, apud Cosin, Scholast. Hist, of the Canon, sec. lxi.,note.) Neither Aristenus nor Carranza have them in their transcript. (See Beveridge's Synodicon., Tom. i. p. 481) ; and Carranza, Summa Conciliorum (Paris, 1677, p. 140), published with permission and approbation. And as to the 6th Gen. Council, see Binius, Goncil. Laod., p. 305, Tom. i. Paris, 1636. t The third Council of Carthage, a.d. 397, Can. 47. This Council admits some of the books, but omits Baruch and the two books of Maccabees ; that is to say, no Greek copies admit them, though Dionysius Exiguus has added them to his collection. Labb. et Coss. Concil., Tom. ii. col. 1177. Paris, 1671. See the learned Bishop Beveridge's note on this canon. X Rome, 1608. Ex Typogr. Vatican., Tom. ii. p. 899. 54 SAINT AUGUSTINE illustrious Prelate of the Koman Church wrote a Commentary on the Historical Books of the Old Testament, which he dedicated to Pope Clement VII. This book appeared only twelve years before the meeting of the Trent Council. In the dedicatory epistle,' the Cardinal adopts Jerome's rule relative to the broad distinction made by him between the Canonical Books, properly so called, and the Apocryphal. His words are : — "Most blessed Father, — The universal Latin Church i^moBi deeply indebted to St. Jerome, not only on account of his anno- tations on the Scripture, but also because he distinguished the Canonical Books from the non-canonical, inasmuch as he thereby freed us from the reproach of the Hebrews, who otherwise might say that we were forging for ourselves books, or parts of books belonging to the ancient canon, which they never received."* Jerome (a.D.418) distinctly adhered to the books constituting the Jewish canon, and expressly rejected the several Apocryphal books by name,t and this is admitted by Cardinal Bellarmine himself J But what does Cardinal Bellarmine, one of the greatest controver- sial writers the Church of Rome has produced, say to these authori- ties ? The facts are too notorious to be denied ; so he admits them, as already stated, but blunderingly "confesses and avoids'^ (as lawyers say) the difficulty. "It was no sin (he said), no heresy in them [Augustine, Jerome, Gregory, &c.] to reject these books, because no General Council in their days had decreed anything touching them."§ This may be the best reason that can be advanced ; but it does not support the Trent theory. Thus, then, we have taken some leading names of men from each successive century, all (except Wycliffe) claimed by the Church of Rome as members of her communion, who rejected the Apocrypha. We come, then, to the following conclusions — that, down to April, 1546, the Apocryphal books formed no part of the canon of Scripture enjoined by the Church ; that they became a part of the canon only since that date; that the Council of Trent then invented this new code, and that Romanists, in maintaining that the Apocrypha forms a part of the sacred canon of Scripture, represent a new system and teach a novel doctrine. || * Cajetan. Epis. dedic. ad P. Clem. VII. anteComm. in Lib. Hist. V. T. Parisiis, 1546. t Hier. Ep. ad Paulinum. Oper. Ben. Edit. 1693, Tom. iv. ^col. 571-4 ; and Prtefat. in Lihros Solom., Tom. i. pp. 938, 939. X De Veibo Dei, Lib. i. c. x. sec. xx. Tom. i. p. 20. EJit. Prag., 1721. § Ibid. sec. vii. p. 18. II References to editions of the "Fathers " mentioned : — Melito, A.D. 177 [he rejects all]. Iti Epist. ad Onesimum, apud Euseb. Eccles. Hist, iv. c. 26, p. 121. Cantab., 1700; Bell, de verbo Dei, Lib. i. c. xx. p 38 sect 15. Prag., 1721. Origen, a.d. 200 [he rejects all]. In Expositione primi Psalmi, apud Eusebium. Hist. ON SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION. 55 The only authorities alleged in favour of the list as now pro- claimed by the Roman Church of anterior date to the period covered by Augustine's writings are : — 1. The Council of Sardica, a.d. 341-347. 2. The Council of Carthage, a.d. 397. Eccles., Lib. vi. c. 25, pp. 289, 290. Edit. Reading, Cantab., 1720. [But see Dupin, vol. i. p. 28, London, 1692, as to Esther and Ruth.] Cyprian, a.d. 250 [or Ruffinus], excludes them all. See Bell, de Verb. Dei, Lib. i. g. 20, p. 38, Tom. i. Prag., 1721 ; Ibid., Can., Lib. ii. c. 11, p. 67. Colon., 1605. Athanasius. A. d. 340 [rejects all but Baruch]. Epist. Alex. Aristeni in Epp. quje dicuntur Canonica?, Synopsi., Beveridge's Pandect., ii. Oxford, 1672 ; Athan. Oper. Synops., Tom. ii. p. 39. Paris, 1627. Hilary, a.d. 350 [rejects all]. Prolog, in Lib. Psalm., sect. 15, p. 145. Edit. Wirce- burg, 1785 ; BelL de Verbo Dei, Lib. ii. c. 1, sect. 15, Tom. i. p. 38. Prag., 1721. Cyril of Jerusalem, A.D. 370. Numbers 22 books and rejects the Apocrypha, but in these he is supposed to number " Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah." Catech., iv. sect. 20. Oxon., 1703. Gregory Nazianzen, a.d. 370 [he rejects them all]. Ex Metricis ejus Poematibus, p. 194, Tom. ii. Paris, 1630 ; and see Beveridge's Pandect., Tom. ii. p. 178, Oxford, 1672. Eusebius, a.d. 315, see above. Eccl. Hist., Lib. iv. c. 26 ; Lib. vi. c. 25, pp. 289, 290. Cantab., 1700. Chron., Lib. ii. ex Hier. versione, c. 10, p. 59. Colon., 1605. Loadicea, Council of, a.d. 367. Can. Ix. ; Labbe. et Coss., Tom. i col. 1507. Paris, 1671 [rejects all], but see note above, and Bin. Concil. Laod. , p. 305, Tom. i, Paris, 1636. Amphilochius, a.d. 370 [who rejects them all]. Ex lambis ad Seleucum., Beveridge's Pandect., ii. p. 179. Oxford, 1672. Epiphanius, a.d. 390 [excludes them all]. De Mens, et Ponder, Tom. ii. p. 161. Colon., 1682. Hrer. i. e. vi. pp. 18-19. Colon. Jerome, a.d. 392 [rejects them all]. (Symbolum Ruffini), Tom. iv. p. 143 ; Prsefatio in Proverbia Salomonis, Tom. iii. 8, i. k. ; Prsefatio in Hieremian ; Ibid., 9, c. ; Prajfatio in Danielem ; Ibid., 9, g ; Prsef. in libium Regum ; Ibid., p. 5, m, 6, a, b, c, Edit. Basil., 1525. Bell, de Verb. Dei, Lib. i. c. 10, sect. xx. p. 20, Tom. i. Piag., 1721. Chalcedon, Council of, a.d. 451, which contirmed the canons of the Council of Laodicea, art. 15, can. i. ; Lab. Cone, iv. col. 755. Paris, 1671. Augustine, a.d. 420 [excludes them all from the sacred 'canon]. De Mirab. Sacrse Script. Lib. ii. c. 34, p. 26, Tom. iii. pt. i. Paris, 1686. De Civ. Dei,!. 18, c. 36, p. 519, Tom. vii. Paris, 1685. Aug. contra. Secundam Ep. Gaud., Lib. i. c. 31, p. 821. Edit. Basil., 1797. Junilius, A.D. 545 [he excludes Judith, Wisdom, and Maccabees]. De part, divinte legis. , Lib. i. cap. 3, p. 80, Tom. xii. Bibl. Patrum. Venet., 1765. Gregory I., a.d. 601, followed the list of Jerome. Greg. Mor., Lib. 19, on 39th chap, of Job, c. xxii. col. 13; Bened. Edit., 1705, and Romas, 1608, Tom. ii. p. 899; see Occam. Dial., pt. 3 ; Tract, i. Lib. 3, c. 16. Lugd., 1495. Damascene, a.d. 787 [rejected them all]. Orth. fid., Lib. iv. c. 18, p. 153. Basil., 1539. See Canus. Loc. Theol., Lib. 2, c. x. p. 59. Colon., 1605. Alcuinus, A.D. 790 [rejected them all]. Advers. Elipant., Lib. i. col. 941. Paris, 1617. Nicephorus, a.d. 800 [rejected them all]. Nicep. Patr. C. P. Canon. Script, in Operibus Pithei, cited by H. Lynde, Via Devia, sec. 5, p. 159. Edit. 1850, London. N.B. — For the remaining references, which, being of so late date, are only valuable as showing a succession of testimony, the reader is referred to H. Ljnde's Via Devia, sect. 5. London, reprint 1850, and Birckbeck's Prot. Evidence. London, IS'' 9, vol. 2. 56 SAINT AUGUSTINE I. The Council of Sardis. Father Calmet (a.d. 1730) was the first, I believe, who advanced this council as an authority. Inde- pendently of the fact that the genuineness of the decrees of this alleged council is challenged, we assert tliat these decrees, such as they are, give no list of canonical hooks whatever. Dupin, the famous French ecclesiastical historian, who has ransacked all the Councils, and advanced all the authorities he could find, does not refer to this council as an authority. II. The Council of Carthage. This council is supposed, by the 47th Canon, to have included the Apocrypha in the canon or list of Scripture, alleged to have been subscribed by Augustine. The objections to this authority are the following : — Taking for granted, for the moment, that tlie decree is genuine — this council was not a General, but only a Provincial Council, and cannot, therefore, be cited to establish a doctrine, or bind the Church universal. It can only be cited to establish a local custom. Cardinal Bellarmine objected to the citation of tliis council on another subject. He said : " This Provincial Council cannot bind the Bishop of Rome, nor the bishops of other provinces,"* because the 26th Canon of this same council declared that the Bishop of Rome was not to be called Chief Priest, and the council otherwise opposed the Roman Supremacy. Surely this was a heretical council. i)Ut we may be reminded of Calmet's argument, that the canons of this council were confirmed by the Council of Constantinople, in TruUo, A.D. 692. Be it so ! But, alas ! for the over-zeal of Calmet, who relies on this proof. Was he not aware that this latter council was wholly condemned by Popes, as we are informed by the Jesuit Fathers, Labbe and Cossart ?t A rather awkward mistake this. But, alas ! again, for consistency — this same council in Trullo also confirmed the canons of the Council of Laodicea!| which expressly rejected the Apocrypha. Did the 211 Bishops in Trullo confirm two conflicting lists ? It is more reasonable to suppose that they confirmed those of the earlier council, whose decrees had never been questioned, but, on the contrary, had already been confirmed by the General Council of Chalcedon. And besides, the Greek copy omits the Books of Maccabees, while the Latin translators have shuffled these into the list, which bespeaks at least some suspicion ! But it may be also objected, that the Council of Laodicea was equally a Provincial Council. We admit it ; but the 60th Canon of this council, which recites the Canonical Books,§ was confirmed by the General Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 451,|| and is therefore " Bell, de Pont. Rora.,Lib. ii. c xxxi. sec. viii. p. 387, Tom. i. Prag., 1721. t Lab. et Coss. Gouc. Genl., Tom. vi. col. 1316. Paris, 1671. X Lab. et Coss, Cone. Glenl., Tom. vi. col. 1110, can. ii. Paris, 1671. § Binius, Cone, Cone. Laod., can. Ix. Tom. i. p. 304. Paris, 1636. II See Cosin's '' Scholast. Hist, of the Canon.," sec. Ixxxv. London, 1672. ON SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION. 57 binding on every member of the Eomish Church. And while some Eomnnists prefer the authority of Carthage over Laodicea, because Leo IV. (a.d. 847) is stated to have confirmed the decrees of the former, they overlook the fact that Leo IV., in the same place, con- firmed the decrees of the Council of Laodicea also, and thus make a Pope confirm two contrary lists. An additional reason is thus afforded for supposing tliat the canon of the later council, that of Carthage, was forged, and not known to Leo IV., and the recogni- tion falsely attributed to him. The second difficulty Romanists have to contend with is, that the list now professed by their Church does not agree with the list supposed to be given in the 47th Canon of the Council of Carthage, the canon relied on.* For instance, the Books of Maccabees are not found in any of the Greek printed or manuscript copies of this council, but only in Latin translations, which argues a forgery somewhere. Then, again, by a strange blunder, the council has enumerated >'i'^ books of Solomon— that is, besides Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs, which are in the Hebrew Canon, and, what is called in^the Septuagiut, the Wisdom of Solomon, attributed to him, — but also " the Book of Jesus the Son of Sirach," written 800 years after the death of Solomon. Siricius was at this date (a.d. 397) Bishop of Rome, Csesarius and Atticus being Consuls, as the council itself relates; and yet the canon which is alleged to contain the hst of Canonical Books refers to Pope Boniface, who was not Bishop until 418, twenty years after,t a very cogent reason for supposing that the man who forged the canon lived so long after the council was held, that he forgot who was Bishop of Rome at the time. Romanists are not at all agreed among themselves as to the genuineness of this particular canon. Cardinal Baronius, the famous annaUst, was obliged to admit that — " Not all the canons of this council are established ; but they are allowed in divers other Councils of Carthage, as, namely, that canon wherein the number of Sacred Books is defined;"! and Binius, the publisher of the " Councils," said " Fifty canons which were attributed to that council were not all confirmed by it, but by other Councils of Carthage, as, namely, the 47th Canon. "§ So that it is a mistake after ail to refer us to the Council of a.d. 397 ! Take for granted it was another council — say that of a.d. 419, to which the decree is sometimes shifted over — then we have another difiiciilty. Dupin informs us that this council meroi^ j)ro2)osed the hst, and that other * Lab. et Coss., Tom. ii. col. 117- Paris, 1671. t See the List of the Popes. Ibid., Tom. xvi. col. 130. X Baron. Annal., Ann. 397, n. ,56, p. 249. Edit. Luca;., 1740. § Bin. Concl. Carth. IlL, p. 722, Tom. i. Lutet. Paris, 16S6. 58 SAINT AUGUSTINE churches -were to he consulted for its confirmation.* But it is quite a mistake to suppose that even this council puhHshed a list; and the question is scarcely worth while arguing until Komanists are tliem- selves agreed upon the precise council which did pass the alleged canon or list, and at what date. So much, then, for this authority. Augustine is supposed to have subscribed the 47th Canon of the Council of Carthage, above referred to. But I have shown that there was no such canon. Are we to suppose that he professed a different Rule of Faith from that of Jerome ? If -so, where is the unity of teaching ? Augustine was a Bishop in Africa ; Jerome a Presbyter at Rome. But it is certain that Augustine expressly excluded these various Apocryphal books by name from the canon of Sacred Scripture ;t and he distinguished what he means by the Divine Canon from the ordinary canon.! Here Bellarmine comes again to the rescue. He says " that St. Augustine was most certain that all Canonical Books were of infallible truth ; but was not alike certain that all the Books of Scripture were canonical : for, if he did think so, yet he knew the point was ?iot as yet defined by a General Coiaicil ; and therefore, without any stain of heresy, some books might be received by some persons for Apocryphal. "§ In other words, this is an apology for Augustine for not holding, in A.D. 397, the same belief as the Council of Trent in a.d. 1548 ! We are quite aware that, in his " Christian Doctrine," Augustine is sup- posed to give a list of the canon of Scripture, in which the Apocryphal books are included. But this is easily answered ; and we prefer to do so in the words of the eminent Eomish divine. Cardinal Cajetan, who wrote on this subject as follows : — " Here we end our commentaries on the Historical Books of the Old Testament ; for the remainder — viz., Judith, Tobit, and the Books of Maccabees, are not included by St. Jerome among the Canonical Books, but are placed along with Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, among the Apocryphal. Do not be uneasy, tvro, if you should anywhere find those [Apocryphal] books enumerated among the canonical, either by holy councils, or by holy doctors ; for the words both of councils and of doctors must be reduced to the judgment of Jerome ; and, according to his decision, these books [the Apocryphal books enumerated], and if there are any others like them in the canon of the Bible, are not canonical — that is to say, do not contain ruhstor co??Jir)nin(/ Articles of Faith ; they may, however, be called canonical, as containiny rules for the edification of the faithful, inasmuch as they have been ad- * Dupin, Vol. i. pp. 8, 9, fol. edit. London, 1699. t Aug. de Civit. Dei, Lib. xvii. c. 20, p. 508, and p. 483 ; Lib. xviii. c. 26, Tom. vii. Paris, 1685. X De Mirab. Sacrte Scrip., Lib. ii. cap. 34, p. 26, Tom. iii. Paris, 1680. g Bell, de Vcrbo. Dei, Lib. i. cap. x. sec. vii. p. 18, Tom. i. Prag., 1721. ON SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION. 59 milted into this canon of the Bible, and authorized for this very pur- pose. With this distinction, you will be able to discern the meaning of the words of Augustine (de Doctr. Christ., lib. ii.), as also the decrees of the Council of Florence, under Eugenius IV., and of the Provincial Councils of Carthage and Laodicea, and of Popes Inno- cent and Gelasius."* It may be mentioned, by the way, that Cajetan was most highly esteemed by his contemporaries: he was called the "incomparable theologian " — " to whom, as to a common oracle, men were wont to resort in all difficult questions of theology." Now, what do we learn from this illustrious Doctor and Cardinal of the «;/^6'-Trent Roman Church ? First, that the Church of Eome, in his day (a.d. 1533), did not admit the Apocrypha into the sacred canon of Scripture as of any authority on questions of faith, but allowed them to be read for the edification of the faithful, assigning to them exactly the same value as that accorded by the Church of England, in her Sixth Article, at the present day. On the other hand, the Council of Trent (which now rules the teach- ing of the Church of Rome), twelve years after Cajetan wrote the above, placed the two classes of books exactly on the same level, as being of equal authority in establishing questions of faith, and for which purpose they are now quoted. The same council, too, cursed to all eternity all who presumed to oppose this, her modern innova- tion ! And, secondly, we learn from Cajetan in what light we are to regard the word '"' canonical " when used by Augustine and the other authorities relied on, who make a marked distinction between the sacred canon, as authority in questions of faith, and the ordinary phrase " Canon of the Bible " {in canone Bihliorum are his words). Since Cajetan wrote, the alleged lists of Carthage, Innocent, and Gelasius have been proved to be spurious. Augustine (on the sixth Psalm, sec. 9) said, "The Jews carry the volume on which the Christian faith is built ; they have been constituted our librarians." And his contemporary, Jerome, said — " The Church knows nothing of the Apocrypha ; recourse must he had to the Hebrew hooks, from which the Lord speaks, and out of which the disciples take their example."t We may here mention that Cardinal Bellarmine, in his extreme anxiety to press Augustine into the service of Rome,J quotes a passage from a work entitled " Ad Orosium," to prove " Ecclesias- ticus " canonical Scripture ; but, when the same tract is quoted against the Church of Rome on another of her dogmas, with the short memory peculiar to this Jesuit writer, he says — "It is not St. * Cajetan in omnes authenticos Vet. Test. Hist. Lib. Comment. , p. 482. Parisiis, 1546. t Hieron., Prasf. in Paralipom. X Lib. i., De Verbo Dei, cap. 14. 60 SAINT AUGUSTINE : Augustine's work, as learned men confess."* We should not have thought this worth mentioning, were not Bellarmine Rome's great controversial authority. Augustine, therefore, when he treated of doctrine, as we have seen, refers to the " Sacred Canon of Scriptures," and there cannot be the slightest doubt but that he excluded the Apocrypha when he so referred to the Scriptures. Nor am T aware that he anywhere refers to the Apocrypha when he is treating of doctrine. And here I may note that, with reference to the " Canon of Scripture,'' Dr. Wordsworth, in his " Letters to M. Gondon," Letter III., Tliird Edition, 1848, p. 102, quotes the following passage from Augus- tine's work on "Christian Doctrine" (ii. 13, Benedictine Edition) : — "In Canonical Scriptures you must follow the judgment of the majority of the Churches. You will prefer those which are received by all Catholic Churches, to those which are not received by some," &c. The Doctor detects an artful perversion of Augustine's meaning. Augustine's words are " quae aposlolicas (plural) sedes habere et epistolas accipere meruerunt." Whereas, in their " Jus. Canon. Decret., i. Dist. xix. c. 6," they have artfully made Augustine say : " QasiS aj)ostolica (singular) sedes habere et ab ed alii meruerunt habere epistolas," evidently pointing to Rome, whose judgment we are to follow ! It requires the experience of a literary detective to enable us to discover the arts and wiles of controversy ! CHAPTER VI. TRANSUBSTANTIATION. The doctrine and teaching of the Roman Church is clearly defined on " Transubstantiation." On the consecration of the elements of bread and wine, they tell us that the whole substattce of the bread is changed into the body, and the whole substance of the wine is changed into the blood of Christ ; the same Christ that was born of Mary that walked on this earth, that was crucified and ascended into heaven — the same " body, blood, bones and nerves, soul and divinity, of our Lord "; and that in the so-called Sacrifice of the Mass, the same Christ is offered up as a propitiatory sacrifice for the sins of the living and the dead, as was offered on the cross ; and * Bell, de Miss., Lib ii. c. 12, p. 013, Tom. iv. Edit. Colon., 1617. TEANSUBSTANTIATION. 61 that the consecrated elements are to be adored with the same Supreme worship as tliat which is offered to the Divinity itself. That some of tlie early Christian writers used very extravao-ant expressions when referring to the Eucharist, and more especfally the Eastern Bishops, we freely admit. For instance, Chrysostom said that the mouth became red with gore on partaking of the Sacrament ; but not one of them refers to the consecrated elements as having been changed in substance. Indeed their writings prove to the contrary. To name a few, Gelasius, Bishop of Rome (a.d. 492), wrote:— "Certainly the sacraments of the body and blood of the Lord, which we receive, are a Divine thing ; because by them we are made partakers of the Divine nature. Neverthe- less, the substance or nature of the bread and ivine ceases not to exist ; and assuredly the image and similitude of the body and blood of Christ are celebrated in the action of the mysteries."* Cardinal Baronius, and some other zealous Romanists, have endeavoured to deny the authenticity of this passage by attributino- the work to Gelasius of Cyzicus (of the fifth century, neverthe^- less), and Rome, ashamed of its teacher, has placed the passage in question in the Roman Expurgatory Index. f There are, however honest men in that Church, such as Dupin and others, who admit its authority as the genuine production of the Bishop of Rome of that name. To go still higher, Theodoret,t Bishop of Cyrus (a.d. 430), wrote that — " The mystical signs do not depart from their nature but remain in their former substance, figure, and form." This passaoe has also been tampei-ed with.§ Again, we have Chrysostom (a.d. 406), who, in his Epistle to Csesarius, said : — "Before the bread is consecrated, we call it bread • but when the grace of God, by the priest, has consecrated it, it is no longer called bread, but is esteemed worthy to be called the Lord's body, although the nature of bread still remains in ?V."|| Cardinals Perron and Bellarraine, feeling the force of this formi- dable passage, accused Peter Martyr (a.d. 1648) of having forged the treatise in question, and actually asserted that the epistle never existed ; though they do not undertake to explain how it is that this same epistle was quoted as the genuine production of Chry- sostom by John Damascene (a.d. 740), Anastasius (a.d. 600), and the Greek Father Nicephorus (a.d. 800), as shown by Wake. To * Gelas. de DuaVius in Christo Naturis, contra Eutychen et Nest, in Bibl. Patr. Tom. iv, par. i. col. 422. Paris, 1589 ; and p. iii. Tom. v. p. 671. Colon. 1618. * t See Mendham's Literary Policy of the Church of Rome, p. 121. London, 1830. X Tbeodor. Oper. Dialog., Lib. ii. c. 24, p. 924. Paris, 1608. § See Faber's Difficulties of Romanism, B. ii. c. iv. p. 274. London, 1853. y Chrjsost. ad. Caesarium Monachum, Tom, iii. p. 744. Bened., Paris, 1721. 62 SAINT AUGUSTINE : this we may add the words of the French ecclesiastical historian, Dupin, " It appears to me that one ought not to reject it as a piece unworthy of Chrysostom."* Again, we have Ephrem of Antioch (a.d. 836), who testified as to the belief in his day : — " The body of Christ, which is taken by the faithful, neither departs from its sensible substance, nor remains separated from intellectual grace on the other hand."t This passage has also been perverted in the Latin version of the Jesuit editor with native adroitness. | The signal failure of the attempts to prove these passages to be spurious, tampering with them, putiug them in the Roman Index as prohibited, establishes our case triumphantly. Further than this, while the Trent decree excludes the possibility of Q. figurative interpretation, or a spiritual presence in the con- secrated elements, the early Christian writers, Irenseus, Origen, Cyril of Jerusalem, Macarius, Gregory of Nazianzus, Clement of Alexandria, TertuUian, Eusebius of Csesarea, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Theodoret, and others, clearly understood our Lord's phraseology not literally, hxxt Jiguratively. In their writings all these authors refer to the consecrated elements as types, anti- types, Jigares, symbols, images, or representations of the body and blood of Christ ; expressions wholly irreconcilable with the present Romish theory. § We have, however, to deal with Augustine. No person who peruses the following extracts can assert that Augustine held the modern Romish theory. But first let me transcribe one of the many passages from a work on " The Sacraments,^' attributed to Ambrose of Milan, remember- ing that Augustine derived his first impressions on Christian doctrine from that illustrious Bishop: — "In eating and drinking, we signify the body and blood that was offered for us ; you receive the sacrament of a similitude ; it is a figure of the body and blood of our Lord ; you drink the likeness of His precious blood." II It is in the writings of the great Augustine that we find the clearest evidence against this, as, indeed, against every other error with which Romanism has darkened the light of truth. Tlius, how appropriate to our present subject are the following excellent rules for the interpretation of Christian doctrine : — " We must beware * Dupin, Nouv. Bib. des Auteurs Eccl., Tom. iii. p 37. Paris, 1698. + Ephraem. Theopolitan. apud Phot. Bibl., cod. ccxxix. p. 794. Edit. Kothomag., 1653. :;: See Rivet. Critici Sacri, Lib. iv. cap. xxvi. p. 1148. Roterodami, J 652. § These passages are so frequently quoted, that it would be superfluous to repeat i hem here. The reader will find a very admirable selection in Faber's " Difficulties of Romanism," 3rd Edit., 1853, part ii. cap. iv. II De Sacramentis, Lib. 4, c. iv. and v. Paris, 1539. TRANSUBSTANTIATION. 63 that we take not a figurative speecli literally, for to this the Apostle's declaration applies. The letter killeth."* " In treating of signs, I say thus, that no man consider what they are, but rather of what they are signs — that is, what they signify/'f " If the phrase be preceptive, either forbidding a great crime or wickedness, or commanding a beneficial thing, it is not figurative. But if it seems to command a crime or wickedness, or forbid a useful or beneficial thing, it is figurative." Having thus laid down the rule, he gives us the example : — " Unless ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, and drink His blood, ye have no life in you. Now this seems to command a crime, or horrid thing, there- fore it is ajif/ure, commanding us to communicate in the passion of our Lord, and sweetly and profitably to treasure up in our memory, that His flesh was crucified and wounded for us.";}: In his Tract against the I\ranichean Faustus, he uses language nearly similar: — "Thus Christians celebrate the memory of that perfect sacrifice by the holy Oblation " (or Sacrament) " and the par- ticipation of the body and blood of Christ. Which sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ, before His advent, was promised by the similitude of the (Levitical) sacrifices. In the passion of Christ, it was rendered by the very truth of the thing itself; since His ascension it is celebrated by a sacramental memorial." § When Augustine uses the word Sacrifice, he cannot be construed to mean a sacrifice in the modern Koman signification of that term. In his 149th Epistle (ad. Paulin. n. 16), he speaks of a dedication of ourselves at the altar of God as a main part of that oblation or sacrifice which is there offered to Him : — " But let all things which are off"ered to God be devoted to Him, chiefly the Oblation of the Holy Altar, in which Sacrament that greatest of our vows is proclaimed, by which we promise that we will abide in Christ, as in the unity of the Body of Christ." This is much after the same strain of our own service, where the Eucharist is spoken of as a sacrifice — " a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving " — in which " we offer and present ourselves, our souls and bodies," to the Lord, beseeching Him that we may be " fulfilled with His grace and heavenly benediction." In his great work, " De Civitate Dei " (Lib. x. c. 6), after the expression of the same sentiments, St. Augustine uses the strong language that the Church was herself offered up in that very obla- tion which she did offer : — " Since, therefore, works of mercy are true sacrifices, which are referred to God, whether they are done to ourselves or to our neighbour, but works of mercy are done for * De Doctrina Christiana, Lib. iii. cap. v. Tom. iii. p. 59. Lugd. 1532. t Ibid., Lib. ii. cap. i. p. 23. + Ibid., Lib. iii. cap. xvi. Tom. iii. p. 66. § Contra. Faustum Manich., Lib. xx. cap. ix.-xxi. Tom. vi. pp. 462-6. 64 SAINT AUGUSTINE : nothing else than that we should be freed from misery, and thereby be happy . . . the result, therefore, is that the whole city of the redeemed, i.e., the congregation and society of the Saints, should be offered as an universal sacrifice to God by the great High Priest, who also offered Himself in suffering for us, that we might be the body of so great a Head, according to the form of a servant. For this He offered, in this was offered, because, according to this, He was our Mediator, our Priest, and Saviour." Many other passages might be adduced to illustrate the wide signification Augustine gave to the expression Sacrijice, and to which I shall have again to refer. The compilers of the Expurgatory Index actually condemn Augustine for saying that the Eucharist was not a Sacrifice, but the memorial of a Sacrifice.* In the 27th Tract on the Gospel of St. John, Augustine wrote : — " When ye shall see the Son of Man ascending where He was before, then shall ye see that He giveth not His body in the manner you suppose — then will ye understand that His grace is not con- sumed by morsels. "t Again, in the questions on Leviticus: — " The thing which is signified is often called by the name of that which it signifies. St. Paul did not say the rock signified Christ, but the rock was Christ ; which it was — not, indeed, in substance, but by signification." % And in another place : — " The Law and the Prophets had sacraments, touching, a thing that was to come. But the sacraments of our times testify that the thing is come which, by these sacraments, was signified."^ How scriptural is the following definition of a worthy and unworthy participation of this rite? — "This is, therefore, to eat that meat, and drink that drink; to remain in Christ, and to have Christ remaining in him; and by. this, he that remaineth not in Christ, and in whom Christ does not abide without doubt, neither spiritually eats His flesh, nor dr-inks His blood ; although he car- nally and visibly presses with his teeth the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, and thus rather eats and drinks the sacrament of so great a thing for judgment to himself, because that, being unclean, he presumed to come to the sacraments of Christ." || " For this (he remarks, a little before, in the same Tract) is to eat the living bread, to believe on Him. He that believeth on Him, eateth ; he is invisibly fed, because he is invisibly degenerated. He is inwardly a babe, inwardly renewed ; where he is renewed, there he is nourished. "H * See the extracts given in Chapter III. + In Joan. Tractatus 27, Tom. ix. p. 284. J Qutest. super. Levit. QuEest. 57, Tom. iv. p. 292. § Coutra. Lit. Petil., Lib. ii. cap. xxxvii. Tom. vii. p. 138. II In Joan. Tractatus 26, Tom. ix. p. 282. •H Ibid., p. 273. TKANSUBSTANTIA.TION. 65 In no mode of conveying instruction should we be more precise tlian in that which is intended for the young and unlearned. Such was the opinion of this Father, when, in compliance with the request of a friend, he wrote a treatise upon the best method of teaching the ignorant. Among other subjects, he speaks of the Sacrament, and thus states the doctrine, which, on that important point, should be impressed on the neophyte : — " He was to be taught that sacraments are signs of heavenly things, but invisible things are to be honoured in them. Nor is he to regard the species which have been blessed and sanctified, as if they were in comnyon use. Let him be told also what the words mean which he has heard, what is hidden in it, and whose likeness that thing (the Sacrament) bears. On which occasion also, he must be admonished, that if he hear anything, even in the Scriptures, that sounds carnal, if he does not comprehend it, he must yet believe that it has a scriptural meaning."* " If we look to the things themselves, by which the sacraments are ministered (he remarks in his Tract on Baptism, against the Donatists) who knows not that they are corruptible ? but if we consider what is wrought by them, who does not see that it cannot be corrupted ? "f Again, in the 23rd Epistle, we find the following: — "If sacraments did not in some way resemble the things of which they are sacraments, they could not be sacraments at all ; and on account of this resemblance, they often bear the name of the things themselves. As therefore the sacramtnl of the body of Christ is, after a certain manner, the body of Christ, and the sacrament of Christ's blood is (similarly) the blood of Christ, so likewise the sacrament of faith is faith. "| "I may interpret that commandment [' This is my body,' he observes] to consist in a sign, for our Lord doubted not to say. This is My body, when He gave a sign of His body."§ And in his discourse on the 98th Psalm, he introduces our Saviour as thus speaking on the subject: — "Understand spiritually what I say; you shall not eat this body which you see, nor drink that blood which they shall shed that will crucify Me. I have commended a certain sacrament unto you, that, being spiritually understood, will quicken you Although it is needful that this be visibly celebrated, yet it must be spiritually understood." II From the preceding extracts, as Mr. Keary justly observes, there can, we conceive, be Httle doubt of the opinion entertained by Augustine on the question before us. His views were far too scrip- tural to admit of his believing in a dogma so opposed to spiritual * De Catechizanclis, &c., cap. xxvi. Tom. iv. p. 356. Edit, as above. + De Baptist. Cent. Donat., Lib. iii. oap. x. Tom. vii. p. 491. X Ep. 23, ad Bonifac , Tom. ii. p. 102. § Cont. Adimantum, Tom. vi. p. 231. II In Psul. 98 and Tom. viii. col. 1105. Basil., 1556. F 66 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Christianity. And while he rested with implicit confidence on the Saviour's promised presence with His Church, even to the end of the worki, lie thought not of any visible appearance, hut of that superintending care with which He watches and protects His believ- ing people ; or, as he expresses it, and which may properly conclude the evidence of antiquity against Transubstantiation — " According to the presence of His majesty, we have Christ always with us; but according to the presence of His flesh, Christ truly said to His disciples, Me you have not always with you."* CHAPTEK Vir. INVOCATION OF SAINTS. The question between the Roman and the Reformed Churches is not whether Angels and departed Spirits in heaven are occupied in praying for us on earth (even of this we know nothing), but whether they can hear our prayers, either " mental or verbal," as explained by their Trent Council, and that they may be lawfully prayed to as mediators, and whether we can plead their supposed superabundant merits (called " Treasure of the Church") on our behalf. The present Roman Creed does not leave this practice of Invoca- tion of Saints an optional duty. It is imperative. "Likewise, that the Saints reigning with Christ are to he honoured and invocated with Christ." The doctrine presupposes that the Saint invocated is actually in heaven, or in a beatific state. The state of the departed was a subject of speculation, even in the Roman Church, for many cen- turies. In proof of this we may refer at once to Augustine. In his time it was a question, and not easily to be determined, " Whether at all, or how far, or after what manner, the Spirits of the dead did know the things that concerned us here."t In another place he says, that " the Spirits of the dead are removed beyond the power of seeing what is done by men, or what befalls them in this life.";]: In the old Liturgies we find that the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, and even the Virgin Mary, are prayed/or, and not prayed to. It was not until many years after the days of Augustine that these prayers were altered by praying to them. Indeed Veron, an acknowledged * In Joan. Tract .50, Tom. ix. p. 456. Lugcluni, 1562. + August, in Psal. cviii. Tom. iv. part 2, p 1221. Paris, 1681. X De Cura Geiend. pro .Mort., c. xiii. sec. 16, Tom. vi. col. 526. Paris, 1635. INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 67 authority, in his " Eule of Catholic Faith/^* candidly admits that it was not decided by the Eoman Church until the beginning of the o^ fifteenth century, at the Council of Florence, a.d. 1439, " whether the souls of the blessed are received into heaven and enjoy the clear vision of God, before the resurrection and the last day of final judgment." The late Eev, J. Endell Tyler, in two exhaustive treatises, entitled " The Primitive Christian Worship," and " The Worship of the Virgin Mary,"t has clearly established the fact that the practice was wholly unknown to the early Christians for a period at least of four hundred years after Christ. No one who has had the advantage of perusing the writings of Augustine can doubt for one moment of his sentiments and teaching on the subject of Invocation of Saints. The passages here again are so numerous that the difficulty is to make an appropriate selection, without wearying the reader. We may feel assured that the enlightened mind of Augustine would have rejected so antiscriptural a tenet; for, to one so deeply impressed with his need of the Saviour's all-prevailing merits, dependence on any other would appear in its true light as sub- versive of the fundamental principles of Christianity. He expresses this very strikingly in the following passage : — " Whom should I find that might reconcile me unto Thee ? Should 1 have gone to ike Angels'^ tvith what prayer ^ with what sacraments'^ Many seek- ing to return unto Thee, and not being able to do so by themselves, as I hear, have tried these things, and have fallen into the desire of curious visions, and were accounted worthy of illusions. Thus have these over-proud people fallen into the hands of the devil, who is transformed into an angel of light. We must therefore (he con- cludes) seek as our Mediator Him who combines the divine and human nature, namely, Jesus Christ."| In his Sermon on the 64th Psalm, we find the same train of thought : — " He is the Priest, who having now entered within the vail, there alone, of those who have been partakers of the flesh, making intercession for us. As a type of which thing, among that first people, and in that first temple, the priest only did enter into the holy of holies, while all the people stood without.^'§ In the first tract on the First Epistle of St. John, on that text, "If any man sin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous," " St. John (he says), though so great a man, did not say ye have, nor ye- have me, nor ye have Christ Himself, but put in Christ, not himself, and also said, ice have, not ye have. Because * Waterworth's Translation. Birmingham, 1833, p. 82. t Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. t Augnstin. Confess., Lib. x. cap. xlii. Tom. i. p. 264. Lugd. 1562. § In Psal. 64, Tom. viii. p 791. F 8 68 SAINT AUGUSTINE. he would rather include himself in the number of sinners, that he might have Christ for his advocate, than put himself for an advocate, instead of Christ, and so be found amonr/ the j^roud, that shall he damned."* And in his treatise against Parmenian, the Donatist, — " If he (St. John) had expressed himself thus — I have written this unto you, that you sin not, and if any man sin, ye have me a mediator with the Father, I make intercession for your sins" (as Parmenian, in one place, makes the Bishop a mediator between the people and God), '^what good and faithful Christia?i would endure him; who %vould look upon him as the apostle of Christ, and not rather as Antichrist."^ He makes a similar observation respecting St. Paul : — " Paul did not make himself a mediator between God and the people, but required that they should pray one for another, being all members of the body of Christ."^ Not only does he give his own opinion on the question, but states that of the Catholic or Universal Church, as decidedly opposed to such vain superstitions :—" In the Catholic Church, it is divinely and singularly delivered, that no creature is to he worshipped hy the soul, hut He only who is the Creator of all things."^ And, in his book of the true religion, he asserts : — " The woiship of dead me7i shall form no part of our religion, for if they lived piously, they are not to be considered such as would seek that kind of honour, but would have Him to be worshipped by us, through whose enlightenment they rejoice that we are made partakers of their merits. They are to be honoured therefore for imitation, not to he reVgiously adored."\\ With respect to angels, he comes to a similar conclusion ; — " We honour them with love, not icith service ; neither do we build temples to them, for they do not wish to be so honoured by us, because they know that we ourselves, if good, are temples of the Most High God. And therefore it is rightly written, that a man was forbidden by an angel to worship him, but God alone, under whom he was his fellow-servant. '^H " If we should build a temple of wood and stone (he observes) to any Angel, how- ever excellent, should we not be anathematized, and separated from the truth of Christ and the Church of God ? because we should be rendering to the creature a service due only to the Creator."** He argues also against the worship of Saints from their ignorance of what is passing upon earth ; and in proof of this he quotes that passage from Isaiah (Ixiii. 16), "Doubtless thou art our Father, * Tract. 1, in 1 Ep. Joar., cnp. ii. Tom. ix. p. 716. t Cnnt. Ep. Parmen., cap. viii. Tom. vii. p. 36. X Il.id. § De Quantitate animsB, Tom. i. p. 823. H De Vera Rtli^ione, cap. Iv. Tom. i. p. 1046. \ Ibid. ** Cont. Maxim., Lib. i. Tom. vi. p. 859. INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 69 though Abraham be ignorant of us, and Israel acknowledge us not." On which he observes : — " If such great patriarchs as these were iguoraut of what was done to the people who descended from them, unto whom, believing in God, these very people were promised to come from their stock, how do the dead interpose themselves in knowing and furthering the acts and deeds of the living ? The Spirits of the dead are there, where they neither see, nor hear, those things that happen unto men in this hfe/^* " If the souls of the dead could interest themselves in the affairs of the living, surely my good mother would no night forsake me, who, while she lived, followed me day and night, both by laud and sea. But certainly that which the Psalmist tells us is true, my father and mother have forsaken me, but the Lord took me up."t " We must never sacrifice (he says in his 49th Epistle) to a spiritual intelligence, however holy it may be, because in proportion to that holiness, and conse- quent submission to God, it knows that it is not worthy of this honour, which pertains to God only."| I conclude the evidence of Augustine against the Invocation of Saints with some decisive passages from his great work, the " City of God." In the eighth book we find the following : — " We do not erect temples, raise altars, or offer sacrifices to the martyrs, because not they, but their God, is our God. We honour their memory indeed, as holy men of God, who contended unto death for the truth, that the true religion might be propagated, and the false abolished. But which of the faithful ever heard the Priest, standing at the altar, erected to the honour and worship of God, over the bodies of the martyrs, say in the prayers, — I offer sacrifice to thee, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian, when at their memorial churches it is offered to God, who made them both men and martyrs, and associated them to the angels in heavenly glory ; that by this solemnity we may give thanks to the true God for their victories, and that we, by renewing in oui'selves the remembrance of them, may be excited, by imitating them, to strive for such crowns and palms as they have obtained. Therefore the rehgious ceremonies performed at the martyrs' tombs are ornaments to their memories, not sacrifices unto the dead as gods. Those, consequently, who bring their banquets there, — which the better sort of Christians are not accustomed to do, — having set them down and prayed over them, take them away to eat, or distribute in charity, merely desiring that they might be sanctified by the martyrs, in tlie name of the God of martyrs. But he who knows the only sacrifice which Christians offer to God, knows also, that these are no sacrifice to the martyrs : for we do not worship our martyrs with God's honour, nor men's crimes, as they worship their godsjj * Du Cura pro Mortuis, cap. xii. Tom. iv. p. 314. t Ibid. + Ep. 49, ad Deo gratias, Tom. ii. p. 2:^4. 70 SAINT AUGUSTINE. neither do we offer sacrifice to them, nor change their disgrace into their rehgion."* "We believe (he says, in the 15th chapter of the 9th book,) tliat we need not many, but one Mediator, and that such a one by whose participation we are made happy; that is, the Word of God, not made, but by whom all things were made. And he has shown us that, in order to attain this blessedness, we must not seek many mediators, by whom we are to make our degrees of approach to God, because God Himself, by partaking of our nature, hath shown the shortest way for our partaking of His divine nature. Neither, when delivering us from mortality and misery, does He lead us to immortal and blessed angels, that by participating with them we should become immortal, but to that Trinity by whose participation the angels themselves are blessed. "f The whole of the 9th book is taken up in discussing the question, whether spiritual intelligences could be mediators, or intercessors, between the Creator and His creatures, and he concludes in the following striking manner : — " What need we say more ? No man of common understanding will maintain that these Spirits are to be worshipped in order to attain eternal life hereafter ! But perhaps it will be said, the gods are good, but of these Spirits, some are good, and some bad, and therefore the former should be wor- shipped, in order, by their aid, to attain eternal life : how far this opinion holds good, the next book will show.";}: He then demon- strates the absurdity of the proposition, as applicable to the plurality of heathen deities, while he denies, on behalf of the Christians, that any worship whatever is due to Angels, or the departed Spirits of the just; summing up his argument in these words : — "Immortal and blessed Spirits, however they are called, which are made and created, are no mediators to bring miserable mortals to blessedness and immortality."^ It is true that we meet in Romish works quotations alleged to be from the pen of Augustine, of prayers to Saints and the Virgin Mary, and more especially in Liguori's " Glories of Mary," but the works purporting to be quoted have been so repeatedly exposed as admittedly spurious works, that we are only left to wonder at the boldness of any one at the present day making use of such materials. I have placed at the foot of this chapter some of these quotations attributed to Augustine, from the " Glories of Mary." The adoration of the Virgin Mary, and faith in her merits and intercession, are leading features in the present Roman system. The * De Civit. Dei., Lib. viii. cap. xxvii. Tom. v. p. 513. t Ibid., Lib. ix. cap. xv. X Lib. viii. cap. xxvii. Tom. v. p. .514. § Lib. ix. cap. xxiii. Tom. v. p 554. INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 71 Rev. J. Endell Tyler,* after a careful investigation, testifies that from the first to the last page of Augustine's voluminous works there is not a single expression which would lead us to suppose that he ever invoked her himself, or was aware of her invocation forming any part of the worship of his fellow-Christians, either in their pubUc assemblies or their private devotions ; nor is there a single expression which would induce us to believe that Augustine looked to her for any aid, spiritual or temporal, or placed any confidence in her mediation or intercession. On the contrary (he adds), there is accumulated and convincing proof that he knew nothing of her worship, let it be called dulia or hijperdulia ; that he knew nothing of her Immaculate Conception, of her Assumption into heaven, or of festivals instituted to her honour ; in a word, that, though he main- tains strong opinions on some points left open by our Church, his belief and sentiments correspond in all essential points with the belief and sentiments of the Church of England, and were utterly inconsistent with the present belief and practice of the Church of Home. Mr. Tyler then proceeds by precise references to prove that, although Augustine speaks of Mary dying, he does not allude to her Assumption ; that he speaks of the conception of her by her father and mother; but he expressly says she was herself conceived and born in sin, though she herself conceived without spot or stain of sin, and gave birth to a sinless Saviour. To support these statements Mr. Tyler quotes numerous passages from the genuine writings of Augustine, so that no doubt whatever is left in our minds as to the doctrine and teaching of Augustine on this most popular branch of Eomish devotion. With reference to the " Assumption of the Virgin Mary,'^ there is a tract under that title in the Appendix to the Sixth Volume, p. 250, of the Benedictine Edition, which is frequently quoted; but the Benedictine editors themselves have excluded this treatise from their collection of the genuine works of Augustine, and they are unable to give it any certain author. The fact being that Augustine himself was utterly ignorant of what, if true, would rank among the most signal miracles of the Gospel dispensation. Considering the importance Bomanists attach to the fact that Mary gave birth to our Saviour, I cannot better conclude this branch of our subject than by presenting the reader with the two following extracts, as examples of the estimation in which Augustine held Mary as the mother of Jesus: — " It is written in the Gospel, that when the mother and brethren of Christ, that is. His relations after the flesh, were announced to * Worship of the Virgin Mary, pt. v. cap. ii. London, 1851. 72 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Him, and waited without, not being able to approach Him by reason of the crowd, He answered, ' Who is my mother, and who are my brethren ?' and, pointing to His disciples, He said, * These are my brethren, and whosoever shall perform the will of my Father, he is my brother and mother and sister.' What else did He teach us by this, but that we should prefer our spiritual to our carnal relation- ship, nor that men are therefore blessed because they are carnally related to righteous and holy men, but because they adhere to them by their obedience and their imitation of them in doctrines and morals. Mary, therefore, ivas more blessed in adopting the faith of Christ than iti conceiving Hisjiesh. Forwlien some one said to Him, Blessed is the womb that bare Thee, He answered, Yea, rather blessed are they that hear the word of God and keep it. Lastly, what did that relationship profit His brethren, that is. His relations after the flesh, who did not believe in Him ? Thus dXsohev maternal relationship would have profited Mary nothing, if she had not borne Christ more blessedly in her heart than in her flesh."* " Wherefore, when the Lord appeared wonderful in the midst of the crowd, working signs and wonders, and showing what was hidden in the flesh, certain persons admiring, said. Blessed is the womb that bare thee. But He answered. Verily, blessed are they who hear the word of God and keep it. That is to say. My mother, whom thou hast called blessed, is thence blessed because she keeps the word of God, not because the Word was made flesh within her."t I have referred to the use that has been made of the name of Augus- tine by the compiler — Liguori, a canonized saint of the Roman Church — of the " Glories of Mary" to support their extravagant praises of the Virgin Mary. The following passages (extracted from that erratic book) attributed to Augustine are, without exception, taken from treatises which their own theologians, for instance. Cardinal Bellarmine, Possevin, Erasmus, the divines of Louvain, &c., have condemned as decidedly spurious and utterly unworthy of the pen of Augustine. I quote from the 1852 Edition, bearing the following approval of the late Cardinal Wiseman : — " We hereby approve of this translation of the ' Glories of Mary,' and cordially recommend it to the faithful." A similar approval of Cardinal Manning is appended to the re- print, 1868:— " We heartily commend this translation of the 'Glories of Mary' to all the disciples of her Divine Son. — 4* Henry E., Archbishop of Westminster." * De Sancta Virginit. c. iii., Tom. vi. p. 342. Benedict. Edit., Paris. + Tenth Treatise on the 2ud Chap, of John's Gospel, Tom. iii. p. 370. INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 73 With reference to the quotations themselves, the translator says in his preface (p. xix.) : — " I have carefully compared and corrected all these quotations with the originals from which they are taken. In the few instances in which I have been unable to procure the authors or to find the quotations I have put the sign t, not to doubt that they do not exist, but simply to indicate that I do not pledge myself to them." Thus it appears every care has been taken to arrive at accuracy, and yet there is not one single intimation that the passages quoted as from Augustine's works are notoriously spurious. Nay, further, the translator encourages the reader to place implicit reliance on the accuracy and authority of the book in question by stating (p. xviii.) — " Remember that it has been strictly examined by the authority which is charged by God Himself to instruct you, and that that authority has declared that it contains nothing [in capitals] worthy of censure." The following are the quoted passages : — 1. (p. 3) "St. Augustine, in common with most writers, says that Mary co-operated by her charity in the spiritual birth of all members of the Church. — Lib. de Virginitate, c. vi." 2. (p. 5) "That if all the tongues of men Avere put together, and even if each of their members was changed into a tongue, they would not suffice to praise her [the Virgin Mary] as much as she deserves. — Int. Op. St. Aug. in Aj)j)., Tom. v." 3. (p. 23) " St. Augustine declares, 'As she then co-operated by her love in the birth of the faithful to the life of grace, she became the spiritual mother of all who are members of the one Head, Christ Jesus.' — De S. Virginitate, cap. vi." 4. (p. 54) " With reason does an ancient writer call her ' the only hope of sinners,' for by her help alone can we hope for the remission of our sins. — In. Op. St. Augustini, Serm., cxciv., de Sanctis.''"^ 5. (p. 90) " The only hope of sinners." — Same as last reference. 6. (p. 125) "If there is nothing else to take away our fear of exceeding in the praise of Mary, St. Augustine should suffice ; for he declares that whatever we may say in praise of Mary is little in comparison with that she deserves, on account of her dignity of Mother of God." — No reference. 7. (p. 256) "The author of the book already quoted from the works of St. Augustine says ' that we must certainly believe that Jesus Christ preserved the body of Mary from corruption after death ; for if He had not done so He would not have obeyed • N.B. This is the same as the sermon on the Annunciation of the V.M., as next quoted. 74 SAINT AUGUSTINE. 4lie Law,' which ' at the same time that it commands us to honour our mother it forbids us to show her disrespect.' — Lib. de Assnmj)." Had the compiler, or the translator, or the two Cardinals who have issued, authorized, and endorsed this translation had the slightest intention to deal fairly, they would have boldly stated that this work was none of Augustine's, and had been utterly condemned as spurious. 8. (p. 803) " 'Answer then, Sacred Virgin,' says St. Augustine, or some other ancient author, ' why delayest thou giving life to the world ?' — Serm. ii, de Ant^unciat." 9. (p. 807) " Mary's humility became a heavenly ladder, by which God came into the world." — Same reference. 10. (p. 308) " St. Augustine asks : ' Whence have they made Thee flee, unless it be from the bosom of Thy Father into the womb of Thy Mother ? ' " f 11. (p. 326) " St. Augustine, addressing the Blessed Virgin, says : 'Through thee do the miserable obtain mercy, the ungenerous grace, sinners pardon, the weak strength, the worldly heavenly things, mortals life, and pilgrims their country.' — Serm. de Assirmp." 12. (p. 417) " St. Augustine assures us that * the cross and nails of the Son were also those of His Mother.' " f 13. (p. 451) " St. Augustine says that ' when Mary consented to the incarnation of the Eternal Word, by means of her faith she opened heaven to men.' " f These are all the references to Augustine. Not one of them is genuine, and yet we have an author, a canonized saint, in whose works, after a most rigid examination, " not one word had been found worthy of censure,"* whose translator has vouched for the accuracy of the citations, and two English Cardinals cordially recommending the book to " the faithful," without the slightest intimation from either of them that their readers are being shame- fully and wickedly imposed upon, and all to enhance the glory of their supreme Goddess ; for we read in the same volume, p. 146 : — "At the command of Mary all obey, even God." The following passages are decisive on the opinion of Augustine as referring to the modern dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary. If we turn to his work, " De Peccatorum Meritis et Ilemissione,"t we read: — "He (Christ) alone, being made man, but remaining God, never had any sin; nor did He take on Him a flesh of sin, though from the flesh of sin of His mother (' Quamvis de materna carne peccati '). For what of flesh He thence took. He * Dublin Calendar, 1845, p. 167. + The Benedict. Edit., Paris, 1690, Tom. x. p. 61 B, lib. ii. c. 24, sec. 38. INVOCATION OF SAINTS. 75 either when taken immediately purified, or purified in the act of taking it." Again : — " Mary, the Mother of Christ, from whom He took flesh, was born of the carnal concupiscence of her parents (de carnali concupiscentia parentum nata est) ; not so, however, did she conceive Christ, who was begotten not by man, but by the Holy Ghost."* Augustine himself informs us that the assertion that the Virgin Mary was sinless is due to a heretic, Pelagius.f Indeed we can trace almost all Rome's innovations to some exploded heresy. I cannot more appropriately close this chapter than by bringing home to the Church of Rome, on the testimony of Augustine — to whom she virtually appeals on the question of Masses celebrated in honour of Saints — the clear distinction between the custom as practised in tlie days of Augustine and the teaching of the Roman Church of the present day, as established in the sixteenth century at the Council of Trent. The third chapter of the Twenty-second Session, on " Masses in honour of Saints," is as follows : — " Although the Church is accustomed to celebrate sometimes Masses in honour and memory of the Saints, nevertheless it teaches that sacrifice is not ofiered to them, but to God only, who has crowned them with glory; hence the priest does not say, 'I offer sacrifice to thee, Peter, or Paul,' but giving thanks to God for their victories, he implores their patronage, that they whom we commemorate on earth may vouchsafe to intercede for us in heaven." The following is the prayer in the " Ordinary of the Mass," which will further explain the meaning of the Council : — *' Receive, Holy Trinity, this oblation which we make to Thee in memory of the passion, and resurrection, and ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, ever a virgin, of blessed John the Baptist, the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, and of all the Saints ; that it may be available to their honour and our salvation ; and may they vouchsafe to intercede for us in heaven, whose memory we celebrate on earth. Through the same Christ our Lord. Amen." Now, the early Christian custom of celebration in memory of Martyrs and Saints (holy men), as testified by Augustine — and the appeal in the above extract of the Council, no doubt to the testi- mony of Augustine — is very different from the modern innovation, * Idem. Op. Imperf. contra Julian. Lib. vi. 22, Tom. x. p. 1344 A. We find further corroboration of Augustine's views in this same work (cont. Julian. Pelagian.), Lib. V. XV. Tom. x. p. 654 E ; and De Genesi, ad Literam, Lib. x. c. xviii. Tom. iii. pp. 268-9. + De NaturA et QratiS., c. xxxvi. 76 SAINT AUGUSTINE. for there is not in the former the most distant intimation of any patronage, or intercession, or invocation for their assistance. The passage from Augustine, found in the last chapter of the eighth book, " On the City of God," is as follows, and is worth repeating : — " We honour the memories of the Martyrs as of holy men of God who have contended even unto the death of their bodies for the truth, and that the true religion should be proved and the false ones convicted. But who ever of the faithful has heard a priest, standing over the holy body of a Martyr at an altar built for the honour and worship of Godj say in his prayers, ' I offer thee the sacrifice, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian ? ' whereas the offering is made to God at their memories, who made them both men and Martyrs, and associated them with His Holy Angels ; in order that by that celebration we may both render thanks to God fur their victories, and tncourage ourselves to the emulation of their crowns and palms. He being called to our assistan':e by the renewal of their menwries." We need not further comment on this clear distinction between the ancient and modern practice. But we must express our astonish- ment at the boldness of Roman controversialists when they appeal to Augustine to support their modern Trentisms. CHAPTER YIII. PURGATORY. The Roman Church teaches that, besides Heaven and Hell, there is yet a third place, where the souls, or bodies — Romanists do not seem to be agreed which — those who have " departed this life in Christ" and are justified, but who have not fully expiated the con- sequences of sin, and are not " fully purified and purged in this world, are there purified and rendered fit to enter Heaven." There remains, they tell us, for these, an obligation to the payment of temporal punishment in Purgatory.* This Purgatory is represented as a place of torment, a "Jire where pious souls for a definite time are tortured."t Indeed, it was Cardmal Bellarmiue who said that it was the general teaching of almost all divines, that the fire of Hell and fire of Purgatory are the same elements,^ and that the suffer- ings of the damned and those in Purgatory are the same. * Concil. Trifl., sess. vi. can. xxx. ; sess. xxii. cap. ii. + " Est Purgatorius ignis, quo piorum aniinaB ad definitum tempus cruciatcf expian- tur." Catecb. Concil. Trid., Pars i. sec. v. ; Purg. Ignis., p. 61. Paris, 1848. % Bell, de Purg., Lib. ii. c. vi. Tom. i. col. 633. Paris, 1608. PURGATORY. 77 Purgatory is a source of great profit to the priest, by sale of Indulgences, which are said to extend (by way of suffrage) to souls in Purgatory, and by traffic in Masses for the dead. Purgatorial Societies have been formed, for the purpose of releasing persons out of Purgatory on payment of certain subscriptions for Masses to be said by the Directors of the Society. A notable Society was established in Paris, under the direct sanction of the late Pope Pius IX. Tlieir Keport, a copy of which is deposited in the Library of Lincoln's Inn, London, lays down the scale of subscriptions and the rules by which provision is made for saying Masses, one of the prominent advantages being that tlie life subscriber will be relieved of all personal trouble, and without incurring any respon- sibility. In a popular little book bearing the authority of the Romish Bishop, Dr. Murray, and sold in penny numbers, we read :* — " Holy Indulgences diminish the pains which you must suffer in Purga- tory. I will here mention some of many Indulgences which you can obtain. First, he who hears Mass gains an indulgence of 3,800 years. They who say five paters and aves in honour of the passion of Jesus Christ, and of the dolors of the Virgin Mary, gain an In- dulgence of ten thousafid years." The theory depends on the antecedent process of the so-called Sacrament of Penance — that is, the penitent armed with imperfect repentance, t called attrition, on confession to a priest obtains abso- lution, and with it the forgiveness of the sin itself, " however great or however often repeated," and with it the eternal punishment, leaving temporal punishments to be expiated here or in Purgatory ; which temporal punishments are wiped away either by Indulgences or by the Mass, a process alleged to have the same propitatory character as the Sacrifice on the Cross ; or they may be satisfied by deputy, and this is in a pre-eminent sense a property of this part of the Sacrament of Penance ; with this nice distinction, however, that the work performed by the deputy is not a part of the sacra- ment ; but the act of the penitent himself attending to it that it should be performed for him is a part of the sacrament.^ * Liguori on the Coramandments. London and Dublin, 1862, pp. 292-3. t " The sorrow of attrition is a sorrow for having offended God, which the soul con- ceives from a less perfpct motive, such as from the consideration of the deformity of sin, of having deserved hell, or of having lost heaven, in punishment of her sin. Thus, contrition is a sorrow for sin on account of the injury ofi'eied to God ; ottrition is a sorrow for an offence offered to God on account of the injury it does us. By con- trition the snil immediately obtains tbe grace of God, before the penitent receives sacramental absolution from a confessor, provided he has at least the implied intention of going to confession and receiving the Sacrament of Penance. This we learn from the Council of Trent. But by attrition the penitent obtains sanctifying grace only when he actually receives abs dution, as we learn from the same Council." — Pp. 255-6, "Liguori on the Commandments," as above. + Satisfacere potest unus [ro alio. In eo vero summa Dei bonitas et dementia maximis laudibus et gr.itiarum actionibus praedicanda est, qui humanae imbecillitati hoc 78 SAINT AUGUSTINE. I need hardly say that we in vain search through the pages of Augustine for even the most distant allusion to such a system of theology. It is a favourite device, however, to assert that the early Chris- tians prayed for the dead, and we are constantly reminded that Augustine himself records in his " Confessions " a fervent prayer for his deceased mother, Monnica. We are asked to what end did the early Christians pray for the dead if they did not pray for the release of souls from Purgntory ? It is admitted by Romanists that the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, and the Virgin Mary, and the Martyrs, did not go to Purgatory, and yet we find in the early Liturgies all these included in the prayers for the departed. Dr. Wiseman attempted to meet this difficulty by the lame explanation : . — " There is no doubt" (he says) " that in the ancient Liturgies the Saints are mentioned in the same prayer as the other departed faithful, for the simple circumstance that they were so united before the public suffrages of the Church proclaimed them to belong to a happier order."* That is, we presume, by the process of Canonization. But as the first recorded act of Canonization is placed at the latter end of the tenth century, in a Council at Rome,t these " Saints " must have been a long time in torture ! As a fact, however, it was not until the Council of Florence (a.d. 1439) that the Church of Rome came to the decision that the Saints did " belong to a happier order." | In fact, the state of the departed was a sulaject of constant debate and doubt. We have a remarkable admission by the Benedic- tine Editors of the works of Bishop Ambrose in their "Admonition to the Reader " : — "It is not, indeed, wonderful that Ambrose should have written in this manner about the state of souls ; but it may seem almost incredible how uncertain and how little consistent the holy Fathers have been on that question from the very times of the Apostles to the Pontificate of Gregory XI. and the Council of Florence, that is, in the space of nearly fourteen hundred years. For not only do they differ one from another, as in matters not condonavit, ut unus posset pro altei'o satisfacere ; quod quidem hujus partis pceniten- tise maxime proprium est. . . . Ita qui divina gratia prajditi sunt, alterius nomine po=sunt quod Deo debetur persolvere ; qiiare fit ut quodam pacto (Gal. vi. 2) alter alte- rius onera portare videitur. — Nee vero de boo cuiquam fidelium dubitandi locus relictua est, he. — " Catech. Concil. Trid.," pars. ii. De Pcenitentise Sacramento, No. cix. et ex. p. 312. Edit. Paris, 1848. And Donovan's Translation, p. 292. Dublin, 1829. Utiliter interim iraponitur pro pceiiitcutia sacramentali, ut pcenitena curet pro se fieri opera satisfactoria per alios : verum ilia per alios facta non sunt pars Sacramenti ; sed actus ipsius poenitentis curantis ea fieri pro se est pars Sacramenti — Dens, Tbeologia De satisfactione pro peccatis in Generali, No. 172. Tomus v. p. 242. Dublinii, 1832. * The Moorfields Lectures, Lect. xi. vol. ii. p. 67. London, 1851. t Labb. et Coss., Concil., Tom. ix. col. 741. Paris, 1671. X Veron's "Rule of Catholic Faith." See p. 67 ante. PURaATORY. 79 [yet] defined by the Church as likely to happen, but they are not even sufficiently consistent with themselves."* We have yet to be informed wbat new revelation was given to the Church of Rome which induced the divines assembled at the Florentine Council to pass a dogmatic decision on the vexed ques- tion, and on which we have no revelation. It is, however, true that we do read in Augustine's " Confessions " that he offered up a prayer for his mother, — " Although she " (he writes) " having been made alive in Christ, even while not yet released from the flesh, so lived that Thy name should be praised in her life and conversation, yet I dare not say that, from the time tliat Thou didst regenerate her by baptism, no word came out of her mouth contrary to Thy commandments," and therefore he prayed for her forgiveness. But mark the sequel. He adds : " I believe Thou hast already done what I ask, but accept, Lord, the freewill offering of my mouth." Now, when Augustine uttered this prayer, so often quoted, he believed what he asked — the forgiveness of his mother — had already been granted; it is impossible, therefore, to conclude that he was praying her soul out of the torments of Purgatory. Her dying request was that her son "would remember her at the Lord's altar, wherever he might be " — as if referring to the propitiatory character of the Mass. But we are not left in doubt as to Augustine's teaching on the subject of a Purgatory. It was Origeu, of the third century, who first broached the idea of a limited punishment in Hell ; and he considered that all, good and bad, must go through that ordeal, and eventually come out free. That theory is said to have been condemned by a General Council (a.d. 553), t and certainly by Augustine himself.;}: Augustine thus states the faith of the Catholic Church on the subject in question ; and how his sentiments are opposed to the doctrine of the Church of Rome it is needless to point out. In his loth Homily on the 1st Epistle of St. John, he recognized only a state of bliss or a state of misery: — " For as to the man who lived and is dead, his soul is hurried ofi" to other places, his body is laid in the earth . . . [as to his soul] either in Abraham's bosom he rejoices, or in eternal fire he longs for a drop of water; while his corpse is senseless in the sepulchre." Again, in his 19th Homily on St. John : — " They that have done well will go to live with the Angels of God ; they that have done ill, to be tormented with the Devil and his angels." Again, " The first place on which the Catholic faith, by Divine authority, believes in is the Kingdom * S. Amb. Oper., Tom. i. p. 385, Admonitio ad Lectorem. Benedict. Edit. Parii 1686. t Bals. apud Beveridge, Synfld., Tom. i. p. 150. Oion., 1672. t Lib. de Hseres., Tom. viii. p. 10. PariB, 1685. 80 SAINT AUGUSTINE. of Heaven, from which the unbaptized are excluded. The second is Hell, where all apostates, and those who are alienated from the faith of Christ, shall suffer everlasting punishment. Of any third jjlace we are entirely ignorant, tieithcr shall wejincl that there is any such place i?i the Holy Scriptures."* In his 80th Epistle, " ad Hesychium," he observes : — "In whatever state his last day shall find each person, in the same state the last day of the world shall find him: for such as every man in this day shall die, such in that day shall he be judged. "f He describes, in the "City of God," the different states of blessedness and misery, as eternal and un- changeable : — " We have our own pecuHar peace with God, here by faith, and we shall have it in eternity by sight. And this peace all shall have unto all eternity, and shall be sure to have it, and hence the blessedness of this peace, or the peace of this blessedness, shall be the height and perfection of goodness. But those who do not belong to the city of God shall suffer that eternal misery wliich is called the second death, because neither can the soul be said to live there, where it is separated from the life of God, nor the body, which is subjected to eternal torments. For which cause, this second death shall be so much the more terrible, as it will never have an end. But what can be conceived more dreadful and bitter than that, where the will is opposed to the passion, and passion to the will, so that this deadly hatred shall never cease by victory declaring on the side of either. In our earthly conflicts, either pain overcomes, and death deprives us of feeling, or nature conquers, and health relieves the pain; but there, pain afflicts, and nature suffers eternally, both enduring the continuance of inflicted punishment."! We must not omit to note an expression in Augustine's "Confessions " on the funeral of his mother : — " So, when the body was carried to burial, we went and returned without tears. For neither in those prayers which we poured forth unto Thee, when tlie sacrifice of our ransom was offered up unto Thee for her," &c. What meaning did Augustine here attacli to the word '* Sacrifice " ? In addition to my former observations, I may add the following passages : — " By the daily sacrifice spoken of in the Prophet Malachi is meant (Augus- tine tells us) the prayers and praises of Saints. "§ The views are more clearly expressed in the 10th book and fith chapter of his great work, the " City of God," where we read : — " A true sacrifice is any work which is done to keep up our league of amity with God, having reference to Him as our sovereign good, in whom we may enjoy real happiness. Hence, compassion * August. Pelag. Hypognost., Tora. vii. p. 884. Lugduni, 1562. (The authority of this work has been doubted.) t Tom. ii. p. 399. X De Civit. Dei, Lib. xis. cap. xxvii. and xxviii., Tora. v. pp. 530, 531. § Lib. ii. Gont. Lit., cap. Ixxxvi. p. 272, T^ra. ix. Paris, 1688. PUBGATOEY. 81 by which a fellow-man is succoured, if it is not shown for the sake of God, is not a sacrifice. For sacrifice, though it be done or offered by man, is still a divine thing ; and therefore the ancient Latins called it by the name of sacrifice. Hence, man himself, con- secrated by the name of God, and dedicated to God, so far as he dies to the world that he may live to God, is a sacrifice. For this belongs to the mercy which a man shows upon himself. Seeing then that true sacrifices are works of mercy, whether to our- selves or to our neighbours, which have reference to God, and that the end of such works is to free us from misery and make us happy ; which is attainable only by that good whereof it is said. It is good for me to hold me fast by God; it follows that the whole of the redeemed city itself, that is, the congregation and society of the Saints, must be offered as an universal sacrifice to God by our Great Priest, Who also in His Passion offered Himself for us (that we might be the Body of so great a Head), in His form of a servant. For this form He offered, in this was He offered; because through this He is our Mediator, in this He is our Priest and our Sacrifice. Since then the Apostle has exhorted us to present our bodies a living sacrifice, holy, pleasing to God — our reasonable service — and not to be conformed to this world, but to be transformed in the renewing of our minds, that we may prove what is the will of God, wdiat is good, acceptable, and perfect; all which sacrifice we are: for, says he, ' as we have many members in one body, so we, being many, are one body in Christ' — this is the Christian's sacrifice: we, who are many, are one body in Christ. This the Church celebrates in the Sacrament of the Altar, so well known to the faithful, wherein is shown to her that, in the oblation which she makes, she herself is offered." The intention therefore of the celebration referred to was not that the soul of Monnica should be released from Purgatorial pains, by the offering up of the sacrifice of the Mass — Augustine nowhei'e utters such a thought — but in conformity with the early Liturgies of the Church, it was a rendering of thanks for her departure, and to pray for the completion of her happiness in the world to come, a prayer, as we have already seen, he considered had already been answered. There is a passage often quoted wherein Augustine is represented as saying, " The souls of the dead are relieved (relevari) by the piety of the living, when the Sacrifice of our Mediator is offered for them, or alms are distributed in the Church."^ Presuming even such passages to be genuine, we have another parallel passage in his 172nd Sermonf : " It is not to be doubted that the dead are helped *Enchirii^. ad Laurent., c. ex. Tom. vi. p. 238. Paris, 1685. t De Verb. Apost., Tom. v. p. 827. 82 SAINT AUGUSTINE. {adjuvari) by the prayers of the Holy Church, by the sahitary sacrifice, and hi/ alms." It is admitted that the early Liturgies did include prayers for the dead, hut these prayers were offered, as I have already noted, /br those whom the Roman Church will not admit Avent to Purgatory, namely, Prophets, Apostles, the Virgin Mary, and Martyrs. In those services there is no pretence for saying that there was offered up a propitiatory sacrifice. That phase of the process was not introduced until the thirteenth century under Innocent III., and after the dogma of Transubstantiation had been by conciliar decree — namely, by the fourth Lateran Council, A.D. 1215 — for the first time declared to be an article of faith. The service was then altered by the introduction of five prayers, while the elements of bread and wine are being offered up for the sins of the living and the dead. These five prayers commence respectively : — " Suscipe, sancte Pater," " Offerimus tibi," " In spiritu humilitatis," " Veni sanctificator," and " Suscipe, sancta Trinitas." In no other part of the service is there any offering of the bread and wine as a propitiatory sacrifice. Thus for the first time the theory was started of assimilating the offering of the consecrated elements (supposed to be changed into the very same body and divinity of Christ) to the offering of Christ Himself on the Cross. That these five prayers are modern interpolations, we have the testimony of various authors, confirmed by no less an authority than that of Cardinal Bellarmine. His words are : — " These five prayers [naming them as above] are neither very ancient, nor were they read in the Roman Church five hundred years ago, and hence it is that neither Walafridus, nor Rupert, nor Amalarius, nor Alcuin, nor Innocent III., nor other old expositors, have made any mention of these prayers."* Previous therefore to this addition to the service the Mass was not a Sacrifice, and had no propitiatory character; and by a strange oversight the compilers of these five prayers made the awkward and unaccountable blunder of inserting them before the act of consecration, therefore simple bread and wine are now offered up as a propitiatory sacrifice ! Hence it is quite clear that Augustine meant no more than what the oklLiturgies sanctioned, namely, a prayer for the consummation or perfection of happiness of the defunct — they had then no fixed idea of any middle state,t find therefore there is not the slightest necessity for connecting the words of Augustine with the sulphurous torments of Vatican imposition. Much rehance is placed on the statement we find in Peter's First Epistle (iii. 18), with reference to Christ's preaching to the spirits in prison, and that prison it is pretended was Furgatory. But * Bellar. de Missa., Lib. 2, c. xvii. ed. 1601, and col. S50, Tom. iii. Paris, 1613. + In one place Augustine observes, that during tlie time between death and resur- rection they were kept in hidden reeeptaclea. (Eucliirid. ad Laurent, cap. x.\ix. Tom. vi. col. 237. Paris, 1685.) PURGATORY. 83 Augustine, who wrote at very considerable length on this verse, no- where hints at a Purgatory. " It may be (he says) that what the Apostle Peter says concerning the spirits shut up in prison who did not believe in the days of Noah, may not after all have any reference to the realms beneath, but rather to those times whose resemblance he transferred to the present time. . . . For before Christ came once in the flesh to die for us, He came often in the Spirit to those whom He would, giving them by visions such spiritual intima- tions as He wished ; by which Spirit He was also quickened, when, during His passion, He was man in the flesh."* We are repeatedly reminded that in the Book of Maccabees prayers for the dead are encouraged as a "wholesome thought" (ii. xii. 46), and it is alleged that the sin-ofFering was made for the dead. This is not so. The sin-oflfering was for the living, according to the Levitical Law (iv. 13-35). The sentiment as to the praying for the dead was the private opinion of the author who wrote the Book of Maccabees. The slain died in mortal sin, idols being found on their persons. According to the modern Eoman theory, such would not go to Purgatory but to hell. Augustine, however, expressly rejected the Books of Maccabees as uncanonical scripture. f When, however, the authority of these books was quoted, it was objected against him that Kazis killed himself, and therefore it was lawful according to the Scriptures for a man to commit suicide. Augustine, however, returns this answer : — " The Jews do not esteem this Scripture called the Maccabees, in such sort as the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms, to which Christ gave testimony of him, saying, ' It behoveth that all these things should be fulfilled that are written of Me in the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms ;' but it is received of the Church not unprofitably, so that it be read and heard with sobriety, especially because of these Maccabees, which endured grievous persecutions for the law of God."| There is a Sermon, number one hundred and four, and published in the Appendix of the fifth volume of the Benedictine Edition of Augustine's works (col, 185), which treats of the fire referred to by Paul : " He himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire," which savours very much of the Papal Purgatory, but the editors attribute this treatise to Csesarius of Aries. And again, the 103rd Psalm is quoted, but here he refers to a supposed transitory fire at the general consummation. Indeed, all these sermons are either of doubtful authority or evidently tampered with. We may then safely aver that the Papal doctrine of Purgatory is inconsistent with the opinions held in the Primitive Church, on the state of the souls both of the righteous and the wicked, after their * Ep. 164, ad Evodium, c. vi. sec. xviii. Tom. ii. col. 578 Gr, 580 C. Bened. Paris Edit. t De Mirab. Sacr. Scrip., p. 26, Tom. iii. part 1, Paris, 1686 ; and p. 519, Tom. vii. + Aug. Cont. secundam Ep. Gaud., Lib. i. c. 31, p 821. Basil., 1797. G 2 84 SAINT AUGUSTINE. departure from this world. We find but two regions spoken of, the one of happiness, the other of woe; and although they seem to have held various opinions as to the degree of blessedness on the one hand, and the intensity of suflFering on the other, in which they should pass the intervening time between death and the day of judgment, yet this was a mere speculative idea, not bearing on the question of a third state, in which satisfaction was to be made for sins committed here. Nothing, indeed, can be more opposed to the truth of Christianity than the assertion that anything which we can do or suffer, either in time or eternity, can avail for the pardon of our sins, and peace with God. The one Oblation on the Cross is the only effectual means of reconciliation with Him, and every departure from a simple dependence on its all-prevalent efficacy will tend, either to foster self-righteous pride, or strengthen that propensity to sensual indulgence so deeply engrafted in our fallen nature. CHAPTER IX. IMAGES. No charge against a Christian communion could be more serious than that of idolatry, or idol worship. The characteristic of all heathen nations is the use of images in their religious exercises. The introduction of images into Christian worship has been desig- nated as baptized heathenism. "Beyond all doubt," said Lactan- tius, the Christian Cicero, "wherever an image is there is no reli- gion."* And if there is one fact more clearly established than another, it is that the early Church knew nothing of the introduc- tion of images in their worship, and that they strenuously opposed any religious use of them. Erasmus, who was ordained Priest A.D. 1492, said: — "Down to Saint Jerome's time (that is, con- temporary with Augustine), those of the true religion would suffer no image, neither painted nor graven, in the Church ; no, not the picture of Christ." And he adds : — " No man can be free from show of superstition that is prostrate before an image, and looks on it intentionally, and speaks to it, and kisses it ; nay, although he does but pray before an image. "f CorneUus Agrippa, a divine of great and varied attainments, who * Divin. Inst., Lib. ii. c. xix. Edit. Lusd. Ba'av., 16G0. t Erasiu. Symbol. Catecb., Tom. v. p. 1187. Edit. L. Bat., 1703. IMAGES. 85 died 1535, said : — "The corrupt manners and false religion of the Gentiles have infected our religion also, and brought into the Church images and pictures, -with many ceremonies of external pomp, none whereof was found amongst the first and true Chris- tians "* To go up to a higher date, Agobard, Archbishop of Lyons (a.d. 816), said: — "The orthodox Fathers, for avoiding of super- stition, did carefully provide that no pictures should be set up in churches, lesL that which is i^ainted on the walls should be wor- shipped. There is no example in all the Scriptures or Fathers of adoration of images : they ought to be taken for an ornament to please the sight, not to instruct the people. "f Such testimony we might multiply, but to what purpose ? Ro- manism stands self-convicted. It is necessary to understand that in the Roman Church religious service is ranked under three grades : Doulia, given to Saints, Hi/perdouUa, a higher degree, given to the Virgin Mary ; and Latvia, the highest degree, given to the Deity. They are all, nevertheless, degrees of religious worship. The three classes above enumerated are, as a fact, represented in the Romish Church by images, hence it has been a question for discussion what degree of worship is to be rendered to the respective images which purport to represent the Divinity, the Virgin, or any of their so-called Saints. Cardinal Bellarmine, in the 2nd Book and 20tli Chapter on " Sacred Images," gives the opinions of theologians of his Church. Under the second series of opinions, he says that — " The same honour is due to the image as the eocemplar ; and thence, that the image of Christ is to be worshipped with the worship of Latria [that supreme worship which Papists render to God], the image of the Blessed Virgin with the worship of Hyper doulia, and the images of the other Saints with the w'orship of Doulii. Thus Alexander, part 3, quest. 30, last art. : the blessed Thomas [Aquinas], part 3, quest. 25, art. 3 ; and thus also Cajetan, the blessed Bonaventura, Marsilius, Almayne, Carthusian, and others'.' In addition to these authorities, I quote the following: — James Naclantus, the celebrated Bishop of Chioggia, wrote about four years after the sitting of the Council of Trent, of which he was one of the principal members, and was described as " shining among the doctors and bishops there, as the day-star among the lesser luminaries." The works of Naclantus were specially dedicated to the Pope of Rome. It will not, therefore, be unreasonable to look to him as a faithful exponent of the true sentiments of the Tridentine * Cornel. Agtiiipi, tic iiicert. ct vanit. Scient., c. Ivii. p. Ifl."), Tom. ii. Lugiluni. t Agobard 1 ('iicra, Lib. dc Iiuag., Toui. i. p. "2213. Edit. B iluziu.s. Paris, l(Ju5. 86 S^INT AUGUSTINE. Fathers, and consequently of the Eomish Church in general, on the subject of image worship. His words are:— "We must not only confess that the faithful in the Church worship before an Image, as some for caution s sake afldrm ; but we must further- more confess, without the slightest scruple of conscience, that they adore the very image itself: for, in sooth, they venerate it with the identical worship wherewith they venerate its prototype. Hence, if they adore the prototype with that Divine worship which is rendered to God, and which technically hears the name of Latria, they adore also the image with the same Latria or supreme Divine tvorship : and, if they adore the prototype with Doulia or Hyperdoulia, they are bound also to adore the image with the selfsame species of inferior worship."* Gabriel Biel, Peter de Meduarus, and Aringhi, all redoubtable doctors and theologians of the Eomish Church, maintain the same opinions. " If there shall be Images of Christ, they are adored with the same species of adoration as Christ Himself — that is, with the supreme adoration called Latria : if of the most blessed Virgin, with the worship of Hyperdoulia."t " We must say, that to our Lady the Mother of God, there has been granted the remarkable privilege of being physically and really present in some of her statues or images. Hence we must piously believe, that in some celebrated statues or images of her- self she is inherent and present, personally, physically, and retdhi ; in order that, in them, she may receive, from faithful worshippers, her due adoration. "% " This ima^e, translated from the city of Edessa, is at once preserved as a bulwark against mad image -breakers, and is set forth to be taken up and adoked by the faithful "§ "Within these few years, under every Pope successively, some or other of our sacred images, especially of the more ancient, have made themselves illustrious, and have acquired a peculiar icorship and veneration, by the exhibition of fresh miracles : as it is notorious to all who dwell in this city."|| It is however, alleged, and with some truth, that this is not the recoo-nized teaching of the Eoman Church ; and we are invited to consult the dogmatic ruling of Councils, which alone ought to be followed. But we find that Councils of the Church were not at all ao'reed on this subject. The first important decree passed * Jacob. Naclant. Clug. Expos. Epist. ad Roman., cap. i. Edit. Venice, a.b. 1567, p 202. t Gabriel. Bic4. super Can. Miss., Lect. xlix. Brixen , 15 r 4. % Pet. de Meduarus. Roset. Theolog., p. 311. § Aring. Rom. Subt., Lib. v. chap. iv. II Ibid., vol. ii. p- 404. IMAGES. 87 was by tlie thirty-sixth canon of the Council of Elvira, or Illi- beris, in Spain (a.d. 305). That Council decreed that — "No pictures should be in churches, lest that should be worshipped which was depicted on the walls." Augustine, in his day, complained of the practice : — " I have known," he said, " tliat many are adorers of sepulchres and pic- tures, but the Church herself condemns them, and studies to correct them as bad children."* In successive centuries religion became corrupt, so much so, that in the year 730, a Council of Constantinople, under the Emperor Leo III. (the Isaurian), passed a decree not only against the abuse, but against the use of any images or pictures in churches. Perceiving how the Christian Church was becoming immersed in gross idolatry, and feeling that the Arabian impos- ture (Mohammedanism) would be promoted by such an innovation on Christianity, Leo undertook to abolish the sinful practice altogether. He issued an edict, directing that images should be removed from churches and sacred places, and be broken up or committed to the flames, with the threat of punishment for disobe- dience of orders. Constantine V., to whom the image worshippers, in derision, gave the name of Copronymus, followed in his father's footsteps. In the year 754, he summoned another Council at the same place, which was attended by 388 Bishops, who enjoined the abso- lute rejection of every image or picture from every church. In 787, at the Seventh Session of the Second Council of Nice, images, &c., were, for the first time, authoritatively permitted. It was declared that " there should be paid to them the worship of salutation and honour, and not that true worship which is accorded by faith and belongs to God alone;" and that " the honour so paid to them was transmitted to the originals they represent." In this year, the Empress Irene, the Jezebel of that day (who became regent on the death of her husband, Leo IV., and during the minority of her son, Constantine VI.), convoked a council, and was mainly instrumental in effecting the firm establishment of image worship. She was heathen by instinct, and conceived the idea that this idolatry would soon make the world forget the profligacy of her past life. But, in 794, the Council of Frankfort, by its second canon, condemned the said decree of the Second Council of Nice, and all worship of images; as did also, in 815, a Council of Constantinople, which decreed that all ornaments, paintings, &c., in churches should be defaced. In 825 the Council of Paris condemned the decree of the Second Council of Nice, declaring that it was no light error to say that even some degree of holiness could be attained through the means of images. This Council " De Morib Eccl. Catliol., Tom. i. col. 713. Edit. BencJ., 16S0. 88 SAINT AUGUSTINE. of Paris was continued at Aix-la-Chapelle ; the French Bishops still resisting the decree of the Second Council of Nice, though the Pope had approved it. But in 842, at the Council of Con- stantinople, under the Emperor Michael III. and Theodora, his mother, the decree of the Second Council of Nice was con- firmed, the image-breakers anathematized, and images restored to churches. In (S70, at the Tenth Session of the Council of Constantinople, the third canon again enjoined the worship of the Cross and the images of the Saints. And at the same place, at another Council, A D. 879, in the Fifth Session, the decrees of the Second Council of Nice were approved and confirmed. Again, in 108i, at another Council of Constantinople, the decree made in the Council of 842, in favour of the use of images, was confirmed. Thus, after a contest of 110 years, image-worship was victorious over all the East, except the Armenian Church. The worship of images, after this time, appears to have taken snch deep root, even in the West, that, in 1549, the Council of Mayence decreed that people should be taught that images were not set up to be worshipped ; and priests were enjoined to remove the image of any Saint to which the people flocked, as if attributing some sort of a divinity to the image itself, or as supposing that God or the Saints would perform what they prayed for by means of that particular image, and not otherwise.* Such was the fearful idolatry to which the introduction of images into churches led ; so that the assembly of French Bishops, at the celebrated Conference at Poissy, a.d. 15G1, enjoined on the priests to use their endeavours to abolish all superstitious practices ; to instruct the people that images were exposed to view in the churches for no other reason than to remind persons of Jesus Christ and the Saints; and it was decreed that all images which were in any icay indecent, or which merely illustrated fabulous tales, should be entirely removed t — a proof of the corruption of the times that * The following are refeiences to the above Councils : — "Placuit pioturas in eeclesia esse non debere ; ne quod colitur et adoratur in parieti- bus depiugatur." Council of Eliberis, a.d. 3U5, Can. xxxvi. Labb. et Coss. Cone, Tom. i. col. 974. Paris, 1671. Council of Constant., a.d. 730. Ibid, Tom. vi. col. 1461. Council of Constiint. , a.d. 754. Ibid, Tom. vi. col. 1661. Council of Nica;a 11., a.d. 787. Ibid, cols. 449, 899, Tom. vii. Council of Frankfort, a.d. 794, Can. ii. Ibid, Tom. vii. col. 1013. Council of Constant., a.d. 815. Ibid, Tom. vii. col. 1299, Council of Paris, a.d. 825. Ibid, Tom. vii. col. 1542. Council of Constant., a.d. 842. Ibid, Tom. vii col. 1782, Council of Constant., a.d. 870, Session x. Can. iii. Ibid T >ra. viii. col. 962. Council of Constant., a.d. 879, Session v. Ibid, Tom. ix. col. 324. Council of Mayence, a.d. 1549. Ibid, Tom. xiv. col. 667. t See Liindon's " Manual of Councils," p, 495, Loudon, 1S46, IMAGES. 89 such a decree should be needed. And the Council of Rouen (a.d. 1445), in its seventh canon, condemned the practice of addressing prayers to images under peculiar titles, as " Our Lady of Recovery," " Our Lady of Pity,'' of " Consolation," and the like, alleging that such practices tended to superstition, as if there was more virtue in one image than in another.* It remained for the Council of Trent (at the Twenty-fifth Session, A.D. 1563) to confirm, and for Rome to give its authoritative sanction to the worship of images, and their use in churches, as part of the religious worship of Christians. The decree passed at the Trent Council now binds the Roman Church, with which alone we have to deal. At theTwenty-fifth Session, A.D. 1568, "all Bishops and others sustaining the office and charge of teaching'' were directed "especially to instruct the faithful that images of Christ, theVn'gin, and other Saints are to be especially had and retained in churches, and that dite honour and veneration are to be awarded to them, not because there is any divinity or virtue in them on account of which they are to be worshipped, nor because anything is to be asked of them, nor that confidence is to be placed in images as of old was done by the heathens, who placed their hopes in idols, hut because the honour ichich is shown to them is referred to the prototypes which they represent; so that in the images which we kiss, and before which ive uncover our heads and fall douni,we loorsliip Christ, and venerate the Saints uhose likeness they bear."f Now, it was exactly this system of relative icorsliip of images, practised by the heathens, that was condemned by the early Christians. Arnobius, who flourished at the beginning of the fourth century, was himself a zealous Pagan before his conversion to Christianity, and therefore practically knew what he was writing about. lie thus remonstrated with the heathen idolaters of his day: — " You say, ' We worship the gods through the images.' What then ? If these images did not exist, would the gods not know they were worshipped, nor be aware of any honour being paid to them by you ? .... What can be done more unjust, more dis- respectful, more cruel, than to recognize one as a god, and offer your supplication to another thing ; to hope for help from a divine i)eing, and pray to an image which has no sense ? " Again he proceeds: "But ye say, 'You mistake; we do not consider materials of brass, or silver, or gold, or other things of which the statues are made, to be, of themselves, gods, or sacred * Labb. et Coss. Concil., Tom. xiii, Concil. Rotbomagense, Can. vii. col. 1307. Palis, 1671. t Sess. xsx. Lib. et Coss. Concil., Tom. xiv. col. 895. Paris, 10,1. 90 SAINT AUGUSTINE. divinities; but in these materials we worship and venerate those gods, wliom the holy dedication brings in, and causes to dwell in the images wrought by the craftsmen.' "* The following passage from Origen (a.d. 230) also bears strongly on the question : — " What sensible person would not laugh at a man who .... looks to images, and either offers up his prayer to them, or, heholcUny them, refers it to the being contemplated in his mind, to whom he fancies that he ought to ascend, from the visible object, which is the symbol of Him (the unseen Deity). "f St. Ambrose (a.d. 397) to Valentinian, thus speaks: — "This gold, if carefully handled, has an outward value ; but inwardly it is mere ordinary metal. Examine, I pray you, and sift thoroughly the class of Gentiles. The words they utter are rich and grand ; the things they defend are utterly devoid of truth ; tlieij talk of God — they worship an image. "% We now come to the testimony of Augustine. Arguing against this nice distinction made by the heathen idolaters of his day, his remarks exactly apply in condemnation of the present Romish theory : — " But those persons seem to themselves to belong to a more purified religion who say, 'I worship neither an image nor a demon [this does not mean a devil, but a departed spirit], but I regard the bodily figure as the representation of that Being ivhom I ought to worship.' .... And when, again, with regard to these, they [the more enlightened heathens] begin to be pressed hard on the point, that they worship bodies, .... they are bold enough to answer that they do not worship the images themselves, Tjut the divinities which preside over and rule them."^ And, again, he says : — "But some disputant comes forward, and, very wise in his own conceit, says, ' I do not worship that stone nor that insensible image; your prophet could not say they have eyes and see not, and I be ignorant that that image neither hath a soul, nor sees with his eyes, nor hears with his ears. / do fiot ivorship that, hut I adore tchat I see, and serve him whom I do not see.' And who is he ? — a certain invisible divinity, which presides over that image. "|| And, once again, he says: — " And lest any one should say, ' I do not worship the image, but that which the images signify,' it is immediately added, ' And they worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator.' Now, * Lcipsic EJit. , 1816, Lib. vi. c. ix. and xvii, t Cont. Cels., Lib. vii. c. xliv. Paris, 1733. + Epist., cbap. i. sec. xviii. Venice, 1781. § Aug., in Psalm xciii.. Part ii. Tom. iv. p. 1261. Paris, 1679. II Aug., in Psaliu xcvi., Tom. iv. p. 1047. THE SACEAMENTAL SACEEDOTAL SYSTEM. 91 understand well, they either worship the image or a creature; he who worships the image converts the truth of God into a lie."* These sentences are directed to be expurgatedf from the works of Augustine. Augustine, in his great work, " The City of God,"J refers to a remarkable admission of the heathen philosopher, Varro : — " The gods are better served without images," to which he gives his unquahfied approval. What would Augustine say were he to appear again amongst us? To witness churches decorated with images, people falling prostrate before them, special veneration given to particular images, and to witness even pretended miracles wrought by their instrumentality ? Would he honour them by uncovering the head, by kissings, and prostrations ? We think not. CHAPTEK X. THE SACRAMENTAL SACEEDOTAL SYSTEM. The next, and perhaps the most important, subject in a Roman point of view is the Sacramental System, by means of which alone the salvation of sinners is assured ; the instrument, be it remembered, being, in every instance, the Priest. The Eoman Priest, by virtue of his Ordination, by means of those imaginary implements, " the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven," alleged to be entrusted to him, claims the power not only of condemn- ing sinners, but of forgiving sins, and of remitting the temporal and eternal punishments otherwise consequent on their sins, through the tribunal of Penance. They claim also the power of relieving the living and the dead by the process of the Mass, in which they profess to offer up the same propitiatory sacri- fice as was once effected on the cross, and this by a miracu- lous conversion of the consecrated elements of bread and wine into Christ's very same body, blood, bones and nerves, soul and divinity — the same body which was born of the Virgin Mary, crucified, and ascended into heaven. Priests are, therefore (they tell us), "justly called not only Angels but Gods, holding, as they do, the place and power and authority of God on earth.'-" This " power consists in consecrating " — conjiciendi is the word, which is more than consecrating, of actually making, or creating — * Aug., Serm. cxvii., Tom. v. p. 905. Edit. Paris, 1679. + See Index Expurg., Madrid, 1667, p. 59, col. 2 ; and see ante. Chap. III. No. 30. X Lib, iv. c. xxxi. Tom. vii. p. 11"2. Paris, 1685. 92 SAINT AUGUSTINE. " and offering the body and blood of our Lord, and of remitting sins;" a power, they further tell us, "which cannot be compre- hended by the human mind" [305].* In common with other Christians, and as a first principle, the Church of Kome holds that we ai'e all born in, and subject to, sin [525], entailed on us by the original sin of Adam [28], and that our destiny is ultimate eternal happiness or immediate eternal misery in a future state. But beyond these general principles, the Roman Church holds exclusive and peculiar theories founded on her Sacra- mental Si/stem. Sins, they tell us, are of two natures, mortal and venial [301-2], and punishment for sin is either eternal or tem- poral [59] ; the former in Hell, the latter to be expiated either in this world or in Purgatory, previous to the soul entering Heaven. On the truth or falsehood of this distinction hang, in fact, the whole aim and alleged efficacy of their Sacramental System. We need scarcely be called upon to prove the negative that Augustine knew of no such system ; we do not find any such system throughout his writings. The Church of Rome teaches that the Sacraments " are a neces- sary means of salvation " [135], and that they all, more or less, but that each of them conveys a sanctifying grace [152] by the action of the Priest (technically, ex opere operato). If we deny this power in Sacerdotal Sacramentalism, they tell us that we are surely damned. t The Council of Florence (a d. 1439) — to quote the expression of the Jesuit writer Suarez — first insinuated the precise number of seveji Sacraments, which the Council of Trent afterwards decreed as a matter of faith. The first canon of the Seventh Session of the Council of Trent declared: — "If any shall say that all the seven Sacraments of the new law were not instituted by Christ, or that there are more or less than seven, viz., Baptism, Confirma- tion, the Eucharist, Penance, Extreme Unction, Orders, and Matri- mony, or that any of these is not truly and properly a Sacrament, let him be accursed." Augustine nowhere endorses such a system. He mentions only two Sacraments, properly so csAXt^, Baptism and the Lord's ^iqyper. He continually refers to them as the twin Sacraments of the Church, allegorically represented by the blood and water which came out of the side of Christ when He was pierced on the cross. J He further tells us that — " Our Lo.rd and His Apostles have delivered unto us a few Sacraments instead of many, and the same * These figures in [ ], to avoid repetitions, refer to tlie pages of Donovan's Transla- tion of the Trent Catecliism, Dublin Edit., 1829, the authorized Majuooth Edition. The original was published by command of Pius V. t Concil. Trident., Sess. vii. can. viii., Decretum de Sacranicntis. J In Job. Tract. 15, p. 409, Tom. iii. pars. 2. Paris, 1680. THE SACRAMENTAL SACERDOTAL SYSTEM. 93 for performance easy, for signification most excellent, for observa- tion most revered, as is tlie Sacrament of Baptism and the celebra- tion of the body and blood of our Lord."* And again, in another place, he declares these to be the two or twin Sacraments of the Church. t In a general sense, he includes many other things as Sacraments. " Signs, when they are applied to godly things, are (he says) Sacraments, "| which are not admitted by the Eoman Church. For example, he mentions as a Sacrament " the sign of the cross." But in its proper signification, as ordained by Christ, Augustine only admitted two Sacraments of the Church. We may here enumerate, as we proceed, the great value attached by the Eoman Church to each Sacrament, through which we are said to be saved from sin and all its consequences. First, as to Baptism. "The law of Baptism (they tell us) extends to all, insomuch that unless they are regenerated through the grace of Baptism, be their parents Christians or infidels, they are born to eternal misery and everlasting destruction!" [Cate- chism as before, pp. 171-2]. The effect is stated to be " to remit original sin and actual guilt, however enormous" [177] — ''not only is sin forgiven, but with it all the punishment due to sin " [180]. It " also remits all the punishments due to original sin in the next life" [IHI], and "it opens to us the portals of Heaven, which sin had closed against our admission " [180]. Though Augustine did not express himself so strongly as the above, he still had very high notions of the efficacy of Baptism. In fact, he held what may be classed as " High- Church " notions of " Baptismal regeneration." The next is i'oiijirmation, which is said " to perfect the grace of Baptism," and "it also remits sin" [202-3]. I am not aware that Augustine even mentions Confirmation ; we, nevertheless, have it admitted by an eminent Eoman theologian, called the " Irrefragable Doctor," Alexander of Utiles, "that the Sacrament of Confirma- tion, as it is a Sacrament, was not ordained either by Christ or by the Apostles, but afterwards was ordained by the Council of Melda."§ This was only a provincial Council of no note, held a.d. 845. Certainly we do not find Confirmation anywhere mentioned by Augustine as a Sacrament. We then hQ.-vQ Penance. This so-called sacrament is a complicated piece of ecclesiastical machinery. The parts are stated to be con- trition — or rather attrition — confession to a priest, his absolution, and the performance of satisfaction by the penitent. These are * De Doct. Christ., Lib. iii. c. ix. Part 1, col. 49, Tom. iii. Paris, 16/9, + De Syrahol. ad Catechum., col. 562, Tom. vi. t P. 412 Tom. ii. Paris, 1679. § Fol. 19S, Co!. Agrip., 1622. 94 SAINT AUGUSTINE. alleged to be the necessary component parts to give the entire efficacy to the Sacrament. It was Peter Lombard, in the year 1140, who first . determined these three parts of Penance;* and it was Bishop Canus, in 1551, who first broached the doctrine that attri- tion — that is, imperfect repentance, joined with confession and satis- faction — wonld be sufficient to obtain forgiveness of sins in the Sacrament of Penauce.f Augustine nowhere refers to any such combination of parts. Compulsory Sacramental Confession to a Priest was first imposed as a law of the Koman Church by a decree of the fourth Lateran Council (a.d. 1215), under pain of INlortal Sin. J Augustine certainly did not practise nor recommend confession to a Priest. Such a process was evidently repugnant to his feelings. He exclaimed : — "To what purpose do I confess my sins to men who cannot heal my wounds ? — to a set of men inquisitive in in- quiring into the lives of others, but indolent in amending their own. And how shall they, who know nothing of my heart but by my confessions, know whether I say true or not ? For no one knows what is in man, but the spirit of man that is in him."§ Absolution is the next process, — save, perhaps, the awful preten- sion of the Eoman Priest of first making or creating his God out of a piece of bread,|| then worshipping it with supreme worship due to the Divinity, and then eating it, — the assumed power oi judicially forgiving sins — anticipating the judgment of the Almighty — is the most dangerous and fearful delusion to which a Romanist is sub- jected. More especially when we are told that the efficacy, in reality in both cases, depends on the private intention of the officiating Priest to do what his Church prescribes ! Nay, further, their Council teaches that even those Priests who are living in mortal or deadly sin exercise the function of forgiving sins as the Ministers of Christ, H and this because (as their Trent Catechism informs us) they " represent the character and discharge the functions of Jesus Christ — as Ministers of God they really absolve us from sin " [250-2GO.] Can we conceive a murderer or adulterer — a Priest in mortal sin — representing Jesus Christ, " who knew no sin " ? * See Neander's Cliurch History, vol. vii. p. 483. London, 1852. + Melchior Canus de Loc. Theol., Dist. xiii. , de Pcenit , Art. vii. Nos. 5, 6. Louvain, 1569. See ante, p. 77, note t. + Labb. et Cos?. Concil., Tom. xi. Decret. xxi. cols. 171-3. Paris, 1671. And see Fleury, Eccl. Hist., Tom. xvi. p. 375. Paris, 1739. § Confess., Lib. x. c. iii. Tom. i. p. 171. Paris, 1672. II Pope Urban IL, while presiding over a Council, gravely and deliberately asserted, in solemn asseinhly, that " the hands of the Priest are raised to an eminence granted to none of the Angels, of creating Qod, the Creator of all thingx, and of offering Him up for the salvation of the world." To this the whole assembly, with the utmost unanimity, responded a solemn "Amen "! (Lab. clCoss. Concil., Tom. x. col. 617. Edit. Paris, 1671.) % Session xiv. cap. vi. can. x. THE SACRAMENTAL SACERDOTAL SYSTEM. 95 It is in these two characters, of creating their God, and of Priests forgiving sins, that, as I have said, they proclaim themselves to he " not only Angels but Gods," by assuming " the power and authority of God on earth"! [304-5]. " The power with which the Priests of the new law are invested is not simplij to declare that sins are forgiven, but as Ministers of God, realhj to absolve from sin" [259]. "It is not to be con- sidered as merely a ministry to pahlish the Gospel, or to declare the remission of sins, but as of the nature of a. judicial act, by which sentence is pronounced by him as a judge."* And if we refuse to accept this assertion, the same Council consigns us to eternal damnation. Augustine knew of no such judicial power in the Priesthood. More than once he disclaimed it. In his 'J9th Sermon on the words of the seventh chapter of St. Luke's Gospel, on the remission of sins, written against theDonatists, who in this, as in many of their other assumptions, anticipated modern Eomauism, and maintained that their priests were invested with the same judicial powers to forgive sins as now assumed by the Eoman Priesthood, Augustine said :t — "What did the Jews say? Who is this who forgives sins also? Does man dare to usurp to himself this power ? What, on the other hand, does the heretic say ? I forgive, I cleanse, I sanctify. Let Christ, and not myself, answer him : man, when I was thought by the Jews to be simply a man, I gave the forgiveness of sin to faith. It is not I, it is Christ who answers you. O heretic, you are but man, and you say. Approach, O woman, I will save thee; btit I, when I was thought to be a man, said, 'Depart, ■woman, thy faith has saved thee.' They answer, as the Apostle says, ignorant of the things of which they talk and which they affirm ; they answer and say. If men do not forgive sins, then what Christ says is false ; Whatsoever ye shall loose in earth shall be loosed in heaven ; ye are ignorant wherefore this was said, and how it was said. The Lord was about to give the Holy Spirit to men, and He wished it to be understood that sins were remitted to His believers by the Holy Spirit Himself, and not by the merits of men. For what are you, O man, but a sick person about to be healed? Do you wish to be a physician to me ? Come with me and seek the physician. For the Lord, in order that He might show this more evidently, namely, that sins were remitted by the Holy Spirit which He gave to His believers, and not by the merits of men, thus says in a certain passage when He had risen from the dead. Receive the Holy Ghost, and when He had said receive the Holy Ghost, He * Sess. xiv. c. vi. , De Pcenitentia. t Tom. V. p. 525. Paris Benedictine Edition. 96 SAINT AUGUSTINE. immediately added, Whosesoever sins ye remit are remitted, that is to say, it is the Spirit who remits atid not you. But the Spirit is God ; God therefore remits and not you. But what connection have you with the Holy Spirit ? Are ye ignorant that ye are the temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwells in you ? And again, are you ignorant that your hodies are the temple of the Holy Ghost which is in you, whom ye have from God ; God, therefore, dwells in His holy temple, that is to say, in His holy believers in His Church; through them He remits sins because they are living temples." And to tlie same effect he wrote against the letter of Parmenianus.* Commenting on the text John xx. 22, 23, he continues thus : — • "But since the words are introduced, 'When He had said this He breathed upon them and said, Eeceive the Holy Ghost,' and then was conferred upon them either the remission or the retention of sins, it is suflBciently evident that they themselves did not do this, but the Holy Spirit by their agency, as he says in another place. It is not you that speak but the Holy Spirit who is within you." It is thus made clear that Augustine considered this power of absolution a ministerial act, as in our Church, which proclaims to the repentant sinner that "^ He (God) pardoneth and absolveth all them that truly repent and unfeignedly believe His holy gospel," and that this remission in no way depends on the will, caprice, or hidden intention of a Priest. The absolution having been pronounced, the mortal sin and eternal punishment are supposed to be remitted, leaving temporal punisliments, called " Satisfaction," to be undergone in this life or in Purgatory ; the absolved sinner being considered "justified" and in a " state of grace." This " Satisfaction " is stated in their Trent Catechism to be "a compensation made by man to God, by doing something in atonement for the sin whicli has been committed but forgiven." " The nature of the sin regulates the satisfaction .... which is imposed at the will and discretion of the Priest" [294— 290]. " This punishment which the sinuer endures," they tell us, " disarms the vengeance of God, and prevents the punishment decreed [by the Priest] against the penitent" [285,290]. "It is the full payment of a debt ; for when satisfaction is made nothing remains to be supplied" [285]. These Sacramental Satisfactions are : — " Punishments, which usually consist in some painful good works, which the sinner does himself or accepts from others, such as fastings, prayers, alms- deeds, mortifications, humiliations, and the afflictions and tribula- tions in this life, when they are accepted and borne patiently."t If * Lib. ii. Tom. ix. i5. 42, same Edition. + " Catecbetical Conferences on Penance," 1\y the Rigbt Rev. Dr. James Lanigan, [Romisb] Bishop of Ossory, p. 89. Dublin, 1833. THE SACRAMENTAL SACERDOTAL SYSTEM. 97 these penitential works are not accomplished in this life, they are to be substituted by the tortures of Purgatory, until some kind relative or friend relieves the unfortunate by the purchase of Masses or Indulgences, which are "applicable to souls in Purgatory." It need scarcely be pointed out to the reader that this process of "justification " by merit and good works was unknown to Augustine. VVe are, therefore, happily spared the trouble of again going over the ground so often traversed by the contending factions in the Roman Church. The importance to the Priest of this so-called Sacrament of Penance is evident when we are told "that it is a powerful engine of salvation in his hands." " It is as necessary as is Baptism for those who have not been already baptized ;' "it washes away all sins of thought or deed committed after Baptism" [257]. " There is no sin however grievous, no crime however enormous, or however frequently repeated, which Penance does not remit" [260]; " z7 may he repeated and becomes necessary as often as we may have sinned after Baptism'^ [251], which "Penance" the reader must not mistake iox penitence or repentance. " To it belongs, in so special a manner the efficiency of remitting actual guilt, that without its intervention we cannot obtain or even hope for mercy" [861]. Augustine nowhere advocates such a process. As to Extreme Unction. The practice was derived from the Valentinian heretics, who assumed the gift of the Apostles, and anointed their sick with oil on the approach of death. They, like modern Roman Priests — for, be it understood, almost all modern Roman innovations are derived from condemned heresies — the Valentinians pretended that this anointing, with prayers, would conduce to the salvation of the soul, not to the healing of the body. This superstition found no supporters, except among heretical impostors, until long after Augustine's times. Innocent I., at the beginning of the fifth century, in his letter to Decentius, Bishop of Eugubium, refers to the custom of anointing the sick with oil, which was to be exercised not merely by the priesthood but by all the faithful, and was, therefore, evidently not considered then as a Sacrament. The custom subsequently gained ground, and early in the sixth century Felix IV., Bishop of Rome, engrafted it on other Christian ceremonies, and first instituted the rite of Extreme Unction, by declaring that such as were in extremis should be anointed.* It was not authoritatively reckoned as a Sacrament until 1439, at the Council of Florence. And we need scarcely add that Augustine nowhere alludes to this process as a Sacrament, or for the healing of the body or soul. The alleged benefits supposed to attend this ceremony are also * Poljdore Vergil, B. v. c. iii. p. 102. London, 1551. De Invent. Reruni. 98 SAINT AUGUSTINE. important. We are told by their Catechism that it " was instituted to afford us, when departing this mortal life, an easier access to Heaven" [301-2]. This "Sacrament remits sins, especially lighter offences, or, as they are commonly called, venial sins. Its primary object is not to remit mortal sins; for this the Sacrament of Penance was instituted, as was that of Baptism for the remission of original sin. Another advantage arising from Extreme Unction is, that it removes the languor and infirmity entailed by sin, with all its other inconveniences." " Another, and the most important advantage is, that it fortifies us against the violent assaults of Satan " [301-2]. On all this Augustine is silent. Marriage. As this was deemed a civil contract — and did not require the intervention of a Priest — until very shortly previous to the meeting of the Trent Council, it is difficult to discover how they make it out to be a Sacrament instituted by Christ. Augus- tine, in all his voluminous writings, nowhere assists them. A characteristic of a Sacrament is alleged to be that the act of receiving it confers a grace. We fail to perceive what grace is conferred, say in an ill-assorted marriage of " convenance," as the French have it. Indeed their own Canon Law declares that Marriage is not one of those Sacraments which confers the conso- lation of Divine grace,* and several of their divines, such as Du- randus, Peter Lombard, and others, held the same opinion. f We may safely dismiss this so-called Sacrament from Augustine's list. We have now only left priestly " Orders." Here again members of the Roman Church are themselves at variance. Cardinal Bellar- mine admits that the very learned doctor of his Church, Dominicus Soto, declared : — " That Episcopal ordination is not, truly and pro- perly {vcre et proprie'), a Sacrament. "| There can be no doubt that Augustine held the office in high veneration, but that is very dif- ferent from the assertion that " Orders " were instituted by Christ, and that the act of ordination was a Sacrament of the Church. It was not, in fact, so declared until the Council of Florence, 1439, which substituted a wq\^ form for ordination, the giving of the cup and paten in the place of the ancient admitted form of laying on of hands. It is difficult to understand how the succession is main- tained in the Eoman Ministry when their Catechism declares that the slightest deviation in the use of the/or/;* nullifies the Sacra- ment [269]. I have dwelt more largely on the Roman Sacerdotal Sacramental System than, perhaps, may be considered necessary. But as at the * Tom. i. col. 1607. Ludg., 1671. + See Bellannin. de Matr., Lib. i. cap. v. Tom. iii. p. 506. Colon., 1615. And see Cassander. Consult, de Num. Sacr., p. 951. Paris, 1616. X Bellarm., Tom. iii. p. 718. Edit. Prag., 1721. BELLARMINE AND AUGUSTINE. 99 present day that phase which Christianity has unhappily assumed is now made the great test of a true Church, I have, therefore, not considered it out of phn,ce in the present treatise to show that Augustine could have known of no such system as the present Sacramental Sacerdotal System, as recognized in the Church in his day. CHAPTER XI. BELLARMINE AND AUGUSTINE. In examining the writings of Augustine, we cannot but admire the fer- vent zeal and Christian piety which are apparent in almost every page. At the same time, we must not allow our admiration to warp our judg- ment in receiving, as gospel all that we find placed before us, even though what is presented to us may have the appearance of being the genuine production of his pen. We have seen the difficulty of separating the genuine from the spurious. Even as to his genuine writings, Augustine himself leaves us at liberty to weigh and consider his opinions, and to accept them so far only as they may accord with Scriptural truth.* Indeed the members of the Roman Church have largely availed themselves of this privilege, which, as I have shown, they have not scrupled to exercise, even to the disparagement of Augustine himself. Surely we have a right to exercise the same privilege. We know that many spurious works are attributed to Augustine, and it is from these principally that we find quotations made in support of modern theological theories which are attempted to be vindicated as doctrines supplied by the authority of antiquity.f Again, even in his genuine works, we are by no means certain that passages have not been interpolated to give colour to such in- novations-t; When we find a writer takes most decided views on a * "That Augustine should have written the lar^e series of volumes still preserved to us, without being betiayed by his zeal into a single rash statement, is hardly to be imagined. But he endeavoured to correct these at the end of his life by a volume of ' Retractations,' in which he strove to clear up quesions which had arisen from the use of incautious language. Our rule, however, after the lapse of fifteen liundred years, is a very simple one. Augustine was right— was a safe guide so far, and only so far, as he ' followed Christ.' " — Anonymous, ^''Record." t See J. Endell Tyler's "Primitive Christian Worship," and "Worship of the Virgin Mary." Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. X Bellarmine cites a passage, purporting to be from the 24th Chapter of the 22nd Book of Augustine's great work, "The City of God," in proof of Purgatory (De Purg., p. 330, Tom. ii. Prag., 1721). Ludovicus Vives, the learned commentator on this work, says: — " In the ancient copies which are at Bruges and Cologne, these ten or twelve II 2 100 SAINT AUGUSTINE. paitifiular subject, we are startled to meet sentiments quoted from the same writer repugnant to opinions which have been previously expressed by him. It is true that we do not often meet with such passages in the admittedly genuine writings of Augustine, but when they do pre- sent themselves, they should be accepted with caution. In addition to these difficulties, a desperate struggle is made by Romish writers — and particularly by Cardinal Bellarmine — to extract from those passages in Augustine's works, which have been con- demned as heretical, proofs in support of their modern theories. An examination of these efforts may not be inappropriate as a sequel to the previous chapters. And first on the question of the assumed right claimed by the Bishop of Rome of hearing appeals from Africa. We have seen that Zosimus, Bishop of Rome, attempted to impose on a Council of African Bishops, at which Augustine assisted, a forged canon, represented as having been passed at tlie first General Council of the Church, that of Nice (a.d 325;, which purported to vest in the Bishop of Rome the right to receive all appeals from members of other Christian Churches. This canon turned out to be a forgery, and accordingly the Bishops assembled at the Council of Milevis passed a decree prohibiting any such appeals out of Africa. Bel- larmine, in order to get out of this difficulty, and remove the sliame attaching to such a disgraceful proceeding, admitted that " the Nicene Council was alleged, but that the Sardican Council was meant, and at that Council it was decided that the Africans might appeal to Rome."* The Sardican Council is supposed to have been held a.d. 347, though various dates are given, so uncer- tain even is the tradition of such a Council. Indeed there are very grave reasons for doubting that any such Council was ever held, and more particularly, if even held, that any such canon was passed as now relied on. The very form gives the appearance of corruption ; for, limited as the powers of appeal are, they nevertlieless are not in any way supported by, or in accordance with, the admittedly genuine canons passed by the first four General Councils of the Church, which clearly gave independent ecclesiastical jurisdiction to every metropolitan Bishop over his own diocese ; and besides, this Council of Sardica was only a provincial Council. Again, the African Church is said to have been represented by thirty-six Bishops, who scarcely would have submitted to any such indignity, printed lines are not to be found, nor in the edition at Friburg." And in his notes on the 8th Chapter of the 22iid Book, on Miracles, he tells us that "there are many additions in that chapter, without question, foisted in by such as make a practice of depraving authors of great authority " (Edit. 1610, p, 890). These are only two of the ibany examples that might be cited. * De Rom. Pont., Lib. ii. c. xxv. See ante Chap. IV., for a history of this transaction. EELLARIIIXE AND AUGU.aTIXK. 101 seeing that, from the days of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, to the time of Augustine, every encroachment on the part of the Bishop of Eome was resisted. But even supposing the canon to be genuine, it went no further than that, in certain cases, Juhus, the then Bishop of Rome, might direct a cause to he reheard by a greater Synod. Bellarmine, it appears, either did not make himself sufficiently acquainted with the facts, or a candid acknowledgment was not convenient. Be this as it may, the attempt to foist this forgery as a genuine canon of the Council of Nice was a miserable failure, and the attempt to cover the shame by this subterfuge only makes the matter worse. Augustine's opinion on Justification and Merits has been sufficiently considered, and we have seen the theory condemned authoritatively by the Expurgatory Index and by Romish divines. Bellarmine, nevertheless, comes again to the rescue, and asserts that Augustine's treatise " On Faith and Works," cap. 15, is fatal to the theory of " Solifidianism" or faith alone. But it is clear that Augustine is speaking in that work against those who were so confined in the faith as to neglect good works, resting secure on tlie profession made in Baptism. Augustine warns us against sheltering ourselves under any such a pretext. He nowhere speaks against good ivorks, except when advanced as a meritorious cause of justification. And when Augustine says — which he does repeatedly — that when God crowns our merits He crowns nothing else but His own gifts, Bellarmine, in order to nullify the force of this, says that Augustine meant only "such merits as be in us from ourselves, that is to say, without the grace of God."* That is ingenious, but such is clearly not Augustine's meaning. The words of Augustine are " tanquam dona sua," not as our merits, but " as His gifts." He is speaking of the faithful, who are in a state of salvation. The authors of Rome's Expurgatory Index took a bolder course, by directing the passage to be expunged from Augustine's works as absolutely heretical. Other subtle evasions of Augustine's palpable meaning are advanced ; but Augustine is too clear to be mistaken as to what he did teach. Good works without faith in God will not avail a man ; it is not the good work that saves, but good woiks resulting from a justifying faith, which are acceptable to God, as they are His own gifts ; such was Augustine's teacliing. With regard to the practice of Invocatio?i of Saints, Bellarmine and others quote — and I believe this is the only passage they advance — from Augustine's 17th Lecture, " De Verb. Apostoli," where he says, " It is an injury to pray for a martyr by whose prayers we on the other side ought to be recommended." The question between uSj on this head of the controversy, is not whether Saints * Lib. i. de Jiistif. c. xxv. 102 SAINT AUGUSTINE. or Angels in heaven are occupied in offering up prayers on our behalf; we know nothing of their occupations, though it is to be hoped that they may be so occupied. The question is^ are we justified in praying to them, " mentally or verbally," for their help, assistance, or intercession ? This solitary passage gives us no such instruction or encouragement. But here again the Expurgatory Index comes largely to our assistance, and we have on this head a selection of passages from Augustine condemned. As to Image Worship. When Augustine declared that no image (imago) ought to be worshipped, and that it was unlawful to erect any such image {simtilacrum) to God in a Christian Church,* Bellarmine excuses him by saying that he wrote this in his early days of conversion. He then goes into a subtle argument on the difference of the expressions "imago" and " simulacrum ;" but it will be seen, in my selection of expurgated passages, that Augustine makes no such distinction in using the two expressions. In fact, the language of Augustine, which I have given in a previous chapter, is too plain to be misunderstood. And the compilers of the Expurgatory Index, as I have shown, continually use the word " simulacrum " to condemn Augustine for his views on the subject. {Ante, p. 22.) Tradition. Augustine, in his Treatise on Baptism against the Donatists, constantly reminds us that whatsover the Universal Church holds, though not ordained by any CouTicil, and yet always retained, is rightly believed to be an Apostolic tradition.f But Augustine, as I have stated in the last chapter, was not here treating of a matter oi faith, but the Baptism of Infants, a matter of discipline. And, by the way, with regard to Infant Baptism, Bellarmine has the following acknowledgment :;j; — " For although we do not find it expressly commanded that we should baptize infants, yet this is sufficiently clearly gathered from the Scriptures, as we have already shown." And in the "Table of Keference " given with the present edition in use of the Rheraish Version of the New Testament we read : " For the Baptism of Infants see St. Luke xviii. 16, compared with St. John iii. 5." So that Augustine was justified in designating Infant Baptism as a genuine Apostolic tradition. Even this passage Di". James, in his " Corruptions of the True Fathers," detects as a corruption, and as none of Augus- tine's. § The only other passage I have met with is from his 118th Epistle, to Januarius, where Augustine says ; " All those things that we hold without writing, only by unwritten tradition, were commanded and ordained either by the Apostles themselves, or by General * Ep. 119, ad Januar. cap. xi., and De Fide et Sjmbolo, cap. vii. t De Qenesi ad literati). Lib. x. c. xxiii. % Bell, de Sacratnento Bap., Lib. i. c. ix. § See p. 114, Edit. 1843. BELLAEMINE AND ATJGTJBTINE. 103 Councils." Here, again, lie was not referring to matters of faith, but of Church Constitutions, for he immediately refers to the yearly celebration of Christ's Passion, His Resurrection and Ascension.* All these passages are quoted by Bellarmine. I have already referred to the oft quoted saying that Augustine would not believe the Gospel, but that the authority of the Church moved him. Bellarmine quotes this also. Having the concurrent authority of the entire Christian world, Augustine believed, and such concurrent authority induced bim to believe, the Gospel. He was converted to Christianity. Christianity was founded on the Gospel, which the entire Church accepted. What better motive could a man have, in passing from Paganism or other heresy to Christianity ? Religion is a matter of education, not a spontaneous inspiration. Bellar- mine desired us to believe that Augustine pointed to the authority of the Roman Church as bis inducement to accept tbe Gospel. Rome was but a small part of the whole of Christendom. Had the Roman Church never existed, Augustine would have had the same motives for belief in the Gospel. As to the Canon of Scripttire. I have already answered the objection that Augustine is said to have conformed to the Council of Carthage, which is alleged to have included the Apocrypha in the Sacred Canon. But we have also seen that Augustine made a marked distinction between the Sabred Canon of Scripture and such books as might be read for edification. We may pass over, there- fore, objections on this head, though Bellarmine struggles to enlist Augustine under the banner of Rome as a believer in the Apocrypha. Coinniunion in one Kind. In his Commentary on Leviticus (4. Qu. 57), Augustine said : "All that would have life are exhorted to drink of the blood;" and in Qu. 40 we read: "The whole Church having received the Cup, answereth Amen." I have not met any counter explanation to these acknowledgments of the custom in Augustine's time of the universal partaking of the wine at the Sacrament by the laity, except that he is censured in the Expurgatory Index for saying that both species are to be given to children. Bellarmine is prudently silent on this subject ! As to the Number uj t'acraments. We have seen that Augustine stated that the Sacraments delivered to us were but few ; the words are: " Sacramentis numero paucissimis" — as being easy in observ- ance, &c. (" sicuti,") as in Baptism and the Lord's Supper. Bellar- mine,t as usual, quibbles. '' Sicuti,^' he means to say, does not restrict the number of the Sacraments. But we have other places in which Augustine specially names the two as the twin-Sacraments of the Church. If it be contended that we are to receive all * See " Faith of Catholics," vol. i. p. 39, Edit. 1846. t Lib. ii. de Effect. Sacr., o. xxvii. 101 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Augustine mentions under the general word Sacrament, then we must admit many more Sacraments than the Church of Kome acknowledges. Transubitaiftiation. Augustine, in the 33rd Psalm, is repre- sented as saying that when Christ said, " This is my body," He bore Himself in His own hands — " Ferebatur Christus in manibus suis.''* This was a curious error in St. Augustine's translation of 1 Sam. XXX. 13. Keferring to David, the text is: "And feigned himself mad in their hands." Augustine, however, translated the passage : " He bore himself in his own hands." This seemed to puzzle him. He said it could not be meant for David literally, and he therefore took it to allude to Christ. Bellarmine makes the most he can out of this. We have seen that Augustine did not believe in a literal presence. He explains himself thus : he bore him- self in his own hands " after a certain manner " — not literally, as he expresses himself in the 23rd "Ep. ad Bonifac." " Sicut secun- dem quendam modum sacramentum corporis, corpus Christi est ; ita sacramentum fidei, fides est." As much as to say " This Sacrament, a/ter a sort, is the body of Christ ; not literally, but as the baptism of faith (the Sacrament of faith) is called faith, to wit, figuratively and improperly. "t If he thought there was a literality in the expressiou, he would not have said " after a certain manner." But these are extravagances of expression we often meet with in early Christian writers. And, lastly, we are told that Augustine taught the Eomish doctrine of the adoration of the Host when in his Commentary on the 98th Psalm he said : "None doth eat the flesh of Christ (uisi prius adoraverit) before he adores it." First let me record, as an historical fact, that the elevation of the Host for adoration was first insiiluted by Honorius III., a.d. 121 7. | I have no desire to enter on the subtle arguments raised between ^aeramentiim and rem Sacramenti. But let us look at once at the intention of Augustine. He said as plainly as one could explain himself, that he did not take Christ's words literally. In interpreting Christ's words in St. John's Gospel, chap, vi., he thus expresses himself : "You shall not eat this body which you see. I have proposed to give a sacred sign, which, being spiritually taken, will quicken ycui ; for though this Sacrament be visibly celebrated, yet it must be spiritually conceived."^ Plaving thus clearly explained the interpretation he gave to eating and drinking the body and blood of Christ, we can appreciate the meaning of his words, " None doth eat the flesh of Christ before he * See "Faith of Catholics," vol. i. p. 439, Edit. Lend., 1846. t See Birckbek's " Protestant's Evidence," p. 299. London, 1849. X See Fleiiij's "Eccl. Hist.," Tom. xv. lib. liv. p. 663. Paris, 1719. § See ante, p. 65. CAKDINAL WISEMAN AND AUGUSTINE. 105 adoreth it." x-^s that eating roust be spiritually conceived, so must the adoration, but not of the elements. I thus dispose of Bellarmine's efforts to clear Augustine of heresy, if his statements were taken literally, and to enlist him into the ranks of the Papacy. The fact of these efforts being made shows clearly the importance which Romanists attach to the opinions of Augustine. But the more remarkable fact still remains to be accounted for, how is it that no notice is taken by Bellarmine of the numerous passages I have quoted from Augustine, which, if uttered by a Bishop or Priest of the Roman Church at the present day, would brand him as a heretic ? His attempt to shield Augustine is in strange contradiction to those who have actually condemned the very same passages as decidedly heretical. CHAPTER XII. CARDINAL WISEMAN AND AUGUSTINE. Dr. Wiseman delivered sixteen lectures "On the Principal Doc- trines and Practices of the Catholic Church," which he afterwards republished when he became " Cardinal Archbishop of West- minster,"* covering 580 octavo pages. Being in his day the first Romish authority in England, with the reputation of a great scholar and divine, my task could scarcely be complete were 1 to omit to examine the evidence on which the Cardinal relies for the " Doc- trines and Practices " of his Church as of ancient date, as being proved by the works of Augustine. It must be borne in mind that Dr. Wiseman distinctly admitted that we must not seek for proofs of Romish doctrines in the Scrip- tures alone, but in Scripture and Tradition ; and should any difficulty arise regarding any doctrine, the method to be pursued would be to examine most accurately the writings of the Fathers of the Church, in order to ascertain what, in different countries and ages, was by them held, and then, collecting the suffrages of all the world and of all times, not to create new Articles of Faith, but to define what has always been the Faith of the Catholic Church. f He resolves the question purely into a historical inquiry, and in that view of the question the Doctor appeals to the evidence of the early Christian writers, and, among others, to Augustine. * London, 1851. t See ante, Cbap. IL p. 8. 106 SAINT AUGUSTINE. It will DOW be my task to examine every single quotation as from Augustine's writings cited by Dr. Wiseman in these Lectures, and I venture to state that the reader will be satisfied that the appeal results in a lamentable failure. I. The first passage quoted is in Lecture V., on " The Catholic Eule of Faith" (p. 140): — "Disputing with a Manichee — he says expressly, as it should be rendered from the peculiarity of the style — ' I should not have believed the Gospel if the authority of the Catholic Church had not led or moved me.' " I have already fully examined this citation, and it is only neces- sary to add that Augustine nowhere gives us to understand that the Catholic Church was localized in the communion over which the Bishop of Rome presided, or that he derived his knowledge of, or belief in, the Gospel from that quarter. IL In order to lead us to believe that Augustine held the Eoman doctrine that the Scriptures are not in themselves sufficient as a guide, but that Tradition is necessary, Dr. Wiseman quotes as follows : — " That the whole Church observes wliat was not decreed by Councils, but always retained, is justly believed to be of Apostolic origin.'^* To this the Doctor adds — " Such a principle surely implies a conviction that the Church can never fall into error." Augustine was discussing the subject of Infant Baptism, which is not a doctrine or article of faith, but a practice apparently handed down from the time of the Apostles. We may safely concede to a Eoman Catholic that what the whole Church observes, and lias always retained, may be accepted as of Apostolic origin. But that is exactly the test which not one single article of Pope Pius's Creed will bear. Not one of them was accepted by the Church in the days of Augustine ; we conclude, therefore, tliat they are not Apostolic Traditions. The passage cited, therefore, may go to prove that Augustine believed that Infant Baptism was practised by the Apostles, and that if any other practices can be proved to have the same authority, they might be accepted as Apostolic Traditions. (See ante, p. 102.) III. The modern Roman Church we know has assumed to itself exclusively the term " Catholic "; and, by an unfortunate concession, that term has, in our modern times, been adopted in common par- lance to mean a member of the Eomanist Churcli. But it was not BO in the days of Augustine ; and for Dr. Wiseman, or any one else, to apply the two following passages to the Eoman Communion is an impudent assumption for which there is not the remotest authority. The two extracts are: — "It is our duty to hold to the Christian religioUj and the communion of that Churcli which is Catholic, * De Bapt. cout. Donat. , Lib. iv. c. xxiv. CARDINAL "WISEMAN AND AUGUSTINE. 107 and is so-called, not by us only, but by all its adversaries. For whether they be so disposed or not, in conversing with others they must use the word Catholic, or they will not be understood." Again — " Among the many considerations that bind me to the Church is the name of Catholic, which not without reason, in the midst of so many heresies, this Church alone has so retained, that although all heretics wish to acquire the name, should a stranger ask where the Catholics assemble, the heretics themselves will not dare to point out any of their places of meeting." The reference given is " Contra Ep. Fundam. c. iv.'' Augustine was writing against the ,Donatists, who, like modern "Romanists, I must be excused for repeating, claimed for themselves alone the title " Catholic." To suppose that Augustine pointed to the Roman or Latin branch of the Christian Church exclusively as the Catholic Church would be the height of absurdity. He counted eighty- eight heresies in his day. The Cathohcs were the orthodox believers, according to Augustine's notions of Christianity. But here the compilers of the " Faith of Catholics '' come to our aid.* They quote the following passage from Augustine's letter against Petiliau, a Donatist, which shows us in what sense Augus- tine used the term : — " Petilian said, * If you say that you hold fast to the Catholic Cluirch — Catholicos {KadoXiKog) is that which, in Greek, signifies the alone, or the tvhole. Now you are not in the whole, seeing that you have sunk into a part.' Augustine replies — ' For my part, I have indeed attained to a very slight, scarcely any, knowledge of the Greek language, yet do I say, without presump- tion, that I know that oXov means, not one, but the whole, and Ka%' okov according to the whole, so that the Catholic Church received its name when the Lord said, ' You shall he witnesses unto me " [not in Rome but] " /;/ Jerusalem, and in all Judcea, and in iSamaria, and even to the uttermost part of the earth ' (Actsi. 8). Behold wherefore she is called Catholic." It was, as I stated, the Donatists who assumed to themselves the title, so Augustine con- tinues — " Behold wherefore she is called Catholic. But you, with closed eyes, so stumble against that mountain which, from a small stone, according to the prophecy of Daniel, ' increased and filled the whole earth ' — as to say to us that ' we have sunk into a part, and that we are not in the whole,' we whose communion is difl^used throughout the whole world." So that when Augustine uses the word Catholic, it is clear that he is pointing to the orthodox Chris- tians scattered throughout the world, and not localized under the presidency of the Bishop of Rome. If in the present day any one in London were to inquire for the ' ' Catholic Apostolic " Church, he would not be directed to a * Vol. i. p. 200. Edit. 1846. 103 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Papist chape], but to the church of the " Irvingites " in Gordon Square [London]. IV. The next passage is to be found in Lecture XI., " On Satis- faction and Purgatory." I have ah'eady shown that Augustine neither accepted nor taught the Roman doctrine of " Satisfaction " nor of Purgatory. Dr. Wiseman quotes two passages, which he has garbled. They are correctly rendered in the 1846 Edition of the " Faith of Catholics,"* from which I now quote : — " ' A aacrijice to God is a contrite spirit ; a contrite and liumhle heart God does not desjnse.' Not only, therefore, did he ofler up with devotion, but also by saying this he shows what ought to be offered. For it is not enough to reform our manners, and to withdraw from evil deeds, if we do not^ for those things which have been done, satisfy God by the sorrow of penitence, by the grieving of humihty, by the sacrifice of a contrite heart, alms cooperating. ''f V. The other passage, as quoted in " The Faith of Catholics," is as follows : — "Implore mercy, but lose not sight of justice ; it is mercy to pardon the sinner, justice to punish the sin. What then ? Dost thou seek for mercy, and shall sin remain unpunished ? Let David answer, let the lapsed answer, let them answer with David, that they may deserve mercy like David, and let them say, ' No, Lord, my sin shall not be unpunished; I know His justice whose mercy I seek; it shall not be unpunished, but therefore do I seek that Thou punish me not, because I punish my own sin ; therefore do I ask Thee to forgive because I forget not.' "% How these passages apply to the Eoman doctrine of Purgatory it is impossible to conceive, so we presume they are intended to refer to their teaching on " Satisfaction," that title being adopted by the compilers of the "Faith of Catholics," where these passages appear. Now, " Satisfaction " is one of the component parts of their so-called Sacrament of Penance ; but we seek in vain to discover from these or any other passages from Augustine that previous private confession to a Priest is a first requirement, followed by his absolution, to remove the guilt and eternal punishment, leaving " Satisfaction " to wipe away the remaining temporal punishment, either in this life or in Purgatory. The passages, in fact, apply as little to " Satisfaction " as they do to Purgatory ! I have shown that a "contrite heart," or " Contrition," is no part of the Sacrament of Penance, but "Attrition," or imj^erfect repentance, is.§ Indeed, it has been boldly maintained by a Jesuit writer of considerable repute, P. Valentia — and his statement has never been censured by the Roman Church — that perfect repentance is not at all necessary in order to Vol. iii. p. 127. 18.16. + Tom. v. Serm. cccli. n. 12, col. 2019. " Tom. iv. on Pp. 1, n. 7, col 061." § See anU\ p. 77. CARDINAL WISEMAN AND AUGUSTINE. 109 obtain a remission of sins through the absolution of a Priest in the tribunal of Penance, the principal effect of the Sacrament, but, on the contrary, such contrition is rather a hindrance than other- wise.'^^ The proposition is startling. What one Jesuit publishes is binding on all, and the Jesuits being now in the ascendant in the Roman Church, we must, it may fairly be presumed, accept this as the present theory of that Church. In the same Lecturef we have again brought before us the oft- quoted passage wherein Augustine refers to prayers/br the departed, and, also coupled with this, Augustine's commentary, only partly given, on the text 1 Cor. iii. 12, 13 : " If a man build upon this foundation gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, and stubble ; every man's work shall be made manifest : for the day shall declare it, because it shall be revealed by fire ; aud the fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is."| Dr. Wiseman pretends that Augustine considered the fire referred to by Paul to be the Popish Purgatory, and that " the prayers of the Church or of good persons are heard in fiivour of those Christians " whose lot is cast to pass through the torments of Purgatory ; for it is Dr. Wiseman himself who vouches as a fact that the souls in Purgatory suffer "most cruel and bitter tor- ments. "§ In citing these two passages he says : — " I have no hesitation in saying that the two doctrines [prayers for the dead and a Popish Purgatory] go so completely together that if we succeed in demon- strating the one [prayers for the dead] the other [Purgatory] necessarily follows ;"|| and with grave simplicity he asks, if they did not pray for the relief of souls sufferiiig in this painful state, what did tlicy pray for? If we admit this theory we are, as I have before observed, to suppose the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, and even the Blessed Virgin Mary, suffered the excruciating torments, according to Bellarmine, of the damned, until it pleased the Church of Rome to take upon herself to declare that all these " Saints " belonged to a happier order."11 * " Voila tout ce qui se peut dire, si ce n'est qu'on veuille ajouter une consequence, qui se tire aisement de ces principes ; qui est, que la contrition est i-i peu necef?saire au sacrement, qu'elle y seroit au contraire nuisible, en cs qu'elfa9ant les pesbes par elle- meme, elle ne laisseroit rien h. faire au sacrement. C'est ce que dit notre P. Valentia, ce celebre Jesuite. Tom. iv. disp. 7, q. 8, p. 4. ' La contrition n'est point du tout n^cessaire pour obtenir I'effet principal du sacrement, mais au contraire, elle y est plutot un obstacle. lino ohstal pcdius quominus effectus seqiialur.' " (Pascal, Lett. Prov. X. Tom. iii. p. 94. Amateid., 1767.) + XL, p. 63, vol. ii. t " Enar. in Psal. 37, Tom. iv. p. 275." § Lives of St. Alphonsus, &c., p. 202. London, 1847. 11 Lecture XI., vol. ii., p. 54. ■[f See ante, p. 67. 110 SAINT AUGUSTINE. The first of the two passages quoted under this head is from the 24th chapter of the 21st book "On the City of God," as follows : — " The prayers of the Church or of good persons are heard in favour of those Christians who departed this life not so had as to be deemed unworthy of mercy, nor so good as to be entitled to immediate happiness. So also, at the resurrection of the dead, there will some be found to whom mercy will be imparted, having gone through those pains to which the spirits of the dead are liable. Otherwise it would not have been said of some with truth that their sins shall not be forgiven neither in this world nor in the world to come (Mati. xii. 32), unless some sins were remitted in the next world." It did not require an Augustine to tell us of the hope that God in His mercy will forgive us our sins ; but the Popish Purgatory is not a place iox forgiveness of sin. Purgatory is for the pious who have died in grace, the sins being supposed to have been forgiven in their Sacrament of Penance. And, further, we have this fact, that it is very doubtful if Augustine ever penned such a sentiment ; for Ludovicus Vives, a learned Roman Catholic and commentator on this particular work, admits that in the ancient copies, printed at Bruges and Cologne, the above extract is not to be found, nor is it found m the copy printed at Friburg.* And as to the passage founded on the text 1 Cor. iii. 12, 13, which text the Doctor also quotes on page 62 as positive Scriptural evidence in support of Purgatory, on the faith of Augustine, it so happens that there is perhaps no text in the New Testament on which a greater divergence of opinion exists among the Fathers and Doctors, bearing in mind that the Roman Creed absolutely requires that the Fathers must be unanimous in their interpretation of any given text before that text can be quoted as an authority. Once for all, and at the expense of tiring the reader, let me quote in full what Bellarmine has recorded on the various interpretations of this text:t — " The difficulties of this passage are five in number. " 1. What is understood by the builders? 2. What is understood by gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, and stubble ? 3. What is understood by the day of the Lord ? 4. What is understood by the fire, of which it is said that in the day of the Lord it shall prove every one's woik ? 5. Wliat is understood by the fire, of which it is said, he shall be saved, yet so as by fire ? When these things are explained the passage will be clear. The first difficulty, therefore, is, who are the architects who build upon the foundation? Augus- tine, in his book on faith and works, chapter 16th and elsewhere, thinks that all Christians are here called by the apostle architects, and that all build upon the foundation of the faith either good or bad works. Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theoj^hylact, and (Ecumenius, * Lud. Vives on Lib. De Civ. Dei, Lib. xxi. c. xxiv. note a, p. 865. London, 1610. t Bell. De Purg., Tom. ii. c. iv, Lib. i. pp. 332 et seqq. Piag., 1721. CAKDINAL WISEMAN AND AUGUSTINE. Ill appear to me to teach the same upon this passage. Many others teach that only the doctors and preachers of the Gospel are here called architects by the apostle. Jerome insinuates this in his second hook against Jovinianus. The blessed Anselm and the blessed Thomas hold the same opinion on this passage, although they do not reject the former opinion. Many more modern think the same, as Dioni/siiis the Carthusian, Lyra, Cajetan, and others. "The other difficulty is rather more serious. For there are six opinions. Some by the name of foundation understand, a true but an ill-digested faith ; by the names of gold, silver, and precious stones, good works. By the names of wood, hay, and stubble, mortal sins. Thus Chrysostom upon this place, who is followed by Theophylact. The second opinion is, that Christ or the preaching of tlie faith is understood by the name of foundation; that by the names of gold, silver, and precious stones, are understood Catholic expositions; by the name of wood, hay, and stubble, are understood heretical doctrines, as the com\\\eni?iVj oi Ambrose and even Jerome seem to teach. The third opinion by the name of foundation understands living faith, and by the name of gold, silver, and pre- cious stones, understands works of supererogation, &c. Thus the blessed Augustine in his book on faith and works. The fourth opinion is that which is held by those who explain by gold, silver, &c., to be meant good works, by hay and stubble, &c., venial sins. Thus the blessed Gregory in the fourth book of his dialogues, chapter 39th, and others. The fifth is of those who understand by gold, silver, &c., good hearers, and by stubble bad hearers, &c. Thus Theodoret and (Ecicmenius. The sixth opinion, which we prefer to all, is, that by the name of foundation is to be understood Christ, as preached by the first preachers. By the name of gold, silver, &c., is to be understood the useful doctrine of the other preachers, who teach those who have now received the faith. But by the name of wood, hay, &;c., is to be understood the doctrine, not heretical or bad, but the singular doctrine of those preachers who preach catholically to the catholic people, but without that fruit and profit which God requires. " The third difficulty regards the day of the Lord. Some under- stand by the name of day the present life, or the time of tribulation. Thus Augustine in his book on faith and works, c. 16, and Gregory in his 4th book of dialogues, c. 39. . . . But all the ancients seem to have understood by that day, the day of the last judgment, as Theodoret, Theophylact, Anselm, and others. The fourth difficulty is, what is the fire which, in the day of the Lord, shall prove every one's work ? Some understand the tribulations of this life, as Augustine and Gregory in the places noted, hut these we have already rejected. Some understand eternal fire, but that cannot be, for that fire shall not try the building of gold and silver. . . . 112 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Some understand it to be the pains of Purgatory, but that cannot be truly said. First, because the fire of Purgatory does not prove the works of those who build gold and silver. But that fire of which we speak shall prove every one's work what it is. '' Secondly, the apostle clearly makes a distinction between the works and the workmen, and says concerning that fire, that it shall burn the works but not the workers : for he says, if any one's work shall remain, and if any work shall burn : but the fire of Purgatory, which is a true and real fire, cannot burn works, which are transitory actions, and have already passed. Lastly, it would follow, tliat all men, even the most holy, would pass through the fire of Purgatory, and be saved by fire, for all are to pass through the fire of which we are speaking. But that all are to pass through the fire of Purgatory and to be saved by fire is clearly false : for the apostle here openly says, that only those who build wood and hay are to be saved as by fire : tlie Church, also, has always [?] been persuaded that holy martyrs and infants dying after baptism are presently received into heaven, without any passage through fire, as the Council of Florence teaches in its last Session. It remains, therefore, that we should say that the apostle here sjyeaks of the Jire of the severe and just judgmetit of God, which is not a purging or punishing fire, hut one that prohes and examines. Thus ^wSroi^e explains it on Psalm 118, and also Sedulius. " The fifth and last difficulty is, what is understood by the fire, when he says, but he shall be saved, yet so as by fire ? " Some understand the tribulations of this life, but this cannot properly be said, because then even he who built gold and silver would be saved by fire. Wherefore Augustine and Gregory, who are the authors of this opinion, when they were not satisfied with it, proposed another, of which we shall speak by-and-by. Some under- sta)id it to be eternal Jire, as Chrysostom and Theophylact. But this we have already refuted. Others understand the fire of the conflagration of the world. It is, therefore, the common opinion of theologians, that by the name of this fire is understood some purgatorial and temporal fire, to which after death they are adjudged, who are found in their trial to have built wood, hay, or stubble." To quote such a text to establish a doctrine to be believed under pain of eternal damnation is a theory that could be conceived only by a dogmatic and arrogant Priesthood. We have a ready key to the interpretation of the prayers alluded to by Augustine in the following, which, by the way. Dr. Wiseman gives, but it stands in a note of two pages, where it is least likely to be found by an ordinary reader*: — "When, therefore, the sacrifice of the altar, or alms, are offered for the dead ; in regard to those whose lives were very good, such offices may be deemed acts * Lect. XL, p. 67, vol. ii. CARDINAL WISEMAN AND AUGUSTINE. 113 of thanksgiving ; for the imperfect, acts of propitiation ; and though to the wicked they bring no aid, they may give some comfort to the living (Euchirid. cap. ex.)." VI. There is another reference to Augustine, and tliat is in Lecture XII., on " Indulgences." He tells us that — " St. Augustine gives us another ground whereon mitigation of Penance was some- times granted ; that is, when intercession was made in favour of the repenting sinner by persons justly possessing influence with the Pastors of the Church. In the same manner, he tells us, as the clergy sometimes interceded for mercy with the civil magistrate in favour of a condemned criminal, and were successful, so did they, in their turn, admit the interposition of good offices from the magistrates in favour of sinners undergoing penance (Epist. ad Maced. 5-1)." Now, in all popular Manuals, an " Indulgence " is defined to be a *' remittance of temporal punishments due to sin, the guilt and eternal punishment having been previously remitted by the Sacrament of Penance ;" that is, by previous attrition and confession to a Priest, and his absolution, which last act remits the eternal punishment otherwise consequent on sin. The definition of an Indulgence is given in a book published by "E. G-race and Son," 45, Capel Street, Dublin (the authorized or recognised publishers of Papal books), entitled " Indulgences granted by Sovereign Pontiffs to the Faithful, collected by a Member of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences in Rome, translated into English with the permission of Superiors." As this book appears to be for all time, it bears no date, but is now on sale. In page 5, we read : — • " An indulgence is the remission of the temporal punishment which generally remains due to sins already forgiven, in the Sacra- ment of Penance, as to the guilt and eternal punishment. This remission is made by the application of the merits and satisfactions which are contained in the treasures of the Church. These treasures are the accumulation of the spiritual goods arising from the infinite merits and satisfaction of Jesus Christ, with the superabundant merits and satisfaction of the holy martyrs, and of the other saints, which ultimately derive their efficacy from the merits and satisfactions of Christ, who is the only Mediator of redemption. These celes- tial TREASURES, as they are called by the Council of Trent, are committed by the Divine bounty to the dispensation of the Church, the sacred spouse of Christ, and are the ground and matter of indul- gences. They are ivjinite in reference to the merits of Christ, and cannot, therefore, he ever exhausted." Dens, in his text-book, informs us that — " This treasure is the foundation or matter of indulgences, and is that infinite treasure made up in part from the satisfactions of Christ, so as never to be I 114 SAINT AUGUSTINE. exhausted ; and it daily receives the superabundant satisfactions of pious men."* I would now ask any lioncst-minded reader to compare this statement of the Koman teaching on Indulgences, and say whether he can trace the slightest pretence for asserting that Augustine, in the passages above referred to, taught the modern Roman practice of " Satisfaction." Whom did Dt. Wiseman expect to deceive ? Surely not members of his own communion ? VII. And lastly, in proof of the Roman theory of Transubstan- tiationf we have, of course, quoted the passages — " When commit- ting to us His body He said, This is My body. Christ was borne in His own hands. He bore that body in His hands." — "'How was He borne in His hands ? ' he asks in the next Sermon on the siime Psalm. — 'Because, when He gave His own body cmd hlood. He took into His hands wliat the faithful know, and He bore Himself in a certain manner when He said, Tins is my body. " I have elsewhere examined this passage, showing that Augustine fell into an error, not knowing the Hebrew language, but he fully explains himself when he stated that in saying " This is my body," He gave the siyn of His body, and that He warned the Disciples not to fall into what otherwise would be an obvious error: — " You shall not eat this body which you see, nor drink that blood which they will shed that will crucify Me. I have commanded a certain Sacrament unto you, which, being spiritually understood, will quicken you."t I have now quoted every single reference to Augustine contained in Dr. Wiseman's sixteen Lectures, covering 580 octavo pages. And what do they amount to ? That Augustine would not have be- lieved the Gospel if the authority of the Church had not moved him ; that Infant Baptism was an Apostolic Tradition ; that the orthodox Christians in his day were known as Catholics; an abor- tive effort to make us believe that the "sacrifice of a contrite spirit, a contrite and humble heart, which God will not despise," had reference to Rome's modern theory of " Satisfaction ;" and that because, in the justice of God, He will punish the sinner, therefore that punishment must be in the Roman Purgatory, and that the early custom of praying for the dead necessarily implied a belief in Purgatory, and that this Purgatory has Scriptural authority in Cor. iii. 12 ; and that He bore Himself in His own hand when He kept the Passover with His Disciples in oflFering them bread and wine ; and lastly, that the alleged ancient custom of showing mercy to * Dens' Theologia, Tom. vi. p. 417, No. 30, Tract, da Indulg. Dublin, 1832. + Lecture XVI. p. 230. J Enariatio in Psalmum xcviii. Tom. viii. col. 1105. Basilios ex off. Frob., 155G. DR. JOHN MILNER AND AUGUSTINE. 115 condemned criminals by the intercession of the clergy before magis- trates, was the same as the modern theory of Indulgences ! Not one of the citations, however, carries out the intentions for Avhich they are quoted, and the foot still remains, in the present case, that Dr. Wiseman has avoided the citation of the numerous passages found in Augustine's works which, had they been fairly quoted, would have entirely demolished his theories. This is only one other desperate eifort to induce us to believe that the great Augustine, Bishop of an African See, was in fact a Komanist ! CHAPTER XIII. DR. JOHN MILNER AND AUGUSTINE. I NOW proceed to examine the citations from the writings of Augus- tine made by Dr. Milner in his Letters addressed to an imaginary community of Protestants under the equivocal title of " The End of Religious Controversy." If by the end he meant to convey that his arguments had brought the controversy to a conclusion, he has lamentably failed, since these same Letters have brought into the field against him a host of opponents. If he meant the object of con- troversy, namely (to quote Dr. Newman's words), "not to refute error, but to establish the truth," it has been conclusively proved by his numerous critics that tni'h seems to be the very last object he had in view. The estimation in which these Letters are held by contending parties is somewhat remarkable. The late Charles Butler, a lay advocate of the Roman Church, declared the Letters to be " the ablest exposition of the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church oa the articles contested with her by Protestants, and the ablest state- ment of the proofs by which they are supported, and of the historical facts with which they are connected, that has appeared in our language."* The same work has been put forward by Romanists as " the herculean shield, which not only confounds, but fritters away the ingenious subtleties of the sophist, the specious distinc- tions of the critic, the empty theories of the sceptic, and all the impotent attacks of misguided reason against our holy religion."t By another editor it is styled " The golden work of the Right Rev. * Book of the Roman Catliolic Church, p. 10, quoted in the Letters of the Bishop of Exeter, 1826, p. 16. t In the Preface of the 1820 Edition, Dublin. I 2 116 SAINT AUGUSTINE. John Milner, &c., &c." It is recommended as a " book particu- larly adapted for the perusal of inquiring Protestants ; the one of all others which the Catholic Priest or layman wishes to place in the hands of such persons as best able to assist their search after truth/' Again, the same editor adds — " We may, in fact, safely say that no other controversial work of modern times, has had equal success in effecting conversions to our holy religion. Indeed, there are prob- ably few converts who have arrived at it without being, partly at least, indebted to this excellent work.'^* While, on the other hand, Dr. Milner's work has been designated by Protestant writers of credit as the most unscrupulous produc- tion that has been put forward under the garb of reUgion, and with the affectation of candour and learning. The Rev. Joseph Mend- ham, in his " Literary Pohcy of the Church of Rome," said : — " I cannot forbear adding, with respect to this plausible, because deceit- ful work, that the reflection which but a cursory examination of it most constantly and forcibly impresses upon the mind, is the facihty witli which, particularly when aided by opportune suppressio?}, invention, and adjustment, Romanists may prove anything, since the authors and authorities respected by them have maintained every- thing." The Rev. Geo. Stanley Faber, in his " Difficulties of Ro- manism,"t asserts — " In point of dexterity and plausibility the work of Dr. Milner, which he has entitled 'The End of Religious Con- troversy,' is strongly marked by what I have noted to be the grand characteristics of productions written in favour of Popery, and in opposition to the Reformation ; these are miscr-iipulous misreprcsen- iaiions on the one hand, and bold allegations on the other." And Mr. Gavin, in his able refutation of part of the work in question, declares — and his statements are founded on proofs— that Dr. Milner " has displayed an impudent disregard of historical truth " ; that "his 'End of Religious Controversy' bears one of the most pro- minent marks of the beast on its very front — there is downright lying and imposition." In conducting an examination with reference to the citations from Augustine, we have not to complain so much of falsification as of " opportune suppression." Augustine is so far quoted only as suits the object of the astute Doctor. The deliberate suppression of the whole truth is equivalent to the suggestion of a falsehood — Siippretisio vcri suggestio falsi is an admitted axiom. In the fifty Letters, covering 49-1 pages of the stereotyped 184=3 edition, from which my quotations will be taken, there are twenty- five references to Augustine, including some repetitions, the usual leading fallacy being, that wherever Augustine refers to the "Church," or to "the Catholic Church," Dr. Milner would have his * From Preface to the 8vo Edition, 1812. t See Preface to 3rd Edition, p. xxxiv. DK. JOHN MILNEB AND AUGUSTINE. 117 readers necessarily believe that Augustine pointed to the communion of Christians presided over by the Bishop of Eome. The result is that by far the greater number of these citations are of that character. The following are examples : — " See (says St. Augustine) into how many morsels those are divided who have divided themselves from the unity of the Church." (Let. viii. p. 100, and Let. xv. p. IHL) " Augustine uses this argument against the Donatists — 'In the Scriptures we know Christ, in the Scriptures we know the Church. If vou hold to Christ, why not hold to the Church ? ' " (Let. x. p. 128.) " It would fill a large volume to transcribe all the passages which occur in the works of the great St. Augustine, in proof of the Catholic Rule, and the authority of the Church in making lise of it : let therefore two or three of them speak for the rest : — ' To attain to the truth of the Scriptnrrs,' he says, ' we must follow the sense of them entertained by the Universal Church, to which the Scriptures themselves bear testimony. True it is, the Scriptures themselves cannot deceive us ; nevertheless, to prevent our being deceived in the question we examine by them, it is necessary we should advise with that Church, which these certainly and evidently point out to us. (Let. i. Contra Crescon.) This (the unlawfulness of rebaptizing heretics) is not evidently read either by you or by me, nevertheless, if there were any wise man, to whom Christ had borne testimony, and whom He had appointed to be consulted on the question, we could not fail to do so : now Christ bears this testimony to His Church. — Whoever, therefore, refuses to follow the practice of the Church, resists Christ Himself, who by His testimony recommends this Church.' (De Util. Credend.) Treating elsewhere the same sub- ject, he says — 'The Apostles, indeed, have prescribed noiliing about this ; but the custom must be considered as derived from tlieir Tra- dition, since there are many things observed by the Universal Church which are justly held to have been appointed by the Apostles, though they are not written.' (De Bapt. cont. Donat. Iv.) " (Let. x. pp. 135-G.) The "practices," as I have already observed, were not questions o^ faith, but ecclesiastical observances. But Dr. Milner omits to tell us that in regard to the question of rebaptism Augustine repu- diated the right of the Bishop of Home to interfere in the case of the controversy with Cyprian. " He [Augustine] tells the Donatist schismatics, ' Whoever is separated from this Catltolic Church, however innocently he may think he lives, for this crime alone, that he is separated from the unity of Christ, will not have life, but the anger of God remains upon him.' (Concil. Lab., Tom. ii. p. 1520.) " (Let. xiv. p. 179). " Augustine says, ' All the assemblies, or rather divisions, who call 118 SAINT AUGUSTINE. themselves Churches of Christ, but -which, in fact, have separated themselves from the congregation of Unity, do not belong to the true Church. They miglit indeed belong to her, if the Holy Ghost could be divided against Himself; but as this is impossible, they do not belong to her.' (De ver. Don., Serm. ii .) In like manner, addressing himself to certain sectaries of his time, he says, ' If our communion is the Church of Christ, yours is not so ; for the Church of Christ is one, ivhichsoever she is ; since it is said of her, 'My dove, my undejiled is one ; she is the only one of her mother.' Cantic. vi. 9." (Let. xviii. p. 197.) Again, we may be sure that the following quotations are not omitted (Let. xxv. p. 265) : — " But there is not one of the Fathers or Doctors of antiquity who enlarges so copiously or so pointedly on this title of the true Church as the great St. Augustine, who died in the early part of the fifth century. ' Many things,' he says, ' detain me in the bosom of the Catholic Church — the very name of CATHOLIC detains me in it, which she has so happily preserved amidst the different heretics ; that whereas they are all desirous of being called Catholics, yet, if any stranger were to ask them, Which is the assembly of the Catholics ? none of them would dare to point out his own place of worship.' To the same purpose he says elsewhere, ' We must hold fast the communion of that Church which is called Catholic, not only by her own children but also by all her enemies. For heretics and schismatics, whether they will or not, when they are speaking of the Catholic Church with strangers, or with their own people, call her by the name of Catholic ; inasmuch as they would not be understood if they did not call her by the name by which all the world calls her.' " " The Catholic Churcli (says St. Augustine) is so called because it is spread throughout the world. If your Church, adds he, addressing certain heretics, is Catholic, show me that it spreads its branches throughout the world ; for such is the meaning of the word Catholic." (Let. xxvi. p. 208.) " In finishing this subject I shall quote a passage from St. Augustine, which is as applicable to the sectaries of this age as it was to those of the age in which he wrote : — ' There are heretics evervwhere, but not the same heretics everywhere. For there is one sort in Africa, another sort in the East, a third sort in Egypt, and a fourth sort in Mesopotamia, being different in different countries, though all produced by the same mother, namely, pride. Thus also the faithful are all born of one common mother, the Catholic Church ; and though they are everywhere dispersed, they are every- where the same,'" (Let. xxvi. p. 272.) Now, in not one of these extracts does Augustine give us the slightest indication that he was referring to the Roman branch of the DR. JOHN MILNER AND AUGUSTINE. 119 Christian Church, any more than that he was referring to the Greek Church. I have already shown that the authority of the Bishop of Korae was restricted to the district covered by the Prefecture of that city. That Dr. Mihier intended his readers to understand by these extracts that Augustine was in fact alkuling to the communion of Christians presided over by the Bishop of Rome is evident from his Letter xxviii., on " Apostolicity," wherein he gives in eacli suc- cessive century the name of each Bishop who presided over that See. Inchided in each century he gives also the names of eminent Christian Fathers, as if they were all members of the same Roman Church, whether Greeks, or Asiatics, or Africans. Thus, under the fifth century (p. 235), he names Popes " Zosimus, Boniface I., and Celestine I." as contemporaries of Augustine, and adds: " Their zeal was well seconded by some of the brightest ornaments of orthodoxy and literature that ever illustrated the Church "; and among these he names " St. Augustine," who, as we have seen, actually opposed those very three Bishops when they attempted to foist on the African Church a forged canon, in order to usurp an authority over the African Church, and who, as I have shown, were he now alive, preaching and teaching the same doctrines as he then taught, would be condemned as a rank heretic ! I maintain, therefore, without fear of contradiction, that for Dr. Milner to press the name of Augustine before his readers as a member of his Church is the height of dishonesty. On questions of doctrine I have shown that not only did Augustine not teach one single article of Pope Pius' Creed, but that he in many respects condemned modern Roman theories as heresies, as preached in his day. Not one of these passages do we find attempted to be explained away or in any manner referred to. But a striiiing feature in this part of the " controversy" is the entire absence of a single quotation to prove that Augustine held any single dogma of the Roman Creed. In Letter xlviii., p. 462, Dr. Milner says : — "I have often wondered, in a particular manner, at the confidence with which Bishop Porteus asserts and denies facts of ancient Church history, in opposition to known truth. An instance of this occurs in the conclusion of the chapter before me, where he says : 'The primitive Church did not attempt, for several hundreds of years, to make any doctrine necessary, which we do not, as the learned well know from their writings.' The palpable falsehood of this position must strike you, on looking back to the authorities adduced by me from the ancient Fathers and historians, in proof of the several points of controversy which I have maintained." In p. 2C7 he has the boldness to tell us that the doctrine taught in the days of Augustine is " as good and certain now as it was in 120 SAINT AUGUSTINE. his time." Let us examine the evidence (if any) he has adduced to prove this assertion: — " On Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome" (Letter xlvi.) there is not one single reference to Augustine; but, as a heading to another chapter (Part II.), we have the extract I have elsewhere examined, in which Augustine, opposing the claim of a Donatist Bishop to the See of Rome, traces the descent of the existing Bishop in the " See of Peter" as the lawful Bishop. This is quoted in order to prove that Augustine testified that Peter was the first Bishop of Eome. Independent of the fact that the passage is most probably inter- polated, this is a statement professedly of the fifth century, which contradicts the testimony of Irenseus and Tertullian, of the second century, that Peter was not the first Bishop of Rome. Alexandria was sometimes called the " See of Peter," though it is not pretended Peter was ever in that city. '^ On Invocation of Saints" (Letter xxxiii.) there is not one single reference to Augustine. " On Image Worshij)" (Letter xxxiv.), headed " On Religious Memorials," we are informed that Augustine, in dividing the Ten Commandments, inckided what we call the second commandment in the first (p. 346) ; but he does not continue to tell us that Augustine reprobated and utterly condemned the use of images in religious exercises, and specially the relative worship as professed by the Roman Church in the present day. '' Transuhstantiation" (Letter xxxvi.). Not one single reference to Augustine. The Hke " The Real Presence " (Letter xxxvii.). The hke " Communion in One Kind " (Letter xxxix.). The like " On the Sacrifice of the Law" (Letter xl.) The like " Oil Absolution from Sin " (Letter xli.) Tlie like " On Indulgences" (Letter xhi.). The like '' On Extreme Unction" (Letter xliv.). " On Purgatory " (Letter xliii.) Dr. Milner says, in p. 411 : —"I claim a right of considering the two Books of Maccabees as an integral part of the Old Testament, because the Catholic Church so considers them, from whose traditions, and not from that of the Jews, as St. Augustine signifies, our sacred canon is formed." The foot references are: — "Council of Carthage (IIL), St, Cyprian, St. Augustine (Lib. xviii. De Civ. Dei), and Innocent I." In Chapter V. I have proved that the " Catholic Church" utterly condemned these two books. I have also proved that the appeal to the Council of Carthage cannot be sustained, and that Cyprian absolutely rejected the whole of the Apocrypha, including the two Books of Maccabees. The appeal to Innocent I. is one that only a dishonest contro- versialist would resort to. The list relied on is said to be in a DE. JOHN MILNER AND AUGUSTINE. 121 Decretal of Pope Innocent I., a.d. 405.* No one ever heard of this alleged list of Innocent for 460 years after the date assigned to the decretal letter. We hear of it for the first time in the ninth century, Avhen the mass of forged Decretals appeared. The Hst stands just at the end, where it was convenient for a forger to add to it ; and, to render the difficulty still more oppressing, in the earliest copies of this Letter we do not find the Book of Tobit.f I have in the former chapter given references as to what Augustine included in the " Sacred Canon of Scriptures." But it is fair to Dr. Milner that I should set out the passage in full on which he relies, hut does not quote, from the " City of God," Lib. xviii. c. 36 : — ■ " The account of which times ive hare not in the Canonical Scrij)tures, hut in others, amongst which the hooks of the Mac- cabees are also, which the Church, indeed, holdeth for canonical because of the vehement and wonderful sufi'eriugs of some Martyrs of the law of God before the coming of Christ. Such there were that endured intolerable torments, yet these books are but apocryphal to the Jews. "J Cardinal Cajetan, as I have shown clearly, warns us not to mis- understand Augustine when he applies the word " canonical " to those Apocryphal books, and that we are to distinguish them from the Sacred and Inspired Canon. Augustine on this head cannot be mistaken. In another place he said: — "Although there may something be found in the Books of Mac- cabees meet for this order of writing, and worthy to be joined with the number of miracles, yet we have intended only to touch a short rehearsal of miracles contained in the Divine Canon. "§ We have also the authority of Pope Gregory I. (the Great), so late as the beginning of the seventh century, giving direct testimony on this subject : — " We do not amiss if we produce a testimony out of the Books of Maccabees [licet non Canonicis), though not canonical, but published for the edification of the Church. "|| There is no subject on which the early Christians agreed more decidedly than in the rejection of the Books of Maccabees from the Sacred Canon of Scripture. The Koman Church professes to adopt their Vulgate from Jerome. Now Jerome is precise on this subject. He said : — " As, therefore, the Chtn-ch reads the Books of Judith, and Tobias, and of the Maccabees, but does not receive them into the canonical Scriptures, so also she may read these two writings * Ep. ad Exuperium, n. 7, Tom. ii. col. 1265, Lab. Concil. Paris, 1671. t L. i. Ep. 369, Cyro., p. 96. Paris, 1633. + P. 725. London, 1610. 5j Aug. de Mirab. Sac. Scrip., p. 26, Tom. iii. Ed. 1686. (Authority duiibteL) Jl See the Vatican Edition, Tom. ii. p. 899. Rome, 1608. 122 SAINT AUGUSTINE. [Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom] for the edification of the people, not to establish the authority o/' Ecclesiastical doctrines."* In the very edition sanctioned hy the Council of Trent as the authorized Vulgate of Jerome, Prefaces appeared at the head of each book which most distinctly excluded the Apocrypha from the canon. These have been subsequently withdrawn from the headings, which otherwise would have warned the reader of their apocryphal character. Dr. Milner, as a Bishop of the Koman Church, ought to have been aware of the true history of the Apocrypha. If he was not, then he was not qualified to write on the controversy. If he was aware of former protests, then he was guilty of wilful fraud and deception. I leave the reader to judge for himself — " Utrum horum mavis accipe." But, giving Dr. Milner all the benefit he can derive from the circumstance relied on (2 Mace. xii. 45), he is no nearer the mark. The Roman Purgatory is for those who die in the faith of Christ, the justified, whose sins have been absolved in their (so-called) Sacrament of Penance, and the eternal punishment remitted, and who are completing " Satisfaction," or temporal punishment. The soldiers in the text died, according to Roman theory, in mortal sin, as idols "were found on them." The collection made was, according to the Jewish custom, a sin-oflfering on behalf of the living, that they should not participate in the sins of the dead. Indeed, it is not pretended that there was a Purgatory previous to Christ's mission in this world. Again, we are informed (p. 412) that Augustine held there was a middle state, citing the narrative of Dives and Abraham. If " Abraham's Bosom " is the Roman Purgatory, very few persons would pay the Priest to free a relative from that happy state; he would conclude that the frightful tales of torments there endured were inconsistent with the happy state of those in " Abraham's Bosom." Dr. Milner continues (p. 413) : — "I might here add, as a farther proof of a Purgatory, the denunciation of Christ concerning blasphemy against the Holy Ghost; namely, that this sin shall not be for- given, either in this world or in the ivorld to come (Matt. xii. 32) : Avhich words clearly imply, that some sins are forgiven in the world to come, as the ancient Fathers show." And in a foot-note we are referred to "Aug. De Civit. Dei, lib. xxi. c. 24," being the same passage as cited by Dr. Wiseman [ante p. 1 11). Besides the fact, as I have there shown, of the doubt on the geniiineness of the quotation, it is merely necessary to observe that " the world to come," " where (Dr. Milner tells us that) some sins are forgiven," cannot point to the Romish Purgatory, for in their Purgatory sins are there not forgiven, * In Op. Hieron., Ben. Edit., Prjef. in Libros Salomonis, Tom. i. pp. 938-9. DE. JOHN MILNER AND AUGUSTINE. 123 but is represented as a place or state of temporal punishment for sins alleged to be already forgiven. And of course we are reminded of Augustine's prayer for his mother, Monnica (p. 415) : — "How affecting is this Saint's account of the death of his mother, St. Monica, when she entreated him to remember her soul at the altar, and when, after her decease, he per- formed this duty, in order, as he declares, ' to obtain the pardon of her sins ! ' " And here we again object that Purgatory is not a place where sin can be pardoned ; and I have elsewhere repeatedly shown how inappropriate is the rel'erence to this incident. Having now examined every single appeal to Augustine to support the figment of Popish Purgatory, we must admire Dr. Milner's boldness when he adds (p. 415), that "the doctrine of the Church" (naming Augustine as one of his authorities) " was the same that it is now, not only within a thousand but also within four hundred years from the time of Christ, with respect both to prayers for the dead, and an intermediate state which we call Purgatory." We have no reference to the doctrines of Confession or Penance ; and the other Sacraments are not even mentioned ! " Oti Miracles," we are informed (Letter xxiii. p. 237), that " the great St. Augustine in various passages of his works refers to the miracles wrought in the Catholic Church in evidence of her veracity ;" and in p. 241 in j)articular, Dr. Milner refers us to book xxii. cap. 8, of " The City of God," in proof of this claim to miracles as ''evidence of her veracity"! It is true that in this chapter — if genuine — Augustine cites a series of most absurd tales, to whicli no intelligent Romanist of the present day would give the slightest credence. As for the debatable argument of veracity, we have a very good authority in support of our doubt as to the genuineness of the chapter ; for Ludovicus Vives, a learned Eoman Catholic commentator on this work, in his notes on this very chapter, says, " that there are many additions in the chapter, I make no question, foisted in by such as make a practice of depraving authors of authority." Dr Milner very briefly quotes one of the series, the case of a man recovering his sight at the tomb of two Martyrs, who were revealed to be Martyrs to Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, in a dream ! Not one of these marvels does Augustine say he himself performed or even witnessed personally, but that they were related to him. How far such " old wives' fables" assist Dr. Milner in enlisting Augustine in favour of the Roman branch of the "Catholic Church" I fail to discover. They may reveal to us the " mark of the beast,'' who should develop itself with " signs and lying wonders."* Augustine opens the chapter with this * If this is tlie genuine production of Augustine, the entire chaiiter is a blacli spot and a blemish in his otherwise glorious productions. It shows how nearly allied is superstition to religion, and that the great mind of Augustine was not free from that 124 SAINT AUGUSTINE. remarlvable passage : — " But bow cometh it to pass that you have no such miracles now-a-days as you say were done of yore ? I might answer that they were necessary, before the world beheved, to induce it to believe, and he that seeketh to be confirmed by miracles now is to be wondered at most of all himself in refusing to believe when all the world believeth besides him."* The Donatists also appealed to their miracles to prove that they alone constituted the Catholic Church. Augustine met them with the following reply : — " Let them, if they can, demonstrate their Church, not by the talk and rumour of the Africans; not by the Councils of their Bishops; not by tlie books of their disputes; not hi/ deceitful miracles, against which ue are cautioned by the Word of God ; but in the prescript of the Law, in the predictions of the Prophets, in the verses of the Psalms, in the voice of the Shepherd Himself, in the preaching and works of the Evangelists ; that is, in all the canonical authorities of the Sacred Scriptures. "f But, perhaps, the most impudent appeal to Augustine is conveyed by a citation which is selected as a motto, heading the very first Letter, doubtless intending that his readers should believe that the Roman Church has ever followed the precept laid down by Augus- tine deprecating persecutions for conscience' sake. The following is the passage : — " ' Let those treat you harshly, who are not acquainted with the difficulty of attaining to truth and avoiding eri'or. Let those treat you harshly who know not how hard it is to get rid of old prejudices. Let those treat you harshly who have not learned how very hard it is to purify the interior eye, and render it capable of contemplating the sun of the soul, truth. — But as to us : we are far from this dis- position towards persons who are separated from us, not by errors of their own invention, but by being entangled in those of others. We are so far from this disposition, that we pray to God, that in refuting the false opinions of those whom you follow, not from malice but imprudence, He would bestow upon us that spirit of peace which feels no other sentiment than charity, no other interest than that of Jesus Christ, no other wish but for your salvation.' — St. Augus- tine, Doctor of the Church, a.d. 400, contra Ep. Fund. 1. i. c. ii." When Augustine wrote this Christians were the persecuted. Times changed when the Boman Church became dominant, and we contrast with the above tlie language of Pope Pius V. when the Duke of Alva boasted that he had slaughtered 18,000 unoffending Protes- failing. That tbe reader may form his own judgment in the matter, I have given in Appendix A, almost in the very words of Augustine, each case that Augustine cites. (I quote from Edition of 1610, with Ludovicus Vives' annotations.) * Ed. London, 1610, p. 882. + Bened. Edit., Tom. ix. p. 252. DE. JOHN MILNER AND AUGUSTINE. 125 tants in the Netherlands. The Pontiff wrote to the Duke " as his dear son/^ eucourao-ing him in the course of persecution, and in this way to rise in his progress to everlasting glory. " Nothing is more glorious (he wrote) to the Church or more acceptable to our paternal mind, than to learn that military men and courageous generals, such as you were always known to be, and proved in the present most dangerous war, seek not their own interest or glory, but serve under the Omnipotent God, who will reward His soldiers fighting for Him, and the glory of His name, not with a corruptible, but with an eternal and imperishable crown."* From the days of Archbishop Berengarius (a.d. 1059), who was compelled, under pain of being burnt alive, to subscribe to the dogma of Transubstantiation in its grossest and most literal form, until the power of persecution was taken away from her at the Reformation, the Church of Rome has been an essentially persecuting Church. Witness the exterminating decrees of Innocent in.,t Honorius III., Innocent IV., Innocent VIII., Alexander IV., Urban IV., John XXII., Boniface IX., Juhus II., Leo X., Pius V., &c., &c., all directed to the extermination of so-called heretics. Witness the * See Mendbam's Life of Pius V., pp. 65, 68, 90. London, 1832. t Innocent IIL may be accepted as a pattern of persecuting Popes. His extermi- nating Bull, which was passed into a law at the Fourth Lateran Council, was directed more especially against the Alliigenses (Protestants in the south of France), but in fact extended to "all heretics, under whatever names they may be ranged." Pope Gregory IX. had this law formally included in the Canon Law of the Riman Church, and to the present day it is fo be found among the Decretals of Gregory IX., book v. title vii. c. 3, Tom. ii. col. 758. Edit. Lips., 1839. The Bull commences thus : — "We excommunicate and anathematise every heresy exalting itself against that holy, orthodox, and Catholic faith which we have above set forth ; condemning all hereties, under what- ever names they may be ranged ; let those persons, when condemned, be abandoned to the secular authorities, in order that they may be duly punished, &c., &c. " The nature of that punishment we learn from the " Ecclesiastical Annals" of Bzovius, the Roman Catholic historian, wherein he tells us that "Pope Innocent III. could no longer brook the obstinacy of the erring Albigenses ;" he enlisted the services of Simon Count Montfort, " a most eager adversary of the heretics." — "Much trouble was expended in taking the camp of Minerva, for there were found therein 180 persons ivlio preferred being burnt alive to adopting a pious creed. " He furtlier t^ lis us that in the year 1209, at Innocent's command, a Crusade was established at Lyons "for the destruction of the Albigenses, so that 500,000 were reckoned in the Catholic army." — " Verum was taken by storm. There also the impious were delivered to fire, when they persisted in their madness." — " Louvain being triken, Agmeri, tie Lord of Mountroyal, was hange 1 ; 80 others, who fell from the gibbet, were slain by the Crusaders, who were impatient of the delay, by the orders of Simon, and innumerable heretics hitrnt." . . . " In the same year the Crusaders obtained possession of another great city, by the Divine aid, situated near Toulouse — in which, when, after an examination of the people, all promised to return to the faith, 450 of them, hardened by the devil, persisted in their obstinacy, of whom 400 were burnt, and the rest were hanged. The same was done in the other towns and castles ; these wretches willingly exposing themselves to death." He then tells us that not content with this, he handed over to the " Godlike Dominick " and the Inquisition the task of exterminating the heretics. (Bzovii Annal. Eccl., Tom. xiii. p. 156 ; An. Chr. 1209 : and see An. 1211, An. 1215 ; Innocent III., 12, 14, 19.) Pope Innocent issued a Bull compelling the secular power, under pain of anathema, to exterminate the Albigenses ! 126 SAINT AUGUSTINE. decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council and of Constance, which ordered that heretics should be burnt alive ; and witness the burning of John Huss and Jerome of Prague, and of our English Reformers, Craumer, iiidley, Latimer, Hooper, &c., in the reign of Mary. Witness the cruel persecutions of ihe Waldenses and Albigenses, the massacres of French Protestants, the Dragonades, and the thousands that were tortured and murdered by the " Holy In- quisition " ! The same system of persecution of so-called heretics was advocated by Thomas Aquinas, Liguori, Alphonsus a Castro, and others. Even in our own times persecution of heretics is boldly advocated, when it can be enforced, even to imprisonment and death, and religious liberty is declared to be wholly incompatible with the existence of the Eoman rehgion.* " Catholicism," the writer boasts, " is the most intolerant of creeds." Dr. John Milner, on the authority of St. Augustine, would have us beheve that the Eoman Cburch, in the " spirit of peace and charity," would lead us, erring heretics, to the knowledge of the truth by prayer and gentle persuasion. He seems himself to have forgotten his own episcopal oath to " persecute and fight " (persequar impug- nabo) heresy wherever he meets it ! I thus dispose of Rome's great champion, the author of " The End of Religious Controversy," in his appeals to Augustine. CHAPTER XIV. "the faith of catholics" and AUGUSTINE. I HAVE now only left for consideration the Commonplace Book of the Fathers, passing under the title " The Faith of Catholics." This work was originally compiled by two Roman Priests, Kirk and Berington. As first presented to us, this compilation was replete with disgraceful misquotations from the "Fathers," which were successfully exposed by the Rev. R. T. Pope in his " Roman Mis- quotations," and by the Rev. George Stanley Faber in his " Diffi- culties of Romanism.^' The present edition of "The Faith of Catholics," 1846, bearing the name of the Rev. James Waterworth as Editor, while free from such disgraceful blemishes, nevertheless errs in another direction, namely, by a systematic omission of passages from the " Fathers,''' which, if honestly quoted, would nullify Rome's modern theories. * See the "Rambler," a Romish " Monthly," January, 1854, p. 2; June, 1849; September, 1851 (see Appendix B). " THE FAITH OF CATHOLICS " AND AUGUSTINE. 127 With few exceptions, we in vain search for such passages in this revised edition. Here, again, " Suppressio veri suggestio falsi" — the suppression of the truth is a suggestion of falsehood — is a received maxim ; and I may be permitted to quote the words of a recent Lord Chancellor when giving judgment in the famous Overend and Gurney frauds. Eeferring to some evidence adduced, he said, " The objec- tion is not that it does not state the truth, but that it conceals most material facts, the very concealment of which ffives to the truth the character of falsehood." This systematic suppression of the whole truth we find more especially exercised with regard to the writings of Augustine. I have reckoned up upwards of two hundred and fifty passages quoted from his works, but we in vain search among these for the numerous extracts I have given in the foregoing pages. The subjects treated of in " The Faith of Gathohcs '' are introduced under different heads, the first being '' J ustijication through Christ and the merit of good works." In the outset we are startled with the " Proposition," boldly advanced as a "Catholic" truth, in the very words of Augustine, placed in inverted commas as a quota- tion, but without any intimation that they are his : — "God crowns His own gifts when He crowns the good works of His servants " (Vol. i. p. 3). Further, there is not the shghtest intimation that this very passage had been solemnly condemned by the Roman Church, being entered in their Expurgatory Index as decidedly- heretical ! There is no doctrine more clearly taught by the early Christian writers than that faith — in derision called "Solifi- dianism"when applied to Luther's teaching — is our sole justification before God ; and yet this is the only quotation given on this im- portant point, made doubly important from the acrimonious discus- sions that have been raised on the subject, and as being the great question on which the Reformation of the Church in the sixteenth century was based. I trust I shall be pardoned here if I venture to fill in this glarino- omission by citing the testimony of some of the Fathers. I pro- pose to quote only a few of such passages on the " Solifidian " system. The following passages are set out with full text and references in Birckbek's "Protestant Evidence " :* — Justin Martyr, a.d. 130. " To see God is granted to men by faith only, and what alone we see God by, by that alone we are justified." Tertullian, a.d. 201. "The faith by which the just live, is the faith of the same God whose the law is in which he that worketh is not justified." * See Vol. I., reprint. London, 1849. 128 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Clement of Alexandria, a.d. 200- "Faith alone is tlie Catholic salvation of mankind." Orirjen, a.d 230. "The Apostle saith, that justification by faith alone is suffi- cient." Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, a.d. 370, or if not Ambrose, some writer, according to Bellarmine, contemporary with him.* "They are justified by faith alone by the gift of God." — • " Only faith is appointed to salvation." Basil the Great, Bishop of Ccesarea, A.D. 370. ''As it is written, 'Let him that boasteth, boast in the Lord.' In this is the perfect and complete boasting in God, that no one is extolled on account of his own righteousness, but we know that he, beiug destitute of real righteousness, is justified by faith only in Christ." Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers, A.D. 360. " Wages cannot be considered as a gift, because they are due to work ; but God has given free grace to all men by the justification of faith." Gregory Naziatizen, a.d. 370. " Confess Jesus Christ, and believe that He has risen from the dead, and thou shalt be saved. For believing only is righteousness." Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, a.d. 40G. " Thou obtainest righteousness not by thine own labour, but by gift from above, bringing one thing only from within, namely faith." " And it is reasonable for us to say this at present ; let us approach asking with boldness. Let us bring faith alone, and He gives all things." — " For these things are the sustain- ing means of salvation ; not at all by works, not at all by uprightness, but by true faith." Theodoret, BisJiop of Cyrus, a.d. 430. " We can attain these spiritual good things, not by any laudable works of ours, but by faith alone." Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, a.d. 420. "The faith of Christ alone purifieth the heart." — "Faith being absent, what other justice of man remaineth." Fulgentitis, a Bishop of Africa, 520. " We are freely justified by faith only and not by works." ^^ " Auctor ' Commentarioium in Ep. Pauli,' aqualis sinedubio Ambrosii fuit." Bell., Lib. iv. de Justif., cap. viii. " THE FAITH OF CATHOLICS " AND AUGUSTINE. 129 Primasius, a Bishop of Africa, a.d. 545, " Not by works, but by faith alone through grace dost thou know that thou hast life."* And so we might proceed from year to year even to the days of Luther, who was declared a heretic and derided for teacliing this very same doctrine, so continually repeated by Augustine. The above will sufBciently exemplify my accusation against the compilers of "The Faith of Catholics" of the sin of omission, rather than the sin of commission. We are next presented with elaborate extracts, under the heading " Authority of the Churchy Wherever the words " Catholic " or " Catholic Church'^ are used, the same are pressed into the service of the Romish Church without hesitation as if the peculiar sect re- presented by the Bishop of Rome, as its head, was pointed out as being exclusively vested with supreme authority, and specially referred to under those titles. Never was such a fallacy. This remark is more pointedly applicable to the extracts from Augus- tine's works, in which the Church of Rome, or the Church pre- sided over by the Bishop of that See, is never once mentioned in any such exclusive character. The same remarks apply to the extracts under the headings of " The Unity of the Church," " The Visibility of the Churchf and " Indefectibility of the Church," the extracts being principally from Augustine's writings against the Donatists, who, like modern Romanists, had set up their communion as the only " Catholic Church." Under the title " Apostolicity of the Church," there is an im- portant passage thrice quoted, which is attributed to Augustine.f The Donatists, as we have already noticed, had set up one of their Bishops at Rome in opposition to the legitimate Bishop of that See. Augustine protested against this assumption, pointing out the direct descent of the then presiding Bishop from the Apostles as the title to the legitimate succession. The passage is thus quoted: — "For if the order of Bishops succeeding to each other is to be considered, how much more securely, and really beneficially, do we reckon from Peter himself, to whom bearing a figure of the Church, the Lord says, ' Upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of Hell shall not overcome it.' For to Peter suc- ceeded Linus; to Linus, Clement [he gives the whole successors] ; to Damasus, Syricius ; to Syricius, Anastasius. In this order of suc- * We find in the Madrid edition of Expurgatory Index, 1667 (p. 53, col. 2), quoted io Chapter III., the following : — "Christus dele etiam. Justificat gratia sua, non ex operi- bue," to be expunged from the works of St. Athanasius, in addition to the passages I Lare pointed out as expurgated from Augustine's works. t Vol. i. p. 2SS, and vol. ii. pp. 41, 85. 130 SAINT AUGUSTINE. cession no Donatist Bishop appears." Again (vol. i. p. 284), " Nay, if all throughout the whole world were such as you most idly slander them, what has the chair of the Eoman Church, in which Peter sat, and in which Anastasius now sits ? " Here, beyond the assertion of a direct Apostolic descent, there is asserted, as an alleged fact, that Peter sat as jirst Bishop of Eome. As a historical fact, however, we have the testimony of the first two writers who ever mentioned the subject, namely, Irenseus, Bishop of Lyons, and Tertullian, his contemporary, who give us another version, Ireneeus informs us that while Paul and Peter icere together journeying, founding and establishing churches, they together appointed Linus as the first Bishop of Home,* while Tertullian testified that Peter ordained Clement as the first Bishop of Rome.f But neither of them asserts that Peter personally was first, or ever Bishop of Rome. Therefore, if the passages inserted in Augustine's works are genuine, they are historically false. When we find a similar admitted forgery in Cyprian's works, it will not be uncharitable to suggest that this is also an interpola- tion. Under the title " Catholicity of the Church^' the extracts prove that Augustine was referring to the Universal Church spread through- out the world. The Roman Church is not once named. Under the title of " The Scriptures" not one single passage which I have quoted in a former chapter is to be found under this heading ! On " The Church the Expoimder of Scriptures," we are nowhere told by Augustine that we are to appeal to Rome or to her Priests for such exposition. Nor on "Private Judgmetit" i^ there any authority quoted for asserting that we are to follow the expositions emanatiug either from Rome or from any private individual. On '' Ap)ostolic Tradition '' we have here quoted the two passages already noticed as to Infant Baptism, and those relating to the " cele- brating with an anniversary solemnity " of the Passion and the Resurrection, and the Ascension of the Lord into heaven, and the coming of the Holy Spirit from heaven. These facts are clearly laid down in Scripture, but Augustine was merely referring to the annual celebration commemorating these facts ;% he was not treating of doctrine. We are referred to an extract on " Prayers for the Dead," and Augustine's belief that " the Lord may deal with them more mercifully than their sins have deserved." I have admitted that the custom of praying for the dead was a very ancient custom ; in fact, it was the earliest innovation, introduced into the Church about the beginning of the third century, and we find in the old * See "Faith of Catholics," Vol. i. p. 253. + Prses, Hreret., Tom. ii. c, 32, p. 470. Wirceb., 1781. :J: See Vol. i. p. 439, of " Faith of Catholics." " THE FAITH OF CATHOLICS " AND AUGUSTINE. 131 Liturgies that in those prayers were inchided prayers /or the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, the Virgin Mary, and Martyrs; all which would be proclaimed heresy in the present day. These are the only evidences adduced from the writings of Augustine of his acceptance of Aj)ostolic Tradition. And under the title of " Councils," all that Augustine admitted to be authorized by such tribunals as "Apostolic Traditions" were questions of custom, but not of doctrine. Conjirmation (vol. i. p. 149). There are three quotations given under this head referring to the descent of the Holy Spirit, and that " they upon whom hands are laid should speak with tongues." What that has to do with " Confirmation " is difficult to conceive. Augustine is then quoted as follows: — "Sprinkhng with water." " The Chrism is this. For the oil of our fire is the Sacrament of the Holy Ghost."—" Of Christ it is written in the Acts of the Apostles, 'how God anointed Him with the Holy Ghost,' not, indeed, with visible oil, but with the gift of grace which is signified by that visible unction wherewith the Church anoints the baptized." But there is not one word of Gonfirmation, either as a Sacrament or otherwise as a form of the Church, though probably Confirmation was practised. Tlie Eucharist. I have already observed that we meet in the Fathers most extravagant language as applied to this subject. In- deed, the compilers of "The Faith of Catholics" (vol. ii. p. 317) have given us a striking instance. In quoting from a Homily of Chrysostom, we read : — " Wherefore, then, what ought not he to be more pure who enjoys so great a sacrifice ? Purer than any solar ray should that hand be that divides the flesh* ; that mouth that is filled with a spiritual fire ; that tongue that is reddened with that most awful blood. Think how thou hast been honoured. What a table thou enjoyest. That at which when the angels look upon it they tremble, and dare not without dread regard fixedly by reason of the brightness that emanates thence, with that we are nourished, with that commingled, and have become one body and one flesh with Christ.'^ And he says much more to the same effect. When, how- ever, these writers abandon this extravagant style, and in their sober moments, we find them describing the elements as ti/pes, images, representations, &c., &c., of the body and blood of Christ. It is in this spirit we must read these ancient authors. The real question between us is whether any one single Father of the Church for the first five centuries ever alluded to a change of substance of the bread and wine as now taught by the Eoman Church. We in vain search for any such passages in the several quotations given as from * By the way, we may note in passing that Priests alone can offer this so-called " Sacrifice," and their being in mortal sin does not, they tell us, vitiate their exceptional Sacerdotal powers, nor alter the efficacy of the Sacrament ! K 2 132 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Augustine. Among those given* they have quoted as orthodox the passage wherein Augustine referred to the Israehtes eating the same sjnritiial meat as Christians, which sentiment, we have seen, was condemned as heretical ! (See ante, p. 15.) The passage referring to David's feigned madness, " that he bore himself in his own hands" (vol. ii. p. 337), and that Augustine applied this to Christ at the Last Supper, is also quoted. The compilers, however, have the candour to put the original passage in a note, though not the full translation in the text: — " Et ferebatur in manibus suis . . . quomodo ferebatur in manibus suis ? Quia cum commendaret ipsum corpus suum et sanguiuem suum, accepit in manus quod norunt fideles : et ipse se portabat quodam modo cum diceret ' Hoc est corpus meum.' " Augustine does not say that our Lord did realli/ carry His own body in His own hand, but only after a certain manner. The proposition sought to be established is truly too ridiculous. Augustine's theory was that signs of things represent the things signified. The bread and wine represented a tt/pe or Jif/ure of His body and blood, and, therefore, after a certain manner, that is, typically or allegorically. He bore Himself in His own bands. Nothing more can be made of this passage. We may rest assured, as is the fact, that the compilers have omitted the striking passages I have quoted: — "You shall not eat this body ■which you see, nor drink this blood which they shall shed, that will crucify Me. I have commanded a certain sacrament unto you, that being spiritually understood, will quicken you. Although it is needful that this he visibly celebrated, yet it must he sjyiritually tmderstood." Nor, indeed, do we find any of the other important passages on this subject which I have quoted — a clear indication that Augustine's doctrines are not accepted as " the Faith of Catholics " of the present day. Communion in One Kind (vol. ii. p. 389). We have not one single quotation from the works of Augustine to sanction the refusal of the cup to the laity. The fact being, whenever Augustine men- tions the Sacrament, he invariably couples the two — bread and wine ■ — body and blood — in one sentence. Indeed, we have seen that when Augustine says that the bread oxi^wine are to be administered to infants he is censured. [Ante, p. 25, No. 73.) Hacrijice of tlie Mass. There is a fallacy which runs through the entire chapter under this heading with reference to Augustine. Wherever the word Sacrifice is used it is attributed to the Sacrifice of the Mass ; and several times we are referred to Augustine's allusion to the " Clean Sacrifice " offered up by the Priests " according to the order of Melchisedeck," foretold by the Prophet Malachi (i., ii.). This, they state, has reference to their Sacrifice * Vol. i. p. 333 ; vol. ii. p. 33. " THE FAITH OF CATHOLICS " AND AUGUSTINE. 133 of the Mass. But Augustine distinctly tells us that "by the daily sacrifice spoken of by the Prophet Malachi are meant the prayers and jrraises of the Saints."* This is the same interpretation as given by Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius, Hilary, and Chrysostom.f This interpretation we take to be a key to the other references when a Christian Sacrifice is alluded to. I have already noted the important fact that the present Service of the Mass is very different from that which was used by the Church in the days of Augustine, particularly in the notable additions, in, espe- cially that part of the Service which is now esteemed its very essence, namely, its propitiatory character, by offering up the unconsecrated elements. I And, what is more to the point, I have noted the blundering manner in which they have placed the five prayers offering up the elements as a propitiatory sacrifice before the act of consecration, and, therefore, the bare unconsecrated elements, simply bread and wine, are offered up in the Roman Mass as a propitiatory Sacrifice. But this by the way. We have, of course, recorded the request of Monnica, Augustine's mother, to her son, " to remember hei: at the altar of the Lord," and that Augustine informs us that " the sacrifice of ransom was offered up for her." I have already given my views on this incident. They may or may not be correct, but it is very probable that the mourners partook of the Sacrament after the burial ceremony, when they offered up \\\Qyc prayers and praises according to the custom of the period. Nothing more can be gathered from these extracts, certainly not that Augustine believed in the propitiatory character of the ceremonies. Pi-nance.^ It may be taken for granted that we do not find in the " faith of Catholics " any patristic authority for the complicated ecclesiastical machinery for getting rid of our sins and eternal and temporal punishments, as laid down in their so called Sacrament of "Penance." We have no mention of Attrition, Confession, Abso- lution, and Satisfaction under this head as parts of the so-called Sacrament, or that the latter, " Satisfaction," is wiped out by Indulgences, Purgatorj', or the Mass, or by proxy! We have under this head but one passage from Augustine. || This passage refers to the early custom of doing penances, as a discipline prescribed by the Church ; but there is no reference to previous confession to a Priest or to the other appointed forms. * Lib. ii. Cont. Lit., c. 86, p. 272, Tom. ix. P,,ris, 1688. t Justin Martyr, Dialog, cum Tryph,, p. 219. London, 1722. Clement. Alexand. Strom., Lil>. viii. Oper., p. 728, Eusebius, says that the prayers of believeis are the uubloody and reasonable sacrifice. De Laud. Const. Orat., p. 659; Dcmonst. Evang., Lib. i. c. 8 ; De Vit. Const., Lib. iv. c. 45 ; Hilary, in Palm, cxl., Oper., p. 330 ; Cliry- sostom, Hom. xi. on Heb. vi. J See ante, p. 82. § Vol. iii. p. 2. "Faith of Catholics," 1846. y Vol. iii. p. 33. Ibid. 134 SAINT AUGUSTINE. On Confession. There are eighteen quotations as from Augustine. Not only does not one of them mention private confession to a Priest, but they all point to a confession to God. "Hope in the Lord, for I will still confess to Him," is the recommendation of every single direction as to confession. We do not find among these extracts Augustine's direct repudiation of confession to his fellow-man.* And as to Satisfaction, all they can tell us is that Augustine exclaimed : — " A sacrifice to God is a contrite spirit ; a contrite heart God does not despise." But we fail to see in all this the instrumentality of the Priest or a Sacrament ! On Indulgences Augustine is judiciously passed over in silence If Turgatory. By the usual artifice this subject is coupled with j)rayers for the dead, an admittedly ancient custom, but, as we have seen, Augustine had no fixed notions as to this third state, and those passages expressing his doubts on the subject are characteris- tically omitted4 On Extreme Unction. We have here again no reference to Augus- tine !§ Orders.\ There is one only reference from Augustine on " Orders," and that is on a Donatist Priest " going over to the Church from their party," Augustine adds : — "And when it is judged expedient for the Church that such Prelates, in returning to Catholic fellow- ship should not exercise therein their hands, the Sacraments them- selves of ordination are not taken away from them, but remain with them."1I But as Augustine referred to many other ceremonies, even signing with the Cross, as Sacraments, this cannot be cited as any evidence that " Orders" were held by him as a Sacrament, such as Baptism and the Lord's Supper, otherwise he would have mentioned "Orders" specially with those two. Although "Orders" was not authoritatively declared to be a Sacrament until a.d. 1439, by the Council of Florence, it is not at all to be wondered at that a Priest should attach great importance to his own office, and even impart to it a Sacramental character, though it will be difficult for them to state when such a Sacrament was ordained by Christ, a necessary antecedent to be proved. On Celibacy of the Clergy. Here Augustine is again silent !** On Images -W Not one of the numerous passages in condemnation of the use of images in rehgious exercises is given, nor is there a single passage quoted from Augustine's works on this important subject, although the present Koman Creed makes the use of images in religious worship imperative, especially in Churches ! Invocation of Angels and Saints.XX On this we have thirteen passages quoted ; all, save one, refer to the departed prayingyor * See ante, p. 94, + Vol. iii. p. 131. J Vol. iii. p. 140. § Vol. iii. p. 208. II Vol. iii. p. 213. t Vol. iii. p. 225. ** Vol. iii. p. 233. +t Vol. iii. p. 317. JJ Vol. iii. p. 322. "the faith of catholics" and AUGUSTINE. 135 those on earth. Even in this view Augustine expresses a doubt.* " The question is indeed a great one, not to be discussed at present . whether, or how far, or in what way, the spirits of the dead know the things which happen in our regard." That is a very different question from praying to them for their help and assistance, and our pleading their supposed superabundant merits on our behalf. True, the compilers cite the case alleged to be recorded by Augustine (p. 377), of " a certain woman, who seeing that her child was dead and irreparably lost," ran with the dead body to a place dedicated to "the blessed Martyr Stephen, and began demanding her son from him," and to " restore her son." And accordingly we are told that her son came to life ! Well ! if such was the genuine production of Augustine, all we can add is, that it is very different from his other sentiments expressed on the subject of prayers ; and I venture to assert that no lay Roman Catholic of the present day will believe that such a circumstance ever took place. Modern Romanists under similar circumstances, if they offered up any prayer at all, would invoke the Virgin Mary, not Stephen ! It is evident that the compilers of Patristic authority, purported to be collected in their commonplace book of the Fathers, " The Faith of Catholics," have utterly failed to vindicate Rome's peculiar dogmas, as having received any sanction from the writings of Augus- tine. The genuine works of Augustine are triumphantly cleared of all taint of Romanism. Augustine nowhere acknowledged the Supremacy or Infallibility of the Bishop of Rome. He proclaimed the Canonical Scriptures as his sole guide in matters of faith, rejecting the Apocrypha from the Sacred Canon. There is no trace in his writings of the modern theological enigma passing under the name of " Transubstantiation," nor of the worship of the con- secrated elements, nor of any propitiatory character in the cele- bration of the Lord's Supper. He nowhere maintained Sacerdotal Sacramentalism, the essence of Rome's present theological system. Sacramental Confession and Priestly Absolution were formally rejected by him. The theory of Purgatory, though then germinating, was not developed until many years after Augustine's day, and the use and application of Indulgences were unknown to him. His teaching on the doctrine of Justification and Meritorious Works has been formally repudiated, and he knew nothing of Works of Supererogation and the bank of " Celestial Treasure," forming an alleged in- exhaustible fund of superabundant merits of departed Saints, nor of their application for the relief of others. He recognised one sole Mediator between God and Man, Christ Jesus. The Invocation of Saints, and use of Images in religious worship, were practices wholly foreign to his system of Theology. And Rome's Immaculate * Vol. iii. p. 374. "Faith of Catholics," 1846. 136 SAINT AUGUSTINE. Virgin, though held by Augustine as a being highly favoured, was, in his estimation, hke every other son or daughter of Adam, a being born in sin. In fact Kome has built up for herself a system of her own, a Sacerdotal Sacramental system, by which the Priest is made the instrument of salvation through the Sacraments, and the Mother of Christ's humanity is raised to the rank of a Goddess in heaven, " as the only hope of sinners," " for to her," they tell us, " belongs dominion and power," " the Eternal Father haviog given the office oi judge and avenger io the Sou, and that of showing merctj and relieving the necessitous to the Mother ;" and " At the Command OF Mary all obey, even God.""^ CONCLUSION. Having thus carefully and critically examined every important passage in the works of Augustine, which bears in any way on the doctrines and teachings of the Eoman Church, as now professed in her Creed, we cannot sufficiently admire the boldness of professors of that system of worship when they claim Augustine as a Doctor and canonized Saint of their Church, whose teaching is to be followed in approaching our God in prayer, and whose example is placed before us as to the manner and means of obtaining salvation. For a striking example of the more modern appeal to Augustine, in the manner above indicated, I cannot better conclude than by quoting the words of Cardinal Focaccetti, Bishop of Lystra, in his "Apostolic Notification," issued 12th June, 1873, on the occasion of the success attending the Evangelical Mission of Siguor Borelli, in Italy, In this document he appeals to Augustine as proof that there is only one Church, out of which there can be no salvation, and that one Church is exclusively the Church over which the Bishop of Eome presides. After lamenting the spread of what he is pleased to designate as heresy, that is the preaching of the j)ure Gospel of Christ, the Cardinal proceeds as follows : — " My sons, be on your guard, and take care that no one come and ensnare you with foolish discourses. By the grace of God, you belong to the only true Church of Jesus Christ, — the holy, Catholic, Apostohc, Koman Church ; and whosoever shall try to separate you therefrom, is not only a deceiver, but a vile satellite of Antichrist. The Apostle Paul declared to the Galatians, ' If an angel from * Cardinal Manning's Edition of Liguori's "Glories of Mary,"i)p. 102, 12, 14, 115, London, 1868. CONCLUSION. 137 heaven came and preached any other Gospel to you than that which we have preached unto you, let him he accursed ! ' Now the doctrine preached to the world hy Paul himself and the other Apostles, is the same as that inviolahbj transmitted to us through the Infallihle Ruler of the Church ; and whosoever shall gainsay it is a heretic. Because, as says the same Apostle, ' There is one Lord, one faith, one baptism^ : therefore, as the great Augustine explains it, there is one incorruptible Catholic Church, out of which there is no salvation. Bear always in mind that he who attacks the Church, attacks its visible head, the Roman Pontifex Maximus, for uhi Petriis, ihi Ecclesia [where Peter is, there is the Church] ; and the edifice cannot be separated from the foundation on which it is based. Wherefore, he who shall endeavour to withdraw you from submission to the Vicar of Jesus Christ, intends to seduce you to schism and heresy ; and thereby not only exposes you in every way to the most cruel shame, but will plunge you into the abyss of unbelief and eternal perdition." If it were possible for Augustine to return to this earth, with what astonishment would he behold the Roman Priesthood of the present day, in witnessing their eccentric ceremonies and complicated services, their vestments, lights, incense, images ; and, on listening to their strange doctrines, he would assuredly exclaim, " Who are ye? I know not whence ye are" ! APPENDICES. APPENDIX A. (P. 124.) From Augustine's "City of God," Book xxii. c. yiii. pp. 882-890. Lud. Vives' Translation. London, 1610. 1. A blind man obtained his sight at the shrine of two Martyrs : — " Their bodies lay long unknown until Ambrose the Bishop had notice of them by relation in a dream." 2. Innocentius was operated on for fistula. Two painful but un- successful operations had been made. Another skilled surgeon was called in. The patient was visited by "Holy Men," who prayed with him. They advised him "to trust in God and be patient." After prayers the Bishop gave a blessing. The next day they returned with the surgeon. When, however, the third operation was about to be performed, lo ! they found the patient already cured. 3. A devout woman had a cancer in her breast, which was pro- nounced incurable. She was advised to have the parts cut away. She prayed ; and in a dream she was told at Easter, then close on, she would meet with a woman at the Baptismal font, and that she should entreat that woman to sign her with the sign of the cross. She acted up to her instructions, and was cured. However, Augustine tells us that when he inquired about this alleged miracle, none of her fellow- matrons had heard of it ! 4. A physician, troubled with the gout, gave in his name to be baptized. The night before he was forbidden " by a crew of curly- headed negro boys, whom he knew to be devils, but he refusing to obey them, they stamped on his feet so that he was put to extreme pain " ; nevertheless, he was baptized next day, and was cured of the goat. 6. Another was freed of palsy by baptism. 6. A captain was haunted by evil spirits. A priest " prayed with him and he was cured. Now he had a little of the earth whereon the Sepulchre of Christ standeth, bestowed on him by a friend, which he had hung up in his chamber for the better avoidance of these wicked illusions from his own person." 7. Another case of palsy cured by prayer. 8. A young man was brought to a martyr's memorial possessed with the devil. He was aroused from a stupor by women singing psalms. He woke up in a fright and seized hold of the altar, where- upon " the devil within him began mournfully to cry for mercy, APPENDICES. 139 relating how he entered the man, and how he would leave him. He named the parts of him he would spoil at his departure ; so saying these words he departed. But one of the young man's eyes fell down on his cheek, and hung only by a little string." The people helped him with their prayers. They advised a surgeon, but " his sister's husband said that God, who had delivered him from the devil, had power to restore his eye." He replaced the eye, bound it up, and the young man was cured. 9. A virgin was freed from the devil which possessed her " only by anointing with oil mixed with the tears of the Priest that prayed for her." 10. A Bishop is said to have ejected the devil from a youth he had never seen. 11. "A poor and godly man," a cobbler, lost his upper garment, and not being able to buy another he came to the shrine of the " Twenty Martyrs," and prayed to them to "help him to regarments," where he was jeered by the street boys. He afterwards " spied a great fish newly cast up by the sea." This he took " to a cook, a good Christian," and sold the fish to him " for 300 halfpence, intending to buy wool for his wife to spin a garment for him." The cook, cutting up the fish, " found a ring of gold in its belly which amazed him ; his conscience made him send for the poor man, and gave him the ring, saying to him, 'Behold how the Twenty Martyrs have apparelled you ! " _ 12. A Bishop carrying the reliques of Saint Stephen, among the people who flocked to see them was a blind woman, who recovered her sight by having flowers, given her by the same Bishop, which she applied to her eyes. 13. Another Bishop also bearing the reliques was absolutely cured of fistula. 14. Another was cui'ed of stone by the same reliques. Being laid out for dead of another disease, he was brought to the shrine of Stephen and was restored to life. 15. A certain " son-in-law " at the shrine of Stephen prayed " with showers of tears and storms of religious sighs" for the conversion of his father-in-law. He took some of the flowers from the shrine of Stephen, and laid them on his father-in-law's head while asleep; when he awoke he believed, and, to the amazement of all, was baptized." 16. Two others were cured of the gout at the same shrine. 17. A child, run over by a cart, and so crushed as to pass all hope of recovery, was made whole on being presented at the shrine of St. Stephen. 18. A woman sick, past recovery, had her garments sent to the same shrine ; before they were brought back she died. The parents covered her with the garments, and she came to life. 19. 20, 21. A similar case is recorded of one Bassus, and one Irenus ; and the son of one Elusius was brought to life by being taken to the same shrine. And hei-e Augustine is made to excuse himself for being tedious, and adds that he might fill volumes with 140 APPENDICES. the narration of all the miracles done at the shrine of St. Stephen. He adds, that although the shrine had been there only two years, " there are almost seventy volumes written of those that have been recorded since that time to this." But at Calama, he says, " the shrine is more ancient, the miracles more often, and the books far more in number," and regrets that a more careful record is not made of these facts. 22. Another case was so extraordinary that he feels himself forced to relate it. Under the advice of a Jew, a noble woman who had found a ring, in which was a peculiar stone, from the inside of an ox, sewed it in a girdle of hair, which she was told she must wear next to her skin. Thus arrayed, she visited the Martyr's shrine. On her way, however, " she spied the ring lie at her feet," notwithstanding she felt the ring in her gii'dle. " She took this as a good presage of her recovery, and loosing her girdle she cast both it and the ring into the river." She was accordingly cured of her disease. " Now they that will not believe that Jesus Christ was born without interruption of the virginal parts, nor passed in to his Apostles when the doors were shut, neither will they believe this." Augustine is then made to admit that these miracles are not so famous as those wrought by God! 23. But he cannot resist, he says, mentioning one other case. There were seven sons and three daughters of noble parents. The father died. The children gave cause of anger to the mother, where- upon she cursed them. " They were all taken with horrible trembling of all their whole bodies." They were dispersed. Two came to the shrine of Stephen and were cured. I have given every single case recorded in this chapter. There are two remarkable facts to be noted. The first is that Augustine him- self does not seem to have personally witnessed any of these so-called miracles, and, secondly, the Virgin Mary does not appear to have been an agent in any of them, contrary to the practice of more modern times. Ludovicus Vives, who has elaborately illustrated this woi'k with notes, says : — " There are many additions in that chapter (chap. 8j book 22), without question, foisted in by such as make practice of depraving authors of great authority." If, however, this chapter is a genuine production of the pen of Augustine, which I cannot bring myself to believe, it will be a striking example how a mind so gifted as was Augustine's can never- theless have a strange corner in it — superstition and religion being often too nearly allied. It is a blemish which we must lament — " Since the more fair and crystal is the sky, The uglier seem the clouds that ia it fly." I will, however, venture to assert that there is not one educated Romanist of the present day who will give credence to any of these " old wives' fables." APPENDICES. 141 APPENDIX B. (P. 126.) (Extracted from the Romish Magazine, " The Rambler,") •' The Church has persecuted, and on principle — there is no deny- ing the fact; — but the principle is one of policy and prudence, not of dogma, and in the present state of the world, she rarely acts upon it ; not that, in itself, the principle is indefensible even on modern grounds, for the punishment of a religious offence by imprisononent and death is in itself no more incompatible with reason, or with the Christian spirit, than the infliction of the same punishment on the thief and murderer." — Jan., 1854; p. 2. " For our own selves, we are prepared to maintain that it is no more morally wrong to put a man to death for heresy than for murder ! — that in many cases j^^i'secufioii for religions opinions is not only permissible, but highly advisable and necessary." — June, 1849. " It is difficult to say in which of the two popular expressions — * the rights of civil liberty,' or ' the rights of religious liberty ' — is embodied the greatest amount of nonsense and falsehood. As these phrases are perpetually uttered both by Protestants and by some Catholics, they contain about as much truth and good sense as would be found in a cry for the inalienable right to suicide. * * * Let this pasp, then, in the case of Protestants and politicians. But how can it be justified in the case of Catholics, who are the children of a Church which has ever avowed the deepest hostility to the principle of ' religious liberty,'' and which never has given the shadow of a sanction to the theory that ' civil liberty,' as such, is necessarily a blessing at all ? How intolerable is it to see this miserable device for deceiving the Protestant world still so widely popular amongst ug J * * * Believe us not, Protestants of England and Ireland, for an instant, when you see us pouring forth our liberalisms. When you hear a Catholic orator at some public assemblage declaring solemnly that ' this is the most humiliating day in his life when he i3 called upon to defend once more the glorious principle of religious freedom — (especially if he says anything about the Etnanciijation Act, and the ' toleration ' it conceded to Catholics) — be not too simple in your credulity. These are brave words, but they mean nothing. No ; nothing more than the promises of a Parliamentary candidate to his constituents on the hustings. * * * Shall I, therefore, fall in with this abominable delusion. * * * Shall I foster that damnable doctrine that Socinianism, and Calvinism, and Anglicanism, and Judaism are not every one of them mortal sins, like murder and ADULTERY ? Shall I lend ray countenance to this unhappy persuasion of my brother, that he is not flying in the face of Almighty God every day that he remains a Protestant ? Shall I hold out hopes to him that I will not meddle with his creed, if he will not meddle 142 APPENDICES. with mine? Shall I lead him to think that religion is a matter for private opinion, and tempt him to forget that he has no more right to his religious views than he has to my purse, or to my house, or my life- Mood 2 No! Catholicism is the most intolerant of creeds. It is intolerance itself, for it is truth itself. We might as rationally maintain that a sane man has a right to believe that two and two do not make four, as this theory of religious liberty. Its impiety is only equalled by its absurdity." — 8ept., 1851. Woodfall and Kinder, Printers, Milford Lane, Strand, London, W-C. WORKS BY ME. C. H. COLLETTE. MONSIG. CAPEL ON ANGLICAN ORDERS : "A ROLAND FOR AN OLIVER." ^ Price \s. 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