:-* 0^ Of P«'^o;^ .. Z. i- p ■H-7 Z>S47G .T3Z BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. ^ treatise ON THE INTERr»RET^TI01Sr OP THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. MILTON S. TERRY, S.T.D., r Professor of Old Testament Exegesis in Garrett Biblical Institute, K ■^^'P^— KEW YORK: PTIILLirS (t HUNT. CmClNNA TT: CRANSTO.y <£' ST OWE. 1885. Copyright, 1883, by PHILLIPS & HUNT, New York. PUBLISHERS' ANNOUNCEMENT. " I ^HE design of the Editors and Publishers of the -^ Biblical and Theological Library is to furnish ministers and laymen with a series of works, which, in connection with the Commentaries now issuing, will make a compendious apparatus for study. While the theology of the volumes will be in harmony with the doctrinal standards of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the aim will be to make the entire Library acceptable to all evanorelical Christians. The following writers co-operate in the authorship of the series : Dr. Harman, on the " Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures ; " Dr. Terry, on "Biblical Hermeneutics ;" the Editors, on "Theological Encyclopaedia and Methodology ; " Drs. Bennett and Whitney, on " Biblical, and Christian Archaeology ; " Dr. Latimer, on "Systematic Theology;" Dr. Ridgaway, on "Evidences of Christianity ; " Dr. Little, on "Chris- tian Theism and Modern Speculative Thought ;" Dr. iv PUBLISHERS' ANNOUNCEMENT. Crooks, on the " History of Christian Doctrine ; '' and Bishop Hurst, on the " History of the Christian Church." In the case of every treatise the latest literature will be consulted, and its results incorporated. The works comprised in the series will be printed in full octavo size, and finished in the best style of typography and binding. A copious index will accompany each vol- ume. All the volumes are in process of preparation, and will be issued as rapidly as is consistent with thoroughness. PEEFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. ■ »>» ■ The cordial welcome with which the first edition of this work has heen received is evidence that a treatise of its character and scope is needed in our theological literature. The plan of the volume was largely suggested by what appear to be the practical wants of most theological students. Specialists in exegetical learning* will push their way through all difficulties, and find delight in testing prin- ciples ; but the ordinary student, if led at all into long-continued and successful searching of the Scriptures, must become interested in the practical work of exposition. The bare enunciation of prin- ciples, with brief references to texts in which they are exemplified, is too dry and taxing to the mind to develop a taste for exegetical study; it has a tendency rather to repel. In arranging the plan 'of the present treatise, it was accordingly designed from the outset to make it to a noticeable extent a thesaurus of interpretation. The statement of principles is introduced gradually, and abundantly illustrated and verified by means of those difficult parts of Scrip- ture in the real meaning of which most readers of the Bible are supposed to be interested. It cannot be expected that all our interpretations will command unqualified approval, but our choice of the more difficult Scriptures for examples of exposition will en- hance the value of the work, and save it from the danger, too common in such treatises, of running into lifeless platitudes. With ample illustrations of this kind before him, the student comes by a natural process to grasp hermeneutical principles, and learns by practice and example rather than by abstract precept. In order to make the work a complete manual for exegetical study, we have in Part First, under the head of Introduction to Biblical Hermeneutics, a comparative estimate of other sacred books, an outline of the character and structure of the biblical lau- 3 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. guages, and two brief chapters on Textual Criticism and Inspiration. These topics are so connected with biblical interpretation, and some of them, esi^ecially a knowledge of the sacred tongues, lie so essen- tially at its basis, that our plan called for some such treatment as we have given them. The latest movements in the Higher Criti- cism approach the study of the Scriptures with the assumption that our sacred books and also the religion of Israel are nothing more than the sacred books and religions of other nations (Kuenen, Re- ligion of Israel, Eng. trans., vol. i, p. 5). The chapter on the sacred books of the nations exhibits the fallacy of such assumptions, and furnishes information which, being stored in many costly volumes, it is difficult to acquire. It should be observed, further, that Part Third is not a history of Hermeneutics, but of Interpretation. It is designed to be supple- mentary in its character, and somewhat of the nature of a bibliogra- phy of exegetics. The different methods of interpretation which have obtained currency or note are presented under the head of Pi-inciples (Part Second, chap, ii), but we have attempted no genetic history of Hermeneutics. In fact, no extended genetic de- velopment of hermeneutical principles is traceable in history. AVe find excellent examples of exegesis in the early Church, and execra- ble specimens of mystical and allegorical exposition put forth in modern times. History shows no succession of schools of interpre- tation, except in recent controversies, and these appear in con- nection with the varying methods of rationalistic assault, narrated in our chapters on the exegesis of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. CONTENTS AND Ali^ALYTIOAL OUTLII^E. PART FIRST. INTRODUCTION TO BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 1. 2. 8. 4. 5. 6. 7. CHAPTER I. Prelim inary. Hermeneutics defined, 17. General and Special Hermeneutics, 17. Old and New Testament Hermeneutics should not be separated, 18. Hermeneutics distinguished from Intro- duction, Criticism, and Exegesis, 19. Hermeneutics both a Science and an Art, 20. Necessity of Hermeneutics, 20, 21. Rank and importance of Hermeneutics in Theological Science, 21, 22. CHAPTER n. The Bible and other Sacred Books. . Knowledge of other Religious Litera- tures a valuable Preparation for her- meneutical Study, 23. ;. Outline of the Christian Canon, 24. ;. Contents and general character of other Bibles:— d) The a vest a, 25-28. (2) AssTRFAN Sacred Eecoeds, 28-33. (3) The Veda, ;M-39. (4) TnE Buddhist Canon, 40-45. (5) CniNESE Sacred Books, 46-52. (6) The Egyptian Book or the Dead, 53-57. (7) The Koran, 57-61. (8) The Eddas, 62-05. . Each of these books must be studied and judged as a whole, 66. . Notable Superiority of the Old and New Testament Scriptures, 67, 68. CHAPTER III. Languages of the Bible. 1. Acquaintance with the Original Lan- guages of Scripture the basis of all sound Interpretation, 69. 2. Origin and Growth of Languages: — (1) Various Theories of the Origin of Lan- guage, 69-71. (2) Origin probably supernatural, 71. (3) Confusion of Tongues at Babel, 71. (4) Formation of New Languages, 72. 3. Families of Languages : — (1) Indo-European family, 73. (2) Scythian, 73. (3) Semitic, 74, 75. CHAPTER IV. The Hebrew Language. 1. Origin of the name Hebrew. 76, 77. 2. Peculiarities of the Ilebivvv tongue* — (1) The Letters, 78. (2) The Vowel-system, 79, 80. (3) The Three-letter Root, 80. (4) Conjuarations of the Verb, 80-S2. (5) The two Tenses, 82-85. (6) Gender and Number of Nouns, 86. (7) Simplicity of Structure, 87. (8) Omission of Copula, 88. (!t) Order of Subject and Predicat'% 83. (10) Adjectives and Particles, 8d, 89. 3. Hebuew Poetry: — (1) Old Testament largely poetical, 90. (2) Parallelism tlie distinguishing feature, 91. (3) Form essential to Poetry, 92-94. (4) Spirit of Hebrew Poetry, 94. (5) Structure of Hebrew Parallelism, 05-98. 1. SynoDymnns Pnrallclisiii. 9G. 2. AntithVtic P.Trallplism. 97. 3. Syntlietic Pnrallelisin. 9", 9S. 4. IrrofTuIar Structure, 99. (6) Alphabetical Poems and Rhymes, 100. (7) Vividness of Hebrew expressions. 101. (8) Elliptical modes of expression, 102. (9) Old Testament Anthropomorphism, 103. 4. Remarkable uniformity of the Hebrew Language, 104. 5. Three Periods of Hebrew Literature, 104, 105. 6. Hebrew Language peculiarly adapted to embody God's ancient Word, 1 ( '5, 1 06. 7. Its analogy with the Holy Land, ioO. CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. ■ CHAPTER V. The Chaldee Language. 1. Eastern and Western Aramaic, 107. 2. Biblical Aramaic appropriately called Chaldee, 107. 3. Early traces of Chalda^an speech, 108. 4. The Chaldee passages of Daniel, 109. 5. The Chaldee pas.sages of Ezra, 109, 110. 6. Grammatical peculiarities of the Bibli- cal Chaldee, 111. 7. Foreign words, 112. 8. Historical and Apologetical value of the Chaldee portions of the Bible, 113. CHAPTER VI. The Greek Language. 1. Greek an Indo-European tongue, 114. 2. Language and Civilization affected by climate and natural scenery, 114. 3. Greeks called Hellenes, 115. 4. Tribes and Dialects, 115. 5. Ionic Greek, 116. 6. Attic culture and taste, 116. 7. Decay of Attic elegance, 116, 117. 8. The later Attic or Common Dialect, 117. 9. Alexandrian culture, 118. 10. The Hellenists, 118. 11. Christian thought affecting Greek speech, 119. 12. Controversy between Purists and He- braists, 119. 13. Sources of Information, 120. 14. Peculiarities of Hellenistic Greek : — (1) Foreign words, 121. (2) Peculiar orthography, 121. (3) Flexion of Nouns and Verbs, 121. (4) Heterogeneous Nouns, 123. (5) New and peculiar forms of words, 122. (0) Old dialects and new words, 122. (7) New significations of words, 123. (8) Hebraisms:— 1. In words, 125. 2. In foims of expression, 125. 3. In grammatical construction, 125. 15. Varieties of Style among New Testa- ment writers, 126. 16. Greek the most appropriate Language for the Christian Scriptures, 127. 17. The three Sacred Tongues compared, 128. CHAPTER VIL Textual Criticism. 1. Higher and Lower Criticism distin- guished, 129. 2. Interpretation often involves Textual Critici.'^m, 129. 3. Causes of Vaiious Readings, 130. 4. Sources and Jleans of Textual Criti- cism, ISO, 131. 5. Canons of Textual Criticism : — (1) KxTKi-.NAi, F.viDKNOK, FouT Ilules, 1.32, 133. (2) Intkrnai, KviDKNCK. Four lUilc'S, 133-13G. 6. These Canons are Principles rather than Rules, 136. CHAPTER Yin. The Divine Inspiration of the Bible. 1. Inspiration of Genius, 137. 2. Scripture Inspiration superior, 137. 3. Divine and Human in the Scrijitures, 138. A. EVIDKNCES OF THE HtJMAN ELEMENT : — (1) In Narration of historical facts, 138. (2) In Style and Diction, 139. (3) In Subject-matter, 130. (4) In varying Forms of statement, 139. B. EviDKNCKS OF THE DiviNE Eleme.nt; — (1) In declarations of Paul and Peter, 140. (2) In Old Testament claims, 141. (3) In Jesus' words, 141. 4. Three important considerations : — (1) The whole Bible God's Book for man, 142. (2) Inspiration and Revelation are to be dis- tinguished, 142. (3) Inspiration a Particular Divine Provi- dence, 143. 5. Divine Inspiration affects Language and Style, 144. 6. Four kinds of Inspiration, 145. 7. Facts and ideas expressible in a vari- ety of forms, 145. 8. Fallacy of trifling with minute details, 145," 146. 9. No conflict between the Divine and Human, 146. 10. Verbal Variations no valid Argument against Divine Inspiration, 147. 11. Various Readings no valid Argument against the verbal Inspiration of the original Autographs, 148. 12. Inaccurate grammar and obscuiity of style no valid Objection, 149 13. Error in Stephen's Address (Acts vii, 16), 149, 150. 14. Quotation from Tayler Lewis, 150. CHAPTER IX. Qualifications of an Interpreter. 1. Intellectual Qualifications: — (1) A sound, well-balanced Mind, 151. (2) Quick and clear Perception, 151. (3) Acuteness of Intellect (Beugcl and De Wette), 152. (4) Imagination needed, but must be con- trolled, 152. (5) Sober Judgment, 153. (()) Correctness and delicacy of Taste, 153. (7) Right use of Reason, 153. (8) Aptness to teach, 154. 2. Educational Qualifications: — Familiar acquaintance with Geography, His- tory, Chronology, Antiquities, Polit;<'s, Natural Science. Philosophy, Comparative Philology, and General Literature should be acquired, 154, 155. 3. S|)iritual (Qualifications: — (1) Partly a gift, partly ac(iuired, 150. (•J) Desire to know the Trutb, 1.50. (3) Tender alTection, 157. (4) Eiitliusiasm for the Word of God, 157. (5) Reverence for (iod, 157. (ti) Connnunion and Fellow.ship with the Holy Spirit, 157, 158. CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. PART SECOIVD. PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. CHAPTER I. Preliminary. 1. Hermeneutical Principles defir.ed, 161. 2. Importance of Sound Principles, 161. 3. True Method of determining Sound Prin- ciples, 162. 4. Ennobling Tendency of hermeneutical Study, 162. » CHAPTER II. Different Methods of Interpretation. 1. Allegorical Interpretation(Philo, Clem- ent), 163. 2. Mystical Interpretation (Origen, Mau- rus, Swedenborg), 164, 165. 3. Pietistic Interpretation (Quakers), 165, 166. 4. The Accommodation-Theory (Semler), 166. 5. Moral Interpretation (Kant), 16V. 6. Naturalistic Interpretation (Paulus), 168. 1. The Mythical Theory (Strauss), 168- 170. 8. Other Rationalistic Theories (Baur, Renan), 170, 171. 9. Apologetic and Dogmatic Methods, 171, 172. , 10. Grammatico-Historical Interpretation, 173. (1) The Bible to be interpreted like other books, 1~3. (2) Principles of Interpretation grounded in the Rational Nature of mau, 173, 174. (3) The Bible, however, a peculiar book, 174. * CHAPTER III. The Primary Meaning of Words. 1. Words the Elements of Language, 175. 2. Value and Pleasure of etymological ■ studies, 175, 176. (1) Illustrated by the word tKKT^rjala, 176, 177. (2) Illustrated by the word 123, 177, 178. 3. Value of Comparative Philology, 178. 4. Rare words and u-rta^ leynnevn, 179. 5. Determining sense of Compound words, ISO. CHAPTER IV. The Usus Loquendi. 1. How the meaning of words becomes changed, 181. 2. Importance of attending to Usus Lo- quendi, 181. 3. Means of ascertaining the Usus Lo' quendi : — (1) By the writer's own Deflnitions, 181. (2) By the iuiruediate (Jonte.xt, 182. (3) By the Nature of the Subject, laS. (4) By Antithesis or Contrast, 184. (5) By Hebraic Parallelisms, 185. (6) By relations of Subject, Predicate, Adjuncts, 180. (7) By comparison of Parallel Passages, 186. (8) By common and familiar Usage, 187. (9) By the help of Ancient Versions, 188, 189. (10) By Ancient (jlossaries and Scholia, 190. CHAPTER V. Synonymes. 1. Some words have many Meanings, lyi. 2. Many different words have like xMeau- ing, 191. 3. Seven Hebrew words for Putting to Death, 192-194. 4. Twelve Hebrew words for Sin, or Evil, 194-197. 5. Synonymes of the New Testament : — (1) KatvoQ and veo^, 198. (2) Bwf and ^of), 199. (3) 'AyrtTTuw and 0i/lew, 200. (4) OlSa and ytvijaKG), 201. (5) ^Apvia, npi);3aTa, and -irpojiuTia, 2nl. (6) Boff/cu and Triufian>u, 20 1, 202. • CHAPTER VI. The Grammatico-historical Sense. 1. Grammatico-historical Sense defined, ; 203. Quotation from Davidson, 203, '204 General Principles and Method? certaining the Grammatico-his Sense, 204, 205. Words and Sentences can have but one Meaning in one place, 205. Narratives of Miracles to be understood literally, 205. Jephthah's daughter a Burnt-offering, 206. Jesus' Resurrection a literal historical Fact, 207, 208. Grammatical Accuracy of the New Tes- tament, 208. Significance of the Greek Tenses, 208, 209. CHAPTER VII. * Context, Scope, and Plan. Context, Scope, and Plan defined, 210. The Scope of some Books formally an- nounced, 211. Plan and Scope of Genesis seen in its Contents and Structure, 211, 212. 204. Is oi' as-\ listo.'L'al ) CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. 4. Plan and Scope oi' the Book of Exodus, 212, 218. 5. Subject and Plan of the Epistle to the Romans, 213, 214. 6. The Context, near and remote : — (1) Illustrated by Isa. lii, 13-liii, 13, 214, 215. (2) lllustrateil by Matt, xi, 12, 21.V218. (3) Illustrated by Gal. v, 4, 218, 219. '7. The Connexion nuiy be Historical, Dog- matical, Logical, or Psychological, 219. S. Importance of studying Context, Scope, and Plan, 2ly. 9. Critical Tact and Ability needed, 220. CHAPTER VIII. Comparison of Parallel Passages. 1. Some Passages of Scripture without logical connexion, 221. 2. Value of Parallel Passages, 221. 3. The Bible a Self-interpreting Book, 222. 4. Parallels Verbal and Real, 223. 5. All Parallels must have real Correspon- dency, 223. 6. The word Hate in Luke xiv, 26, ex- plained by Parallel Passages, 224, 225. 7. Jesus' words to Peter in Matt, xvi, 18, explained by Parallel Texts, 225-229. 8. Large portions of Scripture parallel, 230. CHAPTER IX. The Historical Standpoint. Importance of knowing the Historical Standpoint of a writer, 231. Historical Knowledge essential, 231. Difficulty of transferring one's self into a remote age, 232. 4. Personal sanctity of ancient Worthies often unduly exalted, 232. 5. Historical Occasions of the Psalms, 233, 234. 6. Places as well as Times to be studied : — (1) Shown by Journevs and Epistles of Paul, 235, 236. (2) Historical and (?eoj]rraphioal Accuracy of Scripture proven by careful Research, 230, 237. 7. The Historical Standpoint of the Apoc- alyijse :— (1) External Evidence dependent solely on Ireiiajus, 237, 238. (2) .lohn's own Testimony (Rev. i, 9). 239. 0) Internal Evidence. Six Points. 240, 241. (4) (ircat delicacy of Discrimination neces- sary, 242. ?^.^ Questions of Historical Criticism in- volved, 242. CHAPTER X. Figurative Language. 1. Tropes many and various, 243. 2. Origin and Necessity of Figurative Lan- guage, 243, 244. 3. Figures of Sjieech suggestive of Divine Harmonies, 244, 240. 4. Principal Sources of Scriptural Ima- gery, 246, 247. 5. Specific rules for determining when Language is Figurative are imprac- ticable and unnecessary, 247. 6. Figures of Words and Figures of Thought, 248. 7. Metonymv : — (1) Of Cause and Effect, 248. (2) Of Subject and Adjunct, 249. (3) Of tbe 8ign and tiie Thing Signlfled, 250. 8. Synecdoche, 250. 9. Personification, 251. 10. Apostrophe, 252. 11. Interrogation, 252. 12. Hyperbole, 253. 13. Irony, 253. CHAPTER XI. Simile and Metaphor. 1. Simile defined and illustrated, 254. 2. Crowding of Similes together, 255. 3. Similes self-interpreting, 255. 4. Pleasure afforded by Similes, 256. 5. Assumed Comparisons or Illustrations, 257. G. Metaphor defined and illustrated, 258. 7. Sources of Scriptural Metaphors : — (1) Natural Scenery, 259. (2) Ancient Customs, 259. (3) Habits of Animals, 259, 260. (4) Ritual Ceremonies, 260. 8. Elaborated and Mixed Metaphors, 261. 9. Uncertain Metai)horical Allusions : — (1) Loosing of locks (Judges v, 2). 252, 203. (2) Boiling heart (Psa. xlv, 1), 263. (3) Buried in Baptism i,Kum. vi, 4 ; Col. li, 12), 263, 264. CHAPTER XIL Fables, Riddles, and Enigmas. 1. Of the more notable Tropes of Scrip- ture, 265. 2. Characteristics of the Fable, 265. (1) Jotham's Fable, 266. (2) Jehoasli's Fable, 266, 267. 3. Characteristics of the Riddle, 268. (1) Samson's Riddle, 268. , (2) Number of the Beast (Rev. xiii, 18), 269. (3) Obscure Proverbs, 269. (4) Lainech's Song, 270. 4. Enigma distiuguislied and defined, 270, 271. (!) Enigmatical element in Jesus' discourse with Nicodennis, 271. (2) In bis discourse witli the Samaritan wom- an, 272. (3) Enigma of tlie Sword in Luke xxii, 36, 27.!. (4) Enigmatical language addressed to Peter in John xxi, '8, 273. (5) Figure of the Two Eagles in Ezek. xvii, 274, 275. CHAPTER XIII. Interpretation of Parables. 1. Pre-eminence of Parabolic Teaching, 276. 2. The Parable defined, 276, 277. CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. 3. General Use of Parables, 277. 4. Special Reason and Purpose of Jesus' Parables, 278, 279. 5. Parables serve to test Character, 280. ■6. Superior beauty of Scripture Parables, 280. T. Three essential elements of a Parable, 281. S. Three principal Rules for the Inter- pretation of Parables, 281, 282. 9. Principles illustrated in the Parable of the Sower, 282. 10. Parable of the Tares, and its Interpre- tation, 283. (1) Things explained and things unnoticed in the model Expositions of Jesus, 384. (8) We may notice some things which Jesus did not emphasize, 884, 885. (3) Suggestive Words and Allusions deserve attention and comment, 885. (4) Not specific Rules, but sound and dis- criminating Judgment, must guide the Interpreter, 386. 11. Isaiah's Parable of the Vineyard, 287. 12. Parable of the Wicked Husbandman, 288. 18. Comparison of analogous Parables, 289. (1) Marriage of King's Son and Wicked Hus- bandman, 88'J, 890. (3) Marriage of King's Son and Great Sup- per, 890, 891. 14. Old Testament Parables, 292. 15. All the Parables of Jesus in the Syn- optic Gospels, 293. 16. Parable of the Labourers in the Vine- yard:— (1) Mistakes of Interpreters, 894. (3) Occasion and Scope, 394, 395. (3) Prominent Points in the Parable, 296. (4) The Parable primarily an Admonition to the Disciples, 396, 897. 17. Parable of the Unjust Steward : — (1) Occasion and Aim, 39". (3) Unauthorized Additions, 398. (3) Jesus' own Application, 898. (4) The Rich Man to be understood as Mam- mon, 300. (5) (Jeikie's Comment, 801. » CHAPTER XIV. Interpretation of Allegories. 1. Allegory to be distinguished from Par- able, 302. 2. Allegory a continued Metaphor, 202, 303. 3. Same hermeneutical Principles apply to Allegories as to Parables, 304. 4. Illustrated by Prov. v, 15-18: — (1) Main Purpose to be first sought, .304. (3) Particular Allusions to be studied in the light of Main Purpose, 305, 306. 5. Allegory of Old AgeinEccles. xii,3-7: — (1) Various Interpretations, 306. (3) The old age of a Sensualist, 307. (3) Uncertain Allusions, 307. (4) Blending of Meaning and Imagery, 308. (5) The Hermeneutical Principles to be kept in \iew, 309. 6. Allegory of False Prophets in Ezek. xiii, 10-15. 7. Allegory of 1 Cor. iii, 10-15:— (1) Are the materials Persons or Doctrines? 311. (8) Both views allowable, 311, 318. (3) The Passage paraphrased, 313. (4) A Warning rather than a Piophecy, 313, 314. 8. Allegory of 1 Cor. v, 6-8 :— (1) The Context, 315. (8) The Passage paraphrased, 315. (3) The more important Allusions to be care- fully studied, 316. 9. Allegory of the Christian Armour (Eph. vi), 316. 10. Allegory of the Door and the Good Shepherd, (John x): — (1) Occasion and Scope, 317. (2) Import of particular parts, 31S. (3) Jesus' Explanation enigmatical, 319, 330. 11. Paul's Allegory of the Covenants: — (1) It is Peculiar and Exceptional, 381. (8) The historical Facts are accepted as true, 331. (3) The Correspondent Clauses, 338. (4) Paul's example as Authority in Allego- rizing Scripture narratives, 388, 38:1 (5) Such methods to be avoided, or used most sparingly, 384. 12. Interpretation of Canticles: — (1) Allegorical Methods, .384, 335. (3) Objections to the Allegorical Method, 325. (■3) Canticles a Dramatic Parable, 386. (4) A literal basis under oriental Poetry, 327. (5) Details not to be pressed into mystic Sig- nificance, 387. CHAPTER XV. Proverbs and Gnomic Poetry. 1. Proverbs defined and described, 328, 329. 2. Their Use among most ancient Nations, 329. 3. Hermeneutical Principles to be ob- served : — (1) Discrimination of Form and Figure, 330. (8) Critical and Practical Sagacity, 331. (3) Attention to Context and Parallelism, 332. (4) Common Sense and sound Judgment, 333, 333. CHAPTER XVI. Interpretation of Types. 1. Types and Symbols Defined and Dis- tinguished :— (1) Crabb's Definition, 334. (2) Examples of Types and Symbols, .3:i4. (3) Analogy with certain Figures of Speech, 3.35. (4) Principal Distinction between Types and Symbols, 336. 2. Essential Characteristics of the Type : — (1) Notable Points of Resemblance between Type and thing typified, 337. (2) Must be Divinely Appointed, .337. (3) Must prefigure something Futin-e, 338. 3. Classes of Old Testament Types : — (1) Typical Persons, 3:38. (3) Typical Institutions, 339. (3i Tvpical Offlc(--<, 3:i<). (4) Typical Events, 339. (5) Typical Actions, 339 340. 8 CONTEXTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. 4. Hermeneutical principles to be ob- served : — (1) All real Points of Resemblance to be noted : — 1. The Brazen Serpent (Num. xxi, 4-9), 341. 2. Melchizedek and Christ (lleb. vii), 342. (2) Notable Differences and Contrasts to be observed :— 1. Moses and Christ (Ileb. iii, 1-6), 343. 2. Adam and Christ (Rom. v, 12--il), 343. 5. Old Testament Types fully apprehended only by the Gospel revelation, 344. 6. Limitation of Types : — (1) Bishop Marsh's" Statement, 345. (2) Too restrictive a Principle, 345. (3) A broader Principle allowable, 346. (4) Qualifying Observation, 34U. CHAPTER XVII. Interpretation of Symbols. 1. Difficulties of the Subject, .347. 2. Principles and Methods of procedure, 347. 3. Classification of Symbols, 347, 348. 4. Examples of Visional Symbols : — (1) The Almond Rod (Jer. i.'ll), 348. (a) The Seething Pot (Jer. i, 13), 349. (3) The Good and Bad Figs (Jer. xxiv), 349. (4) The Summer Fruit (Amos viii, 1), 349. (5) Resurrection of Dry Bones (Ezek.xxxvil), 350. (6) The Golden Candlestick, 350. (7) The Two Olive Trees (Zech. iv), 350, 351 . (8) The Great Image of Nebuchadnezzar's Dream (Dan. ii), 352. (9) The Four Beasts of Dan. vii, .353. (10) Riders, Horns, and Smiths of Zech.i, 353, 354. (11) The Flying Roll and Ephah (Zech. v), 351, 355. (12) The Four Chariots (Zech. vi), 355. 5. The above Examples, largely explained by the Sacred Writers, authorize three fundamental Principles : — (1) The Names of Symbols are to be under- stood literally," 356. (2) Symbols always denote something differ- ent from themselves, 356. (3) A Resemblance, more or less minute, is always traceable between Symbol and thing Symbolized, 356. 6. No minute set of Hermeneutical Rules practicable, 356. 7. Three general Principles all-import- ant : — (1) A stiict regard to the Historical Stand- point of the Writer or Prophet, 2.57. (2) Like regard to Scope and Cont(ixt, 257. (3) Like r(>gard to Analogy and Import of similar Symbols and Figures cUicvhere used, 2.57. 8. Fairbairn's Statement of general Prin- ciples : — (1) The Image must be contemplated in its broader Aspects, 3.57. (2) Uniform and consistent Manner of In- terpretation, 1357. 9. Same Principles for explaining Mate- rial Symbols, 357. 10. The Svmbolism of Blood, 358. U. The Symbolism of the Tabernacle: — (1) Names of the Tabernacle and their Sig- nificance, 359. (2) A Divine-human Relationship symbol- ized, 360, 361. (3) The Two Apartments, .361. A. The Most Holv Place and its Sym- bols:— 1. The Aik, 361,. 362. 2. Tlie Capporoth or Mercvseat. 3C2. 3. The Cherubim, 30-.'. A&i. B. The Holy Place and its Symuols: — 1. The Talile ofSliowbiead. 364. 2. Tlic Golden Candlestick. 364. 3. Tlie Altjir of Incense. 365. (4) Great Altar and Laver in the Court, 365. (5) Symbolico-typical Action of High Priest, 366, ;:!(i7. (6) Graduated Sanctity of the Holy Places, 367, 368. CHAPTER XVIII. Symbolico-Typical Actions. 1. Acts performed in Visions, 3(50. 2. Symbolico-typical Acts of Ezekiel iv and v : — (1) The Actions Outward and Real, 370, 371. (2) Five Objections considered, 371, 372. 3. Hosea's Symbolical Marriages : — (1) The Language implies a Real Event, 373, (2) Supposed Impossibility based on JUsap- prehension of Scope and Import, 374. (3) The names Gomer and Diblaim not Sym- bolical, 375. (4) Hengstenberg's Unwarrantable Asser- tions, 375. (5) The Facts as Stated not unsupposable, 376. (6) Scope of the Passage indicated, 377. (7) The Symbolical Names (Jezreel, Lo-ru- hamah, and Lo-ammi), 377. (8) The Prophet's second Marriage to be similarly explained, 378, 379. 4. Our Lord's Miracles Symbolical, 379. CHAPTER XIX. Symbolical Numbers, Names, and Colours. L Process of ascertaining the Symbolism of Numbers, 380. 2. Significance of Three, Four, Seven, Ten, and Twelve, 380, 383. 3. Symbolical does not always exclude literal sense of Numbers, 384. 4. Time, Times, and Half-a-Time, 384. 5. Forty-two Months, 384. 6. The Numbers Forty and Sc\ cnty, 385. 7. Prophetic Designations of Time, 383. 8. The Year-Day Theory :— (1) Has no support in Num. xiv and Ezek. iv, aS6, 387. (2) Not sustained by Prophetic Analogy, 387, 388. (3) Daniel's Seventy Weeks not parallel, 3S8. (4) Days nowhere properly mean Years, 388. (5) Disproved bv repeated failures in Inter- pretation, "389, :W0. 9. The Thousand Years of Rev. xx, 390. 10. Symbolical Names : — (1) 'Sodora and Egypt, 391. (2) Babylon and Jerusalem, 391. (3) Returning to Egypt, 392. (4) David and Elijah, 392. (.5) Ariel, 392. (6) Leviattian, 392. CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. 11. Symbolism of Colours: — (1) Rainbow and Tabernaclw Colours, 393. (2) Import of Colours inferred from their Associations :— 1. Blue and its Associations, 393. 2. Purple and Scarlet, 393, 394. 3. White as symbol of Purity, 394. 4. Black and Red, 394. 12. Symbolical Import of Metals and Jew- els, 395. CHAPTER XX. Dreams and Prophetic Ecstasy. 1. Methods of Divine Revelation, 396. 2. 'the Dreams of Scripture, 396, 397. 3. Dreams evince latent Powers of the Soul, 397. 4. Jacob's Dream at Bethel, 397, 398. 5. Repetition of Dreams and Visions, 398, 399. 6. Prophetic or Visional Ecstasy : — (1) David's Messianic Revelations, 399. (2) Ezelclel's visional Rapture, 400. (3) Other Examples of Ecstasy, 400, 401. (4) The Prophet impersonating God, 403. *!. New Testament Glossolaly, or Speaking with Tongues : — (1) The Facts as recorded, 402, 403. (2) The Pentecostal Glossolaly symbolical, 403. (3) A mysterious Exhibition of Soul-powers, 404. CHAPTER XXI. Prophecy and its Interpretation. 1. Magnitude and Scope of Scripture Prophecy, 405. 2. Prophecy not merely Prediction but Utterance of God's Truth, 406. 3. Only Prophecies of the Future require special Hermeneutics, 407. 4. History and Prediction should not be Confused, 407. 5. Organic Relations of Prophecy : — (1) Progressive Character of Messianic Proph- ecy, 408. (2) Repetition of Oracles against Heathen Powers, 409. (3) Daniel's Two Great Prophecies (chaps, ii and vii) compared, 409, 410. (4) The Little Horn of Dan. vii, 8, and viii, 9, the same Power under dilTerent As- pects, 410. (5) Other Prophetic Repetitions, 411. 6. Figurative and Symbolical Style of Prophecy : — (1) Imagery the most natural Form of ex- pressing Revelations obtained by Vis- ions and Dreams, 412. 1. Illustrated by Gen. iii. 15. 412. 2. Pairbairn on the Passajre, 413. (2) Poetic Form and Style of several Proph- ecies instanced, 413. 1. Isaiah xiii. 2-13 quoted. 414, 2. Refers to the Overthrow of Babylon. 414, 415. (3) Prominence of Symbols in the Apocalyptic Books, 415. (4) The Hermeneutical Principles to be ob- served, 415. 7. Analysis and Comparison of Similar Prophecies : — (1) Verbal Analogies, 416. (2) Double Form of Apocalyptic Visions, 416. (3) Analogies of Imagery, 417. (4) Like Imagery applied to Different Ob- jects, 417. (5) General Summary, 418. CHAPTER XXII. Daniel's Vision of the Four Empires. 1. Value of Daniel's Twofold Revelation in illustrating Hermeneutical Prin- ciples, 418. 2. Three different Interpretations, 41i>. 3. Arguments for the Roman Tiieory con- sidered, 420, 421. 4. Subjective Presumptions must be set aside, 421. 5. Daniel's Historical Stand[;oint, 422. 6. Prominence of the Modes, 422. 7. The Varied but parallel Descriptions, 422, 423. 8. The Prophet should be allowed to ex- plain himself, 423, 424. 9. The Prophet's Point of View in Dan. viii, 424. 10. Inner Harmonv of all the Visions, 424, 425. 11. Alexander's Kingdom and that of his Successors not two different World- Powers, 425, 426. 13. Conclusion: A Median World-Power to be recognised as succeeding the Babylonian, 426. 13. Each Book of Prophecy to be studied as a Whole, 426. CHAPTER XXTII. Old Testament Apocalyptics. 1. Biblical Apocalyptics defined, 427. 2. Same Hermeneutical Principles required as in other Prophecy, 428. 3. The Revelation of Joel : — (1) Joel the oldest formal Apocalypse, 428. (2) Analysis of Joel's Prophecy, 429-431. 4. Ezekiel's Visions : — (1) Peculiarities of Ezekiel, 432. (2) Analysis of Ezekiel's Prophecies, 432-437. 5. The Artistic Structure to be Studied, 437. CHAPTER XXIV. The Gospel Apocalypse. 1. Occasion of Jesus' Apocalyptic Dis- course (Matt, xxiv), 438. 2. Various Opinions, 438, 439. 3. Lange's Analysis, 439, 44(i. 4. The Question of the Disciples, 440. 5. Meaning of the End of the Age, 441. 6. Analysis of Matt, xxiv, xxv. 442, 343. 7. Time-Limitation of the Prophecy, 443. S. Import of Matt, xxiv, 14, 444. 9. Import of Luke xxi, 24, 445. 10 CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINI 10. Import of Matt, xxiv, 20-31 :— (1) Literal Sense as urged by many Exposi- tors, 445. (2) Analogous Prophecies compared, 440. (3; Language of Matt, xxiv, 30, taken from L>au. vli, 13, 446, 447. (4) The Facts of Matt, xxiv, 31, not neces- sarily visible to human ej'es, 447, 448. (5) Import of tit^ewf, immediately (verse ~'i)), 448. 11. The Judgment of the Nations (Matt. XXV, y 1-4(3):— (1) The Scripture Doctrine of Judgment, 449. (i) Not limited to one Last Day, 4o0. (3) A Divine Procedure which begins with Christ's Enthronement, and must con- tinue until he delivers up the Kingdom to the Father, 450. 12. The Parousia coincident witli the Ruiu of the Temple and the End of the Pre-Messiauic Age, 450, 451. IS. Thi.s Interpretation harmonizes all the New Testament Declarations of the Nearness of the Parousia, 452. 14. No valid Objections, 453. CHAPTER XXV. The Pauline Eschatology. 1. Import of 1 Thess. iv, 13-17:— (1) Literal Translation, 4.54. (2) Four Things clearly expressed, 454. (3) Iniport of we. tite Uruiu, wlio remain :— 1. A ic'Wis ot'Luneiiiann and Alford, 455. 2. View of Ellicott. 456. 3. The Two Opinions compHred, 45C. 4. Tiie words imply an Expectation of a Speedy Coming of the Lord, 450. 5. The Hxegctical Dilemma, 45T. G. The Apostle's doctrine based on most em- phatic Statements of Jesus, 457, 45S. 2. All here described may have occurred in Paul's generation, 458. 3. Not contradicted by 2 Thess. ii, 1-9, 459. 4. The Apostasy an event of that gen- eration, 4(10. 6. The Man of Sin described in language appropriated from Daniel's Proph- ecy of Antiochus Epiphanes, 460. f). The Prophecy fulfillecl in Nero: — (1) Nero a revelation of Antichrist, 460. (2) The Language not unsuitable to the Death of Nero, 460. (3) Equivalent to Language of Dan. vii, 11, 461. (4) Nero's Relations to Judaism and Chris- tianity, 403. 1. Import of 1 Cor. xv, 20-28, 462, 463. 8. Import of Phil, iii, 10, H, 464. 9. Import of Luke xx, 35, 464. 10. Import of John v, 24-29, 464, 465. CHAPTER XXVI. The Apocalypse of John. 1. Systems of Interpretation, 466. 2. Historical Standpoint of the Writer, 4 (;(•>, 407. 3. Plan of tlu' Apocalypse, 467. 4. Aitilicial Form of the Apocalypse, 408. I. The Great Theme is announced (chap, i, 7) in the language of Matt, xxiv, 30, 468. I. Part I. Revelation of the Lamb: — (1) In the Epistles to the Seven Churches, 469. (2) By the Opening of the Seven Seals, 46'.', 470. 1. The Martyr Scene (vi. 9, 10). 470. 2. The Sixth Sial (vi. l'J-17), 4Tl>. 3. Striking Analogies of Jesus' Words, 470, 471. (3) Byj,he Sounding of the Seven Trumpets, 471. 1. The Plague from the Abyss, 471. 472. 2. The Annies of the Enjihiates. 472. 3. The Miglity Aiigel arrayed with Clou.i and Lain bow, 473. 4. The Last Trumjiet, 474. '. Part II. Revelatio.n ok the Bride: — (1) Vision of the Woman and the Dragon, 475. (2) Vision of the Two Beasts, 470. (3) Vision of Moimt Zion, 477. (4) Vision of the Seven Last Plagues, 478. (5) Vision of the Mystic Babylon. 478. 1. Mystery of the Woman and the Beast. 479. 2. The Beast from the Abyss, 4S0, 481. 3. Fall of the Mystic Babylon, 4S2, 4nS. (6) Vision of Parousia, Millennium, and Ji;dg- ment, 483. 1. A Sevenfold \ i^ion, 48S. 2. The Millennium is the Gospel Period or Ai:e. 4S4. 3. The Chiliastic Interpretation, 4S4. 485. 4. Chiliastic Interpretation \vith<.ut .-utlieient warrant. 485. 5. The Last Judgment. 4S6. 6. S(iiiie of these Visions Iransei lul the Time- limits of the Book, 4s7. 7. The Millennium of Kev. .\x now in prog- ress, 4S7. 488. (7) Vision of (he New Jerusah-m. 48S. 1. Meaning of the >iew ,)eru.~aiuii. Three views, 489. 2. Comp.arlMin of Hag. ii, 6. 7. and Ihb. .\ii. L'6-28, 4s9. 490. 3. Allusion oflleb. xii. 22. 23. 49.i. 491. 4. New Jerusalem the lleavenl\ Out ine of what the Tabernacle .--vmbiilized. 4'.n. 5. It is the New Testament ( liureh and Kingdom of God, 492. 8. Summary of New Testanjcnt Ai)oca]yp- tics and Eschatology, 492, 493. CHAPTER XXVII. No Double Sense in Prophecy. 1. Theory of a Doul)le Sense unsettles all sound Interpretation, 493. 2. Typology and Double Sense of Lan- guage not to be confounded, 494. 3. The suggestive Fulness of the Prophetic Scriptures no Proof of a Double Sense, 495. 4. No misleading Designations of Time in Prophecy, 495, 496. 5. Misuse of Peter's language in 2 Pot. iii, 8, 496. 6. Bengel's fallacious treatment of Matt. xxiv, 39, 497, 498. 7. Practical Api)licati()ns of Prophecy may be many, 498. 8. MistaUeii Notions of the Bible itself the Cause of much False Exposition, 499. CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. 11 CHAPTER XXVIII. Scripture Quotations in the Scriptures. 1. Four Classes of Quotations: — (1) Old Test. Quotations in Old Test., 500. (2) New Test. Quotations from Old Test., 500. (3) New Test. Quotations in New Test., 501. (4) Quotations from Apocryphal Sources, 501. 2. Only the Old Testament Quotations in the New Testament call for special hermeneutical treatment, 502. 3. Sources of New Testament Quotation : — (1) Hebrew Text, M2. (2) Septuagint Version, 502. 4. No uniform Method of Quotation, 502, 503. 5. Inaccurate Quotations may become cur- rent, 503. 6. Formulas and Methods of Quotation, 504, 505. 7. The formula i'lia 77 /l??pwi9r/ : — (1) Peculiar to Matthew and John, 505. (2) Views of Bengel and Meyer, 50G. (3) The Telle force of Iva generally to be maintained, 506, 507. (4) Tlie Ecbatic sense negd not in all cases be denied, 507. (5) "Iva telic in formulas of Prophetic cita- tion, 508. (6) Supposed exception of Matt, ii, 15, .508, 509. 8. Purposes of Scripture Quotation : — (1) For showing its Fulfilment, 509. (2) For establishing a Doctrine, 510. (3) For confuting Opponents, 510. (4) For Authority, Rhetorical purposes, and Illustration, 510. CHAPTER XXIX. The False and the True Accommodation. 1. Rationalistic Theory to be repudiated, 511. 2. The True Idea of Accommodation, 512. 3. Illustrated by Jer. xxxi, 15, as quoted in Matt, ii,' 17, 18, 512, 513. CHAPTER XXX. Alleged Discrepancies of the Scriptures. 1. General Character of the Discrepan- cies, 514. 2. Causes of the Discrepancies : — (1) Errors of Copyists. 514. (2) Various Names to one person, 514. (3) Different ways of reckoning Time, 514. (4) Different Standpoint and Aim, 514. 3. Discrepancies in Genealogical Tables : — (1) Jacob's Family Record :— 1. The different Lists compared, 515-517. 2. The Historical Standpoint of each List, 517, 518. 3. Hebrew Style and TJsase. 518, 519. 4. Substitution of Names, 519. 5. Desire to have a definite and suggestive Number, 520. (2) The Two Genealogies of Jesus : — 1. Different Hypotheses, 521. 2. Views of Jerome and Africanus. .522. 3. No Hypothesis can claim absolute CVi-tain- tv. 523. 4. Hei-vcy's Theory. .523, 524. (3) Genealogies not Useles.-s Scripture, .524. 4. Numerical Discrepancies, 525. 5. Doctrinal and Ethical Discrepancies : — (1) Supposed Contlict between Law and Gos- pel, .520. (2) Civil Rights maintained by Jesus and Paul, 527. ■ (3) The Avenging of Blood, 528. i4) Difleience between Paul and James on Justification :— 1. Different Personal Experiences. 529, 530. 2. Ditl'ereut Modes of A|)i)iehendin^ uad Kx- pressins (ireat Trullis. 5.i0. 3. Ditt'eivur Aim of each writer, 531. 4. Individual Freedom of each writer, 531. 6. Value of Biblical Discrepancies : — (1) To stimulate Mental Effort, 532. (2) To illustrate Harmony of Bible and Na- ture, 352. (3) To prove the absence of Collusion, 352. (4) To show the Spirit above the Letter, 352. (5) To serve as a Test of Moral Charactei', 352. CHAPTER XXXI. Alleged Contradictions of Science. 1. Statement of Allegations and Issuesi 533. 2. Attempts at Reconciliation, 533. 3. Fundamenttil Considerations, 533, 534. 4. Three Principal Points of Contro- versy:— A. The Record of Miracles: — (1) Assumed Impossibility of Miracles, 534. (2) No common Ground between Atheist, Pantheist, and Christian, 535. (3) Deist cannot consistently deny the Possi- bility of Miracles, 535. (4) Three important Considerations :— 1. Miracles Parts of a Divine Order, 535, .530. 2. God's Ptevelation involves tlie Plan of a great Historical Movement of which Mir- acles form a Part, .53sions of the earlier Gospels may have had a Purpose. 502, 56^3. 3. Harmony of the Gosiiels enhanced by their Diversit}', 563, 56-1. 6. Unreasonableness of Magnifying tlie al- leged Discrepancies of the Gospels, 565. CHAPTER XXXIII. Progress of Doctrine and Analogy of Faith. 1. The Holy Scriptures a Growth, 5G6. 2. Genesis a Series of Evolutions and Revelations, 567, 5G8. 3. The Mosaic legislation a New Era of Revelation, 568. n) Doctrine of God, 568, 569. ('2) Suiierlor Ethical and Civil Code, 569. (3) Pentateuch fundanientiil to Old Testa;- luent Revelations, 570. 4. Divine Revelation continued after Moses, 570. 5. Theology of the Psalter, 570, 671. 6. The Solomonic Proverbial Philosophy, 571. 7. Old Testament Revelation reached its highest Spirituality in the Great Prophets, 57'2-575. 8. Proplietic link between the Old and Kew Testaments, 575. 9. Christ's teachings the Substance- but not the Finality of Christian Doc- trine, 575. 10. Revelations continued after Jesus' Ascension, 576. 11. The Epistles contain the elaborated Teachings of the Apostles, 576. 577. 12. The A])ocalypse a fitting Conclusion of the New Testauicut Canon, .")77, 578. 13. Attention to Progress of Doctrine a Help to Interpretation, 578. 14. The Analogy of Faith : — (1) Progress of Doctrine explains the true Analogy of Faith, 579. (2) Two Degrees of the Analogy of Faith :— 1. Positive, 5S0. 2. General, 5S0. (3) Limitation and Use of the Analogy of Faith as a Principle of Interpretation, 581. CHAPTER XXXIY. Doctrinal and Practical Use of Scripture. 1. Paul's Statement of the Uses of Scrip- ture ('2 Tim. iii, 16), 582. 2. Roman Doctrine of Authoritative In- terpretation, 582. 3. The Protestant Principle of Using one's own Reason, 58.'x 4. Statement and Defence of Scripture Doctrine must accord with correct Hermeneutics, 583. 5. Biblical and Historical Theologv dis- tiiiguished, 684. 6. Human Tendency to be wise above what is written, 585. 7. True and False Methods of ascertain- ing Scripture Doctrine: — (1) The Doctrine of God, 585, 5S6. 1. Citation from the Athanasian Creed, 3S5. 2. Doetrin.il Symbols nut iniscni)tural. .5S6. 3. Plural Form olthe word Eloliiiii, 5?7. 4. Language of Gen. .\ix. '24, 5bT. 5. The Angel of Jehovah, 5s8. (i. New Testament Doctrine of God, 5S8. 7. Mysterious Distinctions in the Divine Xa- tiu-e. 5S9. 8. We should .-ivoid dogmatic Assertion .and doubtful te.xts or readings, 590. (2) The Doctrine of Vicarious Atonement, 590, 591. (3) The Doctrine of Eternal Pum'shmont. tm. 1. Absence of Scriptural Hope liu- the Wick- ed. .592. 2. Import of M.att. sii, 32, and Mark iii, 29, 592. 3. Preaching to the Siiirits in Prison, 592. (4) Doctrine not con lined to one portion, class, or style of Scriptures, 59.3. (5) Eschatology taught chiefly in Figurative Language. 59 1. (6) Doctrine of the Resurrection of the Dead, 594. (7) Freedom from Prepossessions and Pre- sumptions, .595. (8) Texts not to be cited ad lUntnm. 8. Xew Testament Doctrine not dear without the help of the Old, and vire vcr.m, 5V1(), 5117. 9. Confusion of Hebrew and Aryan Modes of Thought, 597. 10. Practical and Homiletical Use of Scrip- ture : — (1) Must be based on true grammatical In- terpretation, ,508. (2) Personal Experiences. Promises, Admo- nitions, and Warnings have lessons for Mil time, 5;»S, 59(1. (.'?) I'i-:i(-tical .\|iplii-u;io!is of Scrij'turc if btdlt upmi erroneous Intel pi:'I"tion, are thei'cby made of no ellect, GOO. CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. 13 PART THIRD. HISTORY OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. CHAPTER I. Ancient Jewish Exegesis. 1. Value and Importance of History of Interpretation, 603. 2. Origin and Variety of Interpretations, (503. 3. Ezra and the Great Synagogue, 604, 605. 4. Tlie Halachah and Hagadah, 606-610. 5. Philo JudiEus and his Works, 611-613. 6. The Targums, 614. v. Tlie Talmud, 615-617. CHAPTER II. Later Rabbinical Exegesis. 1. The Sect of the Karaites (Saadia, Ben AH), 618, 619. ii. Schools of Tiberias, Sora and Pumba- ditha, 620. 3. Noted Rabbinical E.Kegetes : — Rashi, Aben Ezra, Maimonides, Kimchi, Cas- pi, Tanchum, Ralbag, Abrabanel, Levita, Mendelssohn, 620-638. 4. Modern Rationalistic Judaism, 628. 5. General Summary, 628. CHAPTER IIL The Earliest Christian Exegesis. 1. Indicated in the New Testament Scrip- tures, 629, 630. •2. Allegorizing Tendency of the Post-Apos- tolic Age, 630. 3. Apostolic Fathers : — (1) Clement of Rome, Barnabas, Ignatius, 631, 632. (2) Value of the Apostolic Fathers, 633, 633. 4. Justin Martyr, Theophilus, Melito, and Irenaeus, 633-636. CHAPTER IV. Later Patristic Exegesis. 1. School of Alexandria, 63Y. Clemeut, Origen, Dionysius, Pierius, Peter Martyr, Uesychius, 638-643. 2. School of Coesarea, 642. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Pamphilus, Eusebi- us, Cyril of Alexandria, 643, 644. 3. The School of Antioch, 644. Africanus, Dorotheus, Lucian, Eustathius, Diodorus, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Chry- sostom, Isidore, Theodoret, 644-64!). 4. Schools of Edessa and Nisibis, 650. Ephraem Syrus, Barsumas, Ibas, 651. 5. Other eminent Fathers : — Athanasius, Epiphanius, Basil, Gregory, Ul- philas, Andreas, .\rethas, 651, 653. 6. Fathers of the Western Church : — Hippolytus, Tertulhan, Cyprian, Vlctorlnus, Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Pe- lagius, Tichouius, Vincent, Cassiodorus, Gregory the Great, 653-659. 7. General Character of Patristic Exege- sis, 660. CHAPTER V. Exegesis of the Middle Ages. 1. No great Exegetes during this Period, 661. 2. The Catenists : — Procoplus of Gaza, Bede, Alcuin, Maurus, Haymo, Strabo, Druthmar, tEcumeuius, Theophylatt, Lanfrauc, Willeram, Rupert, Lombard, Zigabenus, Joachim, Aquinas, Bonaventura, Hugo, Albert, 661-66r. 3. Writers of the Fourteenth and Fif- teenth Centuries : — Nicholas de Lyra, Wycliffe, Huss, Wessel, Gerson, Laurentius Valla, Reucblln, Eras- mus, Lefevre, Mirandula, Sanctes Fag- nlnus, 6137-672. 4- The First Polyglots, 672. CHAPTER VI. Exegesis of the Reformation. 1. The Dawn of a New Era, 673. 2. The great Expositors of tliis Period : — Luther, Melanchthnn, Zwlugle, fficolampa- dius, Pellican, Minister, Calvin, Beza, Cas- tellio, Bullinger, Flacius, Piscator, Junius, Marlorat, Maldonatus, 673-680. 3. Translations of the Bible. 680, 681. 4. Antwerp and Nuremberg Polyglots, 681. 5. Tendencies of Lutheran and Reformed Parties, 681, 682. CHAPTER VII. Exegesis of the Seventeenth Century. 1. Progress of Biljlical Studies, 683. (1) Hebrew Philology promoted by Buxlorf, Schindler, VatabluSf De Dieii, Drusius, and Scaliger, 683. (2) King James' English Version, 683. (3) Paris and London Polyglots, 684. (4) Critici Sacri and Poole's Synopsis, 684, 035. 2. Distinguished English Exegetes : — Lightfoot, Pocock, Hammond, -Ainsworth, Gataker, Usher, Owen, Mede, 685-688. 3. French Biblical Schohirs, 688. Casaubon, Cappel, Simon, Bochart, 088, 689, 4. Biblical Scholars in Holland : — Arminjus, Grotius, Voetius, Cocceius, Leus- den, 6S9-693. 5. German Biblical Scholars : — Olearius, Glassius, Schmidt, Pfeifter, 693. 0. Progress of Free Thought, 694. 14 CONTENTS AND ANALYTICAL OUTLINE. CHAPTER Vlir. Exegesis of the Eighteenth Century. 1. Eighteenth Century a period of En- lightenment, 695. 2. Dutch, German, and French Biblical Scholars : — Vitringa, Witsius, Lampe, Veneiua, Le Clerc, Scti aliens, Uelaud, Sctioettgeii, Aleiischen, Surentiuslus, Leydecker, We-ssfimg, J. C. Wolf, Alberti, JKypke, Ualmel, lieausobre, Quesnel, ()95-ti97. 8. Progress in Textual Criticism : — Houbigant, Kennicott, De Rossi, Mill, Bent- ley, Bengel, Welstein, Griesliacli, GUd-iOO. 4. Textual Criticism opposed by ilie Voe- tian School, VUO. 5. English Exegetes : — Patrick, Whitby, W. Lowth, R. T,(jvvt!i, Henry, Doddridge, Uodd, Scott, Gill, Cbandler, Pearce, Mackniglat, Campbell, Newcouie, Blayney, Green, Wells, Wesley, roo-7t>3. 6. English Deistical Writers : — Blount, Toland, Shaftesbury, Collins. Wool- ston, Tindal, Morgan, Chubb, Boling- broke, Hume, 703, 704. V. English Anti-deistical Writers :— Chandler, Sherlock, Butler, Conybeare, Le- land, Waterland, Warburton, 705. 8. French Unbelief: — Condillac, Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau, Vol- ney, 705. 9. Rise and Decline of Pietism : — Spener,Franeke, Michaelis, Mosheim, Koppe, Emesti, Keil, Herder, C.von Wolf, Lange, Berleburg Bible and Wertheim Bible, Baumgaiten, 705-709. 10. Growth of German Rationalism : — Sem'.er, Edelmann, Bahrdt, Nigolai, Wolfen- biittel Fragments, Teller's Lexicon, Schol- arly form of Rationalism, 710, 711. 11. Immanuel Kant and Philosophical Criticism, 712. CHAPTER IX. Exegesis of the Nineteenth Century. 1. Progress of Biblical Science, 7lo. 2. German Rationalistic School of Inter- preters : — Eichhorn, Paulus, Critics of the Pentateuch (Astruc, Vater, etc.), Heyue, Gable--, G. L. Bauer, Sirau.s.,, V.'eisse, Bruno Baur, V. C. Baur and the Tiibiugen School, French Critical School (Renan, etc.), 713-717. 3. German Mediation School of Interpre- ters : — Schleiermacher, Neander, De AVette, Liickc, Rosenmiiller, Maurer, Berthohlt, Lcn- gerke, Kuinoel, Gesenius, Ewaid, Hupielu, Hofifmann, 717-723. 4. German Evangelical School of Inter- preters : — Storr and Old Tiibingen School, Hengsten- berg, Havernick, Bleek, Umbreit, Ullmann, Tholuck, Stier, Olshausen, Baumgarten, Philippi, Winer, Meyer, Auberlen, Kurtz, Keil, Delitzsch, J. P. Lange, Godet, Lut- hardt, 7'2.3-72('. 5. English Exegetes : — Adam Clarke, Benson, Watson, Henderson, Bloomfleld, Kitto, Home, Davidson, .\!- foid, Wordsworth, Trench, Ellicott, J. B. Lightfoot, Eadie, Gloag, Murphy. Morison, Perowne, Jamieson, Cook, Stanley, Joviett, Convbeai'e. Howsou, Lewin, Elliott, Ka- liscli, Ginsburg, 728-733. 6. American Exegetes : — Stuart, Robinson, Alexander, Norton, Hodge, Turner, Bush, Barnes, Jacobus, Owen. Whedon, Cowles, Conant, Strong, (iardi- ner, Shedd, 733-735. , 7. New Testament Textual Ci'iticism : — Knapp, Schulz, Scholz, Lachnianu. Tischen- dorf, Tregelles, Westcottand Hort, 73.j, 73d, 8. The Revised English Version, 737. 9. Present Condition and Demands of Bib- lical Interpretation, 737, 738. 1. Bibliography of Hermeneutics 739 2. Index of Scripture Texts 153 3. General Index 770 PART FIRST. INTRODUCTION TO BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. It vjcre indeed meet for us -not at all to require the aid of the written Word, hut to exhibit a life so pure that the grace of the Spirit should he instead of hooTcs to our souls, and that as these are inscribed with ink, even so should our hearts he with the Spirit, ^ut, since we have utterly put away from us this grace, come, let us at any rate emhrace the second-hest course. For if it he a hlame to stand in need of written words, and not to have hrought down on ourselves the grace of the Spirit, consider how heavy the charge of not choosing to profit even after this assistance, hut rather treating what is written with neglect, as if it were cast forth without purpose, and at random, and so bringing down upon ourselves our punishment with increase. ^ut that no such effect may ensue, let us give strict heed unto the things that are written ; and let us learn how the Old Xjaw was given on the one hand, and how, on the other, the JTew Covenant. — Ciikysostou. INTEODUCTION TO BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. CHAPTER I. PRELIMINARY. Hekmeisteutics is the science of interpretation. The word is usu- ally applied to the explanation of written documents, and may tiierefore be more specifically defined as the science of nermeneutics interpreting an author's language.' This science as- defined, sumes that there are divers modes of thought and ambiguities of expression among men, and, accordingly, it aims to remove the ' supposable differences between a writer and his readers, so that the meaning of the one may be truly and accurately apjirehended by the others. It is common to distinguish between General and Special Her- meneutics. General Ilermeneutics is devoted to the ^, General and general principles which are applicable to the inter^^re- special Her- tation of all languages and writing. It may appropri- ™ ° " ately take cognizance of the logical operations of the human mind, and the philosophy of human speech. Special Hermeneutics is de- voted rather to the explanation of particular books and classes of writings. Thus, historical, poetical, philosophical, and prophetical writings differ from each other in numerous particulars, and each class requires for its projDer exposition the application of principles and methods adapted to its own peculiar character and style. Special Hermeneutics, according to Cellerier, is a science practical and almost empirical, and searches after rules and solutions ; while General Hermeneutics is methodical and philosojihical, and searches for principles and methods.^ ' The word hermeneutics is of Greek origin, from epfiTjvevu, to interpret, to ex- plain ; thence the adjective ?/ epfirji'EVTiuTi (sc. Texvr]\ that is, the hermeneuiieal art, and thence our word hermeneutics, the science or art of interpretation. Closely kin- dred is also the name '■E/jfir/r, Ilermcs, or Mercury, who, beai'ing a golden rod of magic power, figures in Grecian mythology as the messenger of the gods, the tutelary deity of speech, of writing, of arts and sciences, and of all skill and accomplishments. ^ Manuel d'Hermenoutiquc Biblique, p. 5. Geneva, 1852. 2 18 INTRODUCTION TO Biblical or Sacred Hermeneutics is the science of interpreting the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. Biblical or Sa- "i , m . tit • i- ^ cred Heme- Inasmuch as these two lestaments difter m form, lan« neutics. guage, and historical conditions, many writers have deemed it preferable to treat the hermeneutics of each Testament separately. And as the New Testament is the later and fuller rev- elation, its interpretation has received the fuller and more frequent attention/ But it may be questioned whether such a separate treatment of the Old and New Testaments is the better course. It Old and New ^^ ^^ *^^® ^^'^^ importance to observe that, from a Christ- Test. Herme- ian point of view, the Old Testament cannot be fully iTfe separ- apprehended without the help of the New. The mys- ated. tery of Christ, which in other generations was not made known unto men, was revealed unto the apostles and prophets of the New Testament (Eph. iii, 5), and that revelation sheds a flood of light upon numerous portions of the Hebrew Scriptures. On the other hand, it is equally true that a scientific interpi-etation of the New Testament is imjjossible without a thorough knowledge of the older Scriptures. The very language of the New Testament, though belonging to another family of human tongues, is notably liebraic. The style, diction, and spirit of many parts of the Greek Testament cannot be properly appreciated without acquaintance with the style and spirit of the Hebrew prophets. The Old Testament also abounds in testimony of the Christ (Luke xxiv, 27, 44 ; John v, 39 ; Acts X, 43), the illustration and fulfillment of which can be seen only in the light of the Christian revelation. In short, the whole Bible is a divinely constructed unity, and there is danger that, in studying one part to the comparative neglect of the other, we may fall into one-sided and erroneous methods of exposition. The Holy Scrip- ' Among the more important modern works on the hermeneutics of the New Testa- ment are: Ernesti, Institutio Interpretis Novi Testament! (Lips., 1761), translated into English by M. Stuart (Andover, 1827), and Terrot (Edin., 1843); Klausen, Ilerme- neutik des neucn Testamontes (Lpz., 1841); Wilke, Die Hermeneutik des neuen Tcs- Jamentes systcmatisch dargestellt (Lpz., 1843) ; Doedes, Manual of Hermeneutics for the Writings of the New Testament, translated from the Dutch by Stegmann (Edin., 1867); Fairbairn, Hermeneutical Manual of the New Testament (Phila., 1859); Im- mer, Hermeneutics of the New Testament, translated from the German by A. H. New- •man (Andover, 1877). The principal treatises on Old Testament hermeneutics are: Meyer, Versuch einer Hermeneutik des alten Testaments (1790); Pareau, Institutio Interpretis Veteris Testamenti (1822), translated by Forbes for the Edinburgh Biblical Cabinet. The hermeneutics of both Testaments is treated by Seller, Biblical Her- meneutics, or the Art of Scripture Interpretation, translated from the German by Wright (Lond., 183.5); Davidson, Sacred Hermeneutics (Edin., 1843), Cellerier's Man- ual, mentioned above, recently translated into English by Elliott and Harsha (N. Y., 1881), and Lange, Grundrissderbiblischen Hermeneutik (Heidelb., 1878). BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 19 tures should be studied as a whole, for their several parts were giv- en in manifold portions and modes (noXvfiepibg Kai TroXvTpoTTCjg, Heb. i, 1), and, taken all together, they constitute a remarkably self -in- terpreting volume. Biblical Hermeneutics, having a specific field of its own, should be carefully distinguished from other branches of theo- Bisunguished logical science with which it is often and quite naturally yo'"c"r '^"'^" associated. It is to be distinguished from Biblical In- and Exegesis. troduction. Textual Criticism, and Exegesis. Biblical Introduction, or Isagogics, is devoted to the historico-critical examination of the different books of the Bible. It inquires after their age, author- ship, genuineness, and canonical authority, tracing at the same time their origin, preservation, and integrity, and exhibiting their con- tents, relative rank, and general character and value. The scien- tific treatment of these several subjects is often called the " Higher Criticism." Textual Criticism has for its special object Textual cnti- the ascertaining of the exact words of the original texts cism. of the saci'ed books. Its method of procedure is to collate and compare ancient manuscripts, ancient versions, and ancient scripture quotations, and, by careful and discriminating judgment, sift con- flicting testimony, weigh the evidences of all kinds, and thus en- deavour to determine the true reading of every doubtful text. This science is often called the "Lower Criticism." "Where such criticism ends, Hermeneutics j^roperly begins, and aims to establish the principles, methods, and rules which are needful to unfold the sense of what is written. Its object is to elucidate Avhatever may be obscure or ill-defined, so that every reader may be able, by an intelligent process, to obtain the exact ideas intended by the author. Exegesis is the application of these principles and laws, Exegesis and the actual bringing out into formal statement, and by Exposition, other terms, the meaning of the author's words. Exegesis is re- lated to hermeneutics as preaching is to homiletics, or, in general, as practice is to theory. Exposition is another word often used synonymously with exegesis, and has essentially the same significa- tion ; and yet, perhaps, in common usage, exposition denotes a more extended development and illustration of the sense, dealing more largely M'ith other scriptures by comparison and contrast. We observe, accordingly, that the writer on Biblical Introduction ex- amines the historical foundations and canonical authority of the books of Scripture. The textual critic detects interpolations, emends false readings, and aims to give us the very words which the sacred writers used. The exegete takes up these words, and by means of the principles of hermeneutics, defines their meaning, elucidates the 20 INTRODUCTION TO scope and plan of each writer, and brings forth the grammatico- historical sense of what each book contains. The expositor builds upon the labours both of critics and exegetes, and sets forth in fuller form, and by ample illustj*ation, the ideas, doctrines, and moral lessons of the Scripture.' But while w^e are careful to distinguish hermeneutics from these kindred branches of exegetical theology, we should not fail to note that a science of interpretation must essentially de2:)end on exegesis for the maintenance and illustration of its principles and rules. As the full grammar of a language establishes its principles by sufficient examples and by formal praxis, so a science of hermeneutics must needs verify and illustrate its jDrinciiDles by examjjles of their prac- tical application. Its province is not merely to define principles and methods, but also to exemj^lify and illusti*ate them. Herme- neutics, therefore, is both a science and an art. As a Hermeneutics , ' ^ / both a Science Science, it enunciates principles, investigates the laws an an . ^£ thought and language, and classifies its facts and results. As an art, it teaches what application these principles should have, and establishes their soundness by showing their prac- tical value in the elucidation of the more difficult scriptvxres. The hermeneutical art thus cultivates and establishes a valid exegetical procedure. The necessity of a science of interpretation is apparent from the Necessity of diversities of mind and culture among men. Personal Hermeneutics. intercourse between individuals of the same nation and language is often difficult and embarrassing by reason of their dif- ferent styles of thought and expression. Even the Apostle Peter found in Paul's epistles things which were difficult to understand (dvavorjra, 2 Pet. iii, 16). The man of broad and liberal culture lives and moves in a diffei'cnt world from the unlettered peasant, so much so that sometimes the ordinnry conversation of the one is scarcely intelligible to the other. Different schools of metaphysics and opposing systems of theology have often led their several ad- vocates into strange misunderstandings. Tlie speculative philoso- pher, Avho ponders long on abstract themes, and by deep study ' Docdes thus iliseriminatos between explaining and interpreting: " To explain, properly signifies the unfolding of what is contained in the words, and to' interpret, the making clear of what is not clear by casting light on that which is obscure. Very often one interprets l)y means of explaining, namely, when, by unfolding the sense of the words, liglit is reflected on what is said or written; but it cannot be said that one explains by interpreting. While explaining generally is interpreting, interpreting, properly speaking, is not explaining. But we do not usually observe this distinction in making use of these terms, and may without harm use them promiscuously." Manual of Hermeneutics, p. 4. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 21 constructs a doctrine or system clear to his own mind, may find it difficult to set forth his views to others so as to prevent all miscon- ception. His whole subject matter lies beyond the range of com- mon thought. The hearers or readers, in such a case, must, like the philosopher himself, dwell long upon the subject. They must have terms defined, and ideas illustrated, until, step by stej:), they come to imbibe the genius and spirit of the new philosophy. But especially great and manifold are the difficulties of understanding the writings of those who differ from us in language and national- ity. The learned themselves become divided in their essays to decipher and interpret the records of the past. Volumes and li- braries have been written to elucidate the obscurities of the Greek and Roman classics. The foremost scholars and linguists of the pres- ent generation are busied in the study and exposition of the sacred books of the Chinese, the Plindus, the Parsees, aifcd the Egyptians, and, after all their learned labours, they disagree in the translation and solution of many a passage. How much more might we ex- pect great differences of opinion in the interpretation of a book like the Bible, composed at sundry times and in many parts and modes, and ranging through many departments of literature! What obstacles might reasonably be expected in the interpretation of a record of divine revelation, in which heavenly thoughts, un- known to men before, were made to express themselves in the im- perfect formulas of human speech! The most contradictory rules of interpretation have been propounded, and expositions have been made to suit the peculiar tastes and prejudices of writers or to main- tain preconceived opinions, until all scientific method has been set at nought, and each interpreter became a law unto himself. Hence the necessity of well-defined and self-consistent principles of Script- ure interpretation. Only as exegetes come to adopt common prin- ciples and m,ethods of procedure, Avill the interpretation of the Bible attain the dignity and certainty of an cstal)lished science. The rank and importance of Biblical PIcrmeneutics among the various studies embraced in Theological Encyclopaedia ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^_ and Methodology is apparent from the fundamental re- portance of . . IlGrinciiGiitic3 lation which it sustains to them all. For the Scripture jn Theological revelation is itself essentially the centime and substance Science, of all theological science. It contains the clearest and fullest exhi- bition of the person and character of God, and of the spiritual needs and possibilities of man. A sound and trustworthy interpretation of the scripture records, therefore, is the root and basis of all revealed theology. Without it Systematic Theology, or Dogmatics, could not b*e legitimately constructed, and would, in fact, be essentially 22 INTRODUCTION TO impossible. For the doctrines of revelation can only be learned from a correct understanding of the oracles of God. Historical Theology, also, tracing as it does the thought and life of the Church, must needs take cognizance of the principles and methods of script- ure interpretation which have so largely controlled in the develop- ment of that thought and life. The creeds of Christendom assume to rest upon the teachings of the inspired Scriptures. Apologetics, polemics, ethics, and all that is embraced in Practical Theology, are ever making appeal to the authoritative records of the Christian faith. The great work of the Christian ministry is to preach the word ; and that most important labour cannot be effectually done without a thorough knowledge of the Scriptures and skill in the interpretation and application of the same. Personal piety and practical godliness are nourished by the study of this written word. The psalmist sings (Psa. cxix, 105, 111) : A lamp to my foot is thy word, And a light to my pathway. I Iiave taken possession of thy testimonies forever, For the joy of my heart are they.' The Apostle Paul admonished Timothy that the Holy Scriptures were able to make him wise unto salvation through faith in Jesus Christ (2 Tim. iii, 15). And Jesus himself, interceding for his own chosen followers, prayed, " Sanctify them in the truth ; thy word is truth" (John xvii, IV). Accordingly, the Lord's ambassador must not adulterate (2 Cor. ii, 17), but rightly divide, the word of the truth (2 Tim. ii, 15). For if ever the divinely appointed ministry of reconciliation accomplish the perfecting of the saints, and the building up of the body of Christ, so as to bring all to the attain- ment of the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God (Eph. iv, 12, 13), it must be done by a coi'rect interpreta- tion and efficient use of the word of God. The interpretation and application of that word miist rest upon a sound and self -evi- dencing science of hermeneutics. ' All scripture quotations in the present work have been made by translating direct- ly from the Hebrew, Ciialdee, iind Greek originals. To have followed the Authorized Version would have necessitated a large amount of circumlocution. In many instances the citation of a text is designed to illustrate a process as well as a principle of her- meneutics. It is often desirable to bring out, either incidentally or prominently, some noticeable emphasis, and this can be done best by giving the exact order of tlie words of the original. The observance of such order in translation may sometimes violate the usage and idiom of the best English, but, in many cases, it yields the best possible translation. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 23 CHAPTER II. THE BIBLE AND OTHER SACRED BOOKS. It is no inconsiderable preparation for the hermeneutical study of the Bible to be able to appreciate its rank and value as compared with other sacred books. During the last half century ^^^^^ religious the learned research and diligent labour of scholars have literatures aval- made accessible to us whole literatures of nations that tlon for^heTme- were comparatively unknown before. It is discovered ^euticai study. that the ancient Egyptians, the Persians, the Hindus, the Chinese, and other nations, have had their sacred writings, some of which claim an antiquity greater than the books of Moses. There are not wanting, in Christian lands, men disposed to argue that these sacred books of the nations possess a value as great as the scriptures of the Christian faith, and are entitled to the same veneration. Such claims are not to be ignored or treated with contempt. There have been, doubtless, savage islanders who imagined that the sun rose and set for their sole benefit, and who never dreamed that the sound- ing waters about their island home were at the same time washing beautiful corals and precious pearls on other shores. Among civil- ized peoples, also, there are those who have no appreciation of lands, nations, literatures, and religions which differ from their own. This, however, is a narrowness unworthy of the Christian scholar. The truly catholic Christian will not refuse to acknowledge the manifest excellences of races or religions that differ from his own. lie will be governed in his judgments by the precept of the apostle (Phil, iv, 8) : " Whatever things are true, whatever things are worthy of honour (oeixva), whatever things are just, whatever things are pure, whatever things are lovely, whatever things are of good report, if there be any virtue and if there be any praise, think upon (Xoyl^eods, exercise reason upon) these things." The study and comparison of other scriptures will serve, among other things, to show how i^re- eminently the Christian's Bible is adapted to the spiritual nature and religious culture of all mankind.* ' " This volume," says Professor Phelps, " has never yet numbered among its re- ligious believers a fourth part of the human race, yet it has swayed a greater amount of miud than any other volume the world has known. It has the singular faculty of attracting to itself the thinkers of the world, either as friends or as foes, always and everywhere." Men and Books, p. 239. New York, 1882. 24 INTRODUCTION TO LiTERATUKE OF THE CHRISTIAN" CaNON. The scri^otures of the Old and New Testaments are the gradual accretion of a literature that covers about sixteen centuries. The Outline of Bib- <^ifferent parts were contributed at different times, and licai Literature \,j many different hands. According to the order of the"°christiaD books in the Christian Canon, we have, first, the five Canon. Books of Moses, Avhich embody the Ten Commandments, with their various accessory statutes, moral, civil, and ceremonial, all set in a historical background of singular simplicity and gran- deur. Then follow twelve Historical Books, recording the history of the Israelitish nation from the death of Moses to the restoration from Babylonian exile, and covering a period of a thousand years. Next follow five Poetical Books — a drama, a psalter, two books of proverbial philosophy, and a song of love ; and after these are sev- enteen Prophetical Books, among which are some of the most mag- nificent monuments of all literature. In the New Testament we have, first, the four Gospels, which record the life and words of Jesus Christ ; then the Acts of the Apostles, a history of the origin of the Christian Church; then the thirteen Epistles of Paul, fol- lowed by the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the seven General Epis- tles; and, finally, the Apocalypse of John. Hei-e, at a rapid glance, we see an ancient library of history, law, theology, philosophy, poetry, prophecy, epistles, and biography. Most of these books still bear their author's names, some of whom we find to have been kings, some propliets, some shepherds, some fishermen. One was a taxgatherer, another a tentmaker, another a physician, but all were deeply versed in sacred things. There could have been no collusion among them, for they lived and wrote in different ages, centuries apart, and their places of residence were far separate, as Arabia, Palestine, Babylon, Persia, Asia Minor, Greece, and Rome," The antiquities and varying civilizations of these different nations and countries are imaged in these sacred books, and, where the name of an author is not known, it is not difficult to ascertain approximately, from his statements or allusions, the time and circumstances of his writing. The nation with whom these books originated, and the lands that nation occupied first and last, are so well known, and so accurately identified, as to give a living freshness and reality to ' Gelke sn vs : " Scripture proves throughout to he only so miiny notes in a divine har- mony wliicli culminates in the anfrel gonp; over Bethlehem. What less than Divine in- spiration could have evolved such unity of purpose and spirit in the long series of sacred writers, no one of whom could possil)ly ho conscious of the part he was being made to take in the development of God's ways to our race V" Hours with the IJible, vol. i, p. 5. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 35 these records; and the rich and varied contents of the several books are such as to make them of priceless value to all men and all ao-es. "I am of opinion," wrote Sir William Jones — a most competent judge on such a subject — "that this volume, independently of its divine origin, contains more true sublimity, more exquisite beauty, more pure morality, more important history, and finer strains of poetry and eloquence, than can be collected from all other books, in whatever age or language they may have been written.'" Let us now compare and contrast these scriptures with the sacred books of other nations. The Avesta. No body of sacred literature except the Christian Canon can be of much greater interest to the student of history than the scrip- tures of the Parsees, which are commonly called the , ,. ., ' . . . *' Antiquity and Zend-Avesta, They contain the traditions and cere- general char- monies of the old Iranian faith, the religion of Zoro- ^^ ^^' aster, or (more propei'ly) Zarathustra. They have sadly suffered by time and the revolutions of empire, and come to us greatly mutilated and corrupted, but since they were first brought to the knowledge of the western world by the enthusiastic Frenchman, Anquetil-Duperron,^ whose adventures in the East read like a ro- mance from the Arabian Nights, the studies of European scholars have \n\t us in possession of their general scope and subject matter.' They consist of four distinct sections, the Yasna, the Vispered, the Vendidad, and a sort of separate hagiographa, commonly called Khordah-Avesta. The main principles of the Avesta religion are thus summed up by Darmesteter : " The world, such as it is now, is two- p^p^^j^^.^^ fold, beinff the work of two hostile beings, Ahura- tem oi the Mazda, the good principle, and Angra-Mainyu, the evil principle ; all that is good in the world comes from the former, all ' Written on a blank leaf of his Bible. ^ In his work entitled, Zend-Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre, contenant les Idees Theo- logiques, Physiques et Morales de ce Legislateur, S vols.. Par., 1771. ^ Especially deserving of mention are Eugene Burnouf, Cominentaire sur le Yacna, 3 vols., Par., 1S33 ; Westergaard, Zendavesta, Copenh., 1852-54; Spiegel, who has published the original text, with a full critical apparatus, and also a German transla- tion, with a commentary on both the text and translation, Lpz., 1853-1 808; Haug, Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsees, Bombay, 1802 ; also Die Gathas des Zarathustra, Lpz., 1858; Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, Berl., 1803. An English version of the Avesta from Spiegel's German version, by A. H. Bleek, was published in London, in 1804, and a better one from the original text, by J. Darmesteter, (Part I, The Vendidad, Oxf., 1880), as Vol. IV, of The Sacred Books of the East, edited by Max Miiller. 26 INTRODUCTION TO that is bad in it comes from the latter. The history of the "world is the history of their conflict, how Angra-Mainyu invaded the world of Ahura-Mazda and marred it, and how he shall be expelled from it at last. Man is active in the conflict, his duty in it being laid before him in the law revealed by Ahura-Mazda to Zarathustra. When the appointed time is come, a son of the lawgiver, still un- born, named Saoshyant, will appear, Angra-Mainyu and Hell will be destroyed, men will rise from the dead, and everlasting happiness will reign over the world." ^ The oldest portion of the Avesta is called the Yasna, which, along with the Vispered, constitutes the Parsee Lit- urgy, and consists of praises of Ahura-Mazda, and all the lords of purity, and of invocations for them to be present at the ceremonial worship. Many of these prayers contain little more than the names and attributes of the several objects or patrons of the Zoroastrian worship, and the perusal of them soon becomes tedious. The following constitutes the whole of the twelfth chapter, and is one of the finest passages, and a favourite : I praise the well-thought, well-spoken, well-performed thoughts, words, and works. I lay hold on all good thoughts, words, and works. I aban- don all evil thoughts, words, and works. I bring to you, O Amesha- Sjjentas," praise and adoration, with thoughts, words, and works, with heavenly mind, the vital strength of my own body. The following, from the beginning of the thirteenth chapter, is another favourite : I drive away the dsevas (demons), I j^rofess myself a Zarathustrian, an expeller of daevas, a follower of i\.hura, a hymn-singer of the Ameslia- Spentas, a praiser of the Amesha-Spentas. To Ahura-Mazda, the Good, endued with good wisdom, I offer all good. To the Pure, Rich, Majestic; whatever are the best goods to him, to Avhom the cow, to whom purity belongs; from whom arises the light, the brightness which is inseparable from the lights. Spenta-Armaiti, the good, choose I; may she belong to me ! By my praise will I save the cattle from theft and robbery. The latter part of the Yasna contains the religious hymns known _ as the Gathas. They are believed to be the oldest por- The G a. thus tion of the Avesta, and are written in a more ancient dialect. But a considerable part of them is scarcely intelligible, all the learning and labour of scholars having thus far failed to clear up ' Darmesteter, Translation of the Avesta, Introduction, p. Ivi. " The Amesha-Spentas, six in number, were at first mere personifications of virtues and moral or liturgical powers ; but as Ahura-Mazda, their lord and father, ruled over the whole of the world, they took by and by each a part of the world under their care. Comp, Darmesteter, p. Ixxi. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 27 the difficulties of the ancient text. The general drift of thought, however, is apparent. Praises are continually addressed to the holy powers, especially to the Holy Spirit Ahura-Mazda (Ormuzd), the Creator, the Rejoicer, the Pure, the Fair, the Heavenly, the Ruler over all, the Most Profitable, the Friend for both worlds. Many a noble sentiment is uttered in these ancient hymns, but, at the same time, a much larger amount of frivolous matter. The Vispered is but a liturgical addition to the Yasna, and of sim- ilar character. It contains twenty-seven chapters, of The vispered. which the following, from the eighth chapter, is a specimen: The right-spoken words praise we. The holy Sraosha praise we. The good purity praise we. Nairo-Sanlia praise we. The victorious i^eaces praise we. The undaunted, who do not come to shame, praise we. The Fravashis (souls) of the pure praise we. The bridge Chinvat' praise we. The dwelling of Ahura-Mazda praise we. The best place of the pure praise we, Tlie shining, wholly brilliant. The best-arriving at Paradise praise we. The Vendidad, consisting of twenty-two chapters, or fargards, is of a different character. It is a minute code of Zoro- astrian laws, most of which, how^ever, refer to matters ^" ^ ' of purification. The first fargard enumerates the countries which were created by Ahura-Mazda, and afterward corrupted by the evil principle, Angra-Mainyu, who is full of death and opposition to the good. The second introduces us to Yima, the fair, who refused to be the teacher, recorder, or bearer of the law, but became the protector and overseer of the world. Chapter third enumerates things which are most acceptable and most displeasing to the world ; and chapter fourth describes breaches of contracts and other sins, and prescribes the different degrees of punishment for each, declar- ing, among other things, that a man's nearest relatives may become involved in his 2)unishment, even to a thousandfold. Chapters fifth to twelfth treat uncleanness occasioned by contact with dead bod- ies, and the means of purification. Chapters thirteenth and four- teenth praise the dog, and heavy punishments are enjoined for those who injure the animal so important and valuable to a pastoral peo- ple. Fargards fifteenth and sixteenth give laws for the treatment of ' Over which the good are supposed to pass into Paradise. 28 INTRODUCTION TO women, and condemn seduction and attempts to procure abortion. Fargard seventeenth gives directions concerning paring the nails and cutting the hair. The remaining five chapters contain numer- ous conversations between Ahura-Mazda and Zoroaster, and appear to be fragmentary additions to the original Vendidad. The rest of the Parsee scriptures are comprehended under -what The Khordah- ^s commonly called the Khordah-Avesta, that is, the Avesta. small Avesta. This part contains the Yashts and Nya- yis, prayers and praises addressed to the various deities of the Zoroastrian faith ; also the Af erin and Afrigan, praises and thanks- givings ; the Sirozah, praises to the deities of the thirty days of the month; the Gahs, prayers to the different subdivisions of the day; and the Patets, or formulai'ies of confession. These praises and prayers of the small Avesta are intended for the use of the people, as those of the Yasna and Vispered are prin- cipally for the priests. Taken altogether, these Parsee scriptures are a prayer-book, or ritual, rather than a bible. But though they are associated with the venerable name of Zoroaster, and tradition has it that he composed two million verses, yet nothing in this vol- ume can with certainty be ascribed to him, and he himself is a dim and mythical personage. In all these writings there is a vagueness and uncertainty about subject matter, date, and authorship. Dar- mesteter says: "As the Parsees are the ruins of a j^eople, so are their sacred books the ruins of a religion. There has been no other great belief in the world that ever left such poor and meagre monu- ments of its past splendor." ' Assyrian- Sacred Records. The cuneiform inscriptions on the monuments of the Assyrian, Vast range of Babylonian, and Persian empires have been found to cmSrm in^ embody a vast literature, embracing history, law, sci- scriptioas. encc, poctry, and religion. To the interpretation of these monumental records a number of eminent orientalists,' chiefly English and French, have been, within the last half century, devot- ing unwearied study, and many of the most interesting inscriptions have been deciphered and translated into the languages of modern Europe. At the date of the earliest monumental records, two dif- ferent races appear to have settled upon the plains of the Euphrates and Tigris, one using a Semitic, the other a Scythian or Turanian . * Translation of the Zond.Avc?ta ; Introduction, p. xii. " Amonj^ the most distinguished Assyriologists are Rawlinson, Ilincks, Norris, George Smith, Talbot, Saycc, Botta, Dc Saulcy, Oppert, Lenorinant, Menant, and Schrader. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 29 language. They are designated by the names Sumir and Akkad, but what particular sections of the country each inhabited, or which particular language -each spoke, does not appear.' They were, probably, much intermixed, as many of their cities bear both Sem- itic and Scythian names. " The Accadians," says Sayce, " were the inventors of the cuneiform system of writing, and the earliest pop- ulation of Babylonia of whom we know. They spoke an aggluti- native language, allied to Finnic or Tartar, and had originally come from the mountainous country to the southwest of the Caspian. The name Accada signifies ' highlander,' and the name of Accad is met with in the tenth chapter of Genesis."' The successive Assyr- ian, Babylonian, and Persian conquerors adopted the Accadian sys- tem of writing, and it became variously modified by each. The inscriptions thus far deciphered are mostly fragmentary, and the study of them has not yet been carried far enough . Inscriptions dG* to furnish a full account of all the tribes and languages ciphered most- they represent. But enough has already been placed lyfi^affmentary. within the reach of English readers to show that those ancient peo- ples had an extensive sacred literature. Their prayers and hymns and laws were graven on monumental tablets, often on the high rocks, and they are worthy to be compared "with the sacred books of other lands and nations.' The royal inscriptions on these monuments are noticeable for their religious character. Thousrh full of most pompous self ,. . ^ . ° ^ ^ Religious tone assertion they abound with devout acknowledgments, of «ie myai in- showinsT that those ancient monarchs never hesitated to ^'''"'P^'^"^- confess their dependence on the jDOwers above. Witness the fol- lowing inscription of Khammurabi, who ruled in Babylonia some centuries before the time of Moses : Khammurabi the exalted king, the king of Babylon, the king renowned throughout the world; conqueror of the enemies of Marduk; the king be- loved l)y his heart am T. ' " The Turanian people," says George Smith, " who appear to have been the origi- nal inhabitants of the country, invented the cuneiform mode of writing ; all the earli- est inscriptions are in that language, but the proper names of most of the kings and principal persons are written in Semitic, in direct contrast to the body of the inscrip- tions. The Semites appear to have conquered the Turanians, although they had not yet imposed their language on the country." Records of the Past, vol. iii, p. 3. '^ Preface to his translation of a Tablet of Ancient Accadian Laws, Records of the Past, vol. iii, p. 21. * A very convenient and valuable collection of these inscriptions, translated into English by leading oriental scholars, is published by Bagster & Sons, of Loudon, un- der the title of Records of the Past (12 volumes, 18v5-1881). Every alternate volume of the series contains translations from the Egyptian monuments. 30 INTRODUCTION TO The favour of god and Bel the people of Sumir and Accad gave unto my government. Their celestial weapons unto my hand they gave. The canal Khammurabi, the joy of men, a stream of abundant waters, for the people of Sumir and Accad, I excavated. Its banks, all of tliem, I restored to newness; new supporting walls I heaped up; perennial waters for the people of Sumir and Accad I provided. The people of Sumir and Accad, all of them, in general assemblies I as- semljled. A review and inspection of them I ordained every year. In joy and abundance I watched over them, and in peaceful dwellings I caused them to dwell. By the divine favour I am Khammurabi the exalted king, the worshipper of the Supreme deity. Witli the prosperous power which Marduk gave me I built a lofty cita- del, on a high mound of earth, whose summits rose up like mountains, on tlie banks of Khammurabi river, the joy of men. To that citadel I gave the name of the mother who bore me and the father who begat me. In the holy name of Ri, the mother who bore me, and of the father who begat me, during long ages may it last I ' Similar devout acknowledgments are found in nearly all the royal annals. Sargon's great inscription on the palace of Khorsabad declares : The gods Assur, Nebo, and Merodach have conferred on me the royalty of the nations, and they have propagated the memory of my fortunate name to the ends of the earth. . . . The great gods have made me happy by tlie constancy of their affection, they have granted me the exercise of my sovereignty over all kings. ^ Other tablets contain a great variety of compositions. There are SDecimens of ^mythological stories, fables, proverbs, laws, contracts, psalms and deeds of sale, lists of omens and charms, legends of prajers. deities and spirits, and speculations in astrology. Not the least interesting among these records are the old Accadian and Assyrian hymns. Some of these remind us of the hymns of the Rig-Yeda. Some have the tone of penitential psalms. The fol- lowing is one of the best examples : 0 my Lord I my sins are many, my trespasses are great; And the wrath of the gods has plagued me with disease, And with sickness and sorrow. 1 fainted, but no one stretched forth his hand; I groaned, but no one drew nigh ; I cried aloud, but no one heard. ' Translation by H. F. Talbot, Records of the Past, vol. i, pp. 7, 8. "^ Records of the Past, vol. ix, p. 3. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 31 O Lord ! do not abandon thy servant. In the waters of the great stoi'm seize his hand. The sins which he has committed, turn thou to righteousness.* The following prayer for a king is interesting both as an ex- ample of Assyrian sacred poetry, and as evidence of a belief in immortality : Length of days, Long- lasting years, A strong sword, A long life, Extended years of glory, Pre-eminence among kings. Grant ye to the king, my lord, "Who has given such gifts to his gods I The bounds vast and wide Of his empire and of his rule May he enlarge and may he complete. Holding over all kings supremacy. And royalty and empire, May he attain to gray hairs and old age ; And after the life of these days, In the feasts of the silver mountain,'' The heavenly courts. The abode of blessedness, And in the light of the Happy Fields, May he dwell a life eternal, holy, lu the presence of the gods Who inhabit Assyria.^ The following Chaldean account of the Creation is a translation, by H. F. Talbot, of the first and fifth Creation Tablets, chaWean ac- vfhich are preserved, though in a mutilated condition, ^0^° g,^^ ^^^^' in the British Museum : From the First Tablet. When the upper region was not yet called heaven, And the lower region was not yet called earth, And the abyss of Hades had not yet opened its arms, Then the chaos of waters gave birth to all of them. And the waters were gathered into one place. No men yet dwelt together; no animals yet wandered about; ' Records of the Past, vol. ill, p. 136. ' The Assyrian Olympus. The epithet silver was doubtless suggested by some snowy inaccessible peak, the supposed dwelling-place of the gods. ^ Translated by Talbot, Records of the Past, vol. iii, pp. 133, 134. 32 ' INTRODUCTION TO None of the gods had yet been born, Their names were not spoken ; their attributes were not known. Then tlie eldest of the gods, Lakhmu and Lakhanm were born, And o-rew up. . . . ' Assur and Kissur were born next, And lived througli long periods. Auu. . . . ^ From the Fifth Tablet. He constructed dwellings for the great gods. He fixed up constellations, whose figures were like animals. He made the year. Into four quarters he divided it. Twelve months he established, with their constellations, three by three. And for days of the year he appointed festivals. He made dwellings for the planets; for their rising and setting. And that nothing should go amiss, and tliat the course of none should Ije retarded, He placed with them the dwellings of Bel and Hea. He opened great gates on every side; He made strong the portals, on the left hand and on the right. In the centre he placed luminaries. The moon he appointed to rule the night. And to wander tlirough the night, until the dawn of day. Every month without fail lie made holy assembly days. In the beginning of the month, at the rising of the uiglit, It shot forth its liorns to illuminate the heavens. On the seventli day he appointed a holy day, And to cease from all business lie commanded. Then arose the sun in the horizon of heaven in (glory).* The mention here made of the seventh day as a holy day is iin- portant to the biblical theologian. " It has been known for some time," says Talbot, "that the Babylonians observed the Sabbath with considerable strictness. On that day the king was not allowed to take a drive in his chariot ; various meats were forbidden to be eaten, and there were a number of other minute restrictions. But it was not known that they believed the Sabbath to have been or- dained at the Creation. I have found, however, since this transla- tion of the fifth tablet was completed, that Mr. Sayce has recently published a similar ouinion." ' Lacuna;. "■ Tlic rest of this tablet is lost. 'Records of the Past, vol. ix, pp. 117, US. Compare the translation and comments of George Smith, Chalda;an Account of Genesis. New York, 1870. New Edition, revised, 1880. BIBLICAL HERMETs^EUTICS. 33 The following Accadian poem is supposed to be an ancient tradi- tion of the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah. Mr. . ... Accadian le- Sayce, whose translation is here given, observes that gend of sodom "it seems merely a fragment of a legend, in which '^^'^^^o^orrah. the names of the cities were probably given, r.nd an explanation afforded of the mysterious personage, who, like Lot, appears to have escaped destruction. It must not be forgotten that the cam- paign of Chedorlaomer and his allies was directed against Sodom and the other cities of the j^lain, so that the existence of the legend among the Accadians is not so surprising as might ajDpear at first sight." An overthrow from the midst of the deep there came. The fated punishment from the midst of heaven descended. A storm like a plummet the earth (overwhelmed). To the four winds the destroying flood like fire did burn. The inhabitants of the cities it had caused to be tormented ; their bodies it consumed. In city and country it spread death, and the flames as they rose overthrew. Freeman and slave were equal, and the high places it filled. In heaven and earth like a thunder-storm it had rained; a prey it made. A place of refuge the gods hastened to, and in a throng collected. Its mighty (onset) they fled from, and like a garment it concealed (mankind). They (feared), and death (overtook them). (Their) feet and hands (it embraced). * Their body it consumed. ... ' the city, its foundation, it defiled. ... Mn breath, his mouth he filled. As for this man, a loud voice was raised; the mighty lightning flash de- scended. During the day it flashed ; grievously (it fell).' « Similar to the above in general tone and character are the cune- iform accounts of the Deluge and the Tower of Babel. They are especially valuable in showing how the traditions of most ancient events were preserved among the scattered nations, and became modified in the course of ages. Notably inferior are these poetic legends to the calm and stately narratives of the book of Genesis, but they are, nevertheless, to be greatly prized. Were Assyriolo- gists to gather up, classify, and ai'range in proper order the relig- ious records of ancient Assyria and Babylonia, it would be seen that these hoary annals and hymns of departed nations furnish a sacred literature second in interest and value to none of the bibles of the Gentiles. •Lacunae. * Records of the Past, vol. xi, pp. 115-118. 34 INTRODUCTION TO The Veda. The word Veda means knowledge, and is the Sanskrit equivalent of the Greek olda, I hnoio. It is often used to denote the entire body of Hindu sacred literature, which, according to the Brahmans, contains pre-eminently the knowledge which is important and wor- , ^ thv to be known. But the Vedas proper exist chiefly General char- •' . . . acter of the in the form ot lyrical poetrj^ and consist of four dis- Vedas. tinct Collections known as the Rig- Veda, the Sama- Veda, the Yajur-Veda, and the Atharva-Veda. These hymns are called Mantras, as distinguished from the prose annotations and disquisitions (Brahmanas), which were subsequently added to them. They are written in a dialect much older than the classical San- skrit, and are allowed on all hands to be among the most ancient and important monuments of literature extant in any nation or language. The four collections differ much, however, in age and value. The Rig- Veda is the oldest and most important, and con- sists of one thousand and twenty-eight hymns. Nearly half the hymns are addressed to either Indra, the god of light, or Agni, the god of fire. According to Professor Whitney, it " is doubtless a historical collection, prompted by a desire to treasure up comj)lete, and preserve from further corruption, those ancient and insj^ired songs which the Indian nation had brought with them, as their most precious possession, from the earlier seats of the race." ' The Sama-Veda is a liturgical collection, consisting largely of hj'nins from the Ilig-Veda, but arranged for ritual purposes. The Yajur- Veda is of a similar character, and consists of various formulas in prose and verse arranged for use at sacrificial services. The Atharva-Veda is the work o-f a later period, and never attained in India a rank equal to that of the other Vedas. In fact, says JMax -,..,, , Milller, "for tracing the earliest growth of religious Max Muller s . . . * . '^ ^ views of the ideas ill India, the only important, the only real Veda, Rig-Veda. .g ^i^g Rig- Veda. The other so-called Vedas, which deserve the name of Veda no more than the Talmud deserves the name of Bible, contain chiefly extracts from the Rig-Veda, together with sacrificial formulas, charms, and incantations, many of them, no doubt, extremely curious, but never likely to interest any one except the Sanskrit scholar by profession," * The same distinguished scholar elsewhere obser\'es: "The Veda has a twofold interest ; it belongs to the history of the world and ' Oriental ami Linguistic Studios, p. 13. New York, 1873. ' Chips from a German Workshop, vol. i, p. 8. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 36 to the history of India, In the history of the world the Veda fills a gap which no literary work in any other language could fill. It carries us back to times of which we have no records anywhere, and gives us the very words of a generation of men of whom other- wise we could form but the vaguest estimate by means of conjec- tures and inferences. As long as man continues to take an interest in the history of his race, and as long as we collect in libraries and museums the relics of former ages, the first place in that long row of books which contains the records of the Aryan branch of man- kind will belong forever to the Rig- Veda." ' Confining our observations, therefore, to the Rig- Veda, we note that it is in substance a vast book of psalms. Its one ^1 3 J ^ ^ • 1 1 . / ; ^ . . The RlR-Veda thousand and twenty-eight lyrics {suktas), of various a vast book of length, are divided into ten books {mandalas, circles), p^^^I'^^- and together constitute a work about eight times larger than the one hundred and fifty Psalms of the Old Testament. The first book is composed of one hundred and ninety-one hymns, ^vliich are ascribed to some fifteen different authors {rlshis). The second book contains forty-three hymns, all of which are attributed to Gritsamada and his family. The next five books are also ascribed each to a single author or his family, and vary in the number of their hymns from sixty-two to one hundred and four. The eighth book has ninety-two hymns, attributed to a great nura- variety of vm- ber of different authors, a majority of whom are of the *^^^^- race of Kanva. The ninth book is also ascribed to various authors, and has one hundred and fourteen hymns, all of which are addressed to Soma as a god. "The name Soma," says Grassmann, "is derived from a root, su, which originally meant 'to beget,' 'to produce,' but in the Rig- Veda is a2:)plied altogether to the extracting and pressing of the plant used for the preparation of soma, and the soma itself therefore meant originally the juice obtained by this procedure,'"' The tenth book, like the first, contains one hundred and ninety-one hymns ; but they wear a different style, breathe a different spirit, and appear to belong to a much later period. " We find," says Grassmann, " in this, as in the first book, songs belong- ing to the springtime of vedic poesy, but also songs belonging to a time not very remote, as the time of the most recent period of vedic lyrics, such as presents itself to us in the Atharva-Veda." ^ 1 History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature. Second Edition, p. 63. Lond., 18C0. "^ Grassmann's Rig-Veda. Metrical Version in German, with Critical and Explan- atory Annotations (2 vols. Lpz., 1876, 1877). Preface to Ninth Book, vol. iif p. 183. 3 Rig- Veda. Preface to Tenth Book, vol. ii, p. 288. 36 INTRODUCTION TO Our limits will allow its to present only a few specimens, but Specimens of these will suffice to show the general character and vedic Hymns, g^-yje of the best Rig-Veda hymns. The following is Max Miiller's translation of the fifty-third hymn of the first book, and is addressed to Indra : 1. Keep silence well! we oflfer praises to the great Indra in the house of the saciificer. Does he find treasure for those who are like sleepers? Mean praise is not valued among the munificent. 2. Thou art the giver of horses, Indra, thou art the giver of cows, the giver of corn, the strong lord of wealth; the old guide of man, disappoint- ing no desires, a friend to friends: — to him we address this song. 3. O powerful Indra, achiever of many works, most brilliant god — all this wealth around here is known to be thine alone : take from it, conqueror, bring it hither 1 do not stint the desire of the worshipper who longs for thee ! 4. On these days thou art gracious, and on these nights, keeping off the enemy from our cows and from our stud. Tearing the fiend night after night with the help of Indra, let us rejoice in food, freed from haters. 5. Let us rejoice, Indra, in treasure and food, in wealth of manifold de- light and splendor. Let us rejoice in the blessing of the gods, wliich gives us the strength of offspring, gives us cows first and horses. 6. These draughts inspired thee, O lord of the brave ! these were vigour, these libations, in battles, when for the sake of the poet, the sacrificer, thou struckest down irresistibly ten thousands of enemies. 7. From battle to battle thou advancest bravely, from town to town thou destroyest all this with might, when thou, Indra, with Nami as thy friend, struckest down from afar the deceiver Namuki. 8. Thou hast slain Karnaga and Parnaya with the brightest spear of Atithigva. Without a helper thou didst demolish the hundred cities of Vangrida, which were besieged by Rigisvan. 9. Thou hast felled down with the chariot- wheel these twenty kings of men, who had attacked the friendless Susravas, and gloriously the sixty thousand and ninety-nine forts. 10. Thou, Indra, hast succoured Susravas with thy succours, Turvayana with thy protections. Thou hast made Kutsa, Atithigva, and Ayu subject to tliis mighty youthful king. 11. "We who in future, protected by the gods, wish to be thy most blessed friends, we shall praise thee, blessed by thee with offspring, and enjoying henceforth a longer life.' The following is a translation, by W. D. Whitney, of the eight- eenth hymn of the tenth book. It furnishes a vivid portraiture of the proceedings of an ancient Hindu burial, and holds even at the present day an important place among the funeral ceremonies of the Hindus. The officiating priest thus speaks : ' Chips from a German Workshop, vol. i, pp. 30-33. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 37 1. Go forth, O Death, upon a distant pathway, one that's thine own, not that the jifods do travel; I speak to thee who eyes and ears possessest ; harm not our children, harm thou not our heroes. 2. Ye who death's foot have clogged' ere ye came hither, your life and vigour longer yet retaining, Sating yourselves with progeny and riches, clean be ye now, and purified, ye oflFerers ! 3. These have come here, not of the dead, but living; our worship of the gods hath been propitious; We've onward gone to dancing and to laughter, our life and vigour longer yet retaining.* 4. This fix I as protection for the living; ^ may none of them depart on that same errand ; Long may they live, a hundred numerous autumns, 'twixt death and them a mountain interposing. 5. As day succeeds to day in endless series, as seasons happily move on with seasons, As each that passes lacks not its successor, so do thou make their lives move on, Creator I 6. Ascend to life, old age your portion making, each after each, advancing in due order;* May Twashter, skilful fashioner, propitious, cause that you here enjoy a long existence. 7. These women here, not widows, blessed with husbands, may deck themselves with ointment and with perfume; Unstained by tears, adorned, untouched with sorrow, the wives may first ascend unto the altar. 8. Go up unto the world of life, O woman ! thou liest by one whose soul is fled ; come hither 1 To him who grasps thy hand,^ a second husband, thou art as wife to spouse become related. ' Allusion to the custom of attaching a clog to the foot of the corpse, as if thereby to secure the attendants at the burial from harm. 2 The friends of the deceased seem to have no idea of soon sharing his fate ; they desire to banish the thought of death. 2 The officiating priest drew a circle and set a stone between it and the grave, to symbolize the barrier which he would fain establish between the living and the dead. * Addressed to the attendants, who hereupon left their places about the bier, and went up into the circle marked off for the living. First the men went up, then the wives, and finally the widow. ' The person who led the widow away was usually a brother-in-law, or a foster child. 38 INTRODUCTION TO 9. The bow from out the dead man's hand now taking/ that ours may be the glory, honour, prowess — Mayest thou there, we liere, rich in retainers, vanquish our foes and them that plot against us. 10. Approach thou now the lap of earth, tliy mother, the wide-extending earth, the ever-kindly ; A maiden soft as wool to him who comes with gifts, she shall protect thee from destruction's bosom. 11. Open thyself, O earth, and press not heavily; 1^ easy of access and of approach to him ; As mother with her robe her child, so do thou cover him, O earth ! 13. May earth maintain herself thus opened v/ide for him; a thousand props shall give support about him; And may those mansions ever drip with fatness; may they be there for evermore his refuge. 13. Fortl) from about thee thus I build away the ground; as I lay down this clod may I receive no harm; This pillar may the Fathers here maintain for thee ; may Yama there provide for thee a dwelling. We add a single specimen more, a metrical version of the one handred and twenty-ninth hymn of the tenth book, which is espe- cially interesting as being full of profound speculation. "In judg- ing it," says Max Miiller, " we should bear in mind that it was not written by a gnostic or by a pantheistic philosopher, but by a poet who felt all these doubts and problems as his own, without any wish to convince or to startle, only uttering what had been weigh- ing on his mind, just as later poets would sing the doubts and sor- rows of their heart." Nor Aught nor Naught existed; yon bright sky Was not. nor heaven's broad woof outstretched above. What covered all? what sheltered? what concealed? Was it the water's fathomless abyss? Tiiere was not death — yet was there naught immortal, There was no confine betwixt day and night; * TJp to the moment of interment a bow was carried in the hand of the deceased. This was at last taken away to signify that his life-work was now done, and to others remained the plory of conquests. Tlie body was then tenderly committed to the earth. Compare Whitney's annotation.s on this hymn, and hi.s essay on the Vedic Doctrine of a Future Life in the Bibliotheca Sacra for April, 1859, and also in his Oriental and Linguistic Studies, pp. 46-63. New York, 1873. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 39 The only One breathed breathless by itself, Other than It there nothing since has been. Darkness there was, and all at first was veiled In gloom profound — an ocean without light — The germ that still lay covered in the husk Burst forth, one nature, from the fervent heat. Then first came love upon it, the new spring Of mind — yea, poets in their hearts discerned, Pondering, this bond between created things And uncreated. Comes this spark from earth Piercing and all-pervading, or from heaven? Then seeds were sown, and mighty powers arose — Nature below, and power and will above — Who knows the secret? who proclaimed it here, Wlience, whence this manifold creation sprang? The gods themselves came later into being — Who knows from whence this great cre;ition sprang? He from whom all this great creation came, Whether his will created or was mute, The Most High Seer that is in highest heaven. He knows it — or perchance even He knows not.' Every discerning reader must note the polytheistic teachings of the Veda. Mr. Hardwick calls attention to this in the following remarks: "If we lay aside expressions in the vedic hymns which have occasionally transferred the attributes of power ^^ ^^^^^ and omnipresence to some one elemental deity, as In- mainly poiy- dra, for example, and by so doing intimated that, even ^^^i^tic. in the depths of nature- worship, intuitions pointing to one great and all-embracing Spirit could not be extinguished, there are scarcely a dozen 'mantras' in the whole collection where the unity of God is stated with an adequate amount of firmness and consistency. The great mass of those productions either invoke the aid, or deprecate the wrath of multitudinous deities, who elsewhere are regarded as no more than finite emanations from the 'lord of the creatures;' and therefore in the sacred books themselves polytheism was the feature ever prominent, and, what is more remarkable, was never openly repudiated." * ' Chips from a German Workshop, vol. i, pp. '76, 77. * Christ and other Masters, p. 184. Compare Introduction to the several volumes of Wilson's Translation of the Rig- Veda, and Colebrook's Essay on the Vedas, first published in the Asiatic Researches, and later in his collected works. Lond., 1873. On the translation and interpretation of the Veda, see Muir, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Lond., 1866), and Whitney, in the North American Review (1868); also in his Oriental and Linguistic Studies, pp. 100-132. 40 INTRODUCTION TO The Buddhist CANOif. Buddhism in India was a revolt from Brahmanism. Its founder Life and influ- Avas Sakya-muni, sometimes called Gautama, being of ence of sakya- ^j^g family of the Sakyas, and the clan of the Gautamas, auni, or Bud- •' , . "^ . dha. and belonging by birth to the warrior class (Kshatriya). Stripping the story of his life of the numerous fables and supersti- tious legends of later times, it would appear that this distinguished child of the Sakyas grew up a beautiful and accomplished youth, but took no interest in the common amusements of the young, and gave himself much to solitude and meditation. The problems of life and death and human suffering absorbed his inmost being. He at length forsook parents and wife and home, and, after years of study, penances, and austere self-denial, attained the conviction that he must go forth among men as an Enlightener and Reformer. Max Miiller says : " After long meditations and ecstatic visions, he at last imagined that he had arrived at that true knowledge which discloses the cause and thereby destroys the fear of all the changes inherent in life. It was from the moment when he arrived at this knowledge that he claimed the name of Buddha, the Enlightened. At that moment we may truly say that the fate of millions of mill- ions of human beings trembled in the balance. Buddha hesitated for a time whether he should keep his knowledge to himself, or communicate it to the world. Compassion for the sufferings of man prevailed, and the young prince became the founder of a religion which, after more than 2000 years, is still professed by 455,000,000 of human beings." ' Sakya-muni's life, according to the best authorities, extended Buddha a Re- over the latter part of the sixth and the first half of the former. fifth century before Christ. He broke with Brahman- ism from the first, and pronounced himself against the Vedas, the system of caste, and sacrifices. How far Kapila's system of the Sankhya philosophy may have been a preparation for Buddhism is a question,'' but that Buddha became a mighty reformer, and that his system almost succeeded for a time in overthro\Wng Brahmanism in India, are matters of history. " The human mind in Asia," observes J. F. Clarke, "went through the same course of experience after- ward repeated in Europe. It protested, in the interest of humanity, against the oppression of a priestly caste. Brahmanism, like the Church of Rome, established a system of sacramental salvation in ' Essay on Buddhism, in Chips from a German Workshop, vol. i, p. 211. ^ Comp. Hard wick, Christ and other Masters, pp. 147-169 ; and Miillcr's Chips from a German Workshop, vol. i, pp. 222-226, BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 41 the hands of a sacred order. Buddhism, like Protestantism, re- volted, and established a doctrine of individual salvation based on personal character. Brahmanism, like the Church of Rome teaches an exclusive spiritualism, glorifying penances and martyrdom and considers the body the enemy of the soul. But Buddhism and Protestantism accept nature and its laws, and make a relioion of humanity as well as of devotion. To such broad statements numer- ous exceptions may doubtless be always found, but these are the large lines of distinction." ' The sacred . scriptures of Buddhism are commonly called the Tripitaka, which means the " three baskets," or three compilation of collections of religious documents. Buddha, like Jesus, t^e Tripitaka. left no written statement of his teachings ; but very soon after his death, accordmg to tradition, a great council was called (about B. C. 477), at whioh the sayings of the great master were written down with care, A hundi-ed years later another council assembled, to consider and correct certain deviations from the original faith. But it was probably not until a third council, convened by King Asoka about B. C. 242, that the Buddhist canon in its present form was completed.'' At that great council King Asoka, "the Indian Constantino," admonished the members of the assembly "that what had been said by Buddha, that alone was well said;" and at the same time he provided for the projDagation of Buddhism by mis- sionary enterprise. And it is worthy of note that, as Christianity originated among the Jews, but has had its chief triumphs among the Gentiles, so Buddhism ox'iginated among the Hindus, but has won most of its adherents among other tribes and nations. The Tripitaka, as we now possess it, consists of the Vinaya- Pitaka, devoted to ethics and discipline; the Sutra- ^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ Pitaka, containing the Sutras, or discourses of Buddha; magnitude of and the Abhidharma-Pitaka, which treats of dogmatical "'*^ Tripitaka. philosophy and metaphysics.' The entire collection constitutes an immense body of literature, rivaling in magnitude all that was ever included under the title of Yeda. It is said to contain 29,368,000 letters, or more than seven times the number contained in our Eng- lish Bible. The Tibetan edition of the Tripitaka fills about three hundred and twenty-five folio volumes. The mere titles of the divisions, sub-divisions, and chapters of this Buddhist canon would cover several pages. The greater portion of this immense litera- J Ten Great Religions, pp. 142, 143. Boston, 1871. * See Oldenberg's Introduction to the Vinaya-Pitaka, and Miiller's Introduction to the Dhammapada, in vol. x, of Sacred Books of the East. ^ Comp. Chapter xviir of Spence Hardy, Eastern Monachism. Lond., 1850. 43 INTRODUCTION TO ture, in its most ancient texts, exists as yet only in manuscript. But as Buddhism spread and triumphed mightily in southern and eastern Asia, its sacred books have been translated into Pali, Bur- mese, Siamese, Tibetan, Chinese, and other Asiatic tongues. In fact, every important nation or tribe, which has adopted Buddhism, appears to have a more or less complete Buddhist literature of its own, and the names of the different books and treatises vary accord- in ^t to the lanwuaffes in which they are extant.' Amid the multi- plicity of texts and versions it is impossible now to point with con- fidence to any authoritative original ; but the form of the canon as it exists among the Southern Buddhists, and especially in the Pali texts, is esteemed most highly by scholars. The fundamental doctrines of Buddhism are few and simple, and, ^. . , ^ in substance, may be briefly stated as consisting of the Principal doe- ' j J ■ /-^ trines of Bud- Four Verities, the Eightfold Path, and the Five Com- dhism. mandments. The Four sublime Verities are, (1) All ex- istence, being subject to change and decay, is evil. (2) The source of all this evil and consequent sorrow is desire. (3) Desire and the evil which follows it may be made to cease, (i) There is a fixed and certain way by which to attain exemption from all evil. The Eightfold Path consists of (1) Right Belief, (2) Right Judgment, (3) Right Utterance, (4) Right Motives, (5) Right Occupation, (6) Right Obedience, (7) Right Memory, and (8) Right Meditation. The Five Commandments are, (1) Do not kill; (2) Do not steal; (3) Do not lie; (4) Do not become intoxicated; (5) Do not commit adultery. There are also five other well-known precepts, which have not, however, the grade of the commandments, namely, (1) Do not take solid food after noon; (2) Do not visit scenes of amuse- ment; (3) Do not use ornaments or perfumery in dress; (4) Do not use luxurious beds; (5) Do not accept gold or silver.'* Specimens of Bud- T'^© following passage from the first chapter of the dha-s discourses. Maha-Parinibbana-Sutta, one of the subdivisions of the Sutra-Pitaka, is a specimen of the discourses of Buddha : And tlie Blessed One arose, and went to the Service Hall ; and when he was seated, he addressed the bretliren, and said : "I will teach you, O mendicants, seven conditions of the welfare of a community. Listen well and attend, and I will speak." 1 Thus the Sanskrit name Tripitaka becomes Tipltaka and Pitakattaya in Pali, and Tun- pitaka in Singhalese. Buddhism itself becomes Foism in China, and Lamaism in Thibet. - For an extensive presentation of tlie doctrines and usages of Ruddliism, see Spence Uardy, Eastern Monachisni ; also liis Manual of Buddhism, New Edition, Lond., 1880. Edwin Arnold has beautifully expressed in poetical form the leading doctrines of Buddha, in the eiglith book of his Light of Asia. , BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 43 "Even so, Lord," said the Brethren, in assent, to the Blessed One; and he spake as follows : " So long, O mendicants, as the brethren meet together in full and fre- quent assemblies — so long as they meet together in concord, and rise in concord, and carry out in concord the duties of the order — so long as the brethren shall establish nothing that has not been already prescribed, and abrogate nothing that has been already established, and act in accordance with the rules of the order us now laid down — so long as the brethren hon- our and esteem and revere and support the elders of experience and long standing, the fathers and leaders of the order, and hold it a point of duty to hearken to their words — so long as the brethren fall not under the influ- ence of that craving which, springing up within them, would give lise to renewed existence— so long as the brethren delight in a life of solitude— so long as the brethren so train their minds that good and holy men shall come to them, and those who have come shall dw^ell at ease — so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper. "So long as these seven conditions shall continue to exist among the brethren, so long as they are -well instructed in these conditions, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper." " Other seven conditions of welfare will I teach you, O brethren. Listen well, and attend, and I will speak." And on their expressing their assent, he spake as follows: '' So long as the brethren shall not engage in, or be fond of, or be con- nected with business — so long as the brethren shall not be in the habit of, or be fond of, or be partakers in idle talk — so long as the brethren shall not be addicted to, or be fond of, or indulge in slothf ulness — so long as the brethren shall not frequent, or be fond of, or indulge in society— so long as the brethren shall neither have, nor fall under the influence of, sinful desires — so long as the brethren shall not become the friends, companions, or intimates of sinners — so long as the brethren shall not come to a stop on their way [to Nirvana] because they have attained to any lesser thing— so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper. '•So long as these conditions shall continue to exist among the brethren, so long as they are instructed in these conditions, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper." " Other seven conditions of welfare will I teach you, 0 brethren. Listen w-ell, and attend, and I will speak." And on their expressing their assent, he spake as follows: " So long as the brethren shall be full of faith, modest in heart, afraid of sin, full of learning, strong in energy, active in mind, and full of wis- dom, so long may the bretliren be expected not to decline, but to prosper, " So long as these conditions shall continue to exist among the brethren, so long as they are instructed in these conditions, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper." " Other seven conditions of welfare will I teach you, O brethren. Listen well, and attend, and I will speak." And on their expressing their assent, he spake as follows: " So long as the brethren shall exercise themselves in the sevenfold higher 44 INTRODUCTION TO ■wisdom, that is to say, in mental activity, search after truth, energy, joy, peace, earnest contemplation, and equanimity of mind, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper. " So long as these conditions shall continue to exist among the brethren, so long as they are instructed in these conditions, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper." " Other seven conditions of welfare will I teach you, O brethren. Listen well, and attend, and I will speak." And on their expressing their assent, he spake as follows : *'So lono- as the brethren shall exercise themselves in the sevenfold per- ception due to earnest thought, that is to say, the perception of iraperma- nency, of non-individuality, of corruption, of the danger of sin, of sanctifica- tion, of purity of heart, of Nirvana, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper. " So long as these conditions shall continue to exist among the brethren, so long as they are instructed in these conditions, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper." " Six conditions of welfare will I teach you, O brethren. Listen well, and attend, and I will speak." And on their expressing their assent, he spake as follows: *' So long as the brethren shall persevere in kindness of action, speech, and thought among the saints, both in public and in private — so long as they shall divide without partiality, and share in common with the up- right and the holy, all such things as they receive in accordance with the just provisions of the order, down even to the mere contents of a begging bowl — so long as the brethren shall live among the saints in the practice, both in public and in private, of those virtues which (unbroken, intact, un- spotted, unblemished) are productive of freedom, and praised by the wise; which are untarnished by the desire of future life, or by the belief in the efficacy of outward acts; and which are conducive to high and holy thoughts — so long as the brethren shall live among the saints, cherishing, botli in public and in private, that noble and saving faith wliich leads to the complete destruction of the sorrow of him who acts according to it — so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to prosper. "So long as these six conditions shall continue to exist among the brethren, so long as they are instructed in these six conditions, so long may the brethren be expected not to decline, but to jirosper." And while the Blessed One stayed there at Ragagaha on the Vulture's Peak he held that comprehensive religious talk with tlie brethren on the nature of upright conduct, and of earnest contemplation, and of intelli- gence. "Great is the fruit, great the advantage of earnest contemplation when set round with upright conduct. Great is the fruit, great the advan- tage of intellect wlien set round with earnest contemplation. Tlie mind set round with intelligence is freed from the great evils, that is to say, from sensuality, from individuality, from delusion, and from ignorance."* ' Biuklhist Suttas, translated from Pali, by T. W. Rhys Davids, pp. 6-11, vol. xi, of Sacred Books of the Eiist. Oxford, 1881. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 45 The following is the twentieth chapter of the Dhammapada, an- other subdivision of the Sutra-Pitaka : The best of ways is the eightfold ; the best of truths the four words ; tho best of virtues passionlessness ; the best of men he who has eyes to see. This is the way. there is no other that leads to the purifying of intelli- gence. Go on this way I Everything else is the deceit of Mara (the tempter). If you go on this way, you will make an end of pain! The way was preached by me, when I had understood the removal of the thorns (in the flesh). You yourself must make an effort. The Tathagatas (Buddhas) are only preachers. The thoughtful who enter the way are freed from the bondage of Mara. "All created things perish," he who knows and sees this becomes passive in pain ; this is the way to purity. "All created things are grief and pain," he who knows and sees this be- comes passive in pain ; this is the way that leads to purity. "All forms are unreal," he who knows and sees this becomes passive in pain; this is the way that leads to purity. He who does not rouse himself when it is time to rise, who, though young and strong, is full of sloth, whose will and thought are weak, that lazy and idle man will never find the way to knowledge. Watching his speech, well restrained in mind, let a man never commit any wrong with his body! Let a man keep these three roads of action clear, and he will achieve the way which is taught by the wise. Through zeal knowledge is gotten, through lack of zeal knowledge is lost; let a man who knows this double path of gain and loss thus place himself that knowledge may grow. Cut down the whole forest (of lust), not a tree only! Danger comes out of the forest (of lust). When you have cut down both the forest (of lust) and its undergrowth, then, Bhikshus, you will be rid of the forest and free! So long as the love of man toward women, even the smallest, is not de- stroyed, so long is his mind in bondage, as the calf that drinks milk is to its mother. Cut out the love of self, like an autumn lotus, with thy hand ! Cherish the road of peace. Nirvana has been shown by Sugata (Buddha). "Here I shall dwell in the rain, here in winter and summer," thus the fool meditates, and does not think of his death. Death comes and carries off that man, praised for his children and flocks, his mind distracted, as a flood carries off' a sleeping village. Sons are no help, nor a father, nor relations; there is no help from kins- folk for one whom death has seized. A wise and good man who knows the meaning of this, should quickly clear the way that leads to Nirvana.* ' The Dhammapada, translated by F. Max Miiller, pp. 67-69, vol. x, of Sacred Books of the East. Oxford, 1881. Published also along with Rogers' translation of Buddha- ghosha's Parables (Lond., 1870), and Miiller'a Lectures on the Science of Religion. New York, 1872. 46 INTRODUCTION TO Chinese Sacred Books. Three diverse religious systems prevail in China — Buddhism, Three reii^ons Taoism, and Confucianism, each of which has a vast of cbina. multitude of adherents. The sacred books of the first named consist of translations of the Buddhist canon from various languages of India, principally, however, from the Sanskrit, and need no separate notice here.' The great book of Taoism is the Tao-teh-King, a production of the celebrated philosopher Laotsze, who was born about six hundred years before the Christian era. The sacred books of Confucianism are commonly known as the five King and the four Shu. The Tao-teh-King is scarcely entitled to the name of a sacred The Tao-teh- book. It is rather a philosophical treatise, by an acute King. speculative mind, and resembles some of the subtle por- tions of Plato's dialogues. It is about the length of the book of Ecclesiastes, to which it also bears some resemblance. But it is de- nied, on high authority, that there is any real connexion between Taoism as a religion now prevalent in China and this book of Laotsze.'' The Tao-teh-King has been divided into eighty-one short chapters, and is devoted to the inculcation and praise of Avhat the author calls his Tao. What all this word is designed to rep- resent is very difficult, if not impossible, to determine. In the In- troduction to his translation of the work, Chalmers says : " I have thought it better to leave the word Tao untranslated, both because The meaning it lias given the name to the sect (the Taoists), and be- of Tao. cause no English word is its exact equivalent. Three terms suggest themselves — the Waj^, Reason, and the Word ; but they are all liable to objection. Were we guided by etymology, 'the Way,' would come nearest to the original, and in one or two passages the idea of a loay seems to be in the term; but this is too materialistic to serve the purpose of a translation. ' Reason,' again, seems to be more like a quality or attribute of some conscious being than Tao is. I would translate it by 'the Word,' in the sense of the Logos, but this would be like settling the question which I wish to leave open, viz., what amount of resemblance there is between the Logos of the New Testament and this Tao, Avhich is its nearest representative in Chinese. In our version of the New Testament ' Tlie extent of this literatiire may be seen*in Beal's Catena of Buddhist Scriptures from the Chinese. Lond., 1871. ' See Legge, Lectures on the Religions of China. Lecture 3d, on Taoism as a Re- ligion and a Philosophy. New York, 1881. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 47 in Chinese vre have in the first chapter of John, ' In the beginning was Tao,^ etc." * Others have sought by other terms to express the idea of Tao. It has been called the Supreme Reason, the Universal Soul, tlie Eternal Idea, the Nameless Void, Mother of being, and Laotsze's ac- Essence of things. The following is from Laotsze him- count of xao. self, and one of the best specimens of his book, being the whole of chapter twenty-fifth, as translated by Chalmers : There was something chaotic in nature which existed before heaven and eartli. It was still. It was void. It stood alone and was not changed. It pervaded everywhere and was not endangered. It may be regarded as the mother of the universe. I know not its name, but give it the title of Tao. If I am forced to make a name for it, I say it is Great; being great, I say that it passes away; passing away, I say that it is far ofi; being far off, I say that it returns. Now Tao is great; heaven is great; earth is great; a king is great. In the universe there are four greatnesses, and a king is one of them. Man talces his law from the earth; the earth takes its law from heaven ; heaven takes its law from Tao ; and Tao takes its law from what it is in itself. The moral teachings of the book may be seen in chapters sixty- third and sixty-seventh, which are thus translated by Legge : (It is the way of Tao) not to act from any personal motive; to conduct affairs witliout feeling the trouble of them; to taste wdthout being aware of tlie flavour: to account the great as small and the small as great; to recompense injury with kindness. (The follower of Tao) anticipates things that would 1)ecome difficult while they are easy, and does things that would become great while they are little. The difficult things in the world arise from what are easy, and the great things from what are small. Thus it is that the sage never does what is great, and therefore can accomplish the greatest thingSL He who assents lightly will be found to keej) but little faith. He who takes many things easily is sure to meet with many difficulties. Hence the sage sees difficulty in (what seem) easy things, and therefore never has any difficulties. All in the world say that my Tao is great, but that I seem to be inferior to others. Now it is just this greatness which makes me seem inferior to others. Those who are deemed equal to others have long been — small men. But there are three precious things which I prize and hold fast. The first is gentle compassion; the second is economy; the third is (humility), not presuming to take precedence in the world. With gentle compassion I can be brave. With economy I can be liberal. Not presuming to claim ' The Speculations on Metaphysics, Polity, and Morality, of " the Old Philosopher," Laotsze ; translated from the Chinese, with an Introduction by John Chalmers, A.M., pp. xi, xii. Lond., 1868. 43 INTRODUCTION TO precedence in the workl, I can make myself a vessel fit for the most distin- guished services. Now-a-days they give up gentle compassion, and culti- vate (mere physical) courage ; they give up economy, and (try to be) lavish (without it); they give up being last, and seek to be first: — of all wliich tlie end is deatli. Gentle compassion is sure to overcome in fight, and to be firm in maintaining its own. Heaven will save its possessor, protecting bim by his gentleness.* It has been disputed whether the Tao-teh-King acknowledges Leaves the per- the existence of a personal God. Professor Douglas of^GoTdoubt! tleclares that Laotsze knew nothing of such a being, fui. and that the whole tenor of his philosophy antagonizes such a belief. Legge, on the other hand, affirms that the Tao-teh- King does recognize the existence of God, but contains no direct religious teaching. Laotsze's Taoism, he observes, is the exhibition of a way or method of living which men should cultivate as the highest and purest development of their nature. It has served as a discipline of mind and life for multitudes, leading some to with- draw entirely from the busy world, and others to struggle earnestly to keep themselves from the follies and passions of reckless and ambitio;is men. The highest moral teaching of Laotsze is found in the chapter sixty-third, quoted above, in which he says that Tao prompts " to recompense injury with kindness." In this particular he surpassed Confucius, whose great glory it was to enunciate, in negative form, the golden rule, " What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others." Confucius confessed that he did not always keep his own rule, much less could he adopt the loftier precept of Laotsze, but said rather, "Recompense injury with jus- tice, and return good for good." * Far more extensive and important, however, taken as a whole, Confucius and are the sacred books of Confucianism, which is par ex- cifineseTcrip"- ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ religion of the Chinese Empire. But Con- ures. fucius was not the founder of the religion which has become attached to his name. He claimed merely to have studied deeply into antiquity, and to be a transmitter and teacher of the records and worship of the past. " It is an error," says Legge, " to suppose that he compiled the historical documents, poems, and other ancient books from various works existing in his time. Por- tions of the oldest works had already perished. His study of those that remained, and his exhortations to his disciples also to study them, contributed to their preservation. What he wrote or said about their meaning should be received by us with reverence ; but ' Lectures on the Relig-lons of China, ]ip. 222-224. ' Comp. Legge, Ibid., pp. 143 and passim. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 49 if all the works which he handled had come down to us entire, we should have been, so far as it is possible for foreigners to be, in the same position as he was for learning the ancient religion of his country. Our text-books would be the same as his. Unfortunate- ly most of the ancient books suffered loss and injury after Confu- cius had passed from the stage of life. We have reason, however to be thankful that we possess so many and so much of them. No other literature, comparable to them for antiquity, has come down to us in such a state of preservation." ' The five King are known respectively as the Shu, the Shih, the Yi, the Li Ki, and the Khun Khiu.^ The name King, Names of the which means a web of cloth, or the warp which keeps ^^'^ King. the threads in place, came into use in the time of the Han dynasty, about B. C. 200, and was applied by the scholars of this period to the most valuable ancient books, which were regarded as having a sort of canonical authority. The Shu King is a book of historical documents, somewhat re- sembling the various historical portions of the Old Testament, and is believed to be the oldest of all the '^^^ ^^" ^'''^^ Chinese books. Its contents relate to a period extending over sev- enteen centuries, from about B. C. 2357 to B. C. G27. It commences with an account of Yao, the most venerable of the ancient kings, of whom it is written : " He was reverential, intelligent, accomplished, and thoughtful, — naturally and without effort. He was sincerely coxarteous, and capable of all complaisance. The bright influence of these qualities was felt through the four quarters of the land, and reached to heaven above and earth beneath. He made the able and virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of all in the nine classes of his kindred, who thus became harmoni- ous. He also regulated and polished the people of his domain, who all became brightly intelligent. Finally, he united and harmonized the myriad states; and so the black-haired people were transformed. Tl*e result was universal concord." The Shu King is about equal in extent to the two books of Chronicles, and is divided into five parts, which are designated re- spectively, the books of Thang, Yu. Hsia, Shang, and Kau. These are the names of so many different ancient dynasties which ruled in China, and the several books consist of the annals, speeches, counsels, and proclamations of the great kings and ministers of the ancients. ' Preface to his translation of the Shu King in vol. iii of the Sacred Books of the East, as edited by Max Miiller. "^ We here adopt the orthography followed by Legge in his translations for the Sa- cred Books of the East. 4 50 INTRODUCTION TO The following passage is one of the most favourable specimens, and illustrates the tone and character of Chinese morality, and their most popular conceptions of virtue. It is from the third book of Part II, which is entitled " The Counsels of Kao-yao." Kao- yao was the minister of crime iinder the reign of the great Emperor Shun (about 2300 B. C), and is celebrated as a model administrator of justice • Kao-yao said, "O! there are in all nine virtues to be discovered in con- duct, and when we say that a man possesses (any) virtue, that is as much as to say he does such and such things." Yu asked, "What (are the nine virtues)?" Kao-yao replied, "Affability combined with dignity ; mildness combined with firmness; bluntness combined with respectfulness; aptness for government combined with reverent caution ; docility combined with boldness; straightforwardness combined with gentleness; an easy negli- gence combined with discrimination; boldness combined with sincerity; and valour comlMned with righteousness. (Wlien these qualities are) dis- played, and that continuously, have we not the good (officer)? When there is a daily display of three (of these) virtues, their possessor could early and late regulate and brighten the clan (of which he was made chief). When there is a daily severe and reverent cultivation of six of them, their pos- sessor could brilliantly conduct the affairs of the state (with which he was invested). Wlien (such men) are all received and advanced, the possessors of those nine virtues will be employed in (the public) service. The men of a thousand and men of a hundred will be in their offices ; the various ministers will emulate one another; all the officers will accomplish their duties at the proper times, observant of the five seasons (as the several elements predominate in them), — and thus their various duties will be fully accomplished. Let not (the Son of Heaven) set to the holders of states the example of indolence or dissoluteness. Let him be wnry and fearful (re- membering that) in one day or two days there may occur ten thousand springs of things. Let him not have his various officers cumberers of their places. The work is Heaven's ; men must act for it ! " A passage in Part V, Book 4, thus enumerates the five sources of haj)piness, and the six extreme evils : • The first is long life; the second, riches; the third, soundness of body and serenity of mind ; the fourth, the love of virtue; and the fifth, fulfilling to the end the will of Heaven. Of the six extreme evils, the first is mis- fortune sliortening life; tlie second, sickness; tlie third, distress of mind; the fourth, poverty; the fifth, wickedness; the sixth, weakness. The Shih King is a book of poetry, and contains three hundred and five pieces, commonly called odes. It is the ]>salter TheShlhKlng. „. ^l. , ., , , • . r i n i w' +^ of the Chmese bible, and consists ot ballads relating to customs and events of Chinese antiquity, and songs and hymns to BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 51 be sung on great state occasions and in connexion with sacrificial services.' The following is a fair examj^le of the odes used in con- nexion with the worship of ancestors. A young king, feeling his responsibilities, would fain follow the example of his father, and prays to him for help : I take counsel, at tlie beginning of my rule, How I can follow the example of my shrined father. All ! far-reaching were his plans, And I am not yet able to carry them out. However, I endeavour to reach to them, My continuation of them will still be all-deflected. I am a little cliild. Unequal to the many difficulties of the state. Having taken bis place, I will look for him to go up and come down in the court. To ascend and descend in the house. Admirable ait thou, O great Father; Condescend to preserve and enlighten me." The Yi King is commonly called "the Book of Changes," from its supposed illustrations of the onward course of nature TIT • n ^ iTTT • The Yi King. and the changing customs of the world. It contams eight trigrams, ascribed to Fuhsi, the mythical founder of the Chinese nation, and hence some have believed it to be the oldest of all the Chinese scriptures. But according to Legge, " not a single character in the Yi is older than the twelfth century B. C. The text of it, not taking in the appendices of Confucius, consists of two portions — from king Wan, and from his son, the duke of Chan. The composition of Wan's portion is referred to the year B. C. 1143. As an authority for the ancient religion of China, therefore, the Yi is by no means equal to the Shu and the Shih. It is based on diagrams, or lineal figures, ascribed to Fuhsi, and made up of whole and divided lines ( and ). What their framer intended by these figures we do not know. No doubt there was a tradition about it, and I am willing to believe that it found a home in the existing Yi. . . . The character called Yi is the Bvmbol for the idea of chansje. The fashion of the world is con- tinually being altered. We have action and re-action, flux and reflux — now one condition, and immediately its opposite. The ' See The Shih King ; or the Book of Ancient Poetry, translated into English Verse, with Essays and Notes, by James Legge. Lend., IS'TG. 2 Decade III, Ode 2, p. 829, Sacred Books of the East, vol. iii. Oxford, 1879. ^ The Yi King is translated and annotated by Legge in vol. xvi of the Sacred Books of the East. Oxford, 1882. 53 INTRODUCTION TO vicissitudes in the worlds of sense and society have their correspon- .dencies in the changes that take place in the lines of the diagrams. Again, certain relations and conditions of men and things lead to good, are fortunate; and certain others lead to evil, are unfortunate; and these results are indicated by the relative position of the lines* Those lines were systematically changed by manipulating with a fixed number of the stalks of a certain plant. In this way the Yi served the purpose of divination; and since such is the nature of the book, a reader must be prepared for much in it that is tantaliz- ing, fantastic, and perplexing.'" The two remaining classics are of less interest and imjiortance. The Li Ki and The Li Ki King is a record of rites, consisting of three theKhunKWu. collections, called "the Three Rituals," and is the most bulky of the Five King. It contains regulations for the administra- tion of the government, describes the various officers and their duties, and the rules of etiquette by which scholars and officers should order their conduct on social and state occasions. The Khun Khiu King is of the nature of a supplement to the historical annals of the Shu King. It was compiled by Confucius from the annals of his native state of Lu, and extends from the year B. C. 722 to B. C. 481. The Chinese classics known as "the Four Shu" have not the rank and autliority of the Five King. They are the works of dis- ciples of Confucius, and consist (1) of the Lun Yu, or Discourses of Confucius and conversations between him and his followers ; (2) the works of Mencius, next to Confucius the greatest sage and teacher of Confucianism; (3) the Ta Ilsio, or Great Learning, ascribed to Tszang-tsze, a disciple of Confucius ; and (4) the Kung Yung, or Doctrine of the Mean, a production of Tszesze, the grand- son of Confucius.'^ There is also the Hsiao King, or Classic of Filial Piety, ^vhich holds a high place in Chinese literature.' In the preface to his translation of the Sacred Books of China, Legge observes, "that the ancient books of China do not profess to have been inspired, or to contain what we should call a Revelation. Historians, poets, and others wrote them as they were moved in their own minds. An old poem may occasionally contain what it says was spoken by God, but we can only understand that language as calling attention emphatically to the statement to which it is 1 The Religions of China, pp. 37, 38. ' See The Chinese Classics, with a Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Pro- legomena, and copious Indexes. Hong Kong, 1861-1865. ' The Hsiao King is translated and annotated by Legge in vol. iii of Sacred Books of the East. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 53 prefixed. "We also read of Heaven's raising up the great ancient sovereigns and teachers, and variously assisting them to accomplish their undertakings; but all this need not be more than what a relig- ious man of any country might affirm at the present day of direc- tion, help, and guidance given to himself and others from above." Whatever the true solution of the questions may be, the facts that distinguished Chinese scholars dispute as to whether the Con- fucian Sacred Books recognize the existence of a personal God, and that missionaries, in translating the Christian Scriptures into Chi- nese, scruple over a word that will properly represent the Christian idea of God, show the comparative vagueness and obscurity of the religion of the Chinese scriptures. The Egyptian Book of the Dead. A most mysterious and interesting work is the Sacred Book of the ancient Egyptians, commonly known as the Book of the Dead. Some Egyptologists prefer the title "Funeral Ritual," inasmuch as it contains many prescriptions and prayers to be used j^s different in funeral services, and the vignettes which appear on names. many copies represent funeral processions, and priests reading the formularies out of a book. But as the prayers are, for the most part, the language to be used by the departed in their progress through the under world, the title " Book of the Dead " has been generally adopted. The Egyptian title of the work is, Book of the Peri em km, three simple words, but by no means easy of explanation when taken to- gether without a context.^ Peri signifies " coming forth," hrii is " day," and em is the preposition signifying " from," susceptible, like the same preposition in other languages, of a variety of uses. The probable meaning of Peri em hru is " coming forth by day," and is to be understood mainly of the immortality and resurrection of the dead. The book exists in a great number of manuscripts recovered from Egy^^tian tombs, and the text is very corrupt; for as the writing was not intended for mortal eyes, but to be buried with the dead, copyists Avould not be likely to be very scrupulous in their work. But the book exists not only on papyrus rolls that were deposited in the tombs, but many of the chaj^ters are inscribed upon coftins, mummies, sepulchral wrappings, statues, and the walls of tombs. Some tombs may be said to contain entire recensions of ' The Religion of Ancient Egypt, by P. Le Page Renouf. Hibbert Lectures for 1879, p. 181. New York, 1880. Our account of the Book of the Dead is condensed mainly from Renouf's fifth Lecture. 54 INTRODUCTION TO the book. But no two copies contain exactly the same chapters, or Corrupt and follow the same arrangement. The pa2:)yrus of Turin, diUrm '^of *^the P^l^lished by Lepsius, contains one hundred and sixty- text, five chapters, and is the longest known. But a consider- able number of chapters found in other manuscripts are not included in it. None of the copies contain the entire collection of chapters, but the more ancient manuscripts have fewer chapters than the more recent. There is a great uniformity of style and of grammat- ical forms, as compared with other productions of Egyptian litera- ture, and nothing can exceed the simplicity and brevity of the sentences. A critical collation of a sufficient number of copies of each chapter will, in time, restore the text to as accurate a standard as could be attained in the most flourishing days of the old Egyp- tian monarchy. The book is mythological throughout/ and assumes the reader's Its obscurity fs-^^ilia-i'lty with its myths and legends. The difficulty In the subject of its exposition is not in literally translating the text, but in understanding the meaning concealed beneath familiar words. The English translation by Samuel Birch, pub- lished in the fifth volume of Bunsen's Egypt's Place in Universal History, is an exact rendering of the text of the Turin manuscript, and to an Englishman gives nearly as correct an impression of the original as the text itself would do to an Egyptian who had not been carefully taught the mysteries of his religion. The foundation of Egyptian mythology is the legend of Osiris.' The Osiris le- Having long ruled in Egypt, he was at last slain by the oT Egyptian ®^'^^ Typhon, enclosed in a mummy case, and cast into mr^hoiogy. the river Nile. Isis, his sister and spouse, sought long for his body, and at length found it at Byblus, on the Phoenician coast, where it had been tossed by the waves. She brought it back to Egypt, and buried it; and when Horus, their son, grew up, he slew the evil Typhon, and so avenged his father. Osiris, however, was not dead. He had, in fact, descended to the under world, and established his dominion there, and at the same time revived in the person of his son Horus, and renewed his dominion over the living, '"The Ritual," says Biroh, "is, according to Egyptian notions, essentially an in- spired work ; and the term Uermetie, so often applied by profane writers to these books, in reality means inspired. It is Thoth himself who speaks and reveals the will of the gods and the mysterious nature of divine things to man. . . . Portions of them are expressly stated to liave been written by the very finger of Thoth himself, and to have been the composition of a great God." Introduction to his translation of the Funeral Ritual, in Bunsen's Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. v, p. 133. ' On this Egyptian legend comp. Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. i^ pp. 423-439, and George Rawlinson, History of Ancient Egypt, vol. i, pp. 366-371. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 55 The usual <;xplanation of this legend makes it a mythical por- traiture of the annual dying and reviving of the powers ^^ of nature under the peculiar conditions of the valley of meaning of the the Nile. Osiris represents the fertilizing river ; Isis ™^'' ' the fruit-bearing land; Typhon the evil spirit of the parched des- erts and the salt sea, the demon of drought and barrenness. Horus is the sun, appearing in the vernal equinox, and heralding the rising of the Nile. Accordingly, when the Nile sinks before the scorch- ing winds of the Libyan desert, Osiris is slain by Typhon. Isis, th3 land, then sighs and yearns for her lost brother and spouse. But when the Nile again overflows, it is a resurrection of Osiris, and the vernal sun destroys the demon of drought and renews the face of nature. Other slightly varying explanations of the legend have been given, but whatever particular view we adopt, it will be easy to see how the drapery of these legends might, in course of time, come to be used of the death and resurrection of man. Hence we find that the names of mythical personages are constantly re- curring in the Book of the Dead. The beatification of the dead is the main subject of the book. The blessed dead are represented as enjoying an exis- ^ ^ tence similar to that which they had led on earth. They the dead the have the use of all their limbs, eat and drink, and satisfy ^^^^ eu^jec . all their physical wants as in their earthly life. But they are not confined to any one locality, or to any one form or mode of exis- tence. They have the range of the entire universe, in every shape and form which they desire. Twelve chapters of the Book of the Dead consist of formulas to be used in effecting certain transforma- tions. The forms assumed, according to these chapters, are the tui-tledove, the serpent Sata, the bird Bennu, the crocodile Sebek, the god Ptah, a golden hawk, the chief of the principal gods, a soul, a lotusflower, and a heron. The transformations to which these chapters refer, however, are far from exhausting the list of possible ones. No limit is imposed on the will of the departed, and in this respect the Egyptian doctrine of transmigration differs wide- ly from the Pythagorean. Throughout the Book of the Dead, the identification of the de- ceased with Osiris, or assimilation to him, is taken for identification granted, and all the deities of the family of Osiris are "^^^^ Osiris, supposed to perform for the deceased whatever the legend records as having been done for Osiris himself. Thus, in the eighteenth chapter, the deceased is brought before a series of divinities in succession, the gods of Heliopolis, Abydos, and other localities, and at each station the litany begins : 56 INTRODUCTION TO O Tehuti [or Thoth], who causest Osiris to triumph against his oppo- nents, cause tlie Osiris (such a one) to triumph against his opponents, even as thou hast made Osiris to triumph against his opj)onents. In the next chapter, which is another recension of the eighteenth, and is entitled the "Crown of Triumph," the deceased is declared triumphant forever, and all the gods in heaven and earth repeat this, and the chapter ends with the following : Horus lias repeated this dechiration four times, and all his enemies fall prostrate before him annihilated. Horus, the son of Isis, repeats it millions of times, and all his enemies fall annihilated. They are carried off to the place of execution in the East; their heads are cut off, their necks are brok- en; their thighs are severed, and delivered up to the great destroyer who dwells in Aati; they shall not come forth from the custody of Seb forever. But not to Osiris only is the deceased assimilated. In the forty- other assimi- second chapter every limb is assimilated to a different latious. deity; the hair to Nu, the face to Ra, the eyes to Hathor, the ears to Apuat, the nose to the god of Sechem, the lips to Anubis, the teeth to Selket, and so on, the catalogue ending with the words : " There is not a limb in him without a god, and Tehuti is a safeguard to all his members." Further on it is said : Not men, nor gods, nor the ghosts of tlie departed, nor the damned, past, present, or future, whoever they be, can do him hurt. He it is who Cometh forth in safety. "Whom men know not" is his name. The "Yes- terday which sees endless years" is his name, passing in triumph by the roads of heaven. The deceased is the Lord of eternity ; he is reckoned even as Chepera; he is the master of the kingly crown. The one hundred and forty-ninth chapter gives an account of the Dangers of the terrible nature of certain divinities and localities which deceased. the deceased must encounter — gigantic and venomous serpents, gods with names significant of death and destruction, waters and atmospheres of flames. But none of these prevail over the Osiris ; he passes through all things without hai'm, and lives in peace with the fearful gods who preside over these abodes. Some of these gods remind one of the demons in Dante's Infei-no. But though ministers of divine justice, their nature is not evil. The following are invocations, from the seventeenth chapter, to be used of one passing through these dangers : O Ra, in thine egg, radiant in thy disk shining forth from the horizon, swimming over the steel firmament, sailing over the pillars of Shu; thou who hast no second among the gods, who producest tlie winds by the flames of thy mouth, and who enlightenest the worlds with thy splendours, BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 57 save the departed from that god whose nature is a mystery, and whose eyebrows are as the arms of the l)alance on the night when Aauit was weighed, . . . O Scarabaeiis god in thy bark, whose substance is self-orig- inated, save the Osiris from those watchers to whom the Lord of spirits has entrusted the observation of his enemies, and from whose observations none can escape. Let me not fall under their swords, nor go to tiieir blocks of execution ; let me not remain in their abodes ; let me not rest upon their beds [of torment] ; let me not fall into their nets. Let naught befall me which the gods abhor. We have not space for further illustrations of this most interest- ing w^ork. It will be seen how this Funeral Ritual, or Book of the Dead, embodies the Egyptian doctrines of a future state, and the rewards and punishments of that after life.^ But it will also be observed how thoroughly its theology is blended with all that is superstitious and degrading in a polytbeistic mythology. The Koran. The Mohammedan Bible is a comparatively modern book, and easily accessible to English readers.'' It is about half the size of the Old Testament, and contains one hundred and four- General char- teen chapters, called Suras. It is doubtful whether ^.cter. Mohammed ever learned to read or wadte. He dictated his revela- tions to his disciples, and they wrote them on date leaves, bits of parchment, tablets of white stone, and shoulder-blades of sheep. These were written during the last twenty years of the prophet's life, and a year after his death the different fragments were col- lected by his followers, and arranged according to the length of the chapters, beginning with the longest and ending with the shortest. So the book, as regards its contents, presents a strange medley, having no real beginning, middle, or end. And yet it is probably a faithful transcript of Mohammed's mind and heart as exhibited during the latter portion of his life. In some passages he seems to have been inspired with a holy zeal, and eloquently proclaims the glory of Almighty God, the merciful and compassionate. Other ' See J. P. Thompson's Article on the Egyptian Doctrine of a Future State, in the Bibliotheca Sacra, January, 1868, in which a fair analysis of the teachings of the Book of the Dead is given. ' Sale's English version of the Koran has been published in many forms, and his Preliminary Discourse is invaluable for the study of Islam. The translation of Rev. I. M. Piodwell (Lend., 18G1) has the Suras arranged in chronological order. But the recent translation by E. H. Palmer (vols, vi and ix of Miiller's Sacred Books of the East) is undoubtedly the best English version. 58 INTRODUCTION TO passages have the form and spirit of a bulletin of -war.' In another he seems to make an apology for taking to himself an additional wife.* Another suggests a political manoeuvre. But, on the whole, the Koran is a most tedious book to read. It is full of repetitions, and seems incapable of happy translation into any other language. Its crowning glory is its glowing Arabic diction. "Regarding it," says Palmer, "from a perfectly impartial and unbiassed standpoint, we iind that it expresses the thoughts and ideas of a Bedawi Arab in Bedawi language and metaphor. The language is noble and forcible, but it is not elegant in the sense of literary refinement. To Mohammed's hearers it must have been startling from the manner in which it brought great truths home to them in the lan- guage of their everyday life.'" Mohammed was wont to urge that the marvellous excellence of his book was a standing proof of its divine and superhuman origin. " If men and genii," says he, "united themselves together to bring the like of this Koran, they could not bring the like, though they should back each other up ! " " The founder of Islam appears to have been from early life a Life and claims Contemplative soul. In the course of his travels as a of Mohammed, merchant he probably often met and talked with Jews and Christians. The Koran contains on almost every page some allusion to Jewish history or Christian doctrine; but Mohammed's acquaintance with both Judaism and Christianity appears to have been formed from oral sources, and was confused with many vague and silly traditions. It should be observed, too, that at that period an earnest seeker after truth, under circumstances like those which tended chiefly to fashion Mohammed's mind and character, might very easily have become bewildered by the various traditions of the Jews and the foolish controversies of the Christians. The Church was then distracted with controversy over the Trinity and the use of images in worship. To Mohammed, a religion which filled its churches with images of saints was no better than a gross idolatry. His knowledge of Jesus Avas gathered largely from the apocryphal gospels and through Jewish channels. Hence we may understand the reason of the perverted form in which so many Christian ideas are treated in the Koran. Mohammed claimed to be the last of six great apostles who had been sent upon divine missions into the world. Those six are * Sura iii, 135-145 ; viii, xl. Coinp. Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. iii, p. 224. 'Sura xxxiii, 35^0; Ixvi. ' The Qur'an. Translated by E. H. Palmer. Introduction, p. Ixxvii. * Koran, Sura xvii, 90. BIBLICAL HERMEXEUTICS. 59 Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. Nothing specially new or original is to be found in the Moslem bible. It has been maintained that "Islam was little else than a republica- tion of Judaism, with such modifications as suited it to Arabian soil, plus the important addition of the prophetic mission of Moham- med." ^ The following passage from the fifth Sura well illustrates the- general style of the Koran: [20] God's is the kingdom of the heavens and the earth and what is between the two; he created what he will, for God is mighty over all! But the Jews and the Christians say, " We are the sons of God and his beloved." Say, "Why then does he punish you for your sins?" nay, ye are mortals of those whom he has created! He pardons whom he pleases, and punishes whom he pleases; for God's is the kingdom of tlie heavens and the earth, and what is between the two, and unto him the journey is. O people of the book ! our apostle has come to you, explaining to you the interval of apostles ; lest ye say, " There came not to us a herald of glad tidings nor a waruer." But there has come to you now a herald of glad tidings and a warner, and God is mighty over all! When Moses said to his people, "O my people! remember the favour of God toward you when he made among you prophets, and made for you kings, and brought you what never was brought to any body in the worlds. O my people! enter the holy laud which God has prescribed for you; and be ye not thrust back upon your hinder parts and retreat losers." [25] They said, "O Moses! verily, therein is a people, giants; and we will surely not enter therein until they go out from thence; but if they go out then we will enter in." Then said two men of those who fear, — God had been gracious to them both, — "Enter ye upon them by the door, and when ye have entered it, verily, ye shall be victorious; and upon God do ye rely if ye be believers." They said, "O Moses! we shall never enter it so long as they are therein; so, go thou and thy Lord and fight ye twain; verily, we will sit down here." Said he, "My Lord, verily, I can control only myself and my brother ; therefore part us from these sinful people." He said, "Then, verily, it is forbidden them; for forty years sluiU they wander about in the earth; so vex not thyself for the sinful people." [30] Recite to them the story of the two sons of Adam; truly wlien they oft'ered an offering and it was accepted from one of tliem, and was not accepted from the other, that one said, "I will surely kill thee;" he said, "God only accepts from those who fear. If thou dost stretch forth to me thine hand to kill me, I will not stretcli forth mine hand to kill thee; verily, I fear God the Lord of the worlds; verily, I wish that thou mayest draw upon thee my sin and thy sin, and be of the fellows of the fire, for tliiit is the reward of the unjust." But his soul allowed him to slay his brother, and he slew him, and in the morning he was of those who lose. And God sent a crow to scratch in the earth and show him how he might ' Mohammed and Mohammedanism. Lectures by E. Bosworth Smith, p. 143. New York, 1875. 60 INTRODUCTION TO hide his brother's shame, he said, "Alas, for me! Am I too helpless to become like this crow and hide my brother's shame?" and in the morning he was of those who did repent. [35] For this cause have we prescribed to the children of Israel that whoso kills a soul, unless it be for another soul or for violence in the land, it is as though he had killed men altogether; but whoso saves one, it is as though he saved men altogether.' The one hundred and twelfth Sura is held in special veneration among the Mohammedans, and is popularly accounted equal in value to a third part of the entire Koran. It is said to have been revealed in answer to one who wished to know the distinguishing attributes of Mohammed's God, The following is Palmer's version: In the name of the merciful and compassionate God Say, He is God alone! God the Eternal ! He begets not, and is not begotten ! Nor is there like unto him any one! The following passage, from the beginnmg of the second Sura, is to be understood as the words of the Angel Gabriel to Moham- med, and showing him the character and importance of the Koran: That is the book! there is no d()ul)t therein; a guide to the pious, who believe in the unseen, and are steadfast in prayer, and of what we have given tliem expend in alms; wlio believe in what is revealed to thee, and what was revealed before thee, and of the hereafter they are sure. These are in guidance from their Lord, and these are the prosperous. Verily, those who misljclieve, it is the same to them if ye warn them or if ye warn them not, tliey will not believe. God has set a seal upon their hearts and on their hearing; and on tlieir eyes is dimness, and for them is grievous woe. And there are those among men who say, "We believe in God and in the last day;" but they do not believe. They would deceive God and tliose who do believe ; but they deceive only themselves and they do not perceive. In their hearts is a sickness, and God has made them still more sick, and for them is grievous woe because they lied. And when it is said to them, "Do not evil in the earth," they say, "We do but what is right." Are not they the evil doers ? and yet they do not perceive. And when it is said to them, ''Believe as other men believe," tliey say, "Shall we believe as fools believe ? " Are not they themselves the fools? and yet they do not know. And when they meet those who believe, they say, ''AVe do believe;" but when tliey go aside with their devils, they say, "We are with you; we were but mocking! " God shall mock at them and let them go on in their rebellion, blindly wandering on.« -Palmer's translation, Part I., pp. 100-102. "Ibid., pp. 2, 3. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 61 The following, from the same Sura, is a specimen of the manner in which Mohammed garbles and presents incidents of Israelitish history : Dost thou not look at the crowd of the children of Israel after Moses' time, when they said to a prophet of theirs, " Raise up for us a king, and we will fight iu God's way? " He said, '' Will ye perhaps, if it be written down for you to fight, refuse to fight ? " They said, " And why should we not fight in God's way, now that we are dispossessed of our homes and sons?" But when it was written down for them to fight they turned back, save a few of them, and God knows who are evil doers. Then their prophet said to them, "Verily, God has raised up for you Taiut as a king;" they said, "How can the kingdom be his over us; we have more right to the kingdom than he, for he has not an amplitude of wealth?" He said, "Verily, God has chosen him over you, and has provided him ■with an extent of knowledge and of form. God gives the kingdom unto whom he will; God comprehends and knows." Then said to them their prophet, " The sign of his kingdom is that tliere shall come to you the ark with the shechinah iu it from your Lord, and the relics of what the family of Moses and the family of Aaron left ; the angels shall bear it." In that is surely a sign to you if ye believe. Whatever opinion we may form of the Koran, or of Islam, it must be conceded that the man, who, like Mohammed, in one generation organized a race of savage tribes into a united people, founded an empire which for more than a thousand years has covered a territory as extensive as that of Rome in her proudest days, and established a religion which to-day numbers over a hundred million adherents, must have been an extraordinary char- acter, and his life and works must be worthy of careful philosophic study. But it will also be conceded, by all competent to judge, that, as a volume of sacred literature, the Koran is very deficient in those elements of independence and originality which are notice- able in the sacred books of the other great religions of the world. The strict Mohammedans regard every syllable of the Koran as of a directly divine origin. "The divine revelation," observes Muir, " was the cornerstone of Islam. The recital of a passage formed an essential part of every celebration of public worship; and its private perusal and repetition was enforced as a duty and a privi- lege, fraught with the richest religious merit. This is the uni- versal voice of early tradition, and may be gathered from the revelation itself. The Koran was accordingly committed to memory more or less by every adherent of Islam, and the extent to which it could be recited was reckoned one of the chief dis- tinctions of nobility in the early Moslem empire. The custom of 63 INTRODUCTION TO Arabia favoured the task. Passionately fond of poetry, yet pos- sessed of but limited means and skill in committing to writing the effusions of their bards, the Arabs had long been habituated to imprint them on the living tablets of their hearts. The recol- lective faculty was thus cultivated to the highest pitch; and it was applied with all the ardour of an awakened Arab spirit to the Koran. Several of Mohammed's followers, according to early tra- dition, could, during his lifetime, repeat with scrupulous accuracy the entire revelation." ' TuE Eddas. Two ancient collections of Scandinavian poems and legends, known as the Elder and the Younger Edda, embody the acter of the mythology of the Teutonic tribes which settled in early ^' times in the sea-girt lands of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. From these tribes migrated also the ancient colonists of Iceland. To these old Norsemen the Eddas hold a position corre- sponding to that of the Vedas among the ancient Hindus, and the Avesta among the Persians. In the old Norse language the word Edda means ancestress, or great-grandmother. Probably the poems and traditions so named were long perpetuated orally by the venerable mothers, Avho repeated them to their children and children's children at the blazing fire- sides of those northern homes. The Elder Edda, often called the Poetic Edda, consists of thirty-nine poems, and would nearly equal in size the books of Psalms and Proverbs combined. The Younger or Prose Edda is a collection of the myths of the Scandinavian deities, and furnishes to some extent a commentary on the older Edda, from the songs of which it quotes frequently. These inter- esting works were quite unknown to the learned world until the latter part of the seventeenth century. But it appears that the poems of the older Edda were collected about the beginning of the twelfth century by Saemund Sigfusson, an Icelandic priest, who, after pursuing classical and theological studies in the universities of France and Germany, returned to Iceland and settled in a village at the foot of Mount Ilecla. Whether he collected these poems from oral tradition, or from runic manuscripts or inscriptions, is uncertain. A copy of this Edda on vellum, believed to date from the fourteenth century, was found in Iceland by Bishop Sveinsson in 1G43, and was subsequently published under the title of The Edda of Saemund the Learned.' The prose Edda is ascribed to the celebrated Ice- ' The Life of Mahomet, vol. i. Introduction, p. 5. London, 18C1. ' Edda Sucmundar hind Froda, Copenhagen. 3 vols. 1787-1828. The third volume contains the Lexicon Mythologicum of Finn Magnusson. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 63 landic historian, Snorri Sturlason (born 1178), who probably collect- ed its several parts from oral tradition and other sources. The first copy known to Europeans was found by Jonsson in 1628, and the first complete edition was published by Rask, at Stockholm, in 1818.' The fii'st, and perhaps oldest, poem of the Elder Edda is entitled the Voluspa, that is, the Sonsr of the Prophetess. It . ... 1 • r ^ . The Voluspa. narrates m poetic form the creation ot tne universe and of man, the origin of evil, and how death entered into the world. It speaks of a future destruction and renovation of the universe, and of the abodes of bliss and woe. The prophetess thus begins her song: 1. All noble souls, yield me devout cattention, Ye high and low of Heimdall's race," I will All-Father's works make known, The oldest sayings which I call to mind. 2. Of giants eight was I first born, They reared me up from ancient times; Nine worlds I know, nine limbs I know Of that strong trunk within the earth.' 3. In that far age when Ymir* lived, There was no sand, nor sea, nor saline wave; Earth there was not, nor lofty heaven, A yawning deep, but verdure none, 4. Until Bor's sons the spheres upheaved, And they the mighty Midgard^ formed. ' An English translation of the Poetic Edda was published by Benjamin Thorpe (Two parts, London, 1866), but is now out of print. Comp. Icelandic Poetry, or the Edda of Saemund translated into English verse by A. S. Cottle (Bristol, 1797). Many fragments of the lays are given in Anderson's Norse Mythology (Chicago, 1880). An English translation of the Prose Edda is given in Blackwell's edition of Mallet's Northern Antiquities (Bohn's Antiquarian Library). A new translation by R. B. Anderson has been published at Chicago (1880). A very complete and convenient German translation of both Eddas, with explanations by Karl Simrock, has passed through many editions (seventh improved edition, Stuttgart, 1878). * Heimdall, according to the old Norse mythology, was the father and founder of the different classes of men, nobles, churls, and thralls. ^ Referring to the great mundane ash-tree where the gods assemble every day in council. This tree strikes its roots through all worlds, and is thus described in the nineteenth verse of the Voluspa : An ash I know named Yggdrasil, A lofty tree wet with white mist, Tlience comes the dew which in the valleys falls ; Ever green it stands o'er the Urdar-fount. * Ymir was the progenitor of the giants, and out of his body the world was created. ® The Prose Edda explains that the earth is round without, and encircled by the ocean, the outward shores of which were assigned to the race of "iants. But around 04 INTRODUCTION TO The southern sun shone on the cliffs And green the ground became with plants. 5. The southern sun, the moon's companion, Held with right hand the steeds of heaven. The sun knew not where she' might set, The moon knew not what power he * had, The stars knew not where they might dwell. 6. Then went the Powers to judgment seats, The gods most holy lield a council, To night and new moon gave they names, They named the morning and the midday, And evening, to arrange the times." Another very interesting poem is the Grimnis-mal, or Lay of Grimner, in which we find a description of the twelve habitations of heavenly deities, by which some scholars understand the twelve signs of the zodiac. The sixth poem is called the Hava-mal, or Sublime Lay. It is an ethical poem, embodying a considerable col- lection of ancient Norse proverbs. The following passages, from Bishop Percy's prose translation, are specimens : 1. Consider and examine Avell all your doors before you venture to stir abroad ; for he is exposed to continual danger, whose enemies lie in am- bush concealed in his court. 3. To the guest, who enters your dwelling with frozen knees, give the warmth of your fire: he who hath travelled over the mountains hath need of food, and well-dried garments. 4. Offer water to him who sits down at your table ; for he hath occasion to cleanse his hands: and entertain him honourably and kindly, if you would win from him friendly words and a grateful return. 5. He wl'.o travelleth hath need of wisdom. One may do at home what- soever one will: but he wlio is isrnorant of good manners will onlv draw contempt upon himself, when he comes to sit down with men well instructed. 7. He who goes to a feast, where he is not expected, either speaks with a lowly voice, or is silent; he listens with his ears, and is attentive with his eyes; by this he acquires knowledge and wisdom. 8. Happy he, who draws upon himself the applause and benevolence of men! for whatever depends upon the will of others, is hazardous and un- certain. a portion of the inland Odin, Vile, and Ve, the sons of Bor, raised a bulwark against turbulent giants, and to the portion of the earth wliich it encircled they gave the name of Midgard. For this structure, it is said, they used the eyebrows of Ymir, of his flesh they formed the land, of his sweat and blood the seas, of his bones the mountains, of his hair the trees, of his brains the clouds, and of his skull the vault of lieaven. See Mallet, Northern Antiquities, pp. 98, 405. Anderson, Norse Mythology, p. 176. ' In the Norse language, sun is feminine and moon is masculine. * Translated from Simrock's German version of the Voluspa. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 65 10. A man can carry with him no better provision for his journey than the strength of understanding. In a foreign country this will be of more use to him than treasures; and will introduce liim to the table of strangers. 12-13. A man cannot carry a worse custom with him to a banquet than that of drinking too much ; the more the drunkard swallows, the less is his wisdom, till he loses his reason. Tlie bird of oblivion sings before those who inebriate themselves, and steals away their souls.' We add a single extract from the Prose Edda, the account of the formation of the first human pair : One day, as the sons of Bor were walking along the sea-beach they found two stems of wood, out of which they shaped a man and a woman. The first (Odin) infused into them life and spirit; the second (Vile) endowed them with reason and the power of motion; the third (Ve) gare^ them speech and features, hearing and vision. The man they called Ask, and the woman, Embla. From these two descend the whole human race, whose assigned dwelling was within Midgard. Then the sons of Bor built in the middle of the universe the city called Asgard, where dwell th&gods and their kindred, and from that abode work out so many wondrous things, both on the earth and in tlie heavens above it. There is in that city a place called Hlidskjalf, and when Odin is seated there on his lofty throne he sees over the whole world, discerns all the actions of men, jind comprehends whatever he contemplates. His wife is FiiLrga, the daughter of Fjorgyn, and tliey and their offspring form the race that we call the jEsir, a race that dwells in Asgard the old, and the regions around it, and that we know to be entirely divine. Wherefore Odin may justly be called All-Father, for he is verily the father of all, of gods as well as of men, and to his power all things owe their existence. Earth is his daughter and his wife, and with her he had his first-born son, Asa-Thor, who is endowed with strength and valour, and therefore quelleth he everything that hath life.* In all the voluminous literature of the Greeks and the Romans we find no single work or collection of writings analogous to the above-named sacred books.^ It would not be difficult to comj^ile from Greek and Roman poets and philosophers a body of sacred literature which would compare favourably with that of any of the Gentile nations. But such a compilation woiild have, as a volume, no recognized authority or national significance. The books we have described, like our own Bible, have had a historical develop- ment, and a distinct i>lace in the religious culture of great nations. ' See the whole poem as translated by Tliorpe in Anderson's Norse Mythology, pp. 130-15.5, and the mysterious Runic section on pp. 254-259. * Blackwell's translation, in Mallet, Xorthern Antiquities, pp. 405, 406. ' Whatever may have been the nature and contents of the old Sibylline Books, which were kept in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Rome, they perished long ago, and their real character and use are now purely matters of conjecture. 5 66 INTRODUCTION TO The Koran, the Avesta, the Pitakas, and the Chinese classics em- body the precepts and laws which have been a rule of faith to mill- ions. The vedic hymns and the Egyptian ritual have directed the devotions of countless generations of earnest worshippers. They are, therefore, to be accounted sacred books, and are invaluable for the study of history and of comparative theology.' In forming a proper estimate of these bibles of the nations, we ^ , must take each one as a whole. In the brief citations These books must be studied we have given above, the reader can only learn the as a whole. general tone and spirit of the best portions of the sev- eral books. The larger part of all of them is filled with either un- trustworthy legends, or grotesque fancies and vague speculations. They abound in polytheistic superstitions, incomprehensible meta- physics, and mythological tales. But, doubtless, back of all this mass of accumulated song and superstition and legend, there Avas once a foundation of comparatively pure worship and belief. Even Mohammed, whose life and works stand out in the light of reliable history, appears to have been, at the beginning of his career, an earnest seeker after truth and a zealous reformer. But afterward the pride of power and numerous victories warped his moral integ- rity, and later portions of the Koran are apologies for his crimes. It is difficult to see what logical connexion the superstitions of modern Taoism have with the teachings of Laotzse. In fact, the original documents and ideas of most of the great religions of the East appear to have become lost in the midst of the accretions of later times. Especially is this true of Brahmanism and Buddhism. Who can now certainly declare what were the very words of Bud- dha? The Tripitaka is an uncertain guide. It is much as if the apocryphal gospels, the legends of anchorites and monks and mys- tics, and the dreams of the schoolmen, were all strung together, and intermingled with the words and works of Jesus. Roman Catholicism is itself a gross corruption and caricature of the religion of Jesus Christ; and were it the sole representative of the Gospel in the world to-day it would be a striking analogue of Buddhism. Could we go back to the true historical starting point of the great religions, we would, perhaps, find them all, in one form and another, ' The Holy Scriptures of the Sikhs, a politico-religious sect of India, constitute a volume full of interest, and equal in size to the Old Testament. It is commonly known as the Granth. But it is a late work, compiled about A. D. 1500, and has no national or historical value to entitle it to a ])lace among the bibles of the uittioiis. It has been translated into English, and published at the expense of the Biitish (iovern- ment for India. See The Adi Granth, or the Holy Scriptures of the Sikhs, translated from the original Gurmukhi, with Introductory Essays, by Dr. Ernest Tiirumpp. Lond., 18Y7. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 67 connected with some great patriarchal Jethro, or Melchizedek, whose name and genealogy are now alike lost to mankind. It will not do to take up the various bibles of the world, and, having selected choice extracts from them all, compare such selec- tions alone with similar extracts from the Christian and Jewish Scriptures. These latter, we doubt not, can furnish more exquisite passages than all the others combined. But such comparison of choice excerpts is no real test. Each bible must be taken as an organic whole, and viewed in its historical and national Notable snperi- relations. Then will it be seen, as one ci'owning glory ority of the oid and New Tes- of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, that tament scrip- they are the carefully preserved productions of some *"'''^^' sixteen centuries, self-verifying in their historical relations, and completed and divinely sanctioned by the Founder of Christian- ity and his apostles in the most critical and cultivated age of the Roman Empire. All attempts to resolve these sacred books into myths and legends have proved signal failures. The Hebrew people were notably a peculiar people, and their national history stands out in the clear light of trustworthy testimony. They were placed, geographically, in the very center of the great historic empires of Egypt, Asia, and Europe; and the accuracy of their sacred records is confirmed by the records of these empires. Most notable is the fact, moreover, that the languages in which the several parts of the sacred canon were written ceased to be living tongues about the time when those several parts obtained canonical authority; and thereby these sacred books were crystallized into imperishable form, and have become historical and linguistic mon- uments of their own genuineness. We are, furthermore, confident in the assertion that the Holy Scriptures are not only singularly free from the superstitions and follies that abound in the sacred books of other nations, but also that they contain in substance the inculcation of every excellence and virtue to be found in all the others. Thus in their entirety they are incomparably superior to all other sacred books.' But, taken in parts, the Bible will still maintain a marvellous superiority. Where, in all other literature, wdll be found a moral code comparable, for substance and historical presentation, with the Sinaitic decalogue? Whei-e else is there such a golden sum- ' " It cannot be too strongly stated," saj'S Max Muller, " that the chief, and in many cases the only, interest of the Sacred Books of the East is historical ; that much in them is extremely childish, tedious, if not repulsive ; and that no one but the historian •will be able to understand the important lessons which they teach." Sacred Books of the East, vol. i, p. xliii. 68 INTRODUCTION TO raary of all law and revelation as the first and second command- ments of the Saviour? The religions lessons of the Bible are set in a historical background of national life and personal experi- ence; and largely in biographical sketches true to all the phases of human character.' Let the diligent student go patiently and care- fully through all rival scriptures; let him memorize the noblest vedic hymns, and study the Tripitaka with all the enthusiasm of an Edwin Arnold; let him search the Confucian classics, and the Tau- teh-king of Laotsze, and the sacred books of Persia, Assyria, and Babylon; let him devoutly peruse Egyptian ritual, Moslem Koran, and Scandinavian Eddas; he yet will find in the Psalms of David a beauty and purity infinitely superior to any thing in the Vedas; in the gospels of Jesus a glory and splendour eclipsing the boasted "Light of Asia;" and in the laws of Moses and the Proverbs of Solomon lessons of moral and political wisdom far in advance of any thing that Laotsze and Confucius offer. By such study and comparisons it will be seen, as not before, how, as a body of laws, history, poetry, prophecy, and religious records, the Bible is most emphatically the Book of books, and, above all other books combined, "profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness." Such study will dissipate the notion that Christianity is equivalent to general goodness, and that the Bible is an accident of human history; for it Avill bo seen that the Gospel system essentially excludes all other religions, and evinces a divine right to supersede them all. The written records of other faiths are of the earth and earthy; the Bible is a heavenly gift, in language and history wonderfully prepared, and accompanied by manifold evidences of being the revelation of God. To devotees of other religions the Christian may truly say, in the words of the Lord Jesus (John iv, 22): "Ye worship what ye know not, we wor- ship what we know, for the salvation is from the Jews." ' Tayler Lewis observes : " Every other assumed revelation has been addressed to but one pliase of humanity. They have been adapted to one age, to one people, or one peculiar style of human thought. Their books have never assumed a cosmical character, or been capable of any catholic expansion. They could never be ac- commodated to other ages, or acclimated to other parts of the world. They are indig- enous plants that can never grow out of the zone that gave them birth. Zoroaster never made a disciple beyond Persia, or its inunediate neighborhood ; Confucius is wholly Chinese, as Socrates is wholly Greek." The Divine Human in the Scripture, p. 133. New York, 1859. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 69 CHAPTER III. LANGUAGES OF THE BIBLE. A THOROUGH acquaintance with the genius and grammatical struc- ture of the original languages of the Bible is essen- Acquaintance tially the basis of all sound interpretation. A transla- J^'^j^ *^^^^ ^'"•s- tion, however faithful, is itself an interpretation, and of scripture the cannot be safely made a substitute for original and in- ggu^^ ''mter- dependent investigation. As an introduction, there- pretation. fore, to Biblical Hermeneutics, it is of the first importance that we have a knowledge of those ancient tongues in which the sacred oracles were written. It is important, also, that we make our- selves familiar with the general principles of linguistic science, the growth of families of languages, and the historical position, as well as the most marked characteristics, of the sacred tongues. Origin and Growth of Languages. The origin of human speech has been a fruitful theme of specu- lation and controversy. One's theory on the subject is origin of lan- likely to be governed by his theory of the origin of suage. man. If we adopt the theory of evolution, according to which man has been gradually developed, by some process of natural selection, from lower forms of animal life, we will very naturally conclude that language is a human invention, constructed by slow degrees to meet the necessities and conditions of life. If, on the other hand, we hold that man was first introduced on earth by a miraculous creation, and was made at the beginning a perfect specimen of his kind, we will very naturally conclude that the beginnings of human language were of supernatural origin. Several theories have been advanced to show that language may have had a human origin. According to one theory, various theo- maintained by several eminent philologists, such as ^^• K. W. L. Heyse, H. Steinthal, and Max Miiller, man was originally endowed with a creative faculty which spontaneously gave a name to each distinct conception as it first thrilled through his brain. There was originally such a sympathy between soul and body, and such a dependence of the one upon the other, that every object, • 70 INTRODUCTION TO which in any way affected the senses, produced a corresponding The Automatic echo in the soul, and found automatic expression Theory. through the vocal organs. As gold, tin, wood, and stone have each a different ring or sound when struck, so the different sensations and perceptions of man's soul rang out articu- late sounds whenever they were impressed by objects from without or intuitions from Avithiu. This may properly be called the auto- matic theory of the origin of speech. Others adopt a theory The onomato- which may be called onomatopoetic. It traces the poetic Theory, origin of words to an imitation of natural sounds. Animals, according to this theory, would receive names corre- sponding to their natural utterances. The noises caused by the winds and waters would suggest names for these objects of nature. The interjec- ^^d in this way a few simple words would come to tionai Theory, form the germs of the first language. Then, again, there is the interjectional theory, Avhich seeks for the radical ele- ments of language in the sudden ejaculations of excited passion or desire. Against all these theories strong arguments may be urged. In- Objections to terjections and onomatopoetic words are in every lan- these theories, guage comparatively few, and can in no proper sense be regarded as the radical elements of speech. " Language begins where interjections end." The two theories last named will ac- count for the origin of many words in all languages, but not for the origin of language itself. The automatic theory assumes too materialistic and mechanical a notion of lanffuatre-makinsf to com- mand general acceptance. It has been nicknamed the ding-dong theory, for it resolves the first men into bells, mechanically ringing forth vocal sounds, and, as Whitney has humorously added, like other bells they rang by the tongue. But Miiller, on the o^her hand, rejects both the other theories, and stigmatizes the onomato- poetic as the boto-ioow theory, and the interjectional as the pooh- pooh theory. Thus the most eminent philologists reject and spurn each other's theories. Whitney has argued that, since nineteen-twentieths of our speech is manifestly of human origin, it is but reasonable to suppose that the other twentieth originated in the same way.' But such an argument cannot be allowed, for it is precisely with this unknown twentieth that all the difficulty lies. Nor is it really so much the twentieth as the one thousandth part. We can readily trace the causes and methods by which languages have been multiplied and changed, but how the first man began to speak — not merely utter ' Language and the Study of Language, p. 400. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 71 articulate sounds, but frame sentences and communicate ideas — is quite another question. Necessity may have compelled him to make clothing, build houses, and fabricate implements of art ; but in all such cases he somewhere found the raw material at hand. He did not originate the clay and the trees and the stones. But the origin of human language seems, from the nature of the case, to involve the creation of the material as well as the putting it in form. If we believe that man was originally created upright, with all his natural faculties complete, a most obvious corollary origin probably is, that language was directly imparted to him by his supernatural. Creator. He learned his first mode of speech from God, or from angelic beings, whom God commissioned to instruct him. Perhaps the original creation involved with it a power in the first man to speak spontaneously. He named whatever he would name as in- tuitively as the bird builds its nest, and as naturally as the first bud put forth its inflorescence; but, unlike bird and bud, his original power for speaking was a conscious capability of the soul, and not, as the automatic theory assumes, a peculiarity of the vocal organs. Language is not an accident of human nature ; else might it utterly perish like other arts and inventions of man. It is an essential ele- ment of man's being, and one which ever distinguishes him from the brute. Nor is it ingenuous or honourable in linguists to ignore the statements of Scripture on this subject. The account of Adam naming the creatures brought to him (Gen. ii, 19) is manifestly one illustration of his first use of language. Perfect and vigorous from the start, his faculty of language, as a native law, sponta- neously gave names to the objects presented to his gaze. This exercise seems not to have taken place until after he had held in- tercourse with God (verses 16, 17), but the whole account of his creation and primitive state implies that his power of speech, and its first exercise, were among the mysterious facts of his supernat- ural origin. The confusion of tongues, narrated in the eleventh chapter of Genesis, may be an important factor in accounting for ^^^ confusion the great multitude and diversity of human languages, of tongues at The plain import of that narrative is, that, by a direct judgment-stroke of the Almighty, the consciousness of men became confused, and their speech discordant. And this confusion of speech is set forth as the occasion, not the result, of their being scattered abroad over all the earth. Whatever language had been used before that event, it probably went out of existence then or became greatly modified, and any attempt now to determine abso- 73 INTRODUCTION TO lutely the original language of mankind, would be as great a folly as the building of the tower of Babel.' But modern philological research has contributed greatly to our knowledge of the changes, growth, and classification of growth of new the languages of men. We, who read and speak the laiiKuages. English language of to-day, know that it is very differ- ent from the English language of three hundred years ago. We go back to the time of Chaucer, and find what seems almost another language. Go back to the Norman Conquest, and it requires as much study to understand the Anglo-Saxon of that period as to understand German or French. The reason of these changes is traceable to the introduction of new words, new customs, and new ideas by the Noi-man Conquest and the stern measures of William the Conqueror. A new civilization was introduced by him into England, and, since his day, constant changes have been going on by reason of commerce with other peoples and the manifold re- searches and pursuits of men. New inventions have, within one hundred years, introduced more than a thousand new words into our language. Then, also, local changes occur, and the common people of one section of a country acquire a different dialect from those of another section. In Great Britain different dialects distinguish the people of different localities, and yet they all speak English, and can read- ily understand one another. In the United States we have modes of speech peculiar to New England, others peculiar to the South, and others to the West. But think of a community or colony mi- grating to a distant region and becoming utterly shut off from their fathei'land. New scenes and pursuits in course of time obliterate much of the language of their former life. Their children know little or nothing of the old country. Each new generation adds new words and customs, until they come to use virtually a different language. Many old words will be retained, but thoy are pro- nounced differently, and are combined in new forms of expression, until we can scarcely trace their etymology. Under such circum- stances it would require but a few generations to bring into exis- tence a new language. The English language has more than eighty thousand words; but Shakspeare uses only fifteen thousand, and Milton less than ten thousand. How small a part of the language, then, would be necessary to a band of unlearned emigrants settling in a new country. The American Indians have a language for ' A prevalent opinion among Jews and Christians has been that the original lan- guage was Hebrew. This opinion is due mainly to a feeling of reverence for that sa- cred tongue. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 73 every tribe, and with no literature, or schools, or civil government, their languages are constantly changing, and in some places with marvellous rapidity. Thus we may see how the dispersion and separation of peojiles and tribes originate new languages. " If the tribes of men,"' says Whitney, " are of different parentage, their languages could not be expected to be more unlike than they are; while, on the other hand, if all mankind are of one blood, their tongues need not be more alike than we actually find them to be." * From our own nation and standpoint we take a hasty glance back over the history of some five thousand years, and Families of lan- notice some of the great families of languages as they euages. have been traced and classified by modern comparative philology. Our English is only one of a vast group of tongues which bear unmistakable marks of a common origin. We trace it back to the Anglo-Saxon of a thousand years ago. We find it akin to the German, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Icelandic, Russian, and Polish, and each of these, like the English, has a history of changes pecul- iar to itself. All these form but one family of languages, and all their differences are to be explained by migration, diversity of in- terests, habits, customs, pursuits, natural scenery, climate, religion, and other like causes. Manifestly, all these nations were anciently one people. But this whole group, called the Germanic, is but one branch of a greater and more extended family. The Italian, French, Spanish, and Portuguese form another branch, and are easily traced back to the Latin, the classic language of indo-European the old Roman Empire. The Greek, again, is but an lamiiy. older sister of the Latin, and its superior literature, its wealth of forms and harmony, has placed it first among the so-called " learned tongues." Passing eastward we discover many traces of the same family likeness in the Armenian, the Persian, and the Zend, and also in the Pali, the Prakrit, and other tongues of India. All these are found closely related to the ancient Sanskrit, the language of the Vedas, an older sister, though seeming like a mother, of the rest. All these languages are traceable to a common origin, and form one great family, which is appropriately called the Indo- European. Another family, less marked in aflinity, is scattered over Northern and Central Europe and Asia, and contains the lan- guages of the Laplanders, the Finns, the Hungarians, and the Turks in Europe. Scholars differ as to the more ajipro- priate name for this family, calling it either Scythian, Turanian, or 'Language and the Study of Language, p. 394. 74 INTRODUCTION TO Altaic. Still different from these are the languages of China and Japan, and the numberless dialects of the uncivilized tribes of America, of Africa, and of the islands of the Pacific. Different from all the above, and forming a well-defined and The Semitic closely related family, is that known as the Semitic, so group. called from Noah's famous son, from whom the Chaldee, the Hebrew, and Arabian races are believed to have sprung.' Here belong the Hebrew, the Punic or Phoenician, the Syriac and Chaldee, the cuneiform of many of the Assyrian and Babylonian monuments, the Arabic and the Ethiopic. These languages, as a group, are remarkable for the comparatively large number of stem- words, or roots, common to them all. The nations which used them were confined in geographical territory mainly to Western Asia, spreading from the Euphrates and Tigris on the east to the Mediterranean and the borders of Egypt on the west. Phoenician enterprise and commerce carried the Punic language westward into some of the islands of the Mediterranean, and along the Carthaginian coast : and the Ethiopic si)i*ead into Egypt and Abyssmia. ihe Ethiopic, or (tccz, is an offshoot of the Arabic, and is closely akin to the Himyaritic and the Amharic, which latter is now the most widely spoken dialect of Abyssinia. The Arabic is still a livinfj lansruaffe Aftibic o o o spoken by millions of people in Western Asia, and contains vast libraries of poetry and philosophy, history and fable, science and religion. The Phoenician lanofuas-e has al- Punlc. . ° . . . * most entirely perished, a few inscriptions and frag- ments only remaining. The cuneiform inscriptions of the Assyrian and Babylonian monuments have, in recent years, been Assyrian. . . j ^ yielding to scholarly research, and are found to contain many important annals and proclamations of ancient kings, and also works of science and of art. The language of many of the monuments is found to be Semitic, and its further decipherment and study will doubtless shed much light upon the history and civilization of the ancient empires of Nineveh and Babylon. The Syriac and Chaldee are two dialects of what is properly called the Aramaic language. This language prevailed among the ' The name Semitic is not an exact designation, for, according to Genesis x, only two of Sliem's sons, Arpliaxad and Aram, begat nations wiiicli are known to have used this speech, while three of his sons, Elam, Asshur, and Lud, were the progenitors of na- tions whicii, peihaps, used other languages. On tlie other hand, two of the sons of Ham — Cush and Canaan — were fathers of Semitic-speaking peoples, llupfeld has proposed the name "Hither-Asiatic," and Kenan "Syro-Arabic," but these names have not commanded any general following, and the name Semitic has now become so fixed in usage that it will, probably, not be displaced by any other. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 75 peoples about Damascus, and thence eastward as far as Babylon, The Chaldee is represented in several chapters of the A.r3,rn2.ic Books of Ezra and Daniel, and also in the Jewish Tar- gums or paraphrases of the Old Testament. It prevailed in Baby- lon at the time of the Jewish exile, and was there appropriated by the Jewish people, with whom it was vernacular in Palestine in the time of our Lord. The Samaritan is an offshoot of this language, though mixed with many foreign elements. The Syriac dialect appears to have been a western outgrowth and development of the Chaldee, and it is sometimes called the western Aramaic, as dis- tinguished from the eastern Aramaic, or Chaldsean. At the begin- ning of the Christian era it prevailed through ail the region north and east of Palestine, known as Syria or Aram, and its existing literature is principally Christian. Its oldest monument of note is the Peshito version of the Scriptures, which is usually referred to the second century; but its most flourishing period extended from the fourth to the ninth century. It is still the sacred language of the scattered Christian communities of Syria, and by some of them is still spoken, though in a very corrupt form. Central and pre-eminent among all these Semitic tongues is the ancient Hebrew, which embodies the magnificent liter- H6br6W» ature of one of the oldest and most important nations of the earth. The great father of this nation was Abram, who migrated from the land of the Chaldseans, crossed the Euphrates, and entered Canaan with the assurance that the land should be given to him and his posterity. Hoav closely his dialect at that time resembled the language of the Canaanites we have no means of knowing, but that he and his family abandoned their own dia- lect, and adopted that of the Canaanites, is in the highest degree improbable. The Hebrews and the Canaanites appear to have used substantially the same dialect. During the centuries of the Hebrews' residence in Egypt, and the forty years in the peninsula of Sinai, the Hebrew language acquired a form and character which thereafter underwent no essential change until after the time of the Babylonian exile — a period of more than a thousand years.' Having thus glanced over the scattered nations and languages of men, we are enabled to mark the relative national and Geographical historical position of the Hebrew tongue. Central and historical ^ ° position of the among the great nations of the earth; placed in the Hebrew, midst of the great highway of intercourse between the world- powers of the East and the West, the Hebrew people may be 'Coinp. Gesenius, Gescbichte der heb. Spraclie und Schrift. Lpz., 1815. 76 INTRODUCTION TO shown to have had, in many ways, a providential mission to all nations. Having traced the spread and outgrowth of the principal families of languages, and noticed the principles and methods by which new languages and dialects are formed, we are prepared to investigate more intelligently the special character and genius of the so-called sacred tongues. ■ *•¥ ' CHAPTER IV. THE HEBREW LANGUAGE. The Hebrew language takes its name from the Hebrew nation, whose immortal literature it preserves. The word first appears in Genesis xiv, 13, where Abram is called "the Hebrew." In Gen. xxxix, 14, 17, Joseph, the great-grandson of Abraham, is so called, and he himself speaks (chap, xl, 15) of Canaan as "the land of the Hebrews.'" Thenceforth the name is frequently applied to the Derivation of (descendants of Jacob. Two different derivations of the the name He- name have been proposed, between which it is difficult '^^'^' to decide. One makes it an appellative noun from "I3y, beyond; applied to Abram because he came from beyond the Eu- phrates. Thus the name would follow the analogy of such words as Transylvania, Transalpine, Transatlantic. But such a designa- tion would scarcely be applied to one who came from beyond the river i-ather than to those who continued beyond, and there is no evidence that the Trans-Euphrateans were ever so designated. Nevertheless, this derivation is maintained by many distinguished scholars, and there is no insuperable objection to it. Another, and, philologically, more natural derivation, is that which makes the word a patronymic from I3y, £Jber, the great-grandson of Shera, and ancestor of Abraham. Thus in Gen. xiv, 13, where the name first occurs, Abram is called '''73^^, the Eberite, or Hebrew, in con- trast with Mamre, '"ibxH, the Amorite. This is in thorough anal- ogy with the regular form of Hebrew patronymics, and has in its ' " Tiiis name is never in Scripture applied to the Israelites except when the spealcer i? a foreigner (Gen. xxxix, 14, 17; xli, 12; Exod. i, 15; ii, 6; 1 Sam. iv, 6, 9, etc.), or when Israelites speak of themselves to one of another nation (Gen. xl, 16 ; Exod. i, 19; Jonah i, 9, etc.), or when thej' are contrasted with other peoples (Gen. xliii, 32; Exod. i, 3, 7, 15; Deut. xv, 12; 1 Sam. xiii, 3, 7)." See Kitto, Cyc. of Bib. Litera- ture, article Hebrew. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 77 favour the peculiar statement of Gen. x, 21, that Shem was the "father of all the sons of Eber." This manifestly gives to Eber a notable prominence among the descendants of Shem, and may, for divers reasons now unknown, have given to Abraham, and to his descendants through Jacob, the name of Eberites, or Hebrews. Accordingly, while either of these derivations is possible, that which makes it a patronymic from Eber seems to be least open to objection, and best supported by linguistic usage and analogy.' The Hebrew language, preserved in the books of the Old Testa- ment, may therefore be regarded as the national speech of the Eberites, of whom the descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob became the most distinguished representatives. In the later times of the Hebrew monarchy it was called Judaic (D^l^n^, 2 Kings xviii, 26), because the kingdom of Judah had then become the great representative of the Hebrew race. When Abram, the Hebrew, (Gen. xiv, 13) entered the land of Canaan, he probably found his ancestral language already spoken there, for the Canaanites had migrated thither before him (Gen. xii, 6). It is notable that in all the intercourse of Abram, Isaac, and Jacob with the Canaanitish tribes, no allusion is ever made to any differences in their language, and the proper names among the Canaanites are traceable to He- brew roots. One hundred and seventy years after the migration of Abram, his grandson Jacob used a form of speech different from that of his uncle Laban the Syrian (Gen. xxxi, 47), and it is not improbable that Laban's dialect had undergone more changes than that of the sons of Abram.' 1 Is it not possible that Eber may have been the last great Semitic patriarch living at the time of the confusion of tongues (see Gen. x, 26), and that he and his family may have retained more nearly than any others the primitive language of mankind, and transmitted it through Peleg, Reu, Serug, and Nahor, to the generations of Terah (comp. Gen. xi, 17-27)? This supposition is not necessarily invalidated by the fact that Aramaeans, Cushites, and Canaanites used the same Semitic speech, for these tribes may, at an early date, have appropriated the language of the Eberites. 2 It is commonly asserted that Abram used the Chaldee language when he first en- tered Canaan, but there gradually lost its use, and adopted the speech of his heathen neighbours. This supposition, however, is without any solid foundation. The fact incidentally mentioned in Gen. xxxi, 47, is no valid evidence in the case. It merely shows that Laban and Jacob used different dialects, and leaves the question entirely open whether it were Jacob's or Laban's dialect which had most changed subsequent- ly to the migration from Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. xi, 31). Abram's separateness from other tribes favours the idea that his language and that of his children Isaac and Jacob would be less likely to undergo change than that of Laban, whose idolatrous use of Teraphim (Gen. xxxi, 19, 30) indicates in him a cleaving to heathenish prac- tices. The language of the Chaldees at the period of Terah's removal may have re- sembled the Hebrew much more closely than the later Aramaic. The question is not 78 INTRODUCTION TO When a person -with whom the English or any other Indo-Euro- pean language is vernacular, comes for the first time to investigate „ ,. .^. , Semitic modes of speech, he finds that he is entering Peculiarities of , ^ ' *=> the Hebrew into a new and strange world of thought. In some tongue. thinsfs he meets the exact reverse of all with which he has become familiar in his own language. The written page reads from right to left; the volume from the end toward the beginning; every letter is a consonant, and rej^resents some object of sense cor- responding to the meaning of its name. The Hebrew alphabet consists of twenty-two letters, and the written characters now in use, commonly called the square letters, are found in the oldest existing manu- scripts of the Bible. But these chai-acters are probably not older than the beginning of the Christian era, inasmuch as the Asmonean coins do not use them, but employ an alphabet closely resembling that of the Plur-nician coins and inscriptions.' The oldest monu- ments of Hebrew writing are some coins of the Maecabrean prince Simon (about B. C. 140), a number of gems containing names, and probably used for seals, and the famous inscription of Meslia, king of Moab (about B. C. 900), recently discovered among the ruins of the ancient Dibon on the east of the Jordan, The names of the letters are all significant, and their original form was, without doubt, designed to resemble the object denoted by the name. Thus the name of the first letter, aleph, X, means an ox, and it is believed that some resemblance of an ox's head may be discerned in the old Phoenician form of this letter ( -^). The third letter, gimel, J, means a camel, and in its ancient Phoenician \\ '\) and Ethiopic (*)) forms, somewhat resembles the head and neck of the camel. According to Gesenius, the earliest form (-^) represented the camel's hump. The name of the letter daleth, n, means a door, and the ancient form ^, or /\, (Greek A), resembles the door of a tent." whether the Canaanites adopted Abram's languaj^e after his migration, as Block as- sumes (Introii, vol. i, p. GG), but whether Abram and his father's house, the Eberites, may not have spoken, at the time of their westward migration, substantially the same language as that of the Canaanites. How long the Canaanites had boon in the land before Abram came is uncertain (comp. Gen. x, 18; xii, G), but perhaps not long enough to have undergone notable changes in their speech. ' Tlie square character is spoken of in the Talmud as the Assyrian writing, and i8 said to have been brought from the East by Ezra when he returned from the Baby- lonian exile; but this tradition, for the reasons given above, is not entitleci to credit. "^ See the whole alidiahct similarly oxhil)ited in Smith's Diet, of the Bible, under article Writing. See also the Ancient Semitic Alphabets as exhibited in Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, and the Ancient Alphabets as given at the end of Webster's Un- abridged Dictionary. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 79 These forms, moreoA^er, are probably abbreviations and modifica- tions of still more ancient ones, which, like the hieroglyphics of Egypt, were real pictures or outlines of visible things/ Among the letters, the four gutturals X, n, n, and V have a not- able prominence, being much more frequently used than other letters. Incapable of being doubled, they greatly Gutturals. affect the vowel system, and the first two (X and n) represent scarcely audible breathings in the throat, and are frequently alto- gether quiescent. The two letters wato ("i, commonly called vav) and yodh (■•) are also frequently quiescent, and may be called the two vowel letters of the ancient Hebrew. They seem, as a rule, to have been employed only when the sounds which they represent were long. With the exception of these two letters the ancient written Hebrew seems to have had no vowel signs. The same com- bination of letters might signify several different things, according to the pronunciation received. The indefiniteness of such a mode of writing compares very unfavourably with the ample supply of vowel letters in the Indo-European tongues, and nothing but a familiar acquaintance with the usage of the language as a living tongue could supply this defect.* The Masoretic system of vowel signs, or points, is a comparative- ly modern invention, prepared to meet a real necessity Masoretic vow- when the Hebrew had ceased to be a living language, ei system. "Of the date of this punctuation of the Old Testament text," ob- serves Gesenius, " we have no historical account ; but a comparison of historical facts wai'rants the conclusion that the present vowel system was not completed till the seventh century after Christ; and that it was done by Jewish scholars, well versed in the language, who, it is highly probable, copied the example of the Syriac, and perhaps also of the Arabic, gi'ammarians. This vowel system has, probably, for its basis the pronunciation of the Jews of Palestine; and its consistency, as well as the analogy of the kindred languages, furnishes strong proof of its correctness, at least as a whole. We may, however, assume that it exhibits not so much the pronun- ciation of common life as the formal style, which, in the seventh century after Christ, was sanctioned by tradition and custom in reading the Scriptures in the schools and synagogues. Its authors laboured with great care to represent by signs the minute grada- • Comp. Bottcher, Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache, vol. i, pp. 65, 66. * " A Semitic root," says Bopp, " is unpronounceable, because, in giving it vowels, an advance is made to a special grammatical form, and it then no longer possesses the simple peculiarity of a root raised above all grammar." Comparative Grammar, vol. i, p. 108 ; Eng. Trans., p. 98. 80 INTRODUCTION TO tions of the vowel sounds, marking even half vowels and help- ing sounds, spontaneously adopted in all languages, yet seldom expressed in writing." ' The ancient Hebrew writing being, accordingly, expressed al- too-ether by consonants, the vowel sounds were quite subordinate to them, and formed no conspicuous element of the language. "Words and names are exhibited by consonants, to which alone sifniifications may be traced, but relations of thought, modifications of the sense of words, and grammatical inflection, were denoted by vowel sounds. One of the most marked features of the language is the tri- The three-let- literal root of all its verbs. This peculiarity is a fun- terroot. damental characteristic of all the Semitic tongues. No satisfactory reason for its existence, or account of its origin, has yet been produced, though a vast amount of study and research has been expended on the subject. Some have maintained that this triplicity of radical consonants is the result of a philological and historical development. Indications of this are found in mon- osyllabic nouns (like 2S, DwS', Ui, "in, T), and verbs which double one of their letters (22^, 33D, nnt^'), and also in those verbs in which one of the consonants is so weak and servile as to suggest that, origi- nally, it was no radical element of the word (pi or jn, 31t3, HID). Hence the doctrine of a primitive system of two-letter roots has been advanced and defended with great learning and ingenuity. But no satisfactory results have come from these efforts, and the theory of two-letter roots has not obtained a general following among philologists. Why may not these primitive roots of the language have been formed of three letters as well as two ? The uniformity and universality of the verbal root of three letters argue that this is an original and fundamental characteristic of Semitic speech. A most important and interesting feature of the language is the conjupations manner in which the different conjugations or voices of of the verb. ^j^g verb are formed. The third person singular of the perfect (or past) tense is the ground form from wliich all model changes take their departure." These ckanges consist in varying the vowels, doubling the middle letter of the root, and adding certain formative letters or syllables. In some rare forms there is a repetition or reduplication of one or two of the radical • Davies' Gesenius' Hebrew Graminar (Mitchell's Edition), pp. 32, 33. Andover, 1880. The simple participial form ^to'p, or the imperative ^bf?, may perhaps present equal claim to be the basal form of the Hebrew verb. Cornp. Weir, iu Kitto's Journal of Sacred Literature for Oct., 1849, pp. 309, 310. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 81 consonants. Since the time of the great Hebraist Danz (about A.D. 1 700) the verb ^Dp, hatal, has been used as a grammatical paradigm to illustrate the various conjugations of the Hebrew verb, and though grammarians have differed somewhat in the number and arrangement of the conjugations^ common usage adheres to the following general outline: Simple. Kal/ f'Pi?, Katal, he killed. Niphal, ^Dpj, mUal, he was killed. Intensive. Piel, PtSip, Kittel, he massacred. Pual, 7tDp, Kuttal, he was massacred. Causative. Hiphil, ^^npn, Hiktil, he caused to kill. Hophal, fjDpn, Hoktal, he was caused to kill. Reflexive. Hithpael, ?t|)pnn, Hithkattel, he killed himself. From the above it will be noticed that the simple, the intensive and the causative forms have each a corresponding passive. The reflexive, from its very nature, would not be expected to have a corresponding passive, and yet a few rare instances occur of a Hothpaal or Huthpaal form (nx^tsn, to be made unclean, Deut. xxiv, 4; nxnn, to be smeared over loithfat, Isa. xxxiv, 6). It should be noticed in the paradigm how the idea of activity seems to attach to the a sound, while the e, o, and ic sounds are used in forms which express passiveness. The doubling of roots expresses intensity, and the prefixing of letters denotes some form of reflexive action. 'The origin of the terms Kal, Niphal, Piel, etc., is thus stated by Nordheimer: "The first investigators of the language, wh.o were Jews, wrote in Hebrew, and ac- cordingly employed Hebrew expressions for the designation of grammatical phenom- ena. To denote the first or simple species they used the word pp, Kal, light, simple ; a term which modern grammarians have found it convenient to retain. And to rep- resent the remaining species they took the modifications of the verb ^ys, to do, to — T make, which itself supplies the name for this part of speech. Thus, instead of a term derived from the signification of that form of the verb which receives the prefi.x J, such as the word passive, they employed, as a sort of grammatical formula, the cor- responding modification of the verb ^;y2, which is ^p£)j, Niphal, and so on of the rest." — Critical Grammar of the Hebrew Language, vol. i, p. 97. 6 83 INTRODUCTION TO But it must not be understood that there are always exact corre- spondence and uniformity in the significations of these several Import of the forms. The Niplial is very generally the passive of conjugations. 'Kal, and the older Hel)re\v grammarians were wont to regard it as strictly so; but, like the Greek middle voice, it is used also to express reflexive and reciprocal action. So also the Piel con- jugation is used to express not only intensity of action, but repeti- tion and frequency, and sometimes it has a causative signification. There are also other forms, so rare and exceptional as not to be classed along with the conjugations of the usual paradigm, but which represent peculiar shades of meaning not otherwise ex- pressible. Such forms are the so-called Pilel (^^tpi?), Pealal (^P^i^pp), Tiphel (i'tj?!?^), and other forms peculiar to certain irregular verbs. In the Arabic language there are fifteen such different conjuga- tions of the verb, though in that language, as in the Hebrew, no one verb is used in all its possible forms. The tense-system of the HebrcAv verb is very unlike that of the Indo-European languages. Some scholars have gone so Tenses or tune- i o o o rorms of the far as to deny that the Hebrew language has any ver- He lew verb. -^^^ forms which can properly be designated tenses. Sir W. Martin observes that the forms of the Hebrew verb com- monly called preterite and future, or perfect and imperfect, " are not tenses in the proper sense; i. e., the notion of time as past, present, or future, is not inherent in the form. They note only actions or conditions, and the persons of whom such actions or conditions are predicated. They predicate a certain state of a cer- taiii subject, and no more. The time to which the action or condi- tion, expressed by the form, belongs in each case, is to be gathered from the context. The present time is understood if none other is suggested by the context. The difference between the two forms is not, then, any dift'erence in time, but a difference in the way of conceiving the action or condition. The forms then may be accu- rately described as moods indicating modes of thought rather than as tenses. These moods, taken in connexion with indications of time supplied by the context, and so having their generality lim- ited and restricted, become equivalent to our tenses. Viewed as moods, they differ from each other much in the same way as he- coming from being, as motion from rest, as progress from comple- tion.'''' ' Similarly Wright remarks concerning the tenses of the Arabic verb: "The temporal forms of the Arabic verb are but two in number, the one expressing a finished act, one that is done and 'Inquiries concerning the Structure of the Semitic Languages. Part i, p. 11 London, 1876. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 83 completed in relation to other acts (the perfect); the other an un- finislied act, one that is jiist commencing or in progress (the imper- fect)." He adds: "We have discarded the names Preterite and Future, by Avhich these forms are still often designated, especially in our Hebrew and Syriac grammars, because they do not accu- rately corresi^ond to the ideas inherent in them. A Semitic per- fect or imperfect has, in and of itself, no reference to the tem- jDoral relations of the speaker (thinker or writer), and of other actions which are broxaght into juxtaposition with it. It is pre- cisely these relations which determine in what sphere of time (past, present, or future) a Semitic perfect or imperfect lies, and by which of our tenses it is to be expressed." ' The Indo-European tongues have distinct verbal forms to express an action of the past as either continuing (imperfect, _ ,. , , ^ . Unlike Indo- as, Iioas toriting), or completed definitely (pluperfect, European tense I had written), or indefinitely (aorist, I torote). They ^°''"^^- also have forms for expressing action as continuing in the present (as I am loritmg), and as completed in the present (perfect, I have written), and other forms for exj^ressing future action in a like two- fold way {I xoill write, and I will have written). Eut the less sys- tematic and more emotional Semitic mind seems to have conceived the temporal relations of subject and predicate in a somewhat ideal way. In whatever position or point of view a si^eaker or writer took his stand, he seems to have viewed all things as having some subjective relation to that standpoint. Time with him was an ever-continuing series of moments (^''^j"), loinJcs of the eye). The past was ever running into the future, and. the future ever losing itself in the past. The future tense-form which he _ , , , i Ideal and rela- used may have actually referred to events of the re- tive past and mote iDast, but to hifn it was an ideal future, taking its " "'^*^' departure from some anterior event either expressed or under- stood." It is a characteristic of the Hebrew writers to throw them- selves into the midst of the scenes or events which they describe, 'Grammar of the Arabic Language, from the German of Caspari, vol. i, pp. 53. 54. Second Edition, London, ISH. Compare the similar views of Ewald, Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der heb. Sprache, §§ 135, 136, pp. 348-35S (Gottingen, 1870), and Driver, On the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew, Oxford, 1874. Ewald's doctrine of the He- brew Tenses was contioverted by Prof. M. Stuart in the Biblical Repository for .Jan., 1838, pp. 146-173, and Driver's treatise is reviewed by A. Miiller in the Zeitschrift fiir kith. Theolcgie. 1877, i, p. 198. ^ Murphy suggests that the two tense-forms of the Hebrew verb be designated re- spectively as the anterior and posterior. See his article on the Hebrew Tenses, in Kitto's Journal of Sacred Literature for Jan., 1850 (pp. 194-202), and comp. Weir on the same subject in the same Journal for Oct., 1849. Weir observes (p. 317): 84 INTRODUCTION TO and this consideration largely accounts for the subjective and ideal way in -svhich the two tense-forms (POj? and ?b\^\) are employed. Thus, at the beginning of Genesis (i, 1), we have first the definite statement, " In the beginning God created (^"^3) the heavens and the land." This statement serves as a headinor to the narrative that follows. Having taken that beginning as a historical stand- point, the writer next describes the condition of things at that be- giiming, still using the past tense-form: "And the land was (nri'n) waste and empty, and darkness upon the face of the deep, and the Spirit of God brooding (DSniJp, feminine participle, kej^t broodhuj) upon the face of the waters." Such was the state of things in the midst of which the narrator took his ideal stand; and from that starting point he pi'oceeds to relate the succession of events. His next verb is in the future or imperfect tense-form: "And God will say. Let there be light;" or as we would more familiarly say, then says God (DTipX l^N'}), that is, God then, or next, proceeded to say, etc. The tense-thought here is that the divine fiat, " Let there be light," was consequent upon the period and condition of darkness which was upon the deep. A succession of thought and a prog- ress of time are thus indicated, a mode of conception peculiar to the Semitic mind, but not naturally transferable to our language. The past or perfect tense-form is also used when speaking of The past tense things to be Certainly realized in the future. In such form for fu- cascs the event of the future is conceived as somehow ceived of as completed; it has become a foregone conclusion and complete. settled purpose of the Divine mind. Thus, for exam- ple, in Gen. xvii, 20: "As for Ishmael, I have heard thee (l"'J^Prv', this hearing was actually past); behold, I have blessed him ("'rip'ia), and I have made him fruitful ('nnsn), and I have multiplied him (''ri*3"]n) exceedingly." All this was to be realized in the future, but it is here presented to the mirid as something already finished. It was fixed in the Divine purpose, and from an ideal standpoint in the future it was viewed as something past. Then it is immedi- ately added: " Twelve princes shall he beget (Tpi"', here the indefi- nite future is both assumed and expressed), and I have given him (vnnj) for a great nation." This last verb again assumes an ideal " The Hebrew writers, instead of keeping constantly in view the period at which they wrote, and employing^ a variety of tenses to describe the different shades of past, present, and fiUnre time, accomplished the same object by keeping their own times quite out of view, and regarding as their present the period not at which, but of which, they wrote." He accordingly takes the 7Dp form (commonly called past or perfect) to denote the present, not, however, excluding the idea of a past action or condition contiiuiitig on into the prc^^ent. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 85 past, a something seen in the mind as complete after Ishmael shall have begotten twelve princes. The past and future import of the two tense-forms, as standing- opposed to each other in the indication of time, is apparent in such passages as, " Before them there have been (riM) no T ° , ,„ Vtt/ The two tenses such locusts as they, and after them there shall not be have a past and (n:^:) such" (Exod. X, 14). "As I was On^^^) with *"t"^e import. Moses, I will be {^:;^ii) with thee" (Josh, i, 5). "Yea, I have spoken (W3"i), also I will bring to pass (n3N''3N); I have formed a purpose i'^'pl), also I will perform it " (Isa. xlvi, 11). But in view of the fact, set forth by the best grammarians, that the past tense is used for the perfect, the pluperfect, the present, and the future, and the future tense is used for the present and the past,* these different tense-forms of the Hebrew language are to be understood, not as corresponding to the more fully developed tense-system of Indo-European tongues, but as exhibiting a peculiarity of the Sem- itic mind, which was wont to view the temporal relation of events in the vivid ideal way explained above. Both the past and future forms of the verb are often best translated into English by the present tense. The past form often indicates a past action which is conceived of as continuing into the present, and having become habitual. " The ox knows (yT) his owner, and the ass the crib of his master " (Isa. i, 3). Observe also, in Psa. i, 1 : " Happy the man who walks not ('i]b[) NP, has ceased from walking) in the counsel of wicked ones, and in the way of sinners does not stand, and in the Beat of scorners does not sit." Here it is not difficult to apprehend, in the tense-form used, an ideal of the past, but it is scarcely prac- ticable, except by undesirable circumlocution, to transfer the con- ception into simple idiomatic English. The future form is often used to express the vivid Semitic conception of a past act-ion, or series of actions, as continuing, or as succeeding one another. Thus, in 1 Sam. xxvi, 17, 18, we may express the Hebrew futures by the English present: "And Saul knows the voice of David, and he says. Is this thy voice, my son David ? And says David, My voice, my lord, O king. And he says. Why is this — my lord pursuing after his servant ? " In the inflexion ^ of Hebrew nouns there is no neuter gender, ' See Gesenius, Heb. Gram., §§ 126, 127, and Nordheimer, Crit. Gram, of the He* brew Language, vol. ii, pp. 161-174. ' " A regular inflexion of the noun by cases does not exist in Hebrew. . . . The connexion of the noun with the feminine, with the dual and plural terminations, with suffixes, and with another noun foUpwing in the genitive, produces numberless changes in its form, which is all that is meant by the inflexion of nouns in Hebrew. Even 86 INTRODUCTION TO All objects of nature, inaiiiinate things, and abstract ideas are viewed The gender of ^^ instinct with life, and spoken of as either masculine nouns. or feminine. Mountains, rivers, seas, being objects of majesty and representing strength, are usually masculine. And they are often pictured before the fancy as consciously exulting and moving with exuberance of life. Thus the mountains watch with a jealous e)''e (nvi, Psa. Ixviii, 16), they rejoice together (Psa. xcviii, 8), and break forth into song (Isa. xliv, 23), and even leap and dance like rams (Psa. cxiv, 4, 6). The rushing torrents lift up their voice and clap their hands (Psa. xciii, 3; xcviii, 8), and the sea beholds, and flies (Psa. cxiv, 3). The words for city, land, lo- cality, and the like, are feminine, being thought of as mothers of those who dwell therein. The smaller and dependent towns were called daughters of the principal city (Num. xxi, 25; Josh, xvii, 11). The names of things without life are generally feminine, probably from being regarded as weak and helpless. Abstract ideas are also usually represented as feminine. We are not able to understand, in all instances, why this or that word came to be used in its par- ticular gender, but this whole habit of thought and language had its origin in an intense lively intuition of nature. The use of the plural number in Hebrew seems often to denote Use of the "ot SO much a plurality of individuals as fulness, vast- piurai. ness, majesty, or completeness of endowments. Thus the first word of the first Psalm, which we commonly render as an adjective — " Blessed is the man," etc. — is a noun in the plural num- ber (^|it^^?) ; literally, the blessednesses of the man. We bring out its real force when we take it as an exclamation: 0 the blessednesses of the man, etc.! The idea may be either the manifoldness and multi- plicity of blessedness, or the completeness and greatness of blessed- ness. The word for life is often plural, as in Gen. ii, V, " breathed into his nostrils the breath of lives " (D"".n) ; verse 9 has " tree of lives" and chap, vii, 22, "breath of the spirit of lives.'''' Here the meaning cannot be, as some have suggested, twofold life — animal and spiritual, for the plural is used alike of the life of tree, animal, and man. It seems rather to denote fulness and completeness of life. So the words for water (d;'0) and heaven (D'Pv'O ^^'^ always used in the plural, probably from the idea of vastness or majesty. This is also the best explanation of the plural form of the name of God (QVi^K) ; what the old grammarians called the plural of excel- lency, expressing the dignity and manifold power of the Creator of all things. for the comparative and superlative, the Hebrew has no appropriate forms, and these relations must be expressed by circumlocution." tSesenius, Ileb. Grammar, § '70, 2. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 87 The foregoing statement of the philological and grammatical peculiarities of the Hebrew lanauaoe may sei've to , , ^ . . . ... Hebrew a prmi- show that it is a most ancient and primitive type of itive type of in- human speech, and admirably adapted to express vivid ™^° speech. conceptions and strong emotion. Every letter, as well as every word, represents some visible or material object, and the studious observer may pass among its written monuments as through a pic- ture gallery, and feel that the images of life are all around him. Keeping in mind what has been said, we proceed to show the simplicity of structure, and the emotional expressiveness of this sacred language, and its consequent fitness to embody and preserve the ancient oracles of God. Opening almost anywhere in the narrative portions of the Old Testament, we find abundant evidence of the simplicity simplicity of of Hebrew syntax. The sentences are ordinarily short structure. and vividly expressive. The so-called compound sentences rarely involve any trouble or obscurity, being usually only two or more short sentences, whose relation to each other is most direct and simple. There are no involved constructions and long-drawn periods. The first chapter of Genesis may be taken as a specimen of prose narrative, the most simple and natural in its construction of any composition known to literature. Whatever may be the dilHcul- ties in its exj)osition, its grammatical structure is simple and in- telligible. The following verse from the beginning of the second chapter of 2 Samuel may be taken as a very fine example of lively narrative : Aud it came to pass after this, that David inquires of Jehovah, saj'ing, Shall I go up into one of the cities of Judah? Aud says Jehovah to him, Go up. Aud says David, Whither shall I go up? And he says, To Hebron. Or take the following, from 1 Kings xix, 19-21 : And he goes from there, and he finds Elisha, the son of Sliaphat, aud he ploughing, twelve yoke before liim, and he with the twelfth: and Elijah passes over unto him, and throws his mantle unto him. And he leaves the oxen, and he runs after Elijah, and says, I will kiss, now, my father and my mother, and I will go after thee. And he says to him. Go, Return, for what have I done to thee ? Aud he returns from after him, and he takes the yoke of the oxen and he slaugliters liim, and with the instruments of the oxen he boiled them, the flesh ; and he gives to the people, and they eat, aud he arises, and he goes after Elijah, and he serves him. In these translations we have used the present tense where the Hebrew has the future, as best conveying the spirit of the narra- tive. The writer views the whole scene, and depicts the several 88 INTRODUCTION TO parts as they follow one after the other. Those several acts are relatively future from the jjoint of time he ideally occupies, and his successive sentences are short, rapid, and life-like in their arrange- ment. Hundreds of similar specimens might be adduced, taken almost at random from the Hebrew scriptures. In very many of the most simple sentences, the subject and pred- Omission of icate are placed together without any connective par- copuia. tide or copula. Thus, 1 Kings i, 1, " The king David (was) old ;" 1 Kings xviii, 21, " If Jehovah (be) the God ;" Prov. xx, 1, "A mocker (is) wine ; raging (is) strong drink." This omission in prose narrative may often be supplied to advantage in translation, being required by the idiom of another language to complete the sense, and maintain grammatical accuracy. But the omission gives strength and beauty to many passages, as, for instance, the following, Psa. Ixvi, 3: "How fearful thy doings!" The attempt of the Author- ized Version to supply here what was supposed to be necessary greatly weakens the sentiment : " How terrible art thou in thy works." So again in Psa. xc, 2, "From everlasting to everlasting thou, God!" Again, in verse 4, "A thousand years in thy eyes, as yesterday." It may, in fact, be said that the italic words supplied in the Authorized Version detract from the force and spirit of the original in more instances than they supply any essen- tial need. In the order of words in a sentence, subject or predicate may be Order of sub- P^^'^^^''^ ^Y&t, accoj-ding as it is designed to give emphasis ject aad predi- to the one or the other. Very frequently the sentence opens with a verb, and, according to Gesenius, every finite verb contains in all cases its subject already in itself under the form of a personal pronoun, Avhich is necessarily connected with the verbal form.' Thus, Gen. ii, 1, "And they were finished, the heavens, and the land, and all their host." When two or more verbs are construed with a single subject, the first is usually placed before the noun, and the others follow, as so many distinct state- ments. Thus, Gen. vii, 18, "And they prevailed, the waters, and they increased exceedingly upon the land ; and she went, the ark, upon the face of the waters." In the Hebrew language there is a comparative lack of adjec- tives. As a substitute, nouns expressive of qualitv, . . , 1 , ^ . . p / Adjectives, material, or character, are used as genitives after the nouns to be qualified. Thus, instead of golden crown, we have croion of gold ; instead of holy mountain, we have mountain of holiness. For eloquent man (Exod. iv, 10) the Hebrew is tnan of ' Hebrew Grammar, § 144, 2. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 89 words. Tlie knowing or intelligent man is called a man of knowl- edge (Prov. xxiv, 5). This Hebraic usage appears often in the New Testament Greek. In accordance with this usage the adjec- tives proper almost invariably follow the nouns which they qualify. Thus a toise man, the great river, would be expressed in Hebrew, a man wise, river the great. The primitive conception, lying at the basis of this usage, would seem to be that of an additional word designed to modify the one just uttered. More fully, then, the above examples would be: a man — a icise one; the river — the great one. But when the adjective is used as an emphatic predicate, it usually stands first in the sentence, as, " Good and just is Jehovah " (Psa. XXV, 8). There is no formal comparison of adjectives in Hebrew. The comparative degree is indicated by a use of the prepo- Methods of sition fro)n (p) prefixed to the word with which the comparison, comparison is made. Thus: "The serpent was crafty from every beast of the field" (Gen. iii, l); that is, more crafty; his cunning distinguished him from other beasts. The superlative is expressed by means of the article, or a suffix, or some 2:)eculiar form of ex- pression which indicates the highest degree. Thus, the youngest is tJie little one (jbipri. Gen. xlii, 1-3). The most abject slave is a servant of serva^nts (Gen. ix, 25) ; the holiest place is the holy of holies ; the most excellent song is Ci'''l^Ci^'n ~i''t?', the song ofsongs.^ The Hebrew particles, namely, adverbs, prepositions, conjunc- tions, and interjections, are amons: the most delicate Particles. and interesting parts of the language. In order to a keen and discriminating insight into the spirit and bearing of nu- merous passages, it is necessary to master the force and usage of these little words. Usually the grammars and lexicons supply all the essential information, but it is only by intimate familiarity with the language that we come to appreciate their delicate and vary- ing shades of meaning. ' Xordheimer (Heb. Grammar, vol. ii, p. 60) designates as " the absolute superla- tive" those striking Hebraic expressions in which a noun is construed with one of the divine names. Thus, we have wrestlhigx of God (Gen. xxx, 8), a mountain of God (Psa. Ixviii, 15), mountains of God {El, Psa. xxxvi, 6), cedars of God (Psa. Ixxx, 10), trees of Jehovah (civ, 16), and sleep of Jehovah (1 Sam. xxvi, 12). But these genitives are not to be understood as designating, adjectively, a degree of excellence or of intensity. Rachel would vividly portray her wrestlings with her sister Leah as wrestlings wliich she had carried on witli God himself. By the mountains of God (or of El) the psalmist means God's mountains, mountains which God brought forth (comp. P.sa. xc, 3). So, too, the cedars of God and the trees of Jehovah are trees which are regarded as the workmanship of God. The sleep of Jehovah (1 Sam. xxvi, 12) was a slumber which Jehovah caused to fall upon Saul and his attendants. 90 ES'TRODUCTION TO Hebrew Poetry. Much of the Old Testament is composed in a style and form of ^,. ^ . . language far above that of simple prose. The his- Old Testament o» rr ^ largely poeti- torical books abound in spirited addresses, odes, lyrics, ^^^" psalms, and fragments of song. The books of Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Song of Solomon, are highly poetical, and the prophetical books (D''J'nnK D''i<''3J, later 2^'>'op/tetiS of IlebreAv Canon) are mainly of the same order. Nearly one half of the Old Testament is written in this poetic style. But the poetry of the Hebrews has peculiarities as marked and distinct from that of other nations as the language itself is different from other families of languages. Its metre is not that of syllables, but of sentences and sentiments. Properly speaking, Hebrew jDoetry knows nothing Not metrical ^^ metrical feet and versification analogous to the poet- ic structure, ical forms of the Indo-European tongues. The learned and ingenious attempts of some scholars to construct a system of Hebrew metres are now generally regarded as failures. There are discernible an elevated style, a harmony and parallelism of sen- tences, a sonorous flow of graphic words, an artificial arrangement of clauses, repet^itions, transpositions, and rhetorical antitheses, which are the inmost life of poetry. But the form is nowhere that of syllabic metre.* Some scholars have supposed that, since the Hebrew became a dead language, the ancient pronunciation is so utterly lost that it is therefore impossible now to discover or re- store its ancient metres. But this, at best, is a doubtful hypoth- esis, and has all probabilities against it. There is every reason to believe that the Masoretie pronunciation now in use is in the main correct, and substantially the same as that of the ancient Hebrews. ' On the subject of Hebrew poetry, see Lowth, Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, in Latin, with notes of Michaelis, Rosenmuller, and others (Oxford, 1828), and English Translation, edited by Stowc (Andovcr, 1820), and the rrelimiiiary Dissertation to his Isaiah; Bellermann, Versuch iibor die Metrik dor IleljriLer (Iknlin, ISIT,); Saalschutz, Form der hebraischen Poesie nebst einer Abhandlung iiber die Musik der Hebraer (Konigsb., 1825), and the same author's Form und Gcist der hebraischen Poesie (1853); Ewald, Die poctischen Biichor des altcn Bundes, vol. i. Translated by Nichol- son in Kitto's Journal of Sacred Literature for Jan. and April, 1848; Herder, Spirit of Hebrew Poetry, English Translation, in two vols., by James Marsh (Burlington, Vt., IS.'JS); L'inac Taylor, The Spirit of Hebrew Poetry (Phila., 1873); De Wettc, In- troduction to his Coiiinioiitar iiber die Psalnion, pp. 32-().3. Most of the more impor- tant works upon the Psalms, and the Biblical Cyclopaedias, contain valuable disserta- tions on Hebrew Poetry and Parallelism. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 91 The distinguishing feature of Hebrew poetry is now generallv acknowledged to be the parallelism of members. This 111 ..ij- r 11 ,..-, Parallelism the would be a very natural form lor such short and vivid distinguishing sentences as characterize Hebrew syntax. Let the soul *^^'^'^^6- be filled with deep emotion; let burning passions move the heart, and sparkle in the eye, and speak loudly in the voice, and the simple sentences of Hebrew prose would spontaneously take poetic form. In illustration of this we may instance the exciting controversy of Jacob and Laban in Gen, xxxi. The whole chapter is like a pas- sage from an ancient epic; but when we read the speeches of Laban and Jacob we seem to feel the wild throbbings of their human pas- sions. The sj)eeches are not cast in the artificial harmony of par- allelism which appears in the poetical books; but we shall best ob- serve their force by presenting them in the following form. After seven days' hot pursuit, Laban overtakes Jacob in Mount Gilead, and assails him thus: What hast tliou done ? I And thou hast stolen my heart, And hast carried off my daughters As captives of the sword. Why didst thou hide thyself to flee? And thou hast stolen me, And thou didst not inform me, And I would have sent thee away with joy, And with songs, with timbrel and with harp. And thou didst not permit me to kiss my sons and my daughters! Now hast thou played the fool — to do! It is to the God of my liand To do with you an evil. But the God of your father Yesternight said to me, saying: Guard thyself from speaking with Jacob from good to evil. And now, going thou hast gone ; For longing thou hast longed for the house of thy father. Why hast thou stolen my gods ? Verses 26-30. After the goods have been searched, and no gods found, " Jacob was wroth, and chode with Laban," and uttered his pent-up emo- tion in the following style: What my trespass. What my sin, Tliat thou hast been burning afber me? For thou hast been feeling all my vessels; What hast thou found of all the vessels of thy house? 92 INTRODUCTION TO Place here — Before my brethren and thy brethren, And let theu decide between us two. This twenty year I with thee ; Thy ewes and thy goats have not been bereft, And the rams of thy flock have I not eaten. The torn I brought not to thee ; I atoned for it. Of my hand didst thou demand it, Stolen by day, Or stolen l)y night. I have been — In the day heat devoured me, And cold in the night, And my sleep fled from my eyes. This to me twenty year in thy house. I served thee fourteen year for two of thy daughters, And six years for thy flock ; And thou hast changed my wages ten parts. Unless the God of my father, The God of Abraham and the fear of Isaac, were for me,- That now empty tliou hadst sent me away. The affliction and tlie labour of my hands God has seen, And he was judging yesternight. Verses 36-42. Tliis may not be poetry, iu the strict sense ; but it is certainly not the language of common prose. The rapidity of movement, the emotion, tlie broken lines, and the abrupt transitions, serve to show how a language of such peculiar structure as tlie Hebrew might early and naturally develop a poetic form, whose distinguish- in"- feature would be a harmony of successive sentences, or some artilicial concord or contrast of different sentiments, rather than syllabic versification. Untrammeled by metric limitations, the He- brew poet enjoyed a peculiar freedom, and could utter the moving sentiments of passion in a great variety of forms. We cannot too strongly emphasize the fact that some structural Form essential ^01'"^ is essential to all poetry. The elements of poetry to poetry. are invention, inspiration, and expressive form. But all possible genius for invention, and all the inspiration of most fervent passion, would go for nothing without some suitable mould in which to set them forth. When the creations of genius and in- spiration have taken a monumental form in language, that form becomes an essential part of the wdiole. Hence (he impossibility of translating the poetry of Homer, or Virgil, or David, into Eng- BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 93 Hsh prose, or the prose of any other language, i^nd at the same time preserving the power and spirit of the original. Bayard Taylor's translation of Goethe's Faust is a masterpiece in this, that it is a remarkably successful attempt to „ ' •' ^ Bayard Taylor transfer from one language to another not merely the on form in thoughts, the sentiment, and the exact meaning of the ^°^^^^- author, but also the form and rhythm. Mr. Taylor argues very forcibly, and we think truly, that " the value of form in a poetical work is the first question to be considei'ed. Poetry," he observes, " is not simply a fashion of expression ; it is the form of expression absolutely required by a certain class of ideas. Poetry, indeed, may be distinguished from prose by the single circumstance that it is the utterance of whatever in man cannot be perfectly uttered in any other than a rhythmical form. It is useless to say that the naked meaning is independent of the form. On the contrary, the form contributes essentially to the fulness of the meaning. In poetry which endures through its own inherent vitality, there is no forced union of these two elements. They are as intimately blended, and with the same mysterious beauty, as the sexes in the ancient Her- maphroditus. To attempt to represent jioetry in prose is very much like attempting to translate music into speech."^ How impossible to translate perfectly into any other form the following passage from Milton : Now storming fury rose, And clamour such as heard in Heaven till now Was never; arms on armour clashing brayed Horrible discord, and the maddening wheels Of brazen cliariots raged ; dire was the noise Of conflict; overhead tlie dismal hiss Of fiery darts in flaming volleys flew, And flying vaulted either host with fire. So under fiery cope together rushed Both battles main, with ruinous assault And inextinguishable rage. All Heaven Resounded, and had earth been then, all earth Had to her centre shook. What wonder? whea Millions of fierce encountering angels fought On either side, the least of whom could wield These elements, and arm him with the force Of all their regions.^ The very form of this passage, as it stands before the reader's eye, contributes not a little to the emotions produced by it in the ' Preface to Translation of Goethe's Faust. « Paradise Lost, Book vi, lines 207-223. 94 INTRODUCTION TO soul of a man of taste. Change the order of the words, or attempt to state their naked meaning in prose, and the very ideas will seem to vanish. The grandeur and beauty of the passage are due as much to the rhythm, the emphatic collocation of Avords, the express- iveness of the form in which the Avhole is placed before us, as to the sublime conceptions they embody. But if so much is due to the form of poetic writing, much must be lost from any noble poem when transferred to another language shorn of these elements of power. The least we can do is to make prominent in our transla- tions the measured forms of the original. So far as it may be done without too great violence to the idioms of our own tongue, we should preserve the same order of words, emphatic forms of state- ment, and abrupt transitions. In these respects Hebrew poetry is Hebrew spirit pi'^^bably more capable of exact translation than that of and form may anv Other lanccuasfe. For there is no rhvme, no metric servedTnu-ans- Scale, to be translated. Two things it is essential to lation. preserve — the spirit and the form, and both of these are of such a nature as to make it possible to reproduce them to a great extent in almost any other language,' ' Xo man, perhaps, has shown a greater power to present in English the real^spirit of Hebrew poetry than Tayler Lewis. The following version of Job iv, 12-21, while not exactly following the Hebrew collocation of the words, and giving to some words a meaning scarcely sustained by Hebrew usage, does, nevertheless, bring out the spirit and force of the original in a most impressive way : To me, at times, there steals a warning word ; Mine ear its whisper seems to catch. In troubled thoughts from spectres of the night, Wlieu falls on men the vision-seeing trance,— And fear has come, and trembling dread, And made my every bone to thrill with awe, — 'Tis then before me stirs a breathing form ; O'er all my flesh it makes the hair rise up. It stands; no face distinct can I discern; An outline is before mine eyes ; Deep silence ! then a voice I hear: Is mortal man more just than God ? Is boasting man more pure than he who made him ? In his own servants, lo, he tnistetb not, Even on his angels doth he charge defect. Much more to them who dwell in homes of clay, With their foundation laid in dust. And crumbled like the moth From morn till night they're stricken down ; Without regard they perish utterly. Their cord of life, is it not torn away ? They die— still lacking wisdom. See the notes on this rhythmical version, in which Lewis defends the accuracy of his translation, in Lange's Commentary on Job, pp. 59, 60. See also Lewis' articles on The Emotional Element in Hebrew Translation, in the Methodist Quarterly Review, for Jan., 1802, Jan. and July, ISOU, and Jan., 1864. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 95 While the spirit and emotionality of Hebrew poetry are aue to a combination of various elements, the parallelism of „, , , , ' ^ structural form sentences is a most marked feature of its outward form, of Hebrew par- This it becomes us now to exhibit more fully, for a '^^'*^'i®"^- scientific interpretation of the poetical portions of the Old Testa- ment requires that the parallelism be not ignored. Joseph Addison Alexander, indeed, animadverts upon Bishop Lowth's "supposed discovery of rhythm or measure in the Hebrew prophets," and con- demns his theory as unsound and in bad taste.' But his strictures seem to proceed on the assumption that the theory of parallelism involves the idea of metrical versification analogous to the prosody of other languages. Aside from such an assumption they have no relevancy or force. For it is indisputable that the large portions of the Hebrew scriptures, commonly regarded as jDoetical, are as capable of arrangement in well-defined parallelisms as the variety of Greek metres are capable of being reduced to system and rules. The short and vivid sentences which we have seen to be peculiar to HebrcAv speech, would lead, by a very natural proc- The process of ess, to the formation of parallelisms in poetry. The f°"°i°s Pf f^i- '. _ -I . . lelisms natural desire to present a subject most impressively would in Hebrew. lead to repetition, and the tautology would show itself in slightly varying forms of one and the same thought. Thus the following, from Prov. i, 24-27: Because I have called, and ye refuse; I have stretched out my hand, and no one attending; And ye refuse all my counsel, And my correction ye have not desired ; Also I in your calamity will laugh ; I will mock at the coming of your terror; At the coming — as a roaring tempest — of your terror; And your calamity as a sweeping whirlwind shall come on; At the coming upon you of distress and anguish. Other thoughts would be more forcibly expressed by letting tnem in contrast with something of an opposite nature. Hence such parallelisms as the following: They have kneeled down and fallen; But we have arisen and straightened ourselves up. Psa. xx, 9. The memory of the righteous (is) for a blessing, But the name of tlie \vicked shall be rotten. The wise of heart will take commands, But a prating fool shall be thrown down. Prov. x, 7, 8. * See the Introduction to his Commentary on The Earlier Prophecies of Isaiah, pp. 48, 49. New York, 1846. 96 INTRODUCTION TO Such simple disticlis would readily develop into more complex ex- amples of j^arallelism, and ^ve find among the Hebrew poems a great variety of forms in which the sacred writers sought to set foith their burning thoughts. The more common and regular forms of Hebrew parallelism are classified by Lowth under three general heads, Avhich he denommates Synonymous, Antithetic, and Syn- thetic. These, again, may be subdivided, according as the lines form simple couplets or triplets, or have measured correspondence in sentiment and length, or are unequal, and broken by sudden bursts of passion, or by some impressive refrain. 1. Synonymous Pakallelism. Plere we place passages in which the different lines or members present the same thought in a slightly altered manner of expres- sion. To this class belong the couplets of Prov. i, 24-27 cited above, where it will be seen there is a constant repetition of thought under a variety of words. Three kinds of synonymous parallels may be specified: a) Identical, when the different members are comiDOsed of the same, or nearly the same, words: Thou wert snared in the sayings of thy mouth ; Thou wert taken in tlie sayings of tliy mouth. Prov. vi, 2. They lifted up, the floods, O Jehovah; They lifted up, the floods, their voice; They lift up, the floods, their dashing. Psa. xciii, 3. It shall devour the parts of his skin, It shall devour his parts, the first-born of death. Job xviii, 13. For in a night is spoiled Ar, Moab, cut off. For in a night is spoiled Kir, Moab, cut off. Isa. xv, 1 b) Similar, when the sentiment is substantially the same, but language and figures are different: For he on seas has founded it. And on floods will he establish it. Psa. xxiv, 2. Brays the wild ass over the tender grass ? Or lows the ox over his provender? Job vi, 5. c) Inverted, when there is an inversion or transposition of words or sentences so as to change the order of thought: The heavens are telling the glory of God, And the work of his hands declares the expanse. Psa. xix, 2. They did not keep the covenant of God, And in his law they refused to walk. Psa. Ixxviii, 10. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 97 For unto me is he lovingly joined, and I will deliver him; I will exalt liim, for he has known my name. Psa. xci, 14. Strengthen ye the weak hands, And the feeble knees confirm. Isa. xxxv, 3. 2. Antithetic PARAiiLELisM. Under this head come all passages in which there is a contrast or opposition of thought presented in the diflferent sentences. This kind of parallelism abounds in the Book of Proverbs especially, for it is peculiarly adapted to express maxims of proverbial wis- dom. There are two forms of antithetic parallelism: «) Simple, w4)en the contrast is presented in a single distich of simple sentences: Righteousness will exalt a nation. But the disgrace of peoples is sin. Prov. xiv, 84. The tongue of wise men makes knowledge good, But the mouth of fools pours out folly.. Prov.. xv, 3. For a moment in his anger: Lifetimes in liis favf)ur. In the evening abideth weeping; And at morning, a shout of joy. PSa. xxx, 5. (6.) b) Compound, when there are two or more sentences in each member of the antithesis: The ox has known his owner. And the ass the crib of his lord; Israel has not known, — My people have not shown themselves discerning. Isa. i, 3. If ye be willing, and have heard, The good of the land shall ye eat; But if ye refuse, and have rebelled, A sword shall eat — For the mouth of Jehovah has spoken. Isa. i, 19, 20. In a little moment I forsook thee, But in great mercies I will gatlier tliee. In the raging of wrath I hid my face a moment from thee ; But with everlasting kindness have I had mercy on thee. Isa. liv, 7, 8. 3. Synthetic Parallelism. Synthetic or Constructive Parallelism consists, according to Lowth's definition, "only in the similar form of construction, in which word does not answer to word, and sentence to sentence, as equivalent or opposite; but there is a correspondence and equality 98 INTRODUCTION TO between different propositions in respect to the shape and turn of the whole sentence and of the constructive parts; such as noun answering to noun, verb to verb, member to member, negative to negative, interrogative to interrogative." ' Two kinds of synthetic parallels may bo noticed: a) Correspondent, when there is a designed and formal corre- spondency between related sentences, as in the following example from Psa. xxvii, 1, where the first line corresponds with the third, and the second with the fourth : Jehovah, my light and my salvation, Of whom shall I be afraid? Jehovah, fortress of my life, Of whom shall I stand in terror? This same style of correspondence is noticeable in the following compound antithetic parallelism: They sliall he asliamed and blush together, Wlio are rejoicing in my harm; They sliall be clothed with shame and disgrace, Who magnify themselves over me. They shall shout and rejoice, Who delight in my righteousness, And they shall say continually — be magnified, Jehovah, Who delight in the peace of his servant. Psa. xxxv, 26, 27. h) Cumulative, Avhen there is a climax of sentiment running through the successive parallels, or when there is a constant varia- tion of words and thought by means of the simple accumulation of images or ideas : Happy the man wlio has not walked in the counsel of wicked ones, And in the way of sinners has not stood, And in the seat of scorners has not sat down; But in the law of Jehovah is liis deliglit; And in his law will he meditate day and night. Psa. i, 1, 2. Seek ye Jehovali while lie may he found, Call upon iiini while he is near by; Let the wicked forsake his way. And the man of iniquity his thoughts; And let him return to Jehovah, and he will have mercy on hira, And to our tiod, for he will be abundant to pardon. Isa. Iv, 6, 7. For the fig-tree shall not blossom, And no produce in the vines ; Deceived has the work of the olive, And llulds have not wrought food; ' Lowth's Isalali, rreliniiiiary Dissertation, p. 21. Lontlon, 1779. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 99 Cut off from the fold was the flock, And no cattle in the stalls ; But I — In Jehovah will I exult ; I will rejoice in the God of my salvation. Hah. iii, 17. But aside from these more regular forms of parallelisin, there are numerous peculiarities in Hebrew poetry which are not in-eguiar struc- to be classified under any rules or theories of prosody, sioned^poeucai The rapt flights of the ancient bards ignored such utterances. trammels, and, by abrupt turns of thought, broken and unequal lines, and sudden ejaculations of prayer or emotion, they produced a great variety of expressive forms of sentiment. Take, for illus- tration, the two following extracts from Jacob's dying psalm — the blessings of Judah and Joseph — and note the variety of expression, the sharp transitions, the profound emotion, and the boldness and abundance of metaphor: Judah, tliou! Thy brothers shall praise thee; Thy hand in the neck of tliy foes! They shall bow down to thee, the sons of tliy father. Whelp of a lion is Judah. From the i^rey, O my son, thou hast gone up! He bent low ; He lay down as a lion, And as a lioness ; Who will rouse him up? There shall not dejjart a sceptre from Judah, And a ruler from between his feet, Until he shall come — Shiloli — And to him shall be gathered peoples. Fastening to the vine his foal, And to tiie choice vine the son of his ass, He has washed in the wine his garment, And in the blood of grapes his clothes. Dark the eyes from wine, And white the teeth from milk. Gen. xlix, 8-13, Son (if a fruit tree is Joseph, Son of a fruit tree over a fountain; Daughters climbing over a wall. And they imbittered him, And they shot, And they hated him, — ■ The lords of the bow. Yet remained in strength his bow, And firm were tlie arms of his hands, From the hands of the Mighty One of Jacob ; From the name of the Shepherd, the Stone of Israel; 100 INTRODUCTION TO From the God of thy father, and he will help thee; And the Almighty, and he will bless thee; Blessings of the heavens above, Blessings of the deep lying down l)elow, • Blessings of breasts and womb. The blessings of thy father have been mighty. Above the blessings of the enduring mountains, The desire of the everlasting hills. Let them be to the head of Joseph And to the crown of the devoted of his brothers. Gen. xlix, 23-36. In the later period of the language Ave find a number of artificial Alphabetical poems, in which the several lines or verses begin with poems. the letters of the Hebrew al}>iiabet in their regular order. Thus, in Psalms cxi and cxii, the lines or half verses are arranged alphabetically. In Psalms xxv, xxxiv, cxlv, Prov. xxxi, 10-31, and Lam. i and ii, each separate verse begins with a new letter in regular order. In Psa. xxxvii, Avith some slight exceptions, every alternate verse begins with a new letter. In Psa. cxix and Lam. iii, a series of verses, each beginning with the same letter, is grouped into strophes or stanzas, and the strophes follow one an- other in alphabetical order. Such artificiality evinces a later period in the life of the language, when the poetical spirit, becoming less creative and more mechanical, contrives a new feature of external form to arrest attention and assist the memory. We find also in the Old Testament several noticeable instances „ ^ ^ of rhyme. The following, in Samson's answer to Hebrew rhymes. , "^ p m- the men of Timnath (Judges xiv, 18), was probably designed 'G' • T • V T : If ye had not plowed -with my heifer, Ye had not found out my riddle. The following are perhaps only accidental : ^2'^t'l nmp D''\yi &&-\_n -a^JD iT-ip"- -lac'K H2D^ ay^ ^2br:> • ': - I : V T : t ; •• ; - Kings of Tarshish and of isles a gift shall return, Kings of Shel)a and Seba a present shall bring. Psa. Ixxii, 10. • T : ■ • T T -; - As Sodom had we been, To Gomonnh had we been like. Isa. i, 9. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 101 ^35VJ< 'rnay n^bv) In a nation profane will I send him, And upon a peojDle of my wrath will I command him. Isa. x, 6.' But aside from all artificial forms, the Hebrew language, in its words, idiomatic phrases, vivid concepts, and pictorial „. .^ ' ^ .,..', Vividness of power, has a remarkable smiplicity and beauty. To Hebrew words the emotional Hebrew every thing was full of life, and ^•^•^ P^'^'^ses. the manner of the most ordinary action attracted his attention. Sentences full of pathos, sublime exclamations, and profound sug- gestions often found expression in his common talk. How often the word behold {''ip_r\) occurs in simple narrative! How the very process and order of action are pictured in the following passages : " Jacob lifted up his feet, and went to the land of the sons of the east" (Gen. xxix, 1). "He lifted up his voice, and wept. . . . Laban heard the hearing about Jacob, the son of his brother, and he ran to meet him, and embraced him, and kissed him, and brought him to his house" (verses 11, 13). "Jacob lifted up his eyes, and looked, and, behold! Esau was coming" (Gen. xxxiii, l). How intensely vivid the picture of Sisera's death, wrought by the hand of Jael: Her liaiid to tlie tent-pin she sent forth, And her riglit hand to tlie hammer of the workmen; And she hammered Sisera. she crushed his head; And she smote through and transfixed his temples. Between her feet he sunk down; he fell; he lay; Between her feet he sunk down, he fell ; Wliere he sunk down, there lie fell slain. Judges v, 36, 27. There are, again, many passages where a notable ellipsis enhances the impression: "And now, lest he send forth his hand, and take also from the tree of life, and eat, and live forever — and sent him forth Jehovah God from the garden of Eden " (Gen. iii, 22). " And now, if thou wilt forgive their sin — and if not, wipe me, I pray, from thy book which thou hast writ- ten." "Return, O Jehovah— how long!" (Psa. xc, 13.) The at- tempt of our translators to supply the ellipsis in Psa. xix, 3, 4, per- verts the real meaning: " There is no speech nor language ivhere their voice is not heard." The simple Hebrew is much more im- pressive: ' Comp. also Isa. i, 25, where three rhymes appear in one verse; and Isa. i, 2H ; xliv, 3; xlix, 10; liii, 6; Job vi, 9; Psa. xlv, 8; Trov. vi, 1. 103 INTRODUCTION TO No saying, and no words; — Not heard — their voice ; In all the land -svent forth their line, And in the end of the world their utterances. That is, the heavens have no audible language or voice such as mor- tal man is wont to speak; nevertheless, they have been stretched as a measuring line over all the surface of the earth, and, though voiceless, they have sermons for thoughtful souls in every part of the habitable world. Such elliptical modes of expression would be very natural in a ^ languao-e which has no vowels in its alphabet. A writ- Hebrew speech & » -i naturally eiiip- ten document, containing only consonants, and capable ^"^'^^" of a variety of meanings according as it was pro- nounced or understood, must necessarily leave much to the imagi- nation of the reader. The simple but emotional speaker will often convey his meaning as much by signs, gpstures, and peculiai* into- nations of voice, as by his words; and this very habit of leaving much for the common sense and imagination of the reader to sup- ply seems to have impressed itself upon the written language of the sensitive Hebrew. He took it for granted that his hearers and readers would understand much that he did not literally say. In this, however, he was at times mistaken. Like Moses, when he smote the Egyptian, " he supposed that his bretliren would understand that God by his hand would give deliverance to them; but they did not understand" (Acts vii, 25). So sacred Avriters of the Old Testament, as well as of the New, left on record things difficult to understand (SvavorjTa, 2 Peter iii, 16), and hence the variety of meanings attached to certain parts of Scripture. In direct addresses almost every object of nature, and even ab- Eniofionaiityof stract ideas, are appealed to as if instinct with living direct address, consciousness: "Spring u]i, O well; sing ye to her" (Num. xxi, 11). "Sing, O heavens; and rejoice, O land; break forth the mountains into song!" (Isa. xlix, 13). "Awake, awake, put on strength, O arm of Jehovah ! as the days of old, the gen- erations of eternities" (Isa. li, 9). "Awake, awake, put on thy strength, O Zion, put on the garments of thy beauty, O Jerusalem, city of holiness!" (Isa. Hi, 1). "Open, O Lebanon, thy doors, and fire shall eat into thy cedars! Howl, O cypress, for the cedar has fallen, which mighty ones did spoil ! Howl, oaks of Bashan, for down has gone the inaccessible forest!" (Zech. xi, 1,2). "O sword, awake against my friend ; and against the man of my companion- ship ! " (Zech. xiii, 1). BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 103 We should also note the anthropomorphisms and anthropopa- thisms of the Old Testament. They are hut the vivid ^^^ Testament concepts which impressed the emotional Hebrew mind, antiiropomor- and are in perfect keeping with the spirit of the language, p^^™' What an affecting conception of the personal God in Gen. vi, 5, 6: "And Jehovah saw that great was the wickedness of men in the land, and every imagination of the thoughts of his heart — only evil all the day. And it repented Jehovah that he made men in the land, and it pained him to his heart." Also in the following: " And there Avas the bow in the cloud, and I looked at it to remember the covenant eternal between God and every living soul in all flesh, which is iipon the land" (Gen. ix, 16). "Jehovah went down to see the city and the tower, which the sons of men were building" (Gen. xi, 5). Moses' song (Exod. xv) extols Jehovah as " a man of war " (verse 3). He calls the strong east wind (xiv, 2 J), by which the Avaters of the Red Sea were heaped up, " the wind of thy nose " (verse 8), using thus the metaj)hor of an enraged animal breathing fury from his distended nostrils. In Hezekiah's prayer (2 Kings xix, 16) we have this form of petition: "Stretch out, O Jehovah, thy eai*, and hear; open, O Jehovah, thy eyes, and see." David says (1 Chron. xvii, 25): "For thou, O my God, didst uncover the ear of thy servant — to build for him a house; therefore found thy servant to pray to thy face." Observe the suggestive force of the words here used. David receives the revelation of God from the prophet Nathan as a confidential communication; as if a bosom friend had stolen up to him, removed the locks of hair that covered his ear, and whispered there a secret word of wondrous promise which, at that time, no one else might hear. Then it seemed to the enx-aptured king that because God had thus found him, and 2m- covei'ed Ms ear, therefore he had come to find how to pray to God's face.' We have already seen how many influences combine, in the his- tory of a language, to modify and change its forms and inti'o- duce new dialects, which may again be developed into new lan- ' " Why talk of anthropopathism," says Tayler Lewis, " as if there were some spe- cial absurdity covered by this sounding term, when any revelation conceivable must be anthropopathic? If made subjectively — as some claim it should be made, if made at all — that is, to all men directly, through thouglits and feelings inwardly excited in each human soul without any use of language, still it must be anthropopathic. There is no escape from it. Whatever comes in this way to man must take the measure of man. . . . The thoughts and feelings thus aroused would still be human, and par- take of the human finity and imperfection. In their highest state they will be but shadows of the infinite, figures of ineffable truths." — The Divine Human in the Scrip- tures, p. 43. 104 INTRODUCTION TO guages.' But a most remarkable fact of the Hebrew language is Remarkable that, for more than a thousand years, it suffered no ma- the "'^Hebrew Serial change. The Hebrew of the latest books of the language. Old Testament is essentially the same as that of the old- est documents. Traces of change and decay may, indeed, be dis- covered in the books of Ezekiel, Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah; but they consist mainly of a few peculiar modes of expression, and the introduction of various words of a foreign cast. Contact with other nations would naturally introduce some new forms of speech. Especially did Aramaic words and forms work their way into the IlebrcAV books. But this infusion of new words wrousrht no essential changes in the structure of the language, and many forms which are commonly called Chaldaisms are found in the old- est books. The fact is, the Hebrew and Aramaic tongues abode side by side for ages. The monumental stone heap which Jacob and Laban set up in Mount Gilead, Jacob called Galeed; but Laban, the Syrian, called it Jegnr-sahadutha — an Aramaic name of the same meaning as Galeed (Gen. xxxi, 47). More frequent inter- course with Syrians and Chaldseans in later times would naturally leave its traces in corresponding fulness on the language of the Hebrews. Three periods may be distinguished in the Old Testament litera- Three periods ^^^^^' ^^^ ^^^^ appropriately be called, respectively, the of Hebrew lit- earlier, the t)dddle, and the later. The first extended from the time of Moses to that of Samuel, the second from David to Hezekiah, and the third from the latter years of the kingdom of Judah until a few generations after the return from the Babylonian exile.^ But granting all the evidences of decline and change that can be fairly established, it still remains indisput- able that the Hebrew language continued remarkably uniform, and in essentially the same stage of development, from the age of Moses ' Compare above, pp. 72, 73. ' Gcscnius declares for two periods, the first extendiiic; from the time of Moses to the Babylonian exile ; the second from the exile to the time of the Maccabees. These periods he calls the golden and the silver age. See his (Jeshichte der heliraischen Sprache und Schrift. Lpz., 1815. BiJttcher follows Gesenius in deciding for two periods— the period of rise and bloom (B.C. ] 500-000), and the jjcrlod of decline and fall (B.C. 60()-lc>5). Each of these periods he subdivided into three epochs. See his Ausfuhrliches Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache, Einleitung, pp. 21, 22. Renan dis- tinguishes three periods, the archaic, the classic, and the Chaldaic. See his Histoirc generale des Langues Semitiques, p. 116. Paris, 1863. Com[). Ewald, Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch, p. 23, and Keil's, Bleek's and De Wette's Introductions to the Old Testa- ment. See also the articles on the Hebrew Language in Hertzog, Real-encyclopadie, the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and the various biblical dictionaries. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 105 to tliat of Malaclii, It never changed so much as even to aj^proach what might be called another dialect. In spite of migrations, con- quest, invasions, revolutions, secession, and exile, the Hebrew lan- guage, in which the five books of the Torah were cast, retained its sacred mould. Chaldaisms are found in Genesis, and archaisms in Zechariah and Malachi. Happily, there is little room for dispute as to the approximate dates of most of the books of the Old Testament. A larsfe amount of controversy has turned upon the books of Job and Ecclesiastes, and it is a singular fact that, while some have strenuously con- tended that Job belongs to the Solomonic period, and Ecclesiastes to a post-exilian date, other critics, equally competent and acute, maintain the Solomonic authorship of Ecclesiastes, and attribute the book of Job to Moses. This fact shows how uncertain and mis- leading are the attemj^ts to ascertain the age of a Hebrew writer solely from his language. Many words and forms. Difference of which are often alleged as Aramaisms, may be attrib- diction no con- . ^ 1 ,, TT. . . trolling evi- uted, rather, to the style and diction oi an author, dence of date Isaiah, Hosea, Amos, Micah, and Nahum, though nearly °^ authorship, contemporary, vary greatly in their style, and each of them uses words and forms of expression not elsewhere found ; and yet they all wrote in the same general prophetic strain. How many more and how much greater differences, then, are reasonably to be ex- pected between them and writers of another period, whose subject- matter is widely different ! The same author may use a very differ- ent diction in two different works, treating on different themes, and written twenty years apart. If Moses wrote the book of Job ■ — especially if he wrote it during the forty years of his shepherd life in Arabia — we certainly would not expect such a highly wrought poem to resemble the historical book of Genesis, even though we assume that Genesis and Job were written by him about the same time. If Solomon composed the book of Ecclesiastes in his old age, there is no sufficient reason to assume that his style and lan- guage in that work must closely resemble the Proverbs and Canti- cles written nearly forty years previously. Such, then, are the principal features of that language in which the ancient oracles of God were embodied, and in jjgbrew a lan- which they are preserved to us unto this day. Its RuagopLcuiinr- , '' . n • n 1 ly adapted to letters are a picture gallery; its words, roots, and embody God's grammatical forms are intimately blended with pro- ancient word. foundest and divinest thoughts. It may well be called, emj'hat- ically, the sacred tongxie. It appears in full development in its earliest written monuments, as if it had been crystallized into 106 INTRODUCTION TO imperishable form by tlie marvels of the exodus and the fires of Sinai. The divine calling of Israel, and their national separateness from all other peoples, served largely to preserve it from any con- siderable change. It retained every essential element of its structure until the canon of the Old Testament was complete, and then it ceased to be a living language. But, though dead, it does not cease to speak. It seems, rather, to have arisen, and to flourish in another and immortal life. When it ceased to be a spoken lan- guage, behold, it was already petrilied in records more enduring than the granite tables on which the ten commandments were written by the finger of God. As the ancient cities, buried under the ashes of Vesuvius, now speak from the tomb of ages, and re- veal the life and customs of the old Roman world, so the pictorial and emotional language of the Hebrew Scriptures transports us into the very heart and spirit of that olden time when God talked familiarly with men. Like the holy land, in which this language lived more than a thousaiul years, it abounds in imaejery Hebrew Ian- . .,,.■'.. ^. , gunge like ihe that IS apt to strike the imagination or aiiect the senses. Hebrews' land, j^ ^^^ -^^ some respects, a reflexion of Canaan itself. It has a strength and permanency like the mountains about Jeru- salem (Psa. cxxv, 2). It can whisper melodious tones for ode and psalm and elegy, soft and gentle as the voice of the turtle-dove (Cant, ii, 12), or the gliding Avaters of Shiloh (Isa. viii, 0). It can excite emotions of terror like the rushing floods of the an- cient Kishon, which swept whole armies away (Judges v, 21), or like the thunder and earthquake which opened the beds of the sea, and revealed the foundations of the world (2 Sam. xxii, 16). It has landscape paintings as beautiful as the wild flower of Sharon (Cant, ii, 1), charming as the splendour and excellency of Carmel, and awe-ins|)iring as the glory of Lebanon (Isa. xxxv, 2). Through it all there breathes a spirit of holiness as impressive and solemn as if proceeding fi'om the mysterious darkness in which Jehovah came down on Mount Sinai (Exod. xix, 18), or from the veiled Holy of Holies on the Mount Zion whicli lu' loved (Psa. Ixxviii, 68). Sure- ly this language was admirably adapted to enshrine the law and the testimony of God. It is like the wonderful bush which Moses saw at Iloreb; behold! it burns continually, but is not consumed. And when the devout student comes within the s])ell of its sjjirit and power, he may hear the sound of a voice, exclaiming: "Pull off thy sandals from thy feet, for the place whereon thou staudest is holy ground" (Exod. iii, 5). BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 107 CHAPTER V. THE CHALDEE LANGUAGE. A SMALL portion of the Old Testament is written in what is com- monly called the biblical Chaldee.' In Dan. ii, 4, Ezra iv, 7, 2 Kings xviii, 26, and Isa. xxxvi, 11, it is called Aramaic, nvp-jx, a word which is translated in the English Version, after the Septua- gint, Vulgate, and Luther, "the Syrian tongue." This language became early prevalent in all the region known as D'JX, Aram, the Syria of the Greeks and Romans, and in course of time branched out into two very similar dialects known as the East- - -v-,r * • rni t i -,. ~. Eastern and ern and Western Aramaic, ihese dialects differ chiefly western Ara- in vocalization, and each maintains an individuality of '"^^°' its own, but lexically and grammatically they are in all essential characteristics most intimately related to each other. The Western Aramaic is now commonly called Syriac; the Eastern, Chaldee. This latter name has not usually been satisfactory to the learned, some preferring the name Babylonian, others Babylonian-Semitic. But the name of Chaldee language, as applied to the Eastern Ara- maic, has acquired too great currency to be now set Chaideeaprop- aside. It is universally admitted that this lano-uaofe ^l "?™°, f^'' •' . ^ ^ tlie biblical Ar- was in common use among the Babylonians at the time amaic. of the Jewish exile, and the Babylonians are almost always called Chaldeans (Hebrew, D^'nb'l, Chasdim) in the Bible.' Mention is made in Dan. i, 4, of " the tongue of the Chaldeans," and there appears no sufiicient reason to believe that this was any other than the common language of Chaldea at the time.^ It was sufficiently different from the Jews' language (comp. 2 Kings xviii, 26) to ' The Chaldee portions are Jer. x, 11, Dan. ii, 4-vii, 28, and Ezra iv, 8-vi, 18, and vii, 12-26. ' Compare especially 2 Kings xxiv, 2 ; xxv, 4, 5, 10, 13, etc. ; Isa. xiii, 19 ; xliii, 14; xlvii, 1 ; Jer. xxi, 4, 9 ; xxxii, 4, 5, 24, etc. ; xxxvii, 5, 8, 9 ; 1, 1, 8, 10, 13, etc. ; Ezek. i, 3, 12, 13; Hab. i, 6. ' Most recent critics (see especially Stnart, Keil, and Zockler, in loco) hold that the D^'nb'3 \^th-, tongue of the Chasdim (Dan. i, 4) was the learned language of the priests and wise men, and the court language of the empire, as distinguished from the Aramaic, the language of the common people. They urge that in Dan. ii, 2, 4, 5, 10 ; iv, 7; V, V, 11, the Chasdim are a special and predominant class among the wise men of Babylon, and represent an ancient tribe or people of non-Semitic speecli. But it is also a fact that Daniel applies the word Chasdim to the inhabitants of Bal)y Ionia 108 INTRODUCTION TO make it an object to instruct the young men who were to be trained for the royal service in its written and spoken (pi^v'' "i.??? Dan. i, 4) forms. During the seventy years of their exile the Jewish people largely lost the use of their ancestral language, and appropriated this Chaldean dialect. When they returned to rebuild their huly city and temple, they required to have the language of their sacred books explained to them (Neh. viii, 8). They never again recovered the use of the Hebrew as a vernacular, but continued to use the Chaldean dialect until Jerusalem was taken by the Romans. When Abram migrated from Ur of the Chaldeans, the differ- ences between the Semitic tongues were doubtless fewer and less noticeable than in the days of Ezra or of Daniel.' After the time . , of David, when intercourse between the Israelites and Hebrew inter- ' course with Ar- the Syrians of Damascus became more frequent, Ara- amaic. maisms would naturally work their way into the Hebrew lanofuaere of Palestine. The Chaldee verse in Jer. x, 11 is be- lieved by many to be a gloss, interpolated in the time of the exile, or very soon afterward,^ but the language and style of Jeremiah show many evidences of Aramaic influence. At the time of his prophesying the Chaldeans were overrunning Palestine (Jer. xxxiv), and he survived the destruction of Jerusalem, and was carried down into Egypt (Jer. xxxix, xl). The language of Ezekiel's projihecies evinces the growing power of Araraean sjjeech over the Hebrew mind, and "the manifold anomalies and corruptions in his writings betray the decline and approaching ruin of the Hebrew language, and remind us that the prophet's home is in a foreign land."^ (Dan. V, 30 ; ix, 1), and in all the other books of the Old Testament this is its common meaninf^. It is further urged that the use of the word Aramaic (n^D"lN) hi Dan. ii, 4, implies that these learned Chasdim addressed the king in the common language of the empire, and not the learned tongue of the i)riesthood and the court. This, however, is by no means clear. Why may not "the tongue of the Chaldecs" be also called Aramaic V This was the conuuon name used by Ilclirew writers for the lan- guage of Chaldea, and it was every way natural for the author of Dan. ii, 4, to use the word fl'DIX, as Ezra does (in Ezra iv, 7), although he had already spoken of the same language (in i. 4) as the Chaldee tongue. If, as these critics say, the tongue of the Chasdim was the court language of Nebuchadnezzar and his dynasty, this tongue, by all means, should have been used before the king. No satisfactory reason is given for their using any other. See Bleek, Introduction to the Old Testament, vol. i, pp. 47, 48. English Translation by Venable-s, Lond., 1875. ' Compare page 77, above. * So Ho\ibigant, Venenia, Dathe, Blayney, Doederlein, llosenmiiller, Maurer, Ewald, Graf, Henderson, and Xaegelsbach. ' Keil, Introduction to Old Testament, vol. i, p. 356. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 109 Daniel, who received an early and thorough training in the tongue of the Chaldeans, is the first biblical writer who r 11 1 1 • T 1 • -1 . . T^^ Chaldee lonnally employs this dialect m sacred composition, passages of After having narrated in Hebrew the successful train- ^''°'®^- ing of himself and his three companions, he passes, in the second chapter, to an account of Nebuchadnezzar's dream, and from verse 4, where the Chaldeans begin their address to the king: "O king, forever live! " the language changes to Aramaic. This being the very language in which all the conversation of the court was car- ried on, its use here gives to Daniel's narrative a life-like reality, and is a monumental evidence of the genuineness and authenticity of the record. Only a writer of Daniel's time and position, and bilinguous as he, would have written thus. Nebuchadnezzar's dream was a God-given vision of world-empire, and of its final overthrow by the power and kingdom of God; and the dream and its interpretation were written down in a language then common alike to the people of God and to the mightiest empire of the world. The succeeding narratives of the golden image and the de- liverance of Daniel's three companions from the burning furnace (chap, iii), Nebuchadnezzar's proclamation (chap, iv), Belshazzar's feast and sudden overthrow (chap, v), and Daniel's deliverance from the lion's den (chap, vi), were also recorded in the language of the empire, for they were written for the world to know. Finally, Daniel's great vision of world-empire and its overthrow (chap, vii), is also recorded in Chaldee, for it was only a repetition under other symbols and in fuller form of the prophecy embodied in Nebuchadnezzar's dream (chap. ii). This prophecy was for the whole world rather than for any special purpose of fhe Jewish peo- ple; but when, in the eighth chapter, the prophet passes to visions of more special import for his own people, he resumes the Hebrew. The other writer of biblical Chaldee is Ezra, the learned priest and scribe, who flourished about a century after Daniel. TheChaWeeof He went up from Babylon to Jerusalem, in company Ezra. with a large number of the exiles, during the reign of the Persian king Artaxerxes Longimanus (B. C. 457). Familiar from youth with the Chaldee dialect of Babylon, he also by diligent study made himself familiar with the sacred literature of his nation, that he might be able to instruct the peojDle of his age in the law of Jehovah (Ezra vii, I-IO). The great mass of these returning exiles had lost the use of their ancestral language,' and now spoke the ' It is not to be supposed, however, that all the exiles lost the use of Hebrew. Many of the better classes preserved it, and the use of it in the books of Ezra, Xel:e- miah, Haggai, Zeehariah, and Malachi implies that it was yet familiar to many. 110 INTRODUCTION TO common language of the Chaldeans among whom they had sojourned more than seventy years. In connexion with other Levites and with ISTehemiah, Ezra Avas wont to assemble the people, and read and explain to them the hook of the law of Moses (Neh. viii, 1-8). The ao-reement of ancient traditions in associating Ezra with the Great Svnao-oo-ue, and the formation of the Old Testament Canon, may authorize us to believe that, in connexion with Nehemiah and other leading Jews of his time, he did collect and arrange the books of the Jewish Canon in substantially the form in which we now possess them. He lived at a time when such a work could best be done, and he had facilities for it Avhich no later age possessed. Ezra was unquestionably one of the greatest men of Israel, and his mighty influence over the people is attested by the numerous traditions which still linger about his name. Such being the historical position and character of this writer, we can readily understand the bilingual character of the book which bears his name. When, at chapter iv, 8, he has occasion to insert the letter of the Samaritans to zVrtaxerxes (Smerdis), which is em- phatically said to have been written and translated into Aramaic, he naturally gives it in the language in which he found it written — a language perfectly familiar to himself and his people. For the same reason he continues his narrative in the Aramaic language as far as chap, vi, 18; for this part of his book is principally devoted to foreign and international affairs, and contains copies of letters to and from Artaxerxes and Darius.' So, also, the copy of Artaxerxes' letter and decree, in chap, vii, 12-26, is inserted without note or comment in this Aramaic language. Such a peculiar use of two languages, or dialects, was perfectly in keeping with the age and circumstances of Ezra, who was equally familiar with both tongues; but it could scarcely be explicable in a writer of any other age or nation. Ezra had no sufficient reason to translate these Aramaic documents, which he found ready for his use. Rather, we may say, he was divinely inspired and overruled to preserve them in just the form in which he found them. Tlieir subject-matter, like the Aramaic portions of Daniel, had special lessons for the Gentile world, and it was Avell for them to be published and made immor- tal in the language of that nation with whose name the exile of the Hebrews was to be forever associated. 1 It is prol)iihle that the whole Chaldoe section, from chap, iv, 8 to vi, 18, is an older document, written by a contemporary of Zerubhabel, fur in chap, v, 4, the writer uses the first person, as if he were a participant in the matters described. Ezra appropri- ated this document, containing; an authentic history of the troubles attending the re- building of the temple, just as he did the document of names and numljcrs in chap. ii. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. Ill Tliis Chaldean language, being, like the Hebrew, only a dia- lectical outgrowth of the original Semitic speech, is, in its genius, idioms, and general structure, substantially the same as Hebrew, Among its chief peculiarities are (1) the use of nouns • ^1 1 ^- r^ ^ mi • T . , •, Grammatical m the emphatic state, i his usage does away with the pecuiiai ities of article, so that where the Hebrew would have t]!p?3ri, ^^^ chaidee. hmnmelek, the king, the Chaidee has N3^p, tnalka. (2) The termi- nation of the masculine j^lural of nouns in p — where the Hebrew has D''— (3) The use of the relative H (shortened prefix 'n) in the various senses in which the Hebrew employs "IK'N, and also as a sign of the genitive case. (4) A pleonastic use of the suffix pro- nouns; as "unto Mm, unto Artaxerxes, the king (Ezra iv, 11); "the name of Mm, of God" (Dan. ii, 20). (5) There are three ordinary conjugations of the verb, the Peal, Pael, and Aphel, corresponding substantially with the Kal, Piel, and Hiphil in Hebrew,' and each of these has a passive or reflexive mode, formed by prefixing the syllable nx, thus : Simple. Intensive. Causative. Peal, ^pp Pael, ^Jts,? Aphel, bi:^i^^ Ithpeal, ^tpi^riX Ithpaal, b'apm Ittaphal, bl^\?m In Chaidee, as in Hebrew, there are also several rare and peculiar conjugations, and the biblical Chaidee makes use of the conjuga- tions Hiphil and Hophal, and in other instances uses n instead of ^?. We also find in Chaidee imperatives in the passive form, and a dis- tinct masculine and feminine termination (^ — and H—) for the third person plural of the past tense. The participle is also used for the finite verb, and is construed with nouns and pronouns far more frequently than in Hebrew. In its lexical forms the Chaidee is specially noticeable in its use of the letters T instead of T, n and £3 instead of lt\ and y instead of V. In the few Aramean chapters of our Bible we can scarcely expect to find a very full illustration of all the peculiarities of this lan- guage. In its general spirit and form we trace, however, a ten- dency to depart from the suggestive brevity of expression which we notice in the ancient Hebrew, and to leave less to the imagina- tion and understanding of the reader. There is less of animation and freshness of thought, and more of effort to set forth facts and ideas with fulness and precision. Nevertheless, we occasionally meet with passages of peculiar force and emotion. Notice the pe- culiar pleonastic structure and style of the following verse, which we translate literally from Dan. iii, 8 : " All because of this, in it, ' Comp. the Hebrew paradigm above, page 81. 113 INTRODUCTION TO tlie time, approached men, Chaldeans, and devoured the pieces of them, of tlie Jews." The expression, devoured tlieir pieces, is meta- phorical, denoting the rabid fury of the Chaldeans in accusing the Jews, as if, like ravenous beasts, they would tear them into bits, and devour them. In the twenty -fifth verse of the same chapter, mark the mingled excitement and awe of Nebuchadnezzar's words: "Ha! I see men, four, unbound, walking in the midst of the fire, and hurt there is not in them, and the aspect of him, of the fourth, is like to a son of the gods ! " Some passages naturally fall into parallelisms, as the following, from Nebuchadnezzar's proclamation (Dan. iv, 10-14): I w!is looking, and behold, a tree in the midst of the land, And tlie height of it was great; Greatly increased became the tree, and mighty, And the height of it was reaching to the heavens, And the sight of it to the end of all the land. Its foliage was beautiful, and its fruit abundant, And there was food in it for all. Under it the beast of the field found shade. And in its branches dwelt the birds of heaven, And from it all flesh was fed. I was looking, in the visions of my head, upon my bed, And behold, a watcher, even a holy one, And from the heavens he descended; He called aloud, and thus he spoke: Cut down the tree, and lop oil its branches, Remove its foliage, and scatter its fruit, Let the beast run away from under it, And the birds from its branches. The current language of such a world-empire as that of Babylon would naturally appropriate many foreign words. It orepnwor s. gj^^^^i^^ therefore, occasion no surprise to find Median, Persian, and Greek words in Chaldee writings belonging to the era of Nebu(^hadnezzar,' This Chaldean dialect, adopted by the Jews durino: their exile, was retained by them after their return to their fatherland. The pi-ophecies of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, and the books of Ezra and Nehemiah were written in Hebrew, for they were to have a place among the sacred books," but the com- ' See Rawlinson on the Persian words in Ezra, and also the Excursus on Persian words in Daniel, in the Speaker's Commentarj', vol. iii, p. 421 and vol. vi, p. 2. ' The lic'hrew did not altogether go out of use until long after tlie return from the Babylonian exile. It was used by such men as Haggai, Ezra, and other prophets, priests, and scribes of the law. Keil thinks the later prophets studied to imitate the style of the oldest Hebrew, and therefore used archaisms from the Pentateuch. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 113 mon language of the people was this Babylonian-Aramaic, Avhich maintained itself in Palestine during the periods of Persian, Greek, and Roman dominion. It is called Judaic (nnin^) in Neh. xiii, 24, and HchraistiCy or the Hebraic dialect, in the Apocrypha and in the New Testament.' The numerous Chaldee words used in the New Testament^ are also an evidence that it was the common language of Palestine in the time of our Lord.^ Its most considerable lit- erature is contained in the Targums, the oldest of which were prob- ably Avritten before the beginning of the Christian era.* It is not without historical significance that Ezra and Daniel wrote a portion of the Scriptures in this language of the Chal- dees. These chapters abide a monumental witness of Israel's con- tact with the mighty world-powers. Out of the land Historical and of the Chaldees Abram was called, and in him, it was apologetic vai- • T 1 11 r- •!• T • CI Till ue of the Chal- said that all tamihes and nations or the earth should dee parts of the be blessed. After fourteen centuries of religious cul- ^'^e. ture and revelation, his sons, by many thousands, were carried back into the same Chaldean land. Through Daniel in Babylon God made his wonders and power known to the mightiest nations of the world, and Israel's exile in Babylon, like Joseph's life in Egypt, served the double purpose of 2>i"eserving the chosen people from utter ruin by idolatry, into which they had been fast running in Canaan, and of showino- forth to the mightiest nation of the earth the wisdom and power of God. Daniel wrote in the tongue of the Chaldeans the fall of that mighty monarchy, which was symbolized by the golden head of the image (Dan. ii, 32, 38), and the great lion with eagle's wings (vii, 4). Ezra wrote in the same tongue the conflicts of the restored Israel with other heathen powers. Tliese chapters foreshadow a gradual transition to a new era, and led the way to the subsequent appropriation of the Greek language, in which the New Testament Scriptures appear. ^'Ej3palar[ and rrj 'E,5pai(5i 6La}.EKTu. See Prologue to Ecclesiasticus and John V, 2; xix, 13, 17, 20; Acts xxi, 40; xxii, 2; xxvi, 14. 'Such as Raca (Matt, v, 22), Golgotha (Matt, xxvii, 3"), TaUlha cumi (Mark v, 41), Corhan (Mark vii, 11), Ephphatha (Mark vii, 34), Rabboni (Mark x, 51), Abba (Mark xiv, 36), Gabbntha (John xix, 13), Aceldamn (Acts i, 19), Maran aiha (1 Cor. xvi, 22). ' See the Essay of Prof. H. F. Pfannkuche, On the prevalence of the AraniBcan Language in Palestine in the Age of Christ and the Apostles ; translated from the German by E. Robinson, in the Biblical Repository, for April, 1831. ■* For a convenient account of the character and age of the Targums, see Harm an, Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures, pp. 52-55, and the Appendix to Hackctt's translation of Winer's Grammar of the Chaldee Language, Andover, 1845. See also the Biblical Cvclopiedias under the v.-ord Targums. . 8 114 INTRODUCTION TO CHAPTER VI. THE GREEK LANGUAGE. The Greek language belongs to the so-called Indo-European lamily. An indo-Eiiro- which extends from the eastern boundary of India to pean tougue. ^]^q western shores of Europe. Midway between these two extremes, on that iEgean shore " where every sight is beauty, and every breatli a balm," the nation of the Greeks arose and flourished. In ideals of government, in models of taste, in oratory, mathematics, architecture, sculpture, history, and philosophy, they have furnished the masterpieces of the world. In these several de- partments, Solon, Homer, Demosthenes, Euclid, Phidias, Thucyd- ides, and Plato, are representative and immortal names. It has long been observed that natural scenery has much to do witli the development of national life, and may give character to the civilization of a people. We have already called attention to the fact that Hebrew civilization and literature resemble the varied Languarre and sceuory of the Holy Land. So may avc also trace a civilization af- relationship between the land of the Greeks, and that rai scenery and exquisite literature and versatile life and talent exhib- chmate. -^^^^ j,^ their remaining monuments of science and art. " If we inquire into the causes of this singular excellence," says W. S. Tyler, " God laid the foundations for it when he laid the foundations of the earth; when he based the Avhole country, not, like England and America, upon coal and iron, but upon Pentelic, Hymettian, and Parian marble ; when he not only built the moun- tains round about Athens of the finest materials for sculpture and architecture, but fashioned their towering fronts and gently sloping summits into the perfect model of a Grecian temple, and lifted from the midst of the plain the Acropolis and Mars' Hill — fit pedestals for temples and statues, fit abodes for gods and god-like men; when he reared to heaven Helicon, Parnassus, and the snow- capjicd Olympus, -where dwelt the muses and the gods, and poured down their sides the rivers in which the river-gods had their dwell- ing})lace, and from which the muses derived their origin; when he diversified the whole country Avith mountain and valley, with plain and ])romontory, with sea and land, with fountain, and river, and bay, and strait, aiul island, and isthmus, and peninsula, as no other country in the world, within the same compass, is diversified, and BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. Ho, thus gave to each district ahuost every variety of soil, climate, and natural scenery; when he drew the outline of the shores windino- and waving, as if for the very purpose of realizing the ideal line of beauty, and spread around them the clear, liquid, laughino- waters of the T:oXv(f)Xoio(3oio 6a/iaaoi]g,^ and poured over sea and land the pure transparent air and bright sunshine which distino-uish Gi'eece in the dry season scarcely less than the rainless Egypt, and cano- pied the whole with that Avonderfully deep and liquid sky, blue down to the very horizon, which is the never-ceasing admiration of foreigners who visit Athens."^ The Greeks were first so called by the Latins, A^ho probably obtained their earliest acquaintance with them from The Greeks one of their northern tribes called the Gra^ci (TpaiKOi). called Hellenes. Thence the name passed into most of the languages of Europe. But the more proper name of the nation was Hellenes {"EXXipeg), and the entire territory they occupied was called in general Hellas. The earliest settlements and history of the Hellenes are veiled in obscurity. The common tradition is, that they were descended from Hellen, the son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, who survived the flood. According to the genealogy of nations given in the tenth chapter of Genesis, we trace them back to Javan, the son of Japheth (Gen. x, 2). The name Javan (|V) is the Hebrew equiva- lent of Ion ( "Iw?^), the traditional ancestor of the lonians, Avith whom the Phoenicians and the Semitic peojDles would naturally identify the entire Hellenic race.* The ancient Hellenes early branched off into numerous tribes, known as the Dorians, iEolians, Achfeans, and lonians. Tribes and ciia- and, according to that linguistic law which we have '^cts. noticed above,* these scattered tribes soon became distinguished by differences of dialect. Not only may we now discover the princi- pal dialects, viz., the Doric, ^Eolic, Ionic, and Attic,^ and trace different periods in the dcAxdopment of these, such as old, middle, and new; but less noticeable differences may be also traced, as the more or less divergent speech of the Thessalonians, Boeotians, Laconians, and Sicilians. Passing by the confused legends of the ' " Many-fsounding sea," Homer, Iliad, i, 34. * Oration at Andover Theological Seminary on Atliens, or Esthetic Culture and the Art of Expression, imblished in Bibliotheca Sacra, Jan., 1863. '' See Smith, Dictionary of tlic Bihle, article Javan. ^ See page ^2. ^ See, on these several dialects, the second and improved edition of Kiihner, Aus- fiahrliche Grammatik der griechiseben Sprache, Einleitung, pp. t-SV. Hannover, 1869-70. 116 INTRODUCTION TO earliest migrations, and the history and peculiarities of the Doric and ^olic dialects, we may well believe that the lonians having crossed the xEgean Sea from Athens, settled on the western coast of Asia Minor, and took the le^d of all the Greek tribes in the develoi^ment of literature and art. The most ancient monuments of their literature are the poems of Homer and Hesiod. But it would scarcely be proper to assume that the lano-uage of these poems was the common language of the people. As poets, they would be likely to appropriate many archaic and unusual forms. Hence the Greek language, as exhibited in these most ancient works, is called the Epic. A later form of Ionic si)eech is seen in the few fragments of lyric poetry attributed to Archilochus, Callinus, and Mimnermus. To a still later period be- lono-s the well-known Ionic prose writer and historian, Herodotus. These writings represent, respectively, the old, the middle, and the new Ionic Greek. This dialect is believed to represent more near- ly than others the ancient Hellenic language. Its early and impor- tant literature would naturally give it a permanency, but, after their first remarkable activity, the lonians declined. Meanwhile Athens, the mother city of the lonians, began to rise in power and fame, and gradually acquired supremacy among the Grecian cities. The Attic capital became the centre of intellec- tual activity. Thither repaired Hellenic youths from all the tribes to study models of elegance and taste, and the Attic di- Atccu ure. ^\qq^^ became, by degrees, the language of the educated classes throughout the states of Greece. But in the Attic, as in the Ionic, we may note three periods, the old, the middle, and the new. The old Attic differed but little from the Ionic, for the lonians were originally inhabitants of Attica. In this dialect the distinouishcd Athenian lawgiver, Solon, wrote his laAvs and poems, several fragments of which are still extant. The middle Attic rep- resents the language in the golden period of its elegance and glory. Its classic monuments are the historical works of Thucydides and Xenophon, the orations of Isocrates and Lj^sias, the philosophical dialogues of Plato, and the dramatic poetry of ^schylus, Sopho- cles, Euripides, and Aristophanes. The new Attic is usually dated from Demosthenes and -^Eschincs, Avhose orations are regarded as models of eloquence. But after the Macedonian conquest (B.C. 338) the Attic dialect suffered a gradual decay. The lan- guage of the Macedonians, though genuine Greek, was probably Dt'oay of Attic "cver reduced to writing by the natives; but the ascend- eiegance. ency of these ruder northerners, and their subversion of the independence of Athens, had the necessary tendency to BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 117 corrupt the classic speech of Attica, A fusion of dialects ensued. Alexander the Great, trained by the philosopher Aristotle, who used the Attic, must have become early familiar with that dialect and its literature, and his mighty conquests sjDread this lan- guage over all Western Asia, and into Egypt. The breaking up and intermingling of rival states and communities, and the found- ing of Greek colonies in many parts of this vast territory, led to numerous departures from the classic forms of Attic speech. Nev- ertheless, the Attic dialect remained the basis and controlling fac- tor of this later Greek. This widespread lansruasre of The later Attic the Macedonian Empire, from its appropriation of or common dia- words and forms from various sources, and from its ^^'^^' general use, received the name of the common dialect {rj kolvt) SidXeKTog). The successors of Alexander maintained and spread its use into all the principal towns and cities. On the reduction of Corinth to a Roman province (B. C. 146) this Greek language and literature extended w^estward, and eveiy educated Roman became familiar with it. At the beginning of the Christian era, this com- mon dialect was written, read, and spoken from Spain on the west to the borders of India on the east, and from Sarmatia on the north to Ethiopia in the south. " If any one imagines," says Cicero, "that a less amount of glory is to be derived from Greek than from Latin verses, he greatly errs, for Greek writings are read in almost all regions, while the Latin are confined within their own limits, which are narrow enough." ' One of the fragm.ents of Epictetus declares that " in Rome the women hold Plato's Repub- lic in their hands."* "What do the Greek cities desire," asks Sen- eca, "in the midst of barbarian countries? What means the Mace- donian speech among Indians and Persians ? " ^ It is obvious, therefore, how the common language of the widespread Macedonian Empire would naturally gather something from almost every quar- ter. The later Greek had no longer a variety of dialects, in the older sense, but blended many of those ancient local peculiarities, and adopted not a few foreign idioms. Yet, in some places, old forms would maintain themselves more or less fully. Atticisms would prevail at Athens, and Doric forms in the districts where the old Doric had formerly prevailed. The principal literary centres of this later Attic or common dia- lect were Athens, Antioch, and Alexandria. The last- named city, founded by Alexander himself, whose keen ^ ''''^'■ycen res. foresight perceived that a city occupying this site must certainly ' Oratio pro A. Licinio Archia, sec. 23. ''Epiet., Frag. 53. ^L. AnniEus Seneca, Do cotisohitioue ad IleUiain iiiatrevn, vii. 118 INTRODUCTION TO command the commerce between the East and the West, became, under Ptolemy Soter, renowned for literature and science. This enterprising ruler founded the famous Alexandrian Library, and collected for it the accessible literature of all nations. Thitlier he Alexandrian invited philosophers and learned men from all lands, culture. and the new city became rapidly filled with the repre- sentatives of all schools of philosophy and the devotees of all relig- ions. Among all these the Greek was the common language of intercourse, and was sometimes called the Macedonian, but more commonly the Alexandrine, dialect. Meantime the Jews had become largely scattered throughout the Macedonian Empire, and, dwelling in numerous cities where tlie Greek was generally spoken, they adopted it as their com- Aiexandrian ^^^ language. But Alexandria especially contained Jews. large numbers of Jews.' The liberal policy of the first two Ptolemies (Soter and Philadelphus) invited them thither, and their commercial tastes and tact found there peculiar attractions. According to well-known tradition, the Septuagint version of the Old Testament was made by the direction of one of these kings. Internal evidence, however, shows that this version was made at different times and by different persons during the three centuries preceding the Christian era. As the Jewish exiles at Babylon lost by degrees the use of Hebrew, and adopted the tongue of the Chaldeans, so the Jews of the dispersion, living in Greek cities, adopted the Greek, and required to have their Scriptures translated into the same language. These Greek-speaking Jews were called Hellenists, and since the beginning of the Hellenists. , . , , ^ ^^ , seventeenth century it has been customary to call the later Greek dialect, as used by Jews, the Hellenistic Greek. On the common language of these Greek-speaking Israelites, or Hellen- ists, the use of the Se})tuagint version of the Old Testament would necessarily exert a moulding influence. The speech of all Hellen- ists, whether of Alexand^ia, or Tarsus, or Antioch, or Corinth, would acquire a certain peculiarity of style, a kind of ethnic tinge. The Greek translators of the Old Testament transferred many Hebrew idioms into their version, and found it necessary to employ Greek words to express ideas entirely new and foreign to the Greek mind. Hebraic forms of speech would thus become com- mon among the Hellenists, and differentiate them from other Greek- speaking peoples, ' According to Philo (Treatise against Flaccus, sections vi and viii) they numbered n million of men in all Egypt, and constituted about two filths of the entire popula- tion of Alexandria. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 119 When Christianity introduced a new life and religion into the world, its sacred books were all written by Jews or Jewish pros- elytes, who used the later Hebraic or Hellenistic Greek. These writers found it necessary again to use this lansfuage _, . ., •> o so Christian ide- for the setting forth of ideas and truths which had as influencinjr never before been clothed in any human language. ^^^^^ speech. New significations thus became attached to old words, and new forms of speech were coined to express the concepts of the Gospel. Accordingly, the New Testament language and diction have, neces- sarily, peculiarities of their own. There is, happily, no occasion now to repeat or continue the old controversy between the Purists and the Hebraists touching the character of the New Testament Greek. The Purists, controversy be- in claiming for it all the classic purity and elegance of !^'^6" J'Jf P"!"- o 1 J & ists and the He- the ancient Greek, seem to have been actuated by the braists. same principle as those who contended for the inspiration of the He- brew vowel-points. To them it seemed also a disparagement of the holy books to say that they wei'e written in a corrupted dialect, or one less pure and perfect than any Grecian models. On the other hand, some of the Hebraists went to the extreme of charging bar- barisms and manifold inaccuracies upon the language of the New Testament writers. Comparative philology, and more thorough linguistic research, have rendered the old controversies obsolete, and it is now seen, in the light of history and of the science of language, how and why the Hellenistic Greek of the New Testa- ment differs from the older classic tongue.' ' So early as the latter part of the sixteenth century, Beza (De dono Linguae, etc., on Acts X, 46) acknowledged the Hebraisms of the New Testament, but extolled them as being 'of such a nature that in no other idiom could expressions be so happily formed; nay, in some cases not even formed at all" in an adequate manner. He con- sidered them as "gems with which [the apostles] had adorned their writings." The famous Robert Stephens (Pref. to his N. Test., 1576) declared strongly against those, " qui in his scriptis [sacris] inculta omnia et horrida esse putant ; " and he laboured not only to show that the New Testament contains many of the elegancies of the true Grecian style, but that even its Hebraisms give inimitable strength and energy to its diction. Thus far, then, Hebraism was not denied but vindicated; and it was only against allowing an excess of it, and against alleged incorrectnesses and barbarisms, that Beza and Stephens contended. Sebastian Pfochen (Diatribe de Ling. Graec. N. Test, puritate, 1C29) first laboured in earnest to show that all the expressions employed in the New Testament are found in good classic Greek authors. In 1658, Erasmus Schmidt vindicated the same ground. But before this, J. Junge, rector at Hamburg, published (in 1637, 1689) his opinion in favour of the purity (not the classic elegance) of the New Testament diction; which opinion was vindicated by Jac. Grosse, pastor in the same city, in a series of five essays published in 1640 and several successive years. The last four of these were directed against the attacks of opponents, i. e., of advocates for the Hellenistic diction 120 INTRODUCTION TO The sources from which we are to learn the peculiarities of . . the later Greek are the writers of the Alexandrine Sources of in- , formation and and Roman periods of Greek literature, but more espe- ^^^^y- cially the grammarians, scholiasts, and lexicographers, who have expressly treated of the diiierences between Attic ele- gance and the corruj^tions of the later Greek. But the great monuments of the Hellenistic Greek are the Septuagint version of the Old Testament, the apocryphal books, and the scriptures of the New Testament. The writings of Philo Judteus, Josephus, the Apostolical Fathers, and sundry writers of the later Roman period, have also a value in this connexion; but the New Testament itself must furnish the principal illustrations for the purpose of the bibli- cal interpreter. It is of the first importance for us to remember that the New Testament writers learned their Greek not from books, but from the language of common life. There is no suffi- cient reason for believing that any of the Evangelists or Apostles were extensively familiar with Greek literature; not even Paul, who, indeed, quotes from Greek writers (Acts xvii, 28; Titus i, 12), of the New Testament; viz., against Dan. Wulfer's Innocentia Hellenist, vindicata (IGIO), and an essay of the like nature by J. Musoeus of Jena (lC-11, 1612). Independently of this particular contest, D. Ileinsius (in 1C43) declared himself in favour of Hellenism; as also Thos. Gataker (164S), who avowedly wrote in oppositioa to Pfochen, with much learning, but rather an excessive leaning to Hebraism. Joh. Vorstius (1658, 16G.5) wrote a book on Hebrai.-nis, which is still common. On some excesses in this book Horace Vitringa made some brief but pithy remarks. Some- what earlier than these last wi'itings, J. H. Boeder (1041) published remarks, in which he took a kind of middle way between the two parties; as did J. Olcarius (1G68), and J. Leusden about the same time. It was about this time, also, that the majority of critical writers began to acknowledge a Hebrew element in the New Testament diction, which, however, they did not regard as constituting hnrhnrhm, but only as giving an oriental hue to the diction. M. Solanus, in an able essay directed against the tract of Pfochen, vindicated this position. J. H. Michaelis (1707), and A. Blackwall (Sacred Classics, 1727), did not venture to deny the Hebraisms of the New Testament, but aimed principally to show that the.se did not detract from the qualities of a good and elegant style ; so that, in this respect, the New Testament writers were not inferior to the classical ones. The work of the latter abounds with so many excellent remarks, that it is worthy of attention from every critical reader, oven of the jircsont time. In 1722, Siegm. Georgi, in his Vindiciae, etc., and in 17"):> in his Hiurocriticus Sacer, vindicated anew the old views of the Purists; but without changing the tide of opinion. The same design J. C. Schwartz had in view in his Conmi. crit. et philol. in Ling. Graec. (1G30); who was followed, in 1752, by E. Palairct (Observ. philol. crit. in N. Test.), the last, I believe, of all the Purists. Most of the earlier dissertations above named, with some others, were published together in a volume by J. Rhenford, entitled Dissert.itionuin jihilol. thool. i(/, matter, aj^air. So in Luke ii, 15: ro pqfxa tovto to yeyovog, this thing that has come to pass. The Greek word c-rrXdyxva, botcels, takes, in the New Testament, the sense of tender affection, sympathy; from the common usage of the Heb. D''pn"i. Hence the verbal form GrXay'xyiil,o[iai, to have compassion. (b) Then there are numerous forms of expression which are traceable directly to the Hebrew; as ^rjrelv Tr]v ipvxrjv, p-orms of ex- Heb. ti'^r^^ ^1?^, to seek the life of any one (Matt, ii, 20 ; pression. Rom. xi, 3) ; Xaii(idveLv ttqooojttov, Heb. Q"'JS NC'J, to accept the person, that is, to lift his face, or show partiality (Luke xx, 21; Gal. ii, 6) ; rideadai kv rr} KapSia, Heb. 3p3 DIK', to p>lcice or lay tqy in the heart (Luke i, 66; xxi, 14; Acts v^ 4); arofia fxaxciiQag, Heb. 3"!n"*5, mouth of the sword (Luke xxi, 24; Heb. xi, 34); Kal eyevero very frequently for "n^l, a7id it came to pass. (c) The New Testament Greek has also appi'opriated sundry gram- matical constructions peculiar to the Hebrew. (1) Many Grammatical verbs are followed by prepositions governing the ac- constructions. cusative or dative, where, in classic Greek, the verbs alone govern Avithout a preposition. Compare the New Testament use of the words TTpoGKvvecx), to worship; cfyevycj), to flee; bjinXoyeu), to confess. (2) The particle el is used in expressing a negative oath after the form of the Hebrew DX, if "I swore in my wrath if they shall enter into my rest" (Heb. iii, 11). That is, they shall not enter. Compare Mark viii, 12. (3) The verb Trpoorldrjju is used, like the He])rew flD^, with another verb, to denote additional action: "He added to send another servant'^ (Luke xx, 11). "He added (i. e., proceeded) to take Peter also" (Acts xii, 3). (4) An imitation of the Hebrew infinitive absolute is apparent in Luke xxii, 15: emi^f/im em-&viirjaa, "with desire I desired to eat this passoA^er." That is, I longingly, or earnestly, desired. John iii, 29 : %apa ;t^tp£^ " with joy he rejoices;" he greatly rejoices. Acts iv, 17: d~F.tX'^ dirnXiiGO)- IJ-sda, " with threatening let us threaten them." (5) In Rev. vii, 2 we note the pleonastic use of the pronoun in imitation of a "VAell- ' See Winer, Grammar of the Idiom of the New Testament, § 3. 126 INTRODUCTION TO known use of the Ileb. "iti'X : olg edodi] avrolg, '■'■to whom it "was given to them. Compare also the adverbial relative in Rev. xii, 14: o-r:ov TgE(f)eTat eKel, '■'■ xohere she is nourished vas founded by them at Tiberias, on the coast of the Sea of Galilee, and con- tinued until tlie sixth centurv. The learned critics of this schooi. compiled a collection of the critical and grammatical observations of the great teachei's, and called it the Masorah. A most important part of their work was the preparation of the Keris C""!;?, to he read, as distinguished from the H'^n?, that xohv-h is vmtten; i. e., the writ- ten text), or marginal readings, vrhich these critics probably gath- ered fi-om manuscripts or tradition, and preferred to the reading of the received text of their day. So scrupulously careful were the Masoretes of every word and letter of the sacred text, that they at- tempted no changes in it, but wrote in the margin that which in tlieir judgment should be read. All the ancient copies used by these Greek New Testament (Lond., 1854). See also the introductions to the critical edi- tions of the Greelc Testament by Lachmann, Tischendorf, Tregelles, Alfoid, and West- cott and Hort. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 131 critics seem to have perished, and the later manuscripts, hundreds of which have been collated by Kennicott and De Rossi, have little value for the emendation of the Old Testament text. Hence little has been attempted in this line within the last hundred years. The ancient versions and critical conjecture are the princijial means of revising the Hebrew text, and such means are always to be used with the greatest caution.' For the criticism of the New Testament text we have more abun- dant materials. There are, first, the uncial manuscripts, written in Greek capitals, and without any separation of words. This was the most ancient form of writing, and prevailed until the tenth century. Next we have the cursive manuscripts, existing in the form of writing which came into use in the latter part of the ninth century, and soon afterward became the common style. The three most ancient and valuable uncials are the so-called Sinaitic, the Alexandrian, and the Vatican, usually designated, respectively, m, A, and B. Several of the cursive manuscripts are of great value, having evidently been copied from very ancient exemplars. Next to these ancient manuscripts are the early versions of the New Testa- ment, especially the Latin and the Syriac, the oldest of which be- long, probably, to the second century. The quotations from the New Testament, found in the Avritings of the early Church Fathers, are also often of great value in determining the original text. These different sources of evidence have to be classified, their rela- tive value critically estimated, and reliable rules and principles agreed upon for their use. In order to appreciate properly that vast amount of labour which has in recent years restored to us an approximately pure and trustworthy text of the Greek Testament, one needs to make himself familiar with the lives and works of the great critics Mill, Bentley, Bengel, Wetstein, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Tregelles. The principal Canons of Textual Criticism now generally accepted are divisible into two classes, external and internal, and may be stated as follows : External. The canons of external evidence are concerned with the char- acter, age, and value of manuscripts, and the principles and rules by which we are to compare and estimate the relative weight of earlier and later copies, and of versions and quotations, ^ A critical edition of the Masoretic text of the several books of the Old Testament is now in course of publication at Leipsic, under the editorial care of S. Baer and Fr. De- litzsch. It furnishes much valuable material for the critical study of the Hebrew text. 132 INTRODUCTION TO 1. A reading Avhich is supported by the combined testimony of the most ancient manuscripts, the earliest versions, and patristic quotations, is generally, without doubt, the genuine reading of the original autograph. This rule is so self-evident that it needs no comment ; and it is an interesting and important fact that so great a part of the New Testament rests upon evidence so decisive. Though the whole number of various readings is more than a hundred thousand, by far the greater part of them consist merely of differences of spelling, and other slight variations chiefly due to the peculiar habits of the different scribes. The doubtful readings which essentially affect the sense are comparatively few, and those which involve questions of important doctrine are less than a score.' 2. The authority and value of manuscript readings consist not in the number of manuscripts in which a given reading is found, but in the age, character, and country of the manuscripts. Though, in some instances, Ave may suppose a cursive manuscript has been copied directly from an uncial more ancient than any that now exist, yet, as a rule, the uncials are older and more authorita- tive than the cursives. They are, therefore, more likely to repre- sent the oldest readings. Respecting the age and value of ancient manuscripts, we owe great deference to the judgment of experi- enced critics. The opinion of men who, like Tischendorf and Tregelles, have devoted a lifetime to conscientious studv and col- lation of manuscripts, deservedly carries great weight. The eye must be practiced to note the ancient forms of letters, and the vai-ious methods of writing, abbreviation, and correction. 3. AVhcn the external evidence is conflicting and of nearly equal weight, special importance should be attached to the corres])on- dency between widely separated witnesses. The concurrence of two ancient maiuiscripts, one belonging to the East and the other to the West, would have more weight than the agreement of many manuscripts which contain evidence of ' The proportion of words virtually aocopted on all hands a? raised above doiihf is very great — not less, on a rough eomputation, than seven eighths of the whole. The remaining eighth, therefore, formed in great part by changes of order and other com- parative trivialities, constitutes the whole area of eritieism. . . . We find that, set- ting aside dilTiTcnoes of orthography, the words in our opinion still subject to doubt only make up aliout one sixtieth of the whole New Testament. In this second esti- mate the proportion of comparatively trivial variations is beyond measure larger than the former; so that the amount of what can in any sense be called substantial varia- tion is but a small fraction of the whole residuary vai'iation, and can hardly form more than a thousandth part of the entire te.xt. Westeott and Hort, The New Testament in the original Greek. Introduction, p. 2. New York, 1882. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 133 having been copied directly from one another. The concm-rence of tlie Peshito, the Vulgate, and the Ethiopia versions is of great weight in determining a doubtful reading. A quotation appear- ing in the same form in the writings of Origen, Jerome, and Iren- aeus w^ould. thereby acquire an authority tantamount to that of so many of the most ancient and valuable manuscripts. 4, Great discrimination is necessary in the use of the different classes of external evidence. The reading found in one of the most ancient manuscripts is usually to be preferred to that of any one of the ancient versions. But there may be considerations of time or place which would ren- der the reading of a version more weighty than that of a single manuscript. The authority of versions, also, would be greater In the case of omissions or additions than in the matter of verbal niceties. Patristic testimony, as observed above, depends for much of its value on the place and circumstances of the A\riter, The manner and jnirpose of a quotation may also affect its worth as a witness to an ancient reading:. Internal. It may often haj^pen that the external evidence is so conflicting, and yet so evenly balanced, that it is impossible from that source alone to form any judgment. In such cases we resort to internal or subjective considerations, which, in many instances, afford the means of forming a reasonable and reliable conclusion. But this kind of evidence and critical conjecture are generally to be used with the greatest caution, and only when the critic is obliged to resort to such means from want of better evidence, 1. That reading which accords with a writer's peculiar style, with the context and the nature of the subject, and which makes a good sense, is to be preferred to one which lacks these internal supports. This, as a general rule, must commend itself to every one's judg- ment. But particular applications of it may vary. There can be no reasonable doubt that the true reading in John xiii, 24, is rig kariv, who is it? The reading riq av eit], who mhjht it bef though sustained by several ancient authorities, is especially to be rejected because John never uses the optative mood. The placing of k^eX- ■BovTsg after avrov in the textus receptus of Matt, xii, 1 4, is most probably an error of some ancient copyist, and the reading e^eX- ■dovreg de ol ^aptaaioi QVfi(iovXiov eXaftov nar' avrov (supported by N, B, C, and D, and adopted by Lachmann, Tisehendorf, Westcott and Ilort), is to be preferred because in similar constructions 134 INTRODUCTION TO Matthew uniformly places the participle before its noun. Com- pare i, 24; ii, 3; iv, 12; viii, 10, 14, 18; ix, 4, 8, 9, 11, 19; xii, 25. 2. The shorter reading is to be preferred to the longei*. Transcribers were much more prone to add than to omit, and in the obscurer passages their tendency was to incorporate marginal glosses into the text, or even to venture upon an explanation of their own. The words jj^tj Kara odpKa TrepiTTarovotv, dXXd Kara rrvevna, who icalk not according to flesh, but according to Spirit, in the textiis receptus of Rom. viii, 1, are wanting in most of the ancient authori- ties, and are doubtless an ancient gloss introduced from verse 4 of the same chapter, where they appear in their true connection. So, too, the words, " Verily I say unto you, it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah in the day of judgment than for that city," found in the Alexandrian Codex at Mark vi, 11, was probably added by some ancient scribe from memory of Matt, x, 15, where the reading is " land of Sodom and Gomorrah." According to this rule, when the evidences in favour of the insertion or omission of a word, clause, or sentence are about equally divided, it is safer to omit than to insert. 3. The more difficult and obscure reading is to be preferred to the plainer and easier one. This rule of course applies especially to those passages where there is reason to believe the transcriber was tempted to soften or simplify the language, or explain an apparent difficulty. The word sXeTjfioavvi], alms, was anciently substituted for the harsher Hebra- istic word 6iKaioavvi], righteousness, in Matt. \\, 1. The insertion of the word eIkt], irif/iout cause, in Matt, v, 22, seems, in view of the strong external evidence against it, to have been introduced to soften the sentiment. Alford puts it in brackets, and says: "I have not ventured Avholly to exclude it, the authorities being so divided, and internal evidence being equally indecisive. Griesbach and Meyer hold it to liave been expunged from motives of moral rigourism; De Wetto, to have been inserted to soften the apparent rigour of the precept. The latter seems to me the more probable." Lachmann, Tischendorf, Westcott and ITort omit the word, and Tregelles marks it as extremely doubtful. Under this head we would also place the well-known rule of Griesbach: "That reading is to be preferred which presents a sen- timent apparently false, but which upon more careful examination is found to be true." ' A notable example is seen in 1 Cor. xi, 29, 'Prreferatur aliis lectis, cui sensus subest apparentor quidem falsus, qui vero re penitius exaiiiiiiata vcrus esse dcprchcnditur. Griesbach, Novum Tostairieiitum(Jraece (2 vols., London, 1809), vol. i, Prolegonieua, p. Ixvi. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 135 where the majority of ancient authorities have inserted the word dva^iwg, unworthily, which appears in verse 27 in all copies. Fonr of the most important uncial manuscripts, however (A, B, CJ N^), and several cursives and versions omit the word. Its insertion from verse 27 appears to have arisen from misapprehending the exact force of Hi] in the clause ju^ 6iaKpiv(ov to acbjia, which is here equiva- lent to lohen not, or if not, and therefore different from the strong- er and more simple negative ov. The apparently unqualified state- ment: "lie that eats and drinks, eats and drinks judgment unto himself," seemed to convey a false statement, and to remove the difficulty dva^LO)g was inserted. The whole passage becomes clear by a correct rendering of the qualifying clause, if 7iot discerning the hodi/. More difficult is it to decide between the two readings Trpwrof and voregog, in Matt, xxi, 31 ; Ttpwrof is sustained by the greatest number of ancient authorities, and is suited to the context. But voregog is found in two of the most important manuscripts (B and D), and is the more difficult reading. It is easier to see how TrpwTOf may have become substituted for varegog than the re- verse. Hence Lachmann, Tregelles, Westcott and Hort adopt the reading voregog; but Tischendorf and Alford read vrpwrof. From this last example it will be seen what great caution is necessary in the application of this rule, and also how a final decision may not be possible in the case.' Under this canon it may also be added that, in parallel passages, verbal differences are generally considered preferable to exact ver- bal conformity, inasmuch as transcribers are apt to harmonize such difTerences where they attract attention. 4. That reading is to be preferred from which all the others may be seen to have been naturally or readily derived. " That is to say," says Gardiner, " when there are different read- ings which have each of them important evidence in its favour, the one from which the others could have been easily derived is more likely to be true than one from which they could not have been." '^ Under this rule it is claimed that og is the genuine reading in the ' "When no certainty is attainable," says Tregelles, "it will be well for the case to be left as doubtful. ... A critical text of the Greek New Testament, with no indica- tions of doubt, or of the inequality of the evidence, is never satisfactory to a scholar. It gives no impression of the ability of the editor to discriminate accurately as to the value of evidence ; and it seems to place on a level, as to authority, readings which are unquestionably certain, and those which have been accepted as perhaps the beat attested." — Home, Introduction (Ed. Ayre and Tregelles), vol. iv, p. 344. " The Principles of Textual Criticism, with a List of all the Known Greek Uncials, in Bibliotheca Sacra for April, 1875. Also published as an Appendix to the Greek Hanpony of the Four Gospels by the same author. 136 miRODUCTION TO much-disputed text of 1 Tim. iii, 16. For a long time the Alexan- drian and Epliraem Syrus manuscripts (A and C) were said to giA'e the reading deog (written in uncials 90), but recent and thor- ough examination by the most competent ci'itics has discovered that the transverse line in the 9, and the sign of contraction, are the work of a later hand. The Codex Sinaiticus has been tampered with in this place by several later hands; the latest of all, accord- ing to Tischendorf, altei'ed the manuscript about the twelfth cen- tury, but so carefully as not to deface the more ancient reading. The Clermont manuscript (D), as is now conceded, originally read S, but a later hand changed the readmg to 90. This change was done by erasing enough of the O to leave O, and then, as this letter stood at the beginning of the line, O was easily placed before it. The reading o may have arisen in the attempt of an ancient scribe to correct what seemed to be a grammatical inaccuracy, and write the relative o to conform with the gender of \ivgt7)()lov. Or, a Lat- in scribe may have so corrected the reading as to make it conform to quod^ which appears as the reading of the old Latin version. If we suppose the original reading to have been 00, it is difHcult to explain how the readings 00 and O should appear in the most an- cient manuscripts; but, as shown above, it is not difficult to show how the word 00 may have been changed into 00 or O.^ lie Avho carefully studies and applies the above rules of textual These canons Criticism will observe that they are principles rather rrtiieTThan *^^^'^ rules. They must not be applied mechanically, as rules. if mere majorities of witnesses decided any thing. A great number and variety of considerations must enter into the formation of a sound critical judgment, and every element of evi- dence must be carefully weighed. "The point aimed at," says Tregelles, " is a moral certainty, or a moral ])robability. To arrive at this we must use the evidence that is attainable; the truest prin- ciples must be borne in mind which teach the proper estimation of such evidence; and also the judgment must be exercised, so as to be accustomed to draw the moral conclusions applicable to the sub- ject. It is thus that some critics possess that critical tact by whicli they have been distinguished; they form a sound conclusion without apparently going through any elaborate process of reason- ing. And this leads others to imagine that criticism is a kind of intuitive faculty, although the conclusions have really resulted from quickness in perceiving what the evidence is, and a well-exer- cised judgment in applying known principles to the evidence so ' See an extensive and careful examination of the various readings of 1 Tim. iii, 10, in the Bil)liothcca Sacra for January, 1865, pp. 1-50. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 137 apprehended." And the same consummate critic adds, in another place: "He who rightly studies the principles and facts of the textual criticism of the New Testament, will find that he has ac- quired information not on one subject merely, hut also on almost all of those that relate to the transmission of Scripture from the days of the apostles; he will have obtained that kind of instructum which will impart both a breadth and a definiteness to all his bibli- cal studies; he will be led into a kind of unconscious connection with the writers of Scripture and their works." ' CHAPTER YIII. THE DIVINE INSPIRATION OF THE SCRIPTURES. Our appreciation of the Holy Scriptures will necessarily be influ- enced by our views of their claims as divinely inspired. Critical and ex^getical study will be more or less serious and painstaking as the student feels a deep conviction that he is handling the very word of God. There is an inspiration in all great works of genius. Those mas- terpie(!es of oratory, which, burning from the impas- inspiration ot sioned souls of Demosthenes and Cicero, aroused Atlie- g*'""''^- nian and Roman audiences, are to this day full of moving power. The poems of Homer and the oracles of Socrates reveal the inspi- ration of genius. Passages in Shakspeare, Milton, and Byron ex- hibit a power of expression and a perfection of form Avhich m ill ever charm the minds of men. AVho will deny Toplady's " Rock of Ages " and Charles Wesley's " Wrestling Jacob " a notable de- gree of divine inspiration ? But the great body of believers in the Holy Scriptures have ever felt that the inspiration of the Bible is something far higher and more divine than the rapture of human genius. The inspiration of genius is from within, that of the Holy Spirit from without. The one is becrotten of the human soul, „ . ® Scripture m- the other is by revelation from the supernatural and spiration high- divine. The biblical writers themselves assume to write ^^' by a supernatural authority; they speak as men who have seen the visions of the Almighty, have heard the voice of the rcA^ealer of secrets, and are moved by the power of the Holy Spirit. It may ' S. P. Tregelles, Introduction to the Textual Criticism and Study of the New Testa- ment, in Home's Introduction (ed. Ayre and Tregelles), vol. iv, pp. 343, 401. Xi8 INTRODUCTION TO be safely asserted that, in some sense, the sacred writers were used mechanically; they were often employed as the media of words and symbols which they could not comprehend. They were in- spired dynamically, for they were actuated by a supernatural force and wisdom which supervised their work, and directed them so as to secure the very purpose of the Almighty. In their inspiration there was a verbal element, for God is represented as speaking by *•' the mouth of all his prophets." " Behold," he says to .Jeremiah (i, 9), " I have put my words in thy mouth," Paul clahiis to set forth the saving truth of God " not in words taught by human wis- dom, but in those taught by the Spirit " (1 Cor. ii, 13). Every d*- vout Christian will acknowledge that this inspiration was plenary, inasmuch as it has furnished in all-sufficient fulness a revelation of the mind and will of God. But when we attempt to say where the divine element in Scripture ends, or where the human begins, we involve ourselves in mysteries which no man is able to solve. According tq the evangelical faith, maintained by the Christian ^. . ,. Church in all ages, there exist in the sacred records Divme and nu- . . man in the two elements, a divine and a human. In this respect cnp ures. there is a noteworthy analogy, between the personal, in- carnate word, and the written Avord. As, in studying tlie person and character of Christ, we most naturally begin with the human side, observing that which is tangible to sense, so it will be well for us to examine, first, the human lineaments of the written word of God. It is evident that a considerable portion of the Bible is a narra- Human eie- tive of facts which any ordinary mind might have gath- ment seen m gj.g^| ^^^^ p^^^ jj^ Written form. Such, for example, is the narration of , ^ , ' _ ^ ' facts. the history of the rise, power, glory, decline, and fall of the kingdom of Israel, as contained in the Books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles. Many parts of these books appear to have been compiled directly from pre-existing documents.' The Book of Ne- hemiah is an autobiography, and "that of Esther a lively sketch of court-life in the Persian Empire. In the preface to his gospel, Luke professes to set forth an orderly arrangement of facts fully believed among the earliest Christians, reported by eye-witnesses, and accurately traced by himself from the very first. The Acts of the Apostles, by the same author, is a simple narrative of the be- ginnings of the Christian Church. In these books especially, but in others also, there appears no necessity or occasion for claiming an extraordinary assistance for the writers. INIany a writer, for whom no such claim was ever made, has traced and recorded facts ' Compare 1 Kings xi, 41; xiv, 29; xv, 31; 1 Chron. xxix, 29; 2 Cbron. xxxii, 82, etc. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 1G9 in human history with a painstaking care and accuracy as great as the biblical narratives evince. The human element is also noticeable in the style and diction of the sacred writers. No one can fail to observe how „ • If T •1-nri Seen also in Widely Isaiah diiiers m style from Jeremiah, Matthew style and dic- from John, and Paul from James. The distinct indi- ^'"°" viduality of each author is conspicuous, and there is no reason to suppose that any of these writers were hindered in the freest exer- cise of their natural faculties, or in the normal use of their peculiar modes of thought and expression. We should explain the marked difference of style in the prayers of Daniel (chap, ix, 4-19) and Habakkuk (chap, iii), the song of Moses (Exod. xv, 1-19), and the 3IagniJicat of Mary (Luke i, 46-55), as we explain the differencas between Milton's " Hymn of the Nativity " and Pope's " Messiah," or between an exquisite passage of Addison and an oration of Daniel Webster. Other human lineaments are observable in the subject-matter, where expression is given to the writer's personal affec- seeninsubject- tion for individuals, or to his sense of want and weak- matter, ness. The whole catalogue of personal greetings in the sixteenth chapiter of Romans is an illustration of this; also the tender famil- iarity of Panl with his Thessalonian converts, and the personal reminiscences of his first acquaintance (ii, 1), his departure (ii, 17, 18), and his being ''left in Athens alone" (iii, 1). The human ele- ment is conspicuous in his defence of his apostleship in the first two chapters of Galatians, in his remembrance of the Philippians' kind- ness (Phil, iv, 15-18), in his messages to the Ephesians by Tychi- eus (Eph. vi, 21), and his desire for the books, parchments, and cloak left at Troas (2 Tim. iv, 13). He exhibits, also, some doubt and hesitation as to whether, at Corinth, he baptized any others besides Crispus, Gaius, and the household of Stephanas (1 Cor. i, 14, 16), and in his Second Epistle to the Corinthians he writes: "In lack of wisdom I speak" (2 Cor. xi, 21); "as one beside himself I say it " (ver. 23) ; " I am become a fool; ye compelled me " (xii, ] 1). To the above instances we may also add the varying forms of statement under which the same things is reported to us _ by different writers. Observe the numerous verbal forms of siate- differences in the parable of the soAver as reported by "^^" ' Matthew (xiii, 4-9), Mark (iv, 3-9), and Luke (viii, 5-8); or in the parable of the mustard seed (Matt, xiii, 31, 32; Mark iv, 30-32 ; Luke xiii, IS, 19), and in numerous other sayings of our Lord. Coni2)are, especially, the diff'erent forms of the Lord's Prayer (Matt, vi, 9-13; Luke xi, 2-4), and of the language used in instituting the Lord's Sup- 140 INTRODUCTION TO per (Matt, xxvi, 26-29; Mark xiv, 22-24; Luke xxii, 19, 20; 1 Cor. xi, 23-25). The only rational and truly satisfactory way of explaining:; such verl)al discrepancies is to hold (what seems so apparent and natural) that the writers freely reported, each in his own indepen- dent way, the substance of what the Lord had said. The Lord had probably spoken in Aramaic, but his words are reported in Greek. So, perhaps, no one of the evangelists has given us the exact form of the title on the cross; but each one records its substance and purport in a different form of words (Matt, xxvii, 37; Mark xv, 26; Luke xxiii, 38; John xix, 19). In all these varying reports tliere is no error, no real discrepancy; but simply that variety of human expression which is common to all the languages of men. But, along with the human element in the Scriptures, there are Evidences of ^^^'^ ^^6 claim and the evidence of a divine inspiration, divine element. Paul says: "All Scripture is God-breathed" {-^eo-- vevorog, 2 Tim. iii, 16), and Peter writes: "For not by the will of man was prophecy ever brought, but, borne along by the Holy Spirit, men spoke from God" (2 Peter i, 21). Here is a most im- portant assertion. He declares in the verse preceding that "no prophecy of Scripture comes of its own interpretation," or springs out of the human understanding.' The Scripture jirophocies are no products of human invention or ingenuity, for the men who Peter's deciar- wrote them " spoke from God," as they were impelled ^'■^"'^* or carried along {(pegofxevoi) by the divine power. In his "first epistle the same apostle tells how the prophets diligently sought and searched (e^ei^^Trjaav teal e^7]Qavvrj<7av) concerning salva- tion, "searching into what time or what manner of time the Spirit of Christ in them was signifying Avhen he testified beforehand the sufferings pertaining to Christ and the glories after them; to whom it was revealed that not to themselves, but to you they were minis- tering that whicii is now announced to you through those who preached you the gospel by tlie Holy Spirit sent from heaven" (1 Peter i, 11, 12). We should observe the following four things here atHrmed: (1) the prophets were actuated by the Spirit of Christ; (2) they did not fully comprehend the time-limits of their own oracles; (3) they were given to understand that their words would minister help to after times; (4) the first preachers of the 'The reference is, as Lumby observes, "to prophecy as it was uttered by those who first gave it forth. It did not arise from the private interpretation of the proph- ets. The words of the prophets of old were no mere human exposition, no endeav- our on man's part to point to a solution of the difficulties which beset men's minds in (Ids life. The prophets were moved by a Spirit beyond themselves, and spake things deeper than they themselves understood." — tJpeaker's Commentary in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 141 gospel were also actuated by the same Holy Spirit, and their mes- sages had heavenly origin and authority. The Old Testament abounds in assertions of the divine origin of its lessons and revelations. A large proportion of the o](j Testament Pentateuch is professedly Jehovah's revelation of him- claims, self to the patriarchs, or his express word of commandment to Moses and to Israel. The Decalogue is said to have been uttered by God's own voice out of the midst of his theophany of fire and cloud on Horeb (Exod. xix, 9; xx, I, 19; Deut. v, 4, 22), and after- ward written by " the finger of God," and delivered to Moses on tablets of stone (Exod. xxxi, 18). The prophets continually an- nounce their messages as the word of Jehovah, and make frequent use of the formulas, " Hear the word of Jehovah," and " Thus saith Jehovah." Jesus recognized this same divine inspiration and au- thority in the Psalms; it was David speaking "in the Spirit" (Matt, xxii, 43). And when he sent forth his disciples, and foretold their persecutions, he comforted them with these words: "When they deliver you up, take no thought how or what ye shall speak; for it shall be given you in that hour what ye shall speak. For it is not ye that speak, but the spirit of your Fa- ther that speaks in you" (Matt, x, 19, 20). If such divine power directed these founders of Christianity when they spoke before their enemies, much more may we believe that the Scriptures writ- ten by them were inspired by God. For they had also the prom- ise: "The Comforter, the Holy Spirit, whom the Father will send in my name, he will teach you all things, and bring to your remem- brance all things which I said to you." " He will guide you into all the truth; for he will not speak from himself, but whatever he hears he will speak, and he will tell yon the things to come. He will glorify me; because he will receive of mine, and will tell you. All things whatever the Father has are mine; therefore I said that of mine he receives, and will tell you" (John xiv, 26; xvi, 13-15). How they subsequently rememhered the Lord's words is told in Luke xxiv, 8; John ii, 22; xii, 16; and Acts xi, 16; and the author- ity with which they spoke may be seen in Paul's words to the Thessalonians: " When ye received the word of God heard from us, ye received not the word of men, but, as it is in truth, the word of God" (1 Thess. ii, 13). In citing these declarations of the Scriptures, we assume, of course, the divine origin of Christianity, and the au- 1 •• 1 ipT ,.1^ Credibility of thenticity and truthfulness of the Old and New Testa- the scriptu.ns ments. Our argument is not with the unbeliever and J^^re assuuied. the sceptic, but with those who accept both Testaments as in some 143 ESTTRODUCTION TO sense the word of God; and our inquiry is concerned merely with the nature and extent of their inspiration. This question must not be judged and decided a priori. We need to look at facts of the history, contents, and scope of the several parts, as well as ex- plicit declarations, of the Bible. "SViili these constantly in mind, and disregarding all special theories, we may be helped by the fol- lowing considerations : I. God, from the beginning, planned to furnish for mankind such a written testimony of his works, judgments, and will, as Avould always be " profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness." The grand purpose of all is, " that the man of God may be perfect, thorouglily furnished unto all ^ , ^. srood works" (2 Tim. iii, 10, 17). To fill out such a The whole Bi- » ^ . . m bio God's book plan and purpose required thousands of years. The for man. record was to embody a revelation of the creation of man, and of God's gracious dealings and righteous judgments through the lapse of ages. It was to be a record of prophecy and its fulfihnent, of miracle, and promise, and comfort. Truth and righteousness were to be exhibited in the concrete by an ample record of the experiences of holy men. Accordingly God spoke in many parts and in many ways to the fathers by the prophets (lleb. i, 1), and, at last, by the incarnation and ministry of Jesus Christ, and by the apostles, completed the providential record of religious truth and enlightenment. Thus the Bible is pre-eminently God's book, a body of writings providentially prepared by divine wisdom for the relio^ious instruction of mankind. IL As regards the varied contents of this God-given book, it is Subject-matter ^^®^^' '^^^^'^ many recent writers/ to distinguish between revealed or In- revelation and inspiration. The subject-matter of many ^^^^'^ ■ parts of the Scriptures is of such a character as to lie beyond the unaided powers of the human mind to discover. Such portions must have been communicated in some supernatural way, and were, therefore, from the nature of the case, a divine revela- tion. Inspiration, on the other hand, was the divine influence and supervision under which the sacred writers made a record of Avhat came to their knowledge either by revelation or otherwise. " Rev- elation and inspiration," says Lee, " are to be distinguished by the sources from which they proceed, revelation being the peculiar function of the eternal Word; inspiration the result of the agency ' See, especially, Lee, on the Inspiration of Holy Scripture, Lectures i, iv, ami v, and E. P. Barrow's articles on Revelation and Inspiration, in the Bibliotheca Sacra for Oct., 1867, April, 1808, Jan. and July, 1869, Jan., July, and Oct., 1870, Oct., 1871, Jan., July, and Oct., 1872, and April, 1873. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 143 of the Holy Spirit. Tlieir difference is specific, and not merely one of degree, a point which is amply confirmed by the consideration that either of these divine influences may be exerted without call- ing the other into action. The patriarchs received revelations, but they were not inspired to record them; the writer of the Acts of the Apostles Avas inspired for his task, but we are not told that he ever enjoyed a revelation." ' It is easy to see that the narrative of creation could have been furnished only in some supernatural way, for no human eye ob- served it. The visions and dreams of patriarchs and prophets were modes of receiving divine communications (Num. xii, 6). Balaam was so controlled by a supernatural force that he could ntter no word or vt^ill of his own (Num. xxii, 38; xxiii, 26; xxiv, 13). The ten commandments were uttered by the voice (Exod. xx, 1, 19) and written by the finger of God (Exod. xxxi, ] 8). Large portions of the prophecies are expressly declared to be Jehovah's oracles, and foretell the things to come. The words of the Lord Jesus must be accepted by every devout Christian as of absolute authority. But, on the other hand, as we have shown above, large portions of the Scripture are records of matters which the writers could have ascer- tained withoiit supernatural aid. Yet we are told that all scrip- ture is inspired by God. The final question, then, is reduced to the nature and degree of the inspiration. . HI. On this point we affirm the proposition, that a particular divine providence secured the composition of the Scrip- inspiration a tures in the language and form in which we possess p^''''^''^"''^'' <^i- '^ ^ , , ^ vine provi- them. Moses at the beginning of the sacred volume, dence. and John at its close, were commanded to avrite. The divine revelations of which we have spoken would have been compara- tively useless unless divine Providence had secured an accurate and faithful record of them to be transmitted through the ages. For the preparation of such a record holy men were inspired of God. Many revelations may have been given which are not re- corded, as well as many facts and experiences which would have been profitable for religious instruction. But the Divine Wisdom guided the human agents in selecting such facts and reporting such truths as would best accomplish the purpose of God in providing a written revelation for the world. We see no good reason for deny- ing that the divine guidance extended to all parts and forms of the record. God secured the composition of the Pentateuch in just the form and style in which we have it. He secured the writing of the Book of Job for the great religious lessons it embodies. Half of it ' luspiration of Holy Scripture, Lecture i, p. 42. 144 INTRODUCTION TO may be composed of tlie erroneous notions of self-conceited and mistaken men; but it must be studied as a wbole, and its several parts, as bearing on the one great problem of human suifering, will then appear as a most beautiful and impressive form of setting forth certain lessons of divine providence and judgment. Tlie genealogies of Chronicles, Ezra, and other books, are similarly, parts of a whole, and links in the history of Israel. So the histor- ical books, the Prophets, the Psalms, the Gospels, and the Epistles subserve a manifold divine purpose. God has provided that these books, and no others, should be written and preserved through the ages as divinely authoritative for instruction in righteousness, and to this end he called, actuated, energized, and supervised the holy men Avho wrote them. The notion that the Almighty Spirit absolutely controlled the Divine inspi- sacred writers, so as to select for them the very words ration affects ^^ employed, is repugnant to the thoughtful mind. language and j i J y i » ^ style. There is no evidence, withm or without the record, of any such mechanical operation. But Ave conceive that the language and style of a writer may be mightily aifected by divine influences brought to bear upon his soul. Such influences would produce im- portant effects in his thoughts and his words. To aflirm, Avith some, that God supplied the thoughts or ideas of Scripture, but left the writers perfectly free in their choice of Avords, jtends to con- fuse the subject, for it appears that the inspired penmen were as free and independent in searching for facts and arranging them in orderly narrative as they were in the choice of AVords. (Luke i, 3.) It seems better, therefore, to understand that, by the inspiring im- pulse from God, all the faculties of the human agent Avere mightily quickened, and, as a consequence, his thoughts, his emotions, his style, and even his words, Avere affected. In this sense only Ave affirm the doctrine of verbal inspiration. We have seen above,' that for)n and style are often essential elements of an organic whole, and to attempt to give the sentiment, Avithout the form, of some compositions, is to rob them of their very substance and lile.^ * See on pages 92-94. 2 Tayler Lewis remarks that "the very words, the very figures outwardly used, yea, the etymological metaphors contained in the words, be they ever so interior, are all m- spired. Tlu'v arc nf)t merely goncrul effects, in whieli sense all humai: utterances, and even all physical manifestations, may be said to be inspired, but the specially designed products of emotions supernaturally inbreathed, tliese becoming outward in thnnghts, and these, again, having their ultimate outward forms in iiwrch and fr/urcs as truly designed in the workings of this chain, and thus as truly inspired, as the thoughts of which these words are the express image, and the inspired emotions in which both thoughts and images luid their birth." And yet he repudiates "that extreme view of BIBLICAL IIERMENEUTICS. I45 Four different kinds or degrees of inspiration are thus specified by an English author : " By the inspiration of suqaes- . . 1 . . S- 1 TT , ^ . ■ ^O"'" degrees tion IS meant such communications or the Holy Spirit of inspiration as suggested and dictated every part of the trutlis dt^- ^"S'^'^ted. livered. The inspiration of direction is meant of such assistance as left the writers to describe the matter revealed in their own way, directing only the mind in the exercise of its powers. The inspira- tion of elevation added a greater strength and vigour to the efforts of the mind than the writers could have otherwise attained. The inspiration of super intendency was that watchful care which pre- served generally from any thing being put down derogatory to the revelation with which it was connected.'" But, if God directly suggests, directs, elevates, and superintends in any or all of these ways, how can we consistently maintain that he was concerned merely with the substance and not the form? Is it unworthy of the God who observes the fall of every sparrow, and numbers all the hairs of our heads (Matt, x, 29, 30), to care for the words and forms in which his oracles are given to the world? But while the particular words and style are essential elements of some parts of Scripture, it should be observed Facts may be that there are many facts and ideas which may be ex- ^'^P^f^'^f ^^ ^ •' -^ variety of words pressed m a variety of forms. Thus, Jesus might have and forms. said: "A certain man, in going from Jerusalem to Jericho, fell among thieves;" or, "There was a man who went on a journey from Jerusalem down to Jericho-, and robbers fell upon him by the way;" or, "In passing from Jerusalem down to Jericho a certain traveller was assaulted by a band of robbers." We might thus vary the form and words of the statement in a score of ways, and yet preserve substantially the same idea. But even ih such matters of little or no apparent moment, why deny that the sui^ervising Spirit aided in the selection of the particular language used by the sacred writers? It is possible to make some of the grandest truths appear ludi- crous by resolving them, through an artful analysis, ^ „ . •'. »„. . . Fallacious trl- into a multitude of frivolous details. It might be fling with de- asked. Did the Almighty and Eternal God move the ^^^^^' muscles of Matthew's arm and fingers, cause his heart to beat with verbal inspiration v*fhich regards the sacred penmen as mere amanuenses, writing words and painting figures dictated to them by a power and an intelligence acting in a manner wholly extraneous to the laws of their own spirits, except so far as those laws are merely physical or mechanical." The Divine Human in the Scriptures, pp. 27-30. ' Bishop Daniel Wilson, on The Evidences of Christianity, vol. i, p. 508. Lond., 1828. 10 146 INTRODUCTION TO emotion, and his eyes to glow, as he took up his pen and scratched upon the parchment before him? Did he move him to spell /lavtd, or Aafild; to write ovro, or ovru)g; elfre, or etTrev; 6td rl, or didri', el ye, or ei'ye.^ Did he furnish him with black ink or red ink, pa- pyrus or parchment, a writing desk or the floor of a room? We may thus trifle also with the minutiae of divine Providence, but, after all our quibbling, we must either admit that the omniscient Spirit was cognizant of all these details, or else say what particular things escaped his oversight and care. The argument which main- tains the inspiration of the thoughts, but not the words, of Scrip- ture, logically denies any particular providence in the form and style of God's written word, and leaves the whole subject vague and visionary. I'he opinion that divine inspiration is incompatible with the free action and varied style of the sacred writers seems to grow out of a false psychology. Amid the complex sensations, jserceptions and ac- tivities of the human soul there is room for the normal action of both divine and human forces. The intellect and the affections may be thoroughly subject to supernatural power, while the will remains free in its self-conscious action. The divine inspiration of the sacred writers no more interfered, necessarily, with their jDcrsonal free- dom than the calling and anointing of Cyrus (Isa. xlv, i) interfered No conflict be- with the conscious freedom and action of that mon- v7ne"anf iful ^^'^^^- ^^oscs and Paul wrote with as much freedom man. as Cffisar and Bacon; but Moses and Paul were, in a high and holy sense, chosen ministers to write a portion of the Bible, and that holy calling and work put them in a position as superior to Cffisar, and Bacon, as the Pentateuch and the Epistles are superior tO the Gallic Wars and the Novum Organum. The wisdom and power of God secured, without any violation of indi- vidual freedom, the writing of the Holy Scriptures in their orig- inal form, and preserved the writers from vital error. So the Eternal Word was made flesh (John i, 14), but the divine nature in the person of Christ did not set aside or nullify the perfect human nature and freedom of the man Christ Jesus. This union of the divine and human, whether in the incarnate word or in the written word, is a great mystery, which no human mind can fathom or explain. But as regards the inspiration of prophets and apostles, we may aftirm with Delitzsch: "The divine thoughts take their way to the Ego of the prophet through his nature. They clothe themselves in popular human language, according to the prophet's individual manner of thinking and speaking, and they present themselves in a form manifoldly limited, according BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 147 to the existing circumstances and the horizon of contemporary history." " It is inadmissible," lie adds, " to distinguish between real and verbal inspiration [insjnratio realis et verbaUs). Sub- dch tzsch's stance and form are both the effect of one divine act. '^s^- As the soul came into existence when God breathed the spirit into man, so come into existence words of divine nature and human form when God breathes thoughts into man. . . . The act of inspir- ation should, and must, be represented as an organic vital inter- working of the divine and human factor, without thereby jeopard- izing the infallibility of the revealed truth written in the Scripture, and the faithfulness of the fundamental history of redemption con- tained therein for all times. . . . Scripture is no book fallen from heaven; its origination is just as much human as divine. He who is offended at this sins against the Holy Spirit, whose condescension into humanity (by no means Docetic) he ought rather to admire and praise." ' The fact that , different writers vary in recording what piirports to be particular sayings is often urged as an argument verbal vana- against divine inspiration. The words of Jesus at the tions not a vai- Last SujDper, and the title on the cross, are cited as against^ divine examples. But under all this argument is the tacit inspiration, assumption that each of the writers is aiming to give the ipsissima verba, whereas, in fact, no one of them has given the original words. The ipsissima verba were Aramaic,'' not Greek; each New Testament writer furnishes his own free and independent version of them, and all report correctly the essential sentiment of our Lord. Who is competent to say that these very differ- ences were not desired and directed by the Almighty Spirit? Mat- thew was inspired to write the words, "Take; eat" (xxvi, 26); Mark to omit the word eat (xiv, 22) ; Luke to omit both these words, and write, " This is my body which for you is given " (xxii, 19); and Paul to say, "This my body is, which is for you" (1 Cor. xi, 24). The denial of a divine purpose in these verbal differences seems to involve a distrust of a partictilar divine providence in the peculiar style and form of the Scriptures of God. If we are not able always to see a reason for such verbal differences, neither are we competent to say that there was, and could have been, no reason, and no care for them in the divine mind. ' Biblical Psychology, part v, section 5. Comp. Elliott, A Treatise on the Inspira- tion of the Holy Scriptures, p. 257. Edinburgh, 1877. '■* The very words of our Lord are, doubtless, given in such instances as Talitha cumi (.Mark v, 41), Ephpliatha (vii, 34), liabboni (John xx, 16). 148 INTRODUCTION TO The thousands of various readings in the ancient manuscripts, and the impossibility of decidinir, in all cases, what is the true Various read- oriijinal text, are construed into an argument against ings no valid yej-jjal inspiration. If God took pains to influence the argument ' ^ -, r against the ver- writers in the choice of words and forms of thought, of^ the''"orip^ "^^'^y ^^^ ^® ^^^ been careful to secure every word from nais. corruption and change ? This question, however, as- sumes that God may never create a thing without miraculously preserving it intact forever, a proposition which we see no good rea- son to affirm. It was probably no more necessary to preserve all the words ever given by inspiration of God than to record all the things which Jesus did (John xxi, 15); and we, therefore, deny that the existing various readings afford any valid evidence that the original autographs were not verbally inspired. We may add that the denial of verbal inspiration logically diminishes one's de- vout interest and zeal in the critical study of the Scriptures. It takes away notable motives for anxiety to ascertain the exact words of the original text, for if those words were. not divinely in- spired we would naturally attach less importance to them.' But the vast majority of readers of the Bible know nothing of the original texts, and are dependent upon a translation ; of what benefit, it is asked, is verbal inspiration to such readers? But is not every such dependent reader anxious to have the most faithful translation possible? Why such care? Why have hundreds of devout scholars combined to produce an accurate and trustworthy version for the English-speaking world ? Does it not all spring from a feeling that the original is divine, and the ultimate source of all appeal? How irrelevant and fallacious is it, then, to talk of versions? The question of inspiration is concerned solely with the original texts. Moreover, if there was a divine plan and purpose in having the Scriptures written in Hebrew, and Chaldee, and Greek,^ the divine providence would be likely to have cared for every jot and tittle of the same. As for alleged discrepancies, contradictions, and errors of the '"This theory," says Gilbert Haven, "cuts tlie nerves of minute study for the har- monizing of the Word. It is as fatal to sound scholarship as to sound doctrine. That scholars and tiioologians advocate it is no jiroof of its real effects. They bring with them to their investigation, not their theory, but the old, the divine feeling of its entire and perfect sacred ness. They worship at its shrine, they seek to know its full meaning, its intended and real, if hidden, harmony. They are orthodox in Bpite of their outer creed, by the inward culture of the soul in the elder and superior truth." Methodist Quarterly Review for 1867, p. 848. See also Haven's two subse- quent articles in the same Review for 1868. *See above, pp. 106, 128. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 149 Bible, we deny that any real errors can be shown.' But our doc- trine of divine inspiration is compatible with incorrect inaccurate spelling^, involved rhetoric, imperfect grammar, and in- grammar anrj , ^ , rni 1 1 • ^1 Obscurity Of elegant language. Ihe earthen vessels remain earth- style no vaiiu en though filled with divine treasure. Confusion objection. of thought and obscurity of statement are no valid argument against the inspiration of the Word. As some of God's purposes may sometimes be most effectually carried out by weak or igno- rant men, so the apparent defects, alleged of some portions of the Scriptures, may have been divinely permitted among the definite purposes of grace.* A prophecy oi- an epistle written " not with excellency of speech or of wisdom " — " not with persuasive words of man's wisdom " — may, nevertheless, contain a wisdom and excel- lence " not of this world, nor of the rulers of this world, who come to nought" (1 Cor. ii, 1, 4, 6). Faultless grammar and absolute accuracy of statement were not essential to the best mode of set- ting forth all the lessons of redemption. No more was it essential that the New Testament should be written in the classic elegance and purity of ancient Attic Greek.- The notion that divine inspii-a- tion is incompatible with obscurity of style and grammatical inac- curacy springs from an a ])rior% judgment that God must needs have given his infallible word in some absolutely perfect or super- natural form. But such a judgment has no foundation in nature or in grace. God gave not his word in the tongues of angels, but of men. " God chose the foolish things of the world that he might put the wise to shame; and God chose the weak things of the world that he might put to shame the things which are strong; and the base things of the world, and the things which are despised, did God choose, and the things which are not, that he might bring to nought things that are; that no flesh should glory before God" (1 Cor. i, 27-29). How futile, then, are all a priori human judg- ments of the form in which God's oracles should be cast ? In the seventh chapter of Acts we have the celebrated address of the proto-martyr Stephen. His face glowing like the gfgpjjgjj.g ad- face of an angel, and his impassioned soul full of the dress in Acts Holy Spirit, he utters a rapid sketch of Israelitish liis- Vll. ' We devote a chapter, in the subsequent part of this work, to alleged discrepan- cies, and cannot enlarge upon them here. But comp. the article, Discrepancy and In- spiration not Incompatible, Journal of Sacred Literature for April, 1854, pp. 71-110. ^ How often has the personal Christian experience of an illiterate convert, uttered in broken speech and stammering voice, but glowing with the ardour of deep convic- tions, proved more mighty to awaken sinful men, and lead them to repentance, than the most finished sermons of many an eloquent preacher ! 15d INTRODUCTION TO torv. In verse 16 he speaks of the tomb at Shechem "which Abraham bought for a sum of money of the sons of Emmor, of Sliechem." Here is, apparently, a confusion of thought, but one which could do no possible harm, and did not hinder the speech from cutting the hearers to the heart (verse 54). It seems to us improbable that Stephen should have made such a blunder ; ' but there is no evidence that the text is corrupt; and who knows but the Holy Spirit allowed him in his fervid eloquence to fall into this confusion of facts in order to exhibit how irresistible plenary in- spiration is not conditioned "in the wisdom of men, but in the power of God" (1 Cor. ii, 5)? We have no room to discuss the manifold collateral questions connected with this theme, but have briefly presented the main points, which show both the divine and the Imman in the written Word. We adopt no technical theory, but indicate how all is di- vine, and all is human. For "all scriptuke is God-breathed." " Given by the divine mind," says Tayler Lewis, " these holy books must have in them a depth and fulness of meaning that the human intellect can never exhaust. If they are holy books, if they are Sacrce Scriptxiroi^ as even the neologist conventionally styles thrni, then can there be thrown away upon them no amount of study, provided that study is ever chastened by a sanctified, truth- loving spiint that rejoices more in the simplest teaching, and in the simplest method of teaching from God, than in the most lauded discoveries of any mere human science. Is it in truth the word of God — is it really God speaking to us? Then the feeling and the conclusion which it necessitates are no hyperboles. We can- not go too far in our reverence, or in our expectation of knowl- edge surpassing in kind, if not in extent. The wisdom of the earth, of the seas, of the treasures hidden in the rocks and all deep places of the subterranean world, or of the stars afar off, brings us not so nigh the central truth of the heavens, the very mind and thought of God, as one parable of Christ, or one of those grand prophetic figures through which the light of the infinite idea is converged, wliile, at the same time, its intensity is shaded for the tender human vision."" ' It is not at all impossible that a purchase similar to that recorded of Jacob (Oen. xxxiii, r.i) IkkI l)oeii made long iircviously by Abrani when he tiist arrived at She- chem, and found the Canaanite already in that land (Gen. xii, 6). An aboriginal Hamor had probably already founded the city of Shechem, and was known as its fa- ther (fomp. .Tiidg. ix, 2S). ^The Divine Human in the Scriptures, pp. 25, 26. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 151 CHAPTER IX. QUALIFICATIONS OF AN INTERPRETER. In order to be a capable' and correct interpreter of the Holy Scriptures, one needs a variety of qualifications, both natural and acquired. For though a large proportion of the sacred volume is sufficiently simple for the child to understand, and the common people and the unlearned may find on every page much that is profitable for instruction in righteousness, there is also much that reqiiires, for its proper ajiprehension and exposition, the noblest powers of intellect and the most ample learning. The several qualifications of a competent interpreter may be classified as Intel- lectual, Educational, and Spiritual. The first are largely native to the soul ; the second are acquired by study and reseai'chj the third may be regarded both as native and acquired. Intellectual Qualifications. First of all, the interpreter of S<:'ripture, and, indeed, of any other book, should have a sound, well-balanced mind. For ^ , ^. ' _ ' , Defective men- dulness of apprehension, defective judgment, and an tai powera dis- extravagant fancy will pervert one's reason, and i^^^^'^^- lead to many vain and foolish notions. The faculties of the mind are capable of discipline, and may be trained to a very high degree of perfection ; but some men inherit peculiar tendencies of intellect. Some are gifted with rare powers of imagination, but are utterly wanting in the critical faculty. A lifetime of discipline will scarce- ly restrain their exuberant fancy. Others are naturally given to form hasty judgments, and will rush to the wildest extremes. In others, peculiar tastes and passions warp the judgment, and some seem to be constitutionally destitute of common sense. Any and all such mental defects disqualify one for the interpretation of the word of God. A ready perception is specially requisite in the interpreter. He must have the power to grasp the thought of his au- Quick and clear thor, and take in at a glance its full force and bearing, perception. With such ready perception there must be united a breadth of view and clearness of understanding which will be quick to catch, not only the import of words and phrases, but also the drift of the ' Comp. the import of Uavoi, iKavoTTj^, and iKuvucjev in 2 Cor. iii, 5, 6. 152 INTRODUCTION TO argument. Thus, for example, in attempting to explain tlie Epistle to the Galatians, a quick perception will note the apologetic tone of the first two chapters, the bold earnestness of Paul in asserting the divine authority of his apostleship, and the far-reaching conse- quences of his claim. It will also note how forcibly the personal incidents referred to in Paul's life and ministry enter into his argu- ment. It will keenly appreciate the impassioned appeal to the " foolish Galatians " at the beginning of chapter third, and the nat- ural transition from thence to the doctrine of Justification. The variety of argument and illustration in the third and fourth chap- ters, and the hortatory application and practical counsels of the two concluding chapters will also be clearly discerned; and then the unity, scope, and directness of the whole Epistle will lie pictured before the mind's eye as a perfect whole, to be appreciated more and more fully as additional attention and study are given to min- uter details. The jxreat exegetes have been noted for acuteness of intellect, a Acuteness of critical sharpness to discern at once the connexion of Intellect. thought, and the association of ideas. This qualifica- tion is of great importance to every interpreter. He must be quick to see what a j^assage does not teach, as well as to comprehend its real import. His critical acumen should be associated with a mas- terly power of analysis, in order that he may clearly discern all the parts and relations of a given Avhole. Bengel and De Wette, in their works on the New Testament, excel in this particular. They evince an intellectual sagacity, which is to be regarded as a special gift, an inborn endowment, rather than a result of scientific culture. The strong intellect will not be destitute of imaginative power. Imagination Many things in narrative description must be left to be musfbe coll- f^iipplied, and many of the finest passages of Holy Writ trolled. cannot be appreciated by an unimaginative mind. The true interpreter must often transport himself into the past, and picture in his soul the scenes of ancient time. He must have an in- tuition of nature and of human life by which to put himself in the place of the biblical writers and see and feel as they did. But it has usually happened that men of powerful imagination have been unsafe expositors. An exuberant fancy is apt to run awav with the judgment, and introduce conjecture and speculation in place of valid exegesis. The chastened and disciplined imagination will as- sociate with itself the power of conception and of abstract thought, and be able to construct, if called for, working hypotheses to be used in illustraticm or in argument. Sometimes it may be expe- dient to form a concept, or adopt a theory, merely for the purpose BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 153 of pursuing some special line of discussion ; and every expositor should be competent for this when needed. But, above all things, an interpreter of Scripture needs a sound and sober judgment. His mind must be competent to gQ^jgr judg- aiialyze, examine, and compare. Pie must not allow '^'^'i''- himself to be influenced by hidden meanings, and spiritualizing processes, and plausible conjectures. He must weigh reasons for and against a given interpretation; he must judge whether his principles are tenable and self-consistent; he must often balance probabilities, and reach conclusions with the greatest caution. Such a discriminating judgment may be trained and strengthened, and no pains should be spared to render it a safe and reliable habit of the mind. Correctness and delicacy of taste will- be the result of a discrimi- nating judgment. The interpreter of the inspired vol- correct and dei- urae will find tlie need of this qualification in discerning icatu taste. the manifold beauties and excellences scattered in rich profusion through its pages. But his taste, as well as his judgment, must be trained to discern between the true and the false ideals. Many a modern Avhim of shallow refinement is offended with the straiiiht- forward honesty and simplicity of the ancient world. Prurient sensitiveness often blushes before expressions in the Script uies which are as far as possible removed from impurity. Correct t;:sle in such cases will pronounce according to the real spirit of tl e writer and his age. The use of reason in the interpretation of Scripture is every- wliere to be assumed. The Bible comes to us in the UsG of rctisou. forms of human language, and appeals to our reason and judgment; it invites investigation, and condemns a blind cre- dulity. It is to be interpreted as we interpret any other volume, by a rigid application of the same laws of language, and the same grammatical analysis. Even in passages which may be said to lie beyond the ])i"Ovince of reason, in the realm of supernatural revela- tion, it is still competent for the rational judgment to say whether, indeed, the revelation be supernatural. In matters beyond its range of vision, reason may, by valid argument, explain its own incom- petency, and by analogy and manifold suggestion show that there are many things beyond its province which are nevertheless true and righteous altogether, and to be accepted without dispute. Reason itself may thus become efficient in strengthening faith in the unseen and eternal. But it behooves the expounder of God's word to see that all his principles and processes of reasoning are sound and self-consistent. 154 INTRODUCTION TO He must not commit himself to false premises; he must ahstain from confusing dilemmas ; he must especially refrain from rushing to unwarranted conclusions. Nor must he ever take for granted things which are doubtful, or open to serious question. All such logical fallacies will necessarily vitiate his expositions, and make him a dangerous guide. The right use of reason in biblical exposi- tion is seen in the cautious procedure, the sound principles adopted, the valid and conclusive argumentation, the sober sense displayed, and the honest integrity and self-consistency everywhere main- tained. Such exercise of reason Mill always commend itself to the godly conscience and the pure heart. In addition to the above-mentioned qualifications, the interpreter should be "apt to teach" (diSaKTiKog, 2 Tim, ii, 24). p 0 eac . jj^ niust not only be able to understand the Scriptures, but also to set forth in clear and lively form to others what he himself comprehends. Without such aptness in teaching, all his other gifts and qualities will avail little or nothing. Accordingly, the interpreter should cultivate a clear and simple style, and study to bring out the truth and force of the inspired oracles so that others will readily understand. Educational Qualifications. The professional interpreter of Scripture needs more than a well- balanced mind, discreet sense, and acuteness of intellect. He needs stores of information in the broad and varied fields of history, science, and philosophy. By many liberal studies will his faculties become disciplined and strong for practical use ; and extensive and accurate knowledge will furnish and fit him to be the teacher of others. The biblical interpreter should be minutely acquainted with the geography of Palestine and the adiacent retrions. Geography. , i \, i i i • .i • i •,, -. In order to be properly versed in this, he will need to understand the physical character of the world outside of Bible lands. For, though the sacred writers may have known nothing of countries foreign to Asia, Africa, and Europe, the modern student will find an advantage in having information, as full as possible, of the entire surface of the globe. With such geographical knowledge he should also unite a familiar acquaintance with uni- History versal history. The records of many jjeoples, both an- cient and modern, will often be of value in testing the accuracy of the sacred Avriters, and illustrating their excellence and Morth. AVhat a vast amount of light have ancient authors, and the deci- phered inscriptions of Egypt, Assyria, Babylon, and Persia, shed upon the narratives of the Bible I BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 155 The science of chronology is also indisjDensable to the proper in- terpretation of the Scriptures. The succession of events, the division of the ages into great eras, the scoj^e of gen- rono.ogy. ealogical tables, and the fixing of dates, are important, and call for patient study and laborious care. Nor can the interpreter dis- pense with the study of antiquities, the habits, customs, and arts of the ancients. He should inquire into the an- ^ '*^^^ ^^^* tiquities of all the ancient nations and races of whom any records remain, for the customs of other nations may often throw light upon those of the Hebrews. The study of politics, in- cluding international law and the various theories and & systems of civil government, will add greatly to the other accom- plishments of the exegete, and enable him the better to appreciate the Mosaic legislation, and the great principles of civil government set forth in the New Testament. Many a passage, also, can be illus- trated and made more impressive by a thorough knowledge of natu- ral science. Geology, mineralogy, and astronomy, are Natural sci- incidentally touched by statements or allusions of the sa- ence. cred writers, and whatever the knowledge of the ancients on these subjects, the modern interpreter ought to be familiar with what modern science has demonstrated. The same may be said of the history and systems of speculative thought, the various . o ' Philosophy, schools of philosophy and psychology. Many of these philosophical discussions have become involved in theological dog- ma, and have led to peculiar principles and methods of interpreta- tion, and, to cope fairly with them, the professional exegete should be familiar with all their subtleties. We have already seen how all-important to the interpreter is a profound and accu- The sacred rate knowledge of the sacred tongues. No one can be a tongues, master in biblical exposition without such knowledge. To a thor- ough acquaintance with Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek, he should add some proficiency in the science of comparative phi- comparative lology. Especially will a knowledge of Syriac, Arabic, puiioiogy. and other Semitic languages help one to understand the Hebrew and the Chaldee, and acquaintance with Sanskrit and Latin and other Indo-European tongues will deepen and enlarge one's knowl- edge of the Greek. To all these acquirements the interpreter of God's word should add a familiar acquaintance with gen- Genera: lit- eral literature. The great productions of human genius, erature. the world-renowned epics, the classics of all the great nations, and the bibles of all religions, will be of value in estimating the oracles of God. It is not denied that there have been able and excellent exposi- 156 INTRODUCTION TO tors who were wanting in many of these literary qualifications. But he who excels as a master can regai'd no literary attainments as superfluous; and, in maintaining and defending against scepti- cism and infidelity the faith once delivered to the saints, the Christian apologist and exegete will find all these qualifications in- dispensable. Spiritual Qualifications. Intellectual qualities, though capable of development and disci- Partiy a gift, pline, are to be regarded as natural endowments; edu- partiy acquired, cational or literary acquirements are to be had only by diligent and faithful study; but those qualifications of an inter- preter which we call spiritual are to be regarded as partly a gift, and partly acquired by personal effort and pro^Jer discipline. Under this head we place all moral and religious qualities, dispositions, and attainments. The spirit is that higher moral nature which especially distinguishes man from the brute, and renders him capa- ble of knowing and loving God. To meet the wants of this spirit- ual nature the Bible is admirably adapted; but the perverse heart and carnal mind may refuse to entertain the thoughts of God. " The natural man," says Paul, " does not receive the things of the Spirit of God, for they are a folly to him, and he is not able to know, because they are spiritually discerned " (1 Cor. ii, 14). First of all, the true interpreter needs a disposition to seek and Desire to know know the truth. No man can properly enter upon the the truth. study and exposition of what purports to be the reve- lation of God while his heart is influenced by any prejudice against it, or hesitates for a moment to accept what commends itself to his conscience and his judgment. There must be a sincere desire and purpose to attain the truth, and cordially accept it when attained. Such a disposition of heart, which may be more or less strong in early childhood, is then easily encouraged and developed, or as easily perverted. Early prejudices and the natural tendency of tlie liuman soul to run after that which is evil, rapidly beget habits and dispositions unfriendly to godliness. "For the carnal mind is enmity against God" (Rom. viii, 7), and readily cleaves to that which seems to remove moral obligation. " Every one that does evil hates the light, and comes not to the light lest his deeds should be reproved" (John iii, 20). A soul thus perverted is incompetent to love and search the Scriptures. Tomier uiicc- ^ 1'"'"^ desire to know the truth is enhanced by a ten- •■'on- der affection for whatever is morally ennobling. The writhigs of John abound in passages of tender feeling, and suggest BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 157 how deep natures like his possess an intuition of godliness. Their souls yearn for the pure and the good, and they exult to find it all in God. Such tender aflfection is the seat of all pure love, whether of God or of man. The characteristic utterance of such a soul is: "Beloved, let us love one another; because love is of God, and every one that loves has been begotten of God, and knows God. . . . God is love; and he that abides in love abides in God, and God in hira" (1 John iv, 7, 16). The love of the truth should be fervent and glowing, so as to be- get in the soul an enthusiasm for the word of God. Enthusiasm for The mind that truly appreciates the Homeric poems the word. must imbibe the spirit of Homer. The same is true of him who delights in the magnificent periods of Demosthenes, the easy num- bers and burning thoughts of Shakspeare, or the lofty verse of Mil- ton. What fellowship with such lofty natures can he have whose soul never kindles with enthusiasm in the study of their works? So the j^rofound and able exegete is he whose spirit God has touched, and whose soul is enlivened by the revelations of heaven. Such hallowed fervour should be chastened and controlled by a true reverence. "The fear of Jehovah is the begin- Reverence for ning of knowledge " (Prov. i, 7). There must be the ^°^- devout frame of mind, as well as the pure desire to know the truth. " God is a Spirit; and they that worship him must worship him in spirit and in truth" (John iv, 24). Therefore, they who would attain the true knowledge of God must possess the rever- ent, truth-loving spirit; and, having attained this, God will seek them (John iv, 23) and reveal himself to them as he does not unto the world. Compare Matt, xi, 25; xvi, 17. Finally, the expounder of the Holy Scriptures needs to have liv- ing fellowship and communion with the Holy Sj^irit. communion Inasmuch as " all Scripture is God-breathed " (2 Tim. with the Holy iii, 1 6), and the sacred writers spoke from God as they ^'" " were moved by the Holy Spirit (2 Peter i, 21), the interpreter of Scripture must be a partaker of the same Holy Spirit. He must, by a profound experience of the soul, attain the saving knowledge of Christ, and in proportion to the depth and fulness of that expe- rience he will know the life and peace of the " mind of the Spirit " (Rom. viii, 6). " We speak God's wisdom in a mystery," says Paul (1 Cor. ii, 7-11), the hidden spiritual wisdom of a divinely illuminated heart, which none of the princes of this world have known, but (as it is in substance written in Isa. Ixiv, 4) a wisdom relating to " what things (a) eye did not see, and ear did not hear, and into man's heart did not enter — whatever things (ooa) God 158 INTRODUCTION, prepared for them that love him; for' to lis Gocl revealed them through the Spirit; for the Sj^irit searches all things, even the depths of God. For who of men knows the things of tl\e man except the spirit of the man which is in him ? So also the things of God no one knows except the Spirit of God." He, then, who would know and explain to others " the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven " (Matt, xiii, 11) must enter into blessed' communion and fellowship with the Holy One. He should never cease to pray (Eph. i, 17, 18) "that the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Fa- ther of glory, would give him the spirit of wisdom and of re^ela- tion in the full knowledge (eTriyvcjaig) of him, the eyes of his heart being enlightened for the purpose of knowing what is the hope of his calling, what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints, and what the exceeding greatness of his power toward us who believe." ' We follow here the reading of Westcott and Hort, who receive yaQ into the text. This reading has the strong support of Codex B, and would have been quite liable to be changed to the more numerously supported reading 6e by reason of a failure to apprehend the somewhat involved connection of thought. The ydg gives the reason why toe speak God's mysterious wisdom, for to us God revealed it through the Spirit. PART SECOND. '9 *- PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. We count it no gentleness or fair dealing, in a man of power, to require strict and punctual ohedience, and yet give out his commands amhiguously . We should thinlc he had a plot upon us. Certainly such commands were no commands, hut snares, (The very essence of truth is plainness and hrightness; the darlcness and ignorance are our own. (TTie wisdom of God created under- standing, fit and proportionable to truth, the ohj'ect and end of it, as the eye to the thing visihle. If our understanding have a film of ignorance over it, or he hlear with gazing on other false glistering s, 'what is that to truth? Jf we vAll hut purge with sovereign eye-salve that intellectual ray which Crod hath planted in us, then we would helieve the Scriptures protesting their own plain- ness and perspicuity, calling to them to he instructed, not only the wise and the learned, hut the simple, the poor, the hahes ; foretelling an extraordinary effusion of Q-od's Spirit upon every age and sect, attributing to all men and requiring from them the ability of searching, trying, examining all things, and by the Spirit discerning that which is good. — Milton. PRINCIPLES OP BIBLICAL HERMEITEUTICS. CHAPTER I. PRELIMINARY. The Principles of Biblical Hermeneutics are those governing laws and methods of procedure by which the interpreter de- . i> 1 TT 1 n • Hermeneutical termmes the meaning of the Holy Scriptures. These principles de- principles are of the nature of comprehensive and fun- ^"'^'^' damental doctrines. They become to the practical exegete so many maxims, postulates, and settled rules. He is supposed to hold them in the mind as axioms, and to apply them in all his expositions with uniform consistency.' The importance of establishing sound and trustworthy principles of biblical exposition is universally conceded. For it , ^ .... . Importance of is evident that a false principle m his method will nee- sound princi- cssarily vitiate the entire exegetical process of an inter- ^^^^^' preter. When we find that in the explanation of certain parts of the Scriptures no two interi^reters out of a whole class agree, we liave great reason to presume at once that some fatal error lurks in their principles of interpretation. We cannot believe that the sacred writers desired to be misunderstood. They did not write with a purpose to confuse and mislead their readers. Nor is it reasonable to suppose that the Scripture, given by divine inspira- tion, is of the nature of a puzzle designed to exercise the ingenuity of critics. It was given to make men wise unto salvation, and in great part it is so direct and simple in its teachings that a little child can understand its meaning. But the Bible contains some riddles and dark sayings, and many revelations in the form of types, symbols, parables, allegories, visions, and dreams, and the intcrpro- ' "The perfect understanding of a discourse," says Schleiermacher, "is a work of art, and involves the need of au art-doctrine, which we designate by the term Her- meneutics. Such an art-doctrine has existence only in so far as the precepts admitted form a system resting upon principles which are immediately evident from the nature of thought and language." — Outline of the Study of Theology," p. 142. Edinb., 1850. 11 163 PRINCIPLES OF tation of these has exerciser! the most gifterl minds. IMany differ- ent and often contradictory methods of exposition have been adopted, and some enthusiasts liave gone to the extreme of affirm- ing that there are manifokl meanings and "mountains of sense" in every line of Scripture. Lender the spell of some such fascination many have been strangely misled, and have set forth as expositions of the Scriptures their own futile fancies.' Sound hermeneutical j^rinciples are, therefore, elements of safety True metiiod and satisfaction in the study of God's Amtten word. of detejiiiining jj^^ j^q^^^ j^j.g g^(,IJ principles to be ascertained and es- sound pnnci- ^ ^ pies. tablished? How may we determine what is true and what is false in the various methods of exposition? We must go to the Scriptures themselves, and search them in all their parts and forms. We miist seek to ascertain the principles which the sacred writers followed. Naked propositions, or formulated rules of in- terpretation, will be of little or no worth unless supported and illustrated by self-verifying examples. It is Avorthy of note that the Scriptures furnish repeated examples of the formal interpre- tation of dreams, visions, types, symbols, and parables. In such examples we are especially to seek our fundamental and controlling laws of exposition. Unless we find clear warrant for it in the word itself, we sliould never allow that any one passage or sentiment of divine revelation has more than one true import. The Holy Scrip- ture is no Delphic oracle to bewilder and mislead the human heart by utterances of double meaning. God's written word, taken as a whole, and allowed to speak for itself, will be found to be its own best interpreter. The process of observing the laws of thought and language, as Ennobling tea- exhibited in the Holy Scriptures, is an ennobling study. menou\iTai ^^ affords an edifying intercourse Avith eminent and study. choice spirits of the past, and compels us for the time to lose sight of temporary interests, and to become absorbed with the thouglUs and feelings of other ages; He who forms the habit of studying not only the divine thoughts of revelation, but also the principles and methods according to which those thoughts have been expressed, Avill acquire a moral and intellectual culture worthy of the noblest ambition. • Lange suggestively remarks : " As the sun in the earthly heavens has to break througli many cloudy media, so also does the divine word of Holy Poripturo thronuh the confusion of every kind which arises from the soil of earthly uituitiou and rupr The Allegories of the Sacred Laws, book i, 1 9 (Bohn's edition). 164 PRINCIPLES OP The many-liiuberl and brutal affection, lust, with the rider mounted, who gives the reins to pleasures, he casts into the sea — throwing them away into the disorders of the world. TIuis, also, Plato, in his book on the soul [Timseus], says that tiie charioteer and the horse that ran off — (tlie irra- tional part, which is divided into two, into anger and concupiscence) — fall down; and so the myth intimates that it was through the licentiousness of tlie steeds that Phaethon was thrown out." The allegorical method of interpretation is based upon a pro- found reverence for the Scriptures, and a desire to exhibit their manifold depths of wisdom. But it will be noticed at once that its habit is to disregard the common signification of words, and give Aving to all manner of fanciful speculation. It does not draw- out the legitimate meaning of an author's language, but foists into it Avhatever the whim or fancy of an interpreter may desire. As a system, therefore, it puts itself beyond all well-defined principles and laws. Closely allied to the allegorical interpretation is the Mystical," Mystical inter- according to which manifold depths and shades of mean- pretation. jng are sought in every word of Scripture. The alle- gorical interpreters have, accordingly, very naturally run into much that is to be classed v/ith mystical theorizing. Clement of Alex- andria maintained that the laws of Moses contain a fourfold signif- icance, the natural, the mystical, the moral, and the prophetical. Origen held that, as man's nature consists of body, soul, and spirit, 80 the Scriptures have a con*esponding threefold sense, the bodily (oujiartKog), or literal, the psychical (ipvxiKog)^ or moral, and the spiritual (nvevijaTiKog), which latter lie further distinguishes as alle- gorical, tropological, and anagogical. In the early part of the ninth century the learned Rhabanus Maurus recommended four methods of exposition, the historical, the allegorical, the anagogical, and the tropological. He observes : By these the mother Wisdom feeds the sons of her adoption. Uiion youth and tiiose of tender age s!ie bestows drink, in the milk of history; on sucii as have made proficiency in faith, food, in the bread of allegory; to the good, such as strenuously laliour in good works, she gives a satisfy- ing portion in the savoury nourishment of tropology. To those, in fine, who have raised themselves jibove the conunon level of humanity by a con- temi)t of earthly things, and liavc advanced to the highest by heavenly desires, she gives the sober intoxication of theoretic contemplation in the wine of anagogy. . , . History, which narrates examples of perfect men, ' Miscellanies, book v, chap. viii. ' According to Ernesti, tlie mystical interpretation differs from the allegorical, as among the Greeks ■deupia differs from uJ.Ariyopia. Institutes, chap, ix, 3. BIBLICAL PIERMENEUTICS. 165 excites the reader to imitate tlieir sanctity; allegory excites him to know the trutli in the revelation of faith; tropology encourages him to the love of virtue by improving the morals; and anagogy promotes the longinc after eternal happiness by revealing everlasting joys. . . . Since tlien, it appears that these four modes of understanding the Holy Scriptures unveil all the secret things in them, we should consider when they are to be understood according to one of them only, when according to two, when accordino- to three, and when according to all the four together.' Among the mystical interpreters we may also place the cele- brated Emanuel Swedenborg, who maintains a three- gwedenborffian fold sense of Scripture, according to what he calls " the interpretation. Science of Correspondencies." As there are three heavens, a low- est, a middle, and a highest, so there are three senses of the Word, the natural or literal, the spiritual, and the celestial. He says : Tile Word in the letter is like a casket, where lie in order precious stones, pearls, and diadems; and when a man esteems the Word holy, and reads it for the sake of the uses of life, the thoughts of his mind are, compara- tively, like one who holds such a cabinet in his hand, and sends it heaven- ward ; and it is opened in its ascent, and the precious things therein come to the angels, who are deeply delighted witli seeing and examining them. This delight of tiie angels is communicated to the man, and makes conso- ciation, and also a communication of perceptions.^ He explains the commandment "Thou shalt not kill" (Exod. XX, 13), first, in its natural sense, as foi'bidding murder and also the cherishing of hatred and revenge ; secondly, in the spiritual sense, as forbidding "to act the devil and destroy a man's soul;" and thirdly, in the celestial or heavenly sense, the angels understand killing to signify hating the Lord and the Word. Somewhat allied to the mystical is that Pietistic mode of exposi- tion, according to which the interpreter claims to be pietistic inter- guided by an " inward light," received as " an unction pretation. from the Holy One" (1 John ii, 20). The rules of grammar and the common meaning and usage of words are discarded, and the internal Light of the Spirit is held to be the abiding and infallible Revealer. Some of the later Pietists of Germany, and the Quakers of England and America have been especially given to this mode of handling the Scriptures.' It is certainly to be supposed that ' From Maurus. Allejjoriae in Universam Sacram Scripturam, as given in Davidson, Hermeneutics, pp. 105, 106. ' The True Christian Religion, chap, iv, 6. ^ From pietistic extravagant-e we of course except such men as Spener and A. H. Francke, the great leaders of what is known as Pietism in Germany. The noble prac- tical character of their work and teaching saved them from the excesses into which most of those run who are commonly called Fictists. "The principal efforts of the 166 PRINCIPLES OF this holy inward light Avould never contradict itself, or guide its followers into different expositions of the same scripture. But the divergent and irreconcilable interpretations prevalent among the adhei-ents of this system show that the "inward light" is untrust- worthy. Like the allegorical and mystical systems of interpreta- tion, Pietism concedes the sanctity of the Scriptures, and seeks in them the lessons of eternal life; but as to principles and rules of exegesis it is more lawless and irrational. The Allegorist pro- fesses to follow certain analogies and correspondencies, but the ^ Quaker-Pietist is a law unto himself, and his own subjective feel- in »• or fancy is the end of controversy. He sets himself up as a new oracle, and while assuming to follow the written word of God, puts forth his own diction as a further revelation. Such a pro- cedure, of course, can never commend itself to the common sense and the rational judgment. A method of exposition, which owes its distinction to the cele- brated J. S. Semler, the father of the destructive school of German AccoiTimoda- Rationalism, is known as the Accommodation Theory. tion Theory. According to this theory the Scripture teachings respect- ing miracles, vicarious and expiatory sacrifice, the resurrection, eternal judgment, and the existence of angels and demons, are to be regarded as an accommodation to the superstitious notions, >^ Ijrejudices, and ignorance of the times. The supernatural was thus set aside. Semler became possessed with the idea that we must distinguish between religion and theology, and between personal piety and the public teaching of the Church. He re- jected the doctrine of tlie Divine inspiration of the Scriptures, and argued that, as the Old Testament was written for the Jews, whose religious notions were narrow and faulty, we cannot accept its teachings as a general rule of faith. Matthew's Gospel, he held, was intended for Jews outside of Palestine, and John's Gospel for Christians Avho had more or less of Grecian culture. Paul at first adapted himself to Jewish modes of thought with the hope of win- ning over many of his coiintrymen to Christianity, but failing in this, he turned to the Gentiles, and became pre-eminent in holding up Christianity as the religion for all men. The different books of Scripture were, accordingly, designed to serve only a temporary Pietists," says Iininoi', " were directed toward the cdificatory ai)jdication of Scripture, as may be seen from P'rancke's Maiiuductio ad Leetionem Scripturae Sacrae. This predominance of effort at edification soon degenerated into indifference to science, and at hist iiitr, jiroud contempt of it. Mystical and typolojjical trifling arose; chiliastic phantasies fountl great acceptance; the Scriptures were not so much explained as overwhelmed with pious reflections." Hermeneutics, p. 40. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 167 purpose, and many of their statements may be summarily set aside as untrue. The fatal objection to this method of interpretation is that it necessarily imj^ugns the veracity and honour of the sacred writers, and of the Son of God himself. It represents them as conniving at the errors and ignorance of men, and confirming them and the readers of the Scriptures in such ignorance and error. If such a principle be admitted into our expositions of the Bible, wc at once lose our moorings, and drift out upon an open sea of conjecture and uncertainty. A passing notice should also be taken of what is commonly called the Moral Interpretation, and which owes its origin to Moral interpre- the celebrated philosopher of Konigsberg, Iramanuel ^^^tion of Kaut. Kant. The prominence given to the pure reason, and the idealism maintained in his metaphysical system, naturally led to the practice of making the Scriptures bend to the preconceived demands of reason. For, although the whole Scripture be given by inspiration of God, it has for its practical value and purpose the moral improve- ment of man. Hence, if the literal and historical sense of a given passage yield no profitable moral lesson, such as commends itself to the practical reason, we are at liberty to set it aside, and attach to the words such a meaning as is compatible with the religion of reason. It is maintained that such expositions are not to be charged with insincerit}^, inasmuch as they are not to be set forth as the meaning strictly intended by the sacred writers, but only as a meaning which the writers may possibly have intended.' The only real value of the Scriptures is to illustrate and confirm the religion of reason. It is easy to see that such a system of interpretation, which pro- fessedly ignores the grammatical and historical sense of the Bible, can have no reliable or self-consistent rules. Like the mystical and allegorical methods, it leaves every thing subject to the peculiar faith or fancy of the interpreter. So open to criticism and objection are all the above-mentioned methods of interpretation, that we need not be surprised to find them offset by other extremes. Of all rationalistic theories the ' See Kant, Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vermin ft, p. IGl. This " was the Avorlv of his old age, and at all periods of his life he seems to have been at least as deficient in religious sentiment as in emotional imagination, which is allied to it. . . . It treats the revelations of Scripture in regard to the fall of man, to his re- demption, and to his restoration, as a moral allegory, the data of which are supplied by the consciousness of depravity, and of dereliction from the strict principles of duty. It is Strauss in the germ." M'Clintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia, article Kant. 168 PRINCIPLES OF Naturalistic is the most violent and radical. A rigid application Naturaiistip In- ^^ tliis theory is exhibited in Paulus' Commentary on terpretation. the New Testament,' in which it is maintained that the biblical critic should always distinguish between what is fact and what is mere oi)inion. He accepts the historical truth of the Gospel narratives, but holds that the mode of accounting for them is a mat- ter of opinion. He rejects all supernatural agency in human affairs, and explains the miracles of Jesus either as acts of kindness, or ex- hibitions of medical skill, or illustrations of personal sagacity and tact, recorded in a manner peculiar to the age and opinions of the different writers. Jesus' walking on the sea was really a walking on the shore ; but the boat was all the time so near the shore, that when Peter jumped into the sea Jesus could reach and rescue him from the shore. The excitement was so great, and the impi-essiou on the dis- ciples so deep, that it seemed to them as if Jesus had miraculously walked on the sea, and come to their help. The apparent miracle of making five loaves feed five thousand people was done simply by the example, which Jesus bade his disci})k'S set, of distributing of their own little store to those immediately about them. This example Avas promptly followed by other companies, and it was found that there was more than suflicient food for all. Lazarus did not really die, but fell into a swoon, and was supposed to be dead. But Jesus suspected the real state of the case, and coming to the tomb at the opportune moment, happily found that his suspicions v/ere correct; and his Avis- dom and power in the case made a profound and lasting impression. This style of exposition, however, was soon seen to set at naught the rational laws of human speech, and to undermine the credibility of all ancient history. It exposed the sacred books to all manner of ridicule and satire, and only for a little time awakened any con- siderable interest. The Naturalistic method of interpretation was followed by the The Mytbicai Mythical. Its most distinguished representative was Theory. David Friedrich Strauss, whose Life of Jesus (Das Lcben Jesu), first published in 1835, created a profound sensation in the Christian world. The Mythical theory, as developed and rigidly carried out by Strauss, was a logical and self -consistent application to biblical exposition of the Ilegeliaji (pantheistic) doctrine that the idea of God and of the absolute is neither shot forth miraculously, nor revealed in the individual, but developed in the consciousness of humanity. According to Strauss, the Messianic idea was gradu- ally developed in the expectations and yearnings of the Jewish ' riiilologiscli-ki'itischer uud historischor Commentar iibor das neuo Teritament. 4 vols. 1800-1804. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 169 nation, and at the time Jesus appeared it was rij^ening into full maturity. The Christ was to spring from the line of David, be born at Bethlehem, be a prophet like Moses, and speak words of infallible wisdom. His age should be full of signs and wonders. The eyes of the blind should be opened, the ears of the deaf should be unstopped, and the tongue of the dumb should sing. Amid these hopes and expectations Jesus arose, an Israelite of remarkaljle beauty and force of character, who, by his personal excellence and wise discourse, made an overwhelming impression upon his imme- diate friends and followers. After his decease, his disciples not only yielded to the conviction that he must have risen from the dead, but began at once to associate with him all their Messianic ideals. Their argument was: "Such and such things must have pertained to the Christ; Jesus was the Christ; therefore such and such things happened to him." ' The visit of the wise men from the East was suggested by Balaam's prophecy of the " star out of Jacob" (Num. xxiv, 17). The flight of the holy family into Ejjypt was worked up out of Moses' flight into Midian; and the slaughter of the infants of Bethlehem out of Pharaoh's order to destroy every male among the infant Israelites of Egypt. The miraculous feeding of the five thousand with a few loaves of bread was appro- priated from the Old Testament story of the manna. The trans- figuration in the high mountain apart was drawn from the accounts of Moses and Elijah in the mount of God. In short, Christ did not institute the Christian Church, and send forth his gospel, as nar- rated in the New Testament ; rather, the Christ of the Gospels was the mythical creation of the early Church. Adoring enthusiasts clothed the memory of the man Jesus with all that could enhance his name and character as the Messiah of the world. But what is fact and what is fiction must be determined bj^ critical analysis. Sometimes it may be impossible to draw the dividing line. Among the criteria by which we are to distinguish the mythical, Strauss instances the following: A narrative is not his- strauss' crite- torical (1) when its statements are irreconcilable with na of myths. the known and universal laws which govern the course of events; (2) when it is inconsistent with itself or with other accounts of the same thing; (3) when the actors converse in poetry or elevated dis- course unsuitable to their training and situation; (4) when the es- sential substance and groundwork of a reported occurrence is either inconceivable in itself, or is in striking harmony with some Messi- anic idea of the Jews of that age.* ' See Life of Jesus, Introduction, § 14. ' Ibid., Introduction, § 16. 170 PRINCIPLES OF Xie need not here enter npon a detailed exposure of the fallacies of this mythical theory. It is sufficient to observe, on the four critical rules enumerated above, that the first dogmatically denies the possibility of miracles; the second (especially as used by Strauss) virtually assume:^, that when two accounts disagree, both must be false! the third is worthless until it is clearly shown what is suitable or unsuitable in each given case; and the fourth, when reduced to the last analysis, Avill be found to be simply an appeal to one's subjective notions. To these considerations we add that the Gospel portraiture of Jesus is notably unlike the prevalent Jewish concejjtion of the Messiah at that time. It is too perfect and marvellous to have been the product of any human faiicy. Myths arise only in unhistoric ages, and a long time after the per- sons or events they represent, whereas Jesus lived and wrought his wonderful works in a most critical period of Greek and Roman civilization. Furthermore, the New Testament writings were pub- lished too soon after the actual appearance of Jesus to embody such a mythical development as Strauss assumes. While attempt- ing to show how the Church spontaneously originated the Christ of the gospels, this whole tlieory fails to show any sufficient cause or explanation of the origin of the Church and of Christianity itself. The mythical interpretation, after half a century of learned labours, has notably failed to commend itself to the judgment of Christian scholars, and has few advocates at the jDresent time. The four last-named methods of interpretation may all be deslg- other rational- "^'^ted as Rationalistic; but under this name we may istic methods, also place Some other methods which agree Avith the naturalistic, the mythical, the moral, and the accommodation the- ories, in denying the supernatural element in the Bible. The peculiar methods by Avhich F. C. Baur, Renan, Schenkel, and other rationalistic critics have attempted to portray the life of Jesus, and to account for the origin of the Gospels, the Acts, and the Epistles, often involve correspondingly peculiar principles of inter- pretation. All these writers, however, proceed with assumptions which virtually beg the questions at issue between the naturalist and the supernaturalist. But they all conspicuously differ among themselves. Baur rejects the mythical theory of Strauss, and finds the origin of many of the New Testament writings in the Petrine and Pauline factions of the early Church, These factions arose over the question of abolishing the Old Testament ceremonial and tlie rite of circumcision. The Acts of the Apostles is regarded as the monument of a i)acification between these rival parties, effected in the early part of the second century. The book is treated as large- BIBLICAL riERMENEUTICS. 171 Ij a fiction, in which the author, a disciple of Paul, represents Peter as the first to preach the Gospel to the Gentiles, and exhibits Paul as conforming to divers Jewish customs, thus securing a rec- onciliation between the Pauline and Petrine Christians,' Renan, on the other hand, maintains a legendary theory of the origin of the gospels, and attributes the miracles of Jesus, like the marvels of medifEval saints, j^artly to the blind adoration and enthusiasm of his followers, and partly to pious fraud. Schenkel essays to make the life and character of Christ intelligible by stripping it of the divine and the miraculous, and presenting him as a mere man. Against all these rationalistic theories it is obvious to remark that they exclude and destroy each other. Strauss exploded the natur- alistic method of Paulus, and Baur shows that tl^e mythical theory of Strauss is untenable. Renan pronounces against the theories of Baur, and exposes the glaring fallacy of making the Petrine ar.d Pauline factions account for the origin of the New Testament books, and the books account for the factions. Renan's own meth- ods of criticism appear to be utterly laAvless, and his light and cap- tious remarks have led many of his readers to feel that he is desti- tute of any serious or sacred convictions, and that he would readily make use of furtive means to gain his end. He is continually foisting into the Scriptures meanings of his own, and making the writers say what was probably never in their thoughts. He as- sumes, for instance, as a teaching of Jesus, that the rich man was sent to Hades because he was rich, and Lazarus was glorified be- cause he was a pauper. Many of his interpretations are based upon the most unwarrantable assumptions, and are unworthy of any seri- ous attempt at refutation. The logical issue lies far back of his exegesis, in the fundamental questions of a jaersonal God and an OA'erruling providence. Sceptical and rationalistic assaults upon the Scriptures have called out a method of interpretation which may be called j^pojo„gtj(> a,nd Apologetic. It assumes to defend at all hazards the au- Dogmatic meth- thenticity, genuineness, and credibility of every docu- ment incorporated in the sacred canon, and its standpoint and methods are so akin to that of the Dogmatic exposition of the Bi- ble, that we present the two together. The objectionable feature of these methods is that they virtually set out with the ostensible purpose of maintaining a preconceived hypothesis. Tlie hypothesis may be right, but the procedure is always liable to mislead. It ' Several notions of the Tiibingen critical school, represented by Baur, may be found in substance among the teachings of Semler, tlie author of this destructive species of criticism. , 172 PRINCIPLES OF presents the constant temptation to find desired meanings in words, and ignore the scope and general purpose of the writer. There are cases where it is well to assume a hypothesis, and use it as a means of investigation; but in all such cases the hypothesis is only as- sumed tentatively, not affirmed dogmatically. In the exposition of the Bible, apology and dogma have a legitimate place. The true apology defends the sacred books against an unreasonable and cap- tious criticism, and presents their claims to be regarded as the reve- lation of God. But this can be done only by pursuing rational methods, and by the use of a convincing logic. So also the Scrip- tures are profitable for dogma, but the dogma must be shown to be a legitimate teaching of the Scripture, not a traditional idea at- tached to the Scripture. The extermination of the Canaanites, the immolation of Jephthah's daughter, the polygamy of the Old Test- ament saints, and their complicity Avith slavery, are capable of rational explanation, and, in that sense, of a valid apology. The true apologist will not attempt to justify the cruelties of the an- cient wars, or hold that Israel had a legal right to Canaan; he will not seek to evade the obvious import of language, and maintain that Jephthah's daughter was not offered at all, but became a Jew- ish nun; nor will he find it necessary to defend the Old Testament practice of polygamy, or of slavery. He Avill let facts and state- ments stand in their own light, but guard against false inferences and rash conclusions. So also the doctrines of the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, the personality of the Holy Spirit, the vicarious atonement, justification, regeneration, sanctification, and the resur- rection, have a firm foundation in the Scriptures ; but how unscien- tific and objectionable many of the methods by which these and other doctrines have been maintained! When a theologian assumes the standpoint of an ecclesiastical creed, and thence proceeds, Avith a polemic air, to search for single texts of Scripture favourable to himself or unfavourable to his opponent, he is more than likely to overdo tlie matter. His creed may be as true as the Bible itself; but his method is reprehensible. Witness the disputes of Luther and Zwingle over the matter of consubstantiation. Read the l)olemic literature of the Antinomian, the Calvinistic, and the Sacra- mentarian controversies. The whole Bible is ransacked and treated as if it were an atomical collection of dogmatic proof-texts. How hard is it, even at this day, for the polemic divine to concede the spuriousness of 1 John v, 7. It should be remembered that no apology is sound, and no doctrine sure, which rests upon uncritical methods, or proceeds U])on dogmatical assumptions. Such proce- dures are not exposition, but imposition. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 173 In distinction from all the above-mentioned methods of interpre- tation, we may name the Grammatico-Historical as the ^ ' _ •' . ^ Grammatico- method which most fully commends itself to the judg- Historical id- ment and conscience of Christian scholars. Its funda- ^^p^'^'^'^'^io^- mental principle is to gather from the Scriptures themselves tho precise meaning which the writers intended to convey. It applies to the sacred books the same princij^les, the same grammatical proc- ess and exercise of common sense and reason, which we apply to other books. The grammatico-historical exegete, furnished with suitable qualifications, intellectual, educational, and moral,' will ac- cept the claims of the Bible without prejudice or adverse prepos- session, and, with no ambition to prove them true or false, will investigate the language and import of each book with fearless in- dependence. He will master the language of the writer, the jjar- ticular dialect which he used, and his peculiar style and manner of expression. He will inquire into the circumstances under which he wrote, the manners and customs of his age, and the purpose or ob- ject which he had in view. He has a right to assume that no sensi- ble author will be knowingly inconsistent with himself, or seek to bewilder and mislead his readers, "Nearly all the treatises on hermeneutics," says Moses Stuart, "since the days of Ernesti, have laid it down as a max- ^ ^., , ^ ^ , . . The Bible to be im which cannot be controverted, that the Bible is to interpreted like be interpreted in the same manner, that is, by the same ^^^'^^ books. principles, as all other books. Writers are not wanting, previously to the period in which Ernesti lived, who have maintained the same thing; but we may also find some who have assailed the position be- fore us, and laboured to show that it is nothing less than a species of profaneness to treat the sa(!red books as we do the classic au- thors v/ith respect to their interpretation. Is this allegation well grounded ? Is there any good reason to object to the principle of interpretation now in question ? In order to answer, let us direct our attention to the nature and source of what are now called prin- ciples or laws of iater^^retation : Whence did they originate ? Are they the artificial production of high-wrought skill, of laboured re- search, of profound and extensive learning ? Did they spring from the subtleties of nice distinctions, from the philosophical and meta- physical efforts of the schools ? Are they the product of exalted and dazzling genius, sparks of celestial fire, which none but a favoured few can emit? No; nothing of all this. The principles of interpretation, as to their substantial and essential elements, are no invention of man, no product of his effort and learned skill; ^Compare pp. 151-158 on the Qualifications of an Interpreter. 174 PRIXCIPLE3 OF nay, tLey can scarcely be said -with trnth to have "been discovered by him. They are coeval with our nature. Ever since man waa created and endowed with the powers of speech, and made a cnrti- municative, social being, lie has had occasion to practice upon the principles of interpretation, and has actually done so. From the first moment that one human being addressed another by the use of language down to the present hour, the essential laws of inter- pretation became, and have continued to l)e, a practical matter. 'Die person addressed has always been an interpreter in every in- stance where he has heard and understood what was addressed to him. All the human race, therefore, are, and ever have been, in- terpreters. It is a law of their rational, intelligent, communicative nature. Just as truly as one human being was formed so as to ad- dress another in language, just so truly that other was formed to interpret and understand what is said. " I venture to advance a step farther and to aver that all men are, and ever have been, in reality, good and iruc interpreters of each other's language. Has any part of our race, in full j)Ossession of the human faculties, ever failed to understand what others said to them, and to understand it truly? or to make themselves under- stood by others, Avhen they have in their communications kept within the circle of their own knowledge? Surely none. Inter- pretation, then, in its basis or fundamental princijjles, is a native art, if I may so speak. It is coeval with the power of uttering words. It is, of course, a universal art; it is common to all nations, barbarous as well as civilized. One cannot commit a more palpable error in relation to this subject than to suppose that the art of in- terpretation is ... in itself wholly dependent on acquired skill for the discovery and development of its prmciples. Acquired skill has indeed helped to an orderly exhibition and arrangement of its prin- ciples; but this is all. The materials were all in existence before skill attempted to develop them. . . . An interpreter, well skilled in his art, will glory in it, that it is an art which has its foundation in the laws of our intellectual and rational nature, and is coe\al and connate with this nature." ' (So far, indeed, as the Bible maj'^ differ from other books in its su- pernatural revelations, its symbols and peculiar claims, it may recjuire some corresponding principles of exposition; but none, we believe, which require us to turn aside from the propositions here affirmed. '"Are the same principles of interpretation to he applied to tlie Scrii)turcs as to other boolis ? " Article by I'ldf. M. Sluarl in llu' American Biblical Repository for Jan., 1832, pp. 124-126. Sec also Ilahn, On the Grannnatico-Historical Interpretation of the Scriptnres, in the same Repository for Jan., 1S31. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 175 CHAPTER III. THE PRIMARY MEANING OF WORDS. In" a previous chapter of this work' Ave showed how new languages originate; how they become modified and changed ; how new dia- lects arise, and how, at length, a national form of speech may go out of use and become known as a dead language. Attention to these facts makes it apparent that any griven lant>sn>. Some say this was because the candidate stood wliilc he was baj)tized; others, that the idea associated with baptism was that of confirming or est((blishing in the faith; while others believe tliat the Syriac word is to be traced to a different root. Whatever be the true explanation, it is easy to see that the same word may have different meanings in cognate languages, and, therefore, a sig- nification which appears in Arabic or Syriac may be very remote from that which the word holds in the Hebrew. Hence great cau- tion is necessary in tracing etymologies. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 179 It is well known that, in all languages, the origin of many words has become utterly lost. The wonder, indeed, Rare words is that we are able to trace the etymology of such a tmda-af ae/- large proportion. The extensive literature of the Greek °f^^^"- language enables the New Testament interpi-eter to ascertain without much difficulty the roots and usage of most of the words with which he has to deal. But the Old Testament ScrijDtures em- body substantially all the remains of the Hebrew language, and when we meet with a word which occurs but once in the entire literature extant, we may often be puzzled to know the exact meaning vfhich it was intended to convey. In such cases help from cognate tongues is particularly important. The word D^D, in Gen. xxviii, 12, occurs nowhere else in Hebrew. The root appears to be hh^, to cast up, to raise; and from the same root comes the word n^DO, used of public highxoays (Judg. xx, 32; Isa. xl, 3; Ixii, 10), the ^;ai'/is of locusts (Joel ii, 8), the courses of the stars (Jndg. v, 20), and ter- races or stainoays to the temple (2 Chron. ix, 11). The Arabic word sxillum confirms the sense of stairioay or ladder, and leaves no reasonable doubt as to the meaning of sidkun in Gen. xxviii, 12. Jacob saw, in his dream, an elevated ladder or stairway reaching from the earth to the heavens. In determining the sense of such arca^ Aeyofieva, or words occurring but once, we have to be guided by the context, by analogy of kindred roots, if any appear in the language, by ancient versions of the word in other languages, and by whatever traces of the word may be found in cognate tongues. One of the most noted of New Testament dira^ key6[.ieva is the word eiTiovocov in the Lord's prayer, Matt, vi, 1 1 ; Luke ,„ XI, 3. it occurs nowhere else m Greek literature. 1 wo derivations have been urged, one from etti and levac, or the partici- ple of Ineifu, to yo toward or apjyroach / according to Avhich the meaning would be, "give us our coming bread," that is, bread for the coming day; to-morrow's bread. This is etymologically possi- ble, and, on the ground of analogy, has much in its favour. But this meaning does not accord with oijfieQov, this day, occurring in the same verse, nor with our Lord's teaching in verse 34 of the same chapter. The other derivation is from e-rrt and ovaia, exig- ence, sidmsfence (from slfxi, to be), and means that which is necessary for existence, " our essential bread." This latter seems bv far the more appropriate meaning. Another difficult word is TTiuriicog, used only in Mark xiv, 3, and John xii, 3, to describe the nard (vaqSog) with which Mary anointed the feet of Jesus. It is found in raanu- "^' '^°^' scripts of several Greek authors (Plato, Gorgias, 455 a.; Aristotle, ISO PRINCIPLES OF Rhct. i, 2) apparently as a false reading for TreiariKog, persuasive ; but this signitication would have no relevancy to nard. Scaliger proposed the meaning potoided nard, deriving TnartKog from Trriaau), to pow)d, a possible derivation, but unsupported by any thing anal- ogous. Some think the word may be a proper adjective denoting the place from which the nard came; i. e., Pistic nard. The Vul- gate of John xii, 3, has nardi pistici. This use of the word, how- ever, is altogether uncertain. The Vulgate of Mark xiv, 3, has spicati, as denoting the spikes or ears of the nard plant; hence the \xovA spikenard. But there is no good giound for accepting this interpretation. Many derive the word from -rrlvio (or m-iaKO)), to drink, and understand drinkable or liquid nard, and urge that sev- eral ancient writers affirm that certain anointing oils were used for drinking. If such were the meaning here, however, the word should refer to the ointment {jivgov), not the nard. The explana- tion best suited to the context, and not without warrant in Greek usage, makes the Avord equivalent to -morog, faithfid, trusticorthy; applied to a material object it would naturally signify genuine, pure, that on which one can rely. In determining the meaning of compound words we may usually resort to the lexical and grammatical analogy of Ian- compound guages. The signification of a compound expression is ^o^"^^. generally apparent from the import of the different terms of which it is compounded. Thus, the word elqrjvonoioi, used in Matt, v, 0, is at once seen to be composed o? elp/]vr], j^eace, and noiio), to make, and signifies those icho make (work or establish) peace. The mean- ing, says Meyer, is "not the peaceful {eIqtjvikoI, James iii, 17; 2 Mace. V, 25; or elpTjvevovTeg, Sirach vi, 7), a meaning which does not appear even in Pollux, i, 41, 152 (Augustine thinks of the moi-al inner harmony; De Wette, of the inclination of the contemporaries of Jesus to war and tumult; Bleek reminds us of Jewish party hatred); but the founders of ])eace (Xen. Hist. Gr., vi, 3, 4; Phit. Mor., p. 279 B.; comp. Col. i, 20; Prov. x, 10), Avho as such min- ister to God's good pleasui-e, who is the God of peace (Rom. xvi, 20; 2 Cor, xiii, 11), as Christ himself was the highest founder of peace (Luke ii, 14; John xvi, 33; Eph. ii, 14)."' Simihirly we judge of tlie meaning of kdeXo&Qr]f>Keia in Col. ii, 23, coinpounded of k-&eX(t> and dprjaKFia, and signifying will worship, self-chosen wor- ship; TToXvoTTAayxvoc, very compassionate (James v, 11); owav^dv- oiiat, to grow together with (Matt, xiii, 30); rponocpoQeo, to bear as a. nourisher (Acts xiii, 18), and many other compounds, which, like the above, occur but once in the New Testament. ' Critical and Exegetical Hand-book to the Gospel of Matthew, in loco. BIBLICAL HERME^EUTICS. 181 CHAPTER IV. THE USUS LOQUENDI. Some "words have a variety of significations, and hence, whatever their primitive meaning, we are obliged to gather from the context, and from familiarity with the usage of the language, the particular sense which they bear in a given passage of Scripture. Many a word in common use has lost its original meaning. „ ° ^ The meaning of How few of those who daily use the word sincere are words becomes aware that it was originally applied to pure honey, from ^^^•^^^'^• which all wax was purged. Composed of the Latin words sine, without, and cera, wax, it appears to have been first used of honev strained or separated from the wax-like comb. The word cunninr/ no longer means knowledge, or honourable skill, but is generally used in a bad sense, as implying artful trickery. The verb let has come to mean the very opposite of what it once did, namely to hinder; and prevent, which was formerly used in the sense of going before, so as to prepare the way or assist one, now means to inter- cept or obstruct. Hence the importance of attending to what is commonly called the t(S2is loqiiendi, or current usage of Avords as employed by a particular writer, or prevalent in a j^articular age. It often hajjpens, also, that a writer uses a common word in some special and peculiar sense, and then his own definitions must be taken, or the context and scope must be consulted, in order to de- termine the precise meaning intended. There are many ways by which the usiis loquendi of a writer may be ascertained. The first and simplest is when he ^ ., •' ^ Writer often himself defines the terms he uses. Thus the word defines his own aciTioq, perfect, complete, occurring only in 2 Tim. iii, 17, *"™^- is defined by what immediately follows: "That the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto every good work." That is, he is made perfect or complete in this, that he is thorough- ly furnished and fitted, by the varied uses of the insj^ired Scripture, to go forward unto the accomplishment of every good work. We also find the word reXeioi, commonly rendered perfect, defined in Heb. V, 14, as those "who by practice have the senses trained unto a discrimination of good and of evil." They are, accordingly, the ma- ture and experienced Christians as distinguished from babes, vri-ioi. 182 PRINCIPLES OF Compare verse 13, and 1 Cor. ii, 6. So also, in Rom. ii, 28, 29, the apo.stle defines the genuine Jew and genuine circumcision as fol- lows: "For he is not a Jew, who is one outwardly (ev rw (bavepu)); nor is that circumcision, which is outward in the liesh : but he is a Jew, who is one inwardly (ev roi KpvTrraj) ; and cii'cumcision is that of the heart, in the spirit, not in the letter; whose praise is not of men, hut of God." But the immediate context, no less than the writer's own defini- immediate tions, generally serves to exhibit any peculiar usage of context. words. Thus, TTVEVfia, icind, sjyirit, is used in the New Testament to denote the wind (John iii, 8), the vital breath (Rev. xi, 11), the natural disposition or temper of mind (Luke ix, 55; Gal. vi, 1), the life principle or immortal nature of man (John vi, 63), the perfected spirit of a saint in the heavenly life (Heb. xii, 23), the unclean spirits of demons (Matt, x, 1 ; Luke iv, 36), and the Holy Spirit of God (John iv, 24; Matt, xxviii, 19; Rom. viii, 9-11). It needs but a simi^le attention to the context, in any of these pas- sages, to determine the particular sense in which the woi-d is used. In John iii, 8, we note the two different meanings of nvev^a in one and the same verse. "The wind (to irvevfia) blows where it will, and the sound of it thou hearest ; but thou knowest not wlience it comes and whitlier it goes; so is every one who is born of the Spirit" [he rov nvevfiarog) . Bengel holds, indeed, that we should here render TTvevjxa in both instances by spirit, and he urges that the divine Spirit, and not the wind, has a icill and a voice.^ But the groat body of interpreters maintain the common version. Nic- odemus was curious and perplexed to know the hoio (ttw^-, verses 4 and 9) of the Holy Spirit's workings, and as the Almighty of old spoke to Job out of the whirlwind, and appealed to the manifold mysteries of nature in vindication of his ways, so here the Son of God appeals to the mystery in the motion of the wind. " Wouldst till) 11 know the whence and whither of tlie Spirit, and yet thou knowest not the origin and the end of the common wind? Where- fore dost thou not marvel concerning the air which breathes around thee, and of which thou livest?" " " Our Lord," says Alford, "might liave chosen any of the mysteries of nature to ilhistrate the ])oint. lie takes that one which is above others symbolic of the action of the Spirit, and which in both languages, that in which lie spoke, as well as that in which his speech is reported, is expressed by the same word. So that the words as they stand apply them- selves at once to the Spirit and his working, witliout any figure."' ' Gnomon of the Now Testament, in loco. * Coiiip. Slier, Words of tlie Lord .To^us, in loi'o. * Greek Testament, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 183 The ■svord oroix^^ov, used in classical Greek for the upright post of a sundial, then for an elementary sound in language (from let- tei's standing in roAVs), came to be used almost solely in tlie plural, TO, GTOix^la, in the sense of elements or rudinie7its. In 2 Pet. iii, 10 it evidently denotes the elements of nature, the component parts of the physical universe ; but in Gal. iv, 3, 9, as the immediate con- text shows, it denotes the ceremonials of Judaism, considered as elementary object lessons, adapted to the capacity of children. In this sense the word may also denote the ceremonial elements in the religious cultus of the heathen world (compare verse 8).^ The enlightened Christian should grow out of these, and pass be- yond them, for otherwise they trammel, and become a s3"stem of bondage. Compare also the use of the word in Col. ii, 8, 20 and Heb. V, 12. In connexion with the immediate context, the nature of the sub- ject may also determine the usage of a Avord. Thus, in Mature of the 2 Cor. V, 1, 2, the reference of the words oiKia, house, subject. OKTjvog, tabernacle, oIko6o^i], buildiur/, and ohrj-j'jQiov, habitation, to the body as a covering of the soul hardl}^ admits of question. The whole passage (verses 1-4) reads literally thus : " For we know that if our house of the tabernacle upon earth were dissolved, .2 Cor V, 1-4. a building from God we have, a house not made with hands, eternal, in the heavens. For also in this we groan, yearning to be clothed upon with our habitation which is from heaven, since indeed also (eb/e Kat) being clothed we shall not be found naked. For, indeed, we who are in the tabernacle groan, being burdened, in that Ave Avould not be unclothed, but clothed upon, to the end that that AA-hich is mortal may be SAA^allowed up by the life." Hodge holds that the "building from God" is heaven itself, and argues that in John xiv, 2, heaven is compared to a house of many man- sions; in Luke xvi, 9, to a habitation ; and in Heb. xi, 10, and Rev. xxi, 10, to a city of dAA^ellings.' But the scripture in question is too explicit, and the nature of the subject too limited, to alloAV other scriptures, like those cited, to determine its meaning. No one doubts that the phrase, "our house of the tabernacle upon earth," refers to the human body, Avhich is liable to dissolution. It is com- pared to a tent, or tabernacle (ofcrivog), and also to a vesture, thus presenting us with a double metaphor. "The word tent," says Stanley, "lent itself to this imagery, from being used in later Greek writers for the human body, especially in medical Avriters, Avho seem to have been led to adopt the word from the skin-maierisds ' Corap. Lightfoot's Commentary on Galatians iv, 11. ^ Commentary on Second Corinthians, in loco. 184 PRINCIPLES OF of which tents were eomposGcl. The explanation of this abrupt transition from the figure of a house or tent to that of a garment, may be found in the image, familiar to the apostle, both from his occupations and his birthplace, of the tent of Cilician hairclotli, which might almost equally suggest the idea of a habitation and of a vesture. Compare the same union of metaphors in Psa. civ, 2, ' "Who coverest thyself with light as with a garment ; who stretch- est out the heavens like a curtain' (of a tent)."^ The main subject, then, is the present body considered as an earthly house, a tabernacle upon earth. In it we groan; in it we are under burden; in it we endure "the momentary lightness of our afHiction " {rd napavrUa eXatppbv rrjq ■dUxpeo)g), which is mentioned in chapter iv, 17, and which is there set in contrast with an "eter- nal weight of glory" {alu}viov fidpog Sd^rjg). To this earthly house, heaven itself, whether considered as the house of many mansions (John xiv, 2) or the city of God (Rev. xxi, 10), affords no true antithesis. The true antithesis is the heavenly body, the vesture of immortality, which is from God. For the opposite of our house is the building fro)ii God ; the one may be dissolved, the other is eternal ; the one is iqjon earth [eTrlyeiog), the other is (not heaven itself, but) in the heavens. The true parallel to the entire passage before us is 1 Cor. xv, 47-54, where the earthly and the heavenly bodies are contrasted, and it is said (ver. 53) " this corruptible must be clothed with incorruption, and this mortal must be clothed with immortality." The above example also illustrates how antithesis, contrast, or Contrast or op- Opposition, may serve to determine the meaning of position. words. A further instance may be cited from Rom. viii, 5-8. In verse 4 the apostle has introduced the antithetic ex- pressions Kara odpKa, and Kara Tzvevfia, according to the flesh and according to the spirit. He then proceeds to define, as by contrast, the two characters. " For they who are according to the flesh the things of the flesh do mind {(j)Qovovatv, think of, care for), but they, according to the spirit, the things of the spirit. For the mind of the flesh is death, but the mind of the spirit life and peace. Be- cause the mind of the flesh is enmity toward God, for to the law of God it does not submit itself, for it is not able; and they who are in the flesh are not able to please God." The spirit, throughout this passage, is to be understood of the Holy Spirit: "the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus," mentioned in verse 2, which delivers the sinner "from tlie law of sin and of death." The being according to the flesh, and the being iji the flesh, are to be understood of ' Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles to the Coriiithiiuis, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 185 iinrecrenerate and unsanctified human life, conditioned and controlled by carnal principles and motives. This Scripture, and more that might be cited, indicates, by detailed opposition and contrast, the essential and eternal antagonism between sinful carnality and re- deemed spirituality in human life and character. The tisus loquendi of many words may be seen in the parallelisms of Hebrew j^oetry. Whether the parallelism be synon- Hebrew parai ymous or antithetic,' it may serve to exhibit in an leiisms. unmistakable way the general import of the terms emjiloyed. Take, for example, the following passage from the eighteenth Psalm, verses 6-15 (Heb. 7-16): 6 In my distress I call Jehovah, And to my God I cry ; He liears from his sanctuary my voice, And my cry before him comes into his ears. 7 Then shakes and quakes the land, And the foundations of the mountains tremble, And they shake themselves, for he was angry. 8 Tl:erc went up a smoke in his nostril, And fire from his mouth devours; Hot coals glowed from him. 9 And he bows the heavens and comes down, And a dense gloom under his feet; 10 And he rides upon a cherub, and flies, And soars upon the wings of the wind. 11 lie sets darkness his covei-ing, His pavilion round about him, A darkness of waters, thick clouds of the skies. 12 From the brightness Iiefore him his thick clouds passed away, Hail, and hot coals of fire. 13 Then Jehovah thunders in the heavens, And the Most Hiyl) gives forth his voice, Hail, and hot coals of fire. 14 And he sends forth Ids arrows and scatters them, And lightnings he shot, and puts tliem in commotion. 15 And the beds of tlie waters are seen. And the foundations of the worhl are uncovered, From thy rebuke, O Jehovah! From the breath of tlie wind of thy nostril. It requires but little attention here to observe how such words as call, cry, he hears my voice, and "tny cry comes into his ears (verse 6), mutually explain and illustrate one another. The same may be said of the words shakes, quakes, tremble, and shake themselves, in ' On Hebrew Parallelisms, see pp. 95-98. 186 PRINCIPLES OF verse 7; smolce, fire^ and coals in verse 8; rides, fl^^s, and soars in verse 10; arrous and U xvii, 11, we have the thought of " incurable jiain," and in Jer. XV, 18, we read, " Wherefore has my pain been enduring, and my stroke incurable?" Compare also Jer. xxx, 12, 15. In Jer. xvii, 16, the prophet uses this word to characterize the day of grievous calamity as a day of mortal sickness (K'lJwX DV). In the ninth verse, therefore, of the same chapter, where the deceitful heart is charac- terized by this word, which everywhere else maintains its original sense of a diseased and incurable condition, we should also adhere to the main idea made manifest by all these parallels: "Deceitful is the heart above everything; and incurably diseased is it; mIio knows it ? ' The xisus loqiiendi of common words is, of course, to be as- certained by the manner and the connection in which General and they are generally used. We feel at once the incon- familiar usage, gruity of saying, " Adriansz or Lippersheim discovered the tele- scope, and Harvey invented the circulation of the blood." We know from familiar usage that discover applies to tlie finding out or uncovering of that which was in existence before, but was hid- den from our view or knowledge, while the word invent is applica- ble to the contriving and constructing of something which had no actual existence before. Thus, the astronomer invents a telescoj^e, and by its aid discovers the motions of the stars. The passage in 1 Cor. xiv, 34, S5, has been wrested to mean something else than the prohibition of women's speaking in the public assemblies of churches. Some have assumed that the words churches and church in these verses are to be understood of the business meetings of the Christians, in which it was not proper for the v/omen to take part. But the entire context shows that the apostle has espe(!ially in mind the worshipping assembly. Others have sought in the word XaXelv a peculiar sense, and, finding that it bears in classic Greei; writers the meaning of babble, prattle, they have strangely taugbt that Paul means to say: "Let your women keep silence in the churches; for it is not permitted them to babble. . . . For it is a shame for a woman to babble in church!" A sliorht examination shows that in this same chapter the word XaX€iv, to sjicak, occui's ' On the importance of comparing parallel passages, see further in Chapter vlii. 188 PRINCIPLES OP more than twenty times, and in no instance is there any necessity or reason to understand it in other tlian its ordinary sense of dis- eoursing, ftpeakiur/. Who, for instance, would accuse Paul of say- ing, " I thank God, 1 babble with tongues more than ye all " (verse 18); or "let two or three of -the prophets babble, and the others judge" (verse 29)? Hence appears the necessity, in interpreta- tion, of observing the general usage rather than the etymology of words. In ascertaining the meaning of rare words, d~a^ Xeyo^eiu, or Ancient ver- Avords wliich occur but once, and words of doubtful sions. import, the ancient versions of Scripture furnish an im- portant aid. For, as Davidson well observes, "An interpreter cannot arrive at the right meaning of every part of the Bible by the Bible itself. Many portions are dark and ambiguous. Even in discovering the correct sense, no less than in defending the truth, other means are needed. Numerous passages will be abso- lutely unintelligible without such helps as lie out of the Scriptures. The usages of the Hebrew and Hebrew-Greek languages cannot be fully known by their existing remains.' In the elucidation of difficult words and phrases the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament holds the first rank among the ancient versions. It antedates all existing Hebrew manuscripts; and parts of it, especially the Pentateuch, belong, without much doubt, to the third century before the Christian era. Philo and Josephus appear to have made more use of it than they did of the Hebrew original; the Ilellonistic Jews used it in their synagogues, and the New Testament writers frequently quote from it. Being made by Jewish scholars, it serves to show how before the time of Christ the Jews interi)reted their Scriptures. Next in imj)ort- ance to the Septuagint is the Vulgate, or Latin Version, largely prepared in its present form by St. Jerome, who derived much knowledge and assistance from the Jew s of his time. After these we place the Peshito-Syriac Version, the Targums, or Chaldee Par- aphrases of the Old Testament, especiall}' that of Onkelos on the Pentateuch, and Jonathan Bi-n Uzziel on the Prophets, and the Greek versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion.^ The other ancient versions, such as the Arabic, Coptic, yEthiopic, Armenian, and Gothic, are of less value, and, in determining the meaniiig of rare words, cannot be relied on as having any considerable weight or authority. ' Hermencutics, pajje 616. ' On the histoiv and character of all these ancient versions, see Hannan's, Keil's, or IJleck's " Introduction ; " also the various biblical dictionaries and cyclop;edias. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 189 A study and comparison of these ancient versions will show that they often differ very widely. In many instances it is easy to see, in the light of modern researches, that the sions often dif- old translators fell into grave errors, and were often at ^^' a loss to determine the meaning of rare and doubtful w^ords. When the context, parallel passages, and several of the versions agree in giving the same signification to a word, that signification may gen- erally be relied upon as the true one. But when the w^ord is an cTTaf Xeyofievov, and the passage has no parallel, and the versions vary, great caution is necessary lest we allow too much authority to one or more versions, wdiich, after all, may have been only con- jectural. The following examples will illustrate the use, and the interest attaching to the study, of the ancient versions. In the Authorized English Version of Gen. i, 2, the w^ords irinj ^rin are translated, vnthout form and void. The Targum of Onkelos has N"'Jp"'"il t;nv, loaste and empty; the Vulgate: inanis et vacua, empty and void ; Aquila: Kevojf^ia koI ovSev, e7nptlness and nothing. Thus, all these versions substantially agree, and the meaning of the Hebrew words is now allowed to be desolation and emj^tiiiess. The Syriac merely repeats the Hebrew words, but the Septuagint reads aoQarot; nal dKaraGKevafTTog, invisible and -unformed, and cannot be allow^ed to set aside the meaning presented in all the other versions. In Gen. xlix, 6, the Septuagint gives the more correct translation of "li'^ ^"lipj^, they houghed an ox, evevpoKonrjaav ravgov; but the Clial- dee, Syriac, Vulgate, Aquila, and Symmachus read, like the Au- thorized Version, they digged doion a vxdl. Here, however, the au- thority of versions is outweighed by the fact that, in all other passages where the Piel of this word occurs, it means to hamstring or hough an animal. Compare Josh, xi, 6, 9; 2 Sam. viii, 4; 1 Chron. xviii, 4. Where the usus loquendi can thus be determined from the language itself, it has more weight than the testimony of many versions. The versions also differ in the rendering of n35fy in Psa. xvi, 4. This word elsewhere (Job ix, 28; Psa. cxlvii, 3; Prov. x, 10;' xv, 13) alwavs means sorrow : but the form yiV means idols, and the Chal- • ^ T T ' dee, Symmachus, and Theodotion so render ri^Sfy in Psa. xvi, 4 : they mnltiplg their idols, or many are their idols. But the Septuagint, Vulgate, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Aquila, render the word sor- rotes, and this meaning is best sustained by the usage of the lan- guage. In Cant, ii, 12, "I'Pjn ^V. is rendered by the Septuagint Katpog TTjg roixTjg, time of the cutting ; Symmachus, time of the pruning {nXa- 100 PRINCIPLES OF devaeug) ; so also the Yulgate, te7npus putalionis. Most modern in- terpreters, however, discard these ancient versions here, and under- stand the words to mean, t/ie time of song is come/ not merely or pnr- ticularly the suKjinr/ of hinh, as the English version, but all the glad songs of springtime, in which shepherds and husbandmen alike rejoice. In this interpretation they are governed by the considera- tion that T'OT and nil'DT signify song and songs in 2 Sam. xxiii, 1; Job XXXV, 10; Psa. xcv, 2; cxix, 54; Isa. xxiv, 16; xxv, 5, and that when "the blossoms have been seen in the land" the pruning time is altogether past. In Isa. Hi, 13 all the ancient versions except the Chaldee render the word h'y~T in the sense of acting loisely. This fact gives great weight to tliat interpretation of the word, and it ought not to be set aside by the testmiony of one version, and by the opinion, Avhich is open to question, that i^'Sy'* is in some passages equivalent to n7Vn, to 2)rosper. From the above examples it may be seen Avhat judgment and caution arc necessary in the use of the ancient versions of the Bible. In fact, no specific rules can safely be laid down to govern us in the use of them. Sometimes the etymology of a word, or the con- text, or a parallel passage may have more weight than all the ver- sions combined; while in other instances the reverse may be true. Where the versions are conflicting, the context and the analogy of the language must generally be allowed to take the precedence. In ascertaining the meaning of many Greek words the ancient Glossaries and glossaries of Hesychius, Suidas, Photius, and others are schoiia. useful ; but as they treat very few of the obscure words of the New Testament, they are of comparatively little value to the biblical interpreter. Scholia, or brief critical notes on portions of the New Testament, extracted chiefly from the writings of the Greek Fathers, such as Origen and Chrysostom, occasionally serve a good purpose,' but they have been superseded by the moj'e thor- ough and scholarly researches of modern times, and the results of this research are en^bodied in the leading critical commentaries and biblical lexicons of the present day. Tlie Rabbinical commentaries of Aben-Ezra, Jarchi, Kimchi, and Tanchum are ofien found ser- viceable in the exposition of the Old Testament. ' The commentaries of Theodoret and Thcophylact are largely composed of extracts from Chrysostom. To the same class belong the commentaries of Eiithymius, Zigii- benus, U']cumenius, Andreas, and Arcthas. The Catenae of the (Jreek Fathers by Procopius, Olympiodorus, and Nicephonis treat several books of the Old Testament. The celelM-atcd (.'atena Aiirca of Thomas Aquinas covers the Four Gospels, and was translated and published at Oxford iu 1845 bv J. II. Newman. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS, 191 CHAPTER V. SYNONYMES. Words, being the conventional signs and representatives of ideas, are changeable in both form and meaning by reason of the changes constantly taking place in human society. In pi'ocess of time the same word will be applied to a variety of uses, and come to have a variety of meanings. Thus, the name board, another form of the word broad, was originally applied to a piece have many of timber, hewed or sawed so as to form a wide, thin "•^'''"i"?'*- plank. It was also applied to a table on w^hich food was placed, and it became common to speak of gathering around the festive board. Thence it came by a natural process to be applied to the food which was placed upon the table, and men were said to work or pay for their board. By a similar association the word was also applied to a body of men who were wont to gather around a table to transact business, and hence Ave have board of trustees, board of commissioners. The word is also used for the deck of a ^ essel ; hence the terms on board, overboard, and some other less common nautical expressions. Thus it often hapf)ens, that the original meaning of a word falls into disuse, and is forgotten, while * later meanings become current, and find a multitude and variety of applications. But while a single word may thus come to have many meanings, it also happens that a number of diiferent Vv^ords are used to designate the same, or nearly the same, thing. By such a multi- plication of terms a language becomes greatly enriched, and capable of expressing more minutely the different shades and aspects of any particular idea. Thus in English we have the words „ ^ . 7 , y Several words wonder, siayrise, admiration, astotiis/im.enf, and amaze- of like mean- inenf, all conveying the same general thought, but distin- ^^^' guishable by different shades of meaning. The same is true of the words axiom, maxim, ajjhorism, apothegm, adage, proverb, byword, saying, and saio. Such words are called synonymes, and they abound in all cultivated languages. The biblical interpreter needs discernment and skill to determine the nice distinctions and shades of meaning attaching to Hebrew and Greek synonymes. Often the exact point and pith of a passage will be missed by failing to make the proper discrimination between synonymous expressions. There 193 PRIXCTPLES OP are, for instance, eleven diffei-ent Hebrew words used in the Old Testament for kindling a Jire, or setting on Jire,^ and seven Greek words used in the New Testament for prayer ;'^ and yet a careful study of these several terms will show that they all vary somewhat in signification, and serve to set forth so many different shades of thouglit or meaning. AVe take, for illustration, the different Hebrew words which are used to convey the general idea of killing, or putting for putting to to death. The verb ^Pi? occurs but three times in the death. Hebrew Scriptures, and means in every case to kill by putting an end to one's existence. The three instances are the fol- lowing: Job xiii, 15, "If he kill me," or "Lo, let him kill me;" and Job xxiv, 14, "At light will the murderer rise up; he will kill the poor and needy;" and Psa. cxxxix, 19, "Thou wilt kill the wicked, , O God." The primary idea of the word, according to -^ Gesenius, is that of cutting ; hence cutting off; making an end of by destruction. So the noun h^\>^ is used in Obadiah 9 in connexion with TTQ, cut off — "shall be cut off by slaughter ;'' i. e., by a general destruction. In the Chaldee chapters of Daniel the verb ^tpp is used in a variety of foi-ms seven times, but it seems to retain in every instance essentially the same meaning as the Hebrew verb. The simple fact of the killijig or cutting off is stated without any necessary irai^lication as to the method or occasion of the act. The word more commonly used to denote jnitting to death is (the -.,p_ Iliphil, Ilophal, and some of the rarer forms of) rm, to «.J- <-^i'&- The grammatical structure of the lanoruage en- ables us at once to perceive that the prnnary idea m the use of this word is that of causing to die. Thus, in Josh, x, 20 and xi, IV, it is used to denote the result of violent smiting (n33) : "Joshua smote them and caused them to die;'''' "All their kings lie took, and he smote them and caused them to die.'''' Compare 1 Sam. xvii, 50; xxii, 18; 2 Sara, xviii, 15 ; 2 Kings xv, 10, 14. In short, the distinguishing idea of this Avord, as used for killing, is that of putting to death, or causing to die, by some violent and deadly measure. In this sense the word is used in the Old 'Testament Scriptures over two hundred tiirics. The prominent thought in 7l?i^ is merely that of cutting off; getting one out of the way ; while in n^pn and n'3in the idea of death, as the result of some fatal means and procedure, is more noticeable. Tlie murderer or tlie assassin kills \?^\>) his victim or enemy; the warrior, the ruler, and the Lord himself, causes to die, or puts to death (JT'Jpn) Avhom he will, and he ' Namely: "ilX, I^D, pH, mn, m'\ '^\>\ DH^, pl''^, mp, "lt3p, ^"i^- ' 'Evxv, 7Tpoaevx>'/, 6ej/aig, Ivtev^i^, EvxnpioTla, al-rifia, and iKeTjjpla. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 193 perforins the act by some certain means (specified or unspecified), which will accomplish the desired result. The latter word is ac- cordingly used of public executions, the slaughter involved in war and the putting to death for the maintenance of some principle or the attainment of some ulterior end. It is never used to ex- press the idea of murder ; but God himself says : " I put to death " (Deut. xxxii, 39). Compare 1 Sam. ii, 6 ; 2 Kino-s v 7 * Hosea ix, IG. Another word for killing is J"in. Unlike fl^on, it may be used for private homicide, or murder (Gen. iv, 8; xxvii, 41), or assassination (2 Chron. xxiv, 25 ; 2 Kino-s x, 9), or gen- "'^ eral slaughter and massacre (Judges viii, 11; Esther ix, 15). The slaying it denotes may be done by the sword (1 Kings ii, 32), or by a stone (Judges ix, 54), or a spear (2 Sam. xxiii, 21), or by the word of Jehovah (Hos. vi, 5), or even by grief, or a viper's tongue (Job v,"2; XX, 16). But the characterizing idea of the word, as distin- guished from n^pn and b^\>, seems to be that of wholesale or vengeful slaughter. Thus Jehovah slew all the firstborn of Egypt (Exod. xiii, 15), but the slaughter was a vengeful judgment-stroke, a plague. Thus Simeon and Levi slew the men of Shechera, and that slaughter was a cruel and vindictive massacre (Gen. xxxiv, 26 ; xlix, 6). This word is used of the slaughter of Jehovah's prophets by Jezebel, and of the prophets of Baal by Elijah (1 Kings xix, 1, 10), and in this sense generally, whether the numbers slain be few or many. Compare Jiidges viii, IV, 21; Esther ix, 6, 10, 12; Ezek. ix, 6. In Isa. xxii, 13 the word is used of the slaughter of oxen, but the context shows that the slaughter contemplated was on a large scale, at a time of feasting and revelry. So, again, in Psa, Ixxviii, 47, we read: "He slays with hail their vines," but the passage is poetical, and the thought is that of a sweej^ing destruction, by which vines and trees, as well as other things that suffered in the plagues of Egypt, were, so to speak, slaughtered. nVT has the primary signification of crushing, a violent breaking in pieces, and is generally used to denote the act of miirder or numslavghter in any degree. This is the word used in the commandment, " Thou shalt not commit murder " (Exod. XX, 13; Deut. v, 17); less properly translated, "Thou shalt not Idll^'' for often to hill is not necessarily to murder. In Num. XXXV the participial form of tlie word is used over a dozen times to denote the manslayer, who flees to a city of refuge, and twice (verses 27, 30) the verb is used to denote the execution of such manslayer by the avenger of blood. 13 194 PRINCIPLES OF The "word nnD is used for the slaying of miimals, especially in preparation for a feast. It corresponds more nearly with the word butcher. Thus, when Joseph's brethren came, brino-ino- Benjamin with them, Joseph commanded the ruler of his house to bring the men to the house, and kill a killing (n3'0 nip, Gen. xliii, 16). Compare 1 Sam. xxv, 11; Prov. ix, 2. When the word is applied to the slaughter of men it is always with the idea that they are slaughtered or butchered like so many animals (Psa. xxxvii, 14; Jer. li, 40; Lam. ii, 21; Ezek. xxi, 10, (lo). A kindred word is n3T, used of the sacrificing of animals for offer- ings. It is thus ever associated with the idea of im- molation, and the derivative noun nni means a sacrificial offering to God. *' This verb," says Gesenius, *' is not used of the priests as slaughtering victims in sacrifice, but of private persons offering sacrifices at their own cost." Compare Gen. xxxi, 54; Exod. viii, 29, (25); 1 Sam. xi, 15; 2 Chron. vii, 4; xxxiii, 17; Ezek. xx, 28; lios. xiii, 2; Jon. i, 16. Another word, constantly used in connection with the kilUng of v.p.f^ animals for sacrifice, is Drit?^; but it differs from n3T especially in this, that the latter emphasizes rather the idea of sacrifice, while tint?^ points more directly to the slaughter of the victim. Hence n^T is often used intransitively, in the sense of offering sacrifice, without specifying the object sacrificed; but £2nL*> is always transitive, and connected Avith the object slain. This latter word is often applied to the slaying of persons (Gen. xxii, 10; 1 Kings xviii, 40; 2 Kings x, 7, 14; Isa. Ivii, 5; Ezek. xvi, 21), but in a sacrificial sense, as the immediate context shows. Judg. xii, 6, would seem to be an exception, but the probable thought there is that the Ephraimites who could not pronounce the " Shibboleth " were slain as so many human sacrifices. Thus cacli of these seven Hebrew Avords, all of Avhich involve the idea of killing or slauglder, has its own distinct shade of meaning and manner of usage. The Hebrew language has twelve different words to express the Hebrew words idea of Sin. First, there is the verb NDH, Avhich, like for sin. |.]^g Greek ditaQ-dvo), means, primarily, to tniss a mark, and is so used (in lliphil) in Judg. xx, 16, Avhere mention is made of seven hundred left handed Benjamites avIio could sling stones w..^- " to the hair, and not miss." In Prov. viii, 36, it is con- Xun trasted with.NVO, to find (verse 35): "They that find me, find life; . . . and he that misses me wrongs his soul." Com- pare also Prov. xix, 2: "lie that hastens with his feet misses;" that is, makes a misstep; gets off the track. Tlie exact meaning BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 195 in Job V, 24, is more doubtful: "Thou shalt visit thy pasture (or habitation), and shalt not miss." The sense, according to most in- terpreters, is: Thou shalt miss nothing; in visiting thy pasture and thy flocks thou shalt find nothing gone; no sheep or cattle missine:. It is easy to see how the idea of making a misstep, or missino- a mark, passed over into the moral idea of missing some di^-inelj^ ap- pointed mark; hence failure, error, shortcoming, an action that lias miscarried. Accordingly, the noun >?pn means fault, error, sin. It is interesting to note how the Piel, or intensive form of the verb NDn, conveys the idea of making an offering for sin (compare Lev. vi, 26, (19); ix, 15), or cleanshig hj s>ov[ie ceremonial of atonement (Exod. xxix, 36; Lev. xiv, 62); as if the thought of bearing the penalty of sin, and making it appear loathsome and damnable, were to be made conspicuous by an intense efi^ort to purge away its guilt and shame. Hence arose the common usage of the noun DN'^n in the sense of sin offering. We should next compare the words \SV, h)V, and \\^. The first is from the root my to twist, to make crooked., to distort, •„ ( ... ■, . '''' ' py, ?iy, and and signifies onoral perversity. In the English version ^ " it is commonly translated iniquity. It indicates the in- •'■ herent badness of a perverted soul, and in Psa. xxxii, 5, we have the expression: Thou hast taken away the iniquity (jiy) of my siji " (^nxtsn). Closely cognate with ji^ is b)V, from the root b)V, to turn caoay, to distort, and would seem to differ from it in usage by being applied rather to outioard action than to inner character; jiy indicates specially what a sinner is, 7)V, what he does. The primary sense of |.1.^t, on the other hand, is emptiness, or nothingness. It is used of idolatry (1 Sam, xv, 23; Isa. xli, 29; Ixvi, 3; IIos. x, 5, 8; Zech. X, 2), and in the English version is occasionally translated va7iity {J oh XV, 35; Psa. x, 7; Prov. xxii, 8). It denotes wicked- ness, or sin, as something that has no enduring reality or value. It is a false, vain appearance; a deceitful shadow, destitute of stabil- ity. So, then, in these three words we have suggested to us bad character, bad action, and the emptiness of sinful pursuits. The word which especially denotes evil, or that which is essen- tially bad, is VI, with its cognate V'l and nyn, all from the root yy^, to In'cak, shatter, crush, crximhle. It indicates a character or quality which, for all useful or valuable purposes, is utterly broken and ruined. Thus the noun yn, in Gen. xli, 19, de- notes the utter badness of the seven famine-smitten heifers of Pharaoh's dream, and is frequently used of the wickedness of wrong action (Deut. xxviii, 20; Psa. xxviii, 4; Isa. i, 16; Jer. xxiii, 2; xliv, 22; Hos. ix, 15). The words yi and nyn, besides being frequently 196 PRINCIPLES OF employed in the same sense (compare Gen. vi, 5; viii, 21; 1 Kings ii, 44; Jer. vii, 12, 24; Zech. i, 4; Mai. ii, 17), are also used to de- note the evil or harm which one may do to another (Psa. xv, 3; xxi, 11; XXXV, 4; Ixxi, 13). In all the uses of this word the idea of a ruin or a breach is in some way traceable. The wickedness of one's heart is in the moi-al wrecJc or ruin it discloses. The evil of a sinner's wicked action is a breach of moral order. Another aspect of sinfulness is brought out in the word pyo and u. its noun ?yo. It is usually translated trespass, but the fundamental thought is treaclicry, some covert and faithless action. Thus it is used of the unfaithfulness of an adul- terous woman toward her husband (Num. v, 12), of the taking strange wives (Ezra x, 2, 10), of the oifense of Achan (Josh, vii, 1 ; xxii, 20; 1 Chron. ii, 7), and generally of unfaithfulness toward God (Deut. xxxii, 51; Josh, xxii, 16; 2 Chron. xxix, 6; Ezck. xx, 27; xxxix, 23). By this word any transgression is depicted as a plotting of treachery, or an exhibition of unfaithfulness to some holy covenant or bond. By a transposition of the first two letters of 7^0 we ha^e the fjnu word ?py, Avhich is used of the exhaustive toils of mor- ' tal life and their attendant sorrow and raisei'y. In Num. xxiii, 21, and Isa. x, 1, it is coupled in parallelism Avith |1|{, empti- ness, vanity, and may be regarded as the accompaniment of the vain pursuits of men. It is that labour, which, in the book of Eccle- siastes, where the w^ord occurs thirty-four times, is shown both to begin and end in "vanity and vexation of spirit;" a striving after the wind (Eccles. i, 14; ii, 11, 17, 19). The word 1?^, to cross over, like the Greek Tragaffaivo), is often used metaphorically of passing over the line of moral obligation, or going aside from it. Hence it corre- sponds closely with the word transgress. In Josh, vii, 11, 15; Judg. ii. 20; 2 Kings xviii, 12; IIos. vi, 7; viii, 1, it is used of transgressing a covenant; in Deut. xxvi, 13, of a commandment; in 1 Sam. xv, 24, of the word (lit., mouth) of Jehovah; and in Isa. xxiv, 5, of the laAv. Thus words of counsel and warning, covenants, commandments, laws, may be O'ossed over, passed by, icalked away from ; and this is the peculiar aspect of human perversity which is designated by the word "13|?, to transt/ress. The two words V*^B aiif, to rest, to be quiet : " Let him give rest, and who will give trovMef'' The wicked man is one who is ever troubled and troubling. His counsels (Psa. i, 1), his plots (Psa. xxxvii, 12), his dishonesty and robberies (Psa. xxxvii, 21; cxix, 61), and manifold iniquities (Prov. v, 22), are a source of confusion and disturbance in the moral world, and that continually. It remains to notice briefly the word DK>X, the primary idea of which seems to be that of guilt or blame involved in nf.>s, and njrv comiuitting a trespass through ignorance or negligence, ~ '' and nJt^ (KJ^', y^, with which it is frequently associated. The two words appear together in Lev. iv, 13: "If the whole congregation of Israel err through ignorance O^P*^.), and the matter be hidden from the eyes of the assembly, and they have done with one from all the commandments of Jehovah what should not have been done, and have become guilty'''' {^iy3\^. Compare verses 22, 27, and chap- ter V, 2, 3, 4, 17, 19, Hence it was natural that the noun DL"« should become the common word for the trespass offering which was required of those who contracted guilt by negligence or error. For the passages just cited, and their contexts, show that any vio- lation or infringement of a divine commandment, whether com- mitted knowingly or not, involved one in fault, and the guilt, con- tracted unconsciously, required for its expiation a trespass offering as soon as the sin became known. Accordingly, it will be seen that T\y^, and its derivatives, point to errors committed through igno- rance (Job vi, 24; Num. xv, 27), while D^X denotes rather the guiltiness contracted by such errors, and felt and acknowledged when the sin Tsecomes known. A study of the divine names used in the Hebrew Scriptures is exceedingly interesting and suggestive. They are Ad- onai, El, Elah, Elim, Eloah, Ellon, Elohim, Shaddai, ^*^^°^ ''''""'■ Jah, and Jehovah. All these may be treated as synonymes, and yet each divine name has its peculiar concept and its correspond- ing usage. 198 PRINCIPLES OP Tlie synonymes of the New Testament furnish an equally inter- esting and profitahle field of study. Many words appear to be ■used interchangeably, and yet a careful examination will usually show that each conveys its own distinct idea. Take, for instance, Kaivog and the two Greek words for 7ieio, Kaivog and veog. Both "^'^f- are ajDplied to the new man (comp. Eph. ii, 15; Col. iii, 10), the neic covenant (Heb. ix, 15 ; xii, 24), and neio wine (Matt, ix, 17; xxvi, 29) ; but a wider comparison shows that Kaivog denotes what is new in quality or kind, in opposition to something that has already existed and been known, used, and worn out; while veog denotes what is new in time, what has not long existed, but is yoking and fresh. Both words occur in Matt, ix, 17: " They put new (yiov) wine into new (Katvovg) skins." The new wine is here conceived as fresh, or recently made; the skins as never used be- fore. The skin bottles may have been old or new as to age, but in order to preserve wine just made, they must not have been put to that use before. But the wine referred to in Matt, xxvi, 29, is to be thought of rather as a neio kind of icine: "I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the vine until that day when I drink it with you new (Kaivov, new in a higher sense and qualitj'), in the kingdom of my Father." So also Joseph's tomb, in which our Lord's body was laid, was called a new one {Kaivog, Matt, xxvii, 60 ; John xix, 41), not in the sense that it had recently been hewn from the rock, but because no one had ever been laid in it before. The new (KaivTj) commandment of John xiii, 34 is the law of love, which, proceeding from Christ, has a new aspect and scope; a depth and beauty and fulness which it had not before. But when John wrote his epistles of brotherly love it had become "an old command- ment" (1 John ii, 7), long familiar, even "the word which ye heard from the beginning." But then he (verse 8) adds : " Again, a new commandment (evroXi]v KaivTqv) I write to you, which thing is true in him and in you; because tlie darkness is passing away and the true light is already shining." The i)assing away of the old darkness and the growing intensity of the true light, according to proper Christian experience, continually develop ami bring out new glories in the old commandment. This thing (o), namely, the fact that the old commandment is also new, is seen to be true both in Christ and in the believer; because in the latter the darkness keeps ])ass- ing away, and in the former tlie true light shines more and more. In like manner the tongues mentioned in Mark xvi, 17 are called Kaivai, because they would be new to the world, "other tongues" (Acts ii, 4), unlike any thing in the way of speaking which had been known before. So, too, the new name, new Jerusalem, new song, BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 199 new heaven and new earth (Rev. ii, 17; iii, 12; v, 9; xiv, 3; xxi, 1), to designate which Kaivog is used, are the renewed, ennobled, and glorious apocalyptic aspects of the things of the kingdom of God. The word veog is used nine times in the Synoptic Gospels of wine recently made. In 1 Cor. v, 7, it is applied to the new lump of leaven, as that which has been recently prepared. It is used of the new man in Col. iii, 10, where the putting on the new man is spoken of as a worh recently accomplished ; whereas KatvSg is used in Eph. ii, 15, denoting rather the character of the loorh accomplished. So the new covenant may be conceived of as new, or recent (Heb- xii, 24), in opposition to that long ago given at Sinai, while it may also be designated as new in the sense of being different from the old (Matt, xxvi, 28 ; 2 Cor. iii, 6), which is worn out with age, and ready to vanish away (Heb. viii, 13). Let it be noted, also, that " newness of life " and " newness of spirit " (Rom, vi, 4 ; vii," 6), are expressed by Kaiv6rr](; ; but youth is denoted by vedrrjg (Matt, xix 20 ; Mark x, 20 ; Luke xviii, 21 ; Acts xxvi, 4; 1 Tim. iv, 12). The two words for life, (3iog and ^w?^, are easily distinguishable as used in the New Testament. Biog denotes the pres- ^.^ ^^^ . , ent human life considered especially with reference to modes and conditions of existence. It nowhere means lifetime, or period of life; for the true text of 1 Pet. iv, 3, which was supposed to convey this meaning, omits the word. It commonly denotes the means of living; that on which one depends as a means of support- ing life. Thus the poor widow cast into the treasury her whole livifig {Plov, Mark xii, 44). Another woman spent all her livi?ig on physicians (Luke viii, 14), The same meanmg appears in Luke XV, 12, 30; xxi, 4, In Luke viii, 14 and 1 John iii, 17 it denotes, rather, life as conditioned by riches, pleasures, and abundance. In 1 Tim. ii, 2; 2 Tim. ii, 4 ; 1 John ii, 16 it conveys the idea of the manner and style in which one spends his life ; and so, in all its uses, piog has reference solely to the life of man as lived in this world. Zurj, on the other hand, is the antithesis of death {Sdvarog), and while used occasionally in the New Testament in the sense of physical existence (Acts xvii, 25 ; 1 Cor. iii, 22; xv, 19; Phil, i, 20; James iv, 14), is defined by Cremer as "the kind of existence pos- sessed by individualized being, to be explained as selfgovernin;/ existence, which God is, and man has or is said to have, and which, on its part, is supreme over all the rest of creation."^ Tholuck ■ Biblico-Theological Lexicon of the New Testament, p. 272. Cremer goes on to show how from the sense of physical existence the word is also used to denote a perfect and abiding antithesis to death (Heb. vii, 16), a positive freedom from death (Acts ii, 28; 2 Cor. v, 4), and the sum of the divine promises under the Gospel, "belonging 300 PRINCIPLES OF observes: "The words ^(o-q and ■&dvarog {death), along with the cognate verbs, although appearing in very various applications, are most clearly explained when we suppose the following views to have lain at the basis of them. God is the life eternal (^w^ aiwviog, 1 John V, 20), or the li(//it, {(piog, 1 John i, 5; James i, 7). Beings made in the image of God have true life only in fellowship with him. "Wherever this life is absent there is death. Accordingly the idea of ^(oiq comprehends holiness and bliss, that of ■ddvarog sin and misery. Now as both the ^w^ and the -^dvaroq manifest themselves in different degrees, sometimes imder different aspects, the words acquire a variety of significations. The highest grade of the ^w?/ is the life which the redeemed live with the Saviour in the glorious kingdom of heaven. Viewed on this side, ^co?^ denotes continued existence after death, communion Avith God, and blessedness, of which each is implied in the other."* In Jesus' conversation with Simon Peter at the sea of Tiberias kya-inj and Mohn xxi, 15-17), we have four sets of synonymes. ^lUu. First, the words dyaTdcj and (piXeu), for which we have no two corresponding English words. The former, as opposed to the latter, denotes a devout reverential love, grounded in reason and admiration. (PiXeco, on the other hand, denotes the love of a warm personal affection, a tender emotional love of the heart. "The first expresses," says Ti-ench, "a more reasoning attachment, of choice and selection {cliligere = deli.gere), from seeing in the object upon whom it is bestowed that which is worthy of regard ; or else from a sense that such was fit and due toward the person so regard- ed, as being a benefactor, or the like; while the second, without being necessarily an unreasoning attachment, does yet oftentimes give less account of itself to itself ; is more instinctive, is more of the feelings, implies more passion."'' The range of ^iXeu), accord- ing to Oremer, is wider than that of dyairdd), but dyandb) stands high above (piXeu) on account of its moral import. It involves the moral affection of conscious, deliberate will, and may therefore be depended on in moments of trial. But (piXiu, involving the love of natural inclination and impulse, may be variable.' Obsevve, then, to those to whom the future is svire, alreadj' in possession of all who are partakers of tlic New Testament salvation, ' that leadeth unto life,' and who already in this life begin life eternal." (Matt, vii, 14; Tit. i, 2 ; 2 Tim. i, 1; Acts xi, 18; xiii, 48). He further observes, that in the writings of Paul " fwiy is the substance of Gospel preach- ing, the final aim of faith (1 Tim. i, 16);" in the writings of .lohii it "is the subject matter and aim of divine revelation." Comp. John v, b'J ; 1 John v, 'Ai>; etc. ' Commentary on Romans v, 12. * Syiionjmcs of tlie New Testament, sub verbo. 'Comp. Biblieo-Theological Lexicon, pp. 11, 12. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 201 the use of these words in the passage before us. " Jesus says to Simon Peter, Simon, son of Jonah, dost thou devoutly love (dyanag) me more than these? He says to him. Yea, Lord, thou knowest (oldag, seest) that I tenderly love (^i/Lo)) thee." In his second question our Lord, in tender regard for Simon, omits the words more than these, and sim- ply asks: "Dost thou devoutly love {aya-rrag) me?" To this Simon answers precisely as before, not venturing to assume so lofty a love as dyaTTixG} implies. In his third question (verse 17) our Lord uses Simon's word, thus approaching nearer to the heart and emotion of the disciple : " Simon, son of Jonah, dost thou tenderly love {(piXelg) me?" The change of word, as well as his asking for the third time, filled Peter with grief [eXvnfjdi]), and he replied with great emotion : " O Lord, all things thou knowest (olSag, seest, dost per- ceive), thou dost surely know {yivo)OK£ig, art fully cog- oi6a and yi- nizant of the fact, hast full assurance by personal vugku. knowledge) that I tenderly love {(piXw) thee." The distinction be- tween oida (from eldo)^ to see, to perceive) and yiv) (to obtain and have knowledge of) is very subtle, and the words appear to be often used interchangeably. According to Cremer, " there is mere- ly the difference that yivojoKeiv implies an active relation, to wit, a self -reference of the knower to the object of his knowledge ; where- as, in the case of eldevai, the object has simply come within the sphere of perception, within the knower's circle of vision." ' As used by Peter the two words differ, in that ycvojoKM expresses a deeper and more positive knowledge than olda. According to many ancient authorities we have in this passage three different words to denote lambs and sheep. Li verse 15 the word is dgvla, lambs, in verse 16 nQojSara, sheep, and in 'Apvic 7rp6/3a- verse 17 Trgofidna, sheepUngs, or choice sheep. The dif- tu, and irpo- ference and distinct import of these several words it is /?«T'a. not difficult to understand. The lambs are those of tender age; the young of the flock. The sheep are the full-grown and strong. The sheepUngs, npopdria, are the choice full-grown sheej), those which deserve peculiar tenderness and care, with special reference, perhaps, to the milch-ewes of the flock. Compare Isa, xl, 11, Then, in connexion with these different words for sheej) we have also the synonymes (36gko) and noiuaivo), to denote the various Bogku and cares and work of the shepherd, Bookg) means to feed, 'n-oifxaivu. and is used especially of a shepherd providing his flock with pas- ture, leading them to the field, and fui-nishing them with food. Uoinaivo) is a word of wider significance, and involves the whole oflice and work of a shepherd. It comes more nearly to our word ' Biblico-Tlieological Lexicon, p. 230. 202 PRINCIPLES OF tend, and includes the ideas of feeding, folding, governing, guiding, guarding, and whatever a good shepherd is expected to do for his flock. BocTKO) denotes the more special and tender care, the giving of nourishment, and is appropriately used when speaking of lambs. Hoiiiaivu) is more general and comprehensive, and means to rule as well as to feed. Hence appear the depth and fulness of the three- fold commandment: "Feed my lambs," "Tend my sheep," "Feed my choice sheep." The lambs and the choice sheep need special nourishment; all the sheep need the shepherd's faithful care. It is well to note, that, on the occasion of the first miraculous drauglit of fishes, at this same sea of Galilee (Luke v, 1-10), Jesus sounded the depths of Simon Peter's soul (verse 8), awakened him to an aw- ful sense of sin, and then told him that he should thereafter catch men (verse 10). Now, after this second like miracle, at the same sea, and with another probing of his heart, he indicates to him that there is something more for him to do than to catch men. He must know how to care for them after they have been caught. He must be a shepherd of the Lord's sheep as well as a fisher of men, and he must learn to imitate the manifold care of the Great Shepherd of Israel, of whom Isaiah wrote (Isa. xl, 1 1 ) : " As a shepherd he will feed his flock {y}V,); in his arms he will gather the lambs (CN^'l?), and in his bosom bear; the railch-ewes (npy) he will gently lead." The synonymes of the Hebrew and Greek Scriptures have been as yet but slightly and imperfectly treated.' They afford the biblical scholar a broad and most interesting field of study. It is a spiritual as well as an intellectual discipline to discriminate sharply between synonymous terms of Holy Writ, and trace the diverging lines of thought, and the far-reaching suggestions which often arise there- from. The foregoing pages will have made it apparent that the exact import and the discriminative usage of words are all-import- ant to the biblical interpreter. Without an accurate knowledge of the meaning of his words, no one can properly either under- stand or explain the language of any author. ' The only works of note on the subject are, Girdlestone, Synonymes of the Old Testament, London, ISYl; and Trem-h, Synonymes of the Xew Tostiimcnt. originally published in two small volumes, and subsequently in one ; Ninth Edition, Loudon, 1880. The work of Tittniann, De Synonyniis in Novo Testamento, translated and published in two volumes of the Edinburgh Bi))lii'al Cabinet, is now of no great value. Cre- nier's niblico-Theological Lexieon of the New Testament eontains a very excellent treatment of a number of the New Testament synonymes; and Wilson's Syntax and Synonymes of the Greek Testament (Loudon, 1864) is well worthy of consultation. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 203 CHAPTER VI. THE GRAMMATICO-HISTORICAL SENSE. Having become familiar with the meaning of words, and thoroughly versed in the principles and methods by which their signification and usage are ascertained, we are prepared to investigate the grammatico-historical sense. This phrase is believed to have originated with Karl A. G. Keil, whose treatise on Historical In- terpretation and Text-Book of New Testament Hermeneutics ' fur- nished an important contribution to the science of in- ^ terpi'etation. We have already defined the grammati- historical co-historical method of interpretation as distinguished ^^^^^ deaned. from the allegorical, mystical, naturalistic, mythical, and other methods,^ which have more or less prevailed. The grammatico- historical sense of a writer is such an interpretation of his lan- guage as is required by the laws of grammar and the facts of his- tory. Sometimes we speak of the literal sense, by which we mean the most simple, direct, and ordinary meaning of phrases and sen- tences. By this term we usually denote a meaning opposed to the figurative or metaphorical. The grammatical sense is essentially the same as the literal, the one exjjression being derived from the Greek, the other from the Latin. But in English usage the word grammatical is applied rather to the arrangement and construction of words and sentences. By the historical sense we designate, rather, that meaning of an author's words which is required by historical considerations. It demands that we consider carefully the time of the author, and the circumstances under which he wrote. " Grammatical and historical interpretation, when rightly under- stood," says Davidson, "are synonymous. The special Davidson's laws of grammar, agreeably to which the sacred writers statemeut. employed language, were the result of their peculiar circumstances; and history alone throws us back into these circumstances. A new language was not made for the authors of Scripture; they con- formed to the current language of the country and time. Their compositions would not have been otherwise intelligible. They ' De historica librorum sacrorum interpretatione ejusque necessitate. Lps., KSS. Lehrbuch der Hermeneutik des N. T. nach Gnindsiitzcn der grammatisch-histoiischcn Interpretation. Lpz., 1810. A Latin translation, by Emmerliug, appeared in 1811. ' Compare above, pp. 1*73, 174. 204 PRINCIPLES OF took up the 21SUS loqitendi as they found it, modifying it, as is quite natural, by the rehitions internal and external amid which they thought and wrote," The same writer also observes: " The grara- matico-historical sense is made out by the application of grammat- ical and historical considerations. The great object to be ascer- tained is the xisus loquendi, embracing the laws or principles of universal grammar which form the basis of every language. These are nothing but the logic of the mind, comprising the modes in which ideas are formed, combined, and associated, agreeably to the original susceptibilities of the intellectual constitution. They are the j)hysiology of the human mind as exemplified jiractically by every individual. General grammar is wont to be occupied, how- ever, with the usage of the best writers; whereas the laws of lan- guage as observed by the writers of Scripture should be mainly attended to by the sacred intei'preter, even though the philosoph- ical grammarian may not admit them all to be correct. It is the xisus loquouU of the inspired authors which forms the subject of the grammatical principles recognized and followed by the expos- itor. The grammar he adopts is deduced from the use of the lan- guage employed in the Bible. This may not be conformed to the practice of the best writers; it may not be philosophically just; but he must not, therefore, pronounce it erroneous. The modes of ex- pression used by each writer — the utterances of his mental associa- tions, constitute his usus loquendi. These form his grammatical principles; and the interpreter takes them as his own in the busi- ■. iicss of exegesis. Hence, too, there arises a special as well as a ^Smiversal grammar. Now we attain to a knowledge of the peculiar %csus loquendi in the way of historical investigation. The religious, moral, and psychological ideas, under whose influence a language has been formed and moulded; all the objects with which the «^ writers were conversant, and the relations in which they were placed, are traced out JiistoricaUy. The costume of the ideas in the minds of the biblical authors oricinated from the character of the times, country, place, and education, under which they acted. Hence, in order to ascertain their peculiar usus loqicendi, we should *^ know all those institutions and influences whereby it was formed or affected." ' The general j^rinciples and methods by which we ascertain (he General princi- '^'*''*^' loquendi of single terms, or words, l)ave been j)re- piesandmeui- scntcd in the preceding chapter. Substantially the ^ ■ same principles are to serve us as we proceed to investi- gate the grammatico-historical sense. We must attend to the ' Davidson, Sacred Hermeneutics, pp. 225, 22G. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 203 ly definitions and construction which an author puts upon his own terms, ^ and never suppose that he intends to contradict himself or puzzle his readers. The context and connection of thought are also to be studied in order to apprehend the general subject, scope, and pur- pose of the writer. But especially is it necessary to ascertain the T* correct grammatical construction of sentences. Subject and predi- cate and subordinate clauses must be closely analyzed, and the whole document, book, or epistle, should be viewed, as far as pos- sible, from the author's historical standpoint. A fundamental principle in gramiaati^Ojjiistorical exposition is that Avords and sentenc.es„£aaJiaiJ3JmL_one_ji_gni^^^ tioii in one and the same connection. The moment we ^^^f"^? '^".* ^'^'^ ' _ ^^^^. _ ,..-.-..--. — . — _— „« — „ ^^ ^ meaning in one neglect this jirinciple we drift out upon a sea of un- place. certainty and conjecture. It is commonly assumed by the univer- sal sense of mankind that unless one designedly put forth a riddle, he will so speak as to convey his meaning as clearly as possible to others. Hence that meaning of a sentence which most readily sug- gests itself to a reader or hearer, is, in general, to be received as the true meaning, and that alone. Take, for example, the account of Daniel and his three companions, as given in the first chapter of the Book of Daniel. The simplest child readily grasps the mean- ing. There can be no doubt as to the general import of the words throughout the chapter, and that the writer intended to inform his readers in a particular way how God honoured those young men because of their abstemiousness, and because of their refusal to defile themselves with the meats and drinks which the king had appointed for them. The same may be said of the lives of the patriarchs as recorded in the Book of Genesis, and, indeed, of any of the historical narratives of the Bible. They are to be accepted as a trustworthy record of facts. This principle holds with equal force in the narratives of miracu- lous events. For the miracles of the Bible are re- ^^^^^^-^^^ ^^ ^^ corded as facts, actual occurrences, witnessed by few or iiteraUy under- by many as the case might be, and the writers give no intimation that their statements involve any thing but plain literal truth. Thus, in Josh, v, 13-vi, 5, a man appears to Joshua, hold- ing a sword in his hand, announcing himself as "a prince of the host of Jehovah" (verse 14), and giving directions for the capture of Jericho. This may, possibly, have occurred in a dream or a waking vision; but such a supposition is not in strictest accord with the statements. For it would involve the supposition that Josluxa dreamed that he fell on his face, and took off his shoes from his feet, as well as looked and listened. Revelations from Jehovah 206 PRINCIPLES OF were wont to come through visions and dreams (Xum. xii, 6), but the simplest exposition of this jiassage is that the angel of Jehovah openly a])peared to Joshua, and the occurrences were all outward and actual, rather than by vision or dream. The simple but mournful narrative of the offering up of Jeph- t ^.^ ^, thah's daughter (Judg. xi, 30-40) has been perverted to Jephthah's t i i i • t da us liter a mean that Jephthah devoted his daughter to perpetual burnt-oiTering. ^jj.gjj^j^-y — m^ exposition that arose from the a priori assumption that a judge of Israel must have known that human sacrifices were an abomination to Jehovah. But no one presumes to question that he vowed to offer as a burnt-offei'ing that which came forth from the doors of his house to meet him (verse 31). Jephthah could scarcely have thought of a cow, or a sheep, or goat, as cominof out of his house to meet him. Still less could he have contemplated a dog, or any unclean animal. The awful solemnity and tremendous force of his vow appear, rather, in the thought that he contemplated no common offering, but a victim to be taken from among the inmates of his house. But he then little thouglit that of all his household — servants, young men, and maidens — his daughter and only child would be the first to meet him. Hence his anguish, as indicated in verse 35. But she accepted her fate with a sublime heroism. She asked tAvo months of life in which to bewail her virginity, for that was to her the one only thing that darkened her thoughts of death. To die unwedded and childless was the sting of death to a Hebrew woman, and especially one who was as a princess in Israel. Take away that bitter thought, and with Jei)hthah's daughter it were a sublime and enviable thing to " die for God, her country, and her sire." The notion that, previously to her being devoted to a life of vir- ginity and seclusion, she desired two months to mourn over such a fate, appears exceedingly improbable, if not absurd. For, as Cap- pellus well observes, " If she desired or felt obliged to bewail her virginity, it were especially suitable to bewail that when shut up in the monastery; previously to her being shut up it would have l)een more suitable, with youthful friends and associates, to have spent those two months joyfully and pleasantly, since afterward there Avonld remain to her a time for weeping more than sufficiently long." * The sacred writer declares (verse 39) that, after the two months, Jephthah did to his daughter the vow tchich he had voiced — not something else which he had not voAved. He records, not as the manner in which he did his vow, but as the most thrilling kuell ttat in the ears of her father and companions sounded over that ' Critici Sacri, torn, ii, p. 2076. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTIC3. 207 daughter's funeral pile, and sent its lingering echo into the later times, that " she knew no man." ' The narratives of the resurrection of Jesus admit of no rational explanation aside from that simple grammatico-histori- \ cal sense in which the Christian Church has ever under- rection a literal stood them. The naturalistic and mythical theories, '"^toncai fact. when applied to this miracle of miracles, utterly break down. The alleged discrepancies between the several evangelists, instead of disproving the truthfulness of their accounts, become, on closer in- spection, confirmatory evidences of the accuracy and trustworthi- ness of all their statements. If the New Testament narratives aj-e deserving of any credit at all, the following facts are evident: (1) Jesus foretold his death and resurrection, but his disciples were slow to comprehend him, and did not fully accept his statements. (2) Immediately after the crucifixion the disciples were smitten with deep dejection and fear; but after the third day they all claimed to have seen the Lord, and they gave minute details of several of his appearances. (3) They affirm that they saw him ascend into the heavens, and soon afterward are found preaching "Jesus and the resurrection" in the streets of Jerusalem and in all Palestine and the regions beyond. (4) Many years afterward Paul declared these facts, and affirmed that Jesus appeared at one time to above five hundred brethren, of whom the greater part were still alive (1 Cor. XV, 6). He affirmed, that, if Christ had not been raised from the dead, the preaching of the GosjdcI and the faith of the Church were ' "We p;ain nothing by attempting to evade the obvious import of any of the biblical narratives. On the treatment of this account of Jephthah's daughter Stanley ob- serves : " As far back as we can trace the sentiment of those who read the passage, in Jonathan the Targumist, and Josephus, and through the whole of the first eleven centuries of Christendom, the story was taken in its literal sense as describing the death of the maiden, although the attention of the Church was, as usual, diverted to distant allegorical meanings. Then, it is said, from a polemical bias of Kimchi, arose the interpretation that she was not killed, but immured in celibacy. From the Jew- ish theology this spread to the Christian. By this time the notion had sprung up that every act recorded in the Old Testament was to be defended according to the stand- ard of Christian morality ; and, accordingly, the process began of violently wresting the words of Scripture to meet the preconceived fancies of later ages. In this way entered the hypothesis of Jephthah's daughter having been devoted as a nun; con- trary to the plain meaning of the text, contrary to the highest authorities of the Church, contrary to all the usages of the old dispensation. In modern times a more careful study of the Bible has brought us back to the original sense. And with it returns the deep pathos of the original story, and the lesson which it reads of the heroism of the father and daughter, to be admired and loved, in the midst of the fierce superstitions across v.hich it plays like a sunbeam on a stormy sea." — Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church. First Series, p. 397. 208 PRINCIPLES OF 1)'at an empty thing, based upon a gigantic fiilsehoorl. This con- ehision follows irresistibly from the above-named facts. We must either accept the statements of the evangelists, in their plain and obvious imjjort, or else meet the inevitable alternative that they knowingly put forth a falsehood (a concerted testimony which was essentially a lie before God), and went preaching it in all the world, ready to seal their testimony by tortures and death. This latter alternative involves too great a strain upon our reason to be accept- ed for a moment, especially when the unique and straightforward Gospel narratives furnish such a clear and adequate historical basis for the marvellous rise and power of Christianity in the world. Winer's Grammar of the New Testament, and the modern critical .^^ commentaries on the whole or on parts of the New Testament — "-■^such as those of Meyer, De Wette, Alford, Ellicott, and Godet — have served largely to place the interpretation of the Christian Grammatical Scriptures on a sound grammatico-historical basis, and hDokecry° m ^ constant use of these great works is all-important to the scriptures, the biblical scholar. He must, by repeated grammatical praxis, make himself familiar with the peculiarities of the New Testament dialect. The significance of the presence or the absence of the article has often much to do with the meaning of a passage. "In the language of living intercourse," says Winer, "it is utterly impossible that the article should be omitted where it is decidedly necessary, or employed where it is not demanded. "OQog can never VA denote the mountain, nor rn bQo<; a mountain.''''^ The position of words and clauses, and peculiarities of grammatical structure, may often serve to emphasize important thoughts and statements. The special usage of the genitive, the dative, or the accusative case, or of the active, middle, or passive voice, often conveys a notable significance. The same is also true of conjunctions, adverbs, and prepositions. These serve to indicate peculiar shades of meaning, " and delicate and suggestive relations of words and sentences, with- out a nice apprehension of Avhich the real sense of a i)assage may be lost to the reader. The authorized version often obscures an important passage of the New Testament by a mistranslation of the aorist tense. Take, as a single example, 2 Cor. v, 14: "For the love of Christ constraineth us; because we thus judge, that if one died for all, then Avere all dead." The //"is now allowed to be an error in the text and should bo omitted. The verse ree n s. gj^^^^^j^^l ^-^^^^ l^^ translated: "For the love of Christ constrains us, having judged this, that one died for all ; therefore the all died." The first verb, constrains (ovvexei), is in the present ' New Testament Grammar, p. 115. Andover, 1874. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 209 tense, and denotes the then present experience of the apostle at the time of his writing: The love of Christ (Christ's love for men) now constrains us (" holds us in bounds " — Meyer) ; and this is the ever-present and abiding experience of all like the apostle. Ilavinf/ judged (Kpivavrag) is the aorist participle, and points to a definite judgment which he had formed at some past time — probably at, or soon after, his conversion. The statement that one died {drrsdavev, aorist singular) for all, points to that great historic event which, above every other, exhibited the love of Christ for men. "Apa ol TTdvreg dnsT^avov, therefore the all died— "the all," who meet the condition specified in the next verse, and "live unto him Avho for their sakes died and rose again," are conceived as having died with Christ. They were crucified with Christ, united with him by the likeness of his death (Rom. vi, 5, 6).' Compare also Col. iii, 8: " For ye died (not ye are dead), and your life is hidden {iceicpvnTai, has become hidden) with Christ in God." That is, ye died at the time ye became united with Christ by faith, and as a consequence of that death ye now have a spiritual life in Christ. " With regard to the tenses of the verb," says Winer, " New Testament grammarians and expositors have been guilty of the greatest mistakes. In general, the tenses are employed in the New Testament exactly in the same manner as in Greek authors. The aorist marks simply the past (merely occurrence at some former time — viewed, too, as momentary), and is the tense employed in narration; the imperfect and pluperfect always have reference to secondary events connected in respect to time with the principal event (as relative tenses) ; the pei'fect brings the past into con- nexion with the present, representing an action in reference to the present as concluded. No one of these tenses, sta-ietly and properly taken, can stand for another, as commentators often would have us believe. But where such an interchange appears to take place, either it is merely apparent, and a sufficient reason (especially a rhetorical one) can be discovered why this and no other tense has been used, or it is to be set down to the account of a certain inac- curacy peculiar to the language of the people, which did not con- ceive and express relations of time with entire precision."^ ' When Christ died the redeeming death for all, all died, in respect of their fleshly life, with him ; this objective matter of fact which Paul here affirms has its subjective realization in the faith of the individuals, through which they have entered into that death-fellowship with Christ given through his death for all, so that they have now, by means of baptism, become burigd with him (Col. ii, 12). — Meyer, in loco. * New Testament Grammar, p. 264. Comp. Buttmann's Grammar of the New Test- ament Greek ; Thayer's Translation, pp. 194-206. Andover, 1873. 14 2i0 PRINCIPLES OF The grammatical sense is to be always sought by a careful study and application of the well-established principles and rules of the language. A close attention to the meaning and relations of words, a care to note the course of thought, and to allow each case, mood, tense, and the position of each word, to contribute its part to the general whole, and a caution lest we assign to words and phrases a scope and conception foreign to the ksus loqueiicU of the language — these are rules, which, if faithfully observed, will always serve to bring out the real import of any written document. -♦♦♦- CHAPTER VII. CONTEXT, SCOPE, AND PLAN. The grammatico-historical sense is further developed by a study of „ , , „ the context and scope of an author's woi'k. The word Context, Scope, J^ . . zt • and Plan de- Context, as the etymology intimates (Latin, con, together, ^"^'*" and textus, woven), denotes something that is woven to- \ / gethcr, and, applied to a written document, it means the connexion of thought supposed to run through every passage which consti- tutes by itself a whole. By some writers it is called the connexion. The immediate context is that which immediately ]^recedcs or fol- lows a given word or sentence. The remote context is that whicli is less closely connected, and may embrace a whole paragrajdi or section. Tlie scoj^e, on the other hand, is the end or purpose which the writer has in view. Every author is supposed to have some object in Avriting, and that object will be either formally stated in some part of his work, or else apparent from the general course of thonglit. The plan of a work is the arrangement of its several parts; the order of thought which the "writer pursues. Tlie context, scope, and plan of a Avriting should, therefore, be y studied together; and, logically, perhaps, the scope should be first ascertained. For the meaning of particular parts of a book may be fully ai)prt'heiided oidy when we have mastered the general purpose and design of the whole. The plan of a book, moreover, is most intimately related to its scope. The one cannot be fully ap])rc- hended without some knowledge of the other. Even where the scope is formally announced, an analysis of the plan will serve to make it more clear. A writer who has a well-defined i)lan in his mind will be likely to keep to that plan, and make all his nar- ratives and ])articular arguments bear upon the main subject. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 211 The scope of several of the books of Scriptui*e is formally stated by the writers. Most of the prophets of the Old Test- ament state the occasion and purpose of their oracles books formi.iiy at the beginning of their books, and at the beginning of particular sections. The purpose of the Book of Proverbs is anr nounced in verses 1-6 of the first chapter. The subject of Eccie- siastes is indicated at the beginning, in the words "Vanity of vanities." The design of John's Gospel is formally stated at the close of the twentieth chapter: "These things are written that ye may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God; and that be- lieving ye may have life in his name." The special purpose and occasion of the Epistle of Jude are given in verses 3 and 4: "Be- loved, while giving all diligence to write to you of our common salvation, I found (or had) necessity to write to you exhorting to contend earnestly for the faith once for all delivered to the saints. For there crept in stealthily certain men, who of old were fore- written unto this judgment, ungodly, turning the grace of our God into lasciviousness, and denying the only Master, and our Lord Jesus Christ." The purport of this is, that while Jude was dili- gently planning and preparing to write a treatise or epistle on the common salvation, the circumstances stated in verse 4 led him to break off from that purpose for the time, and write to exhort them to contend earnestly for the faith once for all (dna^, only once ; "no other faith will be given." — Bengel) delivered to the saints. The scope of some books must be ascertained by a diligent <^— examination of their contents. Thus, for example, the „, _ -^ ' rian and Scope Book of Genesis is found to consist of ten sections, of Genesis seer each beginning with the heading, " These are the gen- ™' ^''* '^°'^^^"'^- erations," etc. This tenfold history of generations is preceded and introduced by the record of creation in chapter i, 1-ii, 3. The plan of the author appears, therefore, to be, first of all to recoi'd the miraculous creation of the heavens and the land, and then the developments (evolutions) in human history that followed that cre- ation. Accordingly, the first developments of human life and his- tory are called " the generations of the heavens and the land " (chap, ii, 4). The historical standpoint of the writer is "the day" from which the generations (nn^in, f/rovths) start, the day when man was formed of the dust of the ground and the breath of life from the heavens. So the first man is conceived as the product of the land and the heavens by the word of God, and the word N'lZl, create, does not occur in this whole section. " The day " of chapter ii, 4, which most interpreters understand of the whole creative week, we take rather to be the terminus a quo of generations, the 212 PRINCIPLES OF day from which, according to verse 5, all the Edenlc growths be- gan; the day when the whole face of the ground was watered, when the garden of Eden was planted, and the first human pair were brought togetlier. It was the sixth day of the creative week, " the day that Jehovah God made (niry, in the sense of effected, did, accomplished, brought to completion) land and heavens." Adam was the "son of God" (Luke iii, 38), and the day of his creation was the point of time when Jehovah Elohim first revealed himself in history as one with the Creator. In chapter i, which records the beginning of the heavens and the land, only Elohim is named, the God in whom, as the plural form of the name denotes, centre all fulness and manifoldness of divine powers. But at cliapter ii, 4, Avhere the record of generations begins, we first moot with the name Jehovah, the personal Revealer, who enters into covenant with his creatures, and places man under moral law. Creation, so to speak, began with the pluripotent God — Elohim; its completion in the formation of man, and in subsequent developments, was wrought by Jehovah, the God of revelation, of law, and of love. Having traced the generations of the heavens and the land through Adam down to Seth (iv, 25, 26), the writer next records the out- growths of that line in what he calls "the book of the generations of Adam" (v, 1). This book is no history of Adam's origin, for that was incorporated in the generations of the heavens and the land, but of Adam's posterity through Seth down to the time of the flood. Next follow " the generations of Noah (vi, 9), then those of his sons Shem, Ham, and Japheth (x, 1), then those of Shem through Arphaxad to Terah (xi, 10-26), and then, in regular order, the generations of Terah (xi, 27, under which the whole history of Abraham is placed), Ishmael (xxv, 12), Isaac (xxv, 19), P^sau (xxxvi, 1), and Jacob (xxxvii, 2). Hence the great design of the book Avas evidently to place on record the beginning and the earliest developments of human life and history. Keeping in mind this scope and structure of the book, we see its unity, and also find each section and subdivision sustaininc: a logical fitness and relation to the whole. Thus, too, the import of not a few passages becomes more clear and forcible. A very cursory examination of the Book of Exodus shows us Plan and Scope that its great purpose is to record the history of the of Exodus. Exodus from Egypt and the legislation at Mt. Sinai, and it is readily divisibk> into two parts (1) chaps, i-xviii ; (2) xix-xl; corresponding to these two great events. But a closer examination and analysis reveal many beautiful and suggestive re- lations of the different sections. First, we have a vivid narrative BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 213 of the bondage of Israel (chaps, i-xi). It is sharply outlined in chapter i, enhanced by the account of Moses' early life and exile (chaps, ii-iv), and shown in its intense persistence by the account of Pharaoh's hardness of heart, and the consequent plagues which smote the land of Egypt (chaps, v-xi). Second, we have the redemption of Israel (chaps, xii-xv, 21). This is first typified by the Passover (chaps, xii-xiii, 16), realized in the marvels and tri- umphs of the march out of Egypt, and the passage of the Red Sea (xiii, 17-xiv, 31), and celebrated in the triumphal song of Moses (xv, 1-21). Then, third, we have the consecration of Israel (xv, 22-xl) set forth in seven sections, (l) The march from the Red Sea to Rephidim (xv, 22-xvii, 1), depicting the first free activ- ities of the people after their redemption, and their need of special Divine compassion and help. (2) Attitude of the heathen toward Israel in the cases of hostile Amalek and friendly Jethro (xvii, 8- xviii). (3) The giving of the LaAv at Sinai (xix-xxiv). (4) The tabernacle planned (xxv-xxvii). (5) The Aaronic priesthood and sundry sacred services ordained (xxviii-xxxi). (O) The backslid- ings of the people punished, and renewal of the covenant and laws (xxxii-xxxiv). (7) The tabernacle constructed, reared, and filled with the glory of Jehovah (xxxv-xl). These different sections of Exodus are not designated by special lieadings, like those of Genesis, but are easily distinguished as so many subsidary portions of one whole, to which each contributes its share, and in the light of which each is seen to have peculiar significance. Many have taken in hand to set forth in order the course of thought in the Epistle to the Romans. There can be subject and no doubt, to those who have closely studied this epistle, ^pi^^e^to the that, after his opening salutation and personal address, Romans, the apostle announces his great theme in verse 16 of the first chap- ter. It is the Gospel considered as the power of God unto salvation to every believer, to the Jeio first, and also to the Gfeel^. This is not formally announced as the thesis, but it manifestly expresses, in a happy personal way, the scope of the entire epistle. " It had for its end," says Alford, "the settlement, on the broad principles of God's truth and love, of the mutual relations and union in Christ of God's ancient people and the recently engrafted world. What wonder, then, if it be found to contain an exposition of man's un- worthiness and God's redeeming love, such as not even Holy Scrip- ture itself elsewhere furnishes ? " ^ In the develoj^ment of his plan the apostle first spreads out before ^ Greek Testament ; Prolegomena to Romans. 214 PRINCIPLES OF us an appalling jjortraiture of the heathen "svorld, and adds, that even the Jew, with all his advantage of God's revelation, is under the same condemnation; for by the law the whole world is involved in sin, and exposed to the righteous judgment of God. This is the first division (i, 18-iii, 20). The second, which extends to the close of the eighth chapter, and ends with a magnificent expression of Christian confidence and hope, discusses and illustrates the propo- sition stated at its beginning: "Now, apart from law, a righteous- ness of God has been manifested, being witnessed by the law and the proi)hets, even a righteousness of God through faith of Jesus Christ unto all them that believe" (iii, 21). Under this head we find unfolded the doctrine of justification by faith, and the pro- gressive glorification of the new man through sanctification of the Spirit. Then follows the apostle's vindication of the righteousness of God in casting off the Jews and calling the Gentiles (chaps, ix-xi), an argument that exhibits throughout a yearning for Is- rael's salvation, and closes with an outburst of wondering emo- tion over the " depth of riches and wisdom and knowledge of God," and a doxology (xi, 33-36). The concluding chapters (xii-xvi) con- sist of a practical application of the great lessons of the epistle in exhortations, counsels, and precepts for the Church, and numerous salutations and references to personal Christian friends. It will be found that a proper attention to this general plan and scope of the Epistle will greatly help to the understanding of its ^smaller sections. Ilaving ascertaiiied the general °^^pe nnd flran ftf n hnt^lr nf Scripture, we are more fully prepared to trace the context iind bear- Context of par- ^"g^ ^f its purticiilar parts. The context, as we have ticuiar passages, observed, maybe near or remote, according as we seek its immediate or more distant connexion with the particular word or passage in hand. It may run through a few verses or a whole section. The l^t twenty-six chapters of Isaiah exhibit a marked unity of thought and style, but they are capable of several subdivi- sions. The celebrated IMessianic prophecy in chapters Iii, 13-liii, 12, is a complete wliole in itself, but most unliappily torn asunder by tlie division of chapters. But, though forming a clearly defined section by themselves, these fifteen verses must not be severed from their context, or treated as if they had no vital connexion with Avhat precedes and what follows after. Alexander justly condemns " the radical error of supposing that the book is susce])tible of dis- tribution into detached and independent parts." ' It has its divis- ions more or less clearly defined, but they cling to each other, ' Later Prophecies of Isaiah, p. 247. New York, 1847. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 215 and are interwoven with each other, and form a living whole. It is beautifully observed by Nagelsbach, that "chapters xlix-lvii are like a wreath of glorious flowers intertwined with black ribbon ; or like a song of triumph, through whose muflied tone there courses the melody of a dirge, yet so that gradually the mournful chords merge into the melody of the song of triumph. And at the same time the discourse of the prophet is arranged with so much art that the mourning ribbon ties into a great bow exactly in the middle. For chapter liii forms the middle of the entire prophetic cycle of chapters xl-lxvi." ^ The immediate connexion with what precedes may be thus seen : In lii, 1-12, the future salvation of Israel is glowingly depicted as a restoration more glorious than that from the bondage of Egypt or from Assyrian exile. Jerusalem awakes and rises from the dust of ruin; the captive is released from fetters; the feet of fleet mes- sengers speed with good tidings, and the watchmen take up the glad report, and sound the cry of redemption. And then (verse 11) an exhortation is sounded to depart from all pollution and bondage, and the sublime exodus is contrasted (verse 12) with the hasty flight from Egypt, but with the assurance that, as of old, Jehovah would still be as the pillar of cloud and fire before them and behind them. At this our passage begins, and the thought naturally turns to the great Leader of this spiritual exodus — a greater than JMoses, even thouerh that ancient servant of Jehovah was faithful in all his house (Num. xii, V). Our prophet proceeds to delineate Ilim whose sufferings and sorrows for the transgressions of his people far tran- scended those of Moses, and whose final triumph through the fruit of the travail of his soul shall be also infinitely greater. . y/ The much;;dispjated passage in Matt, xi, 12 can be properly ex»^ plained only by special rega^-d tn the cnntext. Literally Mntt xi, 12 ex- translated, the verse reads: "From the days of John gtofiiscii! the Baptist until now, the kingdom of the heajfens text. suffers violence {(iid^erai), and violent ones are seizing upon it," There are seven different ways in which this passage has been explained. 1. The violence here mentioned is explained by one class of in- terpreters as a hostile violetice — the kingdom is violently persecuted by its enemies, and violent persecutors seize on it as by storm. The words themselves would not unnaturally bear such a mean- ing, but we find nothing in the context to harmonize with a refer- ence to hostile forces, or violent persecution. 2. Fritzsche translates (iid^srac by inagna vi praedicatur (is 1 Commentary on Isaiah, lii, 13, in Lange's Biblework. 216 PRINCIPLES OF proclaimed with great power) ; but this is contrary to the meaning of the word, and utterly without warrant. 3. The most common interpretation is that which takes fiid^erai in a good sense, and explains it of the eager and anxious struggles of many to enter into the new kingdom of God. This view, how- ever, is open to the twofold objection, that it does not allow the word (3cd^Erai its proper significance, and it has no relevancy to the context. It could scarcely be said of the blind, the lame, the lepers, the deaf, the dead, and the poor, mentioned in verse 5, that they took the kingdom by violence, for whatever violence was exerted in their case proceeded not from them but from Christ. 4. According to Lange " the expression is metaphorical, denoting the violent bursting forth of the kingdom of heaven, as the kernel of the ancient theocracy, through the husk of the Old Testament. John and Christ are themselves the violent who take it by force — the former, as commencing the assault; the latter, as completing the conquest. Accordingly, this is a figurative description of the great era which had then commenced."' So far as this ex])osition might describe an era which began with John, it would cer- tainly have relevancy to the immediate context; but no such era of a violent bursting forth of the kingdom of heaven had as yet opened. The kingdom of God was not yet come; it was only at hand. Besides, the making of both John and Christ the violent ones, in the sense of breaking open the husk of the Old Testament to let the kingdom of the heavens out, is a far-fetched and most improbable idea, 5. Others take I3cd(^e-ai in a middle sense: the kingdom of heaven violently breaks in — forcibly introduces itself, or thrusts itself for- ward in spite of all opposition. This usage of the word may be allowed ; but the interpretation it offers is open to the same objec- tion as that of Lange just given. It cannot be shown that there was any such violent breaking in of the kingdom of God from the days of John the Bajitist to the time when Jesus spoke these words. Besides, it is difficult, on this view, to explain satisfactorily the (iiaorai, violent ones, mentioned immediately afterward. G. Stier combines a good and a bad sense in the use of 0idi^eTai : "The word has here no more and no less than its active sense, which passes into the middle. The kingdom of heaven proclaims itself loudly and openly, breaking in with violence; the poor are compelled (Luke xiv, 23) to enter it ; those who o})pose it are con- strained to take offence. In short, all things proceed urgently with it; it goes with mighty movement and impulse ; it works effectually ' Commentary, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 217 upon all spirits on both sides and on all sides. ... Its constrain- ing power does violence to all ; but it excites, at the same time, in the case of many, obstinate opposition. He who will not submit to it, must be offended and resist ; and he, too, who yields to it, must press and struggle through this offence. Thus the kingdom of heaven does and suffers violence, both in its twofold influence." ' Hence, according to Stier, the violent ones are either good or bad, since both classes are compelled to take some part in the genei'al struggle, either for or against. This exposition, however, is with- out sufficient warrant in the history of the time, "from the days of John the Baptist until now," and it puts too many shades of meaning on the word (Siaorai. Besides, this view also has no clear relevancy to the context. 7. We believe the ti-ue view will be attained only by giving each word its natural meaning, and keeping attention strictly to the con- text. The common meaning of (3id^(>) is to take something hy force, to carry hy storm, as a besieged city or fortress ; and it here refers most naturally to the violent and hasty efforts to seize upon tlie kingdom of God which had been conspicuous since the beginning of the ministry of John. For this view seems to be demanded by the context. John had heard, in his prison, about the works of Christ, and, anxious and impatient for the glorious manifestation of the Messiah, sent two of his disciples to put the dubious question, " Art thou he that is coming, or look we for another?" (Matt, xi, 2, 3). Jesus' answer (verses 4-6) was merely a statement of his mighty works, and of the preaching of the Gospel to the poor — Old Testament prophetic evidence that the days of the Messiah were at hand — and the tacit rebuke : " Blessed is he whosoever shall not be offended [aiiavdaXiadri find occasion of stumbling) in me," was evidently meant for John's impatience. When John's disciples went away Jesus at once proceeded to speak of John's char- acter and standing before the multitudes: When ye all flocked to the wilderness to hear John preach, did ye expect to find a wavering reed, or a finely dressed courtier? Or did ye expect, rather, to see a prophet? Yes, he exclaims, much more than a prophet. For he was the Messiah's messenger, himself prophe- sied of in the Scriptures (MaL iii, 1). He was greater than all the prophets who were before him; for he stood upon the very verge of the Messianic era and introduced the Christ. But, with all his greatness, he misunderstands the kingdom of heaven ; and from his days until now the kingdom of heaven suffers violence from many who, like him, think it may be forced into manifestation. That king- ' Words of the Lord Jesus, in loco. 218 PRINCIPLES OF doni comes according to an ordered progress. First, the prophets and the law until John — the Elijah foretold in Mai, iv, 5. John was but the forerunner of Christ, preparing his Avay, and Christ's manifestation in the flesh was not his coming in his kingdom. Herein, we think, expositors have generally misappreliended our Lord's doctrine. Thus Nast : " The Lord speaks of the absolutely certain and momentous fact that the kingdom of heaven has come, proclaims its presence, and sends forth its invitations in tones not to be misunderstood (verse 15)." ' We believe, on the contrary, that this is a grave misunderstanding of our Lord's words. He neitlier says, nor necessarily implies, that his kingdom has come. John's preaching and Christ's preaching alike declared the kingdom to be at hand, and not fully come. Compare Matt, iii, 2 and iv, 17. But from the beginning of this gospel men had been over anxious to have the kingdom itself appear, and in this sense it was suffering violence, both by an inward impatience and zeal, such as John him- self had just now exhibited, and by an open and outward clamour, such as was exhibited by those who would fain have taken Jesus by force and made him king (John vi, 15). This same kind of vio- lence is to be understood in the parallel passage in Luke xvi, 16. The preaching of "the Gospel of the kingdom" was the occasion of a violence of attitude regarding it. Eveiy man would fain enter violently into it. The Avord l3id^ETai, accordingly, denotes not altogether a hostile violence, nor yet, on the other hand, a commendable zeal; but it may combine in a measure both of these conceptions. Stier finely says : " In a case where exegesis perseveringly disputes which of the two views of a passage cai)able of tAvo senses is correct, it is generally found that both are one in a third deeper meaning, and that tlie disputants in both cases have both right and wrong in their argument."" The word in question may combine both tlie good and the bad senses of violence : not, however, in the manner in which Stier explains, as above, but as depicting the violent zeal of those who would hurry the kingdom of God into a pi-emature manifesta- tion. Such a zeal might be laudable in its general aim, but very mistaken in its spirit and plan, and therefore deserving of rebuke. The context of Gal. v, 4, mu t be studied in order to apprehend Gal. V, 4, to be the force and scope of the words: " Ye are fallen away untS^aLm- ^™"^ grace." The apostle is contrasting justiHcation text. by faitli in Christ with justification by an observance of the law, and he argues that these two are opposites, so that one ' English Comnientary on Matthew, in loco. ^ Words of the Lord Jesus, on Matt, xi, 12, BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 219 necessarily excludes the other. He who receives circumcision as a means of justification (verse 2) virtually excludes Christ, whose gospel calls for no such work. If one seeks justification in a law of Avorks, he binds himself to keep the whole law (verse 3) ; for ■ then not circumcision only, but the whole law, must be minutely observed. Then, with a marked emphasis and force of words, he adds : " Ye were severed from Christ, whoever of you are being (assuming to be) justified in law, ye fell away from grace." Ye cut yourselves off from the system of grace {ttj^ x'^9'-'^'^^) • The word grace, then, is here to be understood not as a gracious attainment of personal experience, but as the gospel system of salvation. From this system they apostatized who sought justification in law, j/ It will be obvious from the above that the connexion of thought in any given passage may depend on a variety of con- ^^ '' . 1 o J i. J ^ Xhe connexion siderations. It may be a historical connexion, in that may be instoi-N facts or events recorded are connected in a chronolog- doKma«c°iogi- ical sequence. It may be historico-dogmatic, in that a cai, or psycho- doctrinal discourse is connected with some historic fact or circumstance. It maybe a logical connexion, in that the thoughts or arguments are j^resented in logical order; or it may be psycho- logical, because dependent on some association of ideas. This latter often occasions a sudden breaking off from a line of thought, and may serve to explain some of the parenthetical passages and in- stances of anacoluthon so frequent in the writings of Paul. ^ Too much stress cannot well be laid upon the importance of closely studying the context, scope, and plan, Many_a importance of passage of Scrii^ture Avill not l»e understood at all with- context? scope! out the help afforded by the context; for many a sen- and plan, tence derives all its point and force from the connexion in which it .stands. So, again, a whole section may depend, for its proper /^ exposition, upon our understanding the scope and plan of the writer's argument. How futile would be a proof text drawn from the Book of Job unless, along with the citation, it were ob- served whether it were an utterance of Job himself, or of one of his three friends, or of Elihu, or of the Almighty ! Even Job's celebrated utterance in chapter xix, 25-27, should be viewed in reference to ^ the scope of the whole book, as well as to his intense anguish and emotion at that particular stage of the controversy.^ ' Some religious teachers are fond of employing scriptural texts simply as mottoes, with little or no regard to their true connexion. Thus they too often adapt them to their use by imparting to them a factitious sense foreign to their proper scope and meaning. The seeming gain in all such cases is more than counterbalanced by the loss and danger that attend the practice. It encourages the habit of interpreting \ 220 PRINCIPLES OF "In considering the connexion of parts in a section," says David- „ , . , , , son, " and the anionnt of meaning they express, acute- Critical tact ' . . & j i ^ 5 and ability ness and Critical tact are mucli needed. We may be needed. ^^^^ ^^ ^^jj ^y^Q significations of single terms, and yet be ntterly inadequate to unfold a continuous argument. A capacity for verbal analysis does not impart the talent of expounding an entire paragraph. Ability to discover the proper causes, the nat- ural sequence, the pertinency of expressions to the subject dis- cussed, and the delicate distinctions of thought which characterize particular kinds of composition, is distinct from the habit of care- fully ti-acing out the various senses of separate terms. It is a higher faculty; not the child of diligence, but rather of original, intellectual ability. Attention may sharpen and improve, but can- not create it. All men are not endowed with equal acuteness, nor fitted to detect the latent links of associated ideas by their outward symbols. They cannot alike discern the idiosyncrasies of various writers as exhibited in their composition. But the verbal philolo- gist is not necessarily incapacitated by converse with separate signs of ideas from unfolding the mutual bearings of an entire ])aragrai)h. Imbued with a philosophic spirit, he may successfully trace the connexion subsisting between the various parts of a book, while he notes the commencement of new topics, the propriety of their posi- tion, the interweaving of argumentation, interruptions and digres- sions, and all the characteristic peculiarities exhibited in a particular composition. In this he may be mightily assisted bj"- a just per- ception of those particles which have been designated enea TT-epo- evra [winged words], not less than by sympathy Avith the spirit of the author whom he seeks to understand. By placing himself as much as possible in the circumstances of the writer, and contem- plating from the same elevation the important jthenomena to which his rapt mind was directed, he will be in a favourable po- sition for understanding the parts and proportions of a connected discourse."' Scripture in an arbitrary and fanciful way, and thus furnishes the teachers of error with their most fffeotivo weaixm. The practice ciuinot be defended on any i)lea of ncces.ut we must avoid the danger of overstepping in this matter. Some have gone too far in trying to make Daniel explain the Revelation of John, and it is equally possible to distort a passage in Kings or in Chronicles by attempting to make it par- allel with some statement of Paul. In general we may expect to find the most valuable parallels in books of the same class. TTistor- ical passages will be likely to be paralleled with historical, prophetic with prophetic, poetic with poetic, and argumentative and horta- tory with those of like character. Hosea and Amos will be likely to have more in common than Genesis and Proverbs; Matthew and Luke will be expected to be more alike than Matthew and one of the Papist les of Paul, and Paul's Epistles naturally exhibit many parallels both of thouarables. A comparison of parallel passages is necessary in order to deter- The word hate mine tlie sense of the word hate in Luke xiv, 26 : " If jiiustrated hy ^ comes uuto me, and hates not his father, and parallel pas- J _ ' _ ' _ sages. mother, and wife, and children, and brothers, and sis- ters, and even his own life besides, he cannot be my disciple." This statement appears at first to contravene the fifth commandment of the decalogue, and also to involve other unreasonable demands. It seems to stand opposed to the Gospel doctrine of love. But, turn- ing to Matt. X, 37, we find the statement in a milder form, and woven in a context which serves to disclose its full force and bear- ing. Tliere the statement is: "He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me ; and he that loveth son or daugh- ter more than me is not worthy of me." The immediate context of this verse (verses 34-39), a characteristic passage of our Lord's more ardent utterances, sets its meaning in a clear light. " Do not ^ think," he says, verse 34, "that I came to send peace 'on the earth; I came not to send peace but a sword." He sees a world lying in wickedness, and exhibiting all forms of opposition to his messages of truth. With such a world he can make no compromise, and have no peace without, first, a bitter conflict. Such conflict he, therefore, purposely invites. He will conquer a peace, or else have none at all. " Tlie telic style of ex- pression is not only rhetorical, indicating that the result is unavoid- • able, but what Jesus expresses is a purpose — not the final design of his coming, but an intermediate purpose — in seeing clearly pre- sented to his view the reciprocally hostile excitement as a necessary transition, Avhich he therefore, in keeping Avith his destiny as Messiah, must be sent first of all to bring forth." ' Before his final purpose is accomplished he sees what bitter strifes must come; but the grand result will be well worth all the intermediate woes. Therefore he will call father, mother, child, although it cause many household divisions; aiul so he adds, as explaining how he Avill send ' Meyer, Critieal and Exegctical Commentary, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 225 a sword rather than peace : " For I came to set a man at variance against his father, and the daughter against her mother, and the' daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law ; and a man's foes shall be they of his own household." When this state of things shall come to pass, how many will be called upon to decide whether they will cleave to Christ, or to an unchristian father? Micah's words (vii, 6) will then be true. Son will oppose father, daughter will rise up against mother, and if one remains true to the Lord Christ, lie Avill have to forsake his own household and kin. He cannot be a true disciple and love his parents or children more than Christ. Hence he must needs set them aside, forsake them, love them less, and even oppose them, assuming toward them the hostile attitude of an enemy for Christ's sake. The import of hate, in Luke xiv, 26, is accordingly made clear. This peculiar meaning of the word is further confirmed by its use in Matt, vi, 24 : " No man can serve two masters : for either he will hate the one, and love the other ; or else he will hold to the one, and des2:)ise the other. Ye cannot serve God and Mammon." Two masters, so opposite in nature as God and Mammon, cannot be loved and seiwed at one and the same time. The love of the one necessarily excludes the love of the other, and nei- ther will be served with a divided heart. In the case of such essen- tial opposites, a lack of love for one amounts to a disloyal enmitj' — the root of all hatred. Another parallel, illustrative of this impres- sive teaching, is to be found in Deut. xiii, 6-11, where it is enjoined that, if brother, son, daughter, wife, or friend entice one to idolatry, he shall not only not consent, but he shall not have pity on the seducer, and shall take measures to have him publicly punished as an enemy of God and his people. Hence we derive the lesson that one who opposes our love and loyalty to God or Christ is the worst possible enemy. Compare also John xii, 25; Rom. ix, 13; Mai. i, 2, 3; Deut. xxi, 15. The true interpretation of Jesus' words to Peter, in Matt, xvi, 18, will be fully apprehended only by a comparison and careful study of all the parallel texts. Jesus says to Peter, "Thou ^^^^^ ^ jj^.^^ art Peter (Trt'rpof), and upon this petra (or rock, ettl stone. Matt. xvi, ravTij TTj Trerpa), will I build my Church, and the gates of Hades shall not prevail against her." Hoav is it possible from this passage alone to decide whether the rock (nerQa) refers to Christ (as Augustine and Wordsworth), or to Peter's confession (Luther and many Protestant divines), or to Peter himself? It is noticeable that in the parallel passages of Mark (viii, 27-30) and Luke (ix, 18-21) these words of Christ to Peter do not occur. The 15 326 PRINCIPLES OF immediate context presents us with Simon Peter, as the spokesman and representative of the disciijles, answering Jesus' question with the bold and confident confession, " Tliou art the Christ, the Son of the living God." Jesus was evidently moved by the fervid words of Peter, and said to him, " Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-jona, for flesh and blood revealed it not to thee, but my Father Avho is in the heavens." Whatever knowledge and convictions of Jesus' messiah- ship and divinity the disciples had attained before, this noble con- fession of Peter possessed the newness and glory of a special revela- tion. It was not the offspring of "flesh and blood," that is, not of natural human birth or origin, but the S])ontancous outburst of a divine inspiration from heaven. Peter was for the moment caught up by the Spirit of God, and, in the glowing fervour of such in- spiration, spoke the very word of the Father. He was accordingly pronounced the blessed {^aKd^iog) or happy one. Turning now to the narrative of Simon's introduction to the John 1,41-13 Saviour (John i, 41-43), we compare the first mention compared. of the name Peter. He was led into the presence of Jesus by his own brother Andrew, and Jesus, gazing on him, said, " Thou art Simon, the son of Jonah ; thou shalt be called Cephas, which is interpreted Peter" (Trerpof). Thus, at the beginning, he tells him what he is and what he shall he. A doubtful character at that time was Simon, the son of Jonah; irritable, impetuous, un- stable, irresolute; but Jesus saw a coming hour when he would be- come the bold, strong, abiding, memorable stone (Peter), the typ- ical and representative confessor of the Christ. Reverting again to the passage in Matthew, it is easy to see that, through his in- spired confession of the Christ, the Son of the living God, Simon has attained the ideal foreseen and foretold by his Lord. He has now become Peter indeed ; now " thou art Peter," not " shalt be called Peter." Accordingly, we cannot avoid the conviction that the manifest play on the words ^>e^/-os and petra (in Matt, xvi, 18.) has a designed and important significance, and also an allusion to the first bestowal of the name on Simon (John i, 43) ; as if the Lord had said : Remember, Simon, the significant name I gave thee at our first meeting. Then I said. Thou shalt be called Peter; now I say unto thee. Thou art Peter. But there is doubtless a designed significance in the change from Petros and petros to petra, in Matt, xvi, 1 8. It is altogether prob- petra. ^1,1^ tXxat there was a corresponding change in llie Aramaic words used by our Lord on this occasion. He may, per- haps, have said: "Thou art Keph (f)'? or riS"'3), and upon tliis kepha (t^D'S) I will build my Church." What, then, is meant by BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 227 the neTQa, ^^c^ra, on which Christ huilds his Church? In answer- ing this question we inquire what other scriptures say about the buihling of the Church, and in Eph. ii, 20-22 we find it written that Cliristian believers constitute " the household of Ephesians ii God, having been built upon the foundation of the 20-23 compared. apostles and prophets, Christ Jesus himself being the chief corner- stone ; in whom all the building, fitly framed together, grows unto a holy temple in the Lord ; in whom ye also are builded together for a habitation of God in the Spirit." Having made the natural and easy transition from the figure of a household to that of the structure in Avhich the household dwells, the apostle speaks of the latter as "built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets." The prophets here intended are doubtless the New Testament prophets referred to in chapters iii, 5 and iv, ] 1. The foundation of the apostles and proj^heis has been explained (1) as a genitive of apposition — the foundation which ^ , .. ) ' . ® ^^ Foundation of is constituted of apostles and prophets; that is, the the apostles apostles and prophets are themselves the. foundation ^°^ prophets. (so Chrysostom, Olshausen, De Wette, and many others) ; (2) as a genitive of the originating cause — the foundation laid by the apostles (Calvin, Koppe, Harless, Meyer, Eadie, Ellicott) ; (3) as a genitive of possession — the apostles and prophets' foundation, that is, the foundation upon which they as well as all other believers are builded (Beza, Bucer, Alford). We believe that in the breadth and fulness of the apostle's conception, there is room for all these thoughts, and a wnder comparison of Scripture corroborates this view. In Gal, ii, 9, James, Cephas, and John are spoken of as pillars {gtvXqi), foundation-pillars, or columnar supports of the Church. In the apocalyptic vision of the New Jerusalem, which is "the bride, the wife of the Lamb" (Rev. xxi, 9), it is said that " the wall of the city has twelve foundations, and upon them twelve names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb" (Rev. xxi, 14). Here it is evident that the apostles are conceived as foundation-stones, forming the substructure of the Church; and with this conception "the foundation of the apostles and prophets" (Eph. ii, 20) may be taken as genitive of apposition. But in 1 Cor. iii, 10, the apostle speaks of himself as a wise architect, laying a foundation {pe\iiXiov edrjKa, a foundation I laid). Immediately after (verse 11) he says: "Other foundation can no one lay than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ." This foundation Paid himself laid when he founded the Church of Cor- inth, and first made kno^vn there the Lord Jesus Christ. Having once laid this foundation, no man could lay another, although he 228 PRINCIPLES OF might build thereupon. Paul himself could not have laid another had some one else been first to lay this foundation in Corinth (compare Rom. xv, 20). How he laid this foundation he tells in chap, ii, 1-5, especially when he says (verse 2) "I determined not to know any thing among you except Jesus Christ, and him cruci- fied." So then, in this sense, Ejjhesians ii, 20 may be taken as gen- itive of the originating cause — the foundation which the apostles laid. At the same time we need not overlook or ignore the fact presented in 1 Cor. iii, 11, that Jesus is himself the foundation, that is, Jesus Christ — including his person, work, and doctrine — is the great fact on which the Church is builded, and without which there could be no redemption. Hence the Church itself, according to 1 Tim. iii, 15, is the "pillar and basis (etfpa/wfia) of the truth." Accordingly we hold that the expression " foundation of the apostles and prophets" (Eph. ii, 20) has a fulness of meaning which may in- clude all these thoughts. The apostles were themselves incorj:>or- ated in this foundation, and made pillars or foundation stones; they, too, were instrumental in laying this foundation and building upon it ; and having laid it in Christ, and woi'king solely tlirough Christ, without whom they could do nothing, Jesus Christ himself, as preached by them, Avas also conceived as the underlying basis and foundation of all (1 Cor. iii, 11). Another Scripture, in 1 Peter ii, 4, 5, should also be collated 1 Peter ii, 4, 5, here, for it was written by the apostle to whom the compared. words of Matt, xvi, 18, were addressed, and seems to have been with him a thought that lingered like a i:)recious mem- ory in the soul: "To whom (i. e., the gracious Lord just mentioned) approaching, a living stone, by men indeed disallowed, but before God chosen, precious, do ye also yourselves, as living stones, be built up a spiritual house." Here the Lord is himself presented as the elect and precious corner-stone (comp. verse 6), and at the same time Christian believers are also represented as living stones, built into the same spiritual temple. Coming back now to the text in Matt, xvi, 18, which Schaff pro- nounces " one of the prof oundest and most far-reaching prophetical, but, at the same time, one of the most controverted, sayings of the Saviour," ' we are furnished, by the above collation of cognate Scrip- tures, with the means of apprehending its true impoi't and signifi- cance. Filled with a divine inspiration, Peter confessed his Lord Christ, to the glory of God the Father (compare 1 John iv, 15, and Rom. x, 9), and in that blessed attainment and confession he be- ' Lange's Commentary on Matthew, translated and annotated by Phillip Schaff, p. 293. New York, 1864. Compare also Meyer, Alford, and Nast, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 229 came the representative or ideal Christian confessor. In view of this, Jesus says to him: Now thou art Peter; thou art become a living stone, the type and representative of the multitude of livins^ stones upon which I will build my Church. The change from the masculine nergGg to the feminine nerpa fittingly indicates that it is not so much on Peter, the man, the single and separate individual, as on Peter considered as the confessor, the type and representa- tive of all other Christian confessors, who are to be " builded to- gether for a habitation of God in the Spirit " (Eph. ii, 22). In the light of all these Scriptures we may see the impropriety and irrelevancy of what has been the prevailing Prot- Error of the estant interpretation, namely, making the nerpa, rock, coinmon prot- to be Peter's confession. " Every building," says Nast, pretation of "must have foundation stones. What is the founda- ^^'^P°- tion of the Christian Church on the part of man ? Is it not — what Peter exhibited — a faith wrought in the heart by the Holy Ghost, and a confession with the mouth that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the living God ? But this believing with the heart and confess- ing with the mouth is something pei'sonal; it cannot be separated from the living personality that believes and confesses. The Church consists of living men, and its foundation cannot be a mere abstract truth or doctrine apart from the living personality in which it is embodied. This is in accordance with the whole New Testament language, in which not doctrines or confessions, but men, are uniformly called pillars or foundations of the spiritual building." ' It is well known how large a portion of the three synoptic Gos- pels consists of parallel narratives of the words and works cf ' Commentary on the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, in loco. To the Roman Cath- olic interpretation, which explains these words as investing Peter and his successors with a permanent primacy at Rome, Schaff opposes the following insuperable objec- tions : (1) It obliterates the distinction lietv/een petros and jxtra ; Q2) it is inconsistent with the true nature of the architectural figure : the foundation of a building is one and abiding, and not constantly renev/ed and changed ; (3) it confounds priority of time with permanent superiority of rank ; (4 ) it confounds the apostolate, which, strict- ly speaking, is not transferable, but confined to the original personal disciples of Christ and inspired organs of the Holy Spirit, with the post-apostolic episcopate ; (5) it involves an injustice to the other apostles, who, as a body, are expressly called the foundation or foundation-stones of the Church ; (6) it contradicts the whole spirit of Peter's epistles, which is strongly antihierarchical, and disclaims any superiority over his ' fellow-presbyters ; ' (7) finally, it rests on gratuitous assumjitions which can never be proven either exegetically or historically, viz., the transferability of Peter's primacy, and its actual transfer upon the bishop, not of Jerusalem, nor of Antioch (where Peter certainly was), but of Rome exclusively." See Lange's Matthev,-, in loco, page 297. 230 PRINCIPLES OF Jesus. St. Paul's account of the appearances of Jesus after the resurrection (xv, 4-V), and of the institution of the Large portions ^ , . . ,, i <■ of scripture Lord's Supper (xi, 23-26), are well worthy of comparison parauei. ^^,-^|^ ^^le several Gospel narratives.' The Epistles of Paul to the Romans and to the Galatians, being each so largely devoted to the doctrine of righteousness through faith, should be studied together, for they have many parallels which help to illustrate each other. Not a few parallel passages of the Ephesian and Colossian Epistles throw light upon each other. The second and third chap- ters of 2 Peter should be studied and expounded in connexion with the Epistle of Jude. The genealogies of Genesis, Chronicles, and Matthew and Luke, should be compared, as also large sections of the books of Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. We have in the Acts of the Apostles three separate accounts of Paul's conversion (chaps, ix, xxii, and xxvi), and all these illustrate and supplement each other. The many passages of the Old Testa- ment which are quoted or referred to in the New, are also parallels; but they are so specific in their nature as to call for special treat- ment in a future chapter. ' More than common discretion must be exercised by the interpreter of the New Testament with regard to the parallel passages in the Gospels, particularly in the synoptical Gospels. With respect to the latter chiefly, they often relate the same thing, sometimes they communicate the same conversation or saying of Jesus, but not in the same words. We have here, then, different accounts of the same occurrence or tiling. But now the interpreter has no right to conclude from one evangelist to anotlier without any limitation, and e. g. to explain and supplement the words of the Saviour, as recorded by one narrator, out of the account of another. For, in any ditierence in the accounts, the question is, ivhat Jesus actually said. We must com- mence there, by making a distinction between what was actually said and what is communicated concerning it ; and with this last the interpreter has to deal. For in- stance, according to Matt, vi, 11, Jesus taught them to pray in the "Lord's Prayer:" (Jive us " this day " our daily bread ; according to Luke xi, 3 : Give us "day by day," etc. Now we have no right to say : therefore, this day = day by day. In the same prayer Matthew has it : " as we forgive," etc. (thus, standard) ; Luke : " for wo also forgive," etc. (thus, reason for hearing the prayer). Now we may not say that the one is equal to the other. In like manner, also, we may not explain 1 Cor. xiv and Acts ii, 4-13 out of each other, and so confound them with each other. In the latter passage there is indeed mention of other (strange) languages {Irepai yAuaaaC), in the former, on the contrary, not a word is .^aid of " other " languages, but of tongues {y'/.uaaat) ; and in Acts ii the context of the narrative compels us quite as nuich to think of strange languages, as the context in 1 Cor. xiv decidedly forbids it. — Uoedes, Manual of Ilermeueutics, pp. 100, lOL BIBLICAL ilERMENEUTICS. 231 CHAPTER IX. THE HISTORICAL STANDPOINT. It is of the first importance, in interpreting a written document, to ascertain who the author was, and to determine the , ^ „„ „, iniport&DCG or time, the place, and the circumstances of his writing, the historical The interpreter should, therefore, endeavour to take ^ ^^ ^°"^ ' himself from the present, and to transport himself into the his- torical position of his author, look through his eyes, note his sur- roundings, feel with his heart, and catch his emotion. Herein we note the import of the term gravauiatico-historical interpretation. We are not only to grasp the grammatical import of words and sentences, but also to feel the force and bearing of the historical circumstances which may in any way have affected the writer. Hence, too, it will be seen how intimately connected may be the object or design of a writing and the occasion which prompted its composition. The individuality of the writer, his local surround- inirs, his wants and desires, his relation to those for whom he wrote, his nationality and theirs, the character of the times when he wrote — all these matters are of the first importance to a thor- ough interpretation of the several books of Scripture. A knowledge of geography, history, chronology, and antiquities, has already been mentioned as an essential qualification j-^^g^gj^g j^jg. of the biblical interpreter.^ Especially should he have toricai unowi- i a clear conception of the order of events connected 'r genecessary. y with the whole course of sacred history, such as the contempora-, neous history, so far as it may be known, of the great nations and tribes of patriarchal times; the great world-powers of Egypt, As- syria, Babylon, and Persia, with which the Israelites at various times came in contact ; the Macedonian Empire, with its later Ptolemaic and Seleucidaie branches, from which the Jewish people suffered many woes, and the subsequent conquest and dominion of the Romans. The exegete should be able to take his standpoint , anywhere along this line of history wherever he may find the age • of his author, and thence vividly grasp the outlying circumstances. He should seek a familiarity with the customs, life, spirit, ideas, and pursuits of these different times and different tribes and ' See above, pp. 154, 156. 232 PRINCIPLES OF nations, so as to distinguish readily Avliat belonged to one and what to another. By such knowledge he will be able not only to transport himself into any given age, but also to avoid confounding the ideas of one age or race with those of another. It is not an easy task for one to disengage himself from the liv- To transfer one- ing present, and thus transport himself into a past age. lo'^he^'remote "^^ ^® advance in general knowledge, and attain a past not eiisy. higher civilization, we unconsciously grow out of old habits and ideas. We lose the spirit of the olden times, and be- come filled with the broader generalization and more scientific pro- cedures of modern thought. The immensity of the universe, the vast accumulations of human study and research, the influence of great civil and ecclesiastical institutions, and the power of tradi- tional sentiment and opinions, govern and shape our modes of thought to an extent we hardly know. To tear oneself away from these, and go back in spirit to the age of Moses, or David, or Isaiah, or Ezra, or of Matthew and Paul, and assume the historic standpoint of any of those writers, so as to see and feel as they did — this surely is no easy task. Yet, if we truly catch the spirit and feel the living force of the ancient oracles of God, we need to apprehend them somewhat as they first thrilled the hearts of those for whom they wei'e immediately given. Not a few devout readers of the Bible are so impressed with ex- Undue exaita- alted ideas of the glory and sanctity of the ancient saintf to^"*be Worthies, that Jiey are liable to take the record of their avoided. lives in an unnatural light. To some it is difficult to believe that Moses and Paul were not acquainted with the events of modern times. The wisdom of Solomon, they imagine, must have comprehended all that man can know. Isaiah and Daniel must have discerned all future events as clearly as if they had already occurred. The writers of the New Testament must have known Avhat a history and an influence their lifework would jjossess in after ages. To such minds the names of Abraham, Jacob, Joshua, Jephthah, and Samson, are so associated with holy thoughts and supernatural revelations that they half forget that they were men of like passions with ourselves. Such an undue exaltation of the sanctity of the biblical saints Avill be likely to interfere with a true historical exposition. The divine call and inspiration of prophets and apostles did not nullify or set aside their natural human powers, and the biblical interpreter should not allow his vision to be so dazzled by the glory of their divine mis- sion as to make him blind to facts of their history. Abraham's cunning and deceit, conspicuous also in Isaac and Jacob, Moses' BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 233 hasty passions, and the barbarous brutality of most of the judges and kings of Israel, are not to be explained away. They are facts which the interpreter must fully recognize; and the more fully and vividly ail such facts are realized and set in their true lig-ht and bearing, the more accurately shall we apprehend the real impoit of the Scriptures. In the exposition oLih£L£salms.„imfi_of the first. iIujj£:a.lQii]Lq-uire^-. after is the personal standpoint of the author. " The „. , . , _t^ J.. ■^" ^ ,.,. — Historical oc- historicaToccasions of the Psalms," says HiBbard, " have casions of the ever been regarded, by judicious commentators, as im- ^^ "^^' portant aids to their interpretation, and the full exhibition of their beauty and power. In the explanation of a work on exact science, or of a metaphysical essay, no importance is attached to the exter- nal circumstances and place of the author at the time of writing. In such a case the work has no relation to passing events, but to the abstract and essential relations of things. Very different is^ the language of poetry, and indeed of almost all such books as the sa- cred Scriptures are, which were at first addressed to a particular peof)le, or to particular individuals, for their moral benefit, and much of them occupied with the personal experiences of their authors. Here occasion, contact with outward things, the influence of external circumstances and of passing events, play a conspicu- ous part iu giving mould and fashion to the thoughts and feelings of the writer, scope and design to his subject, and meaning rnd pertinency to his words. It may be said of the Hebrew poets, as of those of all other nations, that the interpretation of their poetry is less dependent on verbal criticism than on sympathy with the feelings of the author, knowledge of his circumstances, and atten- tion to the scope and drift of his utterances. You must place yourself in his condition, adopt his sentiments, and be floated on- ward with the current of his feelings, soothed by his consolations, or agitated by the storm of his emotions." * Of many of the Psalms it is impossible now to determine the historical standpoint; but not a few of them are so clear in their allusions as to leave no reasonable doubt as to the occasion on which they were composed. There is, for example, no good rea- son for doubting the genuineness of the inscription to the third psalm, Avhich refers the composition to David when he fled from the face of his son Absalom. " From verse 5 we gather," says Perowne, "that the psalm is a morning hymn. With returning day there comes back on the monarch's heart the recollection of ' The Psalms, Chronologically Arranged, with Historical Introductions, General In- troduction, page 12. New York, 1856. vii 234 PRINCIPLES OF tlie enemies wlio threaten him — a nation up in arms against him, his own son heading the rebellion, his wisest and most trusted counsellor in the ranks of his foes (2 Sam. xv-xvii). Never, not even when hounded by Saul, had he found his position one of greater danger. The odds were overwhelmingly against him. This is a fact which he does not attempt to hide from himself: 'How mcmy are mine enemies;' 'many rise up against me;' ' many say to my soul;' 'ten tJioxisands of the people have set themselves against me' (verses 1, 2, 6). Meanw^hile, where are his friends, his army, his counsellors? Not a word of allusion to any of them in the psalm. Yet he is not crushed; he is not desponding. Ene- mies may be thick as the leaves of the forest, and earthly friends may be few, or uncertain, or far off. But there is one Friend who cannot fail him, and to him David turns with a confidence and affection w^hich lift him above all his fears. Never had he been more sensible of the reality and preciousness of the divine protec- tion. If he was surrounded by his enemies, Jehovah was his shield. If Shimei and his crew turned his glory into shame, Jehovah was his glory. If they sought to revile and degrade him-, Jehovah was the lifter-up of his head. Nor did the mere fact of distnnce from Jerusalem separate between him and his God. He had sent back the ark and the priests, for he would not endanger their safety, and he did not trust in them as a charm, and he knew that Jehovah could still hear him from 'his holy mountain' (verse 4), could still lift up the light of his countenance upon him, and put gladness in his heart (Psa. iv, C, V). Sustained by Jehovah, he had laid him down and slept in safety; trusting in the same mighty protection he would lie down again to rest. Enemies might taunt him, (verse 2), and friends might, fail him, but the victory was Jeho- vah's, and he could break the teeth of the ungodly " (vii, 8).' Tlie liistorical standpoint of a writer is so often intimately cax\-\ conskiiT the nectcd with his situation at the date of writing, that the'tiniVofthe ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^"^^ '"^"^ ^^^^ \^^^^^ ^^ the composition should composition. be considei'cd together. The locality of the incidents recorded should also be closely studied and pictured before the mind. It adds much to one's knowledge and appreciation of bib- lical history to visit the lands trodden by patriarchs, prophets, and apostles. Seeing Palestine is, indeed, a fifth gospel. A jiersonal visit to Beer-shel)a, Hebron, Jerusalem, Joppa, Nazareth, and the Sea of Galilee, affords a realistic sense of sacred narratives con- nected with these places such as cannot otherwise be had. The ' The Book of Psalms, New Translation, with Introductions and Notes. Introduction to Psalm iii. Andover, 1876. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 235 decalogue and the laws of Moses become more awful and impres- sive when read upon Mount Sinai, and the Lord's figony in the garden thrills the soul with deeper emotion when meditated in the Kedron valley, beneath the old trees at the foot of the Mount of Olives. What a vividness and reality appear in the Epistles of Paul when_ we study them in connexion with tlie account of his . - 1 1 T 1 1 • 1 Journeys and apostolic journeys and labours, and the physical and Epistles of political features of the countries through which he ^^"'" passed! Setting out from Antioch on his second missionary tour, accompanied by Silas, he passed through Syria and Cilicia, visiting, doubtless, his early home at Tarsus (Acts xv, 40, 41). Thence he passed over the vast mountain-barrier on the north of Cilicia, and, after visiting Derbe and Lystra, where he attached Timothy to him as a companion in travel, he went through the region of Phrygia and Galatia, where, notwithstanding his physical infirmity, he was received as an angel of God (Gal. iv, 13). Passing westward, and having been forbidden to preach in the western parts of Asia Minor (Acts xvi, 6), he came with his companions to Troas. " The district of Troas," observes Howson, "extending from Mt. Ida to the plain, watered by the Simois and the Scamander, was the scene of the Trojan War; and it was due to the poetry of Homer that the an- cient name of Priam's kingdom should be retained. This shore had been visited on many memorable occasions by the great men of this world. Xerxes passed this way when he undertook to conquer Greece. Julius Cassar was here after the battle of Pharsalia. But, above all, we associate this spot with a European conqueror of Asia, and an Asiatic conqueror of Europe, with Alexander of Macedon and Paul of Tarsus. For here it was that the enthusiasm of Alexander was kindled at the tomb of Achilles by the memory of his heroic ancestors; here he girded on his armour, and from this goal he started to overthrow the august dynasties of the East. And now the great apostle rests in his triumphal progress upon the same poetic shore; here he is armed by heavenly visitants with the weapons of a warfare that is not carnal, and hence he is sent forth to subdue all the powers of the West, and bring the civilization of the world into captivity to the obedience of Chi-ist." * After the vision and the Macedonian call received at this place, he sailed from Troas and came to Neapolis, and thence to Philippi, the scene of many memorable events (Acts xvi, 12-40), and thence on through Amphipolis, Apollonia, Thessalonica, and Berea, to ' Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, vol. i, page 280. Fourth American Edition. New York, 1855. ^\ I 236 PRINCIPLES OF Athens. There Paul waited, alone (comp. 1 Thess. iii, 1), for his companions, but failed not meanwhile to preach the Gospel to the inquisitive Athenians, " standing in the midst of the Areopagus " (Acts xvii, 22). After this he passed on to Corinth, and founded there the Church to which he subsequently addressed two of his most important epistles. From Corinth, soon after his arrival, he sent his first epistle to the Thessalonians. From this standpoint how lifelike and real are all the personal allusions and reminiscences of this his first epistle ! But that letter, in its vivid allusions to the near coming of the Lord, awakened great excitement among the Thessalonians, and only a few months afterward we find him writ- ing his second epistle to them to allay this trouble of their minds, and to assure them that that day is not so near but that several important events must first come to pass (2 Thess. ii, 1-8). A grouping of all these facts and suggestions adds vastly to one's interest in the study of Paul's epistles. Without pursuing further the course of the a])ostles life and labours, enough has been said to show what light and interest a knowledge of the time and place of writing gives to the Epistles of Paul. The situation and condition of the churches and persons ad- dressed in his epistles should also be carefully sought out. His subsequent epistles, especially those to the Corinthians, and those of his imprisonment, would be shorn of half their interest and value but for the knowledge we elsewhere obtain of the i)ersons, inci- dents, and places to which references are made. Wluit a tender charm hangs about the Epistle to the Pliilippians from our knowl- edge of the apostle's first experiences in that Roman colony, liis subsequent visits there, and the thought that he is writing from liis imprisonment in Rome, and making frequent mention of his bonds (Phil, i, 7, 13, 14), and of their former kindnesses toward him (iv, 15-18).' Thorough inquiries into the narratives of Scripture have evinced i„ , . the minute accuracy of the sacred writers, and silenced Such inquiries , '' ' . silence inauei many cavils of infidelity. The treatise of James Smith teaviia. ^^ ^YiQ Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul " furiiishcs_an unanswerable argument for the authenticity „of_jhe__Acts of the Apostles. The author's practical experience as a sailor, his resi- dence at Malta, his familiar intercourse with the seamen of tlie Levant, and his study of the ships of the ancients, qualified liim 'Stanley's History <>f the Jewish Church, Farrar's and Gcikic's works on the Life of Christ, and Farrar's, Conyticare and IIowsoii's, and Lcwin's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, are especially rich in illustrations of the subject of this chapter. « Third Edition. London, 1866. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 257 pre-eminently to expound the last two chapters of the Acts. Ills volume is a monument of painstaking research, and throws more light upon the narrative of Paul's voyage from Caesarea to Rome than all that had been written previously on that subject.' , / The gi'eat importance of ascertaining the historical standpoint-^ of an author is notably illustrated by the controversy *' n T ^ -r-i ^^^ historical over the date or the Apocalypse ot John. It that j^ro- standpoint of phetical book was written before the destruction of ti^e Apocalypse. Jerusalem, a number of its particular allusions must most naturally be understood as referring to that city and its fall. If, however, it was written at the end of the reign of Domitian (about A. D. 96), as many have believed, another system of interpretation is neces- sary to explain the historical allusions. Taking, first, the external evidence touching the date of the Apocalypse, it seems to us that no impartial mind can fail to see that it preponderates in favor of the later date. But when wc scrutinize the character and extent of this evidence, it seems equally clear that no very great stress can safely be laid upon it. For it all turns upon the single testimony of Irenseus, who wrote, according to the best authorities, about one hun- mony hangs oa dred years after the death of John, and who says that ^'"^'i®'^- in boyhood he had seen and conversed with Polycarp, and heard him speak of his familiar intercourse with John." This fact would, of course, make his testimony of peculiar value, but, at the same time, it should be borne in mind that at an early age he removed to ' The following passage from Lewin is a noteworthy illustration of the value of personal research in refuting captious objections to the historical accuracy of the Bi- ble. " It is objected to the account of the viper fastening upon Paul's hand," says Lewin, " that there is no wood in Malta, except at Bosquetta, and that there are no vipers in Malta. How, then, it is said, could the apostle have collected the sticks, and how could a viper have fastened upon his hand ? But when I visited the Bay of St. Paul, in 1851, by sea, I observed trees growing in the vicinity, and there were also fig-trees growing among the rocks at the water's edge where the vessel was wrecked. But there is a better explanation still. When I was at Malta in 1853, I went with two companions to the Bay of St. Paul by land, and this was at the same season of the year as when the wreck occurred. We now noticed on the shore, just opposite the scene of the wreck, eight or nine stacks of small faggots, and in the nearest stack I counted twenty-five bundles. They consisted of a kind of thorny heather, and had evidently been cut for firewood. As we strolled about, my companions, whom I had quitted to make an observation, put up a viper, or a reptile having the appearance of one, which escaped into the bundle of sticks. It may not have been poisonous, but was like an adder, and was quite different from the common snake ; one of my fel- low-travellers was quite familiar with the difference between snakes and adders, and could not well be mistaken." — The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, vol. ii, page 208. a Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book v, chap. XX. 238 PRINCIPLES OF the remote West, and became bishop of Lyons, in France, far from the associations of his early life. It would, therefore, have been no strano-e thing if he had somewhat confounded names and dates. His testimony is as follows : " We therefore do not run the risk of pronouncing positively concerning the name of the Antichrist [hid- den in the number 606, Rev. xiii, 18], for if it were necessary to have his name distinctly announced at the present time, it would doubtless have been announced by him who saw the Apocalypse; for it is not a great while ago that it [or he] was seen {ov6e ydp ttqo TToXXov xQovov eo)pd^7]), but almost in our own generation, toward the end of Domitian's reign." ' Here it should be noted that the subject of the verb kiogadr], was seen, is ambiguous, and may be either it, referring to the Apocalypse, or he, referring to John him- self. But allowing it to refer to the Apocalypse, we have then this testimony to the later date. But what external testimony have we besides? Only Eusebius, who lived and wrote a hundred years after Irenreus, and who ex- pressly quotes Irenseus as his authority.^ He also quotes Clement of Alexandria as saying that "after the tyrant was dead" John returned from the isle of Patmos to Ephesus.^ But it nowhere appears that Clement indicated who the tyrant was, or that he be- lieved him to have been Domitian. It is Eusebius who puts that meaning in his words, and it is matter of notoriety that Eusebius himself, after quoting various opinions, leaves the question of the authorship of the Apocalypse in doubt.* Origen's testimony is also adduced, but he merely says that John was condemned by "the king of the Romans," not intimating at all who that king was, but calling attention to the fact that John himself did not name his persecutor. All other testimonies on the subject are later than these, and consequently of little or no value. If Eusebius was de- pendent on Iremeus for his information, it is not likely that later writers drew from any other source. But that the voice of antiq- uity was not altogether uniform on this subject may be inferred from the fact that an ancient fragment of a Latin document, prob- ably as old as Iremeus' writings, mentions Paul as following the order of his predecessor John in writing to seven churches. The value of this ancient fragment is its evidence of a current notion that John's Apocalypse was written before the decease of Paul. Epiphanius dates John's banishment in the reign of Claudius Caesar, and the superscription to the Syriac version of the Apocalypse ' Adversus Haereses, v, 30. 2 See Eccles. History, book iii, 18 and v, 8. 'Ibid., book iii, 23. * See especially Alford's Prolegomena to the Revelation. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 239 places it in tlie reign of Nero/ No one would lay great stress ujDon any of these later statements, but putting them all together, and letting the naked facts stand apart, shorn of all the artful colour- ings of partisan writers, we find the external evidence of John's writing the Apocalypse at the close of Domitian's reign resting on the sole testimony of Irenoeus, who wrote a hundred years after that date, and whose words admit of two different meanings. One clear and explicit testimony, when not opposed by other evidence, would be allowed by all fair critics to control the argu- ment ; but not so when many other considerations tend to weaken it. It would seem much easier to account for the confusion of tra- dition on the date of John's banishment than to explain away the definite references of the Apocalypse itself to the temple, the court, and the city as still standing when the book was written. All tra- dition substantially agrees, that John's last years of labour were spent among the churches of Western Asia, and it is very jDossible that be was banished to the isle of Patmos during the reign of Domitian. That banishment may have occurred long after John had gone to the same island for another reason, and later writers, misapprehending the apostle's words, might have easily confounded the two events. John's own testimony is that he "was in the island which is called Patmos on account of the word of God {dia rbv John's own Xoyov rov -Senv) and the testimony of Jesus" (Rev. i, 9). testimony. Alford says, though he does not adopt this meaning, that " in St. Paul's usage, 6td would here signify /or the sake of; that is, for the purpose of receiving ; so that the apostle would have gone to Pat- mos [not as an exile, but] by special revelation in order to receive this Apocalypse. Again, keeping to this meaning of did, these words may mean that he visited Patmos in pursuance of, for the purposes of, his ordinary apostolic employment, which might well be designated by these substantives.'"" This proper and all-suffi- ' See Stuart, Commentary on the Apocalypse, vol. i, pp. 265-269. " Greek Testament, in loco. See also De Wette, in loco. Alford's " three objec- tions" appear to us without force; for (1) the mention of tribulation fxn^ patience in this verse by no means requires us to understand that he was then suffering from ban- ishment. (2) The parallels (chap, vi, 9 ; xx, 4) which he cites to determine the use of 6id are offset by its use in ii, 3 ; iv, 11 ; xii, 11 ; xiii, 14 ; xviii, 10, 15, in all which places, as also in vi, 9 and xx, 4, it is to be understood as setting forth the growd or reason of what is stated. This meaning holds alike, whether we believe that John went to Patmos freely or as an exile, on account of the word of God. Comp. Winer, N. T. Grammar, § 49, on did. (3) The traditional banishment of John to Patmos may have occurred, as we have shown above, long after he had first gone there on account of the testimony of Jesus. N^ C40 PRINCIPLES OF cient explanation of his words allows us to suppose that John re- ceived the Revelation in Patmos, whither he had gone, either by- some special divine call, or in pursuance of his apostolic labours. The tradition, therefore, of his exile under Domitian may be true, and at the same time not affect the question of the date of the Apocalypse.' Turning now to inquire what internal evidence may be found touchino- the historical standpoint of the writer, observe : IntGrnal gvI* dence of date. (1) That no critic of any note has ever claimed that the Six points. later date is requii-ed by any internal evidence. (2) On the contrary, if John the apostle is the author, the comparatively rouo-h Hebraic style ot; the language unquestionably argues for it an earlier date than his Gospel or Epistles. For, special pleading aside, it must on all rational grounds be conceded, that a Hebrew, in the supposed condition of John, would, after years of intercourse and labour in the churches of Asia, acquire by degrees a purer Greek style. (3) The address " to the seven churches which are in Asia" (i, 4, 11), implies that, at this time, there were only seven churches in that Asia where Paul was once forbidden by the Spirit to speak the word (Asts xvi, 6, 7). Macdonald says, "An earth- quake, in the ninth year of Nero's reign, overwhelmed both Lao- dicea and Colossre (Pliny, Hist. Nat., v, 41), and the church at the latter place does not appear to have been restored. As the two places were in close proximity, what remained of the church at Colossaj probably became identified with the one at Laodicea. The churches at Tralles and Magnesia could not have been estab- lished until a considerable time after the Apocalypse was written. Those Avho contend for the later date, when there must have been a greater number of churches than seven in the region designated by the apostle, fail to give any sufficient reason for his mentioning no more. That they mystically or symbolically represent others is surely not such a reason.'"" (4) The prominence in which persecu- tion from the Jews is set forth in the Epistles to the seven churches also argues an early date. After the fall of Jerusalem, Christian persecution and troubles came almost altogether from pagan sources, and Jewish opposition and Judaizing heretics became of little note. ' Any one who will compare the rapidity of raul's movements on Jiis missionary journeys, and note how he addressed epistles to some of his churches (e. g., Tlicssa- lonians) a few months after his first visitation, will have no diOiculty in understand- ing how John could have visited all the seven cliurches of Asia, and also have gone thence to Patmos and received the Revolaiion, within a year after departing from Jerusalem. But John, like Paul, probably wrote to churches lie had not visited. 2 The Life and Writings of John, p. 155. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 241 (5) A most weighty argument for the early date appears in the mention of the temple, court, and city in chajoter xi, 1-3. These references and the further designation, in verse 8, of that city " -vhich spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt, wliere also their Lord was crucified," obviously imply that the Jewish temple, court, and city were yet standing. To plead that these familiar appella- tives are not real, but only mystical allusions, is to assume the very point in question. The most simple reference should stand unless convincing reasons to the contrary be shown. When the writer proceeds to characterize the city by a proper symbolical name, he calls it Sodom and Egypt, and is careful to tell us that it is so called spiritually (TrvevixariKOjg), but, as if to prevent any possibility of misunderstanding his reference, he adds that it is the place where the Lord was crucified. (6) Finally, what should especially impress every reader is the emphatic statement, placed in the very title of the book, and re- peated in one form and another again and again, that this is a revelation of " things which must shortly {ev rdx^c) come to pass," and the time of which is near at hand (eyyt'f, Rev. i, 1,3; xxii, 6, 7, 10, 12, 20). If the seer, writing a few years before the terrible catastrophe, had the destruction of Jerusalem and its attendant woes before him, all these expressions have a force and definiteness which every interpreter must recognize.' But if the things contem- ' The trend of modern criticism is unmistaliably toward the adoption of the early date of the Apocalypse, and yet the best scholars differ. Elliott, Hengstenberg, Lange, Alford, and Whedon contend strongly that the testimony of Irenaeus and the ancient tradition ought to control the question ; while, on the other hand, Lucke, Neander, De Wette, Ewald, Bleek, Auberlen, Hilgenfeld, Diisterdieck, Stuart, Macdon- ald, Davidson, J. B. Lightfoot, Glasgow, Farrar, Westcott, Cowles, and Schaff main- tain that the book, according to its own internal evidence, must have been written be- fore the destruction of Jerusalem. The last-named scholar, in the new edition of his Church History (vol. i, pp. 8M-8Z1), revokes his acceptance of the Domitian date which he affirmed thirty years ago, and now maintains that internal evidence for an earlier date outweighs the external tradition. Writers on both sides of this question have probably been too much influenced by some theory of the seven kings in chap, xvii, 10 (see below, p. 481), and have placed the composition much later than valid evidence warrants. Glasgow (The Apoc. Trans, and Expounded, pp. 9-38) adduces proof not easy to be set aside that the Revelation was written before any of the Epistles, probably somewhere between A. D. 50 and 54. Is it not supposable that one reason why Paul was forbidden to preach the word in Western Asia (Acts xvi, 6) was that John was either already there, or about to enter? The prevalent opinion that the First Epistle of John was written after the fall of Jerusalem rests on no certain •evidence. To assume, from the writer's use of the term " little children," that he was very far advanced in years, is futile. John was probably no older than Paul, but some time before the fall of Jerusalem the latter was wont to speak of himself as "Paul the aged." Philem. 9. 16 243 PRINCIPLES OF plated were in the distant future, these simple words of time must be subjected to the most violent and unnatural treatment in order to make the statements of the writer compatible with the exposition. A consideration of these evidences, external and internal, of the ^ , date of the Apocalypse, shows what delicacy and dis- Great delicacy ... ... . . •' and discrimina- crimmation are requisite in an interpreter in order to tioQ essential, determine the historical standpoint of such a prophet- ical book. As far as possible, all systems of jDrophetical interpreta- tion should be held in abeyance until that question is determined ; but it may become necessary, in view of the conflicting evidences of the date and the difficulties of the book itself, to withhold all judgment as to the historical standpoint of the writer until we have tried the different methods of interpretation, and have thus had opportunity to judge which exposition affords the best solution of the difficulties. The controversy over the date of Daniel's prophecies springs mainly from the miraculous narratives recorded in the first part of the book, and from the rationalistic assumption that neither mir- acles nor such detailed prediction of future events as the visions ^ ^. , and dreams involve are consistent with scientific histor- Questions of ... , historical criti- ical criticism. The question is one that belongs more cism involved, pj-^^p^jj-jy ^q ^]^q department of Biblical Introduction; but it is evident that the determining of the date of the prophecies is essential to their interpretation, and if it be admitted that they were written after the events which they assume to foretell, the credibility of the book is necessarily destroyed, and any scientific exposition of it must thence proceed as if dealing Avith a forgery or a pious fraud. The same may be said of that criticism which places the composition of the Pentateuch long after the days of Moses. Such a hypothesis forces the interpreter who adopts it to give an unnatural meaning to all those words and acts which are attributed to Moses, and which assume the historical standpoint of the great Lawgiver of Israel. The various rationalistic theories of interpreta- tion, which ignore or deny the supernatural, and proceed on the assumption that any of the sacred writers feign a historical stand- point which they did not really occupy, are continually changing, and lead only to confusion. This, then, is to be held as a canon of interpretation, that aU due regard must be had to the person and circumstances of the author, the time and j^h^ce of his writing, and the occasion and reasons which led him to write. Nor must we omit similar inquiry into the character, conditions, and history of those for whom the book was written, and of those also of whom the book makes mention. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 243 CHAPTER X. FIGURATIVE LANGUAGE. Those portions of tlie Ploly Scriptures which are written in figura- tive language call for special care in their interpretation. Tropes many When a word is employed in another than its primary and various, meaning, or applied to some object different from that to which it is appropriated in common usage, it is called a trope.' The neces- sities and pui'poses of human speech requii-e the frequent use of words in such a tropical sense. We have already seen, under the head of the ksus loquendl of words, how many terms come to have a variety of meanings. Some words lose their primary signification altogether, and are employed only in a secondary or acquired sense. Most words in every language have been used or are capable of be- ing used in this way. And very many words have so long and so constantly maintained a figurative sense that their primary meaning has become obsolete and forgotten. How few remember that the word Imo denotes that tvhich is laid / or that the common expres- sions riffht and wrong, which have almost exclusively a moral im- port, originally signified straight and crooked. Other words are so commonly used in a twofold sense that we immediately note when they are employed literally and when figuratively. When James, Cephas, and John are called pillars of the Church (Gal. ii, 9), we see at once that the word pillars is a metaphor. And when the Church itself is said to be "built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets " (Eph. ii, 20), we know that a figure, the image of a house or temple, is meant to be depicted before the mind. The origin of figures of speech has been generally attributed to the poverty of languages in their earliest stages, q^ j^ ^^^ ^^_ The scarcity of words required the use of one and the cessityofiigur- T • • . f • 1.1.-KT ^ ^1 ative lauffuage. same word m a variety of meanings. " JN o language, says Blair, " is so copious as to have a separate word for every sep- arate idea. Men naturally sought to abridge this labour of multi- plying words ad infinitum ; and, in order to lay less burden on their memories, made one word, which they had already appropriated to a certain idea or object, stand also for some other idea or object ' From the Greek rpoTrof, a turn or change of language ; that is, a word turned from its primary usage to another meaning. 244 PRINCIPLES OF between which and the primary one they found or fancied some relation." ' But it is not solely in the scarcity of words that we are to find the origin of figurative language. The natural operations of the human mind prompt men to trace analogies and make comparisons. Pleasing emotions are excited and the imagination is gratified by the use of metaphors and similes. Were we to sui)pose a language suificiently copious in words to express all possible conceptions, the human mind would still requii-e us to compare and contrast our concepts, and such a procedure would soon necessitate a variety of figures of speech. So much of our knowledge is acquired through the senses, that all our abstract ideas and our spiritual language have a material basis. " It is not too much to say," observes Max Miiller, "that the whole dictionary of ancient religion is made up of meta- phors. With us these metaphors are all forgotten. We speak of spirit without thinking of breath, of heaven without thinking of sky, of pardon without thinking of a release, of revelation without thinking of a veil. But in ancient language every one of these words, nay, every word that does not refer to sensuous objects, is still in a chrysalis stage, half material and half spiritual, and I'ising and falling in its character according to the capacities of speakers and hearers." * And more than this. May we not safely affirm that the analogies Figures of traceable between the natural and spiritual worlds are fivZe hTrmS P^^'*^ ^^ ^ divine harmony which it is the noblest men- nies. tal exercise to discover and unfold? In his chapter, " On Teacliing by Parables," Trench has the following profound observations: "It is not merely that these analogies assist to make the truth intelligible, or, if intelligible before, present it more viv- idly to the mind, which is all that some will allow them. Their jjower lies deeper than this, in the harmony unconsciously felt by all men, and by deeper minds continually recognized and plainly perceived, between the natural and spiritual worlds, so that analo- gies from the first are felt to be something more than illustrations, happily but yet arbitrarily chosen. They are arguments, and may be alleged as witnesses; the world of nature being throughout a witness for the world of spirit, proceeding from the same hand, growing out of the same root, and being constituted for that very end. All lovers of truth readily acknowledge these mysterious harmonies, and the force of arguments derived from them. To ihem the things on earth are copies of the things in heaven. They ' Rhetoric, Lecture xiv. On the Origin and Nature of Figurati^'C Language. 'Science of Religion, p. 118. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 245 know that the earthly tabei'nacle is made after the pattern of things seen in the mount (Exod. xXv, 40; 1 Chron. xxviii, 11, 12); and the question suggested by the angel in Milton is often forced upon their meditations — ' What if earth Be but the shadow of heaven and things therein Each to other like, more than on earth is thought ? ' For it is a great misunderstanding of the matter to think of these as happily, but yet arbitrarily, chosen illustrations, taken with a skilful selection from the great stock and storehouse of unappro- priated images; from whence it would have been possible that the same skill might have selected others as good or nearly as good. Rather they belong to one another, the type and the thing typified, by an inward necessity ; they were linked together long before by the law of a secret affinity. It is not a happy accident which has yielded so wondrous an analogy as that of husband and wife to set forth the mystery of Christ's relation to his elect Church. There is far more in it than this: the earthly relation is indeed but a low- er form of the heavenly, on which it rests, and of which it is the utterance. When Christ spoke to Nicodemus of a new birth, it was not merely because birth into this natural world was the most suitable figure that could be found for the expression of that spir- itual act which, without any power of our own, is accomplished upon us when we are brought into God's kingdom; but all the cir- cumstances of this natural birth had been pre-ordained to bear the burden of so great a mystery. The Lord is king, not borrowing this title from the kings of the earth, but having lent his own title to them— and not the name only, but so ordering, that all true rule and government upon earth, with its righteous laws, its stable ordi- nances, its jDunishment and its grace, its majesty and its terror, should tell of Him and of his kingdom which ruleth over all — so that " kingdom of God " is not in fact a figurative expression, but most literal: it is rather the earthly kingdoms and the earthly kings that are figures and shadows of the true. And as in the world of man and human relations, so also is it in the world of nature. The untended soil which yields thorns and briers as its natural harvest is a permanent type and enduring parable of man's heart, which has been submitted to the same curse, and, without a watchful spiritual husbandry, will as surely put forth its briers and its thorns. The weeds that vnll mingle during the time of growth with the corn, and yet are separated from it at the last, tell ever one and the same tale of the present admixture and future sundering of the righteous 246 PRINCIPLES OP and the wicked. The decaying of the insignificant, unsightly seed in the earth, and the rising up out of that decay and death of the graceful stalk and the fruitful ear, contain evermore the prophecy of the final resurrection, even as this is itself in its kind a resurrec- tion— the same process at a lower stage — the same power putting itself forth upon meaner things. . . . And thus, besides his revela- tion in words, God has another and an elder, and one indeed with- out Avhich it is inconceivable how that other could be made, for from this it appropriates all its signs of communication. This en- tire moral and visible world from first to last, with its kings and its subjects, its parents and its children, its sun and its moon, its sow- ing and its harvest, its light and its darkness, its sleeping and its waking, its birth and its death, is from beginning to end a mighty parable, a great teaching of supersensuous truth, a help at once to our faith and to our understanding." ' The principal sources of the figurative language of the Bible are Poiir«'s of scrip- the physical features of the Holy Land, the habits and turai imaRery. customs of its ancient tribes, and the forms of Israel- itish worship. All these sources should, accordingly, be closely studied in order to the interpretation of the figurative portions of the Scriptures. As we traced a Divine Providence in the use of Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek as the languages of God's inspired revelation, and as we believe that the progeny of Abraham through Jacob were the divinely chosen people to receive and guard the oracles of God, so may we also believe that the Land of Promise was an essential element in the process of developing and perfect- ing the rhetorical form of the sacred records. " It is neither fiction nor extravagance," says Thomson, " to call this land a microcosm — a little world in itself, embracing every thing which in the thought of the Creator would be needed in developing this language of the kingdom of heaven. Nor is it easy to see how the end sought could have been reached at all without just such a land, furnislied and fitted up, as this was, by the overruling providence of God. All were needed — mountain and valley, hill and plain, lake and river, sea and sky, summer and winter, seedtime and harvest, trees, shrubs, and flowers, beasts and birds, men and women, tribes and nation*., governments and religions false and true, and other things innumerable; none of which could be spare and iigures of tion is an easy one in that a figure of words is one in thought. which the image or resemblance is confined to a single word, whereas a figure of thought may require for its expression a great many words and sentences. Metaphor and metonomy are fig- ures of words, in which the comparison is reduced to a single expres- sion, as when, characterizing Herod, Jesus said, " Go and say to that /ba;" (Luke xiii, 32). In Psalm xviii, 2, w^e find seven figures of words crowded into a single verse: "Jehovah, ray rock ('y^P), and my fortress, and my deliverer; my God, my rock ('11^*) — I will seek refuge in him; — my shield and horn of my salvation, my height." Figures of thought, on the other hand, are seen in similes, alle- gories, and parables, where no single word will suflSce to convey the idea intended, but an entire passage or section must be taken together. But this classification of figures will be of little value in the study of the figurative language of the Scriptures. All figures of speech are founded upon some Resemblance or rela- tion which different objects bear to one another, and it often hap- pens, in rapid and brilliant style, that a cause is put for its effect, or an effect for its cause ; or the name of a subject is used when only some adjunct or associated circumstance is intended. This figure Metonymy of of speech is Called Metonymy, from the Greek iJ.eTd, cause and effect, clenoting chanf/e, and ovofia, a name. Such change and substitution of one name for another give language a force and impressiveness not otherwise attainable. Thus, Job is represented as saying, "My arrow is incurable" (Job xxxiv, 6) ; where bj'^ arrow is evidently meant a wound caused by an arrow, and allusion is BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 249 made to chapter vi, 4, where the bitter afflictions of Job are repre- sented as caused by the arrows of the Almighty. So again in Luke xvi, 29 and xxiv, 27, Moses and the prophets are used for the writ- ings of which they were the authors. The name of a patriarch is sometimes used when his posterity is intended (Gen. ix, 27, Amos vii, 9). In Gen. xlv, 21; Num. iii, 16; Deut. xvii, 6, the word mouth is used for saying or commandment which issues from one's mouth. "According to the mouth {order or command) of Pharaoh." "Ac- cording to the mouth (word) of Jehovah." "At the mouth (word, testimony) of two witnesses or three witnesses shall the dying one (nrsn, the one appointed to die, or worthy of death,) be put to death." The words lip and tongue are used in a similar Avay in Prov. xii, 19, and frequently. "The lip of truth shall be estab- lished forever; but only for a moment [Heb. until I shall wink] the tongue of falsehood." Comp. Prov. xvii, 7; xxv, 15. In Eze- kiel xxiii, 29, "They shall take away all thy labour, and leave thee naked," the word labour is used instead of earnings or results of labour. All such cases of metonymy — and examples might be multij^lied indefinitely — are commonly classified under the head of Metonymy of cause and effect. To this same class belong also such passages as Exod. vii, 19, where, instead of vessels, the names of the materials of which they were made are used : " Stretch out thy hand over the waters of Egypt , . . and there shall be blood in all the land of Egypt, both in Avood and in stone;" that is, in wooden vessels and stone reservoirs. Another use of this figure occurs where some adjunct, associated idea, or circumstance is put for the main subject, and vice versa. Thus, in Lev. xix, 32, n3''E^, gray hair, hoariness, subject and ad- is used for a person of advanced age : " Thou shalt rise •'"°'^*^' up before the hoary head." Comp. Gen. xlii, 38: "Ye will bring down my gray hairs in sorrow to the grave." When Moses com- mands the elders of Israel to take a lamb according to their families and "kill the passoyer" (Exod. xii, 21), he evidently uses the word passover for the paschal lamb. In Hosea i, 2, it is written : " The land has grievously committed whoredom." Here the word land is used by metonymy for the Israelitish people dwelling in the land. So also, in Matt, iii, 5, Jerusalem and Judea are put for the people that inhabited those places : " Then went out unto him Jerusalem and all Judea and all the region round about the Jordan." The metonymy of the subject for its adjunct is also seen in passages where the container is put for the thing contained, as, " Thou pre- parest a table before me in the presence of my enemies" (Psa, xxiii, 5). "Blessed shall be thy basket, and thy kneading trough" 250 PRINCIPLES OF (Deut. xxviii, 5). " Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord and the cup of demons, ye cannot partake of the table of the Lord and of the table of demons " (1 Cor. x, 21). Here table, basket, kneading -troiujh, and cup are used for that which they contained, or for which they were used. The following examples illustrate how the abstract is used for the concrete: "He shall justify the circumcision by faith, and the uncircuracision through faith" (Rom. iii, 30). Here the word circumcision designates the Jews, and uncircumcision the Gentiles. In Rom. xi, 7, the word election is used for the aggre- gate of those who composed the " remnant according to the elec- tion of grace " (verse 5), the elect portion of Israel. And Paul tells the Ephesians (v, 8) with great force of language : " Ye were once /t i ^\ i i i i ^ ^ apuoricai aiiu- Deborah s song (Judg. v, 2) have long puzzled transla- sions. ^^j.g ^^^ exegetes. The English version, following sub- stantially the Syriac and Arabic, renders the Hebrew i'X-i!^"2 niyi?j ynpa, " for the avenging of Israel." The Septuagint (Alex. Codex) has, " for the leading of the leaders," but seems to have been governed by the resemblance of the word niyiB to the official name of Egyptian monarchs riVIS, Pharaoh. Neither of these translations has any certain support in HebreAV usage. The noun jns occurs in the sing- ular but twice (Num. vi, 5; Ezek. xliv, 20), and in both places means a lock of hair. The plural form of the word, TViV^^, occurs only here and in Deut. xxxii, 42, and in both places would seem to mean, most legitimately, locks of hair, or jfoxovig locks. And why should it be thought to mean any thing else ? So far from being incongruous, it best suits the imagery of the immediate context in Deut. xxxii, 42. Jehovah there says: "I will make my arrows drunk with blood (Heb. D"ntp, from blood), and my sword shall de- vour flesh — Avith the blood (or, from the blood) of slain and of cap- tives, from the head of hairy locks of the enemy " — that is, from the blood of the hairy heads of the enemies. And so at the be- ginning of Deborah's song we may understand a bold metaphor, ' Meyer observes : " Piuil, in the vivacity of his imagination, conceives to himself the congregation of his readers as a plant (comp. Matt, xiii, 3), perhaps a tree (Matt, vii, 17), and at the same time as a building.'''' Critical Com. on EphesiariS, iu loco. " The perfect participles," says Braune, " denote a state in which Paul's readers are and continue to be, whicli is the presupposition in order that they may be al)le to know. . . . They mark that a jirofouudly penetrating life {tp^i^Dfiivot) and a well grounded, permanent character {Te-dBfieliD^iivoi) are necessary. The double figure strengthens the notion of the relation to love ; this latter {kv ayuTrrj) is made promi- nent by being placed first. In marks love as the soil in which they are rooted, and as the fountiation on Avhich they are grounded. This implies moreover that it is not their own love which is referred to, but one which conesponds with the soil afforded to the tree, the foundation given to the house ; and this would undoubtedly be, in ac- cordance with the context, the love of Christ, were not all closer definition wanting, even the article. Accordingly, this substantive rendered general by the absence of the article corresponds with the verbal idea : in loving, i. e., in (hat love, which is first God's in Christ, and then that of men who became Christians, who are rooted in him and grounded on him througli faith." Commentary on Ephesians (Lange's Bible- work), in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 263 "In the loosing of locks in Israel; " for the primary meaning of the verb yiSi is everywhere that of letting something loose, and when used of locks of hair would naturally denote the loosing of the hair from all artificial coverings and restraint, and leaving it to wave wildly, as was done in the case of a Nazarite. The metaphor of the passage would thus be an allusion to the unrestrained growth of the locks of those who took upon themselves the vows of a Nazai'ite. And this view of the passage is corroborated by the next line of the parallelism, "In the free self-offering of the peo- ple." The people had, so to speak, by this act of consecration, made themselves free-will offerings. Nothing, therefore, could be more striking and impressive than these metaphorical allusions at the opening of this hymn: In ' the loosing of locks in Israel, In the free self-offering of the people, Praise Jehovah! In Psa. xlv, 1, " My heart boils up Avith a goodly word," it is difiicult to determine whether the allusion is to an overflowing fountain, or to a boiling pot. The primary idea, according to Gesenius, lies in the noise of water boiling or bxabbling, and as the word t^'nn occurs nowhere else, but its derivative, riL'^nno, denotes in Lev. ii, 7 ; vii, 9, a pot or vessel used both for boiling and frying, it is perhaps safer to say that the allusion in the metaphor of Psa. xlv, i, is to a boiling pot. The heart of the Psalmist was hot with a holy fervour, and, like the boiling oil of the vessel in which the meat-offering was prepared, it seethed and bubbled^ in the rapture of exulting ^ong. The exact point of the allusion in the words, "buried wiih him through baptism into death" (Rom. vi, 4), and "buried Buried with with him in baptism" (Col. ii, 12), has been disputed. 2p£„;^''''iS The advocates of immersion insist that there is an allu- death. sion to the mode in which the rite of water baptism was performed, and most interpreters have acknowledged that such an allusion is in the word. The immersion of the candidate was thought of as a burial in the water. But the context in both passages goes to show that the great thought of the apostle was that of the believer's death unto sin. Thus, in Romans, " Are ye ignorant that as many • The preposition 3, m, points out the condition of the people in which they con- quered and sang. Tlie song is the people's consecration hymn, and praises God for the prosperous and successful issue with which he has crowned their vows. Cassel's Commentary on Judges (Lange's Biblework), in loco. Comp. Whedon's Old Testament Commentary, in loco. 264 PRINCIPLES OF of us as were baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized into his death? We were buried therefore with him through baptism into death. . . . We have become united with the likeness of his death (ver. 5). . . . Our old man was crucified with him (ver. 6). . . . We died Avith Christ (ver. 8). . . . Even so consider ye yourselves to be dead unto sin, but alive unto God in Christ Jesus" (ver. 11), Kow, while the word buried tcith {awddfrrui) would naturally ac- cord with the idea of an immersion into w^ter, the main thought is the deadness unto sin, attained through a union with Christ in the likeness of his death. The imagery does not depend on the mode of Christ's execution or of his burial, much less on the manner in which baptism was administered, but on the similitude of his death (t(5 d[ioi(l)jxaTi rov davdrov avrov, ver. 5) considered as an ac- 7 complished fact. The baptism is into death, not into water; and whether the outward rite were performed by sprinkling, or pour- ing, or immersion, it would have been equally true in either case, that they were "buried with him through the baptism into the death." Or he might have said, "We were crucified with him through baptism into death;" and then as now it would have been the end accomplished, the death, not the mode of the baptism, which is made prominent. In the briefer form of expression in Col. ii, 12, it is written, simply, " having been buried with him in baptism." Here, however, the context shows that the leading thought is the same as in Rom. vi, 3-11. The burial in baptism (ev rc5 PaTrriaiiari, in the matter of baptism) figured " the putting off of the body of the flesh;" that is, the utter stripping off and casting aside the old carnal nature. The burial is not to be thought of as a mode of putting a corpse in a grave or sei)uk'lire, but as indicating that the body of sin is truly dead. Having thus clearly defined the real point of the allusion it need not be denied or disputed that the figure also may include, incidentally, a reference to the practice of immersion. But, as Eadie observes, " Whatever may be otherwise said in favour of immersion, it is plain that here the. burial is wholly ideal. Believers are buried in baptism, but even in immer- sion they do not go through a process having any resemblance to the burial and resurrection of Christ." ' To maintain from such a metaphorical allusion, where the process and mode of burial are not in point at all, that a burial into, and a resurrection from, water, are essential to valid baptism, would seem like an extravagance of dogmatism. ' Commentary ou the Greek Text of Colossiaus, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 265 CHAPTER XIL FABLES, RIDDLES, AND ENIGMAS. Passing now from the more common figures of speech, we come to those peculiar tropical methods of conveying ideas and . 11-1111 ./o More proml- impressmg truths, which hold a special prominence in cent scriptural the Holy Scriptures. These are known as fables, rid- ''''"P'^^- dies, enigmas, allegories, parables, proverbs, types, and symbols. In order to appreciate and properly interpret these special forms of thought, a clear understanding of the more common rhetorical figures treated in the previous chapters is altogether necessary. For the parable will be found to correspond with the simile, the allegory with the metaphor, and other analogies will be traceable in other figures. A scientific analysis and treatment of these more prominent tropes of Scripture will require us to distinguish and dis- criminate between some things which in popular speech are fre- qurently confounded. Even in the Scripture itself the proverb, the parable, and the allegory are not formally distinguished. In the Old Testament the word b^ is applied alike to the proverbs of Solomon (Prov. i, 1; x, 1; xxv, 1), the oracles of Balaam (Num. xxiii, 7; xxiv, 8), the addresses of Job (Job xxvii, 1; xxix, 1), the taunting speech against the King of Babylon (in Isa. xiv, 4, ff.), and other prophecies (Micah ii, 4; Hab. ii, 6). In the New Testa- ment the word uapa/SoA^, parable, is applied not only to what are admitted on all hands to be parables proper, but also to proverb (Luke iv, 23), and symbol (Heb. ix, 9), and type (Heb. xi, 19). John does not use the word naQajioXri at all, but calls the allegory of the good shepherd in chap, x, 6, a iraQoiiiia, which word Peter uses in the sense of a proverb or byword (2 Peter ii, 22). The word allegory occurs but once (Gal. iv, 24), and then in verbal form {dXXrjyoQovfxeva) to denote the allegorizing process by which certain Old Testament facts might be made to typify Gospel truths. Lowest of these special figui'es, in dignity and aim, is the fable. It consists essentially in this, that individuals of the characteristics brute creation, and of animate and inanimate nature, are ^^ ^^^ ^'^'^'®- introduced into the imagery as if possessed with reason and speech, and are represented as acting and talking contrary to the laws of their being. There is a conspicuous element of unreality about the 266 PRINCIPLES OP wliulo machinery of fables, and yet the moral intended to be set forth is usually so manifest that no difficulty is felt in imderstand- ing it. The oldest fable of which we have any trace is that of Jotham, recorded in Judg, ix, 7-20. The trees are rej^rcsented as going forth to choose and anoint a king. They in- vite the olive, the fig-tree, and the \me to come and reign over them, but these all decline, and urge that their own natural purpose and products require all their care. Then the trees invite the bramble, which does not refuse, but, in biting irony, insists that all the trees shall come and take refuge under its shadow! Let the olive-tree, and the fig-tree, and the vine come under the protecting shade of the briar ! But if not, it is significantly added, " Let fire go forth from the bramble and devour the cedars of Lebanon." Tlie miserable, worthless bramble, utterly unfit to shade even the small- est shrub, might, nevertheless, well serve to kindle a fire that would quickly devour the noblest of trees. So Jotham, in giving an im- mediate application of his fable, predicts that the weak and worth- less Abimelech, whom the men of Shechem had been so fast to make king over them, would prove an accursed torch to burn their noblest leaders. All this imagery of trees Avalking and talking is at once seen to be purely fanciful. It has no foundation in fact, and yet it presents a vivid and impressive j^icture of the i)olitical follies of mankind in accepting the leadership of such worthless characters as Abimelech. Another fable, quite similar to that of Jotham, is found in 2 Kings xiv, 9, where Jehoash, the King of Israel, an- Jehoash's fable. °. ' ' , _ ,, ' ^ . ^ ^^. ' ^ swei's the warlike challenge oi Amaziah, Kmg of Ju- dah, by the following short and pungent apologue: "The thorn- bush whi(;h is in Lebanon sent to the cedar which is in Lebanon, saying, Give tliy daughter to my son for a wife; and there passed over a beast of the field which was in Lebanon, and trampled down the thornbush." This fable embodies a most contemj)tuous re- sponse to Amaziah, intimating that his pride of heart and self-con- ceit were moving him to attempt things far beyond his proper sphere. The beast trampling down the thornbush intimates that a passing incident, which could have no effect on a cedar of Lebanon, might easily destroy the briar. Jehoash does not proudly boast that he himself will come forth, and by his military forces crush Amaziah; but suggests that a passing judgment, an incidental circumstance, would be sufficient for that purpose, and it were therefore better for the presumptuous King of Judah to remain at home in his proper place. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 267 The ai^ologues of Jotham and Jehoash are the only proper fables that appear in the Bible. In the interpretation of these fabulous ima we should guard against pressing the imagery too far. gwy not to be We are not to suppose that every word and allusion fatbe^inteiTre^ has some special meaning. In the apologue of Jehoash tation. we are not to say that the thornbush was Amaziah, and the cedar Jehoash, and the wild beast the warriors of the latter ; and yet, by the contrast between the cedar and the thornbush, the kins: of Israel would, doubtless, impress his contempt for Amaziah upon the latter's mind, and thus seek to humiliate his pride. Neither are we to suppose that Amaziah had asked Jehoash to give his daughter in marriage to his son ; nor that " Israel might properly be regarded as Jehoash's daughter, and Judah as Amaziah's son" (Thenius), as if Amaziah had formally demanded, as Josephus states, (Ant. ix, 9, 2), a union of the two kingdoms. Nor in the fable of Jotham are we, like some of the ancient interpreters, to understand by the olive, the fig-tree, and the vine, the three great judges that had preceded Abimelech, viz., Othniel, Deborah, and Gideon, nor seek for hidden meanings and thrusts in such words as anoint, reign over us, and shadoio. We should always keep in mind that it is one distinguishing feature of fables that they are not exact parallels of those things to which they are designed to be applied. They are based on imaginary actions of irrational crea- tures, or inanimate things, and can therefore never be true to actual life. We should also note how completely the spirit and aim of the fable accords with irony, sarcasm, and ridicule. Hence its special adaptation to expose the follies and vices of men. " It is essential- ly of the earth," says Trench, "and never lifts itself above the earth. It never has a higher aim than to inculcate maxims of pru- dential morality, industry, caution, foresight ; and these it will some- times recommend even at the expense of the higher self -forgetting virtues. The fable just reaches that pitch of morality which the world will understand and approve."^ But this able and excellent writer goes, as we think, too far when he says that the fable has no proper place in the Scripture, " and, in the nature of things, could have none, for the purpose of Scripture excludes it." The fables noticed above are a part of the Scripture which is received as God- inspired (2 Tim. iii, 16) ; and though it is not God that speaks through them, but men occupying an earthly standpoint, that fact does not make good the assertion that such fables have no. true place in Scripture. For the teachings of Scripture move in the ^ Notes on the Parables, p. 10. 268 PRINCIPLES OF realm of earthly life and human thought as well as in a higher and holier element, and sarcasm and caustic rebukes find a place on the sacred page. The record of Adam's naming the beasts and fowls that w«re brought to him in Eden (Gen. ii, 19) suggests that their qualities and habits impressed his mind with significant analogies. Many of the most useful proverbs are abbreviated fables (Prov. vi, 6; XXX, 15, 25-28), Though the fable moves in the earthly ele- ment of prudential morality, even that element may be pervaded and taken possession of by the divine wisdom.' The riddle differs from the fable in being designed to puzzle and Characteristics perplex the heai'er. It is purposely obscure in order to or the riddle, test the sharpness and penetration of those who attempt to solve it. The Hebrew word for riddle (HTn) is from a root wliich means to twist, or tie a knot, and is used of any dark and intricate saying, which requires peculiar skill and insight to unravel. The queen of Sheba made a journey to Solomon's court to test him with riddles (1 Kings x, 1). It is declared, at the beginning of the Book of the Proverbs, that it is the part of true wisdom " to understand a proverb and an enigma (HVyO) ; words of the wise and their riddles" (Prov. i, 6). The psalmist says, "I will incline my ear to a proverb; I will open on a harp my riddle" (Psa. xlix, 4). "I will open my mouth in a proverb ; I will pour forth riddles of old " (Ixxviii, 2). Riddles, therefore, dark sayings, enigmas, which con- ceal thought, and, at the same time, incite the inquiring mind to search for their hidden meanings, have a place in the Scripture. Samson's celebrated riddle is in the form of a Hebrew coui^let (Judges xiv, 14): Out of the eater came forth food. And out of strength came forth sweetness. The clue to this riddle is furnished in the incidents related in Samson's rid- vcrses 8 and 9. Out of the cai'cass of a devouring ^^ beast came the food of which both Samson and his parents had eaten; and out of that Avhich had been the embodi- ment of strength, came forth the sweet honey, which the bees had deposited therein. But Samson's companions, and even his parents, were not acquainted with these facts. Their ignorance, however, ' The profound significance of Jotham's fable is declared l)_v Cassel to he inoxliaust- ible. " Its truth is of perpetual recurrence. Mure than once was Israel in the posi- tion of the Shechcmites; then, especially, when lie whose kingdom is not of this world, refused to be a king. Then, too, Ilcrod and Pilate became friends. The thorubush seemed to be king when it encircled the head of the Crucilic76 PRINCIPLES OF CHAPTER XIII. INTERPRETATION OF PARABLES. Among the figurative forms of scriptural speech the parable has a notable pre-eminence. We find a number of examples ' of parabolic in the Old Testament, and the esteem in which this teaching. niode of teaching was held by the ancient Jews is ap- ])arent from the following words of the son of Sirach: He who gives his soul and exercises his mind in the law of the Most High Will seek out the wisdom of the ancients, And will be occupied with propliecies. He will observe the utterances of men of fame, And will enter with them into the twists {oTpo^alg) of parables. He will seek out the hidden things of proverbs, And busy himself with the enigmas of parables.' Parables are especially worthy of our study, inasmuch as they were the chosen methods by which our Lord set forth many revelations of his heavenly kingdom. They were also employed by the great rabbis who -were contemporary with Jesus, and they frequently ap- pear in the Talmud and other Jewish books. Among all the orien- tal peoples they appear to have been a favourite form of conveying moral instruction, and find a place in the literature of most nations. The word jxirable is derived from the Greek verb napajSdXXo), to The parable de- f^i^oio or j!>feee b>/ the side of, and carries the idea of flied- placing one thing by the side of another for the pur- pose of comparison. The word has been somewhat vaguely used, as we have seen above," to represent the Hebrew ?B^, and to desig- nate proverbs, types, and symbols (as in Luke iv, 23; Heb. ix, 9; xi, 19). But, strictly speaking, the parable belongs to a style of figurative speecli which constitutes a class of its own. It is essen- tially a comparison, or simile, and yet all simdes are not parables. The simile may appropriate a comparison from any kind or class of objects, whether real or imaginary. The parable is limited in its range, and confined to that which is real. Its imagery always em- bodies a narrative which is true to the facts and experiences of hu- man life. It makes no use, like the fable, of talking birds and ' Ecclesiasticus xxxix, 1-3. * See above on p. 265. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 277 beasts, or of trees in council. Like the riddle and enigma, it may serve to conceal a truth fi-om those who have not spiritual pene- tration to perceive it under its figurative form; but its narrative style, and the formal comparison always announced or assumed, differentiate it clearly from all classes of knotty sayings which are designed mainly to puzzle and confuse. The parable, when once understood, unfolds and illustrates the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven. The enigma may embody profound truths, and make much use of metaphor, but it never, like the parable, forms a nar- rative, or assumes to make a formal comparison. The parable and the allegory come nearer together, so that, indeed, parables have been defined as "historical allegories;" ' but they differ from each other in substantially the same way as simile differs from meta- phor. The parable is essentially a formal comparison, and requires its interpreter to go beyond its own narrative to bring in its mean- ing; the allegory is an extended metaphor, and contains its inter- pretation within itself. The parable, therefore, stands apart by it- self as a mode and style of figurative speech. It moves in an element of sober earnestness, never transgressing in its imagery the limits of probability, or of what might be actual fact. It may tacitly take up within itself essential elements of enigma, type, symbol, and allegory, but it differs from them all, and in its own chosen sphere of real, every-day life, is peculiarly adapted to body forth special teachings of Him who is " the Verax, no less than the F^n<6', and the Veritas.^^ * The general design of parables, as of all other kinds of figurative language, is to embellish and set forth ideas and moral General use of truths in attractive and impressive forms. Many a parables. moral lesson, if spoken in naked, literal style, is soon forgotten; but, clothed in parabolic dress, it arouses attention, and fastens itself in the memory. Many rebukes and pungent warnings may be couched ' Davidson's Hermeneutics, p. 311. '^ Trench on the Miracles, p. 127. This eminent divine, whose work on the para- bles is one of the best of its Icind, traces to considerable extent the differences between the parable, the fable, the myth, the proverb, and the allegory, and sums up as follows : " The parable differs from the fable, moving as it does in a spiritual world, and never transgressing the actual order of things natural ; from the mythus, there being in the latter an unconscious blending of the deeper meaning with the out- ward symbol, the two remaining separate and separable in the parable ; from the proverb, inasmuch as it is longer carried out, and not merely accidentally and occa- sionally, but necessarily figurative ; from the allegory, comparing as it does one thing with another, at the same time preserving them apart as an inner and an outer, not transferring, as does the allegory, the proprieties, and (puilities, and relations of one lo the other."— Notes on the Parables, pp. 15, 16. New York, 1857. •278 PRINCIPLES OF in a parable, and thereby give less offence, and yet work better effects than open plainness of speech could do. Nathan's par- able (in 2 Sam. xii, 1-4) prepared the heart of David to receive with profit the keen reproof he v/as about to administer. Some of our Lord's most ]Dointcd parables against the Jews — parables which they perceived were directed against themselves — embodied re- proof, rebuke, and warning, and yet by their form and drapery, they served to shield him from open violence (Matt, xxi, 45; Mark xii, 12; Luke xx, 19). It is easy, also, to see that a parable may enshrine a profound truth or mystery which the hearers may not at first apprehend, but which, because of its striking or memorable form, abides more firmly in the mind, and so abiding, yields at length its deep and precious meaning.' The special reason and purpose of the parables of Jesus are stated Special reason in Matt, xiii, 10-17. Up to that point in his ministry and puipose of jggug appears not to have spoken in parables. " The Jesus. words of grace (Aoy^a rrjg x^P'-'^^?) which proceeded from his mouth" (Luke iv, 22) in the synagogue, by the seashore, and on the mount, were direct, simple, and plain. lie used simile and metaphor in the sermon on the mount, and elsewhere. In the synagogue at Nazareth he quoted a familiar proverb and called it a parable (Luke iv, 23). His words had power and authority, unlike those of the scribes, and the people were astonished at his teaching. But there came a time Avhen he notably changed his style. His simple precepts were often met with derision and scorn, and among the multitudes there were always some who were anxious to pervert his sayings. When multitudes gathered by the sea of Galilee to liear him, " and he spoke to them many things in parables " (Matt, xiii, 3), his disciples quickly observed tlie change and asked him, "Why in parables dost thou speak to them?" Our Lord's answer is remarkable for its blended use of metaphor, proverb, and enigma, so combined and connected with a prophecy of Isaiah (vi, 9, 10), that it becomes in itself one of the profoundest of his discourses. Because to you it is given to know tlie mysteries of tlie kingdom of tlie lieiivens, but to them it is not given. For whosoever lias, to iiim shall be i;ivc'ii and he shall supeiabound; but whosoever has not, even what he has ' Treiieh writes of our Lord's parables : "His words laid up in tlic memory were to many that heard them like the money of another country, unavailable, it might be, for present use, of which they knew not the value, but which yet was ready in their hand when they reached that land and were naturalized in it. When the Spirit came and brought all things to their remembrance, then he filled all the outh'nes of truth which they before possessed with its substance, quickened all its forms with the power and spirit uf life." — Notes on tlie Parables, p. 28. BIBLICAL HERMEJs^EUTICS. 279 shall be taken away from him. Therefore I speak to them in parables; be- cause seeing they do not see, and hearing they do not hear, nor understand. And with them is fulfilled the projDhecy of Isaiah, which says. By hearing ye shall hear and in no wise understand ; and seeing ye shall see and in no wise perceive ; for thick became the heart of this people, and they heard heavily with their ears, and their eyes they closed, lest haply they should perceive with their eyes, and with their ears hear, and with the heart un- derstand, and should turn again, and I should heal them. Matt, xiii, 11-15. The great thought in this answer seems to be that the Lord had a twofold purpose in the use of parables, namely, both to reveal and to conceal great truths.' There was, first, reveal and con- that inner circle of followers who' received his word with ^^^^ ^^"''^' joy, and who, like those who shared in the secret counsels of other kingdoms, were gifted to know the mysteries of the Messianic reign/ long hidden, but now about to be made known (comp. Rom. xi, 25 ; xvi, 25 ; Col. i, 26). These should realize the truth of the proverb, "Whosoever has to him shall be given," etc. This proverb ex- presses in an enigmatical way a most weighty and wonderful law of experience in the things of God. He who is gifted with a desire to know God, and to appropriate rightly the provisions of his grace, shall increase in wisdom and knowledge more and more by the manifold revelations of divine truth. But the man of opposite character, who has heart, soul, and mind wherewith to love God, but is unwilling to use his powers in earnest search for the truth, shall lose even what he seems to have.^ His powers will become weak and worthless by inactivity, and like the slothful servant in the parable of the talents,* he will lose that which should have been his glory. 1 The iva in the parallel passages of Mark iv, 12 and Luke viii, 10 shows that our Lord teaches in these words the f7ial end and purpose of his parables, not merely their results. The quotation from Isaiah evinces the same thing. 2 " The kingdom of heaven," says Stier, "is itself a mystery for the natural earthly understanding, and, like earthly kingdoms, it has its state secrets, which cannot and ought not to be cast before every one. When, on a frank and friendly approach be- ing made, no feeling of loyalty shows itself, but rather a threatening of rebellion, then it is wise and reasonable to draw a veil, which, however, is willingly removed whenever any faithful one wishes to join himself more nearly to the king." — Words of the Lord Jesus, in loco. 3 So Luke (viii, 18) expresses the thought: Kal b SokeI exeiv. On which Stier re- marks: "For every excjv (one having) who does not keep (KaTexei) is only a doKoiv exiiv (one seeming to have) in a manifold sense. It is an imaginary having, tlie noth- ingness of which is to be made manifest by a so-called taking, whicli yet properly takes nothing from him. It is a having which has become lost througli his unfaith- fulness (2 John 8)." * Of whom the same proverb is used again, and more fully illustrated, Matt, xxv, 28, 29. Comp. also John xv, 2. 280 PRINCIPLES OF And so the use of parables, in our Lord's teaching, became a test Parables a test ^f character. With tliose disposed to know and accept of character. iI^q truth the words of a parable served to arouse atten- tion and to excite inquiry. If they did not at first apprehend the meaning, they would come, like the disciples to the Master (Matt, xiii, 36; Mark iv, 10), and inquire of him, assured that all who asked, searched, or knocked (Matt, vii, 7)* at the door of Divine Wisdom should certainly obtain their desire. Even those who at first are dull of apprehension may be attracted and captivated by the outer form of the parable, and by honest inquiry come to master the laws of interpretation until they "know all parables" (Mark iv, 13). But the perverse and fleshly mind shows its real character by making no inquiry and evincing no desire to understand the mysteries of the kingdom of God. Such a mind treats those mys- teries as a species of folly (1 Cor. i, 18). The parables of the Bible are remarkable for their beauty, vari- Superior beauty ety, conciseness, and fulness of meaning. There is a nesso^^'\"riptu*re noticeable appropriateness in the parables of Jesus, parables. and their adaptation to the time and place of their first utterance. The parable of the sower was spoken by the sea- side (Matt, xiii, 1, 2), whence might have been seen, at no great distance oif, a sower actually engaged in sowing his seed. The parable of the dragnet in the same chapter (verses 47-50) may have been occasioned by the sight of such a net close by. The parable of the nobleman going into a far country to receive for himself a kingdom (Luke xix, 12) was probably suggested by the case of Archelaus, who made a journey from Judea to Rome to plead his right to the kingdom of Herod his father.' As Jesus had just passed thi'ough Jericho and was approaching Jerusalem, per- haps the sight of the royal palace which Archelaus had recently rebuilt at Jericho ^ suggested the allusion. Even the literal nai-ra- tive of some of the parables is in the highest degree beautiful and impressive. The parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke x, 30-37) was probably based on fact. The road from Jerusalem to Jericho was notably infested by robbers, and yet, leading as it did from Perea to the holy city, it would be frequented by priests and Le- vites passing to and fro. The coldness and neglect of the ministers of the law, and the tender compassion of the Samaritan, are full of interest and rich in suggestions. The narrative of the Prodigal Son has been called "the pearl and crown of all the parables of Scripture," and " a gospel in a gospel." ' We never tire of its literal * Josephus, Ant., xvii, 9, 1 ff. 11, 4. * Ibid., xvii, 11, 13. 'Comp. Trench on the I'arables, p. 316. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 281 statements, for they are as full of naturalness and beauty as they are of lessons of sin and redemption. The parable is commonly assumed to have three parts, (1) the occasion and scope, (2) the similitude, in the form of a _ ^ , ' Three essential real narrative, and (3) the moral and religious lessons, eiemeuts of a These three parts are called by Salmeron, Glassius, and p^'"*^^^*^- others, the root or basis' (radix), the bark or covering (cortex), and the marrow (medulla) or inner substance and core.' The last two are often called, respectively, the protasis and the apodosis. The main thing in the construction of a parable is its similitude, or lit- eral narrative, for this always appears, and constitutes the parable as a figure of speech. The occasion and scope^ as well as the in- ternal sense, are not always expressed. In most cases, in fact, the apodosis, or inner sense, is left for the hearer to find out for himself, and sometimes the occasion and scope are difficult to determine. But our Lord himself has given us two examples of interpreting parables;'' and frequently the scope and aj^plication of the parable are formally stated in the context, so that, with but few exceptions, the parables of Scripture are not difficult to explain.^ As every parable essentially involves the three elements named above, the hermeneutical principles which should guide Three princi- ns in understanding all parables are mainly three. fer'SSar- First, we should determine the historical occasion and aWes. aim of the parable ; secondly, we should make an accurate analysis ' Salmeron, De Parabolis Domini nostri, tr. iii, p. 15. Glassius, Philologia Sacra (Lips. 1'725) lib. ii, pars i, tr. ii, sect. 5. Home (Introduction, ed. Ayre and Treg., vol. ii, p. 346) adopts the same division, and calls the three parts, respectively, the root or scojje, the sensible similitude^ and the explanation or mystical sense. Davidson (Hermeneutics, p. 311) says: "In the parable as in the allegory three things de- mand attention: (1) The thing to be illustrated ; (2) the example illustrating; (3) the tertium comparationis, or the similitude existing between them." 2 Namely, in the interpretation of the parables of the sower (Matt, xiii, 18-23) and of the tares of the field (Matt, xiii, 36-43). Trench observes, " that when our Lord himself interpreted the two first which he delivered, it is more than probable that he intended to furnish us with a key for the interpretation of all. These explanations, therefore, are most important, not merely for their own sakes, but as laying down the principles and canons of interpretation to be applied throughout." — Notes on the Parables, p. 36. 3 Trench (Parables, p. 32) beautifully observes : " The parables, fair in their out- ward form, are yet fairer within — apples of gold in network of silver : each one of them like a casket, itself of exquisite workmanship, but in which jewels yet richer than itself are laid up ; or as fruit, which, however lovely to look upon, is yet more delectable still in its inner sweetness. To find the golden key for this casket, at the touch of which it shall reveal its treasures ; to open this fruit, so that nothing of its hidden kernel shall be missed or lost, has naturally been regarded ever as a matter of high concern." 282 PRINCIPLES OP of the subject matter, and observe the nature and properties of the things employed as imagery in the similitude ; and thirdly, we should interpret the several parts with strict reference to the gen- eral scope and design of the whole, so as to preserve a harmony of proportions, maintain thft unity of all the parts, and make promi- nent the great central truth.' These principles can become of practical value only by actual use and illustration in the interpre- tation of a variety of parables. As our Lord has left us a formal explanation of what were prob- ably the first two parables he uttered, we do well, first of all, to Principles ii- note the principles of interpretation as they appear illus- lustratedmthe ^,.j^^^.^^ j^ his examples. In the parable of the sower we Sower. find it easy to conceive the position and surroundings of Jesus when he opened his parabolic discourse. He had gone out to the seaside and sat down there, but when the multitudes crowded around him, " he entered into a boat and sat ; and all tlie multitude stood on the beach" (Matt, xiii, 2). How natural and appropriate for him then and there to think of the various dispositions and characters of those before him. How like so many kinds of soil were their hearts. How was his preaching " the word of the king- dom" (verse 19) like a sowing of seed, suggested perhaps by the sight of a sower, or of a sown field, on the neighbouring coast.' Nay, how was his coming into the world like a going forth to sow. Passing now to notice the similitude itself, we observe that our Lord attached significance to the seed sown, the wayside and tlie birds, the rocky places, the thorns, and the good ground. Each of these parts has a relevancy to the whole. In that one field where the sower scattered his grain there were all these kinds of soil, and the nature and properties of seed and soil are in perfect keep- ing with the results of that sowing as stated in the parable. The soil is in every case a human heart. The birds represent the evil one,' who is ever opposed to the work of the sower, and watches to snatch away that which is sown in the heart, "that they may not 1 One may con)i)are the entire parable with a circle, of which tlic middle point is the spiritual truth or doctrine, and of which the radii are the several circumstances of the narration; so long as one has not placed himself in the centre, neither the circle itself appears in its perfect shape, nor will the beautiful unity with which the radii converge to a single point be perceived, but this is all oljscrved so soon as the eye looks forth from the centre. Even so in the parable, if wo have recognized its middle point, its main doctrine, in full light, then will the jiroportion and riglit signification of all i)ar- ticular circumstances be clear unto us, and we shall lay stress ujx)!! them oidy so far as the main truth is thereby more vividly set forth. — Lisco, Die Parabeln Jesu, p. 22. Fairbairn's Translation (Edinbiirgli Bib. Cal)inet), p. 29. 'See Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 418. ^Mark says Satan; Luke, the deviL BIDLICAL IIERMENEUTICS. 283 believe and be saved " (Luke viii, 1 2). He who hears the Word and understands not — on whom the heavenly truth makes no impression — may Avell be likened to a trodden pathway. " He has brought himself to it; he has exposed his heart as a common road to every evil influence of the world till it has become hard as a pavement — till he has laid waste the very soil in which the word of God should have taken root; and he has not submitted it to the ploughshare of ths law, which would have broken it; which, if he had suffered it to do the work which God appointed it to do, would have gone be- fore, preparing that soil to receive the seed of the Gospel." ' With equal force and propriety the rocky places, the thorns, and the good grovmd represent so many varieties of hearers of the Word. The application of the parable, closing with the significant words, "he that has ears let him hear" (verse 8), might be safely left to the minds and consciences of the multitudes Avho heard it. Among those multitudes were doubtless many representatives of all the classes designated. The parable of the tares of the field had the same historical occa- sion as that of the sower, and is an important supple- „ ., , ,, ' . ^ . -i i Parable of the ment to it. In the interpretation of the foregoing par- Tares and its able the sower was not made prominent. The seed ii^terpretation. was declared to be " the word of the kingdom," ^ and its character and worth are variously indicated, but no explanation was given of the sower. In this second parable the sower is prominently set forth as the Son of man, the sower of good seed; and the work of his great enemy, the devil, is presented with equal })iominence. But we are not to suppose that this parable takes up and carries with it all the imagery and implications of the one preceding. Other considerations are introduced under other imagery. But in seeking the occasion and connexion of all the parables recorded in Matt, xiii, we should note how one grows out of the other as by a logical sequence. Three of them were spoken privately to the dis- ciples, but the whole seven were ap}>ropriate for tlie seaside; for those of the mustard-seed, the treasure hid in a field, and the drag- net, no less than the sower and the tares of tlie field, may have been suggested to Jesus by the scenes around him, and those of the leaven and the merchantman seeking pearls were but counterparts, respectively, of the mustard-seed and the hid treasure. Stiei-'s suggestion, also, is worthy of note, that the ])arable of the tares corresponds with the first kind of soil mentioned in the parable of the sower, and helps to answer the question. Whence and how tliat ' Trench, Notes on the Parables, p. 61. ^ In Luke viii, 11, it is written: "The seed is the word of God." 284 PRINCIPLES OF soil had come to serve so well the purpose of the devil. The para- ble of the mustard-plant, whose growth was so groat, stands in notable contrast with the second kind of soil in which there was no real growth at all. The parable of the leaven suggests the oppo- site of the heart overgrown with worldliness, namely, a heart per- meated and purified by the inner workings of grace, while the fifth and sixth parables — those of the treasure and the pearl of great price — represent the various experiences of the good heart (repre- sented by the good ground) in apprehending and appropriating the precious things of the Word of the kingdom. The seventh para- ble, that of the dragnet, appropriately concludes all with the doc- trine of the separating judgment which shall take place " in the end of the age" (verse 49). Such an inner relation and connexion we do well to trace, and the suggestions thereby afforded may be especially valuable for homiletical purposes. They serve for in- struction, but they should not be insisted on as essential to a cor- rect interpretation of the several parables. In the interpretation of the second parable Jesus gives special Thino-s inter- significance to the sower, the field, the good seed, the preted and tares, the enemy, the harvest, and the reapers; also the ticed in Jesus' final burning of the tares and the garnering of the exposition. wheat. But we should observe that he does not attach a meaning to the men who slept, nor to the sleeping, nor to the springing up of tlie blades of wheat, and their yielding fruit, nor to the servants of the householder and the questions they asked. These are but incidental })arts of the parable, and necessary to a happy filling up of its narrative. An attempt to show a special meanino; in them all would tend to obscure and confuse the main lessons. So, if we would know how to interpret all parables, we should notice what our Lord omitted as well as what he empha- sized in those expositions which are given us as models; and we should not be anxious to find a hidden meaning in every word and allusion. At the same time we need not deny that these two parables con- We mav notice tained some other lessons which Jesus did not bring out some things i^ his interpretation. There was no need for liim to w hi ell Jesus '■ . , , had no need to State the occasioH ot lus ])arables, or what suggested '^°''^- the imagery to his mind, or the inner logical connexion which they sustained to one another. These things might be safe- ly left to every scribe who sliould become a disciple to the kingdom of heaven (Matt, xiii, 52). In his ex{)lanation of tlie first parable, Jesus sufficiently indicated that particular words and allusions, like the having no root {ro fii) t^etv pi^av, ]Matt. xiii, G), and choked BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 285 (drreTTvi^av, ver. 7; comp. avvTcvLyei in ver. 22) may suggest important thoughts; and so the incidental words of the second parable, "lest haply while gathering up the tares ye root up the wheat with them " (verse 29), though not afterward referred to in the explanation, may also furnish lessons worthy of our consideration. So, too, it may serve a useful purpose, in interpretation, to show the fitness and beauty of any particular image or allusion. We would not ex- pect our Lord to call the attention of his hearers to such things, but his well-disciplined disciples should not fail to note the pro- priety and suggestiveness of comparing the word of God to good seed, and the children of the evil one to tares,' The trodden path, the rocky places, and the thorny ground, have peculiar fitness to represent the several states of heart denoted thereby. Even the incidental remark " while men slept " (Matt, xiii, 25) is a suggestive hint that the enemy wrought his malicious work in darkness and secrecy, when no one would be likely to be present and interrupt him; but it would break the unity of the parable to interpret these words, as some have done, of the sleep of sin (Calovius), or the dull slowness of man's spiritual development and human weakness generally (Lange), or the careless negligence of religious teachers (Chrysostom). It is also to be admitted that some incidental words, not designed to be made prominent in the interpretation, may, nev- suggestive ertheless, deserve attention and comment, Not a little words and aiiu- ' . 1 T • T /• 1 sions deserve pleasure and much mstruction may be derived from the Attention and incidental parts of some parables. The hundredfold, comment, sixty fold, and thirtyfold increase, mentioned in the parable of the soAver, and in its interpretation, may be profitably compared with making the five talents increase to ten talents, and the two to four (in Matt, xxv, 16-22), and also with the increase in the parable of the pounds (Luke xix, lG-19), The peculiar expressions, "he that was sown by the wayside," "he that was sown upon the rocky places," are not, as Alford truly observes, "a confusion of simili- tudes— no primary and secondary interpretation of OTTopog [seed], — but the deep truth both of nature and of grace. The seed sown, springing up in the earth, becomes the plant, and bears the fruit, or fails of bearing it; it is, therefore, the representative, when sown, of the individuals of Avhom the discourse is," ^ Especially do we notice that the seed which, in the first parable, is said to be " the word of God" (Luke viii, 11), is defined in the second as "the ' Greek iC,L^6.via, darnel, which is said to resemble wheat in its earlier stages of growth, but shows its real character more clearly at the harvest time, "^ Greek Testament, in loco. 286 PRINCIPLES OF children of tlie kingdom ■" (Matt, xiii, 38). A different stage of prog- ress is tacitly assumed, and we tliink of the word of God as having developed in the good heart in which it was cast until it has taken up that heart within itself and made it a new creation.' From the above examples we may derive the general principles Not specidc which are to be observed in the interpi-etation of rules, but sound pjii-ai^it^g, Xo Specific rules can be formed that will sense and d i s- ^ '- criminating apply to every case, and show what parts of a parable g"udeuieinter- ^^'^ designed to be significant, and what parts are mere preter. drapery and form. Sound sense and delicate discrimina- tion are to be cultivated and matured by a protracted study of all the parables, and by careful collation and comparison. Our Lord's examples of interpretation show that most of the details of his par- ables have a meaning; and yet there are incidental words and allu- sions which are not to be pressed into significance. We should, therfore, study to avoid, on the one side, the extreme of ingenuity which searches for hidden meanings in every word, and, on the other, the disposition to i)ass over many details as mere rhetorical figures. In general it may be said that most of the details in a })arable have a meaning, and those which have no special signifi- cance in the interpretation, serve, nevertheless, to enhance the force and beauty of the rest. Such parts, as Boyle observes, " are like the feathers Avliieh wing our arrows, which, though they pierce not like the head, but seem slight things, and of a different matter from the rest, are yet requisite to make the shaft to pierce, and do both convey it to and penetrate the mark." * We may also add, with Trench, that " it is tolerable evidence that we have found the ritrht interpretation of a parable if it leave none of the main circum- stances unexplained. A false interpretation will inevitably betray itself, since it Avill invariably paralyze and render nugatory some important member of an entire account. If we have the right key in our hand, not merely some of the words, but all, will have their corresponding parts, and, moreover, the key will turn without grating or overmuch forcing; and if we have the right interpreta- tion it will scarcely need to be defended and made j)lausil)le with great appliance of learning, to be propped up by remote allusions to rabbinical or profane literature, or by illustrations drawn from the recesses of antiquity." ^ The prophet Isaiah, in chap, v, 1-6, sings of his Beloved Friend, ' " Our life," says Lange, " becomes identified with the spiritual seed, and principles assume, so to speak, a bodily shape in individuals." Commentary on Matthew, in loco. * Quoted by Trench, Notes on the Parables, p. 34. ^ Notes on the Parables, p. «'.>. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 287 and his Friend's own song touching his vineyard, and in verse 1 declares that Tlie vineyard of Jehovuh of hosts is the house of Israel, And the man of Judah is the phmt of his delight; And he waited for justice, and behold bloodshed, For righteousness, and behold a cry. This short explanation gives the main purpose of the parable. No special meaning is put on the digging, the gathering out of the stones, the tower, and the winevat. Our Lord appropriates the imagery of this passage in his parable of the wicked , . , T ,-./r ■ . isaiaii s para- husbandmen (Matt. XXI, 33-44). But to understand, weof tiieVine- in either parable, that the tower represents Jerusalem ^^'^'^' (Grotius), or the temple (Bengel), that the winevat is the altar (Chrysostom), or the prophetic institution (Irena^us), that the gath- ering out of the stones denotes the expulsion of the Canaanites from the Holy Land, together with the stone idols (Grotius), is to go upon doubtful ground, and introduce that which will confuse rather than elucidate. These several jDarticulars are rather to be taken together as denoting the complete provision which Jehovah made for the security, culture, and prosperity of his people. "What is there to do more for my vineyard," he asks, " that I have not done in it ? " He had spared no pains or outlay, and yet, when the time of grape harvest came, his vineyard brought forth wild grapes. What would seem to have been so full of hope and promise yielded only disappointment and chagrin. The grapes he expected were truth and righteousness; those which he found were bloodshed and oppression. He announces, accordingly, his purpose to destroy that vineyard, and make it an utter desolation, a threat fearfully ful- filled in the subsequent history of Israel and the Holy Land. Such is the substance of the interpretation of Isaiah's parable, but the language in which it is clothed has many beautiful strokes and delicate allusions which are worthy of attention.' Our Lord's parable of the wicked husbandmen, which is based upon its im- agery, may be profitably noticed in connexion with it. It is 'Such, for instance, is the "very fertile hill" in which this vineyard was planted; literally, in a horn, a son of oil, or fatness; metaphor for a horn-shaped hill of rich soil, and used in allusion to the land of promise (comp. Deut. viii, 7-9). There is also an ironical play on the Hebrew words iov justice and bloodshed, righteousness and o-y in the last two lines of verse Y : "He looked for tOStJ'D, mishpat, and behold ' T ; ■ natip, mispach, for :i,\r\% tzdhakah, and behold npyV' tzr/nakah:'' Contrast also the jubilant opening in which the, prophet essays to sing his well-beloved's song with the change of person in verso 3 and the sad tone of disappointment which follows. 283 PRINCIPLES OF recorded by Matthew (xxi, 33-44), Mark (xii, 1-12), and Luke (xx, 9-18), and, though spoken in tlie cars of "the peoj^le " (Luke XX, 9), the chief priests, the scribes, and the Pharisees understood that it was directed against them (Matt, xxi, 45; Luke xx, 19). Tlie context also informs us (in Matt, xxi, 43) that the Piirablt? of the Wicked Hus- vineyard represents " the kingdom of God." In Isaiali's bandmcn. parable the whole house of Israel is at fault, and is threatened with utter destruction. Here the fault is with the hus- bandmen to whom the vineyard was leased, and whose wickedness appears most flagrant; and here, accordingly, the threat is not to destroy the vineyard, but the husbandmen. The great questions, then, in the interpretation of our Lord's parable, are: (1) "What is meant by the vineyard? (2) Who are the husbandmen, servants, and son ? (3) AVhat events are contemplated in the destruction of the husbandmen and the giving of the vineyard to others ? These questions are not hard to answer: (1) The vineyard in Isaiah is the Israelitish people, considered not merely as the Old Testament Church, but also as the chosen nation established in the land of Canaan. Here it is the more spiritual idea of the kingdom of God considered as an inheritance of divine grace and truth to be so ap- prehended and utilized unto the honour and glory of God as that husbandmen, servants, and Son may be joint heirs and partakers of its benefits. (2) The husbandmen are the divinely commissioned leaders and teachers of the people, whose business and duty it Avas to guide and instruct those committed to their care in the true knowledge and love of God. They were the chief priests and scribes who heard this parable, and kncAV that it was spoken against them. The servants, as distinguished from the husbandmen, are to be understood of the prophets, who toere sent as special messengers of God, and whose mission was usually to the leaders of the people.' But they had been mocked, despised, and maltreated in many ways (2 Chron. xxxvi, IG); Jeremiah was shut up in prison (Jer. xxxii, 3), and Zechariah was stoned (2 Chron. xxiv, 21; comp. Matt, xxiii, 34-37, and Acts vii, 52). The one son, the beloved, is, of course, the Son of man, who " came unto his own, and they that Avere his own received him not" (John i, 11). (3) The destruction of the wicked husbandmen was accomplished in the utter overthrow and miserable ruin of the Jewish leaders in the fall of Jerusalem. Then the avenging of "all the righteous blood" of the prophets came upon that generation (Matt, xxiii, 35, 30), and then, too, the ' Servants are the extraordinary ministers of God, husbandmen tlie ordinary. The former arc almost "Silways badly roceived by the latter, who take ill the iuterniptiou of their own quiet possession. — Beiigel, Gnomon, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 289 vineyard of the kingdom of God, repaired and restored as the New Testament Church, was transferred to the Gentiles. There are many minor lessons and suggestive hints in the lan- guage of this parable, but they should not, in an expo- °. . ° , , ^ - . . •' . ' ^ Minor points sition, be elevated into such prommence as to confuse not to be made these leading thoughts. Here, as in Isaiah, we should P''"™i°^°t- not seek special meanings in the hedge, winepress, and tower, nor should we make a great matter of what particular fruits the owner had reason to expect, nor attempt to identify each one of the ser- vants sent with some particular prophet or messenger mentioned in Jewish history. Still less should we think of finding special mean- ings in forms of expression used by one of the evangelists and not by another. Some of these minor points may be rich in sugges- tions and abundantly worthy of comment, but in view of the over- straining which they have too frequently received at the hands of expositors we need the constant caution that at most they are in- cidental rather than important. Two other parables of our Lord illustrate the casting off of the Jews and the calling of the Gentiles. They are the ^ , •' Comparison of marriage of the King s Son (Matt, xxii, 2-14), and the analogous par- great supper (Luke xiv, 16-24). The former is recorded ^^^^^' only by Matthew, and follows immediately after that of the wicked husbandmen. The latter is recorded only by Luke. Some of the rationalistic critics have argued that these are but different versions of the same discourse, but a careful analysis will show that, while they have marked analogies, they have also numerous ^joints of difference. And it is an aid to the interpretation of such analogous parables to study them together and mark their diverging lines of thought. The jjarable of the marriage of the King's Son, as com- pared with that of the wicked husbandmen, exhibits an advance in thought as notable as that observed in the parable of the tares as compared with that of the sower. Trench here observes " how the Lord is revealing himself in ever clearer light as the central person of the kingdom, giving here a far plainer hint than there of the nobility of his descent. There he was indeed the son, the only and beloved one, of the householder; but here his race is royal, and he appears himself at once as the King and the King's Son (Psa. Ixxii, 1). This appearance of the householder as the King announces that the sphere in which this parable moves is the New paraWe of Mar- Testament dispensation — is the kingdom which was an- riage of King's nounced before, but was only actually present with the Hus^bandmeu coming of the King. The last was a parable ( f the compared. Old Testament history; even Christ himself appears there rather as 19 290 PRINCIPLES OF the last and greatest of the line of its prophets and teachers than as the founder of a new kingdom. In that, a parable of the law, God appears demanding something from men ; in this, a parable of grace, God appears more as giving something to them. There he is displeased that his demands are not complied with, here that his goodness is not accepted; there he requires, here he imparts. And thus, as we so often find, the two mutually complete one another; this taking up the matter where the other left it." ' The great purpose in both parables was to make conspicuous the shameful character and conduct of those who were under great obligation to show all possible respect and loyalty. The conduct of the hus- bandmen was atrocious in the extreme; but it may be said that a claim of rent was demanded of them, and there was some supposa- ble motive to treat the messengers of the owner of the vinevard with disrespect. Not so, however, Avith those bidden to the royal marriage feast. That guests, honoured by an invitation from the king to attend the marriage of his son, should have treated such in- vitation with wilful refusal and contempt, and even have gone to the extreme of abusing the royal servants who came to bid them to the marriage, and of putting some to death, seems hardly conceiv- able. But this very feature which seems so improbable in itself is a prominent part of the parable, and designed to set in the most odious light the conduct of those chief priests and Pharisees who were treating the Son of God with open contempt, and would fain have put him to death. Such ingratitude and disloyalty deserved no less a punishment than the sending forth of armies to destroy the murderers and to bi;rn their city (verse V). When now we compare the parable of the marriage of the king's Parables of Mar- ^^^^ with that of the great supper (Luke xiv, 10) we riage of King's fin(j they botli agree (1) in having a festival as the Supper com- basis of their imagery, (2) in that invitations were sent pared. ^^ persons already bidden, (3) in the disrespect shown by those bidden, and (4) the calling in of the poor and neglected from the streets and highways. But they differ in the following particulars: The paral^le of the great supper was spoken at an earlier period of our Lord's ministry, when the opposition of chief priests, scribes, and Pharisees was as yet not violent. It was uttered in the house of a Pharisee whither he had been invited to eat bread (verses 1, 12), and where there appeared in his presence a dropsical man, whose malady he healed. Thereupon he addressed a parable to those who were bidden, counselling them not to recline on the chief seat at table unless invited there (verses 7-11). He ' Notes on the Parables, p. ISO. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 291 also uttered a proverbial injunction to the Pharisee who had in- vited him to make a feast for the poor and the maimed i-ather than kinsmen and rich friends (verses 12-14); and then he added the parable of the great supper. But the parable of the marriage of the king's son was uttered at a later period, and in the temple, when no Pharisee would have invited him to his table, and when the hatred of chief priests and scribes had become so bitter that it gave occasion for ominous and fearful words, such as that parable contained. We note further that, in the earlier parable, the occa- sion was a great supper {delnvov), in the latter a wedding (yd^o^). In the one, the person making the feast is simply "a certain man" (Luke xiv, 16), in the other he is a king. In the one the guests all make excuse, in the other they treat the royal invitation with con- tempt and violence. In the one those who were bidden are simply denounced with the statement that none of them shall taste of the supper; in the other the king's armies are sent forth to destroy the murderers of his servants and to burn their city. In the earlier parable there are two sendings forth to call in guests, first from the streets and lanes of the city, and next from the highways and hedges — intimating first the going unto the lost sheep of the house of Israel (Matt, x, 6; xv, 24), and afterward to the Gentiles (Acts xiii, 46) ; in the latter only one outgoing call is indicated, and that one subsequent to the destruction of the murderers and their city. In that later prophetic moment Jesus contemplated the ingather- ing of the Gentiles. Then to the later parable is added the inci- dent of the guest who appeared without the wedding garment (Matt, xxii, 11-14), which Strauss characteristically conjectures to be the fragment of another parable' wliich Matthew by mistake at- tached to this, because of its referring to a feast.' But Avith a purer and profounder insight Trench sees in these few added words " a wonderful example of the love and wisdom which marked the teaching of our Lord. For how fitting was it in a discourse which set forth how sinners of every degree were invited to a fel- lowship in the blessings of the Gospel, that they should be reminded likewise, that for the lasting enjoyment of these, they must put off their former conversation — a most needful caution, lest any should abuse the grace of God, and forget that while as regarded the past they were freely called, they were yet now called unto holiness,'"' The parable of the barren fig-tree (Luke xiii, 6-9) had its special application in the cutting off of Israel, but it is not ^be barren necessarily limited to that one event. It has lessons of Fig-t:ec. universal application, illustrating the forbearance and longsuffering 'Life of Jesus, § 78. ^Isotes on the Parables, pp. 179, ISO. 293 PRINCIPLES OF of God, as also the certainty of destructive judgment upon every one who not only produces no good fruit, but " also cumbers the ground " (Kai rrjv yqv Karapyel). Its historical occasion a])pears from the preceding context, (verses 1-5), but the logical connexion is not so apparent. It is to be traced, however, to the character of those in- formants who told him of Pilate's outrage on the Galileans. For the twice-repeated warning, " Except ye repent ye shall all likewise perish" (verses 3 and 5), implies that the persons addressed were sinners deserving fearful penalty. They were probably from Je- rusalem, and representatives of the Pharisaic party who had little respect for the Galileans, and perhaps intended their tidings to be a sort of gibe against Jesus and his Galilean followers. The means for understanding the occasion and import of Nathan's Old Testament parable (2 Sam. xii, 1-4) are abundantly furnished in parables. the context. The same is true of the parable of the wise woman of Tekoah (2 Sam. xiv, 4-7), and that of the wounded prophet in 1 Kings xx, 38-40. The narrative, in Eccles. ix, 14, 15, of the little city besieged by a great king, but delivered by the wis- dom of a poor wise man, has been regarded by some as an actual history. Those who date the Book of Ecclesiastes under the Persian domination think that allusion is made to the delivery of Athens by Themistocles, when that city was besieged by Xerxes, the great king of Persia. Others have suggested the deliverance of Potidfea (Herod., viii, 128), or Tripolis (Diodor., xvi, 41). Hitzig even refers it to the little seaport Dora besieged by Antiochus the Great (Polybius, v, 66). But in none of these last three cases is it known that the deliverance was eif ected by a poor wise man ; and as for Athens, it could hardly have been called a little city, with few men in it, nor could the brilliant leader of the Greeks be prop- erly called " a poor wise man." It is far better to take the narra- tive as a parable, which may or may not have had its basis in some real incident of the kind, but M'hieh Avas designed to illustrate the great value of wisdom. The author makes his own application in verse 16: "Then sand I, Better is wisdom than strength; yet the wisdom of the poor is despised, and his words — none of them are heard." That is, such is the general rule. A case of exceptional extremity, like the siege referred to, may for a moment exhibit the value of wisdom, and its superiority over strength and weapons of war ; but the lesson is soon forgotten, and the masses of men give no heed to the words of the poor, whatever their wisdom and worth. The two verses that follow (17 and 18) are an additional comment upon the lesson taught in the parable, and put its real meaning be- yond all reasonable doubt. But it is a misuse of the parable, and a BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 293 pressing of its import beyond legitimate bounds, to say, with Heng- stenberg : " The poor man with his delivering wisdom is an image of Israel. , . . Israel would have proved a salt to the heathen world if ear had only been given to the voice of wisdom dwelling in his midst." * Still more unsound is the spiritualizing process by which the besieged city is made to represent "the life of the individual: the great king who lays siege to it is death and the judgment of the Lord. "^ All the parables of our Lord are contained in the first three Gospels. Those of the door, the good shepherd, and .„, ^ . ° r J AllJesus para- the vine, recorded by John, are not parables proper, bies in the sy- but allegories. In most instances we find in the imme- ^^^""^ Gospels. diate context a clue to the correct interpretation. Thus the para- ble of the unmerciful servant (Matt, xviii, 23-34) has its occasion stated in verses 21 and 22, and its application in verse 35. The par- able of the rich man who planned to pull down his barns and build greater in order to treasure up all the increase of his fields (Luke xii, 16-20), is readily seen from the context to have been uttered as a warning against covetousness. The parable of the importunate friend at midnight (Luke xi, 5-8) is but a part of a discourse on prayer. The parables of the unjust judge and the importunate widow, and of the Pharisee and the publican at prayer (Luke xviii, 1-14), have their purpose stated by the evangelist who records them. The parable of the good Samaritan (Luke x, 30-37) was called forth by the question of the lawyer, who desired to justify himself, and asked, "Who is my neighbour?" The parable of the labourers in the vineyard (Matt, xx, 1-16), althous^h its occasion and application are given in the „ ^, , ,^ ^ 1 1 _ _ " , Parable of the context, has been regarded as difficult of interpretation. Labourers in It was occasioned by the mercenary spirit of Peter's ' ^ i^^eyar . question (in chap, xix, 27), "What then shall we have?" and its principal aim is evidently to rebuke and condemn that spirit. But the diificulties of interpreters have arisen chiefly from giving undue prominence to the minor points of the parable, as the penny a day, and the different hours at which the labourers were hired. Stier insists that the penny (67]vdpLov), or day's wages ([uodog), is the principal question and main feature of the parable. Others make the several hours mentioned represent different periods of life at which men are called into the kingdom of God, as childhood, youth, manhood, and old age. Others have supposed that the Jews were denoted by those first hired, and the Gentiles by those who were ' Commentary on Ecclesiastes, in loco. * Wangemann, as quoted by Delitzsch, in loco. 294 PRINCIPLES OF called last. Origen held that the different hours represented the dilTerent epochs of human history, as the time before the flood, from Abraham to Moses, from Moses to Christ, etc. But all this tends to divert the mind from the great thought in the purpose of the parable, namely, to condemn the mercenary spirit, and indicate that the rewards of heaven are matters of grace and not of debt. And we should make very emphatic the observation of Bengel, tlmt the parable is not so much a prediction as a warning.' The fundamental fallacy of those exegetes who make the penny the most prominent point, is their tacit assumption that the narrative Mistakes of in- ^f the parable is designed to portray a murmuring and terpreters. fault finding whicli will actually take place at the last day. Unless we assume this, according to Stier, " no reality would con-espond with the principal point of the figurative narration."'' Accordingly, the vnaye, go thy loay (verse 14), is understood, like the TTopeveo^e, depart (of Matt, xxv, 41), as an angry rejection and banishment from God; and the apot' to oov, take tliine own, "can mean nothing else than what, at another stage, Abraham says to the rich man (Luke xvi, 25) : What thou hast contracted for, with that thou art discharged ; but now, away from my service and from all further intercourse with me!"" So also Luther says that "the murmuring labourers go away with their penny and are damned." But the word vndjo) has been already twice used in this parable (verses 4 and V) in the sense of going away into the vineyard to work, and it seems altogether too violent a change to put on it here the sense of going into damnation. Still less supposable is such a sense of the word wlieu addressed to those who had filled an hon- ourable contract, laboured faithfully in the vineyard, and "borne the burden of the day and the burning heat" (verse 12). Let us now carefully apply the three principles of interpretation enunciated above ^ to the exposition of this intricate parable. First, Occasion and ^^^^ histoi'ical occasion and scope. Jesus had said to the scope. young man who had great possessions : " If thou wouldst be perfect, go (vTraye), sell thy possessions and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven; and come, follow me" (Matt, xix, 21). The young man went away sorrowful, for he had many goods (KTiJiiara rroXXd), and Jesus thereupon spoke of the difliculty of a rich man entering into the kingdom of heaven (verses 23-26). "Then answered Peter and said to him, Lo, we forsook all things and followed thee: what then shall we have?" Ti dpa eorai ijijlv ; what theyi shall be to usf — that is, in the way of compensation and ' Non est praedictio sed admonitia. Gnomon, in loco. " Words of the Lord .Tosus, in loco. « Il.id. ■« Sec above, pp. 281, 282. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 293 reward. What shall be our Srjaavpdg ev ovpavolg, treasure in heaven? This question, not reprehensible in itself, breathed a bad spirit of overweening confidence and self-esteem, by its evident comparison with the young man : We have done all that you demand of him ; we forsook our all ; what treasure shall be ours in heaven? Jesus did not at once rebuke what was bad in the question, but, first, graciously responded to what was good in it, Tliese disciples, who did truly leave all and follow him, shall not go without blissful re- ward. " Verily, I say unto you that ye, who followed me, in the regeneration, when the Son of man shall sit upon the throne of his glory, ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel." This was, virtually, making to them a promise and pledge of what they should have in the future, but he adds: "And every one who forsook houses, or brothers, or sisters, or father, or mother, or children, or lands for my name's sake, shall receive manifold more,' and shall inherit life eternal." Here is a common inheritance and blessing promised to all who meet the conditions named. But in addition to this great reward, which is common alike to all, there will be distinctions and differences ; and so it is immediately added: "But many first will be last and last first." And from this last statement the parable immediately pro- ceeds : " For (yap) the kingdom of heaven is like," etc. This con- nexion Stier recognizes : " Because Peter has inquired after reward and compensation, Christ says, first of all, what is contained in verses 28, 29; but because he has asked with a culpable eagerness for reward, the parable concerning the first and the last follows with its earnest warning and rebuke." ' But to say, in the face of such a connexion and context, that the reward contemplated in the penny has no reference to eternal life, but is to be understood sole- ly of temporal good which may lead to damnation, is virtually to ignore and defy the context, and bring in a strange and foreign thought. The scope of the parable is no doubt to admonish Peter and the rest against the mercenary spirit and self-conceit apparent in his question, but it concludes, as Meyer observes, " and that very appropriately, with language which no doiibt allows the apostles to contemplate the prospect of receiving rewards of a peculiarly dis- tinguished character (xix, 28), but does not warrant the absolute certainty of it, nor does it recognize the existence of any thing like so-called valid claims."^ ' ^n7\m^'Xaaiova is the reading of two most ancient codices, B and L, a number of versions, as Syriac and Sahidic, and is adopted by Laclimann, Alford, Tischendorf, Tregelles, and Wcstcott and Hort. Comp. Lulie xviii, 30. 2 Words of the Lord Jesus, in loco. ^ Commentary on Matt, xx, 16. 296 PRINCIPLES OP Having ascertained the historical occasion and scope, the next step is to analyze the subject matter, and note what appears to liave special prominence. It will hardly be disputed Prominent ^ .^ 11,1-, points in the that the particular agreement 01 the householder with parables. ^^iq labourers hired early in the morning is one point too prominent to be ignored in the exposition. Noticeable also is the fact that the second class (hired at the third hour) go to work without any special bargain, and rely on the word " whatsoever is right I will give you." So also with those called at the sixth and ninth hours. But those called at the eleventh hour received (ac- cording to the true text of verse 7) no special promise at all, and nothing is said to them about reward. They had been waiting and seem to have been anxious for a call to work, and were idle because no one had hired them, but as soon as an order came they went off to their labour, not stopping so much as to speak or hear about wages. In all this it does not appear that the different hours have any special significance; but we are rather to note the spii'it and disjwsidon of the different labourers, particularly the first and the last hired. In the account of the settlement at the close of the day, only these last and the first are mentioned with any degree of prominence. The last are the first rewarded, and with such marks of favour that the self-conceit and mercenary spirit of those who, in the early morning, had made a special bargain for a penny a day, are shown in words of fault finding, and elicit the rebuke of the householder and the declaration of his absolute right to do what he Avill with his own. If now we interpret these several parts with strict reference to The parable the occasion and scope of the parable, we must think primarily an j^£ ^^le apostles as those for whom its admonition admonition for i ^ the disciples. Avas first of all intended. What was wrong in the spirit of Peter's question called for timely i-ebuke and admoni- tion. Jesus gives him and the others assurance that no man who becomes his disciple shall fail of glorious reward; and, somewhat after the styb of the agreement with the labourers first hired, he bargains with the twelve, and agrees that every one of them shall have a throne. But, he adds (for such is the simplest application of the proverb, " Many first shall be last," etc.) : Do not imagine, in vain self-conceit, that, because you were the first to leave all and follow me, you therefore must needs be honoured more than others who may hereafter enter my service. That is not the noblest spir- it which asks, W/u/t shall I have F It is better to ask. What shall I do? He who follows Christ, and makes all manner of sacrifices for his sake, confident that it Avill be well, is nobler than he who BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 297 lingers to make a bargain. Nay, he who goes into the Lord's vineyard asking no questions, and not even waiting to talk about the wages, is nobler and better still. His spirit and labour, though it continue but as an hour, may have qualities so beautiful and rare as to lead Him, whose heavenly rewards are gifts of grace, and not payments of debts, to place him on a more conspicuous throne than that which any one of the apostles may attain. The mur- muring, and the response which it draws from the householder, are not to be taken as a prophecy of what may be expected to take place at the final judgment, but rather as a suggestive hint and warning for Peter and the rest to examine the sj^irit in which they followed J esus. If this be the real import of the parable, how misleading are those expositions which would make the penny a day the most prominent point. How unnecessary and irrelevant to regard the words of the householder (in verses 13-16) as equivalent to the final sentence of damnation, or to attach special significance to the stand- ing idle. How unimportant the different hours at which the la- bourers were hired, or the question whether the householder be God or Christ. The interpretation which aims to maintain the unity of the whole narrative, and make i^rominent the great central truth, will see in this jDarable a tender admonition and a suggestive warn- ing against the wrong spirit evinced in Peter's words.' The parable of the unjust steward (Luke xvi, 1-13) has been re- garded, as above all others, a crux interpretum. It parabie of the appears to have no such historical or logical connexion unjust steward. Avith what precedes as will serve in any material "w^ay to help in its interpretation. It follows immediately after the three parables of the lost sheep, the lost drachma, and the prodigal son, which were addressed to the Pharisees and the scribes who murmured because Jesus received sinners and ate with them (chap, xv, 2). Having uttered those parables for their special benefit, he spoke one " also to the disciples " [Kai ngog rovg fiaT^rjrdg, xvi, 1 ). These disciples are probably to be understood of that wider circle which included others besides the twelve (compare Luke x, 1), and among them were doubtless many publicans like Matthew and Zacchaius, A\'ho needed the special lesson here enjoined. That lesson is now quite generally acknowledged to be a wise and prudent use of this workPs goods. For the sagacity, shrewd foresight, and care to ' The words, " For many are called, but few chosen," which appear in some ancient codices (C, D, N), at the close of verse 16, are wanting in the oldest and best manu- scripts (X, B, L, Z), and are rejected by the best textual critics (Tischendorf, Tregelles, Westcott and Hort). We have, therefore, taken no notice of them above. 298 principl;es of shift for himself, which the steward evinced in his hasty action with his lord's debtors {(ppovifxcjg knoirjaev, ver. 8), are emphatically the tertium comjmrationis, and are said to have been applauded {k-ni^veoev) even by his master. The parable first of all demands that we apprehend correctly the ., ,, literal import of its narrative, and avoid the readinc: or Unauthorized .... . '^ additions to tiie imagining in it any thing that is not really there, parable. Thus, for example, it is said the steward was accused of wasting the rich man's goods, and it is nowhere intimated that this accusation was a slander. We have, therefore, no right (as Koster) to assume that it was. Neither is there any warrant for saying (as Van Oosterzee and others) that the steward had been guilty of exacting excessive and exorbitant claims of his lord's debtors, remitting only what was equitable to his lord, and wasting the rest on himself; and that his haste to have them write down their bills to a lower amount was simply, on his part, an act of jus- tice toward them and an effort to repair his former wrongs. If such had been the fact he would not have wasted his lord's goods {ja vndpxovra avrov), but those of the debtors. Nor is there any ground to assume that the steward made restitution from his own funds (Brauns), or, that his lord, after commending his prudence, re- tained him in his service (Bauragarten-Crusius). All this is putting into the narrative of our Lord what he did not see fit to put there. We are to notice, further, that Jesus himself ap])lies the parable to Jesus' own ap- the disciples by his words of counsel and exhortation in plication. vcrse 9, and makes additional comments on it in verses 10-13. These comments of the author of the parable are to be carefully studied as containing the best clue to his meaning. The main lesson is given in verse 9, where the disciples are urged to imitate the prudence and wisdom of the unjust steward in making to themselves friends out of unrighteous mammon (tTC rov, k. t. A., from the resources and opportunities afforded by the wealth, or the worldly goods, in their control). The steward exhibited in his shrewd plan the quick sagacity of a child of the world, and knew well how to inLjratiate himself with the men of his own kind and generation. In this respect it is said the children of this age are wiser than the children of the light; ' therefore, our Lord would say, ' The latter part of verse 8 is, literally, " Because the sons of this age are wiser than the sons of the light in reference to their own generation." Not in their generation, as Authorized Version, l)ut e'l^ tt/v yeveuv tijv kavTU)v, for their generation, as regards, or in relation to, their own generation. "The whole body of the children of the world — a category of liUe-niinded men — is described as a generation, a clan of connexions, and how appropriately, since they appear precisely as vioi, sons." — Meyer. "The ready accomplices in the steward's fraud showed themselves to be men of the same BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 299 emulate and imitate them in this particular. Similarly, on another occasion, he had enjoined upon his disciples, when they were sent forth into the hostile world, to be wise as serpents and harmless as doves (Matt, x, 16). So fai' ail is tolerably clear and certain, but when we inquire Who is the rich man (in verse 1), and who are the friends who re- ceive into the eternal tabernacles (verse 9), we find great diversity of opinion among the best interpreters. Usually the rich man has been understood of God, as the possessor of all things, who uses us as his stewards of whatever goods are entrusted to our care. Olshausen, on the other hand, takes the rich man to be the devil, considered as the prince of this world. Meyer explains the rich man as Mammon, and urges that verses 9 and 13 especially require this view. It will be seen that the adoption of either one of these views will materially effect our exegesis of the whole parable. Here, then, especially, we need to make a most careful use of the second and third hermeneutical rules afore mentioned, and observe the nature and properties of the things employed as imagery, and interpret them with strict reference to the great central thought and to the general scope and design of the whole. Our choice would seem to lie between the common view and that of Meyer; for Olshausen's explanation, so far as it differs essentially from Meyer's, has nothing in the text to make it even plausible; and the other views (as of Schleiermacher, who makes the rich man repre- sent the Romans, and Grossmann, who understands the Roman emperor) have still less in their favour. The common exposition, which takes the rich man to be God, may be accepted and main- tained without serious difficulty. The details of the parable are then to be explained as incidental, designed merely to exhibit the shrewdness of the unjust steward, and no other analogies are to be pressed. The disciples are urged to be discreet and faithful to God in their use of the unrighteous mammon, and thereby secure the friendship of God, Christ, angels, and their fellow men,^ who may generation as he was — they were all of one race, children of the ungodly world." — Trench. There is no sufficient reason to supply the thought, or refer the phrase, their own generation, to the sons of light (as De Wette, Olshausen, Trench, and many). If that were the thought another construction could easily have been adopted to ex- press it clearly. As it stands, it means that the children of light do not, in general, in relation to themselves or others, evince the prudence and sagacity which the chil- dren of the world know so well how to use in their relations to their own race of worldlings. * Some, however, who adopt this exposition in general, will not allow that God or tlie angels are to be understood by the friends, inasmuch as such reference would not accord strictly with the analogy of the parable. 300 PRINCIPLES OF all be thereby disposed to receive them, when the goods of this world fail, into the eternal habitations. But the interpretation which makes the rich man to be Mammon, The rich man gives a special point and force to several noticeable stood^as^Mam- I'emarks of Jesus, maintains a self-consistency within mon. itself, and also enforces the same great central thought as truly as the other exposition. It contemplates the disciples as about to be put out of the stewardship of Mammon, and admonishes them to consider how the world loves its own, and knows how to calculate and plan wisely {(ppoviiJ.(og) for personal and selfish ends. Such shrewdness as that displayed by the unjust steward calls forth the applause of even Mammon himself, who is defrauded by the act. But, Jesus says, " Ye cannot serve God and Mammon." Ye must, in the nature of things, be unfaithful to the one or the other. If ye are true and faithful to the unrighteous lord Mammon, ye cannot be sons of the light and friends of God. If, on the other hand, ye are unfaithful to Mammon, he and all his adherents will accuse you, and ye will be put out of his service. What will ye do? If ye would secure a place in the kingdom of God, if ye would make friends now, while the goods of unrighteous Mammon are at your control — friends to receive and welcome you to the eternal dwellings of light — ye must imitate the prudent foresight of the unjust steward, and be unfaithful to Mammon in order to be faithful servants of God.* The scope and purport of the parable, as evidenced by the com- Geikie's com- ments of Jesus (in verses 9-13), is thus set forth by ™®°*^- Geikio: "By becoming my disciples you have identi- fied yourselves with the interest of another master than oMammon, the god of this world — whom you have hitherto served — and have before you another course and aim in life. You will be represented to your former master as no longer faithful to him, for my service is so utterly opposed to that of Mammon, that, if faithful to me, you cannot be faithful to him, and he will, in consequence, assured- ly take your stewardship of this world's goods away from you — that is, sink you in poverty, as T have often said. I counsel you, therefore, so to use the goods of Mammon — the wordly means still at your command — that^by a truly worthy distribution of them to ' Meyer remarks : " This circumstance, that Jesus sets before his disciples the pru- dence ol a dishonest pi'oceediug as an example, would not have been the occasion of such unspeakable misrepresentations and such unrifihteous judfjments if the princi- jjle, Ye cannot serve God and Mammon, (verse I-',), liad been kept in view, and it had been considered accordingly that even the disciples, in fact, by beneficent application of tlieir property, must have acted unfaithfully toward Maininou in order to be faith- ful toward their contrasted master, toward God." — Commentary, in loco. BIBLICAL HERME:N'EUTICS. 301 your needy brethren — and my disciples are mostly poor — you may make friends for yourselves, who, if they die before you, will wel- come you to everlasting habitations in heaven, when you pass thith- er, at death. Fit yourselves, by labours of love and deeds of true charity, as my followers, to become fellow citizens of the heavenly mansions with those whose wants you have relieved while they were still in life. If jon be faithful thus, in the use of your pos- sessions on earth, you will be deemed worthy by God to be en- trusted with infinitely greater riches hereafter. ... Be assured that if you do not use your earthly riches faithfully for God, by dispensing them as I have told you, you will never enter my heav- enly kingdom at all. You will have shown that you are servants of Mammon, and not the servants of God; for it is impossible for any man to serve two masters." ' There is a deep inner connexion between the parable of the un- just steward and that of the rich man and Lazarus, narrated in the same chapter (Luke xvi, 19-31). A wise faithfulness toward God in the use of the mammon of unrighteousness will make friends to receive us into eternal mansions. But he who allows himself, like the rich man, to become the pampered, luxury-loving man of the world — so true and faithful to the interests of Mammon that he himself becomes an impersonation and representative of the god of riches — will in the world to come lift up his eyes in torments, and learn there, too late, how he might have made the angels and Abra- ham and Lazarus friends to receive him to the banquets of the paradise of God. It is interesting and profitable to study the relation of the par- ables to each other, where there is a manifest logical connexion. This we noticed in the seven parables recorded in Matt. xiii. It is more conspicuous in Luke xv, where the joy over the recovery of that which was lost is enhanced by the climax : (1) a lost sheep, and one of a hundred ; (2) a lost drachma, and one out of ten ; (3) a lost child, and one out of two. The parables of the ten virgins and the talents in Matt, xxv, enjoin, (1) the duty of loatching for the com- ing of the Lord, and (2) the duty of working for him in his absence. But we have not space to trace the details. The principles and methods of interpreting parables, as illustrated in the foregoing- pages, will be found sufficient guides to the interpretation of all the scriptural parables. ' Geikie, Life of Christ, chap. liii. 302 PRINCIPLES OF CHAPTER XIY. ENTERPRETATION OF ALLEGORIES. An allegory is usually defined as an extended metaphor. It bears the same relation to the parable which the metaphor does Allegory to be , , ^ _ , ^ distinguished to the simile. In a parable there is either some formal romParabe. comparison introduced, as "The kingdom of heaven is like a grain of mustard seed," or else the imagery is so presented as to be kept distinct from the thing signified, and to require an explanation outside of itself, as in the case of the jDarable of the sower (Matt, xiii, 3, ff.). The allegory contains its interpretation within itself, and the thing signified is identified with the image; as " I am the true vine, and my Father is the husbandman " (John XV, 1); "Ye are the salt of the earth" (Matt, v, 13). The allegory is a figurative use and application of some supposable fact or his- tory, whereas the parable is itself such a supposable fact or history. The parable uses words in their literal sense, and its narrative never transgresses the limits of Avhat might have been actual fact. The allegory is continually using words in a metaphorical sense, and its narrative, however supposable in itself, is manifestly fictitious. Hence the meaning of the name, from the Greek dXXog, other, and ayoQEVio, to speak, to 2:>rodai)n/ that is, to say another thing from that which is meant, or, so to speak, that another sense is expressed than that which the words convey. It is a discourse in which the main subject is represented by some other subject to which it has a resemblance.' Some have objected to calling an allegory a continued metaphor." Who shall say, they ask, where the one ends and the AlIegoTT IS a J J J y continued Met- Other begins? But the very definition should answer ^P ^^' this question. When the metaphor is confined to a single word or sentence it is improper to call it an allegory; just as it is improper to call a proverb a parable, although many a pro- verb is a condensed parable, and is sometimes loosely called so in the Scriptures (Matt, xv, 14, 15). But when it is extended into a ' "The allegory," says C'remcr, "is a mode of exposition which does not, like the parable, hide and clothe the sense in order to give a clear idea of it; on the contrary, it clothes the sense in order to hide it." — Biblieo-Thcol. Lex. N. Tost., p. 96. ' See Davidson's Ilermeneutics, p. 300, and llorue's Introduction, vol. ii, p. 338. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 303 narrative, and its imagery is drawn out in many details and analo- gies, yet so as to accord with the one leading figure, it would be improper to call it a metaphor. It is also affirmed by Davidson that in a metaphor there is only one meaning, while the allegory has two meanings, a literal and a figurative/ It will be seen, how- ever, on careful examination, that this statement is misleading. Except in the case of the mystic allegory of Gal. iv, 21-31, it will be found that the allegory, like the metaphor, has but one meaning. Take for example the following from Psalm Ixxx, 8-15 : 8 A vine from Egypt thou hast torn away ; Thou hast cast out the lieathen, and planted it; 9 Thou didst clear away before it, And it rooted its roots, • And it filled the land. 10 Cove-red were the mountains with its shade, And its brandies are cedars of God. 11 It sent out its boughs unto the sea. And unto the river its tender shoots. 12 Whei'efore hast thou broken down its walls, And have plucked it all that pass over the road ? 13 Swine from the forest are laying it waste, And creatures of the field are feeding on it. 14 O God of hosts, return now. Look from heaven, and behold. And visit this vine ; 15 And protect what thy right hand has planted, And upon the son thou madest strong for thyself. Surely no one would understand this allegory in a literal sense. No one supposes for a moment that God literally took a vine out of Egypt, or that it had an actual growth elsewhere as here described. The language throughout is metaphorical, but being thus continued under one leading figure of a vine, the whole passage becomes an allegory. The casting out of the heathen (verse 8) is a momentary departure from the figure, but it serves as a clue to the meaning of all the rest, and after verse 15 the writer leaves the figure entirely, but makes it clear that he identifies himself and Israel with the ' Hermeneutics, p. 306. This writer also says : " The metaphor always asserts or imagines that one object is another. Thus, 'Judah is a lion's whelp' (Gen. xlix, 9); 'I am the vine' (John xv, 1). On the contrary, allegory never affirms that one thing is another, which is in truth an absurdity." But the very passage he quotes from John XV, 1, as a metaphor, is also part of an allegory, which is continued through six verses, showing that allegory as well as metaphor may affirm that one thing is another. The literal meaning of the word allrffcry, as shown above, is the affirming one thing for iinotlier. 004 PRINCIPLES OF vine. The same imagery is given in the form of a parable in Isa. y, 1-6, and the distinction between the two is seen in this, that the ^leaning of the parable is given separately at the close (verse 7), / but the meaning of the allegory is implied in the metaphorical use [ ijoi its words. ' Having carefully distinguished between the parable and the alle- gory, and shown that the allegory is essentially an extended meta- phor, we need no separate and special rules for the interpretation of the allegorical portions of the Scriptures. The same / Same herme- & i -i _ • <• neuticai prin- general principles that apply to the mterjjretation of AuSory S Jo metaphors and parables will apply to allegories. The Parable. great error to be guarded against is the effort to find ^ "^ Mnute^'^analogies and hidden meanings in all the details of the imagery. Hence, as in the case of parables, we should first deter- mine the main thought intended by the figure, and thexLJIlterpret the minor points with constant reference to it. The context, the occasion, the circumstances, the application, and often the accom- panying explanation, are, in each case, such as to leave little doubt of the import of any of the allegories of the Bible. The following passage from Prov. v, 15-18 serves to exhibit what a variety of in- terpretations may attach to a single allegory: 15 Drink waters from thine own cistern, And streams from the midst of thiae own well. 16 Sliall thy fountains spread abroad Brooks of water in the streets? 17 Let them l)e for thee, by thyself, And not for strangers with thee. 18 Let thy spring be lilest, And have joy of the wife of thy youth. Our first ini^uiry should be as to the main purpose of the alle- 7 goi'y- ^ clue to this is furnished in the words " wife Main purpose ot >=> •' n „ . . . » ihe allegory to of thy youth in vcrse 18, from Which we might infer, bougi . j£ ^^g |^,^^l nothing else to guide us, that by the cistern, well, etc., mentioned before, this wife is to be understood. But others have understood the well to mean the word of God as given in the Lavr (Jerome, Rashi), others true wisdom (C. B. Miehaelis), others one's own possessions in goods and estate (Junius, Cornelius a Lapide). In view of this variety of opinions, we need something more than the single allusion to the wife of one's youth in order to determine the application of the allegory. But when we further observe that the entire preceding part of the chapter is a warning against the strange woman, and the subsequent part continues in the same vein, it becomes very evident that the allegory of verses BIBLICAL IIERMENEUTICS. 305 15-18 is designed to enjoin and extol connubial fidelity and love, as against illicit intercourse. This is made more certain by the lan- guage of verse 19, immediately following, in which the figure changes, and the youthful wife is called " a lovely hind and a grace- ful roe," which metaphor serves as an elegant transition to further warning against the evil woman. The great majority of inter- preters, therefore, ancient and modern, have adopted this view. Hence we observe the importance of consulting the context in order to determine the main purpose of an allegory. But having determined the main point we proceed to particulars, and first inquire what fitness there is in comparing a particular ai- wife to a fountain of waters. Umbreit answers : " The lusions to be .J.. .,1 T-,1 r . • . Studied In the Wile IS appropriately compared witli a fountain, not ught of mam merely inasmuch as offsjfring are born of her, but also Pun)ose. because she satisfies the desire of the man. In connexion with this we must call to mind, in oi'der to feel the full power of the figure, how in antiquity, and especially in the East, the possession of a spring was regarded as a great and even sacred thing." ' This be- ing accepted, we next observe that there are five different Hebrew w^ords here vised for a water source, which we have translated re- spectively by cistern, well, fountain, brook, and spring. Any at- tempt to find in each of these words a special metaphorical allusion would be pressing particulars too far, and would lead to confusion and folly. Familiarity with the usages of Hebrew parallelism ^ will show that these different but synonymous terms are used for the sake of variety and rhetorical effect, and are not to be pressed in the interpretation. The meaning of the first couplet (verse 15), therefore, is : Be content with the waters that are thine own ; find thy delight and satisfaction in them, and go not abroad to meddle with the wells and cisterns of other people. That is, as the context has shown, be satisfied and happy with thy own lawful wife, as with a precious living fountain of thine own possession, and go not in the way of the strange woman. Verse 16 has been translated variously; (1) afl[irmatively: "thy fountains shall spread abroad;" (2) imperatively: "let thy foun- tains spread abroad;" (3) interrogatively, as in our version above. Some, without any authority, have inserted the negative particle, and rendered, " thy fountains shall not be spread abroad " (Ewald, Bertheau, Stuart). This bold effort to amend the text was evi- dently prompted by the feeling that the aflfirmative and imperative renderings (1 and 2 above) made the author contradict himself. For he has just said, Drink of thine own well, and in verse 17 he ' Commentar iiber die Spruche, in loco. * Compare above, pp. 95-99. 20 806 PRINCIPLES OF adds, Let thy fountains be for thyself alone, and not for strangers also. How could he then say that these fountains should spread and become rivulets in the streets ? Many of the older interpret- ers, taking the sentence aflBrmatively or imperatively, understood, the fountains spreading abroad and becoming brooks in the streets as indicating a numerous progeny that should go forth and be hon- oured in public life. Comp. Num. xxiv, 7; Psa. Ixviii, 26; Isa. xlviii, 1; li, 1. But this conception of the passage would seriously confuse the figure, break its unity, and be impossible to harmonize naturally with verse 17. All this difficulty is avoided by adopting^ the interrogative form of translation: ''Shall thy fountains spread abroad, (and become) brooks of water in the streets?" Wouldst thou have thy wife go abroad as a public harlot ? Nay, (but as verse 17 adds) let her be for thyself alone, and not for sirangers Avith thee. In these last two verses (16 and 17), however, some give the thought a more general turn, as: "Shall the fountains at which thou drinkest be such as are common to all in the street y " But it gives greater unity to the entire allegory to keep in mind the one particular wife definitely referred to at the close (verse 18), and suppose the question to imply that as one would not have his own wife become a harlot of the street, so he should keep him- self only unto her as one that drinks of his own well. The allegory of old age, in Eccles. xii, 3-7, under the figure of a Allegory of old ^^^"^^ about to fall in ruins, has been variously inter- age in Eccles. preted. Some of the fathers (Gregorj'^ Thaumaturgus, ^^''''" Cyril of Jerusalem) understood the whole passage as referring to the day of judgment as connected with the end of the Avorld. Accordingly, " the day " of verse 3 would be " the great and terrible day of the Lord" (Joel ii, 31; comp. Matt, xxiv, 2'J). Other expositors (L^mbreit, Elster, Ginsburg) regard the passage as describing the approach of death under the figure of a fearful tempest which strikes the inmates of a noble mansion with conster- nation and terror. But the great majority of expositors, ancient and modern, liave understood the passage as an allegorical descrijition of old age. And this view, we may safely say, is favoured and even required by the immediate context and by the imagery itself. But v»-e lose much of its point and force by understanding it of old ago generally. It is not a truthful portraiture of the peaceful, serene, honoured, and " good old age " so much extolled in the Old Testa- ment. It is not the picture presented to the mind in Prov. xvi, 31: "A crown of glory is the hoary head; in the way of righteousness will it be found;" nor that of Psa. xcii, 12-14, where it is declared that the righteous shall flourish like the palm, and grow great like BIBLICAL HER:\IENEUTICS. 307 the Lebanon cedars; "they shall still bear fruit in hoary aG;e' fresh and green shall they be." Comp. also Isa. xl, 30, 31, It re- mains for us, then, with Tayler Lewis, to understand that "the picture here given is the old age of the sensualist. This appears, too, from the connexion. It is the ' evil time,' the ' day of dark- ness' that has come upon the youth who was warned in the lan- guage above, made so much more impressive bv its 7 f f .- • T. -IT ,, It is the old age tone of forecasting irony. It is the dreary old age of of tbe sensuai- the young man who xoould ' go on in every way of his *^*" heart and after every sight of his eyes,' Avho did not ' keep remorse from his soul nor evils from his flesh,' and now all these things are come upon him, with no such alleviations as often accompany the decline of life. Such also might be the inference from the words with which the verse begins: ' Remember thy Creator xohile the evil days come not.' It expresses this and more. There is a nega- tive prohibitory force in the N^ "iL'*n; ly: So remember Him that the evil days come not — implying a warning that such coming will be a consequence of the neglect. Piety in youth will prevent such a realizing of this sad picture; it will not keep off old age, but it will make it cheerful and tolerable instead of the utter ruin that is here depicted." ' Passing now to the particular figures used, we should exercise the greatest caution and care, for some of the allusions Doubtful aiiu- seem almost to be enigmatical. Barely to name the ^^"°^- different interpretations of the several parts of this allegory would require many pages.^ But the most judicious and careful interpret- ers are agreed that the " keepers of the house " (verse 3) are the arms and hands, which serve for protection and defence, but in de- crepit age become feeble and tremulous. The "strong men " are the legs, which, when they lose their muscular vigour, become bowed and crooked in supporting their wearisome load. " The grinders," or rather grindinr/ maids (nijnb fem. plural in allusion to the fact that grinding with hand mills was usually performed by women), are the teeth, which in age become few and cease to per- form their work. " Those that behold in the windows " are the eyes, which become dim with years. Beyond this point the inter- pretations become much more various and subtle. " The doors into the street " (verse 4) are generally explained of the mouth, the two lips .of which are conceived of as double doors (Heb. n)Ti7"n), or a door consisting of two sides or leaves. But it would seem better to understand these double doors of the two ears, which become ' American edition of Lange's Commentary on Ecclesia?tes, pp. ITi'J, l.'SS. ' See Poole's Synopsis, in loco. 308 PRINCIPLES OF shut up or closed to outer sounds. So Hengstcnberg explains it, and is followed by Tayler Lewis, who observes: "The old sensual- ist, who had lived so much abroad and so little at home, is shut in at last. With no propriety could the mouth be called the street door, through which the master of the house goes abroad. ... It is rather the door to the interior, the cellar door, that leads down to the stored or consumed provision, the stomach." ' The " sound of the grinding" is by many referred to the noise of the teeth in masticating food; but this would be a return to what has been suf- ficiently noticed in verse 3. Better to understand this sound of the mill as equivalent to "the most familiar household sounds," as the sound of the mill really was. The thought then connects naturally with what precedes and follows; the ears are so shut up, the hear- ing has become so dull, that the most familiar sounds are but faint- ly heard,^ " and," he adds, " it rises to the sound of the sparrow ; " that is, as most recent critics explain, the "sound of the grinding" rises to that of a sparrow's shrill cry, and yet this old man's organs of hearing are so dull that he scarcely hears it. Others explain this last clause of the wakefulness of the old man: "he rises up at the voice of the spaiTow." Thus rendered, we need not, as many, understand it of rising or waking up early in the morning (in which case the Hebrew word liy rather than Dip should have been used), but of restlessness. Though dull of hearing, he will, nevertheless, at times start and rise up at the sound of a sparrow's shrill note. " The daughters of song " may be understood of the women singers (chap, ii, 8) who once ministered to his hilarity, but whose songs can now no longer charm him, and they are therefore humbled. ; But it is, perhaps, better to understand the voice itself, the various tones qf Avhich become low and feeble (comp. the use of nni^ in Isa. xxix, 4). As we pass to verse 5 we note the peculiar nature of allegory to The allegory interweave its interpretation with its imagery. The InTwml'il"''?,.'!" figin"^^ of a house is for the time abandoned, and we I ii^^ vv nil lis liU- ^^ ' iiKery. read: "Also from a height they are afraid, and terrors are in the way, and the almond disgusts, and the locust becomes heavy, and the caperberry fails to produce effect; for going is the ' Lange's Commentary on Ecclesiastes (Am. ed.), p. 155. ^Tliere was liardly any part of the day or night when this work was not eoyig on with its ceaseless noise. It was, indeed, a sign that the senses were lailiiig in their office wiien tliis familiar, yet very peculiar, sound of the grinding bad ceased to arrest the attention, or hud become low and oljscinc — When the hum of th(^ mill is faiutly heard, And the daughters of sonK ;'.rc stiil. — Ibid., ]). 156. BIBLICAL lIERxAlENEUTICS. 309 man to his everlasting house, and round about in the street pass the mourners." That is, looking down from that which is high, the tot- tering old man quickly becomes dizzy and is afraid; terrors seem to be continually in his path (comp. Pro v. xxii, 13; xxvi, 13); the almond is no longer pleasant to his' taste, but, on the contrary, dis- gusts;' and the locust, once with him perhaps a dainty article of food (Lev. xi, 22 ; Matt, iii, 4 ; Mark i, 6), becomes heavy and nauseating in his stomach, and the caperberry no longer serves its purpose of stimulating appetite. In verse 6 we meet again with other figures which have a nat- ural association with the lordly mansion. The end of life is repre- seiited as a removing (pni) or sundering of the silver cord and a breaking of the golden lampbowl. The idea is that of a golden lamp suspended by a silver cord in the palatial hall, and suddenly the bowl of the lamp is dashed to pieces by the breaking of the cord. The pitcher at the fountain and the wheel at the cistern are similar metaphors referring to the abundant machinery for drawing water which would be connected with the mansion of a sumptuous Dives. These at last give out, and the whole furniture and machinery of life fall into sudden ruin. The explaining of the silver cord as the spinal marrow, and the golden bowl as the brain, and tlie fountain and cistern as the right and left ventricles of the heart, seems too far fetched to be safe or satisfactory. Such minute and ramified explanations of particular figures are always likely to be overdone, and generally confuse rather than illustrate the main idea whicii the author had in mind. The words of verse 7 show that the met- aphors of verse 6 refer to the utter breaking down of the functions and processes of life. The pampered old body falls a pitiable ruin, in view of which Koheleth repeats his cry of "vanity of vanities." In the interj^retation of an allegory so rich in suggestions as . the above, the great hermeneutical principles to be Hgpmgjjgyti(.ai carefully adhered to are, first, to grasp the one^reat principles lo be idea^of_ the AvhoTe passage, and, second, to avoid the ^^^^"^ ' ' r^^^N Hiphil of VSJ, and meaning to cause dixgtist, or is despised. The old ver- sions and most interpreters render shall flourish, deriving the form from ]*:iJ, and understand the silvery hair of the old man as resembling the almond-tree, which blossoms in winter, and its flowers, which at first are roseate in colour, become white like snowflakes before they fall off. But, aside from this doubtful derivation of the form •'X:'' (Stuart affirms that " ]'Xr for |'J> has no parallel in Hebrew orthogra- phy "), the immediate connexion is against the introduction of such an image as the silvery hair of age in this place. The 'loary head can only be thought of as a crown of glory — a beautiful sight ; but to introduce it between the mention of the old man's fears and terrors on the one side, and the disturbing locust on the other, would make a most unhappy confusion of images. 310 PRINCIPLES OF temptation of seeking manifold meanings in the particular figures. Bv the minute search for some special significance in eveiy allusion the mind becomes wearied and overcrowded with the particular illustrations, so as to be likely to miss entirely the great thought which should be kept mainly in view. The work of the false prophets in Israel, and the ruin of both it Rnin of false ^"<^ them, are set forth allegorically in Ezek. xiii, 10-15. prophets aiie- The people are represented as building a wall, and the Ezek!^xiii, 10- prophets as plastering it over with ?Dri, a sort of coat- ^^- ing or whiteAvash (comp. Matt, xxiii, 27; Acts xxiii, 3), desiorned to cover the worthless material of which the Mall is built, and also to hide its unsafe construction, Ewald observes that this word (^2ri) denotes elsewhere what is absurd intellect- ual! v, what is inconsistent with itself; here the mortar which does not hold together, clay without straw, or dry clay.' The mean- ing of these figures is very clear. The people built up vain hopes, and the false prophets covered them over with deceitful words and promises; they '"saw vanity and divined a lie" (verses 7 and 9). The ruin of wall and plastering and plasterers is announced by Je- hovah's oracle as fearfully effected by an overwhelming rain of judgment; the rain is accompanied by falling hailstones and a vio- lent rushing tempest; all these together hurl wall and plastering to the ground, expose the false foundations, and utterly destroy the lying prophets in the general ruin. Here we have, in the form of an allegory, or extended metaphor, the same image, substantially, Avhicli our Lord puts in the form of a simile at the close of the ser- mon on the mount (Matt, vii, 26, 27)." The much-disputed passage in 1 Cor. iii, 10-15, is an allegory. Allegory of 111 the preceding context Paul represents himself and wise and uu- ^pollos as the ministers through whom the Corinth- wiAQ master- l » i.uiiding. ians had believed. '- 1 planted, Apollos watered; :>at God gave the increase" (ver. 6). He shows his appreci- ation of the honour and responsibility of such ministry by saying (ver. n): "For we (apostles and ministers like Paul and Apollos) ■Die Propheten des Alton Buiules, vol. ii, p. 399. Gottingen, 1868. -Tlie prophecies of Ezekiel abound in allegory. Chapter xvi contains an allcgor- Lvil liistory of Israel, representing, by way of narrative, prophecy, and promise, the past, present, and futnre relations of God and the chosen people, and maintaining t!r.-oughout the general figure of the marriage relation. Under like imagery, in chap- ter xxiii, the jjioplict depicts tlie idolatries of Samaria and Jerusalem. Compare also the similitudes of the vine wood and the vine in chapters xv and xix, 10-14, and the allegory of the lioness and her whelps in xix, 1-9. The allegorical history of As- syria, in chapter xxxi, may also be profitably compared and contrastcil with the enig- matical fable of chapter xvii. BIBLICAL IIERMENEUTICS. 311 are God's fellow workers," and then he adds: "God's tilled field [yeojpyiov, in allusion to, and in harmony with, the platiting and watering mentioned above), God's building, are ye." Then drop- ping the former figure, and taking up that of a building {olnodojXTi), he proceeds: According to the grace of GotJ wliicli was e'iven unto me, as a wise ardi- itect, I laid a foundation, and another is building thereon. But let each man take heed how he buiUls thereon. For other foundation can no man lay than the one laid, which is Jesus Christ. But if any one builds on the foundation gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble; each mnn's work shall be made manifest, for the day will make it known, because in fire it is revealed, and each man's work, of what sort it is, the fire itself will prove. If any one's work shall endure wliich he built thereon, he iihall receive reward. If any one's work shall be burned, he shall suffer loss, but he himself shall be saved, yet so as through fire. The greatest trouble in explaining this passage has been to deter- mine what is meant by the " gold, silver, precious stones, Arc lDO II1B.lG— wood, hay, stubble," in verse 12. According to the rials persons or majority of commentators these materials denote doc- ^°^^^'^^^^- triiies supposed to be taught in the Church.^ Many others, how- ever, understand the character of the j^'^'^sons brought into the Church.^ But the most discerning among those who understand doctrines, do not deny that the doctrines are such as interpen- etrate and mould character and life; and those who understand persons are as ready to admit that the personal character of those referred to would be influenced and developed by the doctrines of their ministers. Probably in this, as in some other Scripture, where so many devout and critical minds have differed. Both views ai- the real exposition is to be found in a blending of botli lowabie. views. The Church, considered as God's building, is a frequent figure with Paul (comp. Eph. ii, 20-22; Col. ii, 7; also 1 Peter ii, 5), and in every case it is the Christian believer who is conceived as builded into the structure. So here Paul says to the Corinthians, " Ye are God's building,'' and it comports fully wnth this figure to understand that the material of which this building is to be con- structed consists of persons who accept Christ in faith. The Church is builded of persons, not of doctrines, bitt the persons are ' not brought to such use without doctrine. As in the case of Peter, ' So Clemens Alexandrinus, Ambrosiaster, Lyra, Cajetan, Erasmus, Luther, Beza, Cal- vin, Piseator, Grotius, Estius, Calovius, Lightfoot, Stolz, Rosenniuller, Flatt, Heiden- reich, Xeunder, De Wette, Ewald, Meyer, Hodge, Alford, and Kling. *So, substantially, Origan, Chrysostom, Photius, Theodoret, Theophylact, Augustine, Jerome, Billroth, Beiigel, Pott, and Stanley. / 313 PRINCIPLES OF the stone (Matt, xvi, 18), the true material of which the abiding; Church is built, is not the doctrine of Christ, or the confession of Christ put forth by Peter, nor yet Peter considered as an individual man (nirpog), but both of these combined in jPeter confessing — a believer inspired of God and confessing Christ as the Son of the living God — thus making one new man, the ideal and representa- tive confessor (Trerpa),' so the material here contemplated consists of persons made and fashioned into various character through the in- strumentality of different ministers. These ministers are admon- ished that they may work into God's building " wood, hay, stul»ble," worthless and perishable stuff, as well as " gold, silver, precious stones." The material may be largely made what it is by the doc- \ trines taught, and other influences brought to bear on converts by the minister who is to build tliem into tlie house of God, but is it not clear that in such case the doctrines taught are -the tools of t] AvoiJtfiuuiu:ath£ll--Lhaji. the material of which hejbuilds ? Neverthe- less, this process of building [k-noiKo6ofiEi) on the foundation ah'eady laid, like the work of Apollos in watering that which was planted by Paul (ver. G), is to be thought of chiefly in reference to the re- sponsibilitt/ of the ministers of the Gospel. The great caution is: " Let each man (whether Apollos or Cephas, or any other minister) take heed how he builds thereon" (ver. 10). Let him take heed to the doctrine he preaches, the morality he inculcates, the discipline he maintains, and, indeed, to every influence he exerts, which goes in any way to mould and fashion the life and character of tiiose who are builded into the Church. Tlie gold, silver, and precious stones, according to Alford, " refer to the matter of the minister's teaching, primarily, and by inference to those whom that teaching penetrates and builds up in Christ, who should be the living stones of the temple."' So also Meyer: "The various specimens of building materials, set side by side in vivid asyndeton, denote the various matters of doctrine propounded by teachers and brought into connexion with faith in Christ, in order to develop and com- plete the Christian training of the Church." ' These statements contain essential truth, but they are, as we conceive, misleading, in so far as they exalt matters of doctrine alone. We are rather to think of the whole administration and work of the minister in mak- ing converts and influencing their character and life. The mate- rials are rather the Churcli members, but considered primarily as made, or allowed to remain what they are by the agency of the V minister who builds the Church. ' See on this subject above, pp. 228, 229. 2 Greek Testament, in loco. * Critical Commcntaiv on Corinthi.ins, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. US Tlie great thoughts in the passage, then, wouhl be as follows: On the foundation of Jesus Christ, ministers, as fellow xtie passage workers with God, are engaged in building up God's paraphrased. house. But let each man take heed how he builds. On that foundation may be erected an edifice of sound and enduring sub- stance, as if it were built of gold, silver, and precious stones (as, for instance, costly marbles); the kind of Christians thus "builded to- gether for a habitation of God in the Spirit " (EjdIi. ii, 20) will con- stitute a noble and enduring structure, and his work will stand the fiery test of the last day. But on that same foundation a careless and unfaithful workman may build with unsafe material; he may tolerate and even foster jealousy, and strife (ver. 3), and pride (iv, 18); he may keep fornicators in the Church without sorrow or compunction (v, 1, 2); he may allow brother to go to law against brother (vi, 1), and permit drunken persons to come to the Lord's Supper (xi, 21) — all these, as well as heretics in doctrine (xv, 12), may be taken up and used as materials for building God's house.' In writing to the Corinthians the apostle had all these classes of persons in mind, and saw how they were becoming incorporated into that Church of his own planting. But he adds: The day of the Lord's judgment will bring every thing to light, and put to the test every man's work. The fiery revelation wall disclose what sort of work each one has been doing, and he that has builded wise- ly and soundly will obtain a glorious reward; but he that has brought, or sought to keep, the wood, hay, stubble, in the Church — he who has not rebuked jealousy, nor put down strife, nor ex- communicated fornicators, nor faithfully administered the discipline of the Church— shall see his life-work all consumed, and he himself shall barely escape with his life, as one that is saved by being has- tened through the fire of the burning building. His labour will all have been in vain, though he assumed to build on Christ, and did in fact minister in the holy place of his temple. It is to be especially ke])t in mind that this allegory is intended to serve rather_aa a warnina than to be understood as The aiiegrory a . , , , f ,1 T 1 " +1,^ warniiis? rather a prophecy. As the parable of the labourers m tne ^^^^ ^ y.x^v'^- vineyard (Matt, xix, 27-xx, 16) is spoken against Pe- ecy. ter's mercenary spirit, and thus serves as a warning and rebuke rather than as a prophecy of w-hat will actually take place in the judgment, so here Paul warns those who are fellow labourers with God to take heed how they build, lest they involve both themselves and others in irreparable loss. We are not to understand the wood, »In his parable of the tares and the wheat (Matt, xiii, 24-30, 37-43) Jesus himself taught that the good and the ovil would be mixed together in the Church. 314 PRINCIPLES OF hay, stubble, as tlie prof ;uk' and ungodly, who have no faith in Christ. Nor do these words denote false, anti-Christian doc- trines. They denote rather the character and life-work of those who are rooted and grounded in Christ, but whose personal char- — ^ acter and work are of little or no worth in the Church. All such persons, as well as the ministers who helped to make them such, will suffer in-eparable loss in the day of the Lord Jesus, although they themselves may be saved. And this consideration obviates the objection made by some that if the work which shall be burned {ver. 15) are the persons brought into the Church, it is not to be supposed' that the ministers w'ho brought them in shall be saved. The final destiny of the persons affected by this work is, no doubt, necessarily involved in the fearful issue, but for their ruin the care- less minister may not have been solely responsible. He may be saved, yet so as through fire, and they be lost. In chapter v, 5, Paul enjoins the severest discipline of the vile fornicator " in order that the spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord." But a failure to administer such discipline would not necessarily have in- volved the final I'uin of those commissioned to administer it; they would " suffer loss," and their final salvation would be " as through fire." So, on the other hand, the work which the wise architect builds on the true foundation (ver, 14), and which endures, is not so much the final salvation and eternal life of those whom he brought into the Church and trained there as the general character and re- sults of his labour in thus bringing them in and training them. We thus seek the true solution of this allegory in carefully dis- tinguishing betw^een the matericds put into the building and the ^ocrk of the builders, and, at the same time, note the essential blending of the two. The wise builder Avill so teach, train, and dis- cipline the church in which he labours as to secure excellent and ' permanent results. The unwise will work in bad material, and liave no regard for the judgment which will test the work of all. In thus building, whether wisely or unwisely, the persons brought into the church and the ministerial labour by which they are taught and disciplined have a most intimate relation ; and hence the essen- tial truth in both the expositions of the allegory which have been so widely maintained. Another of Paul's allegories occurs in 1 Cor. v, 6-8. Its imagery AHegory of ^^ bascd upon the Avell-known custom of the Jews of re- icor. V, G-8. moving all leaven h\nn their houses at the beginning of the passover week,' and allowing no leaven to be found there during ' Till' ■•Mu'i'in niny liavo been sufrpested by the time of the year when the epistlo w-< "-itrc \ .•';;;):ntMitly (c'h:i;i. xvi, 8) ii short time before Penteeost, and, therefore, BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 315 the seven days of the feast (Exod. xii, 15-20; xiii, 7). It also as- sumes the knowledge of the working of leaven, and its nature to communicate its properties of sourness to the whole kneaded mass. Jesus had used leaven as a symbol of pharisaic hypocrisy (Matt, xvi, 6, 12; Mark viii, 15; Luke xii, 1), and the power of a little leaven to leaven the whole lump had become a proverb (Gal. v, 9 ; comp. 1 Cor. xv, 33). All this Paul constructs into the following allegory : Know ye not that a little leaven leavens the whole lump ? Purge out the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump, even as ye are vuileavened. For our passover, also, has been sacrificed, even Christ; wherefore let us keep the feast, not with old leaven, nor with the leaven of malice and wickedness, but with the unleavened loaves of sincerity and truth. The particular import and application of this allegory are to be found in the context. The apostle has in mind the case of the incestuous person who was tolerated in the church at Corinth, and whose foul example would be likely to contaminate the wdiole Church. He enjoins his immediate expulsion, and ex- presses amazement that they showed no humiliation and grief in having such a stain upon their character as a church, but seemed rather to be puffed up with self-conceit and pride. "Not goodly," not seemly or beautiful {ov KaXov), he says, "is your paraphrase of glorying" {Kavxriiia, ground of glorying). Sadly out of ^^^ passage. place your exultation and boast of being a Christian church with such a reproach and abuse in your midst. Know ye not the com- mon proverb of the working of leaven? The toleration of such impurity and scandal in the Christian society will soon corrupt the Avhole body. Purge out, then, the old leaven. Cast off and put utterly away the old corrupt life and habits of heathenism. You know the customs of the passover. "You know how, when the lamb is killed, every particle of leaven is removed from every household; every morsel of food eaten, every drop drunk in that feast, is taken in its natural state. This is the true figure of your condition. You are the chosen people, delivered from bondage; you are called to begin a new life, you have had the lamb slain fo;- you in the person of Christ. Whatever, therefore, in you corr( - sponds to the literal leaven, must be utterly cast out ; the perpetual passover to which we are called must be celebrated, like theirs, un- contaminated by any corrupting influence." ' with the scenes of the passover, either present or recent, in his thoughts. — Stanley on the Epistles to tlie Corinilii:ins, in loco. ' Stanley on Corinthians, in loco. 316 PRINCIPLES OF In such an allegory care slioukl be taken to give the right mean ^ ins; to the more important allusions. The old leaven in The more im- ^^ ^ portant aiiu- verse 7 is not to be explained as referring directly to sions. ^j^g incestuous person mentioned in the context. It has a wider import, and denotes, undoubtedly, all corrupt habits and im- moral practices of the old heathen life, of which this case of incest was but one notorious specimen. The leaven in the Corinthian church was not so much the person of this particular offender, as the corrupting influence of his example, a residuum of the old unre- generate state. So " the leaven of the Pharisees " was not the per- sons, but the doctrine and example of the Pharisees. Furthermore, the words " even as ye are unleavened " are not to be taken literally (as Rosenmiiller, Wieseler, and Conybeare), as if meaning "even as ye are now celebrating the feast of unleavened bread." Such a mixing of literal and allegorical significations together is not to be assumed unless necessary. If such had been the apostle's design he would scarcely have used the word unleavened (d^vjioc) of per- sons abstaining from leavened bread. Nor is it supposable that the whole Corinthian church, or any considerable portion of them, observed the Jewish passover. And even if Paul had been observ- ing this feast at Ephesus at the time he wrote this epistle (chap, xvi, 8), it would have been some time past when the epistle reached Corinth, so that the allusion would have lost all its pertinency and effect. But Paul here uses unleavened figuratively of the Corinth- ians considered as a " new lump ; " for so the words used imme- diately before and after imply. The vivid allegory of the Christian armour and conflict, in Eph. vi, 11-17, furnishes its own interpretation, and is espe- Allegory of the .' , i . . , , . ^ , \-e chiistian ar- cially notable m the paiticular explanations of the dif- "'""'^" ferent parts of the armour. It appropriates the figure used in Lsa. lix, 17 (comp. also Rom. xiii, 12; 1 Thess. v, 8), and elaborates it in great detail. Its several parts make up r7\v rzavo- irXiav rov Qeov, " the whole armour (panoply) of God," the entire outfit of weapons, offensive and defensive, which is supplied by God. The enumeration of the several parts shows that the apostle has in mind the panoply of a heavy-armed soldier, with which the dwellers in all provinces of the Roman Empire must have been suf- ficiently familiar. The conflict {rj ttclXt], a life and death struggle) is not against blood and flesh (weak, fallible men, comp. Gal. i, IC), but against the organized spiritual forces of the kingdom of dark- ness, and hence the necessity of taking on the entire armour of God, wliicli alone can meet the exigencies of such a wrestling. The six pieces ol' armour here n^uiicd, w liii li include girdle and sandals. ETBLTCAL HERMENEUTICS. 317 are . sufficiently explained by the writer himself, and ought not, in interpretation, to be pressed into all possible details of comparison which corresponding portions of ancient armour might be made to suggest. Here, as in Isa. lix, 17, righteousness is represented as a breastplate, but in 1 Thess. v, 8, faitJi and love are thus depicted. Here the helmet is salvation — a present consciousness of salvation in Christ as an actual possession — but in 1 Thess. v, 8 it is the Jiope of salvation. Each allusion must be carefully studied in the light of its own context, and not be too widely referred. For the same figure may be used at different times for different purposes.^ The complex allegory of the door of the sheep and of the good shepherd, in John x, 1-16, is in the main simple and self- AUeo-orv of interpreting. But as it involves the twofold comparison Johux, i-io. of Christ as the door and the good shepherd, and has other allu- sions of diverse character, its interpretation requires particular care, lest the main figures become confused, and non-essential points be made too prominent. The passage should be divided into two parts, and it should be noted that the first five verses are a pure allegory, containing no explanation within itself. It is observed, in verse 6, that the allegory (TTapoiiua) was not understood by those to whom it was addressed. Thereupon Jesus proceeded (verses 7-16) not only to explain it, but also to expand it by the addition of other images. He makes it emphatic that he himself is " the door of the sheep," but adds further on that he is the good shepherd, ready to give his life for the sheep, and thus distinguished from the hireling who forsakes the flock and flees in the hour of danger. The allegory stands in vital relation to the history of the blind man who was cast out of "the synagogue by the Phari- ^ J o o J ^ Occasion and sees, but graciously received by Jesus. The occasion and scope of the scope of the whole passage cannot be clearly apprehended '^ '^^o'^y- without keeping this connexion constantly in mind. Jesus first ' Meyer appropriately observes : " The figurative mode of regarding a subject can by no means, with a mind so many-sided, rich, and versatile as that of St. Paul, be so stereotyped that the very same thing which he has here viewed under the figure of the protecting breastplate, must have presented itself another time under this very same figure. Thus, for example, there appears to him, as an offering well pleasing to God, at one time Christ (Eph. v, 2), at another the gifts of love received (Phil, iv, 18), at another time the bodies of Christians (Rom. xii, 1); under the figure of the seed- corn, at one time the body becoming buried (1 Cor. xv, 36), at another time the moral conduct (Gal. vi, 7) ; under the figure of the leaven, once moral corruption (1 Cor. v, 6), another time doctrinal corruption (Gal. v, 9) ; under the figure of clothing which is put on, once the new man (Eph. iv, 24), another time Christ (Gal. iii, 27), at another time the body (2 Cor. v, 3), and other similar instances." — Critical Commentary on Ephesians, in loco. 318 PRINCIPLES OF contrasts liimself, as the door of tlie sheep, Avith those who acted rather the part of thieves and robbers of the flock. Then, when the Pharisees fail to understand him, he partly explains his mean- iiii;, and goes on to contrast himself, as the good shepherd, with those who h.-id no genuine care for the sheep committed to their cliarge, but, at the coming of the wolf, would leave them and fieo. At verse 17 he drops the figure, and speaks of his willing- ness to lay down his life, and of his power to take it again. Thus the whole passage should be studied in the light of that pharisaical opposition to Christ which showed itself to be selfish and self-seek- ing, and ready to do violence when met with opposition. These Pharisaical Jews, who assumed to hold the doors of the synagogue, and had agreed to thrust out any that confessed Jesus as the Christ (chap, ix, 22), were no better than thieves and robbers of God's flock. Against these the allegory was aimed. // Keeping in view this occasion and scope of the allegory, we next Import of par- inquire into the meaning of its principal allusions, ticuiar parts. u ^p^g f^jj ^f ^.j^g ^^l^^^p » jg t|j^. Church of God's people, who are here represented as his sheep. Christ himself is the door, as he emphatically affirms (verses 7, 9), and every true shepherd, teacher, and guide of God's people should recognize him as the oidy way and means of entering into the fold. Shepherd and sheep alike should enter through this door. " He that enters in through the door is a shepherd ' of the sheep" (ver. 2); not a thief, nor a robber, nor a stranger (ver. 5). He is well known to all who have any charge of the fold, and his voice is familiar to the sheep. A stranger's voice, on the contrary, is a cause of alarm and flight.' Such, indeed, were the action and words of those Jewish officials toward the man wlu> hud received his sight. He pei'ceived in their words and manner tliat which was strange and alien to the truth of God (see chap, ix, 30-33). So far all seems clear, but we should be less positive in finding other special meanings. The porter, or doorkeeper (dvpoipog, ver. S), has been explained variously, as denoting God (Calvin, Bengel, fholuck), or the Holy Spirit (Theodoret, Stier, Alford, Lange), or even Christ (Cyril, Augustine), or INIoses (Chrysostom), or John Baptist, (Godet). But it is better not to give the word any such ' Not the shepherd, as tlie English version renders -oi/j.r'/i' here. Tliis has leil to a iiiixtnre of fignres by supposing Christ to be referred to. In this first simple allegory Christ is only the door ; further on, where the tigiire is explained, and then enlarged, he appears .also as the good shepherd (verses 11, 1!). ■ For a desLviption of the hal)its and customs of oriental shepherds, see especially, T'.ii;::,son, The Land and the Book, vol. i, p. 3Ul. New York, 1«58. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 319 remarkable prominence in the interpretation. The porter is rather an inferior servant of the shepherd. He opens the door to him when he comes, and is supj^osed to obey his orders. We should,, therefore, treat this word as an incidental feature of the allegory, legitimate and essential to the figure, but not to be pressed into anv special significance. The distinction made by some between " the sheep " and " his own sheep " in verse 3, by supposing that several flocks were accustomed to occupy one fold, and the sheep of each particular flock, which had a separate shepherd, are to be under- stood by " his own sheep," may be allowed, but ought not to be urged. It is as well to understand the calling his own sheep by name as simply a special allusion to the eastern custom of giving particular names to favourite sheep. But we may with propriety understand the leading them out {e^dyei avrd, ver. 3), and putting forth all his oicn (rd Mm Tvavra tKpakrj, ver. 4), as an intimation of the exodus of God's elect and faithful ones from the fold of the old Testament theocracy. This view is maintained by Lange and Godet, and is suggested and warranted by the words of Jesus in verses 14-16. The language of Jesus in defining his allegoi'y and expanding its imagery (verses 7-16) is in some points enigmatical, j,^^,, ,^pi^„^ For he would not make things too plain to those who, tion somewuar like the Pharisees, assumed to see and know so much ^^^"^^ (comp. chap, ix, 39-41), and he uses the strong words, which seem to be purposely obscure: "All as many as came before me are thieves and robbers" (ver. 8). He would prompt special inquiry and concern as to what might be meant by coming he/ore him, a procedure so wrong that he likens it to the stealth of a thief and the rapacity of a robber. Most natural is it to understand the com- ing before me, in verse 8, as corresponding with the climbing t

recedence in time. The preposition 7rp6 is often used of place, as before the doors, before the gate, before the city (comp. Acts V, 23; xii, 6, 14; xiv, 13) and may here combine Avith the temporal reference of 7]Xdov, came, the further idea of position in front of the door. These Pharisees came as teachers and guides of the people, and in such conduct as that of casting out the man born 320 PRINCIPLES OF blind, they placed tliemselves in front of the true door, shutting up the kingdom of heaven against men, and neither entering them- selves nor allowing others to enter through that door (comp. Matt, xxiii, 13). All this Jesus may have intended by the enigmatical noted that in the Book of Proverbs, as in the other Scriptures, the immediate context is, for tlie most part, a very safe guide to the meaning of each particular passage. So, also, the poetic parallelisms, in which this book is written, help greatly in the exposition. The synonymous and the antithetic parallelisms, especially, are adapted, by way of the analogies and contrasts they furnish, to suggest their own meaning from within themselves. Thus Prov. xi, 25: "The soul of blessing (liberal soul that is a blessing to others) shall become fat (enriched), and he that waters shall also himself be watered." Here the second member of the parallelism is a metaphorical illustration of the somewhat enigmat- ical sentiment of the first. So, again, in the antithetic j^arallelism of Prov. xii, 24, each member is metaphorical, and the sense of each is made clearer by the contrast: "The hand of the diligent shall bear rule, but the slothful shall be under tribute." ('4} But there are passages in the Book of Proverbs where the con- text affords no certain or satisfactory heli). There are Cominon sense •' . ^ and sound jurtg- passages that seem at first self -contradictory, and we "'^"^' are obliged to pause awhile to judge whether the language be literal or figurative. " There is," says Stuart, " scarce- ly any book which calls upon us so often to apply the golden mean between literality on the one hand and flimsy and diffuse general- ity on the other." ' Especially must common sense and sound judg- ment be appealed to where t)ther helps are not at hand. These are, in all doubtful cases, to be our last resort to guard us against con- struing all proverbs as universal propositions. Prov. xvi, 7, ex- presses a great truth: " When Jehovah delights in the ways of a man he makes even his enemies to be at peace with him." But there have been many exceptions to this statement, and many cases to which it could apply only with considerable modification. Such, to some extent, have been all cases of persecution for righteous- ness' sake. So, too, with verse 13 of the same chapter: " Delight of kings are lips of righteousness, and him that speaks right thini^s he will love." The annals of human history show that this has not ' Commentary ou Proverbs. Introduction, p. 128. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 383 always been true; and yet the most impious kings understand the value of upright counsellors. Prov. xxvi, 4 and 5, are contradictory in form and statement, but, for reasons there given, both are at once seen to be true: "Answer not a fool according to his folly, lest thou also be like unto him. Answer a fool according to his folly, lest he become wise in his own eyes." A man's good sense and judgment must decide how to answer in any particular case. Prov. vi, 30, 31, has been supposed to involve an absurdity: "They do not despise a thief when he steals to satisfy his soul when he is hungry ; but if found he shall restore sevenfold, the whole substance of his house shall he give." Theft is theft in any case, but if a man is so im- poverished as to steal to satisfy hunger, wherewithal, it is asked, can he be made to restore sevenfold? Whence all that substance of his house ? The absurdities here alleged arise from a lack of knowledge of Hebrew sentiment and law. To begin with, the pas- sage is proverbial, and must be taken subject to proverbial limita- tions. Then the context must be kept in view, in which the writer is aiming to shoAV the exceeding wickedness of adultery. No one shall be innocent, he argues, (ver. 29), who touches his neighbor's wife. A man who steals to satisfy the cravings of hunger is not despised, for the palliating circumstances are duly considered; nev- ertheless, if discovered, even he is subject to the full penalty of the law (comp. Exod. xxii, 1-4). The sevenfold is, doubtless, to be taken idiomatically. His entire property shall be given up, if nec- essary, to make due restitution. All this of a thief under the cir- cumstances named. But an adulterer shall find even a worse judg- ment— blows, and shame, and reproach that may not be wiped away (verses 32-35). As for the supposed absurdity of compelling a man who has nothing to restore sevenfold, it arises from an absurdly literal interpretation of the proverb. The sense evidently is, that whatever the circumstances of the theft, if the thief be found, he shall certainly be punished as the case may demand. A man might own estates and yet steal to satisfy his hunger; or, if he owned no prop'erty, he could be sold (Exod. xxii, 3) for perhaps more than seven times the value of what he had stolen. So, also, in Eccles. x, 2, it is at once evident that the language is not to be taken liter- ally, but metaphorically: "The heart of a wise man is on his right, but the heart of a fool on his left." The exact meaning of the proverb, however, is obscure. Heart is probably to be taken for the judgment or understanding, and the sentiment is that a wise man has his understanding always at ready and vigorous command, while the opposite is the case with the fool. 334 PRINCIPLES OF CHAPTER XVI. INTERPRETATION OF TYPES. Types and symbols constitute a class of figures distinct from all those which Ave have treated in the foreofoinsr chapters: TypesandSvm- ^ . ' boisdeflnedaiKi hut they are not, properly speaking, hgures of speech. distinguished, rpj^gy resemble each other in being sensible representa- tions of moral and religious truth, and may be defined, in general, as figures of thought in which material objects are made to convey vivid spiritual conceptions to the mind. Crabb defines types and symbols as different species of the emblem, and observes: "The type is that species of emblem by which one object is made to represent another mystically; it is, therefore, only employed in religious matters, particularly in relation to the coming, the oftice, and the death of our Saviour; in this manner the offering of Isaac is considered as a type of our Saviour's offering himself as an atoning sacrifice. The symbol is that species of emblem which is converted into a constituted sign among men; thus the olive and laurel are the symbols of peace, and have been recognized as such among barbarous as well as enlightened nations." ' The symbols of Scripture, however, rise far above the conventional signs in common use among men, and are employed, especially in the apoc- alyptic portions of the Bible, to set forth those revelations, given in visions or dreams, which could find no suitable expression in mere words. Types and symbols may, therefore, be said to agree in their gen- eral character as emblems, but they differ noticeably in types and sym- special method and design. Adam, in his representa- °^' tive character and relation to the human race, t^'as a type of Christ (Rom. v, 14). The rainbow is a symbol of the cove- nanted mercy and faithfulness of God (Gen. ix, 13-lC; Ezek. i, 28; Rev. iv, 3; comp. Isa. liv, 8-10), and the bread and wine in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper are symbols of the body and blood of Christ. There are also typical events like the passage of the Red Sea (1 Cor. x, 1-11), and symbolico-typical actions like Ahi- jah's rending his new garment as a sign of the rupture of the king- dom of Solomon (1 Kings xi, 29-31). In instances like the latter 'Engliali Syiionynics, p. 531. New York, 1859. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 335 certain essential elements of both type and symbol become blended in one and the same example. The Scriptures also furnish us with examples of symbolical metals, names, numbers, and colours. Certain analogies may be traced between types and symbols, and several figures of speech. Symbols, being always ^naiogybe- based upon some points of resemblance between them- tween types selves and the things to be symbolized, correspond and certain fl0, dwellinff, but ^HK, tent, usu- Tabernacle. ally connected with some distinguishing epithet, is also frequently used, and is applied to the tabernacle in the books of Exodus, Le- viticus, and Numbers more than one hundred and fifty times. In Exod. xxiii, 19; xxxiv, 26, it is called niiT n'3, /louse of Jehovah, and in 1 Sam. i, 9 ; iii, 3, nin^ ^^'i!},- temple of Jehovah. But a fuller indication of the import of these names is found in the compound > Tj'pology, vol. i, p. 54. On the symbolism and typology of the Old Testament sacrifices, see Kurtz, Der alttestamentliche Opfercultus (Mitau, 1862); English trans- lation, Sacrificial Worship of the Old Testament (Edinb., 1863) ; Cave, The Scriptural Doctrine of Sacrifice (Edinb., 1877); Kcil, Die Opfer des alten Bundes nach ihrer symbolischen und typischen Bedeuting (in Luth. Zeitschrift for 1856 and 1857). 860 PRINCIPLES OF expressions lyiJD piiN, tent of meeting, nnj;n pn'x, tent of the testi- tnojiy, and rinyn I3'w^•p, dxceUing of the testimony. The testimony is a term applied emphatically to the law of the two tables (Exod. XXV, 16, 21 ; xxxi, 18), and designated the authoritative declaration of God, upon the basis of which he made a covenant with Israel (Exod. xxxiv, 27; Deut. iv, 13). Hence these tables were called tables of the covenant (Deut. ix, 9) as well as tables of the testi- mony. As the representatives of God's most holy testimony against sin they occupied the most secret and sacred place of his tabernacle (Exod. XXV, 16). All these designations of the tabernacle serve to indicate its great design as a symbol of Jehovah's meeting and dwelling with his people. One passage which, above all others, elaborates this thought, is Exod. xxix, 42-46 : " It shall be a con- tinual burnt offering throughout your generations, at the door of the tent of meeting ("iyto'pnx) before Jehovah, where I Avill meet (1J?JI«?) you, to speak unto thee there. And I will meet (^nip) there the sons of Israel, and he (i. q., Israel) shall be sanctified in my glory. And I will sanctify the tent of meeting (nyiO'prix) and the altar, and Aaron and his sons will I sanctify to act as priests for me. And I will dwell (''033"') in the midst of the sons of Israel, and I will be God to them, and they shall know that I am Jehovah their God, who brought them out of the land of Egypt, that I might dwell C?3p'!') in their midst— I, Jehovah, their God." The tabernacle, therefore, is not to be thought of as a symbol of things external and visible,' not even of heaven itself considered merely as a /)^rtce, but of the meeting and dwelling together of God and his people both in time and eternity. The ordinances of Tabernacle worship may be expected to denote the way in which symbolizes a Jchovah condescends to meet with man, and enables divine-human i • i x i • ^- i r ii Relation rather Hian to approach nigh unto lum — a meeting and icilow- than a place, gjjjp j^y which the true Israel become sanctified in the divine glory (Exod. xxix, 43). The divine-human relationship real- ized in the kingdom of heaven is attained in Christ when God comes ' A full statement of the various opinions of the symbolical import of the tabernacle would require more space than this work allow.*, and would tend, perhaps, only to confuse. Our purpose is to direct the student to the right method of ascertaining the meaning of the principal symbols, and leave him to pursue the details for himself. For a condensed statement of opinions on the subject, see especially Leyrer, article Htiftshiitte, in Herzog's Real-Encyclopadie (Stuttgardt ed., 1855-GC). See also Biihr, Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus (Hcidclb., 2 vols., 18.S7-89; revised ed., vol. i, 18*74); Btihr, Der salomonische Temple (Karlsr., 1818); Friedrich, Symbolik der mo- Baischen Stiftshiitte (Lpz., 1841); Simpson, Typical Character of the Tabernacle (Edinb., 18r,2); Koil, Biblischcn Archaeologie, pp. 124-129 (Frankf., 1875); Atwator, History and Significance of the Sacred Tabernacle of the Hebrews (New York, 1875). BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 361 unto man and makes his abode (ixovtjv) with him (John xiv, 23), so that the man dwells in God and God in him (1 John iv, 16). This is the glorious indwelling contemplated in the prayer of Jesus that all believers " may be one, as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be in us, that the world may believe that thou didst send me. And the glory which thou hast given me I have given them, that they may be one, even as we are one, I in them and thou in me, that they may be perfected into one " (John xvii, 21-23). Of this blessed relationship the tabernacle is a signifi- cant symbol, and being also a shadow of the good things to come, it was a type of the New Testament Church or kingdom of God, that spiritual house, built of living stones (1 Pet. ii, 5) which is a habitation of God in the spirit (Eph. ii, 22). The two apartments of the ||t*'P {choelUng, or tabernacle proper), the holy place and the most holy, would naturally rep- ThetwoApart- resent the twofold relation, the human and the divine, ments. The Holy of Holies, being Jehovah's special dwellingplace, would appropriately contain the symbols of his testimony and relation to his people ; the holy place, with ministering priest, incense altar, table of showbread and candlestick, expressed the relation of the true worshippers toward God. The two places, separated only by the veil, denoted, therefore, on the one hand, what God is in his condescending grace toward his people, and on the other, what his redeemed [)eople — the salt of the earth and the light of the world — are toward him. It was meet that the divine and human should thus be made distinct.^ As the Holy of Holies in the temple was a perfect cube (1 Kings vi, 20), so was it doubtless in the tabernacle. The ^he Most Holy length and breadth and height of it being equal, like piac« and its the heavcnlj^ Jerusalem (Rev. xxi, 16), its form was a '^"^ ° symbol of perfection. Here was placed the ark, the depository of ' However near God may come to his creatures, and however close the fellowship to which he admits them, there still must be something to mark his incomparable great- ness aiid glory. Even in the sanctuary above, where all is stainless purity, the minis- tering spirits are represented as veiling their faces with their wings before the mani- fested glory of Godhead ; and how much more should sinful men on the earth be alive to his av.-ful majesty, and feel unworthy to stand amid the splendours of his throne ? If, therefore, he should so far condescend as to pitch among them a tent for his dwell- ing, we might certainly have expected that it would consist of two apartments — one which he would reserve for his own peculiar residence, and another to which they should have free access, who, as his familiars, were to be permitted to dwell with him in his house. For in this way alone could the two grand ideas of the glorious majesty of God, which raises him infinitely above his people, and yet of his covenant nearness to them, be reconciled and imaged together. — Fairbairn, Typology, vol. ii, p. 249. 362 PRINCIPLES OF the two tables of testimony. This testimony was Jehovah's decla- ration from the thick darkness (/?7^) of the mount on which he descended in smoke and fire, and would remain a monumental wit- ness of his wrath against sin. The ark or chest, made of the most durable wood, and overlaid within and without with gold, was a becoming shrine in Avhich to preserve inviolate the sacred tables of divine testimony. The most holy God is jealous (NJi2, comp. Exod. XX, 5) for the honour of his law. Over the ark, and thus covering the testimony, was placed the capporeth (niS3), or mercy seat (Exod. XXV, 21 ; xxvi, 34), to be sprinkled with blood on the great day of atonement (Lev. xvi, 11-17). This was a most significant symbol of mercy covering wrath. Made of fine gold, and having its dimensions the same as the length and breadth of the ark (Exod. XXV, 17), it fittingly represented that glorious provision of Infinite Wisdom and Love by which, in virtue of the precious blood of Christ, and in corajjlete harmony with the righteousness of God, atonement is made for the guilty but penitent transgressor. The Septuagint translates rii23, capporeth, by IXaariipiov, which word Paul uses in Rom. iii, 25, where he speaks of the " righteousness of God through faith of Jesus Christ," and " the redemption [dnoXv- Tgo)aig) which is in Christ Jesus, whom God set forth an expiatory covering ['tXaorrjpiov), through faith in his blood," etc. The divine provision for the covering of sin is the deepest mystery of the king- dom of grace. "It must be noticed," says Cremer, "that accord- ing to Exod. XXV, 22, and Lev. xvi, 2, the Capporeth is the central seat of the saving presence and gracious revelation of God ; so that it need not surprise that Christ is designated IXaarrjpiov, as he can be so designated when we consider that he, as high priest and sac- rifice at the same time, comes ev rep Idio) a"j.iarL (in his own blood), and not as the high i)riest of the Old Testament, kv ainari dXXorpiG) (with blood not his own) which he must discharge himself of by sprinkling on the Ca{)poreth. The Capporeth was so far the princi- pal part of the Holy of Holies, that the latter is even termed *the house of the capporeth' (1 Chron. xxviii, 11)."' The two cherubim, placed at the ends of the mercyseat, and spreading their wings over it, were objects too i>romi- The Cherubim. '■ J^ . , *? . ^ -r -r^ ■• , i i ■ nent to 1)0 without significance. In Eden the cherubim appear with the flaming sword to watch (i'^P') the way of the tree of life (Gen. iii, 24). In Ezek. i, 5-14 they appear as " living crea- tures" (ni'n), their composite form is described, and they are rep- resented as moving the mystic wheels of divine providence and judgment (vers. 15-21). Over their heads was enthroned "the ' Biblico-Theological Lexicon, p. 306. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 363 appearance of the likeness of the glory of Jehovah" (vers. 26-28). In Rev. iv, 6-8 they appear also as living creatures {(^0}a) " in the midst of the throne, and round about the throne." Whatever the A'arious import of these figures, we note that they everywhere ap- pear in most intimate relation to the glory of God. May we not believe that they were symbols of the ultimate glory of redeemed humanity, conveying at the same time profound suggestions of the immanent presence and intense activity of God in all creature life, by which (presence and activity) all that was lost in Eden shall be restored to heavenly places in Christ, and man, redeemed and filled with the Spirit, shall again have power over the tree of life, which is in the midst of the paradise of God (comp. Rev. ii, 7 and xxii, 14) ? Though of composite form, and representing the highest kinds of creature life on earth (Ezek. i, 10; Rev. iv, 7), these ideal beings had preeminently the likeness of a man (Exek, i, 5). Jehovah is the God of the living, and has about the throne of his glory the highest symbols of life. Both at the gate of paradise and in the Holy of Holies these cherubim were signs and pledges that in the ages to come, having made peace through the blood of the cross, God would reconcile all things unto himself, whether things upon the earth or things in the heavens (Col. i, 20), and sanctify them in his glory (Exod. xxix, 43).' Then the redeemed " shall reign in life" [ev ^(o^ (SaacXevoovGtv) through Jesus Christ (Rom. v, 17.) The pot of manna, Aaron's rod that blossomed, and the book of the law, were subseqiiently deposited by the ark (Exod. xvi, 33, 34; Num. xvii, 10; Dent, xxxi, 26). These were evidently regarded as so many additional testimonies of God, similar in character to the ' " The cherubim," says Fairbairn, " were in their very nature and design artificial forms of being — uniting in their composite structure the distinctive features of the highest Ivinds of creaturely existence on earth — man's first and chiefly. They were set up for representations to the eye of faith of earth's living creaturehood, and more especially of its rational and immortal, though fallen head, with reference to the better hopes and destiny in prospect. From the very first they gave promise of a restored condition to the fallen, and by the use afterward made of them the light became clearer and more distinct. By their designations, the positions assigned them, the ac- tions from time to time ascribed to them, as well as their own peculiar structure, it was intimated that the good in prospect should be secured, not at the expense of, but in perfect consistence with, the claims of God's righteousness — that restoration to the holiness must precede restoration to the blessedness of life; and that only by being made capable of dwelling beside the presence of the only Wise and Good could man hope to have his portion of felicity recovered. But all this, they further betokened, it was in God's purpose to have accomplished ; and so to do it, as, at the same time, to raise humanity to a higher than its original destination — in its standing nearei' to God, and greatly ennobled in its powers of life and capacities of working." — Typology, vol. i, pp. 202, 203. Comp. also vol. ii, p. 271. 364 PRINCIPLES OF two tables placed within the ark, and they were accordingly en- slnined in immediate contiguity with them. As the Holy of Holies symbolized Jehovah's relations to his peo- ple, and intimated what he is to them and what he purposes to do for them ; and as its symbols of mercy covering wrath showed how and on what terms he condescends to meet and dwell with men ; so, The Holy Place o^i the other hand, the holy place, with its golden altar and its symbols. Qf incense, table of showbread, golden candlestick, and ministering priests, represented the relations of the true Israel toward God. The priests who officiated in this holy place acted not for themselves alone; they were the representatives of all Israel, and their service was the service of all the tribes, whose pe- culiar relation to God, so long as they obeyed his voice and kept his covenant, was that of "a kingdom of priests and a holy nation" (Exod. xix, 5, 6; comp. 1 Pet. ii, 5, 9; Rev. i, 6 ; v, 10). As the officiating priest stood in the holy place, facing the Holy of Holies, The Table of be had on his right the table of showbread, on his left Showbread. ^he candlestick, and immediately before him the altar of incense (Exod. xl, 22-27). The twelve cakes of showbread kept continually on the table symbolized the twelve tribes of Israel con- tinually presented as a living sacrifice before God (Lev. xxiv, 5-9). " The laying out of these loaves," says Keil, " assumed the form of a bloodless sacrifice, in which the congregation brought the fruit of its life and labour before the face of the Lord, and presented itself to its God as a nation diligent in sanctification to good works. If the showbread was a minchah, or meat offering, and even a most holy one, which only the priests were allowed to eat in the holy place, it must naturally have been unleavened, as the unanimous testimony of Jewish tradition affirms it to have been."' The golden candlestick, with its seven lamps, placed opposite the The golden table, was another symbol of Israel considered as the Candlestick. Church of the living God. As the showbread repre- sented the relation of Israel to God as a holy and acceptable offer- ing, the candlestick represented what this same Israel would do for God as causing the light of the Spirit in them to shine forth. To all thus exalted may it well be said: "Ye were once darkness, but now light in the Lord; walk as children of light (for the fruit of the light is in all goodness, and righteousness, and truth), proving what is well pleasing unto the Lord" (Eph. v, 8-10). But the highest continual devotion of Israel to God is represented at tlie golden altar of incense, which stood immediately before the ' r>i!ilieal Commentary on Lev. xxiv, 0. Comp. Paul's language in 1 Cor. v, 7, and pp. :515, 316 above. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 0C5 veil and in front of the mercyseat (Exod. xxx,. 6). The offering of incense was an expressive symbol of the prayers of The Altar or in- the saints (Psa, cxli, 2; Rev. v, 8; viii, 3, 4), and the cense, whole multitude of the people were wont to pray without at the hour of the incense-offering (Luke i, 10). Jehovah was pleased to "inhabit the praises of Israel" (Psa. xxii, 3), for all that his people may be and do in their consecrated relation to him expresses itself in their prayers before his altar and mercyseat. " But it ought ever to be considered," says Fairbairn, " what kind of devotions it is that rise with such acceptance to the sanctuary above. That the altar of incense stood before the Lord, under his immediate eye, intimates that the adorations and prayers he regards must be no formal service in which the lip rather than the heart is employed; but a felt approach to the presence of the living God, and a real transaction between the soul and him. That this altar, from its very position, stood in a close relation to the mercyseat or propitia- tory, on the one hand, and by its character and the live coals that ever burned in its golden vials, stood in an equally close relation to the altar of burnt offering, on the other, tells us, that all acceptable prayer must have its foundation in the manifested grace of a re- deeming God, and draw its breath of life, in a mannei-, from that Avork of propitiation, which he has in his own person accomplished for the sinful. And since it was ordained that a ' perpetual incense before the Lord ' should be ever ascending from the altar — since injunctions so strict were given for having the earthly sanctuary made peculiarly and constantly to bear the character of a house of prayer, most culpably deaf must Ave be to the voice of instruction that issues from it if we do not hear enforced, on all who belong to tlie spiritual temple of an elect church, such a lesson as this — Pray without ceasing; the spirit of devotion is the very element of your being; your beginning and ending are alike here; all, from first to last, must be sanctified by prayer; and, if this be neglected, neither can you fitly be named a house of God, nor have you any ground to expect the blessing of heaven on your means of grace and works of welldoing." ' We need not linger in detail upon the symbolism of the court of the tabernacle, with its altar of burnt offerings and its gj-gat Altar and laver of brass. There could be no approach to God, on Laver in the the part of sinful men, no possible meeting or dwelling '^^^^ ' Avith him, except by the offerings made at the great altar in front of the sacred tent. All that belongs to the symbolism of sacrificial blood centred in this altar, where the daily offerings of Israel were ' Typology, vol. ii, pp. 287, 288. 3GG PRINCIPLES OF made. No priest might pass into the tabernacle until sprinkled with blood from that altar (Exod. xxix, 21), and the live coals used for the burning of incense before Jehovah were taken from the same place (Lev. xvi, 12). Nor might the priest, on penalty of death, minister at the altar or enter the tabernacle without first washing at the laver (Exod. xxx, 20, 21). So the great altar con- tinually proclaimed that without the shedding of blood there is no remission, and the priestly ablutions denoted that without the washing of regeneration no man might enter the kingdom of God (comp. Psa. xxiv, 3, 4; John iii, 5; Heb. x, 19-22). All those blessed relations, which were symbolized in the holy place, are pos- sible only because of the reconciliation effected at the altar of sac- rifice without. Having there obtained remission of sins, the true Israel, as represented in the priests, draw near before God in forms of holy consecration and service." The profound symbolism of the tabernacle is further seen in con- symboiico-typ- nexiou with the offerings of the great day of atone- icai sugges- jng,^^^ Once a year the high priest entered the Holy of tions of the , •' . . High Priest's Holies to make atonement for himself and Israel, but in day^of Ttone- connexion with his work on that day all parts of the meut. tabernacle are brought into notice. Having washed his flesh in Avater, and i)ut on the hallowed linen garments, he first offered the burnt offering on the great altar to make atonement for himself and his house (Lev. xvi, 2-6). Then taking a censer of live coals from the altar he offered incense upon the fire before the Lord, so that the cloud covei'ed the mercyseat, and, taking the blood of a bullock and a goat, he passed within the veil and sprin- kled the mercyseat seven times with the blood of each (Lev. xvi, 12-10). All this, we are told in the Epistle to the Hebrews, pre- figured the work of Christ for us: "Christ having come a high priest of the good things to come, through the greater and more perfect tabernacle not made with hands, that is, not of this crea- tion [not material, tangible, or local], nor through the blood of goats and calves, but through his own blood entered in once for all into the holy })laces {ra uyia, })lural, and indefinitely intimating more than places merely), having obtained eternal redemption. . . . For Christ entered not into holy (places) made with hands, pat- terns of the true, but into the heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God for us" (Heb. ix, 11, 12, 24). The believer is, ac- ' " The holy place," says Kurtz, " represented that stage in the history of salvation in which the great fact of vicarious suffering for the sins of the world lies in the past, and all that is needed is the personal apiiropriation of the atoning virtue of the blood ivhlcli has l)een slicd." — Sacrificial Worship of the Old Testament, p. 315. Edinb., 1863. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 367 corclingly, exhorted to enter with confidence into the holy phaces by tlie blood of Jesus, and to draw near with a true heart in full assurance of faith (Heb. x, 19, 22). Whither our high priest has gone we may also go, and the position of the cherubim over the mercyseat and in the garden of Eden, suggests the final glorifica- tion of all the sons of God. This is the profound and suggestive teaching of Paul in Eph. i, 15; ii, 10, where he speaks of "the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints," and " that ener- gy of the strength of his might which he wrought in Christ, when he raised him from the dead and made him sit at his right hand in the heavenly" [ev roig eTTov^avioig, not heavenly places merely, but heavenly associations, fellowships, powers, glories), and then goes on to say that God, in like manner, quickens those who were dead in trespasses and sins, makes them alive v/ith Christ, raises them up and makes them sit together " in the heavenly — in Christ Jesus " {ev rolg errovgavloig, i. e., in the same heavenly regions, asso- ciations, and glories into which Christ himself has gone). Tluis we see the fullest revelation of the means by which, and the extent to which, Israel shall be sanctified in Jehovah's glory (Exod. xxix, 43).' Then, in the highest and holiest sense, will " the tabernacle of God be with men, and he will tabernacle with them, and they shall be his people, and God himself shall be with them " (Rev. xxi, 3). In the heavenly glory there will be no place for temple, or any local shrine and symbol, " for the Lord, the God, the Almighty, is its temple, and the Lamb" (Rev. xxi, 22). The graduated sanctity of the several parts of the tabernacle is very noticeable. In front was the court, into which ^^^ graduated any Israelite who was ceremonially clean might enter; sanctity of the next was the holy place, into which none but the con- ° ^ ^ ^^^^' secrated priests might go to perform the work of their office, and, ' The profound expression, in Exod. xxix, 43, may well be compared with that of Jesus, in John xvii, 24, which, according to the best-authenticated text, reads : " Fa- ther, that which thou hast given me (o dsSuKug (ioi\ I will that where I am they also {kukeIvoi) may be with me, that they may behold my glory which thou hast given me, for thou didst love me before the foundation of the world." the pleonastic construc- tion here seems to have a designed significance. The whole body of the redeemed is first conceived as a unit ; it is Christ's inheritance, regarded as the Father's gift to him. • It is the same as the nuv o Sf^ukev fioi, all that which he has given me, in John vi, 39. But as the thought turns to the individual beholding (comp. " I shall see for myself," etc.. Job xix, 2T') on the part of the redeemed the plural (kukeIvoi) is re- sumed.- Thus Alford : " The neuter has a peculiar solemnity, uniting the whole Church together as one gift of the Father to the Son. Then the kukeIvol resolves it into the great multitude whom no man can number, and comes home to the heart of every individual believer with inexpressibly sv.eet assurance of an eternity witli Christ." — Greek Test., in loco. nC3 PRINCIPLES OF especially, to offer incense. Beyond this, veiled in thick darkness, was the Holy of Holies, into which only the high priest entered, and he but once a year. This graduated sanctity of the holy places was fitted to inculcate and impress the lesson of the absolute holiness of God, whose special presence was manifested in the innermost sanctuary. The several apartments were also adapted to show the gradual and progressive stages of divine revelation. The outer court suggests the early patriarchal period, when, under the open .sky, the devout fathers of families and nations, like Noah, Mel- chizedek, and Abraham, worshipped the God of lieaven.' The holy j)Iace represents the period of Mosaism, that intermediate stage of revelation and law, when many a type and symbol foreshadowed the better things to come, and the exceptional entrance of the high priest once a year v/ithin the veil signified that " the way of the holies was not yet made manifest " (Heb. ix, 8). The Holy of Holies represents the Messianic seon, when the Christian believer, having boldness to enter into the holiest by the blood of Jesus (Heb. x, 19), is conceived to "have come to Mount Zion, and to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to myriads of angels, to the whole assembly and Church of the firstborn who are enrolled in heaven, and to God, the judge of all, and to spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus, mediator of the new covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling that speaks better than that of Abel " (Heb. xii, 22-24). The symbolism of the tabernacle furnishes much of the imagery used in the records of subsequent revelations, and is, therefore, worthy of the most careful study.'^ But in this, as in other forms of expressing divine thoughts in figure, we should avoid attempt- ing to find meanings in every minute object and allusion. Our best security is to keep closely to the analogy of biblical symbols and imagery as seen in a full collation of pertinent examples.' ' For a somewhat different conception of the import of the holy places, as repre- senting periods of revelation, see Atwater, Sacred Tabernacle of the Hebrews, pp. 2G9-2'71. ''Such passages as Psa. xxvii, 5 ; xxxi, 20; xci, 1, are best explained by understand- ing an allusion to the Holy of Holies. The symbolico-typical portraiture of the Messi- anic kingdom, in the closing chapters of Ezekiel and John, is largely based upon the symbolir^m of the tabernacle. See furtlier on pp. 4!)1, 4'.)2. ^ Valuable hints for the study of biblical symbolism may be found in works on gen- eral syrabology, such as Nork's Etymologisch-symboiisch-mythologisches Worter- buch (four vols., Stuttgart, 1843-1845), and Wemyss, Clavis Symbolica (Edinb. Bib. Cabinet, 18:ir)). See also Mills, Sacred Symbology (Edinb., 1853), Dudley, Naology, etc. (London, 184G), Thompson, Symbols of Christendom (London, 1867). BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 86d CHAPTER XVIII. SYMBOLICO-TYPICAL ACTIONS. Ik receiving liis divine commission as a prophet, Ezekiel saw a roll of a book spread out before bim, on both sides of , . , . ^ 1 1 ,. 1 ^1 • TT Visional actions, winch were written many doleful things. He was commanded to eat the book, and he obeyed, and found that which seemed so full of lamentation and Avoe to be sweet as honey in his mouth (Ezek. ii, 8-iii, 3). The same thing is, in substance, re- located in the Apocalypse of John (x, 2, 8-11), and it is there ex- pressly added that the book which was sweet as honey in his mouth became bitter in his stomach. These transactions manifestly took place in vision. The prophet was lifted into a divine trance or ecstacy, in which it seemed to him that he saw, heard, obeyed, and experienced the effects which he describes. It was a symbolical transaction, performed subjectively in a state of prophetic ecstacy. It was an impressive method of fastening upon his soul the convic- tion of his 25rophetic mission, and its import was not difficult to apprehend. The book contained the bitter judgments to be uttered against "the house of Israel," and the prophet was commanded to cause his stomach to eat it and to fill his bowels with it (iii, 3); that is, he must make the prophetic word, as it were, a part of himself, receive it into his innermost being (ver. 10), and there digest it. And though it fnay be often bitter to his inner sense, the process of prophetic obedience yields a sweet experience to the doer.' "It is infinitely sweet and lovely," says Hengstenberg, " to be the organ and spokesman of the Most High." ^ But in the fourth and fifth chapters of Ezekiel we are introduced to a series of four symbolico-typical actions in which gynj|)o]i(,o.typ. the prophet appears not as the seer, but the c?oer. First icai acts of ■u • TT^j_i I'lai v Ezek. iv and v. ne IS commanded to take a brick and engrave upon it a portraiture of Jerusalem in a state of siege. He is also to set ' What Ezekiel and John did in Tision Jeremiah describes in other and more sim- ple style. Comp. Jer. xv, 16. - Commentary on Ezekiel, in loco. ^ run?, a white brick, so called, according to Gesenius, from the white chalky clay of which certain bricks were made. In the valley of the Euphrates Ezekiel's eyes had, doubtless, become familiar with bricks and stone slabs covered with images and inscriptions. 24 870 PRINCIPLES OP up an iron pan between it and himself, and direct his face against it, as if he were the besieging party, and had erected an iron wall between himself and the doomed city. This, it was declared, would be "a sign to the house of Isi-ael" (Ezek, iv, 1-3). Evidently, therefore, the sign was intended to be outward, actual, and visible, for how could these things, if imagined only in the prophet's soul, be made a sign to Israel ? In the next place he is to lie upon his left side three hundred and ninety days, and then upon his right side forty days, thus symbolically bearing the guilt of Israel and Judah four hundred and thirty days, each day of his prostration denoting a year of Israel's abject condition. During this time he must keep his face turned toward the siege of Jerusalem, and his arm made bare (comp, Isa. lii, 10), and God lays bands upon him that he shall not turn from one side to another (Ezek. iv, 4-8). As the days of this prostration are symbolical of years, so it would seem the number four hundred and thirty is appropriated from the term of Israel's sojourn in Egypt (Exod. xii, 40), the last forty years of which, when Moses was in exile, were the most oppressive of all. Tliis number would, from its dark associations, become nat- urally sjnnbolical of a period of humiliation and exile; not, how- ever, necessarily denoting a chronological period of just so many years. Still further, the proj^het is directed to prepare for himself The prophet's food of divers grains and vegetables, some desirable '°°<^- and some undesirable, and put them in one vessel, as if it were necessary to use any and all kinds of available food, and one vessel would suffice for all. His food and drink are to be weighed out and measured, and in such small rations as to denote the most pinching destitution. He is also commanded to bake his barley cakes with human excrement, to denote how Israel would eat their defiled bread among the heathen; but in view of his loath- ing at tlie thought of food thus prepared, he is permitted to sub- stitute the excrement of cattle for tliat of man. All this was de- signed to symbolize the misery and anguish which should come upon Israel (verses 9-17). A fourth sign follows in chapter v, 1-4, and is accompanied (verses 5-1 V) by a divine interpretation. The prophet is directed to shave off his hair and beard with a sharp sword, and weigh and divide the numberless hairs in three parts. One third he is to burn in the midst of the city (i. e,, the city portrayed on the brick), another third he is to smite with tlic sword, and another he is to scatter to the wind. These three acts are explained as proj^hetic symbols of a threefold judgment im- pending over Jerusalem, one part of whose inhabitants shall perisli ly pestilence and famine, another by the slaughter of war, and a BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 371 third by dispersion among the nations, whither also the perils of the sword shall follow them. Many able expositors insist that these symbolical actions of the prophet took place only in vision, as the eating of the The actions out- roll in chapter ii, 8. And yet they are all obliged to ward and actual. acknowledge that the language used is such as to make a differ- ent impression on the mind of a reader. Certain it is that the eat- ing of the roll is described as a vision: " I saw, and behold a hand stretched out unto me, and behold in it a roll of a book " (Ezek. ii, 9). No such language is used in connexion with the transac- tions of chapters iv and v, but the proi3het is the doer, and his ac- tions are to serve as a sign to the house of Isi-ael. Five reasons have been urged to show that these actions could not have been outward and actual: (1) The spectacle of Five objections such a miniature siege would only have provoked among considered, the Israelites who saw it a sense of the ludicrous. But even if this were true, it would by no means disprove that the acts were, never- theless, actually done, for many of the noblest oracles of prophecy were ridiculed and scoffed at by the rebellious house of Israel. The assertion, however, is purely a subjective fancy of modern inter- preters. It is like the untenable notion of those allegorical ex- pounders of Canticles, who presume to say that a literal interpreta- tion of some parts of the song is monstrous and revolting, but, at the same time, allegorically descriptive of the holiest things ! If these symbolic actions of Ezekiel, literally performed, would have been childish and ludicrous, would not any conceivable communication of them to Israel as a sign have been equally ludicrous ? As long as the actions were possible and practicable, and were calculated to make a notable impression, there is no objection to their literal oc- currence which may not be urged with equal force against their ideal occurrence. But it is urged (2) that lying motionless on one side for three hundred and ninety days was a physical impossibility. ^^^ rostraf The prophet's language, however, sufficiently intimates not witiiout in- that his prostration was not absolutely continuous dur- ing the whole twenty- four hours of each of the days. He prepared his own food and drink, weighed and measured it, and, we may suppose, that as a Jewish fast of many days allowed eating at night while requiring abstinence by day, so Ezekiel's long [irostra- tion had many incidental reliefs. The prohibition of turning from one side to another required, at most, only that during the longer period he must not lie at all on his right side, and during the last forty days he must not lie at all on his left. (3) Fairbairn 373 PRINCIPLES OF declares that it would have been a moral impossibility to eat bread composed of such abominable materials, since it would have in- volved a violation of the Mosaic law.' But it cannot be shown that the law anywhere prohibits the materials which Ezekiel was ordered to prepare for his food; and, even if it did, it would not follow that Ezekiel might not thus symbolically exhibit the penal judgments that were to visit Israel, when fathers should even eat their own sons, and sons their fathers (chap, v, 10). Another objection (4) is that between the dates given at Ezek. The Dates no h I5 2, and viii, 1, there could not have been four hun- vaiid objection, dred and thirty days for these symbolical actions to really take place. But between the fifth day of the fourth month of the fifth year of Jehoiachin's captivity (chap, i, 1, 2) and the fifth day of the sixth month of the sixth year (chap, viii, 1) there intervened one year and two months, or four hundred and twenty-seven days, a period not only sufficiently approximate to meet all the necessity of the case, but so closely approximate as to be in itself an evidence of the real performance of these actions. And all this might be said after subtracting from the period the seven days mentioned in chapter iii, 15. But the visions of chap- ters viii, xi may have taken place while Ezekiel yet remained lying on his side. We are not to suppose that his body was literally transported to Jerusalem, for he expressly states that it was done " in visions of God " (chap, viii, 3). His sitting in his house, with the elders of Judah before him (viii, 1), does not necessarily define either his or their posture, and the word 3C^^ is commonly used in the sense of abiding or staying. The long prostration and symbol- ical acts of this priest-prophet would naturally attract the elders of Judah to his house, and cause them to linger long in his presence; and all this time his arm was made bare, and he prophesied against Jerusalem (iv, 7). There was nothing in his posture or surround- ings to hinder his receiving, during that signal year and two months, many an additional word and vision of Jehovah. (5) It has been further objected that it was literally impossible for him to burn the third part of his hair "in the midst of the city" (chap, v, 2). But the city here referred to is to be understood of the miniature city engraved on the brick, which consideration at once obviates the objection. ' Commentary on Ezekiel, p. 48. Fairbairn's references to Dent, xiv, 3; xxiii, 12- 14, and xiii, 1-5, are pointless in this argument, for those passages have no neces- sary bearing on this subject, inasipuch as Ezekiel was excused from using human or- dure. Nor was a mixture of various kinds of food a transgression, as Hitzig' imagines, of the law of Lev. xix, 19; Deut. xxii, 9. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 373 There aj^pears, thex-efore, no sufficient reason to deny that Ezeldel's symbolic actions, described in chapters iv and v, were No valid arpu- outwardly performed. Nor is it difficult to conceive the ^l^^ oufSS impression which these performances must naturally performance. have made upon the house of Israel — especially upon the elders. After his first overwhelming vision (see chap, i, 28), and the hear- ing of his divine commission, he went to certain captives who dwelt along the Chebar, and sat down among them in mute astonishment (DpJi'D) for seven days (chap, iii, 15). Then Jehovah's word came to him again, and he went forth into the plain, and there again beheld the glory of the cherubim (ver. 23), and received the command to go and shut himself up within his house, and per- form the symbolical actions which we have examined. And no more impressive or signal prophecies could have been given than these symbolic deeds. Not to have done the things commanded would have been to withhold from the house of Israel the signs of judgment which he was commissioned to exhibit. The fourfold symbol denoted, (1) the coming siege of Jerusalem, (2) the exile and consequent prostration of Israel and Judah (comp. Isa. 1, 11; Amos V, 2), which should be like another Egyptian bondage, (3) the destitution and humiliation of this sad period, and, (4) finally, the threefold judgment with which the siege should end, namely, pestilence and famine, the sword, and dispersion among the nations. Other symbolical actions of this prophet are his removal of his baggage through the broken wall (chap, xii, 3-8), and other symboii- his eating his bread with quaking, and drinking water cai actions. with trembling and anxiety (xii, 18), his deep and bitter sighing (xxi, 6; Heb. xxi, 11), and his strange deportment on the death of his wife (xxiv, 16-18). But the symbol of the boiling caldron in chap, xxiv, 3-1 2, is expressly presented as an uttered parable, or symbolical discourse, and the imagery is, accordingly, ideal, and not to be understood of an outward action. The symbolical ac- tions of Isaiah (xx, 2-4) and Jeremiah (xiii, 11; xviii, 1-6; xix, 1-2; xxvii, 1-14, and xliii, 8-13) are, like those of Ezckiel, amply explained in their immediate context. Of all the symbolical actions of the prophets the most difficult and disputed example is that of Hosea taking unto Hosea's Mar- himself "a woman of whoredoms and children of "^s^- whoredoms" (Hosea i, 2), and his loving "a woman beloved of a friend, and an adulteress" (Hosea iii, l). The great question is : Are these transactions to be understood as mere visional symbols, or as real events in the outward life of the prophet ? No one will venture to deny that the language of Hosea most 374 PRINCIPLES OF natiinilly implies that the events were outward and real. He plain- ly says that Jehovah commanded him to go and marry an Language im- J J t> j " piles outward adulterous woman, and that he obeyed. He gives the ^ **^' name of the woman and the name of her father, and says that she conceived and bore him a son, whom he named Jezreel, and subsequently she bore him a daughter and another son, to whom he also gave significant names as God directed him. There is no intimation whatever that these events were merely visions of the soul, or that they were to be published to Israel as a purely jsara- bolic discourse. If the account of any symbolical action on record is so explicit and positive as to require a literal interpretation, this surely is one, for its terms are clear, its language is simple, and its general import not difficult to comprehend. Whence, then, the difficulties which expositors have felt in its in- Supposed impos- terpretation ? Ii is mainly in the supposition that sibiiity based such a marriage, commanded by God and effected by on Misapprehen- ^ ,..,.,. . - sion of Scope and a holy projihet, was a moral impossibility. A part oi Import, ^]jQ difficulty has also arisen from a misapprehension of the meaning of certain alhisions, and the scope of the entire pas- sage. Uj^on these misapprehensions false assumptions have been based, and false interpretations have naturally followed. Thus, it has been assumed that the three children of the prophet, Jezreel, Lo-ruhamah, and Lo-ammi, were themselves the " children of whore- doms " whom the prophet was to take, and that the prophet's wife herself continued her dissolute life after her marriage with him. Of all this there is nothing in the text. The most simple and natural meaning of " a woman of whoredoms and children of whoredoms " (chap, i, 2) is a woman who is a notable harlot, and who, as such, has begotten children who also follow her lewd practices. If it had been otherwise, and the prophet had been directed to take a pure virgin, the language of our text would have been utterly out of place. For how could Hosea know how and where to select a vir- gin who would, after her marriage with him, become a harlot? That the prophet's wife contintied her lewd practices after her marriage Avith him is nowhere intimated. The straightforward, literal statement that the prophet "went and took Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim, and she conceived and bare him a son " (ver. 3), is the furthest possible from describing something which occurred only in idea. The sophism of Hengs- tenberg, that these things took place " actually, but not outwardly," ' ' ChristoloKy of the Old Testament, En,£;lish translation (Edinb., 1863), vol. i, p. 185. Hcng.stenberg's whole discus.'^ion of this subject, which assumes to be very full and thorough, is a notable exhibition of exegetieal dogmatism. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 375 is too glaring to be for a moment entertained. If the things here narrated had no outward reality in the prophet's life, ^ . . •' n T Gcmer and Dib- it IS an abuse of language to say they actually occurred, laim not sym- All attempts to explain the names Gomer and Dib- ^oucai names. laim symbolically are manifest failures, and Schmoller is candid enough to admit that " we cannot say that, in themselves, they nec- essarily demand such an explanation." ' Gomer may indeed denote completion, but no parallel usage justifies the meaning of "com- pleted whoredom," which most English expositors adopt from Aben Ezra and Jerome. The verb IDS means either to come to an end in the sense of ceasing to exist (Psa. vii, 10; xii, 2; Ixxvii, 9), or to complete, or bring to perfection, in a good sense (Psa, Ivii, 3; cxxxviii, 8; comp. the Chaldee "iM in Ezra vii, 12). Gesenius and Fiirst (Heb. Lex.) suggest the meaning of coals, heat, or fircglow. The name of Diblaim is also too uncertain to warrant a symbol- ical interpretation. If we allow its identity with Qv^'H, jig calces, the explanation, "completed whoredom, the daughter of two fig cakes," is sufticiently awkward and far-fetched to discredit the whole interpretation. Hengstenberg is also guilty of the bold and remarkable assertion that " there exists a multitude of symbolical actions, in „ , ,.,.. . "^ . . Hengstenberg s regard to which it is undeniable and universally admit- unwarrantable ted (!) that they took place internally only." ' He does ^^^«^""'^- not deign to inform us what they are, and we may with equal pro- priety, therefore, afiirm that there is not a single instance of a vis- ion, or of a symbolical action, that took place only internally, but that there is in the context something which clearly indicates its vis- ional character. Jeremiah's taking the wine cujj of Jehovah's fury and presenting it to the nations (Jer. xxv, 15-33) is not a parallel ease, but is metaphorical, as the expression " cup of the wine of this fury" (ver. 15) abundantly shows. This is confirmed by its causal connexion (''3, for) with verse 14, and by the whole tone and spirit of the passage, which is highly figurative; see, especially, verses 27-31. The same is true of Zech. xi, 4-14, where the prophet by inspiration identifies himself with the Lord, and describes no vis- ion, or internal transaction, but a highly figurative account of the relations of the Lord and Israel. The breaking of the staves. Beauty and Bands, was the Lord's doing, and not that of the proph et. Much more scientific and trustworthy is the procedure of Cowles, who collates all the Old Testament examples bearing on this point, and exhibits " a clear line of distinction drawn betw"een ' Commentary on Hosea (Lange's Biblework), in loco. '■^ Christology, vol. i, p. 186. 376 PRINCIPLES OF the tilings seen and shown in vision only, and those which were done in outward life for symbolic or other purposes. These dis- tinctions," he observes, " lie not mainly — indeed scarcely at all — in the nature of the things as convenient to be done, or as impossible, but in the very form of the statements. In other words, the Lord has been specially careful to leave us in no doubt as to Avhat was actually do?ie by his j^rophets on the one hand, and what was only seen by them in vision on the other." ' The proj)het Hosea was not commanded to go and rehearse a par- able before the people, nor to relate what occurred to 1 tlG itlCtS US • • • t ■ • stated not in- him m Vision, but to perform certain actions. The time Bupposabie. necessary for his marriage, and the birth of the three children of Gomer, need have been no greater than that in which Isaiah was required to walk naked and barefoot for a sign (Isa. XX', 8). The names of the three children are symbolical of certain purposes and plans of God in his dealings with the house of Israel, but thei'e is no hint that these children were at all given to licentious- ness. Their names point to coming judgments, as did the name of Isaiah's son (Isa. viii, 3), but those symbolical names are no dispar- agement of the character of the persons who bore them. As long as Gomer was no man's lawful wife, her marriage to Hosea, even though she had become noted as a harlot, and had thus begotten "children of whoredoms," involved no breach of law. The law governing a priest's marriage (Lev. xxi, 7-15), and which even pro- hibited his marrying a widow, did not apply to a prophet more than to any other man in Israel. Iliat a prophet should marry a harlot, and take her children with her, was indeed surprising, and calculated to excite wonder and astonishment; but to excite such wonder, and deeply impress it on the popular heart, was the very purpose of the whole transaction. We cannot conceive how the ac- tions here recorded could have been made signs and wonders in Is- rael (comp. Isa. viii, 18), or have been at all impressive, if they were known to have never occurred. In that case they would have been either ridiculed as a silly fancy, or denounced as an utter falsehood. Their real occurrence, however, would have been a sign and a won- der too striking to be trifled with ; but it is not probable that when the people of the whole land had grievously committed whoredom away from Jehovah (chap, i, 2) their moral sense would have been so shocked at these actions of a prophet as many modern critics imagine. The main purport and scope of the passage may be indicated as follows: Hosea is commanded to marry a harlot "because the land ' Notes on the Minor Prophets. Dissertation i, p. 413. New York, 1866. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 377 has grievously committed whoredom away from Jehovah." The adul- terous woman would thus represent idolatrous Israel, scope of pas- whose sins are so frequently set forth under this figure, ^^^e indicated. No particular historical period is indicated, none need be assumed. All question here as to when Jehovah was married to Israel, or what Israel was before, and what after such marriage, only tends to confuse and obscure the main purport of this Sci'ipture, into which a consideration of such questions does not enter. The mar- riage of the prophet to a harlot was a striking symbol of Jehovah's relation to a people to whom it would be supposed he would have utter aversion. Yet of that people, so guilty of spiritual adultery, will Jehovah beget a holy seed, and the three symbolical names, Jezreel, Lo-ruhamah, and Lo-ammi, denote the severe measures, stated in the passage itself, bj which the redemption of Israel must be accomplished. Jezreel may have a double reference, one local, taken from the well-known valley of this name where Jehu wrought his bloody deeds (2 Kings x, 1-7); the other etymological (as th-e word denotes " God sows," or, " God will sow "), and indicating that the very judgments by v/hich the kingdom of the house of Israel was overthrown were a sowing of the seed from rpj,g symbolical which should spring a regenerated nation. The names Names. Lo-ruhamah and Lo-ammi symbolize other forms of judgment. By his unpitying chastisements (Lo-ruhamah) and the utter rejec- tion of them as a people (Lo-ammi) will he secure the redemption of that vast multitude mentioned in verses 10, 11, and chapter ii, 1 (Heb. ii, 1-3), whose glory and triumph will give new significance to the " day of Jezreel," and change the name of Lo-ruhamah to Ruliamah (compassionated), and Lo-ammi to Ammi (my people). This \iew fully harmonizes with the language of chapter ii, 22, 23, and gives a unity and definiteness to the whole of the first two chapters of Hosea. The .oracle of chapter ii, is, accordingly, to be understood as Jehovah's appeal to Israel. It is addressed to the "children of whoredoms," who are called on to plead with their mother (ii, 2; Heb. ii, 4). It consists of complaint, threatening, and promises, and from verse 14 on to the end of the chapter (Heb., verses 16-25) indicates the process by which Jehovah will woo and marry that mother of profligate children, making for her "the valley of Achor as a door of hope" (ver. 15),* and thereby ' Achor ("liDy) means troiihler, or troubling, and is here used in allusion to the events T recorded in Josh, vii, 24-26. In the valley of Aclior, Achan was punished for his crimes, and the ban was thereby removed from Israel. "Through the name Achor this valley became a memorial how the Lord restores his favour to the Church after the e-xpiation of the guilt by the punishment of the transgressor. And this divine 378 PRINCIPLES OF accomplisliing her redemption. To emphasize this most wonderful prophecy and promise the marriage of Hosea and Gomer served as a most impressive sign. The third chapter of Hosca records another symbolical action of Hosea, chap, iii, this prophet, by which it is shown, in another form, another Symbol- ^ Jehovah would reform and regenerate the chil- ical act with i ■ t i similar purport, dren of Israel. Who this adulterous woman beloved by a friend (ver. 1) was, we are not told, and conjectures are idle. The supposition of many, that she was identical wnth Gomer, has no valid foundation, and has many considerations against it. If Gomer were intended, she would hardly bo designated merely as " a woman beloved of a friend," nor would the prophet be likely to have pur- chased her (ver. 2) without some further explanation. In the long life and ministry of Hosea (comp. chap, i, 1) there was room for several events of this kind, and we most naturally assume that in the meantime his former wife, Gomer, had died. In the very brief record here made there was no space for such details. Hosea's loving this woman, buying her according to oriental custom, and placing her apart for many days, are explained as a symbol of Israel's exile and dispersion until the appointed time of restitution should come. All that is here said about Israel's remaining many days without king, sacritices, and images was amply fulfilled during the Assyrian exile. No traces of idolatry or spiritual whoredom re- mained in Israel or Judah after the restoration which took place under Cyrus and his successors. The reason why so many exposi- tors have supposed that this chapter refers to another and later exile arises from failure to note the habit of prophetic discourse to Repetition of I't'peat the same things under different symbols. This symbols. error has misled many into the notion that the adul- terous woman of chapter ii, must be identified with the Gomer of chapter i. As in the prophecies of Daniel we find the composite image of chapter ii, and the four beasts of chapter vii, only different symbols of the same events, and the vision of the ram and he-goat, in chapter viii, going over a part of the same ground again, so here we sliould understand that Hosea, at different periods of his life, depicted by entii'ely different symbolic actions different phases of mode of procedure will be repeated in all its essential characteristics. The Lord will make tlic valley of troubling a door of hope ; that is, ho will so expiate the sins of his Church and cover them with his grace, that the covenant of fellowship with him will no more be rent asunder by them; or he will so display his grace to the sinners that compassion will manifest itself even in wrath, and through judgment and mercy the pardoned sinners will be more and more firmly and inwardly united to him." — Kcil ou Ilosea, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 379 the same great facts. Similar repetition abounds in Ezekiel, Zecli- ariah, and the Apocalypse of John. These actions of Hosea, then, according to all sound laws of grammatico-historical interpretation, are to be understood as hav- ing actually occurred in the life of the prophet, and are to be classed along with other actions which we have termed symbolico- typical. Such actions, as we have observed before, combine essen- tial elements of both symbol and type, and serve to illustrate at once the kinship and the difference between them. Serving as signs and visible images of unseen facts or truths, they are symbolical ; but being at the same time representative actions of an intelligent agent, actually and outwardly performed, and pointing especially to things to come, they are typical. Hence the propriety of desig- nating them by the compound name symbolico-typical. And it is worthy of note that every instance of such actions is accompanied by an explanation of its import, more or less detailed. The miracles of our Lord may not improperly be spoken of as symbolico-typical. They were arnida kol ripara, signs q^j. Lord's mir- age? toonders, and they all, without exception, have a aciessymboiicai. moral and spiritual significance. The cleansing of the leper symbol- ized the power of ChrL-rt to heal the sinner, and so all his miracles of love and mercy bear the character of redemptive acts, and are typically prophetical of what he is evermore doing in his reign of grace. The stilling of the tempest, the walking on the sea, and the opening of the eyes of the blind furnish suggestive lessons of divine grace and power, as some of the noblest hymns of the Church at- test. The miracle of the water made wine, says Trench, " may be taken as the sign and symbol of all which Christ is evermore doing in the world, ennobling all that he touches, making saints out of sinners, angels out of men, and in the end heaven out of earth, a new paradise of God out of the old wilderness of the world." ^ Hengstenberg observes that Jesus' triumphal entry into Jerusa- lem, as predicted in Zech. ix, 10, "was a symbolical action, the design and purport of which were to assert his royal dignity, and to set forth in a living picture the true nature of his person and kingdom, in opposition to the false notions of both friends and foes. Apart, therefore, from the prophecy, the entry had its own peculiar meaning, as, in fact, was the case with every act of Christ and every event of his life."" ' Notes on the Miracles of our Lord, p. 98. New York, 1858. 2 Christology of the Old Testament, vol. iii, p. 3V6. Edinb., 1863. 380 PRINCIPLES OF CHAPTER XIX, SYMBOLIC NUMBERS, NAMES, AND COLOURS. Evert observant reader of the Bible has had his attention arrested at times by what seemed a mystical or symbolical use of numbers. The numbers three, four, seven, ten, and twelve, especially, have a significance worthy of most careful study. Certain well-knowTi proper names, as Egypt, Assyria, and Babylon, are also used in a mystic sense, and the colours red, black, and white are understood to be so associated Avith the ideas respectively of bloodshed, evil, and purity as to have become emblematic of those ideas. The only- Process of as- valid method of ascertaining the symbolical meaning boi^m orNum- ^^^^ usage of such numbers, names, and colours in the i3ers, etc. Scriptures, is by an ample collation and study of the passages where they occur. The hermeneutical process is therefore essentially the same as that by which we ascertain the usus loquendi of words, and the province of hermeneutics is, not to furnish an elaborate discussion of the subject, but to exhibit the principles and methods by which such a discussion should be carried out. 1 Symbolical Numbers. The number one, as being the first, the startingpoint, the parent, and source of all numbers, the representative of unity, might natu- rally be supposed to possess some mystical significance, and yet there appears no evidence that it is ever used in any such sense in the Scriptures. It has a notable emphasis in that watchword of Israel- itish faith, "Hear, O Israel, Jehovah our God is one Jehovah" (Deut. vi, 4; comp. Mark xii, 29, 32; 1 Cor. viii, 4), but neither here nor elsewhere is the number used in any other than its literal ' On the symbolism of numbers see Billir, Symbolik des mosaisehen Cultus, vol. i, (1874), pp. 185-282; Kurtz, Ueber die symbolische Dif,'nitat der Zahlen an dor Stifts- hiitte, in the Studien und Kritiken for 1844, pp. 315-370; Lammert, Zur Revision der biblischcn Zahlcnsymbolik, in the Jahrbiichei fiir dcutschc Theologie for 1864, pp. 1-49 ; and Engelhardt, Einiges iiber symbolisohc Zahlen, in the same periodical for 1866, pp. 301-332; Kliefoth, Die Zahlensymbolik der heiligen Schrift, in Dieck- hoff und Kliefoth's Tiieolo<,nsche Zeitsdirift for 1802, pp. 1-80, 341-453, and 509- 623; Stuart'.'J E.xcursus (appropriatin<^ lar};ely from Bahr) on the Symbolical Use of Numbers in the Apocalypse, in his Commentary on the Apocalypse, vol. ii, pp. 409- 434; White, Symbolical Numbers of Scripture (Edinb., 1808). BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 381 sense. The number three, however, is employed in such relations na to suggest that it is especially the number of divine full- Tije number ness in unity, Bahr seems altogether too fanciful when Three, he says : " It lies in the very nature of the number three, that is, in its relation to the two preceding numbers one and two, that it forms in the progression of numbers the first conclusion (Abschluss) ; for the one is first made a number by being followed by the two, but the two as such represents separation, difference, contrast, and this becomes cancelled by the number three, so that three is in fact the first finished, true, and complete unity." ' But he goes on to say that every true unity comprises a trinity, and instances the familiar triads, beginning, middle, and end; past, present, and future; un- der, midst, and upper ; and he cites from many heathen sources to show the mystic significance that everywhere attached to the num- ber three. He also cites from the Scripture such triads as the three men who appeared to Abraham (Gen. xviii, 2), the three forefathers of the children of Israel, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Exod. iii, 6), the three sons of Noah, by whom the postdiluvian world was peo- pled (Gen. ix, 19), the three constituent parts of the universe, heav- en, earth, and sea (Exod. xx, 11; Psa. cxlvi, 6), the cedar wood, scarlet, and hyssop, used in the ceremonial purification (Lev. xiv, 6 ; Num. xix, 6), the threefold cord that is not quickly broken (Eccl. iv, 12), and other less noticeable examples. More important and conspicuous, however, as exhibiting a sacredness in the number three, are those texts which associate it immediately with the divine name. These are the thrice-repeated benediction of Num. vi, 24-26, or threefold putting the name of Jehovah (ver. 2 7) upon the chil- dren of Israel ; the threefold name in the formula of baptism (Matt, xxviii, 19), and the apostolic benediction (2 Cor. xiii, 14); and the trisagion of Isa. vi, 3, and Rev. iv, 8, accompanied in the latter l)assage by the three divine titles. Lord, God, and Almighty, and the additional words "who was, and who is, and who is to come." From all this it would appear, as Stuart'' has observed, "that the doctrine of a Trinity in the Godhead lies much deeper than the New- Platonic philosophy, to which so many have been accustomed to refer it. An original impression of the character in question plainly over- spread all the ancient oriental world . . . That many philosophistic and superstitious conceits have been mixed with it, in process of time, proves nothing against the general fact as stated. And this being admitted, we cease to think it strange that such distinction and significancy have been given in the Scriptures to the number three." ' Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus, p. 205. * Commentary on Apocalypse, vol. ii, pp. 419, 420. 333 PRINCIPLES OF If its peculiar usage in coimexion with the divine Name gives mystical significance to the number three, and entitles it to be called " the number of God," the use of the number four in the Scriptures would in like manner entitle it to be called " the number of the world," or of the visible creation. Thus we have the four winds of heaven (Jer. xlix, 36 ; Ezek. xxxvii, 9 Dan. vii, 2 ; viii, 8 ; Zech, ii, G ; vi, 5 ; Matt, xxiv, 31 ; Mark xiii, 27 Rev. vii, 1), the four corners or extremities of the earth (Isa. xi, 12 Ezek. vii, 2 ; Rev. vii, 1 ; xx, 8), corresponding, doubtless, with the four points of the compass, east, west, north, and south (1 Chron. ix, 24 ; Psa. cvii, 3 ; Luke xiii, 29), and the four seasons. Notice- able also are the four living creatures in Ezek. i, 5, each with four faces, four Avings, four hands, and connected with four wheels ; and in Zechariah the four horns (i, 18), the four smiths (i, 20), and the four chariots (vi, 1). The number se\ en, being the sum of four and three, may natural- Iv be sui (posed to svmbolize some mystical union of God Seven. .11 J J with the world, and accordingly, may be called the sacred number of the covenant between God and his creation. The heb- domad, or period of seven days, is so essentially associated with the record of creation (Gen. ii, 2, 3; Exod. xx, 8-11), that from the beginning a sevenfold division of time was recognized among the ancient nations. In the Scripture it is peculiarly a ritual number. In establishing his covenant with Abraham God ordained that seven days must pass after the birth of a child, and then, upon the eighth day, he must be circumcised (Gen. xvii, 12; comp. Lev. xii, 2, 3). The passover feast continued seven days (Exod. xii, 15). The feast of Pentecost was held seven weeks after the day of the wave offer- ing (Lev. xxiii, 15). The feast of trumpets occui-red in the seventh month (Lev. xxiii, 24), and seven times seven years brought round the year of jubilee (Lev. xxv, 8). The blood of the sin offering was sprinkled seven times before the Lord (Lev. iv, 6). The ceremonial cleansing of the leper required that he be sprinkled seven times witli blood and seven times with oil, that he tarry abroad outside of his tent seven days (Lev. xiv. 7, 8; xvi, 27), and that his house also be sjjrinkled seven times (Lev. xiv, 51). Contact with a dead body and other kinds of ceremonial uncleanness required a purifi- cation of seven days (Num. xix, 11 ; Lev, xv, 13, 24). And so the idea of covenant relations and obligations seems to be associated Avith this sacred number. Jehovah confirmed his word to Joshua and Israel, when for seven days «even priests with seven trumpets compassed Jericho, and on the seventh day compassed the city seven times (Josh, vi, 13-15). The golden candlestick liad seven BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 383 lamps (Exod. xxxviii, 23), The seven churches, seven stars, seven seals, seven trumpets, seven thunders, and seven last plagues of the Apocalypse are of similar mystical significance. The number ten completes the list of primary numbers, and is made the basis of all further numeration. Hence, it is naturally regarded as the number of rounded fulness or completeness. The Hebrew word for ten, "ib^y, is believed to favour this idea. Gesenius (Lex.) traces it to a root which conveys the idea of covjunctlon., and observes that "etymologists a^n-ee in deriving this form from the conjunction of the ten fingers." F first adopts the same fimdaraental idea, and defines the word as if it were expressive of ^^ union, association; hence multitude, heap, mul- tiplicity'''' (Heb. Lex). And this general idea is sustained by the usage of the number. Thus the Decalogue, the totality and sub- stance of the whole Torah, or Law, is spoken of as the ten loords Exod. xxxiA^, 28; Deut. iv, 13; x, 4); ten elders constitute an an- cient Israelitish court (Ruth iv, 2) ; ten princes represent the tribes of Israel (Josh, xxii, 14); ten virgins go forth to meet the bride- groom (Matt. XXV, 1). And, in a more general way, ten times is equivalent to many times (Gen. xxxi, 7, 41; Job xix, 3), ten wom- en means many women (Lev. xxvi, 26), ten sons many sons (1 Sam. i, 8), ten mighty ones are many mighty ones (Eccles. vii, 19), and the ten horns of Dan. vii, V, 24; Rev. xii, 3; xiii, 1; xvii, 12, may fittingly symbolize many kings.' The symbolical use of the number twelve in Scripture appears to have fundamental allusion to the twelve tribes of Israel. Thus Moses erects "twelve pillars according to the twelve tribes of Israel " (Exod. xxiv, 4), and there were twelve stones in the breastplate of the high priest (Exod, xxviii, 21), twelve cakes of showbread (Lev. xxiv, 5), twelve bullocks, twelve rams, twelve lambs, and twelve kids for offerings of dedication (Num. vii, 87), and many other like instances. In the New Testa- ment we have the twelve apostles, twelve times twelve thousand are sealed out of the tribes of Israel, twelve thousand from each tribe (Rev. vii, 4-8), and the New Jerusalem has twelve gates, bearing the names of the twelve tribes, and guarded by twelve an- gels (Rev. xxi, 12), and its wall has twelve foundations, bearing the twelve names of the apostles (xxi, 14). Twelve, then, may properly be called the mystical number of God's chosen people. It is thus by collation and comparison of the peculiar uses of these numbers that we can arrive at any safe conclusion as to their ' Compare Wemyss, Clavis Symbolica, under the word Ten, and Bahr, Symbolik, vol. i, pp. 223, 224. 384 PRINCIPLES OF symbolical import. But allowing that they have such import as the Symbolical does foregoing examples indicate, we must not suppose that not always ex- fj^gy tliercby necessarily lose their literal and proper sense. meaning. The number ten, as shown above, and some few instances of the number seven (Psa. xii, 6; Ixxix, 12; Prov. xxvi, 16; Isa. iv, 4; Dan. iv, 16), authorize us to say that they are used sometimes indefinitely in the sense of inany. But when, for example, it is written that seven priests, with seven trumpets, com- passed Jericho on the seventh day seven times (Josh, vi, 13-15), we understand the statements in their literal sense. These things were done just so many times, but the symbolism of the sevens suggests that in this signal overthrow of Jericho God was confirm- ing his covenant and promises to give into the hand of his chosen people their enemies and the land they occupied (comp. Exod. xxiii, 31 ; Josh, ii, 9, 24; vi, 2). And so the sounding of the seven trumpets of the Apocalypse completed the mystery of God as de- clared to his prophets (Rev. x, 7), so that when the seventh angel sounded great voices in heaven said: "The kingdom of the world is become that of our Lord and of his Christ, and he shall reign forever and ever" (Rev. xii, 15). The " time and times and dividing (or half) of a time " (Dan. vii, Time, times, 25; xii, V; Rev. xii, 13) is commonly and with reason and half atime. believed to Stand for three years and a half, a time de- noting a year. A comparison of verses 6 and 12 of Rev. xii shows this period to be the same as twelve hundred and sixty days, or ex- actly three and a half years, reckoning three hundred and sixty days to a year. But as this number is in every case used to denote a period of woe and disaster to the Church or people of God (Kev. xi, 2), we may regard it as symbolical. It is a divided seven (comp. Dan. ix, 27) as if suggesting the thought of a broken covenant, an interrupted sacrifice, a triumph of the enemy of God. The twelve hundred and sixty days are also equivalent to forty- Fbrty-two two months (Rev. xi, 2, 3; xiii, 5), reckoning thirty months. j^yg to a month, and, thus used, it is probably to be regarded, not as an exact designation of just so many days, but as a round number readily reckoned and remembered, and approxi- mating the exact length of the period denoted with sufficient near- ness. In Dan. viii, 14 we have the peculiar expression "two thou- sand and three hundred evening mornings," which some explain as meaning so many days, in allusion to Gen. i, 5, where evening and morning constitute one day. Others, however, understand so many morning and evening sacrifices, which would require half the num- ber of days (eleven hundred and fifty). Perhaps, however, the BIBLICAL IlERMENEUTICS. 385 word D^3?N!, tioo thousand, should be pointed D"'Q^^5, one thousand, then we would have thirteen hundred days of evening and morning. This closely approximates the twelve hundred and ninety days of Dan. xii, 11, which, when compared with the thirteen hundred and thirty-five days mentioned in the next verse, seems rather to show that in the peculiarly exact designations of time here recorded we have not mystical or symbolical numbers, but literal designations of the length of important periods. The number forty designates in so many places the duration of a penal judgment, either forty days or forty years, that it may be regarded as symbolic of a period of judg- ment. The forty days of the flood (Gen. vii, 4, 12, IV), the forty years of Israel's wandering in the wilderness (Num. xiv, 34), the forty stripes with which a convicted criminal was to be beaten (Deut. XXV, 3), the forty years of Egypt's desolation (Ezek. xxix, 11, 12), and the forty days and nights during which Moses, Elijah, and Jesus fasted (Exod. xxiv, 28; 1 Kings xix, 8; Matt, iv, 2), all favour this idea. But there is no reason to suppose that in all these cases the number forty is not also used in its jDroper and lit- eral sense. The symbolism, if any, arises from the association of the number with a period of punishment or trial. The number seventy is also noticeable as being that of the total- ity of Jacob's sons (Gen. xlvi, 27: Exod. i, 5; Deut. 7 7 7 7 SeventY. x, 22) and of the elders of Israel (Exod. xxiv, 1, 9; Num. xi, 24) ; the Jews were doomed to seventy years of Babylo- nian exile (Jer. xxv, 11, 12; Dan. ix, 2); seventy weeks distinguish one of Daniel's most important prophecies (Dan. ix, 24), and our Lord appointed seventy other disciples besides the twelve (Luke X, 1). Auberlen observes: "The number seventy is ten multiplied by seven ; the human is here moulded and fixed by the divine. For this reason the seventy years of exile are a symbolical sign of the time during which the power of the world would, according to God's will, triumph over Israel, during which it would execute the divine judgments on God's people." ^ We have already seen (p. 370), in discussing the symbolical ac- tions of Ezekiel, that the four hundred and thirty days „ , ,. ^ _ ' _ . . Prophetic des- of his prostration formed a symbolical period in allu- ignations cf sion to the four hundred and thirty (390+40) years of *''°^' the Egyptian bondage (Exod. xii, 40). Like the number forty, as shown above, it was associated with a period of discipline and sorrow. Each day of ihe prophet's prostration represented a year of Israel's humiliation and judgment (Ezek. iv, 6), as the forty days ' The Prophecies of Daniel and the Revelation, Eng. Trans., p. 134. Edinb., 1856. 25 386 PRINCIPLES OF during which the spies searched the Lmd of Canaan were typical of the years of Israel's wandering and wasting in the wilderness (Num. xiv, 33, 34). Here it is in place to examine the so-called "year-day theory" Tiie year-day ^f prophetic interpretation, so prevalent among modern theory. expositors.' Upon the statement of the two passages just cited from Numbers and Ezekiel, and also upon supposed ne- cessities of apocalyptic interpretation, a large number of modern writers on prophecy have advanced the theory tliat the word d knew or caught glimpses of the Messianic future only in part, and he prophesied in part (1 Cor. xiii, 9) ; but when the Christ himself appeared, and fulfilled the prophecies, then all these fragmentary parts were seen to form a glorious harmony.' The oracle of Balaam touching Moab, Edom, Amalek, the Ken- ites, Asshur, and the power from the side of Chittim ,-^-r . , \ • 1 1 • n Repetitions of (JNum. XXIV, 17-24), is the prophetic germ of many oracles against later oracles against these and similar enemies of the •^^^^'^^^ powers. chosen people. Amos long after takes up the prophetic word, and speaks more fully against Damascus, Gaza, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, and Moab, and does not except even Judah and Israel (Amos i and ii). Compare also Isaiah's burden-prophecies (NE^) against Babylon, Moab, Damascus, Ethiopia, Egypt, Media, Edom, Arabia, and Tyre (Isa. xiii-xxiii), in which we observe the minatory sen- ten(;e uttered against these heathen powers in great detail. And as Balaam noticed the affliction of Eber, (i. e., Israel) in connexion with his last-named hostile power from Chittim (Num. xxiv, 24), so Isaiah introduces the "burden of the valley of vision" (Isa. xxii, 1) just before announcing the overthrow of Tyre (Isa. xxiii, 1). Jer- emiah devotes chapters xlvi to li to the announcement of judo-- ments upon Egypt, Philistia, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Kedar, Hazor, Elam, and Babylon, and amid these utterances of coming wrath are intimations of Israel's dispersion and sorrow (comp, chap. 1, 17-20, 33; li, 5, C, 45). Compare also Ezekiel's seven oracles against Ammon, Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, Sidon, and Egypt (Ezek. xxv to xxxii). In noticeable analogy with the repetition of similar prophecies by- different prophets, is the repetition of the same prophecy by one and the same prophet. The vision of the four great beasts, in Dan. vii, is essentially a repetition of the vision of the great image in chapter ii. Daniel's two The same four great world-powers are denoted in these fif"' P™P^^«es ,.,,-, . (chaps. 11 and vii) prophecies; but, as has often been observed, the imagery compared, is varied according to the relative standpoint of the king and the prophet, "As presented to the view of Nebuchadnezzar, the worldly power was seen only in its external aspect, under the form of a colossal image possessing the likeness of a man, and in its more * On the Messianic prophecies see J. Pye Smith, Scripture Testimony to the Messiah, 3 vols. (Lond., 1829); Hengstenberg, Christology of the Old Testament, 4 vols. (Eng. trans, by Meyer, Edinb., 1863); Tholuck, Die Propheten und ihre Wei^sagungen, pp. 146-189 (Gotha, 1860); Leathes, Witness of the Old Testament to Christ (Boyle Lec- tures for 1868); Riehm, Messianic Prophecy (Eng. trans., Edinb., 1876); Gloag, The Messianic Prophecies, pp. 98-208 (Baird Lecture, Edinb., 1879). 410 PRINCIPLES OP conspicuous parts C'<)ni})Ost'd of tlie shining and precious metals; while the divine kingdom appeared in the meaner aspect of a stone, •without ornament or beauty, with nothing, indeed, to distinguish it but its resistless energy and perpetual duration. Daniel's visions, on the other hand, direct the eye into the interior of things, strip the eai'thly kingdoms of their false glory by exhibiting them under the aspects of wild beasts and nameless monsters (such as are every- where to be seen in the grotesque sculptures and painted entabla- tures of Babylon), and reserve the human form, in conformity with its divine, original, and true idea, to stand as the representative of the kingdom of God, which is composed of the saints of the ]Most High, and holds the truth that is destined to prevail over all error and ungodliness of men." ^ So, again, the impressive vision of the ram and the he-goat, in The little horn Dan. viii, is but a repetition from another standpoint and^viu/o'the (i^hi^shan, in Elam, a chief seat of the Medo-Persian Slime power monarchy) of the previous vision of the third and fourth prophetic '^^ as- heasts. Differences in detail appear according to the I't^^t^s. analogy of all such I'epeated prophecies, but these minor differences should not be allowed to obscure and obliterate the great fundamental analogies. Few expositors of any note have doubted that the little horn of Dan. viii, 9, denoted Antiochus Epiphanes, the bitter persecutor of the Jews, Avho " spoiled the tem2:)le, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months." ^ The first and most natural presumption is that the little horn of cha]). vii, 8, denotes the same impious and violent persecutor. The fact that one prophecy delineates the impiety and violence of this enemy more fully than another is no evidence that two different persons are intended. Otherwise the still fuller delineation of this mon- ster of iniquity, given in chap, xi, must on this sole ground be re- ferred to yet another person. The statements that the little horn of chap, vii, 8 came up between the ten horns, and rooted up three of them, and that of chap, viii, 9 came out from one of the four horns of the he-goat, can have no force in disproving the identity of the little horns in both passages unless it is assumed that the four horns of chap, viii, 8 are identical with the ten horns of chap, vii, 7 — an assumption wliich no one will allow. These are but the minor variations called for by the different positions occupied by the l)r()phet in the different visions. If we understand the ten horns of chap, vii, 7 as a round number denoting the kings more fully ' Fairbairn on Prophecy, p. 122. ' Josephua, Wars, i, 1. Comp. Ant., xii, 5, 4, and 1 Maccabees i. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 411 described in chap, xi, and the four conspicuous horns of chap, viii, 8 as the four notable successors of Alexander, the harmony of the two visions will be readily apparent. From one point of view the great horn (Alexander) was succeeded by ten horns, and also a lit- tle horn more notable in some respects than any of the ten; from another standpoint the great horn was seen to be followed by four notable horns (the famous Diadochoi), from the stump of one of which (Seleucus) came forth Antiochus Epiphanes. Only a failure to note the repetition of prophecies under various forms, and from different points of view, occasions the trouble which some have found in identifying prophecies of essentially the same great events.' According to the principle here illustrated the still more minute prophecy of the later period of the Graeco-Macedonian other propbet- Empire, in Dan. xi, is seen to travel over much of the ic repetitions. same field as those of chapters vii and viii. In the same manner we should naturally presume that the seven vials of the seven last plagues in Rev. xvi are intended to correspond with the seven woe- trumpets of chapters viii-xi. The striking resemblances between the two are such as to force a conviction that the terrible woes 'Pusey's discussion of this subject (Lectures on Daniel, Oxford, 1868) is an illustra- tion of the dogmatic way in which a writer may magnify and mystify the merely for- mal and structural differences of visions. He affirms (p. 91): "The four-horned he- goat cannot agree with the fourth empire, whose division into ten is marked by the ten horns of the terrible beast and the ten toes of the image. Nor can the heavy ram, with its two horns, be identified with the superhuman swiftness of the four-headed leopard." But, according to Pusey, the two-horned ram of chap, viii, 3, 4, corre- sponds with the bear of chap, vii, 5, and the he-goat corresponds with the four-winged and four-headed leopard of chap, vii, 6. If, then, a ram with two horns " pushing westward, and northward, and southward, etc." (viii, 4), agrees with a bear having no horns at all, and, so far from pushing in any direction, is merely " raised up on one side ready to use the arm in which its chief strength lies," and " lifts itself up heav- ily, in contrast with the winged rapidity of the Chaldean conquests " (Pusey, p. 72), and holds three ribs in its teeth — with what consistency can it be claimed that the differences in the descriptions of the little horns of chaps, vii and viii must be fun- damental ? Pusey has no difficulty in harmonizing a he-goat having one notable horn, and then four horns in its place, and one little horn branching out of one of the four, with a leopard having four wings and four heads ; but he pronounces it impossible for a goat which at one stage has one horn, and at another four, to agree with a ter- rible beast which at one period had ten horns ! It is, forsooth, easy to harmonize an animal having one horn and four horns, with an animal having four heads and four wings, and no horns at all ; but impossible to believe that a goat having one horn, and afterward four horns, can agree with a beast having ten horns ! Such incon- sistency cannot be based upon sound hermeneutical principles. See Zocklcr on Dan- iel in loco, translated and annotated by Strong in the American edition of Lange's , PiMcwork. 412 PRINCIPLES OF denoted by the trumpets are substantially identical with the plagues denoted by the vials of wrath. A contrary opinion would make the case a remarkable exception to the analogy of prophecy, and should not be accepted without the most convincing reasons. 2. Figurative and Symbolical Style of Prophecy. The fact already observed, that the word of prophecy was re- erv the reived by visions and dreams, and in a state of ecstacy, most natural accounts largely for the further fact that so great a pressing reve- portion of the prophetic Scriptures is set forth in ligur- lations ob- ative lanffuaafe and in symbol.' This important fact is tained by vis- o o ^ ^ ^ ions and too often overlooked in prophetic interpretation, and dreams. hence has arisen the misleading doctrine that ])rophecy is " history written beforehand." Accepting such an idea, one is prone to press the litei'al meaning of all passages which may, by any possibility, admit of such a construction; and hence the endless con- troversies and vagaries in the exposition of the prophetical Scrip- tures. But observe for a moment the style and diction of the great predictions. The first one on record announces a standing enmity between the serpent and the woman and their progeny; and, ad- dressing the serpent, God says: "lie shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel" (Gen. iii, 15). There have not been wanting literalists who have applied the prophecy to the enmity between men and serpents, and who declare that it is fulfilled when- ever a serpent bites a man, or whenever a man crushes a serpent's head. But such an interpretation of the passage has never been able to command any general acceptance. Its deeper import re- specting the children of light and the children of darkness, and ' The fundamental reason of the figurative style, which is so prominent a charac- teristic of prophecy, must be sought in the mode of revelation by vision. In the higher species of prophecy, wliich was connected with no ecstatic elevation on the part of the writer, but with his ordinary frame of mind ; that, namely, of which the most eminent examples are to be found in Moses and Christ ; the language employed does not, in general, differ from the style of ordinary discourse. But prophecy, in the more special and peculiar sense, having been not only (framed on purpose to veil while it announced the future, but also communicated in vision to the prophets, must have largely consisted of figurative representations; for, as in vision it is the im- aginative faculty that is more immediately called into play, images were necessary to make on it the fitting impressions, and these impressions could only be conveyed to others by means of figurative representations. Hence the two, prophetic visions and figurative representations, arc couf)led together by the prophet Ilosea (xii, 10) as the proper correlatives of each other: "I have also spoken by the prophets, and I have multiplied visions and used simiiitmU's liy tlio iiiinistiy of the prophets." — Fairbaim on Prophecy, ]>. 117. BIBLICAL IIEKMENEUTICS. 413 their respective heads (Messiah and Satan), has been universally rec- ognized by the best interpreters. " It is a sign and witness," says Fairbairn, " set up at the very threshold of the prophetic Fairbaim on territory, showing how much prophecy, in the general ^'^^- i"' ^^■ foi'm of its announcements, might be expected to take its hue and as- pect from the occasion and circumstances that gave rise to it; how it would serve itself of things seen and present as a symbolical cover under which to exhibit a perspective of things which were to be hereafter; and how, even when there might be a certain fulfil- ment of what was written according to the letter, the terms of the prediction might yet be such as to make it evident that something of a higher kind was required properly to verify its meaning. Such plainly was the case with respect to the prediction at the fall; and in proof that it must be so read and understood, some of the later intimations of prophecy, which are founded upon the address to the serjjent, vary the precise form of the representation which they give of the ultimate termination of the conflict. Thus Isaiah, when descanting on the peace and blessedness of Messiah's king- dom, tells us not of the serpent's head being bruised, but of his power to hurt being destroyed; of dust being his meat, and of the child playing upon his hole (chapters xi, 8, 9; Ixv, 25). It is the same truth again that appears at the close of the Apocalypse under the still different form of chaining the old serpent, and casting him into the bottomless pit, that he might not deceive the nations any more (Rev. XX, 2, 3) ; his power to deceive in the one case corresponding to his liberty to bruise the heel in the other, and his being chained and imprisoned in the bottomless pit to the threatened bruising of his head." ' In like manner we note that Jacob's dying prophecy (Gen. xlix) is written in the highest style of poetic fervour and of poeticform figurative speech. All the events of the patriarch's life many^ pro\e- and the storied fulness of the future moved his soul, cies. and gave emotion to his words. The oracles of Balaam and the songs of Moses are of the same high order. The Messianic psalms abound with simile and metaphor, drawn from the heavens, the earth, and the seas. The prophetical books are mostly written in the forms and spirit of Hebrew poetry, and, in predictions of notable events, the language often rises to forms of statement, which, to an occidental critic, might seem a hyperbolical extrava- gance. Take, for example, the following " burden of Babylon " which Isaiah saw (njn), and note the excessive emotion and the boldness of figures (Isa. xiii, 2-13): ' Fairbaim on Prophecy, p. 102. 414 PRINCIPLES OF 2 Ou a mountain bare set up a signal; Lift up a voice to them ; wave a hand, And tliey shall enter gates of nobles. 3 Also I liave called my mighty ones for my anger — Those that exult proudly in my glory. 4 Voice of a multitude in the mountains, as of much people; Voice of a tumult of kingdoms of nations assembled, Jehovah of hosts mustering a host of battle; 5 Coming from a land afar, From the end of the heavens — Jehovah and the instruments of his fury. To lay waste all the land. 6 Howl ye! For near is the day of Jehovah ; As a destruction from Shaddai shall it come. 7 Therefore shall all hands become slack, And every heart of man shall melt. 8 And they shall be in trepidation; Writhings and throes sjiall seize them; As the travailing woman shall they twist in pain. Each at his neighbour they shall look astonished, Their faces, faces of flames. 9 Behold, the day of Jehovah comes; Cruel — and wrath, and burning of auger, To make the land a desolation, And her sinners will be destroyed out of her. 10 For the stars of tlie heavens and their constellations Shall not shed forth their light; Dark has the sun become in his going forth. And the moon will not cause her light to shine. 11 And I will visit upon the world evil, And upon the wicked their iniquity. And I will cause the arrogance of the proud to cease, And the haughtiness of the lawless I bring low. 12 I will make men rarer than refined gold, 'And mankind than the gold of Ophir. 13 Therefore I will make heaven tremble, And the land shall shake from her place. In the overflowiug wrath of Jehovah of hosts, And in the day of the burning of his anger. It has never been questioned by the best interpreters that the Refers to the 'ibove passafijc refers to the overthrow of Babylon by the fall of Babylon. Medes. The heading of the chapter, and tlie specific statements that follow (verses 17, 19), put this beyond all doubt. And yet it is done, accordinc^ to the prophet, by Jehovali, who musters his host of mirjhty heroes from the end of the heavens, causes a tumultuous noise of kingdoms of nations, fills human BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 415 hearts with trembling, and despair, and throes of agony, shakes heaven and earth, and blots out sun, and moon, and stars. This fearful judgment of Babylon is called " the day of Jehovah," " the day of the burning of his anger." Standing in the forefront of Isaiah's oracles against the heathen world-powers, it is a classic passage of the kind, and its style and imagery would naturally be followed by other prophets when announcing similar judgments.* Such highly emotional and figurative passages are common to all the prophetic writers, but in the so-called apocalyptic prominence of prophets we note a peculiar prominence of symbolism. a^™^°[^i '° f/g In its earlier and yet undeveloped form it first strikes our books. attention in the Book of Joel, which may be called the oldest apoca- lypse. But its fuller development appears among the later proph- ets, Daniel, Ezekiel, and Zechariah, and its perfected structure in the New Testament Apocalypse of John. In the exposition, there- fore, of this class of prophecies it is of the first importance to apply with judgment and skill the hermeneutical principles of biblical symbolism. This process requires, especially, three Three herme- things: (1) That we be able clearly to discriminate and efpte'ti be'obl determine what are symbols and what are not; (2) that served. the symbols be contemplated in their broad and striking aspects rather than their incidental points of resemblance; and 0) that they be amply compared as to their general import and usage, so that a uniform and self-consistent method be folloAved in their in- terpretation. A failure to observe the first of these will lead to endless confusion of the symbolical and the literal. A failure in the second tends to magnify minute and unimportant points to the obscuring of the greater lessons, and to the misapprehension, oft- times, of the scope and import of the whole. Not a few interpret- ers have put great stress upon the import of the ten toes of Nebu- chadnezzar's image (Dan. ii, 41, 42), and have searched to find ten kings to correspond; whereas, from aught that appears to the con- trary, the image may have had twelve toes, like the giant of Gath ' " Such passages," says Fairbairn, " are not to be regarded simply as highly wrought descriptions in the peculiar style of oriental poetry, possessing but a slender foundation of nature to rest upon. On the contrary they have their correspondence in: the literature of all nations, and their justification in the natural workings of the human mind ; we mean its workings when under circumstances which tend to bring the faculty of imagination into vigorous play, much as it was acted on with the prophets when, in ecstacy, they received divine revelations. For it is the character- istic of this faculty when possessed in great strength, and operated upon by stirring events such as mighty revolutions and distressing calamities, that it fuses every olj- ject by its intense radiation, and brings them into harmony with its own prevailing passion or feeling." — Prophecy, p. 1.58. 416 PRINCIPLES OF (2 Sam. xxi, 20). A care to observe the third nile will enable one to note the differences as well as the likeness of similar symbols, and save him from the error of supposing that the same symbol, when employed by two different writers, must denote the same power, person, or event. 3. Analysis and Comparison of Similar Prophecies. Not only are the same, or like figures and symbols, employed by different prophets, but also many whole prophecies are so like one another in their general form and import as to require of the inter- preter a minute comparison. Thus only can he distinguish things which are alike and things which differ. First we observe numerous instances in which one prophet ap- verbai anaio- pears to quote from another. Isa. ii, 1-4 is almost iden- »'«s. tical with Micah iv, 1-3, and it has been a problem of critics to determine whether Isaiah quoted from Micah, or Micah from Isaiah, or both of them from an older prophet now unknown. Jeremiah's prophecy against Edom (xlix, 7-22) is appropriated largely from Obadiah. The Epistle of Jude and the second chap- ter of Peter's Second Epistle furnish a similar analogy. A compar- ison of the oracles against the heathen nations by Balaam, Amos, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, as already indicated, shows many verbal parallels. From all which it appears that these sacred writ- ers freely appropriated forms of expression from each other as from a common treasure house.' The word of God, once uttered by an inspired man, became the common property of the chosen people, and was used by them as times and occasions served. The twofold presentation of prophetic revelations, both of vis- Twofoid pre- ions and of dreams, demands particular attention. It prophetic rev- ^^ ^^'^^ brought to our attention in the dreams of Joseph eiations. and of Pharaoh, and as we have seen above (pp. 398, 399), the double dream was, in its significance, but one, and the repetition under different symbols was the divine method of inten- sifying the impression, and indicating the certainty of the things revealed. "As to the doubling of the dream to Pharaoh twice, it is because the word ("i^'^l', this particular revelation) from God is established, and God is hastening to accomplish it" (Gen. xli, 32). A principle of prophetic interpretation so explicitly enunciated in the earliest records of divine revelation deserves to be made ' " Such verbal repetitions," says Hengatenberg, " must not be, by any means, con- sidered as unintentional reminiscences. They served to exhibit that the prophets ac- knowledged one another as the organs of the Holy Spirit." — Christ}>logy, vol. i, p. '291. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 417 prominent.' It serves as a key to the explanation of many of the most difficult questions involved in the apocalyptic Scriptures. "We shall have occasion to illustrate this principle more fully in treating the visions of Daniel and John, It is important, furthermore, to study the analogies of imagery in the apocalyptic portions of prophecy. Isaiah's vis- Analogies of ion of the Seraphim (Isa. vi, 1-8), Ezekiel's vision of imagery. the Living Creatures (Ezek. i and x), and John's vision of the throne in heaven (Rev. iv), have manifest relations to one another which no interpreter can fail to observe. The scope and bearing of each can, however, be apprehended only as we study them from the standpoint of each individual prophet. Daniel's vision of the four beasts out of the sea (Dan. vii) furnishes the imagery by which John depicts his one beast out of the sea (Rev. xiii, 1-2), and we note that the one beast of the latter, being a nameless mon- ster, combines also the other main features (leopard, bear, lion) of the four beasts of the former. John's second beast out of the earth, with two horns like a lamb (Rev. xiii, 11), combines much of the imagery of both the ram and the he-goat of Daniel (viii, 1-12). Zechariah's vision of the four chariots, drawn by diflFerent coloured horses (vi, 1-V), forms the basis of the symbolism of the first four seals (Rev. vi, 1-8), and John's glowing picture of the New Jerusalem, the new heavens and the new land (xxi, xxii), is a manifest counterpart of the closing chapters of Ezekiel, The most noticeable difference, perhaps, is that Ezekiel has a long and minute description of a temple and its service (xl-xliv), while no temple appears in the vision of John, but rather the city itself becomes all temple, nay, a Holy of Holies, being filled with the glory of God and of the Lamb (Rev. xxi, 3, 22, 23). It will be evident from the above-mentioned analogies that no prop- er interpretation of any one of these similar prophecies similar imag- •can be given without a clear analysis and careful corapar- dige'rent^^sub- ison of all. We are not to assume, however, that by the jects. use of the same or similar imagery one prophet must needs refer to the same subject as the othei*. The two olive trees of Rev, xi, 4 are not necessarily the same as those of Zech, iv, 3, 14. The beasts of John's Apocalypse are not necessarily identical with those of Daniel, John's vision of the new heaven, and the new land, and the golden city, is doubtless a fuller revelation of redeemed Israel than Ezekiel's corresponding vision. But one of these vis- ions cannot be fully expounded without the other, and each should ' For many valuable suggestions on what he calls the " Double Allegory," see Cochran, The Revelation of John its Own Interpreter, New York, 1860. 27 418 PRINCIPLES OF be subjected to a minute analysis, and studied from its own histor- ical or visional standpoint. From these considerations it will be also seen that, while duly General sum- appreciating the peculiarities of prophecy, we neverthe- mary. ]egg must employ in its interpretation essentially the same great principles as in the interpretation of other ancient writ- ings. First, we should ascertain the historical position of the prophet; next the scope and plan of his book; then the usage and import of his words and symbols; and, finally, ample and discrimi- nating comparison of the parallel Scriptures should be made. ***■ CHAPTER XXII. DANIEL'S VISION OF THE FOUR EMPIRES. All interpreters agree that the empires or world-powers denoted by Principles 11- the various parts of the great image in Dan. ii, 31-45, lustrated by j^jj^j i^y ^[jg f^yj. ^gasts from the sea (Dan. vii), are the Daniel s double • •«? revelation of same. The prophecy is repeated under different symbols, empires. ^^^^ ^^^q interpretation is one. This double revelation, then, will be of special value in illustrating the hermeneutical prin- ciples already enunciated. But in no portion of Scripture do we need to exercise greater discrimination and care. These prophe- cies, in their details, have been variously understood, and the most able and accomplished exegetes have differed widely in their ex- planations. All dogmatism of tone and method should therefore be excluded, and we should endeavour to place ourselves in the very position of the prophet, and study with minute attention his lan- guage and his symbols. Where such wide differences of opinion have prevailed we cannot for a moment allow any a priori assumj)- tions of what ought to be found in these prophecies, or of wliat ought not to be found there.' All such assumptions are fatal to ' The Roman Empire, the papacy, the Mohammedans, the Goths and Vandals, the French Revohition, the Crimean War, the United States of America, and our hito civil .var between the North and the South, have all been assumed to have such an iniport- aiice in the history of humanity and of the Gospel that we should expect to lin.l some notice of them somewhere in the prophets of the Bible. Daniel and the Reve- lation of John, nl)ouii(ling as they do in vision and symbol, have been searched more than other prophecies with such an expectation. We find even Barnes writing: us follows : " The Roman Empire was in itself too important, and performed too import- ant an af^ency in prepariiij^ the world for the kingdom of the Redeemer, to be omitted in sucli an enumeration." — Notes on Dan. ii, 40, p. M7. On the same principle v.„' EIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 419 sound interpretation. The prophet should be permitted, as far as possible, to explain himself; and the interpreter should not be so full of ideas drawn from profane history, or from remote ages and peoples, as to desire to find in Daniel what is not manifestly there. Especially when it is a notable fact that profane history knows nothing of Belshazzar,' or of Darius the Mede, should we be cau- tious how far we allow our interpretation of other parts of Daniel to be controlled by such history. Three different interpretations of Daniel's vision of the four world-powers have long prevailed. According to the Three different first and oldest of these, the fourth kingdom is the interpretations. Roman Empire; another identifies it with the mixed dominion of Alexander's successors, and a third makes it include Alexander and his successors.'^ Those who adopt this last view regard the Median rule of Darius at Babylon (Dan. v, 31) as a distinct dynasty. The four kingdoms, according to these several expositions, may be seen in the following outline: 1st. 2d. 3d. 1. Babylonian. 1. Babylonian. 1. Babylonian. 3. Medo-Persian. 2. Medo-Persian. 2. Median. 3. Graeco-Macedonian. 3. Alexander. 8. Persian. 4. Roman. 4. Alexander's successors. 4. Grseco-Macedoniau Any one of these views will sufiice to bring out the great ethical and religious lessons of the prophecy. No doctrine, therefore, is affected, might insist that the Chinese Empire, with its great djTiasties, and countless millions of people, and also those of India and Japan, should also have some kind of notice. We have no right to assume in advance what Daniel's vision or Nebuchadnezzar's dream should contain. ' This fact greatly puzzled all expositors until an inscription discovered on a cylin- der at Mugheir showed that a Bel-shar-uzur was associated with his father as co-regent at Babylon. See Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, vol. iii, p. 70. New York, IS'/l. - The first of these views is ably defended by Barnes, Pusey, and Keil, and is the one held, probably, by most evangelical divines. The second has its ablest advocates in Bertholdt, Stuart, and Cowles. The third is maintained by Eichhorn, Lengerkc, Maurer, Bleek, De Wette, Hilgenfeld, Kranichfeld, Delitzsch, and Westcott. It is quite possible that the prevalence among English expositors of the first theory is largely, if not mainly, due to the fact that the arguments in its favour have been scat- tered broadcast by the popular commentaries, and the able expositions of the other theories have been quite generally inaccessible to English readers. Many have ac- cepted the current exposition because they never had a better one clearly set before them. It is almost amusing to hear some of the advocates of the Roman theory say- ing, with Luther: "In this interpretation and opinion all the world are agreed, anresenled by the feet consisting partly of iron and partly of clay, nor finally witli the ten toes formed of iron and clay mixed." Such an assertion from a commentator usually so guarded and trustwoithy inclines one to believe that its author was here labouring under the blinding effects of a foregone conclusion. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 421 monarchies more completely than had ever been done before. Rome never had any such triumph in the Orient, and, indeed, no great Asiatic world-power, comparable for magnitude and power with that of Alexander, ever succeeded his. If now we keep in mind this utter overthrow and destruction of the older dynasties by Alexander, and then observe what seems especially to have affected Daniel, namely, the wrath and violence of the ''little horn," and note how, in different forms, this bitter and relent- less persecutor is made prominent in this book (chapters viii and xi), we may safely say that the conquests of Alexander, and the blasphemous fury of Antiochus Epiphanes, in his violence against the chosen j^eople, amply fulfilled the prophecies of the fourth kingdom. (S) It is also claimed that the Roman theory is favoured by the statement, in chap, ii, 44, that the kingdom of God should be set up " in the days of those kings." For the Roman Empire, it is urged, ruled Palestine when Christ appeared, and all the other great mon- archies had passed away. But on what ground can it be quietly assumed that "these kings" are Roman kings? If we say that they are kings denoted by the toes of the image, inasmuch as the stone smote the image on the feet (ii, 34), we involve ourselves in serious confusion. The Christ appeared when Rome was in the meridian of her power and glory. It was three hundred years later when the empire was divided, and much later still when bro- ken in pieces and made to pass away. But the stone smote not the legs of iron, but the feet, which were partly of iron and partly of clay (ii, 33, 34). When, therefore, it is argued that the Groeco- Macedonian power had fallen before the Christ was born, it may on the other hand be replied with greater force that a much longer time elapsed after the coming of Christ before the power of Rome was broken in pieces. Evidently, therefore, no satisfactory conclusion can be reached as long as we allow oui-selves to be governed by subjective gy^^.g^tiyg p^g. notions of the import of minor features of the symbols, sumptions must or by assumptions of what the prophet ought to have seen. The advocates of the Roman theory are continually hiying stress upon the sujsposed import of the tico arms, and two legs, and ten toes of the image; whereas these are merely the natural parts of a human image, and necessary to complete a coherent outline. The prophet lays no stress upon them in his exposition, and it is nowhere said that the image had ten toes. We must appeal to a closer view of the prophet's historical standpoint and his outlying field of vision; and especially should we study his visions in the 42:^ PRINCIPLES OF light of his own explanations and historical statements, rather than from the narratives of the Greek historians. Applying priuciijles already sufficiently emphasized, we first at- Daniei's histor- tend to Daniel's historical position. At his first vision icai standpoint. Nebuchadnezzar was reigning in great splendour (Dan. ii, 37, 38). At his second, Belshazzar occupied the throne of Baby- Ion (vii, 1). This monarch, unknown to the Greek historians, fills an important place in the Book of Daniel. He was slain in the flight on w^hich Babylon was taken, and the kingdom passed into the hand of Darius the Mede (v, 30, 31). Whatever we may think or say, Daniel recognizes Darius as the representative of a new dy- nasty upon the throne of Babylon (ix, 1). The prophet held a high position in his government (vi, 2, 3), and during his reign was mir- aculously delivered from the den of lions. Darius the Mede was a ^ , monarch with authority to issue prolamations "to all Prominence of . . the Medes in people, nations, and languages that dwelt m all the Scripture. j^^^ „ ^^^-^ 25), From Daniel's point of view, therefore, the Median domination of Babylon was no such insignificant thing as many expositors, looking more to profane history than to the Bible itself, are wont to pronounce it. Isaiah had foretold that Babylon should fall by the power of the Medes (Isa. xiii, 17; xxi, 2), and Jeremiah had repeated the prophecy (Jer. li, 11, 28). Daniel lived to see the kingdom pass into the hands of Cyrus the Persian, and in the third year of his reign received the minute rev- elation of chapters x and xi touching the kings of Persia and of Greece. Already, in the reign of Belshazzar, had he received spe- cific revelations of the kings of Greece who were to succeed the kings of Media and Persia (viii, 1, 21). But no mention of any world-power later than Greece is to be found in the Book of Daniel. The prophetic standpoint of chap, viii is Shushan, the throne-centre of the Medo-Persian dominion, and long after the Medes had ceased to hold precedence in the kingdom. All these things, bearing on the historical position of this prophet, are to be constantly kept in view. Having vividly apprehended the historical standpoint of the 'Oi'^ varied hut '^^'^'^t^'"' ^^'^ should next take up the prophecies which he f.iiraiiei de- has himself most clearly explained, and reason from -what is clear to what is not clear. In the explanation of the great image (ii, 30-45), and of the four beasts (vii, 17-27), we find no mention of any of the Avorld-i)Owers by name, except Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar (ii, 38). But the description and explanation of the fourth beast, in vii, 17-27, correspond so fully witli those of the he-goat in chap, viii as scarcely to leave any rea- BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 423 sonable ground to doubt that they are but varied portraitures of the same great world-power, and that power is declared in the latter chapter to be the Grecian (viii, 21), In chap, xi, 3 the Grecian power is again taken up, its partly strong and partly brittle charac- ter (comp. Dan. ii, 42) is exhibited, together with the attempts of the rival kings to strengthen themselves by intermarriage (comp. ii, 43 and xi, 6), and also the conflicts of these kings, especially those between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids. At verse 21 is introduced the " vile person " (nnj, despised or despicable one), and the description through the rest of the chapter of his deceit and cunning, his violence and his sacrilegious impiety, is but a more fully detailed picture of the king denoted by the little horn of chap- ters vii and viii. As the repetition of Joseph's and Pharaoh's dreams served to impress them the more intensely, and to show that the things were established by God (Gen. xli, 32), so the repetition of these prophetic visions under different forms and imagery served to emjihasize their truth and certainty. There appears to be no good ground to doubt that the little horn of chap, viii, and the vile per- son of chap, xi, 21, denoted Antiochus Epiphanes. We have shown above (pp. 410,411) that the reasons commonly alleged to prove that the little horn of chap, viii denotes a different person from the little horn of chap, vii are superficial and nugatory. It follows, there- fore, that the fourth kingdom described in chapters ii, 40 ff., vii, 23 ff., is the same as the Grecian kingdom symbolized by the he-goat in chap. viii. The repetitions and varied descriptions of this tre- mendous power are in perfect accord with other analogies of the style and structure of apocalyptic prophecy. If we have applied our principles fairly thiis far, it now follows that we must find the four kingdoms of Daniel between The prophet Nebuchadnezzar and Alexander the Great, including j^°g|j^ ^^ ^^_ these two monarchs. Reasoning and searching from plain himself. Daniel's position, and by the light of his own interpretations, we are obliged to adopt the third view named above, according to which the four kingdoms are, respectively, the Babylonian, the Median, the Persian, and the Grseco-Macedonian. We have been able to find but two real arguments against this view, namely, (1) the assumption that the Median rule of Babylon was too insig- nificant to be thus mentioned, and (2) the statement of chap, viii, 20 that the ram denoted the kings of Media and Persia. The first argument should have no force with those who allow Daniel to ex- plain himself. He clearly recognizes Darius the Mede as the suc- cessor of Belshazzar on the throne of Babylon (v, 31). This Darius was " the son of Ahasuerus of the seed of the Medes " 424 PRINCIPLES OP (ix, 1), and though he reigned but two years, that reign was, from the prophet's standpoint, as truly a new world-power at Babylon as if he had reigned fifty years. Whatever his relation to Cyrus the Persian, he set a hundred and twenty princes over his kingdom (vi, 1), and assumed to issue decrees for "all people, nations, and languages " (vi, 25, 2G). Most Avriters have seemed strangely un- Avilling to allow Daniel's statements as much weight as those of the Greek historians, who are notably confused and unsatisfactory in their accounts of Cyrus and of his relations to the Medes. The other argument, namely, that in chap, viii, 20, the two-horned __ , ram denotes " the kins^s of Media and Persia," is very The prophet's = ta • i i • ir point of view properly supposed to show that Daniel himseli recog- inDan.vTii. nised Medes and Persians as constituting one mon- archy. But this argument is set aside by the fact that the position of the prophet in chap, viii is Shushan (ver. 2), the royal residence and capital of the later Medo-Persian monarchy (Neh. i, 1; Esther i, 2). The standpoint of the vision is manifestly in the last period of the Persian rule, and long after the Median power at Babylon had ceased to exist. The Book of Esther, written during this later period, uses the expression "Persia and Media" (Esther i, 3, 14, 18, 19), thus implying that Persia then held the supremacy. The facts, then, according to Daniel, are that a Median world-power succeeded the Babylonian; but that, under Cyrus the Persian, it subsequently lost its earlier precedence, and Media became thor- oughly consolidated with Persia into the one great empire known in other history as the Medo-Persian. With this view all the prophecies of Daniel readily harmonize. Inner harmony According to chap. ii, 39, the second kingdom was in- I'ons ?o Te ^erior to that of Nebuchadnezzar, and in vii, 5, it is sought. represented by a bear raised up on one side, and holding three ribs between his teeth. It has no prominence in the interpre- tation given by the prophet, and nothing could more fitly symbolize the Median rule at Babylon than the image of a bear, sluggish, grasping, and devouring what it has, but getting nothing more than its three ribs, though loudly called on to " arise and devour much flesh." No ingenuity of critics has ever been able to make these representations of the second kingdom tally with the facts of the Medo-Persian monarchy. Except in golden splendour this latter was in no sense inferior to the Babylonian,* for its dominion was "^ Calvin, Aubcrlon, and others think the Medo-Persian was inferior in moral condi- tion to the Rabylonian. But surely the Persian monotheism was far higlver in point of moral and religious worth than the polytheism of Babylon. Keil and others find the inferiority of the Medo-Persian monarchy in its want of inner ituity, the combinO/- BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 425 every way broader and mightier. It was well represented by the fleet leopard with the four wings and four heads which, like the third kingdom of brass, acquired wide dominion over all the earth (comp. ii, 39, and vii, 6), but not by the sluggish, half-reclining bear, which merely grasped and held the ribs put in its mouth, but seemed indisposed to arise and seek more prey. Those interpreters who adopt the second view above named, and, distinguishing between Alexander and his successors, The Diadochoi make these latter constitute the fourth kingdom, have ^'^^ory. brought most weighty and controlling arguments against the first or Roman theory,' showing that chronologically, geographically, politically, and in relation to the Jewish people, the Roman Empire is excluded from the range of Daniel's prophecies. " The Roman Empire," says Cowles, " came into no important relations to the Jews until the Christian era, and never disturbed their repose effect- ually until A, D. 70. . . . Rome never was Asiatic, never was orien- tal; never, therefore, was a legitimate successor of the first three of these great empires. . . , Rome had the seat of her jDOwer and the masses of her population in another and remote part of the world." ' But this second theory is unable to show any sufficient reason for dividing the dominion of Alexander and his successors ^ . . '^ . . . . Dominion of into two distinct monarchies. According to every prop- Alexander and er analogy and implication, the fourth beast with its ^^^ two'dwer- ten horns and one little horn of chap, vii, and the he- eniwurid-pow- Grs goat with its one great horn and its four succeeding ones, and the little horn out of one of these — as presented in chap, viii, 8, 9, 21-23 — all represent but one world-power. From Daniel's point of vision these could not be separated, as the Median domination at Babylon was separated from the Chaldaean on the one side, and the later Medo-Persian on the other. It would be an unwarrantable confusion of symbols to make the horns of a beast represent a dif- ferent kingdom fi-om that denoted by the beast itself. The two horns of the Medo-Persian ram are not to be so understood, for the Median and Persian elements are, according to chap, viii, 20, sym- bolized by the whole body, not exclusively by the horns of the ram, and the vision of the prophet is from a standpoint Avhere the Median tion of Medes and Persians being an element of weakness. But, from all that appears in history, this combination of two great peoples was an element of might and majesty rather than of weakness or of inferiority. ' See Stuart's " Excursus on the Fourth Beast " in his Commentary on Daniel, pp. 205-210. Cowles' Notes on Daniel, pp. 354-371, and Zockler on Daniel ii and vii in Lange's Biblework, translated and annotated by Strong. ^ Notes on Daniel vii, 28, p. 355. 428 PRINCIPLES OF and Persian powers have become fully consolidated into one great empire. If, in chap, viii, 8, 9, we regard the goat and his first horn as denoting one world-power, and the four succeeding horns an- other and distinct world-power, analogy requires that we should also make the ten horns of the fourth beast (vii, 7, 8, 24) denote a kino-dom different from the beast itself. Then, again, what a con- fusion of symbols would be introduced in these parallel visions if we make a leopard with four wings and four heads in one vision {vii, 6) correspond with the one horn of a he-goat in another, and the terrible fourth beast of chap, vii, 7, horns and all, correspond merely w^ith the horns of the goat! From every point of view, therefore, we are driven by our her- meneutical principles to hold that view of Daniel's four Conclusion. symbolic beasts which makes them represent, respect- ively, the Babylonian, the Median, the Medo-Persian, and the Gre- cian domination of Western Asia. But the "Ancient of days" (vii, 9-12) brought them into judgment, and took away their do- minion before he enthrcmed the Son of man in his everlasting kingdom. The penal judgment is represented as a great assize, the books are opened, and countless thousands attend the bidding of the Judge. The blasphemous beast is slain, his body is destroyed and given to burning flames, and his dominion is rent from him, and consumed by a gradual destruction (verses 10, 11, 26). We have dwelt the longer on these prophecies because their Each book of proper interpretation is of fundamental importance in prophecy to be jihisti-atiiio; the principles by which we are to explain stuaied asa o i i J i-ii whole. other apocalyptic visions. It must be evident that a book of prophecy should be studied as a whole, so that if there be any marked correlation of its several parts, or any system or prin- •ciples of interpretation deducible from comparison and analogy, they may be duly noted. The minor points should then be studied in the light of the whole revelation. It has been generally con- ceded that Daniel's prophecies and the Apocalypse of John have notable analogies, and may be profitably studied in connexion with each other. The same may be said of large portions of Ezekiel and Zechariah. But we must not therefore assume that these different prophets, by the use of like symbols, all treat the same subjects, and that the riders on different coloured horses in Zechariah, and the beasts in Daniel, denote the same things as the corresponding symbols in John. Like symbols must represent like things, but not necessarily the same things. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 437 CHAPTER XXIII. OLD TESTAMENT APOCALYPTICS. Apocaltptics is a theological term of recent origin employed in biblical literature to designate a class of prophetic „., ,. , . ° . ^ ' Biblical apoc- vvritings which refer to impending or future judgments, aiyptics de- and the final triumph and glory of the Messianic king- ^^'^'^' dom. Biblical apocalyptics is defined by Liicke as " the sum total (Inbegriff) of the eschatological revelations of the Old and the New Testament."' To this class we assign the oracles of Joel, large portions of Daniel, Ezekiel, and Zechariah, our Lord's eschatolog- ical discourse in Matt, xxiv, and its parallels in Mark and Luke, Paul's doctrine of the Parousia in the Thessalonian epistles, and in 1 Cor. XV, and the Apocalypse of John. The great theme of all these apocalyptic Scriptures is the holy kingdom of God in its con- flict with the godless and persecuting powers of the world — a con- flict in w^hich the ultimate triumph of righteousness is assured.* " The name apocalyptic," says Auberlen, " signifies that the divine communication and revelation are more prominent in the prophet than the human mediation and receptivity, for aTronaXvipig (revela- tion) signifies a divine, npocpTjTeia (prophecy) a human activity. . . . The two expressions are used as two distinct sjjecies of one and the same genus, according as the objective revelation or the subjective inspiration is more prominent. Thus St. Paul distinguishes them • Versuch einer vollstandigen Einleitung in die OfFenbarung des Johannes, p. 25. Second ed., Bonn, 1852. See his whole chapter entitled Erorterung des Begriffs oder Tbeorie der Apokalyptik, pp. 1*7-39; and compare Hilgenfeld, Die jadische Apokaljp- tik, Einleitung, pp. 1-16 (Jena, 1857); Dlisterdieck, Kritisch-exegetisches Handbiich uber die Offenbarung Johannis, pp. 35-46 (Gottingen, 1877); Lange, The Revelation of John, pp. 1-6. American ed., New York, 1874. * The amount of apocryphal apocalyptical literature still extant is very large, and may be divided into Jewish and Christian apocalyptics. Comp. Liicke, pp. 223-230. Much of it may be properly called Jewish-Christian; but, altogether, it is of little value in the elucidation of scriptural prophecy, which holds an incomparable eleva- tion above it. Liicke and Stuart devote a considerable part of their works on the Apocalypse to an account of these pseudepig''aphal books. Bilgenfeld (Jiidische Apokalyptik, pp. 5-8) disregards entirely the distinction between canonical and apoc- ryphal apocalyptics, and treats the books of Daniel, Enoch, Pseudo-Ezra, and the Sibylline Oracles as a precursory history (Vorgeschichte) of Chrij^tianity. But most, if not all, of the apocryphal Apocalypses (at least in their present form) are posterior to the Christian Scriptures. 428 PRINCIPLES OF in 1 Cor. xiv, 6: 'either by revelation or by prophecy. ... In prophecy the Spirit of God, who inspires the human organ of reve- lation, finds his immediate expression in words; in the Apocalypse human language disappears, for the reason given by the apostle (2 Cor. xii, 4): he 'heard unsjjeakable words which it is not lawful for a man to utter.' A new element appears here which cor- responds to the subjective element of seeing, the vision. The prophet's eye is opened to look into the unseen world; he has inter- course with angels; and as he thus beholds the unseen, he beholds also the future, which appears to him embodied in plastic symbolic shapes as in a dream, only that these images are not the children of his own fancy, but the product of divine revelation adapting itself essentially to our human horizon." ^ Although apocalyptics may thus be distinguished from other prophetic Scriptures, the same hermeneutical principles neuticai priD- are applicable to them all. We have already examined cipies. most of the apocalyptic portions of Daniel and Zecha- riah; it remains for us to show the application of the principles we have enunciated to other eschatological prophecies, especially those of the New Testament. We find the same formal elements," the same wealth of figure and symbol, and a constant reference to the great day of the Lord in the words of Joel, the visions of Ezekiel, the twenty-fourth of Matthew, the Epistles to the Thessalonians, the Book of Revelation, and in other less noticeable Scriptures. The Revelation of Joel. A scientific treatise on biblical apocalyptics should begin with an ,_, , analysis of the Book of Joel. " If Joel and other proph- IogI the oluGSt XX formal Apoca- ets had been secular writers," says Meyrick, " we should '^P^* say that with Joel originated that apocalyptic literature which culminated in the Book of Revelation. Being what they are, we say that it pleased God first to reveal to Joel that which he, in a similar, though not in the same, form afterward revealed to his other prophets respecting the end of the world and the occurrences which were to precede it. The glorious prospect of a future bless- edness became the inheritance of the Jewish people from the time of Joel onward, and with it the terrors of the day of judgment. The prophetic form which the idea takes in Joel and his successors is that of a universal reign of righteousness, peace and happiness, ' The Trophccios of Daniel and tlie Revelation of St. John viewed in their mutual Relation, pp. 80, S3, 84. Eclinb., 185G. 'See Lan^e, on the Formal Elements of Apocalyptics, in his Introduction to the Revelation of John, American edition, pp. 14-41. BIBLICAL IIERMENEUTICS. 429 under the visible headship of Jehovah, the centre of whose king- dom would be the earthly Jerusalem. This glorious period is to be inaugurated by a terrible ' day of the Lord ' (itself ushered in by signs and wonders in the universe) wherein, the Jewish exiles having been restored, a judgment will be pronounced by Jehovah in solemn assize upon all the heathen ; and the foes of Jehovah and of his people Israel will be exterminated. Our Lorci, divesting the idea, which Js permanent^ of the form, which is transitory, declares to us that the ' day of the Lord ' shall come, ushered in by the signs and wonders described by the prophet; that he, the Son of man, shall sit upon the throne of his glory; that, his elect having been gathered from all quarters, he shall give solemn judgment upon all nations collected before him; and that those who are his foes, and the foes of his elect, will be dismissed into everlasting punishment, while the righteous ai'e admitted to the inheritance of the kingdom prepared for them from the foundation of the world (Matt, xxiv— xxv). St. John, in like manner, in his final apocalyptic visions, sees Joel's vision spiritualized — the gathering of the heathen, the day of judgment, the destruction of the wicked, and the creation of the new Jerusalem, in which God's people shall dwell forever around the throne of God and of the Lamb. . . . The dearest hopes and the most awful fears which encourage and restrain the human race at the present day were revealed by God to the prophet Joel, and from his time onward became the inheritance of his Church,'" These formal elements of the chief apocalyptic prophecies should receive our careful attention as they appear in Joel. Analysis of Jo- His prophecy is arranged in two leading divisions, eis i.rophecy. The first part consists of a twofold revelation of judgment, each revelation being accompanied by words of divine counsel and prom- ise (chapters i, 1-ii, 27); the second part goes over a portion of the same field again, but delineates more clearly the blessings and tri- umph which shall accompany the day of Jehovah (chapters ii, 28- iii, 21; Hebrew text, chapters iii and iv). These two jjarts may be properly entitled: (l) JehovaKs impending judgments ; (2) Jc- hova/i^s coming triumph and glory. The first may again be sub- divided into four sections, the second into three, as follows: 1. Chap, i, 1-12. After the manner of Moses, in Exod. x, 1-G, Joel is commissioned to announce a fourfold plague of locusts. What one swarm leaves behind them another devours (ver. 4), until ' Speaker's Commentary, vol. vi, pp. 404, 495. Merx, also, though singularly mis- apprehending the historical standpoint of the prophet Joel, recognizes the eschatolog- ical and apocalyptic character of his prophecies. See his Die Prophetic des Joel und ihre Ausleger, pp. 62-78. Halle, 1879. 430 PRINCIPLES OF all vegetation is destroyed, and the whole land is left in mourning. This fourfold scourge, as a beginning of sorrows in the impending day of Jehovah, should be compared with the four riders on differ- ent coloured horses, and the four horns of Zech. i, 8, 18, the four war chariots of Zech. vi, 1-8, the wars, famines, pestilences, and earthquakes of Matt, xxiv, 7; Luke xxi, 10, 11, and the four horses of Rev. vi, 1-8. It is thus a habit of apocalyptics to represent punitive judgments in a fourfold manner. 2. Chap, i, 13-20. After the manner of Jehoshaphat, when the combined forces of Moab, Ammon, and Seir were marching against him (2 Chron, xx, 1-13), the prophet calls upon the priests to lament, and proclaim a fast, and gather the people in solemn assem- bly to bewail the awful day that is coming as a destruction from Shaddai. Under this head other features of the calamity are inci- dentally mentioned, as the distress of beast, cattle, and flock, and the ravages of lire (verses 18-20). 3. Chap, ii, 1-11. In this section the prophet proclaims the day of Jehovah in still more fearful aspects. Under the blended ima- gery of darkness, devouring fire, numberless locusts, and rushing armies (all which are represented in a plague of locusts),' the earth and the heavens are shaken, and sun, moon, and stars withhold their light. 4. Chap, ii, 12-27. The second portrayal of the great and terri- ble day is in turn followed by another call to penitence, fasting, and prayer, and also the promise of deliverance and glorious recom- pense. So the double proclamation of judgment has for each announcement a corresponding word of counsel and hope. The second part of the prophecy is distinguished by the words, " And it shall come to pass afterward " (p'nnx ^^^y})), a formula which 'An eyewitness of a plague of locusts, which visited Palestine in 1866, says: "From early morning till near sunset the locusts passed over the city in countless hosts, as though all the swarms in the world were let loose, and the whirl of their wings was as the sound of chariots. At times they appeared in the air like some great snowdrift, obscuring the sun, and casting a shadow upon the earth. Men stood in the streets and looked up, and their faces gathered blackness. At intervals those wliich were tired or hungry descended on the little gardens in the city, and in an in- credibly short time all that was green disappeared. Tliey ran up the walls, they sought out every blade of grass or weed growing between the stones, and after eat- ing to satiety, tiiey gathered in their ranks along the ground, or on the tops of the houses. It is no marvel that as Pharaoh looked at tliem he called them 'this death' (Exod. X, 17). . . . One locust has been found near Bethlehem measuring more than five inches in length. It is covered with a hard shell, ami has a tail like a scorpion." — Journal of Sacred Literature for 18GG, p. 89. Compare the same Journal for 1865, pp. •235-23'7. BIBLICAL HERMEiNEUTICS. 431 may be regarded as equivalent to D''Djn ri"'"inX3, la the end of the daySy or, in the last days. 1. Chap, ii, 28-32 (Hebrew text, chap. iii). In accordance with the prayer of Moses (Num. xi, 29), Jehovah promises a great out- pouring of his Spirit upon all the people, so that all will become prophets. This token of grace is followed by wonders in heaven and earth (D''nsiO, p'^odigioits signs, like the plagues of Egypt) : And I will give wonders in the heavens and in the land, Blood, and fire, and columns of smoke ; The sun shall be turned to darkness, And the moon to blood, Before the coming of the day of Jehovah — The great and the terrible. And it shall come to pass that all who call upon the name of Jehovah shall be saved. For in Mount Zion and in Jerusalem shall be deliverance, As Jehovah has said, And in the remnant whom Jehovah calls. 2. Chap, iii, 1-1 7 (Ileb. iv, 1-17). The great day of Jehovah will issue in a judgment of all nations (comp. Matt, xxv, 31-46). Like the combined armies of Moab, Ammon, and Seir, which came against Judah and Jerusalem in the time of Jehoshaphat, the hostile nations shall be brought down into " a valley of Jehoshaphat " (verses 2, 12), and there be recompensed according as they had recompensed Jehovah and his people (comp. Matt, xxv, 41-46). Multitudes, multitudes in the valley of judgment! For near is the day of Jehovah, In the valley of judgment (ver. 14). Jehovah, who dwells in Zion, will make that valley — a valley of judgment to his enemies — like another valley of blessing to his people. Coinp. 2 Chron. xx, 20-26. 3. Chap, iii, 18-21 (Ileb. iv, 18-21). The judgment of the na- tions shall be followed by a perpetual peace and glory like the composure and rest which God gave the realm of Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. xx, 30). The figures of great plenty, the flowing waters, the fountain proceeding from the house of Jehovah, Judah and Jerusalem abiding forever, and " Jehovah dwelling in Zion," arc in substance equivalent to the closing chapters of Ezekiel and John. Thus this oldest Apocalypse virtually assumes a sevenfold struc- ture, and repeats its revelations in various forms. The first four sections refer to a day of Jehovah near at hand, an impending 433 PRINCIPLES OF \ judgment, of whicli the locust scourge had, perhaps, already ap- peared as the heoiiiiiiiit^ of sorrows; the last three stand Joel's prophecy ^ . '^ ^. ^ ,\ , ,, agenericApoc- out ui the more distant future (afterward = the last aiypse. days. Acts ii, 17). The allusions of the book to events of the reign of Jehoshaphat have led most critics to believe that Joel prophesied soon after the days of that monarch, but beyond those allusions this ancient prophet is unknown. The absence of any thing to determine his historical standpoint, and the far-reaching import of his words, render his oracles a kind of generic prophecy capable of manifold applications. Ezekiel's Visions, The numerous parallels between the Book of Ezekiel and the Peculiarities of Revelation of John have arrested the attention of all Ezekiel. readers.' But the number and extent of Ezekiel's proph- ecies carry him over a broader field than that of any other apoca- lyptic seer, so that he combines vision, symbolico-typical action, parable, allegory, and formal prophesying. " Ezekiel's style of prophetic representation," says Keil, " has many peculiarities. In the first place the clothing of symbol and allegory prevails in him to a greater degree than in all the other prophets; and his symbol- ism and allegory are not confined to general outlines and pictures, but elaborated in the minutest details, so as to present figures of a boldness surpassing reality, and ideal representations, which pro- duce an impression of imposing grandeur and exuberant fulness.' Ezekiel's prophecies, like Joel's, may be divided into two parts: , the first (chapters i-xxxii) announcing Jehovah's iudff- Analysis of ^ ^ ' t? _ j » Ezekiel's proph- ments upon Israel and the heathen nations; the second *°^^^' (chapiters xxxiii-xlviii) announcing the restoration and final glorification of Israel. The first part, however, is not without gracious words of promise (xi, 13-20; xvii, 22-24), and the second contains the fearful judgment of God (xxxvii, xxxviii) after the man- ner of the judgment of all nations described in the second part of Joel (iii, 2-14). The first part of Ezekiel may be subdivided into seven sections, the second part into three, as follows: 1. Chapters i-iii, 14. The opening vision is threefold, consist- Tiie opening i"g of the living creatures, the -wheels, and the throne vision. Qf Jehovah. The symbolic parts of this vision embody the substance of all the subsequent prophecies. The fourfold Avheel, like tlie horsemen, the horns, the smiths, and the chariots in Zech. ' See a list of parallels between Ezekiel, Daniel, Zechariah, and John in the Speak- er's Cominentiiry on Ezekiel, pp. 12-10. '^ Biblieni (Jonimentary on the Prophecies of Ezekiel, vol. i, p. 9. Edinb., 1870. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 433 i, 10, 19, 21; vi, 5, and the four horses and their riders in Rev. vi, 2-8, represent the potent agencies of divine judgment. Whether these go forth against rebellious Israel or against the heathen, they move at the will and command of the cherubim. So in Rev. vi, the symbols of conquest, bloodshed, famine, and aggravated mor- tality proceed on their solemn mission only as the cherubim say Come. Here is a profound intimation that all things work together for good to them who love God, and who are, accordingly, predes- tined to be conformed to the image of his Son, and to be sanctified in his glory (Rom. viii, 28-30; comp. Exod. xxix, 48). For if the cherubim are prophetic symbols of redeemed and glorified human- ity (see above, p. 363) this vision suggests that every agency of providence or judgment in all the world moves with a foreseen (irposyvG), Rom. viii, 29; xi, 2; comp. 1 Peter i, 1, 2) vital relation to the ultimate glory of God's elect. The vision was followed by the divine call and commission of the prophet. 2. Chapters iii, 15-vii describe the further commission of the prophet, and contain his first series of symbolico-typical and orac- ular announcements of the approaching woes and desolation of Jerusalem. 3. Chapters viii-xi. The prophet is carried in vision to Jerusa- lem, and there beholds a fourfold picture of the idolatrous abomi- nations which constituted Judah's guilt and shame. This vision was followed by that of the seven angels, six of whom were com- manded to go through the city and smite all who had not the mark of God upon their foreheads (comp. Rev. vii, 3 ; ix, 4, and the seven trumpet angels of Rev. viii, 2). One of the angels takes fire from between the wheels under the cherubim, and scatters it over the city (comp. Rev. viii, 5), after which the cherubim depart from the temple and the city, and with it that series of visions ends (xi, 24). 4. Chapters xii-xix belong to the cycle of prophecies which are dated in the sixth year (viii, 1), but the standpoint of the prophet is changed, and he appears among the captives in Chaldaea, and by symbolico-typical action, allegory, parable, lamentation, and vari- ous expostulation and warning he exhibits the sins of Israel, and shows that rebellion against God is sure to bring misery and de- struction upon the transgressors. 5. Chapters xx-xxiii contain the prophecies of the seventh year, and repeat in other words and figures the catalogue of Israel's sins. "The same subject is continued," says Fairbairn, "though, as the time of judgment had approached nearer, the;re is an increased keenness and severity in the prophet's tone; he sits, as it were, in judgment upon the people, brings out in full form the divine 28 434 PRINCIPLES OP indictment against them, and with awful distinctness and frequent reiteration announces both their consummate guilt and its appro- priate judgment."' 6. Chap, xxiv bears the date of the memorable day on Avhicli Nebuchadnezzar commenced the siege of Jerusalem, and under the figure of a boiling pot depicts the fearful ruin that was then about to fall upon the city. In the evening of that day the prophet's wife, the desire of his eyes, was removed by death, and he was commanded not to mourn or weep, that he might be a sign to Israel of a grief too deep for tears (comp. Jer. xvi, 4-6). 7. Chapters xxv-xxxii are a series of seven oracles ' against so many different heathen nations, namely, (1) the Ammonites, (2) Moab, (3) Edom, (4) the Philistines, (5) Tyre, (6) Sidon, and (7) Egypt. " These seven nations," observes Currey, " are all mentioned by Jer- emiah (xxv, 15-32) as bidden to drink of the cup of the fury of the Lord; for five of them (Egyjit and Philistia being excepted) Jere- miah was to make bonds and yokes (Jer. xxvii, 3). In prophesying against foreign nations the more recent prophets often adopt the language of those who preceded them." ^ The second part of Ezekiel's prophecies is full of consolation and hope for the house of Israel. As in the opening vision, the dark cloud out of the north had a circle of brightness about it (i, 4), and the fiery human likeness of the glory of Jehovah was encompassed by the appearance of a rainbow (i, 28), so the punitive judgments of God, if not themselves blessings in disguise, are compassed with radiations of divine mercy, and are the agencies of holy love w^hich either chastens to reform, or punishes with death to secure the final peace and glory of Messiah's kingdom. I. Chapters xxxiii-xxxvii abound in consolation and hope for the Prophecies of chosen people. After the renewal of the prophet's restoration. charge, which occurred on the day in which he heard of the fall of Jerusalem (xxxiii, 21), the word of Jehovah through him announces the restoration of Israel in six different forms. (I) As an offset to the work of the unfaithful shepherds who had caused the flock to be scattered abroad, Jehovah, like a good shep- herd, will seek his scattered sheep, and lead them into rich pastures 'Ezekiel and the Book of his Prophecy, p. 14. Edinburjrh, 1855. " These oracles aj^aiiist the seven nations are, perhaps, stifficiontly distinct to be re- garded as a Icadinj^ section by themselves. In that case we should subdivide the fiist half of Ezekiel's prophecies into two leading parts, the first (chapters i-xxiv) against idolatrous Israel, consisting of six subdivisions as above, the second (chapters xxv- xxxii) against the heatlien, and consisting of seven subdivisions. * Speaker's Conuiientary on Ezekiel, p. 106. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 435 upon the mountains of Israel (chap, xxxiv). (2) As an offset to the evils Israel suffered from the surrounding nations, the doom of Edom is foretold as a specimen of the manner in which Jehovah Avill avenge his people on their heartless enemies (chap. xxxv). (3) As an offset to the prophecy against the mountains of Israel, in chap, vi, 1-7, there now comes a promise to restore and beautify all that was laid waste (xxxvi, 1-15). (4) Thereupon follows the pledge of multiplied blessings to be showered upon the restored house of Israel (xxxvi, 16-38), and the section closes with the two symbol- ical signs (5) of the resurrection of dry bones (xxxvii, 1-14), and (6) of the two rods of wood [y]}) which represented the divided kingdoms of Israel and Judah (xxxvii, 15-28). These symbols declared that Israel's restoration should be as life from the dead, and should result in their becoming one nation again upon the mountains of Israel. 2, Chapters xxxviii and xxxix contain the great apocalyptic pic- The battle of ture of the last conflict of the world with God. This ^°s- section has four subdivisions: (1) The gathering of the army of Gog and their march against Israel (xxxviii, 1-13); (2) His fearful overthrow by the power of God (verses 14-23); (3) Another portraiture of the utter destruction of all the multitudes of Gog xxxix, 1-16); (4) The issue of this final victory in the sanctifica- tion and glory of the house of Israel (verses 17-29). On this mys- terious prophecy Currey appropriately remarks: " We must bear in mind that Ezekiel is not predicting the invasion of an actual array, but the advance of evil under that figure. So he declares the over- throw of evil by the figure of a host routed and slain, and the con- sequent purification of a land partially overrun and disturbed. It is the manner of Ezekiel to dwell upon the details of the figurative acts which he portrays, bnnging them before the mind as vivid pictures, and employing, so to speak, the strongest colouring. This has led some so to rest on the picture as to forget that it is a figure. Thus they have searched history to find out some campaign in the land of Israel, some overthrow of invaders, on which to fix this prophecy, and have assigned localities to the burial place, and even thought to discover the spot to which belongs the appellation Hamon-Gog. But in truth the details are set forth in order to carry out the allegory, and their very extravagance, so to speak, points out that we have but the shadow of a great spiritual real- ity which man can only faintly represent and feebly grasp in a figure." ' (3) Chapters xl-xlviii contain an elaborate vision of the kingdom Speaker's Commentary on Ezekiel, p. 158. 436 PRINCIPLES OF of God, and is the Old Testament counterpart of the new heaven and new land portrayed in Rev. xxi and xxii. Ezekiel The new tern- . . -, . , • • /• /-« i ^ i • i pie, land, and IS carried in the visions ot Grod to a very high moiin- ''"^' tain in the land of Israel (xl, 2; comp. Rev. xxi, 10) and sees a new temple, new ordinances of worship, a river of waters of life, new land and new tribal divisions, and a new city named Je- HOVAii-SHAMMAH. The minutciiess of detail is characteristic of Ezekiel, and no one would so naturally have portrayed the Messi- anic times under the imagery of a glorified Judaism as a prophet who was himself a priest. From his historical standpoint, as an exile by the rivers of Babylon, smitten with grief as he remembered Zion, and the ruined city and temple, and the desolated land of Canaan (comp. Psa. cxxxvii), no ideal of restoration and glory could be more attractive and pleasing than that of a perfect temple, a continual service, a holy priesthood, a restored city, and a land com- pletely occupied and watered by a never-failing river that would make the deserts blossom as the rose. Three different interpretations of these closing chapters of Eze- iiiterpretation kiel have been maintained, (1) The first regards this of the closing (description of the temple as a model of the temple of vision of Eze- r r i kiej. Solomon which was destroyed by the Chaldfeans. The advocates of this view suppose that the prophet designed this pat- tern to serve in the rebuilding of the house of God after the return of the Jews from their exile. (2) Another class of interpreters hold that this whole passage is a literal prophecy of the final restoration of the Jews. At the second coming of Christ all Israel will be gath- ei'ed out from among the nations, become established in their an- cient land of promise, rebuild their temple after this glorious model, and dwell in tribal divisions according to the literal statements of this prophecy. (3) That exposition which has been maintained probably by the majority of evangelical divines may be called the figurative or symbolico-typical. The vision is a Levitico-prophetic picture of the New Testament Church or kingdom of God. Its general import is thus set forth by Keil: "The tribes of Israel wiiich receive Canaan for a })erpetual possession are not the Jewish people converted to Christ, but the Israel of God, i. e., the people of God of the new covenant gathered from among both Jews and Gentiles; and that Canaan in which they are to dwell is not the earthly Canaan or Palestine between the Jordan and the Mediterra- nean Sea, but the New Testament Canaan, the territory of the kingdom of God, whose boundaries reach from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the earth. And the temple upon a very high mountain in the midst of this Canaan in which the Lord is BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 437 enthroned, and causes the river of the water of life to flow down from his throne over his kingdom, so that the earth produces the tree of life with leaves as medicine for men, and the Dead Sea is filled with fishes and living creatures, is a figurative representation and type of the gracious presence of the Lord in his Church, whicli is realized, in the present period of the earthly development of the kingdom of heaven, in the form of the Christian Church, in a spir- itual and invisible manner, in the indwelling of the Father and the Son through the Holy Spirit in the hearts of believers, and in a spiritual and invisible opei-ation in the Church, but which will eventually manifest itself when our Lord shall appear in the glory of the Father to translate his Church into the kingdom of glory in such a manner that we shall see the Almighty God and the Lamb with the eyes of our glorified body, and worship before his throne." ' This symbolico-typical interpretation recognizes a harmony of Ezekiel's method and style with other apocalyptic representations of the kingdom of heaven, and finds in this fact a strong argument in its favour. The measurements recorded, the ideal character of the tribe divisions, and especially the river of healing waters flow- ing from the threshold of the temple into the eastern sea, are insu- perable difiiculties in the way of any literal exposition of the vision. The modern chiliastic notion of a future return of the Jews to Pal- estine, and a revival of the Old Testament sacrificial worship, is opposed to the entire genius and spirit of the Gospel dispensation." The illustrations now given of the artistic structure of Old Test- ament apocalyptics should be kept in mind and utilized Ai-tistic struc- in the study of the eschatological portions of the New fy^^^^^ io°*be Testament. The habit of repeating prophetic pictures, noted. like Pharaoh's dreams and Daniel's visions, under various forms, the abundance of imagery, and the highly metaphorical style of predictions of falling empires, should be particularly studied. A failure to observe these formal elements has been one chief cause of the numerous conflicting expositions of this class of Scriptures. That certainly would be an untrustworthy method which, in the interpretation of the New Testament, insists on the literal import of language which, in the Old Testament, is authoritatively shown to be figurative. ' Biblical Commentary on the Prophecies of Ezekiel, vol. ii, p. 425. Edinb., 187G. * For extended arguments in favour of the symbolico-typical, and against the literal, interpretation of Ezek. xl-xlviii, see the commentaries on this prophet by Fairbairn, Schroeder, Cowles, and Carrey. 438 PRINCIPLES OF CHAPTER XXIV. THE GOSPEL APOCALYPSE. Our Lord's eschatological discourse in Matt, xxiv (and the parallel ])assages of Mark and Luke) may be appropriately called the apoca- lypse of the Gospels.' It was uttered in connexion with Occasion of Je- •' ^ ^ . . siis' apocaiyp- his terrible denunciation of Jerusalem, the murderess tic discourse. ^^ prophets (Matt, xxiii, 34-39). The disciples were awestruck by his words, and as he took his departure from the temple they called his attention to the magnificent buildings and great stones ; but this only drew from liim the further remark : " Days will come, in which there shall not be left stone upon stone here, which shall not be thrown down" (Luke xxi, 6). He passed out of the city, and sat down upon the Mount of Olives opposite the temple, when four of the disciples (Peter, James, John, and Andrew) asked him privately (Mark xiii, 3, 4) : *' Tell us when these things shall be, and what the sign when these things are all about to be accomplished?" Luke (xxi, 7) records their inquiry in nearly the same words, but according to Matthew (xxiv, 3) they asked : " Tell us when these things shall be, and what is the sign of thy coming (rij^ orjg rrapovoiag) and of the completion of the age " (avvTeXelag rov alcbvog) ? Let it be noted, then, that our Lord's apocalyptic semion on the Mount of Olives was in answer to this question of his disciples, and with explicit reference to the over- throw of the temple and the fall of Jerusalem. But although the occasion and scope of this discourse are so clearly defined, and our Lord himself declared emphatically, in an- swer to the disciples' question, "This generation shall not pass away until all these things be accomplished " (Matt, xxiv, 34 ; Mark Various opin- ^iiij 30; Luke xxi, 32 ; comp. Matt, xvi, 28; Mark ix, 1 ; '°"=*- Luke ix, 27), a large number of expositors insist that oven now, after a lapse of nearly two thousand years, the prophecy ' This designation is justified by the subject matter of the discourse, and its formal reference to his coming and the end of the age. But it lacks some of the formal elements of biblical apocalyptics, and for the obvious reason that it became this Teacher and Prophet from heaven to speak unlike those who received their revela- tions by vision or dream. So. far, however, as he uses the tone and style of apoca- lyptic i)rophecy, we should interi)ret his language by the same hermeneutical principles which we apply to other revelations. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 439 remains in great part unfulfilled. It is quite generally admitted that Matt, xxiv, 1-28 refers to the fall of Jerusalem, but the lan- guage of verses 29-31 is supposed to be incompatible with that event, and to refer to a future literal coming of Christ in the clouds of heaven. Some, however, find the transition from the destruction of Jerusalem to the end of the world at verse 35 (E. J. Meyer), others at verse 36 (Doddridge), others at verse 43 (Kuinoel), while others find it in chap, xxv, 14 (Eichhorn), and others in chap, xxv, 31 (Wetstein),' Another class of interpreters (Stier, Alford) apply the theory of a double sense to the whole chapter, and teach that our Lord referred primarily to the destruction of Jerusalem, but only as to a type of the end of the world and the final judgment. "Two parallel interpretations," says Alford, "run through the for- mer part as far as verse 28, the destruction of Jerusalem and the final judgment being both enwrapped in the words, but the former, in this part of the chapter, predominating. From verse 28, the lesser subject begins to be SM^allowed up by the greater, and our Lord's second coming is the predominant theme, with, however, certain hints thrown back as it were at the event which was immedi- ately in question; till, in the latter part of the chapter, and the whole of the next, the second advent, and at last the final judgment ensuing on it, are the subjects." " Lange's outline of this sublime prophecy of our Lord is as fol- lows : " In harmony with apocalyptical style, he exhib- Lange's anaiy- ited the judgments of his coming in a sei'ies of cycles, sis of chapters each of which depicts the whole futurity, but in such a ^^^ ^°*^ ^^^' manner that with every new cycle the scene seems to approximate to and more closely resemble the final catastrophe. Thus, the first The great tribulation, 21, 22. 4 Warnings against false Christs and false prophets, 23-26. 5 The parousia like the lightning-flash, 37. 6 Eagles will gather on the carcass, 38. m. 1 Darkening and shaking of sun, moon, and stars immediately after the great tribulation, 39. 3 The sign of the Son of man in the clouds, 30. 3 The sending forth of trumpet angels and gathering of the elect, 31. IV. 1 The similitude of the fig-tree, 33, 33. 2 All these things within this generation, 34. 3 Infallible certainty of Jesus' words, 35. ' The Parousia. A Critical IiKnury into the New Testament Doctrine of our Lord's Secoiul Coming, pp. 58, 59. Lond., 1878. Meyer says, "The tov alCivo^ (the age), with the article, but not further defined, is to be understood as referring to the existing, the then current, age of the world, i. o., to the a'u.)v ovtoc (this age), which is brought to a close {(jwriXeia) witli the second couuug, inasmuch as, with tiiis latter event, the • • a r i aneventofthat bodiment of lawlessness and impiety. As tor the apos- generation. tasy, why should any one imagine it to be other than that going astray of many, of which the Lord spoke repeatedly in his eschatological sermon (Matt, xxiv, 5, 11, 12, 24). He foretold how the love of many would wax cold; false Christs and false prophets would arise, and faith in the true Messiah would be painfully defi- cient at the coming of the Son of man (Luke xviii, 8). Such apos- tasy became notably apparent before that generation passed away (1 Tim. iv, 1-3; 2 Tim. iii, 1-9; 1 John ii, 18, 19). But who is " the man of sin, the son of perdition," to be revealed before the parousia? The language by which he is de- Themanofsin. .,,.., , • "^ j /• ta • i i scribed is evidently appropriated trom Daniel where that prophet delineates the character of Antiochus Epiphanes, sym- bolized in "the little horn" of chap, vii, 8, and viii, 9-12." Anti- ochus was recognized in Jewish history as a typical incarnation of cruelty, blasphemy, and lawlessness. He sought to " wear out the saints of the Most High " (Dan. vii, 25). " He exalted and mag- nified himself above every god, and against the God of gods would he utter wonderful things" (Dan. xi, 36). Does history inform us of any such monster of lawlessness before the close of the Jewish a3on? Most assuredly. In Nero a re vela- /. i t i a • • tion of Anti- Nero, the son of the dissolute Agnppina, Avho succeeded Christ. Claudius on the throne of the Caesars, we find every feature of this dark picture verified. The power and vigilance of Claudius hindered the manifestation of this son of perdition " until he was poisoned by his infamous wife, the mother of Nero, and thus taken out of the way. Paul might well have told the Thessa- lonians of these things while he was yet with them, and common prudence dictated that he should not write more explicitly upon the subject. He had told them before, and now admonishes them acain, that the cominij lawless one would be like another Antiochus the sinful.' He would usurp the place of God, and exhibit himself 'CoiTip. Dan. vii, 24-26; viii, 23-25; xi, 21, 86-38, and our exposition on pp. 410, 411, above. •■^ Bcnf^c'l observes (Gnomon, in loco): "The ancients thought that Claudius himself was this checiv ; foi' hence, as it appears, it hajipened that they considered Nero, Claudius' successor, to be the man of sin." Grotius, Le Clerc, Wetstein, Whitby, and others, hold that this prophecy of tlie man of sin was fulfilled before the destruction of Jerusalem, wliii'h event they also regard as coincident with the parousia. =* Compare tlie exjircssion, " the words of the sinful man " (rivtVwc ufi'ipTcjTiov), in 1 Mace, ii, 62, wIkmc the allusion is to Atilioclui.-:, of whom cliiip. i speaks so largely. "The day of Christ does not come," says Dcngel, "unless Daniel's prediction concern- BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 461 as an object of worship.' According to the working of Satan him- self, of whom he seemed the veriest incarnation, he made use of all the "power and signs and wonders of falsehood" which imperial authority could command to accomplish his purposes of wickedness and cruelty, until he was finally cut oif under circumstances of ter- rible judgment,'^ Many have thought that the language of the apostle is too highly wrought to be applied to the taking off of Nero. With The language what propriety, it is asked, can he be said to have fallen f°* ""!'"!5i'^'': I I- J ' ' to the death of by the breath of the Lord Jesus and by the appearance Nero. of his coming ? The question springs from the same assumption of literalism as when it is asked, concerning Matt, xxiv, 29-31, When were the heavens shaken, and the Son of man seen on the clouds sending forth his angels with the sound of a trumpet ? The apos- tle, like his Lord, simply appropriates the language and style of prophecy. According to Daniel, Antiochus, the beast represented by the little horn, " was slain, and his body was destroyed and given to the burning flame" (Dan. vii, 11). So, too, when the impious Herod allowed himself to be honoured as a god, "immediately an angel of the Lord smote him," and he became eaten of worms (Acts xii, 22, 23).^ The execution of providential judgments may be often wrought by unseen messengers of God, and, in the case of Herod, where human eyes saw nothing but the ravages of foul disease, there was at the same time the potent ministrations of a destroying angel (comp. Exod. xii, 23; 2 Sam. xxiv, 16). The visible effects of divine judgment were terribly manifest both in the taking off of Nero and in the unparalleled miseries of the destruction of Jerusalem. Verily the righteous blood of unnumbered martyrs was visited upon that generation (Matt, xxiii, 35, 36), and where the inquiring and observ- ant historian made record of appalling tribulation and woes, the inspired apostle beheld a " revelation of the Lord Jesus from heaven ing Antiochus be so fulfilled (in the man of sin) that it shall even better suit the man of sin who corresponds to Antiochus, and is worse than he." — Gnomon on 2 Thess. ii, 4. ' It is well kno\vn that the persecuting emperors sought to compel Christians to worship their images. The following words of Howson are worthy of note: "'The image of the emperor was at that time the object of religious reverence ; the emperor was a deity on earth (Dis aqua potestas, Juv. iv, 71); and the worship paid to liim was a real worship (see Merivale's Life of Augustus, p. 159). It is a striking thought that in those times (setting aside effete forms of religion) the only two genuine wor- ships in the civilized world were the worship of a Tiberius or a Claudius, on the one hand, and the worship of Christ on the other." — Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, vol. i, p. 56. New York, 1855. ' On the miserable end of Nero's life, see Merivale, History of the Romans under the Empire, chap. Iv. * Compare the description of the awful death of Antiochus in 2 Mace. ix. 463 PRINCIPLES OP with the angels of his power iu flaming Are, rendering vengeance to them that know not God and to them that obey not the Gospel " (2 Thess. i, 7, 8). The momentous events, therefore, of which Paul wrote in both Nero's reia- of his epistles to the Thessalonians, and the language tions to Juda- ■ ^yiji(.|i ^^ portravcd them, are in harmonv with what ism and Chns- . . t . tianity. - occurred in that generation; and the exposition, wiiich we have briefly outlined, accords with the most natural and obvious import of the ])rophecy. " But the question may be asked, Why should the revelation of Nero in his true chai-acter be a matter of such concern to the apostle and the Christians of Thessalonica? The answer is not far to seek. It was the ferocity of this lawless monster that first let loose all the power of Rome to crush and de- stroy the Christian name. It was by him that torrents of innocent blood were to be shed, and the most exquisite tortures inflicted upon unoffending Christians. It was before his sanguinary tribunal that St. Paul was yet to stand and plead for his life, and from his lips that the sentence was to come that doomed him to a violent death. It was iinder Nero, and by his orders, that the final Jewish war Avas commenced, and that darkest chapter in the annals of Israel was opened which terminated in the siege and capture of Jerusalem, the destruction of the temple, and the extinction of the national polity. This was the consummation predicted by our Lord as the ' end of the age,' and 'the coming of his kingdom.' The revelation of the man of sin, therefore, as antecedent to the parousia, was a matter that deeply concerned every Christian disciple." ' Additional features of the Pauline eschatology are seen in 1 Cor. XV, 20-28: (20) But now hus Christ been raised from the doad, the firstfniits of them who have fallen asleep. (21) For since through a nianVlctith (came), also through a man the resurrection of the dead. (22) For as in Adam all die, so also in Christ sliall all be made alive. (23) But each in his own order (Tuyfiari, company, division, as of an army): Christ the firstfruits, tlien they who are tiie Christ's at his coming; (24) afterward the end, when lie gives over the kingdom to the God and Father, when he shall have abolished all rule and all authority and power; (25) for he must reign until lie has jiut all the enemies under his feet. (26) As the last enemy, death shall be abol- ished; (27) for (as it was written in Psa. viii, G) all things he put under his feet. But Avlien he says that all things are put under, it is evident that there is an exception of him who put all things under him. (28) But when he shall have put all things under him, then also shall the Son himself be- come subject to him (tiie Father) who put all things under him (tlie Sou) that God may be uU things in all. 'The Parousia, p. ISY. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 463 What especially demands our attention here is the doctrine of successive resurrections, of which the resurrection of ^.„ ' Different and Christ himself — a fact already past when the apostle successive res- wrote — is the fii'st in rank and order, and the firstfruits ^"■e''^i°°s- and pledge of the rest.' All the dead shall be raised, according to Paul, but they will come forth by successive companies; Christ first of all, for " he is the beginning, the firstborn from the dead, that he might be in all things himself pre-eminent" (Col. i, 18). Then, at the parousia, they who are Christ's shall be made alive. How com- prehensive this division (rdy/ia) may be is quite uncertain. " Those of the Christ " {ol rov Xgiarov, the [confessors] of the Christ) need not in this connexion mean more than those who are in some special sense related to the kingdom and glory of Christ. We naturally think of " those who are beheaded for the testimony of Jesus, and for the word of God," who "have part in the first resurrection," described in Rev. xx, 4-6. There appears no sufficient wairant for making this company include all the righteous dead who fall asleep before the parousia. The language employed in both these pas- sages denotes at most only a select portion of the dead, and does not designate the character of all the rest of the dead who are not made alive at that time. " Those of the Christ " are not necessarily all those who are, or have been, in any way brought into saving re- lations with Christ. " Afterward [elra, not tote) the end." What end ? The words which follow show that the end of the Messianic reign is meant. It is the end {reXaq) which will come Avhen Christ delivers over the kingdom to the Father, having put down all his enemies, the last of whom to be abolished is death. Manifestly, then, it is the close of the Messianic seen, and after the millennium of Rev. xx, 4, for how could they reign with Christ after he had given over the kingdom to the God and Father ? According to Paul, therefore, a resurrection of "those of the Christ" takes place at the parousia. This accords with 1 Thess. iv, 16, 17; comp. 1 Cor. xv, 52. But at the end of the Messianic reign all the rest of the dead will be made alive, for, ultimately, the resurrection wnll be co-extensive with the race of Adam; "for as in Adam all die, so also in Christ shall all be made alive." There is nothing, however, in this part of the apostle's writings to indicate how long an interval may separate the several acts or stages I 'e cannot now tell, for history has left no more record of them than of Antipas, the faithful witness of Pergamum (chap, ii, 13).' With this revelation, Avhich stands as an episode between the sixth !ind seventh trumpets, we are the more fully prepared to feel Tbe lasttrum- *'^^ tremendous significance of the last trumpet. In that pet. lingering liour of the sixth trumpet — an awful pause before the final blast — " There Avas a great earthijuake, and the tenth part of the ciiy fell." It would not be difficult to cite from the ])a"-es of Josephus an almost literal fulfilment of tliese words." The imagery has allusion to the trumpet signaled fall of Jericho. ' The allusion to Zech. iv, as shown above (p. 352), may suggest that these were two notable persons who alone remained in the city after the other Christians had fled. These thus became the sole representatives there of the Christian Church. The author of the Parousia gives several plausible reasons for supposing that they were none other than James and Peter — the apostles of the circumcision, who abode in Jerusalem to the last. See the Parousia, pp. 430-444. ^ See Josephus, Wars, book iv, chap, iv, 5, and chap, v, 1. If any one would see the fanciful and arbitrary hermeneutical methods into which some of the continuous- historical interpreters of the Revelation unconsciously involve themselves, let him note the following from Faber : " The great city (mystic Babylon) is said to compre- hend ten different parts, or streets, which answer to the ten horns of the first apocalyptic wild beast, and which denote the ten kingdoms of the divided Roman Empire; for, since one tenth part of the great city is thrown down by an earthtpiake -at the close of the second woe, such language necessarily implies a division into ten parts. The same great city is viewed also under two different aspects, according to its wider and its narrower extent. As a literal city may, at one time, comprehend within its walls a mucli larger tract of land than it does at another time, whence a district which was formerly within it may be subsequently without it; so the allegor- ical great city is variously spoken of, according as in point of geography it is variously coiitcniplated. On this i)rinciple the jilatform of the ten streets, though it constituted the whole city when viewed in reference to the ecclesiastical authority exercised from its palace or centre, constituted but a part of it when viewed in reference to the wide dominions of the Roman Caesars ; and on the same principle, any province which lies ))eyond the geographical limits of the ten streets may be truly described as being •either within or without the city. In this same manner, accordingly, we find the province of Judea spoken of. Our Lord is said to have been crucified within the great city, because he was crucified in the province of Judea, at that time within the limits of the Roman Empire [so was Britain ! Surely a remarkable way of telling where the Lord was crucified] ; yet is that identical province described as being with- out the great city (Rev. xi, 8; xiv, 20), because it lies without the jdatform of the ten streets which constitute the proper Western Empire, or Latin Patriarchate." — The Sacred Calendar of Prophecy (3 vols., Lond., 1828), vol. i, pp. 31, 32. Comp. other specimens in Farrar, The Early Days of Christianity, pp. 434, 435. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 475 Next and "quickly" (xi, 14) the last trumpet sounds, and great voices in the heaven say "The kingdom of the world is become our Lord's and his Christ's, and he shall reign unto the ages of the ages" (ver. 15). The old seon has passed, the new one has begun, and the heavenly host shout a pcean of triumph. The blood of the souls that cried from under the altar (vi, 10) is now avenged, and those proi)hets and saints receive their reward (xi, 18). The old temple disappears, and the temple of God which is in heaven opens, and reveals the long-lost ark of the covenant (ver. 19), henceforth accessible to all who are washed in the blood of the Lamb. The second part of the Apocalypse (chaps, xii-xxii) is not a chronological sequel to the first, but travels over the „^ , , \ The second part same ground again. The two parts have a relation to of the Apoca- each other somewhat like the dream of the great image l^^nVthrnrst and the vision of the four beasts in the Book of Daniel, under other They cover the same field of vision, but view things under different aspects. The first part exhibits the terrible ven- geance of the Lamb upon his enemies, as if contemplating every- thing from the idea of the king " Avho sent forth his armies and de- stroyed those murderers, and burned their city " (Matt, xxii, V). The second part presents a vivid outline of the struggling Church pass- ing her first crisis, and rising through persecution and danger to triumph and glory. The same great struggles and the same fearful catastrophe appear in each part, though under different symbols. By the woman, in chap, xii, 1, we understand the apostolic Church; the man-child (ver. 5) represents her children, the ad- -j.j,e woman herents and faithful devotees of the Gospel. The im- and the Dragon, agery is taken from Isa. Ixvi, 7, 8. These are the children of " the Jerusalem which is above," and which Paul calls "our mother" (Gal. iv, 26). The statement that this child was to rule all nations with a rod of iron, and be caught up to the throne of God, has led many to suppose that Christ is designated. But the language of the promise to the church of Thyatira (chap, ii, 26, 27), and the vision of the martyrs who live and reign with Christ a thousand years (chap, xx, 4-6), show that Christ's faithful martyrs, whose blood was the seed of the Church, are associated with him in the authority and administration of his Messianic rule. The dragon is the old serpent, the devil, and his standing ready to devour the child as soon as born is an image appropriated from Pharaoh's atti- tude toward the infant Israelites (Exod. i, 16). Michael and his angels are but symbolic names of Christ and his apostles. The war in heaven was fought in the same element where the woman ap- peared, and the casting out of demons by Christ and his apostles 476 PRINCIPLES OF was the reality to which these symbols point (comp. Luke x, 18; John xii, 31). The soul-conflicts of the Christian are of like char- acter.^ The flight of the woman into the wilderness was the scat- tering of the Church by reason of bitter persecutions (comp. Acts viii, 1), but especially that flight of the church in Judea which Jesus authorized Avhen his disciples should see the signs of the end (Matt, xxiv, 16 ; Luke xxi, 21). Being cast down from the heavenly places, the dragon stood upon _ , the sand of the sea, and next revealed himself in a wild TheBeastsfrom , . , . the sea and from bcast, which IS seen commg up out of the sea (xiii, 1). the land. jj^ combines various features of a leopard, a bear, and a lion, the first three beasts of Daniel's vision (Dan. vii, 4, 6), and the power which the dragon gives him imjjarts to him all the malignity, blasphemy, and persecuting violence which characterized Daniel's fourth beast at the appearance of the little horn. This beast Ave understand to be the Roman Empire, especially as repre- sented in Nero, under whom the Jewish war began, and by whom the woman's seed, the saints (comp. xii, 17, and xiii, 7), Avere most bitterly persecuted. He Avas the veriest incarnation of Avickedness, a signal revelation of antichrist, and corresponds in every essential feature Avith the man of sin, the son of perdition, of Avhom Paul Avrote to the Thessalonians (2 Thess. ii, 3-10).* At the same time another beast is seen coming up out of the land (xiii, 11), having two horns like a lamb. But he is only the satellite, the alter ego and representative of the first beast, and exercises his authority. This second beast is a proper symbol of the Roman gOA^ernment of Judea by procurators, and if A\^e seek for the meaning of the tAvo horns, Ave may find it in the two procurators specially noted for their tyranny and oppression, Albinus and Gessius Florus.^ It is a Avell- knoAvn fact that the Christians of this period Avere required to Avor- ship the image of the emperor or die, and the procurators M'ere the emperors agents to enforce this measure.^ Thus the second beast ' Paul fully recognized the spiritual and demoniacal character of the Christian's struggle when he wrote : " Our wrestling is not against blood and flesh, but against the principalities, against the powers, against the world-rulers of this darkness, against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places" (Eph. vi, 12). Such conflict was a war in heaven. - See above, pp. 4G0-462. ^ See Josephus, Ant., book xx, chap, ix, 1, and chap, xi, 1. Wars, book ii, chaps, xiv anil xv. ■* Alford, after quoting in evidence from Pliny's letter to Trajan, observes: "If it be said, as an objection to this, that it is not an image of the emperor, but of the beast itself, which is spoken of, the answer is very simple, that as the seer himself in chap, xvii, 11 does not hesitate to identify one of the nevcn kings with the beast itself, so BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 47T is appropriately called "the false prophet" (chaps, xvi, 13; xix, 20), for his great work was to turn men to a blasphemous idolatry. The mystic number of the beast (xiii, 18) would then be represented both by the Greek Aaretvoc;, and the Hebrew iDp JIIJ, the numerical value of each beinji: 666. For the beast was both the Latin kinef- dom, and its representative and head, JSTero Ccesar. The vision of Mount Zion in chap, xiv is a glorious contrast to the preceding revelations of antichrist. It presents the vision of Mount heavenly side of this period of persecution and trial, zion. and sets it forth in seven exhibitions: (1) First is seen the Lamb on Mount Zion (the heavenly Zion), and with him are the thousands of his redeemed Israel in great glory (verses 1-5). These are no other than the woman's seed who have been caught up to the throne of God (xii, 5), but are now seen from another point of view. (2) Next follows the vision of the flying angel bearing eternal good tidings to every nation (verses 6, 7). This is done in spite of the dragon and his agents. While the dragon, wielding the forces of empire, seeks to annihilate the Church of God, the true children of the heav- enly Jerusalem are caught up to be with Christ in glory; but the Gospel is still preached in all the world, accompanied by warning and promise. Thus the saints triumph " on account of the blood of the Lamb, and on account of the word of their testimony " (chap. xii, 11). (3) Then an angel, as by anticijiation, announces the fall of Babylon the great (ver. 8), and is followed (4) by another who warns men against the worship of the beast and his image (verses 9-12). (5) Then a voice from heaven pronounces them blessed who die in the Lord from henceforth (ver. 13); as if from that eventful epoch the dead in Christ should enter at once into a rest we may fairly assume that the image of the beast for the time being would be the image of the reigning emperor." — Greek Test, on Rev. xiii, 15. It is strange that learned critics will turn, with an air of contempt, away from an explanation of the " image of the beast " so natural and simple as that given above, and find satisfaction in such fancies as that this image denotes the images of saints set up in papal churches (Faber) ; or the pope considered as the idol of the Roman Church (Newton, Daubuz) ; or the temporal power of the pope, and the patrimony granted by Pepin in A. D. 754 (Glasgow) ; or the papal kingdom or hierarchy which the priesthood estab- lished (Lord) ; or the empire of Charlemagne, regarded as the image of the old hea- then Roman Empire (Mede) ; or the pope's decretals (Osiander); or the Inquisition (Vitringa) ; or the papal General Councils of Western Europe (Elliott). Writers so full of visions of modern Europe and the fortunes of the papacy that they quickly discern apocalyptic epochs in such events as the battle of Sadowa, July S, 1866, the pope's bull of July, 1868, the insurrection in Spain under Prim, and the revolution in France consequent upon the battle of Sedan, 1870, can scarcely be expected to view any prophecy from the historical standpoint of the sacred writer. Comp. Elliott, Horae Apocalypticse, 5th ed., Lond., 1872; Preface and Postscript. 478 PRINCIPLES OF wliich the dead of tlie previous ason could not know. (6) The sixth scene is that of the Son of man represented as wearing a golden crown, holding a sharp sickle in his hand, and attended by an angel (verses 14-16); and with these soon appears another angel Imviiig a sharp sickle, and the land was reaped, and the winepress, trodden without the city, spread rivers of blood that seemed to deluge all the land. This is but another picture of the same great catastrophe, seen from another point of view. The vision of the seven vials {(tiidXag, bov)ls) full of the wrath of The seven last Ood, which are also called the seven last plagues (chap- piagues. iQY& XV, xvi), is but another symbolization of the seven trumpet-woes (of chapters viii-xi), with which they minutely corre- spond. The dui)licate vision of these terrible judgments (one judg- ment of sevenfold fury, comp. Dan. iii, 19) is analogous to other repe- titions of the same subject under different imageiy (see above, pp. 409-411, and 416, 417). This double vision of wrath, like the double dream of Pharaoh, served to show that these things were estab- lished by the Almighty, and that he would shortly bring them to pass (Gen. xl, 32).' The vision of Babylon the great (chapters xvii, xviii) is a highly wrought apocalyptic picture of the apostate Church of mystic Baby- the old covenant (comp. above, p. 391). The then exist- '""■ ing Jerusalem, in bondage with her children (Gal. iv, 25), is portrayed as a harlot, and the language and imagery are approj)ri- ated largely from Ezekiel's allegory of the same city (Ezek. xvi; comp. Ezek. xxiv)." It is that murderess of prophets against whom Jesus uttered the terrible words of Matt, xxiii, 34-36. From tlie beginning of the Roman Empire Jerusalem sought and maintained a heathenish complicity with the Caesars, and the empire became, politically, her dependence and support. There was constant strife among ambitious rulers to obtain the so-called " kingdom of Judea." Jerusalem was the chief city of that province, and is, therefore, l)roperly said to "reign over the kings (not of the earth, and not over emperors and nionarc/is of the ^oorld), but of the land " (chap. ' "The repetition of the viriion of judgment in various forms," says Farrar, "is one of the reeognized Hebrew methods of expressing their eertainty. The same general c-ahimities are indicated by diverse symbols." He cites from the ancient Coninientury of Victorinus the statement that the seven vials are but another symbol of the same judgments as those denoted by the trumpets, and adds: "There is fair reason to sup- pose that Victorinus derived this .valuable iuid by no means obvious principle of in- terpretation from early, and perhaps from apostolic, tradition." — The Early Days of Christianity, chap, xxviii, p. 450. London, 1882. - Comp. Isa. i, 21 : " How has the once faithful city become a harlot! " Comp. also Jcr. ii, 2, 20; iii, ^J-G ; iv, oU ; xiii, 27. BIBLICAL IIERMEXEUTICS. 479 xvii, 18). It is the same land (yrj), the tribes of which mourn over the coming of the Son of man (chap, i, Y).' We, accordingly, take the mystic Babylon to be identical M^ith the great city which, in cliaji. xi, 8, is called Sodom and Egypt, where the Lord was ci'uci- fied.^ The explanation of the mystery of the woman and the beast, ffiven in chap, xvii, 7-18, has puzzled all interpreters. ,, &_ , ^ ' / ^ _ ^ Mysteryof It is noticeably a composite explanation, and avowedly woman and applies partly to the woman and partly to the beast ^^ ' Avhich carries "her. The mystery requires for its solution " the mind which hath Avisdom" (ver. 9), and it may have had a meaning and force for John's contemporaries which we of a long subsequent age cannot so easily feel. " The beast which was, and is not, and is about to come up out of the abyss, and to go away into destruc- tion " (ver. 8), is an expression of cautious reserve, which is notably like Paul's guarded language about the man of sin (2 Tliess. ii, 5-7). The beast with seven heads and ten horns is usually identified Avitli the wild beast from the sea (chap, xiii, 1 ), and may be understood of Rome and her allied and tributary princes Avho took part in the war against Judea and Jerusalem. The great harlot city, whose ' " The kings of the laud," who, in Psa. ii, 2, set themselves against Jehovah and his Christ, are declared by the Apostle Peter to be such kings as Herod and Pontius Pilate fActs iv, 27). These, he declares, "were gathered together with Gentiles and peoples of Israel." Josephus says : " The city of Jerusalem is situated in the very middle (of the land), on which account some have called that city the navel of the country. Nor indeed is Judea destitute of such delights as come by the sea, since its maritime places extend as far as Ptolemais. It was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was supreme, and presided over all the neighbouring country as the head does over the body." — Wars of the Jews, book iii, iii, 5. ^ It deserves notice that there is a title which, in the Apocalypse, is applied to one particular city par excellence. It is the title " that great city " [r/ noAig t/ fieyiilT]']. It is clear that it is always the same city which is so designated, unless another be expressly specified. Now, the city in which the witnesses are slain is exjjressly called by this title, " that great city ; " and the names Sodom and Egypt are applied to it ; and it is furthermore particularly identified as the city " where also our Lord was crucified " (chap, xi, 8). There can be no reasonable doubt that this refers to ancient Jerusa- lem. If, then, " the great city " of chap, xi, 8, means ancient Jerusalem, it follows that "the great city " of chap, xiv, 8, styled also Babylon, and " the great city " of chap, xvi, 19, must equally signify Jerusalem. By parity of reasoning, "that great city" [?/ TToAtf 7/ jUfydZ??] in chap, xvii, 18, and elsewhere, must refer also to Jerusalem. It is a mere assumption to say, as Dean Alford does, that Jerusalem is never called by this name. There is no unfitness, but the contrary, in such a distinctive title being applied to Jerusalem. It was to an Israelite the royal city, by far the greatest in the land, the only city which could properly be so designated ; and it ought never to be forgotten that the visions of the Apocalypse are to be regarded from a Jewish point of view. — The Parousia, pp. 486, 487. • 480 PRINCIPLES OF liuly temple had been made a place of merchandise and a den of thieves (Matt, xxi, 13; John ii, 15), was carried for a hundred years by Rome, and at last hated and destroyed by the very kings with whom she had maintained her heathenish traffic. Jerusalem's rela- tion to Rome and her tributary princes was well voiced in that Jewish appeal to Pilate: "If thou release this man, thou art not Csesar's friend. . . . We have no king but Caesar" (John xix, 12, 15). But while the relations of Jerusalem and Rome are thus outlined, The beast from the beast "which was, and is not, and shall come" the abyss. (rrdQearat, shall be present, ver. 8), may symbolize a deeper mystery. He is not a combination of the lion, the leopard, and the bear, nor does he "come up out of the sea" like the beast of chap, xiii, 1, but he is a " scarlet-coloured beast," and " comes up out of the abyss." May he not, therefore, be more properly re- garded as a special manifestation of the " great red dragon " of chap, xii, 3 ? The seven heads and ten horns of the dragon indi- cate seats of power and regal and princely agents through whom the kingly "angel of the abyss" (chap, ix, 11) accomplishes his Satanic purposes. A^^e need not, therefoi'e, look to the seven hills of Rome,' or to ten particular kings, for the solution of the mystery of the scarlet-coloured beast. The language of the angel interpret- er, even when ostensibly explaining tlie mystery, is manifestly enigmatical. Just as when, in chap, xiii, 18, he that has under- standing is called upon to " count the number of the beast," so here the clue to the mystery of the seven heads and ten horns is itself a riddle. "The seven heads are seven mountains on Avhich the woman is sitting" (ver. 9). This may indeed refer literally to seven mountains, either of Jerusalem or Rome, for both these cities covered seven heights; but it is as likely to refer, enigmati- cally, to manifold political supports or alliances, considered as so many seats of power or consolidated kingdoms, and called seven because of covenanted arrangements.'' The words which follow ' The seven mountains on whicli the woman sitteth (ver. 9) may be the mountains of Jerusalem as well as the seven hills of Rome. There were Zion, Moriah, Acra, and Bezetha, ami the three fortified heights, Millo, Ophcl, and the rock, seventy-five feet hi!;li, on which the Castle of Antonia was built. See Edersheim, The Temple, pp. 11, l.'J. Boston, 1881 Tlie notion that the neptan colics of Latin writers were famil- iar to .John and his Greek and Hebrew readers, an ■ The Millennium isli age. It IS a round definite number used symboli- is the Gospel cally for an indefinite aon. It is the period of the ^'''P^^'^^"''- Messianic reign, and the kingdom of the heavens, like the mustard seed and the leaven (Matt, xiii, 31-33), is passing through its grad- ual development. It may require a million years. The impatient Chiliast will not be satisfied with this slow Messianic order, and re- fuses to see that the powers of darkness have been repressed, and the progress of human civilization has been more marked since the end of that age than ever before. But others see and know that since the dawn of Christianity, idolatry has been well nigh abolished, and every element of righteousness and truth has been gaining prominence and control in the laws of nations.^ It is not in accord * Lange suggestively but somewhat fancifully observes : " The entire aeon is to be conceived of as an aeon of separations and eliminations in an ethical and a cosmical sense, separations and eliminations such as are necessary to make manifest and to complete the ideal regulations of life. Of judgments of damnation between the judg- ment upon Antichrist and the judgment upon Satan there can be no question; the reference can be only to a critical government and management preparatory to the final consummation. The whole JBon is a crisis which occasions the visible appear- ance of the heaven on earth. The whole aeon is the great last day. We may even conceive of the mutiny which finally breaks out as a result of these preparations, for a sort of protest on the part of the wicked was hinted at by Christ in his escliatolog- ical discourse (Matt, xxv, 44), and the most essential element in the curse of hell is the continuance of revolt, the gnashing of teeth." — Commentary on the Revelation of John, p. 350. American edition. New York, 1874. '^ Pope represents the Catholic faith and interpretation as " content to understand figuratively the glowing representations of the ancient prophecies as applying to the present Christian Church. It takes the Apocalypse as a book of symbols, which does not give consecutive history, but continually reverts to the beginning, and exhibits in varying visions the same one great final truth. Satan was bound or cast out when our Saviour ascended ; he has never since been the god and seducer of the nations as he was before, and as he will for a season be permitted to be again. The saints, 488 PRINCIPLES OP ■with either history or prophecy to believe that the Gospel of the kinofdom of Christ will have for its historical period an teon shorter than that required for its preparation in the typical dispensations which preceded it. It is not probable that God would take four thousand years of type and shadow to prepare the world for two thousand years of light. We should not expect the earlier part of the Messianic millennium to be without any darkness, and there is- nothing in the Scriptures to warrant the idea that it is to be a period of uniform and unclouded blessedness and glory. There remains for our notice but one more great apocalyptic picture, the vision of the New Jerusalem. As in chap. The vision of ^ the New Jem- xvi, 19, Under the seventh and last plague, the fall of ^^^^' the great Babylon (old Jerusalem) was briefly outlined, and then, in chap, xvii-xix, 10, another and more detailed portrai- ture of that " mother of the harlots and of the abominations of the land" was added, going over many of the same things again, so here, having given under the last series of visions a short but vivid picture of the heavenly Jerusalem (xxi, 1-8), the apocalyptist, follow- ing his artistic style and habit of repetition, tells how one of the same seven angels (comp. xvii, 1-4, and xxi, 9-11) took him to a lofty mountain, and gave him a fuller vision of the Bride, the wife of the Lamb. This wife of the Lamb is no other than the woman of chap, xii, 1, but she is here revealed at a later stage of her history, after the dragon has been shut up in the abyss. After the land has been cleared of dragon, beast, and false prophet, the seed of the woman who fled into the wilderness, the seed caught up to the throne of God, are conceived as "coming down out of heaven from God," and all things are made new. The language and symbols used are appropriated mainly from Isaiah Ixv, iV-lvi, 24, and the closing chapters of Ezekiel. The great thought is : Babylon, the bloody harlot, has fallen, and New Jerusalem, the glorious Bride, appears. As the closing chapters of Ezekiel have been variously under- Meaning of the stood (see above, pp. 436, 437), so this vision of the New Jerusalem. New Jerusalem, which is evidently modelled after the pattern of that older Apocalypse, has been explained in different martyrs, and others — the martyrs pre-emincnth' — now rule with Christ : and hath made as a kingdom (Rev. i, 6), they themselves sing ; and they reign upon earth (Rev. v, 10). The apostles, and all saints, have part in the first resurrection, and in the present regeneration reign with Jesus, thougl; the future regeneration shall be yet more abun- dant. The unanimous strain of prophecy concerning the glory of the Messiah's king- dom is to be interpreted as partly fulfilled in the spiritual reign of Christ in this world, which is not yet fully manifested as it will be ; and partly as the earthly figure- of a heavenly reality hereafter." — Compendium of Christian Theology, vol. iii, pp.- 400, 401. N. Y., 1881. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 48» •ways. (1) According to one class of interpreters, the future resto- ration of the Jews to Palestine, and the rebuilding of Jerusalem on a magnificent scale, are here predicted.' (2) According to others, the new heaven, new land, and new Jerusalem are but a symbolic recapitulation of the visions of chajD. xx, for the purpose of fuller detail, and are to be understood as synchronizing with the period of the thousand years. (3) But most interpreters regard the proph- ecy as post-millennial, and descriptive of the final heavenly state of the glorified saints of God. Rejecting the first of the above named views (which represents the sensuous Ebionite conception of the kingdom -of heaven, and magnifies the letter to the quenching of the spirit of Scripture), we may blend the two other interpreta- tions. Ezekiel's vision, as we have seen (p. 43V), symbolized the New Testament Church and kingdom of God ; why should not the same conception enter into this parallel prophecy? But as later revelations are wont to embody fuller and more perfect outlines of the provisions of grace, so John's picture of new heaven, new land, and new city is more luminous and far reaching in its indications of what God has prepared for those who love him and keep his commandments. The words of Haggai ii, 6, Vjare acknowledged by the best inter- preters to be a Messianic prophecy: "Yet once — it is Hag. ii, o, 7, and a little while — and I will shake the heavens, and the ^eb. xii, sg-ss. land, and the sea, and the desert ; and I will shake all the nations, and they shall come to the delight'' of all the nations, and I will ' Here properly belongs that exposition of the "new heaven and new earth," which, finds in Isa. Ii, 16; Ixv, 17; Ixvi, 22; 2 Pet. iii, 10-13; Rev. xx, 11 ; xxi, 1, a literal prophecy of the destruction of the world by fire, and the creation of a new world in. its place. The only question among these interpreters is whether an absolutely new creation is intended, or only a renovation {Tra^AyyEveala, regeneration (Matt, xix, 28) of the materials of the old. That these texts may intimate or dimly foreshadow some such ultimate reconstruction of the physical creation, need not be denied, for we know not the possibilities of the future, nor the purposes of God respecting all things which he has created. But the contexts of these several passages do not authorize such a. doctrine. Isa. Ii, 16, refers to the resuscitation of Zion and Jerusalem, and is clearly metaphorical. The same is true of Isa. Ixv, 17, and Ixvi, 22, for the context in all these places confines the reference to Jerusalem and the people of God, and sets forth the same great prophetic conception of the Messianic future as the closing chapters of Ezekiel. The language of 2 Pet. iii, 10, 12, is taken mainly from Isa. xxx, 4, and is limited to the parousia, like the language of Matt, xxiv, 29. Then the Lord made " not only the land but also the heaven " to tremble (Heb. xii, 26), and removed the things that were shaken in order to establish a kingdom which cannot be moved. (Heb. xii, 27, 28). * This most simple construction of the Hebrew has been strangely ignored by a supposed necessity of making rnOPI, delight, or desire, the subject of the verb !iN3, 490 PRINCIPLES OF fill this house with glory." This prophecy is quoted and explained, in Heb. xii, 26-28, as the removal of an earth and heaven which shall give place to an " immovable kingdom." Is there any reason for be- lievinsr this immovable kingdom to be other than that of Avhich the Lord spoke in Matt, xvi, 28: "There are some standing here who shall not taste of death, till they see the Son of man coming in his kingdom"? The greatest "glory of that latter house," of which Haggai (ii, 7, 9) spoke, was attained when the Lord Christ entered and taught within its courts ; but the destruction of the second temple, and the shaking of "the heaven and the land" which it represented, prepared the way for the nobler temple of " his body, the fulness of him who tills all things in all" (Eph. i, 23). Of this body Christ is the head, the husband, and Saviour (Eph. v, 23), having loved her and given himself for her, " that he might sanctify her, having purified her by the laver of water in the word, that he himself might present to himself in glorious beauty the Church, not having spot or wrinkle, or any such thing" (Eph, v, 26, 27).' This glorious Church is manifestly the same as the Bride, the wife of the Lamb, the holy city, New Jerusalem. It was necessary that tlie Old Testament visible Church should be shaken and fall and pass away, for its glory had departed ; but in its place comes forth " the whole assembly and church of the firstborn who are enrolled in heaven" (Heb. xii, 23). If, furthermore, we allow the author of the Epistle to the He- Aiiusion of brews to guide us to a right understanding of the New Heb. xu, 22, 23. Jerusalem, we will observe that the communion and fellowship of New Testament saints are apprehended as heaven begun on earth. It is altogether probable that this epistle was come. But !|K3 is plural, and has naturally for its subject the nations (0^12) just T mentioned. So in Isa. xxxv, 10, "The ransomed of Jehovah shall return, and come to Zion, with shouting and everlasting joy upon their heads." When we read further, in Isa. Ixv, 18, as explanatory of the new heavens and new land (ver. 17), "Behold, I create Jerusalem a rejoicing, and her people a joy," we will find therein the surest explanation of the rnOPI, delight, of Hag. ii, 7. The New Jerusalem, the New Testa- ment Church and kingdom of God, is the delight and desire of the nations, which, ac- cording to Rev. xxi, 24, walk by the light of it. ' '' The union of Christ," says Meyer, " with his Church, at the parousia, in order to confer upon it Messianic blessedness, is conceived of by Paul (as also by Clirist himself. Matt, xxv, 1 ; comp. Rev. xix, 7 ; see also John iii, 29) under the figure of the bringing home of a bride, wherein Christ appears as the bridegroom, and sets forth the bride, i. e., his Church, as a spotless virgin (the bodily purity is a representative of the ethical) before himself, after he has already in this age cleansed it by the bath of bai)tism, and sanctified it through his word."— Critical Com. on Ephesians, in loco. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 491 written after the Book of Revelation/ and direct allusions to it are apparent in the following passage : " Ye are come [7TQoaeAr]?iV'&aTe, ye have already come) nnto Mount Zion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem." The Christian believer, when his life becomes hidden with Christ in God, has already entered into a communion and fellowship that never ceases.'* His name is enrolled in heaven. He dwells in God and God in him, and all subsequent glorification in time and in eternity is but a continuous and growing realization of the blessedness of the Church and King- dom of God. In the vision of the New Jerusalem we have the last New Testa- ment revelation of the spiritual and heavenly blessed- New Jerusalem ness and glory of which the Mosaic tabernacle was a the heavenly material symbol. The "dwelling of the testimony" the \abernacie (nnyn ]3pD, Exod. xxxviii, 21) and its various vessels symbolized. and services were "copies of the things in the heavens" (Heb. ix, 23), and Christ has entered into the holy places " through the greater and more perfect tabernacle" (Heb. ix, 11), thereby making it possible for all true believers to enter " with boldness into the entrance way of the holies" (Heb. x, 19). This entrance into the holy places and fellowships is realized only as " we draw near with a true heart, in full assurance of faith, having our hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience, and the body washed with pure water" (Heb. X, 22), and such spiritual access is possible to us now. The Alpha and the Omega, accordingly, says: "Blessed are they who wash their robes, that they may have the authority over the tree of life, and by the gates may enter into the city " (Rev. xxii, 14). This city is represented as a perfect cube in form (Rev. xxi, 16), and may therefore be regarded as the heavenly Holy of Holies, into the entrance way (etaodov) of which we may now approach. All this accords with the voice from the throne, which said : " Be- hold the tabernacle of God is with men, and he will tabernacle with them, and they shall be his people, and God himself shall be with them" (Rev. xxi, 3). Herein we discern the true antitype of the ancient tabernacle and temple, and hence it is that this holy city * Comp. the "innumerable company of angels" (Heb. xii, 22) with Rev. v, 11 ; and the "assembly and church enrolled in heaven" with Rev. xiii, 8; xxi, 21; and "spirits of just men made perfect" with Rev. vii, 13-17. References and allusions as direct and explicit as these, made by any of the early Fathers to books of the New Testa- ment, would be regarded by all critics as indisputable evidence of the pre-existence of such books. Comp. Cowles, The Revelation of John, p. 22 ; Glasgow, The Apoca- lypse, Translated and Expounded, pp. 29, 30. ^ Comp. Riehm, Messianic Prophecy, pp. 164-166. Edinb., 1876. 493 PRINCIPLES OF admits of no temple, and no light of sun and moon, for the Lord God, the Almighty, and the Lamb are its light and its temple (Rev. xxi, 22, 23). Moreover, no cherubim appear within this Holy of Holies, for these former symbols of redeemed humanity are now supplanted by the innumerable company of Adam's race, from whom the curse {Karddeixa, Rev. xxii, 3) has been removed, and who take their places about the throne of God and of the Lamb, act as his servants there, behold his face, and have his name upon their foreheads (Rev. xxii, 3, 4).' The New Jerusalem, then, is the apocalyptic portraiture of the New Testament Church and Kingdom of God. Its symbolism ex- hibits the heavenly nature of the communion and fellowship of God and his people, which is entered here by faith, but which opens into unspeakable fulness of glory through ages of ages. There is room for differences of opinion in the interpretation of particular passages and symbols in all the apocalyptic Scriptures. But attention to their general harmonies, and a careful study of the scope and outline of each prophecy as a whole, will go far to save us from the hopeless confusion and contradiction into which many by neglecting this method have fallen. We are now prepared to note the unity and harmony of New Summary of Testament apocalyptics. There is no contradiction be- New Testa- tween the teachings of Jesus, the Epistles of Paul, and ment Apoca- ,. , pti ^ ■ \ tpi lyptics and Es- the Apocalypse or John, touchmg the end or the age chatoiogy. ^^^^ ^Y\e coming of the Lord. They all agree that the end was near at hand, and that the Lord would come in his king- dom before that generation should pass away. It is further evi- dent that the coming of Christ is pre-millennial, for it is the formal assumption of the dominion and power and judgment which he will exercise until he has put all enemies under his feet. The modern Chiliasts have done the Church an excellent service in calling atten- tion to this great fact. But their error is in making that coming yet future, whereas Jesus affirmed that it would take place before some of those who heard him speak should taste of death. The post- millenarians, on the other hand, err in confounding the parousia with the mysteries of that final hour when Christ shall give over the kingdom to the Father, and God shall be all in all. Between these two events the Messianic aM)n intervenes. Its beginning was like the little mustard-seed, or like the stone cut out of the moun- tain without hands, but it grows, and rolls on, and will increase until it becomes a great mountain and fills all the earth. Its history and ' Compare the exposition of the symbolism of the tabernacle and its services on pp. 359-368, above. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 493 triumphs are still mainly in the future, and centuries will prob- ably elapse before it reaches fulness of development. When the Christ shall have put down all other enemies he will finally abolish death. At that hour " all who are in the tombs shall hear his voice, and shall come forth; those who did good unto a resurrection of life, and those who wrought evil unto a resurrection of damnation " (John V, 28). This resurrection is associated with the last judg- ment (Rev. XX, 12-15). The final manifestation of the Christ, when he shall have completed the work of redemption, and delivers over the kingdom to the Father, is left by the sacred writers in too great mystery for us to afiirm definitely any thing concerning it. ' ^•» CHAPTER XXVII. NO DOUBLE SENSE IN PROPHECY. The hermeneutical principles which we have now set forth neces- sarily exclude the doctrine that the prophecies of Scripture contain an occult or double sense. It has been alleged by some that as these oracles are heavenly and divine we should expect to find in them manifold meanings. They must needs differ from other books. Hence has arisen not only the doctrine of a double sense, but of a threefold and fourfold sense, and the rabbis Theory of a went so far as to insist that there are "mountains of trouble sense sense in every word of Scripture." We may readily sound inter- admit that the Scrij)tures are capable of manifold prac- P^^^t-'^tio'i- tical opplications ; otherwise they would not be so useful for doc- trine, correction, and instruction in righteousness (2 Tim. iii, 16). But the moment we admit the principle that portions of Scripture contain an occult or double sense we introduce an element of un- certainty in the sacred volume, and unsettle all scientific interpre- tation. "If the Scripture has more than one meaning," says Dr. Owen, "it has no meaning at all." "I hold," says Ryle, "that the words of Scripture were intended to have one definite sense, and that our first object should be to discover that sense, and adhere rigidly to it. . . . To say that words do mean a thing merely be- cause they can be tortured into meaning it is a most dishonourable and dangerous way of handling Scripture." ^ " This scheme of in- terpretation," says Stuart, "forsakes and sets aside the common ' Expository Thoughts on St. Luke, vol. i, p. 383. 494 PRINCIPLES OP laws of language. The Bible excepted, in no book, treatise, epis- tle, discourse, or conversation, ever written, published, or addressed by any one man to his fellow beings (unless in the way of sport, or with an intention to deceive), can a double sense be found. There are, indeed, charades, enigmas, phrases with a double entente, and the like, perhaps, in all languages; there have been abundance of heathen oracles which were susceptible of two interpretations; but even among all these there never has been, and there never was a design that there should be, but one sense or meaning in reality. Ambiguity of language may be, and has been, designedly resorted to in order to mislead the reader or hearer, or in order to conceal the ignorance of soothsayers, or to provide for their credit anud future exigencies; but this is quite foreign to the matter of a seri- ous and bona fide double meaning of words. Nor can we for a mo- ment, without violating the dignity and sacredness of the Scriptures, suppose that the inspired writers are to be compared to the authors of riddles, conundrums, enigmas, and ambiguous heathen oracles." ' Some writers have confused this subject by connecting it Avith Typology and the doctrine of type and antitype. As many persons double sense of 2i\i^ events of the Old Testament were types of greater language not ... to be con- ones to come, so the language respectmg them is sup- founded, posed to be capable of a double sense. The second Psalm has been supposed to refer both to David and Christ, and Isa. vii, 14-16, to a child born of a virgin who lived in the time of the prophet, and also to the Messiah. Psalms xlv and Ixxii have been supposed to have a double reference to Solomon and Christ, and the prophecy against Edom in Isa. xxxiv, 5-10, to comprehend also the general judgment of the last day.* But it should be seen that in the case of types the language of the Scripture has no double sense. The types themselves are such because they prefigure things to come, and this fact must be kept distinct from the ques- tion of the sense of language used in any particular passage. We have shown above (pp. 399, 400) that the language of Psa. ii is not applicable to David or Solomon, or any other earthly ruler. The same maybe said of Psalms xlv and Ixxii. Isa. vii, 14 was fulfilled in the birth of Jesus Christ (Matt, i, 22), and no expositor has ever been able to prove a previous fulfilment.' The oracle against Edom ' Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy, p. 11. Andover, 1842. '•'.See Davidson's Hermcneutics, pp. 49, 50. Woodhouse on the Apocalypse, pp. 172-174. Home, Introduction, vol. ii, pp. 404-408. ° It IS not impo.ssiblc, however, that such an event occurred in the days of Aliaz, and served, in its way, as a type of the birth of Jesus from the Virgin Mary. IJut upon this suppo.siiion the language of the passage would have no double sense, and BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 495 (Isa, xxxiv, 5-10), like that against Babylon (Isa. xii), is clothed in the highly wrought language of apocalyptic prophecy, and gives no warrant to the theory of a double sense. The twenty-fourth of Matthew, so commonly relied on to support this theory, has been already shown to furnish no valid evidence of either an occult or a double sense. Some plausibility is given to the theory by adducing the sug- gestive fulness of some parts of the prophetic Scrip- The suggestive tures. Such fulness is readily admitted, and ever to be [Hj.e'^nrproof'of extolled. The first prophecy is a good example. The a double sense. enmity between the seed of the woman and that of the serpent (Gen. iii, 15) has been exhibited in a thousand forms. The precious words of promise to God's people find more or less fulfilment in every individual experience. But these facts do not sustain the theory of a double sense. The sense in every case is direct and simple; the applications and illustrations are many. Such facts give no authority for us to go into apocalyptic prophecies with the ex- pectation of finding two or more meanings in each specific state- ment, and then to declare: This verse refers to an event long past, this to something yet future; this had a partial fulfilment in the ruin of Babylon, or Edom, but it awaits a grander fulfilment in the future. The judgment of Babylon, or Nineveh, or Jerusalem, may, indeed, be a type of every other similar judgment, and is a warn- ing to all nations and ages; but this is very different from say- ing that the language in which that judgment was predicted was fulfilled only partially when Babylon, or Nineveh, or Jerusalem fell, and is yet aw\aiting its complete fulfilment. We have already seen that the Bible has its riddles, enigmas, and dark sayings, but whenever they are given the context clearly advises us of the fact. To assume, in the absence of any hint, that we have an enigma, and in the face of explicit statements to the contrary, that any specific prophecy has a double sense, a primary and a secondary meaning, a near and a remote fulfilment, must necessarily introduce an element of uncertainty and confusion into biblical interpretation. The same may be said about explicit designations of time. When a writer says that an event will shortly and speedily come No misleading to pass, or is about to take place, it is contrary to all pro- tj^jf "^ p°opb. priety to declare that his statements allow us to believe ecy. the event is in the far future. It is a reprehensible abuse of lan- guage to say that the words immediately, or near at hand, mean its fulfilment in the birth of Jesus would be like the fulfilment of Hosea xi, 1 in the return of the child Jesus out of Egypt. 496 FRINCIPLES OF ■ages hence, or after a long time. Such a treatment of the language •of Scripture is even worse than the theory of a double sense. And yet interpreters have appealed to 2 Peter iii, 8 as furnishing in- spired authority to disregard designations of time in prophecy. *'■ Let not this one thing be hid from you, beloved, that one day with the Lord is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day." This statement, it is urged, is made with direct reference to the time of the Lord's coming, and illustrates the arithmetic of •God, in Avhicli soon, quickly, and similar terms may denote ages. A careful attention to this passage, however, will show that it teaches no such strange doctrine as this. The language in question is a poetical citation from Psa. xc, 4, . ,^ ^ and is adduced to show that the lapse of time does not A thousand . '■ years as one invalidate the promises of God. Whatever he has ^^' pledged will come to pass, however men may think or talk about his tardiness. Days and years and ages do not affect him. From everlasting to everlasting he is God (Psa. xc, 2). But this is very different from saying that when the everlasting God promises something shortly, and declares that it is close at hand, he may mean that it is a thousand years in the future. Whatever he has promised indefinitely he may take a thousand years or more to fulfil; but what he aflSrms to be at the door let no man declare to be far away. "It is surely unnecessary," says a recent writei", "to repudiate in the strongest manner such a non- natural method of interpreting the language of Scripture. It is worse than ungrammatical and unreasonable, it is immoral. It is to suggest that God has two weights and two measures in his deal- ings with men, and tliat in his mode of reckoning there is an am- biguity and variableness which makes it impossible to tell what manner of time the Spirit of Christ in the prophets may signify. It seems to imply that a day may not mean a day, nor a thousand years a thousand years, but that either may mean the other. If this were so, there could be no interpretation of i:)rophecy possible; it would be deprived of all precision, and even of all credibility; for it is manifest that if there could be such ambiguity and uncer- tainty in respect to time, there might be no less ambiguity and un- "Certainty in respect to every thing else. . . . Faithfulnesb is one of the attributes most frequently ascribed to the covenant-keeping God, and the divine faithfulness is that which the apostle in this • very passage affirms. To the taunt of the scoffers who impugn the faithfulness of God, and ask, ' Where is the promise of his com- ing?' he answers, 'the Lord is not slack concerning his promises as some men count slackness.' Long or short, a day or an age, does BIBLICAL HEKMENEUTICS. 497 not affect his faithfulness. He keepeth truth forever. But the apostle does not say that when the Lord promises a thing for to- day he may not fulfil his promise for a thousand years: that would be slackness ; that would be a breach of promise. He does not say that because God is infinite and everlasting, therefore he reckons with a different arithmetic from ours, or speaks to us in a double sense, or uses two different weights and measures in his dealings with mankind. The very reverse is the truth." ' As an illustration of the fallacious and confusing theory of a double sense, especially when applied to prophetic des- Fallacies of isrnations of time, witness the following from Ben gel. ?f,fff„L„w" & ' » o ory of propnet- Commenting on the words, "Immediately after the ic perspective. tribulation of those days," in Matt, xxiv, 29, he says: "You will say it is a great leap from the destruction of Jerusalem to the end of the world which is subjoined to it immediately. I reply, a prophecy resembles a landscape painting which represents distinctly the houses, paths, and bridges in the foreground, but brings to- gether, into a narrow space, most widely severed valleys and moun- tains in the distance. Such a view should they who study proph- ecy have of the future to which the prophecy refers. And the eyes of the disciples, who in their question had connected the end of the temple with that of the world, are left somewhat in the dark (for it was not yet time to know, ver. 36); hence they after- ward, Avith entire harmony, imitated the Lord's language, and de- clared that the end was at hand. By advancing, however, both the prophecy and the prospect continually reveal a further and still further distance. In this manner also we ought to interpret, not the clear by the obscure, but the obscure by the clear, and to re- vere in its dark sayings the divine wisdom which sees all things always, but does not reveal all things at once. Afterward it was revealed that antichrist should come before the end of the world; and again Paul joined these two things closely, until the Apocalypse placed even millenniums between. On such passages there rests, as St. Anthony used to call it, a prophetical cloudlet. It was not yet time to reveal the whole series of future events from the destruc- tion of Jerusalem to the end of the world."" Here, we may say, are almost as many fallacies, or misleading statements, as there are sentences. The figure of a land- . . . . . . . . . -^-^ many falla- scape painting with its principles of perspective is a cies as sen- favourite illustration with those expositors who advo- ^^^^' ' The Parousia, pp. 221-223. * Gnomon of the New Testament, in loco. Lewis and Vincent's translation. Phil- adelphia, 1860. 32 498 PRINCIPLES OF cate the theory of a double sense, and some, who reject such the- ory, employ this figure to illustrate the uncertainty of propiietic designations of time. But it is a great error to apply this illus- tration to specific designations of time. Where no particular time is indicated, or where time-limitations are kept out of view, the figure may be allowed, and is, indeed, a happy illustration. But when the Lord says that certain events are to follow immediately after certain other events, let no interpreter presume to say that mil- lenniums may come between. This is not " to interpret the obscure by the clear," but to obscure the clear by a misleading fancy. To say that " the eyes of the disciples were left in the dark," and that they afterward, " imitating the Lord's language, declared that the end was at hand," is virtually equivalent to saying that Jesus misled them, and that they went forth and perpetuated the error ! The notion that any portion of Scripture " reveals the whole series of events from the destruction of Jerusalem to the end of the world," is a fancy of modern interpreters, who would all do well, like the pious Bengel, to confess that over their forced method of explaining the statements of Christ and the apostles there truly rests an obscuring " prophetical cloudlet." There are, indeed, manifold applications of certain prophecies Practical ap- which may be called generic, and some events of mod- prophec^ may ^^^ history may illustrate them, and, in a broad sense, be many. fulfil them as truly as the events to which they had original reference. In the days of John many antichrists had ap- peared (1 John ii, 18; corap. Matt, xxiv, 5, 24), and the demoniacal attributes of Paul's "man of sin" (2 Thess. ii, 3-8) may appear again and again in monsters of lawlessness and crime. Antiocluis and Nero are definite typical illustrations in whom great prophecies were specifically fulfilled, but other similar impersonations of wick- edness may also have revealed the beast from the abyss, which was, and then, after disappearing for a time, appeared again, and then again went into perdition (Rev. xvii, 8). But such allowable ap- plications of prophecy are not to be confounded with grammatico- historical interpretation. When Satan shall be loosed out of his prison after the millennium (Rev. xx, V) he may, indeed, reveal himself in some man of sin more fearful and more lawless far than any Antiochus or Nero of the past. It may, in truth, be said that a large proportion of the confusion and errors of biblical expositors has arisen from mistaken notions of the Bible itself.' No such confusion and diversity of views ap- ' This thouglit is made prominent in Hofman's valuable work, Biblische Ilerme- neutik. Nordlingen, 1880. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 499 pear in the interpretation of other books. A strained and unnatu- ral theory of divine inspiration has, doubtless, led many , . 111-/. • 1 1 o • Mistaken no- mto the habit of assuming that somehow the Scriptures tions of the Bi- must be explained differently from other compositions, cause'^of much Hence, also, the assumption that in prophetic revela- false exposi- tions God has furnished us with a detailed historical outline of particular occurrences ages in advance, so that we may properly expect to find such events as the rise of Islam, the Wars of the Roses, and the French Revolution recorded in the propb.ct- ical books. This assumption is often found attaching itself to i; theory of a double or triple sense. The interpretation of the Apoc- alypse of John has especially suffered from this singular error. There is such a charm in the fancy that we have a New Testament prophecy of the events of all coming time — a graphic outline of the history of the Church and the world until the final judgment — that not a few have yielded to the delusion that we may reasonably search this mystic book for any character or event which we deem important in the history of human civilization.' We must set aside these false assumptions touching the Bible it- self, and the character and purjDort of its prophecies. A rational investigation of the scope and analogies of the great prophecies gives no support to such extravagant fancies as that " the whole Apocalypse of John, from chapter iv to the end, is but a develoj)- ment of Daniel's imperfect tense."* The Holy Scriptures have lessons for all time. God's specific revelation to one individual, age, or nation will be found to have a practical value for all men. We need no specific predictions of Napoleon, or of the Waldenses, or of the martyrdom of John Huss, or of the massacre of St. Bar- tholomew to confirm the faith of the Church, or to convince the infidel; else, doubtless, we should have had them in a form capa- ble of producing conviction. It cannot be shown that such pre- dictions would have accomplished any worthy purpose not already met by fulfilled prophecies with their practical lessons of univei-sal application. ' A friend of the writer once observed : It always seemed strange to me that Baby- lon, and Persia, and Greece, and Rome, and European states should be noticed in the prophecies, and yet no mention of the United States of America. He, accordingly, set himself to work to find something on the subject, and by and by discovered the great North American Republic in the fifth kingdom of Daniel — the stone cut out of the mountain without hands. Further research in the same line soon enabled him to see that the "war in heaven" between Michael and the dragon (Rev. xii, 7) was a specific prophecy of the late civil war between the Northern and Southern States, which resulted in the abolition of American slavery. ^ Pre-Millennial Essays of tlie Prophetic Conference, {). 326. New York, 1879. 500 PRINCIPLES OF CHAPTER XXVm. SCRIPTURE QUOTATIONS IN THE SCRIPTURES. In comparing Scripture with Script are, and tracing the parallel and analogous passages of the several sacred writers, the interpreter continually meets with quotations, more or less exact, made by one writer from another. These quotations may be distributed into Four classes of f^ur classes: (1) Old Testament parallel passages and quotations. quotations made by the later writers from the earlier books ; (2) New Testament quotations from the Old Testament ; (3) New Testament quotations from Ncav Testament sources; and (4) quotations from apocryphal writings and oral tradition. The verbal variations of many of these citations, the formulas and methods of quotation, and the illustrations they furnish of the pur- poses and uses of the Holy Scriptures, are all matters of great im- portance to the biblical exegete. As examples of each of these classes of citations we mention. Examples of first, genealogical tables, as Gen. xi, 10-26, compared uuSUarl ^^itb 1 Chron. i, lV-27, and Gen. xlvi compared with aiieis. Num. xxvi. Psa. xviii is substantially identical with 2 Sam. xxii. The same is true of 2 Kings xviii-xx and Isa. xxxvi- xxxix, 2 Kings xxiv, xxv, and Jer. lii. Large j^ortions of the Books of Samuel and Kings are appropriated in the Books of Chronicles, and there are numerous textual parallels like Psa. xlii, 7, and Jonah ii, 3. The New Testament quotations from the Old Testament are manifold in character and form. In most cases they are taken iier- batim, or nearly so, from the Septuagint version ; in some instances they are a translation of the Hebrew text, more accurate than that of the Septuagint (Matt, ii, 15, compared with Heb. and Sept. of Hos. xi, 1; Matt, viii, 17, comp. Isa. liii, 4). Some of the quota- tions differ notably both from the Hebrew and the Septuagint, while others were apparently constructed by a use of both sources. Sometimes several passages of the Old Testament are blended to- gether, as in 2 Cor. vi, 16-18, where use is made of Exod. xxix, 45 ; Lev. xxvi, 12; Isa. lii, 11; Jer. xxxi, 1, 9, 33; xxxii, 38; Ezek. xi, 20; xxxvi, 28; xxxvii, 27; Zech. viii, 8. Sometimes the Old Testament passage is merely paraphrased, or the general sentiment or substance is given, while in other cases it is merely referreil to BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 501 or hinted at (comp. Prov. xviii, 4 ; Isa. xii, 3 ; xliv, 3, with John vii, 38. Isa. Ix, 1-3, with Eph. v, 14. Hos. xiv, 2, with Heb. xiii, 15).^ In the New Testament it is evident that the many parallel portions of the Gospels must have been derived from some common source, either oral or written, or both. In Acts xx, 35, Paul quotes a say- ing of the Lord which is to be found nowhere else. Peter evinces a knowledge of the epistles of Paul (2 Pet. iii, 15, 16), and in the second chapter of his second epistle appropriates much from the Epistle of Jude. Finally, the quotations from apocrv- / , . i. J Apocryphal phal and other sources, and allusions to them, both in and traditional the Old Testament and in the New, are quite numerous. ^°'^<'6^- Thus, in the Old Testament we have " The Book of the Wars of the Lord" (Num. xxi, 14), "The Book of Jasher" (Josh, x, 13), "The Book of the Acts of Solomon" (1 Kings xi, 41), "The Book of Shemaiah" (2 Chron. xii, 15), and numerous others quoted or re- ferred to. Jude quotes apparently from the pseudepigraphal Book of Enoch, and also makes allusion to traditions of the fall of the angels, and the dispute of Michael and the devil over the body of Moses (Jude 6, 9, 14). St. Paul calls the magicians, who opposed Moses, Jannes and Jambres (2 Tim. iii, 8), names which had proba- bly been transmitted by oral tradition. Many such traditions found their way into the Targums, the Talmud, and the apocryphal and pseudepigraphal Jewish literature. Quotations from such books and allusions to such traditions give them no canonical authority. An apostle or any one else, addressing those who were familiar with such traditions, might apj^ropriately refer to them for homiletical purposes, without thereby designing to assume or declare tlicir verity. Similarly Paul quotes from the Greek poets Aratus, Me- nander, and Epimenides (Acts xvii, 28; 1 Cor. xv, 33; Titus i, 12). The great number of parallel passages, both in the Old Testament and in the New, is evidence of a harmony and organic relation of Scripture Avith Scripture of a most notable kind. Once written, tlie oracles of God became the public and private treasure of his people. Any passage that would servQ a useful purpose was used by prophet ' See Drusius, Parallela Sacra, etc., in vol. viii of the Critici Sacri, pp. 1261-1325; Davidson, Sacred Hermeneutics, chap, xi ; Gough, New Testament Quotations Collated with the Old Testament (Lond., 1853); Home's Introduction (Ayers and Tregelles' Ed.), vol. ii, pp. 113-207; and especially Turpie, The Old Testament in the New; A Contribution to Biblical Criticism and Interpretation. Lond., 1868. This last-named work conveniently classifies and tabulates the Old Testament quotations in the New Testament according to their agreement with, or variation from, both the Hebrew text and the Scptuagint version. Comp. also Scott, Principles of New Testament Quota- tion established and applied to Biblical Science (Edinb., 187-5), and Boehl, Die alttesta- mentlichen Citate im neuen Testament. Wien, 1878. 502 PRINCIPLES OF or apostle as part of a common heritage. With this understanding, there is little in the matter or style of the Scripture quotations in the Scriptures to give any trouble to the interpreter, quotations in The comparison of parallel passages is, as we have seen the N.T. call for ^pp 221-230), a great help in exposition, and some pas- neuticai treat- sages become clear and forcible only when read in the ^*^^ ' light of their parallels. The alleged discrepancies be- tween these different Scriptures will be noticed in a separate chapr ter; it is only the Old Testament citations in the New Testament which call for special treatment hero. These, as we have said, are so manifold in character and form that we should examine (1) the sources of quotation, (2) the formulas and methods of quotation, and (3) the purposes of the several quotations. I, It is now generally conceded that the sources from which the SourcesofN.T. ^^w Testament writers quote are the Hebrew text of quotation. the Old Testament, and the Septuagint translation of it. Formerly it was maintained by some that the Septuagint only was used ; others, feeling that such a position was disparaging to the Hebrew Scriptures, maintained as strenuously that the apostles and evangelists must have always cited from the Hebrew, and though the quotations were in the exact words of the Septuagint, it was thought that two translators might have used the same language. But calmer study has made all such discussions obsolete. It is well known that the Septuagint version was in current use among the Hellenistic Jews. The New Testament writers follow it in some passages where it differs widely from the Hebrew. A critical com- parison of all the New Testament citations from the Old shows be- yond a question that in the great majority of cases the Septuagint rather than the Hebrew text was the source from which the writers quoted.' But it is noticeable that the New Testament writers do not uni- formly follow either source. The Septuagint version Nouuiform ... . -i^iTTi method of quo- of Mai. iii, 1, is an accurate translation of the Hebrew, tation. ^^j^ Matthew, Mark, and Luke agree literally in a ren- dering which is noticeably different.^ In short, it is impossible to discover any rule that will account for all the variations between the citations and the Hebrew and Septuagint texts. Sometimes the ' See Home's Introduction, vol. ii, pp. 114-178, where the Hebrew, the Septuagint version, and the New Testament citation of all the Old Testament quotations in tlie New, arc given in the original texts, arranged in parallel columns, and each accom- panied by an English version. * Matt, xi, 10; Mark i, 10; Luke vii, 27. Matthew inserts eyu, and Mark omits lu.npoa-&Ev cov. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 503 variation is merely a change of person, number, or tense ; some- times it consists of a transposition of words; sometimes in the omission or addition of words and phrases. In many cases only the general sense is given, and often the citation is but an allusion or reference, not a formal quotation at all. In view of all these facts it seems best to understand that the sacred writers followed no uniform method in quoting the older Scriptures. They were famil- iar both with the Hebrew text and the Septuagint. But textual -accuracy had no special weight with them. From childhood the contents of the sacred writings had been publicly and privately made known to them (2 Tim. iii, 15), and they were wont to cite them in familiar discourse without any attempt at verbal accuracy. With them as with us an inaccurate quotation mis:ht be- - ''■ '^ Inaccurate quo- come common and current on the lips of the people, and, tations may be- while known by many to differ from the ancient text, come current, was nevertheless sufficiently correct for all practical purposes. How few of us now recite the Lord's prayer accurately ? So, doubtless, the inspired writers made use of Scripture, in many instances, with- out care to conform the quotation with the exact letter of the Hebrew text, or of the common Sei^tuagint version. They quoted probably in most cases from memory, and the Holy Spirit pre- served them from any vital error (John xiv, 26). The idea that divine inspiration must necessitate verbal uniformity among the sacred writers is an unnecessary and untenable assumption.' Vari- ety marked both the portions and manner of the successive revela- tions of God (Heb. i, 1). 11. The introductory formulas by which quotations from the Old Testament are adduced are many and various, and have pQ^j^uj^g j^^^ been thought by some to be a sort of index or key to methods of the particular purpose of each citation. But we find ^^° ^ '*^°' different formulas used by different writers to introduce one and the ' " In examining cited passages, we perceive," says Davidson, " that every mode of quotation has been employed, from the exactest to the most loose, from the strictest verbal method to the widest paraphrase. But in no case is violence done to the meaning of the original. A sentiment expressed in one connexion in the Old Testa- ment is frequently in the New interwoven with another train of argument ; but this is allowable and natural. . . . Let it be remembered, then, that the sacred writers were not bound in all cases to cite the very words of the originals ; it was usually sufficient for them to exhibit the sense perspicuously. The same meaning may be conveyed by different terms. It is unreasonable to expect that the apostles should scrupulously abide by the precise words of the passage they quote. ... In every instance we sup- pose them to have been directed by the superintending Spirit, who infallibly kept them from error, and guided them in selecting the most appropriate terms where their own judgments would have failed." — Sacred Hermeneutics, pp. 469, 470. 504 PRINCIPLES OF . same passage, so that we cannot suppose that in all cases the formula used will direct us to the special purpose of the quotation. The more usual formulas are, " It is written," " Thus it is written," " According as it is written," " The Scripture says," " It was said," "According as it is said;" but many other forms are used. The same formulas are used by the Rabbinical writers,' and there is every reason to believe that they exhibit a common usage of our Lord's time. There was no division of chapters and verses to facil- itate reference. Occasionally the place of a citation is indicated, as in Mark xii, 26; Acts xiii, 33; and Rom. xi, 2; but more fre- quently Moses, the Law, Isaiah, Jeremiah, or some other prophet is * The following list exhibits in parallel columns the resemblance between the New Testament and Rabbinical formulas : New Testament. Rabbinical. nadu^ yeypaTTTai, ovtu yeypamai., yiypan- ^^riDI, 3'^^^, 3^71313. Tai, yeypannlvov earl, Kara to yeypajj. (levov. KnOug elprjTai^ nara to elprifievov. "UDXJtJ' ipl)edii. ion\s. Tiiyei t/ ypa vofiu avTuv. nilD 131, or m"in3 31713. 6 vofiog iieysv. mjDN minn. avToq yup Aa/3i(5 elnev. TlT "iQN p. Iva n?iijpcjdn n ypacbf), or to bridEV dcd tov i npocpr/Tov. I knXTipceri 7] ypa no D^p nr. " It is impossible," says Davidson, from whom the above list is taken, " for any unprejudiced reader to observe the coincidence between the New Testament and Rab- binical formulas just given without believing that the one class was influenced and modified by the other. When we recollect that the writers were Jews, and that their modes of conception and speech were essentially Jewish, we are led to expect in their compositions a large assimilation to current phraseology." — Sacred Hcrmeneu- tics, pp. 440, 450. Many other examples are given by Snrenhusius, niJJ>J3n ^DD» sive Bl,d?.oc KaXa?^?i.ay73g,pp. 1-36 ; and l)y Dopke, Hermeneutik, pp. 60-69. BIBLICAL HEKMENEUTICS. 503- mentioned as writing or saying what is quoted. It is assumed that the persons addressed were so familiar with the holy writings that they needed no more specific reference. " Besides the quotations introduced by these formulas there are a considerable number scattered through the writings of the apostles which are inserted in the train of their own remarks without any announcement whatever of their being cited from others. To the cursory reader the passages thus quoted appear to form a part of the apostle's own words, and it is only by intimate acquaintance with the Old Testament Scriptures, and a careful comparison of these Avith those of the New Testament, that the fact of their being quotations can be detected. In the common version every trace of quotation is in many of these passages lost, from the circumstance that the writer has closely followed the Septuagint, while our ver- sion of the Old Testament is made from the Hebrew. Thus, for instance, in 2 Cor. viii, 21, Paul says, npovoovixev yap naXa ov uovnv EV(l)TXLov Kvp/of, dXXa km evdiinov dv&pcjncjv, which, with a change in the mood of the verb, is a citation of the Septuagint ver- sion of Prov. iii, 4. Hardly any trace of this, however, appears in the common version, where the one j^assage reads, " Providing for honest things not only in the sight of the Lord, but also in the sight of men;" and the other, "So shalt thou find favour and good understanding in the sight of God and man." So, also, in 1 Peter iv, 18, the apostle quotes word for word from the Septuagint ver- sion of Prov. xi, 31, the clause el b SiKaioq iioXig (joj^erat, 6 daeQrjg^ Kal diiapTcoXdg ttov ^avdrai', a quotation Avhicli we should in vain endeavour to trace in the common version of the Proverbs, where the passage in question is rendered "Behold, the righteous shall be recompensed in the earth; much more the wicked and the sinner." Such quotations evidently show how much the minds of the New Testament writers were imbued with the sentiments and expressions of the Old Testament as exhibited in the Alexandrine version." ' There is one formula peculiar to Matthew and John which de- serves more than a passing notice. It first occurs in The formula Matt, i, 22: ''All this has come to 2kcss in order that '>-^'"- ^^W^f^v- what was spoken by the Lord through the prophet mujht he fiil- filledP This is its fullest form; elsewhere it is only Iva 'n'k7\pi^-&% in order that it might be fulfilled (Matt, ii, 15; iv, 14; xxi, 4; John xii, 38; xiii, 18; xv, 25; xvii, 12; xviii, 9, 32; xix, 24, 36), but in John's Gospel these words vary in their connexion, as, "in order that the word of Isaiah might be fulfilled;" "in order that the Scripture might be fulfilled;" "in order that the word of Jesus ' Alexander, in Kitto's New Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, article Quotiitions. 506 PRINCIPLES OF luiglit be fulfilled." Sometimes it is written orrojg -rrXriQiod^ (Matt, ii, 'JO; viii, 17; xii, 17), and occasionally tote e7rA7/pcji97/, then was fuljilled. The great question with interpreters has been to deter- mine the force of the conjunction Iva (and ottw^) in these formulas. Is it telle, that is, expressive oi final cause, purpose, or design; or is it echatic, denoting merely the outcome or resxdt of something ? If telic, it should be translated in order that ; if eebatic, it should be rendered so that. Bengel, commenting on the words 'iva -nXTjoj'&y in Matt, i, 22, ob- views of Ben- serves: "Wherever this phrase occurs we are bound to gel and Meyer, i-ecognise the authority of the evangelists, and (how- ever dull our own perception may be) to believe that the event they mention does not merely chance to correspond with some ancient form of speech, but was one which had been predicted, and which the divine truth was pledged to bring to pass at the commencement ■of the new dispensation." ' Meyer, commenting on the same pas- sage, observes: "'iva is never eebatic, so that, but always telic, in order that / it presupposes here that what was done stood in the -connexion of purjaose with the Old Testament declaration, and con- sequently in the connexion of the divine necessity as an actual fact by which the prophecy was destined to be fulfilled. The divine decree, expressed in the latter, must be accomplished, and to that end this, namely, whicth is related from verse 18 onw\ard, came to pass, and that, according to the Avhole of its contents (oXov).''^ This view of the telic force of 'iva, especially in the words Iva The telic force 7TX7]Qu)d'^ in connexion with prophetic statements, is aiiy'tobe^main- "laiiitained by many of the most eminent critics and tained. scholars, as Fritzsche, De Wette, Olshausen, Alford, and Winer. Others, as Tittmann, Stuart, and Robinson, contend for the eebatic use of 'iva in this phrase as well as in many other pas- sages." The question can be determined only by a critical exami- nation of the passages where the alleged eebatic use of the particle occurs. In most of these cases we believe the ordinary telic sense of 'iva has been misapprehended by a superficial view of the real import of the passage. Thus Tittmann cites Mark xi, 25, as a clear instance of the eebatic use of 'Iva: "Whenever ye stand praying, forgive, if ye have aught against any one, in order that your Fa- ther also Avho is in the heavens may forgive you your trespasses." ' Gnomon of the New Testament, in loco. ' See Tittmann's essay on the " Use of the particle iva in the Xow Testament," translated into English with introductory remarks by M. Stuart in the Biblical Repos- itory of Jan., 18.S5. Also Robinson's Lexicon of the New Testament under the words 2i'a iind uTTLir. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 507 According to Tittmann, " the Saviour could not inculcate on his disciples the mere prudential duty of forgiving others in order that they themselves might obtain forgiveness, which would be quite foreign to real integrity and purity of mind ; but he wished them to consider that if they cherished an implacable spirit they could have no grounds to hope for pardon from God; so that if they them- selves were not ready to forgive it was impossible that they should obtain forgiveness." ' But this reasoning would exclude every- where the telic force of Iva. According to the writer's own admis- sion, the forgiving of others is an indispensable condition of pardon; why not then regard this condition, as Avell as any other, in the light of a means to an end? Is it possible to believe that obtain- ing forgiveness from God is an object and aim at all inconsistent with " real integrity and purity of mind ? " Much more soundly does Meyer give the real thought of the passage: "To the exhorta- tion to confidence in prayer Jesus links on another principal requi- site of being heard — namely, the necessity of forgiving in order to obtain forgiveness." ^ The forgiving is presented as an indispensa- ble means to an end. It need not, however, be denied that in some passages the ecbatic rendering of 'iva may bring out more clearly the sense r^^^ ecbatic of the author. The particle may be allowed some meas- sense of Iva „ . . T • 1 T f» 1 DPed not in all ure or its native telic import, and yet the final cause or cases be de- end may be conceived of as an accomplished result or °^^'** attainment rather than an objective ideal necessary to be reached.^ Ellicott's position may be accepted as every way sound and satis- factory: "The uses of Iva in the New Testament appear to be three: (1) Final, or indicative of the end, purpose, or ohject of the action — the primary and principal meaning, and never to be given up except on the most distinct counter arguments. (2) Sub-Jlnal, occa- sionally, especially after verbs of entreaty (not of command), the subject of the prayer being blended with, and even in some cases obscuring, the purpose of making it. (3) Eventual, or indicative of result, apparently in a fcAV cases, and due, perhaps, more to what is called 'Hebrew teleology' (i. e., the reverential aspect under which the Jews regarded prophecy and its fulfilment) than gram- matical depravation." * ' Biblical Repository for Jan., 1835, p. 105. - Critical Commentary on Mark xi, 25. ^ Comp. Winer's New Testament Grammar (English translation, Andover, 1874), pp. 457-461, and Buttmann's Grammar of tlie New Testament Greek (English translation, Andover, 1873), pp. 23.5-241. ■* Critical and Grammatical Commentary on Ephesians i, 17. 508 PRINCIPLES OF But when the words 'iva TiX-qpco-dx} are used in connexion with the Iva teiic in fulfilment of prophecy we should not hesitate to accept formulas of ^Yiq telic forcc of 'Iva. The Scriptures themselves recog- tion. nise a sort of divine necessity for the fulfilment of all that predicted or typified the Christ. As it was necessary (Met) for the Christ to suffer (Luke xxiv, 26), so " it was necessary that all thin<>"s which were written in the law of Moses, and the Prophets, and the Psalms concerning him should be fulfilled" (Luke xxiv, 44; comp. the edei 'nXT]Q(jj-&r]vai of Acts i, 16). The objection that it is absurd to suppose all these things were done merely to fulfil a prophecy is based upon a misconception and misrepresentation of the evangelist. The statement that this jiarticular divine purpose was served does not imply that no other divine purpose was accom- plished. " All these things did transpire," says Whedon, " in order, among other purposes, to the fulfilment of that prophecy, inasmuch as the fulfilment of that prophecy was at the same time the accom- plishment of the Incarnation of the Redeemer, and the verification of the divine prediction. Nor is there any predestinarian fatalism in all this. God pi-edicts what he foresees that men will freely do; and then men do freely in turn fulfil what God predicts, and so un- consciously act in order to verify God's veracity. Moreover there is no fatalism in supposing that God has high plans which he does with infinite wisdom cai-ry out through the free, unnecessitated, though foreseen wills of men. Such is his inconceivable wisdom that he can so place free agents in a free system of probation that which ever way they freely turn they will but further his great generic plans and verify liis foreknowledge. So that it may, in a right sense, be true that all these things are done by free agents in order to so desirable an end as to fulfil the divine foresight." ' The passage in Matt, ii, 15, has been thought by many to be a „ . , certain instance of the ecbatic usage of Iva. It is there Hosea xi, 1, as , ^ ^ cited in Matt, written that Joseph arose and took the child Jesus and ' '^" his mother by night and withdrew into Egypt, and was there until the death of Herod, " in order that (iVa 7TA7/pwi9f/) it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the Lord through the prophet, saying. Out of Egypt I called my son." The quotation is a literal translation of the Hebrew of IIos xi, 1, and the reference of the prophet is to Israel. The whole verse of Hos. xi, 1, reads thus: "For a child was Israel, and I loved him, and out of Egypt I called my son." Here some would see a double sense of prophecy, and others an Old Testament text accommodated to a New Testa- ment use. But the true interpretation of (his quotation will recog- ' Commentary on Matthew i, 22. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 509 nise the typical character of Israel as " God's firstborn," a familiar tliought of the Old Testament Scripture. Thus, in Exod, iv, 22 Jehovah is represented as saying: "My son, my firstborn, is Israel." And again in Jer. xxxi, 9: "For I have been to Israel for a father, and Ephraim is my firstborn." Compare also Isa. xlix, 3. Recog- nising this typical character of Israel as God's firstborn son, the evangelist readily j)erceived that the ancient exodus of Israel out of Egypt was a type of this event in the life of the Son of God wliile he was yet a child. Among the other purposes (and there were doubtless many) that were served by this going down into Egypt, and exodus therefrom, was the fulfilment of the prophecy of Hosea. This fulfilment of typical events, as we have shown above (p. 494), does not authorize the doctrine of a double sense in the language of prophecy. The words of Hosea xi, 1, have but one meaning, and announce in poetic form a fact of Israel's ancient his- tory. That fact was a type which was fulfilled in the event re- corded in Matt, ii, but the language used by the prophet had no previous fulfilment. It was not a prediction at all, but an allusion to an event which occured six hundred years before Hosea was born.* III. It remains to notice the purposes for which any of the sacred writers quoted or referred to the more ancient Scrip- „ ^ , . . . . fPurposesof tures. Attention to this point will be an important aid scripture quo- in enabling us to understand and appreciate the various '^'^^°°- uses of the holy writings. 1. The citation of many ancient prophecies was manifestly for the purpose of showing and putting on record their fulfilment. This is true of all the prophecies which are introduced with the formula Iva 7r/L?/pwi9^, in order that it might be fulfilled. And the same thought is implied in the context of quotations introduced by ^Lange (Commentary on Matthew ii, 15) has the following: "As the flight and the return had really taken place, the evangelist, whose attention was always directed to the fulfilment of prophecy, might very properly call attention to the fact that even this prediction of Hosea had been fulfilled. And, in truth, viewed not as a verbal but as a typical prophecy, this prediction was fulfilled by this flight into Egypt. Is- rael of old was called out of Egypt as the son of God, inasmuch as Israel was identi- fied with the Son of God. But now the Son of God himself was called out of Egypt, who came out of Israel, as the kernel from the husk. When the Lord called Israel out of Egypt, it was with special reference to his Son ; that is, in view of the high spiritual place which Israel was destined to occupy. In connexion with this it is also important to bear in mind the historical influence of Egypt on the world at large. Ancient Greek civilization — nay, in a certain sense, the imperial power of Rome itself — sprung from Egypt ; in Egypt the science of Christian theology originated ; from Egypt proceeded the last universal Conqueror ; out of Egypt came the typical son of God to found the theocracy ; and thence also the true Son of God to complete the theocracy." 510 PRINCIPLES OF other formulas. These facts exhibit the interdependence and or- orauic connexion of the entire body of Holy Scripture. It is a divinely constructed whole, and the essential relations of its several parts must never be forgotten. 2. Other (quotations are made for the purpose of establishing a doctrine. So Paul, in Rom. iii, ^)-19, quotes the Scriptures to prove the universal depravity of man; and in Rom. iv, 3, he cites the record of Abraham's belief in God to show that a man is justified by faith rather than works, and that faith is imputed unto him for righteousness. This manner of his using the Old Testament obvi- ously implies that the apostle and his readers regarded it as author- itative in its teachings. What was written therein, or could be confirmed thereby, was final, and must be accepted as the revela- tion of God. 3. Sometimes the Scripture is quoted for the purpose of confut- ing and rebuking opponents and unbelievers. Jesus himself ap- pealed to his Jewish opponents on the ground of their regard for the Scriptures, and showed their inconsistency in refusing to receive him of wliom the Scriptui'es so abundantly testified (John v, 39, 40). With those who accepted the Scripture as the word of God such argumentation was of great weight. How effectually Jesus em- ployed it may be seen in his answers to the Sadducees and Phari- sees (Matt, xxii, 29-32, 41-46). Compare John x, 34-36. 4. Finally, the Scriptui'es Avere cited or referred to in a general way as a book of divine authority, for rhetorical purposes, and for illustration. Its manifold treasures were the heritage of the people of God. Its language would be naturally ajjpropriated to express any thought or idea which a writer or speaker might wish to clothe in sacred and venerable form. Hence the manners, references, allu- sions, and citations which serve mainly to enhance the force or beauty of a statement, and to illustrate some argument or appeal. " The writings of the Jewish prophets," says Home, " which abound in fine descriptions, poetical images, and sublime diction, were the classics of the later Jews; and, in subsequent ages, all their writers affected allusions to them, borrowed their images and descriptions, and very often cited their identical words when re- cording any event or circumstance that happened in the history of ihe persons whose lives they were relating, provided it was similar and parallel to one that occurred at the times, and was described in the books, of the ancient prophets." * ' Introduction to the Holy Scriptures, vol. ii, p. 191. , BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 511 CHAPTER XXIX. THE FALSE AND THE TRUE ACCOMMODATION. Inasmuch as many passages of the Old Testament Scripture are appropriated by New Testament writers for the sake of The rationaiis- illustration, or by way of special application, it has been "'^ tiieory held by many that all the Old Testament quotations, even the Mes- sianic prophecies, have been applied in the New Testament in a sense differing more or less widely from their original import. This especially has been a position taken by many rationalists of Germany, and some have gone so far as to teach that our Lord ac- commodated himself to the prejudices of his age and people. His use of Scripture, they tell us, was of the nature of argument and appeal ad hominem y even his words and acts in regard to unclean spirits of demons, and other matters of belief among the Jews, were a falling in line with the errors and superstitions of the com- mon people. Such a theory of accommodation should be utterly repudiated by the sober and thoughtful exegete. It virtually teaches should be repu- that Jesus Christ was a propagator of falsehood. It ^lated. would convict every New Testament writer of a species of mental and religious delusion. The divine Teacher did, indeed, accommo- date his teaching to the capacity of his hearers, as every wise teacher will do ; or, rather, he condescended to put himself on the plane of their limited knowledge. He would speak so that men might understand, and believe, and be saved. But in those who had no disposition to search and test his truth he declared that Isaiah's Avords (Isa. vi, 9, 10) received a new application, and a most significant fullilment (Matt, xiii, 14, 15). And this was strictly true. Isaiah's words were first spoken to the dull and blinded hearts of the Israel of his own day. Ezekiel repeated them with equal propriety to the Israel of a later generation (Ezek, xii, 2). And our Lord quoted and applied them to the Israel of his time as one of those homiletic Scriptures which are fulfilled again and again in human history when the faculties of spiritual perception become perversely dull to the truths of God. The prophecy in question was not the prediction of a specific event, but a general oracle of God, and of such a nature as to be capable of repeated fulfilments. m2 PRINCIPLES OF Hence such prophecies afford no proof of a double sense. The sense is in each instance simple and direct, but the language is capable of double or manifold applications. And herein we observe a true sense in which the words of Scrip- ture may be accommodated to particular occasions and Thp tniG IdcSf • of accomnioda- purposes. It is found in the manifold uses and applica- "°°- tions of which the words of divine inspiration are capa- ble. This is not, strictly speaking, a manifold fulfilment of Scrip- ture, though it may be affirmed that a forcible and legitimate application of a passage is truly a fulfilment of it. When a given passage is of such a character as to be susceptible of application to other circumstances or subjects than those to which it first apjjlied, such secondary application should not be denied the name of a ful- filment. In such a case we do not say: The first reference was to an event near at hand, but that primary fulfilment did not exhaust the meaning; its higher fulfilment is to be seen in a future event. Much truth may attach to such a statement, but it is liable io mis- lead one, and to foster the idea of a hidden sense, a mystic mean- ing, a so-called hyponoia (vnovoia). Thus the psalmist says: "I will open my mouth in a parable; I will utter dark sayings of old" (Psa. Ixxviii, 2). This is quoted by Matthew (xiii, 35), the first sentence according to the Septuagint, the second a free rendering of the Hebrew, but following strictly neither the Hebrew nor the Septuagint. The evangelist aftirms that Jesus made use of parables in order that these words might be fulfilled. And we are not at liberty to deny that this was one real purpose of Jesus in the use of parables. The words of the psalmist prophet herein found a new and higher application, but in no different sense than that in which they were first used. The language of Jer. xxxi, 15, is quoted by Matthew (ii, 17, 18) as being fulfilled in the weepinor and lamentation occa- Jer. xxxl, lo, as => r o t> i i citea in Matt, sioned by Herod's slaughter of the infants of Bethle- 11, 1', 18. hem. In the highest strain of poetical conception the prophet Jeremiah sets forth the grief of Israel's woes and exile. It seems to him as if the affectionate Rachel — the mother of the house of Joseph, Ephraim and Manasseh (Gen. xxx, 24; xli, 51, 52), and the mother of Benjamin (Gen. xxxv, 16-18), might be heai'd weep- ing and wailing at Ramah over the loss of her children. The prophet mentions Ephraim (Jer. xxxi, 18, 20) as the chief tribe and representative of all Israel. The tender mother's agony is over a wider woe than the exile of Judah only. It takes in Ephraim's overthrow and captivity as well. And Rachel, rather than Leah, is named because of her great desire for children (Gen. xxx, 1), and BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 513 the touching and melancholy cn-cumstances of her death (Gen. XXXV, 18). The weeping is represented as heard at Ramah, perhaps for various reasons. That city occupied a conspicuous eminence ' in the tribe-territory of Benjamin, whence the lamentation might be conceived as sounding far and wide through all the coasts of Benjamin and Judah.'' Ramah was the home of Hannah (the mother of Samuel, 1 Sam. i, 19, 20), whose motherly yearning was so much like that of Rachel.' It was at Ramah also ^^•here the Jew- ish exiles were gathered before their deportation to Babylon (Jer. xl, 1). The heart of Rachel, in the j)rophet's view, was large enough to feel and lament the woes of all the sons of Jacob. All this comes up to the evangelist when he pens the slaughter of the children of the coasts of Bethlehem (Matt, ii, 16). It seems to him as if the motherly heart of Rachel cried from the tomb again, and this later sorrow was but a repetition of that of the exile, the for- mer sorrow being a type of the latter. And this was a fulfilment of that poetic prophecy, although it is not said that this sorrow of Bethlehem came to pass in order to fulfil the words of Jeremiah. By a true and legitimate accommodation the words of the prophet were appropriated by the evangelist as enhancing his record of that bitter woe. " By keeping in mind," says Davidson, " the close re- lation of type and antitype, whether the former be a person, as Da- vid, or an event, as the birth of a child, we shall not stumble at the manner in which certain quotations in the New Testament are in- troduced, nor have recourse to other modes of explanation which seem to be objectionable. We do not adopt, with some, the hy- pothesis of a double sense, to which there are weighty objections. Neither do we conceive that the principle of accommodation, in its mildest form, comes up to the truth. The passages containing typ- ical prophecies have always a direct reference to facts or things in the history of the persons or people obviously spoken of in the con- text. But these facts or circumstances were typical of spiritual transactions in the history of the Saviour and his kingdom." ^ ' Robinson's Biblical Researches, vol. i, p. 576. ^ Conip. Keil, Commentary on Jeremiah xxxi, 15. ' " The prophet goes back in spirit," says Nagelsbach, " to the time when the in- habitants of the kingdom of the ten tribes were led away to Assyria into captivity. . . . The mother of the ruling tribe appears thus as the personification of the king- dom ruled by it. The spirit of Rachel is the genius of the kingdom of the ten tribes whom the prophet represented by a bold poetical figure as rising from her tomb by night and bewailing the misery of her children." — Commentary on Jeremiah xxxi, 15. * Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 488. 33 514 PIILN'CIPLES OF CHAPTER XXX. ALLEGED DISCREPANCIES OP THE SCRIPTURES. In comparing the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, and , ^ also in examininsc the statements of the different writers General char- ° acterofthedis- of either Testament, the reader's attention is occasion- crepancies. ^||y. j^^rested by what appear to be contradictions. Sometimes different passages of the same book present some notice- able inconsistency, but more frequently the statements made by different writers exhibit discrepancies which some critics have been hasty to pronounce irreconcilable. These discrepancies are found in the genealogical tables, and in various numerical, historical, doc- trinal, ethical, and prophetical statements. It is the province of the interpreter of Scripture to examine these with great patience and care; he must not ignore any difficulty, but should be able to explain the apparent inconsistencies, not by dogmatic assertions or denials, but by rational methods of procedure. If he find a dis- crepancy or a contradiction which he is unable to explain he should not hesitate to acknowledge it. It does not follow that because he is not able to solve the problem it is therefore insoluble. The lack of sufficient data has often effectually baffled the efforts of the most able and accomplished exegetes. A large proportion of the discrepancies of the Bible are traceable Causes of the to one or more of the following causes: The errors of discrepancies, copyists in the manuscripts; the variety of names ap- plied to the same person or place; different methods of reckoning times and seasons; different local and historical standpoints; and the special scope and plan of each particular book. Variations are not contradictions, and many essential variations arise from differ- ent methods of arranging a series of particular facts. The peculi- arities of oriental thought and speech often involve seeming extrav- agance of statement and verbal inaccuracies, which are of a nature to provoke the criticism of the less impassioned writers of the West. And it is but just to add that not a few of the alleged contradic- tions of Scripture exist only in the imagination of sceptical writers, and are to be attributed to the perverse misunderstanding of cap- tious critics. It is easy to perceive how, in the course of ages, numerous BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 515 little errors and discrepancies would be likely to find their way into the text by reason of the oversight or carelessness of Discrepancies transcribers. To this cause we attribute many of the ansinfr from '' errors of copy- variations in orthography and in numerical statements, ists. The habit of expressing numbers by letters, several of which closely resemble each othei-, was liable to occasion many discrepancies. Sometimes the omission of a letter or a word occasions a difficulty which cannot now be removed. Thus the only proper rendering of the present Hebrew text of 1 Sam, xiii, 1, is, " Saul was a year old (Hebrew, son of a year) when he began to reign, and two years he reigned over Israel." The writer is here evidently following the custom exhibited in 2 Sam. ii, 10; v, 4; 1 Kings xiv, 21; xxii, 42; 2 Kings viii, 26, of opening his account of a king's reign with a for- mal statement of his age when he became king, and of the number of years that he reigned. But the numbers have been lost from the text, and the omission is older than the Septuagint version which follows our present corrupt Hebrew text. The following form may best present the passage with its omissions: "Saul was years old when he began to reign, and he reigned and two years over Israel." These omissions can now be supplied only by conjecture. It is evident that Saul was more than a year old when he began to reign, and that he reigned more than two years. According to Acts xiii, 21, and Josephus (Ant., vi, 14, 9) he reigned forty years, but this may include the seven years and a half as- sumed to have passed between the death of Saul and that of Ish- bosheth (2 Sam. ii, 11). Ishbosheth, however, is said to have reigned but two years (2 Sam. ii, 10). The language of Paul and Josephus more likely expresses a current Jewish tradition which was not exact. A comparison of genealogical tables often exhibits discrepancies in names and numbers. But the transcription and repe- ^. •',_•' Discrepancies tition of such records through a long period of time, in peneaiogi- and by many different scribes, would naturally expose ^^^ tables. them to numerous variations. A comparison of the family record of Jacob and his sons, the seventy souls that came into Egypt (Gen. xlvi), with that of the census of these families in the time of Moses (Num. xxvi) will serve to illustrate the peculiarities of He- brew genealogies. We give these lists, on the adjoining page, in parallel columns, and also select from the lists in 1 Chron. ii-viii the corresponding names, so far as they appear there, that the reader may see at a glance the variations in orthography. For convenience of reference we place the corresponding names oppo- site each other; but the student should note the variations in the order of names as they appear in these different lists. The list 516 PRINCIPLES OF in Genesis is arranged accordino- to the wives and concubines of Jacob's famuy Jacob. The first thirty-three include Jacob and the record. gons and daughter of Leah; the next sixteen are the sons of Zilpah; the next fourteen are the sons of Rachel; and the remaining seven are the sons of Bilhah. It is a manifest purpose to make the list number " seventy souls." In Num. xxvi the order of names follows no apparent plan.' Gen. xlvi. Num. ixvi. 1 Cairon. ii-viii. 1. JACOB. 2. Reuben Reuben Rexiben. 3. Hanoch Hanoch Hanoch. 4. Phallua Phallua Phallua. (Descendants.) 5. Hezron Hezron Hezron. 6. Carmi Carmi Carmi. 7. Simeon Simeon Simeon. 8. Jemuel * Nemuel * Neumel. 9. Jauiin Jamin Jamin. 10. Ohad 11. Jachin Jacliin * Jarib. 12. Zohar * Zerah * Zerah. 13. Shaul Shaul Shaul. 14. Levi Levi Levi. 15. Gershon Gershon * Gershom. (Descendants.) 16. Kohath Koliath Kohath, 17. Mcrari Meiaii Merari. (Descendants.) 18. JUDAH JUDAII JUDAH. 19. Er. Hezron Er. Hezron Er. Hezron. 20. Onan. Hamul Onan. Hamul Onan. HamuL 21. Shelah Shelah Shelah. 22. Pherez Pherez Pherez. 23. Zerah Zerah Zerah. 24. ISSACHAR ISSACHAR ISS.\CHAR. 25. Tola Tola Tola. 26. Phuvah Pliuvah * Phuah. 27. Job * Jashub * Jashib. 28. Shimron Sluimon Sliimron. 29. Zebulun Zebulun Zebulun. 30. Sered Sered l-^-ri 31. Elon Elon [Il 32. Jahleel Jahleel ( ^c ^ 33. Dinah — j ^ ^"3 ' The names of the tribes, or tribe-fathers, are frequently written, but in no two places do tliey stand in the same order. Comp. Gen. xxix, .S2-xxx, "Jt ; xlix; E.\od. i, 1-5; Num. i, 5-15 and 20-47; .xiii, 1-10; xxxiv, 17-28; Deut. xxxiii. CO eo O =3 > ■a m o a^ BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 517 Gen. xlvi. Nvun. xxvi. 1 Cliron. ii-viii. 34. Gad Gad Gad. 35. Ziphion * Zephon 36. Haggi Haggi 37. Shuni Shuni 38. Ezbon * Ozni 39. Eri Eri 40. Arodi * Arod 41. Areli Areli 42. ASHER ASHER ASHER. 43. Jimnah Jimnah Jimnah. 44. Jishvah Jishvah. 45. Jishvi Jishvi Jishvi. 46. Beiiali Beiiah Beriali. 47. Seruh Serah Serah, 48. Heber Heber Heber. 49. Malchiel Malchiel Malchiel. 50. Joseph Joseph Joseph. 51. Manasseh Manasseh Manasseh. (Descendants.) 52. Ephraim Ephraim Ephraim. (Descendants.) 53. Benjamin Bekjamin ... Benjamin. 54. Bela Bela Bela, 55. Becher . . (Comp. Heb. text of 1 Chron. viii, 1.) 56. Aslibel Ashbel Ashljel. 57. Gera Gera. 58. Naaman Naaman Naaman. 59. Ehi * Ahiram * Aharah. 60. Rosh . ." 61. Jluppim Sbesbupbam Shephuphan. 62. Hiippiin * Hupbain 63. Aid Ard * Addar. 64. Dan Dan Dan. 65. Husbim * Shubara 66. Naphtali .Naphtali Naphtali. 67. Jabzeel Jabzeel * JahzieeL 68. Guni Guiii Guni. 69. Jezer Jezer Jezer. 70. Sbillem Shillem * Sballum. * The asterisk is designed to call attention to several variations in orthography ; the small capitals designate the tribe-fathers; names in Mack letter are supposed levirate substitutions of grandchildren; and the word (descendants) stands in place of names given in the Scripture record, but for want of room not printed above. In studying these lists of names, it is important to attend to the historical position and purpose of each writer. The Historical list of Gen. xlvi was probably prepared in Egypt, some standpoint. time after the migration of Jacob and his family thither. It was 518 PRINCIPLES OP probably prepared, in the form in which it there stands, by the sanction of Jacob himself.' The aged and chastened patriarch went down into Egypt with the divine assurance that God would make him a great nation, and bring him up again (Gen. xlvi, 3, 4). Great interest therefore would attach to his family register, as it was made out under his own direction. But at the time of the census of Num. xxvi, whilst the names of the heads of families are all carefully preserved, they have become differently arranged, and other names have become prominent. Numerous later descendants have become historically conspicuous, and are accordingly added under the proper family heads. The tables given in 1 Chron. i-ix show much more extensive additions and changes. The peculiar differences between the lists show that one has not been copied from the other ; nor were both taken from a common source. They were evidently prepared independently, each from a different stand- point, and for a definite jDurpose. We should notice also the peculiar Hebrew methods of thought and expression as exhibited in the ancient list of Gen. xlvi. In Hebrew style verses 8 and 15 Jacob is included among his own sons, and usage. and the immortal thirty-three, which includes the father and one daughter, and two great-grandsons (Hezron and Ilamul) probably not yet born when Jacob moved into Egypt, are dcsig- ' The following suggestive observations of Dr. Mahan, in his little work entitled "The Spiritual Point of View; An Answer to Bishop Colenso" (New York, 1803, pp. 57, 58), illustrate how many considerations and circumstances may have naturally influenced in the preparation of this genealogy. " Jacob's family list, whether written in any way or merely connnitted to memory, contained before he went into Egypt pre- cisely seventy souls ; though four of these, namely, his two wives and two of the sons of Judah, were souls of the departed. Thus, arithmetically, and in a matter-of-fact way, Jacob had sixty-six in his company when he first settled in Egypt ; but religious- ly, or, as some might say, poetically — in the spirit of the little maid of Wordsworth's ballad, who insisted so strenuously 'we are seven' — he might still count them seventy. To this fact may be added the following probabilities : When Jacob arrived in Egypt he probably gave to his list the title or heading which it still bears, namely, The names of the children of Israel which came with him into Egypt. And it is likely enough that he did this without troubling himself to erase, either from the tablets or his memory, the names of the dear departed souls whom the kind-hearted and faithful patriarch still regarded as 'of his company.' At a later date, however, he may have revised his list. Affectionate heads of families are apt to do such things. Their family list is the solace of their old age ; and they turn it over and over as fondly as a miser counts over his hoarded money. The patriarch, then, turning his list over in this way, and counting his seventy souls which the Lord had given him, and reluctant to erase his four departed souls, availed himself of the first opportunity to substitute for them four new souls — among his great-grandchildren — whom the Lord had granted him in their place. Thus the names of the grandchildren of Judah and Asher may easily have come in. No other names were added, because no others were needed." BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 519 Dated as " all the souls of his sons and his daughters." Similar usage appears in Exod. i, 5, where it is said that " all the souls that came out of the loins of Jacob were seventy souls." * The writer has in mind the memorable " seventy " that came into Egypt (comp. Deut. X, 22). In Gen. xlvi, 27, the two sons of Joseph, who are expressly said to have been " born to him in Egypt," are reckoned among the seventy who " came into Egypt." It is a carping and captious criticism which fastens upon peculiarities of Hebrew usus loquendi like these, and pronounces them " remarkable contradic- tions, involving such plain impossibilities that they cannot be re- garded as true narratives of actual historical matters of fact." '^ The probable reason for reckoning Hezron and Hamid (verse 12) among the seventy was that they were adopted by Judah in the places of the deceased Er and Onan, who died in the land of Canaan. This ai^pears from the fact that in the later registers of Num. xxvi and 1 Chron. ii they appear as permanent heads of families in Judah. Heber and Malchiel, grandsons of Asher (ver. 17), are also reckoned among the seventy, and probably for the reason that they were born before the migration into Egypt. They also appear in the later lists as heads of families in Israel. In the list of Gen. xlvi, 21, the names of Naaman and Ard appear among the sons of Benjamin, but in Num. xxvi, 40, they substitution of appear as sons of Bela. The most probable explanation names. of this discrepancy is that the Naaman and Ard, mentioned in Gen. xlvi, 21, died in Egypt without issue, and two of their brother Bela's sons were named after them, and substituted in their place to perpetuate intact the families of Benjamin. In 1 Chron. viii many other names appear among the sons of Benjamin and Bela, but whether Nohah and Kapha were substituted for families that had become extinct, or are other names for some of the same persons who appear in the list of Gen. xlvi, it is now impossible to ' In the mention of seventy-five souls, Acts vii, 14, Stephen simply follows the read- ing of the Septuagint. 2 Bishop Colenso on the Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua (New York, 1863), p. 60. This remarkable critic quotes Gen. xlvi, 12, and then observes: "It appears to me to be certain that the writer here means to say that Hezron and Hamul were born in the land of Canaan.'" But it is absolutely certain that that is one particular thing which the writer does not say. Again, after quoting Exod. i, 1, 5, and Deut. x, 22, he observes: "I assume that it is absolutely undeniable that the narrative of the Exodus distinctly involves the statement, that the sixty-six persons 'out of the loins of Jacob,' mentioned in Gen. xlvi, and no others (!), went down with him into Egypt." Mark the words " and no others,'''' although Jacob's sons' wives are expressly men- tioned in Gen. xlvi, 26. Such a critic would appear to be utterly incapable of grasp- ing the spirit and style of the Hebrew writers. 530 PRINCIPLES OF determine. Ashbel is mentioned as second in Chronicles, but in- Gen. xlvi he stands third.' Gera, the fourth name in the list in Genesis, appears twice in 1 Chron. viii, 3, 5, among the sons of Bela. Such variations evince the independence of the different lists, and yet they are of a nature to confirm rather than discredit the genu- ineness of the several genealogies. Each list had its own distinct history and purpose. It was in accordance with the Hebrew spirit and custom to frame a register of honoured names so as to have them produce a definite and suggestive number. So Matthew's genealogy of our Lord is arranged into three groups of fourteen names each (Matt, i, 17), and yet this could be done only by the omission of several import- ant names.' While the compiler might, by another process equally correct, have made the list of Gen. xlvi number sixty-nine by omit- ting Jacob, or have made it exceed seventy by adding the names of the wives of Jacob's sons, he doubtless purposely arranged it so as to make it number seventy souls. The number of the descend- ants of Noah, as given in the genealogical table of Gen. x, amounts to seventy. This habit of using fixed numbers, being a help to memory, may have originated in the necessities of oral tradition. The seventy elders of Israel were probably chosen with some ref- erence to the families that sprung from these seventy souls of Jacob's household, and Jesus' sending out of seventy disciples (Luke X, 1) is evidence that his mind was influenced by the mystic significance of the number seventy. It is well known that intermarriages between the tribes, and |.^_ questions of legal right to an inheritance, affected a eai genealogies person's genealogical status. Thus, in Num. xxxii, 40, often differ. ^^^ j^. j^ ^^^-^ ^-^^^^ j^^g^^ ^^^^ ^j^^ j^^^^ ^^ Gilead tO Machir, the son of Manasseh, "and Jair, the so7i of Jlanasseh, went and seized their hamlets, and called them Havoth-jair " (comp. 1 Kings iv, 13). This inheritance, therefore, belonged to the tribe of Manasseh; but a comparison of 1 Chron. ii, 21, 22, shows that by lineal descent Jair belonged to the tribe of Judah, and is so reck- oned by the chronicler, who also gives the facts which explain the whole case. He informs us that Ilezron, the son of Pharez, the son of Judah, married the daughter of Machir, the son of Manasseh^ ' Perhaps for "1331, and Becker, in Gen. xlvi, 21, we should read "1133, his Jirstbofn. ' " According to the evangelist," says Upham, " the time-cycles of the Hebrews (and if so, the time-cycles of the world) had relations lo the coming of the Lord. He points out that the life of the Hebrews unrolled in three time-harmonies, one ending in triumph, one in mourning ; and thus may intimate that in the end of the third the notes of the two former bleud." — Thoughts on the Holy Gospels, p. 199. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 531 and by her became the father of Segub, who was the father of Jair, If now Jair would make out his legal claim to the inheritance in Gilead he would show how he was a descendant of Machir, the son of Manasseh; but if his paternal lineage were inquired after, it would be as easily traceable to Hezron, the son of Judah. Considerations of this kind will go far to solve the difficulties which have so neatly perplexed critics in the two di- ^^ ^ p J I- i^ _ _ The two diverse verse genealogies of Jesus, as given in Matt, i, 1-17, genealogies of and Luke iii, 23-38. At this late day the particular ^^"^' facts are wanting which would put in clear light the discrepancies of these lists of our Lord's ancestry, and can only be supplied by such reasons and probable suppositions as are warranted by a care- ful collation of genealogies, and well-known facts of Jewish custom in reckoning legal succession and lineal descent. The hypothesis, quite prevalent and popular since the time of the Reformation, that Matthew gives the genealogy of Joseph, and Luke that of Mary, is justly set aside by a majority of the best critics as incompatible with the words of both evangelists, who alike claim to give the genealogy of Joseph.' The right to "the throne of David his fa- ther" (Luke i, 32) must, according to all Jewish precedent, ideas, and usage, be based upon a legal ground of succession, as of an in- heritance; and therefore his genealogy must be traced backward from Joseph the legal husband of Mary. And it is clear, outside of these genealogies, that Joseph was of the royal house of David. Thus, the angel addressed him: "Joseph, son of David, do not fear to take Mary thy wife " (Matt, i, 20). He went to Bethlehem, the city of David, to enroll himself with Mary, " because he was of the house and family of David" (Luke ii, 45). It is, however, not at all improbable that Mary also was of the house and family of Da- vid,* a near relative — cousin perhaps — of Joseph, and thus the natural succession of Jesus to the throne of David would, according • 1 Many critics read Luke iii, 23, as if it implied that Mary's rather than Joseph's genealogy is given. Thus: wv v'log, wf evo/iiCero, 'Iuct^^, tov 'HAet: "Being the son, as was supposed, of Joseph (but in fact of Mary), of Eli," etc. This, however, is man- ifestly interpolating a most important statement into the words of the evangelist, a statement too important for him to have omitted had he intended such a thought. See Meyer, in loco. 2 Fairbairn observes that the marriage of cousins " perfectly accords with Jewish practice. ... It was the constant aim of the Jews to make inheritance and blood- relationship, as far as possible, go together." — Hermeneutical Manual, p. 222. Uphani similarly remarks : " Royal blood intermarries with royal blood. When Victoria was betrothed to Albert every one knew that Albert was a prince, and every one would know that the betrothed of a Czarowitz, or of a Prince of Wales, was a princess. The family of King David, obscure people for centuries, must have married below their rank, or have intermarried among themselves. That they did the latter is so 532 PRINCIPLES OF to Jewish ideas, be most remarkably complete. Certain it is that our Lord's descent from David was never questioned in the earliest times. He allowed himself to be called the Son of David (Matt, ix, 27; XV, 22), and no one of his adversaries denied this important €laim. He was " of the seed of David," according to Paul's Gospel (2 Tim. ii, 8; comp. Rom. i, 3; Acts xiii, 22, 23), and the Epistle to the Hebrews says: "It is evident (rrQodrjXov, conspicuously inanifest) that our Lord has sprung from Judah" (Heb. vii, 14). The Emperor Julian attacked these genealogies on the ground Jerome and of their discrepancies, and Jerome, in replying to him, Africanus on QJ^ggrygg tjjat if Julian had been more familiar with the Lord s pen- talogy. Jewish modes of speech he might have seen that one evangelist gives the natural and the other the legal pedigree of Joseph.' Essentially the same method of reconciling these dis- crepancies was advanced long previously by Africanus, who writes as follows: "It was customary in Israel to calculate the names of the generations either according to nature or according to the law; according to nature by the succession of legitimate offspring; ac- cording to law when another raised children to the name of a brother who had died childless. For as the hope of a resurrection was not yet clearly given, they imitated the promise which was to take place by a kind of mortal resurrection, with a view to perpet- uate the name of the person who had died. Since then there are some of those Avho are inserted in this genealogical table that suc- ceed each other in the natural order of father and son, some again that were born of others and were ascribed to others by name, both the real and reputed fathers have been recorded. Thus neither of the Gospels has made a false statement, whether calculating in the order of nature or according to law. For the families descended from Solomon, and those from Nathan, were so intermingled by substitutions in the place of those who had died childless, by second marriages, and the raising up of seed, that the same persons are justly considered as in one respect belonging to one of these, and in another respect belonging to others. Hence it is that, both of these accounts being true, they come down to Joseph, with considerable intricacy, it is true, but with great accuracy."* probable, from the tendency of Jewish families to keep together, and from the usage of royal families, that it may be held for certain that when St. Matthew stated that Joseph, a prince of the house of David, married Mary, he plainly told his countrymen (and, if he thought of others, ho thought that through them all would know) that the betrothed of this prince was a princess of the house of David." — Thoughts on the Holy Gospels, p. 204. ' Jerome on Matt. i. - Quoted by Etisebius, Eccl. Hist. (Bohn's ed.), book i, chap. vii. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 523 These general considerations furnish the basis on which several different methods of harmonizing the genealogies are No hypothesis possible. In the absence of certain information no hy- ''^^"J'^ claim ^ _ . _ •' absolute cer- pothesis can well claim absolute certainty. The theory tainty. of Africanus is that Jacob and Heli were brothers by the same mother. Heli died childless, and Jacob married his widow, and by her begat Joseph, the husband of Mary (Matt, i, 16), and yet, accord- ing to levirate law, Joseph was also of Heli (Luke iii, 23).^ Ac- cording to this theory Matthew records the natural, and Luke the legal, line of descent. Grotius, on the other hand, maintains that Matthew's table gives the legal succession, inasmuch as he recounts those who obtained the kingdom (which was the right of the first- born) without the admixture of a private name.'* He observes further that, according to Matt, i, 12, Jechonias begat Salathiel, but according to Luke iii, 27, Salathiel was the son of Neri, Now, ac- cording to Jer. xxii, 30 (comp. xxxvi, 30), Jechonias was sentenced to become childless. In that case the right to the throne of David would devolve upon the next nearest heir, which was probably Salathiel, the son of Neri, whose direct lineage Luke traces uj) to Nathan, another son of David (Luke iii, 27-31). This theory is most fully developed by Hervey, who maintains " that Salathiel, of the house of Nathan, became heir to David's throne on the failure of Solomon's line in Jechonias, and that as such he and his descend- ants were transferred as ' sons of Jeconiah ' to the royal genealog- ical table, according to the principle of the Jewish law laid down in Num. xxvii, 8-11. The two genealogies then coincide for two, or rather four, generations [Salathiel, Zorobabel (= Rhesa), Joana (= Hananiah, 1 Chron. iii, 19), Juda (== Abiud of Matt, i, 13, and Hodaiah of 1 Chron. iii, 24)]. There then occur six names in Mat- thcAV which are not found in Luke; and then once more the two genealogies coincide in the name of Matthan, or Matthat (Matt. i, 15; Luke iii, 24), to whbm two different sons, Jacob and Heli, are assigned, but one and the same grandson and heir, Joseph, the husband of Mary. The simple and obvious explanation of this is, on the same principle as before, that Joseph was descended from Joseph, a younger son of Abiud (the Juda of Luke iii, 26), but that on the failure of the line of Abiud's eldest son in Eleazar (Matt, i, 15), Joseph's grandfather, Matthan, became the heir; that Matthan had two sons, Jacob and Heli; that Jacob had no son, and consequently that Joseph, the son of his younger brother Heli, be- came heir to his uncle, and to the throne of David. . . . Mary, the * Eusebius, Eccl. Hist., book i, chap. vii. "See his Annotations on Matt, i, 16,. and Poole, Synopsis Criticorum, in loco. 524 PRINCIPLES OF mother of Jesus, was, in all probability, the daughter of Jacob, and first cousin to Joseph, her husband. So that in point of fact, though not of form, both the genealogies are as much hers as her husband's."^ The biblical genealogies may appear to the modern reader like GeneaioRies uot ^ useless part of Scripture, and lists of places, many useless. of them now utterly unknown, like that of Israel's places of encampment (Num. xxxiii), and the cities allotted to the different tribes (e. g.. Josh, xv, 20-62), have been pronounced by sceptics as incompatible with lofty ideas of a written revelation of God. But such notions spring from a stilted and mechanical con- ception of what the revelation ought to be. These apparently dry and tiresome lists of names are among the most irrefragable evi- dences of the historical verity of the Scripture records. If to our modern thought they seem of no practical worth, we should not forget that to the ancient Hebrew they were of the first importance as documents of ancestral history and lescal ricrhts. The most un- critical and absurd of all sceptical fancies would be the notion that these lists have been fabricated for a purpose. One might as well maintain that the fossil remains of extinct animals have been set in the rocks for the purpose of deception. The superficial utilitarian may indeed pronounce both the fossils and the genealogies alike worthless; but the profounder student of the earth and of man will recognise in them invaluable indexes of history. These genealogies are like the I'ough stones in the lower foundation of a building. Some of the stones are out of sight in the subsoil; others have be- come nicked and bruised, and some displaced and lost in the lapse of centuries, but they were all in some way essential to the origin, rise, stability, and usefulness of the noble superstructure. ' A. C. Hervey, article on Genealogy of Jesus Christ in Smith's Bible Dictionary. For fullei- details and discussion of the same theory see the same author's volume en- titled Genealogies of our Lord (Cambridge, 1853). Dr. Holmes attempts (article Gen. of Jesus Christ in Kitto's New Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature) to controvert Hervey's positions and arguments, but we think entirely without success. The same may be said of Meyer's note at the end of Luke iii. The fact is that while no one should affirm that Hervey's hypothesis is perfectly certain (for in the absence of suffi- cient data no theory is entitled to such a claim) no one can prove that it is not cor- rect. All that can well be asked for in the case is a hypothesis which will exhibit how both genealogies may be true, and that which holds Matthew's to be the legal (royal) line and Luke's the natural seems on the wliolo to be most entitled to credit. On the minor discrepancies :\m\ difficulties of these genealogies see the works named above, the several Bible dictionaries and commentaries, and W. H. Mill's discussion of the genealogies in his Observations on the attempted A pplication of Pantheistic Prin- ciples to the Theory and Historical Criticism of the Gospel. Cambridge, 2d edition, 1855. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 525 The greatei' number of the numerical discrepancies of the Bible are probably due to the mistakes of copyists. The an- Numerical dis- cient custom of using letters for numbers, and the great crepancies. similarity of some of the letters, will account for such differences as that of 2 Sam. viii, 4, compared with 1 Chron. xviii, 4, where final Nun (j), which stands for VOO, might easily be confounded with Zayin wnth two dots over it (t) w^hich was used to denote 7000. According to 1 Kings vii, 15, the two brazen pillars were each eighteen cubits high; in 2 Chron. iii, 15, it is written: "He" made before the house two pillars thirty and five cubits long." Some have thought that, as in Kings, the height (HDip) of each pillar is given, and in Chronicles the length (^"ix) of the two pillars, we should understand the latter passage as giving the length of the two pillars together. They may have been cast in one j^iece, and afterward cut into two jjillars, each being, in round numbers, eighteen cubits. The more probable supposition, however, is that the discrepancy arose by confounding n' = 18, Avith TO = 35. The two lists of exiles who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii, 1— 70, and Neb. vii, 6-73) exhibit numerous discrepan- Lists of return- cies as well as many coincidences, and it is remarkable Ezra and Neh^ that the numbers in Ezra's list amount to 29,818, and miah. in Nehemiah's to 31,089, and yet, according to both lists, the entire congregation numbered 42,360 (Ezra ii, 64; Neh. vii, 66). The probability is that neither list is intended as a perfect enumeration of all the families that returned from exile, but only of such fami- lies of Judah and Benjamin as could show an authentic genealogy of their father's house, while the 42,360 includes many persons and families belonging to other tribes who in their exile had lost all certain recoi'd of their genealogy, but were nevertheless true de- scendants of some of the ancient tribes. It is also noticeable that Ezra's list mentions 494 persons not recognised in Nehemiah's list, and Nehemiah's list mentions 1,765 not recognised in Ezi-a's; but if we add the surplus of Ezra to the sum of Nehemiah (494 + 31,089 == 31,583) we have the same result as by adding Nehemiah's sur- plus to the sum of Ezra's numbers (1,765 + 29,818 = 31,583). Hence it may be reasonably believed that 31,583 was the sum of all that could show their father's house; that the two lists were drawn up independently of each other; and that both are defective, though one supplies the defects of the other. As an instance of doctrinal and ethical inconsistency Doctrinal and between the Old and New Testaments we may cite the anjjes. '^ ^^ Hebrew law of retaliation as treated by our Lord. In Exod. xxi, 23-25, it is commanded that in cases of assault and 536 PRINCIPLES OF strife resulting in the injury of persons, " thou shalt give life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burn- ing for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe " (comp. Lev. xxiv, 20; Dcut. xix, 21). But Jesus says: "Do not resist tlie evil man; but whosoever smites thee upon thy right cheek turn to him the other also" (Matt, v, 39). A proper explanation of these con- tradictory Scriptures will also answer for many other passages of like spirit and import. The true explanation is to be had by a careful consideration of the historical standpoint of each speaker, and the particular end or purpose which each had in view. We are not to assume that the Mosaic legislation was without divine sanction, and that by the words " it was said to the ancients " (Matt. V, 21) Jesus meant to cast a reflection on the source or au- thority of the old law, as if to set himself against Moses. What was said to them of old was well said, but it needed modifying at a later age and under a new dispensation. Moreover, Moses was legislating for a peculiar nation at a distinctive crisis, and enunciat- ing the rights and methods of a civil jurisprudence. The old law of retaliation was grounded essentially in truth and justice. In the maintenance of law and order in any body politic personal assault and wilful wrong demand penal satisfaction, and this self-evident Supposed con- truth the Gospel does not ignore or set aside. It recog- flict between ^ises the civil maccistrate as a minister of God ordained the Law and _ _ o the Gospel. to punish the evildoer (Rom. xiii, 1-5; 1 Peter ii, 14). But in the sermon on the mount Jesus is urging the principle of Christian tenderness and love as it should prevail in the personal intercourse of men as individuals. The great principle of Christian action should be: Let not bitterness and hatred toward any man possess your soul. The spirit of law, national honour, and right logically led to the general motto, " Thou shalt love thy neighbour and hate thy enemy " (Matt, v, 43). Jesus would bring about a better age, a kindlier feeling among men, a higher and nobler civil- ization. To effect this he issues a new commandment designed, first of all, to operate in a man's private relations with his fellow man : "Love your enemies, and pray for them that persecute you" (Matt. V, 44). Here our Lord is evidently not putting forth a maxim or method of civil jurisprudence, but a principle of individual con- duct. He shows us, as Alford observes, " the condition to which a Christian community should tend, and to further which every pri- vate Christian's oAvn endeavours should be directed. It is quite beside the purpose for the world to say that these precepts of our Lord are too highly pitched for humanity, and so to find an excuse for violating them. If we were disciples of his in the true sense, BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 527 these precepts would, in tlieir spirit, as indicative of frames of mind, be strictly observed; and, as far as we ai'e disciples, we shall attain to such observance." ' That Jesus, by these precepts of personal conduct in the ordinary affairs of life, did not intend to forbid the censure and ^ . . , , ^ , ... . Civil rights punishment of evildoers, is evident from his own con- maintained by duct. When struck by one of the officers in the pres- Jesus and Paul. ence of the high priest, our Lord remonstrated against the flagrant abuse (John xviii, 22, 23). When Paul was similarly smitten by command of the high priest (Acts xxiii, 3), the apostle indignantly cried out: " God will smite thee, thou whited wall!" The same apostle sets forth the true Christian doctrine on all these points in Rom. xii, 18-xiii, 6: "If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, be at peace with all men." Here he more than intimates the improba- bility of being at peace with all, and then, assuming that one suffers personal assault and injury, he adds: "Avenge not yourselves, be- loved, but give place to the wrath " (of God). That is, let the divine wrath take its own course, and do not attempt to anticipate it, or stand in its way by retaliation and personal revenge. And then he quotes from the old law (Deut. xxxii, 35) where "it is written. To me belongeth vengeance; I will recompense, saith the Lord." God will bring his wrath (opyrj) to bear upon the offender in due time, and will requite the wrong. And then follows another quotation from the Old Testament (Prov. xxv, 21, 22): "If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink; for by doing this thou wilt heap coals of fire upon his head." Thereupon he sums up the Avhole thought by saying: "Be not overcome by the evil (which has been committed against thee), but overcome the evil in the good " (in the element and life of that all-conquering goodness which will be exhibited by this course of conduct). But so far is the apostle from teaching that crimes and offences are never to be avenged that he proceeds immediately to show that God has or- dained the civil power as an agency and instrument for this very end. Is it asked what course the wrath of God takes when he recompenses vengeance upon evildoers? Doubtless his methods of judgment are manifold, but the apostle shows us, in the imme- diate context, one of the established methods by which God has arranged to punish the impious offender, namely, through "the higher powers" (Rom. xiii, 1). Rulers are designed to be a terror to evildoers. The civil magistrate " does not vainly bear the sword; for he is God's minister, an avenger for wrath (eKdtnog elg ogyfjv, a divinely ordained avenging agent for the purpose of ' Greek Testament on Matt, v, 38. 528 PRINCIPLES OF executing the wrath, r] opy^, mentioned above in xii, 19) to him that doeth the evil " (Rom. xiii, 4). Let no man, therefore, presume to say that the spirit and precepts of the New Testament are at war with those of tlie Old. In both Testaments the principles of broth- erly love and of doing good for evil are inculcated, as well as the duty of maintaining human rights and civil order. Some persons have strangely assumed that the prohibition of The avenging murder (Exod. XX, 13) in the Decalogue is inconsistent of blood. with the taking of human life in any form. This fallacy arises from a failure to distinguish between individual relations and the demands of public and administrative justice. The right and justice of capital punishment are affirmed in the most ancient legis- lation (Gen. ix, 6). The law of Moses, which makes so prominent the prohibition of murder, forbids the taking of any satisfaction for the life of a murderer. He that wickedly takes the life of a man must pay the penalty with his own life, or the very land will be defiled (Xum. xxxv, 31-34). Ancient law and custom, recognized in the books of Moses, gave the nearest kinsman of the murdered man the right of avenging this crime. The practice, however, Avas liable to grave abuses, and Moses took measures to restrict them by pro- viding cities of refuge. But the necessity of punishing the guilty criminal is everywhere recognised, and the Gospel of Jesus nowhere assumes to set it aside. The methods of penalty may change in the course of ages, and sins which called for capital punishment among the ancient Hebrews may demand no such severity of treatment under the Gospel dispensation. But it may be gravely doubted whether the "higher powers" can bear the sword to any excellent purpose if they be denied the right to recompense the crime of murder with capital punishment.^ A prominent example of supposed inconsistency of doctrine in Difference be- the New Testament is found in the diiferent methods of jlmJsonJusti^ presenting the subject of justification in the epistles of flcation. Paul and of James. Paul's teaching is thus expressed in Gal. ii, 15, 16: "We Jews by nature, and not sinners from the ' Meyer observes that Rom. xiii, 4, compared with Acts .xxv, 11, "proves that the abolition of the 7-i(/ht of capital punishment deprives the magistracy of a power which is not merely given to it in the Old Testament, but is also decisively confirmed in the New Testament, and which it (herein lies the sacred limitation and responsibility of this power) possesses as God's minister; on which account its application is to be up- held as a princiiile with reference to those cases in law, where the actual satisfaction of the divine Nemesis absolutely demands it, while, at the same time, the right of pardon is still to be kept open for all concrete cases. The character of being un- christian, of barbarism, etc., does not adhere to the i-i(/ht itself, but to its abuse in legislation and practice." — Critical Commentary on Rom. iiii, 4. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 529 Gentiles, but knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law (ef epywv vofxov, from works of law, i. e,, as a source of merit, ground of procedure in the given case, and so the reason and cause of the justification) save through faith of Jesus Christ, even we believed in {e.l<;, into, in allusion to the definite fact of entering into vital union with Christ at conversion) Christ Jesus, that we might be justified by faith of Christ, and not by works of law; be- cause by works of law shall no flesh be justified." Substantially the same statement is made in Rom. iii, 20, 28, and in Rom. iv the doctrine is illustrated by the case of Abraham, who " believed God and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness" (ver. 3). On the other hand James insists on being " doers of the word " (Jas. i, 22-25). He extols practical godliness, the fulfilling of "the royal law according to the Scripture " (ii, 8), and declares that " faith, if it have not works, is dea(?by itself" (ii, 17). He also illustrates by the case of Abraham "when he offered Isaac his son upon the altar," and argues " that the faith wrought with his works, and by the works the faith was perfected, and the Scripture was fulfilled which says : Abraham believed God and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness, and he was called God's Friend. Ye see," he concludes, "that by works (e^ epywv) a man is justified, and not by faith only" (ii, 21-24). The solution of this apparent opposition is to be had by a study of the personal religious experience of each writer, and Method of so- their different modes of thought and fields of operation lutioa in the early Christian Church. We must also observe the peculiar sense in which each one uses the tervaB faith, works, and Just ifcation, for these words have each been used in all periods of the Church to express a number of quite distinct though kindred ideas. We should first remember that Paul was led to Christ by a sud- den and marvellous conversion. The conviction of sin. Different per- the smitings of soul when he found that he had been ®°°'*' 1^?f"T o _ ences of Paul persecuting the Lord Jesus, the falling of the scales and James. from his eyes, and his consequent keen and vivid perception of the free grace of the Gospel realized through faith in Christ Jesus — all this would necessarily enter into his ideal of the justification of a sinner. He sees that neither Jew nor Gentile can enter into saving relations with Christ except through such a faith. Then his mis- sion and ministry led him pre-eminently to combat legal Judaism, and he became "the apostle of the Gentiles." James, on the other hand, had been more gradually indoctrinated in Gospel life. His conception of Christianity was that of the consummation and per- fection of the old covenant. His mission and ministry led him. 34 580 PRINCIPLES OF mainly, if not altogether, to labour among those of the circumcision (Gal. ii, 9). He was wont to view all Christian doctrine in the light of Old Testament Scripture, which thereby became to him " the im- planted word" (i, 21), "a perfect law, the (law) of liberty" (ver, 25), " a royal law " (ii, 8). And we must also bear in mind, as Neander observes, "that James in his peculiar position had not, like Paul, to vindicate an independent and unshackled ministration of the Gospel among the Gentiles in opposition to the pretensions of Jewish legal righteousness ; but that he felt himself compelled to press the practical consequences and requirements of the Christian faith on those in whom that faith had been blended with the errors of carnal Judaism, and to tear away the supports of their false confidence." * Such different experiences and fields of action would naturally Diflerent modes develop in these ministers of Jesus Christ correspond- ofapprehending -^^ | different Styles of thought and teaching. But and expressing "^ . ^ . . . great truths. when, with these facts in view, we analyze their re- spective teachings, we find nothing that is really contradictory. They simply set before us different aspects of the same great truths of God. Paul's teaching in the passages quoted above has refer- ence to faith in its first operation ; the confidence with which a sinner, conscious of guilt and condemnation, throws himself upon the free grace of God in Jesus Christ, and thus obtains pardon and peace with God. James, on the other hand, treats of faith rather as the abiding principle of a godly life, with works of piety flowing from it as waters from a living spring. Paul cites the case of Abra- ham while he is yet in uncircumcision, and before he had received that seal of the righteousness of faith (Rom. iv, 10, 11) ; but James reverts to the later time when he offered up Isaac, and by that act of fidelity to God's word had his faith perfected (Jas. ii, 21). The term works is also used with different shades of meaning. Paul has in mind the works of the law with reference to the idea of a legal righteousness ; James evidently has in view works of practical piety, like visiting the fatherless and widows in their nfliiction (i, 27), and ministering to the Avants of the needy (ii, 15, 16). Justi- fication, accordingly, is viewed by Paul as a judicial act involving the remission of sins, reconciliation with God, and restoration to the divine favour; but with James it is rather the maintenance of such a state of favour with God, a continued approval in the sight of God and man. All this will appear the more clearly when we note that James addresses his Jewish brethren of the dis])ersion, who ' Planting and Training of the Christian Church. English Translation, by Ryland, p. 499. New York, 1865. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 531 were exposed to divers temptations and trials (i, 1-4), and were in danger of reposing in a dead antinomian Pharisaism; but Paul is discussing, as a learned theologian, the doctrine of salvation, as it originates in the counsels of God, and is developed in the history of God's dealings with the whole race of Adam. Moreover, it should be observed that James does not deny the necessity and efficacy of faith, nor does Paul ignore the importance of good works. What James opposes is the of Paul and mischievous doctrine of faith apart from works. He ^^^^' condemns the man who says he has faith, and yet exhibits a life and conduct inconsistent with the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ. Such faith, he declares, is dead in itself (ii, 14-17). Justification is by faith, but not by faith only (ver. 24). It evidences itself by works of piety and love. Paul, on the other hand, opposes the idea of a legal righteousness. He condemns the vain conceit that a man can merit God's favour by a perfect keeping of law, and shows that the law serves its highest purpose when it discloses to a man "the knowledge of sin" (Rom. iii, 20) and makes sin itself appear "ex- ceedingly sinful" (vii, 7-13). But Paul is as far from denying the necessity of good works as evidences of a believei''s faith in Christ, as James is from denying the necessity of faith in Christ in order to obtain the remission of sin. In Gal. v, 6, he speaks of " faith working through love," and in 1 Cor. xiii, 2, he affirms that though one have all faith, so as to remove mountains, but have not love, he is nothing. Evidently both these apostles are in harmony with Jesus, who comprehends the essential relations of faith and works when he says : " Either make the tree good and its fruit good ; or make the tree corrupt and its fruit corrupt ; for the tree is known by its fruit" (Matt, xii, 33). These differences between Paul and James illustrate the individ- ual freedom of the sacred writers in their enunciation ^ ^. ._, , , . . Individual free- of divine truth. Each maintains his own peculiarities dom of different of thought and style. Each receives and communi- ^^*^'"^- cates his word of revelation and knowledge of the mystery of Christ according to the conditions of life, experience, and action under which he has been trained. All these facts are to be taken into consideration when we compare and contrast the teachings of Scripture which are apparently diverse. It will be found that these variations constitute one manifold and self-evidencing revelation of the only true God. The general principles of exegesis set forth above will suffice for the explanation of all other doctrinal and ethical inconsistencies which have been alleged as existing in the Bible. Strict regard to 532 PRINCIPLES OF the standpoint of the speaker or writer, the occasion, scope, and plan, together with a critical analysis of the details, will usually show that there exists no real contradiction. But when men bring forward hyperbolical expressions peculiar to oriental speech, or instances of Hebraic anthi-oporaorphism, and press them into an assumed literal significance, they simply create the difficulties over which they stumble. Doctrinal and ethical inconsistencies, devel- oped by such a process, are all dissipated by attention to the na- ture of the scriptural language and a rational interpretation of the same. Mr. Haley, in his comprehensive and valuable work on the Dis- crepancies of the Bible,' observes that these discrepan- Value of bibli- ^ ' n i i t j cai discrepan- cics are not without a value. 1 hey may well be believed "'^^- to contemplate the following ends: (1) They stimulate intellectual effort, awaken curiosity and inquiry, and thus lead to a closer and more extensive study of the sacred volume. (2) They illustrate the analogy between the Bible and nature. As the earth and heavens exhibit marvellous harmony in the midst of great variety and discord, so in the Scriptures there exists a notable har- mony behind all the seeming discrepancies. (3) They prove that there was no collusion among the sacred writers, for their differ- ences are such as would never have been introduced by their design.' (4) They also show the value of the spirit as above the letter of the word of God, and (5) serve as a test of moral character. To the captious spirit, predisposed to find and magnify difficulties in the divine revelation, the biblical discrepancies will be great stum- blingblocks, and occasions of disobedience and cavil. But to the serious inquirer, who desires to " know the mysteries of the king- dom of heaven" (Matt, xiii, 11), a faithful study of these discrep- ancies will disclose hidden harmonies and undesigned coincidences Avhich will convince him that these multiform Scriptures are truly the word of God. ' Au Examination of the Alleged Discrepancies of the Bible, pp. 30-40. Andover, 1874. * " Tliese discrepancies," observes Wordsworth, " being such as they are found to be, are of inestinial)lc vahie. They show that there has been no collu.-5ion among our witnesses, and that our manuscript copies of the Gospels, about five hundred in num- ber, and brought lo us from all parts of the world, have not been mutilated or inter- polated with any sinister design ; they have not been tampered with by any religious sect for the sake of propagating any ]iriv:ite opinion as the word of God. These dis- crepancies are, in fact, evidences of the purity and integrity of the sacred text." — The New Testament in the original Greek, with Notes and Introductions. Preface to fhe Four Gospels, p, xxii. Lond., 1859. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 533 CHAPTER XXXI. ALLEGED CONTRADICTIONS OP SCIENCE. It has been alleged that the statements of Scripture and the results of scientific research are in numerous instances opposed gta^ement of to one another. The charge appears to have begotten allegations and in some devout minds a suspicion and fear that scien- tific research in the realm of nature is essentially hostile to religion. On the other hand, there are those who seem to labour under a con- viction that the doctrine of a supernatural revelation, and a life nourished by faith in a personal God, are inimical to the scientific investigation of the laws and processes of nature and of life. Others, again, have afiirmed that the Bible was not given to teach us natural science; that its great purpose is to teach morals and religion, to instruct us in righteousness; and that, therefore, we need not be disturbed if we do occasionally find its statements in conflict with discoveries in science. Others have attempted various methods of "reconciling" science and the Bible, and these have generally acted on the supposition that the results of scientific discovery neces- sitate a new interpretation of the Scripture records, or call for new principles of interpretation. The new discoveries, they say, do not conflict with the ancient revelation; they only conflict with the old interpretation of the revelation. We must change our her- meneutical methods, and adapt them to the revelations of science. How for the thousandth time have we heard the story of Galileo and the Inquisition. We may well pause in the presence of these grave allegations and issues, and consider a few self-evident propositions. Fundamental It is not to be supposed that any fact of nature or his- considerations. tory can be in conflict with the express declarations of the omnis- cient God. If there be an apparent conflict it must be that there is some mistake or misunderstanding about the fact or about the revelation. For it may be either that the fact alleged is not as stated, or that the revelation has been misapprehended. If the alleged fact is clear beyond all question, and yet stands in certain conflict with a statement of divine revelation, it would furnish valid ground for believing that that which purported to be a revelation of God was spurious. Truths of whatever kind can never be in real conflict with each other. And it is unworthy of a 534 PRINCIPLES OF Christian believer to be disturbed with a fear that any well-estab- lished fact or law of nature can harm the interests of true I'eligion. We may welcome light and knowledge from whatever source, con- fident that the truth of God must and will stand all possible inves- tigation and trial. Hasty natures, however, indulging in pride of intellect, or given to following the dictum of honoured masters, may fall into grievous error in either of two ways: They may shut their eyes to facts, and hold to a delusion in spite of evidence; or they may become the obsequious victims of " science falsely so called." That certainly is a false science which is built upon infer- ences, assumptions, and theories, and yet presumes to dogmatize as if its hypotheses were facts. And that is a system of hermeneutics equally false and misleading which is so flexible, under the pressure of new discoveries, as to yield to the putting of any number of new meanings upon an old and common word. The interests of sci- ence and religion alike require that we do no violence to the facts of the one, or the written records of the other. The principal points on which Science and the Bible have been thought to be in conflict may be briefly considered under three heads: (1) The record of miracles, (2) Descriptions of physical phe- nomena, and (3) The origin of the world and of man. A brief discussion of these will show how large a proportion of the alleged contradictions are based upon needless assumptions. 1. The Record of Miracles. With those atheistic and pantheistic writers M'ho deny the exist- , . ence of a personal God the idea of a miracle is, of Assumed im- ^ _ ... . possibility of course, a monstrosity. The very possibility of mira- mirac es. ^j^^ -^ -^^ them denied, and they, accordingly, reject a volume which teems from beginning to end with accounts of super- natural events. The deist also finds in the record of these miracles what he regards as inconsistent with the constancy of nature's methods. The unchangeable Deity, he aflirms, will never violate his own laws. There is a uniform order in the whole round and course of nature; the action and reaction of the forces of the universe are permanent and sure, and it is contrary to experience and observa- tion to suppose that these abiding universal laws were ever violated and set at naught by their divine Author. Such a supposition, it is imagined, involves the idea that God allows his own laws to be vio- lated and dishonoured; or that he perceives defects in his works which he would fain now remedy by arbitrary interposition. There is no doubt but the popular mind has been greatly affected and BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 535 disposed to scepticism by these and similar teachings touchins: the supposed impossibility of miracles.* With the atheist and the pantheist the believer in a supernatural divine revelation can have no ground in common. The ^o common denial of a personal God, the creator and ruler of the Rround be- world, is at war with the profoundest intuitions of the pantheist, and human soul. It essentially gives the lie to the most Christian. sacred convictions of the noblest minds, and makes a mockery of all religious worship. All moral distinctions, all sense of guilt, all workings of conscience, all yearnings of the heart after the living God, are but so many forms and phases of delusion. With atheist or pantheist, therefore, it would be folly to dispute on the subject of miracles. But the deist cannot consistently deny the possibility of miracles. He accepts the doctrine of a Supreme Ruler, the crea- Deist cannot tor and upholder of the universe, and any rational con- consistently ^ . . . . ■' deny possibility ception of primordial creation involves all the essentials of miracles. of a stupendous miracle. On what rational grounds, then, can he assume or assert that the Supreme Creator will no more interpose to check, or change, or modify for particular ends, the laws and forces of the natural world? It will be found, we think, that the common objections to miracles grow out of false definitions of the miraculous, and baseless assumptions as to what constitutes the order of nature. In order to place the whole subject in its proper light three considerations are especially important: 1. Miracles are themselves parts of a divine order. So far from beinsr violations or transgressions of nature's laws they „. , _ ° , , , , *= ^ •' Miracles parts -are striking manifestations of the majesty and power of of a divine or- him who is the Supreme Author of law and harmony. ^^' No interposition or interference of God with the order of nature is without reason and design. An intelligent will, accompanied by adequate power, may change the course of a river in order to save or to subvert a city, but the introduction of such efficient causes is no violation of law. The arresting of disease, the stilling of a tempest, the opening of the eyes of the blind, require only the presence and action of adequate wisdom and jDower. No miracle ' " There are those," says Fisher, " who find it hard to beheve in a miracle because the word is associated in their minds with the notion of a capricious act, or of a make- shift to meet an unexpected emergency. They conceive of a miracle not as an event planned and fitting into an established order, but as done in obedience to a sudden prompting, as a kind of desperate expedient to prevent the consequences of a previous neglect or want of forecast. Such an act, they properly feel, cannot be attributed to J) of God. Then the woman was produced from the man, another step in the process of tliese generations (ver. 23; ■comp. 1 Cor. xi, 8). Then follows the narrative of the fall, show- ing how the first man was from the earth and earthy (1 Cor. xv, 47), and by disobedience lost his original relation to God. The first generations run to violence and crime, and become more and more earthly until Seth is born, and with him the revelation takes a new departure. "The book of the generations of Adam" (v, 1) is not 3, record of Adam's origin, but of his posterity in the line of Seth. But again the race deteriorates, and the sons of Seth, so much nobler than the Cainites, and other children of Adam, that they are called the sons of God (vi, 2), intermarry with the fair but ignoble daughters of men, and the land is filled with violence. With Noah, w^ho was just and upright, and walked with God (vi, 9), another series of generations takes its departure, and the flood destroys all the rest of men. After the flood God establishes a covenant with Noah (ix, 9), and through him foretells the honour that shall come to the From Noah on- ■dwellings of Shem (ix, 27). But the tendencies of the ^^'^rd. sons of Noah still appear to be earthy, and their generations are rapidly sketched (x). Shem's line is traced to Terah (xi, 10-26), with whose son, Abram, the cvenant of grace and the promise of unspeakable glory in the aftei times are set forth in fiiller light. The history of Abraham, the friend of God, first exhibits in clear outline the wonderful condescension of Jehovah; he is separated 568 PRINCIPLES OP from country and kindred, and disciplined in faith. He receives: the covenant of circumcision, and the promise of a seed through whom all nations shall be blessed. Jehovah speaks to him in visions and dreams, and in the person of his angel. Additional revelations come in connexion with Isaac and Ishmael, the genera- tions of Jacob branch out into twelve tribes, and the prophetic blessing of the dying patriarch reveals the outline of their history in after times (Gen. xlix). It is impossible to trace the record of these ten generations of the Book of Genesis without observing the steady prog- A progress of . * • i • i i • Revelation in ress of divine revelation. Again and again the history. Genesis. darkened by the growth of human wickedness, fastens upon a divinely chosen name, and from it takes a new departure. With each new series of generations some new promise is given, or some great purpose of God is brought to light. While the ten- dency of the race is to grow worse and worse, there appears at the same time the unwavering purpose of the Almighty to choose out and maintain a holy seed. Thus the Book of Genesis is an essential part of the history of redemption. The centuries of Egyptian bondage are rapidly passed over, but The Mosaic leg- the history of the deliverance from Egypt is detailed lra"o" reveir- ^^'^^^^ notable fulness. Jehovah's triumph over the gods tion. of Egypt, the establishing of the passover, the journey to Sinai, the giving of the law, the building of the tabernacle, and the entire Mosaic ministry and legislation were the beginnings of a new era. Captious critics, incompetent to grasp the scope and moral grandeur of the Mosaic system, may cavil at some of its en- actments, and forget that Moses had to do with a nation of emanci- pated serfs ; but the philosophical historian will ever recognise the Sinaitic legislation as one of the greatest wonders of the world. The Decalogue, sublimely uttered from the mount of God, embodies the substance of all true religion and all sound morality. The construction of the tabernacle, modelled after a divine plan (Exod. XXV, 40), and the order of the Levitical service, most truly sym- bolize the profoundest conceptions of the curse of sin and the power of God in redemption. But, aside from the Decalogue and the symbolism of the Mosaic cultus, how full and comprehensive the doctrinal and Doctrine of God. ' ,. ^,,n ii r ^ -r, moral teachings of the last four books ot the Penta- teuch. The personality, attributes, nd moral perfections of God are set forth in unspeakably superior form to that of any and all other religious systems of the ancient or modern world. The self- existence and eternity of God, his holiness, justice, and mercy, his BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 560 wisdom and his providence, are revealed in many ways. How aw- fully sublime and yet how gracious that revelation to Moses in the mount, when " Jehovah descended in the cloud, and stood with him there, and called in the name of Jehovah ; and Jehovah passed by before him, and called : Jehovah, Jehovah, God, merciful and gra- cious, long-suffering and abundant in kindness and truth, keeping kindness for thousands, lifting iniquity, and transgression and sin, but in punishing will not let go unpunished, visiting the iniquity of fathers upon children, and upon children of children, upon the third and upon the fourth" (genei*ations). Exod. xxxiv, 5-7. Such a revelation would necessarily beget the holiest reverence, and at the same time evince that he was worthy of all „ -^ Superior etlii- love. Hence the commandment, " Thou shalt love cai and cmi Jehovah, thy God, with all thy heart and with all thy ^°*^®' soul and with all thy might" (Deut. vi, 5). This doctrine of God furnished the basis of a superior ethical code. The true Israelite was required to guard the morals of his neighbour, and love him as himself. He must not yield to feelings of vengeance, nor hold bit- terness in his heart toward any of his brethren (Lev, xix, 17, 18). He must not oppress the poor and the needy, but leave large glean- ings for them in his harvest field (Lev. xix, 10). He must not even allow his neighbour's ox or sheep to go astray, but seek to restore them to him as if they were his own (Deut. xxii, 1-3). Even in taking the young of birds for any proper purpose, he must, in kindness and consideration, spare the mother bird. Surely a code which enacted such humane provisions ought never to have been charged with barbarous severity.' Its severest penalties were grounded in the highest expediency,^ and ample securities were provided against injustice and capricious acts of power. While the governments of all the great nations of that age were despotic and largely barbarous, that of the Mosaic legislation was essentially republican." The Pentateuch holds the same relation to the subsequent books ^ See Sewall, Humaneness of the Mosaic Code, Bib. Sacra for 1862, pp. 368-384. * Barrows observes: "The attitude of the Mosaic economy toward the Gentile na- tions was indeed severe, but it was the severity of love and goodwill. It had for its object not their destruction, but a speedier preparation of the way for the advent of Christ, in whom the promise, ' In thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed,' was to find its fulfilment." — Missionary Spirit of the Psalms and Prophets. Bib. Sacra for 1860, p. 450. * See the excellences of the Mosaic legislation elaborately set forth by Michaelis, Commentaries on the Laws of Moses (Eng. Trans, by Smith, 4 vols., Lond., 1814); Warburton, The Divine Legation of Moses ; Graves, on the Four Last Books of the Pentateuch (Lond., 18.50). 570 PRINCIPLES OP of the OKI Testament that the gospels hold to the rest of the New The Pentateuch Testament. It contains in some f oi'm the substance of oid'^T^st" ment ^^^ ^^® ^^^ Testament revelation, but it intimates in revelations. many a passage that other revelations will be given. It assumes that a great and glorious future is awaiting the chosen nation, and indicates the ways by which the glories may be realized. At the same time it warns against the possibility of lamentable failure. The entire system of Mosaic laws, moral, civil, and cere- monial, was wisely adapted to train the Israelitish nation, and served as a schoolmaster to prepare them and the world for the re- -ception of the Gospel of Christ. So far was Moses from regarding his work as final in the training of Israel, that he announced by the word of Jehovah that another prophet should arise, to whom divine revelations would be given, and whom the people should obey (Deut. xviii, 15-19). The last words of the great lawgiver are full of warning, of promise, and of prophecy (Deut. xxix-xxxiii). After the death of Moses Joshua received his divine commission 1 at ion ^^ carry forward the great work of establishing Israel continued after in the land of promise. Jehovah spoke to him as he did to Moses (Josh, i, 1; iii, 7; iv, 1). He also revealed himself in the person of his angel (Josh, v, 13), and in all the his- tory of the conquest and settlement of Canaan, Jehovah spoke as frequently and familiarly with Joshua as he had done with Moses. In the dark times of the Judges God left himself not without pro- phetic witness. Revelations came to Deborah and Gideon and Manoah. At length Samuel arose when prophecy was rare in Israel (1 Sam. iii, 1), and in his day the schools of the prophets ap- pear (1 Sam, X, 5; xix, 20). When David became king of all Israel, the promise and prophecy of the Messiah assumed a fuller form. The word which came to the king through Nathan the prophet (2 Sam. vii, 4-17) was the germ of the Messianic psalms, and the Theoiogyof the entire collection of lyrics, which constitutes the Hebrew Psalter. psalter, is an invaluable index of the highest religious thought and feeling of Israel in the times of David and later. The Messianic hope is enhanced by a variety of conceptions: he is the anointed King in Zion, declared to be the very Son of Jehovah (Psa. ii) ; he is a reigning Lord, AV'ho is at the same time a priest for- ever after the order of Melchizedek (Psa, ex); his majesty and grace are extolled above all the sons of men (Psa. xlv) ; but he is also a sufferer, crying out as if forsaken of God, while his enemies deride him and cast lots for his vesture (Psa. xxii) ; he even sinks into the grave, but exults in hope and confidence tliat he shall not see corrup- tion (Psa. xvi). The doctrine of God is also set forth in the psalter BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 571 in new force and beauty. He is Lord of earth and sea and heavens, ruling on high and beholding all; the almighty Preserver, the omnipresent Spirit, infinitely perfect in every moral excellence ; tender, compassionate, long-suffering, marvellous in mercy, and yet terrible in his judgments, fearful in holiness, ever vindicating the truth ; he is the absolute and eternal God, the fountain of life and of light. The guardianshijD of angels (Psa. xxxiv, 7; xci, 11) and the hope of a blissful immortality (xvii, 15) were not wanting in the psalmist's faith. The doctrines of redeeming grace, of pardon from sin, of cleansing from guilt ; the hidden life of trust ; the per- sonal approach of the worshipper into closest f ellowshii:) with God ; the joy and gladness of that fellowship, and the probationary dis- cipline of the saints, are doctrines which find manifold expression in the hymn book of the Israelitish people.' The age of Solomon was the golden age of the proverbial philos- ophy of the Hebrews. The Book of Proverbs repre- ^^ „ , i •' . . The Solomonic sents the Old Testament doctrines of practical wisdom Proverbial pm- (nopn), and is the great textbook of biblical ethics. It "^^P^^^- brings out in fuller form and in a great variety of precepts the ethical principles embodied in the Mosaic law. It has to do with practical life, and so serves, at the right stage in the progress of the divine revelation, to exalt that human element in which pure re- ligion necessarily finds some of its most beautiful manifestations. ^' The Book of Proverbs," says Stanley, " is not on a level with the Prophets or the Psalms. It approaches human things and things divine from quite another side. It has even something of a worldly, prudential look, unlike the rest of the Bible. But this is the very reason whv its recognition as a sacred book is so useful. It is the philosophy of practical life. It is the sign to us that the Bible does not despise common sense and discretion. It impresses upon us, in the most forcible manner, the value of intelligencie and prudence, and of a good education. The whole strength of the Hebrew lan- guage, and of the sacred authority of the book, is thrown upon these homely truths. It deals, too, in that refined, discriminating, ' " This book," says Calvin, " not unreasonably, am I wont to style an anatomy of all parts of the soul, for no one will discover in himself a single feeling whereof the image is not reflected in this mirror. All griefs, sorrows, fears, doubts, hopes, cares, and anxieties — in short, all the tumultuous agitations wherewith the minds of men are wont to be tossed — the Holy Ghost hath here represented to the life. The rest of Scripture contains the commands which God gave to his servants to be delivered unto us. But here the prophets themselves, holding converse with God, inasmuch as they lay bare all their inmost feelings, invite or impel every one of us to self-examination, that of all the infirmities to which we are liable, and all the sins of which we are so full, none may remain hidden." — Commentary on the Psalms, Preface. 572 PRINCIPLES OF careful view of the finer shades of human character, so often overlooked by theologians, but so necessary to any true estimate of human life." ' In the great propliets of the Old Testament the depth and spir- al i T,f ,...„ itualitv of the Mosaic religjion attained their highest uici 1 osi. rev- » ^j? c? elation reached expression. We have already outlined the progressive ituaiuy*^in^'tiie character of the Messianic prophecies, and seen the or- great prophets, ganic and vital relations of prophecy to the history of the Isi-aelitish people (p. 408). The Messianic hope, first uttered in the garden of Eden (Gen. iii, 15), was a fountain-head from which a gradually increasing stream went forth, i-eceiving constant acces- sions as prophet after prophet arose commissioned to utter some clearer oracle. In a general way, at least, each new prophet added to the work of his predecessors.^ The prophecy of Jonah, one of the earliest written, emphasizes Jehovah's compassion upon a great heathen city which repents at his word. It is conspicuously an oracle of hope to the Gentiles. Joel, the ancient apocalyptist, sees in the desolating judgments on the land signs of the com- ing of Jehovah, and calls upon the people to rend their hearts rather than their garments in evidence of contrite humiliation be- fore God (Joel ii, 12). His visions stretch away to the latter times when the Spirit of Jehovah shall be poured out upon all flesh, and whosoever shall call upon the name of Jehovah shall be saved (ii, 28, 32). Hosea bewails the idolatry of Israel and Judah, but sees great hope for them if they will but offer their lips as sacrifi- cial offerings of prayer and praise (Hos. xiv, 2). The formal cere- monial worship of the nation was fast losing all its deep sacredness, and ceasing to be a means of holy, heartfelt devotion. With such outward unspiritual worship Jehovah could not be pleased, and he says in Amos (v, 21, 22) : ' History of the Jewish Church, second series, p. 260. New York, 1869. 2 R. Payne Smith observes : " Men never do understand anything unless already in their minds they have some kindred ideas, somethinj;; that leads up to the new thought which they are required to master. Our knowledge grows, but it is by the gradual accumu- lation of thought upon thought, and by following out ideas already gained to their legitimate conclusions. God followed this rule even in the supernatural knowledge bestowed upon tlio propliets. It was a growing light, a gradual dawning preparatory to the sunrise, and no flush of liglitning, illuminating everything for one moment with ghastly splendour, to be succeeded immediately by a deeper and more oppressive, gloom. . . . Carefully, and with prayer, the prophets studied the teaching of tlicir predecessors, and by the use of the light ab-eady given were made fit for more light, and to be the spokesmen of Jehovah in teaching ever more clearly to the Church tliose truths which have regenerated mankind." — Bampton Lectures. Prophecy a Prepara- tion for Oir.ist, pp. :}04, 30.5. Boston, 1870. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 573 I have hated, I have despised your feasts, And I will not breathe in your assemblies; For if ye ofler me burnt-offerings and your meat-offerings I will not be delighted. And a peace-oflFering of your fatlings I will not regard. Put away from me the noise of thy songs ; And the music of thy harps I will not hear. And let judgment be rolled along as the waters, And righteousness as a perennial stream. It would thus appear that as idolatry increased, and the ceremo- nial worsliiiD became cold, heartless, and idolatrous, the prophets, as inspired watchmen and teachers, turned the thoughts of the peo- ple to those deeper spiritual truths of which the ceremonial cultus furnished only the outer symbols. They yearned for a purer wor- ship, and a more real and vital approach to God. They began to realize, what the New Testament so fully reveals, that the law was only a shadow, not the very likeness, of the good things to come, and that the ritual sacrifices could never perfect the worshippers who depended on them alone (Heb. x, l). Thus Micah (vi, 6-8): With what shall I come before Jehovah — Bend myself to the God of height ? Shall I come before him with burnt-ofiferings ? With calves, sons of a year ? Will Jehovah be pleased with thousands of rams, With myriads of streams of oil? Shall I give my firstborn for my transgression, Fruit of my body for the sin of my soul ? He has showed thee, O man, what is good ; And what is Jehovah seeking from thee, But to execute judgment and the love of mercy, And humbly to walk with thy God? In the Book of Isaiah the prophetic word reaches a lofty climax. This evangelist among the prophets seems to rise at written propn- will above the limitations of time, and to see the past, ^.^^.^^ j^ is_ the present, and the future converge in great historic raei. epochs vital to the interests of the kingdom of God. Although the first thirty-nine chapters deal mainly with the matters of contem- porary interest and note, they are filled with glowing visions of Messianic triumph. The first part of the second chapter, appa- rently borrowed from Micah, portrays the universality and glory of that spiritual dominion which is to supplant Judaism, and go forth from Jerusalem to establish peace among all nations. The Messi- anic promise again and again finds varied expression (chap, vii, 14; 574 PRINCIPLES OF ix, 1-7; xi, 1-10). Where, in all the pictures of a coming golden age, can be found a more beautiful outline than Isa. xxxv ? But in the last twenty-seven chapters Isaiah's prophecies exhibit their highest spirituality. He depicts things in their divine relations, and contemplates the redemption of Israel as from the position of the high and exalted One who dwells in etei-nity (Ivii, 15). His thoughts and ways are loftier than those of men, even as the heav- ens are higher than the earth (Iv, 8, 9). Looking away from the darkening present, and exulting in glowing visions of Messiah's triumph, the prophet often speaks in the name and person of Mes- siah and his elect, and apprehends the glories of his reign as the creation of a new heavens and a new earth. The prophecies of Daniel exhibit the increasing light of divine The prophecies revelation which came when Israel, by exile, was brought of Daniel. in contact with the great heathen world-powers. Dan- iel speaks as one who looks out from the midst of the operations of great empires, and sees a throne higher than that of the kings of Babylon or of Persia, and forces more numerous and mighty than all the armies of the world (Dan. vii, 9, 10). " In him," says R. Payne Smith, "prophecy has a new development; it breaks away from the bonds of Jewish thought, and sets before us the grand onward march of the world's history, and the Christian Church as the centre and end of all history." ' His visions make prominent a determined end or consummation, when a desolating abomination shall destroy the sanctuary (ix, 26, 27; comp. Matt, xxiv, 15; Mark xiii, 14; Luke xxi, 20): And many, sleeping in tlie dust of the ground, shall awake, These to life eternal, And those to shame and eternal contempt. And the wise ones shall shine as the brightness of the firmament, And those who make many righteous As the stars for ever and ever (Dan. xii, 2, 3). In some respects Ezekiel surpasses Daniel in the depth and ful- Prophecies of "6SS of his revelations. His vision of the cherubim and Ezekiel. ^he theophany is set forth in the first chapter of his prophecy with a wealth of suggestive symbols not to be found else- Avhere in the Old Testament, and the detailed description of the new temple and land of Israel (chapters xl-xlviii) is an anticipation of John's vision of the new heavens and the new earth (Rev. xxi). Ezekiel's city of Jehovah-Shammah (xlviii, 35) is no other than the New Jerusalem of John. The doctrine of the resurrection, which ' Prophecy a Preparation for Christ, p. 238. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 575 in Isaiah (xxvi, 19) is suggested by a striking apostrophe, is ex- pressed in formal statement by Daniel (xii, 2), and assumed as a common belief in the imagery of Ezekiel (xxxvii, 1-14). After the Babylonian exile we note that Haggai sees in the sec- ond temple a glory greater than that of the former post-exiie (Hag. ii, 9). Zechariah combines in his prophetic book prophets. the varied symbolism of Daniel and Ezekiel with the lofty spirit- uality of Isaiah. And the " burden of Jehovah's word to Israel by the hand of Malachi" (Mai. i, 1), the last of the Old Testament prophets, is a series of rebukes to a false and heartless formalism, and an earnest call to rei^entance and personal self-consecration.^ Passing over the four hundred years of silence between Malachi and -the advent of Jesus Christ, we find the two Testa- prophetic link ments linked by a noticeable prophetic bond. The Old o^J^an°d New Testament closes with a promise that Elijah the prophet Testaments. shall come before the great day of Jehovah, and the gospel history of the New Testament opens with the ministry of this Elijah who was to come (Luke i, 17; Matt, xi, 14; xvii, 10-13). But John the Baptist, though filled with the spirit and power of Elijah, was merely a foi'erunner, a herald, a voice (John i, 23), provided in the divine order to prepare the way of the Lord. His ministry was professedly introductory to the Gospel Age, and his constant testi- mony was that one mightier than himself was about to come, who would baptize with the Holy Ghost and fire (Matt, iii, 11). The ministry and words of the Lord Jesus, as recorded in the gospels, constitute the substance of all Christian doc- p. . ., . trines. As the five books of Moses really embody the ings the sub- germs of all subsequent revelation, so in a clearer form the^flnai* form*^ the teachings of Jesus embrace every great truth of the of christian Christian faith. But our Lord himself was explicit in declaring that his own teaching must needs be supplemented by the fuller revelations of the Spirit. He taught by parable, by precept, and by example, but he found the hearts of the people and of his own disciples too heavy to apprehend the grand scope and spirit- uality of his Gospel, and declared that it was expedient for him to 1 R. Payne Smith observes that prophecy " was not withdrawn abruptly. It still lin- gered in those beautiful psalms of degrees sung by the exiles, and in those prophets who helped in rearing the second house. But at the dispersion it had done its work. The Jews wondered that no prophet more arose. We can see why the gift was with- drawn. The time for teaching had ceased. The Jews were children no longer, but grown men ; and, like grown men, they must leave home, and go out into all lands to carry to them the truths which the prophets had taught them." — Prophecy a Prepa- ration for Christ, p. 335. S76 PRINCIPLES OP go away in order that the Spirit of truth might come to guide into all the truth, and to teach all things (John xiv, 25, 26; xvi, 7-15).' The Acts of the Apostles shows that divine revelations were Keveiations continued after the ascension of the Lord. On the day continued after £ Pentccost the waitinsf disciples received the gift of the ascension of _ _ . , Jesus. the Holy Spirit, and began to realize as never before the "powers of the coming age" (Heb. vi, 5). Thenceforth they went forth with a heavenly authority to proclaim the newly enun- <;iated truth of God. The angel of the Lord opened the prison doors where the apostles were shut up, and commanded them to <3ontinue speaking the words of eternal life (Acts v, 19, 20; comp. xii, 7 ; xvi, 26). The martyr Stephen saw the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing on the right hand of God (vii, 56). The fiame Lord Jesus appeared to Saul on his way to Damascus (ix, 17), and also to Ananias, in a vision (ix, 10). Peter was guided into opening the kingdom of God to the Gentiles by a symbolic vision (x, 9-16), and was aided by the ministry of an angel of God (x, 3-7). Special revelations of the Spirit directed Philip and Paul in their journeys (viii, 29, 39; xvi, 7). The great apostle of the Gentiles was repeatedly directed by visions and revelations of God (Acts xvi, 9; xxii, 17-21; comp. 2 Cor. xii, 1-4). Thus it is evident from the Acts of the Apostles that what Jesus began to do and teach (Acts i, 1) Avas carried into completion by those whom he chose to be the authoritative expounders of his word. The Book of the Acts of the Apostles is a connecting link between the gospels and the epistles. It is essentially a historical introduc- tion to the latter, and without the information it affords, both the The Epistles em- gospels and the cpistlcs would be involved in much rateVteachtnS obscurity. The epistles preserve for the Church the of the apostles, teachings of the apostles, and present them in a form admirably adapted to meet the wants of all classes of readers.' ' This subject is ably presented in Bernard's Bampton Lectures on the Progress of Doctiine in the New Testament. In Lecture iii lie lays down and elaborates the fol- lowing propositions : " First, The teaching of the Lord in the gospels includes the substance of all Christian doctrine, but does not bear the character of finality. Sec- ondly, The teaching of the Lord in the gospels is a visibly progressive course, but on reaching its highest point announces its own incompleteness, and opens another stage of instruction." — P. 7l>. ''■ "The j)rophets," writes Bernard, "delivered oracles to the people, but the apostles wrote Ir/lcrs to the hrcthrcn, letters characterized by all that fulness of unreserved ex- j)Ianation, and that play of various feeling, which arc projicr to that form of inter- course. It is in its nature a more familiar communication, as between those who are, or should be, equals. That character may less obviously force vipon us the sense, that the liglit which is thrown upon all subjects is that of a divine inspiration; but this u> BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 577 Oreat principles, enunciated by Jesus, are elaborated and applied to practical life and experience by the apostolic epistles. The Epistles of Paul, including that to the Hebi-ews, traverse a wide field of Christian doctrine and experience. Their range may be indicated by the following classification: (1) Dogmatical, discussing especial- ly the doctrines of sin and redemption (Romans and Galatians) ; (2) Christological (Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Hebrews); (3) Ecclesiastical, devoted to the order, practice, and life of the Church (Corinthians) ; (4) Pastoral (Timothy, Titus, Philemon) ; and (5) Eschatological (Thessalonians). Of course, none of these epistles is devoted exclusively to one particular subject, but each contains more or less of doctrine, reproof, exhortation, and counsels for practical life. The catholic epistles are concerned more exclu- sively Avith the practical affairs of the Christian life. Bernard em- phasizes the fact that they were written by Peter and John, the two chief apostles, and James and Jude, the brethren of the Lord. " We take knowledge of them that they have been with Jesus, and own the highest authority which association with him can give." But he observes that the united epistles of these representatives of our Lord form only a kind of supplement to the writings of Paul. " Had we been permitted," he adds, " to choose our instructors from among ' the glorious company,' three of these names at least would have been uttered by every tongue; and besides our desire to be taught by their lips, we should, as disciples of St. Paul, have felt a natural anxiety to know whether 'James, Cephas, and John, m\\o seemed to be pillars, added nothing to' (Gal. ii, 6, 9), and took nothing from, the substance of the doctrine which we had received through him. . . . We have words from these very apostles, ex- pressing the mind of their later life, words in which we recognise the mellow tone of age, the settled manner of an old experience, and the long habit of Christian thought." ' The Apocalypse of John is, as we have seen (pp. 466-493), a magnificent expansion of the eschatological prophecy The Apocalypse of our Lord in Matt. xxiv. It is professedly a further sjonoUhe^New revelation from the Lord Jesus himself (Rev. i, 1). As Test, canon. Paul's Thessalonian Epistles, containing his prophecies of the pa- rousia and the end of the age, were earlier in date than his other only the natural eifect of the greater fulness of that light; for so the moonbeams fix the eye upon themselves, as they burst through the rifts of rolling clouds, catching the edges of objects and falling on patches of landscape ; while, under the settled brightness of the universal and genial day, it is not so much the light that we think of, as the varied scene which it shows." — Progress of Doctrine, p. 156. ' Progress of Doctrine, pp. 161, 165. 37 578 PRINCIPLES OF writings, so John's book of eschatology antedates his gospel. But there is a fitness in having the Book of Revelation close the New Testament canon, even as the Thessalonian Epistles stand in canon- ical order at the close of Paul's letters to seven different churches.^ For the Apocalypse reveals the marvellous things of the parousia, and the consummation of that age, when both earth and heavens were shaken, and the former things passed away in order to give place to the Messianic kingdom, which cannot be shaken (Heb. xii, 26-28). No vision could more appropriately close the Christ- ian Canon than the apocalyptic symbol of the heavenly and eternal kingdom. This i-apid outline of the development and progress of doctrine, Attention to traceable in the several books of the Old and New progress of doc- Testament Scriptures, will serve to show that God did tnne a help to ... rn the interpreter, not communicate his revelations all at once. The suc- cessive portions which he revealed from time to time were adapted to the varying conditions and needs of his people. Sometimes the word was left defective because of the hardness of the people's hearts (Mark x, 5). Sometimes the progress was slow, and inter- rui)ted by long periods of spiritual decline; then again it broke forth in new developments of national life. A careful attention to this progressive character of the divine i*evelation is necessary to a thorough interpretation and efficient use of the Holy Scriptures, It helps to set aside the charges of doctrinal and ethical discrep- ancies which have been alleged. The notion that the Pauline doc- trine of justification is something essentially different from the teachings of Jesus, will have no force when it is seen that the whole Epistle to the Romans is virtually a systematic elaboration of our Lord's words to Nicodemus : " God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth on him should not perish, but have eternal life" (John iii, 16). The allegation that the New Testament contradicts the Old is seen to be an error Avhen we discover that the older revelations were necessarily imperfect, and manifestlv not desiscned to set forth all the truth of God. Things which from one standpoint seem to be contradictory, from another are seen to be only separated portions of one grand har- mony. The lex tallonis and the violent procedures of the blood- avenjrer were grounded in the righteous demands of retributive justice, and were archaic forms of executing law. A higher civil- ization, based on clearer revelations, adopts other methods of exe- cuting penalty, but recognises the same essential principles of right, ' Comp. Bernard, Progress of Doctrine, p. 169. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 579 The Analogy of Faith. The foregoing observations prepare the way to a proper appre- hension of the "Analogy of Faith" as an aid in ex- progress of doc- pounding the Scriptures. This expression, appropri- f^^\j. ^^p^'^'^^ ated from Rom. xii, 6, but used in a different sense ogy of Faith. from that which the apostle intended/ denotes that general har- mony of fundamental doctrine which pervades the entire Scriptures. It assumes that the Bible is a self-interpreting book, and what is obscure in one passage may be illuminated by another. No single statement or obscure passage of one book can be allowed to set aside a doctrine which is clearly established by many passages. The obscure texts must be interpreted in the light of those which are plain and positive. " The faith," says Fairbairn, " according to which the sense of particular passages is determined, must be that which rests upon the broad import of some of the most explicit announcements of Scripture, about the meaning of which there can be, with unbiassed minds, no reasonable doubt. And in so far as we must decide between one passage and another, those passages should always be allowed greatest weight in fixing the general principles of the faith in which the subjects belonging to it are not incidentally noticed merely, but formally treated and discussed; for, in such cases, we can have no doubl that the point on which we seek for an authoritative deliverance was distinctly in the eye of the writer."'* ^ In Rom. xii, 6, the apostle is speaking of the gifts, ;j;apj(T//aTa, the spiritual quali- fications and aptitudes for Christian activity and usefulness in the Church, "gifts differing according to the grace given" to each individual. Of these varying gifts he specifies several examples, one of which is that of prophesying. Let the one thus gifted, he says, exercise his gift, Kara rrjv avaloylav ttjq nlaTeug, according to the pro- portion of the faith, that is, the faith which he individually possesses. This propor- tion or analogy {avaXoyla) of one's individual faith is not an external rule or doctrinal standard, the rcgula fidei (as Philippi, Hodge, and others hold), but the measure of faith with which each is endowed. " They are not to depart from the proportional measure which their faith has, neither wishing to exceed it, nor falling short of it, but are to guide themselves by it, and are therefore so to announce and interpret the received revelation, as the peculiar position in respect of faith bestowed on them, according to the strength, fervour, clearness, and other qualities of that faith, suggests — so that the character and mode of their speaking is conformed to the rules and limits, which are implied in the proportion of their individual degree of faith. In the contrary case they fall, in respect of contents and of form, into a mode of prophetic utterance, either excessive and overstrained, or, on the other hand, insufficient and defective, not corre- sponding to the level of their faith. The same revelation may, in fact — according to the difference in the proportion of faith with which it, objectively given, subjectively connects itself — be very differently expressed and delivered." — Meyer, in loco. * Hermeneutical Manual, p. 128. 580 PRI^^CIPLES OF We may distinguish two degrees of the analogy of faith. The __ ^ first and highest is positive, in which tlie doctrine or Twodeprrees .° , . , of the analogy revelation IS so plainly and positively stated, and sup- of faith. ported by so many distinct passages, that there can be no doubt of its meaning and value. Thus the Scriptures teach posi- tively that all men are sinners; that God has provided redemption for all; that God is omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, holy, righteous, and merciful; that he requires in those who seek his grace, repentance, faith, humility, love, and obedience: that he purposes to save and glorify those who love and serve him, and to punish those who disobey and hate him. These and many similar great truths are so positively and repeatedly set forth in the Holy Scriptures that no one who reads with care can fail to apprehend them. The next degree is appropriately called the general analogy of faith. It rests not like the first upon explicit declara- tions, but upon the obvious scope and import of the Scripture teachings taken as a whole. Thus, for example, the sub- ject of human slavery is referred to in various ways, both in the Old Testament and in the New. Some passages have been con- strued as sanctioning the jjractice, others as opposing and condemn- ing it. A valid conclusion as to the general import of Scripture on this subject can be reached only by a broad and thorough inves- tigation of all that bears upon it in the revelation of God. The Mosaic legislation, which exj^ressly permits the buying of slaves from foreigners (Lev. xxv, 44, 45), makes the stealing and selling of a Hebrew a capital crime (Exod. xxi, IG; Dent, xxiv, T). A leading feature of the Mosaic system was to distinguish sharply between the Israelite and the foreigner, always to the prejudice of the latter. This fact must be kept in mind in discussing any sub- ject of Mosaic ethics. No Hebrew could, without his own consent, be retained in slavery more than six years (Exod. xxi, 2), and the year of jubilee might terminate the bondage sooner (Lev. xxv, 40, 54). Paul counsels the Christian slaves to be obedient to their masters (Eph. vi, 5; Col. iii, 22; 1 Tim. vi, 1, 2), but he sends back the fugitive, Onesimus, to his master, "no longer a slave, but more than a slave, a brother beloved" (Philem. 16). He proclaims, moreover, that under the Gospel " there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is no male and female " (Gal. iii, 28). The putting on of Christ by being baptized into Christ (ver. 27) causes all distinctions of nation (comjx Rom. x, 12), condition, and even of sex, to be wholly lost sight of and forgotten. AVhen to these and other similar teachings we add the consideration that the BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 581 Old Testament commandment, " Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself," dropped somewhat incidentally in the Mosaic legislation (Lev. xix, 18), is called by James "the royal law " (James ii, 8), and is announced by the Lord as a fundamental pillar of the divine revelation (Matt, xxii, 39; Mark xii, 31 ; Luke x, 27), we can scarcely doubt that the holding of any fellow being in bondage against his will is essentially contrary to the highest ethics. The general analogy of faith is thus made apparent by a broad and careful collation of all that the Scripture says on any given sub- ject.' It is evident that no doctrine which rests upon a single passage of Scripture can belong to fundamental doctrines rec- .^ ^.^^ ognised in the, analogy of faith. But it must not be uses of the anai- inferred from this that no specific statement of Scrip- °^ ° ^^^^' ture is authoritative unless it has support in other passages. Nor can we set aside any legitimate inference from a statement of Scripture on the ground that such inference is unsupported by other parallel statements. Unless it be clearly contradicted or excluded by the analogy of faith, or by some other equally explicit state- ment, one positive declaration of God's word is sufficient to estab- lish either a fact or a doctrine. Hence the analogy of faith as a principle of interpretation is necessarily limited in its application. It is useful in bringing out the relative importance and prominence of different doctrines, and guarding against a one-sided exposition of the sacred oracles. It exhibits the inner unity and harmony of the entire divine revelation. It magnifies the importance of con- sistency in interpretation. But it cannot govern the interpreter in the exposition of those parts of the Scriptures which are without real parallel, and which stand unopposed by other parts. For it may justly be inferred from the progress of doctrine in the Bible that here and there single revelations of divine truth may have been given in passages where the context furnished no occasion for further development or elaboration. 'Celerier (Manuel d'Hermeneutique, pp. 194-196) specifies two inferior degrees of analogy which he defines as deduced and imposed; but he very properly observes that they are unworthy of the name of analogy of faith ; for the one rests upon the logi- cal process by which it is attempted to prove a doctrine, the other upon an assumed authority supposed to inhere in the consensus of the creeds of Christendom. The con- sensus or analogy of Christian creeds is not without its value, but to use it as a method of interpreting Scripture is to substitute authority in the place of rational principles and rules of hermeneutics. What is believed everywhere, always, and by all (Quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est), is, doubtless, worthy of serious consideration, but cannot be admitted as a means of unfolding the sense of any par- ticular portions of the Bible. 582 PRINCIPLES OF CHAPTER XXXIV. DOCTRINAL AND PRACTICAL USB OF SCRIPTURE. Paul, the apostle, declares that all Scripture which is divinely in- Paui's state- spired is also profitable for teaching, for reproof, for meut of the con'ection, for instruction in righteousness (2 Tim. iii, uses of Scrip- ' . ,. i i , i ture. IG). These various uses of the holy records may be distinguished as doctrinal and practical. The Christian teacher appeals to them as authoritative utterances of divine truth, and un- folds their lessons as theoretical and doctrinal statements of what their divine author would have men believe. Our fifth Article of Religion (the sixth of the Church of England) says: " The Holy Scriptures contain all things necessary to salvation; so that what- soever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man that it should be believed as an article of faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation." The inspired word, moreover, serves a most important practical purpose by fur- nishing conviction and reproof (eXeyxov, or eAeyfiov) for the sinful, correction {Enav6pdu)aiv) for the fallen and erring, and instruction or disciplinary training (naideiav) for all who would become sancti- fied by the truth (comp. John xvii, 17) and perfected in the ways of righteousness. The Roman Church, as is well known, denies the right of private Roman rtoc- judgment in the interpretation of the Scriptures, and trine of inter- condemns the exercise of that right as the source of all ciiurcti author- heresy and schism. The third article of the creed of "y* Pope Pius IV., which is one of the most authoritative expressions of Roman faith, reads as follows: "I admit the Holy Scriptures, according to that sense which our holy mother Church has held and docs hold, to which it belongs to judge of the true sense and interpretation of the Scriptures ; neither will I ever take and interpret them otherwise than according to the unanimous con- sent of the fathers." ' The Romanist, therefore, finds in the Church and tradition an authority superior to the inspired Scripture. But Avhen we find that the fathers notoriously disagree in the exposition of important passages, that pojH's have contradicted one another, and have condemned and annulled the acts of their ])redecess(>rs, ' Comp. SchafF, The Creeds of Christendom, vol. i, pp. 96-99 ; vol. ii, p. 207. New York, 1877. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 583 r.nd that even great councils, like those of Nice (325), Laodicea (360), Constantinople (764), and Trent (1545) have enacted decrees utterly inconsistent with each other,' we may safely reject the pre- tensions of the Romanists, and pronounce them absurd and prepos- terous. The Protestant, on the other hand, maintains the right of exer- cising his own reason and judgment in the study of the The Protestant Scriptures. But he humbly acknowledges the fallibility uTi ng'^o^ne's of all men, not excepting any of the popes of Rome, own reason. He observes that there are portions of the Bible which are diffi- cult to explain; he also observes that no Roman pontiff, whatever his claim of infallibility, has ever made them clear. He is con- vinced, furthermore, that there are many passages of holy writ on which good and wise men may agree to differ, and some of which no one may be able to interpret. By far the greater portion of the Old and New Testaments is so clear in general import that there is no room for controversy, and those parts which are obscure contain no fundamental truth or doctrine which is not elsewhere set forth in clearer form. Protestants, accordingly, hold it to be not only a right but a duty of all Christians to search the Scriptures, that they may know for themselves the will and commandments of God.* But while the Holy Scriptures contain all essential revelation of divine truth, "so that whatsoever is not read therein, statement and nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any defence of doc- , . 1 1 1 1 1 T J ^-1 i? J? • 4.1, 5 J trins to conform man that it should be believed as an article ot taith, to correct Mer- it is of fundamental importance that all formal state- meneutics. ments of biblical doctrine, and the exposition, elaboration, or de- fence of the same, be made in accordance with correct hermeneutical principles. The systematic expounder of Scripture doctrine is ex- pected to set forth, in clear outline and well-detined terms, such teachings as have certain warrant in the word of God. He must not import into the text of Scripture the ideas of later times, or build upon any words or passages a dogma which they do not legitimately teach. The apologetic and dogmatic methods of interpretation which proceed from the standpoint of a formulated creed, and ap- peal to all words and sentiments scattered here and there in the ' See the proof of these statements in Elliott, Delineation of Roman Catholicism, vol. i, pp. 144-147. New York, 1841. - "If a position is demonstrably scriptural," says Dorner, "according to the evan- gelical doctrine of the Church, it has an essentially ecclesiastical character; it has -citizenship and a claim to regard even though it do not enjoy a formal validity ; and a position which is demonstrably opposed to Scripture has similarly no claim to ac- ceptance though it be ecclesiastical." — System of Christian Doctrine, vol. i, p. 176. Edinb., 1880. 584 PRINCIPLES OP Scriptures, whicli may by any possibility lend support to a foregone conclusion, have been condemned already (see above, pp. 171, 172). By such methods many false notions have been urged upon men as matters of faith. But no man ha^ a right to foist into his exposi- tions of Scripture his own dogmatic conceptions, or those of others, and then insist that these are an essential part of divine revelation. Only that which is clearly read therein, or legitimately proved thereby, can be properly held as scriptural doctrine.' We should, however, clearly discriminate between biblical theol- Bibiicai and ogy. and the historical and systematic development of histoncai the- d^i-i^tian doctrine. Many fundamental truths are set ology to be dis- •' tinguisiied. forth in fragmentary forms, or by implication, in the Scriptures; but in the subsequent life and thought of the Church, they have been brought out by thorough elaboration, and the for- mulated statements of individuals and ecclesiastical councils.^ All the great creeds and confessions of Christendom assume to be in harmony with the written word of God, and manifestly have great historical value ; but they contain not a few statements of doctrine which a legitimate interpretation of the Scripture proof-texts ap- pealed to does not authorize. A fundamental principle of Protes- tantism is that the Scriptures only are the true sources of doctrine, A creed has no authority further than it clearly rests upon what God has spoken by his inspired prophets and apostles. All true Christian doctrine is contained in substance in the canonical Scrip- tures.^ But the elaborate study and exposition of subsequent ages " "In the domain of Christian doctrine," says Van Oosterzee, "the Scripture is rightly made use of, when it is duly tested, interpreted according to precise rules, em- ployed in explaining, purifying, and developing Church confessions, and is consulted as a guide in individual Christian philosophic investigation of truth." — Christian Dog- matics, vol. i, pp. 220, 221. New York, 1874. * Thus Martensen : " As the archetypal work of the Spirit of Inspiration, the Scrip- tures include within themselves a world of germs for a continuous develoi)ment. While every dogmatic system grows old, the Bible remains eternally young, because it does not give us a systematic presentation of truth, but truth in its fulness, involving the possibility of a variety of systems." — Christian Dogmatics, p. 52. Edinb., 18G6. ^ "The liistoryof doctrines," says Ilagenbach, "presupposes biblical theology as its basis ; just as the general history of the Church presupposes the life of Jesus and the apostolic age." — Text-Book of the History of Doctrines, p. 16. Eng. trans., revised by II. B. Smith, New York, 18G1. lie observes further (p. 44): "With the incarna- tion of the Redeemer, and the introduction of Christianity into the world, the materi- als of the history of doctrines are already fully given in the germ. The object of all further doctrinal statements and definitions is, in the positive point of view, to unfold this germ ; in the negative, to guard it against all foreign additions and influences." Similarly Schaff : " In the Protestant system, the authority of symbols, as of all human compositions, is relative and limited. It is not co-ordinate with, but always subordinate BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 585 may be presumed to have put some things in clearer light, and the judgments expressed by venerable councils are entitled to great respect and deference. Most of the great controversies on Christian doctrine have grown out of attempts to define what is left in the Scriptures Human tend- undefined. The mysteries of the nature of God, the encytobewise •' _ _ _ ' above what is person and work of Jesus Christ, sacrificial atone- written. ment in its relations to divine justice, man's depraved nature and the relative possibilities of the human soul with and withoiit the light of the Gospel, the method - of regeneration, and the de- grees of possible Christian attainment, the resurrection of the dead, and the mode of immortality and eternal judgment — these and kindred subjects are of a nature to invite speculation and vain theorizing, and it was most natural that everything in the Scripture bearing on such points should have been pressed into service. On such mysterious themes it is quite easy for men to become " wise above Avhat is written," and in the historical development of the blended life, thought, and activities of the Church, some things came to be generally accepted as essential Christian doctrine which in fact are without sufficient warrant in the Scriptures. Inasmuch, then, as the Scriptures are the sole source of revealed doctrine, and were given for the purpose of making True and false known to men the saving truth of God, it is of the ut- J^rtaS^ scr^^ most importance that we study, by sound hermeneutical ture doctrines. methods, to ascertain from them the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. We may best illustrate our meaning by taking several leading doctrines of the Christian faith, and indicating the unsound and untenable methods by which their advocates have sometimes defended them. Nothing is more fundamental in any system of religion than the doctrine of God, and the catholic faith of the early ^^ ^^ ,. , ' . . •' The catholic doc- Christian Church, as formulated in the Athanasian trine of God. Creed, is this : That we worship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity; neither con- foundinGj the Persons, nor dividing the substance. For there is one Person of tlie Father; another of the Son; and another of tlie Holy Spirit. But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit is all one: the glory equal, the majesty co-eternal. Such as the Father is, such is the to, the Bible, as the only infallible rule of the Christian faith and practice. The value of creeds depends upon the measure of their agreement with the Scriptures. In the best case a human creed is only an approximate and relatively correct exposition of revealed truth, and may be improved by the progressive knowledge of the Church, while the Bible remains perfect and infallible." — The Creeds of Christendom, vol. i, p. 7. 586 PRINCIPLES OF Son, and such is the Holy Spirit: The Father uncreated, tlie Son uncre- ated, and the Holy Spirit uncreated; the Father incomprehensible (immen- sus), the Son incomprehensible, and the Holy Spirit incomprehensible ; the Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the Holy Spirit eternal. And yet there are not three Eternals, but one Eternal ; as also there are not three uncre- ated, nor three incomprehensibles, but One uncreated, and One incompre- hensible. So likewise the Father is Almighty, the Son Almighty, and the Holy Spirit Almighty; and yet there are not three Almighties, but one Almighty. So the Father is God, the Sou is God, and the Holy Spirit is •God ; and yet there are not three Gods, but one God. Here is a very succinct and explicit statement of doctrine, and its definitions, so far as quoted above, have obtained all but uni- versal acceptance among evangelical believers. Though commonly ascribed to Athanasius, this symbol of faith, like the Apostles' Creed, is of unknown authorship, and furnishes one of the most remarkable examples of the extraordinary influence Avhich some works of that kind have exerted. But are the definitions and sharp distinctions set forth in this Doetrinai svm- ^^'^^^ according to the Scriptures? May we read them bois not un- therein, or prove them thereby? No one pretends that ^ "^ ■ the several clauses, or any of the formal definitions, are taken from the Bible. All such systematic presentations of dogma are foreign to the style of the Scriptures ; but this fact is no valid reason for rejecting them, or supposing them to be unscriptural. ^' A creed," says Schafi", " ought to use language different from that of the Bible, A string of Scripture passages would be no creed at all, as little as it would be a prayer or a hymn. A creed is, as it were, a doctrinal poem written under the inspiration of divine truth. This may be said at least of the oecumenical creeds." ' Hence a well-constructed creed is supposed to express the sum total of what the Scriptures teach on a given subject, but not necessarily in the language or terms of the sacred writers. Nor are its statements to be supposed to depend on any one or two particular texts or pas- sages of the Bible. It is quite possible that the general judgment of men may legitimately accept as a positive doctrine of Scripture what no one text or passage, taken by itself alone, would be suffi- cient to authorize. The catholic doctrine of the Trinity is very much of this character. A calm and dispassionate review of ages of controversy over this important dogma will show that, on the one hand, the advocates of the catholic faith have made an unscien- tific and inconclusive use of many Scripture texts, while, on the other hand, their opponents have been equally unfair in rejecting ' The Creeds of Christendom, vol. i, p. 7, foot note. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 587 the logical and legitimate conclusion of a cumulative argument which rested on the evidence of many biblical statements, of which they themselves could furnish no sufficient or satisfactory explana- tion. The argument from each text may be nullified or largely set aside, when taken singly and alone ; but a great number and variety of such evidences, taken as a whole, and exhibiting a manifest co- herency, may not thus be set aside. Thus, for example, the plural form of the name of God (D%i7S) in the Hebrew Scriptures has often been adduced as ^ ^^ proof of a plurality of persons in the Godhead. A sim- the name of ilar application has been made of the threefold use of the divine name in the priestly blessing (Num. vi, 24-27), and the trisagion in Isa. vi, 3, Even the proverb, " A threefold cord is not quickly broken" (Eccles. iv, 12), has been quoted as a proof-text of the Trinity. Such a use of Scripture will not be likely to advance the interests of truth, or be profitable for doctrine. A repetition of the divine name three or more times is no evidence that the wor- shipper thereby intends a reference to so many pei'sonal distinctions in the divine natm-e. The plural form ^''^bii may as well designate a multiplicity of divine potentialities in the deity as three personal distinctions, or it may be explained as the plural of majesty and excellency (see p. 86). Such forms of expression are susceptible of too many explanations to be used as valid proof texts of the Trinity. So, again, of the passage in Gen. xix, 24, often quoted in the Trinitarian controversies. "The name Jehovah," says Language of Watson, " if it has not a plural form, has more than one ^^°- ^^^< 2*- personal application. ' Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven.' We have here the visible Jehovah who had talked with Abraham rain- ing the storm of vengeance from another Jehovah out of heaven, and who was, therefore, invisible. Thus we have two Jehovahs expressly mentioned, ' the Lord rained from the Lord,' and yet we have it most solemnly asserted in Deut. vi, 4, 'Hear, O Israel, Jehovah our God is one Jehovah.' " ' Much more natural and sim- ple, however, is the explanation which recognises in this repetition of the name Jehovah a Hebraistic mode of statement. "It is," says Calvin, "an emphatic repetition." Browne remarks: "Aben Ezra, whom perhaps a majority of Christian commentators have followed in this, sees in these words a i^eculiar ' elegance or grace of language;' 'the Lord rained from the Lord' being a grander and more impressive mode of saying, ' the Lord rained from himself.' ' Theological Institutes, vol. i, p. 467. 588 PRENCIPLES OF It is a common idiom in Hebrew to repeat the noun instead of using a pronoun." ' The theophanies of the Old Testament have also been adduced Angel of Jeho- i" maintaining the doctrine of the Trinity. But what- ^ah. ever else may be made of the argument, it furnishes no sound proof that the Godhead consists of a number of distinct persons. The Angel of Jehovah, so mysteriously identified Avith Jehovah himself (Gen. xvi, 7, 10, 13; xxii, 11, 12, 15, 16), and in whom is the name of Jehovah (Exod. xxiii, 21), is not necessarily a manifestation of one person of the Godhead rather than another, but may be explained as a singular manifestation of Jehovah him- self without any idea of personal distinctions in his nature or essence. But while this is admitted on the one hand, it ought not to be denied, on the other, that in the light of New Testament reve- lations of Christ, as the revealed wisdom and power of God, we may discern in the Old Testament Angel of Jehovah a manifesta- tion of him who in the fulness of time took upon himself the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of men (Phil, ii, V). It was, moreover, a i:)art of the theology of the ancient synagogue that this angel was the Shekinah, or manifested power and media- tion of God in the world. A similar disposition may be made of many other proofs of the New Testament Trinity which have been cited from the Old Testament, doctrine of God. |^^,|^ passing into the New Testament we cannot but be impressed with the language used in John i, 18: "No one has ever seen God; God only begotten, who is in the bosom of the Father, he made him known." ^ This remarkable statement leads one to ask, AVho is this only begotten God who is in the bosom of the Father, and reveals God, or makes him known? In the first verse of the same chapter he is called the Word (6 Xoyoc;), and is said to have been " with the God " [nQog rov i^eov), and the f ui-ther statement ' Speaker's Commentary, in loco. 2 The more familiar and almost equally well-supported reading, " only begotten Son," conveys essentially the same mysterious and wonderful suggestion. " Both readings," says Ilort, "intrinsically are free from objection. The text (God only l)c- gotten), though startling at first, simply combines in a single phrase the two attributes of the Logos marked before (i9e6f, ver. 1, /lovo-yevT/c, ver. 14). Its sense is 'One who was both deog and fiovoyevrjc.^ The substitution of the familiar phrase 6 fiovoyevri^ vlug for the unique /lovoyevTjc i9e6f would be obvious, and jiovoyevTjg, by its own pri- mary meaning, directly suggested vlog. The converse substitution is inexplicable by any ordinary motive likely to affect transcribers. There is no evidence that the read- ing had any controversial interest in ancient times. And the al)sence of the article from the more important documents is fatal to tlic idea that 0(! was an accidental substitution for VT;." — Appendix to Westcott ami Ilort's Greek Testament, p. 74. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 589 is made that he "was God." Creation is ascribed to him (ver. 3), and he is declared to be the life and the light of men (ver. 4). This Word, it is added in verse 14, "became flesh, and taber- nacled among us, and we beheld his glory — glory as of an only be- gotten from a Father full of grace and truth." It is quite possible that polemic writers may make too much of these wonderful words. What it is to he with the God, and also to be God, may well be treated as a mystery too deep for the human mind to solve. The Word which became flesh, according to John i, 14, may fairly be under- stood to be identical with him who, according to Paul in 1 Tim. iii, 16, embodies "the mystery of godliness; he who was manifested in the flesh, justified in the Spirit, seen by angels, preached among the nations, believed on in the world, received up in glory." This can be no other than Jesus Christ, the Son of God and Son of man. When, now, we observe that the apostles were commissioned to "go forth and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit " (Matt. xxviii, 19;) that Paul invokes "the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Spirit," to be with all the brethren of the Corinthian church (2 Cor. xiii, 13); and that John invokes grace and peace upon the seven churches of Asia "from Him who is, and who was, and who is to come, and from the seven spirits which are before his thi'one, and from Jesus Christ, the faithful witness, the firstborn of the dead, and the prince of the kings of the land " (Rev. i, 4, 5), we may with good reason conclude that God, as revealed in the New Testament, con- sists of Father, Son, and Spirit existing in some myste- Mysterious dis- rious and incomprehensible unity of nature. From tinctionsintbe such a basis the exegete may go on to examine all those texts which indicate in any way the person, nature, and character of Christ: his pre-existence, his divine names and titles, his holy attributes and perfections, his power on earth to forgive sins, and other prerogatives and works ascribed to him, and the command for all men and angels to worship him. The fact that " God is Spirit" (John iv, 24) allows us readily to conceive that the Holy Spirit and God himself are one in substance, and the manner in which our Lord speaks of the Holy Spirit as the Comforter whom he will send (John xv, 26; xvi, 7), and whom the Father Avill send in his name (xiv, 26), points by every fair construction to a dis- tinction between the Father and the Holy Spirit. Putting all these together we find so many far-reaching and profoundly suggestive declarations concerning these divine persons, that we cannot logi- cally avoid the conclusion enunciated in the creed, that " the Father 590 PRINCIPLES OF is God, the Son is God, and the Holy Spirit is God; and yet there are not three Gods, but one God." But in the systematic elaboration of this argument the theologian Abstain from slio^l*^^ carefully abstain from unauthorized assertions, unauthorized A theme SO full of mystery and of majesty as the nature disputed read- of God, and his personal revelations in Christ and '"^- through the Holy Spirit, admits of no dogmatic tone. Assertions like the following from Sherlock are no advantage to the interests of truth : " To say they are three divine persons, and not three distinct infinite minds, is both heresy and nonsense. . . . The distinction of persons cannot be more truly and aptly repre- sented than by the distinction between three men; for Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ai*e as really distinct persons as Peter, James, and John." ' This is being wise above what is written, and is as harm- ful to valid argument as citinsr and ur^inof texts where the readingr and punctuation are doiibtful, or where (as in the case of 1 John V, 1) the evidence of interpolation is overwhelming. No man should assume to explain the mysteries of Deity. The doctrine of atonement in Christ is thus set forth in the vicarious Atone- Canons of the Synod of Dort: "The death of the Son ™^°*- of God is the only and most perfect sacrifice and satis- faction for sin; is of infinite worth and value, abundantly sufficient to expiate the sins of the whole world." ^ The Westminster Con- fession of Faith expresses it thus: "The Lord Jesus, by his perfect obedience and sacrifice of himself, which he through the eternal Spirit once offered up unto God, hath fully satisfied the justice of the Father, and purchased not only reconciliation, but an everlast- ing inheritance in the kingdom of heaven, for all those whom the Father hath given unto him." ^ It is probable that to many evan- gelical Christians neither of these forms of statement is satis- factory, while yet, at the same time, they would not reject them as unscriptural. They contain several phrases which have been so mixed with dogmatic controversy that many would for that reason decline to use them, and prefer the simple but comprehensive state- ment of the Gospel : " God so loved the world that he gave the Son, the only begotten, that every one who believes in him should not ' Vindication of the Doctrine of the Trinity, pp. CG, 105. London, 1G90. Equally dogmatic, on the other hand, is the declaration of Norton concerning the doctrines of the Trinity and the twofold nature of Christ : " There is not a passage to be fovind in the Scriptures which can be imagined to affirm either of those doctrines that have been represented as being at the very foundation of Christianity." — Statement of Reasons for not lielieving the Doctrines of Trinitarians concerning the Nature of (ilod and the Person of Christ, p. 63. Third edition, Boston, 1856. "See Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, vol. ill, p. 586. ' Ibid., p. 6'21. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 591 perish, but have life eternal" (John iii, 16). This Scripture does not say that the Son was given as " a sacrifice and satisfaction foi* sin," or that the procedure was a "perfect obedience and sacrifice of himself " in order to " fully satisfy the justice of the Father," and " purchase reconciliation for all those whom the Father hath given unto him." But, as Alford well says: " These words, whether spoken in Hebrew or in Greek, seem to carry a reference to the offering of Isaac; and Nicodemus in that case would at once be reminded by them of the love there required, the substitution there made, and the prophecy there uttered to Abraham (Gen. xxii, 18) to which ' every one who believes ' so nearly corresponds." ' When we proceed to compare with this Scripture its obvious parallels (as Rom. iii, 24-26; v, 6-10; Eph. i, 7; 1 Peter i, 18, 19; iii, 18; 1 John iv, 9), and bring forward in illustration of them the Old Testament idea of sacrifice, and the symbolism of blood (see above, pp. 358, 359), we may construct a systematic exhibition of the doctrine of atonement which no faithful interpreter of the Scriptures can fairly gainsay or resist. It is not a special dogmatic exposition of any single text, or a peculiar stress laid upon isolated words or phrases by which a scriptural doctrine is best set forth, but rather by accumulation of a number and variety of passages bearing on the subject, the meaning and relevancy of each of which are obvious. The awful doctrine of eternal punishment has been greatly con- fused by mixing with it many notions which are desti- Eternal Pun- tute of valid scriptural proof. The refinements of isbment. torture, delineated in the appalling pictures of Dante's Inferno, should not be taken as guides to help us in understanding the words of Jesus, even though we be told that the Gehenna, "where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched" (Mark ix, 48), and "the outer darkness, where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth " (Matt, xxv, 30), authorize such horrible portraitures of the final doom of the wicked. The fearful representations of divine judgment and penalty set forth in Scripture need not be interpreted literally in order to enforce the doctrine of the hopeless perdition of the incorrigible sinner, and the exegete, who assumes in his dis- cussion that the literal import of such texts must, be held, weakens his own argument. Far more convincing and overwhelming is that mode of teaching which makes no special plea over the ety- mology or usage of some disputed word (even though it be aldyviog), but rather holds up to view the unjform and awful indications of hopeless ruin and utter exclusion from the glory of God which the 1 Greek Testament, in loco. 592 PRINCIPLES OF Scriptures continually furnish as a certain fearful expectation of the ungodly. A momentous and eternal truth may l>e set forth in figure as well as in literal statement, and the force of the Scripture doctrine of the final doom of the wicked lies not more in the terri- "utter absence ble suggestions of positive punishment, tribulation, and hope^^forThe ^"g"is^'> than in the absence of any hope of pardon and wicked. salvation in the future. Vain is the appeal to such a text as Matt, xii, 32: "Whosoever shall speak against the Holy Spirit it shall not be forgiven him, neither in this age nor in that which is to come." Here, say some, is an implication that for other sins and blasphemies there may be forgiveness in the age or world to come. But to this it may at once be answered that such an im- plication is at best a most uncertain hope, while .on the contrary the assertion is most positive that the blasphemy against the Spirit shall never be forgiven. Endless perdition, therefore, awaits such blaspheming sinners, and will the opponents of eternal punishment assume that no one ever has committed, or will commit, the blas- phemy here meant? In the parallel passage of Mark (iii, 29) we meet with that profound and fearfully suggestive statement, that ^' whosoever shall blaspheme against the Holy Spirit has no forgive- ness forever, but is guilty of [tvoxog, is held fast bound by) eternal sin." How futile and delusive, then, to build a hope on the sugges- tions of such a text, when, for aught the reasoner knows, every wil- ful sinner, who deliberately rejects the claims of the Gospel and dies impenitent, commits this blasphemy against the Spirit. Equally delusive would it be to build a hope of future pardon on Preaching to ^^^^^^ ^^ Written in 1 Peter iii, 18-20, and iv, 6. For if the spirits iu we allow the strictest literal construction, and believe prison. ^j^^^ Christ went in spirit and preached to the spirits in prison, we have no intimation as to what he preached, or of the results of that preaching; and the entire statement is confined to those who were disobedient in the days of Noah. There is no inti- mation that he preached to any other sjnrits, or that any other such preaching ever took place before, or ever will take place hereafter. Furthermore, if we infer, from 1 Peter iv, G, that the purpose of this preaching to the dead was that they might be rescued from their prison, and "live according to God in spirit," it is entirely uncertain whetlier any one of them accepted the offer, and were thus saved. If, however, it be urged that it is altogether presum- able that such a preaching of the Gospel by Christ himself would not be without blessed results, and that such grace shown to one class of imprisoned spirits is a fair ground for }>resuming that like mercy may be extended to many others, if not to all, we have only BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 593 to answer: All these are presumptions which have too mucn against them in other parts of Scripture to be made the ground of hope to any wilful sinner, or to allow our laying dowu any universal propo- sition touching the unknown future.' We repudiate the notion, often asserted by some, that we may not use the figurative portions of Scripture for the pur- Doctrine not pose of establishing or maintaining a doctrine. Figures confined to any of speech, parables, allegories, types, and symbols are portion of the divinely chosen forms by which God has communicated scnptures. a large part of his written word to men, and these peculiar methods of communicating thought may teach doctrine as well as any thing else (comp. pp. 247, 248). Our Lord has seen fit to set forth his truth in manifold forms, and it is our duty to recognise that truth whether it appear in metaphor, parable, or symbol. Is there no doctrine taught in such metaphors as (Psa. li, 7) " Purify me with hyssop," or (1 Cor. v, 7) " Christ, our passover, was sacrificed " ? Can the doctrine of a new creation in Christ (2 Cor. v, 17; Gal. vi, 15), and the renewing of the Holy Spirit (Titus iii, 5), be more clearly or forcibly set forth than by the figure of the new birth (regeneration) as used by Jesus (John iii, 3-8) ? Does the allegory of the vine and its branches (John xv, 1-6) teach no doctrine ? Was there no doctrine taught by the lifting up of the serpent in the wilderness, or in the symbolism of blood, or in the pattern and service of the tabernacle ? And as to teaching by parables, we may well observe with Trench: "To create a powerful impression lan- guage must be recalled, minted, and issued anew, cast into novel forms, as was done by him of whom it is said that without a parable {■napa[3oX7J, in its widest sense) spake he nothing to his hearers; that is, he gave no doctrine in the abstract form, no skeletons of truth, but all clothed, as it were, with flesh and blood. He acted himself as he declared to his disciples they must act if they would be scribes instructed unto the kingdom, and able to instruct others (Matt, xiii, 52) ; he brought forth out of his treasure things new and old; by the help of the old he made intelligible the new; by the aid of the familiar he introduced them to that which was strange; from the known he passed more easily to the unknown. And in his own * It scarcely accords with the true spirit of calm theological inquiry to obtrude dog- matical assertions as to any possibilities of grace beyond this life. What may be the future development and opportunities of those who die in infancy, or what may be allowed in another state of being to such as may be supposed never to have had suit- able opportunities of accepting salvation in this life, are questions which God alone <;an answer, and the presumption of those who, in the absence of specific revelation, •dogmatize on such themes, is only equalled by the folly of those who would rest their hopes of the future on such unknown and uncertain possibilities. 38 594 PRINCIPLES OP manner of teaching, and in his instruction to his apostles, he has given us the secret of all effectual teaching — of all speaking which shall leave behind it, as was said of one man's eloquence, stings in the minds and memories of the hearers." ' But when we come to study the doctrines of biblical eschatology, Eschatoiogy how little do we iind that is not set forth in figure or in mostly taught gymj^ol? Perhaps the notable confusion of modern in figurative J -i _ language. teaching on the subjects of the parousia, resurrection, and judgment is largely due to a notion that these doctrines must needs have been revealed in literal form. The doctrine of divine judgment with its eternal issues is none the less positive and sure because set forth in the highly wrought and vivid picture of Matt. XXV, 31-46, or the vision of Rev. xx, 11, 12. "The judg- ment seat of Christ" (Rom. xiv, 10; 2 Cor. v, 10) is a metaphorical expression, based on familiar forms of dispensing justice in human tribunals (comp. Matt, xxvii, 19; Acts xii, 21; xviii, 12, 16; xxv, 6, 10, 17), and the expositor who insists that we must understand the eternal judgment of Christ only as executed after the forms of human courts, only damages the cause of truth. How, also, has the doctrine of the resurrection become involved The resurrection "^ doubt and confusion by over wise attempts to tell of the body. /iqio the dead are raised up, and with tohat body they come forth! That the body is raised is the manifest scriptural teaching. Christ's body was raised, and his resurrection is the type, representative, and pledge that all will be raised (1 Cor. XV, 1-22). Many saints who had fallen asleep arose with him, and it is expressly written that their bodies {aconara) Avere raised (Matt, xxvii, 52). Paul's doctrine clearly is that "he who raised up Christ Jesus from the dead, shall also make alive your mortal bodies" (Rom. viii, 11; comp. Phil, iii, 21). He does not entertain the question, on which so many modern divines have wasted specula- tion, as, wherein consists identity of body, and may not the dust of different bodies become mixed, and will all the particles of matter be restored? But he does employ suggestive illustrations, and by the figure of the grain of wheat shows that the body which is sown is "not the body that shall be" (1 Cor. xv, 37). He calls attention to the varieties of flesh (odp^), as of men, beasts, birds, and fishes, and to the great difference between the glory of heavenly and earthly bodies, and then says that the human body is sown in cor- ruption, dishonour, and weakness, but raised up in incorruption, glory, and power (verses 39-45). "It is sown a natural (^vxikov) body; it is raised a spiritual body." The interests of divine truth ' Notes on the Parables, p. 2Y. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 595 have not been helped by dogmatic essays to go beyond the apostle in the explanation or illustration of this mystery. In the systematic presentation, therefore, of any scriptural doc- trine, we are always to make a discriminating use of Freedom from sound hermeneutical principles. We must not study anTpTesulup- them in the light of modern systems of divinity, but tions. should aim rather to place ourselves in the position of the sacred writers, and study to obtain the impression their words would natu- rally have made upon the minds of the first readers,' The question should be, not what does the Church say, or what do the ancient fathers and the great councils and the oecumenical creeds say, but what dc the Scriptures legitimately teach? Still less should we allow ourselves to be influenced by any presumptions of what the Scriptures ought to teach. It is not uncommon for writers and preachers to open a discussion with the remark that in a written revelation like the Bible we might naturally expect to find such or such things. All such presumptions are uncalled for and prejudi- cial. The assumption that the first chapter of Genesis desci-ibes a universal cosmogony, and that the Book of Revelation details all human history, or that of the Church, to the end of time, has been the fruitful source of a vast amount of false exegesis. The teacher of Scripture doctrine should not cite his proof -texts ad lihitum, or at random, as if any word or sentiment ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^ in hai-mony with his purpose, if only found in the Scrip- cited ad Ubi- tures, must needs be pertinent. The character of the whole book or epistle, and the context, scope, and plan are often necessary to be taken into consideration before the real bearings of a given text can be clearly apprehended. That doctrine only is theologically sound which rests upon a strict graramatico-his- torical interpretation of Scripture, and while all divinely inspired Scripture is pi-ofitable for doctrine and discipline in righteousness, its inspiration does not require or allow us to interpret it on any ' In order to be able to explain any one's words to others, one must understand them himself, otherwise he cannot render them intelligible to others. One under- stands another's words when by means of them he thinks as did the speaker or writer, and as he wished one should think. Thus one explains another's words rightly to others when he enables them to think precisely what the speaker or writer thought or wished to be thought. In the interpretation of any writing, it has not to be in- quired what the readers for whom it was destined thought, but what, according to the intention of the writer, they should have thought in reading it. The object of the in- terpretation is the thoughts of the writer or speaker, in as far as he has expressed them in words for others. This does not take away that it often is of great import- ance to the interpretation of one or more sayings to inquire how the hearers under- stood them. — Doedes, Manual of Hermeneutics, pp. 2, 3. Edinb., 1867. 596 PRINCIPLES OF other principles than those which are applicable to uninspired writings. The interpi'eter is always bound to consider how the subject lay in the mind of the author, and to point out the exact ideas and sentiments intended. It is not for him to shoM^ how many meanings the words may possibly bear, nor even how the first readers understood them. The real meaning intended by the author, and that only, is to be set forth. There is much reason for believing that the habit, quite general New Testament ^in^e the time of Ernesti, of treating the hernieneutics doctrine not of the New Testament separately from the Old, has oc- clear without . -, ^^ . t.t /• • . t the help of the casioned the misunderstanding or some important doc- o'''- trines of Holy Writ. The language and style in M'hich certain New Testament teachings are expressed are so manifestly modelled after Old Testament forms of statement, that they cannot be properly explained without a minute and thorough apprehension of the import of the older Scriptures." We cannot, therefore, ac- cept without qualification the following words of Van Oosterzee : " We have no right for a use of these (O. T.) Scriptures, in which we do not take heed to their peculiar character, as distinguished from those of the New Testament. The Old Testament revelation must always be regarded first in relation to Israel, and has only value for our dogmatics in so far as it is confirmed by the gospel of the New. The letter of the Old Testament must thus be tested by the sj^irit of the New, and whatever therein stands in opposition ' Take for illustration the following passage from one of our most recent and able works on theology. Speaking of the lawless one mentioned in 2 Thess. ii, 8, Pope says : " Prophetical theology has its many hypotheses for the explanation of the sym- bols of Daniel and the Apocalypse, and the plain words of St. Paul. But there has not yet been found on earth the power or the being to whom all St. Paul's terms are applicable."— Compendium of Chr. Theology, vol. iii, p. 394. The critical student of Daniel's description of the little horn (Dan. vii, 8, 25; viii, 9-12, 23-25; conip. xi, 36-38), will note that the words of Paul in 2 Thess. ii, 3-10, are no plainer than those of Daniel, from whom they are so evidently copied. And if Daniel's sjTubols and lan- guage were fulfilled, as most of the leading Old Testament excgetes admit, in the law- less Antiochus Epiphanes, how can it be said, in view of the equally lawless and blas- phemous Nero, that " there has not yet been found on earth the power or the being to whom all St. Paul's terms are applicable?" We might fill volumes with extracts showing how excgetes and writers on New Testament doctrine assmne as a principle not to be (luestioned that such highly wrought language as Matt, xxiv, 29-31; 1 Thess. iv, l(j ; and 2 Pet. iii, 10, 12, taken almost verbatim from Old Testament prophecies of Judgment on nations and kingdoms which long ago perished, must be literally under- stood. Too little study of Old Testament ideas of judgment, and apocalyptic language and style, would seem to be the main reason for this one sided exegesis. It will re- quire more than assertion to convince thoughtful men that tlie figurative language of Isaiah and Daniel, admitted on all hands to bo such iu those ancient prophets, is to be literally interpreted when used by Jesus or Paul. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 597 to the New has as little binding force for our belief as for our life. A dogma which can be supported only by an appeal to the Old Testament can only maintain its place in Christian dogmatics if it manifestly does not conflict with the letter and spirit of the New, and also stands in close connexion with other propositions derived from the New Testament." ' Every distinct portion of Scripture, whether in the Old or the New Testament, must, indeed, be interpreted in har- one and the mony with its own peculiar character, and the historical ^^^^^ Tes\^ standpoint of each writer must be duly considered, ments. The Old Testament cannot be truly apprehended without always regarding its relation to Israel, to whom it was first intrusted (Rom. iii, 2). And while it is true that "the letter of the Old Testament must be tested by the spirit of the New," it is equally true that, to understand the spirit and import of the New Testament, we are often dependent on both the letter and spirit of the Old. It may be that no important doctrine of the Old Testament is Avithout confirmation in the Christian Scriptures, but it is also to be remem- bered that every important doctrine of the New Testament may be found in germ in the Old, and the New Testament writers were all, without exception, Jews or Jewish proselytes, and made use of the Jewish Scriptures as oracles of God. A correct view of this whole subject is taken when we regard the Hebrew people as of old divinely chosen to hold Confusion of and teach the principles of true religion. It was not ™*inoTes^of theirs to develop science, philosophy, and art. Other thought. races attended more to these. It was not until the mystery of God, enclosed in the Israelitish worship as the bud, blossomed out in the Gospel, and was given to the Aryan world, that a systematic theol- ogy began to be developed. These Gentile peoples had long been trying, by reason and from nature, to solve the mysterious problems of the universe, and when the Gospel revelation came to them, it was eagerly seized by many as a clue to the intricate and perplex- ing secrets of God and the world. But a failure to apprehend the letter and spirit of the Hebrew records of faith led also to a failure to understand some of the doctrines of the Gospel, so that, from the apostolic age until now, there has been a conflict of Gnostic and Ebionitish tendencies in Christian thought. It is only as a correct scientific method enables us to distinguish between the true and the false in each of these tendencies that we shall perceive that the revelations of both Testaments are essentially one and inseparable. There can be, therefore, no complete and thorough hermeneutics of 1 Christian Dogmatics, vol. i, p. 18. New York, 1874. 598 PRINCIPLES OF New Testament doctrine without a clear insight into the letter and spirit of the Old. In the practical and homiletical use of the Scriptures we are also to seek first the true grammatico-historical sense. The life of godliness is nourished by the edifying, comforting, and assuring les- „ . , _, sons of divine revelation. They serve also, as we have Practical and . •' . f Homiletical use seen, for reproof and correction. But in this more sub- of Scripture. jective and practical use of the Bible, words and thoughts may have a wider and more general application than in strict exegesis. Commands and counsels which had their first and only direct reference to those of bygone generations may be equally useful for us. An entire chapter, like that of Rom. xvi, filled with personal salutations for godly men and women now utterly un- known, may furnish many most precious suggestions of brotherly love and holy Christian fellowship. The personal experiences of Abraham, Moses, Dayid, Daniel, and Paul exhibit lights and shades from which every devout reader may gather counsel and admoni- tion. Pious feeling may find in such characters and experiences lessons of permanent worth even where a sound exegesis must dis- allow the typical character of the person or event. In short, every great event, every notable personage or character, whether good or evil, every account of patient suffering, every triumph of virtue, every example of faith and good works, may serve in some way for instruction in righteousness.' Tile promises of divine oversight and care, the hopes and pledges Promises ad- ^^^ before the holy men of old, and all exhortations to monitions, and watchfulness and prayer, may have manifold practical waiumg!,. applications to Christians of every age. The same may be said of all the ancient warnings and appeals to escape the com- ing wrath of God which had primary reference to impending judg- ments. The carelessness and disobedience of those who lived in the days of Noah are a lively admonition and warning to all men of ' The Bible constantly presents general principles, absolute commandments, and living examples, but it never applies these principles to human actions as recorded upon its pages. This is left to the enlightened conscience and thoughtful judg- ment of tiie reader. It is God's will that we should meditate upon all .Scripture, and make ourselves the moral application. Tiie Bible records the pious Hjcdience and simple and singular faith of Noah, but makes no comment upon it; and it relates the story of his shame when overcome by his appetite without a note of wa'-ning. Abra- ham is sometimes called the friend of (iod, and is styled in Scripture the father of them tliat believe. His marvellous simplicity of character, and unfaltering trust in God, are fully described in the sacred word, and without note of conin-cnt or excuse tin- stories of iiis deceit arc also written out. — Pierce, The Word of GocJ Opened, p. 77. New York, 1868. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 599 every age who follow worldly things alone, and have no care about their eternal destiny. All the New Testament admonitions to watch and be in constant readiness for the coming of the Lord are capable of a most legitimate practical application to believers now, in reference to the uncertainty of the hour of death. To say, as many modern Chiliasts, that such an application of the admonitions to prepare for the parousia is a perversion of the Scripture teaching, is most futile. The coming of the Lord to a believer at death, in order to transport his redeemed spirit to paradise, is not, to be sure, the parousia which Jesus declared would take place within a generation from his time. But as departure from this life puts an end to probation, and " inasmuch as it is appointed unto men once to die, and after that — judgment" (Heb. ix, 27), every motive which should have led men to prepare and watch for the judgment of the flood, and every exhortation for the contemporaries of Jesus and Paul to watch and be ready for the parousia, serve ever to ad- monish and warn us and all generations to be prepared for that day and hour when we must pass to eternal judgment of weal or woe. How much more sensible and forcible is this practical exhortation, the point and propriety of which all men must feel, than the vision- ary appeals of those expositors who would have us believe that we are now, any day and hour, to expect what Jesus said should take place within his own generation ! Pre-millennialists and post-millennialists have fallen into notice- able confusion in attempts to make such commands as " Watch therefore, for ye know not on what day your Lord cometh ; " *' Therefore, be ye also ready ; " " Watch therefore, for ye know not the day nor the hour" (Matt, xxiv, 42, 44; xxv, 13), consistent with two thousand years' delay. Brown, indeed, concedes (Christ's Second Coming, p. 20) that " the death of any individual is, to all practical purposes, the coming of Christ to that soul. It is his summons to appear before the judgment seat of Christ. It is to him the close of time, and the opening of an unchanging eternity, as truly as the second advent will be to mankind at large." " There is a perfect analogy," he adds, " between the two classes of events. . . . Still, it is in the way of analogy alone that texts expressive of the one can or ought to be applied to the other. It can never be warranted, and is often dangerous to make that the primary and proper interpretation of a passage which is but a secondary, though it may be a very legitimate, and even irresistible, application of it." All this is very correct, but Mr. Brown falls into the error of the Chiiiasts themselves when he goes on to argue that all the New Testament admonitions and warnings which imply the nearness of 600 PRINCIPLES. the parousia are consistent with centuries, and even millenniums, of delay. All those warnings and exhoi'tations had, as we have shown above, immediate and primary application and reference to the end of the pre-millennial age (aeon), which took place at the fall of the temple and its cultus, and correct interpretation finds their primary and only direct reference to that event. But by way of manifest analogy, and in practical and homiletical use, they have a pertinent and impressive lesson to all generations of men. And it detracts from the force and usefulness of these texts to import into them an imaginary significance which they were never intended to bear. In all our private study of the Scriptures for personal edificatiorv , we do well to remember that the first and fjreat thint' honiiieticai use is to lay hold of the real spirit and meaning of the be^'ased'^'^on ^^acred Avriter. There can be no true application, and correct inter- no profitable taking to ourselves of any lessons of the Bible, unless we first clearly apprehend their original meaning and reference. To build a moral lesson upon an erroneous interpretation of the language of God's word is a reprehensible pro- cedure. But he who clearlj- discerns the exact grammatico-historical sense of a passage, is the better qualified to give it any legitimate application which its language and context will allow. Accordingly, in homiletical discourse, the public teacher is bound to base his applications of the truths and lessons of the divine word upon a correct apprehension of the primary signification of the lan- guage which he assumes to expound and enforce. To misinterpret the sacred writer is to discredit any a})plication one may make of his words. But when, on the other hand, the preacher first shows, by a valid interpretation, that he thoroughly comprehends that which is written, his various allowable accommodations of the writer's words will have the greater force, in whatever practical applications he may give them. PART THIED. HISTORY OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. JText to tTie Soly Scriptures, which are themselves a history and depository of divine revelation, there is no stronger proof of the continual presence of Christ with his people, no more thorough vindication of Christianity, no richer source of spiritual wisdom and experience, no deeper incentive to virtue and piety, than the Sistory of Christ's Tcingdom. Every age has a message from, (rod to man, which it is the greatest importance for man to understand. (The Epistle to the Seirews descrihes, in stirring elog[uence, the cloud of witnesses from the Old dispensation for the encouragement of Christians. \N hy should not the greater cloud of apostles, evangelists, martyrs, confessors, fathers, reformers, and saints of every age and tongue, sijice the coming of Christ, he held up for th& same purpose ? — Schaff. HISTORY OP BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. CHAPTER I. ANCIENT JEWISH EXEGESIS. « A KNOWLEDGE of the histoiy of biblical interpretation is of ines- timable value to the student of the Holy Scriptures, value and im- It serves to guard against errors and exhibits the torT'oTTnter- aetivity and eflbrts of the human mind in its search pretatiou. after truth and in relation to noblest themes. It shows what influ- ences have led to the misunderstanding of God's word, and how acute minds, carried away by a misconception of the nature of the Bible, have sought mystic and manifold meanings in its contents. From the first, the Scriptures, like other writings, were liable to be understood in different ways. The Old Testament prophets com- plained of the slowness of the people to apprehend spiritual things (Isa. vi, 10; Jer. v, 21 ; Ezek. xii, 2). The apostolical epistles were not always clear to those who first received them (comp. 2 Thess. ii, 2; 2 Pet. iii, 16). When the Old and New Testaments assumed canonical form and authority, and became the subject of devout study and a means of spiritual discipline, they furnished a most in- viting field for literary research and theological controversy. On the one hand, there were those who made light of what ., . . ^ , ' _ " Ongfin and va- the prophets had written, attacked the sacred books, riety of inter- and perverted their meaning ; on the other, there arose ^^^ " ^""^' apologists and defenders of the holy volume, and among them not a few who searched for hidden treasures, and manifold meanings in every word. Besides assailants and apologists there were also many who, withdrawing from the field of controversy, searched the Scriptures on account of their religious value, and found in them wholesome food for the soul. The ]>ublic teachers of relig- ion, in oral and written discourses, expounded and applied the oracles of God to the peoj^le. Hence, in the course of ages, a great variety of expositions and a vast amount of biblical literature have 604 HISTORY OF appeared. The student who acquaints himself with tlie various methods of exposition, and with the works of the great exegetes of ancient and modern times, is often saved thereby from following new developments of error, and is guarded against the novelties of a restless fancy. He observes how learned men, yielding to subtle speculation and fanciful analogies, have become the founders of schools and systems of interpretation. At the same time be be- comes more fully qualified to maintain and defend the faith once delivered to the saints. It was the distinguishing advantage of the Jewish people that they were entrusted with the oracles of God (Rom. iii, 1, 2). But during the long period between Moses and the Babylonian exile they showed little appreciation of their heavenly treasure. The law was ignored, the prophets were persecuted, the people turned to idolatry, and the penalty of exile and dispersion, forean.nounced by Jehovah himself (Deut. xxviii, 63, 64), followed at last with terrible severity. In the land of exile, a descendant of Aaron the high priest, hopeless of Israel's rise by worldly iirow- Ezra the scribe cj i ^ i j ./ i ^ ess, set his heart upon the devout study of the ancient Scriptures. "Ezra prepared his heart to seek the law of Jehovah and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and judgments" (Ezra vii, 10). Possibly the one hundredth and nineteenth psalm was the result of that study, and shows the impression the law made upon that studioiis priest while yet a young man. A profound apprecia- tion of God's law, such as this psalm evinces, would prompt a man like Ezra to seek the reformation of Israel by calling them to a rigid obedience of the commandments. We may, accordingly, date the beginning of formal exposition of the Scriptures at the time of Ezra. A need was then felt, as not before, of appealing to the oracles of God. The Book of the Law was recognized as funda- mental in the records of divine revelation. The noblest Israelite was he who delighted in Jehovah's law, and meditated therein by night and by day (Psa. i, 2 ; comp. Psa. cxix, .'54, .35, 97). The loss of temple, throne, palace, and regal splendour turned the heart of the devout Jew to a more diligent inquiry after the words of Jehovah, Ezra, accordingly, led a company of exiles back to Jerusalem and instituted numerous reforms. The coinmandments forbidding in- PiiWii; fnstruc- tcmiarriage with the heathen were I'igidly enfoi'ccd, and tion in the law. t]ie legal feasts and fasts were observed. The public instruction of the jjcople, as recorded in Neh. viii, 1-8, was a meas- ure designed to make known the will of Jehovah, and to develop a purer religions sentiment among the people. Thenceforth the office BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 605 and work of the scribe became important. He was no longer the mere recorder of passing events, the secretary, clerk, or Tugogiceand registrar of the king (2 Sam. viii, 17; 1 Kings iv, 3), work of the but the copyist and authorized expounder of the sacred books. Their devotion to the study and interpretation of the law brought to the scribes after a time the title of lawyers {vofunoL). At an early period they became known as a distinct class, and were spoken of as families or guilds (1 Chron. ii, 55). Ezra is to be re- garded as a distinguished representative of his class. lie was not the only scribe who returned from Babylon (Ezra viii, IG). On the occasion of the public reading of the law he had the assistance of learned Levites, who were able to explain the ancient Scriptures to the people. Constant searching of these l.oly writings led to the various reforms narrated in the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. The great convocations described in Neh. viii, 1-15, were the first sessions of what is known in Jewish tradition as The Great syn- the Great Synagogue. The acts of the Jewish leaders agogue. of that time were without doubt greatly embellished in the later traditions, but nothing is more probable than that these eminent re- formers arranged the order of the sacred books of their nation, and provided for their systematic reading and exposition. Many mo- tives would have naturally prompted to this. The troubles with the Samaritans, the tendencies to mingle with the heathen, the neglect to provide for the service of the house of God, all required that thorouiih measures should be taken to imbue the Israelites with the ancient theocratic spirit. Ezra and Nehemiah were too wise and discerning not to perceive that a devout study of the law and the prophets would be a tnighty educational means of securing for their people the surest safeguard against the evils to which they were constantly exposed. With the knowledge of the condition and circumstances of the Jews at Jerusalem which the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah fui-nish, we can scarcely conceive tliat such farsighted men as these great leaders and their coadjutors — priests, Levites, and scribes (Neh. xiii, 13), men of knowledge and discern- ment (Neh. X, 28) — would have failed to do substantially all those things which the unanimous voice of tradition ascribes to the men of the Great Synagogue. They reformed abuses, provided for llie temple service, and for the public reading and exposition of the law, and these measures imply a collection of tl\e canonical Scrip- tures as the authoritative basis of the entire procedure.' ' The attempts of some scholars (Alting, Rau, Kuenen) to set aside the traditions of the Great Synagogue as worthless rabbinical fables are scarcely of a cliaracter to commend themselves to a candid critic. Fables and foolish legends are probably 606 HISTORY OF The progress of Jewish exegesis from the time of Ezra to the , beerinniiiir of the Christian era may be dimly traced in Progress of '^ ° . f . . Jewish exegesis scattered notices of the learned Jews of that period, after Ezra. -^^ ^j^^ pre-Christian apocryphal and pseudei)igraphal literature, in the works of Philo Judoeus and Josephus, and in the Talmud. The rigid measures adopted by Ezra, Nehemiah, and their associates would seem to have prepared the way for Pharisaism. The scribes of the period succeeding that of Nehemiah not only copied the sacred books, and explained their general import, but took measures to make a hedge about the law. They set a value on the very letters of the law, and counted their number.' They scrupulously guarded against interpolations and changes, but, at the same time, they gathered up traditions and constructed an oral law which in time came to have with them an authority equal to that of the sacred books. Thus orig^inated the Jewish Halachah Halachah and ^^^^ Hagadah, the legal and homiletic exegesis. "The Hagadah. Bible," says Stanley, " and the reading of the Bible as an instrument of instruction, may be said to have been begu« on the sunrise of that day when Ezra unrolled the parchment scroll of the law. It was a new thought that the divine will could be com- municated by a dead literature as well as by a living voice. In the impassioned welcome with which this thought was received lay the germs of all the good and evil which were afterward to be developed out of it; on the one side, the possibility of appeal in each succes- sive age to the primitive, undying document that should rectify the fluctuations of false tradition and fleeting opinion ; on the other hand, the temptation to pay to the letters of the sacred book a worship as idolatrous and as profoundly opposed to its spirit as once had been the veneration paid to the sacred trees or the sacred stones of the consecrated groves or hills." * associated with the tradition, as they are with most of the great persons and events of Jewish history ; but to reject the entire tradition as unworthy of belief is going quite too far. It is too well supported by the necessary implication of Ezra's and Nehe- miah's acts to be thus summarily rejected. It would be very uncritical and arbitrary to reject the statement of 2 Maccabees ii, i;5, viz., that Nehemiah founded a library, and collected the acts of kings and prophets, because the writer elsewhere records numerous idle legends. In chap, i, 18, the same writer ascribes to Nehemiah what was done by Zerubbabel and Joshua (comp. Ezra iii-vi), but shall we thence argue that no such work was done at all ? ' See Giusburg, article Scribes, in Kitto's ("yclopicdia of Biblical Literature. * Lectures on Hist, of Jewish Church, Third Series, pp. 158, 159. The same writer further on observes: "There is one tradition;il saying, ascribed to the Great Syna- gogue, which must surely have come down from an early stage in the hijtory of the scribes, and which well illustrates the disease to which. a,s to a parasitical plant, the order itsi^lf, and all the branches into which it has grown, has been subject. It BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. GOT This superstitious reverence for the letter of the law, and the disposition of the scribes to fence it around with au- Pharisees and thoritative oral precepts, most naturally led to the later sadducees. Pharisaism. But the excessive claims of these ancient scribes pro- duced a reaction, and gave rise to. the sect of the Sadducees, who refused to be bound by the traditions of the elders. " The Phari- sees," says Josephus, " have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers which are not written in the law of Moses, and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived 'from the tradition of our forefathers; and con- cerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the poj^ulace obsequious to them; but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side." ' The manifold precepts and rules, expositions and traditions, Avhich are commonly known as the Halachah and the Haga- ^^ ,,.^ ^. •^ . . -. . ~ The Midrashim. dah, had their origin in these Pharisaic tendencies of the scribes who succeeded Ezra and his coadjutors. These various expositions constitute the Midrashim, or most ancient Jewish com- mentary. The Halachic, or legal exegesis, was confined to the Pentateuch, and aimed, by analogy and combination of specific written laws, to deduce precepts and rules on subjects which had not been formally treated in the Mosaic Code. This was, in the main, a reading into the laws of Moses a great variety of things which they could not, by any fair interpretation, be made to teach. The Hagadic exegesis, on the other hand, was extended over the entire Old Testament Scriptures, and was of a more practical and homiletical character. It aimed, by means of memorable sayings of illustrious men, parables, allegories, marvellous legends, witty proverbs, and mystic interpretations of Scripture events, to stimu- late the Jewish people to pious activity and obedience. The Mid- rashim thus became a vast treasury of Hebrew national lore. It resembles in form the famous mediaeval motto for the guidance of conventual ambi- tion, although it is more serious in spirit: 'Be circumspect in judging— make many disciples— make a hedge round the law.' Nothing could be less like the impetuosity, the simplicity, or the openness of Ezra than any of these three precepts. But the one which in each succeeding generation predominated more and more was the last: 'Make a hedge about the law.' To build up elaborate explanations, thorny obstruc- tions, subtle evasions, enormous developments, was the labour of the later Jewish scribes, till the Pentateuch was buried beneath the Mishna, and the Mishua beneath the Gemara." — Jewish Church, Third Series, pp. 165, 166. 1 Antiquities, book xiii, chap, x, 6. Comp. Wars, book ii, chap. viii. €08 HISTORY OF was developed gradually, by public lectures and homilies, and be- came more and more comprehensive and complicated as new le- gends, secret meanings, hidden wisdom, and allegorical expositions were added by one great teacher after another. We have the sub- stance of the Midrashim preserved in the Talmud and the Hagadic literature of the first three centuries of the Christian era.' The character of these ancient JcAvish expositions of Scripture Hagadic her- may be inferred from the kind of hermeneutical princi- meneutics. pigg which were adopted. Among the thirty-two rules of interpretation collected and arranged by Elieser Ben-Jose the following are specimens: By the superfluous use of the three particles, ns, D3, and P|N, the Scrip- tures indicate in a threefold manner that something more is included in the text than the apparent declaration would seem to imply. Tliis rule is illustrated by Gen. xxi, 1, where it is said "Jehovah visited Sarah" (mc'-ns), and the particle DN is supposed to show that the Lord also vis- ited other women besides Sarah. A subject often explains itself while it imparts information on other sub- jects. Thus, in Jer. xlvi, 22, ''Its cry shall go like the ser2:)ent," is a state- ment whicli serves, besides describing the loud cry of Egypt, to indicate that the serpent set up a great cry wiien the Lord pronounced his curse against it. A great and incomprehensible thing is represented by something small, to render it intelligible. Thus, in Deur. xxxii, 2, " My doctrine shall drop as the rain," the great and incomprehensil)le doctrines of revelation are made comprehensible by comparison with the rain. Explanations are obtained by reducing the letters of a word to their numerical value, and substituting for it another word or phrase of the same value, or by transposing the letters. Thus, for example, the sum of the letters in the name of Eliezer ("lTyv^J), Abraham's servant, is equivalent to three hundred and eighteen (3'18), the number of his trained men (Gen. xiv, 14), and, accordingly, shows that Eliezer alone was worth a host of servants.'^ * Ishmael Ben-Elisa's Commentary on Exodus xii-xxiii, oalleci Mechilta (XJl^DD). is an allegorical treatment of various Mosaic ceremonies, and is one of the oldest speci- mens of formal Jewish exposition. Ishmael Ben-Elisa flourished about the close of the first and the beginning of the second century of our era, and was the author of several mystic treatises which are still extant. His Mechilta with a Latin translation is given by Ugoliuo in the Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum, vol. xiv, Venice, 1752. A German translation of numerous ancient Midrashim is given by Wiinsche, Biblio- tlieca Rabl)inica ; cine Samnilung alter Midrashim zum erstcn Male ins Deutsche ulK-rtragcn, Lpz., 1880-1881, 12 thin vols., 8vo. ■•^ See all these Halachic and Hagadic rules of interpretation stated and illustrated by Oinsburg, in the article. Midrasli, in Kitto's Cvclopn?dia of Biblical Litoraturo, and also in JI'( -lintock and Strong's Cyclopa;dia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION". 609 It is easy to see liow such hermeneutical principles must neces- sarily involve the exposition of the Scriptures in utter Mischief and confusion. The study of the ancient Jewish exegesis a'^ag^dic* exe- is, therefore, of little practical value to one who seeks gesis. the true meaninsf of the oracles of God.' But for evidences of an- cient Jewish opinions, and for the criticism of the Hebrew text, the comments of the older rabbis may sometimes be of great ser- vice. " When it is borne in mind," says Ginsburg, " that the anno- tators and punctuators of the Hebrew text, and the translators of the ancient versions, were Jews impregnated with the theological of)inions of the nation, and who prosecuted their biblical labours in harmony with these opinions and the above-named exegetical rules, the importance of the Halachic and Hagadic exegesis to the criti- cism of the Hebrew text, and to a right understanding of the Greek, Chaldee, Syriac, and other versions, as well as of the quota- tions of the Old Testament in the New Testament, can hardly be overrated. If it be true — and few will question the fact — that every successive English version, either preceding or following the Reformation, reflects the peculiar notions about theology. Church government, and politics of each period and every dominant party; and that even the most literal translation of modern days is, in a certain sense, a commentary of the translator; we ought to regard it as natural that the Jews, without intending to deceive, or wil- fully to alter the text, should, by the process of the Midrash, intro- duce or indicate, in their biblical labours, the various opinions to which shifting circumstances give rise." "^ How far this Hagadic method of interpretation became current, or to what extent it was generally adopted by the great The septuagint body of Jews in the world before the Christian era, it Hagi^c^'prin- is impossible to tell. That it became quite general is cipies. evident. The plain meaning of the Old Testament, as it would im- press itself upon the unsophisticated reader, was probably every- where allowed. Only the anthropomorphisms and more difficult passages would at first be set aside as not to be understood liter- ally. The Septuagint version is a monumental witness to the manner 1 Surely no exposition of Scripture, however deep its reverence for tl:e letter of •God's word, could be safe or useful which proceeded on the principles of Rabbi Akiba, who maintained that every repetition, figure, parallelism, synonyme, word, letter, par- ticle, pleonasm, nay, the very shape of a letter, had a recondite meaning, just as every fibre of a fly's wing or an ant's foot has its peculiar significance. See Ginsburg, Coheletli, translated, with a Commentary, pp. 495, 496, Lond., 1861. For much valu- able information on Hagadic exegesis, see the whole of i.ppendix I, and also the learned Introduction to this Commentary. 2 Ginsburg, in Kitto's Cyclopiedia, article Midrash. 39 610 HISTORY OF in which the Jews of that aoje freely admitted fictitious lesrends and entire apocryphal books among their holy writings. This was ' a very natural outgrowth of Hagadic principles, and while the He- brew text was honoured with a superstitious reverence, its transla- tion into a Gentile tongue so far removed it from its original glory that no scruple Avas felt in lengthening its chronology to a more apparent harmony with Egyptian notions, and incorporating with it books like that of the Son of Sirach and the Wisdom of Solomon, which seemed like a connecting link with Greek philosophy.' In like manner the whole body of apocryphal and pseudepigraphal literature of a pre-Christian date serves to illustrate the uncritical looseness of Hagadic principles. For while these ancient books fur- nish no examples of formal exegesis, they clearly indicate the free- dom with which many of the more learned Jews of those days added philosophy, fiction, and highly coloured legend to their ac- ceptance of the genuine ancient Scriptures. Aristobulus, the priest, who is mentioned in 2 Mace, i, 10, ap- pears to have been the author of a commentary on the Aristobulus, the ^ . i <• i • ^ u priest and schoi- Books of Moses. Eusebms speaks of him as that most ^^- distinguished scholar who was one of the Seventy who translated the Holy Scriptures from the Hebrew for Ptolemy Philadelphus and his father, and dedicated his exposition of the law of Moses to the same kings." ^ Fragments of this work have been preserved in Eusebius.^ But all formal attempts, among the Alexandrian Jews, to expound the Scriptures seem to have sought especially after hidden and mysterious lore. "The allegorical ' " The Wisdom of the Son of Sirach," says Stanley, " was followed, at how long an interval we know not, by the Wisdom of Solomon. As the former book was the ex- pression of a sage at Jerusalem, with a tincture of Alexandrian learning, so the latter book was the expression of an Alexandrian sage presenting his Grecian ideas under the forms of Jewish history. We feel with him the oppressive atmosphere of the elaborate Egyptian idolatry (chap, xiii, 2-19; xv, 17-19). We see through his eyes the ships passing along the Mediterranean waters into the Alexandrian harl)our (xiv, 1-6). We trace the footprint of Aristotle in the enumeration, word by word, of tiie four great ethical virtues (viii, 1). We recognise the rhetoric of the Grecian sophists in the Ptolemscan court (v, 9-12; xi, 17, 18); we arc present at the luxurious ban- quets and lax discussions of the neighbouring philosophers of Gyrene (ii, 1-7). But in the midst of this Gentile scenery there is a voice which speaks with the authority of the ancient prophets to this new world. The book is a signal instance of the cus- tom prevalent in the two centuries before the Gliristian era, both in tlie Jewish and the Gentile world, of jilacing modern untried writings under the shelter of some ven- erable authority."— History of Jewish Church, Third Series, pp. «04, 305. 'Ecclesiastical Hi.story, book vii, chap, xxxii. ^Prtrparatio Evangelica, vii, 14; viii, 10; xiii, 1'2. The gciuiineness of tlle.^c li.i- ments of Aristobulus Jias been disputed, but is now quite generally conceded. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 611 explanation," says Gf orer, " conld come into existence only among a people possessed of sacred books, and only at a time when the spokesmen and leaders of that nation had already chosen for their possession another philosophy than that presented by the literal meaning of the written revelation." ' In the writings of Philo, the philosophical Jew of Alexandria, we may trace the development of the Halachic and „^., , , •' . ^ Philo Judseus, Hagadic hermeneutical principles as they became more tue Aiexan- fully shaped and coloured by Hellenic culture.^ Juda- ^^^' ism and Hellenism, so to speak, came into closest contact in this celebrated metropolis of Egypt, and in their spiritual and intellec- tual mingling produced what came to be known as Neo-Platonisra. Kingsley maintains that Philo Judseus was the real father and founder of this eclectic philosophy.^ The historical importance of his writings, as a conspicuous fountain-head of allegorical exegesis, justifies a fuller notice than their intrinsic merits deserve. He was born about twenty-five years before Christ, and was contemporary with the principal events of the New Testament history. He was not improbably an associate or intimate acquaintance of Apollos of Alexandria, the eloquent Jew who was mighty in the Scriptures (Acts xviii, 24). He united a deep reverence for the Mosaic reve- lation with an absorbing fondness for the speculations of Greek philosophy, and thus became, from the force of circumstances, an eclectic philosopher. Philo appears, at times, to assume or allow the literal sense of a passage, but his great aim is to exhibit the mystic j^^jj^j^^ ^^ j^^ depths of significance which lie concealed beneath the tic depths of sacred words. He would not have it supposed that ''"^ ^'^'^' the divine revelation is of easy apprehension by the common mind, for stich a supposition would have seemed to him like a disparage- ment of its hidden labyrinths of divine knowledge, to explore which requires a kind of supernatural vision. The Hellenic philosophy, with which he was so fascinated, was assumed to be a natural and necessary part of the laws of Moses. He seems to entertain no conception of the historical standpoint of his author, and to have no realistic or historical sense of the truthfulness or accuracy of the statements of Moses. He seizes upon chance expressions and inci- dental analogies as matters of great moment, and lugs in farfetched notions that are utterly foreign to the plain meaning of the text. ' Philo und die alexandrinische Theosophie, vol. i, p. 69. ^ See Hitter, Philo uiul die Halacha. Eine vergleicheiide Studie unter steter Be- riichsichtigung des .Josephus, Lpz., 1879. 'Alexandria and Her Schools, p. 79, Cambridge, 1854. 612 HISTORY OF He shows not the least regard for the connexion and scope of a passage, or for the integrity of Scripture as a trustworthy record of facts; nevertheless he treats the law itself as the divinely inspired word of God. His principal works consist of a series of expository treatises on The works of the books of the Mosaic law. He makes occasional Phiio. references to other parts of the Old Testament, and also to a large number of Greek writers, especially the poets and philos- ophers. His philosophical theories, theological opinions, and espe- cially his doctrine of the Logos, have been the subject of a vast amount of study and disputation. It is still a question whether the Logos of Philo is to be understood as a person, or a personification of the divine reason, or merely a divine attribute. But in a writer so eclectic and so full of mysticism it is quite probable that these several notions are much confused, and that no definite answer can be given. The creation by the Avord of God, as suggested in the expression, and God said, so often repeated in the first chapter of Genesis, was the first indication of the doctrine of the Logos. An- other element was added to it by the language used concerning the angel of Jehovah (Exod. xxiii, 20-22). Tlie doctrine of the divine wisdom, as set forth in Job xxviii, 12-28, and Pro v. viii and ix, presented it in still another form. The personification of Avisdom is still more emphatic in the apocryphal books of tlie Son of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus, chaps, i and xxiv) and the Wisdom of Solomon (vii, 22-29). The peculiar use of the terms, N";i3^, X-Jp-O (Word), and nr3^ (Shechinah), instead of, or in addition to, the name of God in the Targums, seems to belong to the same development of thought. Is it strange, then, that with an allegorist and mystic like Philo all the various and vague conjectures that had long floated about these words should have been api)ropriated, to some extent, and blended further with Platonic ideas ? The following specimens will serve to illustrate Philo's general style and method of interpreting the Scriptures. Speaking of Par- adise, and the trees of life and of knowledge, he observes: Tlu'se stiitements ii])pear to nie to l)e dictated 1)y a philosopliv wliioli is syinlioiical rather tliaii strictly accurate. For no trees of life or of kiiowi- edye have ever at any previous time ajjpeareil upon the earth, nor is it likely tluit any will appear hereafter. l>ui I ratlier conceive lliat Muses was speaking in an allegorical spirit, intending' hy liis Paradise to intimate tlie dominant cliaracter of the soul, wliicli is lull ol' innumerahle opinions, as tliis figurative Paradise was of trees. And l)y the iree of life lie was shadowing out the greatest of the virtues — namely, piety toward tin.' gods, by means of which the soul is made immortal — ami liy tlie tree whicli liad BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 613 the knowledge of good and evil lie was intimating that wisdom and mod- eration by menns of which things contrary in their nature to one another are distinguished.' In Gen. ii, 6, where the Hebrew reads, "A mist (IX) went up froiu the land and watered the whole face of the ground," Philo adopts the Septiiagint version, which is, " A fountain went up from the land and watered all the face of the land," and comments thus: He here calls the mind the fountain of the earth, and the sensations he calls the face of the earth, because there is the most suitable place in the whole body for them with reference to their appropriate energies, a place that nature, which foreknows everything, has assigned to them. And the mind waters the sensations like a fountain, sending appropriate streams over each.'^ He thus comments on the planting of Paradise at the east in Eden (Gen. ii, 8) : Virtue is called a Paradise metaphorically, and the appropriate place for the Paradise is Eden; and this means luxury; and the most appropriate field for virtue is peace and ease and joy, in which real luxury especially consists. Moreover, the plantation of this Paradise is represented in the east; for right reascm never sets and is never extinguished, but it is its nature to be always rising. And, as I imagine, the rising sun fills the dark- ness of the air with light, so also does virtue when it has arisen in the soul irradiate its mist, and dissipate the dense darkness. "And there," says Moses, "he placed the man whom he had formed;" for God l)eing good, and having formed our race for virtue, as his work which was most akin to himself, places the mind in virtue, evidently in order that it, like a good husband, may cultivate and attend to nothing else except virtue.^ Pages might be filled with examples of exegesis like these from any of the treatises of Philo. The excess of mystic and The allegorical allegorical fancies which this distincjuished writer crowds ^^^ Hapadic ,. .. . , T method per- mto his expositions is, no doubt, due to a great extent vadedaiuuda- to the peculiar Alexandrian culture and the spirit of ^^°^" eclectic philosophy in the midst of which he was trained. A simi- lar spirit prevailed at that time among all the Jews of the disper- sion, and the great feasts which brought them to Jerusalem "from every nation under heaven" (Acts ii, 5) tended to cultivate and strengthen it. Hellenists and Hebrews were terms full of signifi- cance (comp. Acts vi, 1). The Jews of Palestine would naturally ' Treatise on the Creation of the World, sec. liv. Yonge's Translation (Bohn's Ecclesiastical Library), vol. i, p. 46. - Tieatise On the Allegories of the Sacred Laws, book i, sec. xi. Yonge's Trans- lation, vol. i, p. 59. ^ Ibid., book i., sec. xiv. Yonge's Translation, vol. i, pp. 63, 64. 614 HISTORY OF maintain their national and religious peculiarities with greater zeal and firmness than the foreign-horn, Greek-s])eaking Jews on whom tlie Hehraic culture and customs would have an inferior hold. Nevertheless, the tendency to allegorize the Scriptures, and to hedge them in and load them down with legend, proverb, and par- able, was common wherever Judaism had planted a synagogue and maintained a rabbi. Philo was not the author of his system of interpretation, nor did it end with him. We trace it in the most ancient Ilagadic literature; it was condemned by Christ and by Paul (Matt. XV, 1-10; xxiii, 16-24; Mark vii, 5-13; Col. ii, 8; 1 Tim. i, 4; vi, 20; Titus i, 14), but it prevailed in the rival rabbin- ical schools of Hillel and Shammai. The oldest collection of Hala- cliic interpretations is said to have been made by the school of Hillel, and the Talmud preserves to us in written form many an illustration of the absurdly trifling points of difference on which those ancient masters disputed. The best ancient Jewish exegesis is represented in the Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan Ben Uzziel. These are the Chaldee paraphrases of the Pentateuch and the Proph- ets. The Targum of Onkelos on the Pentateuch is of great value as a translation. It is in the main a tolerably faithful rendering of the Hebrew, and its occasional explanatory additions are usually worthy of attention and regard. Its deviations from the Hebrew consist for the most part in changes of words and constructions for the purpose of elucidating difficulties, explaining figurative terras, avoiding forms of expression which might savour of heathenism or be offensive to the philosophical mind. He avoids anthropomor- phisms, and renders Eloliim and Jehovah by the Word (xn^'tD) of God, the Splendour (xip"') of God, or the Shechinah of God. The greatest liberty is taken with the poetical passages, where, in some instances, it is impossible to recognise the original. This Targum is believed to belong to the first century of the Christian era. The Targum of Jonathan Ben Uzziel on the Prophets is much Jonathan Ben inorc free in its paraplirasing the Hebrew text. On uzzki. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings it is generally sim- ple, and fairly gives the sense, but on the prophetical books it often runs into Hagadic additions which have no foundation in the Scrip- ture text. It is interwoven- with Jewish dogmatical opinions and current traditions of the time. Still more free in its interpretations is the Targum of the other Tar- Pseudo- Jonathan on the Pentateuch. It is a mixture of guuis. loose paraphrase and Halachic and Ilagadic legenas, and is evidently of mucji later origin than the Talmud. Tiie so-called BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 615 Jerusalem Targum on portions of the Pentateuch is of substantially the same character as that of Pseudo-Jonathan, and has been thought by some to be only a fragmentary recension of it. The Targums on the Hagiographa are of various dates and worth, that on the Proverbs adhering more closely to the original text than any of the others.' The Talmud in its present form is a collection of the comments, opinions, and discussions of generations of Jewish teachers. It is divided into two parts, the Mishna and the Geraara, and embodies the substance of the Halachic and Ha- gadic comments and traditions which Avere current at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem, and for hundreds of years thereafter." According to Jewish tradition Moses received at Sinai, in addition to the Pentateuch, an unwritten oral law, and afterward delivered it over to Joshua. Joshua delivered the same to the elders, and they to the prophets, from whom it came into the possession of the men of the Great Synagogue, the last of whom was Simon the Just, who was contemporary with Alexander the Great (B. C. 325). Simon transmitted it to Antigonus of Soco, and so it was passed onward until it came into possession of the schools of Hillel and .Shammai, All this is recorded in the Talmudic treatise on the Fathers (rii3N ''p~3, Pirke Ahotli). These schools, especially that of Hillel, sifted and preserved these laws, until Rabbi Judah the Holy (about A. D. 200) compiled and codified them in six Sedarim (Dnnp, orders, or arrangements), thenceforth known as the Mishna. *' Rabbi Judah's great desire," says Polano, " was to poiano oa the create among the people a love for the study of the Mishna. law, and a familiarity with its beauties and its moral and religious •code. He saw that a complete knowledge of the law was limited to a comparatively few, who were dispersed through many countries, and he feared it might in time be entirely forgotten if the interest in its study was allowed to decrease as it had for some time been diminishing. With the aid of the sages and pupils of his college he set diligently to work, and collecting the rules, explanations, and traditions extant since the death of Moses, he inscribed them into six volumes, which he called the Mishna, or Second LaAV. One hundred and fifty years after the destruction of the second temple the redaction was completed. Many of the laws were already « ' On the Targums, see Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Kitto's Cyclopedia of Bibli- cal Literature, and McClintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, article Targum. * For a popular account of the Talmud, see Emanuel Deutsch, in the Quarterly Re- view (Lend.) of Oct., 1867, and republished among his Literary Remains, N. Y., 1874. 616 HISTORY OF obsolete, even on iheir first publication. Rome had long before substituted her own penal code for that belonging to tlie Jewish nationality; the minute injunctions regulating the sacrifices and the temple services had but an ideal value, and many of the other laws applied particularly to Palestine, where but comparatively few of the people remained. Yet the whole was received in Palestine and Babylonia, not merely as a record of the past, but as a holy work, an infallible textbook, a record of laws that, with the res- toration of the commonwealth, would come into practice as in time past. All Israel gave thanks for the completion of this great undertaking." ^ The Mishna, however,, did not include all the Midrashim which The formation ^"^^re Current at the time of its compilation. Nor was of the Gemara. the text of the Mishna sufficient to furnish law and counsel for every question of Jewish casuistry. Doubts and differ- ences of opinion led to new discussions, and these later comments and opinions, chiefly those of great teachers at Tiberias, in Pales- tine, and at Sora, in Babylonia, grew into a vast commentary on the Mishna. These later doctors of the law are known as the Amoraim (or Gemaraira, from 1D3, to complete — suppleraenters or finishers of the law), and the collection of their comments on the Mishna, accordingly, acquired the name of the Gemara.* The Amoraim of Tiberias completed their work about A. D. 350, and, together with the Mishna, this collection is known as the Pales- tinian or Jerusalem Talmud.^ The Babylonian Talmud was not ' Selections from the Talmud ; being Specimens of the Contents of that Ancient Book, etc. Translated from the Original, p. 24. Philadelpliia, ISYG. For a conve- nient English translation of selections from all the Sedarim of the Talmud, see Barclay, The Talmud. London, 1878. The best edition of the entire Mi.shna is that of Suren- husius, with a Latin translation. Amsterdam, 1668-1703. 6 vols., fol. "^ The rabbis of the period, A. D. 180 to A. D. 500, are commonly called the Tal- mudists. They are divided into two classes, the Tanaira, who compiled tiie Mishna, and the Amoraim, who formed the Gemara. These Talmudists were preceded by the more ancient scribes, known as the Sopherim, and followed by the Saboraim, or teachers of the Law, after the completion of the Talmud (from A. D. 500 to A. D. 657), and later by the Gaonim, who flourished at Babylon from A. D. 657 to A. D. 1038. See Ginsburg, article Scribes, in Kitto's Cyclopiedia of Biblical Literature, and M'Clin tock and Strong's Cyclopajdia of Biblical, Tlieological, and Ecclesiastical Literature. See also Bacher, Die Agada der babylonischen Amoriler. Ein Beitrag zur Geschiclite der Agada und zur Einleitung in den babylonischen Talmud. Strassburg, 1878. ^ The Jerusalem Talmud trcat#only four of the six Sedarim or orders of the Mishna, the treatise Niddah, and a few fragmentary portions. It was first published at Venice in 1523. Many subsequent editions. A large part of it, witii a Latin translation, is published in LTgolino's Thesaurus Antiiiuitatum Sacrarum, vols, xvii, xviii, x.x, xxv, and XXX. See Wiinsche, Der jerusaleniischo Talmud in seiner haggadischen Bestand- theilen, zum ersten Male ins Deutsche iibertragen. Ziirich, 1880. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 617 completed until about A. D. 550.' The language of both Talmuds- is a corrupt form of Hebrew, a kind of barbarous mixture of Hebrew and Aramaic, made specially obscure by a liberal use of words froni the Arabic, Persian, Coptic, Greek, and Latin tongues. The style is made the more obscure by an abundance of technical terms and abbreviations. It is a most difficult and uninviting task for an English student to attempt to master this storehouse of Jewish, thought. On the general character of the Talmud as a whole Delitzsch remarks : " Those who have not in some degree accomplished the extremely difficult task of reading the work for themselves will hardly be able to form a clear idea of this polynomial colossus. It is a vast debating club, in which there hum confusedly the myriad voices of at least five centuries. As we all know by experience, a law, though very minutely and exactly defined, may yet be suscep- tible of various interpretations, and question on question is sure to arise when it comes to be applied to the ever-varying circumstances- of actual life. Suppose, then, you have about ten thousand legal definitions all relating to Jewish life and classified under different heads, and add to these ten thousand definitions of about five hundred doctors and lawyers, belonging mostly to Palestine or Babylonia, who make these definitions, one after the other, the subject of ex- amination and debate, and who, with hair-splitting acuteness, exhaust not only every possible sense the words will bear, but every pos- sible practical occurrence arising out of them. Suppose that the fine-spun threads of these legal disquisitions frequently lose them- selves in digressions, and that, when one has waded through a long tract of this sandy desert, one lights, here and there, on some green oasis consisting of stories and sayings of universal interest. This done, you will have some tolerable idea of this enormous and, in its way, unique code of laws, in comparison with which, in point of comprehensiveness, the law books of all other nations are but lilli- putian, and, when compared with the hum of its kaleidoscopic Babel, they resemble, indeed, calm and studious retreats." "^ Nevertheless the Talmud has for twelve hundred years exerted a moulding influ- ence on Jewish thought, and the later rabbinical exposition of the Old Testament Scriptures is deeply imbued with its spirit. ' The Babylonian Talmud was first published at Venice, 12 vols, fol., 1520-1523. Many subsequent editions. A Latin translation of three treatises of this Talmud may be found in Ugolino's Thesaurus, vols, xix and xxv. * Jiidisches Handwerkerleben zur Zeit Jesu, p. 35. Erlangen, 18J9. 618 HISTORY OP CHAPTER II. LATER RABBINICAL EXEGESIS. Inasmuch as all Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament forms Jewish exposi- "^ kind of world by itself, we may, for the sake of unity tions obseure of treatment, attend in this place to the later rabbin- btjcause of the . . , -, „ . . ^ • ^ ,• ^^ -, , veil on Israel's ical methods ot exposition whicli lollowed upon the beart. comj>Ietiou of the Talmud, and which still obtain. As long as the veil, which is upon the heart of Israel (2 Cor. iii, 1-t-lG), remains unlifted, so that they cannot discern in their ancient ora- -cles the prophecies of the Lord Christ as they have been fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth, so long we may not expect to find among Jewish <;xegetes a clear and consistent elucidation of the Old Testament. Although the Talraudists, like the Pharisees of our Lord's time, The sect of the have ever been the more numerous and popular party Karaites. among the Jews, their methods of teaching were [)rob- ably never at any one period universally accepted among the scat- tered tribes. The more rationalistic class, known in antiquity as the Sadducees, have had their representatives in all later times, though these later critics have not continued to accept the doctrines known to have been once held by the Sadducees. One of the old- est sects of the Jewish synagogue was that of the Karaites (Q'^ni^, readers, or literalists), who rejected the authority of the oral law, and all the traditions and precepts of Ilagadic literature. They did not, however, refuse to accept from the Talmud, tradition, or any other source, that which might serve as an exegetical aid to (he understanding of the Scriptures, nor did they ignore the deeper sj)iritual sense. They made frequent use of metaphorical modes of explanation, but studied to be free from the superstitions and fol- lies of the Talnuidists. The Karaites exist, at tlie present day, in greatest numbers in the Crimean peninsula, and possess an exten- sive literature on biblical interpretation and other subjects; but their works are written in Arabic, corrupt Hebrew, Turkish, and other languages of the East, and are little known to the western nations.' The strict methods of the Karaites had much influence in restraining the extravagance of the opposite schools, and obtained ' See Fiirst, Gescbiehte des Karawthums (Lpz., 1865), ami Rule, History of the Karaite Jews, London, 1870. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 619 considerable prevalence during the eighth and ninth centuries. The celebrated Rabbi Saadia-Gaon, born in Egypt about saadia Hag- A.D. 892, received his early training from an eminent ^'^*^"- Karaite teacher, and thereby doubtless acquired a freedom from many of the current rabbinical superstitions of his age. He was among the first of his race to cultivate the science of grammar, and became distinguished as a commentator, theologian, and orator. He did not embrace the Karaite doctrines, but contended for the necessity of tradition, and urged that many precepts of the Mosaic law, as well as numerous Jewish doctrines and historical facts, were dependent on oral tradition. He was the author of an Arabic trans- lation (with annotations) of the Pentateuch,' the Book of Job, the Psalms of David, and the prophecy of Isaiah. He also wrote com- mentaries on the Song of Songs, the Minor Prophets, the Book of Daniel, and other parts of the Old Testament. Contemporary with Saadia was Jeshua Ibn Sadal (about 920), who wrote a commentary on the Pentateuch and Job; his son, Abul Faraj Aaron, also wrote an Arabic commentary on the Penta- teuch. Other less noted Jewish scholars wrote similar works about the same period.* One of the most eminent of the Karaite exegetes was Japheth Ben Ali, who flourished at Basra, in Arabia, in the japheth Ben latter part of the tenth century. " His gigantic com- ^^• mentaries," says Ginsburg, " must have exercised great influence on the development of biblical exegesis, as may be concluded from the fact that Aben Ezra had them constantly before him when writing his expositions of the Old Testament, and that he quotes them with the greatest respect. The manuscripts of these commentaries, which consist of twenty large volumes, are in Paris and Leyden. The eminent orientalist, Munk, brought, in 1841, from Egypt to the royal library at Paris, eleven volumes, five of which are on Genesis, and many sections of Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers; two vol- umes are on the Psalms, one is on Proverbs, and one on the five Megilloth. The commentaries, which are in Arabic, are preceded by the Hebrew text and an Arabic translation." ^ From the tenth century and onward a more grammatical and thorough exegesis obtained among the learned Jews. The influ- ence of the Karaites, and the studies and disputes of the rabbinical ' Saadia's Arabic version of the Pentateuch is published in the Paris and London Poly plots. "^ See Fiirst's Contribution to the History of Hebrew Lexicography, prefixed to his Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon. * Kitto's Cycloptedia of Biblical Literature, article Japheth Ben Ali. 620 HISTORY OF schools at Tiberias in Palestine, and of Sora and Pumbaditlia in More gram- Babylonia, all had this necessary effect. "About this maticaiturnof time," savs Nordheimer, "occurred the dispute resi)ect- Jewisli studies . \, '' . ,. ^ , t-.-i , , in tenth cen- "ig the various readings of the Bible between Aaron ^'"'y- Ben Asher of Tiberias and Jacob Ben Naphtali of Puin- baditha, from which dates the general collection of such readings and their division into tAvo classes, called, after those who used them. Oriental and Occidental. From the period when the Jewish mind ceased to be fettered by the almost despotic power of their spiritual and secular rulers, other branches of knowledge, as phi- losophy, philology, and poetry, began to be cultivated among the rabbis, although long held subordinate to the study of the Talmud, and considered simply in the light of auxiliaries to the religious and moral teachings of the synagogue. The attention of the rabbis and other learned men of the time was, accordingly, directed for the most part to Talmudic explanations of the Scriptures, and to polemical treatises in defence of the Mosaic religion against Chris- tianity and Islamism." ' One of the most distinguished scholars of this period was Rabbi Solomon Isaac, commonly called Rashi (sometimes erro- Rashi neously Jarchi). He was born at Troyes, in France, about A. D. 1040, and at an early age became notably proficient in his acquaintance with the Scriptures and the Talmud. ]\[uch of his life was spent in travel and visiting the different seats of learn- ing in Germany, Italy, Greece, Palestine, Egypt, and Persia. He wrote commentaries on the entire Old Testament (excepting Job and Chronicles), and also on a large portion of the Talmud. His commentaries on the Scrijitures are printed in the great rabbin- ical Bibles, and are regarded by the Jewish people as almost a part of the Bible itself. His method is to give a simple and literal explanation of the Hebrew text, but his great devotion to the Tal- mud led him to attemi)t a combination of the Ilalachic and Hao^adic fancies with the literal sense. This course often involved him in manifest contradictions and inconsistency. His effort to condense and abbreviate makes his style very obscure, and several Jewish scholars have written commentaries on his expositions in order to elucidate some of his perplexing passages.^ ' The Rabbis and their Literature ; article in the American Biblical Repository for July, 1841, p. 162. * All Rashi's commentai'ies, together with several Jewish commentaries upon them, were translated into Latin by Breithaupt, and accompanied by extensive annotations, four vols., (lotlia, 1710-14. Specimens of .Jcwisli coinnicnlaiy, translated into En- frli.~li, and representing Rashi, Kimclii, Aben Ezra, Saadia, and Maimonides, are given BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 621 Rabbi Joshua Ben Jeliudah, a famous Karaite commentator, also lived in the eleventh century. His expositions are said josima Ben to cover all the books of the Old Testament, but they ■^u'^'^''- exist only in manuscript. He is often quoted by Aben Ezra. He was distinguished as a philosopher and grammarian as well as a learned exegete. As ihe Jews became more and more scattered abroad, rabbinical schools and learned teachers arose in different places. The spanisn and not the least noted were those of Spain. During schools, the rule of the Moors in Spain tlie Jewish population of that coun- try enjoyed great liberties, and many who fled from persecution in other lands found a refuge and protection there. Already the cab- alistic philosophy and mysticism, as represented in the books Jez- irah and Zohar,^ had become widespread, and, indeed, Jewish thought had always manifested a tendency to indulge in mystic fancy. But against this tendency, and in favour of a thorough grammatical interijretation, was Aben Ezra of Toledo. IP ,• ^ • ^• n Aben Ezra. We know but little of the facts of his lire, save that he was born in 1092, travelled extensively, and was regarded as second to none of the great rabbinical scholars of the Middle Ages. His greatest work is a commentary on the Pentateuch which is pub- lished in the rabbinical Bibles, and also separately. His hermeneutical principles may be best inferred from the following passage in the preface to his Commentary on Genesis: "Those rabbis who reside auKing the Arabs take occasion to connect the study of biblical interpretation with that of natural history and metaphysics; but every one who desires to become acquainted with these sciences will do better to study them in books that treat of them alone. Others, as the Karaites, seek to explain all these matters from the Bible, and to establish them upon what is there contained. A third class, the Cabalists, grope in total darkness, thinking to dis- cover symbols in every part of the laAv; the errors of these men scarcely deserve a serious refutation; although in one respect they are right, viz., in asserting that all laws are to be weighed in the balance of reason — for in every heart is a mind which is a reliection of God's Spirit, and when this is opposed to the literal acceptance in Turner's useful little volume entitled Biographical Notices of some of the Most Dis- tinguished Jewish Rabbis, and translations of portions of their commentaries. New- York, 1847. ' See the articles Cabala (or Kabalali), Jezirah, and Zohar, in the Cvclopajdias of Herzog, Kitto, and M'Clintock and Strong. See also the Kabbalah; its Doctrines, Development, and Literature; an Essay, by C. D. Ginsburg (London, 1865); and Franck, La Kabbale ; ou La Pliilosophie Rcligieuse des Hebreux. Paris, 1843. 633 HISTORY OF of the Scripture, a deeper meaning is to be looked for, reason being the messenger between God and man. If, however, the plain in- terpretation of a passage be not opposed to reason, why should we seek for any other? Notwithstanding, there are phrases Avhich con- tain both a literal and an allegorical meaning, as, for instance, the terms circumcision and tree of knoicledge. A fourth class explain everything according to the Hagadah without regard to the laws of grammar; but what purpose is served by repeating the often contradictory views that have been ah'eady detailed in so many Talmudic writings ? Some of these Hagadic explanations have, in- deed, a deeper meaning than appears on the surface; but the major- ity of them are designed merely as an agreeable relaxation for the mind when wearied by the study of the Halachah. A fifth method is that followed by myself: this is, first to determine the grammat- ical sense of a passage; next to consult the Chaldee version of Onkelos, although this, especially in the poetical portions, often departs from the simple meaning; and for the legislative books of the Bible I call in the aid of tradition." We note here the strong hold which Talmudic study and Jewish tradition had upon the mind of Aben Ezra, but it is remarkable that he should nevertheless become so free from Hagadic fancies in an age Avhen that style of exegesis extensively prevailed. De- spite his occasional allegorizing, and self-amusement in cabalistic trifling, his exegetical works are full of varied learning and valu- able suggestions.' Moses Maimonides, often called Rambam, was born at Cordova, MosesMaimon- A. D. 1135. AVhile yet a youth he became thoroughly Ides. instructed by his father in Hebrew and Talmudic lit- erature, and in mathematics and astronomy. When only thirteen years old he was obliged to leave Spain on account of Mohammedan persecution, and went to Accho, Jerusalem, Hebron, and finally settled in Egy2)t, where, about 11G8, he completed his great com- mentary on the Mishna, and published it with the title of Book of Light. This Avas written in Arabic, and afterward translated into Hebrew, and has been published in -nany editions, generally along with the text of the Mishna. His great aim Avas to harmonizo Judaism with science and philosophy, and so great became his in- fluence and authority as a teacher that he was resorted to by Jewi\ from all lands as the great oracle in matters of religion. He sub- sequently published another work of even greater magnitude than the former, which he called Second Law (Mishna-Torah), or iho ' See Turner, Biofxraphical Notices of some of the Most Distiuguishea Rabbis, pp. 81-34. New York, 1847. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 623 Mighty Hand (npmn T, Yad Hachezahali). It consists of fourteen books (n"i=14), and is a cycloi:)8edia of biblical and Jewish literature. Each article furnishes a lucid abstract of the ancient traditional expositions of those who were regarded as the highest authorities in their respective departments. It was like the creation of a new Talmud, and marked the beginning of a new epoch in Judaism. His third great work was entitled Moreh Nebuchim (n-nUJ mio), or Guide of the Perplexed. "This religio-philosophical work," says (jinsburg, " created a new epoch in the philosophy of the Mid- dle Ages. Not only did Mohammedans write commentaries on it, but the Christian schoolmen learned from it how to harmonize the conflicts between religion and philosophy. The great aim of Mai- monides — to harmonize in his writings the written and the oral law — obliged him to reject many things in the rabbinic writings which many of his talmudic brethren held inviolably sacred. ^ This involved him in extensive and painful controversies during the rest of his life, and he had the mortification- of seeing the Jewish nation divided into two parties ; the one fighting with anathemas against him, regarding him as a heretic, and consigning his work to the flames, and the other defending him as an angel, the messenger of a new covenant. In the midst of this conflict the ' Great Luminary* of the Jewish nation was extinguished Dec. 13, 1204.'" Notwith- standing all the opposition to some of his views which has here and there been made, there is probably no Jewish name more honoured than that of Maimonides. His works have appeared in many edi- tions and translations, and the Jews have a saying that " from Moses even until Moses there has not arisen one like Moses." He has been honoured with the titles of "the Great Luminary," "the Glory of Israel," and "the Second Moses."* Other Spanish Jews who greatly promoted the inteiests of He- brew grammar and philology were Ibn Balaam, of Seville, Salomon Ben Jehuda, of Malaga, and Ibn Giath (Isaac Ben Jehudah), who is said to have written a commentary on Ecclesiastes. But of far ' Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, article Maimonides. For an account of the editions and translations of Maimonides' works, comp. also M'Clintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia, article Maimonides. * " No man since Ezra," says Wise, " had exerted so deep, universal, and lasting an. influence on Jews and Judaism as Moses Maimonides. His theologico-philosophical works gained an authority among the progressive thinkers equal to his Mishna-Torah among rabbinical students. All Jewish thinkers up to date — Baruch Spinoza, Moses Mendelssohn, and the writers of the nineteenth century included — are more or less the disciples of Maimonides; so that no Jewish theologico-philosophical. book, from and after A. D. 1200, can be picked up in whidi the ideas of Maimonides form not a prominent part." — The Israelite for Dec. 1, 18V1. 624 HISTORY OF greater fame in exegetical literature were the three Kimchis, father and two sons. Joseph Kimchi, the father of Moses and David Kimc'lii, was born in the latter part of the elev- enth century, but was driven from Spain by Mohammedan persecu- tion, and settled ai Narbonne, in France, where he introduced the thorough methods of scriptural study for which the Spanish Jews had become justly celebrated. He has been called the Aben Ezra of Southern France. He wrote commentaries on the Pentateuch and the Prophets, and on Job and Proverbs. He excelled' espe- cially as a theologian and polemical writer, and was the author of several treatises against Christianity. Moses Kimchi, the eldest son of the preceding, was the author of several treatises on grammar, and of commentaries on Proverbs, Ezra, and Nehemiah, which are printed in the rabbinical Bibles, and are much esteemed by Jewish scholars. But the most distin- guished of this name was David, son of Joseph and brother of Moses Kimchi, born at Narbonne about A. D. 1160. He is often called by the Jews Redak (from the initial letters p T 1, Rabbi Redak. ... . David Kimchi). He defended the simple grammatical method of exposition against the Jewish M^'iters of his time who adopted Hagadic and cabalistic opinions, and also defended Maimon- ides in the disputes which arose over the publication of his Moreh Nebuchim. He wrote commentaries on the Pentateuch, the earlier and later prophets, the Psalms, anrl the Books of Job, Ruth, and Chronicles, most of which have been published in the rabbinical Bibles.' Christian scholars of his time and long after were greatly influenced by his writings, and used them freely in the preparation of their lexical and grammatical works. About A. D. 1201 Bechai, or Bachja Ben Asher, composed a commentary on the Pentateuch. He aimed, however, to exhibit a fourfold sense in the Scriptures, the grammat- ical, rational, allegorical, and cabalistic.'^ Ibn Caspi, born in France about 1280, deserves honourable men- tion among Jewish scholars and exegetes. He early be- came a great admirer of Maimonidcs, and travelled in many lands to perfect his studies. He composed commentaries on Proverbs, the Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes, and several of the prophets, but only a few portions of his exegetical works have yet been published. He appears to have discarded the allegorical and ' lijitiii translations of David Kimchi's commentaries on Isaiali, Joel, Jonah, and tlie Psalms have been published at various plaees, and an Enj^lish translation of his com- mentary on Zechariah and Preface to the Psalms by M'Caui appeared at London, 1837. * Comp. J'iirst, Bil)liotlieca Judaica, vol. i, p. 75. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 625 mystical methods of interpretation current in his day, and to have maintained the simple grammatical import of the Scriptures.' In the latter part of the thirteenth century Jewish biblical exeo-esis received some valuable contributions from Tanchum Ben Joseph of Jerusalem. He wrote commentaries in Arabic on the entire Old Testament, most of which are said to be still extant in manuscript in the Bodleian Library. Those on Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, and Lamentations have been pub- lished, and show that his general method is that of a free and rational interpretation.^ Levi Ben Gershon, commonly called Ralbag (also Gershonides), flourished in France at the beginning of the fourteenth century, and published commentaries on nearly all the books of the Old Testament, most of which have been published in the rabbinical Bibles. His habit is first to give an explanation of the words of a section, then set forth the sense according to the context, and finally to make a practical application of the whole.^ Ibn Danan, who flourished at Grenada A. D. 1460-1502, acquired distinction by several learned works on the Criticism and Interpretation of the Old Testament. His Commentary on Isa. liii is noted for its opposition to the anti-Messianic exposition of that Scripture by Ibn Caspi. Another famous rabbi of this period was Isaac Abrabanel, born at Lisbon in 1437, and died at Venice in 1508. His work entitled Mashmia Yeshuah (nyiCi''' yoti'O, Herald of Sal- vation) furnishes a complete view of the Jewish doctrine of the Messiah. He was also the author of commentaries on the Penta- teuch, the earlier and later Prophets, and on Daniel. He is regard- ed by later Jewish writers as almost the equal of Maimonides. His exegetical method is in the main sound and useful, and he studies to bring out the primary and literal sense of the Scriptures.^ ' Parts of Ibn Caspi's Commentary on Proverbs -were published by Werblumer in 1846, and an analysis of his work on Ecclesiastes, and Introduction to Song of Songs is given in Ginsburg's commentaries on these books. '■' Tanchum's Arabic Commentary on Judges i-xii was published by Sehnurrer, Tiib., 1791; chaps, xii-xxi, by Haarbriicker, Halle, 1847; on Samuel and Kings, Lpz., 1844; and on Joshua, Berl., 1862. His Habakkuk was published with a French translation by Munk, in Cahen's Bible (vol. xiii), Paris, 1843. ^ Excerpts of Ralbag's commentaries on the Pentateuch and the earlier prophets are given in a Jewish-German version in Jekutiel's German version of the Bible, Amsterd., 1676-78, and a Latin translation of his Proverbs was published by Ghigghco, Milan, 1620. •* Abraljanel's commentaries have been issued in many editions. A Latin transla- tion of his Commentary on the Pentateuch was published at Hannover, 1710* on the «arlier prophets, Lips., 1686 ; on Isaiah, Frankfurt, 1711. 40 626 HISTORY OF Among other Jewish writers who contributed to the literature of urbino and ^^^ Testament exegesis, we find Solomon Ben Abraham Norzi. Urbino, the author of a Lexicon of the S5'nonymes of the Old Testament, illustrated by quotations from the Bible, the Targums, and the works of the great Hebrew philologists of the preceding ages.' Another distinguished name is Salomon Jedidja, commonly called Norzi, an Italian rabbi, born about 15G0, Avhose great work was a critical edition of the Hebrew text of the Bible. For this purpose he made a very extensive collation and use of all the various readings he could find in manuscripts, Midrash, Talmud, and the whole cycle of rabbinical literature. His work remained in manuscript for more than a hundred years, and was published by Basila, in two volumes, Mantua, 1742-44. A second edition appeared at Vienna in 1816. Ibn Chajim, born at Fez, in Africa, about 1570, wrote a com- mentary on Joshua, parts of which are published in Frank- ■'"^" furter's great Rabbinical Bible. He also wrote a treatise on Rabbi Ishmael's thirteen rules for interpreting the Scriptures. It was in the sixteenth century, also, that Rabbi Salomon Ben Melech wrote his commentary on the whole Bible, Avhich Bleek describes as " short and condensed, giving almost exclusively grammatical and lexicographical explanations, mostly from Kirachi's writings." ^ About the year 1 594, Laniado, an Italian rabbi, became noted by the publication of a commentary on the Pentateuch, which he entitled Delightful Ves- sel (mon ^iJD), He also wrote commentaries on Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings, which he called Precious Vessel ("ip^ *7^), ex- cerpts of which are printed in Frankfurter's Rabbinical Bible; alsa a commentary on Isaiah, entitled Vessel of Pure Gold (TS ''72). His expositions consist chiefly of extracts from Rashi, Aben-Ezra, and Ralbag.^ Abraham Ben Isaac Laniado, another Italian rabbi, also wrote comments on the Pentateuch, and on several books of the Ilagiographa, which still remain in manuscript. Elias Levita flourished in the earlier part of the sixteenth century, and was one of the most learned Jewish scholars of any Ellas Levita. ^_ i tt i asre. He wrote numerous works on liclirew o-rammar and philology, some of which have an enduring merit. His most celebrated treatise is entitled miD?3n miD?D, jMasoreth ham-^Iaso- T - V T " reth, and is a work of remarkable scholarship, displaying thorough ■ Tlli^s lexicon was published at Venice in 1548, but is now very rare. ' Introduction to the Old Testament, vol. i, pp. 115, 116. 'His Pentateuch was published at Venice, 159-i; his work on Joshua — Kings,. Venice, 160.3; and his Isaiah in 1657. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 6OT acquaintance with all questions pertaining to the Hebrew text of the Old Testament.^ It is, says Holmes, " an elaborate treatise on the criticism of the Hebrew Scriptures. Among the many interesting toj^ics discussed in it, the question of the vowel points attracted special notice, owing to the author's assertion of their modern ori- gin. He was the first to give prominence to the opinion which has since been adopted by most of the learned, whether British or for- eign, that the Hebrew points were invented about five hundred years after Christ, by the Masoretic doctors of the school of Tibe- rias, in order to indicate and fix the genuine pronunciation of the sacred language." ^ We have now traced the course of Jewish biblical exegesis down to the period of the Protestant Reformation. Beyond ^^ „ , i _ ... The Reforma- this point it seems unnecessary to follow it as distinct tion a turning from the general history of biblical interpretation. ^°^° ' Since the time of the Buxtorfs, about the beginning of the seven- teenth century, Hebrew and rabbinical learning has not been the sole possession of the Jew. The best Christian exegetes have made free use of accessible Jewish literature, and regard a thorough ac- quaintance with the Hebrew language as essential to the complete exposition of the Old Testament. On the other hand, the best Jew- isli expositors no longer allow themselves to be so trammelled by Talmudic lore as to regard the storehouse of ancient Halachah and Hagadah as a great authority. The modern Jewish spirit and its methods of exegesis are well represented in Moses Men- Moses Men- delssohn, who flourished in the latter half of the eight- deissohn. eenth century. Intimate with Lessing and Nicolai, and familiar with the ideas of the great philosophers of his time, he nevertheless held to the principles of Maimonides, with whose work, the Moreh Nebuchim, he early became fascinated, maintained his ancestr^ faith, and acquired the title of both the Jewish Socrates and the Jewish Plato. He published a Hebrew commentary on Ecclesi- astes, and an elaborate introduction to the Pentateuch, in which he discussed various topics connected with biblical interpretation. He prepared also a German translation of the Pentateuch, which, with his introduction just named, and with a grammatical and critical commentary in Hebrew, contributed by several Jewish literati, was published at Berlin, 1V80-83. He was also the author of a German ' The best edition is that of C. D. Ginsbiirpc: The Masoreth ITa-Masoreth of Elias Levita, being an Exposition of the Masoretic Notes of the Hebrew Bible; or, the An- cient Critical Apparatus of the Old Testament. In Hebrew, with an English Transla- tion and Critical and Explanatory Notes. Lond., 1867. 8vo. ^ Kitto's Cyclopasdia of Biblical Literature ; article, Elias Levita. 628 HISTORY OF version of the Psalms and of the Song of Songs.' "Nothing," says Pick, " could have more powerfully affected the orientalism of his countrymen than these efforts of Mendelssohn for biblical criticism from a modern Platonic standpoint. The new medium of vision brought new insight; critical inquiry took the place of fanaticism; the divergences of Semitic and European thought proved not so irreconcilable after all. Cabalism and other kindred superstitions quietly dropped out of sight; the old dialectical barbarism was ex- tirpated; the Jews who read his Scriptures in the translation attained purity of idiom, and with it the power of appreciating the Avritings of the great minds of Germany, to whom they had remained stran- gers. Ere long the best minds of the race became thoroughly associated with the intellectual movement of Germany, content to abandon mystical ambitions and theocratic pretensions, and to find their Canaan in Europe."^ It should, however, be observed that the general drift of the ,, , , , most advanced modern Jewish thought is strongly to- Modern JiKla- '^ . ° *' ism rationaiis- ward rationalism. The leading representatives of this ^^^' progressive Judaism, as it is often called, are Unitarian in theology, and make their highest appeal to reason and conscience in the exposition of the Scriptures. They reject the doctrine of a Messiah yet to come, and the future restoration of Israel to Pales- tine, with the revival of sacrificial woi>hip. They discard the evi- dence of miracles, the doctrine of a resurrection of the body, and allow no authority to the Talmud above any other collection of human opinions. Even the so-called conservative Judaism is not altogether free from the influences of rationalism. It is apparent, from the foregoing, sketch of Jewish and rabbin- Generai sum- i^ial interpretation, that a vast library of exegetical the- ^'^■■y- ology is extant in the published and un])ublished writ- ings of that w(inderful race to whom the sacred oracles were first entrusted. Much of this literature is, without doubt, of very little value, especially the more ancient expositions. Until the ninth and tenth centuries of our era we find scarcely anything that looks like a considerate grammatical method of interpretation. But in such writers as Rashi, Aben-Ezra, Maiinonides, and David Kimchi, ])ri)m- inence is given to the great princij)les of grammatico-historical interpretation which are generally accepted by all the leading bibli- cal critics and expositors of the present day. ' Mendelssohn's complete works were collected and edited by his j^randson, (!. B. ilendelssohn, 7 vols. Leipsic, 1843-45. * M'Clintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, article Mendelssohn. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 629 CHAPTER III. THE EARLIEST CHRISTIAN EXEGESIS. We naturally look to the New Testament for the earliest indica- tions of the spirit and methods of Christian exegesis. Methods of The divine Founder of Christianity constantly appealed christian exe- T c^ • , eiiz-viTm, - ^xi gesis indicated to the scriptures oi the Uld lestament as to a saci'ed in the New authority, and declared that they bore testimony to him- Testament, self (John v, 39; comp. Luke xxiv, 27). With equal emphasis did he condemn the current Halachic and Hagadic tradition of the i elders, which in some instances nullified the commandments of God I (Matt. XV, 1-9; Mark vii, 1-13). He reproved the Sadducees also for not understanding the Scriptures and the power of God (Matt, xxii, 29). The error of the disciples in construing the prophecy of the coming of Elijah (Mai. iv, 5) to mean a literal i-eturn of the ancient Tishbite — an error which they had received from the scribes — was exposed by showing that the "spirit and power of Elijah" (Luke i, 17) had reappeared in John the Baptist (Matt, xi, 14; xvii, 10-13), Paul makes mention of his proficiency in Judaism [ev roy 'Io7;(Jai(7jUw), and his excessive zeal for the traditions of his fathers, for which he was noted before his conversion (Gal. i, 13, 14); but after it pleased God to give 4iim the revelation of his grace in Jesus Christ he denounced " Jewish fables and commandments of men who turn away fi"om the truth" (Titus i, 14), and also "foolish, questionings and genealogies and strife and fightings (or controver- sies) about the law " (Titus iii, 9). He counselled Timothy to " turn away from the profane babblings and oppositions of the falsely named knowledge " (rrjg rpevdojvviwv yvcjoeiog, I Tim. vi, 20), and warned the Colossians against the spoiling tendencies of "philoso- phy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ" (Col. ii, 8; comp. 1 Tim. i, 4; iv, 7; 2 Tim. ii, 14-16, 23). In these admonitions and warnings tliere is a manifest reference to the Jewish Midrashim and the spec- i ulative tendencies of that age. It was a time of intense mental activity throughout the Roman world, especially in the more east- ern cities where Greek philosophy and oriental mysticism met and blended, as in the case of Philo of Alexandria. The Hagadic meth- endless genealogies and the falsely named knowledge ods condemned, indicate the beginnings of heretical Gnosticism, already disturbing 630 HISTORY OF the faith and practice of the Christian Church. From all which it appears that neither the Hagadic exegesis and ancestral traditions of the Jews, nor the allegorizing and speculative habit of Hellen- ists like Philo, received any encouragement from Christ or his apos- tles. Paul's single instance of allegorizing the history of Hagar and Sarah was, as we have seen (p. 321), essentially an argunienticm \ ad hominem, professedly put as a special plea to those " who de- sire to be under law" (Gal. iv, 21). Its exceptional character only serves to set in stronger light Paul's constant habit elsewhere of construing the Scriptures according to the simple and natural im- port of the words. We have already devoted a chapter to the consideration of the Peter's use of niethod in which the sacred writers quote from one an- scripture. other.' When the New Testament writers adduce a passage from the Old Testament they evidently assume that they are making use of the oracles of C4od, and nowhere can it be shown I that tliey put upon the language quoted a farfetched or irrelevant 'idea. Thus, for example, Peter, on the day of Pentecost, cites the latter part of Psalm xvi (8-11) according to the Septuagint, and then proceeds to comment upon it (Acts ii, 25-31). He shows, from . the obvious import of the language of the psalmist, that it could not refer to David, but was literally and amply fulfilled in Jesus Christ. Peter elsewhere speaks of the steadfast prophetic word, which is like a lamp shining in a dark place, and declares that "no prophecy of Scripture is of private interpretation" (2 Peter i, 19-21). It is God's revelation, as the context indicates, and not a private essay on the part of the prophet who uttered it to set forth something of his own will. Nothing could be further from Peter's thought than the notion that the Scripture is a riddle, or that its language may be used arbitrarily to clothe in attractive guise allegories and specu- lations which originate in the will of man. But though the New Testament exhibits in itself the principles Allegorizing? and methods of a sound and trustworthy exegesis, the S^posfoHc ^^'iclely prevalent Hellenistic habit of allegorizing what : age. seemed offensive to philosophic taste carried along with its strong tide many of the Christian writers of the post-apostolic age. The Church of this early period Avas too much engaged in Ktruggles for life to develoj) an accurate or scientific interpretation of Scripture. There was great intellectual activity, and the early forms of heresy which disturbed the Church develo])ed by contro- versy great strength and subtlety of reasoning. But the tone and style of tlie earlier writers were apologetical and polemical rather ' See above, pp. 500-510. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 631 than exegetical. Harassed by jiersecution, distracted by occasional factions, and exposed to manifold dangers, the early Christian prop- agandists had no opj^ortunities to cultivate those habits of careful study which lead to broad generalization and impartial decisions. In the hurry and pressure of exciting times men take readily what first comes to hand, or serves an immediate purpose, and it was very natural that many of the early Christian writers should make use of methods of Scripture interpretation which were widely prevalent' at the time. In the writings of the apostolical fathers we observe a frequent, practical, and, in the main, appropriate, use of Scripture. The Apostoii- The Epistle of Clement of Rome contains a great many <=^' Fathers. citations from the Old and New Testaments adduced for the legiti- mate purpose of strengthening practical counsels and exhortations. A few of his quotations seem ill adapted to his purpose, but that might be said of many later writers whose general principles of exposition ai-e unexceptionable. Rahab's scarlet thread clement of is said to indicate " that redemption should flow through Rome, the blood of the Lord to all them that believe and hope in God " (chap. xii). The fable of the phoenix is also cited as a veritable fact to illustrate the doctrine of the resurrection (chap. xxv). But - aside from these two things there is little in this Clementine epistle that can fairly be pronounced farfetched or fanciful. The so-called Second Epistle of Clement, though doubtless of much later date, and of different authorship, is also free from fanciful interpretations of Scripture. The Epistle of Barnabas, which belongs, probably, to the earlier part of the second century, is full of mystic allegoriz- ing much after the style of Philo. It would seem to have been Avritten by some Alexandrian Christian who had read the works of Philo, or who had imbibed the spirit of eclecticism Avhich was so strong in the great metropolis of Egypt. His knowledge of the Scriptures was manifestly very imperfect, and his attempts to sj^iritualize the statements of the sacred writers sometimes pervert the sense and produce an absurd exposition. He seems everywhere | anxious to allegorize or exjDlain away those parts of Scripture which | enjoin outward ordinances, or in any way favour Judaism. The Epistles of Ignatius, the spurio\is as well as those commonly •eceived as genuine, contain very little which can prop- erly be regarded as exposition of the Scriptures. In the Syriac version, in which three of them exist, and which Cureton and some others regard as the only genuine productions of Igna- tius, there is hardly a citation of Scripture to be found. The I 633 HISTORY OF shorter Greek recension contains numerous citations from the New Testament, and a few from the Old, which are adduced for the pur- pose of enforcing Christian counsel and exhortation. The longer Greek recension contains more quotations from the Old Testament and a more abundant use of Scripture generally. The writer ap- pears peculiarly anxious that those to whom he wrote should honour and obey their bishop and the presbytery. For he says to the Ei)he- sians, " Your justly renowned presbytery, worthy of God, is fitted as exactly to the bishop as the strings are to the harp," He argues further that " we ought to receive every one whom the Master of the house sends to be over his household, as we would do him that sent him. It is manifest, therefore, that we should look upon the bishop ever as we look upon the Lord himself." ' He says, in an- other place, that Jesus Christ was "both the Son of man and Son of God, to the end that ye obey the bishop and the presbytery with an undivided mind, breaking one and the same bread, which is the medicine of immortality, and the antidote to prevent us from dying."' He speaks of "being stones of the temple of the Father, prepared for the building of God the Father, and drawn up on high by the instrument {iJ,T]xavrig) of Jesus Christ, which is the cross, making use of the Holy Spirit as a rope, while your faith was the means by which you ascended (dvayojyevg vfiibv), and your love the way which led up to God." ^ He says that Jesus allowed the ointment to be poured upon his head " that he might breathe immortality into the Church,"^ and "he was born and baptized that by his passion he might purify the water," ^ Whoever the au- thor of these Ignatian epistles, he was a fanciful reasoner and an unsafe interpreter of the Scriptures. The Epistle toDiognetus and the Shepherd of Hermas, two most interesting documents of early Christianity, usually pub- ApostoUcai Fa- lished with the apostolic fathers, contain no specimens * ^^^' of Scrijiture exegesis, and furnish no special help to trace the history of interpretation. The few remaining fragments of the writings of Papias indicate that that ancient father was somewhat of an expositor, Eusebius describes him as " a man well skilled in all manner of learning, and well acquainted with the Scriptures," but much given to folloAving traditions, and " very lim- ited in his comprehension." ' " The apostolic fathers," says Pres- sense,^ " are to be regarded, not as great writers, but as great ' Epistle to the Ephesians, chapters iv and vi. *Ibi(l., cliap. XX. ^ Ibid., chap. ix. * Ibid., chap. xvii. ' Ibid., chap, xviii. * Ecclesiastical History, book iii, chap, xxxix. ■> The Early Years of Christianity, pp. 216, 217. New York, 1811. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 635 I historical characters. They preserved the treasure of evangelical doctrine without themselves fully knowing all it contained. They esteemed it, nevertheless, more highly than their own life, Avhich they were ever ready to lay down at the call of duty. The Christ- ians of this epoch were martyrs in the holiest of causes, and set a sacred seal on the claims of God by their faithfulness to the truth, and on the rights of man by their resistance to all religious tyranny. The apostolic fathers accept the great principles laid dowm in the previous period by St. Paul and St. John. They never appeal to the ceremonial law in opposition to the law of Christian liberty. But since Judseo-Christianity was not so much a simple fact as the embodiment of a principle and natural tendency of the human heart, we must not be surprised to meet with it again under new forms in the orthodox Church at the commencement of the second century. The divergences of view among these early fathers do not reach positive opi^osition. There is no collision of hostile par- ties; no stormy discussion is raised; but there are, nevertheless, very distinct shades of doctrine variously colouring the faith in Christ which is held in common by all. On the one hand we have Pauline doctrine represented by Clement of Rome, Ignatius, and Polycarp. The teaching of Polycarp bears also the distinct impress of the spirit of St. John, whose immediate disciple he was. On the other hand, the idealistic symbolism of the Epistle to the Hebrews is carried to the verge of Gnosticism by the author of the epistle known as that of Barnabas. Lastly, Papias, and the writer of the allegory of the Pastor, revive, if not the views, at least the princi- ples, of Judseo-Christianity." ' In the writings of Justin, surnamed the Philosopher and the Martyr, we have the earTTest extant apologies of the , ,. „ _^ •' ' — —— ■'■ ° Justin Martyr. Christian faith, and the first elaborate attempt to ex- plain the Old Testament Messianic prophecies as fulfilled in the Christ of the gospels. His two Apologies and his Dialogue with the Jew Trypho were written about the middle of the second century, and abound with citations from the Scriptures (generallyji from memory). Of many of these citations he gives an expo-/ sition, especially texts which in any way foretell or prefigure the Christ. In his discourse with Trypho (chap, ii) he informs us 1 The latest and most complete edition of the Apostolic Fathers is that of Geb- hardt, Harnach, and Zahn, Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, 3 vols. Lps.. 1875-77. In grateful acknowledgment of the services of that distinguished scholar they published their work as the third edition of Dressel, whose second edition (Lps., 1863) had been for some time exhausted, and yet in great demand. An excellent English translation by Roberts, Donaldson, and Crombie forms the first volume of the Ante-Nicene Christ- ian Library. Edinb., 1873. €34 HISTORY 07 of his studies in the philosophy of the Stoics, the Peripatetics, the Pytliagoreans, and the Platonists, and such was his love for philo- sophical pursuits that he clung with tenacity to some of the teach- ings of Plato as not essentially different from those of Christ. In liis Second Apology he says (chap, xiii) : " Each man spoke well in proportion to the share he had of the spermatic word, seeing what was related to it. . . . For all the writers were able to see realities darkly through the sowing of the implanted word that was in them." But in Jesus Christ he finds the sura and substance of all philosophy. "Our doctrines," he says (chap, x), "appear to be greater than all human teaching ; because Christ, who appeared for our sakes, became the whole rational being, body and reason and soul. For whatever either lawgivers or philosophers uttered well they elaborated by finding and contemplating some part of the Word. But since they did not know the whole of the Word, Avhich is Christ, they often contradicted themselves." Justin was an en- thusiastic lover and fearless defender of Christianity. He was a man of great learning, and delighted to use his knowledge of Greek philosophy to illustrate and enhance the teachings of Scripture. I But his expositions are often fanciful, sometimes almost silly. He His fanciful i*^ notably Wanting in critical discrimination and judg- expositions. ment, and carries the tyj)ical interpretation of the Old Testament to wild extravagance. In a single chapter of the Dia- logue with Trypho (chap, cxxxiv) he says: Tlie marriages of Jacob were types of that wliicli Christ was about to accomplish. For it was not lawful for Jacob to marry two sisters at once. Being deceived in obtaining the younger he again served seven years. Now, Leah is your people and the synagogue, but Rachel is our Church. And for tliese, and for tiie servants in both, Christ even now serves. For while Noah gave to the two sons the seed of the third as servants, now, on tlie other haiul, Christ has come to restore both the free sons and the servants among them, conferring the same honour on all of them who keep his commandments. . . . Jacob served Laban for speckled and many- spotted sheep, and Christ served, even to the slavery of the cross, for the various and many-formed races of mankind, acquiring them through the blood and mystery of the cross. Leah was weak-eyed ; for the eyes of your souls are excessively weak. Rachel stole the gods of Laban, and has hid them to this day; and we have lost our paternal and material gods. Jacob was liated for all time by his brother; and we now, and our Lord himself, are hated by you and by all men, tliough we are brothers l)y nature. Jacob was called Israel; and Israel has been demonstrated to be the Christ, who is, and is called Jesus.' ' The best edition of the works of Justin is tliat of Otto, new edition, in 3 vols. Jena, 1847-50. An accurate Enj^lish translation is given in the second volume of the Anto-Niconc Christian Library. Ediub., 1807. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 635 In the writings of TJieophilus of Antioch and Melito of Sardis we discover a more formal and systematic exegesis. meophUus and Theophilus comj)osed commentaries on the Gospels and Memo. or. the Book of Proverbs, in which, according to Neander,^ we may observe the germ of that exegetical bent for Avhich the Church of Antioch became noted. His ajDologetical work addressed to Au- tolycus is of the same general character as the Apologies of Justin Martyr, and contain some fanciful interpretations of Scripture ; but he was evidently an earnest student and distinguished expounder of the sacred writings.' Melito appears to have been especially proficient in Old Testament literature, and is said by Eusebius^ to have written on the Passover, on the Prophets, and on the Revela- tion of John. Only a few fragments of his works are now extant.* But while in the above-named writers we see the dialectic skill and speculative tendencies of the Churches of Asia IMinor and Syria, in IrensDus, bishop of Lyons, in France, "the Light of TrPTifPiis the Western Church," we observe that Christian thought was not inactive, nor without rich products, in the churches of Western Europe. Irenaeus passed his youth in Asia Minor, and was a disciple of Polycarp, who had seen and talked with the Apostle John ; but his removal to France, where, in the latter part of the second century, he became presbyter, and afterward bishop of the Church at Lyons, has identified him with the Western Church. Dorner pronounces him "the greatest Church teacher of the generation before Clement, and especially worthy of notice, be- cause he combines in himself the different tendencies in the Church, and brings them to a harmonious interpenetration. Well versed in Gnostic and Church literature, fitted by the events of his life to be a bond of union between oriental and occidental Christianity, he had a mild, free, and open feeling for what was true in all the often mutually exclusive parties; and the deeper he penetrated scientifi- cally and practically into the essence of Christianity, with so much firmer a hand could he unite what was cognate and mutually at- tractive, and eliminate what was abnormal. No one in the second century represents as he does the purity and the fulness of the ^ General History of the Christian Religion and Church. Torrey'a translation, vol. i, p. 6Y4. '^ The second and third books of his Apology contain large extracts from the firj^t part of Genesis, with comments upon them. See English translation in vol. iii of tlie Edinburgh Ante-Nicene Christian Library. ' Ecclesiastical History, book iv, chap. xxvi. * The best collection of these fragments is by Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae. Oxford, 1814. Several have been published in the Journal of Sacred Literature, vols, xv, xvi, and xvii. 636 HISTORY OF (lovelopraent within the Church; scarcely any one in the Church of his time is so highly esteemed as he." ' The principal work of Ii-enaeus consists of five books, entitled Refutation and Subversion of Knowledge Falsely So-called. The more common title is simply Against Heresies. It is the chief storehouse of our information respecting the Gnostic heresies of that age, especially the Valentinian system. The work is a great polemico-theological treatise, ably defending the doctrines of the Church, and, in the last three books, dealing largely with Scriptui'e exjjosition. These expositions are sometimes manifestly erroneous, and occasionally farfetched and sti'ange, but on the whole evince a thorough acquaintance with the sacred books, and avoid the most objectionable features of the typical and allegorical interpretations so prevalent at that time. Irenwus' early training, and his devo- tion to the memory of the apostolic fathers, led him to place over- much confidence in tradition and the authority of the Church.^ It is evident from a careful study of the above-named repre- No settled or sentatives of the earlier patristic exegesis, that during uniform her- the second century of our era there was no uniform or the second cen- Settled method of interpreting the Scriptures. Contro- tury. versy and heresy prevailed even in the midst of bitter persecution. The converts from heathenism who became apologists and defenders of the Christian faith had no acquaintance with the original Hebrew Scriptures, and no occasion or inducement to culti- vate a scientific hermeneutics. Jewish exegesis at that time was, as we have seen, utterly destitute of rational and self-consistent method. Ebionism and Gnosticism affected to some extent all Christian thought, and it is not difticult to understand how, under such circumstances, no well-defined principles of Scripture exposi- tion were anywhere recognised or applied. Some of these early fathers exhibit a commendable moderation and judgment in the use of Scripture texts, while others load them with fanciful and even puerile notions of their own.' ' History of the Development of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ. Eng. trans., vol. i, p. 303. Edinb., 1861. - Tiic best edition of Irenteus is that of Harvey, S. Irenaei Episcopi Lugdunensis libri ciuinque adversus Haereses. 2 vols. Cambridge, 1857. Eng. trans, by Roberts and Kambaut in vols, v and ix of the Edinburgh Ante-Nicene Christian Library. ^ Hence we should exercise great care in making an appeal to the antiquity of an opinion or an interpretation. Modern niillenarians are wont to claim tliat Chiliasm was the universal faith of the early Church. Thus West, in the Pre-Millonnial Essays of tlie Prophetic Conference, p. 332 (New York, 1870): "Chiliasm was the common iiilieritance of hotli .Jewish and (Jentile Cliristians, and passed from the Jcwisli Christ- ian to tlie (n-iililc Christian Church precisely in the way the Gospel passed. It was BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 637 CHAPTER IV. LATER PATRISTIC EXEGESIS. The history of biblical interpretation was notably influenced after the beginning of the third century by the famous schools of Alex- andria and Antioch. We have seen how, long before school of Aiex- the time of Christ, Alexandria had become the home of andria. letters. Thither learned men from all parts of the world resorted for studious inquiry. The Asiatic mystic, the Jewish rabbi, and the Greek and Roman philosopher there came together and inter- changed their thoughts. "Born of this heterogeneous union," says Pressense, "the Alexandrian mind rose above all national diver- gences; but it also rose above reality, above history, to the cloudy summits of speculation, and it was utterly wanting in the historic sense. Strong in its allegorical method, it sported with facts ; and its philosophical theories were at once aspiring and unsubstantial." ^ A school of sacred learning, such as Eusebius says had been estab- lished there from ancient times,' would of necessity partake largely of the eclectic and speculative spirit of the place, and we do not fragrant at Antioch as at Jerusalem, at Rome as at Ephesus. History has no con- sensus more unanimous for any doctrine than is the consensus of the apostolic fathers for the pre-millennial advent of Christ." This sweeping statement is based upon ex parte testimony. Hagenbach, on the contrary, avers that in the writings of Clement of Rome, Ignatius, Polycarp, Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus of Antioch no mil- lenarian notions appear. See his History of Doctrines, vol. i, p. 215 (New York, 1861). The fact is that some of these fathers have been quoted in favour of views which their language will not warrant, and while Papias, Justin, Irensus, and some others are pronounced Chiliasts, an equal or greater number can be cited who give no sanc- tion to such views. The first Chiliasts, moreover, sometimes present their views in connexion with expositions of Scripture which are utterly untenable (as, for example, Irenaeus Against Heresies, book v, chaps, xxxii-xxxvi). To assume, from the silence of any of the fathers, that they accepted the Chiliastic views is most absurd, especially in view of what Eusebius says of Papias (Eccl. History, iii, 39): "He says that there would be a certain millennium after the resurrection and a corporeal reign of Christ on this very earth ; which things he appears to have imagined, as if they were author- ized by the apostolic narrations, not understanding correctly those matters which they propounded mystically in their representations. For he was very limited in his com- prehension, as is evident from his discourses. Yet he was the cause why most of the ecclesiastical writers, urging the antiquity of the man, were carried away by a similar opinion; as, for instance, Irenaeus, or any other that adopted such sentiments." ' Early Years of Christianity, p. 266. ' Ecclesiastical History, book v, chap. x. 638 HISTORY OF wonder that the great liglits of the Alexandrian Church were not- ably given to allegorical expositions of the Scriptures. lyie first great teacher of the Alexandrian school, whose works ciomens Alex- li^^^'^ come dowu to US, is Titus Flavius Clement. He andrinus. -^^ -j^g preceded by Pantffinus, and jjerhaps Athenagoras,' and others, who, like Apollos of apostolic times, had profited by Alexandrian culture, and were "mighty in the Scriptures" (Acts xviii, 24). Clement was privileged, as he tells us, to travel exten- sively, and listen to the teachings of various learned men from Greece, Syria, Palestine, and the East, but he at last found in Egypt the man who gave him rest. " He, the true, the Sicilian bee, gathering the spoil of the flowers of the prophetic and apostolic meadow, engendered in the souls of his hearers a deathless element of knowledge."' The one here referred to is believed to have been Panta?nus, the distinguished Christian philosopher, whom Clement succeeded as head of the Alexandrian school, and who, according to Eusebius, commented, both orally and in writing, on the treas- ures of divine truth.^ The disciple was worthy of his master, and his works evince prodigious learning, and could scarcely have been composed anywhere but within easy access to the famous library of the Egyptian metropolis. He is said to have written commentaries on several books of Scripture, but only three great works of his are still extant, namely. The Exhortation to the Greeks, The Instructor (or Pedagogue), and The Miscellanies (Stromata). These three works form a well-related series, and their great aim is to expose the follies and absurdities of heathenism, and extol the word and wisdom of God. But Clement is a fanciful interpreter. Deeply read in the works , ^., of Philo Juda^us, he adopted his allegorical methods. Clement a phil- _ ' _ i _» osophicai alio- He was fascinated with heathen philosophy. " The Ronst. Greek preparatory culture," he says, " M'ith philosophy itself came down from God to men, not with a definite direction, but in the way in which showers fall down on the good land, and on the dunghill, and on the houses." " And by philoso))hy," he adds, " I do not mean the Stoic, or the Platonic, or the Epicurean, or the Aristotelian, but whatever has been well said l)y each of these sects which teach righteousness along with a science pervaded by piety — this eclectic whole I call philosophy."^ But in the Son of God, the eternal Word, he recognised and worshipped the sura ' Sec Emerson, On the Catcelictical School, or Theolof^ical Seminary, at Alexandria in Ejrypt. Amcriean Hihlical Rei)ository for Jan., 1834, p. 25. ° The Jtiseellanies (Stromata), book i, eha|). i. * Ecclesiaslieal ilistory, book v, chap. x. ■* Miscellanies, book i, cliaj). vii. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 639 and substance of all true philosophy, and he holds that the utmost perfection of the logical faculty is necessary to expound the three- fold sense of the law, the mystic, the moral, and the prophetic' " For many reasons," he argues, " the Scriptures hide the sense. First, that we may become inquisitive, and be ever on the watch for the discovery of the words of salvation. Then it was not suit- able for all to understand, so that they might not receive harm in consequence of taking in another sense the things declared for sal- vation by the Holy Spirit. Wherefore the holy mysteries of the prophecies are veiled in parables." " Clement Avas succeeded, at Alexandria, by a pupil even greater than himself, a man of the purest character, who, while yet a little child, disclosed a remarkable insight into "^^°" the depth and fulness of the Scriptures, and later, by his untiring devotion to multifarious studies, his unremitting labours by night and by day, and his indomitable firmness through all temptation and persecution, acquired the name of Man of Adamant (Adamant inus). Notwithstanding his questionable methods of interpretation, and not infrequent errors, Origen was the greatest biblical critic and exegete of the ancient Church. Jerome, who violently opposed some of his views, pronounced him the greatest teacher since the days of the ajDOstles, " a man of immortal genius, Avho understood logic, geometry, arithmetic, music, grammar, rhetoric, and all the sects of the philosophers, so that he was resorted to by many stu- dents of secular literature whom he received chieflv that he miofht embrace the opportunity of instructing them in the faith of Christ." ^ He practiced the most rigid asceticism, refused the gifts of admir- ing friends and pupils, and after devoting the day to teaching and ' Miscellanies, book i, chap, xxviii. He does not deny the natural or literal sense, but often makes use of it, so that he really held to a fourfold sense of Scripture. ^ Ibid., book vi, chap. xv. The following comment on Gen. xxii, 3, 4, will illus- trate the jnystico-allegorical style in which this writer treats the sacred narratives : " Abraham, when he came to the place which Grod told him of on the third day, looking up, saw the place afar off. For the first day is that which is constituted by the sight of good things ; and the second is the soul's best desire ; on the third the mind perceives spiritual things, the eyes of the understanding being opened by the Teacher who rose on the third day. The three days may be the mystery of the seal (bap- tism) in which God is really believed. It is, consequently, afar off that he perceives the [ilace. For the reign of God is hard to attain, which Plato calls the reign of ideas, having learned from Moses that it was a place which contained all things uni- versally. But it is seen by Abraham afar oif, rightly, because of his lieing in the realms of generation, and he is forthwith initiated by the angel. Thence says the apostle, ' Now we see through a glass, but then face to face,' by those sole pure and incorporeal applications of tlie intelltjct." — Ibid., book v, chap. xi. ^ Liber de viris illustribus, chap. liv. 640 HISTORY OF pious labours, he was wont to spend the greater part of the night in the study of the Scriptures, and when he slept he chose the bare floor for his couch. He even mutilated himself that he might be a €unuch for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. Such a man would be likely to fall in with some of the superstitions of his age, and we •do not wonder that he studied Hebrew, not merely for its practical use in meeting Jewish opponents, but with a notion that it was the original language of mankind, and was destined to become the uni- versal language. Though rejecting personal gifts, there was one favour offered him by his admiring friend, Ambrose, whom he had converted from Gnostic heresy, which he felt not at liberty to de- cline. This wealthy benefactor furnished Origen with ample means for the prosecution of his studies and the publication of his works by placing at his command seven secretaries to write at his dicta- tion, and as many copyists, skilled in caligraphy, to transcribe fair cojDies of what the others hastily took down from the lips of the master. In this way Origen was enabled to publish a vast number of works — some say over six thousand — most of which are lost. The first notable attempt at textual criticism may be traced to Oriaren's ijreat work, the Hexapla. His veneration for TheHexapla. , ^, . ,-,-,■ •^ ^ • i i the Scriptures led him to ascribe a sort oi magical value to the original text, and he sought to establish it by the widest pos- sible collation and comparison. He arranged in six parallel col- umns the Hebrew text, a Greek transliteration of the same, the text of the Septuagint, and the Greek versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion. Some pages, which contained books of which other Greek versions were extant, were arranged with seven, eight, or nine columns, according to the number of different versions. On this immense work, which extended to nearly fifty volumes, he was engaged for twenty-eight years.^ He also prepared the Tetrapla, Avhich presented in four columns the Septuagint, and the versions of Aquihi, Symmachus, and Theodotion. The exegetical works of Origen comprised brief Scholia on the Oriiren's exe- niore difficult texts, and also extended commentaries sreticai works, ^j^^ homilies on most of the Bible, considerable por- tions of which are still extant. He also composed several apologet- icfil and dogmatical works, the most important of which are the Treatise against Celsus and the De Principiis. But with all his de- votion to the interests of truth, and the enormous magnitude of his ' Tlie remains of this great work were collected and published in two folio volumes by Montfaucon, Paris, 1713. Revised editii)n by Ralinlt, Lpz., 1769-70, 2 vols. 8vo. It is also piil)lislK'd in vols, xv and xvi of Milne's iiiook Tatrologia; Cursus Conipletus, and in two line (luartos by Field, Oxford, 1875. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 641 labours, he was a mystico-allegorical exegete. He followed in the path of Philo the" Jew, and Clement the Christian, and, assuming that many portions of the Scriptures are unreasonable and absurd when taken literally, he maintained a threefold sense, the corporeal, the psychical, and the spiritual.' But he protests against being supposed to teach that no history is real, and no law to be literally observed, because some narratives and laws, literally understood, are absurd or impossible. " For," he says, " the passages that are true in their historical sense are much more numerous than those which have a purely spiritual signification." ^ The wonderful influence of Origan is to be explained mainly by the grandeur of his character, his immense learning, his innuence of fortitude under persecution, and the enthusiasm with Origen. which he performed everything he took in hand. Driven by perse- cution from Alexandria, he resorted to Csesarea, in Palestine, and there established a school which for a time surpassed that of the Egyptian metropolis. The magnetism of his person, and his wide- spread fame as an expounder of the Scriptures, attracted great mul- titudes to him. His pernicious habit of explaining the sacred records as the Platonists explained the heathen myths, and his heretical views touching the pre-existence of souls, a new probation after death, and some other doctrines, were so far offset by his pure zeal for God, and his many and great virtues, that he has been quite generally arknowledged as pre-eminently the father of bibli- cal science, and one of the greatest prodigies of learning and indus- trv among men.^ ' " The way, as it appears to us," says Origen, " in which we ought to deal with the Scriptures, and extract from them their meaning, is the following, which has been ascertained from the Scriptures themselves. By Solomon in the Proverbs (chap, xxii, 20, 21) we find some such rule as this enjoined respecting the divine doctrines of Scripture : ' And do thou portray them in a threefold manner, in counsel and knowl- edge, to answer words of truth to them who propose them to thee ' [so Septuagint and Vulgate]. The individual ought, then, to portray the ideas of Holy Scripture in a threefold manner upon his own soul ; in order that the sinful man may be edified by the flesh, as it were, of the Scripture, for so we name the obvious sense ; while he who has ascended a certain way may be edified by the soul, as it were. The perfect man, again, and he who resembles those spoken of by the apostle when he says, ' we speak wisdom among them that are perfect, but not the wisdom of the world, nor of the rulers of this world, who come to naught, but we speak the wisdom of God in a mystery, the hidden wisdom which God ordained before the ages, unto our glory' (1 Cor. ii, 6, 1), may be edified by the spiritual law, -which has a shadow of good things to come. For, as man consists of body and soul and spirit, so in the same way does Scripture, which has been arranged to be given by God for the salvation of anen." — De Principiis, book iv, chap, i, 11. '^ Do Principiis, book iv, chap, i, 11. ^ Origen's works have been printed in many editions. The best is that of the 41 642 HISTORY OF Origen's name so far eclipsed that of all other teachers of the Dionysius of Alexandrian school that there are few others wlio call Alexandria. fQj. special mention. Dionysius of Alexandria, one of Origen's pupils, acquired some fame as an interpreter. His work on the Promises, fragments of which are preserved in Eusebius,' appears to have been written against Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, who had published a Refutation of the Allegorists, and maintained therein, by a literal interpretation of John's Apocalypse, the Chili- astic doctrine of a temporal reign of Christ on earth. Dionysius refers to the fact that some, before his time, had rejected the Book of Revelation as the work of a Cerinthian heretic, but he accepts it as the work of an inspired man, though not the Apostle John, the son of Zebedee. He confesses his inability to understand it, but regards it as containing a hidden and wonderful meaning. Dionys- ius wrote also many epistles to leading ecclesiastics of his day, and commentaries on Ecclesiastes, Luke, and John, fragments of which are still extant.^ He appears to have been less given to allegoriz- mipiis, the Contra Cclsuni, and several of his epistles are given ia vols, x and x.xiii of the Edinburgh Ante-Nicene Christian Library. ' See Ecclesiastical History, book vii, chaps, xxiv, xxv. " The extant fragments of Dionysius' works are published in all the large collections of the Fathers, and an English translation is given in vol. xx of the Edinburgh Aute- Isiccne Cliristiaii I/iliraiy. * Ecclesiastical History, book viii, chap. xiii. ; book ix, chap. vi. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 643 various cities of the East. The most distinguished disciple of this school was Gregory, bishop of Neo-Csesarea, in Pontus, commonly known as Gregory Thaumaturgus. He w^as the author of a Meta- phrase on Ecclesiastes, a work of some merit, which is Gregory Thau- still extant. His Panegyric on Origen, one of the ear- maturgus. liest productions of its kind among Christians, is pronounced by Dupin one of the finest pieces of rhetoi'ic in all antiquity.' Later names, which must ever shed lustre on Ca^sarea, are those of Pam- j^hihis and Eusebius. The former of these Neander describes as " a man distinguished for his zeal in the cause of piety and science. He founded at Cajsarea an ecclesiastical library, which ., T . n T 1 p T r- Pamphilus. contributed in no small degree to the furtherance of scientific studies, even in the fourth century. Every friend of sci- ence, and in particular every one who was disposed to engage in a thorough study of the Bible, found in him all possible encourage- ment and support. He exerted himself to multiply, to disseminate, and to correct the copies of the Bible. Many of these copies he distributed as presents, sometimes to women whom he saw much occupied in reading the Scriptures. He founded a theological school in which the study of the sacred writings was made a special object of attention." ^ Eusebius of Caesarea, the devoted friend of Pamphilus, on ac- count of which he is often called Eusebius Pamphilus, Eusebius of is distinguished as the father of Church history rather Cassarea. than as an exegete. His two great apologetical productions, the Prreparatio Evangelica and the Demonstratio Evangelica, are also of great value to the Christian scholar. Books iii-x of the last- named work contain comments on the Messianic prophecies, and four books of his allegorical interpretations of these prophecies are extant under the title of Prophetical Eclogues. His Onomasticon is a valuable topographical and alphabetical index of the names of places mentioned in the Scriptures. He wrote commentaries on the Psalms, Proverbs, Canticles, Isaiah, and Daniel, and various dissertations on the gospels. As an interpreter he followed in the main the allegorical method of Origen, for whose writings he had a glowing admiration.^ ' The extant works of Gregory Thaumaturgus have been published in many editions ; the best is probably that of Migne, in vol. x of his Greek Patrologiae Cursus Com- pletus. English translation in vol. xx of the Edinburgh Ante-Nicene Christian Library. '^ History of the Christian Religion and Church, Torrey's translation, volume i, p. 72L ' The most complete edition of Eusebius' works is that of Migne, Greek Patrologiae Cursus Completus, vols, xix-xxiv. 644 HISTORY OF The last considerable representative of the Alexandrian school of Cyril of Alex- theology and exegesis was Cyril, who flourished in the andria. flj-gt half of the fifth century. He was noted as a vio- lent and ambitious man, and too much given to oppose and perse- cute those who differed from him to be a safe and judicious expos- itor. Nevertheless, he was a man of extensive learning and of vigorous mind, and is the author of numerous dogmatical and exe- getical works which are still extant. His commentaries are upon the Pentateuch, Isaiah, the twelve Minor Prophets, and the Gospels of Luke and John. He does not ignore or reject the historical sense, but is addicted to allegorizing, and illustrates how the Scrip- tures may be tortured to mean almost anything. He finds the mystery of Christ set forth typically or enigmatically throughout the entire Old Testament, and carries a most extravagant system of allegorizing even into the narratives of the gospels. For exam- ple, the five loaves in John vi, 9, are made to represent the five books of Moses, as a comparatively coarse food, and the two fishes denote the finer and more luxurious nourishment of the teachings of Christ. > To Antioch, where the disciples were first called Christians (Acts The School of ^ij 26), belongs the honour of introducing a more scien- Antioch. ^jgg and profitable system of biblical study. About the beginning of the fourth century there was established at this place a school which opposed to the Alexandrian allegorical exegesis the historico-critical method of interpretation. We have already made note of Ignatius and Theophilus, whose labours and influence gave renown to that Syrian city, but they founded no school, and ac- quired no great fame as exegetes. In his spirit and method Julius Africanus, of Nicopolis (Emmaus) in Palestine, was a forerunner of the Antiochian school of historical criticism. His brief letter to Origen, still extant, in which he disputes the authenticity of the apocryphal history of Susannah, exhibits him as more than a match for the great Alexandrian scholar. For he displays a critical penetration and judgment, a freedom from ecclesiastical traditions, and an incisive way of stating his views which make his short epistle more weighty and convincing than the elaborate reply of Origen.*^ His letter to Aristides on the genealogies of Matthew and Luke, a part of which is preserved in 'The most convenient edition of Cyril's works is that of Mij;;nc, Greol< Patidlo^^ia; Ciirsus Complctus, vols. Ixviii-lxxvii. An English translation of his Commentary on Luke, iiy R. P. Smith, was published at Oxford, 1859. ' See Ai'rleanus' letter and Origen's reply translated into English in vol. x of the Edinbiugh Ante-Xieene Christian Library. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 645 Eusebius (see above, i^. 522), is another evidence of his exegetical skill. He was also the author of a valuable chronological work eiititleii Pentabiblos, from its being arranged in five sections, of which only fragments remain. Some affirm that he wrote a com- mentary on the New Testament, but this is doubtful.' About A. D. 290 there flourished at Antioch a distinguished presbyter, named Doi'otheus, of whom Eusebius says: ^TT f ^ ■ -, ^^ 1 Dorotheas. " He was a man oi fine taste m sacred literature, and was much devoted to the study of the Hebrew language, so that he read the Hebrew Scriptures with great facility. He M^as also of a very liberal mind, and not unacquainted with the preparatory studies pursued among the Greeks, but in other respects a eunuch by nature, having been such from his birth; so that the emperor, on this account, as if it were a great miracle, received him into his house and family, and honoured him with an appointment over the purple dye establishment of Tyre. Him we have heard in the Church expounding the Scriptures with great judgment." ^ It does not appear that Dorotheus left any writings, but his oral teaching imparted the true critical spirit to those who heard him, and pre- pared the way for the formal opening of the theological school at Antioch. The real founder of the school of Antioch was Lucian, who was born at Samosata, in Syria, but in early life removed to ^ . • c 1 • 1 liician. Edessa, where he laid the foundation of his thorough biblical scholarship under the training of Macarius, an eminent teacher of that place. He afterward removed to Antioch, where he was ordained a presbyter, and acquired great fame as a critical student and expounder of the Holy Scriptures. His stricter meth- ods put a check to the allegorical and mystical interpretations so popular at the time, and which had received great strength and currency by the influence of Origen. Jerome speaks of him as a most eloquent man, so laborious in his critical study of the Scrip- tures that copies edited by him were long afterward known as Lucianean.' He elsewhere says that while Hesychius' edition of the Septuagint was used in Egypt, that of Lucian was preferred by all the Church from Constantinople to Antioch.* Unfortunately, none of the works of Lucian, with the exception of a few frag- ments, have come down to us. It is worthy of note that Arius and Eusebius of Nicomedia 1 See Lardner, Credibility of the Gospel History, vol. ii, p. 434. London, 1788. " Ecclesiastical History, book vii, chap, xxxii. ^ Do viris illustribus, chap. Ixxvii. * Prsefatio in Librum Paralipomenon. 646 HISTORY OF received their training in the school of Lucian. The principles Arian leaders of free grammatical interpretation inculcated by the uiJ'laticxjhian learned presbyter of Antioch encouraged an indepen- schooi. dent and fearless tendency which was liable to run into extremes. Neander thoughtfully observes : " In cases where this . ^ Comp. Rosenmiiller, Historia Interpretationis Librorum Sacrorum, vol. iv, pp. 35-142. 650 HISTORY OF state and discuss the questions wLich arise on difficult passages, but on other books his discussions assume the form of a continuous •commentary. His learning was not great, and he borrowed much from the homilies of Chrysostom, but the real merits of his biblical expositions, from whatever source he gathered them, are univer- sally acknowledged. Ernesti recommends his commentaries, espe- cially those on the Pauline epistles, as peculiarly adapted to the "wants of students who are commencing a course of exegetical study. His comments are usually short, clear, and concise, evince a sober and discriminating judgment, and are to be reckoned among the best specimens of ancient exegesis.' The churches of Syria early developed into two main divisions, •Schools of Edes- those of the eastern and the western provinces. As sa and Nisibis. Antiocli was the f hief center of the western cities, so were Edessa and Nisibis of the more eastern, and when, after the days of Chrysostom and Theodoret, the school of Antioch declined, those chief centres of Christian activity in Mesopotamia became more famous as literary towns and seats of exegetical learning. The appearance of the Syriac version of the New Testament as early as the middle of the second century, and the Diatessaron of Tatian, indicates the interest of the Syrian mind in the study of the Scriptures. Lucian, the founder of the Antiochian school, received his early training in the Scriptures from Macarius of Edessa. The Ignatian epistles appear also to have exerted great influence in Eastern Syria, and they were early translated into the Syriac tongue. " The school of Eastern Syria," says Dorner, " was distin- guished by its vivid fancy, by its religious spirit, at once tiery and practical, by fervour, and, in part, depth of thought. It exhibited, also, a tendency to the impassioned style and too gorgeous imagery of the East, to mysticism and asceticism. . . . The Church of Western Syria displayed, at an early period, that sober, judicious, and critical spirit for which it became renowned, and by which it was especially distinguished from the third to the fifth century. The eastern school inclined to theosophy, and thus had a certain affinity with the religious systems which prevailed in the East; the western, on the other liand, took its stand on the firm basis of ex- ]>orience and history. In a word, the contrast between the two divisions of the Syrian Church bore a not inconsiderable resem- blance to that Avhich exists between the Lutheran and Reformed Confessions in Germanv."" ' Tlie best edition of Tlieodoret'.s works is that of Sciiulze and Xosselt, 5 vols., IIuUc, 1769-74. See also Migne's (ireek Patrologia) Cursus Completus, vols. Ixxx-lxxxiv. ' History of the Developmeut of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ, di v. ii, vol. i, p. 29. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATIOK 651 One of the greatest fathers of the Syrian Church was Ephraem, commonly called Ephraem Syrus, who flourished at _,, , .T-.. TT f 1 • T r • Ephraem Syrus. Edessa about A. D. 370. He spent most oi his lite in writing and jjreaching, and was a vigorous opponent of Arianism. His learning and piety were the admiration of his contemporaries, and he was often designated as the jarophet of the Syrians. He was a voluminous writer, and has left numerous commentaries, homilies, and poems. Many of his exegetical discourses and jjolemical and practical homilies are written in poetic form. His commentaries on the historical books of the Old Testament and the Book of Job are extant in Syriac, and those of the Pauline epistles in an Armenian translation. It is doubtful whether he understood or used the Greek language. His method of exposition is mainly that of the allegorists, his style is brilliant and- glowing, often running into bombast, and his interpretations are often fanciful, farfetched, and extravagant.' The school of Nisibis maintained itself longer than that of Edes- sa, and continued until the ninth century. The Canon Barsumas and of Nisibis prescribed a three years' course of exegetical ^^'^^• study in the Old and New Testaments. Barsumas, who was ejected from the school of Edessa, became bishop of Nisibis in A. D. 435, and founded there the theological seminary which served to main- tain and propagate Nestorianism in various countries of the East. The Avorks of Diodorus of Tarsus, and Theodore of Mopsuestia, translated into Syriac by Ibas, contributed much toward the cultivation of biblical and theological study throughout Eastern Syria. Several eminent fathers of the fourth century, who belong to no particular school of exegesis, but became noted in the dogmatic controversies of the early Church, deserve a passing notice in the history of biblical interpretation. Pre-emi- nent among these is Athanasius of Alexandria, the father of orthodoxy, and the great defender of the faith against the Arian heresy. His polemic purposes unfitted him for calm and thought- ful exposition, and yet, despite his Alexandrian training, he rarely falls into allegoi-izing, and his scriptural arguments ^ ^' • • 1 P • . Epiphanlus. generally proceed upon correct principles oi interpre- tation. Epiphanius, the patriarch of heresy hunters, has left some ' The best edition of the works of Ephraem Syrus is that of Assemanni in six vols., Rome, 1732-46. Nine of the metrical homilies and thirty-fire of the Syriac hymns have been translated into English by Burgess, Select Metrical Hymns and Homilies of Ephraem Syrus, Loudon, 1853. See also Lengerke, De Ephraemi Syri arte hermeneu- tica. Konigsb., 1831. 653 HISTORY OF ■writings which are especially useful in preserv'ing various opinions of his time. But he was deficient in good judgment, and fell into frequent blunders and self-contradictions. He is said to have been familiar with five languages, Hebrew, Syriac, Egyptian, Greek, and Latin. Basil the Great has left numerous homilies on various parts of Scripture, which show that he was a man of extensive learning and a sound interpreter. He condemns those who do not accept the obvious sense of what is written, but seek after occult meanings, and make themselves wiser than the Holy Spirit by introducing into the sacred writings fancies and fictions The two Greg- of their own. Gregory of Nyssa, a younger brother of ories. Basil, composed several doctrinal, exegetical, and ]3rac- tical treatises, and pursued essentially the same line of exposition. He was a diffuse writer, and his style is often heavy and weari- some to the reader. Gregory of Nazianzum was one of the most polished writers of the fourth century, and ranks with Basil and Chrysostom, but he is celebrated as the theologian rather than the interpreter. Ulphilas, the apostle and bishop of the Goths, was master of the hiias and ^^'^ek and Hebrew languages, and propagated among Cyril of jeru- his people the love of letters as well as the Gospel of saiem. Christ. He constructed a Mceso-Gothic alphabet, and translated into that language the entire Bible except the Books of Kings. Cyril of Jerusalem was the author of eighteen books of sermons entitled Catecheses. These discourses abound with quota- tions from the Scriptures, and help to illustrate the life and disci- pline of the Church at Jerusalem during the fourth century. Andreas, bishop of Csesarea, in Cappadocia, in the latter part of Andreas and the fifth century wrote a commentary in Greek upon Arethas. ^j^g Book of Revelation. It is somewhat miscellaneous in its character, and claims to make use of what others had written, referring by name to Irena?us, Hippolytus, Methodius, Epiphanius, Gregory of Nazianzum, and Cyril of Alexandria. The writer maintains a threefold sense, the literal, the tropological, and the anagogical or mystical, which last he makes most prominent in his expositions. Arethas, a later bishop of this same place, wrote a still more copious commentary on the Apocalypse, and followed the same style and system of interpretation as Andreas. These works are valuable for their antiquity, but not for intrinsic merit. „ ^ Before passing to notice the fathers of the Western Porphyry. /- . Church, we should consider for a moment the critical as- sault made by Porphyry upon the allegt)rical system of interpretation. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 653 and his theory of the })ropliecies of Daniel. In the latter part of the third century this celebrated Neo-Platonic philosopher wrote a work in fifteen books against the Christians. Only a few frag- ments of this treatise have been preserved, from which it appears that in the first book Porphyry sought to expose the discrepancies of the Bible; in the third book he attacked the allegorical method of exegesis so prevalent at the time, and urged that writings, Avhich must be handled so unhistorically in order to maintain a satisfac- tory meaning, cannot be worthy of belief. In the twelfth and thirteenth books he attacked the prophetic portions of the Book of Daniel, maintaining that Scriptures purporting to foretell future events with such minuteness of detail must have been written after the events which they portray. lie discovered what he regarded as evidence that the writer lived in the reign of Antiochus Epiph- anes, and detailed events to a definite period of his reign, beyond which he is vague and uncertain. The critical sharpness of this heathen philosopher is apparent from these few indications of his argument, and it will be seen how his theory of explaining the predictions of Daniel is virtually identical with the rationalistic criticism of the nineteenth century. The fathers of the Western Church were, as a class, much in- ferior to those of the Eastern in their expositions of the Scriptures. One chief reason for this fact was their comparative ignorance of the original languages of the Bible. A notable exception is that of Hippolytus, bishop of Portus, at the mouth of the Tiber, near Rome. It is doubtful whether he should be claimed more by the West than the East, for he was a disciple of Irenaeus, and a friend and admirer of Origen, and, according to Baronius, a disciple of Clement of Alexandria. Nevertheless, it is quite certain that he spent the greater portion of his life in Rome and its vicinity. His great work, recently discovered, on the Refu- tation of all Heresies, contains numerous expositions of difi^erent passages of Scripture, and shows that he was an extreme allegorist. He appears to have written commentaries on most of the Bible, and numerous fragments remain. His exegetical method is substan- tially that of Philo, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, and in some things, if possible, even more extravagant. Nevertheless, his writings are of great value as exhibiting the heresies and disputes of his time, and some of his Scripture expositions are thoughtful and suggestive.' ' The extant works of Hippolytus have been published in many editions, the best of which is, perhaps, that of Lagarde, Lps., 18.58. An English translation is given in vols, vi and ix of the Edinburgh Ante-Nicene Christian Library. 654 HISTORY OF Tertullian occupies a con.spicuous place among the Latin fathers, and is the most ancient whose works are now extant. He Tertulliau. • ■• ^ ii-- nourished at the beginnmg of the third century, and is chiefly distinguished for his vigorous and violent writinars a^^ainst the Gnostics. So far as his works deal with the exposition of the Scriptures, he belongs to the historico-theological school, and he lays great stress upon tlie regula fidei, rule of faith, supposed to have been transmitted from the apostles to all the true Churches of Christ." He allows allegorical interpretation in the treatment of prophecies, and in a few cases adopts it where the passage cannot reasonably admit of any such method of exposition; but he generally maintains the literal and most obvious sense of Scripture." Cyprian, who was bishop of Carthage from A. D. 248 to 258, was very simple and practical in his expositions of Scrip- ture, He followed the general method of Tertullian, whom lie called the Master, and for whose writings he ever showed a special fondness. He is pre-eminently famous for his maintain- ance of the authority of the Church, and prelatical doctrines which placed the unity of the Church in the episcopate, and involved the legitimate primacy of the bishop of Rome. Like other fathers who have left numerous writings, he incidentally treats many pas- sages of the Scriptures, and, like Tertullian, is to be classed with the historico-theological interpreters.' There is extant, under the name of Victorinus, bishop of Petau (Petavium in Pannonia), a commentary on the Apoca- Victorinus. J^ . ' -' ' lypse. V ictorinus lived near the close ot the third cen- tury, and, according to Jerome, wrote commentaries on most of the books of the Old Testament. Besides his work on the Apocalypse we have also a fragment of his treatise on the Creation of the World. The Avriter is exceedingly fanciful in most of his exposi- tions, and spiritualizes after the manner of the allegorists generally. Here and there an excellent thought is presented, and there are * " It is impossible," says Davidson, " to calculate the mischief which this appeal to ecclesiastical authority occasioned in after times. The suflicieucy of the hoi}- word was virtually impugned and denied ; the overseers of the Ciiurch claimed to be authorized interpreters b}' virtue of a commissicm liauded down from the apostles; and doctrines were jjromulgated, not by the aid of the Scriptures, but by the aid of a tradition in the Church." — Sacred Ilermeneutics, p. HI. * The best edition of Tertulliau is that of Oehler, 3 vols., Lps., 1853. English trans- lation in four vols, (vii, xi, xv, and xviii) of the ICdinburgh Ante-Nicene Christian Library. ' An English translation of Cyprian's writings is given in vols, viii and xiii of the Edinburgh Ante-Nicene Christian Library. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 655 some sensible explanations of single passages, Init, as a whole, the work is rambling and full of arbitrary conceptions. It is especially interesting as being one of the oldest specimens of continuous com- mentary.' About the middle of the fourth century flourished Hilary of Poitiers, in France, a man " who was distinguished ' Hiltiry. amono; the doctrinal writers of the Western Church for a profoundness of intellect and a freedom of spirit peculiarly his own."^ So forcibly did he maintain the Athanasian faith against its enemies that he was called the Hammer of the Arians. In his doctrinal writings he is often discriminating and able in his use of appropriate proof-texts, but as an exegete he belongs to the school of Origen, whose works had much influence over both his thought and his style, and whose commentary on Job he is said to have translated into Latin. His commentaries on the Psalms and the Gospel of Matthew are modelled after the tone and spirit of the great Alexandrian scholar, and abound Avith allegorical fan- cies.' Ambrose, bishop of Milan (A. D. 374-397), was even a more fan- ciful and lawless allegorizer than either Origen or ^ ^ Ambrose. Hilary. He treats the historical sense as of no account, and extols the hidden mystical meaning of the sacred oracles, some parts of which he aflirms have several different significations. He sees in Noah's ark a mystical representation of the human body. The four kings of the East mentioned Gen. xiv, 1, denote the allurements of the flesh and the world; the five kings of the ])lain of Sodom (ver. 8) are the five senses of the body, and Abraham represents Christ as the conqueror of fleshly appetites. In the nar- rative of our Lord's entry into Jerusalem the ass which was tied represents mankind as bound in sin, and the loosing of the same is the redemption of Christ. The placing of their garments under Christ showed that the apostles were ready to sacrifice their own works for the honour of preaching the Gospel. The strewing of the branches by the way denotes the cutting off of unfruitful Avorks ! * ' An English translation of Victorinus' Commentary on the Apocalypse, and also of the fragment on the Creation, is given in toI. xviii of the Edinburgh Antc-Niccne Christian Library. -Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. ii, p. 396. ^ Hilary's works have been published in many editions, the best is, perhaps, that of tlie Benedictines, Paris, 1693, fol. •* The wiitings of Ambrose are more numerous than useful. The best edition is that of the Benedictines in 2 vols., fol., Paris, 1686-90. The exegetical treatises are in the first volume. <556 HISTORY OF 111 the latter part of the fourth and the earlier part of the fifth century there flourished, contempoi-aneously, the great- est biblical scholar, the greatest theologian, and the most distinguished heretic, of the ancient Western Church. These Avere Jerome, Augustine, and Pelagius. Jerome was born at Stri- .i • • rm acter of patris- beginning of the Christian era. 1 he one was a specu- tic exegesis. Jative spirit, a habit of allegorizing, begotten of asso- ciated Judaism and Platonism; it received a mighty impulse in the Alexandrian school, and has maintained more or less influence even to the present day. The other tendency was of a more practical character. It originated with our Lord and his apostles, who con- demned the fanciful speculations and Hagadic traditions of their time, and set the example of a sober and rational interpretation of the Scriptures. It was the distinguishing feature of the school of Antioch, and exhibits some of its best results in the exegetical works of Chrysostom and Theodoret. But this more grammatical and logical method of interpretation attained no complete develop- ment among the ancient fathers. The prevalence of superstitions, the blind credulity of the masses, the strong tendencies to asceti- cism and mysticism, and the defective knowledge of the original languages of the Bible, gave, in the main, an advantage to the alle- gorists, and rendered a thorough grammatico-historical interpreta- tion impossible.^ Hence, we are not to look to the ancient fathers for models of exegesis. Their writings contain numerous imper- ishable gems of thought, and exhibit great intellectual acumen and logical subtlety, but as interpreters of the sacred volume they have been far surpassed by the moderns. Notwithstanding his extrava- gant allegorizing, Origen will ever be prized for his great learning and remarkable service in biblical criticism, and the works of Chry- sostom, Theodoret, and Jerome, despite their frequent errors, will ever hold high rank in biblical literature; but the time is passed when an appeal to the opinions of the eai'ly fathers has any consid- erable weight with men of learning. ' The best edition of Gregory's works is the Benedictine, in four vols, folio, Paris, 1705. They were also published in seventeen vols, at Venice, 1768-76, and in five vols, in Migne's Latin Patrologiae Cursus Completus (vols. Ixxv-lxxix). An English trans- lation of the Moralia on Job is given in four vols, in the Oxford Library of the Fathers. ' The allegorizing tendency could, without much ditHculty, accommodate itself wholly to the form of the tradition in the dominant Church, and explain the Bible in con- formity tlierewith. The more uni)rojn(liced, grammatical, and logical interpretation of the Bible would tend, on the other hand, to purge the existing system of Church doctrine of the various foreign elements which had found entrance through the Church tradition, guiilcd as that tradition had been by no clear consciousness of the truth. — Keander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. ii, p. 351. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 661 CHAPTER V. EXEGESIS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. During the period extending from Gregory the Great to the time of Luther (A. D. 600 to A. D. 1500), the true exegeti- „ . . ^ '' . , , =5 No great exe- cal spirit could scarcely be expected to maintain itself, getes during or produce works of great merit. The monasteries be- ^^^^ penod. came the principal seats of learning, and the treasures of theolog- ical literature gradually found their way to them as to so many asylums. The Scriptures were everywhere regarded as a holy treasure, and many were wont to consult them for oracular re- sponses. If one was about to embark in some dangerous enterprise, he would open the Bible and regard the first words which met his eye as a special revelation to himself.' Superstition and ignorance effectually hindered the progress of critical inquiry. Nevertheless, a number of distinguished writers appeared during the Middle Ages who devoted themselves to the study of the sacred books, and have left works in the department of biblical exegesis which rleserve .at- tention. To this period belong the so-called catenists, or compilers of ex- positions from tlie more ancient fathers. It was not an r^^^ g^riy cat- age of original research, but of imitation and ap})ropri- enists. ation of the treasures of the past. Among the earliest of these compilers was Procopius of Gaza, who wrote commentaries on the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, the Books of Kings, Chroni- cles, Proverbs, Canticles, and Isaiah.^ To this class of expositors belong also Andreas and Arethas, already mentioned, and Olympi- odorus, who lived in the early part of the sixth century, and wrote comments on Job, Ecclesiastes, and Jeremiah. The more distin- guished catenists appeared at a later date. The Venerable Bede, one of the most eminent fathers of the English Church, flourished about the beginning of the eighth 'When Clovis was about to make war on the West Goths in Spain he prayed God that he would reveal to him, as he entered the Church of St. Martin, a fortunate issue of the war; and as at that moment the words of Psa. xviii, 40, 41, were chanted, the king regarded this as an infallible oracle by which he was assured of the victory. He, in fact, obtained the victory, which confirmed him in his belief. — Xeander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. iii, p. 129. 'Given in vol. Ixxxvii of Migne's Greek Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Paris, 1860. G63 HISTORY OF century. He spent his life in the monasteries of Jarrow and "NVear- The Venerable rnouth, and made himself familiar with all the learning of Bede. j^ig a^e. His commentaries extend over the entire New Testament and a large portion of the Old. They are, in substance, compilations from the works of Augustine, Basil, and Ambrose, .and properly belong to the class called catenae. Later catenists, however, placed him among the fathers, and transcribed his com- ments as if they had been original. His expositions are mainly allegorical, for he closely followed the methods of those from whom he took the principal part of his comments.' Bede Avas the educator of many other Church teachers. During the latter part of his life he was sui-rounded by admir- School of York. . ^. . !; . iii- • ^ -^i i <> ing disciples whom he had inspired with a love tor study. Egbert, archbishop of York, was one of his pupils, and, after the master's death, he sought to carry forward his work, and superintended a school at York where biblical studies were culti- vated. In this school Flaccus Alcuin received his training, and learned the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages. He afterward became headmaster of the school, and made it so famous that scholars came from distant places to enioy its advan- tages. In a journey to Rome about A. D. 780, having made the acquaintance of Charlemagne, he was retained in the service of that ruler for the rest of his life. He gave direction to the studies of the monks in many places, and founded the so-called Palatine Schools in the houses of the princes, which long rivalled the cloister establishments. The palace of Charlemagne himself was turned into an academy in which the family and counsellors of the king became the devoted pupils of Alcuin. About A. D. 796 he took charge of the abbey of St. Martin of Tours, which he suc- ceeded in making the most famous school of his age. The learning and attainments of this man were certainly extraordinary for the time in which he lived. Besides numerous treatises on theology, philosophy, philology, and rhetoric, and several poems, he compiled questions and answers on Genesis, an exposition of the penitential psalms, and a commentary on the Gospel of John. He belongs, however, to the class of catenists. His questions on Genesis are taken mainly from Jerome and Gregory, and his comments on John are avowedly compiled from the works of Augustine, Ambrose, Gregory, and Bede.' ' The works of Bede, nearly complete, were published in vols, xc-xcv of Mignc's Latin PatrolofciiP rursiis Completus (Paris, 1850), and an edition of his historical and theol()f,'iciil works l)y Giles, London, 1842, 1843, 12 vols. ''Alcuin's works were published at Paris, 1617, in one vol. fol., and at Ratisbon, BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 663 Rhabanus Maurus was a disciple of Alcuin at Tours, and after- ward became head of the school at Fulda, where his Rhabanus Mau- fame as a most learned and successful teacher attracted rus. to him many scholars. Among these were not a few of the sons of the nobility. He was afterward made archbishop of Mentz. His commentaries cover all the books of the Bible, and have obtained considerable celebrity. But they are full of mystic allegorizing, and advocate a fourfold sense, namely, the historical, the allegor- ical, the anagogical, and the tropological (see above, pp. 164, 165). He also is essentially a catenist, and appropriates the larger part of his comments from the Greek and Latin fathers. His writings served to bring into circulation many excellent things from the more ancient times, and to diffuse a warm, practical. Christian spirit.' Haymo, teacher at Fulda, abbot of Hirschfeld, and finally bishop of Halberstadt, was another disciple of Alcuin, and is noted for the compilation of Glosses upon the Psalms, Canticles, and the Prophets, and homilies upon the Gospels and Epistles. The Glosses are short annotations of no great value, and were taken mainly from the fathers.* "A work, however, w^hich had greater influence than other writings of this kind on the following centuries, not so much on account of its intrinsic con- tents as on account of the very convenient manner in which it adapted itself to the ordinary theological wants of all such as were not profound scholars, was the short explanatory re- waiafrid stra- marks which Waiafrid Strabo, abbot of Reichenaix, fol- ''*'• lowing, for the most, his teacher, Rhabanus Maurus, compiled on the sacred Scriptures, and which formed the common exegetical manual of the Middle Ages known as the Glossa Ordinaria. A man of far greater theological importance, as an expositor of Scrip- ture, was Christian Druthmar, in the ninth century, who had re- ceived his education in the French monastery of Corbie. TT ^ ■ • f ^ -KT Druthmar. He first gave lectures on the exposition oi the JNew Testament to the young monks in the monasteries of Stavelo and Malmedy, in the diocese of Liege. In this way he was led to write out, as he had been invited to do, an elaborate commentary on the Gospel of Matthew; and it is singular to observe, in an interpreter I'FVV, in 2 vols. fol. Comp. Rosenmiiller, Historia Interpretatlonis Librorum Sacro- rum, vol. V, pp. 109-122. ' The works of Rhabanus Maurus were published at Cologne, in 162*7, in 6 vols. fol. ; also in Migne's Latin Patrologise Cursus Completus, vols, cvii-cxii. Comp. Rosen- miiller, Historia Interpretationis, vol. v, pp. 123-134. - Haymo's writings are published in vols, cxvi-cxviii of Migne's Latin Patrologise Cursus Completus, 664 HISTORY OF of Scripture belonging to these times, the revival of the hermeneu- tical principles of the Antiochian school, which direction in favour of the grammatical interpretation of the Bible no doubt actpiired for him the surname of Gramraaticus. lie declared himself, in the preface to this commentary, opposed to a onesided, arbitrary, mys- tical exposition of the Bible, and maintains that the spiritual ex- planation of Scripture presupposes the exploration of the literal historical sense." ' ■Other distinguished catenists of the ninth century were Claudius,, catenistsofthe l^ishop of Turin, sometimes called the first Protestant ninth century, reformer because of his vigorous opposition to numer- ous Romish superstitions; Sedulius and Florus Magister, who pre- pared Collectanea on all the epistles of Paul ; Rcmigius, whose compilations extend over the Psalms and eleven of the Minor Prophets ; Smaragdus, who wrote on the Gospels and Epistles ; and Paschasius Radbert, who is especially famous for originating the doctrine of transubstantiation.^ The tenth century was an age of barbarism and almost universal ignorance, but near its close we meet with the most dis- CEcumenius. . •ii/.ni • tt^ . i., tinguished or all the catenists, the Byzantme bishop, CEcumenius, whose elaborate commentaries, compiled mainly from Chrysostora, cover all the books of the New Testament. Though taking the expositions of others, and stringing them together Avith- out any system or logical order, he occasionally expresses his own independent judgment. Inasmuch as he uses Chrysostora's works^ as his principal source, his method of interpretation is the literal or grammatical, but he also quotes the comments of the two Gregories,. Cyril of Jerusalem, Basil, Isidore, Methodius, Photius, Athanasius, and Theodoret.^ Among the catenists of the eleventh century Theophylact of Bulgaria is the most celebrated. He wrote commen- taries on Hosea, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, the Gospels, the Acts, and the Epistles. His notes on the prophets are of little value, but those on the New Testament have always been held in high estimation." Although the works of Chrysostom are ' Neander, History of Christian Religion and Church, vol. iii, pp. 458, 459. Druth- mar's Commentary on Matthew was published at Strasburg, 1514, and also with that on Luke and John in the xvth vol. of the Maxima Bibliotheca Patrum (Lyons, 1627). Strabo's Glossa Ordinaria have been published in many editions. Latest ed. vols, cxiii and cxiv of Migne's Latin Patrology. ^ The works of most of these catenists may be found in Migne's Latin Patrologisfr Cur.sus Completus ; but some are still in manuscript. ' The commentaries of O^^cumenius were published in two vols, folio, Paris, 1031. * Comp. Rosenmiillcr, Ili.st Interpretationis Librorum Sacrorum, vol. iv, pp. 286-316» BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 665 the chief source of his extracts, he occasionally expresses his dissenii from his views, and shows more independence than most of the catenists. " The circumstance of the extracts being taken from Chrysostom," says Davidson, " is rather a commendation than otherwise ; for thus the time of the student who desires to know the sentiments of the Constantinopolitan archbishop is saved. The interpretations are here exhibited in shorter compass than in the vokiminous works of the original author. We would therefore recommend the commentaries of Theophylact to the biblical stu- dent. They may be fairly classed with those of CEcumenius. Both follow the grammatical m^ethod of exposition; both are founded upon Chrysostom more than any or all of the other fathers. We prefer the simplicity and brevity of Theophylact to the profuseness of CEcumenius." ' Other exegetical compilers of the eleventh century are Lanfranc, who wrote glosses on the Pauline epistles, taken mainly ^ , ° . . Lanfranc, Ni- from Ambrose and Augustine; and Nicetas, arch- cetas, and wii- bishop of Heraclea, in Thrace, the author of a useful ®^^™' commentary on Job, taken mostly from Olympiodorus, but alsa making free use of many other writers.'* Mention should also be made of Willeram, abbot of Ebersberg, in Bavaria, who was much devoted to the study of the Scriptures, and composed a double paraphrase of Solomon's Song, one in Latin hexameter verse, an- other in prose in the language of the ancient Franks. In the early part of the twelfth century flourished Rupert, abbot of Deutz, probably the most prolific Avriter of his time, Rupert, peter and greatly devoted to the study of the Scriptures. Euthymfuszf - His exegetical works are an abridgment of Greg- abenus. cry's Moralia on Job, and commentaries on the Song of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Minor Proi^hets, the Gospel of John, and the Apocalypse.^ About this time appeared also Peter Lombard, the noted scholastic divine, who wrote a commentary on the PsalmSj and Collectanea on the Pauline epistles, gathered chiefly from the works of Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine.^ More valuable are the compilations of Euthymius Zigabenus, a Greek monk of Con- stantinople, on the Psalms, the Gospels, and the Epistles. They ' Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 170. The finest edition of Theophylact is that published at Venice, 1754-63, 4 vols. fol. ^ Lanfranc's works were edited by Giles, 2 vols. 8vo, Oxford, 1844, 1845, and Nicetas' Catena on Job appeared in London, 1637. ^ Rupert's complete works were published at Venice, 1751, 4 vols. fol. * His complete works have been published in many editions; the first, at Nurem- berg, 1478. ma HISTORY OF are taken mostly from the works of Chrysostom, and follow his grammatical method of exposition.' It was in the twelfth century that the Abbot Joachim put forth his Exposition of the Apocalypse, in which he maintains that the divine government of the world is arranged in three great icons, or disi^ensational periods: the first, extending from the creation until the incarnation of Christ, is the reign of the Father; the second, is the reign of the Son of God, and is denoted by the twelve hundred and sixty days mentioned in Rev. xi, 3 ; xii, G, each day representing a year; the third, is the reign of the Holy Spirit, to begin in the year A. D. 1260, during which mankind, having been carnal under the Father, half carnal and half spiritual under the Son, Avill become altogether spiritual. He also wrote a Avork on the Harmony of the Old and New Testaments, and there are commentaries bearing his name on most of the Prophets.'^ Thomas Aquinas, the distinguished theologian known as "the Thomas Aqui- Angelical Doctor," has left among his voluminous writ- nas. ings expositions of Job, the Psalms, Canticles, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the Gospel of John. More important than any of these, however, is his Catena Aurea on the Four Evangelists and the Epistles of Paul, which presents in an abridged form the com- ments of Augustine, Bede, Alcuin, Haymo, Rhabanus Maurus, and. others. The name of each author from whom he quotes is given at the end of the quotation. His works are marked with numerous subtleties peculiar to the schoolmen, and are of little value in the interpretation of the Scriptures. In Aquinas the scholastic phi- losophy of the Middle Ages reached its culmination, but exegesis made no real advance.^ Associated with him in scholastic theology was his contemporary, Bonaventura, called "the Seraphic Doctor." He also wrote expositions of various books of Scripture, as the Psalms, Ecclesiastes, Lamentations of Jeremiah, and portions of the Gospels, but his exegesis abounds with farfetched and worthless speculations, and in some instances assumes a seven- fold sense, the historical, the allegorical, the mystical, the moral, the symbolical, the synecdochical, and the hyperbolical. The first four of these senses are supposed to be indicated by the four feet 1 His works are given in Migne's Greek Patrologiaj Cursus Completus, vols, cxxx, cxxxi. " His Exposition of the Apocalypse has been often printed, ami all liis works were Iiul)lislic(l at Venice in 1519-24, and at Cologne in 1577. ^ The works of Aquinas have been published separately in many editions; best edi- tion of his complete works in 28 vols. 4to. Venice, 1775. An English translation of his Catena Aurea was published at Oxford in 1845. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION 667 of the table which the psalmist speaks of as prepared for him in the presence of his enemies (Psa. xxiii, 5), and the whole seven correspond with the seals of the Apocalypse. His comments on the Gospels exhibit much better judgment/ To this same class of extreme mystical interpreters belong the Car- dinal Hugo de St. Caro and Albert, bishop of Ratisbon. ^^^^ ^nd ai- The former of these is chiefly famous for his revision of ^ert. the text of the Vulgate, and his concordance of the same, with all the Avords of this Latin version arranged in alphabetical ordeh In connexion with this work he divided the Bible into chapters, and also wrote a brief commentary on the whole. This last-named work maintains a fourfold sense, the literal, the allegorical, the moral, and the anagogical.^ The expository works of Albert, some- times called, on account of his vast erudition, Albert the Great, con- sist of commentaries on the Psalms, Lamentations, the twelve Minor Prophets, the four Gospels, and the Apocalypse. His annotations are full o£ mystical allegorizing and scholastic speculation.^ Nicholas de Lyra flourished at the beginning of the fourteenth century. In addition to the usual studies of his age he Nicholas de acquired a thorough knowledge of Hebrew, a rare ac- ^yra. complishment for a Christian, and his great learning and useful writings secured him the friendship of the most illustrious men of his times, and the title of the "plain and useful doctor." His greatest work is entitled Continual Comments, or Brief Annotations on the whole Bible (Postillie perpetuae, seu brevia commentaria in universa Biblia), and exhibits a great advance upon most of the exegesis of the Middle Ages. For although he recognises a four- fold sense, as shown in the well-known lines, Litera gesta docet, quid credas allegoria, Moralis quid agus, quo tendas anagogia, he gives decided preference to the literal sense, and in his exposi- tions shows comparatively little regard for any other. He frankly acknowledges his indebtedness to the learned Hebrew exegetes, ' Bonaventura's works were published in 13 vols. 4to. Venice, l^SL His ex- egetical writings are contained in vols, i and ii. ^ Hugo's Postillae on the whole Bible were published at Basle in 1487, and his Con- cordance at Avignon in 1786, 2 vols. 4to. The word postilla, which came to be used in median-al Latin for a running commentary, means literally that which follows after, and arose from the habit of delivering homilies or expository remarks immediately af- ter the reading of the text of Scripture. Thus, too, the comments in a written volume, ■which followed after the text, which was placed first, came to be known as postillae. ^ Albert's exegetical writings are published in vols, vii-x of the edition of all his wcrks in 21 vols. fol. Lyons, 1051. 668 HISTORY OF especially Rabbi Solomon Isaac (Rashi), whose sober methods of in- terpretation he generally followed. The influence his writings had on Luther and other reformers is celebrated in the familiar couplet: ' Si Lyra non lyrasset, Lutherus uou saltasset. His comments on the New Testament are less valuable than those on the Old, and follow closely Augustine and Aquinas. He was ignorant of the Greek language, and based his expositions on the text of the Vulgate.* But his great Postillae perpetuae accom- plished much in preparing the way of a more thorough grammatical interpretation of the Bible.'' His exegetical principles were op- posed by Paulus Burgensis, who thought that Lyra had given undue emphasis to the literal sense to the neglect of the other meanings which he allowed. Lyra was in turn defended by Mat- thias Doring, a Franciscan monk. These polemical treatises con- tain nothing of value. Along with Lyra we may appropriately mention John Wycliffe, the first English translator of the Bible, and the " morn- • Wycliffe. . ing star of the Reformation." His translation of the entire Scriptures, including also the Apocrypha, was made from the Vulgate, and is of little or no intrinsic value, having been super- seded by more accurate English versions, but its influence at the time of its appearance, and for a long period afterward, was incal- culable. It placed the divine Word within reach of multitudes of the common people, and set them thinking for themselves. John IIuss, the illustrious Bohemian reformer, who suffered mar- tyrdom at Constance in 1415, was ecreatlv influenced in JOhnHUSS. -•'. . - , . . ^> TTX !•«. TX his views by the writmgs or V\ yclin;e. He wrote an exposition of the Gospels, compiled mostly from the Latin fathers, and a commentary on the Catholic Epistles, and a portion of First Corinthians. He follows the grammatical sense, but aims espe- cially to bring out the doctrinal and moral lessons of the sacred text. John Wessel, whose life extended over the John Wessel. ,. i .^ i greater part of the fifteenth century, was another pre- cursor of the Reformation, and is worthy of our notice because of his holding up the Scriptures in that dark age as the final appeal in matters of faith. So far as his writings deal with expositions of the Bible ho follows the historico-theological method, and main- tains the simple and obvious sense of tlie text. Tradition, how- ' Comp. Meyer, Geschiehte der Schrifterklarung poit tier Wicderherstellung der Wisscnscliiiften, vol. i, pp. loO-l'JO. ' The best edition of Lyra's Postillte is that pubiislieil at Antwerp, lf>34, (> vols. fol. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 66J> ever, was not altogether rejected, and he showed great deference to the rule or analogy of faith. A very different style of interpretation was that maintained by- John Charlier Gerson, who co-operated with the Coun- cil of Constance in the condemnation and martyrdom of IIuss. Gerson, however, laboured earnestly for the reform of the Church, and thereby provoked the enmity of many leading men of his time. He wrote a docti'inal exposition of the Seven Penitential Psalms, and a treatise on the Song of Songs. In other works of his production he advocates the literal sense of Holy Scripture, but insists, like a true papist, that this sense is to be determined, not by the judgment of the individual interpreter, but by the authority of the Church. Lorenzo (or Laurentius) Valla, an Italian scholar, was one of the most celebrated leaders in the revival of literature, Laurentius and, as Hase concisely puts it, " first developed the '^^^i^- laws of a true Latinity, and was induced by the artistic refinement which it jn'oduced decidedly to pronounce the scholastic style ab- surd, by the })hilological knowledge it afforded to explain and illustrate the original text of the New Testament, and by the his- torical criticism it fostered to give judgment against the fables of the hierarchy." ' He wrote, besides other important works, Anno- tations on the New Testament, which entitle him to the honour of being the best interpreter of the fifteenth century. He urged the importance of understanding the original language of the New Testament, and showed that the Vulgate text must be amended by the Greek original. He opposed the traditional follies of the Church, refused to allow the scholastic philosophy to control bibli- cal exposition, and adhered closely to the grammatical sense. He was pre-eminently a critic and grammarian, and his system of in- terpretation may best be designated as philological.^ He paid little or no attention to the theological and normal teachings of the Bible, and while, doubtless, erring in this extreme, his labours and influ- ence produced a wholesome and much-needed reaction against superstition and mystic scholasticism, and in favour of a grammat- ical interpretation of the Scriptures. With the general revival of learning, and the knowledge of Grecian antiquity which was introduced by Grecian refugees into Southern and Western Europe, and prepared the way for ' History of the Christian Church, translated by Blumenthal and Wing, p. 32*7. New York, 1855. " Comp. Meyer, Geschichte der Schrif terkarung seit der Wiederherstellung der Wis- Benschaften, vol. i, pp. 154r-166. 670 HISTORY OF the great Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, there Re\'ivai of learn- was a notable breaking away from mediaeval super- cre^ed study of ^^ition, and an increasing regard for the study of the the Bible. Holy Scriptures. The Church of Rome was hostile to these tendencies. " The opposition of the Church to primitive Chris- tianity," says Hase, "was evinced in the fact that when it per- ceived the almost universal use of the sacred wi-itings by parties hostile to it the hierarchy ventured more and more decidedly to prevent the perusal of the Scriptures in the language of the people, and to subject every translation to an ecclesiastical censorship. In spite of all their efforts, however, after the middle of the fifteenth century, the wishes of the people and the power of the press prevailed, and fourteen editions of a translation in the high German, all founded upon the Vulgate, though none were in the genuine language of the people, are evidence to the extent to which it was used." ^ The first notable specimen of printing with metal types was an edition of the Latin Vulgate in two folio volumes (somewhere betAveen 1450 and 1455). The art of printing became from that time a most important aid in the diffusion of knowledge. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, but hardly to be classed with the great reformers, flourished two cele- John Reuchlin. , t i i ^ i -i t i t • i brated scholars to whom biblical literature is greatly indebted, Reuchlin and Erasmus. John Reuchlin was recognised as a leader of the German Humanists, and was particularly famous for his devotion to the study of Hebrew. He justly deserves the title of father of Hebrew learning in the Christian Church. He far surpassed the Jews of his time in the knowledge of their own language, and published, besides many other works, a treatise on the Rudiments of Hebrew, another on the Accents and Orthog- raphy of the HebreAV Language, and a Grammatical Interpretation of the Seven Penitential Psalms. He was also acknowledged every- where as an authority in Latin and Greek, as well as in Hebrew, and the most learned men of his age sousrht his instruction and counsel. His great services in the cause of biblical learning led men to say of him, " Jerome is born again." Desiderius Erasmus was by his wit, wisdom, culture, and varied erudition the foremost representative, and. one might say, the embodiment, of Humanism. He and Reuchlin were called the " Eyes of Germany." Erasmus became early fas- cinated with the ancient classics, translated several Greek authors into Latin, and edited numerous editions of their works. He also edited a number of the Greek and Latin fathers. Without any ' History of the Christian Church, p. 332. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. C71 such deep religious experience and profound convictions as Luther, and possessed of no such massive intellect as Melanchthon, he was noted rather for versatility of genius and prodigious literary indus- try. Nevertheless, he was one of the most distinguished precur- sors of the Reformation, and it was truly said : " Erasmus laid the egg; Luther hatched it." He appears to have turned his attention to biblical studies about the beginning of the sixteenth century, and published in 1505 a new edition of Lorenzo Valla's Remarks on the New Testament. He edited and published in 1516 the first edition of the Greek Testament. It was printed in folio, accom- panied with an elegant Latin version, and various readings from several manuscripts, the works of the fathers, and the Vulgate. This first edition was hastily prepared, precipitated rather than edited, as Erasmus himself wrote, in order to bring it out in ad- vance of Cardinal Ximenes' Complutensian Polyglot, which did not appear until 15 20. Erasmus afterward wrote and published Annotations on the New Testament, and also Paraphrases on the whole New Testament except the Book of Revelation, which were so highly esteemed in England that it was required of every par- ish church to possess a copy of the English translation. These publications introduced a new era in biblical learning, and went far toward supplanting the scholasticism of the previous ages by better methods of theological study.' Jacques Lefevre, born at Etaples (about 1455), and commonly known as Jacobus Faber Stapulensis, can hardly be ranked with the great Reformers, and yet in fact he was the father of the Reformation in France. He, however, never left the Roman Church, and we may properly notice his work in bibli- cal literature as belonging to the transition period which prepared the way for the triumph of Protestantism. In 1509 he published his Psalteriura Quintuplex, or Psalms, in five versions, accompanied with short annotations. He afterward published commentaries on the Psalms, the four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, and the Catholic Epistles, But his most important work was his French translation of the Bible, which was the basis of the later work of Olivetan. The New Testament part appeared at Paris in 1523, and the Old Testament at Antwerp in 1538. Belonging to this same transition period, and -worthy of a passing notice, we find the Italian, Pico Mirandula (Giovanni Pico della Mirandula), who was learned in Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, as well as Greek and Latin, and wrote ah ' Erasmus' works have been printed in many forms. The best edition is that of Le Clerc, in 11 vols, folio. Leyden, 1703. €72 HISTORY OF allegorical exposition of Genesis, a work of no value, and a com- mentary on the Lord's Prayer. Mention should also be made of Sanctes Pagninus, an Italian Sanctes Pag- monk, distinguished for his knowledge of Latin, Greek, ninus. Arabic, Chaldee, and Hebrew, especially the last. He published a Hebrew Lexicon, and an Introduction to the Mystical Meanings of Holy Scripture, in which he explained parts of Job, Solomon's Song, and the seventh chapter of First Corinthians in a very fanciful and cabalistic manner. His most useful work, how- ever, is his new Latin version of the Old and New Testaments, the first Latin Bible in which the verses of each chapter were num- bered as in the original. This translation is remarkable for its ■close adherence to the Hebrew idiom. He also composed Institutes of the Hebrew language, and a catena of Greek and Latin writers ■on the Pentateuch. The beginning of the sixteenth century was notable for the grow- The nrst Poly- i^^g interest taken in the study of the ancient tongues, sriots. Q^j^({ ^jjg publication (at Genoa in 1516) of the Polyglot Psalter of Justinian (Giustiniani), a bishop of Corsica, and the great Complutensian Polyglot, commenced in 1502 under the auspices of Cardinal Ximenes of Toledo, completed in 1517, and published in 1522. The editors of this work were Demetrius Ducas, a Greek by birth, and a teacher in the University of Alcala; Anthony of Neb- rissa, a Spanish theologian, professor in the University of Alcala, and author of several valuable works; Stunica, noted for skill in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin languages; Ferdinand Nonnius, a distinguished orientalist; Alphonsus, a physician of Alcala, Alphon- sus Zamora, and Paul Coronel; these last three converted Jews, who were all proficient in Hebrew and in rabbinical learning. Most of these editors of the Complutensian Polyglot were also noted for other works in biblical literature and philology. The publication of the whole Bible and separate parts of it in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, Arabic, and Syriac prepared the way for the more accurate and scientific exposition of the following centuries. The fetters of ignox'ance were broken, a widespread love for literature and learning prevailed, and earnest and devout stu- dents of the Scriptures began to cultivate a more thorough and use- ful system of interpretation. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 673 CHAPTER VI. EXEGESIS OF THE REFORMATION. With the Reformation of the sixteenth century the mind of Ger- many and of other European states broke away from The Reformat the ignorance and superstition of the Middle Ages, the |Ji°gVfa better Holy Scriptures were appealed to as the written reve- day. lation of God, containing all things necessary to salvation, and the doctrine of justification by faith was magnified against priestly absolution and the saving meritoriousness of works. The great commandino; mind and leader of this remarkable movement was Martin Luther, who, in October, 1517, published the famous theses which were like the voice of a trumpet sounding forth the begin- ning of a better day. Five years later he put forth his German translation of the New Testament. This was one of the most valu- able services of his life, for it gave to his people the holy oracles in the simple, idiomatic, and racy language of common life, and enabled them to read for themselves the teachings of Christ and Luther's Ger- the apostles. It was followed by successive portions of ^^^ ^^^i^- the Old Testament until, in 1534, the whole Bible was completed and became of incalculable influence in effecting the triumph of Protestantism. The arduous effort of Luther to make his transla- tion of the Bible as accurate as possible went far toward the estab- lishing of sound methods of criticism and exegesis. His helps in this great enterprise consisted of Erasmus' edition of the New Testament, the Septuagint, the Vulgate, a few of the Latin fathers, and an imperfect knowledge of the Hebrew. He also received val- uable assistance from Melanchthon, Bugenhagen, Jonas, Cruciger, and several learned rabbis. He spent twelve of the best years of his life upon this monumental work. Portions of the original auto- graph are still preserved in the royal library of Berlin, and show with what anxious care he sought to make the version as faithful as possible. Sometimes three or four different forms mg exegeticai of expression were written down before he determined """o^ks. which one to adopt. Luther's commentary on the Galatians, which has been translated into English, and published in many editions, was characterized by himself as being very " plentiful in words." It is an elaborate treatise adapted for use as public lectures and devo- tional reading, and is particularly notable for its ample exposition 43 674 HISTORY OF of the doctrine of justification by faith. Lutlier also prepared notes on Genesis, the Psalms, the Sermon on the Mount, the Gospel of John, and other portions of the New Testament.' His knowl- edge of Hebrew and Greek was limited, and he sometimes mistook the meaning of the sacred writer, but his religious intuitions and deep devotional spirit enabled him generally to apprehend the true sense of Scripture. Although Luther occupies the foremost place among the reform- ers, he was far surpassed in scholarship and learninir bv Melanchthon. t^, ... ,, , . , ^ . , , . \ . o J Phihp Melanchthon, in whom he found an indispensable friend and helper, in temperament and manners the counterpart of himself. Luther may be compared with Paul, Avhose bold and fear- less spirit he admirably represented; Melanchthon exhibited rather the tender and loving spirit of John. Melanchthon appears to have been favoured Avith every opportunity and means of education which that age afforded. He was regarded as a prodigy of ancient learning, especially skilled in the knowledge of Greek, a pupil of Reuchlin, and a friend of Erasmus, both of whom extolled his remarkable talents and ripe scholarship. His thorough acquaint- ance with the original languages of the Scriptures, his calm judg- ment and cautious methods of procedure, qualified him for pre- eminence in biblical exegesis. He clearly perceived the Hebraic character of the New Testament Greek, and showed the importance of the study of Hebrew even for the exposition of the Christian Scriptures. As an aid in this line of study he published an edition of the Septuagint. Luther listened with delight to his expository lectures on Romans and Corinthians, obtained his manuscript, and sent it without his knowledge to the printer. On its appearance he wrote to his modest friend thus characteristically: "It is I who pub- lish this commentary of yours, and I send yourself to you. If you are not satisfied with yourself you do right; it is enough that you please us. Yours is the fault, if there be any. AVhy did you not publish them yourself ? Why did you let me ask, command, and urge you to publish to no purpose ? This is my defence against you. For I am willing to rob you and to bear the name of a thief. I fear not your complaints or accusations."* Melanchthon's exegetical lectures embrace Genesis, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Lamentations, Daniel, Hag- gai, Zechariah, and Malachi, of the Old Testament; and Matthew, ' Luther's exegetical works in Latin, edited by Elsperger, Schmid, and Irmisclicr, were published at Erlangon in 23 vols. I'inio, 1729-44; in German, in vols, xxxiii-lii of his collected works as edited by Irmischcr, 1843-53. " Luther's Briefe, 8eudschreibeu u. Cedenken, ed. De Wette, ii, 238. Conip. ii, 303. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 675 John, Romans, Corinthians, Colossians, Timothy, and Titus, of the New Testament. Luther's German Bible was greatly jjjg exegeticai indebted to the careful revision of Melanchthon, who lectures. himself translated the books of Maccabees. Although his quiet, meditative tendencies led him at times into allegorical methods of exegesis, which he found so generally adopted by the fathers, he followed in the main the grammatico-historical method, was care- ful to trace the connexion and course of thought, and aimed to as- certain the mind of the Spirit in the written word. His celebrated Loci Communes, and his authorship of the Augsburg Confession, en- title him to rank with the greatest theologians of any age or nation.' Similar to Luther and Melanchthon, in their relations to one an- othei", wei'e the great Swiss reform ei's, Zwingle and CEco- lampadius. Zwingle was inferior to Luther in depth and genius, but his superior in humanistic culture and less mys- tical in his nature. He wrote scholia on Genesis, Exodus, Isaiah, and Jeremiah, and also on the Gospels. There is yet pre- served in the Zurich library his manuscript copy in Greek of the Epistles of Paul, with marginal annotations from Erasmus, Origen, Ambrose, Jerome, and others. He made extensive use of the Greek and Roman classics, with which he was very familiar, forming his style after those ancient models, and bringing them to the illustra- tion of various passages of Scripture.'' Q^colampadius was more gentle and meditative than Zwingle, and his scholarship was more varied and thorough. In . iii-i ,.• T 1 • CEcolampadius. his intellectual habits, love ot retirement, and academic tastes he greatlv resembled Melanchthon. He studied under Reuch- lin, assisted Erasmus in preparing the second edition of his Greek Testament, and became distinguished over all the continent for his vast erudition, and especially for his proficiency in Hebrew and Greek. He was famous as a preacher and expounder of the Holy Scriptures. While professor of biblical literature in the University of Basle his lecture room could not contain the crowds of students and citizens who thronged to hear him. His exegetical works consist mainly of commentaries on Genesis, Job, and all the prophetical books, (3 vols, fol., 1553-8), and are of considerable value. Contemporary with Zwingle and CEcolampadius was Conrad Pellican, for thirty years professor of Hebrew at Zurich, '' •' ^ , Pellican. where, in 1527, he published an edition of the Hebrew Bible with the comments of Aben-Ezra and Salamon. He also ' Melanchthon's works, edited by Bretschneider and Bindseil, form 28 vols, of tlie Corpus Reformatorum. Ilalle and Brunswick. 1834-60. ^ His works were publislied at Zurich in 8 vols., 1828-42. 676 HISTORY OF published commentaries on all the books of the Old and New Test- aments, except Jonah, Zechariah, and the Revelation. His method is to adhere to the literal sense, amend where needed the Vulgate text, and make considerable use of rabbinical authors, with whom he appears to have been quite familiar. His exegetical writings served a useful purpose during the period of the Reformation. Sebastian Minister identified himself with the Protestant reform- Miinster and ^^'^f ^'^^ showed the liveliest sympathy with their prin- ciarius. ciples, but he kept aloof from all their controversies, and gave himself up to the quiet study of Hebrew and other oriental languages. He published an edition of the Hebrew Bible, with a new Latin version and extensive annotations di-awn mainly from the rabbinical commentaries. He was also the author of numerous works on Hebrew and Chaldee grammar, and of expositions of sev- eral books of the Old Testament, which have been printed in the Critici Sacri. Isidore Clarius belongs to this same period. His principal work was an amended edition of the Latin Vulgate, accompanied by annotations taken largely from Miinster. John Draconites also acquired reputation as a biblical scholar by his Biblia Pentapla, and commentaries on various portions of the Old and New Testaments. Of all the exegetes of the period of the Reformation the first place must unquestionably be given to John Calvin, John Calvin. , i • i i t - • .^ i i whose learning was ample, whose Latin style surpassed in purity and elegance that of any writer of his time, and whose intellect was at once acute and ])enetrating, profound and compre- hensive. His stern views on predestination are too often ottensively prominent, and he at times indulges in harsh wofds against those who differ from him in opinion. In textual and philological criti- cism he was not equal to Erasmus, Melanchthon, CEcolampadius, or his intimate friend Beza, and he occasionally falls into notably in- correct interpretations of words and phrases; but as a whole, his commentaries are justly celebrated for clearness, good sense, and masterly apprehension of the meaning and spirit of the sacred Avriters. With the exception of Judges, Ruth, Kings, Esther, Ezra, Nehemiah, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Solomon's Song, and the Apoca- lypse, his comments, expository lectures, and homilies extend over the whole Bible. In his Preface to the Epistle to the Romans he maintains that the chief excellence of an interpreter is a pers])ii'u- ous brevity which does not divert the reader's thoughts by long and prolix discussions, but directly lays open the mind of the sacred writer. His commentaries, accordingly, while not altogether free from blemishes, exhibit a lKii»i)y exegetical tact, a ready grasp of BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. G77 the more obvious meaning of words, and an admirable regard to the context, scope, and plan of the author. He seldom quotes from other commentators, and is conspicuously free from mystical, alle- gorical, and forced methods of exposition. His exegesis breathes everywhere — especially in the Psalms — a most lively religious feel- ing, indicating that his own personal experience enabled him to penetrate as by intuition into the depths of meaning treasured in the oracles of God. " In the Pauline ejDistles," says Tholuck, " he merges himself in the spirit of the apostle, and becoming one with him, as every one clearly feels, he deduces everywhere the explana- tion of that whicli is particular from that which is general, and is in this respect to be compared with Chrysostom, whose rhetorical education, however, sometimes exerted a bad influence upon him. The whole history of the New Testament becomes in his hand alive and vivid. He lives in every person who comes forward, either speaking or acting, in the wicked as well as in the good ; and ex- plains every discourse from the circumstances, and from the soul of him who speaks." ' Next to Calvin we may appropriately notice his intimate friend and fellow reformer, Theodore Beza, who early enioyed Theodore 6ez3> the instruction of such masters as Faber (Stapulensis), Budseus, and John Lascaris, and became so distinguished as an apt and brilliant scholar that of one hundred, who with him received the master's degree, he stood first. He lived to the great age of eighty-six, and was the author of many useful works. The princi- pal monument of his exegetical skill is his Latin ti'anslation of the New Testament, with full annotations.^ He was a consummate critic, a man of remarkable quickness and versatility of intellect, and widely distinguished for his profound and varied learning. His comments are unlike those of Calvin in not making prominent the religious element of the sacred writings, but his j)hilological ' The Merits of Calvin as an Interpreter of the Holy Scriptures. Translated from the German in the Biblical Repository for July, 1832, p. 562. Comp. Gotch on same subject in Kitto's Journal of Sacred Literature for 1849, p. 222. Calvin's works were published in 9 folio vols., Amsterdam, 1671 (best edition). A new edition, edited by Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, is given in the Corpus Reformatorum, Brunswick, 1863-82 (yet incomplete). Tholuck's edition of his New Testament Commentaries, in V vols. 8vo, is a very convenient one. English translation of Calvin's works in 52 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh. * The editio optima of Beza's New Testament was published at Cambridge (1 vol. fol., 1642), and contains his own new translation placed in a column between the Greek te-\t on the one side and the Vulgate on the other. It is accompanied by a copious critical and exegetical commentary by the translator himself, and the com- mentary of Camerarius is appended to the end of the volume. C78 HISTORY OF learning and constant reference to the Greek and Hebrew texts are more conspicuous. Other distinguished exegetical writers of this period were Bugen- hagen, Bucor, Osiander, Camerarius, Fagius, Muscuhis, Aretius, Castellio, and Bullinger. John Bugenhagen (called also Pomeranus, from his native place) assisted Luther in translating the Scriptures, and wrote annotations on several books of the Old and New Testaments. Luther extolled him as beinor the iirst who deserved the name of commentator on the Psalms. Martin Bucer was noted for his refinement, ingenuity, and conciliatory methods. He Avas one of Luther's coadjutors, and became famous as a preacher and teacher throughout Germany. In 1549 he was invited to England and appointed professor of theology at Cam- bridge. Ho was a voluminous author, and, as a biblical expositor, jnaintained the grammatico-historical sense. Peter Martyr was the author of commentaries on Genesis, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Lamen- tations, and some of the Pauline epistles. Andreas Osiander wrote a Harmony of the Gospels, in which he maintained that the parallel narratives are not accounts of the same events, but of similar events Avliich followed one another in four different periods. He also published an emended edition of the Latin Vulgate with numerous annotations, and various polemical treatises. Camerarius was the author of a critical commentary on the New Testament, which is published in the Cambridge edition of Beza's New Testament. Fagius, like ]>ucer, was appointed a professor in Cambridge Univer- sity, and, at the request of Cranmer, they together planned a critical edition of the entire Scriptures, but their work was cut off by early death. Fagius was especially noted for his Hebrew learning, and was the author of several works on the Hebrew lanoruasre and litera- turo. Musculus acquired some note as a biblical interpreter, and Aretius wrote a commentary on the Pentateuch and the entire New Testament. Sebastian Castellio (or Castalion) was for a time asso- ciated with Calvin at Geneva, but after a few years left that place because of his opposition to the Calvinian doctrine of predestination. He wrote several exegetical treatises, and published complete Latin and French versions of the Bible, Avhich were made the subject of niuc'h eoiiriictiiig criticism. He was more of a critic and philologist than ail expositor.' Ileinrich Bullinger, the friend and ally of Zwingle, and his successor at Zurich, was the author of many ex- pository discourses, which were so highly esteemed in England that Aichbishop Whitgift gave order that every clergyman should ' Conip. .Mover, Geschidite der Schiifteiklaiuiig seit der Wiederherstelluiig der Wisseiisclialtcii, vol. ii, pp. 290-297. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 679 obtain a copy and read one of the sermons every week. Mention should also be made of Carlstadt, Luther's violent and unmanage- able fellow reformer, who maintained against him the genuineness of the Epistle of James, and also published a work on the Canonical Scriptures, in Avhich the great Protestant doctrine of the paramount authority of the Bible is ably set forth. John Agricola, the anti- nomian, acquired considerable fame as an expositor, and published commentaries on the Gospel of Luke and several epistles of Paul, and John Brentius published expository discourses upon all the books of the Old and New Testaments. Strigel, also, the gifted pupil of Melanchthon, is noted for his scholia on the Old Testament, and his Ilypomnemata on all the books of the New Testament. Matthias Flacius, (often called, from his native country, Illyricus), the proiector of the Magdeburg Centuries, was for a Flacius. time professor of Old Testament literature at Witten- berg. He was the author of numerous theological treatises; but especially deserving of notice is his Clavis Scripturae Sacrse, an im- portant biblical and hermeneutical dictionary. " The work," says Davidson, " is an extraordinary one, whether we consider the time at which it appeared, the copiousness of its materials, the acuteness of mind which it manifests, the learning it contains, or the amazing industry of its author amid the violent restlessness of his turbulent spirit. Succeeding writers have drawn largely from its pages; yet its merits are such as to recommend a thorough perusal even at the present day." ' Johannes Piscator flourished in the latter part of the sixteenth cen- tury, and was distinojuished for his assiduous devotion Pisojitor to biblical and theological studies. He translated the entire Bible into German, and also published a commentary on the Old and New Testaments. Another eminent biblical scholar of this period was Junius, who was associated at Heidel- Junius and berg with the converted Jew, Immanuel Tremellius, in Tremeiuus. pi-eparing a Latin translation of the Old Testament. This impor- tant version was published in parts (from 1575 to 1579), and in the course of twenty years passed through twenty editions.'' The trans- lation follows the original with great closeness, and was for many years the most popular Latin version in use among Protestants. Junius was also the author of commentaries on several ^^ , ^ books of the Old and New Testaments, Augustine Marloratus deserves honourable mention among the exegetes of this ' Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 680. Best edition of tlie Clavis Scripturae is that of Musneus, Jena, 1674, and Erfurt, 1719. *The best edition is thought to be the seventh, Frankfort, 1624, fol. 680 HISTORY OF period. He composed expositions of various books of Scripture,, but his most valual)le work is his Catholic Exposition of the New Testament, which contains Erasmus' Latin version, and the com- ments of several ancient fathers, along with those of Erasmus, Cal- vin, Bucer, Melanchthon, Zwingle, and others. The object of this work was to exhibit the substantial harmony of the two Protestant parties and their agreement with the ancient Church. MaldonatUS. \ . -yr ^ ^ X Ci -IT -^ ■ ^ -,• John Jlaidonatus, a bpanish Jesuit, acqun-ed great dis- tinction at Paris as an expounder of the Scriptures, and Romanists and Protestants attended his lectures. He was the author of com- mentaries on the principal books of the Old Testament and on the four Gospels. He maintained the literal sense of Scripture, and also showed great familiarity with the writings of the fathers. Great attention was given during the sixteenth century to the Translations of translation of the Bible into modern languages. Of the Bible. Luther's German version we have already spoken; also of the work of Lefevre, whose French version did much to advance the Protestant Reformation, although Lefevre never left the Ro- man Church (see above, p. 671). Olivetan, a relative of Calvin, published in 1535 a French translation of the whole Bible, which was subsequently revised by Calvin, Beza, Bertram, and others, and appeared in many successive editions. Li 1530 Antonio Bruccioli Itublished an Italian version of the New Testament, and in 1532 an Italian version of the vvh«le Bible. In 1562 an Italian version of the New Testament, by Gallars and Beza, was published at Geneva along with a revised edition of Bruccioli's Old Testament. In 1007 the superior Italian version of Diodati appeared at Geneva. In 1543 the Spanish version of the New Testament by Enzinas was issued at Antwerp. Other Spanish translations made by learned Jews appeared a little later. A translation of the whole Bible into the Helvetian, or German Swiss dialect, made chiefly by Leo Juda?, appeared in parts at Zurich from 1524 to 1529. In 1526 a Belgic or Dutch translation of the Bible was published by Jacob a Lies- veldt at Antwerp, and several editions of the Bohemian Bible were printed at Prague from 1549 to 1577. The first edition of the Polish Bible was issued at Cracow in 1561. It was a Catholic pub- lication, but being much indebted to the Protestant Bohemian Bible, it never received the sanction of the pope. Numerous other Polish versions, however, made by Protestants, were published dur- ing the century. A Danish translation of the New Testament appeared at Leipsic in 1524, and at Wittemberg in 1558; and a translation of the whole Bible into the Pomeranian tongue, a dialect of Lower Saxony, was printed at Bardi in 1588. During the latter BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 681 half of this century translations of the whole or parts of the Bibla were published in the Icelandic, Finnish, Swedish, and Hungarian languages. In 1525 William Tyndale published his English version of the New Testament at Worms. He also translated the Penta- teuch and the Book of Jonah, which appeared subsequently. Coverdale's English version of the wdiole Bible apj^eared in 1535, and in 1537 the so-called "Matthew's Bible," edited by the mar- tyr Rogers, who used the unpublished manuscrijits of Tyndale. In 1539 the version known as the "Great Bible" was published under the superintendence of Grafton. In 1540 Cranmer's Bible, a. mere revision of the Great Bible, was printed in England; in 1560 the " Geneva Bible," the work of English refugees led by William Whittingham, was printed at Geneva; in 1568 appeared the "Bish- op's Bible," under the superintendence of Archbishop Parker. All these prepared the way for the Authorized Version, issued in 1611^ which has been the standard English version until the present time. In 1582 the Anglo-Rhemish New Testament appeared, and in 1609 and 1610 the so-called Douay Bible, made by English Ro- manists from the Latin Vulgate. The interest taken in biblical studies during the sixteenth cen- tury is further shown in the Polyglot Bibles, which •' J o ^ Polyglotsw were published at Antwerp (1568-73) and Nuremberg (1599-1600). The former included the whole of the Complutensian edition of Ximenes (see above, p. 672), and other important texts and philological helps, and was prepared by Arias Montanus, as- sisted by a number of eminent scholars. Only five hundred copies of this v/ork w^ere printed, and a part of these were lost by the wreck of the vessel which conveyed them to Sj^ain.* The Nurem- berg Polyglot was due to the enterprise of Elias Hutter, a learned German, and contained the New Testament in twelve languages. He also published considerable portions of the Old Testament in six different languages. A careful study of the exegetical writings of the sixteenth cen- tury reveals two tendencies which early appeared among the Prot- estant reformers, and developed gradually during the next twa * The honor of projecting this Pol3'glot is said to belong to Christopher Plantin, who, finding himself inadequate to support the expenses of such an immense under- taking, presented a petition to Pliilip II., King of Spain, who promised to advance the money necessary for the execution of the work, and to send learned men from Spain to undertake the arrangement and direction of the impression. For this success Plan- tin was considerably indebted to Cardinal Spinosa, counsellor of Philip II., who ap- proved the plan, and persuaded the sovereign to sanction it. — Townley, Illustrations of Biblical Literature, vol. ii, p. 206. New York, 1842. «82 HISTORY OP centuries, until in modern times the one has run into extreme ra- Exegeticaiten- tionalism, and the other into a narrow and dogmatic dencies of the orthodoxy. These tendencies early separated the so- Reformed par- Called Lutheran and Reformed parties. The more rigid ^^^- orthodox Lutherans exhibited a proclivity to authorita- tive forms, and assumed a dogmatic tone and method in their use of the Scripture. The Reformed theologians showed greater readi- ness to break away from churchly customs and traditional ideas, and treat the Scriptures with a respectful, but free, critical spirit. The two methods were made conspicuous in the dispute between Luther and Zwingle over the meaning of the words, "This is my body." Luther and Melanchthon, Zwingle and QEcolamj)adius, met at Marburg to reconcile, if possible, their differences. " The theo- logians sat by a table," writes Fisher, " the Saxons on one side and the Swiss opjiosite them. Luther wrote upon the table with chalk his text — hoc est meuni corjnis — and refused to budge an iota from the literal sense. But his opponents would not admit the actual presence of the body of Christ in the sacrament, or that his body is received by unbelievers. Finally, when it was evident that no common ground could be reached, Zwingle, with tears in his eyes, offered the right hand of fraternal fellowship to Luther. But this Luther refused to take, not willing, says Ranke, to recognise them as of the same communion. But more was meant by this refusal: Luther would regard the Swiss as friends, but such was the influ- ■ence of his dogmatic system over his feelings that he could not bring himself to regard them as Christian brethren. Luther and Melanchthon at this time appeared to have supposed that an agree- ment in every article of belief is the necessary condition of Christ- ian fellowship." ' The tone and attitude of these men toward one another on that memorable occasion is a fair index of the relations of rigid dogmatic exposition on the one hand, and conscientious rational inquiry on the other. In general exposition no great differ- ences appeared among the early reformers. Luther and Melanch- thon represent the dogmatic, Zwingle, Q^colampadius, and Beza the more grammatico-historical method of scriptural interpretation. Calvin combined some elements of both, but belonged essentially to the Reformed party. It was not until two centuries later that a cold, illiberal, and dogmatic orthodoxy provoked an opposite ex- treme of lawless rationalism. ' History of the Reformation, p. 152. New York, 1878. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. G83 CHAPTER VII. EXEGESIS OP THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. The spirit of religious inquiry, and the widespread interest in bib- lical studies, which were created by the Protestant Progress of Wb- Reformation, continued with unabated vigour in the Ucai studies, seventeenth century. The Scriptures were translated into many languages, and former translations were carefully revised, critical and philological pursuits engaged the talents of the most .distin- guished scholars of Europe, and almost innumerable exegetical works made their appearance, from the diminutive pocket volume to the ponderous folio commentaries and polyglots. Toward the close of the sixteenth century the study of Hebrew literature was greatly promoted by John Buxtorf, "the „ _^ 1 1 • • 1 1 1 TT Buxtorf. first notable Protestant rabbinical scholar. He was the head of a family which for more than a century was distinguished for attainments in Hebrew learning. The elder Buxtorf published numerous treatises on Hebrew and Chaldee grammar and lexicog- raphy, and his Lexicon Chaldaicum Talmudicum et Rabbinicum (Basle, 1639) remains to this day the most complete work of its kind extant. Valentine Schindler i^repared about this „ , . ,, ^ -^ Schindler. time his Lexicon Pentaglotton, m which the cognate Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, Talmudico-Rabbinic, and Arabic words are alphabetically arranged and defined. The learned Frenchman, Vatriblus, may also be mentioned as having a little be- yj^jj^^^i^g ^^ fore this revived the study of Hebrew among his coun- Dieu, and Dru- trymen, and somewhat later Louis De Dieu did a similar work at the university of Leyden in the Netherlands, At this university John Drusius was made professor of oriental languages in 1577, and distinguished himself by several valuable contributions to biblical literature, especially by his Annotations upon the New Testament. The learned philologist, Joseph Scaliger, was also one of the early professors at Leyden, The labors of these men pre- pared the way for a more thorough grammatical study of the Old Testament Scriptures. It was in the early part of this century (1611), as we have no- ticed, that the Authorized English Version appeared, King james* under the direction of King James, and the forty-seven version, learned men who took part in its execution indicate how many 684 ' HISTORY OF competent scholars in England were at that time giving themselves to the critical study of the Scriptures. About 1615 Le Jay pro- iected his immense work, the Paris Polysrlot. Its pub- Paris Polyglot. ■;. . , . '^„ , i , . . lication Avas begun in 1628 and completed m 1645 in ten imperial folio volumes, containing the entire Bible in seven lan- guages (Hebrew, Samaritan, Chaldee, Greek, Syriac, Latin, and Arabic). It is inconvenient in not presenting all these versions to- gether, but placing them in different volumes. Volumes i-iv con- tain the Hebrew, Chaldee, Septuagint, and Vulgate texts of the Old Testament; volumes v and vi give the New Testament in Greek, Syriac, Arabic, and Latin; volume vii contains the Hebrew, the Samaritan Pentateuch, and the Samaritan version, with a Latin translation by iNIorinus (J, Morin), and the Arabic and Syriac Pen- tateuch; volumes viii-x contain the rest of the Old Testament in Syriac and Arabic. The work is too unwieldy to be of practical value, and its great cost ruined the fortune of Le Jay. It was soon London Poly- Superseded by the London Polyglot of Brian Walton, 8'°^- the first volume of which was issued in 1654, and the sixth and last in 1657. It presents in parallel columns, or on the same page, the Pentateuch in eight languages, the Psalms in seven, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, and the four Gospels in six, the rest of the New Testament and the Book of Esther in five, and the other books of the Old Testament and the Apocrypha (excepting Judith and Maccabees) in four. It was fol- lowed in 1669 by the Lexicon Heptaglotton of Castell, a joint lexi- con of the Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, Samaritan, Ethiopic, and Arabic, and a separate lexicon of the Persian, with short grammars of those tongues (2 vols, folio). The entire work in eight uniform volumes is a magnificent monument of human learning and industry. Soon after the publication of the London Polyglot appeared that The critici immense collection of critical and exegetical writings sacri. known as the Critici Sacri (London, 1660, 9 vols, folio). It was prepared under the editorial supervision of Bishop Pearson, Anthony Scattergood, and Francis Gouldman, and printed by Cor- nelius Bee. It was republished at Amsterdam, with considerable additions, in 1698-1702, in thirteen folio volumes. This work con- tains all the annotations of Grotius, Drusius, Mtinster, Vatablus, Castalio, Clarius, Fagius on the first four chapters of Genesis, and on the Chaldee paraphrase of the Pentateuch, Masius on Joshua, Codurcus on Job, J. Price on the Psalms, Bayne on Prtiverbs, Forerius on Isaiah, Edward Lively on Hosea, Amos, Obadiah, and Jonah, and Badwell on the Apocrypha. The New Testament part contains a similar range of authors, and the work is ciii-ichcd by BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 685 numerous philological dissertations and tracts, such as Louis Cap- pel on Jephthah's vow, Urstius on the Construction of Noah's ark, and Fagius on the Principal Translations of the Old Testament. This great work, with its supplements, has treasured up and pre- served the wa-itings of many critics which would have otherwise been quite inaccessible. Poole's Synopsis, published in 1669-V4, in five folio volumes, is, for substance, an abridgment of the Critici Sacri, al- Pooie's synop- though it includes the comments of many other writers, s'^- and refers to versions not represented in the larger work. The method of the Synopsis also differs from that of the Critici Sacri in consolidating the various comments on each verse in one contin- uous paragraph, and designating the several writers by their initials in the margin. This work is convenient in that it presents in a brief space the views of many different expositors. It should be remarked that the London Polyglot, with Castell's Lexicon, the Critici Sacri, and the Synopsis Criticorum, forming in all twenty- two large folios, begun and finished in the space of twenty-one years (1653-74) at the expense of a few English divines and noble- men, constitute a magnificent exegetical library, and will long stand as a monument of English biblical learning and scholarshii^ in the seventeenth century. Matthew Poole, the author of the Synopsis Criticorum, distinguished himself further by his English Annota- tions upon the whole Bible, a work which he left unfinished, and which was completed after his death by other hands. Among the learned men who assisted Walton, Castell, and Poole in the iDreparation of the works above named, was John T « . c 1 • • • TT 1 Lightfoot. Lightfoot, pre-eminent for his attainments in Hebrew and rabbinical literature. He was a member of the Westminster Assembly, and opposed with great courage many of the tenets which the Presbyterians were seeking to establish. He afterward occupied several important positions in the Church of England. His principal works are a Chronological Arrangement of the Books of the Old and New Testaments, Gleanings in Exodus, Erubhim, or Miscellaneous Tracts on Sundry Biblical Themes, a Harmony of the Four Gospels, a Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, Description of the Temple at Jerusalem in the Time of our Saviour, and Horse Hebraica? et Talmudicae, on the Gospels, Acts, Romans, and First Corinthians. In all his works, but especially in the last- named, he draws upon his vast stores of Hebrew and rabbinical learning to illustrate the language of the Bible, and show the con- nexion between the New Testament and the Jewish Midrashim. Lightfoot's works have been published in Latin and in English, and 686 IIISTOUY OF have ever commanded, and still hold, a deservedly high place in biblical literature.' Another important helper in the preparation of the London Poly- Edward Po- glot, and without whose aid that great work would cock. have wanted much of its perfection, was Edward Po- cock, probably at that time the most accomplished oriental scholar of Europe. One of his earliest labours in biblical literature was the transcription, from a manuscript in the Bodleian library at Ox- ford, of a Syriac version of the Second Epistle of Peter, the Second and Third Epistles of John, and the Epistle of Jude, the only books at that time wanting to complete an edition of the S5M-iac New Testament, He was too modest to publish it himself, but Vossius obtained his copy and took it to Leyden, where it was printed un- der the care of De Dieu. A residence of six years at Aleppo, in Syria, gave Pocock great advantages in prosecuting oriental studies. On his return to England he was made professor of Arabic at Ox- ford, and, notwithstanding various privations, interruptions, and embarrassments, he continued his favourite literary pursuits through a long lifetime, and left behind him many works of enduring value. He published six prefatory discourses of Mairaonides' Commentary on the Mishna, with a Latin translation and notes, under the title of Porta Mosis. He was also the author of commentaries, some- what diffuse and abounding with rabbinical learning, on Hosea, Joel, Micah, and Malachi. Other English exegetes of note belonging to this century were Other English Henry Hammond, an Arminian divine, and author of a exegetes. valuable Paraphrase and Annotations on the New Test- ament and on the Psalms and Proverbs; William Pemble, an emi- nent Calvinistic preacher and scholar, who wrote expositions of Ecclesiastes, Zechariah, and many obscure passages of Scripture; Robert Leighton, archbishop of Glasgow, whose Practical Com- mentary on the First Epistle of Peter, and other expository writ- ings, are full of excellent sense; Henry Ainsworth, an early leader of the Independents, and author of useful annotations on several books of the Bible, containing a new translation of the Pentateuch, Psalms, and Canticles. Thomas Gatakcr was one of the ablest divines of the Westminster Assembly, and one of the principal authors of the Annotations upon all the Books of the Old :ind New Testaments, which are commonly known as the Westminster Annotations. Gataker's share of this work embraced the Greater ' Liglitfoot's works were publislied at London in 1084 in 2 vols, folio; at Rotterdam, 1686, 2 vols, folio; at Utrecht, in 1699, 3 vols, folio; and at London, 1622-25, 13 vols. 8vo. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 68T Prophets. Among his collaborators were Ley, William Gouge (who also wrote a commentary on Hebrews), Meric Casaubon, Francis Tay- lor, Edward Reynolds, and John Richardson. William Attersoll, a nonconformist divine, wrote commentaries on Numbers and the Epistle to Philemon. Bythner, a native of Poland, gave instruction in Hebrew at the University of Oxford, and wrote a number of phil- ological treatises, and a gi'ammatical explanation of the Psalms en- titled the Lyre of David, an excellent and full Chrestomathy of the entire Hebrew Psalter. Joseph Caryl is known chiefly from his immense work on the Book of Job (12 vols. 4to, and 2 vols, folio). Ri(;hard Baxter, chiefly distinguished for his modifications of Cal- vinism, and pre-eminent as theologian, preacher, and jjastor, was au- thor of a Paraphrase of the New Testament. Arthur Jackson wrote valuable Annotations on the Prophecy of Isaiah, and "A Help for the Understanding of the Holy Scriptures" (Camb., 1643, 3 vols. 4 to). Thomas Godwin comjDosed a useful treatise on the Civil and Ecclesiastical Rites of the Ancient Hebrews, and several other works illustrative of the Old Testament Scriptures. John Good- win, the famous English Arminian, wrote, in addition to his numer- ous theological treatises, an exposition of Romans ix; and Thomas Goodwin, a contemporary Calvinistic divine, wrote on Ephesians and Revelation. Davenant, bishop of Salisbury, one of the English theologians who attended the Synod of Dort, was author of an elaborate exposition (in Latin) of Paul's Epistle to the Colossians, Avhich was afterward translated into English by Allport. Bishop Bull wrote an extensive work, entitled Harmonia Apostolica, to show the agreement between the Epistles of James and Paul, and to explain the peculiar doctrine of each apostle. LEere also we should mention the learned James Usher, a laborious student and accomplished biblical scholar, whose Annals of the Old and New Testaments established a chronology of the Bible which has been quite generally adopted until the present time. The encouragement and patronage which Archbishop Laud gave to biblical and oriental learning deserves a passing notice. Although he wrote very little himself, he employed the ^^^^' most learned men in foreign countries to purchase valuable Greek and oriental manuscripts; he founded the chair of Arabic at Ox- ford, which Pocock was the first to fill, and he presented to the university, first and last, more than twelve hundred manuscripts, which he had procured from various places and at vast expense. Few Englishmen of the seventeenth century are more widely known for their theological writings than John "'^" ^^°' Owen, the acknowledged leader of the Congregationalists during €88 HISTORY OF the time of Cromwell, and for some time after the restoration of Charles II. His most extensive work is an Exposition of the Epistle to the Hebrews, which has been published in many separate editions as well as in his collected works. Joseph Mede distinguished himself in the early part of the century by his various contributions to biblical literature, especially his Clavis Apocalyptica, and other writings, both in Latin and English, on the Revelation of John. Kurd speaks of him as "a sublime genius, without vanity, interest, or spleen, but with a single un- mixed love of truth, dedicating his great talents to the study of the proi)hetic Scriptures, and unfolding the mysterious prophecies of the Revelation." ' The famous French scholar, Isaac Casaubon, flourished at the be- French exe- ginning of this century, and deserves our notice for his getes. critical edition of the Greek Testament, the notes of which were reprinted in the Critici Sacri. The two brothers Jacques and Louis Cappel contributed largely to the exegetical literature of this period by their various observations, disquisitions, commentaries, and critical notes on the Old and New Testaments. Many of these were also reprinted in the Critici Sacri. Menochius, a learned Italian, was the author of brief but valuable annotations on the whole Bible. Antoine Goddeau, a Roman Catholic bishop, distinguished himself by a French translation and exposition of the New Testament and the Psalms. Richard Simon acquired a de- served celebrity by his Critical History of the Old Testament, and showed a boldness and independence of thought remarkable for a Roman Catholic. He anticipated modern Rationalism in denying the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and attributing its com- position to the age of Ezra and the Great Synagogue. The Catholic theologian Estius also obtained great repute as a biblical scholar by annotations on the difficult parts of Scri})ture, and a valuable com- mentary on the apostolical ejjistles. Jacob Tirinus, a Jesuit, was also distinguished as an exegete, and his comments, along with those of Gagner, Estius, and Menochius, were published by De la Haye in what was called the Biblia Magna (5 vols, fol., 1643), a work somewhat after the order of the Critici Sacri. This work was af- terward enlarged by the notes of Lyra and others, and issued in nineteen volumes (Paris, 1000) under the title of Biblia Maxima. Rivet, a French Protestant, spent his best years in Holland, and wrote, in addition to many other works, a General Introduction to the Holy Scriptures, and commentaries on Exodus and Ilosea. Jacques Gaillard became pastor of a Walloon church in Holland ' Introduction to the Study of the Propliccics, vol. ii, p. 122. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 689 about 1662, and became known as the author of a treatise on the genealogy of Jesus as recorded in Matthew and Luke, and also on Melchizedek as a type of Christ. Samuel Bochart, born at Rouen in 1599, was a man of vast learning, acquainted with Hebrew, Syriac, Clialdee, and Arabic, and author of a Sacred Geography, which obtained for hun an invitation to the court of Sweden, where be was greatly honoured. He is better known by his Hierozoicon, or Natural History of the Bible. The Protestant Reformation found in no European country a more congenial soil than that of the Netherlands. The people Early progress were of independent spirit, and noted for their love of ^j^/jlJ^ ui'^thl freedom, industry, and extensive commerce with foreign Netiaeriands. countries. The University of Leyden, founded in 1575, became in the early part of the seventeenth century the most renowned seat of learning in all Europe, numbering at times nearly tAVO thousand stu- dents. In this celebrated university James Arminius be- came professor of theology in 1603. He had already, in his published lectures on the ninth chapter of Romans, opposed the views of Calvin and Beza on predestination, and soon after his ap- pointment at Leyden he fell into controversy with one of his fellow professors, Francis Gomar, a strenuous Calvinist. This controversy disturbed for many years the peace of the Reformed Church of the Netherlands, and continued with increased bitterness after the death of Arminius (1609), and led to the holding of the Synod of Dort (1818), at which (the Calvinists being largely in the majority) the opinions of the Arrainian Remonstrants were condemned, their min- isters were depos.ed, and many of them banished from the country ; and all who embraced Arminian doctrines were excluded from the fellowship of the Church, and their religious assemblies were sup- pressed by la\v. The Arminian theology was, however, too deeply grounded in a comprehensive and rational exegesis of the Scriptures to be thus put down. M^hen Arminius entered upon his work at Leyden, he openly set himself against scholastic subtleties and arbi- trary assumptions, and maintained that the truth of God could be ascertained only by a thorough study of the Holy Scriptures. He was an ade[)t in the original languages of the Bible, thoroughly versed in the writings of the ancient fathers, a man of profound spiritual insight, and, at the same time, most engaging in his personal de- meanor. Neander calls him the "pattern of a conscientious and zealously investigating theologian, who endeavoured to guard himself against all partiality." ' His exegetical and theological ' History of Christian Dogmas, vol. ii, p. 677. Lond., 1858. See the worlcs of Arminius, translated into English by Xicholls and Bagnall, 3 vols. New York, 1843. 44 690 HISTORY OF writings bear evidence of his great learning, clear judgment, and convincing logic, which his opponents found it difficult to meet. Uytenbogaert was a distinguished leader of the Arminian Remon- other Dutch strants, and a most able and eloquent preacher. He was divines. noted for casting aside the dry scholastic methods, and basing his discourses directly on the Scriptures. Simon Episcopius was the chief representative of the Arminians at the Synod of Dort, after whicl> he was obliged, with other Remonstrants, to leave Hol- land. During his absence from the country he published several learned dissertations in defence of Arminianism, and amonsx them an exegctical paraphrase of Rom. viii-xi. In 1626 he returned to his native land, became identified with the Remonstrants' college at Amsterdam, and spent the rest of his life in preaching and literary activity. His contemporaries, both friends and enemies, acknowl- edged his great abilities and acquaintance with the Scriptures. He was succeeded at Amsterdam by Curcellseus, who was especially devoted to New Testament studies, and published a critical edition of the Greek Testament. A worthy associate of these celebrated divines was Limborch, w^ho edited several of their works, and was the author of the Theologia Christiana, an original and complete system of Arminian doctrine. He also wrote commentaries on the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles to the Romans and Hebrews, which deserve commendation for their clear and simple method of interpretation. In connexion Avith these Dutch divines of the Arminian school we should notice Hugo Grotius, one of the most remark- able men of the seventeenth century, and eminent alike in theology, politics, and general literature. Though suffering the confiscation of his property, imprisonment, and exile, his learning and talents commanded for him the attention of kings and princes, and of the educated men of Europe. Besides learned works in civil jurisprudence, apologetics, and dogmatic theology, he wrote an- notations on the Old and New Testaments and the A])ocrypha. His exegesis is distinguished for its philological and historical charac- ter, and the uniform good sense and good taste dis|)layed. He has been called the forerunner of Ernesti, but he often noticeably fails to grasp the plan and scope of the sacred writers, and to trace the connexion of thought. He lacked the px-ofound religious intuition of Luther and Calvin, and leaned to a rationalistic treatment of Scrip- ture.' Abraham Calovius, a contemporary Ijutheran theologian, ' All file tlipoldiiical works of Grotius wore publislied in throe folio volumes at Ix)iulon, ill 1(>7'.). His annotations, with a life of tlie aullior, ate contained in the first two volumes. They also appear in the Critici SucrL BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 691 published the Biblia Tlhistrafa (4 vols, fol., Dresden, 1719), in which he embodied the whole of Grotius' annotations, and accompanied them witli severe criticisms. He also violently opposed the teachings of George Calixtus, whose mild and conciliatory methods aimed to settle the disputes between contend- ing parties in the Church. The names of Ileinsius, Vossius, and Spanheim will ever be asso- ciated with the cultivation of biblical and philological „ . . ^ '^ Heinsius, V OS- learning. Heinsius acted as secretary to the Synod of sins, sraniieim, Dort, and is known as the editor of many of the Greek """i°ser, etc. and Roman classics, and author of twenty books of dissertations on the New Testament. Gerard Jan Vossius and his son Isaac were both eminent as philologists and theologians, but not as great bibli- cal exegetes. The same may be said of Friedrich Spanheim and his two sons, Ezekiel and Friedrich, whose lives and labours together extended over the entire seventeenth century. The great Swiss theologian and scholar, J. H. Hottinger, may be mentioned here as contributhig largely to the progress of Semitic and other oriental studies; also Anthony Bynseus, who made great attainments in Hebrew and Syriac, and wrote several exegetical works, and James Alting, professor of Hebrew at Groningen, author of a Syro-Chal- daic grammar, commentaries on most of the books of the Bible, and various theological treatises. One of the most eminent scholars of the Dutch Reformed Church of the seventeenth century was Voetius, w'ho received his early training at Leyden under Gomar, Arminius, and their colleagues. He was an influential member of the Synod of Dort, and a violent opponent of the Arminians. He also made it a great work of his life to oppose the Cartesian philosophy. But his methods of procedure tended to cultivate a narrow and dogmatic spirit, and his exegesis, accordingly, aimed rather to support and defend a theological system than to ascertain by valid reason the exact meaning of the sacred writers. He was vehemently polemi- cal, and became the acknowledged head and leader of a school of exegesis which assumed to adhere strictly to the literal sense, but, at the same lime, regarded all biblical criticism as highly dangerous to the orthodox faith. The Voetians would fain have made the- dogmas of the Synod of Dort the authoritative guide to the sense of Scripture, and were restless before an ap))eal to the original texts of the Bible and independent methods of interpretation. The jxi'eat opponent both of scholasticism and of a narrow dogmatical exegesis was John Cocceius, a man of broad and thorough scholarship, an adept in Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, 693 HISTORY OF Arabic, and rabbinical literature, and a -worthy comiieer of such scholars as Buxtorf, Yossius, and Grotius. He devoted him- self ebiefly to biblical exposition, publishing commentary after commentary until he had gone through nearly all the canonical books.' Although his labours reA'ived and encouraged allegorical and mystical methods of interpretation, it must be conceded that he exhibited many of the very best qualities of a biblical exegete, and did as ranch as any man of his time to hold up the Holy Scrip- tures as the living fountain of all revealed theology, and the only authoritative rule and standard of faith. He insisted that the Old and New Testaments must be treated as one organic whole, and that each passage should be interpreted according to the meaning of its words, the connexion of thought as traceable through an en- tire discourse, book, or epistle, and the analogy of faith, or scope and plan of the one complete revelation of God. He maintained that Christ is the great subject of divine revelation in the Old Test- ament as well as in the New, and hence arose the saying that Coc- ceiiis found Christ everywhere in the Old Testament, but Grotius nowhere. It is due, however, to the memory of Cocceius to say that while he too often pressed the typical import of Old Testa- ment texts to an undue extreme, he acted on the valid principle that the Hebrew Scriptures contain the germs of the Gospel revela- tion, and that, according to the express teaching of our Lord (John v, 39; Luke xxiv, 27), the Old Testament contained many things concerning himself. The errors into which he fell are less grave than those of not a few modern critics who exhibit a notable one- sidedness in failing to see that the written revelation of God is truly an organic whole, and that the New Testament cannot be interpreted without the Old, nor the Old without the New. Coc- ceius' method was not always safe or satisfactory. " His federal theology," says Immer, " had an influence on his treatment of Scrip- ture in so far as not dogma, but the economy of salvation was his guiding principle. This might lead to a natural religio-historical, it might also lead to an artificial typological, treatment. Cocceius was too much under the influence of his time not to have fallen into the latte". Yet it was already a great gain that an attempt was made to give to Scripture, and indeed to the fundamental idea of Scripture, the supremacy in theology."^ John Leusden was professor of Hebrew at Utrecht during neaily all the latter half of the seventeenth century. His critical .nnd 'The works of Cocceius were published at Amsterdam, 1676-78, in 8 vols, folio, and in 1701 in 10 vols, folio. *llormeiiL'utics of tlie New Testament, p. 45. Andovcr, 1877. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 693 exegetical works embrace several editions of the Hebrew and Greek Scriptures, a Hebrew grammar and lexicon, various ^ ^ '^ . . ° ... . Leusden and treatises in the department of biblical introduction, and Corueiius a Latin translations of David Kimchi's commentaries on ^^^ ^' Jonah, Joel, and Obadiah. He also edited Lightfoot's works in Latin, and Poole's Synopsis. His writings were not only charac- terized by exact and ample learning, but also adaj)ted to meet practical wants, and are of solid value even at this day. Corne- lius a Lapide, the learned Roman Catholic commentator, and pro- fessor of Hebrew at Louvain. and afterward at Rome, compiled from the fathers an elaborate exposition of all the books of the Bible except Job and the Psalms. It was published at Antwerp (1681, 10 vols foL), Venice (1730, 11 vols, fol.), and Lyons (1838, 11 vols. 4to). Biblical scholai'ship in Germany during the seventeenth century furnished fewer names and works of crreat celebrity Olearius than either Holland or England. Nevertheless, many German exegetes of great merit apjieared, some of whom have al- ready been incidentally noticed. The name of Olearius was made famous by eight different persons, members of one family, who con- tributed in various ways to the advancement of exegetical and the- ological learning. The most distinguished of these for biblical scholarship was John Olearius, professor of Greek and of theology at the University of Leipsic. He wrote a work on the Elements of Sacred Hermeneutics, another on the style of the New Testa- ment, and also several philological and theological treatises. His son Gottfried wrote a learned analysis of the Epistle to the He- brews, and Observations on the Gospel of Matthew. Other distinguished German scholars, who contributed to the progress of biblical learning, were Solomon Glassius ^,^ ^ " o • r other German and Erasmus Schmidt. The former was educated at bibikai schoi- Wittenberg and Jena, and became noted for his knowl- ^^' edge of Hebrew and cognate languages. He wrote several useful works, among which were an Exposition of the Gospels and Epis- tles, and his celebrated Philologia Sacra, a kind of philologico-bib- lical lexicon of scriptural words and tropes.' Schmidt was the author of a very convenient concordance of the Greek Testament, which is still in use, but which has recently been greatly enlarged and improved by Bruder. George Pasor was author of a lexicon and grammar of the New Testament, and Dietrich, a Lutheran ' The best edition of the Philologia Sacra is that of Leipsic, 1725, 4to. The edi- tion of Dathe and Bauer (Lps., 1776-97, 3 vols. Svo) is interpolated with rationalistic notions. G94 HISTORY OF theologian, distinguished himself iu the same department by his Pliilologico-Theological Lexicon of the New Testament. (Frankf., 1680). Augustus Pfeiffer became noted toward the close of this century for his rare attainments in philology and contributions to biblical literature. His Dubia Vexata is a convenient and use- ful series of dissertations on the more difficult passages of the Old Testament.' Martin Geier wrote a commentary on the Psalms, Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes. Sebastian Schmid was the author of a Latin translation of the Old and New Testaments, and learned commentaries on Genesis, Judges, Ruth, Kings, Job, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the Minor Proi)hets; also on Romans, Gala- tians, Ephesians, Colossians, and Hebrews. In the latter part of the seventeenth century there appeared many Progress of notable indications of a widespread yearning for liberty free thought. Qf thought and of speech. The Baconian and Carte- sian systems of philosophy did not a little in preparing the way. The speculations of the celebrated Spinoza gave a mighty impulse to the movement. His famous Tractatus Theologico-Politicus was to the seventeenth century what Strauss' Life of Jesus has been to the nineteenth. " The book marks an epoch," says Farrar, " a new era in the critical and philosophical investigation of Spinoza. ... ^ . ,.1 . iiT religion. Spinoza s ideas are, as it were, the head wa- ters from which flows the current which is afterward parted into separate streams." * His speculations anticipated many of the later teachings of rationalism. His philosophy necessarily excluded the reality of any miraculous interference of Deity in the aifairs of the world, and he explained j^rophecy as the combined product of vivid imagination and ardent desire. The writings of Lord Herbert and Hobbes contributed also to the politico-religious theorizing of that age. As early as 1644 Milton published his Areopagitica, or plea for the liberty of unlicensed printing, and a little later Jeremy Taylor produced his work, entitled Liberty of Prophesying, in Avhich he warmly pleaded for freedom of public worship and relig- ious ministrations. Locke's Letters on Toleration advocated en- tire religious freedom. The irrepressible tendencies to freedom of thought and speech, indicated by such publications, led to virulent controversy and political revolution, but were the means of devel- oping a more thorough investigation of the historical beginnings of (Christianity, and a more exact and scientific interpretaiion of its sacred books. ' Tliird edition with valuable additions, Lcipsic, 1692, 4to. -Critical History of Free Thouglit, p. 112. Now York, 1866. BIBLICAL INTERPIIETATION. 695 CHAPTER VIII. EXEGESIS OP THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. The eighteenth century was notably a period of enlightenment. Biblical criticism and interjH-etation assumed a more sci- ^ period of en- entific character, penetrating to the historical founda- Hgtitenment. tions of the books of Scripture. It was an age of research, of philo- sophical investigation, of sceptical and rationalistic assaults upon Christianity, of extensive religious revival, and of political revolu- tion. These exciting and often conflicting movements gave a new and marked impulse to biblical studies. The great exegetical scholars of this period, too numerous to be fully described in these pages, laid the foundations of that exact grammatico-historical in- terpretation which is yielding its rich and varied products in our own day. The Cocceian school of exegesis, already described (pp. 691, 692), was ably represented at the beginning of this century by Campegius Vitringa, whose elaborate commentary on Isaiah is one of the most comprehensive, carefully arranged, and exhaustive specimens of biblical exposition which has ever appeared in any age. It has the faults of the Cocceian method, and occasion- ally runs into mystical and allegorical interpretations. It assumes such a fulness of meaning in the words of prophecy that effort is constantly made to show how much the language of Isaiah may signify. Nevertheless, it exhibits great exegetical ability; it is a storehouse of useful exposition, and has been acknowledged by all siicceeding writers as a work of solid and permanent value. Vi- tringa was also the author of an important work on the Ancient Synagogue, and numerous other treatises on various topics of sacred literature. His son Campegius, known as " the 5'ounger," acquired some distinction by a work on Natural Theology and a volume of Sacred Dissertations. Another distinguished writer of this school was Herman Witsius, who maintained with great learning, and on a scriptural basis, the Federal theology. He was surpassed, how"- "^' ^™^ * ever, as an exegete, by F. A. Lampe, professor of theology at Utrecht and later at Bremen, whose very full commentary on the Gospel of John holds even to this day a high rank among the 696 HISTORY OP learned expositions of that important book. A more voluminous commentator was the learned Dutch divine, Herman Yenema, professor of theology at Frankener. His life extended over the greater part of the eighteenth century, and he wrote extensively upon Genesis, the Psalms (6 vols. 4to), and many of the prophetical books. John Le Clerc, often called Clericus, was one of the most prolific excGretical M'riters of the Netherlands. T]iouo;h born Le Clerc • • and educated at Geneva he became identified with the Remonstrants, and spent most of his life as professor at the Armin- ian college of Amsterdam. Besides editing many of the Greek and Latin classics, a new issue of Cotelerius' Patres Apostolici, the complete works of Erasmus, and some theological treatises of Peta- vius and Grotius, he published a French translation of the New Testament, and a Latin translation of Hammond's Annotations on the New Testament, with valuable additions of his own. But his greatest exegetical work was a Latin translation of the Old Testa- ment and commentary on the same (4 vols. foL, Amsterd., 1693- 1 731). The translation is faithful, though not as close to tlie original Hebrew as others that have been made, and the notes are critical, abounding in happy and pertinent suggestions, usually clear and dis- criminating, but at times evincing a notable rationajistic tendency.' Albert Schultens, jDrofessor of Arabic and Hebrew at Leyden, was among the first to oppose the notion then prevalent that Hebrew was tlie original language of mankind. He has been called the father of modern Hebrew grammar, and his labours not only contributed greatly to the advancement of oriental learning, but also gave a decided impulse to Old Testament philol- ogy and exegesis. Besides his various works on Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syriac grammar, and numerous philological dissertations, he wrote commentaries on several books of the New Testament, some of which yet remain in manuscript. His son John Jacob, and his grandson Heinrich, were also distinguished as oriental scholars. Unsurpassed by any of these as an orientalist was Reland, pro- fessor at LTtrecht. He was pre-eminent for his ample Reland. , . ... , n . i learning, painstaking accuracy, and sound judgment. His published works are mainly in the field of biblical antiquities, and among them the most important is his Palestine Illustrated from Ancient Monuments, which yet remains the standard work on Palestine before the time of the Crusades, and, so far as it goes, cannot well be superseded. ' Rpe Jlcver, Goseliichte der Schiifterkliirung seit dcr WieJeiherstellung dcr VVi* seuschailcn, vol. iv, pp. 441-446. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 697 Christian Sclioettgen is especially known by his Ilorae Hebi'aicae et Talmudicae on the New Testament (2 vols. 4to, Dres- schoettgen, den, 1 '783-42). This valuable work follows the plan of Meuscuen. Lightfoot's lioi'ae Ilebraicae (see above, p. 685), and aims to sup- plement or complete it by a similar treatment of the books of the New Testament not covered by the work of Lightfoot. Schoettgen was also the author of a volume on the true Messiah, and a Lexicon of the New Testament. J. G. Meuschen deserves honourable notice for his work on the New Testament as illustrated from the Talmud (Coburg, 1724, 4to), and for other miscellaneous contributions to biblical literature. Surenhusius was also distinguished for his attainments in Hebrew and rabbinical learning. His edition of the Mishna, with a Latin translation and notes, has not been superseded, and his work on the Old Testament citations in the New Testament, illustrated by the rabbinical writings, re- mains without a rival to this day. Ley decker, a theo- LiBvdGckGr. logical professor at L^trecht, was famous both for his proficiency in biblical and rabbinical studies and his opposition to the systems of Cocceius and Descartes. His most useful contribu- tion to biblical literature was a treatise on the Republic of the Hebrews, a large folio volume (Amst., 1704), in which the antiqui- ties of the Hebrew people are set forth in connexion with a histor- ical narrative, arranged by epochs, and abounding with evidences of extensive research in Jewish history and literature. Peter Wes- seling, another professor at Utrecht, published several works on Jewish antiquities, and dissertations on various books of Scripture. J. C. Wolf distinguished himself in the field of Jewish literature by his celebrated Bibliotheca Hebraea, a storehouse of information on matters of Jewish antiquity. His Curae Philologicae on the New Testament also contains a vast mass of sound and useful anno- tations. Alberti, a Dutch theologian, and Kypke, a German orient- alist, wrote valuable works designed to illustrate the language of the Nevv^ Testament by means of parallel passages from Greek classic authors. Augustine Calmet, a learned Benedictine, is known in all Christendom by his voluminous commentaries on the Old and New Testaments and his Dictionary of the Bible ; and the French Protestant scholar, Beausobre, acquired great distinction by his various contributions to dogmatic and biblical theology. Pasquier Quesnel, the devout French Catholic, is also widely known by his Moral Reflections on the New Testament. Noteworthy progress was made during this century in the science of Textual Criticism. Critical editions of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament had been published by Minister (1536), Buxtorf 698 HISTORY OF (1G19), and Jablonski (1699). In 1705 appeared the excellent edi- r ss n ^'^" ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ Hooght, giving the ]\Iasoretic readings Textual criti- in the margin, and at the end an additional collection of various readings. J. H. Michaelis published his edition in 1720. He collated, somewhat inaccurately, twenty-four printed editions of the Hebrew Bible, and five manuscripts in the library of Erfurt. Christian Reineccius, a Lutheran divine, pub- lished a Hebrew Bible in which he professed to incorporate the results of a faithful collation of the best codices and editions; but his work is without critical apparatus or notation. Iloubigant, a French priest, published in four folio volumes (Paris, 1753, 1754) a new edition, using the text of Van der Hooght, and proposing in the margin and at the end of each vol- ume numerous corrections. He made use of the Samaritan Penta- teuch and various manuscripts accessible in the libraries of Paris. Although the work was executed with great care, its numerous V onjectural emendations have exposed it to adverse criticism. Ben- iamin Kennicott, a learned Englishman, after havino- pub- Kennicott. ,. , , . ,. . ^ , ' /.,.-, lished various dissertations on the state oi the printed Hebrew text of the Old Testament, entered upon the preparation of a critical edition of it, and secured the co-operation of several foreign scholars. Six hundred and ninety-four manuscripts Avere collated, sixteen manuscripts of the Samaritan Pentateuch, and all the most noted printed editions of the Hebrew Bible. Twenty years of assiduous labour were given to this enterprise, and the result was ])ublished at Oxford in two folio volumes, the first in 1776, the second in 1780. Although it was a work of herculean labour and praiseworthy industry, the great number of various readings furnished are comparatively unimportant, and serve to show that no great help to the emendation of the Hebrew text can be expected from a collation of existing manuscripts. An impor- tant supplement to Kennicott's work was published at Parma ^ ^ , (4 vols. 4to, 1784-88) by the Italian orientalist, De Rossi, De Rossi. 1 11 T who collated anew many of the manuscripts used by Kennicott, and nearly six hundred others, besides printed editions, Samaritan manuscripts, and ancient versions. An edition of the Hebrew Bible, based upon that of l^eineccius, and containing the most important of Kennicott's and De Rossi's various readings, was published at Leipsic, 1793, by Doderlein and Meisner, and a much more correct and elegant edition, embodying the best results of previous collations, w.is ])ub]islied a little later by Jahn (\'ienna, 1806, 4 vols. 8vo). New Testament textual criticism was greatly promoted during BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 699 this period by the labours of Mill and Bentley in England, and Benajel and Wetstein in Germany. John Mill spent . , J Mill thirty years in preparing his edition of the Greek Testa- ment, which was published at Oxford in 1707, only fourteen days before its author's death. Its various readings amount to about thirty thousand, and its prolegomena are of permanent value. In 1720 Richard Bentley, then regius professor of divinity at Cambridge, published his proposals for a new edition of the Greek and Latin Testament, Avhich should abandon the Textus Receptus, and, making use of no authority under nine hun- dred years old, would " take two thousand errors out of the Pope's Vulgate, and as many out of the Protestant Pope Stephen's." He gave the last chapter of the Apocalypse in Greek and Latin as a specimen.' His plan was essentially that which was carried out a century later by Lachmann, and his rare attainments in classical scholarship and extensive j^reparations for his task would doubtless have produced a most important contribution to biblical literature. But unfortunate controversies into which he became involved frus- trated this worthy enterprise, and no other important effort in that line was made again in England until the following century. John Albert Bengel published in 1734 a critical edition of the Greek Testament together with a critical commentary, in which he enunciated his principles, and set the example of giving the testimonies both for and against the received text. Bengel is better known by his Gnomon of the New Testament, a condensed but remarkably rich and suggestive commentary, which aims, according to the titlepage, to " point out from the natural force of the Avords the simplicity, depth, harmony, and saving power of the divine thoughts." His principles of interpretation are in the main essentially sound, and his methods of exposition have not been greatly improved upon by any later writers.^ In his attempt to expound prophecy, however, especially the book of Revelation, he showed defective judgment, and indulged in vain speculatiims. In 1751-2 John J. Wetstein published his exceedingly valuable edition of the Greek Testament (Amst., 2 vols. fol.). His Wetstein. judgment as a critic Avas not of the highest order, but his Avork is of enduring value for its \'ast research and collation of ' Proposals for Printing a New Edition of the Greek Testament and St. Ilierom's Latin version, with a full Answer to all the Remarks of a late Pamphleteer. Lond., 1721. 4to. ^ An English translation of the Gnomon was published at Edinburgh, 5 vols., 1857, 1858, and another, much improved by Lewis and Vincent, at Philadelphia, 18G(), 1861. 700 HISTORY OF authorities, its abundant citation of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin writers, and its learned prolegomena, so indispensable to every thorough critic. With him originated the custom, now universally cuiTent, of designating the uncial manuscripts by the letters of the alphabet, and the cursive by numerals. Other scholars of note who contributed to the advancement of textual criticism were C. F. ]Matthaii, a professor at Moscow, Alter, a German Jesuit and pro- fessor of Greek at Vienna, who published a critical edition of the Greek Testament (1786, 1787), Adler, Birch, Moldenhauer, and Woide, who collated manuscripts and prepared valuable materials for the use of later critics. Matthjei published a valuable edition of the New Testament, Greek and Latin (12 vols,, Riga, 1782-88), which was injured by its unfair attacks on Griesbach, but is con- ceded by later scholars to possess much merit. John J. Griesbach improved upon all his predecessors in New Testament criticism by arranG;ino: his authorities and Griesbach. , .„ . , •',. , . i , classiiying them according to then- age and place of origin. He made much of the families or "recensions" of manu- scripts, a principle already recognised by Bengel and Semler, and distributed the families into Alexandrian, Western, and Byzantine. His Greek Testament appeared in parts at Halle and London in 1774-77, and again in 1796-1800 (2 vols. 8vo). It was also printed in other forms. Griesbach was unquestionably a consummate critic, and liis work marks an epoch in textual criticism. He was also the author of a critical commentary on the New Testament text, and a work on New Testament hermeneutics. The labours of these eminent critics met with much opposition, and were naturally looked upon by many with grave suspicion. The tendency of such researches seemed to unsettle the foundations of the faith, and i)olemie divines of the Voetian school could not be expected to favour or encourage them. Among the English divines of this century who distinguished themselves by contributions to exegetical literature we should give a prominent place to Symon Patrick, bishop of Ely. The greater part of his life belongs to the seventeenth century. His principal literary Avork was a paraphrase and com- mentary on the historical and poetical books of the Old Testament, a learned, but eminently practical and useful, exposition, in which the meaning of the sacred writers is set forth in clear and simj)le style, adapted to meet the wants of ordinary readers, and at the same time evincing wide and thorough acquaintance witli ancient and modern writers. l*atrick's commentary was continued after his death by William Lowth, whose exposition of the prophetical BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 701 books, first publislied in separate portions, was afterward joined with Whitby's Paraphrase and Commentary on the New Testament, Lowman's Apocalypse, and Arnald's Apocrypha, the whole form- ing a complete commentary on the Bible, including the Old Testa- ment apocryphal books. William Lowth was a judicious exegete, and his work on the Prophets is one of the best ' °^ ' commentaries of its kind. It is not strictly a critical work, but, like the notes of Patrick, exhibits thorough scholarship, and furnishes a clear and useful exposition. Whitby's Commentary on the New Testament first appeared in 1703, and has ever since maintained a high place in exegetical literature. Whitby "' ^" is noted for his opposition to Mill's useful labours in textual criti- cism, and he ventured to defend the Textus Receptus as if it were infallible. This eiFort, like that of Owen against Brian Walton in the previous century, displayed much more zeal than good sense or judgment. Robert Lowth, son of William, and bishop of London, won a deserved celebrity by the publication (in 1753) of his Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, which has been trans- lated into English and issued in many editions. Although the spirit and characteristics of Hebrew poetry had been pointed out by previous wa'iters, Lowth was the first to set them forth in clear and convincing form, and this work marks a new epoch in the treatment of that subject, and has a permanent value. A later and more widely read and useful work of this distinguished prelate was his new translation of Isaiah, with a preliminary dissertation and notes. The design of this work, the author states, " is not only to give an exact and faithful representation of the words and of the sense of the prophet, by adhering closely to the letter of the text, and treading as nearly as may be in his footsteps ; but, moreover, to imitate the air and manner of the author, to express the form and fashion of the composition, and to give the English reader some notion of the peculiar turn and cast of the original." This design Avas very worthily executed, and the work soon obtained a Euroi)ean fame. It was reprinted in many editions, and translated by Koppe into the German language. Probably no English commentary has had a wider circulation or is better known than that of Matthew Henry, It is made up of the substance of expository lectures which were delivered by him through a period of many years, prepared by his own hand as far as the Acts of the Apostles, and completed from his manuscripts by a number of ministers. It is not a critical work, and not strictly uxegetical ; but it is full of practical good sense, 702 HISTORY OP and pithy remarks which often breathe the very spirit of the sacred writers, and always tend to edification. Of a similar spirit and style, hut less elaborate, is the Family Expositor of Philip Doddridge. Ilis notes and observations display an ardent piety, a love for the truth, and a desire to profit others, but are wanting in philological merit and discriminating judgment. Greater ability and exegetical skill are manifested in the commen- tary of William Dodd, who made large use of previous writings, both li,ngli8h and toreign. As an exposition of the true sense of the Scriptures its decided merits have always been acknowledged. Adam Clarke pronounced it the best English com- mentary in existence. Coke's commentary on the Bible is substan- tially a reprint of the work of Dodd, and published Avithout proper acknowledgment. The well-known and widely circulated commen- tary of Thomas Scott belongs to this same class of prac- Scott. . tical notes and observations upon the English Bible. It has little or no value in criticism and exegesis, but, like the work of Henry, abounds with pious reflections of a homiletical character. The same may be said of Burkitt's Expository Notes on the New Testament, which has passed through many editions, and is still widely read. John Gill, an eminent English Baptist, was especially distin- Giii, Chandler, guislied for his rabbinical learning. His exposition of Pearce. ^j^g Qjj ^nd New Testaments, in nine large octavo vol- umes, is a monument of industry and research, but is too diffuse to be of practical value, and sometimes runs into spiritualizing proc- esses. Samuel Chandler, a dissenting minister, published a critical history of David, a vindication of Daniel's prophecies, a paraphrase and commentary on Joel, and also on the Ei)istles to the Galatians and Ephesians. Zachary Pearce wrote a valuable commentary on the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles, and a reply to Woolston's Discourses on Miracles. James Macknight, a Scotch Macknight. ,. . t ^- ^- w i "i • tt divine, won distinction as an expositor by his Harmony of the Gospels, and his new translation, paraphrase, and notes on the Epistles. This latter work, though not of the first rank, was the result of thirty years of labour, and is still worthy of attention and study. George Campbell is also Avidely know^n by Campbull. , . , "; , , . ' , -^ ^ / . i his valuable translation ot the rour Gospels, with ])re- liininary dissertations and critical and explanatory notes. His Dissertation on the Miracles, in reply to Hume, had an extensive circulation, and was translated into several of the Ian- N6WC0ITIG. guages of Europe. William Newcome is known chiefly by his Plarmony of the Gospels. He also prepared a new version BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION". 703 of Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets, with critical notes. His exegetical writings show good judgment, and have met with de- served commendation. Blayney, professor at Oxford, Biayney, Green, was noted for his knowledge of Hebrew. His princi- ^^^ weiis. pal writings are a dissertation on the Seventy Weeks of Daniel, and a new version of Jeremiah, Lamentations, and Zechariah, with critical and philological notes. William Green was the author of new translations of Isaiah, the Psalms, and other poetical parts of the Old Testament, accompanied with notes. Edward Wells, less widely known than the writers just mentioned, published in the early part of the eighteenth century a revised translation of the New Testament, with a paraphrase and annotations. He was also the author of an exposition of Daniel, and a historical geography of the Old and New Testaments. Samuel Wesley wrote a history of the Old and New Testaments, and a Latin commen- ^ Wesley. tary on the Book of Job. John Wesley, his more famous son, prepared and published a volume of Explanatory Notes on the New Testament, which has been widely circulated among his fol- lowers, and is recognized as one of the doctrinal standards of Meth- odism. He gives the Authorized Version, slightly revised, and for many of his short and suggestive comments acknowledges his great indebtedness to Bengel's Gnomon and Doddridge's Family Expos- itor. His notes on the Old Testament are too meager to be of any considerable value. The devout and useful cultivation of biblical studies, indicated by such works as those mentioned above, furnish an English Deism, interesting evidence of the faith and piety of multi- French infldei- ° . , • ■, 1 1 ity, and Ger- tudes ;it a time when strong sceptical assaults were be- man uationai- ing made ui:)on the doctrines of revealed religion. It ^^'"■ was during this century that English deism reached its highest power and passed into decline. French infidelity followed in its wake, and led to fanaticism and political anarchy; and afterward, at slower pace, the more refined and scholarly rationalism of Ger- many made its advance, and affected the religious thought of all Protestant Christendom, To trace these currents of religious life and thought, and note the political, philosophical, and dogmatical discussions of this eventful period, falls not within the line of our purpose. And yet to understand the origin of the exact and searching methods of Scx'ipture exegesis which were introduced in the latter part of the eighteenth, and have been carried to still greater perfection in the nineteenth, century, one needs to cast at least a hasty glance over the growth of English deism, French unbelief, and German speculative thought, which unquestionably 704 HISTORY OF j)rovoked and prompted a more thorough study of tlie Scriptures, both in Germany and Enghmd. We have ah'eady noticed the influence exerted by Spinoza on oeisticai writr- religious thought (p, 694). His views on miracles re- *^"- ceived another form of presentation in Blount's Life of Apollonius of Tyana, in whicli the miracles of Christ were made to suffer disparagement by an invidious comparison with those of the Pythagorean philosopher. The writings of Toland and Lord Shaftesbury aim to assert the supremacy of reason, and to ground morality on expediency and natural right. Collins treated more directly the interpretation of Scripture, and in his Discourse on the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian Religion (London, 1724) Tuaintained that the Jewish expectation of the Messiah arose only a short time before the birth of Jesus, and that the New Testament citations of Old Testament Messianic prophecy are merely fanciful accommodations of the Hebrew books, and at best mystical and allegorical portraitures of Christian truth. The logic of this work was to show that Christian evidences drawn from prophecy are invalid. Woolston's Discourses on the Mii-acles were another crit- ical assault upon the historical verity of the New Testament, and it was therein boldly asserted that the narratives of our Lord's miracles Avere full of extravagance and unreasonable statem„ents, but may nevertheless be understood as figurative representations of spiritual experience. " The history of Jesus, as recorded in the evan- gelists," says Woolston, "is an emblematical representation of his spiritual life in the soul of man, and his miracles are figures of his mysterious operations. The four gospels are in no part a literal story, but a system of mystical philosophy or theology." ' Matthew Tindal laboured to show the essential perfection of natural religion, and denied both the necessity and the possibility of a supernatural revelation. These positions, together with much adverse criticism of the Scripture records, were vigorously maintained in his cele- brated work entitled Christianity as Old as the Creation, or the (iospel a Repul)lication of the Religion of Nature.^ The works of Morgan and Chubb follow much in the same line, and in a measure supplement the arguments of Tindal. The philosophical writings ' A Discourse on the Miracles of our Saviour, p. 05. Sixth edition. London, 1729. 'This was not only the most important work that dci.sm had yet produced, com- posed with care, and bearing the marks of thoughtful study of the chief contem- porary arguments, Christian as well as deist, but derives an interest from the circum- stance that it was the book to which more than to any other single work Bishop Hiitler's Analogy was designed as the reply. — Farrar, Critical History of Free Thouglit, p. i;{8. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 705 of Bolinffbroke and Hume tended likewise to unsettle all faith in divine revelation. The writings of the English deists were answered by a great number of divines of various scholarship and ability. Anti-deisticai Chief among them Avere Chandler, Sherlock, Butler — writers, whose immortal Analogy must ever stand as one of the grandest monuments of human thought — John Conybeare, Leland, Waterland, and Warburton — whose celebrated work on the Divine Leo-ation of Moses remains to this day an invaluable help to the study of the Pentateuch. In fact no period in the history of Christianity wit- nessed in so short a space such a number and variety of works on the evidences of revealed religion as that of the rise and decline of English deism. The relation of English deism to French infidelity is very obvi- ous. The philosophy of Descartes and Spinoza had, French unbe- indeed, prepared the way in France as well as else- ^^'^^• where for the progress of sceptical thought, and the sensational 2)hilosophy of Locke, modified and adapted to the French mind by Condillac, tended strongly to materialism and unbelief. The acute and witty Yoltaire, for three years an exile in England, appropri- ated such products of the deistical writers as served his purpose, and in a suj^erficial and flippant, but taking, style, disseminated them with most demoralizing effect among the French people. The encyclopjedic Diderot, and his immediate associates, the more cultivated and ])hilosophical Rousseau, and, later, the brilliant Yol- ney, contt-ibuted their influence to the same destructive movement, and the welcome which Frederick the Great gave to men of this class, making the Prussian court at Berlin a place of refuge for them when persecuted at home, discloses the parental relation of French unbelief to German rationalism. In tracing the rise of the latter, however, we need to go back a little and note tlie origin and progress of other influences. A new impulse was given to biblical studies in Germany by the foundinor of the University of Halle in 1694. This was due mainly to the influence of Spener, the father of Pietism. The Protestant Churches had fallen into a cold, formal orthodoxy, and the symbols and sacraments took precedence of scriptural knowledge and personal piety. As early as 1675 Spener had urged, in his Pia Desideria, that all Christian doctrine should be sought in a faithful study of the Holy Scriptures rather than in the symbols of the Church, and that the living truths of God's word should be brought home to the hearts of the people. Asso- ciated with him at Halle v.as A. H. Francke, who had previously 45 706 HISTORY OP become noted at Leipsic by his exegetical lectures. Both these men were eminent as preachers and abundant in pul|>it ministrations, Francke's exegetical lectures extended over the books of the Old and New Testaments, and he published treatises on the interpretation of Scripture, and on methods of the- ological study. These nol)le leaders of Pietism maintained that it is the first duty of the theologian to ascertain the true meaning of the Scriptures, not from traditional beliefs, but from a critical and grammatical study of the original texts. "The theological instruc- tion of Francke and his coadjutors in the University of Ilalle," says Hurst, "was very influential. Daring the first thirty years of its history six thousand and thirty-four theologians were trained within its walls, not to speak of the multitudes who received a thorough academic and religious instruction in the Orphan House. The Oriental Theological College, established in connexion with the univei'sity, promoted the study of biblical languages, and originated the first critical edition of the Hebrew Bible.'" One of the most learned men of Germany was J. H. Michaelis, who The Mi haeiis ^^^^ associated with Francke in establishing the Orient- family of wbii- al Theological College of Halle, and was editor of the caw odis. critical Hebrew Bible above referred to. He devoted thirty years of labour to the preparation of this work, and collated the best printed editions and a number of Hebrew manuscripts. Along with it was published his Philologico-Exegetical Annotations on the Hagiograpliy (3 vols. 4to, Ilalle, IV'iO). C. B. Michaelis, nephew of the preceding, was professor at Halle from 1713 in 1764, duriug which time he published numerous treatises on Hebrew phi- lology, biblical exegesis, and the various readings of the Greek Testament. He assisted his uncle in the preparation of his Anno- tations on the llagiograp'iy. His son, J. D. Michaelis, became more famous as a theologian and biblical scholar tlian any other of this celebrated family. He planned the expedition into the Orient which was executed by Carsten Niebuhr, and contributed greatly* to our knowledge of the Aral)ian peninsula. He published gram- mars of the Hebrew, Chaldee, Syraic, and Arabic languages, and various other philological treatises, together with valuable works on history, geography, chronology, and Jewish antiquities. He wrote an Introduction to the New Testament, and commentaries on Ecclesiastes nnd First .Maccabees. His greatest and best known work is his Mosaisches Kecht (G vols., 1770-75), or Commentaries on the Laws of Closes, of which an English translation lias been pub- lished by Alexander Smith (4 vols., London, 1814). With all liis * History of Rationalism, p. 97. New York, 18G5. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 707 greatness as a scholar and critic he imbibed many of the rational- istic notions of his time, and seems to have been deficient in relis"- ious convictions and experience. Pie was a fair specimen of the incipient neology, and retained the outward forms of orthodoxy, but went not to the extremes of rationalism. John F. and John G. Michaelis, two other members of this family, were also distin- guished for their labours in biblical science. John Lawrence von Mosheim, who was pre-eminent for his con- tributions to ecclesiastical history, and has been deserv- edly honoured for placing Church history on a truer scientific basis than it had ever attained before, was also the author of several sound and useful exegetical works. His exposition of First Corinthians and the two Epistles to Timothy, his Sacred Ob- servations (Amst., 1721), and critical treatment of select passages of the New Testament, evince rare powers of criticism. He showed himself a master in nearly every department of theology. John Benjamin Koppe, professor of theology at Gottingen, pub- lished numerous treatises on biblical subjects, and com- menced, near the close of this century, a critical edition of the New Testament. He lived to publish only two volumes, embracing Romans, Galatians, Ephesians, and Thessalonians. His plan was to furnish a revised Greek text (which agrees closely with that of Griesbach), prolegomena to each book, critical and philolog- ical annotations, and excursus on difficult passages. The work was continued on the same plan by Heinrichs and Pott, the former pub- lishing the Acts, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, and Philemon, and the latter the Epistles of Peter and Jude. Probably the most distinguished name in the history of exegesis in the eighteenth century is that of John Augustus -r, . , T . • • • -KT • m • Ernesti. Ernesti, whose Institutio interpretis Novi lestamenti (Lips., 1761), or Principles of New Testament Interpretation, has been accepted as a standard textbook on hermeneuties by four gen- erations of biblical scholars. " He is regarded," says Hagenbach, "as the founder of a new exegetical school, whose principle simply was that the Bible must be rigidly explained according to its own language, and, in this explanation, it must neither be bribed by any external authority of the Church, nor by our own feeling, nor by a sportive and allegorizing fancy — which had frequently been the case with the mystics — nor, finally, by any philosophical system what- ever. He here united in the main with Hugo Grotius, who had laid down similar principles in the seventeenth century. Ernesti was a philologian. He had occupied himself just as enthusiastically with the ancient classics of Rome and Greece as with the Bible, 708 HISTORY OF and claimed that the same exegetical laws should be observed in the one case as in the other. He was perfectly right in this re- spect; even the Reformers wished the same thing. His error here was, perhaps, in overlooking too much the fact that, in order to perceive the religious truths of the Scriptures, we must not only understand the meaning of a declaration in its relations to language and history, but that we must also spiritually appropriate it by feelingly transposing ourselves to it, and by seeking to understand it from itself. Who will deny that, in order to understand the epistles of the Apostle Paul, we must adopt from the very outset a mode of view different from that which we would employ in order to understand the epistles of Cicero, since the circle of ideas of these two men is very different ? Religious writings can be perfectly understood only by an anticipating spirit, which peers through the logical and grammatical web of the thoughts to the depth below. . . . The principle that we must expound the Scriptures like every other book could at least be so misapprehended that it might be placed in the same rank with the other writings of antiquity, and the assistance of the Holy Spirit, which is the only guide to the depths of the Scriptures, be regarded as superfluous. As for Ernesti personally, he was orthodox, like ^[ichoelis and Mosheim. He even defended the Lutheran view of the Lord's Supper. And yet these men, and others of like character, are dis- tinguished from their orthodox predecessors, by their insisting upon independence, by struggling for sobriety, and, if you will allow, for dryness also. But, with all this, they were further distinguished from their predecessors by a certain freedom and mildness of judg- ment which men had not been accustomed to fiu'l in theologians. Without any desire or wish on their own part they effected a tran- sition to a new theological method of thought, which soon passed beyond the limits of their own labours." ' Ernesti was also the author of a volume of exegetical essays entitled Opuscula pliilologica-critica (Amst., 1762), and the Neue Theologische Bibliothek (14 volumes), which greatly promoted the interests of theological literature in Germany. The ])rinciples so ably set forth by P]rnesti were further elaborated toward the close of this century by Karl Augustus Keil, whose vari- K. A. G. Keil. ., • 1 -1 1- , 1 . / \ ous contributions to biblical hermeneutics (comp. p. 203) did much to prepare the way for the solid and enduring methods of exegesis which are now generally prevalent in Germany, En- gland, and America. The refined and gifteil Herder did much for ' History of the rimrcli in the Eiglilocnth ;viul Nineteenth Centuries, vol. i, pp. 259-2G1. English tranalation by Hurst. New York, 180'J. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 709 the cause of biblical science by emphasising tlie human element in the Scriptures. In his treatise on the Spirit of Hebrew . . . Herder Poetry (Dessau, 1782) he aimed to exhibit the real beauties, the deep poetical fervour, and glowing oriental imagery of the Old Testament Scriptures. In other publications he traced the influence of Parseeism on the biblical writers, expounded the Apocalypse as having been fulfilled in the destruction of Jerusalem, and dwelt with peculiar pleasure, on the Epistles of James and Judo as the productions of real brothers of the Lord Jesus. Though in- fluenced by the rationalism prevalent at the court of Weimar,' his labours in the department of biblical literature were far more itse- ful than harmful. It was well to have attention called to the hu- man as well as to the divine elements in the Holy Scriptures. Contemporaneous with the above-mentioned critics and scholars were others of a more decided rationalistic bent, and woif and both the old rigid orthodoxy and the declining Pietism Lange. of the period met with opposing tides of thought. The philosophy of Christian von Wolf, which was but a modification and popular presentation of the theories of Leibnitz, introduced a disturbing element at Halle, It found a strong opponent in Joachim Lange, an intimate friend of Francke, who was also noted for his comments on most of the books of the Bible. The later Pietists, revolting from the Wolfian claims for reason, opposed to it a blind emotional faith, which speedily deteriorated into superstitious mys- Degenerate ticism and extravagance. Their capricious methods of Pietism. interpretation are represented in the Berleburg Bible, which unites a running exposition with a new translation, and assumes to set forth the hidden spiritual sense of the Word. Such mystical trifling with the natural sense of Scripture could not fail to provoke reac- tion, which might easily run to an opposite extreme. In 1735 ihe Wertheim Bible appeared, the translation and notes of which were a manifest attempt to interpret the Scriptures according to the prin- ciples of the Wolfian philosophy. Baumgarten, a disciple of Wolf, and his successor at Plalle, wrote sevi ral critical and exegetical works, and prepared the way for the rise of Gei-man rationalism, ' At the end of the last century there was one spot which became the very focus of intellectual life. The court of Karl August, at Weimar, insignificant in political im- portance, was great in the history of the human mind. There were gathered most of the mighty spirits of the golden age of German literature— Herder, Wieland, Goethe, Schiller, Jean Paul: a constellation of intellect unequalled since the court of Feriara in the days of Alphonso. The influence made itself felt in the adjacent university of Jena, and this little seminary became from that time for about twenty years, until the foundation of Berlin, the first university in Germany.— Farrar, Critical History of Free Thought, p. 228. 710 HISTORY OF of which Semler, his pupil, is commonly regarded as more directly the father. John Solomon Semler was born and reared under the influences of Pietism, but from early childhood showed little in- clination to adopt its peculiar dialect and methods. lie went to Halle the year before Lange died, and there received many kind attentions from the Pietists; but he declined to follow their counsels, and soon became the f^^vourite scholar of Baumgarten. Early recognising the conflict between his subjective notions and the current dogmas of the Church, he began to distinguish between religion and theology. One's private religion, he fancied, might be largely a matter of personal taste, and should be cultivated as individual feeling and the dictates of reason prompted. In the elaboration of his views he propounded the so-called Accommoda- tion theory of expounding the Scriptures (see above, p. 166), and distinguished between what is local and temporary and what is uni- versal and permanent in the divine revelation. Large portions of the Scriptures, including many entire books, were set aside as of no authority. Observing that Samaritans, Jews, and the Septuagint translators differed in the number of books which they accepted as sacred, he rejected the traditional idea of an inspired canon of Scripture, and made reason and his own judgment tlie test by which to determine what was and what was not inspired. Much in the Bible was regarded as purely ephemeral, a mere accommodation to the prejudices and barbarism of ancient times. The doctrine of angels and demons was but an accommodation to prevailing errors. ^lost of these views were set forth in Semler's various jjublications on biblical interpretation and the free use of the canon, works abounding with sound and excellent observations, but so mixed with pernicious errors that, in other hands, they were made instru- ments for the destruction of all faith in divine revelation. Semler was not the founder of a school, but his writings gave a mighty impulse to the critical methods of interpretation which were then becoming current. He scattered doubts and set afloat many scep- tical notions. "By the critical inquiry into which he was constant- ly drawn further and further," observes Ilagenbach, "he doubted much which had hitherto stood fast and had lately passed as au- tlientic, and threw much overboard which it was afterward believed necessary to gather carefully up again." ' Semler's beautiful piety preserved him from the evil effects of GrowHi of Ru- his own theories, and he himself was surprised at the tioiiiiiism. „«^(. others made of his ci"itical principles. Tliere were ' Hist, of the Church in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, vol. i, p. 2G6. BIBLICAL INl'ERPRETATION. 7ll men in Germany who were thoroughly infected with the leaven of English deism and French infidelity, and they were not slow to appropriate Sender's destructive methods for the propagation of neology and unbelief among the people. Of this class were Edel- mann and Bahrdt, whose writings breathed the most oifensive spirit of hostility to all accepted Christian doctrine. The Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek (Universal German Library), projected and managed by Nicolai (1765-92), served as a most powerful organ for the dissemination of rationalistic opinions. The publication of the Wolfenbiittel Fragments by Lessing (1774-'78) contributed still more to the spread of scepticism and infidelity. They extolled the deists, glorified human reason, and treated the miracles of the Bible as a string of incredible myths and legends, which an intelli- gent age ought to reject. To the same class of publications be- longed Teller's Worterbuch des neuen Testament (Lexicon of the New Testament), which assumed to define the ideas rather tlian the words of Scripture. Repent, according to this authority, means " to become better;" to convert is " to restore to a righteous disposi- tion;" and atonement signifies " the union of men among themselves in one religion." It was a worthy companion of the Wertheim translation of the Bible. Thus it appears that at the close of the eighteenth century rationalism was dominant over the leading minds of scholarly form Germany. Here and there a voice was heard protest- of Rationalism. ing against these innovations in theology, and occasionally a bold writer was suppressed by the civil power. A great diversity of views appeared. " The position of rationalism during the last quarter of the eighteenth century," says Hurst, " was surrounded with circumstances of the most conflicting nature. Had it been advocated by a few more such ribald characters as Bahrdt, its career would soon have been terminated from the mere want of respec- tability. But had it assumed a more serious ph.ise, and become the protege of such pious men as Seraler was at heart, there would have been no limit to the damage it might inflict upon the cause of Protestantism, And there were indications favourable to either result. However, by some plan of fiendish malice, scepticism re- ceived all the support it could ask from the learned, the power- ful, and the ambitious. Here and there around the horizon could be seen some rising literary star that, for the hour, excited uni- versal attention. His labour was to impugn the contents of the Scriptures and insinuate against the moral purity of the writers themselves. Another candidate for theological glory appeared, and reproached the style of the inspired record. A third came 712 HISTORY OF vauntingly forward with his geograjDhical discoveries and scientific data, and raised the accommodation theory so many more stories higher tlian Semler had left it, that it almost threatened to fall of its own weight," * At the close of this century we meet with a name that towers above most others of his time, and marks an epoch in the liistory of philosophical criticism. Emmanuel Kant con- tributed little directly to biblical exegesis, but his philosoj^hical principles have influenced three generations of biblical critics. His attempt to construct a system of moral interpretation has been sufficiently noticed in a previous part of this volume (p. 16V). The relation of his philosophy to religion and the Scriptures is thus concisely stated by Farrar: "He detected, as he supposed, innate forms of thought in the mental structure, which form the condition under which knowledge is possible. AVhen he applied his system to give a philosophy of ethics and religion, he asserted nobly the law of duty written in the heart, but identified it with religion. Religious ideas Avere regarded as true regulatively, not specula- tively. Revelation was reunited with reason by being resolved into the natural religion of the heart. Accordingly, the moral effect of this j)hilosophy was to expel the French materialism and illuminism, and to give depth to the moral perceptions : its religious efi'ect was to strengthen the appeal to reason and the moral judgment as the test of religious truth ; to render miraculous communication of moral instruction useless, if not absurd ; and to reawaken the at- tempt, which had been laid aside since the Wolfian philosoi)liy, of endeavoring to find a philosophy of religion. From this time in German theology we find the existence of the twofold movcmont: the critical one, the lawful descendant of Semler, examining the historic revelation ; and the philosophical one, the offshoot of the system of Kant, seeking for a philosophy of religion."* The development of speculative philoso])hy through Jacobi, Her- bart, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel exerted a profound influence u|)on the critical minds of Germany, and affected the exegetical style and methods of many of the great biblical scholars of the nineteenth century, 'J'he influence of this ])hilosophy has tended to make the German mind intensely subjective, and has led many theologians to view both history and doctrines in llieir relations to some preconceived principle rather than in their practical bear- ings on human life. ' History of Riitionalism, pp. 148, ItO. New York, 1865. 2 Critical Uistory of Free Thought, pp. 229, 230. BIBLICAL INTERPIIETATION. 713 CHAPTER IX. EXEGESIS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. The progress of biblical science daring the present century has been conspicuous above that of any former period of -^^.^^^^^^ pj.^,,, its histoi-y. The century opened rich with the results ress of knowi- of previous philological and theological research. The ^^ ' lonar-buried treasures of Hebrew and classical literature were made accessible to all scholars. Questions of politics, philosophy, and religion began to be sifted with a freedom and fulness of discussion unknown in Europe before. Political revolutions and the wide- spread popular demand for liberty of thought and speech prompted to the acquisition of knowledge, and gave encouragement to all educational and literary enterprises. New departments of litera- ture and science were gradually developed; new inventions and improvements on old ones greatly facilitated the means of scientific research ; geological investigation, comparative philology, the deci- phering of ancient monumental inscriptions, and uncovering of entire libraries of oriental history and literature contemporary with the Hebrew Scriptures; the exploration of Bible lands, the dis- covery and collation of ancient manuscripts, and the principles and processes of textual criticism have become so many distinct sciences, and are now prosecuted with enthusiasm by the ablest men of Christendom. At the beginning of the century rationalism had well nigh taken possession of the best minds of Germany. Eichhorn ^ ^ ^ _ ^ . . ^ . J. G. Eicliborn. succeeded J. D. Michaelis at the university ot (jottin- gen, and lectured and wrote extensively on oriental literature and the exeg-esis of the Old and New Testaments. His Introduction to the Scriptures and his commentary on the Apocalypse were re- markable for their bold rationalistic criticism. Explicit statements of the sacred writers were set aside or explained away by the most arbitrary assumptions. The Mosaic history was treated as consist- ing largely of ancient sagas or legends. Its miraculous narratives were explained as the vivid portrayal of natural events which was alleged to be characteristic of all ancient records of primeval and un- historic times. A happy, accident or a joyous thought was wont to be conceived and spoken of as the appearance or the salutation of an angel. The smoke, fire, and quaking of Mount Sinai (Exod. xix, 18) 714 HISTORY OF were merely a fire kindled by Moses himself for the purpose of im- pressing the people with awe, and the happy coincidence of a terrible thunderstorm. Eichhoni insisted that all ancient history, whether Jewish or pagan, should be treated alike, and that all miraculous elements should be eliminated by rational methods of interpretation. This naturalistic method of expounding the Scriptures w^as car- ried out in greater detail and applied with a more risrid Puulus. . consistency to the gospel narratives by Paulus, professor at Jena, and subsequently at Heidelberg. His philologico-critical and historical commentary on the New Testament is one of the most notable attempts on record to explain aw^ay every supernatural event narrated in the Christian Scriptures (see above, p. 168). Similar views were advocated about the same period by Henke, Ammon, Wegscheider, and the Swiss rationalist, Schulthess. About this time, also, the rationalistic criticism of the Pentateuch Criticism of the took a notable turn, and inaugurated a controversy Pentateuch. which has Continued to the present time. The docu- mentary hypothesis of the composition of Genesis, propounded as early as 1753 by Astruc, maintained that the book is made up of twelve documents of different authorship, of wdiich the two principal ones are the Elohistic and Jehovistic, conspicuous for the use they make of the divine names. A similar theory, generally known as the fragmentary hypothesis, was set forth with much ability by J. S. Vater in his Commentary on the Pentateuch (Halle, 1802-b). According to this theory the whole Pentateuch consists of a num- ber of fragments loosely strung together. Its nucleus was a collec- tion of laws made in the time of David and Solomon, to w'hich a variety of other fragments was added between the time of Josiah and the Babylonian exile. Essentially the same hypothesis was maintained by Ilartmann in his Linguistic Introduction to the Study of the Books of the Old Testament (Rostock, 1818). These older theories were gradually superseded by that commonly called the suj)plenientary hypothesis, which recognises one original funda- mental document to which various interpolations and supplements were subse(]uently added. The most prominent advocates of this theory were Stiihelin, Tuch, Lengerke, Von Bohlen, and De Wette. In connexion with this free handling of the Pentateuch the niyth- Mythicai inter- i^-al interpretation of the biblical narratives gradually pretations. developed. The philologist Ileyne maintained that the early history of all nations is enwrapped in myths; Semler sug- gested that the stories of Samson and Esther were myths, and Gabler explained the account of the fall of man in much the same way. The Mosaic narrative of creation was placed on a par with the BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 715 cosmogonies of the heathen world. In 1820 G. L. Bauer published his Hebrew Mythology of the Old and New Testaments, and argued therein that it is highly inconsistent and unphilosophical to allow the mythical element in the early history of all other nations, and yet deny it in the Hebrew records. Other writers put forth similar views, and by one and another myths were conceived and classified as historical, philosophical, and poetical, according to the manner of their origin and development. But it was the skilful hand of David Friedrich Strauss that gave fullest presentation The work of of the mythical interpretation, and boldly applied it to Strauss. the gospel history. His subjection to the Hegelian philosophy, and the consequent treatment of scriptural narratives in accord with foregone conclusions, are apparent from the following passage at the beginning of his celebrated Life of Jesus: "The divine cannot so have happened (not immediately, not in forms so rude); or, that which has so happened cannot have been divine. And if a recon- ciliation be sought by means of interpretation, it will be attempted to prove either that the divine did not manifest itself in the manner related, which is to deny the historical validity of the ancient Scrip- tures; or, that the actual occurrences were not divine, which is to explain away the absolute contents of these books."' With this dilemma as a governing principle, the grammatico-historical inter- pretation of miraculous narratives became essentially impossible, and Strauss proceeded to construct with great learning and inge- nuity the mythical interpretation, which we have sufficiently out- lined in a former part of this work (pp. 168-170). The publication of Strauss' Leben Jesu (in 1835) produced a most wonderful sensa- tion, and marked a new epoch in biblical and theological criticism. Scarcely a work on the gospel history has since aj^peared in which there is not some notice taken of its propositions. The replies to it from various divines were almost numberless, and constitute a sf)e- cial department of theological literature. A few years after the work of Strauss appeared, C. H. Weisse published his Evangelical History, criticallv and philo- ^ *■ C. H. Weisse. sopliically treated (2 vols., Lpz., 1838). Its method of treating the gospel narratives, while adopting substantially the principles of Strauss, might not improperly be called the idealistic. Persons and events are regarded as symbolical representations of great religious truths. John the Baptist represents the whole body of Jewish prophets in their relations to Christ. The genealogies of Jesus in Matthew and Luke are merely expressive of the outward historical connexion of the old Israelitish monarchy and the Christian ' Introduction, S 1. 716 HISTORY OF system of salvation. In short, the whole gospel history is but an ideal representation of the divine process by which God reveals himself subjectively in man through all periods of the world's his- toiy, and the person and character of Jesus exhibits this revelation in highest perfection. And yet all this wonderful portraiture nf divine truth was the product, as in the mythical theory, of the imagination and loving devotion of the followers of Jesus, upon whom his personal excellence and magnetic power as a healer of diseases had made a profound impression. This philosophical method of developing history out of the inner reliffious consciousness of an imao^iiuitive and uncritical Bruno Baur. ^ . ^ i t-» age was earned out to even a greater extreme by Bruno Bam- in his Critique of John's Gospel (1840), and his three volumes on the Synoptic Gospels (1841-42). He boldly denied the existence of Messianic expectations at the time of Jesus' birth, and in the same reckless and arbitrary way assumed to set aside any statements of the gospel history which appeared inconsistent with his specu- lative tlieories. The founder of what is commonly known as the new Tubingen F. c. Baur and '^^'^ool of theology was F. C. Baur, who, before the the Tubingen appearance of Strauss' Life of Jesus, had attacked the authenticity of some of the books of the New Testa- ment. In 18:)5 he published a treatise on the Pastoral Epistles in which he maintained that (T.ilatians, Corinthians, and Romans were the only genuine productions of the Apostle Paul. In 1845 ap- peared his work on Paul the Apostle of Jesus Christ, and in 1847 his Critical Examination of the Canonical Gospels. In these and other works of similar character Baur endeavoured to show that the New Testament books Avere polemical documents Avritten in the interest of different factions of the early Church. He especially assumed to discover in these documents a hostility between the Petrine and Pauline parties. These parties continued their antag- onism until the middle of the second century, when the Petrine or Judaic faction yielded some of its rigidity, and by mutual ccmces- sions the two parties became united in one catholic Church. Other theologians belonging to the Tubingen school, and agreeing with Baur in his main line of argument, though arriving at conclusions somewhat diiferent from each other, are Edward Zellcr, Albert Schwegler, Kostlin, Ililgenfeld, and Volkmar. These writers, follow- ing the Hegelian philosophy, disallow any truly miraculous events in the gospel history, regard Christianity as an offshoot of Judaism, and deny the authenticity of all the i)()oks of the New Testament except the four Pauline epistles nanied above. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 717 The rationalistic school of French critics has been led in recent years by such men :is Reville, Scherer, Pecaut, Rouge- French critical raont, and Colani. More famous than any of these is school. Ernest Renan, whose Life of Jesus (Paris, 1863) is a brilliant por- traiture of the gospel narrative according to naturalistic principles. The man Jesus lived, and did many extraordinary things, but was a most susceptible Jewish enthusiast, who gradually became possessed with the idea that he was to be the chosen Redeemer of Israel. His disciples participated in his magnetic enthusiasm, and, after his death, magnified his work, and constructed out of current legends and their own imagination the marvellous stories which we now find in the gospel records. Such bold and reckless criticism could not fail to call out earnest and powerful answers, and there have not been want- German Ra- in ff, during the prosrress of the century, men of ample tionaiism pro- moted more learning and ability to meet the new issues and defend thorough in- the faith of the Church. The entire rationalistic move- vestigation. ment in biblical criticism, from Semler onward, served to develop a more tluorough and scientific treatment of the inspired writings than they had ever before received. Scholars of all parties were led to examine afresh the earliest sources of history, and to study with strictest care the original texts of the Bible and all questions bearing on their genuineness and authenticity. The man who more than any other initiated a reaction against the rationalism current at the beginning of this cen- „ , , . , /• .1 ^ ^ (• £ Schleiermacher. tury was Schleiermacher, one or the first professors or the University of Berlin (1810). And yet Schleiermacher was far from orthodox in his teaching. He was neither strictly evangel- ical nor rationalistic, but combined in himself elements of both. " Gifted with an acute and penetrating intellect, capable of grap- pling with the highest problems of philosophy and the minutest details of criticism, he could sympathize with the intellectual move- ment of the old rationalism; while his fine moral sensibility, the depth and passionateness of his sympathy, the exquisite delicacy of his taste, and the brilliancy of his imagination, were in j^erfect har- mony with the literary and aesthetic revival which was commenc- ing. German to the very soul, he possessed an enthusiastic sympa- thy with the great literary movements of his age, philosophical, classical, or romantic." ' His most usefid service was to expose the fallacy that religion is attainable by reason, or is any way depen- dent on culture. He showed that vital piety is a matter of the heart, and consists in the consciousness of God in the soul, and of ' Farrar, Critical History of Free Thought, p. 242. 718 HISTORY OF absolute dependence upon him. This doctrine was a potent anti- dote to the current rationalism which would bring everything in religion and theology to the test of reason. Schleierraacher's prin- cipal works are devoted to dogmatic and practical theology. But he published a commentary on the Epistles to Timothy (1807), and lectured on hermeneutics and biblical introduction. In his methods of interpretation he moved much in the ways of the rationalists. His doctrine of inspiration was loose, and his view of miracles doubtful. lie treated the Old Testament Scriptures as having no divine authority, and as being important chiefly because of their historical relations to Christianity. His disciplee, accordingly, branched off into different schools, and in their attitude toward evangelical doctrine were negative or positive, or followed a middle course between the two, and each school could appeal in defence of its positions to the teachings of the master whom they all honoured. Schleiermacher founded no school of theology, but he kindled an influence that affected all schools. " Whether we view him," says Farrar, "in his own natural gifts and susceptibilities; in the aim of his life; in his mixture of reason and love, of philosophy and criti- cism, of enthusiasm and wisdom, of orthodoxy and heresy; or re- gard the transitory character of his work, the permanence of his influence, Church history offers no parallel to him since the days of Origen." ' In connexion with Schleiermacher we should also mention the celebrated Neander, the father of modern Church his- tory, whose more profound religious experience and more evangelical tone of expression went far toward counteracting the progress of rationalism. When the Prussian government pro- posed to forbid the introduction of Strauss' Life of Jesus into its dominion Neander strenuously opposed the measure, and urged that works of that kind must be met and nulliflcd, not by force, but by argument. In 1837 he published his Life of Jesus Christ, which was, to a great extent, a reply to the Tubingen ])rofessor. This work has, from the time of its appearance, held a high jilaco in exegetical literature. It treats the alleged difficulties of the gospel narratives with a candour which commands respect and admiration. Neander's earlier work on the Planting and Train- ing of the Christian Church is also a valuable contribution to the exposition of the New Testament. He also wrote practical commentaries on the Epistle to the Philippians, the Epistle of James, and the First Epistle of John. IMost of his works have been translated into English. ' Critical History of Free Thought, pp. 213, 244. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 719 In critical tact and exegetical ability "William M. L. De Wettc probably stands unsurpassed by any biblical scholar of ; . De Wette. modei'n times. His views and critical methods were formed under the influence of such theological teachers as Paul us, Gabler, and Griesbach, and are essentially rationalistic. He re- jected, however, the naturalistic method of explaining the biblical miracles, and anticipated Strauss in many of the prominent positions of the mythical interpretation ; but he sliowed greater regard for the religious element of Scripture, and never indulged in light and dis- respectful insinuations hostile to its divine character and authority. In his Introductions to the Old and New Testaments he subjected the sacred books to the keenest scrutiny, condensing a vast amount of material into small space, and exhibiting in the arrangement and construction of his work the hand of a master. His commentary on the Psalms has ever been esteemed as a model of exegetical taste and judgment, and has been issued in several editions. His new translation of the Bible is conceded by eminent judges to be one of the most finished and accurate versions which has ever been made in any language. His crowning work was his condensed Exegetical Handbook of the New Testament, in which his exquisite taste and remarkable exegetical tact appear in highest perfection. Despite the rationalism everywhere apparent, one cannot but be deeply impressed with the skill and ability of the writer. " One thing, at least," says Stuart, " can be truly said of De Wette as a commen- tator, especially as he appears in his latest works of interpretation, this is, that he rarely introduces anything but the simple principles of exegesis and philology in order to establish his views of the meaning of Scripture. All creeds and confessions are left out of sight, and the text, the context, and tenor of discourse, and peculi- arities of idiom, and matters of antiquity that have respect to various objects, opinions, and circumstances, are ever resorted to as the only reliable guides on which an interpreter can depend. Im- partially, for the most part, has he dealt with all these exegetical subsidiaries. And that he brings to the decision of any exegetical question a rare skill in detecting the nicer shades of language, a highly cultivated festhetical feeling, and great discrimination in judging of the real and logical course of thought, no intelligent reader of him can deny or even doubt." ' Gottfried Friedrich Liicke was an intimate friend of De Wette, and shared largely in his theological opinions. He was professor of theology at Bonn, and subsequently at Got- tingen. Besides numerous valuable articles in various German " Bibliotheca Sacra for 1848, pp. 2G1, 265. Liiclce. ■.20 HISTORY OF ])'jriodicals he wrote a treatise on New Testataent hermeneutics, ;incl an elaborate series of works on the writings of John. He was a most learned and skilful exegete, and worthy of the love and friendship of men like Schloiermacher and De Wette. Many other exegetes, belonging essentially to the critical and philological school of De Wette, flourished during the first half of The Rosenmui- ^'^1' coutury. Among these the two Rosenmiillers at- lers. taincd much distinction, although in exegetical skill and critical acuteness they were much inferior to De Wette. John G. Rosenratillcr was a popular preacher and a theologian of inde- fatigable literary activity. Among his numerous publications his History of Biblical Interpretation in the Christian Church (5 vols., 1795-1814), and his Scholia on the New Testament, attained a well- deserved celebrity. The former work brings the history of inter- pretation down to the time of the Reformation ; his Scholia are l)liiIological and simple, but not of a high order. E. F. C. Rosen- miillcr, son of the preceding, was distinguished for his attainments in oriental languages, and his Scholia on the Old Testament (23 vols., Lpz., 1788-1835). His proficiency in Semitic philology, extensive knowledge of the Orient, and general good judgment, combined to make him an expositor of no small merit. His larger Scholia make too prolix a work for the ordinary student. A large proportion of it is a compilation of the opinions of others, and too often the reader is at a loss to know what were the views of the author himself. The compendium of this "work (6 vols., Lpz., 1828-36), made by Lcchncr under the supervision of the author, is confined mainly to the explanation of the Scripture text, and is more convenient and useful. Less evangelical in spirit, but more exact in the treatment of grammatical questions, and more independent in its mode of hand- ling the Scriptures, is Maurer's Grammatico-critical Com- mentary on the Old Testament (4 vols., Lpz., 1835-47). T])c work abounds throughout with references to the Hel)rew gram- mars of Gesenius and Kwald. The notes on the Pentateuch and the historical books, however, are too brief to be satisfactory, and the author exhibits no proper appreciation of the divine clement in the Scriptures. The fourth volume, embracing Job, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles, were written by Augustus Heiligstedt. A later and more complete critical commentary on the Old Testa- ^ ^ ment, and more closely corresponding to De Wette's poticai Uiind- Ncw Testament Handbook, is the joint Avork of Knobel, Thenius, Bertheau, Hirzel, J. Olshauson, and Hitzig, entitled Kurzgefasstes exejjetisches Handbuch zum alten Testament BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 721 (16 vols., Lpz., 1838-61; several subsequent editions). As is always apparent in such works, the authors vary in merit and ability, but they all exhibit thorough training in grammar and philology, and discuss obscure and difficult words and texts with the greatest crit- ical acumen. Besides his contributions to this Old Testament Hand- book, Knobel wrote a commentary on Ecclesiastes (1836), a work on Hebrew Prophecy (2 vols., IPS'/), and a learned treatise on the genealogical tables of Genesis (1850). Ilitzig has also published a critical commentary on the Psalms (revised ed., 2 vols., 1863-65), and a history of Israel (1869), both coldly and extremely rationalistic. Leonhard Bertholdt, a prominent representative of the same ra- tionalistic school of critics, flourished during the first quarter of the century. His chief productions are a com- mentary on Daniel (2 vols., Erlangen, 1806-8), and a Historico-critical Introduction to the Canonical and Apocryphal Books of the Old and New Testaments. Caesar von Lengerke's commentaries on Daniel (Konigsb., 1835) and the Psalms (1847) exhibit ^°°2:erke. the same spirit, but in critical and philological matters are worthy of commendation. The exegetical writings of Kuinoel (C. G. Kiihnol) evince notable tact and ability, and consist of new translations (with annotations) of Hosea, the Messi- anic prophecies, and the Psalms, and commentaries on the historical books of the New Testament (many editions) and the Epistle to the Hebrews (Lpz., 1831), In expounding the miracles Kuinoel inclines to the naturalistic method of Eichhorn and Paulus.. Among tlie great Hebraists, whose labours gave a new impulse to the cause of Old Testament philology, no name stands Ggsgdius higher than that of William Gesenius. At the age of twenty-four he became professor of theology at Halle, and in the same year published the first volume of his Hebrew-German Lexi- con of the Old Testament (1810). The second volume appeai'ed in 1812. New and revised editions of this work Avere issued in 1823, 1828, and often subsequently, and a Latin edition, almost a new and independent production, appcai-ed in 1833. But his greatest work in this department was his Thesaurus philologicus criticus Linguae Hebraeae et Chaldoeae Veteris Testamenti, on which he was engaged at the time of his death (1842), and which was com- pleted by his friend and colleague, Roediger. These publications, along with his Hebrew Grammar, which has appeared in numerous editions and translations, opened a new era in the cultivation t)f Old Testament literature. The Hebrew Lexicon was translated into English by Christopher Leo (Camb., 1825), by J. W. Gibbs (Andover, 1824), and by E. Robinson (Boston, 1836) ; and English 46 722 HISTORY OF translations of the Hebrew Grammar have been made by Stuart, Conant, and Davies. Besides several other works on Hebrew and oriental literature, Gesenius wrote a philological, critical, and historical commentary on Isaiah, with an accompanying transla- tion in German (Lpz., 1821), This commentary is especially valu- able for its able philological and archaeological discussions. It belongs, however, to the rationalistic school of exegesis. In all his works Gesenius exhibits thorough and accurate scholarsliip, diligent and painstaking research, and a discriminating use of the ample materials at his command. Scarcely less distinguished as a Semitic and biblical scholar was Georg Heinrieh August Ewald. Born at Gottingen in E^vald. . . 1803, he was educated at the gymnasium and univer- sity of his native town, and in his twentieth year, on leaving the university, he published his first work. Die Komposition der Gene- sis kritische untersucht, a treatise which long held a respectable place among critical dissertations on the first book of the Bible. His Arabic and Hebrew grammars, which have been published in larger and smaller forms, and in many editions, gave a new impulse to all studies in that department of oriental research. His transla- tion and exposition of the Poetical Books of the Old Testament, and also of the Old Testament Prophets, evinced a profour;d ac- quaintance with the Hebrevr language, great critical acumen and power of original investigation, but have never been accepted a;? either safe in method or sound in exegesis. He also wrote on the Apocalypse (1828), the Synoptic Gospels (1850), the Epistles of Paul (1S57), the writings of John (18G1), Hebrews and the General Epistles (1870), and a vast number of important articles in various German periodicals. His History of the People of Israel (Ge- schichte des Volkes Israel, 7 vols.; English translation, 7 vols.) is in many respects his masterpiece. For critical and jihilological dis- cussions, original research, and numerous suggestions of unquestion- able value, this work must long hold a high place among the most important contril)utions of this century to the study of the Old Testament. But with all evangelical scholars Ewald's arbitrary methods of dislocatinir and rearransrinfj the sacred books will be re- garded as unscientific, violent, and fanciful. In 1843 Hermann Ilnpfeld succeeded Gesenius in the University of Halle, and became noted as one of the most learned Hebraists ot rLurope. Jlis most important contril)ution to biblical literature is his translation and exposition of the Psalms (4 vols., Gotha, 1855-G2), a work of vast learning, enriched witli a masterly arrangement and use of exegetical material drawn from BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 723 ancient and modern commentators both Jewish and Christian. In many passages he opposes the views of Hengstenbcrg and Ewald. Andreas Hoffmann also deserves mention in connexion witli Gesenius, as a Semitic scholar, whose lectures on Hebrew Antiquities and Old Testament exegesis contributed mucli to the advancement of biblical science. The German evangelical school of interpreters includes men of different shades of opinion, from the rigidly orthodox, TheowTubin- like those of the old Tubingen school, to divines of a Kensciioui. free critical spirit, intent, like Neander, to know and maintain es- sential truth. G. C. Storr, at the beginning of the century, was the leading representative of what is known as the old Tubingen school. He aimed to check the growth of rationalism by a purely scriptural teaching, but his method was unscientific in that it failed to give due prominence to the organic unity of the Bible, and rested too largely on isolated texts. He published, in connexion with Flatt, an Elementary Course of Biblical Theology (English translation, Andover, 1830), and was author of a commentary on the Hebrews (Tubingen, 1809). The two brothers, John F. and Karl C. Flatt, belong to the same school, and wrote several useful expository treatises. Steudel and C. F. Schmid, later rei^resenta- tives of this school, adopted somewhat freer methods, and are sup- posed to have been influenced, to some extent, by the views of Schleiermacher. Hengstenbcrg, professor of theology at Berlin, was recognised for almost half a century as one of the stauncbest de- •' • 1 1 Hengstenberg. fenders of orthodoxy. His principal exegetical works are Contributions to an Introduction to the Old Testament (3 vols., Berlin, 1831-39), in which he ably defends the genuineness of the Pentateuch, Christology of the Old Testament (an elaborate com- mentary on the Messianic prophecies), commentaries on the Psalms, Ecclesiastes, Ezekiel, the Gospel and Revelation of John, and dis- quisitions on the genuineness of Daniel and Isaiah, the history of Balaam, and the Books of Job, Isaiah, and Solomon's Song. He was a man of decided ability and great learning, but often need- lessly dogmatic and supercilious in setting forth his views. Most of his works have been translated into English, and are greatly prized by evangelical divines. Closely attached to Hengstenberg, and of the same exegetical school, was TTilvernick, whose » ' . Havermck. Introduction to the Old Testament, and commentaries on Daniel and Ezekiel, occupy a high place in biblical literature. Frederick Bleek was a pupil of Schleiermacher, De Wette, and Neander, and in 1829 became professor of theology at the University 724 HISTORY OP of Bonn. His elaborate commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (3 vols., Berlin, 1828-40) placed him in the front rank Bleek . . ^ . of biblical exegetes, and in his Contributions to the Criticism of the Gospels (1846) he showed himself a powerful oppo- nent of the Tiibingen rationalists, and ably defended the authen- ticity of the Gospel of John. Tlis Introductions to the Old and New Testaments were edited and published after his death by J. F. Bleek and A. Kamphausen, and rank among the most valuable works of their kind. Other posthumous publications are his Com- mentary on the Synoptic Gospels, edited by Iloltzman, and Lec- tures on Revelation, edited by Hossbach (18G2). His works on Biblical Introduction, and his Lectui-es on the Apocalypse, have been translated into English. Other distinguished exegetes of this period were Umbreit, pro- umbreit uii- f^ssor at Heidelberg, whose expositions embrace the niann, etc. poetical and prophetical books of the Old Testament, and the Epistle to the Romans; Ullmann, of the same university, whose work on the Sinlessness of Jesus has become a classic in apologetical literature; Otto Von Gerlach, whose commentary on the Old and New Testaments is a popular and practical exposition consisting of brief annotations, and admirably adapted to the use of unlearned readers; Usteri, a Swiss divine, Avhose works on John's Gospel and Paul's System of Doctrine, and commentary on Gala- tians, exhibit great keenness of investigation combined with accu- rate scholai'ship ; Hug, an eminent Roman Catholic theologian, whose principal contribution to biblical literature is an Introduction to the New Testament, a work of learning and ability which h.ts been translated into English and French; Schleusnei', whose Lexicon of the Septuagint Version (5 vols.. Lips., 1821) remains without a rival; Karl F. A. Fritzsche, whose commentaries on Matthew and Mark, and especially on Paul's Epistle to the Romans (3 vols., Halle, 1836-43), are pre-eminent for critical and philological acute- ness ; and Baumgarten-Crusius, whose exegetical writings treat most of the books of the New Testament, Probably no German theologian of modern times exerted a wider influence for ijood than Tholuck, who was theological Tholuck. . professor at Halle from 1826 to the time of his death (1877). He was master of many languages, and almost a prodigy of learning. His exegetical works consist of a practical exposition of the Psalms, learned and comprehensive commentaries on the Sermon on the Mount, the Gospel of John, and the Epistles to the Romans and the Hebrews. They have been translated into English and widely circulated. His exegesis is marked by a devout regard BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 725 for the Holy Scrii3tures, a profound theological insight, a clear per- ception of the writer's scope and plan, and a wealth of learned illus- tration drawn from very wide and varied fields of research. His own deep and beautiful religious experience enabled him, like Chrysostom, to apprehend as by intuition " the mind of the Spirit." More mystical in tone, but similarly profound and comprehensive in his treatment of Scripture, was Rudolf Stier, familiar 1 • T • 1 1 • • Stier. to all evangelical scholars by his admirable exposition of the Words of the Lord Jesus. This work is a minute and ex- haustive commentary on :ill the sayings of Jesus as preserved in the Gospels, and, though notably diffuse, is remarkable for its rich- ness of thought, manifold beauties of expression, and deep devo- tional spirit. To this he subsequently added the Words of the Angels.' He also wrote on Isaiah, Proverbs, the Epistles to the Ephesians and Hebrews, and those of James and Jude. In connex- ion with Theile he published a very convenient and valuable Poly- glot Bible, in w^hich the Old Testament is given in the Hebrew, Septuagint, Vulgate, and Luther's German in parallel columns, and the New Testament in Greek, wdth the Vulgate, German, and Au- thorized English versions. Hermann Olshausen was of much the same spirit and method as Stier. Accepting the Bible as God's word, he aimed to penetrate to the innermost sense, and gather up the di- vine thoughts of the Spirit. His mystical tendency led him at times too far from the path of sound criticism, but his expositions as a whole are well worthy of the hearty reception and extensive use they have obtained. His great work is a commentary on the New Testament, which he did not live to finish. The exposition of Philippians, the Pastoral Epistles, and Peter, James, and Jude was subsequently completed by Augustus Weisinger, and that of He- brews and the Epistles and Revelation of John by Ebrard, who has also written an able work on the Gospel History.^ M. Bauragarten of the University of Rostock has published a very full work on the Acts of the Apostles, which real- Baumgarten ly forms a history of the Apostolic Church, and opposes and Phiiippi. with vigour the rationalistic theories of Baur and Zeller of the Tubingen school. It has been translated into English (3 vols., ' Stier's Words of the Lord .Jesus, translated into English by Pope, has been pub- lished in Edinburgh (8 vols., 1855-58), and a revised edition, including the Words of the Angels, by Strong and Smith. New York, 3 vols., 1864. * Olshausen's Commentary and Ebrard's work on Hebrews and the Epistles of John have been published in Clark's Foreign Theol. Library, and, in a revised and improved form, as far as the end of Hebrews, by A. C. Kendrick, 6 vols. New York, 185(i-58. 726 HISTORY OF Edinb., 1854), and is a fitting companion of Xeander's Planting and Training of the Cliristian Church. F. A. Philippi, of the same university, is the author of a very able critical and theolosfical Com- nientary on the Epistle to the Romans, which has also been pub- lished in an English translation in Clark's Foreiorn Theological Library. The grammatical and philological exposition of the New Testa- ment is greatly indebted to the labours of George Ben- Winer. . ^ edict Winer, wliose Grammar of the Idioms of the New Testament was first published in 1822, and has passed through many improved editions and translations (best Eng. ed., Andover, 1874). It called attention to the precision of the language of the New Testament writers, checked the lawless treatment of its idiom and diction then widely prevalent, and inaugurated a more thor- ough and scientific exegesis of the Christian Scriptures. This work has been ably supplemented but not superseded by Alexander Butt- mann's Gramnuir of the New Testament Greek, (Eng. trans, by Thayer, Andover, 1873). Winer also published a grammar of the Jjiblical and Targumic Chaldee, a Hebrew and Chaldee Lexi- con, and a condensed but comprehensive Biblical Dictionary (Real- worterbuch), all which have received deserved commendation. The Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament by H. A. W. Meyer is an admirable complement of H. A. W.Meyer. '... ' . Winer's New Testament Grammar, and a noble illustra- tion of its principles. The first part of Meyer's work appeared in 1832, and to the completion and perfection of it he devoted his best years and ability, making additions and alterations up to the time of his death (1873). At his invitation the commentary on Thessa- lonians and Hebrews Avas prepared by Lilnemann (who also edited the seventh edition of Winer's Grammar), that on the Pastoral and Catholic Epistles by Iluther, and that on the Apocalypse by Diistor- dieck. Among all New Testament exegetes Meyer stands unri- valled. In penetration and critical ability, in philological accuracy and rare exegetical tact, he is scarcely inferior to De Wette, while in fulness of treatment and repeated painstaking revision Meyer's work has great advantage over the more condensed manual of De Wette. It is pre-eminently critical and exegetical, and does not aim at theological and homiletical disquisition. P^ach chapter ia prefaced by a lucid statement of the evidence for and against the various readings of the original text, and the exegesis which fol- Idws keeps closely to the grammatical and philological presentation of the sacred writer's thought. In his theory of the origin of the written gospels, and on some other points, Meyer leans toward BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 727 rationalism, and in spiritual insight lie is inferior to Stier; but his tone is always reverent, and he belongs essentially to the evangel- ical school of interpreters.' An English translation of his entire New Testament commentary (except Revelation) has been pub- lished by the Clarks of Edinburgh. Among these later biblical scholars of Germany, Karl Auberlen is well known by his able volume on Daniel and the Reve- Auberlen and lation (Basel, 1854), which has been also published in an Kurtz. English and a French translation. J. IT. Kurtz, professor of theology at Dorpat, is author of an exceedingly valuable contribution to the exposition of the Pentateuch under the title of History of the Old Covenant (Eng. trans, by Edersheim, 3 vols., Phila., 1859). A most excellent and convenient series of commentaries on the Old Testa- ment is that prepared by Karl F. Keil and Franz De- j^^jj ^n^ ce- litzsch. The work is eminently critical and exegetical, utzsch. and deals fully and fairly with all the great questions which the modern higher criticisni has raised. The learned authors have long been known as representative exegctes of the evangelical school, and have furnished numerous other contributions to biblical litera- ture besides the commentaries belonging to this series. English translations of most of them have been published in Clark's Foreign Theological Library. Another series of commentaries still more comprehensive in its plan is the immense Biblework recently issued under Lange's BiWe- the editorial supervision of J. P. Lange. It aims to be ^'^'ork. a complete critical, exegetical, and homiletical commentary on the Old and New Testaments. Lange himself contributed to this great work more than any other writer. His principal assistants were J. J. Van Oosterzee, Otto ZOchler, C. B. Moll, W. J. Schroeder, Fay, Bahr, Nagelsbach, Schmoller, Kleinert, Lechler, Kling, Braune, and Fronmiiller. The work has been translated into English by Philip Schaff, assisted by a large number of American scholars, and published in a greatly enlarged form in twenty-five octavo volumes, including one on the Apocrypha, by E. C. Bissel (New York, 1864- 80). It is by far the most learned and comprehensive commentary ' In the preface to the fourth edition of his Commentary on Romans (1865) Meyer wrote : " We older men have seen the day when Dr. Paulus and his devices were in vogue ; he died without leaving a disciple behind him. We passed through the tem- pest raised by Strauss some thirty years ago ; and with what a sense of solitariness might its author now celebrate his jubilee ! We saw the constellation of Tiibingen arise, and, even before Baur departed hence, its lustre had waned. A fresh and firmer basis for the truth which had been assailed, and a more complete apprehension of the truth — these were the blessings which the waves left behind ; and so will it be when the present surge has passed away." 728 HISTORY OP on tlie whole Bible which has appeared in modern times. Schaff has also editorial supervision of a popular commentary on the New Testament, by English and American scholars of various evangelical denominations, several volumes of which have already appeared, F, Godet, a French biblical scholar and professor of theology at Godct and Neuchutel, has published commentaries on the Gospels Lutiiaidt. of Luke and John and the Epistle to the Romans, which have been translated into English and received everywhere with great favour. His exegesis is perspicuous, fresh, and full of sug- gestion, but needlessly diffuse. The elaborate work of Luthardt on John's Gospel (Eng. trans,, 3 vols., Edinb,) is rigidly orthodox, and treats the difficult questions connected with the fourth gospel in great detail and with ample learning, A large number of excellent and useful commentaries by English writers have appeared during the present century. Next to Mat- thew Henry's exposition no work of similar scope and magnitude has had a M'idcr circulation or is better known than the Adam Clarke. . r k -t r^^ ^ -t^ • i i i commentary of Adam LlarKc. It is marked by a num- ber of eccentricities of opinion, but displays a vast amount of learn- ing, and is a monument of the tireless industrv of its author. It has especially served a useful purpose among the jVIethodist ministry and people, by whom it has been chiefly used. Less critical and learned, Benson and ^^^ more practical, is the commentary of Joseph Benson, Watson. Xt is, hoAvever, largely a com})ilation from Poole's Anno- tations, Richard Watson's exposition of Matthew, Mark, and other portions of the Scriptures (Lond,, 1833), evinces a talent for sim- ple, yet thorough and profound, exegesis superior to that of Clarke and Benson, and remains a noble fragment of his projected exposi- tion of the entire New Testament. Ebenezer Henderson's com- Henrierson and mentaries on Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Minor BioomUeia. Prophcts have commanded the attention of the learned world, .and entitle him to a place among the ablest biblical exposi- tors. Bloomiield's Recensio Synoptica (8 vols., Lond., 1826-28), and Greek Testament with English notes (1829, and often), served a useful pur])ose in their day, and contain much judicious exposition, but they have been superseded by later and more accurate works of the same class. John Kitto, one of the most eminent biblical scholars of England, greatly promoted the in- terests of sacred learning by his Pictorial Bible, histories of Pales- tine, and Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature. The last-named work, which has been issued in a greatly enlarged form under the editor- ship of "W. L. Alexander, gave a new and mighty imj)ulse to biblical studies in England and America, It is scarcely too much to say BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 739 that Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, and M'Clintock and Strong's Cyclopjedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, are the outgrowth and fruitage of the encyclopjedic labours in bib- lical science inaugurated by John Kitto. Kitto also projected and edited for many years the Journal of Sacred Literature, and wi'ote a very popular series of expository dissertations entitled Daily Bible Illustrations. Thomas Hartwell Home is widely and favouiably known by his Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, which has passed through numerous editions, and has been, in the course of years, greatly improved and enlarged, especially by Ay re and Tregelles. It has long commanded in English biblical literature the position of a standard work, and has inspired and cultivated in thousands a taste for critical and exegetical studies. Samuel David- son has also added lustre to British scholarship by his treatise on Sacred Herraeneutics and Biblical Criticism, Introduc- tions to the Old and New Testaments, English ti'anslation of Ftirst's Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon, and other valuable woi'ks. His Introduction to the Old Testament and some of his other writ- ings are notably rationalistic. Among the more recent English exegetes Henry Alford holds a conspicuous place. His chief work is a critical edition of the Greek Testament, with a digest of various read- ings, learned prolegomena, and copious philological and exegetical notes (5 vols,, London, 1851-61). The author was fluctuating and somewhat inconsistent in several parts of his exposition, and suc- cessive editions show numerous changes of opinion, but his work as a whole has gathered up in convenient form a large amount of valuable material, and has made judicious use of the labours of German critics as well as those of other exegetes, both ancient and modern. The work has had an extensive circulation, and has met a wide-felt want. Webster and Wilkinson have also published an edition of the Greek Testament with grammatical and exegetical notes. It is less elaborate and learned than Alford's, and is adapted for learners rather than the learned. The liberal views of Alford on inspiration and some other to])ics probably had an influence in leading Christopher £„,*', , . . 1 1 T T Wordswortb. Wordsworth to prepare his more strictly orthodox edi- tion of the Greek Testament with notes (4 parts, London, 1856-61). He has also extended his exposition over the whole Bible (6 vols., 1864-72). He exhibits a profound veneration for the Scriptures as the Avord of God, and furnishes many excellent comments. But his work as a whole is disproj)ortionate, makes much use of the 730 HISTORY OF fathers, is often fanciful, and avoids difficulties on wliicli such a work is expected to throw light. Far more profound and satisfac- tory are the excgetical productions of Trench, whose Trench. j » i ' Notes on the Miracles and Parables of our Lord are models of biblical exposition. He has also written a brief commen- tary on the second chapter of Matthew, a volume of most valuable cxegctical essays entitled Studies in the Gospels, a Commentary on the Epistles to the Seven Churches of Asia, and the best work yet extant on the Synonymes of the New Testament. He combines in his expositions a discriminating use of the fatliers, the mediteval exegetes, and later writers, with the best results of the most recent criticism, and touches every point with the hand of a master. No finer specimens of critical and grammatical commentary ex- ist in the English language than those of Charles J. ElliCOtt. o o r> EUicott on the Epistles of Paul. His exegesis is based upon a critically revised text (substantially that of Tischendorf), and proceeds with steady and deliberate care to set forth the exact meaning of the apostle according to the most approved methods of grammatico-historical interpretation. No difficulty is evaded or overlooked; no peculiarity of language or construction escapes his notice. " I have in all cases striven," he says, " humbly and rever- ently to elicit from the words their simple and primary meaning. AVhere that has seemed at variance with historical or dogmatical deductions — where, in fact, exegesis has seemed to range itself on one side, grammar on the other — I have never failed candidly to state it; where it has confirmed some time-honoured interpretation I have joyfully and emphatically cast my small mite into the great treasury of sacred exegesis, and have felt gladdened at being able to yield some passing support to wiser and better men than my- self."' This eminent divine has written on all the epistles of Paul except Romans and Corinthians, and is also favourably known from other publications, especially his Hulsean Lectures on the Life of Christ. Of very much the same order and style are the recent commen- taries of J. B. Lightfoot on the Epistles of Paul. They are accompanied, however, witJi learned introductions and elaborate discussions of various critical and historical questions connected \\\\]i the several epistles. The writer is a sound and judicious expositor, and has announced his purpose to furnish a complete edition of Paul's epistles on the same plan as those (Galatians, Philii)pians, Colossians, and Philemon) already published. Professor John Eadie's commentaries on the ' Preface to Galatians, first edition. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 731 Greek text of Epliesians, Colossians, Galatians, and Thessaloiiians are more detailed in their expositions, and abound in theological and practical disquisition. The writer, however, draws from many sources an interesting and useful mass of illustration. The fathers, the schoolmen, the reformers, the poets, the French and German writers, and the English and Scotch theologians are made to con- tribute to the explanation and illustration of the apostle's thoughts. Paton J. Gloag has written a critical and exegetical commentary on the Acts of the Aj^ostles (Edinb., 1870), in which the critical and philological element is less prominent than the purely exegetical. The notes are based on a new transla- tion made from the seventh edition of Tischendorf's Greek text, and aim to bring out fully and clearly the meaning of the sacred writer. The work is worthy of a place by the side of those of Lightfoot and Eadie. The commentaries of J. G. Murphy on Genesis, Exodus, Levit- icus, and the Psalms have elicited universal commenda- mi 1 T 1 c 1 • 1 Murphy. tion. 1 hey make no great display oi learnmg, but are lucid, discriminating, and comprehensive, yet sufficiently concise, and adapted to the wants of unlearned readers. James Morison's Critical Exposition of the Third Chapter of Romans, T,- • HT1 TTiTi Morison. and his commentaries on Matthew and Mark, are com- prehensive and elaborate, but often infelicitous in style, and, per- haps, needlessly diffuse. Perowne's work on the Psalms (2 vols., Lond., 1864-68) consists of a new translation, with introductions and notes, and exhibits numerous excellen- ces. It would be difficult to name another exposition of the Psalter which surpasses this one in its combination of good sense, scholarly finish, sound exegesis, and the admirable arrangement and distribu- tion of its several parts. Jamieson, Fausset, and Brown are the authors of a critical, ex- perimental, and practical commentary, on the whole jamieson, Faus- Bible. The notes are brief, but characterized by good ^^^' ^^'^ Brown, sense, and well adapted to the wants of that numerous class who desire the results of the best criticism and exegesis presented to them in a clear and concise form. Much more comprehensive and complete is the recent commentary suggested and planned by Denison, the Speaker of the House of Commons, and prepared by eminent clergymen of the Church of England under the edito- rial supervision of F. C. Cook, canon of Exeter. It is speaker'scom- known in England as the Speaker's Commentary, and memary. has been republished in this country under the title of The I>il)le Commentaiy. The introductions to the several books, and the 732 HISTORY OF special essays on important subjects of biblical science, are of the highest value, while the commentary and critical notes are usually learned and judicious. As in all productions of this class, we notice tlie inequality of the different writers, but the work, as a Avhole, is abundantly worthy of the place it was designed to fill, and as a learned and recent English commentary on the whole Bible it has no equal. Other English exegetes, in learning and ability equal to the best, other English ^^'^ ^^- P' Stanley, whose Lectures on the History of exegetes. ^.he Jewish Church, and commentary on Corinthians, combine ample and accurate learning with great vividness and beauty of statement; Benjamin Jowett, wdiose critical notes and dissertations on Paul's Epistle to the Thessalonians, Galatians, and Romans, though rationalistic, are pre-eminently scholarly and sug- gestive; Conybeare and Howson, whose great work on the Life and Epistles of St. Paul furnishes the most graphic portraiture of the history and writings of the Apostle to the Gentiles which has ever appeared in any language; Thomas Lewin, whose magnificent volumes, covering the same field as that of the work last named, is worthy to stand by its side, and, in not a few matters, is its superior. E. B. Elliott's ponderous work on the Apocalypse (4 vols., fifth edi- tion, London, 18G2) shows great industry and research, and contains a vast amount of valuable material, but his system of interpretation is not likely to command confidence. Kalisch, a learned Jew, has written an English translation and critical exposition of Genesis, Exodus, and Leviticus, His volumes are a storehouse of learning, and are very helpful to a thorough study of the Pentateuch, but they are leavened with rationalism. His theological notions gener- ally are much less satisfactory than his historical and critical com- ments. Ginsburg's commentaries on Koheleth (Ecclesiastes) and the Song of Songs are also very full of the products of critical, exegetical, and historical research, and well deserving of the careful study of all biblical scholars. It must be confessed that American scholars have as yet pro- American exe- tluced comparatively little that will endure favourable getes. comparison with the great exegetical works of British and German authors. The copious work of Lange (see p. 727), which has been reproduced in a greatly improved form in this country, has served to demonstrate the ample critical and exegetical ability of American sc^iolarship to rival that of the Old World. Neverthe- less that Avork is essentially German. There are two American names which stand ))re-eiiiincnt in biblical literature, and liave com- manded attention both in England and Germany. Moses Stuart BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 733 and Edward Robinson did more than any other two men to initiate an interest in critical studies and to promote the cultivation of biblical science in their own country. Stuart was made professor of sacred literature at Andover m 1810, and continued in that position until 1848. During these years he pub- lished a grammar of the Hebrew language, based on that of Gese- nius, a Hebrew Christomathy, a New Testament grammar, a Critical History and Defence of the Old Testament Canon, and commen- taries on Hebrews, Romans, and the Apocalypse. He afterward published commentaries on Daniel, Ecclesiastes, and Proverbs. In all these works he shows the skill of a master, and his commentaries have maintained, up to the present time, a j)lace among the ablest expositions of the books which they treat. Robinson's contributions to biblical literature were more pro- found and massive than those of Stuart. In 1825 he Edward Robin- published a translation of Wahl's Clavis Philologica son. of the New Testament, which was at a later period of his life en- tirely superseded by his own Greek and English Lexicon of the New Testament (new and revised ed., New York, 1850), a work that has had incalculable influence in directing the studies of theo- logical students and ministers. In 1831 he founded the Biblical Repository, Avhich subsequently became united with the Bibliotheca Sacra, and received some of the best exegetical productions both of himself and Professor Stuart. His ti'anslation of Gesenius' Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon did for promoting the study of Hebrew what his New Testament Lexicon has done for the studj of the Greek Testament. His biblical researches in Palestine still remain, after the lapse of more than forty years, an indispensable authority on matters of biblical geography. His translation of Buttmann's Greek Grammar, and his Greek and English Harmonies of the Gospels, are of less note, but very useful in their way. He ranks among the most distinguished biblical scholai's of the nineteenth century, and his name is as well kno\\Ti in England and Germany as in his OAvn land. Joseph Addison Alexander acquired a reputation in Europe as well as in America by his learned and useful commen- taries on Isaiah, the Psalms, the Acts, and the Gospels of Matthew and Mark. For fulness of treatment, and as a thesaurus of the views of the most important expositors, his work on Isaiah is unsurpassed. His scholarship was broad, accurate, and profound, and his exegetical talent commanded the attention of all the great biblical scholars of his time. Among the other more noted. American exes^etes we name 734 HISTORY OF Andrews Norton, a Unitarian scholar, and author of a learned and other American valuable work on the Genuineness of the Gospels expositors. (2d ed., 3 vols., 1846); Charles Hodge, whose com- mentary on Romans (new ed., 1864), notably Calvinistic in its the- ology, ranks among the ablest expositions of that important epistle; he has also written on the two Epistles to the Corinthians and on Ephesians ; S. H. Turner, who is widely and favourably known by his commentaries on Romans, Hebrews, and Ephesians, a critical work on Genesis, a volume on the interpretation of Prophecy, and translations of various German exegetical works; and George Bush, whose Notes on Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Joshua, and Judges are judicious and pi-actical, have served a very useful pur- pose, and have had a wide circulation. Albert Barnes has Avritten expository notes on all the books of the New Testament, and also on Job, Isaiah, Daniel, and the Psalms, They have been emi- nently popular, and have served to meet the great demand for a clear, full, and simple exposition, based upon the common English version, and adapted to the wants of Sunday-school teachers and ordinary readers. Melanchthon W. Jacobus is the author of excel- lent commentaries on the Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, and the Book of Genesis. John J. Owen's Critical, Expository, and Practical Commentary on Matthew, Mark, and the Acts is a lucid, thorough, evangelical exposition, and deservedly ranks among the very best popular commentaries which our country has produced. Whedon's Commentriry on the New Testament (5 vols. 12mo, 1860-80), intended for popular use, is more original and indepen- dent in its i^lan, and more complete for its purpose than any of the manual expositions just mentioned. Its style is incisive, epigram- matic, and brilliant; its tone, profoundly evangelical. It deals in a manly way with all difficulties, and sets numerous important pas- sages in a light and beauty not recognised before by any exegete. It is judiciously confined to exposition proper, usually seizes the central thought of the sacred writer, and exhibits it concisely and impressively. A series of commentaries on the Old Testament, prepared by different authors and executed on the same plan as that of Whedon's' New Testament, is in preparation, and several volumes (covering Joshua to Jeremiah) have already been pub- lished. Henry Cowles has completed a series of expository notes on the wiiole Bible, designed for pastors and peo])le (16 vols. 12nu)), which, without any parade of learning, are distinguished by good sense and brevity, clearness of statement, sound and discrim- inating judgment, and able treatment of the obscure and difficult, Varts of Scripture, on which the ordinary reader needs information. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 735 Hackett's commentary on the original text of the Acts (Boston, 1858), and Conant's work on Genesis, Job, Proverbs, and other books, in connexion with the new translations of the American Bible Union, are more learned and philological than the popular commentaries named above. For critical purposes they are of a high order, and worthy of the many commendations which they have received. The Greek and English Harmonies of the Gospels by James Strong and Frederic Gardiner are the best works of the kind extant, and exhibit accurate scholarship, excellent judgment, and the most painstaking fidelity anji care. Nast's English com- mentary on Matthew and Mark, modelled much after the style of Lanixe's work on the same books, with an elaborate Introduction to the Gospel Records (Cincinnati, 1864, 8vo), is an exceedingly valu- able contribution to biblical literature. The introduction has been published separately. W. G. T. Shedd has recently j)ublished a Critical and Doctrinal Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, which is based upon the Greek text of Lachmann, and is truly an elaborate exegetical and theological discussion of the great ques- tions which centre in this book. Its doctrinal position is that of the Calvinistic confessions, and it is a worthy compeer and comple- ment of Hodge's, commentary on the same epistle. The textual criticism of the New Testament has been carried dur- ing the present century to a high degree of perfection. NewTest.Text- In 1813 G. C. Knapp, author of a translation and ex- uai criticism, position of the Psalms, lectures on Christian Theology and other works, published a second edition of his Greek Testament (Halle, 2 vols. 8vo), in which he availed himself of Griesbach's labours, and fui-nished a work so useful that it rapidly passed Knapp, scimiz, through numerous reprints and editions, and met with andSchoiz. general approbation. I?i 1827 David Schulz supervised a new edi- tion of Griesbach's Greek text of the Four Gospels, which he en- riched Avith numerous additions. J. M. A. Scholz spent twelve years of diligent research in the libraries of Europe and in several monasteries of the East collecting and collating manuscripts and other material for a new critical Greek Testament, which appeared at Leipsic in two quarto volumes (1830-36), and served a useful purpose chiefly because of the large amount of critical materials which it supplied. Lachmann's Critical New Testament ,, , Til 11 Lachmann. (2 vols., 1842-50) was executed on the plan proposed long before by Bentley (see above, p. 699), and ignoring the textus receptus, which had too greatly fettered sound and independent criticism, he aimed, by the exclusive use of the oldest authorities, to reconstruct the text which was current in the fourth century. T-.JO HISTORY OF The number of his authorities was limited, and his work was at first subjected to very hostile criticism, largely because of a mis- understanding of his plan and purpose; but later critics have almost universally acknowledged the correctness of his principles and the great value of his services. No textual critic of the century has contributed to this depart- ment of biblical science as much as Tischendorf. He Tischendorf. ^ ,, • -^ i ^i ,m • ,. x-i i i rei^eatedly visited the libraries or iLurope and the mon- asteries of the East, made valuable discoveries of ancient critical authorities, edited many of the most important manuscripts, and pul)lishQd in all twenty-four editions of the Greek Testament, four of which (editions of 1841, 1849, 1859, and 1872) mark a definite ]M-ogress in the acquisition of critical materials. His method is es- sentially that of Lachmann, but makes use of all authorities which may reasonably be expected to aid in ascertaining the most ancient text. S. P. Tregelles, an English scholar who has pub- Tregelles. . o > ts ... ... lished several very useful works in biblical criticism and exegesis, is probably best known by his Greek Testament edited from ancient authorities, with the Latin version of Jerome (1S57- 79). He follows out the principles of Lachmann more rigidly than Tischendorf, and evinces a superior judgment and caution; but his resources were more limited, and his practice in the collation and transcription of manuscripts much less, than that of his German contemporary.' The vast accumulation of documentary evidence made accessible v.estcott and ^^y the manifold labours of preceding generations en- ^^'^'''- abled B. F. Westcott and J. A. Hort, two eminent En- glish critics, to issue in 1881, after more than twenty-five years of conscientious toil, an admirable edition of the Greek Testament, the text of Avhich is based exclusively on ancient authorities. It is considered the maturest product of New Testament criticism, and creates a conviction among scholars best competent to judge that we are in possession of an approximately pure text of the Christian Scriptures. A comparison of the readings in which Tischendorf, Tregelles, and Westcott and Hort vary will best serve to show the tlegree of perfection which the science of textual criticism has at- tained. The passages in which there appears any important varia- tion are scai'cely a thousandth part of the entire text of the New Testament. The revised English version of the Scriptures, prepared by the leading biblical scholars of Great Britain and America, is a ' For a complete list of the printed editions of the Greek Testament, see Reuss, IJibliotheca Xovi Tcstiracuti Grreci. Brunswick, 1872. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 737 monuTnental witness of the advanced state of sacred criticism and interpretation at the present time. The New Testament portion, issued in 1881, was received with an eaoferness and re- ,„ ' ° , . The revised printed and sold to an extent unparalleled in all the his- English ver- tory of letters. Whatever opinions are held as to the '^'°°' rendering of jjarticular texts, or the infelicities of occasional passages, competent judges concede that, as a whole, it worthily exhibits the ripest biblical scholarship of the nineteenth century. The accuracy and thoroughness of that scholarship may be further apprehended by observing that many of the least known and read of modern exe- getes are far supeiior in exact learning and herraen&utical method to any of the fathers or the mediaeval writers. We have made no special mention of the works of Billroth, and Hendewerk, and Hahn, and Titmann, and Reuss, of Reiche, and Kullner, ^ ,.,. ' ' ... eoiidition of and Riickert, and Harless, of Bisping, and Reitmayr, modem exoga- and Windischmann, and Beet, and scoi'es besides, whose ''^^' varied contributions to biblical exegesis fully rank with many of those described in the foregoing pages. The historical importance of Philo, and Origen, and Chrysostom, and Jerome, and Lyra, makes them much more conspicuous than these later Avriters, but the in- trinsic value of the expositions of Scripture produced by the mod- erns is immeasurably superior to those of the ancients. Neology and rationalism have indirectly done great service for the cause of biblical science. The researches and suggestions of Semler and Gesenius, the critical acuteness of De Wette and Ewald, and even the v/orks of Strauss, and Baur, and Hilgenfeld, have given an im- pulse to the scientific study of the Holy Scriptures which has al- ready produced inestimable gain, and which promises even better for the future. The present condition of biblical interpretation is, therefoi'e, very encouraging. The results of modern travel and present outlook exploration have silenced not a few of the cavils of ^^^ demand, infidelity, and placed the historical accuracy and trustworthiness of the sacred writers beyond reasonable doubt. The most accom- plished scholars of the world are finding in the study and elucida- tion of the Scrii)tures a worthy and ennobling field of labour, and are devoting their lives to it with enthusiastic delight. While hero and there we meet with some who cling tenaciously to traditional opinions and allegorical methods, or indulge in extravagant notions touching the character of the inspired books, the great body of evangelical expositors are united on the fundamental principles of interpretation. They agree, moreovei", that a proper commentary on the Bible, or on any part of it, should clearly set forth the true 47 738 HISTORY. meaning of the words and the train of thought intended hy the eacred writer; it should point out the grammatico-lnstorical sense of every passage, giving careful attention to the context, scope, and plan. Where searching criticism and minute analysis are re- quired we are not to be put off with dogmatic assertion, nor should there be any evasion of difficulties, whether they be textual, geo- graphical, chronological, historical, or doctrinal. A commentary notably full on easy passages, and meagre or superficial on difficult ones, meets with no favour, and such diffuse and ponderous works as Caryl on the Book of Job, and Venema on the Psalms, ai*e intolerable to the modern student. No single commentary is now expected to meet the wants of all classes of readers. Philo- logical and grammatical treatises are demanded by critical scholars; professional divines require elaborate disquisitions on important texts, and the great body of ordinary readers need practical and suggestive expositions. Especially popular and widely used are those commentaries which, without being pedantic or obscure, are both critical and thorough, and furnish the common reader with a concise and clear statement of all difficulties involved in disputed passages, and the best methods of explaining them. What has been written by way of comment on the Holy Scriptures seems truly prodigious, and no lifetime is long enough to make a thor- ough use of half of it; and yet more is needed, and new and supe- rior works of biblical exposition will be demanded and supplied as one generation succeeds another. BIBLIOGEAPHY OF HEEMEIsTEUTICS. AcosTA, Joseph. — De vera scriptnras interpretandi ratione libri tres. A part of his work entitled De Christo revclato (Rome, 1590, 4to), and published ulso in the appendix of Menochius' Commentary on the Bible. Paris, 1*719, and Venice, 1771. Aiken, C. A. — The Citations of tlie Old Testament in the New. Trans- lated from the German of Tholuck, in Bibliotiieca Sacra for July, 1854. Alber, J. N. — Institntiones Hermeneiiticae Scripturae Novi Testamenti. Pestini, 1818. 3 vols. 8vo. Institntiones Hermeneuticae Scripturae Sacrae Veteris Testamenti. Pestini, 1827. 3 vols. 8vo. Alexander, Archibald. — Principle of Design in the Interpretation of Scripture. Bihlical Rejiertory and Princeton Review for July, 1845. On Schools and Systems of Interpretation, see same Review for April, 1855. Angus, Joseph. — The Bible Handbook. An Introduction to the Study of Sacred Scripture. Many English and American editions. Revised with Kotes and Index of Scripture texts by F. S. Hoyt. Pliila., 1868. 8vo. Chapters iv-vii of Part First relate to Biblical Hermeneutics. Apthor'p, East. — Discourses on Prophecy. London, 1786. 2 vols. 8vo. The second discourse (vol. i, pp. 49-106) discusses the Canons of Prophecy. Arigler, Alt.man. — Hermeneutica Biblica gcneralis usibus academicis ac- commodata. Vienna, 1813. 8vo. See Unterkircher. Arizzarra, F. Hyacintiie. — Elemcnta Sncr.-ie Hermeneuticae, seu Institu- tiones ad Intelligentiam Sacrarum Scripturanim. Castrinovi Carfagnanse, 1790. 4to. Arnold, Thomas. — Sermons chiefly on tlie Interpretation of Scripture. New edition. London, 1878. 8vo. The last two sermons of the volume are on the Interpretation of Prophecy, and are accompanied with Notes and Appendices. Ast, F. — Grundlinien der Grammatik, Hermeneutik und Kritik. Lands- hut, 1808. 8vo. Ayre, John. See Horne. Barrows, E. P. — A new Introduction to the Study of the Bible. Pub- lished by Religious Tract Society. Lomlon. 8vo. Part Fourth of this work is devoted to the Princi]iles of Biblical Interpretation, and contains in clear outline and compact form an excellent presentation of the fundamental principles of Hermeneutics. 740 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. Bauer, G. L. — Hermeneutica Sacra Veteris Tcstamenti. Lips., 1737. 8vo. Published as a new edition of Glassius' Philologia Sacra, but in fact a new work of no great value. Entwuif ciuer Hermencutik des alteti und neuen Testaments. Lpz., 1799. 8vo. Rationalistic, but full of useful hints. Baumgarten, S. J. — Unterricht von Auslegung der hoiligen Schrift, fiir seine Zulioreransgefertiget. Halle, 1742. 8vo, Published in an enlarged form with the title, Ausfiilirlicher Vortrag der biblischeu llermeneutik, by J. C. Bertram. Halle, 1769. 4to. A work of considerable value. Beck, C. D. — Commentationes de interpretatione Vcterum Scriptoruin. Lips., 1791. 4to. Monogrammata Hermeneutices librorum Novi Foederis. Pars prima, Hermeneutice Novi Testament! universa. Lips., 1803. 8v<). Beck, J. T. — Versuch einer pneumatisch-hermeneutische'i Entwickelung des neuen Kapitels im Briefe an die Homer. Stuttgart, 1833. 8vo. Somewhat mystical, but suggestive. Zur theolDgischen Auslegung der Sclirift. Appended to liis Ein- leitung in das System der christliclien Lchre. Stuttgart, 1838. 8vo. Beckhaus, J. H. — Remarks on the Interpretation of the Tropical Language of the New Testament (vol. ii, Edinl)urgh Biljlical Cabinet). Edin- burgh, 1833. l6mo. Bellarmine, Robert. — De Verbi Doi Interpretatione. Opera, vol. i, book iii, pp. 109-198. Ingolstadt, 1590. Folio. Blunt, J. H. — Key to the Knowledge and Use of the Holy Bible. Lond., 1873. 8vo. Phila., 1873. IGnio. BosANQ.UET, S. R. — Interpretation; being Rules and Principles assisting to the Reading and Understanding of the Holy Scriptures. London, 1874. 12mo, Bretschneider, C. G. — Die historische-dogmatische Auslegung des neuen Testaments, nach ihren Principien, Quellen, und Hiilfsmittelu darges- tellt. Lpz., 1806. 13mo. Rationalistic, and of no great value. Brooks, J. W. — Elements of Prophetical Interpretation. Phila., 1841. 12mo. Budd^us, J. F. — Tsagoge Historico-Tlieologica ad Theologiara Universain singnlasqiie ejus Partes. Lips., 1727. 4to. Pages 1427-1796 are devoted to Exegetical Theology. Campbell, George. — Preliminary Dissertations to the Gospels. London, 1789. 4lo. New edition in 2 vols. London, 1834. 8vo. The first volume contains twelve dissertations in which important questions of New Testament exposition are ably handled. Carpenter, William. — Popular Lectures on Biblical Criticism and Inter- Ijrctation. LoikUui, 1829. 8vo, BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. 741 Carpenter, Wii-i.iam. — A Popular Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures for the Use of English Readers. London, 1826. Fart First of this work contains a number of very useful directions for reading the Holy Scriptures. Carpzov, John B. — Primae lineae Hermeneuticae et Philologiae sacrae cum Veteris turn Novi Testament! brevihus aphorismis comprehensae in usum lectiouum acadeuiicurum. Helnistudt, 1790. 8vo. Cellerier, J. E. — Manuel D'Hermgneutique Biblique. Geneva, 18o2. 8vo. An admirably planned, systematic, and ably executed work ; one of the best of modern times. Biblical Hernieneutics. Chiefly a Translation of the Manuel D'llernieneutique Biblique, par J. E. CellSrier. By Charles Elliott and William J. Harsha. New York, 1881. 8vo. Chamieh, D. — Panstratiae Catholicae, sive controversiarum de religione ad- versus Pontificios corpus. Geneva, 1626. 4 vols, folio. The first volume treats biblical interpretation, but polemically. Chladenius, IMahtin. — Institutiones Exegeticae, regulis et observationiljus luculentissimis iustructae, largissimisque exemplis illustratae. Witten- berg, 1725. 8vo. Einleitung zur rechtigen Auslegung von Redeu und Schriften. Lpz., 1742. 8vo. Clark, James A. — Diversity of Interpretation. Article in the Christian Review of 1857, pp. 196-215. Clausen, H. N. (commonly Klausen). — Hermeneutik des neuen Testaments; aus dem Danisclien iibersetzt von C. O. Schmidt-Phiseldek. Lpz., 1841. 8vo. A learned and valuable production, and especially useful for its discriminating histoi'y of biblical interpretation. Clericus, (Le Cleuc) John. — Dissertatio de optimo genere Interpretuni Sacrae Scripturae. Prefixed to his Commentary on the Old Testament, vol. i, pp. xiv-xxviii. Am- sterdam, 17 10. Cobet, C. G. — Oratio de arte interpretandi grammatices et critices funda- mentis innixa. primario pliilolngi officio. Leyden, 1847. 8vo. CoLLYER, David. — Tiie Sacred Interpreter; or, a practical Introduction toward a beneficial Reading]; and a thorough Understanding of tiie Holy Bii)Ie. Fifth edition. Carlisle, 1796. 2 vols. 8vo, with cuts. It was first published in 1Y46, and translated into German by F. E. Rambach (Rostock, 1750, 8vo), but is a work of no great merit. Conybeare, J. J. — The Bampton Lectures for the year 1824, being an At- tempt to trace the History and to ascertain the Limits of the secondary and spiritual Interprettition of Scripture. Oxford, 1824. 8vo. Conybeare, W. D. — Elementary Course of Theological Lectures. London, 1836. 12mo. Dannh.^.tjer, J. C. — Hermcneutica Sacra, sive methodus exponendarum Sacrarum Literarum. Argciitor, 1654. 8vo. 742 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. Dathe, J. A. — Opuscula ad Crisin et luterpretationem Veteris Testamenti (ciiitcd by Roseniniiller). Lips., 1795. See Gi.assius. Davidson, Samuel. — Sacrud Hermeneutics developed and applied, includ- ing a History of Biblical Interpretation from the earliest of the Fathers to the Reformation. Edinburgh, 1843. 8vo. A learned and very valuable work, but lacks completeness, and is dispropor- tionate in its severjil parts. Davison, John. — Discourses on Prophecy. Oxford, 1821. 8vo. Fifth edition, 1845. De Rossi, G. B. — Sinopsi della Ermeneutica Sacra. Parma, 1819. DiESTEi/, L. — Gescliichte des altcn Testaments in der Christlichen Kircbe. Jena, 1868. 8vo. Dixon, Joseph. — A General Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures in a series of Dissertations, Critical, Hermeneutical, and Historical. Dublin, 1852. 2 vols. 8vo. Baltimore, 1853. 3 vols, in one, 8v(). Dissertation xii, in vol. i, consisting of eight chapters, sets forth succinctly the principles of Roman Catholic Hermeneutics. Dobie, David. — A Key to the Bil)le: Being an Exposition of tiie History, Axioms, and General Laws of Sacred Interpretation. New York, 1856. 12mo. Doedes, J. J. — Manual of Hermeneutics for the Writings of the New Test- ament. Translated from the Dutch by G. W. Stegmann. Edinburgh, 1867. 12mo. Brief, but excellent, and well worthy of repeated study. DoEPKE, J. C. C. — Ilermeneutik der neutestameutlichen Schriftsteller. Lpz.. 1829. 8vo. Evinces great learning and careful research, Dukes, L. Sec Ewai.d and Dukes. EicnsTAEDT. See ]\IoRUS. Ei.LicoTT, C. J. — Scripture and its Interpretation. One of the essays in Aids to Faith — Replies to Essays and Reviews. London, 1863. 8vo. Elster, Ernst. — De medii aeviThcologiaExegetica. Gottingen, 1855. 8vo. EwALD, II. See Ewald and Dukes. EwALD and Dukes. — Beitrasi^e zur Geschiclite der iiltesten Auslegung und Sclirifterklurung des altcn Testament, 3 vols. 8vo. Stuttgart, 1844. Ernesti, John August. — Institutio Interpretis Novi Testamenti ad usus lectiontini. Ll[)s., 1701. 8vo. Fifth edition, edited by Amnion, 1809. A great work for its day, almost an epoch-making book, and still useful, though superseded by later treatises. Elements of Biblical Criticism and Interpretation, translated from the Latin of Ernesti, Keil, Beck, and Morns, and accompanied with notes, by Moses Stuart. Andover, 1827. 12mo. This translation was republished, -with additional observations, by Henderson. London, 1827. Principles of Biblical Interpretation, translated from the Insti- tutio Interpretis of J. A. Ernesti, l)y Charles H. Terrot. Edinburgh (Biblical Cabinet), 1843. 2 vols. 12mo. Terrot's is the best English translation. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. 748 Fairbairn, Patrick. — Hermeucutical Manual; or, Introduction to the Exegetical Sliuly of the Scriptures of the New Testament. Edinburgh, 1858. 8vo. Phihi., 1859. The Typoh)gv of Scripture, viewed in conne.xiou with the entire Scheme of the Divine Dispensations. Vol. i, Edinliurgli, 1845; vol. ii, 1847. 8vo. Fifth edition, revised and enlarged, Edinb., 1870. New York, 1877. Propiiecy, viewed in its distinctive Nature, its special Function, and projjer Interpretation. Edinb., 1865. New York, 18G6. 8vo. All these productions of Fairbairn are works of enduring value. Flacius, Matthias. — Clavis Scripturae Sacrae, seu de sermone Sacraruni Literarum. Basle, 1567. Folio. Edited by Musseus. Jena, 1674. Lips., 1695. Erfurt, 1719. Copious in material, and executed with great learning and abihty for the time when it appeared. Forbes. See Pareau. Francke, a. H. — Manuductio ad lectiouem Sacrae Scripturae. Halle, 1693. 8vo. London, 1706. Proelectiones Hei'meneuticae ad viam dextre indagaudi et expo- nendi sensuni Sacrae Scripturae. Halle, 1717. A Guide to the Reading and Study of tlie Holy Scriptures. Translated by William Jaques with life of Francke. London, 1813. 8v(), Phila., 1823. 12mo. Frankel, Z. — Ueber den Einfluss der palastinischen Exegese auf den alexandiinisclie Hermeneutik. Lpz., 1851. 8vo. Fbanzius, Wolfgang. — Tractatus theologicus novus et perspicuus de In- terpretatione Sacraruni Scripturarum, etc. Wittenberg, 1619. 4to. Several times reprinted. Sixth ed., 1708. Controversial, and of little worth. Gablek, J. P. — Entwurf einer Hermeneutik des neuen Testament. Alt- dorf, 1788. 4to. Gerard, Gilbicrt. — Institutes of Biblical Criticism, or Heads of tlie course of Lectures on that subject, read in the University of Aberdeen. Edinb., 1808. 8vo. Boston, 1833. Gerhard, John. — Tractatus dc legitima Scripturae Sacrae Interpretatione. Jena, 1610. 4to. Geriiauser, G. B. — Biblische Hermeneutik. Zweiter Theil: Die Grund- satze der Schriftauslegung. Kempten, 1829. 8vo. Germar, F. H. — Die panharmonische Interpretation der heiligen Schrift. Ein Versuch. Schleswig, 1821. 8vo. Beitrag zur allgemeinen Hermeneutik und zu deren Anwendung auf die theologische. Altoiia, 1828. 8vo. Die hermeneutischen Mangel der sogenannten grammatisch-histor- ischen, eigentlich aber der Tact-Interpretation. Halle, 1834. Svo. Kritik der modcrnen Exegese, nach den hermeneutisclien Maximcn eines competenten Philologen. Halle, 1841. Svo. Suggestive dissertations, still worthy of perusaL 744 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. Gerson, John. — Propositiones de sensu literal! Sacrae Scripturae. Opera, vol. i. Antwerp, 1706. Folio. Glaikk. See Janssens. Glassius. Solomon. — Philologiae sacrae, qua totius sacrosnnctae Veteris et Novi Testameiiti Scripturae turn stylus et literatura, turn sensus et genu- iiisa Iiiterpretationis ratio expenditur. Jena, 1638. 4to. Most (.■oireet edition, Frankfort and Hamburg, 1653. 4to. Fullest of the old editions, with Preface by Budda;us, Lips., 1725. New edition, with valuable additions by Dathe and Bauer, Lips., 1776-97. 3 vols. 8vo. A work of cou- siderable value. GoLDiiAGEx. Hermann. — lutroductio in Sacram Scripturam Veteris et Novi Te.staiuenti. Maintz, three parts, 176G-C8. 8vo. GRiESB.\crr. J. J. — Vorlesungen iiber die Hermeneutik des neuen Testa- ments; herausgegeben vou J. C. S. Steiner. Nuremberg, 1815. Svo. Guentnicr, G. J. B. — Hermeneutica Biblica generalis juxta Priucipia Ca- tholica. Prague, 1848. Vienna, 1851. Svo. Henderson, E. See Ernesti. HiLLER, M. — Syntagma Hermeneutica. Tubingen, 1711. 4to. Hirsciifeld, H. S. — Der Geist der talmudisclien Auslegung der Bibel. Erster Tiieii, Halacliisclie Exegese. Berlin, 1840. Svo. Der Geist der ersten Schrift-auslegungeu, oder die hagadische Exegese. Berlin, 1847. 8vo. HoEPFNER, C. F. — Gnindlinien zu einer fruchtbareu Auslegung der beili- gen Schrift. Lpz., 1827. Svo. IIofmann, J. Christian K., von. — Biblische Hermeneutik. Nordlingen, 1880. 18mo. A new and very valuable contribution to the Science of Biblical Interpretation. It is a posthumous publicalion, edited by W. Volck. IIouNE, Thomas ITartwell. — An Introduction to tiie Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. London, 1818. 3 vols. Svo. Many editions. The second volume of the tenth edition was edited and nearly rewritten by Samuel Davidson: The Text of the Old Testament, with a Treatise on Sacred Inteipretation, 1856. Eleventh edition, revised and largely rewritten, by John Ayre and S. P. Tregelles. London, 1860. 4 vols. Svo. Thirteenth edition, 1872. The second volume, revised by Ayre, is devoted to tbe Criticism and Interpreta- tion of Scripture, and is a comprehensive and useful work. Huetius, Peter Daniel. — De Interpretatione libri duo; quorum prior est, dc o[)timo genere iuterpretandi: alter, de Claris interprotibus. Stadge, 1680. 16mo. Immer, A, — Hermeneutik des neuen Testaments. Witteirberg, 1873, Svo. Hermencutics of the New Testament. Translated from the Ger- man by A. II. Newman. Andover, 1877. Svo. One of the best hermeneutical treatises of modern times. Irons, W. J. — The Bible and its Interpreters. Miracles and Prophecy. Second edition. Loudon, 1S69. Svo, BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. 745 Jackson, Arthur. — A Help for the Understanding of the Holy Scripture. Camb., 1643. 3 vols. 4to. Jackson, Thomas. — The true Sense of Scripture determinable by Rules of Art. Works xii, 174 (folio edition iii, 895). Jahn, J. — Enchiridion Hermeneuticae gencralis tabularura Veteris et Novi Foederis. Vienna, 1813. 8vo. A work of much good sense. See Sandbichler and Stuart. Janssens, J. Hermann. — Hermeneutica Sacra, sen lutroductio in omnen ac singulos libros sacros Veteris et Novi Foederis. Maintz, 1818. 2 vols. 8vo. Hernieneutique Sacr6e, ou Introduction a I'Ecriture Sainto. Trad. du Lat. par J. J. Pacaud. Paris, 1837. 3 vols. 8vo. New ed., rev. by J. B. CUaire, 1840. Fifth ed., rev. by Sionnet, 1855. Jones, William. — Course of Lectures on the Figurative Language of the Holy Scriptures. London, 1787. 8vo. Second edition, 1789. Also in vol. iv. of his Theological and Miscellaneous Works. London, 1810. JowETT, Benjamin. — On the Interpretation of Scripture. One of tlie es- says in Essays and Reviews by eminent English Churchmen. London, 1861. 8vo. Kaiser, G. P. C. — Grundriss eines Systems der neutestamentlichen Iler- meueutik. Erlangen, 1817. 8vo. Keil, Karl A. G. — Do historica librorum sacrorum Interpretatioue ej us- que necessitate. Lips., 1788. 8vo. ■ Ueber die historische Erklarunjjsart der heili^en Sclirift und deren Nothwendigkeit. Aus d. Lat. von C. A. Henipel. Lpz., 1793. 8vo. Lehrbuch der Hermeneutik des neuen Testaments nach Grundsatzen der grammatisch-liistorischen Interpretation. L|)Z., 1810. 8vo. Elcnienta Hermeneutices Novi Testament! (Latine reddita a C. A. G. Emmerling). Lips., 1811. ISino. All these treatises display the skill of a master, and emphasize the necessity of strict grammatico-historical interpretation. Klausen. See Clausen. KoHLGRUBER, J. — Henncneutica Biblica generalis. Vienna, 1850. 8vo. Lamar, J. S. — The Organon of Scripture; or, the Inductive Method of Biblical luterprctation. Philadelphia, 1860. ISmo. Landerer. — Article Hermeneutik in Herzog, Real-Eucyklopiidie (edition Stuttgart and Hamburg, 1856). Corap. Schmidt. Lange, Joachim. — Hermeneutica Sacra. Halle, 1733. 8vo. Lange, J. P. — Grundriss der biblischen Hermeneutik. Heidelb., 1878. 8vo. Suggestive, well arranged, compact, and convenient for use. Lee, Samuel. — Six Sermons on the Study of the Holy Scriptures, their Nature, Interpretation, and some of their most Important Doctrines. London, 1830. 8vo. An Inquiry into the Nature, Progress, and End of Prophecy. Cam- bridge, 1849. 8vo. Lindanus, W. D. — De optimo Scripturas interi^retandi gciicre lihri iii. Coloniae, 1558. IGmo. 74a BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. Litton, E. A. — Guide to the Study of the Holy Scripture. London, 1860. LoEiiNis, J. M. A. — Grundzuge dcr biblischen Hermcneutilc und Kritik. Giessen, 18o9. 8vo. Loi:scHER,V. E. — BreviariumTheologiaeExegeticae. Frankfort, 1715. Bvo. Breviarium Theologiae Exegeticae legitiniam Scripturae Sacrae Interpretationem, uec uon studii biblici rutiouem succincte tradens. Wittenberg, 1719. 8vo. LowTH, W. — Directions for the Profitable Reading of the Holy Scriptures; Avitli some Observations for confirming their Divine Authority, and illus- trating their Difficulties. Seventh edition, London, 1799. 12ino. LuECKE, G. C. F. — Grundriss der neutestamentlicheu Heriucneutik und ihrcr Geschichte. Gottingeu, 1817. 8vo. LuTz, J. L. S. — Biblische Hermeneutik. Pforzheim, 1849. Bvo. Second ed., edited by Adolf Lutz, 1861. Macknight, James. — Concerning the Right Interpretation of the Writings in which the Revelations of God are contained. Essay viii, appended to his Translation and Commentary on the Apostolical Epistles. Many editions. Maimonides, Moses (Rambam).— Moreh Nebuchim, or Guide of the Per- plexed. Many editions and translations. Maitland, Charles. — Tlie Apostles' School of Prophetic Interpretation, with its History to tlie present time. London, 1849. 8vo. Maitlaxd, S. R. — Eight Essays on the Mystical Interpretation of Scrip- ture. London, 1852. 8vo. Maksh, Herbert.— Lectures on the Criticism and Interpretation of the Bible. London, 1838 and 1842. 8vo. Martianay, Jean. — Tr.utS method ique, ou maniere d'expliquer I'Ecriture par le secours de trois Syntaxes, la propre, la figurJie, riiarmonique. Paris, 1704. 12mo. J— Methode Sacr6e pour apprendre et expliquer I'Ecriture Sainte par I'Ecriture meine. Paris, 1716. 8vo. Matthaei, G. C. R.— Uebersicht der Fehler der neutcstamcntlichen Exe- gese. Giittingen, 1835. 8vo. Mayisr, G. — Institutio interpretis sacri. Vindobonce, 1789. 8vo. M'Clelland, Alexander.— Manual of Sacred Interpretation, for the Spe- cial Benefit of Junior Theological Students; but intended for private Christians in general. New York, 1842. 12nio. A Brief Treatise on the Canon and Interpretation of the Holy Scrip- tures. New York, 1850, Tliis is a second and enlarged edition of the preceding. Another revised edition appeared in 1860 Meier, G. F. — Versuch eiuer allgemeinen Auslegungskunst. Halle, 1756. 8vo. Meyer, G. W. — Versuch einer Hermeneutik des alten Testaments. Erster Tlieil, Liil)eck. 1799. 8vo. Zweiter Theil, 1800. 8vo. New edition, 1813. Rationalistic, but full of excellent thoughts ; concise and comprehensive. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IIERMENEUTICS. 747 Meter, G. W. — Gescliichtc der Schrifteikltirung seit der Wiederherstel- liing der Wisseuschaften. Gottingen, 1802-9. 5 vols. 8vo. Meyer, Lewis. — Philosopliia Scriptnrae luterpres. Eleutlieropolis, 1666. 4to. Edited, with preface and various notes, by J. S. Semler. Hulle, 1776. 8vo. Moegelin, W. — Die allegorische Bibelauslegung, besonders in der Predigt, historisch und didactiscli betrachtet. Niiniberg, 1844. 8vo. Monsperger, J. J. — Institutiones Hernieneuticae sacrae Veteris Testamenti praelectionibus academicis accommodatae. Pars i, Vindobonse, 1776. 8vo. Pars ii, 1777, 8vo. Second edition, 1784. MoRUS, S. F. N. — Super Hermeneutica Novi Testamenti Acroases Acade- micae. Edited, with additions, by Eichstadt. Vol. i. Lips., 1797; vol. ii, 1803. 8vo. Consists substantially of lectures on Ernesti's Institutes. Muenscher, Joseph. — On Types and the Typical Interpretation of Scrip- ture. Article in the American Biblical Repository for Jan., 1841. Manual of Biblical Interpretation. Gambler, Ohio, 1865. 16mo. Neubauer, E. F. See Ramb.vch. Nevin, J. W. — Sacred Hermeueutics. Article in the Mercersburg Review, for 1878, pp. 5-38. Newman, A. IT. See Immer. NicHOLLS, Benjamin" Elliot. — Introduction to the Study of the Scrip- tures. Published by the American S. S. Union. Piiila., 1853. 8vo. Originally published by the London Christian Knowledge Society under the title of The Mine Explored. NoESSELT, J. A. — Exercitationes ad Sacrarum Scriptuarum Interpreta- tionem. Halle. 4 vols, 8vo. Olearius, J. — Elementa Hermeneuticae Sacrae cum pi'axi hermen, in qui- busdam exemplis. Lips.. 1699. Olshausen, H. — Ein Wort iiber tiefern Schriftsinn. Konigsberg, 1834. 8vo, Die biblisclie Schriftauslegung; noch ein Wort iiber tiefern Schrift- sinn. Sendschreiben an Steudel. Hamburg, 1835. 8vo. Osterwald, J. F. — The Necessity and Usefulness of Reading the Holy Scriptures; and the Disposition with which they ought to be read. Translated by J, Moore. London, 1750. 18mo, Owen, John. — Tiie Causes, Ways, and Means of understanding the Mind of God as Revealed in his Word, Works, iii, 369. Pagninus, Sanctes. — Isagoge ad Sacras Literas. Isagoge ad mysticos Sacrae Scriptnrae sensus. Lugduni, 1536. Folio, Fareau, J. H, — Institutio Interpretis Veteris Testamenti. Trajecti. 1833. Bvo, Principles of Interpretation of the Old Testament, Translated from the original by Patrick Forbes, Edinburgh (Biblical Cabinet), 1835 1840. 3 vols, 13mo, A very excellent and useful ti'eatise. 748 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. Pareau, L. G. — Ilernicneutica Codicis Sacri. Gronigen, 1846. 8vo. Peirce, B. K. — The "Word of God Opened. Its Inspiration, Canon, and Interpretation considered and illustrated. New York, 1868. 16mo. Perion, Joachim. — Commeutarii de optimo genere interpretandi. Pari;?, 1548. Pfkiffer, Augustus. — Hermeneutica Sacra, sivc luculenta de legitinia In- ter[)retatione Sacrariiin Literarum Tractatns. Dresden, 1684. ISino. Revised and enlarged, with Preface, by S. B. Carpzov (Thesaurus Her- mencuticus). Lips, and Fraukf., 1690. 4to. Pfeiffer, J. E. — Elenienta Hermeneuticae Universalis, veterurn atque re- centiorum et proprias qiiasdam praeceptiones complexa. Jena, 1743. 8vo. Institutiones Hermeneuticae Sacrae, veteruni atque recentiormn et propria quaedam praecepta complexae. Erlangen, 1771. 8vo. Planck, G. J. — Einleitung in die theologischen Wissenschafteu. Lpz., 1795. 2 vols. 8vo. Introduction to Sacred Philology and Interpretation. Translated from the German of G. J. Planck, by S. H. Turner. Edinburgh (Biblical Cabinet), 1834. 12mo. New York, 1834. Worthy of repeated perusal. Rambach. John James. — Institutiones Hermeneuticae Sacrae, variis obser- vationilnis copiosissimisque excmplis biblicis illustratae, cum praefa- tione J. F. Buddei. Jena, 1723. Svo. Eighth edition, 1764. Of this work Davidson says : " In the nature and richness of its materials, the perspicuous method in which they are presented, and the judicious use of an- cient as well as modern literature, it leaves preceding works far behind." Commentatio Hermeneutica de scnsus mvstici criteriis ex sfenuinis prineipiis deducta, neccssariisque cautelis circumscripta. Jena, 1728. 8vo, Second edition, 1741. Erliinterung iiber sciine eigne Institutiones Hermeneuticae Sacrae, darin nicht nur dieses ganze Werk erkliirt, imgleiclieii manches von ihm geiiudert und verbessert, sondern auch neue henneneutisohe R"gein und Anmcrkungen liinzugethan, alles alter mit mehr als 1000 erkliirten Oertern der Sehrift eriautert worden ; mit einer Vorrede von der Vor- trefiiichkeit der rambaeliisclien Ileimenentik, in zwei Theilen ans Liclit gestellt von E. F. Neul)auer. Giessen, 1738. 4to. (See also Reiersen.) Ranolder, J. — Ilermeneuticie Biblicae generalis Principia ratioualia Chris- tiana et Catholica. Lips., 1839. 8vo. Raetze, J. G. — Die hoclisten Prinzipien der Schrifterklarung. Lpz., 1814. 8vo. Reckenberger, J. L. — Tractatus de studio Sacrae Hermeneuticae. in quo de ejus natura et indole, ahsoluta in omnibus Tlieologiae partibus neces- sitate, impedimenlis ao mediis agitur. Jena, 1732. 8vo. Cliicfly based on Rambach. Reichel, v. — Introductio in llermcneuticam Biblicam. Vienna, 1839. 8vo. Reiersen, Andreas. — Hermeneutica Sacra per Taljulas, seu Tabuhie syn- opticae in Institutiones Hermeneuticae Sacrae earuniquj lilustiationera seu Erliiuterung J. J. Rambacliii. Lips., 1741. 8vo. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IlERMENEUTICS. 743 Reitmayer, Fkanz Xaver. — Lelirbuch der biblisclien Hermeneutik, lier- ausgegeben von Thalliofer. Kempten, 1874. 8vo. Rivet, Andrew. — Isagnge, sen Introductio generalis ad Scripturam Sa- crum Veteris et Novi Testanienti. Ludg. Batav., 1G27. 4to. Chapters xiv to xxiv of this work are devoted to Hermeneutics. RosENMUELLER, J. G. — Historia Intcrpretationis Librorum Sncrorum in Ec- clesia Christiana, ab Apostolorum aetate ad literarum iustaurationem. Hildburg, 1795-1814. 5 vols. 12mo. An excellent review of patristic and mediseval interpretation. RosENMUELLER, E. F. K. — Ilandbucli fiir die Literatur der biblisclien Kritik und Exegese. Gottingcn, 1797-1800. 4 vols. Salmeron, ALpnoNso. — De Scriptnrae sensu literali et spiritual, etc. Opera, vol. i, pp. G9-3G9. ColnniiB, 1612. Folio. Salmond, C. D. F. — Article Hermeneutics in the new edition of the En- cyclopaedia Britannica. Sandbichler. a. — Darstellnng der Regeln einer allgemeinen Auslegungs- kunst von den Biichern des neuen und alten Buudes, nach Jalui. Salz- burg, 1813. 8vo. Sawyer, Leicester A. — The Elements of Biblical Interpretation, or an Exposition of the Laws by wiiich the Scriptures are capable of being cor- rectly interpreted, together witli an Analysis of the Rationalistic and Mys- tic Modes of interpreting them, adapted to common Use, and designed as an Auxiliary to the Ci'itical Study of the Bible. New Haven, 1836. 12mo. ScnAEFER, J. N. — Ichnogrnpliia Hermeneuticae Sacrae. Maintz, 1784. 8vo. ScHLEiERMACiiER, F. — Hermcncutik und Kritik mit besouderer Rucksicht auf das neue Testament. Berlin, 1838. 8vo. (Vol. vii of his Theological "Works.) Masterly in many of its statements, but tinged with speculative philosophy. Schmidt, W. — Article Hermeneutik in new edition of Herzog's Real-Ency- klopiidie. Lpz., 1880. Comp. Landerer. ScHMiTTER, A.— Grundlinien der biblisclien Hermeneutik. Regensb., 1844. 8vo. ScHULER, P. H.— Geschichte der populiiren Schrifterklarung unter den Cliristen. Tubingen, 1787. 8vo, ScoTT, J. — Principles of New Testament Quotation established and applied to Biblical Science. Edinburgh, 1875. 13mo. Seemiller, Sebastian. — Institutioncs ad Interpretationem Sacrae Scrip- tnrae, sen Hermeneutica Sacra. Augsburg, 1779. 8vo. Seilsu, G. F. — Biblische Hermeneutik; oder Grundsatze und Regeln zur Erlauterung der heiligen Schrift des alten und neuen Testaments. Erlangen, 1800. 8vo. Bil)lical Hermeneutics, or the Art of Scripture Interpretation. From tlie German of George Frederic Seller, with Notes, Strictures, and Supplements from tlie Dutch of J. Heringa. Translated from the origi- nals, with additional notes and observations, by William Wright. Lon- don, 1835. 8vo. Slightly rationalistic, but on the whole a very comprehensive and useful work. 750 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. Semler, J. S. — Vorbereitung zur llieologisclion Ilermeneutik. Halle, 1760-G9. 4 vols. 8vo. Institutio bievior ad lilieralem eruditiouem theologicam. Halle, 1765. 8vo. See Meter, Lewis. Apparatus ad liberalem Nuvi Testamenti Intcrpretationem. Halle, 1767. 8vo. Apparatus ad liberalem Veteris Testamenti Interpretatiouem. Halle, 1773. 8vo. Nc'ucr Versuch, die gemeinniitzige Auslcgung und Anwendung des t5^ neueu Testaments zu befordern. Halle, 1786. 8vo. All Semler's works are rich in suggestion, but replete with rationalistic errors, and have exerted a pernicious influence on German exegesis. Setwin, J. B. — Ilermeneuticae Bil^Ucae Institutiones tlieoretico-practieae secundum ])liil()l(>giac regulam ad analogiam fidei Ecclesiae Romanae Catholicae in compendium collatae. Vienna, 1872. 8vo. Simon, R. — Histoire Critique du Vicux Testament. Amst., new edition, 1685. 4to. A Critical History of the Old Testament. London, 1882. 4to. English translation of the preceding. Histoire Critique des principaux Coramentateurs da Nouveau Testament. Rotterdam, 1693. Sionnet. See Janssens. SixT, G. A. — De Intcrpretatioue universa ab Ernestio obscrvata notulis aucta. 1785. SiXTUs Senensis. — Ars interprctandi Scripturas Sacras alisolntissima. Forms the third book of his Bibliotheca Sancta. Venice, 1566. Folio. Often reprinted. Smith, John Pye. — Principles of Interpretation as applied to the Prophe- cies of Holy Scripture. London, 1839. Second edition, 1831. Stark, W. — Beitru;i'e zur Vervollkommung der Ilermeneutik, insbcsondere des Neucn Testament. Two Parts, Jena, 1817-18. Staudlin, K. F. — De Interpretationc librorum Novi Testamenti historica non unice vera. Gottingen, 1807. Stegmann. See Doedes. Stein, K. W. — Ue!)erden BegrifTund den oberstcn Grundsatz der historls- clien Interpretation des neuen Testament. Lpz., 1815. 8vo. An able and suggestive treatise. Steinek. Sec Grie.sbacii. Stier, R. — Andeutungcn fur gliiubigcs Scliriftvcrstiindniss im Ganr.cn und Einzelnen. Konigsberg, 1824. 8vo. STORij, G. C. — Opnscula Aca.lemica ad Interpretatiouem Librorum Sacrorum pertinentia. Tubingen, 1796. 8vo. • Essay on the Flislorical Sense of the New Testament. Translated by J. W. Gibbs. Boston, 1817. i2mo. Stowe, C. E.— The Right Interpretation of the Holy Scriptures. The Helps and the Hindrances. Bibliotheca Sacra, 1853, pp. 34-62. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. 751 Stttart, Moses. — Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy. Andover, 1342. 12nio. Dissertations on tlie Importance and best Metliod of Studying the original Languages of the Bible, by Jahn and otlicrs. Translated from the originals, nnd accompanied -with notes. Andover, 1827. 8vo. These, like all of Professor Stuart's writings, are very worthy of careful perusiil. On the Alleged Obscurity of Prophecy. Article in tlic American Biblical Repository for April, 1832. Translation of Hahn, On the Grammatico-Historical Interpretation of the Scriptures, with additional essay on the same subject, iu American Biblical Repository for January, 1831. -Are the s;ime Principles of Interpretation to be applied to the Scrip- ture as to other books. Americau Biblical Repository for January, 1832. See also Ernesti. SuRENHUSius, W. — rr\U}2n "ISD, sive Bt'.SAof KaralTiayj/g, in quo secundum Veterum Theologicorum Ilebraeorum formulas allegandi, ct modus inter- pretandi conciliantur loca ex V. in N. T. allegata. Amst., 1713. 4to. Unsurpassed in the field it occupies. Teller. See Turretin. Tereot. See Ernesti. Tholtjck, Augustus.— Beitrage zur Spracherldarung des neuen Testaments. Halle, 1833. 8vo. Hints on the Interpretation of the Old Testament. Translated by R. B. Patton (vol. ii of Edinburgh Biblical Cabinet). Edinb, 1833. 16mo. On the Use of the Old Testament in the New, and especially in the Epistle to the Hebrews. Translated by J. E. Ryland. (Vol. xxxix of the Biblical Cabinet). Edinburgh, 1842. 16mo. Sue Aiken. Hermeneutics of the Apostle Paul, with special reference to Gal. iii, 16. (Vol. xxxix Bil)lical Cabinet). These last two are Dissertations at the end of Tholuck's Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews, and all the above are worthy of careful study. Toellner, J. G.— Grundriss einer erwiesenen Hermeueutik der heiligen Schrift. Ziillichau, 1765. 8vo. Philosophical, learned, and excellent for its day. Turner, S. H.— Tlioughts on the Origin, Character, and Interpretation of Scriptural Prophecy? New York, 1851. 12mo. See also Planck. Tdrretin, J. A.— De Sacrae Sciipturae interpretandae methodo Tractatus bipartitus, in quo falsac mnltorum interpretum hypotheses refelluntur, veraque interpretandae sacrae Scripturae methodus adstruitur. Dort, 1728. 8vo. Revised and enlarged by G. A. Teller. Frankfort, 1776. 8yo. TuRPiE, David :\IcC.— The Old Testament iu the New. A Contribution to Biblical Criticism and Interpretation. liOndon, 1868. 8vo. Unger, a. F.— Populare Hermeneutik, oder Anleitung die Schrift auszu- legen filr Lehrer des Volkes in Schulen und Kirchcn. Lpz., 1845. 8vo, Unterkirciier, C— HermeneuticaBiblicageneralis. (Eniponti, 1834. 8vo. Ariglcr's work of the same title adapted to the use ot Romanists in Austria. 7.->2 BIBLIOGEAPHY OF HERMENEUTICS. Vail, Stephex M. — Hermenentics ami Ilomiletics; or, The Study of the Original Scriptures and Preacliing. Articles in Methodist Quarterlj' Re- view for 1866, pp. 37-50 and 371-386. Van Mildeut, "William. — An Inquiry into the General Principles of Scrip- ture Interpretation, in eight sermons, preached before the University of Oxford in the year 1814. (Bampton Lectures). Oxford, 1814. 8vo. Third edition, 1831. VoLCK, W. — Section on Biblical Hcrmeneutics in Zockler's Uandbuch der theologischen Wisscnschaften. Nordlingcn, 1883. See Hofmann. Wemtss, Thomas. — A Key to the Symbolical Language of Scripture, by which numerous Passages are explained and illustrated. Edinb., 1835. 16mo. Wettsteix, J. J. — Libelli ad Crisin atque Interpretationem Novi Tcsta- menti. Ilalle, 17G6. 12mo. WniTAKER, Y^iLLiAM. — On the Interpretation of Scripture. Cambridge, 1849. Part of a disputation on Holy Scripture against the papists, especially Bellarmine and Stapleton. WniTTAKER, John William. — An Historical and Critical Enquiry into the Interpretation of the Hebrew Scriptures. London, 1819. 8vo. WuiTBY, Daniel. — Dissertatio de Sacrarum Scripturarum Interpretatioue secundum Patrum Commentarios. Lond., 1714. 8vo. Wilke, Christian G. — Die Ilermeneutik des neuen Testamentes systemat- isch dargeslellt. Lpz., 1843. 8vo. Biblische Hermoncutik nach katholischcn Grundsatzen in streng systeniatischcn Zusanimenhange und unter Bcriicksichtigung der neu- csten approbirten hermeneutischen Lehrbuclier. Wurzburg, 1853. 8vo. Wilson, J. — The Scripture's genuine Interpreter asserted; or, a Discourse concerning the right Interpretation of Scripture. Lond., 1GT8. 8vo. WiNTHUOP, Edward. — The Premium Essay on the Characteristics and Laws of Prophetic Symbols. Second edition. New York, 1854. 12mo. WoLLius, C. — Hermeneufica Novi Foederis acroamatico-dogmatica certis- simis dcfecatae philosophiae piincipiis corroborata eximiisque omnium Theologiae Christianae partium usibus inscrviens. Lijis., 1736. 4to. Appendix to Blackwall's Auctores Sacri classici defensi et illustrati. Wordsworth, C. — On the Interpretation of Scripture. An essay ia Re- plies to Essays and Reviews. London, 1863. 8vo. Wright. See Seiler. Wyttenbach, Daniel. — Elementa Hermeneuticae Sacrac, eo quo in scien- tiis fieri debet, niodo proposita. Marburg, 1760. 8vo. Zachariae, G. T. — Einleitung in die Auslegungskunst der heiligen Schrift. Gottingcn, 1778. 8vo. Zenkel, G. p. — Elementa Hermeneuticae Sacrae, methodo naturali con- cinuuta. Jena, 1753. 8vo. INDEX TO SOEIPTURE TEXTS. To facilitate reference each page (including foot-notes) is supposed to be divided into three nearly equal sections, designated by the letters a, b, and c. Thus, 125a denotes the upper por- tion of page 125 ; 125b denotes the middle section ; and 125c the lower part of of the page. The lei ter n following a number indicates that the passage referred to is in a foot-note. The aster- isk (.*} designates pages on which the text referred to receives some comment or interpretation. Genesis. Genesis. Genesis. I. 1- 3. 84ab.* VI. 5. 103a 196a. XV. 6. 338c. a 1. 211c, 549a,* 551a,* (( 6. 103a. 11 13. 387c. 567a.* (( 7- ■17. 549a. XVI. 7. 588a. (( 2. 189b.* a 9. 212b, 567c. u 10. 588a. (( 5. 384c. a 12. 550b. a 13. 588a. (( 8. 549a.* u 13. 643a.* XVII. 2- 8. 408b. it 10. 549b.* (I 14. 177c. (1 12. 382b. 4i 14. 549a. VII. 4. 385a, 387b.* 11 19. 321c. a 15. 549a. (C 3- -11. 549a. (1 20. 84c.* n 16. 539a.* u 12. 385a. XVIII. 2. 381b. a 17. 639a,* 549a. 1( 17. 385a. 11 10- -14. 321c. a 20. 649a. (( 18. 88c. (I 18. 408b. It 21. 549b. it 19. 543a.* it 21 451n. ■ii 26. 549a. It 22. 86c. XIX. 19. 122a. a 27. 649b.* VIII. 2. 549a. 11 24. 451n 587b.* it 28. 549a. (( 4. 650b. XX. 3- 7. 397a. it 30. 549a. (C 21. 196a. XXI. 1. 608b.* II. 1. 88c. IX. 6. 628a. 11 9. 321c. (1 2. 382b. it 8- -17. 393a. I( 10. 322a. <( 3. 211c 382b, 551b, u 9. 667c. XXII. 3,4 . 639n. 567b. (i i: 16. 334c. (( 10. 194b. (t 4. 211c, *551b 567a.* (( _, 103a. a 11. 588a. Iatthew. Matthew. 1. 11. 122b. IX . 2. 121c. XIII . 32. 139c , 275c. " 12. 523a. ti 4. 134a. (( 35. 512b.* " 13. 523b. IL 5. 121c. u 36. 280a. " 15. 523c. H 8. 134a. (( 36-i3 281n. " 16. 523an. il 9. 134a. (( 37-43 313n. " 17. 443n , 520a. tt 11. 134a. t( 38. 286a.* " 18. 506b. (; 17. 198a.* u 45. 261c. " 20. 397a 521b. u 19. 134a. (1 46. 261c. " 22. 494c , 505c * u 27. 522a. u 47-50 280b.* 506a,* 508n. X 1. 182b , 385c. il 49. 284a. " 24. 134a. It 6. 291b. (( 52. 284c , 593c. II. 3. 134a. (t 15. 134b. XV 1-9. 629a. " 12. 397a. (1 16. 299a. It 1-10. 614a. " 13. 397a. (( 19. 141b. (t 14. 302c. " 15. 500c , 505c, (C 20. 141b. (t 15. 302c. 508c * 509n.* 11 27. 122b. (( 22. 522a. " 16. 513a. u 29. 145b. i( 24. 291b. " 17. 512c.* u 30. 145b. XVI . 4. 452n. " 18. 512c.* a 34-39. 224b.* tt 6. 315a. " 19. 397a. (( 37. 224b.* u 12. 315a. " 20. 125b. XI. 2. 217b.* ii 16-18. 225c.* " 23. 506a. ti 3. 217b.* (( 17. 157b. III. 2. 218a. t( 4-6. 217b.* tt 18.177 a,225c,226c. " 4. 309a. 11 5. 216a.* 228bc, 3] 1 2a. " 5. 249c.* l( 10. 502n. t( 19. 250b. " 11. 575b. 11 12. 215c, 218n ,221c. (i 23. 438c, 452a, IV. 2. 385b. 11 14. 392b, 481b, 482a, 458a,* 490a. " 12. 134a. 575b, 629b. XVII 2. 255b, 3 '.14b. " 14. 505c. 11 15. 21Sa. It 10-13. 392b 575b, " 17. 218a. (1 16. 443n. 629b V. 9. 180b.* 11 25. 157b. tc 17. 443n. " 13. 186a,* 261a,* XII 14. 148c.* XVIII 21. 293b. 302b. (I 17. 506a. ti 22. 293b. " 14-16. 261b.* t( 25. 134a. (t 23-34. 293b. " 14. 350b. u 32. 592a.* XIX. 20. 199b. " 15. 356b. (( 33. 531b.* II 21. 294c. " 22. 113n, 134b,* u 39. 340b,* 452n. 11 23-26. 294c. 526a. * a 40. 250c, 452n. 11 27. 298c, 294c,* " 39. 526a.* a 43-45. 472b.* 313c. " 43. 526c.* XIII. 1. 280b.* 11 28. 295bc,* 484b, " 44. 526c.* II 2. 280b,* 282b.* 489n. VI. 1. 134b.* 11 3. 262n, 278c, II 29. 295bc.* " 9- 13. 139c. 302a. XX. 1-16. 293c.* " 11. 179b,* 230n.* 11 4-9. 139c. It 16. 295n, 297n, " 24. 225b.* 11 6. 284c.* 313c. " 28. 122c. 11 7. 285a. XXI. 4. 505c. " 34. 179c, 251c.* II 9. 283a. t( 13. 480a. ;^ii. 2. 355a. It 10-17. 278b. tl 31. 135b.* " 7. 261c, 280a. 11 11. 158a, 532c. It 33-44.287a,i = 288a.* " 14. 200n. 11 11-15. 279a.* tt 43. 288a. " 15- 20. 257c.* II 14. 511c. a 45. 278a, 288a. " 17. 262n. 11 15. 511c. XXII. 2-14. 2S9h.* " 24- 27. 255c.* 11 18-23. 281n. t( 7. 290b,* 47r.h. " 26. 310c. It 19. 282b.* (t 11-14. 2911).^= " 27. 310c. 11 22. 285a. u 29. 465b, 629h. " 28. 407n. 11 24-30. 313n. 11 29-32. 5101). " 29. 407n. 11 25. 285a.* (I 39. 481a. III. 10. 134a. It 29. 285a. (t 41-16. 5101.. " 14. 134a. 11 30. 180c. ti 43. Mill. " 17. 500c, 506a. 11 31. 139c, 275c. il 44. rile. " 18. 134a. 11 31-33. 487b. XXIII. 13. S20a. INDEX TO SCRIPTURE TEXTS. 763 Matthew. XXIII. 16-24. 614a. " 27. 310a. " 34-36. 478c. " 34-37. 288c. " 34-38. 470c, 478c. • " 34-39. 438a. " 35. 288c * 292a, 4Glc. " 36. 288c,» 461c. " 39. 441n. XXIV. 1-28.- 439a. " 2. 443b. 3. 438b,* 440b, 441n, 442n.* " 4_14. 439c. ■' 4-51. 442bc. " 5. 460a, 498b. " 7. 430a. " 9. 470c. " 11. 460a. " 12. 460a. " 14. 443c, 444a,* 553b. " 15-28. 439c. " 15. 472c, 574b. " 16. 476a, 483a. " 21. 448b.* " 22. 448b.* " 24. 460a, 498b. " 27. 451c. " 28. 121b, 480n. " 29. 306b, 446a, 448b,* 452a,* 470c, 483b, 48911, 497a.* " 29-31. 439a, 443c, 445c,* 448b,* 449a, 461a, 59611. " 29-36. 440n. " 29-44. 440a. " 30. 446c,* 452a,* 468b. " 30-34. 473a. " 31. 382a, 447cn,* 471a. " 34. 438c, 443bii,* 458a.* " 35. 439a. " 36, 439a, 449n, 497b. " 40-41. 447c. " 40. 458b.* " 41. 122c, 458b.* " 42^4. 457e. " 42. 599b. " 43. 439a. " 44. 599b. " 45-51. 440a. 1. 383b,41)0n. 1-13. 440a, 443a. XXV. 1( XXV. XXVI, XXVII, Matthew. 13. 599b. 14-30. 224a,* 440a, 443a. 14. 439a. 16-22 285c. 28. 279n. 29. 279n. 30. 591c. 3 1-46.43 lb,440a, 443a, 444a, 449a,*450bc,* 486a, 487a,* 594a. 34. 486b. 41. 294b, 486c. 44. 487n. 46. 486b. 26-29. 140a. 26. 147c. 28. 199a. 29. 198ab.* 52. 273b. 64. 469a. 68. 407n. 19. 594b. 25. 469a. 30. 254a.* 38. 113n. 37. 140a. 52. 448a,* 594b, 464ti,* 465c. 53. 448a,* 464n,* 465c,* 60. 198b. 1. 565n. 3. 255b, 394b. 8. 565n. 9. 565n. 10. 56511. 19. 182b, 381c, 589b. Mark. I. 6. 309a. " 10. 502n. III. 29. 592b.* IV. 3-9. 139c. " 10. 280a. " 12. 279n.* " 13. 280a. " 30-32. 139c. V. 35. 123a. " 41. 113n, 147n. VI. 11. 134b.* VII. 1-13. 629a. " 5-13. 614a. " 11. 113n. " 34. 11 3n, 147n. VIII. 12. 125c. " 15. 315a. " 27-30. 225c. u XXVIII. Mark. VIII. 35. 470b. IX. 1. 438c. " 3. 394b, 452a. " 8. 122c. " 48. 691c. X. 5. 57Sb. " 20. 199b. " 51. llSn. XI. 13. 335b. " 14. 33ob. " 25. 506c,* 507n. XII. 1-12. 288a.* " 12. 278a. " 26. 604a. " 29. 380c. " 31. 581a. " 32. 380c. " 44. 199b. XIII. 2. 443b. " 3. 438b. 4. 438b, 440b. " 14. 574b. " 24. 448c.* " 27. 382a. " 30. 438c, 443b.* " 32. 444n,* 449n,* 456a, 457a. " 35. 444n.* XIV. 3. 179c,* 180a.* " 22-24. 140a. " 22. 147c. " 36. 113n, 125a. " 65. 407n. XV. 26. 140a. " 32. 254a.* XVI. 2. 565n. " 8. 565n. " 9. 56511. " 10. 565n. '• 11. 56511. " 17. 198c,* 402b. Luke. I. 1. 55Sa. " 3. 144c,* 554c. " 4. 564c. " 10. 365a. " 15. 12.5a. " 17. 481b, 585b, 629h. •' 32. i>-n\>. " 46-55. 139iK " 50. 122:1. " 58. 122a. " 66. 12.ih. " 67. 4(>7n. " 70. 566r. " 80. 1221>. II. 1. 250c,* 444ii. " 7. 122b. " 14. 180c. " 15. 125a. 764 INDEX TO SCRIPTURE TEXTS. Luke. Luke. John. II. 32. 564b. XVI . 9. 126a,* 183 c. I. 1. 47a, 588c*n- " 40. 122b. a 9- -13 300c.* " 3. 589a. " 45. 521c. u 16. 218b,* 221c. " 4. 589a. III. 23-28. 521a.* a 19- -31 301b.* " 11. 288c. '^ 23. 521n,* 523a. u 25. 294b. " 14. 146c , 588n, 68ii:i.* " 24. 523c. u 29. 249a.* " 18. 588bii * " 26. 523c. XVII 20. 447a.* " 23. 575b. " 27. 523b.* u 22. 444n.* " 41-43. 22Cb.* " 27-31. 523b. XVIII 1- -8. 444n.* " 43. 22(!c. » 38. 212a , 564c. i( 1- -14 293b. " 52. 3981). IV. 22. 126a 278b. (1 8. 46()a. II. 15. 48(ia. " 23. 265c, 276c, 278b, i; 21. 199b. " 19. 274u. 329a .* u 30. 295n. " 19- -21. 452n.* " 36. "l82b. XIX 11- -27 224a.* " 22. 141c. V. 1-10. 2U2a.* u 12. 280b,* 444n.* " 25. 271b. " 8. 122c. u 16- -19 285c. III. 1- -13. 271b.* " 20. 121c. XX 9- -18 288a.* " 3- ■8, 593b. VII. 27. 502n. u 11. 125c. " 4. 182b. VIII. 5-8. 139c. <1 19. 278a, 288a. " 5. 366a. 8. 283a. u 21. 125b. " 8. 182ab.* " 10. 279n.* 11 35. 464b,* 484b. •' 9. 182b. " 11. 283n 285c.* 11 36. 464b,* 4S4b. " 14. 341a*ii. " 12. 283a. XXI 4. 199c. " 15. 341a.* " U. 199bc.* 11 5- -7. 444n.* " 16. 578c , 591a.* " 18. 279n.* 11 6. 438b, 443b. " 20. 156c. " 29. 122a. 11 7. 438b, 440b. " 29. 125c 490n. " 81. 481a. u 10. 430a. IV. 10- ■15. 272a. IX. 1-6. 273a. a 11. 430a, 461b.* " 19. 407n. " 18-21. 225c. 11 14. 125b. " 22. 68c. " 27. 438c 452a. 11 16. 470b. " 23. 157b.* " 55. 182a. a 19. 470b. " 24. 157b, *182b,589c.* X. 1.297c,385c,*520b. | 11 20. 472c, 574b. " 32- 38. 272a.* " 18. 472n, 476a. a 21. 476a. V. 2. 113n. " 27. 581a. a 24. 125b, 443c, " 11. 121c. " 30. 14.5c. 445an,*449n, " 15. 121c. " 30-37. 280c,* 293b. 473c, 474a. " 22. 450b.* XI. 2-4. 139c. 11 25- ■26. 471bn. a 04_ 29. 464c.* " 3. 179b,* 230n.* a 25- ■27 445n.* " 27. 450b.* " 5-8. 293b. 11 28. 445n. " 28. 493a. XII. 1. 315a. 11 32. 438c, 443b.* " 39. 18c, 200n 5101), " 16-20. 29.'ib.* a 38. 122c. 629a, 692b. " 28. 121c. XXII. 15. 125e.* " 40. 510b. " 38. 444n.* a 19. 140a, 147c. VI. 15. 218b. XIII. 1-5. 292a.* a 20. 140a. " 17. 122b. 6-9. 291c,* 335b. a 28- 30. 484b. " 39. 867n. " 18. 139c. 11 36. 273a.* " 53- 59. 272a. " 19. 139c. 11 64. 407ii. " 63. 182a. " 29. 382a. XXIII. 38. 140a, 273c. VII. 12. 123a. " 32. 248b. XXIV. 1. 565n. " 30. 121c. XIV. 14. 464b. t( 8. 141c. " 32. 122c. " 16-24. 2891).* a 9- 11. 565n. " 38. 501a. " 16. 290c,* 291b. u 13. 565n. " 40. 407n. " 23. 21 Cc* (i 19. 407n. IX. 22. 318a. " 26. 224a.* 22r)a. It 22. 122c. " 30- 33. 318c. XV. 2. 297c. (t 25. 346a.* " 39-41. 319b 8. 122b. (( 26. 508a. X. 1- 16. 317a.* " 12. 199c. a 27. 18c, 249a,* " 6. 265c 329a. " 30. 199c. 629a, 692b. | " 17. 318a. XVI. 1-13. 297b.* (1 44. 18c. 508a.* " 34- 36. 510b. " 8. 126a,*298an,*| tt 49. 402b. XI. 25. 465c. 355a, 443n. 1 " 51. 4u7ii. INDEX OF SCRIPTURE TEXTS. 765 John. •lohn. Acta. XII 3. 179c,* 180a. XXI. 2 1-24 . 473b. XI. 18. 200n. (1 13. 125a. " 23. 558a. " 26. 644b. 11 16. 141c. " 25. 253b. " 27. 407n. (1 23- -33 553b. " 28.' 407n. u 25. 225c. Acts. XII. 3. 125c. It 31. 476a. I. 1. 576b. " 6. 319c. it 38. 505c. " 7. 449n. " 7. 576a. XIII 18. 505c. " 10. 349b. " 14. 319c. u 24. 133c.* " 11. 468n.* " 21. 594b. (( 34. 198b.* " 16. 508a 566b. " 22 461b.* XIV. 2. 183c, 184b. " 18. 121c. " 23! 461b.* (C 4. 398b. " 19. 113n. XIII. 1. 407n. 11 6. 398b. •' 21. 557c. " 18. 18UC. t( 23. 361a. " 22. 557c. " 21. 515b. u 25. 576a. II. 3. 402b,* 408n.* " 22. 522a. a 26. 141c, 503b, " 4. 198c 402b.* " 23. 522a. 576a, 589c. " 4- -13. 230n.* " 33. 504a. XV 1. 302a, 303n, " 5, 6. 127c. " 46. 291b. 320n.* " 5- ■12. 403b.* " 48. 2< »0n. u 1- -10. 320c. " 5. 613c. XIV. 13. 319c. ;( 1- -6. 593b. " 9- -11. 127c.* •' 16. 443n. (( 2. 279n. " 13. 403a. XV. 21. 443n. 11 25. 505c. " 17. 432a. " 32. 407n. 11 26. 589c. " 23. 469a. " 40. 235a. XVI 7- 15. 576a. " 25- 31. 630b.* " 41. 235a. i. 7. 589c. " 28. 199n. XVI. 6. 235b, 240b, u l.S- 15. 141c. " 36. 469a. 241 n. (.1 15. 329a. " 47. 456a. " 7. 240b, 576b. u 29. 329a. III. 18. 566c. 9. 397a, 576b. u 33. 180c. IV. 17. 125c. " 12-40. 23.5c. XVII. 7. 122a. " 27. 479n. " 26. 576a. 11 12. 505c. V. 4. 125b. " 34. 122c. 11 17. 22b, 582b. " 19. 576a. XVII. 22. 236a. 11 21- 23. 361a.* " 20. 576a. " 25. 199c. (1 24. 367n.* " 23. 319c. " 28. 120b, 501c. ?:viii. 9. 505c. " 30. 469a. XVIII. 9. 397a. 11 22. 527a. VI. 1. 123a , 613c. " 12. 594b. 11 23. 527a. VII. 14. 519n. •' 16. 594b. 11 28. 121a. " 16. 150a.* " 24. 611b, 638a. 11 32. 505c. " 25. 102b. XIX. 1. 121c. 11 36. 273b. " 38. 176c.* 6. 402c. XIX. 12. 480a. " 43. 336n. " 32. 176n. u 13. 113n. . " 44. 336n. " 33. 176n. u 15. 480a.* " 52. 288c. " 39. 176c. a 17. 113a. " 5.3. 566c. " 40. 176n. u 19. 140a. " 54. 150a. XX. 28. 177a. i( 20. 113n. " 56. 576a. " 35. .501a. u 24. 505c. VIII. 1. 476a. XXI. 10. 407n. i( 36. 505c. " 29. 576b. " 11. 407n. u 41. 198b.* " 39. 576b. " 40. 1 1 3n. XX. 2. 565n. IX. 10. 576b. XXII. 2. 11. 3n. 11 4. 565n. " 15. 126a. 17. 401a. 11 12. 394b. " 17. 576b. " 17- 21. 576b. 11 16. 147n. " 36. 122b. XXIII. 3. 121c, 310a, 11 18. 56on. X. 3- 7. 576b. 627a. It 25. 336n. " 9. 401a.* 25. 336n. 11 31. 211a, 561b. " 9- 16. 576b. XXV. 6. 594b. XXI. 1. 565n. " 10. 401a.* 10. 594b. 11 15. 148a. " 4.3. 18c. " 11. 528n. (1 IS- 17. 200b.* " 46. 11 9n, 402b. " 17. 594b. 11 IS. 273c.* XI. 16. 141c. XXVI. 4. 199b. 766 INDEX OF SCRIPTURE TEXTS. Ac«8. Romans. 1 Corinthians , XXVI. 7. 123a. IX. 13. 225c. IV. 8. 253c.* 14. 113n. a 14. 324a. a 14. 254a. XXVII. 20. 5.51 )a. u 23. 122a. •' 18. 313a. 23. 397a. 5 :. 9. 228c. V. 1. 313b. " 37. 250c. ( 12. 580c. ^* 2. 313b. iXVIII. 3. 237n.* 1 14. 177a. a 5. 314 b. i 15. 177a. i> 6- ■8. 314c.* Romans. XI. 2. 433b 504a. a 6. 317n. I. 3. 522a. (( 3. 125b. a 7. 199a,= *= 200c,* " 7. 177a. 11 5. 250a.* 364n, 593b. " 16. 213c.* i( 7. 250a.* a 8. 2G0c. " 22. 186a.* 11 12. 390c. VI. 1. 313b. II. is! 182a.* 11 25. 279b,390c,445n. ti 2. 484b. " 29. 182a.* i( 33-36. 214b. VIII. 4. 380c. III. 1. 604a. " 33. 271a. IX. 1. 557c. " 2. 597a, 604a. XII. 1. 317n. X. 1-4. 321b. " 9-19. 510a. " 4. 255c. a 1- 5. 337n. " 13. r22a. 11 5. 177b. a 1- -11. 334c. " 20. 529a, 531b. 11 6. 406n, 579an.* a 6. 324a. " 21. 214a.* (1 18. 527a.* a 6. 337n.* " 24-26. 591a. 11 19. 528a. a 11. 337n,* 339c, " 25. 362b.* XIII. 1-5. 526b. 441b.* " 28. 338c, 529a. (1 1. 527c.* C( 14. 123a. " 30. 250a.* i( 4. 528an.* a 21. 250a.* IV, 3. 510a 529a. a 6. 527a.* XI. 8. 567b. " 10. 338c, 530b. a 12. 186b,* 3 IGc. a 21. 313b. " 11. 530b. XIV. 10. 594b.* a 23- -25. 140a. V. 1. 1230. XV. 4. 659c. a 23- -26. 230a. " 6-10. 591a. ii 20. 228a. a 24. 147c. " 12. 200n. XVI. 5. 177a. a 27. 135a."- " 12-21. 343b.* (( 20. 180c. a 29. 134c.* " 14. 334c, 337n,* (( 25. 279b. XII. 10. 402c 403b. 338b, 343b. i( 12- 28. 177b. " 14-20. 337a. 1 Corinthians . a 12. 2r)5c. " 15-17. 343c. I. 2. 177a. (( 28. 402c. " 17. 363c. 11 12. 121c. XIII 1. 402c,* 404a. " 19. 338b. 11 14. 139c. a 2. 531b. VI. 3-11. 264b. 11 16. 139c. a 9! 409a. " 4. 199a,*2(l"c.* " 18. 280a. ik 12. 270c.* " 5. 209a. 2(i4a. u 20. 186a. XIV. 2- -19. 402c,* 403a.* " 6. 209a, 264 a. u 22. 128a. a 2. 404 a. " 8. 264a. a 24. 1 28a. a 3. 407n. " 11. 2G4a. a 27-29. 149c.* a 4. 407n. " 17. 336n. II. 1. 149b. a 5. 122b. VII. 1-6. 321a. ii 1-5. 228a.* ii 6. 42Sa.* " 6. 199a. a 4. 149b. a 18. 188a. " 7-13. 531b. a 5. 150a. ii 24. 407n. VIII. 1. 134a.* a 6. 149b, 182a , 641n. a 25. 407n. " 2. 184c. a 7-11. 157c. a 29. 188a. 3.' 341a. (i 7. 641n. a 31. 407n. 4. 134a,* 184c. a 9. 271a. a 84. 187c.-"- r)-8. 184c. a 13. 13Sa. a 36. 187c." " 6. 157c. *• 14. 156b , 271c. XV 1- -22. 594 b. 7. l.-.r.c. III. 3. 313a. 11 4- -7. 230a. 0-11. 18L'b. (( G. 312b. It 6. 207c. " 11. 465b 594c. t( 9. 122b 177b. 11 8. 122c. " 15. 12.-)a. a 10. 227c,* 312b. 11 12. 3131.. " 1 9-23. 127a. i( 10-15. 310c.* 11 14. 554 a. " 28-30. 433a. a 11. 228ab. 11 15. 554a. " 29. 433b. !ical Xame, 391a. Eichhorn, 713c+. Elias Levita, 626c. Ellicott, 208b, 730b. quoted, 322a, 454bc, 455c+, 457a, 459n, 464b, 607c. Elliott, work referred to, 147n. Elliott, E. B., 732b. " work referred to, 386n. Elliott, C, work referred to, 583n. Elliott and Harsha, work referred to, 18n. End of the Age, 441. Engclhardt, work referred to, 380n. English Version, Authorized, 681b, 683c. " " Revised, 736c+. Enigma, 270c+. Enthusiasm in Interpretation, 157a. Enzinas, 680b. . Ephraim Svrus, 651a. Codex, 136a. Epiphanius, 651c-|-. Episcopius, 690a. Erasmus, 670c+. Erncsti, 707c+. " work referred to, 18n. Eschatology of (iospels, 438+. " Pauline, 454+. " Sunmiary of X. Test., 492bc+. Estius, 688c. Eternal Punishment, 59U'+. Etymology, Value of, 175c+. Eusebius of Ctcsarea, 643c. quoted, 559n, 6 10c, 637n. Eusebius of Emesa, 646c. Eusebius of Nicomedia, 645c. Eustathiiis, 646b. Eutiiyniius Zigabenus, 665c+. Ewal'd, 722. " quoted, 310c. Ewald, work referred to, 83n, 90n. Exegesis distinct from Hermeneutics, 19c. Exodus, Analysis of, 212c+. Ezekiel, Analysis of, 432+. Ezra, the Scribe, 604bc+. " Chaldee portions of, 109c. Faber, quoted, 474n. Fable, Character of, 265c, 267c. Fagius, 678b. Fairbairn, quoted, 342c+, 346bn, 357b, 359b, 361n, 363n, 365, 406bc, 407n, 4i»9c+, 412n, 413ab, 415n, 433c, 521n. Fairbairn, work referred to, 18n. Farrar, quoted, 478n, t)94b, 704n, 709n, 712b, 717c, 71Sb. " work referred to, 267n. Fathers, Apostolic, 63 1+. " the Ancient, as exegetes, 636bcn+, 660bc. Fausset, 731c. Fay, 727c. " quoted, 541c. Figurative Language, 243+. " " may teach doctrine, 593. Figures of Thought, 248b. Figures of Words, 248b. Fisher, quoted, 535n, 536ac+, 537n, 682b. Flacius, 679b. Flatt, 723b. Florus Magister. 664a. Forbes, work referred to, 18n. Form essential to Poetry, 92c. Franck, work referred to, 62 In. Francke, A. H., 165n, 7t»6a. Frederick the Great, 704bc. Friedrick, work referred to, 360n. Free Thought in 17tii Cefttury, 694bc. French lutidolity, 703c, 705b. French Rationalism, 717a. Fritzsche, 724c. Fronmiiller, 727c. Furst, work referred to, GlSn, 619n, 624n. Gabler, 714c. Gaillard. 688c. Galatians, Structure of Epistle to, 152a. Gaonim, 61 6n. Gardiner, 735a. " quoted, 135c, 565n. " work referred to, 554rL Gataker, 686c. Gathas, the, 26c. (Jcbliardt, quoted, 481n+. Geier, 694a. Geikie, quoted, 20n, 300c, 542b. Gemara, see Talmud. Genealogies, A'alue of, 524. of our Lord, 521+. Genesis, Analysis of, 211c+. " a series of Evolutions, 567. Gerlach, 724b. GENERAL INDEX. 775 Gershonides, see Levi Ben Gershom. Gerson, 669a. Gesenius, V21c+. " quoted, 790, 85n. " work referred to, 75n, 85n, 392c. Gforer, quoted, 611a. Gill, 702b. Ginsburg, 732c. " quoted, 609ab, 619bc. " work referred to, 606n, 608n. 609n, 621n, 627n. Girdlestone, work referred to, 202n. Giustiniaui, 672b. Glasgow, quoted, 480n+. " work referred to, 241n, 467n, 491ii. Glassius, 693c. " work referred to, 281n. Gloag, 731a. " work referred to, 409n. Glossolaly, 402bc+. Gnosticism affecting Christian Thought, 636c. Goddeau, 688b. Godet, 208b, 728a. " quoted, 444n, 464c. Godwin, 687b. Gog, Battle of, 435bc. Gomar, 689b. Goodwin, John, 687b. Goodwin, Thomas, 687b. Gospels, Harmony and Diversity of, 553+. Gouldman, 684c. Grammatico-Historical Interpretation, 173, 203. Grassmann, quoted, 35bc. Graves, work referred to, 569n. Greek Language, 73c, 114+. Green, W., 703a. Green, W. H., quoted, 326bc, 327n. Gregory, D. S., work referred to, 560n. Gregory the Great, 659c+. Gregory of Nazianzum, 652b. Gregory of Nyssa, 652a. Gregory Thaumaturgus, 643a. Griesbach, 700b. " quoted, 134cn. Grimnis-mal, the, 64b. Grotius, 690c. " quoted, 403n. Guyot, quoted, 546a. Hackett, 735a. Hagadah, 606b+. Hagenbach, quoted, 485n, 584n, 707c+, 710c. Hahn, 737b. " article referred to, 174n. Halachah, 6061)+. Haley, work referred to, 532bn. Hammond, 686b. Hajjiix legomcna, 179+. Hardwick, quoted, 39bc. Hardwick, work referred to, 40n. Hardy, work referred to, 4 In, 42n. Harless, 737b. Harmonies, Use of Gospel, 554+. Hartmami, 714c. Hase, quoted, 660a, 669b. Hate, Scripture sense of, 224+. Haug, work referred to, 25n. Hava-mal, the, 64b. Haven, G., quoted, 148n. Hilvernick, 723c. Haymo, 663b. Hebraisms in New Testament, 124c+. Hebraists, the, 119bcn+. Hebrew Language, 76+. Parallelism, 95+. " Poetry, 90+. " Rhymes, 100bc+. Heiligstedt,*720c. Heinrichs, 707b. Heinsius, 691a. Hellenes, the, 115b. Hellenists, the, 118p. Hellenistic Greek, 118c+. Henderson, 728c. Hendewerk, 737b. Hengstenberg, 723bc. " quoted, 293a, 369c, 374c, 375b, 379b, 416n. " work referred to, 409n. Henke, 714a. Henry, 701c+. Herder, 709a. " work referred to, 90n. Hernias, Shepherd of, 632c. Hermes, god of Arts, 17n. Hervey, quoted, 523bc+. " work referred to, 524n. Herzog, work referred to, 360n. • Hesychius, 642c. Hexapla, the, 640b. Heyne, 714c. Hibbard, quoted, 233b+. High Priest, type of Christ, 366bc+. Hilary of Poitiers, 655a. Hilgenfeld, 716c. " work referred to, 404n, 427n. Hincks, 28n. Hippolytus, 653bc. Hirzel, 720c. Historical Standpoint, 23 1+. History, knowledge of, needed in Exposi- tion, 154c. Hitchcock, article referred to, B36n. Hitzig, 720c, 721a. Hodge, 734a. Hoffmann, Andreas. 723a. Hofmann, work referred to, 498n. Holmes, quoted, 627a. Holy of Holies, Symbols of, 361c+. Homik'tics, to be based on correct Inter- pretation, 600. 76 GENERAL INDEX. Home, 729a. " quoted, 510c. " work referred to, 129n, 49-in, 501n, 502u. Hort, 736c. •• quoted, 132n, 588n. Hosea's Marriage, real, 373c+. Hottinger, 691b. Houbigant, 698a. Howson, 732b. quoted, 235bc, 461d. Hug, 724b. Plugo of St. Caro, 667a. Human Element in the Scriptures, 138c+, 709a. Hume, 705a. Hupfeld, 722c+. Hurd, quoted. 688a. Hurst, quoted, 706a, 7llc+. Huss, -6680. Huther, 726c. Hutter, 681c. Hyperbole, 253b. Ibas, 651b. Ibn Balaam, 623c. Ibu Caspi, 624n. Ibn Chajim, 626b. Ibn Danan, 625b. Ibn Giath, 623c. Ignatius. 631c+. Imagination in Interpretation, 152c. Immer, quoted, 166n, 222a, 692c. " work referred to, 18n, 126n. Incense, Altar of, 365ab. Inscriptions, Monumental, 29b. Inspiration of Scripture, 137+. Interpretations, Origin of various, 603c. Interrogation, 252c. Introduction, Biblical, distinct from Her- nieueutics, 19a. loniaus, the, 116a. Ireiueus, 635bc+. " on date of Apocalypse, 237b+. " quoted, 558c+. Irony, 253c. Isaac Ben Judali, 623c. Isagogics, see Introduction. Ishmael Ben Elisa, 608n. Isidore of Pelusium, 649b. Jablonski, 698a. Jackson, Arthur, 687a. Jacob, words with Laban, 91c+. " dying Prophecy, 99bc+. " Dream at Bethel, 397c+. " Family Register, 516+. Jacob Ben Nnphtali, 620a. Jacobus, 734b. Jahn, 698c. Jamieson, 731c. Japheth Ben Ali, 619c. Jasher, Book of, 640c+, Jchoash's Fable, 266c+. Jephthah's daughter, 206+. Jerome, 656+. " quoted. 639c. Jerusalem, as Symbolical Name, 391bc Jeshua Ibn Sadal, 619b. Jewish Exegesis, 603+. Jezirah, Book of, 621bn. Joachim, 666a. Job. Date and Authorship, 105. Joel, the oldest Apocalypse, 428c. " Analysis of, 429c+. John, First Epistle, Date of, 24 In. Jonathan Ben Uzziel, 614bc. Jonathan, Pseudo, 614c. Jones, Sir William, quoted, 25a. Josephus, quoted, 410b, 451b, 472a, 479n,. 482n, 6n7a. " works referred to, 448bn, 476n. Joshua Ben Judah, 621a. Jotham's Fable, 266a. Jowett, 732a. " quoted, 323n. Judae Leo, 680c. Judgment, Scriptural Doctrine of, 449c+. Junius, 679c. Justification, Paul and James on, 528+. Justinian of Corsica, 672b. Justin Martyr, 633c+. Kapila, Philosophy of, 40c. Kant, 712. " on Interpretation, 167b. " work referred to, 167u. Kalisch, 732b. Karaites, the, 618bc+. Keil, K. A. G., 708c. " " work referred to, 203an. Keil, K. F., 727b. quoted, 108c, 351n, 358a, 377n+,. 396bc, 420an, 432b, 436c+. work referred to, 359n, 360n, 389n, 513n. Keim, article referred to, 404n. Kennicott, 698b. Khammurabi, Inscription of 29c+. Khordah-Avesta, 28a. Kimchi, David, 624b. " Joseph, 624a. " Moses, 624ab. King, the Five, 49+. Kitto, 728c. " Cyclopaedia quoted, 7611. referred to, 608n, 609n, 615n, 616n, 621n, 623n, 627n. " Journal of Sac. Lit. quoted, 430n. ref. to, son, 83n. Klausen, work referred to, 18n. Kleinert, 727c. Kliefoth, work referred to, 380n. Kling, 727c. (( (1 it u GENERAL INDEX. 777 Kling, work referred to, 404n. Kiiapp, 7355. Knobel, 720c, 721a. K511ner, 737b. Koppe, 707b. Koran, the, 57+. Kostlin, 716c. Kiihner, work referred to, 11 5n. Kuinoel, 721b. Kurtz, 727a. " quoted, 366n. " work referred to, 359n, 380n. Kypke, 697c. Laban, Speech of, 91 be. Lachmann, 735e+. Lamech, Song of, 270ab. Lammert, work referred to, 380n. Lampe, 695c+. Lanfranc. 665b. Lange, Joachim, 709b. Lange, J. P., 727c. " quoted, 162n, 216b, 286n, 320abn, 341b, 439c+, 487n, 509n. " " work referred to, 18n, 427n, 428n. Laniado, 626bc. Languages, Origin and Growth of, 69+. Famines of, 73+. Laotsze, 46a. Lardner, work referred to, 645n. Laud, 687c. Laver, the, 365c+. Leathes, work i-eferred to, 409n. Le Clerc, 696a. Lechler, 727c. Lee on Lispiration quoted, 142c. Lcfovre, 670b. Legge, quoted, 47bc, 48c+, 52c+. Le'ighton, 686c. Le Jay, 684a. Leland, 705a. Lengerke, 714c. 721b. " work referred to, 651n. Lenormant, 28n. , Lessing, 711a. Leusden, 692c+ Leviathan, as SyraboHcal Name, 392c. Levi Ben Gershom, 625a. Levita, 626c+. Lewin, 732b. " quoted, 237n. Lewis, Tayler, 94n. " " quoted, 68n, 103n, 144n, 150bc, 307a, 308an. " work referred to, 94n. Leydecker, 697b. Leyrer, article referred to, 360ii. Libanius, 647c. Lightfoot, John, 6S5c+. " " quoted, 447n. Lightfoot, J. B., 730c. " " quoted, 323n. Limborch, 690b. Lisco, quoted, 282n. Locke, 694c, 705b. Locusts, Plague of, 430n. Logos, Philo on the, 612. Lombard, see Peter Lombard. Lord, D. N., on Symbols, 34 8n. Lowman, 701a. Lowth, R., 701b. " " work referred to, 90n. Lowth, William, 701a. Lucian, 645c. Liicke, 719c+. " quoted, 427a. Lumby, quoted, 140n. Liinemann, 726b. quoted, 435b, 459n. Luthardt, 728a. Luther, 673+. " quoted, 41 9n. " Dispute of, with Zwingle, 682. Lyra, Nicholas de, 667bc+. Macdonald, quoted, 240b. Macknight, 702c. " work referred to, o54n. Mahan, quoted, 518n. Maimonides, 622c+. Maldonatus, 680a. Mr.Uet, work referred to, 63n. Malta, Vipers in, 237n. Man of Sin, 460bc+. Manuscripts, Uncial and Cursive, 131ab. Marloratus, 679c4-. Marsh, quoted, 337c, 345b. Martensen, quoted, 584n. Martin, Sir W., quoted, 82bc. Masoretes, work of, 79c, 130bc. Matthai, 700a. Maurer, 720c. Maurus, Rhabanus, 663a. " " quoted, 164c. M'Call, quoted, 406n. " work referred to, 624n. M'Clintock and Strong, Cycloppedia, 729a. " " quoted, 167n. " " referred to, 608n, 615n, 616n, 619n, 621n, 623a, 628n. Meehilta, 608n. Mede, 688a. " quoted, 464n. Medes, Prominence of, in Scripture, 422b. Meisner, 698c. Melanchthon, 674+. Melchizedek, type of Christ, 341c+. Melito, 635a. Menant, 28n. Mendelssohn, 627c+. Menochius, 688b. Mercyseat, the, 362. r-r-Q GENERAL INDEX. Merivale. work referred to, 46 In. Merx, work referred to, 429n. 3Iessianic Psalms, 670c. Metals, Symbolism of, 395. Metaphor, 258bc-f-. Metonymy, 248c+. Meuschen, 697a. Meyer, G. W., work referred to, 18n, 668n, 669n, 696n. Mever, H. A. W., 208b, 726bc+. " quoted, 180c, 262n, 271a, 273c, 295c, 298n, 300n, 312c, 317n, 321c, 337n, 406b, 407b, 441n, 442n, 445n, 447b, 463n, 464b, 490n, 528n, 579n. Meyrick, quoted, 428c+. Mii-haelis, C. B., 7o6b. Michaelis, J. D., 706c+. " work referred to, 569n. Michaelis, J. F., 707a. Michaelis, J. (J., 707a. Michaelis, J. H., 698a, 706b. Middle Ages, Exegesis of, 661+. Midrashim, Oi)7bc-f-. Millennium, 390bc, 484bc, 487bc4-. Mill, W. H., work referred to, 524n. Mill, J., 69'.)a. Miller, William. 389c. Mills, work referred to, 368n. Milton, 694c. " quoted, 93c. Miracles, 534bc+. " to be literally interpreted, 205c-i-. Mirandula, 671 c+. Mishna, see Talmud. Mohammed, 57c+. Moldenhauer, 700a. Moll, 727c. Monasteries as Seats of Learning, 661a. Moral Interpretation, 167b. Morgan, 704c. " Morison, 731b. Mosaic Code, Humaneness of, 569b. Mosheim, 707a. Muiuischer, rinotod, 336b. Muir, (jnoted, t'>lc4-. " work referi'ed to, 39n. Midler, Max, quoted, 34c, 40b, 67n, 244b. a ti Translation of Vedic Hymn, 36, 38c +. " " work referred to, 40n, 41n, 45n. Mnnk, 619c. Munster, 676a. Murphy, 7311). Muscuius, 678c. Mystical Interpretation, 164bc+. Mythical Interpretation, 16Sc+, 714c+. Nagelsbach, 727c. " quoted, 51 On. Xames, Symbolical, 391+. Nast, 735a. Xast, quoted, 218a, 229b, 440n. Natalis, 659c. Naturalistic Interpretation, 168ab. Neander, 718c. •' quoted, 530a, 643ab, 646a, 648b, 655a, 660n, 661n, 689c. " work referred to, 404n, 636n. Nehemiah, work of, 605bc+. Nepos, 642a. Nero, Man of Sin, 460c+. Netherlands, the, 689a. Newcome, 702c+. " work referred to, 554n. New Testament must be explained by help of the Old, 598. Nicetas. 665b. Nicolai. 711a. Niebuhr, 706c. Nile, River, in Mythology, 55a. Nisibis, School of, 650bc, 651b. Nonnius, 672b. Nordheimer, ((uoted, 81n. 620a. " work referred to, 85n, 89n. Nork, work referred to, 368n. Norris, 28n. Norton, 734a. " ((uoted, 590n. Norzi, 626a. Numbers. Symbolical, 380+. Qlcolampadius, 675c. QKcumenius, 664b. 01denl)erg, work referred to, 41lL Olearius, 693b. Olivetan, 68()b. Oppert, 28n. Olshausen. H., 725bc. Olshauseni J., 720c. Olympiodorus, 661c. Origen, 639bc+. " quoted, 560n. Osgood, cjuoted, 656+. Osiander, 678b. Osiris, Egyptian Legend of, 54c+. Owen, John, 687c+. Owen, John J., 734b. Pagninus, Sanctes, 672a. Palmer, E. IL, work referred to, 57n. Pamphilas, 643ab. Parables, Interpretation of, 276+. Parallelism, Hebrew, 91+. Parallel Passages, Comparison of, 186bc+, 22 1+. Paulus, 168ab, 714a. Parcau, work referred to, 18n. Parousia, the. Coincident with the Fall of Jerusalem, 45()c+, 458. Paser, ()93c. I'atrick, 700c. Patristic Exegesis, General Character of, 660. GENERAL INDEX. 779 Pearoe, Z., 7020. Pearson, 684c. Pfccaut, VlYa. Pelagius, 658b. Pellican, 675c+. Pemble, 686c. Pentecost, Miracle of, 403bc. Pentateuch, Criticism of, 714bc. Peter Lombard, 665c. Peter Martyr (I), 642c Peter Martyr (II), 678b. Peter, the Stone, 225c+. Pcrowne, 731b. Persia, Sacred Records of, 28c. Personfication, 251b. Pharisaism, Origin of, 606a. Growth of, 607a. Pfeiffer, Aug., 694a. Phelps, quoted, 23n. Philippi, F. A., 726a. " quoted, 406n+. Philo Jud;fus, 61 1+. quoted, 163b, 612c4-. Philology, Comparative, Uses of, in Inter- l)retation, lo5c, 178bc. Philosophy, German, 712. Pick, quoted, 628a. Pierce, B. K., quoted, 598n. Pierius, 642b. Pietism, Degenerate, 709c. Pietistic Interpretation, 165c. Piscator, 679c. Plan of a Book to be studied, 210c+. Planck, 121an. " quoted, 446n. Plumptre, quoted, 329c. " article referred to, 404a. Pocock, 686ab. Polano, quoted. 615c. Polyglots, the First, 672b. "" Antwerp, 681bc. " London, 684b. " Nuremberg, 681c. " Paris, 684a. Poole, 685ab. Pope, quoted. 487n+, 596n. Porphyry, 652c+. Postilfa," defined, 667n. Pott, 707b. Prepossesions, Freedom from, essential to Interpreter, 595a. Pressense, quoted, 632c+, 637b. Procopius of Gaza, 661c. Proof-texts, how to be used, 595c+. Prophecy, Interpretation of, 405+. Prosopopoeia, 25 In. Protestant Principles of Interpretation, 583ab. Proverbs, defined, 328bc+. " Interpretation of, 330+. " Dark, 269c. " Plan of Book of, 221a. Psalms, Historical Occasions of, 238+. Psalter, Theology of, 570c. Pumbaditha, School of, 620a. Purists, the, 119bn+. Pusey, quoted, 41 In. Quakers, Mystic Pietism of, 166a. Qualifications of an Interpreter, 151+. Quesnel, 697c. Quotations, Scripture, 500+. " Rabbinical formulas of, 504n. Rabbinical Exegesis, 6 18+. Radbert, Paschasius, 664b. Ralbag, 625a. Rambam, 622c+. Rashi, 620bc. Rask, work referred to, 63a. Rationalism, German, 703c. " Growth of, 7l0c+. " Scholarly form of, 711bc+. " Service of, 717b, 737b. Rawlinson, 28n. " work referred to, 419n. Reason, in Interpretation, 153c. Redak, 624b. Reformation, Exegesis of, 673+. Reiche, 737b. Reineccius, 698a. Reitmayr, 737b. Reland, 696c. Remigius, 664a. Remonstrants, 689bc+. Renan, 171a, 717a. Renouf, work referred to, 53n. Repetition of Dreams, Visions, and Pro- phecies, 399a, 409+, 423b, 437c. Resurrection, Doctrine of, 594bc, 574c-j-. of Dry Bones, 349c+. Resurrections, distinct and successive, 463+. Reuchlin, 670b. Reuss, 737b. " work referred to, 736n. Revelation, distinct from Inspiration, 142c. Reville, 71 7a. Revival of Learning, 670a. Riddle, the, Characteristics of, 268b. " distinguishable from Enigma, 270c. Riehm, work referred to, 409n, 49 In. Ritter, work referred to, 61 In. Rivet, 688c. Robinson, Edward, 733b. " " quoted, 440c. " " work referred to, 506n, 513n, 554n. Rodwell, work referred to, 57n. Roman Church, on the Interpretation of Scripture, 682c+. Romans, Plan of Epistle to, 213c+. Rorison, quoted, 547a. 548n. Rosenraiiller, E. F. C, 72(Jb. 780 GENERAL INDEX. Rosenmiiller, J. G., work referred to, 649n, 658n, G63n, t)64n. Rossteuscher, work referred to, 404ii. Rougemont, 717a. Rousseau, 704b. Riickert, 7371j. Rule, work referred to, 6I811. Rupert, 665c. Ryle, quoted, 493c Saadia, 619a. Saalschutz, work referred to, 90rL Sal)oraiui, the, 616n. Sadducees, the, G07a. Sakya-muui, 40. Sale, work referred to, 57n. Salmeron, work referred to, 281n. Salomon Ben Judah, 623c. Salomon Ben Melech, 627b. Samson's Riddle, 268c. Sankya Philosophy, 40c. Sanscrit Language, 73c. Sargon, Inscription of, 30b. Savce, 28n. "" quoted, 29a, 33a. Scaliger, 683c. ' Scattergood, 684c. Schaff, P., 727c+. " " quoted, 228c, 229n, 584n+, 5861). " " work referred to, 241u, 267n, 404n, 582n. Schenkel, 171a. Scherer, 717a. Schindler, 683b. Schleiermacher, 717c+. " quoted, 161n. Schleusner, 724c. Schmid, C. F., 723b. Schmid, Sebastian, 694a. Schmidt, Erasmus, 693c. Schmoller, 727c. " quotfed, 323a, 375a. Schoettgen, 697a. Scholz, 735c. Schrader, 28n. Schroeder, 797c. " quoted, 275n. Schultcns, 69C.bc. Schulthoss, 714a. Sehulz, 735c. Schwegler, 716c. Science, Alleged Contradictions of, 533+. Scoi)e, defined, 210b. Scott, J., work referred to, 501n. Scott, Thomas, 702b. Scribes, the, 605a. Scriptures, Ethnic, to be examined, 23. Scrivener, work referred to, r29n. Scytliiaii Languages, 73c. Sediilius, (WUa. Seller, work referred to, 18n. ISemler, 166hc, 710, 714c. Septuagint Version, llSb, 609c+. Serpent, the Brazen, 341. Sewal, article referred to, 569ii. Shaftesbury, 704a. Sherlock, 705a. " quoted, 590a. Showbread, Table of. 364b. Shedd, 735b. Shu, the Four, 52bc. Sibylline Books, 65n. Sigfugson, 62c. Sikhs, Scriptures of the, 66n. Simile, 254b+. Simon, R., 688b. Simpson, work referred to, 360n. Simrock, work referred to, 63n. Sinaitic Codex, 131b, 136a. Slavery, Scriptures on, 580bc+. Smaragdus, 664b. Smith, George, 28n. quoted, 29n. " " work referred to, 32n. Smith, James, 236c. Smith, J. Pye, quoted, 550n. " " work referred to, 409n. Smith, R. P., quoted, 349a, 572n, 574b, 575n. Smith, William, Dictionary of Bible, 729a. " " referred to, 61 5n. Socrates, quoted, 646c+. Sodom, Accadian Poem on, 33ab. " as a Symbolical Name, 391a. Sopherim, the, 616n. Sora, School of, 620a. Spanlieim, 691ab. Spanish Schools, 621a. Speaker's Conunentary, 731c+. " " quoted, 541n. " " referred to. 432n. Spener, 705c. Spiegel, work referred to, 25'n. Spinoza, 694b, 704a, 705b. S])irit of an Literpreter, 156+. Stiihelin, 714c. Stanley. A. P., 732a. " " quoted, 207n, 315cn, 404n, 571c+, 607ben, 610. " " work referred to, 404 n. Stephen, Error of, in Acts vii, 17, 15(iau. Steudcl, 723b. Stier, R., 725a. " " quoted, 216c, 218c, 272c+,279n, 294b, 295b. Storr, 723a. Stralx), Walafrid, 663b. Strack, work referred to, 129n. Strauss, 168c+, 715. Strigel, 679a. Strong, James, 735a. " " ([uotod, 54Sab. " " work referred to, 554iL GENERAL INDEX. 781 Stroud, work referred to, 554n. Stuart, Moses, 733a. " " quoted, 119n+, 173bc+, 332c, 381c, 493c+,719bc. " " work referred to, 239n, 20811, 380n, 386n, 425n. Stunica, fi72b. Sturlason, 63a. Style, Variety of, in N. T. Writers, 126b. Suidas, work referred to, 647n. Sun and Moon standing still, 540+. Surenhusius, 697a. " work referred to, 616n. Sveinsson, 62c. Swedenborg, 165ab. Symbolical Colours, 393+. " Metals, 395. " Names, 391+. " Numbers, 380+. Symbolico-typical Actions, 340b, 369+. Symbols, Interpretation of, 347+. Synagogue, the Great, 605bcn+. Synecdoche, 250c +. Synonymes, 191+. Tabernacle. Symbolism of, 359bc+. Talbot, 28n. " quoted, 32c. " work referred to, 30n, 31n. Talmud, the, 615+. Tanaim, the, 616n. Tanchum, 625a. Taoism, 40a. Tao-teh-King, the, 46+. Targums, llSa, 614bc+. Taylor, Bayard, quoted, 93a. Taylor, Isaac, work referred to, 90n. Tavlor, Jeremy, 694c. Teller, 711b. Tertullian, 654a. Testaments, Old and New, to be studied together, 18, 596+. Textual Criticism, 129+. " Progress in, 627c+, 735bc+. Theile, 725b. Thenius, 720c. Theodore of Mopsuestia, 647c+. Theodoret, 649c +. " quoted, 647b. Theology, Biblical and Historical, distin- guished, 584b. " Systematic, dependent on Bibli- cal Ilermeneutics, 21c+. Theophilus of Antioch, 635a. Tholuck, 724e+. " quoted, 677n. " work referred to, 409n. Thompson, J. P., work referred to, 57n. Thompson, J. R., work referred to, 368n. Tomson, W. M., 246c+. " " work referred to, 31Sn. Theophylact, 664c+. Thorpe, work referred to, 63n. Thrumpp, work referred to, 66n. Tiberias, Jewish School of, 130bc, 620a. Tichonius, 658c+. Time, Prophetic Designations of, 385c+, 495C+. Tindal, 704c. Tirimis, 688c. Tischendorf, 736a. " work referred to, 554n. Titmann, 737b. quoted, 507a. work referred to, 202n, 506n. Toland, 704a. Tongues, Confusion of. 71c. " Speaking with, 402bc+. Townley, quoted, 68 In. Townsend, work referred to, 554n. Translations of Bible, modern, 680, 683a. Tregelles, 736b. •' quoted, 135n, 137a. " work referred to, 129n. Tremellius, 679c. Trench, 730a. " quoted, I75c, 200c, 244c+, 277cn, 278n, 281n, 283a, 286c, 289c, 291c, 379c, 538b, o93c+. " work referred to, 202n, 268n. Trinity, Doctrine of, 586c+. Tripitaka, the, 41+. Tropes, many and various, 243a. Trumpets, the Seven, 47 1+. Tiibingen School (new), 171n, 716bc. " (old), 723. Tuch, 714c. Turner, 734a. " work referred to, 501n. Tyler, W. S., quoted, 114bc+. Tyndale, 681a. Types, Interpretation of, 334+. Ugolino, work referred to, 608n, 616n, 617n. Ullmann, 724b. Ulphilas, 652b. Umbreit, 724b. " quoted, 305b. Upham, quoted, 305b, 520n, 563ii. Urbino, 626a. Urstius, 685a. Usher, 687c. Usteri, 724b. Usus Loquendi, 181+. Uytenbogaert, 690a. Uzziel, 614bc. Valla, Lorenzo, 669b. Van der Hooght, 698a. Van Oosterzee, 72.7c. " " quoted, 273c, 584n, 596c+. " " work referred to, 44 5n. Van Mildert, quoted. 337c. Various Readings. Causes of, 130a. 783 GENERAL INDEX. Viitiiljlus, 683c. Vater, 714b. "Vatican Codex, 131b. Vedas, the, 34+. Vendidad, the, 27bc+. Yenema, 696a. Versions, Ancient, Use of, 188bc+. Victorinus, 654c. Vincent of Lerins, 659a. Visional Actions, 369a. Visional Symbols, 348a. Vispercd, tlie, 27ab. Vitringa, 695b. V(i^tius, 691 be. Volkmar, 716c. Vohiey, 7()4b. Voltaire, 704b. Voluspa, the, 63ab+. Von Bohlen, 714c. Vossius, 686a, 691a. Vulgate, First Printing of, 670b. Walton, 684b. Wangemann, qnoted, 293a. Warburton, 705a. " work referred to, 236n, 569n. Waterland, 705a. Watson, Richard, 728b. " " quoted, 587bc. Webster, 729c. Wegscheider, 714a. Weimar, Court of, 709n. Weisse, 715c. Wells, 703a. Wemvss, work referred to, 368n, 383n. Wertheim Bible, 709c, 711b. Wesley, John, 703b. Wesley, Samuel, 703b. Wessel, John, 668c. Wesseling, 697b. West, quoted, 636n+. Westcott, 736c. " quoted, 560cn+, 561n. " work referred to, 563n. VVestergaard, work referred to, 25n. Westminster Annotations, 686c+. " Confession, quoted, 590b. Wettstein, 699e+. Whedon, 734bc. quoted, 26 lab, 342bc, 449n, 508b. Whitby, 701a. White, work referred to, 380n. Whitney, W. D., quoted. 34bc, 73a. " " " Translation of Vedic Hymn, 36c+. " " work referred to, 39n. Whittingham, 681a. Wilke, work referred to, 18n. Wilkinson, 729c. Willeram, 6651). Wilson, Bishop D.. (luoted, 145a. Wilson, H. H., work referred to, 39n. Wilson, work referred to, 202n. Windischmann, 737b. " work referred to, 25n. Winer, 208b, 726ab. " quoted, 2U8b, 209bc. " work referred to, 507n. Winthrop on Symbols, 348n. Wise, quoted, 623n. Witsius, 695c. Woide, 700a. Wolf, Christian von, 709b. Wolf, J. C, 697b. Wolfenbiittel Fragments, 711a. AVoodhouse, work referred to, 494n, Woolston, 704b " quoted, 704b. Words the Elements of Language, 175a. " Meaning of, 175+. Wordsworth, 729c+. " quoted, 532n. Wright, Arabic Granunar quoted, 82c4-. Wright, on Zechariah, quoted, 354n. Wiinsche, work referred to, 608n, 616a Wycliffe, 668b. Ximenes, 672b. Yasna, the, 26b. Year-day Theory, 386+. Yggdrasil, in Norse Mythology, 63n. York, School of, 662b." Zeller, 716c. Zigabcnus, 665c+. Ziickler, 727c. " work referred to, 411n, 426n- Zohar, Book of, 621bn. Zoroaster, 25b. Zwingle, 675b. " Dispute of, with Luther, 682il k.. THE END. DATE DUE > ■^mmMMMJDK M^^ i ''''■ > JUL^'^'^ '^' "" . ■^ - m CAVLORO PKINT CO IN US A