Srom f ^ £i6rari^ of (J)rofe66or TJ?iffiam ^cnr^ (Breen Q$equeaf^eb 61? ^im to f^ feifirari? of Qprinceton C^eofogicaf ^eminarg , A376 copy -c Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/actsofapostlesex02alex THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES EXPLAINED BY / JOSEPH ADDISON ALEXAISTDEE IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II NEW YOKK CHARLES SCRIBNER 377 BROADWAY 1857 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1857, by JOSEPH ADDISON ALEXANDER, In the Clerk's Office of the United States District Court for the District of New Jersey. JOHN F. TPwOW, PBINTEE, STEREOTTPEB, AND ELECTEOTTPEE, 377 & 379 Broadway, New York, THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES CHAPTEE Xin. The first great movement, from Jerusalem to Antioch, having been recorded in the previous twelve chapters, the historian now enters on the second, beginning at Antioch and end- ing at Rome, in which the field of operations is the Gentile world, and the principal agent the Apostle Paul (xiii- XXVIII.) The first and largest portion of this narrative is occupied with the Apostle's active ministry, or his official labours while at liberty (xiii-xxi.) The historical account of these commences with his first foreign mission, that to Cyprus and certain parts of Asia Minor (xiii, xiv.) The division of the text now immediately before us contains the first part of this mission, from its inception in the church at Antioch to the arrival of the missionaries at Iconium (xiii.) We are first told how Barnabas and Saul were designated to the missionary work (1-3). They then sail from Syria to Cyprus (4.) They visit Salamis and Paphos in that island (5, 6.) A sorcerer resists them and is struck Avith blindness (6-11.) The Roman Proconsul is converted (12.) Saul, henceforth called Paul, as Apostle of the Gentiles, conducts the mission into Asia Minor, landing at Perga in Pam- VOL. IT. — 1 2 ACTS 13, 1. ]>liylia, wliere tlicir attendant, John Mark, leaves them (13.) They proceed to Antioeh in Pisidia, and attend tlie syna- c^ogue (14, 15.) Paul preaehes his lirst sermon upon record (lG-41.) It produces a j)0werlul eftect iijion the peo])le (42- 44.) The unljclieving Jews make violent opposition (45.) Paul avows his mission to the Gentiles (46, 47.) Many Gen- tiles are converted (48, 49.) The Jews excite a persecution (50.) Paul departs to Iconium, leaving the new converts in a hajipy state (51, 52.) 1. Now there were in the church that was at Antioeh certain prophets and teachers ; as Barnabas, and Simeon that was called Niger, and Lucius of C}Tene, and Manaen, Avhich had been brought up with Herod the tetrarch, and Saul. At A?itioch in the being (or existing) church. Tlie parti- ciple {being) is emphatic, and has been variously explained, as meaning the real or true church, in opposition to the false Judaic one ; or the church as it then was, in its actual condi- tion, still requiring inspired teachers, until uninspired ones could be provided ; or the church now really existing, and so well established that it could spare labourers to go abroad. All these interpretations supply something not expressed or necessarily suggested by the text or context. The only nat- ural construction is the one adopted in our version, which supposes being to denote nothing more than the existence of a church there, or the fact that Antioeh had not only heard the Gospel and invented the name Christian (see above, on 11, 26), but was now the seat of a regularly organized church, with a full and efficient corps of ministers. ' There were at Antioeh in the church which now existed there.' The powers of this church were exercised, according to the apostolical principle and practice, through divinely constituted officers, here described as Prophets and Teachers (see above, on 2, 18), i. e. either inspired teachers, as a single class, or inspired and uninspired teachers, as distinct classes. Or, still more proba- bly than either, the two words are generic and specific terras, applied to the same persons, one denoting their divine authority, the other the precise w^ay in which it was exercised. Other distinctions which have been assumed, such as that be- tween itinerant and settled ministers, or occasional and stated ACTS 13, 1. 3 preachers, or exliorters and instructors, are possible enouo'h, but not susceptible of proof. As may seem to im])ly that there were others not here mentioned ; but the Greek word (re) simply means both, i. e. not only Barnabas, but those who follow. (See the very same form in 1, 13 above.) Barnabas is probably named first, as the oldest man and oldest minister, or as the one who had been sent down from Jerusalem (see above, on 11, 22), or perhaps as being really the pastor or presiding elder of the church at Antioch. Simeon (or Simon), a very common Hebrew name (see above, on 1, 13. 8, 9. 9, 43. 10, 6), here distinguished by the Roman surname Niger {Black), which has led some to identify the person here meant with Simon the Cyrenian, who bore our Saviour's cross (Matt. 27, 32. Mark 15, 21. Luke 23, 26.) Lucius is expressly described as a Cyrenian, and may be the same whom Paul salutes (Rom. 16, 21) among his kinsmen, either in the wide or narrow sense. (See above, on 10, 24.) That this was Luke himself, is an ancient but improbable conjec- ture. Manaen is a Hellenistic form of the Hebrew JSIenahem (2 Kings 15, 14.) Which had been brought up icith Herod is more concisely and exactly rendered in the margin, Herod'^s foster-brother. The tetrarch, i. e. Herod Antipas, the one so often mentioned in the Life of Christ. Josephus and the Talmud speak of a Menahem, an Essene, who predicted the elevation and long reign of Herod the Great, and was there- fore an object of his special favour. It is very possible that this man's son was nursed or educated with the king's sons, and afterwards converted to the Christian faith. (For another follower of Christ connected with the court of Herod, see Luke 8, 3.) As the same Greek particle (re) is repeated with this name, although here translated simply and, some suppose a distinction to be thereby made between the first three as prophets and the last two as mere teachers. But who can suppose Saul to have been less a prophet than Barnabas? (Compare 1 Cor. 14, 1-5.) The place assigned to Saul in this list has been variously explained ; but the most satisfactory solution is, that his apostolical commission had not yet been made known, and that until its disclosure, he was to remain undistinguished from his fellow-labourers, or even to take the lowest place among them, as on this occasion. (See below, on vs. 9. 13.) The word certain {rcvf.^) in the first clause is omit- ted by the oldest manuscripts and latest critics. 4 ACTS 13, L>. 'A. 2. As they ministered to the Lord and fasted, the Holy Ghost said, Sej)arate me Baniabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called them. They inimsterhig^ the Greek word from whieli liturgy is derived, but which is never elsewhere used in the Xew Testa- ment witli any special or exclusive reference to prayer. Ac- cording to its derivation, it means any public service or official function. The cognate verb and noun are applied to the min- istry of angels (Ileb. 1, 7. 14), to Christian charity and kind- ness (Rom. 15, 27. 2 Cor. 9, 12. Pliil. 2, 30^, to magistrates as ministers of God (Rom. 13, 6), to the Christian ministry and missions (Rom. 15, 16), to pubhc worship, and especially the Jewish ritual (Luke 1, 23. Heb. 10, 11.) Later ecclesias- tical usage restricted it to the Sacraments, and Chrysostom /Explains it here to mean preaching. But its true sense is the general one expressed in the translation, ministering^ engaged in the discharge of their official functions, with particular reference to pubUc woi-ship, and with the special addition, in this case, of fasting, not as a stated periodical observance, which is rather discountenanced than recommended in the New Testament, but as a special aid to jorayer, no doubt for the spread of Christianity, and perhaps for guidance as to their own duty at this interesting crisis. The Holy Ghost said^ while they were thus engaged, perhaps to all at once by audible communication, or by special revelation to some one among them. Separate^ a verb used elsewhere in a bad sense, (see Matt. 13, 49. 25, 32. Luke 6, 22), but here (as in Rom. 1, 1. Gal. 1, 15) meaning, set apart^ designate, implying sepa- ration from the rest, and from the ordinary work in which they had been all engaged, to another special and extraordi- nary business. Called them^ i. e. Barnabas and Saul, but not the rest of you. This work was not to supersede or take the l^lace of the stated ministry, but to be superadded to it. The very form of the command shows that this was no reception of Barnabas and Saul by the others to their own body, but a solemn and extraordinary separation from it. 3. And when they had fasted and prayed, and laid (their) hands on them, they sent (them) away. This verse records the execution of the previous command. Then having fasted and prayed may be a mere continuation ACTS 13, 3. 4. 5 of the fast already mentioned, or a subsequent observance of the same kind, implying a continued need of this auxiliary to their j^rayers for the divine blessing on this new and most im- portant measure. Laid hands on them^ as a sign of transfer from the ordinary service of the church to an extraordinary mission. (See above, on 6, 6. 8, 17. 9, 12.) Sent them away^ dismissed, discharged them, let them go (see above, on 3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 5, 40), again implying sej^aration from their own body, as prophets and teachers of the church at Antioch. The nature and design of this proceeding have been variously understood, in accordance with various conclusions or hypo- , theses as to church-organization. It could not be an ordina- tion to the ministry ; for the very two now set apart were already eminent and successful ministers, far more illustrious in the church than those who are supposed to have ordained them. It could not be a consecration (so called) to the dio- cesan episcopate ; for, even admitting its existence, why should all these prelates be attached to one church (v. 1) ? Or if not prelates, how could they bestow a higher office than they held themselves ? Least of all could it be (as some allege) an elevation of these two men to the Apostleship, to fill the places of the two Jameses ; for how could ordinary ministers, or even bishops, create Apostles ? Or how could such an act be reconciled with Paul's asseveration (Gal. 1, l) that his Apostleship was not from men, nor even through men ? Or with the fact that Barnabas is nowhere subsequently called an Apostle, except on one occasion in conjunction with Paul, and even then in a dubious sense? (See below, on 14, 4. 14.) The only remaining supposition is, that this was a designation, not to a new rank or office, but to a new work, namely, that of foreign missions, or rather to this single mission, which they are subsequently said to have " fulfilled." (See below, on 14, 26.) It is not necessarily implied that this was the first intimation made to Barnabas and Saul of their vocation to the work of missions. The divine communication mentioned in 22, 21, below, may have been previously made ; and they may have come to Antioch for the very purpose of obtaining a dis- mission from the church there ; and it may have been in refer- ence to this request, that the Prophets and Teachers were engaged in special prayer and fasting for divine direction. 4. So they, being sent forth by the Holy Ghost, 6 ACTS 13, 4. 5. departed unto Seleucia ; and from thence they sailed to Cyprus. As it had just been said that they were dismissed or let go by the church, their divine legation is again asserted, to pre- vent mistake. Being sent forth by the Holy Ghost^ not merely by their associates at Antioch. Departed^ literally, came down^ Avhich miglit seem to mean down the Orontes, on which Antioch is situated ; but it more probably means, from the interior to tlie scacoast. (See above, on 12, 19.) Seleii- cia, a Syrian i)ort, near the mouth of the Orontes, west of Antioch, built by Seleucus Nicator, and called by his own name, as Antioch was by that of his father. (See below, on V. 14.) Sailed^ or more emphatically, sailed away^ i. e. from Syria, where they had so long been labouring. Cyprus^ a large island oft* the coast of Palestine, renowned in the re- motest times for wealth, fertility and luxury. It was now a Roman })rovince, ruled by a Proconsul. (See below, on v. 7.) This island may have been selected as their first field of mis- sionary labour, not merely on account of its proximity to Syria, but because it was the native land of Barnabas (see above, on 4, 36), and perhaps of John Mark also (see the next verse, and compare Col. 4, 10.) It could hardly be fortuitous that this first mission was directed to the native countries of the missionaries, and to Cyprus first, as Barnabas still took the lead. 5. And when they were at Salamis, they preached the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews : and they had also John to (thek) minister. Being in Salamis^ or having got there. This was an ancient city in the south-eastern corner of the island, after- wards called Constantia, and now Famagusta. Preached (announced, declared) the word of God (the new or Christian revelation.) Synagogues^ assemblies, meetings, whether large or small. It is not probable that Salamis contained more than one such building, nor certain that it had even one ; but the Greek word, as we have already seen (on 6, 9), admitted of a wider application than the one assigned to it in later usage. The first preachers of the Gospel, being Jews by birth and education, obtained access, through the synagogues, not only to their countrymen, but also to the serious and devoutly dis- ACTS 13, 5. 6. n posed Gentiles, who were in the habit of attending Jewish worship. (See above, on 9, 20. 10,1.) To {oy for) their nii7i- ister^ attendant, servant. (For the origin and usage of the Greek word, see above, on 5, 22.) As the same word is else- where used by Luke to designate an officer or servant of the synagogue in Nazareth (see Luke 4, 20), it might seem here to have specific reference to what immediately precedes. ' They preached in the synagogues of Salamis, and in so doing were assisted or attended on by John.' It is generally under- stood, however, in a wider sense, to wit, tliat he attended them upon this journey; but in what capacity, has been dis- puted. Some make him a mere personal attendant, like the young men who accompanied the ancient prophets ; others an ordained minister of lower rank, to aid in preaching and ad- ministering baptism ; others still, avoiding these extremes, regard him as a personal attendant, but preparing for more sacred duties. (See below, on 16, 1-3.) 6. And when they had gone through the isle unto Paphos, they found a certain sorcerer, a false prophet, a Jew, whose name (was) Bar-jesus : Having gone through the lohole island^ is the reading of the five oldest manuscripts, i. e. through its whole length, from east to west. Though not expressly mentioned, it is highly probable that in this, as in other previous cases of the same kind, they preached in smaller towns up©n the road. (See above, on 8, 25. 40. 9, 32.) U^ito, even to, as far as, the particle again suggesting that they had traversed the Avhole island. Paphos^ a city on the western coast of Cyprus, famous for the worship of Venus in a temple near it, whence she is called Paphicm by Homer and Horace. It was now the seat of Roman government, i. e. the residence of the Pro- consul. Founds met with, learned that he was there before them. (For the passive of the Greek verb, see above, on 8, 40, and compare v. 9 of the same chapter.) Several of the oldest manuscripts and latest editors read, a certain man^ a sorcerer. For the true meaning of this last word (magus or inagiciaii).^ see above, on 8, 9. A false prophet (and) a Jeio^ or a Jewish false prophet^ as the last word in Greek may be either an ad- jective or a substantive. This man was, therefore, not a hea- then sorcerer, like Simon Magus, but a Jewish renegade, or still more probably, a jorofessed Jew, but falsely claiming in- 8 ACTS Hi, 0. 7. Fpiration. There were probably many such amoiii^ the Goetes or iinj)ostors who aboiindt'd in the Apostolic au^e, not as more juir.ixlers, but as teacliers ol"a hii^dier kind of science, in mIucIi trade Jews would have a c^rcat advantai^e from their real su- periority in relitrious knowledu^e. W/iose nfunc ((^r. to icho)n tlie name) was Bur-jemis, an Aramaic form, meanint^ the ^reeeclini; verse; not only iria/iinf/ but at- tnnptin(j, usinir active means to gain liis end. 7b turn away^ a very strong (ireek word, used in the classics to denote the act of twisting or distorting, but commonly employed in the New Testament to signify moral perversion or perverseness. (See below, on 20, .'^0, and compare Matt. 17, 17. Luke 9, 41. 23, 2. Phil. 2, 15.) It here means to divert attention or with- draw the mind, but with an implication of violence or great exertion. The same verb is a])plied, in the Septuagint version of Hv. 5, 4, to the diversion of the Hebrews from their work by the visits and discourses of Closes and Aaron. The Deputy^ or rather the Froconsnl, as in v. 7. From the faith may cither mean from the Christian faith, the new religion, which these strangers preached ; or from the act of faith, i. e. believ- ing the new doctrine thus made known to him. 9. Then Saul, who also (is called) Paul, filled with the Holy Ghost, set his eyes on him — There is here a sudden change in Saul's relative position, not only with respect to Barnabas, but also to the whole conduct of the mission, and the whole course of the history. From holding an inferior place, as indicated even by the order of the names^(sec above, on vs. 1. 2, and compare 11, 30. 12, 25), he now comes forward in this singular emergency, address- es Elymas in tones of high authority, and acts as the organ of the divine justice, in predicting or inflicting a retributive ca- lamity. This change in his position is accompanied, as in the case of Abraham, Jacob and Peter (Gen. 17, 5. 32, 28. John 1, 42), by a change of name, llien (8c) 8aul^ the {o?ie) also (called) Paul. It is not improbable that Saul, according to the custom of the Jews in that age (see above, on v.*l, and on 1,23. gT 36. 12, 12), had already borne the Roman name of Paulus ; and Luke might seem to introduce it here merely because of th^ coincidence Avith the name of the Proconsul. But this docs not account for its invariable use, from this point onwards, to the absolute exclusion of the Hebrew name by which he had been always before called. (See above, 7, 58. 8,1.3. 9,1.4.8.11.17.19122.24.26. 11,25.30. 12,25. 13, 1.2.7.) Jerome's idea, that he now assumed the name, in commemoi'ation of the victory achieved by the conversion of ACTS 13, 9. 10. 11 the Romnn c^ovcrnor, exao-grerates the value and importance of that incident, and assumes an aduhition of great men entire- ly at variance with apostolic principles and practice, as Avell as a violation of the early Christian usage, according to which, teachers gave their names to their disciples, and not vice versa. Augustin, on the contrary, supposes that the name is an ex- pression of humility (originally meaning little.) But such hu- mility is too much like that of the Pope, w^ho calls himself a servant of servants ; and the Latin name would not so readily suggest this idea as that of a noble Roman family who bore it. Besides, why should it be assumed just here, either in point of fact or in the narrative ? The only supposition which is free from all these difficulties, and affords a satisfactory solution of the facts in question, is, that this was the time fixed by di- vine authority tor Paul's manifestation as Apostle of the Gen- tiles, and that this manifestation w^as made more conspicuous by its coincidence M'ith his triumph over a representative of unbelieving and apostate Judaism, and the conversion of an official representative of Rome, w'hose name was identical wath his own apostolical title. The critical juncture was still further marked by Paul's first miracle or sign of his apostleship (see 2 Cor. 12, 12), preceded by a few words, but conceived and uttered in the highest tone of apostolical au- thority. Filled with the Holy Ghost., not for the first time (see above, on 9, 17), but renewedly and specially insjjired to utter this denunciation, w^hich is therefore not the natural ex- pression of any merely human sentiment or feeling, but an authoritative declaration of God's purposes and judgments. Set his eyes on him., a phrase very variously rendered in our Bible, but the strict sense of which is gazing (or intently look- ing) into him (see above, on 1, 10. 3, 4. 12. 6, 15. 7, 55. 10, 4. 11, 6.) This was no doubt intended to arrest the attention of the sorcerer as well as the spectators, and to awe them un- der an impression of God's presence and authority. With the following address of Paul to Elymas, compare that of Peter to the Magus of Samaria. (See above, on 8, 20-23.) rli 10. And said, O full of all subtilty and all mis- ief, (thou) child of the devil, (thou) enemy of all righteousness, wilt thou not cease to pervert the right ways of the Lord ? 12 ACTS 13, 10. J'W/, not inerc'ly tiiiL^'od or tainted Avitli these fjiuilitiea, Imt lull of them, eDiiiposed of them. (Si'u above, on 8, 23.) SubtUty^ so translated also in Matt. 20, 4, l>ut twice deaeit (Mark 7, 22. Kom. 1, 29), once craft (Mark 14, 1), and often r/////c(e. ^. John 1, 47. 2Cor. 12, 10. 1 Pet. 2, 22. Kev. 14, 5.) The Greek word ])rimarily means a l»ait for lish ; then any de- ception ; tlien a desire or disposition to deceive. jVt.sch?>/\ unscrupulousness, recklessness, facility in doing evil, which is the original and etjniiological import of the Mord. It occurs only here in the New Testament, but a kindred form (trans- lated feicd/iess) in 18, 14, below. AU, before these nouns, denotes both quality and quantity, variety and high degree. (See above, on 4, 29. 5, 23. 12,* 11.) Child (literally, >So??) of the devU^ i. e. like him, a partaker of his nature, belonging to his party, "the seed of the serpent." (See above, on 5, 16, and comjtare Gen. 3, 15. John 8, 44.) The devil {\. e. slan- derer, false accuser) is ahvays so translated, except m 2 Tim. 3, 3. Titus 2, 3. (See above, on 10, 38.) Enemy of all riyht- eoiisness^ i. e. of all that is right and good. The pronoun {thou) twice supplied by the translators rather weakens the expression than enforces it. Wilt thou not cease f may be also read affirmatively, thou icilt not cease. But the inter- rogative form has more force, as conveying a severe expostu- lation, like the famous exordium of Cicero's tirst oration against Catiline {Quousque tandem ahiitere palientia nostra P) To pervert^ literally, pervertiny^ the participle of the verb trans- lated turn away in v. 8. The essential meaning is the same in either case, but the construction difterent, the object of the action being there a person, here a thing. The truth, from which Barjesus sought to turn the governor away, is here de- scribed as turned away itself, i. e. distorted or perverted, by misrepresentation or misapplication. The icays of the Lord^ i. e. here, most probably, his methods of salvation or his pur- poses of mercy. Jliyht, in the physical sense, straiyht^ as ap- plied in mathematics (a right line or a right angle.) The term here has reference to the figure of a path, the way's of the Lcyrd which, although straight in themselves, Elymas was trjdng to make crooked. (Compare Isai. 5, 20.) The essen- tial idea is not the specific one of doctrinal error or of practi- cal misconduct, but the general one of interference with God's purposes, and the impious attempt to hinder their accomplish- ment. As he tried to turn away Sergius Paulus from the laith, so he tried to turn away the grace of God from Sergius Paulus. ACTS 13, 11. 13 11. And now, behold, the hand of the Lord (is) upon thee, and thou shalt be bhnd, not seeing the sun for a season. And immediately there fell on him a mist and a darkness ; and he went about seeking some to lead him by the hand. A?id now is a phrase often used to mark the close of a pre- amble and to introduce the main proposition (see above, on 3, 17. 7, 34. 10, 5) ; but here it seems to have its strict sense as a particle of time, ' and now (at length) your hour is come, your career is at an end, your course is finally arrested.' J3e- hold, as usual, introduces something unexpected. (See above, on 1, 10. 12, 7.) The hand of the Lord^ i. e. his power, espe- cially in active exercise, whether in mercy or in judgment. (See above, on 4, 28. 30. 11, 21. 12, 11, and compare ^Ex. 9, 3. 1 Sam. 5, 11. Ezr. 7, 9. Xeh. 2, 8. Job 19, 21.) At the same time, it suggests that this was no fortuitous or human stroke, ' the hand of the Lord and not of man.' {Is or shall be) upon thee ; as the verb is not expressed, it may be either descriptive of the present or prophetic of the fliture. If the first, it is equivalent to sajdng, ' already (or even now) upon thee.' Blind and not seeing may be an idiomatic combina- tion of the positive and negative expression of the same idea. (Compare Luke 1, 20, where a similar form is used in refer- ence to speech and dumbness.) Or not seeing (even) the sun may be a strong expression for total blindness. For a season^ hterally, to (or tilt) a time^ i. e. a set time, which is the proper meaning of the Greek word, as explained above (on 1,7. 3, 19. 7, 20. 12, 1.) This may mean, as long as it shall please God, and does not therefore necessarily imply that Elymas should be restored to sight. That is certainly, however, the most natural construction, and the one which has been commonly adopted. Chrysostom says that this was not a word of pun- ishment but of conversion ; and the Venerable Bede, that Paul knew by experience how the darkness of the eyes might be followed by illumination of the mind. There is certainly a singular resemblance between this first recorded miracle of Paul and the miraculous accompaniments of his own conver- sion. (See above, on 9, 8. 9.) Some have inferred from Gal. 4, 15, and other passages, that Paul's own sight was never perfectly restored. The same phrase {till a time or for a sea- son) is used by Luke m reference to the intermission of our 14 ACTS 13, 11. 12. L(>rivG\QY?>Q^X.\\G ov'i^msX construction, which is going about sought. The last seven words in English correspond to one in Greek, meaning hand- guides or hand-leaders. (See the active and passive partici- ples of the corresponding verb in 9, 8 above, and 22, 11, below.) The scene so vividly described in this clause has been realized, or rendered visible, in one of Raphael's cartoons. 12. Then the deputy, when he saw what was done, beheved, being astonished at the doctrine of the Lord. Then^ in its strict sense, as a particle of time, equivalent to saying, when (or after) this had happened. The deputy.^ used by our translators here and in vs. 7, 8 above, though more specific, is less accurate than Tyndale's ruler., as the Greek word (av^uTraros) does not mean a deputy in general, but the deputy of a supreme magistrate (vTraros), i. e. of a Ro- man Consul, to whom the uncompounded form is constantly applied by the later Greek historians. The Vulgate and its copyisti in English (Wiclif and the Rhemish Version) give the corresponding Latin form {Proconsul.) When he saic (liter- ally, having seeyi or seeing) what teas done., or more exactly, tlie {thing) done.^ come to pass, or happened, i. e. the sudden ACTS 13, 12. 13. 15 blindness of Barjesns, in immediate execution of Paul's sen- tence or prediction. Believed can only mean that he believed in Christ, or in the truth of the religion thus attested. Asto7i- ishecl^ literally, struck or smitten^ not witli "vvonder merely, but with admiration, as appears from Mark 11, 18, where mere amazement w^ould be insufficient to account for the effect de- scribed. The same verb is often used (see Matt. 13, 54. Mark 6, 2. V, 37. Luke 2, 48), and sometimes with the very same construction (Matt. 7, 28. 22, 33. Mark 1, 22. 11, 18. Luke 4, 32), to express the effect produced upon the people by our Saviour's miracles and teachings. In all those cases, as in that before us, doctrine does not mean the truth taught, but the mode of teaching. TJie doctrine of the Lord^ i. e. Paul's doc- trine wdth respect to Christ, is a grammatical construction, but at variance w^ith the first clause and its obvious relation to the last, as well as wath the numerous analogies first cited from the Gospels. "What struck the mind of the Proconsul and commanded his belief was the LorcVs {mode of) teciching (his own religion), both by w^ord and miracle. Here, as in the case of Simon Magus (see above, on 8, 24), w^e are not told what became either of Elymas or Sergius Paulus. The tradi- tion which describes the latter as accompanying Paul to Spain, and afterwards as Bishoj:) of Narbonne in France, is probably entitled to no credence. 13. Now when Paul and his company loosed from Paphos, they came to Perga m Pamphylia ; and John departmg from them returned to Jerusalem, N'oic^ and, or but. Paid and his company (in the older English versions, Paul and they that icere loith him) is in Greek, those about Paid. This peculiar idiom is common in the classics, sometimes literally meaning the attendants or companions (as in Mark 4, 10), sometimes only the persons named (as in John 11, 19), sometimes both together, as in this place. The expression seems to have been chosen here, to render prominent the change in Paul's position, and to show that he was now the leader. (See above, on v. 9.) This change may possibly have been deferred till they were leaving Cyprus and about to enter Asia Minor ; wdiereas Barnabas \vm\ been alloA\'ed to take the lead as long as they were in liis native country. (See above, on v. 4, and compare 4, 36.) Loosed is so translated in two other places (16, 11. 27, 21), 10 ACTS i:<, 13. 14. but elsewhere hnmrfud (Jl, 1. 27, 2, 4), launchiuJ forth (Luke 8, -22), sailed (20, ;^ W), at/ /(vr/A (21, 2), (hparted (27, 12. 28, 10. 11.) The Greek verb, thus variously rendered, strictly means to lead (or to be led) np (a.s in 9, 39. 12, 4 above), but as a nautical expression to go out to sea, being so used by Herodotus ana8sive jiartieiple but may be translated, harhifj sailed ov init to sea. Tlicy enter Asia Minor, not tlirough Cilicia, which was Paul's native j)rovince, where he had already hiboured (see above, on 9, 30. 11, 25), but through Painphylia, the adjacent province on the west. Pcrtja^ its capital, a few miles from the coast, was famous for the worship of Diana, as Paphos was for that of Venus (see above, on v. 0, and below, on 19, 24.)* Its ruins are supjiosed to be still visible. JoJin^ who was mentioned in v. 5 above, as their attendant. That John Mark is the person meant, ai>ix'ars from a comparison of 12, 25 above with 15, 37 below. Departing denotes not mere local separation, but secession or desertion, being elsewhere used in an untiivour- able sense (see Matt. 7, 23, and compare Luke 9, 39.) A term still stronger is employed m 15, 39 below. John's motive for abandoning the mission has been variously conjectured to be "Weariness, home-sickness, feeble health, important business at Jerusalem, &c. &c. That it was not understood from the be- ginning that he should take leave of them at this point, ajv pears, not only from the terms here used and just explamed, but still more clearly from Paul's censure of his conduct as a species of apostasy (see below, on 15, 39.) The most satisfac- tory solution seems to be, that he was discontented with the unexpected transfer of precedence and authority from Barna- bas his kinsman (see Col. 4, 10) to one who had hitherto oc- cupied a lower place. This feelmg, though a wrong one, will not seem unnatural, when we consider, that Barnabiis was not only older as a Christian and a minister (see above, on 4, 36), but hud been the means of introducing Paul to active labour, both in Jerusalem (9, 27) and Antioch (11, 26.) That he did not share in 3Iark\s resentment, may be ascribed to his sup^ rior piety and wisdom, or to a less ardent temper, Avhich re- quired time for its excitement. (See below, on 15, 37.) 14. But when they departed from Perga, they came to Antioch in Pisidia, and went into the synagogue on the sabbath day, and sat down. * Pcrgae fanum antiquissimuiu et sanctissimum £cimus esse. — Ciceko (in Verrem.) ACTS 13, 14. 15. 17 Tlicy is expressed in Greek and therefore emphatic, mean- ing Paul and Barnabas, as the remaining members of the mission after Mark's desertion. Departed^ hterally, passing through^ or having joassed through., i, e., through the coimtry between Perga andAntioch. (See above, on 8,40. 9, 32. 11, 19. 22.) Some of the older English versions have the strange translation, icandcred through the countries., as if the words were intended to describe an itinerant ministry, and not a di- rect passage from one point to another. They seem to have visited Pamphylia at this time, only as the key or entrance to Pisidia," the next province on the north, reserving missionary labour in the former until their return. (See below, on 14, 25.) Antioch is referred by different ancient writers to the adjacent provinces of Phrygia, PamphyUa, and Pisidia, a variation owing either to actual change in the political arrangements of the country, or more probably to vagueness and uncertainty in the boundaries themselves. The ruins of this Antioch have been discovered in our own day. The frequent occurrence of this name in ancient history arises from its application by the Greek King of Syria, Seleucus Nicator, to a number of towns founded or restored by himself, in honor of his father, Antiochus the Great. The synagogue., meeting, or assembly, of the Jews for worship, whether in a private house or public building. (See above, on v. 5, and on 6, 9.) The sahhath-day^ literally, day of the sahhath^ the Aramaic form of the Hebrew name (xp2ir) resembling a Greek plural, and being often so de- clined^ and construed by all the evangelists excepting John, who always treats it as a singular. Sat down., i. e., as some sup- pose, in a place usually occupied by public teachers ; but see the next verse. 15. And after the reading of the law and the pro- phets, the rulers of the synagogue sent unto them, saying, (Ye) men (and) brethren, if ye have any word of exhortation for the people, say on. The reading of the Law (i. e. the books of Moses) seems to have formed a part of public worship, from the earliest times to which its history can be traced. That of the Prophets is said, in a tradition of the later Jews, to have been introduced as an evasion of an edict of Antiochus Epiphanes prohibiting the reading of the law, and afterwards continued as a perma- 18 ACTS in, 15. l(j. nont usacre. Tlie ruhra of the synaffof/iic (in Greek one com- ]M)und word) were jnobably tlie elders «tl" tlic Jews in Antioeh, i.e. the heads of families, or other hereiUtary eiiirls and repre- sentatives, as sueh eonduetiniij or eontroUint^^ jiul^Jie worsiiip. It is nt)t impossible, liowever, tliat in foreign conntries, the synaixojxue had more of a distinct orijanization tlian in Pales- tine itself. (See above, on 0,9. 9,2.20.) But most of the minute details now found in Jewisli books are probably pos- terior in date to the destruction of Jerusalem and the disso- lution of the Jewish nation with its hereditary eldership, a ehanti^e which would naturally lead to the separate organization of the synagogue or Jewish church. Sent to tfieni^ not said to them, implying that they were not in the chief seats of the synagogue (Matt. 23, 6), but had probably sat down near the entrance. They were no doubt recognized as strangers, and perhaps as teachers, by some circumstance of dress or aspect. The message was probably conveyed by the "minister'* or servant of the synagogue. (See above, on v. 5, and com- pare Luke 4, 20.) Me7i andhrtthren^ the same courteous and kindly form of speech which we have already had occasion to explain. (See above, on 1,16. 2,29.37. 7,2.) It implies a recognition of the strangers by the rulei*s of the synagogue, as fellow' Jews, the Christian schism being probably as yet unknown to them. If ye Jiare^ literally, if there is in you, i. e. in your minds or your possession, (any) word of exhortation^ i. e. any exhortation to be sjx>ken or delivered. (See above, on 4, 36. 9, 31.) Say on is in Greek simply say or speak. 16. Then Paul stood up, and beckoning with (his) hand said, Men of Israel, and ye that fear God, give audience. As Barnabas derived his very name from his experience and gifts as an exhorter (see above, on 4, 36), it is the more remarkable that Paul should now appear as the chief speaker, •not only in this one case but before and afterwards. (See above, on v. 9, and Ix'low, on 14, 12.) The uniformity of this proceeding, and the seeming acquiescence of Barnabas himself, confirm the previous conclusion, that Paul's commission as Apostle of the Gentiles (Rom. 11,13), although given long before (see above, on 9, 15, and below, on 22,21. 26, 17. 18), was now first publicly made known and acted on. Arisiny, standmg uj), see above, on 2,15. 5,34. 11,28. Beckoning, ACTS 13, 16. 17. 19 see above, on 12, 17. 3fe7i of Israel^ i. e. Jews by birth, de- scendants of Jacob, hereditary members of the chosen people. (See above, on 2,22. 3, 12. 5, 35.) Ye that fear (Uterally, those fearing) God^ a phrase applicable in itself to all devout men, but specially applied in the New Testament to Gentiles, whether Proselytes, i. e. professed converts to the Jewish faith (see above, on 2, 10. 6, 5), or merely well disposed to it and more or less influenced by it (see above, on 10, 2. 22, 35.) Of this class many seem to have been found, wherever there was access to the Jewish worship, and from this class the Apostles gathered some of their earliest and most iraiwrtant converts. Give audience^ literally, hea)\ implying, as in all like cases, that they might hear something to which they were not accustom- ed, or for which they were iK)t prepared. (See above, on 2, 14. 22. 29.) The discourse which follows has peculiar interest and value, as the first of Paul's on record, and most probably the first that he delivered after the avowal of his Apostolical commission. When compared with those of Peter and his own epistles, the degree of difference and sameness is precisely such as might have been expected from the cii'cum- stances under which they were composed or uttered. (See above, on 3, 26. vol. 1, p. 122.) 17. The God of this people of Israel chose our fathers, and exalted the people when they dwelt as strangers m the land of Egypt, and with a high arm brought he them out of it. Beginning with a brief sketch of the early history of Israel, as the ancient church or chosen people, from their first voca- tion to the reign of David (17-22), the Apostle suddenly exhibits Jesus, as the heir of that king and the promised Saviour (23), citing John the Baptist as his witness and fore- runner (24-25) ; then makes the offer of salvation through Christ to both classes of his hearers (26), describing his re- jection by the Jews at Jerusalem (27), his death, burial, and resurrection (28-31) ; all which he represents as the fulfilment of God's promise to the fathers (32), and of specific prophecies, three of which he quotes, interprets, and applies to Christ (33-37) ; winding up with another earnest offer of salvation (38-39), and a solemn warning against unbelief (40-41.) The mixture of law and gospel, threatening and promise, doctrine 20 ACTS 13, 17. 18. mill cxliortntion, in this sermon, arc liicrlily characteristic of its aiitlior, aiieriod, the clwice mentioned in the lirst clause being then the choice of Israel, not as a family, but as a nation. The last of these constructions is the one most readily suggested by the words, although the first gives more completeness to Paul's retrospect, by including the Patriarchal period. (See above, on 7, 2-16.) The j)eople^ thus chosen and separated from all others. Exalted^ literally, heUjhtened^ made high, ap- plied elscM'here to the raising of the brazen serpent and to Christ's elevation on the cross (John 3, 14. 8, 28. 12, 32. 34) ; to his ascension and exalted state in heaven (see above, on 2,33. 5,31) ; in a moral sense, to self-exaltation or elation (Matt. 23, 12. Luke 14, 11. 18, 14) ; and in an outward sense, to extraordinary privileges and prosperity (Matt. 11, 23. Luke 10, 15. 2 Cor. 1*1, 7. Jas. 4, 10. 1 Pet. 5, G.) This last appears to be the meaning here, in reference either to the honour put upon the chosen ix?ople, even under i>ersecution, or to their miraculous increase and national development. When they dwelt as strangers^ literally, in the sojourn. (For a cognate form, applied to the same subject, see above, on 7, 6. 29.) A Jiiyh arrn^ an idiomatic expression for the manifest exertion of extraordinary power, corres}X)nding to the stretched 02it arm of the Old Testament, and like it specially applied to the exertion of Jehovah's power in the exodus from Egypt. (Com- pare Ex. G, G Deut. 5, 15. Jer. 32, 21. Ps. 136, 12.) 18. And alx)ut the time of forty years suffered he their manners in the wilderness. Next to the Exodus he puts the EiTor, or forty years' ACTS 13, 18. 19. 20. 21 wandering in the wilderness. Ahou% literally, as, see above, on 1, 15. 2, 41. 4, 4. 5, 7. 36. This expression is the more appropriate, because the actual error lasted only thirty-eight years. (See above, on 7, 42.) Suffered their manners^ i. e. bore with them, endured them. Another reading, differing in a single letter, and preferred by most modern critics, yields the meaning, tore them as a nurse does, i. e. nursed or nour- ished. The same figure is appHed by Moses to this period ui the history of Israel (see Num. 11, 12. Deut. 1, 31, in which last place the Septuagint version exhibits the same textual variation) and by Paul to his own treatment of the Thessalo- nians (1 Thess. 2, 7.) 19. And when he had destroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan, he divided their land to them by lot. Next to the Error comes the Conquest of Canaan. When he had (literally, having) destroyed. (For a very different meaning of the same verb, see below, on v. 29.) Seven na- tions, i. e. tribes of the Canaanites, to wit, those enumerated in Deut. 7, 1. Josh. 3, 10. Neh. 9, 8. Gave by lot, or, accord- ing to the oldest manuscripts and latest editors, gave as an iTiheritance, or caused them to inherit. Neither of the two Greek verbs occurs elsewhere in the New Testament, but both are used in the Septuagint, and sometimes to translate the same Hebrew word (e. g. Num. 33, 54. Josh. 14, 1, compared with Deut. 21, 16. Josh. 19, 51.) It is a curious inference of Ben- gel, that because three rare words used in these two verses occur also in the Septuagint version of the first chapters of Deuteronomy and Isaiah, these are the portions of the law and Prophets read, in the synagogue of Ajitioch for that day, as he says they still are in the Jewish service. 20. And after that he gave (unto them) judges about the space of four hundred and fifty years, until Samuel the prophet. After that, literally, after these (things), i. e. the conquest and settlement of Canaan. About, literally, as ; see above, on V. 18. By adding together all the periods mentioned in the book of Judges, i. e. the periods of foreign domination and the intervals of rest under the Judges, we obtain almost the 22 A CTS i;j, 20. -Jl. very number liere aflirined. Tliis agreement Ijetween Paul and the inspired n-cord of the time to wliicli he liere refers cannot be shaken l)y tlie seemini; discrepancy in 1 Kings 0, 1, tlie sohilion of wliich belongs to the interpretation of that book, (riive than Ju(hjes^ who were tlierefore not self-consti- tuted rulers, but lace or part of scripture.) For the meaniuL^ of the last clause, see above, on 2,27. 3G. 87. For David, after he had sci-ved his own generation l)y the Avill of God, fell on sleep, and was laid unto his fothers, and saw corruption. But he, whom God raised again, saw no corruption. Tlie ])erfect independence of the two Apostles, even in ex- pounding the same passage and employing the same argument, is furthermore a]>parent from the curious fact, that while the end they aim at is identical, namely, to show that David's words Avere inapplicable to himself, and the proof coincident, to wit, that he did die and see corruption, this last phrase is the only one common to both speakers, their other expressions being wholly different. While Peter (see above, on 2, 29).begs leave to remind his hearers that the Patriarch, or founder of their royal family, was dead and buried, and his sepulchre among them at the time of speaking, Paul, with exact agreement as to substance but a beautiful variety of form, describes him as an eminent servant both of God and man w^hile he lived, but as sleeping with his fathers for a course of ages, and subjected long since to that process of corruption, from which this pro- phecy (Ps. 16, 10) declared its subject to be free. He could not therefore be that subject ; whereas Jesus, being raised up from the dead by God himself, before the process of corrup- tion had begun, did really enjoy that very exemption which is here foretold. The consequence is plain, that he must be the Messiah. (See above, on 2, 32.) The marginal translation, having (in) his oicn age (or generatioii) served tlie will of God^ is not so natural in its construction of the dative (ycvca) as denoting time, and in giving the verb {served) an impersonal or abstract object {icill) ; nor does it yield so rich a sense, as it obliterates the fine idea of his serving man as well as God. His own generation^ or contemporary race, is here emphatic and exclusive, as distinguished from all later times and generations. (See above, on 2, 40.) Served ov min- istered^ by doins: good, officially and privately. (Compare Paul's description of his own voluntary service, 1 Cor. 9, 19.) By (i. e. according to, or in obedience to) the xoill of God ACTS 13, 36-38. 33 (see above, on 2, 23. 4, 28. 5, 38.) Fell on sleep^ an unusual expression even in old English, but entirely synonymous with the common phrase, fell adeep (or still more simply and ex- actly, slept) ^ which here means died^ perhaps with an impli- cation of serenity and peace, as in the case of Stephen. (See above, on 7, 60, where the same Greek word is rendered fell asleep.) Laid (literally, added^ asin2, 41. 47. 5,14. 11,24. 12, 3. Gal. 3, 19) unto his fathers^ i. e. with them, but imply- ing close proximity and union (as in John 1, 1. 2.) This is usually understood of burial in the same grave or family vault ; but in the earliest instances of the expression, it seems to be distinguished both from death and burial, and has therefore been supposed to imply the separate existence of disembodied spirits. (See Gen. 25, 8. 35, 20. 2 Kings 22, 20, and compare Matt. 22, 32.) Even here, it may have reference to the soul, and the words following to the body, thus corresj^onding more exactly to the language of Ps. 16, 10, as fully quoted and ap- plied to Christ by Peter. (See above, on 2, 27.) He ichom God raised {again)^ i. e. Jesus, as stated in v. 34. liaised, however, is not the verb there used, but that employed in V. 30, and in 3, 15. 4, 10. 5, 30. 10, 40, in the same sense ; while in vs. 22, 23 above, it has the general sense of calling into being ; so that this double usage really belongs to both verbs, one of w^hich originally means to stand or cause to stand, the other (the one here used) to arouse or awaken out of sleep. Saio no corruption, literally, did not see (perceive, experience) corruption (i. e. dissolution of the body.) We have thus the authority of two Apostles, and those the two most eminent, for denying that David is the subject of his own proi^hecy in Ps. 16, 10. 38. Be it known unto you, therefore, men (and) brethren, that through this man is preached unto you the forgiveness of sins. It was not mere historical, nor even doctrinal or exe- getical instruction that the Apostle here intended to commu- nicate, but practical and experimental knowledge of the ut- most moment, as relating to the only method of salvation. Having shown therefore that the Jesus, whom the people of Jerusalem had crucified, must be the Christ predicted both by David and Isaiah, he now brhigs the matter home to the bosoms of his hearers, by announcing that this Jesus is not VOL. II. — 2* 34 ACTS i;i, U8. 39. only the Messiah, but the veliiele or mediuni tlirouf^'li whom aloiie Ibrixiveness is now oiVered to the guilty. Be it know/i is tlie same solemn formula, emj>loyed by Peter in the begin- ning of his IViiteeostal sermon (2, U), and again when he as- cribed the healing of the lame man to the name of Jesus Clirist of Nazareth (4, 10.) It implies that the truth deelared was one of which tlie hearers had l^een ignorant, but which it was important they should know. Tlurcfore^ as the logical no less than the practical conclusion of the whole preceding argument. Men and brethren^ the respectful and affectionate address, with which he had already introduced the offer of salvation (see above, on v. 20), and with which he now im- pressively repeats it. ThrowjJi this (one)^ this same Jesus, whom our brethren in Judea crucified, but whom I have just proved to be the promised Christ. Hemissioii of sins, see above, on 2, 38. 5, 31. 10, 43. There is something impressive in the very order of the words in this clause — that through this {man) unto you remission of sins is i^reached — i.e. de- clared, announced, proclaimed. ISee above, on v. 5, and com- pare 4, 2. -The idea of an offer or an invitation is impUed, as when a government proclaims peace or j^ardon. 39. And by him all that beUeve are justified from all things, from which ye could not be justified by the law of Moses. The gift thus offered was not only pardon, or deliverance from punishment, but justilication, or deliverance from guilt, reaching to all the sins of all believers, and effecting Avhat the law, hi which they trusted, had completely fiiiled to bring about, through their fault, not its own. j&y him and hy the law are correlative expressions, strictly meaning in him and in the law, i. e. in union with, and in reliance on, him and the law, as grounds of hope and means of justilication. By some this verse is understood as drawing a distinction l^etween sins wliicli could and sins which could not be atoned for by the law of Moses, and asserting the necessity of justification only in relation to the latter. Others suppose the contrast to ]>e that between mere ceremonial offences, for which ceremonial expi- ation was sufficient, and sins or offences against God, for which legal observances could make no satisfaction, though they might prefigure it. But most interpreters and readers take the words in an exclusive sense, ' from all wliich sins ye were ACTS 13, 39. 40. 35 not able to be justified in the law of Moses.' The English version has departed here materially from the form of the original, by substituting the plural, all that believe^ for the singular, every one helieoing^ and by changing the whole order of the sentence, not without some diminution of its force and beauty. The original arrangement is as follows : and from all (the things froin) which ye loere not able to he justified in the laio of Moses ^ in this 'ina7i every one believing is justified.'''' This collocation is entitled to the preference, not only as that chosen by the writer, but because it puts the two antagonistic phrases, in the laio of 3Ioses and in this man., side by side, and ends the sentence with the sum of the whole matter, every one believing is justified. The antithesis just mentioned shows that hi this man depends u2)on the verb is justified., and not, as some suppose, upon believing. It is needless to show how much more this part of Paul's discourse resembles his epistles than any part of Peter's. (Compare Rom. 1, 16. 3, 22. 4, 25.^ 5, 10. 11. 6, V. 8, 3. 10, 4. Gal. 3, 11. 22.) From after justified implies deliverance from guilt and right- eous condemnation. 40. Beware, therefore, lest that come upon you, which is spoken of in the prophets : The offer of salvation is accomj^anied, as usual in Scripture, by a warning against the danger of rejecting it, here clothed in a peculiar form, derived from the Old Testament, and threatening the despisers of this offered mercy with as sud- den and terrific judgments as Jehovah brought of old upon his faithless people, by allowing fierce and cruel foreign na- tions to invade and conquer them. Take heed., hterally, see., look., i. e. see to it, or look out, be upon your guard ; an ex- pression nowhere else employed in this book, but of frequent occurrence in the writings of the Apostle who is here speak- ing. (See 1 Cor. 3, 10. 8, 9. 10, 12. Gal. 5, 15. Eph. 5, 15. Phil. 3, 2. Col. 2, 8. 4, 17. Heb. 3, 12. 12, 25.) The coinci- dence is here so slight and yet so striking, that a later writer could not have invented it, or would not have left it to be brought to light by microscopic criticism, ages after it was written. Therefore^ since the true Messiah has appeared and been rejected at Jerusalem, and you are now in danger of committing the same sin. Come upon you., suddenly, and from above, or as a divine judgment. (See above, on 8, 24, 36 ACTS 13, 40. 41. and compare Luke 11, 22. 21, 2G. 35.) As it sometimes has a trood sense (see above, on 1, 8, and compare Luke 1, 35), the unlavourablc sense liere is determined by the context. tSpoken <[t\ or rwXhvY spoken^ not merely mentioned or referred to, but recorded as directly uttered by Jehovah. In the pro- phets^ the division ot the Hebrew Canon so called. (See above, on V. 15. 7, 42, and compare John C, 45.) 41. Behold, ye dcspisers, and wonder, and perish: for I work a work in your days, a Avork which ye sliall ill IK) wise bcheve, though a man declare it unto you. These words are from the Septuagint version of Habakkuk 1, 5, which varies considerably from the Hebrew. Behold ye (lespisers is, in the original, behold (or see) among the 7iatio?is. Wonder and peHsh (or be wasted, consumed) is there, icon- der (a?id} iconder (or as the English version of Habakkuk has it, iconder niarvelloushj.) The remainder of the verse agrees almost exactly with the Hebrew, the chief difference of form consisting in the substitution of the impersonal construction (//' 07ie tell you) for the passive (whe?i it is told.) The neces- sity of trying to account for these departures from the Hebrew text is precluded by the obvious consideration, that this pas- sage is not quoted, expounded, and declared to be fulfilled, like those from David and Isaiah in vs. 38-37 above, but merely made the vehicle of a warning similar to that con- tained in the original prediction. As if he had said, ' Be upon your guard lest, by rejecting the salvation which I have now offered in the name of your Messiah, you should call down judgments on yourselves as fearful and incredible as those predicted by Habakkuk, and inflicted by the hands of the Chaldeans, on our unbelieving lathers.' Tlie Septuagint ver- sion is retained without correction, because no interpretation or application of the passage is intended, but a simple use of its expressions to convey the Apostle's own ideas to the minds of his hearers in a striking manner. This is the less surprising or improbable, because that part of the quotation which he had especially in view, is that w^hich agrees best with the ori- ginal. For although the word despisers, in the first clause, may seem specially appropriate to the Jews who rejected Christ, Paul seems to have intended to dwell chiefly on the greatness of the threatened judgment or prediction, as in- credible in either case. This quotation, therefore, does not ACTS 13, 41. 42. 37 of itself prove that Pcaul spoke in Greek, though this is highly probable for other reasons ; but it does prove that he thought himself at liberty to use the words of the Old Testament in application to new cases, and even in a version not entirely accurate. But let it be observed, that in neither of these things is he an example to us, because in both he acted under the control of inspiration and by virtue of his apostolical authority, without which we are utterly incompetent to say what new apphcation may be made of words prophetically uttered, or how far an imperfect version may be used with safety. Let it also be observed that no such use is made by the Apostle Paul of Scripture, where his doctrine or his argu- meflt depends upon it, ks in a previous portion of this very chapter. (See above, on vs. 33-37.) 42. And when the Jews were gone out of the syna- £:oorue, the Gentiles besoudit that these words midit be preached to them the next sabbath. The text of the first clause varies very much in the edi- tions. According to the latest critics, the words Jews^ Syna- gogue^ and Gentiles^ have all been interpolated by the copyists, either to supply some supposed deficiency, or to make the verse intelhgible, as the abrupt beginning of an ancient pericope or lesson, to be read in public worship. The read- ing now adopted, on the authority of the five oldest manu- scripts and two oldest versions, is, and they liaving gone out, they besought, &c. The subjects of the verbs are not ex- pressed, which makes the clause obscure ; and to remove this ambiguity was probably the motive of the textual changes in the later copies. The first verb most probably refers to the preachers, and the second to their hearers, whether Jews or Gentiles. These loords, this doctrine, or this new religion. (See above, on 5, 20. 32. 10, 22. 44. 11, 14.) Might he preached, literally, to be spoken. The next sabbath, or, as the margin of the English Bible has it, in the iceeJc between, or in the sabbath between. The last appears to be unmeaning, as no points can be assigned, between which this sabbath is described as intermediate; whereas the week between would naturally mean the week between the sabbath when these things hap- pened and the next. That the Greek word sometimes has the sense o? week, is plain from Mark 16, 9. Luke 18, 12 ; but this usage is so rare, that it is not to be preferred without neces- 38 ACTS l:'., 42. 43. sity. Bcticcoi is cortainly llie strict sense, and in classic Greek the common one, of tlie particle (/xcra^i)), an, dissolved, or dis- missed, lieligious pros^elytes^ (Tyndale, virtuous converts^ i. e. serious and devout Gentiles, who had become Jews, either Avholly or in part. (See above, on 2, 10. 6, 5.) As Paul and Barnabas were said in the preceding verse to have gone out of the synagogue, this mention of the meeting's being broken up occasions some confusion. One solution of the difficulty is that they withdrew when they had spoken, but before the ser\ ice Avas concluded ; another, that it was the Jews who went out, and the Gentiles who requested them to preach again ; a third, that these two verses relate to two successive sabbaths, and that between them something is to be supplied, e. g. they did so, or they did repeat their teachings the next sabbath, and then, when the assembly was dissolved on that day, some of the hearers followed Paul and Barnabas. In the last clause of this verse, as in the first of that before it, the subjects of the verbs are not expressed, so that it may either mean, that tliese Jews and proselytes persuaded Paul and Bar- nabas to persevere in the good work which they had begun, or that Paul and Barnabas persuaded them to persevere in their inquiries after saving truth, here called the grace of the Lord, i. e. the new revelation of the divine favour made in and by the Lord Jesus Christ. Although Calvin thought the first of these constructions probable, the second has been almost ACTS 13, 43-45. 39 imiversially regarded as the trne one. Besides other reasons in its faA'our, it agrees better with the verb permadtd^ wliich is so often used to denote the effect produced by pubUc teach- ing and official exhortation. (See below, on 18, 4. 19, 8. 26. 26, 28. 28, 23.) 44. And the next Sabbath day came ahnost the whole city together to hear the word of God. Tlie next Sahbath {day is not expressed here, any more than in v. 42), i. e. the second or the third, according to the meaning put upon the two preceding verses. If they relate to the same sabbath, this is a second ; if to two sabbaths, this is a third. JSfext^ in the received text, is literally coming^ i. e. following, ensuing ; but several of the oldest manuscripts have a word which differs only in a smgle letter (see above, on V. 18), but which means holding fast to, adjacent, next, as appUed both to place (as in Mark 1, 38) and to time (see below, on 20, 15. 21, 26, and compare Luke 13, 33.) Almost is a slight but significant proof how little the historian is given or inclined to exaggeration. The v:hole city^ all the city, i. e. all the people. Came together^ or, adhering to the passive form of the original, icas gathered (or assembled), the same verb that is applied to the assembly of the Sanhedrim and of the disciples (see above, on 4, 6. 26. 27. 31. 11, 26.) To hear the icord of God^ the Gospel, the new revelation. It is worthy of remark that nothing is here said of miracles, so that the desire of instruction and salvation would appear to be the only cause of this great concourse, which resembles that occasioned by our Lord's appearance as a pubhc teacher. (See Mark 2, 2. Luke 8, 19.) The place of meeting was no doubt the synagogue, or customary place for the assembling of the Jews. The crowd itself was probably increased by the in- structions and appeals of Paul and Barnabas, during the in- terval between these sabbaths. 45. But when the Jews saw the multitudes, they were filled with envy, and spake against those things which were spoken by Paul, contradicting and blas- pheming. However patiently the Jews of Antioch might have borne with the new doctrine preached by Paul and Barnabas, so 40 ACTS l.'j, 45. 4G. lonp: as it was limited to their own body, the extraordinary popular effort which it produced would naturally rouse their jealousy or ])arly spirit. Seeing the multitudes (or crowds)^ not merely the jjjreat numbers but the various characters and classes (see above, on 1, 15), which assembled, no doubt at the place of worship, where the strangers were expected to appear aijain. J"^firt/^ or rather emulation, jealousy, and party- spirit. 13oth 2t'/^/and indif/ nation were of course included, but neither of these terms expresses the full force of the original (see above, on 5, 17.) Among the feelings thus excited was no doubt the fear of forfeiting that influence u])onthc Gentiles whicli the Jews appear to have derived from their posses- sion of the true religion, even Avhen they were the objects of oppression or contempt, and which they actually exer- cised on this occasion (see below, on v. 50.) This moral power of the true religion in overcoming even the most serious social disadvantages, is among the clearest evidences of its being what it claims to be. Spake against and contradicting are in Greek but two forms of the same verb which includes the meaning of both English ones, to wit, the idea of denial and that of vi- tuperation or abuse. Blaspheming Paul and Barnabas, i. e. reviling them as heretics and false teachers ; or blaspheming Christ Iiimself, as an impostor and a false Messiah. (For the twofold usage of this verb and its cognate forms, see above, on 6, 11. 13.) The second participle {contradicting) is not found in several of the oldest manuscripts and versions ; but the very critics who have commonly most deference for such authority, regard this as an miauthorized omission, intended to remove what was considered an inelegant rejjetition. It really adds strength to the expression, whether taken as an idiomatic combination of two cognate forms for emphasis (see above, on 4, 17. 5, 28), or as a natural resumption and reiter- ation for the same effect, resulting in a kind of climax ; contra- dicting and (not only contradicting but) hlasphemlng. Here again Paul appears as the chief speaker, or perhaps the only one, and therefore as the object against whom this opposition was directed. (See above, on v. 9, and below, on 14, 12.) 46. Then Paid and Barnabas waxed bold, and said, It was necessary that the word of God shoidd first have been spoken to you ; but seeing ye put it from you, and ACTS 13, 46. 41 judge yourselves unworthy of everlasting life, lo, we turn to the Gentiles. This opposition, far from intimidating the Apostles, only served to hasten an explicit declaration of their purpose and commission, with respect to Jews and Gentiles. Then (Se), and, but, or so. Waxed hold^ or more exactly, speaking freely^ talking plainly, the idea of boldness being rather im- plied than expressed. (See above, on 9, 27. 29, and compare 2,29. 4, 13. 29. 31.) What might have been disclosed in a more gradual and gentle manner, was, in consequence of this malignant opposition, plainly and abruptly stated. As this declaration is ascribed expressly both to Paul and Barnabas, some argue that the previous speaking must have been by both alike ; while others from the same fact draw the opposite con- clusion, that where only one is mentioned, as in the preceding verse, the other is thereby excluded. Here again, the em- phasis, though not the meaning, of the sentence is affected by a change of the original arrangement, which, however, may have been necessary to accommodate our idiom. To you^ the Jews, who had been just described as contradicting and blaspheming. JSfecessary^ i. e. to the execution of the di\^ne plan and purpose, with respect to the first proclamation of the Gospel. (See above, on 1, 16. 21.) Put it from you^ thrust it away, scornfully reject it ; a kindred form to that em- ployed by Stephen in relating the rejection of Moses by his countrymen in Egyj^t. (See above, on 7, 27. 39.) Judge your- selves unicorthy^ literally, not luorthy judge yourselves. The thought suggested, although not immediately expressed, is that they condemned themselves as thus unworthy (see above, on V. 27), not in word, nor even in thought, but by their con- duct. They proved themselves unworthy of salvation by re- vising to accept of it, when freely offered through their own Messiah. To the striking but unusual expression here em- ployed a fine parallel is found in Cicero, w^io says that Catiline had judged himself worthy of confinement or imprisonment : Qui se ipsum dignxim custodia judicaverit. The interjec- tion, /o, behold, as usual, introduces something unexpected and surprising. (See above, on vs. 11. 25.) As if he had said, however strange it may appear to you, however unpre- pared you may be to receive it. We turn (or are turning at this moment) to the Gentiles (or tJie natio?is), not considered as far distant (see above, on 2, 39), but as represented here, 42 ACTS 13, 40-48. in tliis assembly (see above, on 11, 1. 18.) This cannot mean tliat Paul was now coinniissioned for the first time as the Apostle of the Gentiles (see above, on vs. 3, 9, and compare 0,15. 22, 21. 20, 17. 18) ; nor can it mean that he was hence- forth to abandon all attempts at the conversion of the Jews (see below, on 18, 5. 19, 8, andcomj)are Rom. 1, 16. 2, 9. 10.) The i»rimary idea is the obvious one, that they were thus to turn from Jews to Gentiles where tliey were, i.e. in Antioch of Pisidia, but with an implication that the same course was to be repeated, whenever and wherever the occasion should present itself. And this agrees exactly with Paul's later prac- tice, as for instance in Corinth (18,0), Ephesus (19,9), and Rome (28, 28.) 47. For so liatli the Lord commanded us, (saying), I have set tliee to be a light of the Gentiles, that thou shouldest be for salvation unto the ends of the earth. This was not a voluntary self-imposed commission, but a necessary part of their divine vocation. The Lord., accordmg to Xew Testament usage, might be understood to mean the Lord Jesus Christ (see above, on 1, 24.) But as the words which follow are addressed to the Messiah, the Lord may be regarded as the usual translation oi JtJiovah. The passage quoted is Isai. 49, 0 (compare 42, 6), where the Messiah is de- scribed as a source of light, not merely to the Jews, but to the nations, not merely in the Holy Land, but to the ends of the earth. The same description had already been aj^plied to Christ by Simeon (Luke 2, 31. 32.) Commanded us is not an arbitrary transfer or accommodation of the passage, but a i'aitliful reproduction of its original and proper import, as re- lating both to the Head and the Body, the Messiah and the Church in tlieir joint capacity, as heralds of salvation to the world. (See Isaiah Translated and Explained, vol. ii. p. 210.) 48. And when the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and glorified the word of the Lord : and as many as were ordained to eternal life believed. Hearing this announcement, that the apostolical ministry was now to be directed to themselves, the Gentiles^ literally, nations (as in v. 40) rejoiced., that they were no longer to be shut out from the privileges hitherto monopolized by Jews ACTS 13, 48. 49. 50. 43 and proselytes, and glorified^ or praised and honoured, the word of the Lord^ the doctrine of Christ, the new revelation which had now been preached to them, not merely as a theme of speculation, nor even as a system of divine truth, but also as a method of salvation, so that they believed^ not merely in the truth of what they heard, but in the Lord Jesus Christ as the only Sa\TLOur. As many as were ordained^ ordered or appointed, to eternal life^ a favourite expression of John and Paul to signify salvation. It occurs in this book only here, but is several times employed by Luke in his Gospel (10, 25. 18, 18. 30.) The violent attempts which have been made to eluninate the doctrine of election or predestination from this verse, by rendering the last verb dls2)osed^ arrayed^ &c., or by ^lent constructions, such as that adopted by Socinus {as many as believed icere ordained to everlasting life I) can never change the simple fact, that wherever this verb occurs else- where, it invariably expresses the exertion of power or authority, di\Tne or human, and being in the passive voice, cannot denote mere disj^osition, much less self-determination, any more than the form used in 2, 40 above, which some have cited as a parallel example. 49. 50. And the word of tlie Lord was published throughout all the region. But the Jews stirred up the devout and honourable women, and the chief men of the city, and raised persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them out of their coasts. The purpose which had been announced in v. 46, was car- ried into execution. The xoord of the Lord^ the doctrine of Christ, the new rehgion, was published (literally carried^ i. e. circulated or diffused) throughout all the region^ meaning that part of Asia Minor, without reference to any political division into provinces. Stirred up^ excited, instigated, no doubt by misrepresentation, as well as by appealing to the prepossessions of these female proselytes in favour of their new religion, and against all further change. The number of female converts from Heathenism to Judaism in that age, we know from Jo- sephus to have been very great. Devout^ literally, icorship- ing^ a term commonly applied to Gentiles who acknowledged the true God, and were more or less under Jewish influence, whether open professors of that fliith or not. (See above, on 44 ACTS 13, 50. 51. V. 43, and below, on 10, 14. 17, 4. *17. 18, 7.) Xeitlier devout nor honourable is lierc descriptive of personal cliaracter, so much as of social relations and position. The word translated honourable means orii^inally handsome, comely (as in 1 Cor. 12, 24) ; then respectal)le in point of rank and station (as in Mark 15, 43.) 2' he chief {or first) men (see below, on 25, 2. 28, 7. 17) may have bee;i the husbands, or other near connec- tions, of these honourable women. liaised, aroused, or awak- ened, a compound form of the verb used above in vs. 22. 23. 30. 37. Persecution^ see above, on 8, 1. Expelled, literally, cast out, but not always used to express violent exclusion (see above, on 9, 40), although sometimes so used (see above, on 7, 58), and most probably in this case. Coasts, in the old English sense of borders, bounds, or frontiers, often put for the" whole country thus defined or bounded. The word is used repeatedly by Mark and Matthew, but in no other part of the New Testament, with the excei^tion of the verse be- fore us. 51. But tliey shook off tlie dust of their feet agamst them, and came unto Iconium. The act described in the first clause was symbolical, ex- pressive of unwillingness to have the least communication or connection with the place or country, even by sufiering its flying dust {Kovtoprov) to settle or remain upon the person. It is said to have been practised by the ancient Jews whenever they re-entered Palestine from other countries. Paul and Barnabas performed this ceremony in obedience to our Lord's express command. (See Matt. 10, 14. Mark 6, 11. Luke 9, 5. 10, 11.) A similar act of the same signification was the shaking of the raiment. (See below, on 18, 6.) Against them, either in the local sense of towards, on, at them, or in the fig- urative sense of testifying against them ; probably the latter, as it is expressed in Luke 9, 5. Iconium, an important to^vn of Asia Minor, referred by Xenophon to Phrygia, by Stpabo to Lycaonia, by Ammian to Pisidia, while Pliny seems to repre- sent it as the seat of a distinct provincial government. It is still a place of some importance under the corrupted name of Conieh or Koniyeh. 52. And the disciples were filled with joy, and with the Holy Ghost. ACTS 13, 52. 45 We have here another instance of a fact already noticed, that the prunitive disciples are repeatedly described as re- joicing in the very circumstances which might seem peculiarly adajDted to produce an opposite eifect. (See above, on 5, 41, and compare Luke 24, 52.) That the cause of this effect was supernatural, we learn from the concluding words. Although not the grammatical construction, it is really the import of this verse, that they were filled with what Paul elsewhere calls "joy in the Holy Ghost" (Rom. 14, IV), "all joy and peace in beheving " (Rom. 15, 13.) The disciples v^'ho were thus affected were no doubt the converted Jews and Gentiles, whom the missionaries left behind at Antioch in Pisidia, and against whom the persecution was perhaps continued for a time. (See below, on 14, 22.) The prosperous condition of the early churches, even in the midst of outward trials, is a characteristic feature of this history. (See above, on 4, 32-35. 9, 31. 12, 24.) CHAPTER XIY. This division of the text records the ministry of Paul and Bar- nabas at Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe ; their return through these places to Pisidia and Pamphylia ; their voyage from Attalia to Antioch ; their report to the church and resump- tion of their work there. They preach at Iconium with great success (l.) But here again the unbelieving Jews opjDose them (2.^ They remain there long, however, and are greatly blessed (3.) The city is divided into two parties (4.) At length all their enemies combine against them (5.) They flee to Lycaonia and there introduce the Gospel (6.) At Lystra Paul performs a signal miracle (8-10.) The heathen popula- tion offer to worship him and Barnabas (11-13.) They indig- nantly refuse it (14.) They avow the object of their mission (15.) They contrast the idols of the heathen with the true God (IG, 17.) With difficulty they prevent their own deifica- tion (18.) Even here they are pursued by their old ene- mies (19.) Paul narrowly escapes destruction (20.) They preach at Derbe without opposition, and return as they had 4G ACTS 14, 1. 2. come, orcjanizinc: clmrclies by the way (21-24.) They preach now for the first time at Peri^a (25.) Tliey sail from Attalia to Antioch in Syria (20.) Tliey make a report of their mis- sion to tlie churcli there (27.) Alter this they resume their old position and emi)loyment (28.) 1. And it came to pass in Iconium, tliat they went both together into the synagogue of the Jews, and so spake that a great multitude, both of the Jews and also of the Greeks, believed. It came to 2^(i^s^ i. e. (something) happened (or took place, while they were) in Iconium (see above, on 13, 52.) Together^ not as usual,, or according to custom,, but at the same (time), either with one another (as in 3, 1), or ^nth the congregation or the multitude. The S}Tiagogue was still the medium of access, not only to the Jews, but to the serious Gentiles. (See above, on 13. 14. 15.) So spake is commonly explained to mean, in so remarkable a manner, A^th such force, warmth, unction, or assistance of the Spirit. The original order of the words is, spake so that,, which some explain as making the effect described dependent simply on their speaking, not on any thing peculiar in their mode of speaking upon this occa- sion. But as this would have been sufficiently expressed by one of the Greek particles here used (aJo-rc), the other {ovtim^) must have a distinctive sense {in such a rnanner),, and the common explanation is the true one. (See above, on 1, 11. 3, 18. 7, 1. G. 8. 8, 32. 12, 8. 15. 13, 47.) The original order of the last clause is, believed,, both of the Jeics and Greeks,, a great multitude. Believed,, i. e. in Christ, or were con- verted to the new religion. Greeks,, not foreign Jews, but Gentiles. (See above, on 6, 1. 9, 29. 11, 20.) Some deny that heathen Greeks would frequent the synagogue ; but such a practice is not only natural and 2:>robable, but actually mentioned in the classics, which bear witness to the interest felt in Judaism and the practice of attending on its worship, even in Rome, It is said, indeed, that these were proselytes ; but how could they become such, if entirely miacquainted with the Jewish worship ? 2. But the unbelieving Jews stirred up the Gentiles, and made their minds evil affected agahist the brethren. ACTS 14, 2.3. 47 Unbelieving^ and also disobedient^ both whicli ideas are suggested by the Greek verb (compare 1 Pet. 2, 7. 3, 20. Rom. 10, 21, and the Septuagint version of Isai. 65, 2.) Behef in the Gospel was not a matter of indifference or option, but of duty and obedience to divme authority, a favourite idea both with Paul and Peter. (See above, on 6, 7, and compare Rom. 1, 5, 15, 18. 16, 19. 26. 2 Cor. 7, 15. 10, 5. 6. 1 Pet. 1, 2. 14. 22.) Ex- cited and embittered^ literally, made bad^ i. e. disaffected, hos- tile, or malignant. (See above on 7, 6. 19. 12, 1.) The Gen- tiles^ literally, the nations^ (see above, on 4, 27. 9,15.10,45. 11, 1. 18. 13, 42. 46. 47. 48.) The brethren, the new con- verts, whether Jews or Gentiles, sometimes called disciples (see above, on 13, 52.) What is here recorded shows, not only the determined ill-will of the unbelieving Jews, but also their extraordinary influence upon the Gentiles. (See above, on 13, 50.) 3. Long time therefore abode they speaking boldly in the Lord, which gave testimony unto the word of his grace, and granted signs and wonders to be clone by their hands. Long time, literally, sufficient time, or time enough. (See above, on 5, 37. 8, 11. 9, 23. 43. 11, 24. 26. 12, 12, and com- pare Luke 8, 32 mth Matt. 8, 30.) The precise time is pur- posely left undetermined, but, as the very form of expression may suggest, it should suffice us to know that it was long enough to carry out the di\dne purpose. Therefore, or rather, so then, a resumptive or continuative particle, connecting this verse more directly with the first than with the second, which may be regarded as a sort of parenthesis or interruption, the author's main design being rather to record the success of the Gospel than the opposition to it, which is therefore only men- tioned by the bye. But although the opposition of the Jews and Gentiles is not given as the reason of their stay {Jong time there- fore), it is plain that it had no effect m hindering it. Abode, lit- erally, loore out, loorkt away, but commonly applied to time, even when not expressly mentioned. (See above, on 12, 19.) Boldly, or freely (Geneva Bible, frankly), as opj^osed not merely to timidity or cowardice, but to all reserve, obscurity, or partiality. (See above, on 2, 29. 4, 13. 29. 31. 9, 27. 28. 13, 46.) In the JLord, or rather on him, i. e. in reliance on him, and by his authority, both which ideas are suggested by the next 48 ACTS 14, 3. 4. 5. clause. (See above, on 2, 38. 3,10. 4,18. 9,42. 11,17.) Tlie Lurd^ i. e. God, as inaTiifested in the Lord Jesus Christ. (See above, on 13,49.) The Lord ^ the (ove) testift/iiH/^ bearing witness, to the ico)'d of his grace^ his gracious word, or the doc- trine ot'liis grace, the proclamation of liis mercy in the Gos- pel. Sif/iis and wonders^ i. e. miracles, as proofs of the divine approbation, and as prodigies or wonders. (See above, on 2, 19.22.43. 4,30. 5,12. 0,8. 7,30.) 6'/r/;?v7, granting or per- mitting, miracles to be performed by their hands, through their agency as simple instruments, in order to attest their divine legation. (See above, on 2, 4. 27. 4, 29. 13, 35.) 4. But the multitude of the city was divided ; and part hekl with the Jews, and part with the Apostles. Divided (rent, split, the Greek verb from which schism is derived) was the multitude^ the mass or body of the people (see above, on v. 1. and compare 2, 0. 4,32. 5,10. 0,2.5.) Part held with ^\\\.^x2i}\j^ some xoerewith^'\.Q. on the side of, joined with, in the schism or separation now in question (see above, on 4,13. 5,17.21.) The Jeics^ i.e. the unbelieving Jews, so called in y. 2. The Ajoostles^ i. e. the body of Apostles, represented by the missionaries ; or more probably, t?ie {tiro) Ajyostles, i. e. Paul, the Apostle of the Gentiles, and Barnabas, either as holding the same office and equal in au- tliority, or simply so called as Paul's colleague and companion, which explains the fiict that he is never so called separately or in the singular number, nor indeed at all, except in this one passage, though he is so often mentioned. Some find an anal- ogy in the case of Silas (see below, on 10, 37. 38.) But a still more natural and satisfactory solution is, that Paul and Bar- nabas are both here called Apostles, not in the technical dis- tinctive sense, but in the primary and wider one of mission- aries, ministers sent forth upon a special service. (Compare John 13, 10. Rom. 10, 7. 2 Cor. 8, 23. Phil. 2, 25.) 5. And when there was an assault made both of the Gentiles, and also of the Jews, with then* rulers, to use (them) despitefully, and to stone them, When, literally, as, suggesting both the tune and cause of the deijarture mentioned in the next verse. (See above, on ACTS 14, 5. 6. 7. 49 1, 10. 5, 24. 7, 23. 8, 36. 9, 23. 10, 7. 17. 25. 11, 25. 29.) ^;2 assault^ properly a rush, a violent onward movement, but sometimes applied to an internal impulse, resolution, plan, or purpose (compare James 3, 4), wliich some prefer here, as agreeing better with the first words of the sixth verse. Their rulers may refer to the Jews alone, as the nearest antecedent, or to both Jews and Gentiles, which seems more natural. By the rulers of the Jews we are probably to understand, not elective or self-constituted officers, but their natural, hereditary chiefs and representatives, the heads of families or elders, ac- cording to the patriarchal system, which the Jews carried with them in their wide dispersion, as an organization reconcil cable with any social or pohtical condition, because really a mere extension of the family relation. (See above, on 4, 5. 5, 21. 6, 12. 11, 30.) To insult^ outrage, treat with insolence, wan- tonly abuse. The idea of physical violence is not necessarily included m the meaning of this word, but suggested by what follows. The Greek verb is once rendered by reproach in English (Luke 11, 45), but always elsewhere by entreat (i. e. treat) or use despitefully (Matt. 22, 26. Luke 18, 32. 1 Th. 2, 2, and here), while the cognate noun is represented by re- proach in one place (2 Cor. 12, 10), and by hurt and harm in another, A\'ithin the compass of a dozen verses (see below, on 27, 10. 21.) The essential idea is not so much that of sj^ite or malignity as that of insolence and outrage. To stone them^ either as an act of brutal rage and violent^e, or as a sort of ju- dicial testimony against the impiety of Paid and Barnabas. (See above, on 5, 26. 7, 58. 59.) If the latter, it must have been confined to the Jews ; or rather, they alone can be sup- posed to have attached this symbohcal meaning to the act, while the Gentiles regarded it, and perhaps took part in it, merely as a public ignommious insult. 6. 7. They were aware of (it), and fled unto Lystra and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia, and unto the region that lieth round about ; and there they preached the Gospel. Being aware (of it), Hterally, hnovnng with (one's self, i. e. being conscious), or knowing loith (others, i. e. being privy, cognizant, or in the secret.) See above, on 5, 2. 12, 12. Some infer from this expression, that the movement mentioned in VOL. IT. — 3 50 ACTS 14, G. 7. 8. V. 5 must have been a secret plot, and not an open assault ; but even the latter niiixht have been discovered or perceived in its inee})ti()n or lirst movements. Observe the exact agree- ment here between Jjuke's speaking of a }»lan or ])lot to stone them, which was not carried into execution, and Paul's saying (2 Cor. 11, 25), " Once was I stoned," i. e. at Lystra (see be- low, on V. 19.)* Fled^ not in terror, or in undue care for their own safety, but in the exercise of that discretion, which sometimes prompted them to stand and sometimes to retreat before danger. (See above, on 4, 13. 20. 5, 29, 42. 8, 1. 9, 20. 25. 29. 30. 12, 17. 13,51.) The original order of the next clause is, to the cities of Ijycaonia^ Lystra and Derhe. The definite expression {the cities) does not necessarily exclude Iconium, which Strabo and Pliny reckon also to that province, but may be equivalent to the (other) cities. This construction is not necessary, however, as the limits of these provinces were always vague and often shifting. (See above, on 13, 51.) The sense may therefore be, the (principal or well known) cities of (the neighboring province) Lycaonia. Thus Xenophon calls Iconium, " the last town of Phrygia." Lycaonia was an in- land tract of Asia Minor, lying between Phrygia, Galatia, Cap- padocia, and Cilicia. Lystra Avas in the southern part of it, thirty miles south of Iconium. Ptolemy includes it in Isauria, which was probably not a political division, but a district on the frontier of several provinces, infested by a race of robbers called Isauri. The site of Lystra is supposed to have been recently discovered. Derhe was east of Lystra and south-east of Iconium, mentioned by Cicero as the residence of his friend Antipater. Some travellers suppose both the site and name to be preserved in the modern Dlule. The region that lleth round about (one word in Greek) i. e. about Lystra and Derbe, not about Lycaonia, but within it. Preached^ or more exactly, wereiyreaching^ i. e. for a time not specified, but ne- cessarily implying more than a mere transient visit. Preach- ing^ evangelizing, telling the good news of Christ and his sal- vation. (See above, on^o, 42. 8, 4. 12. 25. 35. 40. 10, 36. 11, 20. 13,32.) 8. And there sat a certain man at Lystra, impotent * " Truth is necessarily consistent ; but it is scarcely possible that inde- pendent accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus advance to the very brink of contradiction without falling into it." — Paley. ACTS 14, 8. 51 in his feet, being a cripple from his mother's womb, who never had walked. Having given, in the two preceding verses, a summary de- scription of their missionary work in the region of Lystra and Derbe, the historian now gives a more particular account of what occurred at Lystra, inchiding a miracle (8-10), an apotheosis (11-13), an apostolical discourse (14-18), and a per- secution (19-20.) They may have performed many miracles in Lystra, as they did during their long stay in Iconium (v. 3), and this one may have been recorded merely on account of the events to which it led. Or it may have been the only one performed, because Paul and Barnabas were soon after driven from the place (vs. 19, 20.) The strong resemblance between these occurrences and those recorded in the third and fourth chapters, where a miracle is likewise the occasion both of a discourse and a persecution, so far from tending to discredit either narrative, serves rather to confirm both as authentic, on the principle that like causes produce like eflects, so that these two narratives, mstead of being copied one from the other, are only specimens of what was frequently experienced in that age, on a larger or a smaller scale. That one of these remark- able examples is recorded in each great division of the history, is no proof of a disposition to assimilate the life of Paul to that of Peter, but a natural result of the plan on which the whole book is constructed, and agreeably to which one Apostle is especially conspicuous in one part, and the other in the other. The resemblance in the miracles themselves can be a difficulty only on the supposition that they were fortuitous and under no particular divine direction. A certain man^ as in 3, 2. 5, 1. 34. 6, 9. 8, 9. 9, 10. 33. 36. 10, 1. 23. 11, 20. 12, 1. 13. 1, 6, in all which cases, by a sort of antiphrasis, certain seems really to mean uncertaiii^ the Greek word being merely an indefinite pronoun, corresponding both to some and any. Impotent^ literally, unable (to make use of them.) 8at^ not dioelt^ as some dilute the meaning, by a false comparison of Matt. 4, 16, where sat is also the true version. (Compare Gen. 23, 10, where the meaning is not that Ephron dwelt among the chil- dren of Heth, which there was no need of affirming, as he was their chief, but that Ephron was then sitting in the midst of them or surrounded by them.) 8at^ which in Mark 5, 15 was a proof of cure, in this case only proved the need of it. IIo sat because he could not stand or walk. Being is not found 52 ACTS 11, 8. 9. 10. in the oldest manuscrijits, and is rejected by the latest critics, as an unauthorized assimilation to the narrative in 3, 2. Crip- ple is a more exact translation than the lame man of that pas- sage. Both men had been so from their birth, and of tliis one it is "added neiratively, //e had never icalked. Congenital infir- mities of this kind being commonly regarded as incurable, the man's condition seemed to be a hopeless one. 9. 10. The same heard Paul speak, who steadfast- ly beholding him, and perceiving that he liad faith to be healed, said with a loud voice, Stand upright on thy feet. And he leaped and walked. This {mail) heard^ or according to the common text, icas hearing^ listening, when the cure was wrought ; but the oldest manuscripts and latest editors have the aorist instead of the imperfect. Paul speaMng^ i. e. pubUcly, not merely talking but preacliing. Gazing at him^ as in 3, 4. 13, 9 (compare 1, 10. 3,12. 6,15. Y,55. 10,4.11,6.) This act, when connected with miraculous performances, was probably intended, first, to fix attention on the person, then to arrest his own, also to as- certain his actual condition, and lastly by divme assistance to discern his spirit or read his heart, as Paul did in the case be- fore us. Faith to he healed (literally, to he saved) is variously understood to mean what theologians call saving faith, and which was often, if not commonly, connected with miraculous healing, as a previous condition or a subsequent efiect (see above, on 3, 16) ; or confident assurance that he could or would be healed of (saved from) his disease (see above, on 4, 9) ; or, intermediate between these two extremes, such a confiding state of mind as made him a fit object of compassion, and in a good sense qualified him to be saved both from bodily and spiritual maladies. With a great (or loud) voice^ like our Saviour in the case of Lazarus (see Jolm 11, 43.) There was no need of Peter's doing likewise, as the cripple whom he heal- ed was lying at the gate through Avhich he was about to pass (3, 2. 3) ; whereas the one whom Paul healed may have been at a considerable distance, in the midst of the assembly which he was addressing. In some of the old manuscripts, and one modern critical edition, Paul begins by saying, I say unto thee in the name of the Lord Jesus Christy which is commonly re- jected by the critics as an evident assimilation to the words of ACTS 14, 10. 11. 53 Peter in 3, 6. But the words, though not recorded here, may- have been uttered in both cases, or if not pronounced by Paul, were certainly implied in his avowed relation to the Saviour, and perhaps anticipated in his previous discourse, which may have included or wound up with an account of Christ's own miracles of healing (compare that of Peter to Cornelius and his company, 10,38), and by this "hearing" (Rom. 10, IV) may have come the cripple's " faith to be healed" (v. 9.) Arise, stand up, i(2)07i thy feet^ which he had never used (v. 8), erect, straight, upright, a word occurring elsewhere only in Heb. 12, 13, where it is translated straight. This imphes that he was previously bent or otherwise deformed (compare Luke 13, 16.) He leaped and walked, the same gradation or succession as in 3, 8, but more concisely stated. The leapmg here most prob- ably denotes the first exertion of his newly acquired power in an eifort to obey the Apostle's mandate. Leaping for joy is not distmctly mentioned here as in the other narrative (3, 9.) 11. And wlien the people saw wliat Paul had done, they lifted up their voices, saying in the speech of Ly- caonia, The gods are come down to us in the likeness of men. The croiods, i. e. the assembled masses who had witnessed the miracle, perhaps called croiods, not merely in reference to their numbers, but to their promiscuous composition (see above, on 1, 15. 6, 7. 8, 6. 11, 24. 26. 13, 45.) Seeing what Paul did, to wit, that he had healed the cripple. liaised their voices, shouted, cried aloud, with one voice (see above, on 2, 6, and compare 4, 24. 7, 57. 8, 7. 13, 27.) In Lycao7iian, Lycaoni- cally (lat. Lycaonice), an adverb similar in form to those trans- lated, in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin (John 19, 20.) This was the vernacular language of the country, supposed by some to be a dialect of Greek, by others a Semitic tongue, but evi- dently meant to be distinguished from the Greek which the Apostles spoke, and which was no doubt understood by the people, as the English is in Wales, Ireland, and the Highlands of Scotland, even whore the native language of the people is Welsh, Erse, or Gaelic. This sudden faUing back upon their mother-tongue, when strongly excited, is exquisitely true to nature and experience. But why is it recorded? Most interpreters (since Chrysostom) agree that it is mentioned to 54 ACTS 14, 11. 12. account for the delay of tlie Apostles in refusing: divine lion- onrs, which they seeni not to have done until they saw the priest ai)j)roachinix Mith the victims and the fjarlands (v. 13), so that the acclamations of the people were either not heard, althoui]:h a]>parently uttered on the spot as soon as they had seen the miracle, or not understood, because uttered in an un- known tongue. From this fact various conclusions have been dravn, e. ir. that the gift of tongues was not constant but oc- casional or temporary ; that it was not universal but restricted in the case of individual apostles ; and therefore that it was not a mere ])ractical convenience in the preaching of the Gos- pel, but a token of God's presence and a symbol of the calling of the Gentiles. (See above, on 2,4. 10,46.) Likened {^9r similated, made like) to men (or having been so) for the nonce, on this particular occasion. Have (or are) come down to us, descended from above, from heaven or Olympus, where the gods resided. This language agrees perfectly, not only with the general belief in such epiphanies or theophanies, divine ap- pearances in human form, as found in Homer and the later classics, but also with the local superstitions and traditions of the very country where the words were spoken, Lycaonia, so called from Lycao7i^ whose fatal entertainment of Jupiter is one of Ovid's fables in the first book of his Metamorphoses, while in the eighth he tells the fabulous but interesting story of the visit paid to Philemon and Baucis, in the adjacent province of Phrygia, by Jupiter and Mercury, the very gods named in the next verse. 12. And they called Barnabas Jupiter ; and Paul Mercurius, because lie was the chief speaker. JupHei% the Poman name of the divinity whom the Greeks called Zeus^ and in the early ages Dls^ the accusative of which word (Dia) is the one here used. 3fercurius (more usually Avritten with an English termination. Mercury^ like Timotheus and Timothy, 2 Cor. 1, 1. 19), the Poman name corresponding to the Greek Hermes, the interpreter or spokesman of the gods, and represented in the popular mythology, as commonly attending Zeus or Jupiter in his visits to the earth (see above, on V. 11.) This accounts for the application of the name to Paul, as being the chief speaker, literally, the (one) leading in the xcord (or in discourse), not merely (if at all) the one that said most, but the one that spoke for both, or acted as the ACTS 14, 12. 13. 55 spokesman of the party. (See above, on 1, 13. 15.) Having thus named Paul for a specific reason, they inferred of course that Barnabas was Jupiter, for which no reason is assigned at all. Not content with this simple, nnembellished explanation of the text, interpreters have chosen to imagine other reasons, some of which may possibly be true, but none of which are either expressed or necessarily implied. Such are the usual hypotheses, that Barnabas was older and of more majestic pres- ence, Paul younger and more active ; v^^hile others have gone fur- ther and described him as diminutive in stature and contemp- tible in aspect, on the ground of certain dubious expressions in his own epistles (2 Cor. 10, 1. 10.) But even granting this to be the true interpretation of his language, how would such a picture correspond to the ideal forms of Mercury, with Avhich they were familiar, and some of which are still preserved, as an athletic, graceful, active youth? This discrepancy is enough to prove, either that Paul was not such a looking per- son as these writers represent him, or, which is probably at all events a true and safe conclusion, that the people of Lystra, in calling him Mercurius, had no regard at all to his appearance, but exclusively to what is here expressly stated, that he was the leading speaJi^er in behalf of both. To this absurd depre- ciation of Paul's person or physique, the opposite extreme is that of making them describe him as Mercurius, because of his extraordinary eloquence, an art or gift of which that god was the reputed patron. This hypothesis, though in itself far better founded than the other, is excluded, in the case before us, partly by the fact that Barnabas himself received his name from the Apostles on account of his excelling in this very gift (see above, on 4, 36. 11, 23) ; but chiefly by the silence of the narrative, which does not say that Paul was eloquent, or more eloquent than Barnabas, who cannot be supposed to have been speechless (see below, on v. 15), but simply that he was the leading speaker^ took the lead in speaking, really because he was superior in rank as an Apostle, but as they very naturally thought, because he held the same position of interpreter, am- bassador, or spokesman, which the Mercury or Hermes of their own mythology sustained to Zeus or Jupiter. 13. Then the priest of Jupiter, whicli was before their city, brought oxen and garlands unto the gates, and would have done sacrifice with the people. 66 ACTS 14, 13. Tlie excited lioathen followed up their words with corre- spondiiiG^ acts. Havinc^ recoc^nized two crods as ])rosent, they consistently proceed to ol!er sacrifice. The pricM does not specifically mean the chief priest (see above, on 5, 24), as some contend because there must have been a number. Even grant- ing this, which is by no means certain, it may mean the priest who happened to be present, or the one then officiating at the temple. JVhich was before the city might seem to describe the priest as standing or residing there ; but there is no such ambiguity in the original, tJie priest of tJie Jujnter (to wit) the (Jupiter) being (or that was) before the city. This may be figuratively understood as meaning its protector or champion, which is really implied ; but the words should rather have their literal or local sense, as describing the position of the image, or more probably the temple, of the tutelary god, which is often mentioned in the classics as without the city (extra Krbem.) The very phrase here used is applied by -^>chylus to Pallas as the Queen before the city {avaacra irpo TrdAeo)?), and the tutelary Jupiter derived one of his titles from it (Zeits Propylus., or Jupiter before the gates.) Bulls or bullocks "were regarded, both by Jews and Gentiles, as the most costly victims, and as such were offered to the chief or father of the gods, a fact abundantly attested by Homer, Virgil, and Ovid, who moreover says that cows were offered to Minerva and calves to Mercury ; but another poet (Persius) expressly speaks of bulls as also sacrificed to Mercury. The ofiering in this case therefore may have been designed for both ; or that to Jupiter may be considered as superseding or including any other. Bulls and croicns is by some explained as an example of the figure called hendiadys., equivalent, in ordinary language, to the phrase, crowned bulls ; but the occurrence of this forced construction in a famous line of Virgil, though re- lating also to a sacrificial service (that of pouring libations from cups and gold., i. e. golden cups) cannot wai-rant its as- sumption in the plain prose of a narrative like that before us. Crowns or garlands^ wreaths of flowers, were profusely and continually used in ancient sacrifice, and are so still, at least in India. It has been disputed whether those here mentioned were designed to decorate the victims or the god ; but the authorities appealed to upon both both sides of the question have most clearly shown tliat they were used, not only for both purposes, but also to adorn the priests, the altars, and the temples, and indeed whatever else, connected ^ith the sacrifice, ACTS 14, 13. 14. 57 admitted of such decoration. Here again the ancient heathen ceremonial agrees with that still practised by the idolatrous Hindoos. Mulls and croicns to the gates hawing brought^ i. e. as some suppose to the entrance of the temple ; but why there, when the supposed gods themselves were elsewhere ? Others understand the door of the house where Paul and Barnabas were lodging ; but this requires another supposition, namely, that they had returned home in the mean time. A third hy- pothesis, more probable than either, is that the gates (literally, vestibules, porticoes, or porches, see above, on 10, 17. 12, 13) were those of the city itself, near which there was probably an image or a temple of the tutelary deity, and to which Paul and Barnabas were now conducted, either from within or from without, according as the scene of the miraculous performance which occasioned this idolatrous proceedmg lay in the suburbs or the city proper. With the croiods (which comes next in the Greek), i. e. accompanied or followed by them, when he brought the victims and the garlands. There is no need of connecting these words with the following verbs, as in the EngUsh version, and in some editions of the Greek text. Woidd have done sacrifice^ m modern English, means that he would have done so but for what is afterwards recorded as preventmg him. But tooidd have^ even in this version, is not an auxiliary tense but a distinct and independent verb, meaning that he wished (intended, or was just about) to sacrifice. It is not said to whom ; but this is sufficiently apparent from the context. 14. (Which) when the Apostles, Barnabas and Paul, heard (of), they rent their clothes, and ran in among the people, crying out — Hearing (or haning heard) stands first in the original, and either means that they were told by others, possibly by Christian friends, what was passmg ; or that they now heard and understood the words of the idolaters themselves, as they proceeded to effect their purpose, either because they had come nearer, or were speaking more loudly and distinctly, or because some or all of them were speaking Greek instead of Lycaonian (see above, on v. 11.) The Aj^ostles jBarnabas and JPaul, as in v. 4, Avhere they were intended, although not ex- pressly named, as here. It is a fine stroke in this simple but most graphic narrative, that Barnabas is here for once restored to his old place, because he occupied it in the scene described, VOL. II — 3* 58 ACTS 14, 14. 15. as bcin<^ tlio .Tui)itc*r, for avIiohi tlio sacrifice was chiefly or ex- clusively intended. Jirn(7i?if/ (tearini^ open or aj^art) their (upi)er or outer) //c/rw^^A"? (see above, on 7, 57. 9,^39. 12,8), a customary oriental nietliod of expressincc crrief, and also in- dii^niation and abhorrence of impiety or blasphemy committed in one's presence. (Compare the conduct of the High Priest when our Lord avowed himself the Son of God, Matt. 20,65, Mark 14, G3.) In this case it was no doubt a spontaneous or involuntary burst of feeling, prompted by the sudden and as- tonisliing discovery just made by the Apostles, and not intend- ed a^a demonstration to the multitude, although these were probably no less familiar with this ancient exhibition of strong feeling.* But Paul and Barnabas were not contented with this typical expression of repugnance. T/icf/ rem i?i, literally, leaped (or sjyranf/) in^ or according to the text now com- monly preferred, leaped (or sprang) out^ i. e. from the house, or from the city-gate, or more indefinitely, from the place wliere they were standing. Into the crowds not merely ran about among the people, but plunged into the heart of the excited mass, now bent upon their own deification. This movement of the two was not a silent one. CcdUng, shouting, crying out, may denote the inarticulate but noisy sounds, by which they tried to interrupt the service and divert the at- tention of the people, before uttering the words that follow. Or the two participles, although strangely placed m different verses, may be construed together, as qualifying one another, ccdllnfj and sayinr/, that is saying Avith a loud voice, shouting or vociferating, what is given in the following verses. There are few passages, in history or poetry, at once so simple and so vivid as this narrative, of which no higher proof can be de- manded than its being chosen by the greatest of modern painters, as the subject of one of his most masterly, though not most finished, works. (See above, on 13, 11.) 15. And saying, Sirs, wby do ye these (things ?) We also are men of like passions with you, and preach unto you that ye slioukl turn from these vanities unto the living God, which made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and all things that are therein : Slrs^ literally, inen^ nearly equiva\^nt to our geyitlenien (ste above ou 1, 11. IG.) The question in the first clause im- ACTS 14, 15. 16. 69 plies censure or expostulation, for which the other clause as- signs the reason. We are men^ a diiFerent word from that at the beginning of the verse, and meaning mere men, mortals, human beings. Of like 2^cissio7is corresponds to one Greek adjective (the root of our familiar word homoeopathic) mean- ing similarly constituted or aifected. JPassi07is, in the English versions, has not its moral sense of violent affections or desires, but its physical sense of suffering (as applied to the death of Christ in 1, 3) or liability to suffering. The whole phrase means, therefore, subject to the same infirmities, partakers of the same mortal nature, with yourselves, and consequently not entitled to divine honours. Preach unto you^ bringing you glad tidings of deliverance from your present superstitious bond- age, by calling you to turn from the worship of these very gods with which you have confounded us. Vanities^ or rather vai7% (things)^ not only useless but unreal, without per- sonal existence, in which tense Paul says that " an idol is no- thing in the w^orld " (l Cor. 8, 4, compare 10, 19.) Similar epithets are applied to false gods in the Old Testament (e. g. Jer. 2, 5. Zech. 11,17, compare 1 Kings 16,2.) The living God, i. e. really existing, as distinguished from these lifeless or imaginary deities ; and also life-giving, or the source of all existence. (See Matt. 16, 16. 26,63. John 6, 69. 2 Cor. 3, 3. 6, 16. 1 Th. 1, 9. 1 Tim. 3, 15. 4, 10. 6, 17. Heb. 3, 12. 9, 14. 10, 31. 12, 22. Rev. 7, 2.) This naturally leads to the descrip- tion of him as Creator of the Universe, the principal parts of which are here enumerated, not in scientific but in popular form, with the contents of each. 16. Who in times past suffered all nations to walk in their own ways. Of this supreme God they were ignorant, because he had not fully revealed himself to them. Past, departed, gone by. Times, literally, generations, or contemporary races (see above, on 2, 40. 13, 36.) Suffered, permitted, or allowed ; not approved, much less required, but did not hinder or prevent. The word used in the version is the nearest equivalent that could be chosen. All nations, i. e. all but one, to whom he granted an exclusive revelation. It is therefore equivalent to all the Gentiles (see above, on vs. 2, 5, and on 4, 27. 7, 45. 9, 15. 10, 45. 11, 1. 18. 13, 42. 46-48.) To ?ct/ZA:, advance, move onward, implymg not merely active but progressive motion. 60 ACTS 14, IG. 17. ^See above, on 1,10.25. 0, rji.) W(n/s, patlis, a comTnon figure for tlic course of life. (See above, on 2, '28. 9, 2. 77i/fr own ways, as opposed to God's, wliich sometimes means tlie ways in wliieli lie walks himself (as in 13, 10 above), and some- times those which he i)rescribes to man, as here. 17. Nevertheless lie left not himself without witness, in that he did good, and gave us rain from heaven, and fmitful seasons, filling our hearts with food and glad- ness. , And yet, notwithstanding this rejection of the Gentiles, by- withholding from them an explicit and a written revelation, they were still without excuse. (Compare Paul's statement of the same truth in Rom. 1, 18-21.) Not unattested (or untes- tilied), as really existing and as infinite in power and goodness. Doing good, bestowing benefits or favours (compare the simi- lar but not identical expression in 10, 38 above.) Us2in(!i our hearts are in the oldest manuscripts and latest texts, you and your hearts. The original order is, from heaven to you rains giving. Rains maybe understood as a generic plural, simply equivalent to raiJi ; or as referring to the stated periodical rains of certain climates, especially the early and the latter rains of Scripture (James 5, V) ; or more naturally still, as sig- nifying mere abundance, frequency or constancy. It is said to have been usual with the heathen to ascribe rain not to the gods, but to God, the Supreme Being. It has also been ob- served that rain was peculiarly appropriate here, as the phe- nomenon or element which keeps up the connection between heaven, earth, and sea, the great divisions of the universe enumerated in the context (see above, on v. 15.) It is chiefly spoken of, however, as a source of good to man, by its fertil- izing and productive power. Fruitful, fruit -bearing, or pro- ductive. Filling, suflicing, satisfying, abundantly supplying, not only what is necessary to subsistence, but the means of bodily enjoyment. jFbocZ, nourishment, support of life. Joy, pleasure, happiness, as something more than mere existence. Hearts, not stomachs, as some writers would explain the word from the analogy oi heartburn 9iW(i other like expressions; but minds or ^ouls. as the only real seat of all enjoyment, even when afforded by the body. It is a strong though incidental proof of authenticity, that when the Apostles address heathen ACTS 14, 17-19. 61 hearers, unacquainted even with the Hebrew Scriptures, they begin with the great truths of natural theology, and not by ap- pealing to the prophecies or proving the Messiahship of Jesus, as they did in their addresses to the Jews (see above, on 2, 16-36. 3, 22-26. 4, 11-12. 13, 17-41, and below, on 17, 22-31.) As these words are ascribed both to Barnabas and Paul (v. 14), they may be regarded as the sum and substance of what both said, more at large and perhaps in a variety of forms. 18. And with these saymgs scarce restrained they the people, that they had not done sacrifice unto them. With these sayings^ literally, these (things) saving. Scarce, scarcely, i. e. almost not at all ; but the original expression, from its very etymology, answers more exactly to our hardly, i. e. with difficulty, and by painful eifort. It implies however that they did succeed. Restrained, or more exactly, quieted, arrested, caused to cease. (The Greek word occurs elsewhere only in Heb. 4, 4. 8. 10.) The people, crowds, or masses, as in vs. 11. 13. 14. That they had not done sacrifice, a singular and awkward use of the pluperfect to translate an infinitive present, not to sacrifice. This, with the negation implied in the preceding verb, amounts to a double or emphatic negative, a point in which the Greek idiom differs most remarkably, not only from the English but the Latin. (See above, on 8, 16.) We express the same idea without a negative by saying, ' they restramed them from sacrificing.' It may however be resolved into our idiom thus, ' restrained them so as not to sacrifice.' (See above, on 10, 47.) To them, i. e. to Paul and Barnabas, as representatives or incarnations of Mercurius and Jupiter (v. 12.) 19. And there came thither (certain) Jews from Antioch and Iconium, who persuaded the people, and, having stoned Paul, drew (him) out of the city, sup- posing he had been dead. By a violent reaction, persecution follows the apotheosis, but a persecution prompted from ^\ithout and by inveterate enemies. Came thither, literally, ccune ^ipon (them), i. e. sud- denly assailed them (see above, on 8, 24. 13, 40.) Antioch 62 ACTS 14, 10. 20. and Iconium^ from hoth wliicli places Paul and Barnabas had been expelled by the same uiiluence. (See above, on v. 5, and on 13, 50.) llnrin(j pemuadcd the crowds (or masses) and stoned Paul may possibly mean, huvinn^ persuaded them to stone Paul, but more probably, havinir persuaded them to let the Jews themselves stone him. (' Having gained the consent of the people and then stoned him.') This agrees better with the form of exi)ression, as well as with the fact that stoning was a Jewish jjunishment (see above, on v. 5.) The persuasion was effected no doubt by the same acts of misrepresentation and ap- peal to evil pa.ssions,as at Antioch and Iconium (see above, on V. 2, and on 13, 45.) Drexo^ violently pulled, or dragged (see above, on 8, 3, and below, on 17, 6.) This was not for burial, but for exposure, and to free the city from the impurity in- curred by the presence of a corpse so odious, according to the notions both of Jews and Gentiles. Stephen was first brought out and then stoned (see above, on 7, 58), a minute but not unimportant difference, so far from involving inconsistency be- tween the two accounts, that it illustrates the exactness of the writer in distinguishing between Jerusalem and Lystra, the Holy City of the Jews, in which it was unlawful to put any one to death, and a provincial city of the Gentiles; where no such scrui)le could be entertained by either class. Su:pposmg^ thinking, being of opinion. Tliat he had been dead, another antique use of the pluperfect (see above, on v. 18), meaning simply that he was dead, or adhering still more closely to the form of the original, SKpjyosing hbn to he dead. This ex- l)ression does not necessarily imply that he was not so really ; but that is certainly the natural and obvious suggestion (see below, on 21, 29), as the word suppose is otherwise superflu- ous, the fact asserted being then simj^ly that he icas dead, whether they supposed him to be so or not. (But see below, uj^on the next verse.) 20. Howbeit, as the disciples stood round about him, he rose up, and came into the city ; and the next day he departed with Barnabas to Derbe. There is nothing corresponding to howheit but the usua\ continuative particle (Sc), so often rendered and, but, now, or the?!. The disciples, converts. Christians, called the brethren in V. 2, but discip>Ies also in 13, 52. Stood round about him, literally, having encircled (or surrounded) him^ some think to ACTS 14, 20. 21. 63 bury him ; others, to lament (over) him ; others, to see whether he was still alive ; others, to conceal that fact from his op- pressors. Rising (or standing up) he came into the city^ out of which he had been dragged (v. 19.) Some maintam that Paul was only stunned or in a swoon, from which he naturally soon recovered. Others, on the contrary, regard it as a case of real death and miraculous resuscitation. Intermediate be- tween these two extremes is the opinion, that he was not ac- tually dead (see above, on v. 19), but that the miracle consisted in the preservation of his life and his immediate restoration to his usual activity and vigour after being stoned by an infuri- ated mob, or by still more vindictive and maUgnant enemies. The restoration was so perfect that he voent out (or departed) to Derhe (see above on v. 6) on the morroio (or the next day) after these events occurred. An mgenious living writer thinks it probable, that this deliquium or SAVoon at Lystra was the trance or ecstasy described by Paul in one of his epistles (2 Cor. 12, 1-4), whether m the body or out of the body he did not know. 'With Barnahas^ who seems to have escaped the persecution, which would naturally fall with most severity on Paul as the " chief speaker " (v. 12), not only m behalf of Christianity, but in opposition both to Heathenism and anti- Christian Judaism, not in Lystra only but hi Antioch and Icouium. The first of these three places seems to have difier- ed from the others as a seat of immixed heathenism, without a Synagogue or Jewish settlers, which accounts for their ex- cessive superstition and credulity, and is itself explained by their secluded residence beyond Mount TiXurus, in the heart of Asia jNIinor. 21. And when they had preached the Gospel to that city, and had taught many, they returned again to Lystra, and (to) Iconium, and Antioch, Having both evangelized that city and discipled many. They not only preached the Gospel, but received converts, which implies a church-organization. (See Matt. 28, 19, and compare Matt. 13, 52. 27, 57.) Both (re), not both Paul and Barnabas, but both evangelized and discipled, a distinction obliterated in the English version (preached and taught) Their ministry at Derbe was none the less successful on ac-^ count of its aifording so little historical material, according to the adage that the best tunes to Hve in are the worst to write 64 ACTS 14, 21. 22. about. They hove eiiconntcrod probably ncitlior licathcn Ihittury nor Jowish iiersecution ; and jiUIioul^Ii ihcy may have ])crtbrnuHl iiiirack's, these probably produc-ed no ulterior ef- fects and are therefore not recorded. Instead of returnins? to Syria by the nearest way, i. e. throuirh Cilicia, Paul's native country* they retraced their steps from Derbe, and revisited Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch in Pisidia, in an order opposite to that of their first journey, and for reasons given in the next verse. 22. Confirming the souls of the disciples, (and) ex- horting them to continue in the faith, and that we must througli much tribulation enter into the kingdom of God. Confirming (strengtheninp:, establishing) the souls (or 97u?ids) of the disciples {Clivhtian converts in those places), by additional instruction in the doctrines of their new faith, and by exhortation to perform its duties. Exhorting (and entreating) the^n to contimce in (adhere to or abide by) the (Christian) faith (which they had recently embraced.) Before the last clause some supply saying^ or assuring them^ because what follows is not exhortation but instruction. Two instances, however, of the very same construction {to exhort that) have been cited from Polybius and Xenophon. What follows is the statement of a general or universal fact common to the experience of all believers, and presented as a reason why they should not be deterred from holding fast their pro- fession by distress or opposition. Much tribulation^ literally, many tribulations^ which expresses not mere quantity or num- ber but variety. Tribulations^ literally, ^:)res5?. 'JO. 13,5. 15.43.) As the Jewish elders were the heads of families, and other men of like position in society, these Christian elders were most probably selected from the same class. In every chitrcJt^ or rather, as a distributive phrase, church by church (see above, on 2, 46. 47. 3, 2. 5, 42. 8, 3. 13, 27), which does not necessarily imply that there were several ordained in each, though this is the most natural construc- tion of the language, and the one most agreeable to Jewish usage, as well as to the fact of a plurality of bishops, no less than of deacons, in the church at Philippi (Phil. 1, 1.) Pray- ed icith fasting^ literally, fastings^ .A'S^s, the plural form re- ferring to successive ordinations in the several churches. The practice of combining these attendant services with ordination has extensively prevailed throughout the church in later times. This organization of the churches may have been deferred till the return of the apostles, to allow time for some progress in the Christian life and some development of character before the choice of elders ; or it may have been a matter of necessity arising from the persecution and expulsion of the Apostles out of all these })laces. On their journey back, the persecution may have ceased (but see above, on v. 22) ; or they may have escaped it by not preaching as before in public, but conversing only with the Christian converts. Commended^ deposited, entrusted for safe keeping, as a precious charge. (See below, on 20,32, and compare Luke 12,48. 23,46. 1 Tim. 1, 18. 2 Tim. 2, 2. 1 Pet. 4,19.) To the Lord (Jesus Christ) in whom they had believed (as their Redeemer) and thereby become members of his church, before they were thus organized ex- ternally. The i)luperfect form, inappropriately used in the translation of vs. 18,20, is here peculiarly expressive, as de- noting that their faith or their conversion did not now begin, but dated back from the fii'st visit of Paul anil Barnabas to these three cities. ACTS 14, 24-26. 67 24. 25. And after they had passed throughout Pisidia, they came to Pamphyha. And when they had preached the word in Perga, they went down hito Attalia : Hamng come (or gone) through Pisidia^ on their way to Antioch its capital (see above, on v. 21 and on 13,14), and also after leaving it, so that they passed throngh the whole length of the province. Wheii they had preached^ literally, having spoken^ for the first time in Perga, where they merely landed on their first arrival (see above, on 13, 13), and where they now seem to have met with no opposition or mal-treat- ment. Attalia^ a city of Pamphylia, at the mouth of the river Catarrhactes, built by Attains Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, and still a seaport of considerable size and commerce, under a slightly altered name. 26. And thence sailed to Antioch, from whence they had been recommended to the grace of God for the work which they fulfilled. Sailed^ or more exactly, sailed aioay^ imply mg distance. Antioch, in Syria, see above, on 11, 19-27. 13, 1. From the same port to the same port sailed a fleet of French Crusaders, in the year 1147, after passing through a part of the same re- gion which had twice been traversed more than a thousand years before by Paul and Barnabas, on a very diflerent errand and with very diflerent success. JRecommended is not, as it might seem from the version, a compounded form of the sy- nonymous verb used in v. 23, but a similar derivative of the verb to give, meaning here delivered, given up, in a good sense, although often employed elsewhere in a bad one (see above, on 3, 13. 7, 42. 8, 3. 12, 4.) Whence, i. e. from Antioch, they had thus been committed or entrusted to the grace of God, i. e. to the divine care and protection, not in general merely, but with special reference to the xoorh of missions in their na- tive countries (see above, on 13, 4. 13), which (work) they (now) fulfilled, completed, brought to a conclusion, by return- ing to the point from which they had set out. The last words of this verse show that the icork to which they had been solemnly separated by the church at Antioch, and in obedi- ence to an express direction of the Holy Ghost, was not an 08 ACTS 14, 26. 27. office in tlie olmrcli or an order in tlie ministry, nor even the Avliole missionary woik, but tliis one mission, which they (now) fnljilled. (Sec above, on 13, 2. 3.) 27. And when they Avere come, and liad gathered tlie church together, they rehearsed all that God had done with them, and how he had opened the door of faith unto the Gentiles. Being there (or having got there, see above, on 5, 21. 22. 25. 9, 2G. 39. 10, 32. 33. 11,23. 13, 14) and having assembled (or convened) the church (still spoken of as one) by which they had been " separated to the work,'' and from which they had been "sent forth by the Holy Ghost " (13, 41), they rehearsed (reported, brought back word) hoio many (or how great) things (see above, on 2,39. 3,24. 4,34. 13,48.) God did (or had done) icith thern^ in conjunction with them, as his in- struments, his agents, his co-workers. The olyection, that this interpretation shares the honour between God and man, a4:)plics with equal force to Paul's exjjress declaration (l Cor. 3, 9), "We are labourers together with God," and to others Uke it (e. g. Mark 16, 20. 2 Cor. 6, 1.) The same double use of the preposition loith prevails in English, as when one is said to travel with a sword, and to light with a sword, the first with denotes merely that the sword is in his company, the second that he uses it. There is no need, therefore, of resort- ing to the Hebrew use of the corresponding particle, after words denoting treatment, just as we speak of dealing icith one (well or ill) ; especially as this would seem to limit their report to M'hat God had done for them, instead of making it include what he had done through them for the Gentiles. (See below, on 15,4. 12.) The beautiful figure in the last clause is a favourite with Paul (1 Cor. 16, 9. 2 Cor. 2, 12. Col. 4, 3), but here employed in a peculiar sense or rather applica- tion, to denote the o]>portunity afforded to the Gentiles of be- lieving upon Christ and being saved, whereas elsewhere it de- notes the op])ortunity afforded to himself of preaching that salvation. (See 1 Cor. 16, 9. 2 Cor. 2, 12. Col. 4, 3, and com- })are Rev. 3, 8.) Gentiles^ literally, nations^ see above, on vs. 2. 5. 16. This report Avas not made to the local church of Antioch, as such, but as a sort of missionary board or council for the Gentiles (see below, upon the next verse.) ACTS 14, 28. 69 ^ 28. And there they abode long time with the dis- ciples. There is ommitted by the oldest manuscripts and latest critics. Abode long time^ literally, S2^ent (the same verb as in Y. 3, and in 12, 19) time not a little (literally /ho, see above, on 12, 18), with the disciples^ converts, brethren. Christians (see above, on 11, 20), still considered as learners, and as such re- quiring teachers, which suggests a reason for their long stay above and beyond that of repose or relaxation ; not however as mere visitors or temjDorary labourers, but as having now re- sumed their place among the prophets and teachers of the church at Antioch (13, 1), not as a single, much less as an in- dependent congregation, but as the Jerusalem or radiating centre of the Gentile world, from which they were in due time to go forth again, not only to the old Jerusalem (15, 2), but also to the heathen (15, 36. 40.) CHAPTER XY. This chapter contains an account of the controversy with re- spect to the observance of the ceremonial law, as a condition of reception to the Christian church (1-35) ; and also the be- ginning of Paul's second foreign mission (36-41.) The church at Antioch is disturbed by Judaizing teachers (1.) Paul and Barnabas oppose them, and are sent to consult the Apostles and Elders at Jerusalem (2.) They report the conversion of the Gentiles, on their way and after their arrival (3. 4.) The converted Pharisees insist upon the circumcision of the Gentiles (5.) The Apostles and Elders are assembled (6.) Peter shows that the question has already been decided by divine authority (7-11.) Paul and Barnabas confirm this by a statement of their own experience (12.) James shows from prophecy that it had always been a part of the divine plan, (13-18.) He proposes a conciliatory and temporary com- promise (19-21.) It is adopted and deputies to Antioch are chosen (22.) The decision of the council is reduced to writing (23-29.) It is received at Antioch with great joy (30, 31.) 70 ACTS 15, 1. The deputies continue there for some time and are then dis- missed (32, 33.) (Silas,) Paul and Barnabas continue preach- ing there (34-35.) Paul projioses to revisit the churches planted in thi'ir former mission (30.) He and Barnabas differ as to John Mark, and separate in consequence (37-39.) Paul goes with Silas through Syria and Cilicia (40,41.) 1. And certain men which came down from Judea taught the brethren, (and said), Except ye be circum- cised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved. As the division of the chapters is conventional and arbi- trary, tliis verse is to be read in the closest connection with the one before it. A?id (while Paul and Barnabas were thus emj^loyed at Antioch) certain men (some per.-ons, see above, on 14, 8). The suppression of the names may be contemptu- ous, or at least intended to suggest that they were personally men of no note or authority, although they may have been lawfully commissioned teachers (see below, on y. 24.) Coming down (see above, on 11, 27) from Judea may mean from Je- rusalem (see above, on 11, l), or from Palestine, as opposed to Syria, from the mother-country and the mother-church, be- tween which and the church at Antioch the communication seems to have been frequent. Taught^ in the imperfect tense, implies something more than a mere transient v^sit or occa- sional address, and also makes it probable, as nothing is sug- gested to the contrary, that these men had a regular com- mission or authority as public teachers. The brethren^ the disciples, the converted Gentiles. The last clause gives their own Avords, not on any one occasion, but the sum of what they used to say upon the subject. (See above, on 14, 17.) Except^ in Greek, if not^ unless. Circumcision is here put for the whole law, as the cross is sometimes put for the whole Gospel (1 Cor. 1,18. Gal. 6, 12. 14. Phil. 3, 18), and the baptism of John for his whole ministry (see above, on 1, 22.) After the manner is too weak a version of the Greek, which means {according to) the institute (or institution) of Jloses, including the idea both of law and custom (see above, on 6, 14.) The clause does not mean that being circumcised would save them, or tliat faith in Clirist was not required, but that it would not avail them without circumcision or observance of the law. This was afterwards the doctrine of the Jewish-Christian sect ACTS 15, 1. 2. 71 called Ebionites, whose origin indeed may be traced back to the very controversy here recorded. 2. When therefore Paul and Barnabas had no small dissension and disputation with them, they determined that Paul and Barnabas, and certain other of them, should go up to Jerusalem unto the Apostles and El- ders about this question. There being (or arising) therefore^ i. e. in consequence of this erroneous teaching. No small^ precisely the same j^hrase that is translated long in 14, 28. I)issension^?i Greek ^\OY^i which in Greek means standing (as in Heb. 9, 8), then the act oi standing up or risiyig in rebellion, insurrection (Matt. 15, 7, from the Latin verb insurgo^ to rise up against), once trans- lated uproar (19, 40), thrice sedition (24,5. Luke 23, 19. 25), here denoting violent contention and commotion. This does not necessarily imply that they succeeded in forming a party, or gained any followers, but only that the preaching of this doctrine produced great excitement, as it naturally would among the Gentiles, who had been received into the church without conforming to the ceremonial law. Disputation^ lit- erally, seeking^ search, investigation, but always applied in the New Testament to that of a polemic kind, whether the form be compounded (as in v. 7. 28, 29, and in the common text of this verse) or uncompounded (as in John, 3, 25. 1 Tim. 1, 4. 6, 4. 2 Tim. 2, 23. Tit. 3, 9, and here, according to the latest critics.) Pa,\d and Barnabas liad^ literally, being (or arising) to Paul and Barnabas^ not merely as distinguished " prophets and teachers in the church at Antioch" (13, 1), but as the first two missionaries to the Gentiles, who had organized their con- verts into Christian churches (14, 23), without any reference whatever to the principle which these men laid down as es- sential to salvation, and who therefore, being specially attack- ed, were under the necessity of specially opposing this false doctrine, in their own defence as well as for the truth's sake. With them^ literally, to, at, or against them (see above, on 11, 2), i. e. the Judaizing teachers, who appear as the only cham- pions of their cause at Antioch. They determined, ordered, or appointed (see above, on 13, 48, and below, on 22, 10. 28, 23), must be construed with neither of the nearest antecedents, but indefinitely (so as to mean, it was ordered), or referred to the 72 ACTS 15, 2. 3. church-officers or members, althotiLcli not expressly mentioned. IShouhl go yp^ literally, (aj^jKnuted J\u(l cmd Barnabas) to go lip (see above, on 11,2, and below, on 18,22. 21,4. 12. 15. 24,11. 25,1.9.) Certain other (or in modern phrase, some others) of them (out of them, or from amon^ them), i. e. other ministers or members of the church at Antioch, one of whom is commonly sui)posed to have been Titus (see below, on v. 4.) TJie Apostles, who were probably always returnmg to Jerusa- lem, as Paul and Barnabas to Antioch, from their missions and official journeys, so that some were always present in the Holy City, thus preserving to the mother-church its representative and normal character, and giving it authority to act for the whole body. Elders, presbyters, or local officers of that church. (See above, on 11, 30. 14, 23.) Question, or dispute, a kindred form to that translated dispmtation, the Greek words differing only in the linal syllable, one denotmg the act, the other the subject, of contention. 3. And being brought on their way by the church, they passed through Phenice and Samaria, declaring the conversion of the Gentiles : and they caused great joy unto all the brethren. And, or more exactly, so then (see above, on 1, 6. 18. 2, 41. 5,41. 8,4.25. 9,31. 11,*19. 12,5. 13,4.14,3.) They being brought on their icay, or more exactly, forwarded, sent for- ward, i. e. publicly escorted to a certain distance and then for- mally dismissed or taken leave of. This ancient mark of kindness and respect Avas often practised by the early Christians. (See below^, on 20, 38. 21,5, and compare Rom. 15, 24. 1 Cor. 16, 6. 11. 2 Cor. 1, 16. Tit. 3, 13. 3 John 6.) It was not an act of private friendship merely, but performed by the church as a collective body, represented either by its elders, or by delegates appointed for the purpose, or more probably than either, by as many of its members as could be assembled. This method of dismissing them or parting from them, Avas a kind of additional commission, over and above the written one, with which they were of course provided. Pass- ed {(Cent or came) through Phenice, i. e. Phenicia (see above, on 11, 19. 12, 20) and ^^amaria, not the city but the province (see above, on 8,5. 9. 14.) Galilee, which lay between these provinces, is here omitted (as it is above, in 1, 8) ; perhaps be- ACTS 15, 3. 4. 73 cause it was not customary to distinguish it in such enumera- tions (but see above, on 9, 31) ; or perhaps because they went by sea from Tyre to Ptolemais or Cesarea, as in Paul's last visit to Jerusalem (see below, on 21, 2-8) ; or because they did not publish the conversion of the Gentiles there, the GaU- lean Christians being Jewish converts, which was not so in Phenicia, nor (strictly speaking) even m Samaria (see above, on 1, 8. 8, 1. 14, and compare John 4, 9.) Declaring^ not in general terms merely, but relating fully, giving a particular account (compare the use of the same emphatic compound in 13, 41 above.) Conversion^ turnmg, i. e. in this case, from the worship of idols, as well as from the service of Satan, to the true God (see above, on 14, 15, and below, on 26, 18.) Caus- ed^ literally, tnade^ created, or occasioned. All the brethren^ or disciples, i. e. Christian converts, in Phenicia and Samaria, who would naturally feel peculiar interest in the tidings thus announced to them, which no doubt reminded the Samaritan disciples of their own conversion and the joy which followed it. (See above, on 8, 8, and compare John 4, 39-42.) 4. And when tliey were come to Jerusalem, they were received of the church, and (of) the apostles and elders, and they declared all things that God had done with them. Being come (or having arrived.) They loere received., or more emphatically, loelcomed., received gladly, as the same verb is translated in Luke 8, 40. Of (i. e. by) the church., the body of believers, not as individuals merely, but as a collective body (see above, on v. 3.) The Apostles., still residing there, at least as their headquarters (see above, on v. 2) ; or as some with less probability suppose, assembled to attend this meet- ing ; while others gather from Gal. 2, 9, that the Apostles here meant are the three there named. It is commonly agreed now that the visit to Jerusalem referred to in that chapter of Galatians is the one recorded in the narrative be- fore us, although some identify it with the one in 11, 30. 12, 25, some with that in 18, 22, and some with an additional journey not recorded m the history. It is objected to the fu'st hypothesis that Paul speaks of havmg gone up " by revelation" (Gal. 2, 2), i. e. by express divine command, whereas Luke represents him as a delegate from Antioch, But the two VOL. IT, — 4 74 ACTS 15, 4. 5. tilings are perfectly comj)atible, as appears from a comparison of 13, 3. 4, where Barnabas and Saul are expressly said, in two successive verses, to have been sent both by the Church and by the Holy Ghost. In the j)resent case, we may suppose the '^ revelation " to have been made, as in that ease, to the " Prophets and Teachers in the Church atAntioch" (13,1), directing them to act as they are said to have done in v. 2 above ; or secretly to Paul himself, directing hirti to undertake the task imposed upon him by his brethren. It is on the sup- position of the identity of these two jounieys, that one of the " some others " who went up with Paul and Barnabas (v. 2) is commonly supposed to have been Titus (see Gal. 2, 1), who is nowhere named in Acts, if we except a spurious or doubtful reading in a single passage. (See below, on 18, 7.) The date of these transactions has been variously lixed from A. D. 47 to 52, but the best modern writers are in favour of the year 50, or at the latest the beginning of the next year. The elders may be here described as giving Paul and Barnabas a separate welcome or reception, as well as the Apostles ; or both may be mentioned as the organs through w^hich they were wel- comed by the church. It would not be ungrammatical indeed, though not perhaps so natural, to construe the clause thus, *they were welcomed by the church, hoth the apostles and the elders,' i. e. both these classes acting as the organs or channels of communication, between the church at Jerusalem and the deputies from Antioch. Declared^ reported, brought back word, a different verb ffom that in v. 3, and expressing more distmctly the idea of official statement, as distinguished from popular narration. All things^ literally, hoio great (or how many) things ; see above, on 3, 24. 4, 34. 13, 48. With them^ see above, on 14, 27. 5. But there rose up certain of the sect of the Pharisees which beheved, saying, That it was needful to circumcise them, and to command (them) to keep the law of Moses. This is not a part of their report, relating the same fact that is recorded in v. 1 above, which would requii-e " saying '' or " said they " to be prefixed (as in the Geneva Bible), but Luke's own statement of what happened at Jerusalem, after Paul and Barnabas had made their report. The only argu- ACTS 15, 5. 6. 75 ment in favour of the first construction mentioned is that other- wise the reason of their coming is not given at all. The answer to this is, not that they probably did state it, though it is not here recorded, which supposes the main theme of their discourse to be omitted, but that it was really mvolved in their report of " what God had done with them " (v. 4), which of course included the immediate reception of the Gentiles without circumcision. This would at once raise the same question that had been discussed at Antioch, with or without a formal narrative of that discussion. Hose %ip^ in Greek a double comiDound, meaning that they rose up out of some- thing, probably their place in the assembly, or rose up from among the persons who composed it. This would not be a natural expression in the mouth of Paul or Barnabas, but is perfectly appropriate in Luk-e's own narrative, where the fact of a meeting is implied, if not expressed, in the preceding con- text. 8o7ne of those from (i. e. belonging to, or who had come out from) the sect (school or party), of the Pharisees (see above, on 5, IV. 34.) The form of expression implies that there were other converts from that sect, besides those who acted upon this occasion, and also accounts for the rise of such a doctrine, which might naturally spring from Pharisaic habits and associations, even in the case of such as had believed., i. e. in Jesus as the true Messiah. It is necessary., in the present tense (see above, on 1, 16. 21) ^o circumcise them., i. e. the Gentile converts, showing that their reception without cir- cumcision had formed part of the preceding statement. The last clause is explanatory of the one before it ; to circumcise them was in fact to require them to observe the whole law, of which circumcision was the distinctive badge and sacramental seal. 6. And tlie apostles and elders came together for to consider of this matter. Came together is in Greek a passive form meaning icere collected or assembled. (Then Avere convened the Apostles, &c.) That the Apostles did not undertake to settle the dis- pute alone, is a strong proof that the permanent organization of the church had already taken place, and that the system w^as LQ active operation. The elders., not the diocesan bishops of Judea, for as yet there were none ; nor the pastors of Judea, or of a still wider region, for of this we have no intimation in 76 ACTS 15, G. 7. tlic text or context ; but the loeal rulers of the motlier-clmrch, acting in conjunction with the Apostles as representatives of the church at lari^e. {For to, see above, on 5, 31.) Consider of, literally, sac y a shoot sj)nnirinLC tVom the root or stunij>of' a prostrate tree (Isai. 11, 1.) Tiie iniaij^e here ])resei)ted is not merely that of a tent, but of a fallen tent. Jiuhts^ breaches, fragments, or remains. JSet it up (or ratlier upright) is again a single word in Greek and might be rendered, re-erect. 17. That the residue of men might seek after the Lord, and all the Gentiles, upon whom iny name is call- ed, saith the Lord, who doeth all these things. The original is, that they may inherit (or possess) the rem- 7ia?it of iJdom and all the nations. Edom is particularly named as a hereditary enemy of Israel, who had been subdued by David, but revolted under his successors. That it is merely used to represent the Gentiles, appears from the generic terms tliat follow. That the conquest here foretold is a spiritual one, is clear from the last clause, iqj07i whom my 7iame is called^ which is often applied to Israel, as Jehovah's consecrated or peculiar people. (See Deut. 28, 9. 10. Isai. 63, 19. Jer. 7, 10. 11. 14, 9, and compare Deut. 12, 5. Jer. 15, 16. 33, 2.) The essential meaning of the passage, therefore, is that the restora- tion of the kingdom of David was to be connected with the spiritual conquest of the Gentiles ; and as such a subjugation is not merely passive, but involves the act of seeking after God, it is expressed sufficiently though not exactly in the Septua- gint version here adopted. All these things is merely an am- plification of the original expression {this.) All, however, is omitted in the oldest manuscripts and versions. 18. Known unto God are all his works from the beginning of the world. According to the received text, here translated, this verse expresses still more strongly and directly than v. 15, the im- portant fact that the reception of the Gentiles mto the church was no afterthought or innovation, but a part of the divine plan from the beginning. But as the greater part of this verse is very variously given in the manuscripts, and wholly wanting in several of the oldest, the modern critics have ex- punged it, leaving only the words, known from the beginning., which must then be read as the concluding words of the pre- cedmg sentence, saith the Lord, the {one) doing these things ACTS 15, 18. 19. 83 (which are or have been) known from, the beginning. This is then a supplementary or exegetical clause added by the Apostle to the passage quoted, and perhaps on that account converted by transcribers into an independent proposition. Beginning of the world is a single word in Greek, the same that is used in 3, 25, and there explained as an indefinite or relative expression, sometimes denoting absolute eternity, sometimes endless existence, sometimes a particular period, age, or dispensation. Hence some would make it here equiv- alent to Peter's phrase {fro7n micient days) in v. V above, i. e. from the first j^i'omulgation of the Gospel to the Gentiles. But there seems to be no sufiicient reason, even if the shorter reading is adopted, for diluting or extenuating this expression, as its strongest sense is equally appropriate and far more strik- ing. Thus saith the Lord icho doeth these things^ known (to himself as part of his own plan or purpose) from eternity. Or the verb and adjective may be connected, as in V, 19, making these things known from the beginni7ig of the world, or of the old dispensation, or of the prophetic ministry (see above, on 3, 21, and compare Luke 1, 70.) 19. Wherefore my sentence is, that we trouble not them, which from among the Gentiles are turned to God: Wherefore^ because this mode of dealing with the Gentiles has been fully sanctioned by divine authority, and long ago pre- dicted by the prophets. My sentence is, literally, J judge (as in the Rhemish version ; Wiclif has, J deem), a common formula, by which the members of the Greek assemblies introduced the expression of their individual opinion, as appears from its re- peated occurrence in Thucydides, with which may be com- pared the corresponding Latin phrase (sic censeo) of frequent use in Cicero's orations. That James here settles the whole question by a decision ex cathedra, is as groundless an opinion as that Peter had already done so by his dictum. There is no trace in the narrative of any such superiority on either side. The whole proceeding is analogous to that which continually takes place in our own church-courts, when the roll is called to give the members present an opportunity of stating their judg- ment upon some important question. Even in Tyndale's version, copied by King James's Bible, sentence no doubt means opinion {sententia) not a final decision. That we trouble 84 ACTS 15, 10. 20. ?/o/, literally, not to tnn(hl(\ or inorc cmpliaticfiily, not to troublf in :uMiti()n, i.e. l)csi(les (or over and above) the indis- l»eiisal»le coiiditioiis of salvation, by inijjosinLir a gratuitous and supcreropitory ])urden of mere ritual observanee. (The same emphatic compound is used in the Sej)tuar:iotico of tlic Greek Church to the juescnt (lay. Tlic Western ( ImrclK'S, botli reformed and unrefornied, adhere, witli individiial excej)tions, to the doc- trme of August in, tliat the i>rohi]>ition was ])rudential and temporary, tbunded on no natural necessity or princij^le, tin? 01<1 Testament restriction having ceased with the sacrifi- cial services to which it had relation, and the one before us beinc: merely an expedient for maintaining? })eace between con- verted Jews and Gentiles, during the anomalous and doubtful interval between the organization of the Christian Church and the outward as well as inward abrogation of the Jewish one. (See above, on 2, 46.) This is now commonly regard- ed as the import and design of all these prohibitions, which as being purely negative could not be regarded even as a tem- porary " yoke " imposed upon the Gentiles. 21. For i\Ioses of old time liath in every city them that preach him, being read in the synagogues every sahbath day. The sense of this verse by itself seems clear, but its con- nection with what goes before has been very variously under- stood. Some suppose it to assign a reason why it was not necessary to enjoin such abstinence upon the Jewish converts, namely, because they had the law of Moses to enforce it. But such a statement is entirely superfluous, as the point at issue had no reference at all to the converted Jews, except as being those for whose sake these restrictions were to be imposed upon the Gentiles. Another explanation is, that it contains a reason why the Jewish Christians need not fear that Moses would grow obsolete in consequence of this indulgence to the Gentiles, being still read every sabbath in the Christian syna- gogues or congregations. A third regards it as a reason why the Gentile Christians should not allow themselves, by any heathen usages, to fall behind their Jewish brethren, who w^ere constantly preserved from such corruptions by the reading of the law in public M'orship. It cannot be denied that there is some obscurity in the connection, from the obvious suppression of an intermediate or connecting thought, which may be vari- ously supplied ; but on the whole, the simplest supposition seems to be, that the Apostle here assigns a reason why the Gentile converts ought to spare the feelings of their Jewish brethren, in this respect and for a time, to wit ; that the con- ACTS 15, 21. 22. 87 tinned reading of the Law, in sei'\ices accessible to both, af- forded some excnse for the remaining prepossessions of the one class, and at the same time left without excuse the disre- gard or violation of them by the other. As if he had said, * these Gentile Christians know, by continually hearing the law read, to what the Jews have been accustomed, and have no right therefore to abuse their o^vn exemption from its ceremo- nial precepts, by woimding the consciences of those who reckon some of these to be still binding.' From ancient generations is a much stronger expression than from ancient days in v. 7, and can hardly denote any thing, in this connection, but the immemorial use of the Hebrew scriptures in the Jewish wor- ship; which again seems to determine that by synagogue^ though in itself denoting any meeting or assembly (see above, on 6, 9. 13, 43), we are here to understand, as usual, the meet- ings of the Jews for public worship, not the separate assem- blies of the Christians (compare James 2, 2), in which it could be scarcely said that Moses was lyroclaimed or preached^ im- plying his continued recognition as a legislator and supreme authority. The reference to the synagogues at all is sufficient- ly explained by the fact so often mentioned or referred to, that they were frequented both by Gentiles and by Christians, who had therefore every opportunity of kno^ving what the Jews had been accustomed to believe and practise. So too the word sahhath does not mean the Lord's Day, or the first day of the week, which is not so called m the New Testament, nor by the oldest Christian writers, but the seventh day or Jewish sabbath, which is known to have been long observed by Christians in addition to the Lord's Day, a practice not en- tirely imconnected mth the one just mentioned of attending at the Synagogue or Jewish worship, which was open con- stantly, if not exclusively, upon the last day of the week. 22. Then pleased it the apostles and elders, with the whole church, to send chosen men of their own company to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas, (name- ly), Judas smiiamed Barsabas, and Silas, chief men among the brethren. It 2^^eased^ or seemed good, and according to Greek usage still more strongly, was decided, or determined. Hence the derivative noun dogma^ meaning that which is determined or 88 AC'TS 15, 22. 23. (looroed by c'oin})oti'nt authority (src l)eU)w, on IG, 4. 17,7.) Tliis word, and not that juhatic sense of rwmm^, de- stroyinix, by teaching a false method of salvation. The ori- ginal meaning of the Greek verb is to pack up, then to carry oft", used in a military sense by Xenophon to signify the spoli- ation of an enemy. Saying ye must (or telUny you to) be circumcised and keep (observe, obey) the law^ not the moral law, which is perpetually binding as a rule of duty, but the ceremonial system, or the whole law as a means of justifica- tion and salvation. (See above, on v. 10.) ISuch, in the last clause, is su})i»lied by the translators, introducing a restriction which, although it may be true, is not expressed. The mean- ing may be a much wider one, ' we gave them no commission or authority to teach at all.' 25. 2G. It seemed good unto us, being assembled with one accord, to send chosen men imto you with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, men that have hazarded their Uves for the name of oiu^ Lord Jesus Christ. It seeined good is the same verb that is rendered pleased in V. 22. Being assembled with one accord^ or rather, having become of one mind (or unanimous), unplying pre^'ious dis- agreement, not among the Apostles (see above, on vs. 14. 15), but among the brethren, and perhaps among the elders (see above, on"9, 26. 27.) Their being assembled is implied but not expressed either by the verb (which simply means being or becoming) or the adverb, which cannot mean together in the local sense, but by its very etymology denotes unity of mind or coincidence of judgment and of feeling. (See above, on 1, 14, 2, 1. 46. 4, 24. 5, 12. 7, 57. 8, 6. 12, 20.) To send chosen men^ or more exactly, having chosen men to send (them.) Chosen out^ selected for ourselves, as in v. 7 (see above, on 1, 2. 24. 6, 5. 13, 17), and therefore independently of Paul and Barnabas, who might have been accused of select- ing the messengers themselves. Our beloved^ not an empty compliment or ceremonious form of speech, but an important attestation of the light in wliich these two men were regarded by the Apostles and the brethren at Jerusalem, Tvdth whom their Judaizing adversaries may have represented them as ACTS 15, 26-28. 91 being utterly at variance. But besides this general expres- sion of regard and confidence, the letter indirectly sanctions their missionary labours by describing them as having haz- arded (iiteraUy given up^ exposed, or risked) their lives^ not merely as a proof of courage, or without a moral and religious motive, but expressly and specifically, for the name of our Lord Jesus Christy i. e. for all denoted by his names, in his service, in his cause, for his honour, as the Sovereign and the Saviour, the anointed Priest and Prophet of his people. (See above, on vs. 14. 17.) To have hazarded their lives in this cause was indeed an honour, which the church here recognizes as belonging to her two first foreign missionaries. 27. We have sent therefore Juclas and Silas, who shall also tell (you) the same things by mouth. Se7it is not the same verb that is used in v. 25, but the one from which Aj^ostle is derived, and a favourite of Luke's, though convertible and often interchanged with the other. (Compare 10, 5. 8. 21. 33. 11, 29. 30.) Who shall also tell you, or retaining more exactly the peculiar form of the ori- ginal, also themselves telling, or reporting, carrying back word, in answer to the message sent from Antioch (v. 2.) The pres- ent participle represents the future scene at Antioch as actually passing (see above, on 7, 25), as the perfect tense at the be- ginning of the sentence represents the sending as already past. Also, and the same {things), are referred by some to Paul and Barnabas, by others to the letter, both which ideas are compatible and probably included. Judas and Silas Avere not only to confirm what Paul and Barnabas had said and done, but also to state orally, and no doubt with the necessary explanations, what was briefly recorded in the letter. By mouth, literally by icord, through speech, or as the Latins phrased it ore tenus, viva voce. 28. For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these neces- sary things — The preceding reference to the oral statements of the dep- uties accomits for the brief summary here given of the resolu- tion which had been adopted. It seemed good, as in vs. 22. 25, denotes not mere opinion but authoritative judgment. To 92 ACTS 15, 28. 29. tJie llohj Ghost and its, us his accredited orcjans of communi- eation. (See above, on 6, 11, and comi>are Kx. 14, 31. Judi^. 7, 18. 20. 1 Sam. 12, 18.) Some refer the first words to a miracnhiiis ratification of their judgment ; others to the wit- ness of tlie Spirit in the case of Cornelius (10, 44-40), and no doubt in otliers like it ; but the natural and obvious construc- tion is, that the Apostles, and those joininj::^ with them in tliis act, claim for their own decision a divine authority, as having been suggested or ins})ired by the Holy Ghost. Notliing can therefore be inferred from this phrase, with respect to the authority of Councils and their canons, except so far as they are known to be under the same guidance and control. To lay (jnit, place, or impose) \ipon you no greater burden (liter- ally, more iceiyht) than (save or except) these necessary (thinys), or retaining the original adverbial construction, these {tilings) necessarily (enjoined, exacted.) The necessity alleged is not, as some suppose, perpetual or absolute, but on the contrary, as indicated by the whole coniiection, and by all the circumstances of the case, provisional and temporary, so that the expression might be fairly paraphrased or amplified by saying, ' except these things, necessarily required by pres- ent exigencies, although in themselves, and at a future day, of no importance.' This must of course be qualified in reference to fornication, if that Avord be taken in its proper sense, in which case the necessity was temjoorary only with respect to the immediate reasons for peculiar circumspection in relation to that class of sins, to wit, the morbid and excessive jealousy of Jewish converts, as to Gentile liberty or license in such matters. 29. That ye abstain from meats oifered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication ; from which if ye keep yom-selves, ye shall do well. Tare ye well. 7'hat ye abstain, literally, to abstain (see above, on v. 20.) Meats offered to idols corresponds to one Greek compound meaning idol-sacrifices, or as an adjective, sacrificed to idols. Meats is supplied by the translators, and no doubt correctly, both in the specific modern sense oi fiesh, and in the wider ancient sense of food, which was probably intended, but which really includes the other. This unambiguous expression ACTS 15, 29-31. 93 must determine the more obscure one in v. 20 (^iJoUutions of idols.) The only other difference between the verses is, that here the prohibitions which relate to food are put together, and that of fornication at the end, an improvement in the order which agrees exactly with the natural relation of an oral pro- position as originally uttered, to the same idea afterwards re- duced to writing ; thus affording an unstudied but most inter- esting proof of authenticity and genuineness in the record. From lohich is by one distinguished writer understood to mean, from ichich state^neiits^ or according to which rules., heeping yourselves, i. e. acting circumspectly, ye shcdl do icell. He objects to the usual and ob\dous construction [keeping yourselves from which, i. e. from these prohibited indulgences) as contrary to usage ; but at least one clear example of the same verb (in its uncompounded form) followed by the same preposition in the same sense has been found in the New Tes- tament.* Ye shall (or luill) do icell, in accordance with Greek usage, suggests three distinct ideas, all compatible and all ap- propriate in this connection. The first is, ' you will do right,' do your duty, act acceptably to God. The next is, ' you will do good,' do a favour to your brethren, by your tender care of their weak consciences. The third is, ' you will do well ' for yourselves, promote your o^vn best interest, or prosper. This last idea is repeated in the form of a concluding valedic- tion. Fare ye loell, literally, he ye strong (or healthy), corre- sponding to the Latin w^ord {valete) used m the same way at the conclusion of a letter, a common expression in the clas- sics, but confined in the [N'ew Testament to this place and the one before referred to. (See above, on v. 23, and below, on 23, 30.) 30. 31. So when tliey were dismissed, tliey came to Antiocli ; and when they had gathered the multitude together, they delivered the epistle, (which) when they had read, they rejoiced for the consolation. So lohen, or rather so then, the resumptive or continuative phrase, of which Luke makes such frequent use. (See above, onv. 3, and compare 1,6.18. 2,41. 5,41. 8,4.25. 9,31. 11, * I pray not tliat thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou shouldcst keep them from the evil (Trjpi^r/ys avrohs e« rov iroutjpov). John 17, 15. 1)4 ACTS 15, ;n. 32. 19. 12,5. 13,4.) They hav'uuj been dismissed^ allowed to go, or sent away (see above, on 3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 5, 40. 13, 3.) Gathered together answers to one compound Greek word ineaninG: collected^ assembled, or convened. 2'he multitude.^ the whole mass or body of believers (see above, on 0, 12, and C()mi)are 2, G. 4, 32. 5, IG. G, 2. 5. 14, 41), called the church in 14, 27. The decision of the council Ijcing one in which all Christians were concerned, as well as one in which the whole mass of believers at Jerusalem had taken ])art, this public and promiscuoiLS announcement was not only admissible but indis- pensable. Delivered and read belong to diflerent subjects, the former to the messengers of the church in Jerusalem, the latter to the members of the church in Antioch. The mean- ing therefore is not, that they delivered the epistle by reading it, but that they delivered the epistle to the church (i. e. to the church-officers) who read it. Which xohen they had read^ lit- erally, and having read (it). The plural jjarticiple refers to the multitude as a collective, or to the church-officers who represented it ; more probably the former, as it must have been the whole church that rejoiced^ and not the elders merely. Heading has no doubt here its primary and proper sense of readmg aloud. (See above, on v. 21, and compare 8, 28. 30. 32. 13, 27.) For tJie consolation^ or as some prefer to render it, the exhortation. Both senses may be justified by usage (see above, on 4, 36. 9, 31. 13, 15) ; but the stronger sense of consolation seems to agree better with the effi^ct de- scribed, as it was not the requisitions of the apostolical epistle that excited joy at Antioch, but the comforting assurance that their faith was not vain or their souls in jeopardy. 32. And Judas and Silas, being prophets also themselves, exhorted the brethren with many words, and confirmed (them.) PropJiets^ inspired teachers (see above, on 11, 27. 13, 1.) Also, as well as leading men and delegates. Themselves, as well as Paul and Barnabas. With many xoords, literally, through (or by means of) much speech (word or discourse ; see above, on v. 27.) Exhorted, the verb corresponding to the noun in v. 31, and including the ideas of exhortation and consolation (see above, on 11, 23.) The brethren, the disci- ples or believers, there called Christians (see above, on 11, 26.) Confirmed, strengthened, or established in the faith, by fur- ACTS 15, 31-35. 95 ther instruction and animating exhortation. (See above, on 13, 43. 14, 22.) 33. And after they had tarried (there) a space, they were let go in peace from the brethren unto the apostles. After they had tarried there a space^ literally, having made time^ i. e. jDassed or spent some time there. This use of the verb is rare, but found at least once in Demosthenes. Let go^ dis- missed, discharged, the same verb that occurs above in v. 30. In peace^ or more exactly, icith peace^ i. e. with the usual benediction or good wishes, the most ancient form of which is probably the invocation of peace or prosperity upon the person thus saluted. (Compare the Latin Pax vobiscum with the Arabic Salaam alaikum^ still the customary oriental salu- tation.) The brethren of the church at Antioch, as in v. 32. To the apostles^ or as several of the oldest manuscripts and latest critics read, to those who sent them. 34. Notwithstanding it pleased Silas to abide there still. Notwithstanding is in Greek the usual continuative par- ticle (8e) rendered and in the preceding verse. It pleased^ or seemed best, as in vs. 22. 25. 28. Abide there stilly stay on, remain over, as in 10, 48. This verse seems inconsistent with the one before it, where Silas and Judas are both said to have been sent back to Jerusalem. This seemmg incon- sistency may account for the omission of the whole verse in several of the oldest copies ; but the latest critics rather suppose it to have been inserted in the others, to explain how Silas could be there to take the place of Barnabas, as Paul's companion in his second mission. (See below, on v. 40.) The communication seems, however, to have been so frequent (see above, on 11, 26. 30. 12, 25. 15, 2), that there is no improba- biUty in supposing, either that Paul sent for Silas before setting out upon his second mission, or that SUas had returned to Antioch in the mean time. 35. Paul also and Barnabas continued in Antioch, teaching and preaching the word of the Lord, with many others also. \)6 ACTS 15, 35. 30. Continued^ literally, irore or 8j)tfit (time), see above, on 12,19. 14,3.28. Tt((rhin(j and j>rtarliin(j^ either distinct ollicial acts, the one more jniljlic than the other, or a two- I'uM description of tlieir ministry, both public and private, as didactic or instructive and yet cheerin;^ or encouraging. Entmjdhiiifj the word of tlic Lord^ proclaiming it as good news or glad tidings (see above, on 5, 42. 8, 4. 12. 35 11, 20. 13,32. 14,7.21.^ With many others also (Gr. also many ot/urs)^ so that Antioch aj>pears to have abounded more and more in "prophets and teachers" (see above, on 13, 1), prob- ably because it had become a centre both of radiation and at- traction, from which ])reachers were now sent forth in various directions, and to wliich there was a concourse of inquiring Gentiles, from the surrounding provinces, if not from distant countries. (Sec above, on 14, 28.) 36. And some days after, Paul said unto Barnabas, Let us go again and visit our Lretliren in every city where we have ))reached the word of the Lord, (and see) how they do. Some days after, literally, after some days, an indefinite expression, which however seems more naturally to suggest a short time tlian a long one (see above, on 8, 30.) Let ics go again and visit, literally, returning let us visit (or look after / see above, on 0, 3. 7, 23.) Between the participle and the verb in Greek there is a particle (^rj), which might be ren- dered noic, as it is a contraction of (r]^rj) already, but com- monly employed to emphasize the word to which it is attached. (See above, on 13, 2, and compare Luke 2, 15. 1 Cor. 0,20.) This ])roposition shows the same concern in Paul for the churches founded by himself that is displayed in his epistles and indeed occasioned them, I?i every city is in Greek still more expressive, as the preposition (Kara) corresponds not only to our ///, but also to our tJirough, throughout, cdong, and is also used distributively (see above, on vs. 21, 23. 2, 10, 40. 5, 15.42,8,1.3.30.9,31.42. 10,37. 11,1. 13,1.27. 14,23.) Where, literally, in xnldch, a plural form referring to the col- lective, every city. We have preached, or more exactly, we ^readied, i. e. upon our former mission. Preached, announced, proclaimed, declared, the same verb that is used in 4, 2. 13, 5. 38. The xcord of the Lord, the doctrine of Christ, i. e. the ACTS 15, 36-38. 97 Gospel. How they do, literally, hoxc tJiey have (themselves), i. e. how (or m what state) they are (see above, on 7, 1. 12, 15.) The words supplied in the translation {and see) give the sense, but not the syntax, as this last clause {Jiow they do) must be grammatically construed with the verb let us visit, which in- cludes, both in Greek and English, the idea of seeing, inquir- ing, or examining. 37. 38. And Barnabas determined to take with them John, whose surname was Mark. But Paul thought not good to take him with them, who depart- ed from them from PamphyHa, and went not with them to the work. Determined is too strong a version, even of the common text, which simply means that he intended, purposed, or that such was his design and plan ; and still more of the reading given by the modern critics, he desired or toished. Some light is thrown upon this wish or purpose by Col. 4, 1 0, where we learn that Mark and Barnabas were cousins, either in the strict sense or the wide one common to both idioms. Tyndale's version {sister'^ s son), retained in our Bible, is entirely too spe- cific. The Rhemish {cousin- germati) is better, and Wiclif^s (cousi?i) better stiU. Thought 7iot good to take him, or re- taining the original construction, thought good not to take him. Thought good is a single word in Greek which strictly means thought worthy (as in Luke 7, 7. 2 Th. 1, 11. 1 Tim. 5, 17. Heb. 3, 3. 10, 29), but when absolutely used, thought right oy proper. It sometimes means in classic Greek to ask, demand, but only as a matter of right, in which sense it is so translated by the Vulgate here {rogahat) and in 28, 22 below {rogamus), where it is copied by the English version {ice desire.) If this sense be adopted in the case before us, the idea is, that Paul de- manded or insisted, upon principle, or as a right, that John should not go with them. This difiers only by suggesting the idea of oral expression, from the common version, thought not good or right. But it seems best to adhere to the common usage of the verb in the New Testament, and understand it as at least implying, that he did not think Mark Jit or worthy to be taken witli them. The ground of his objection is distinctly stated by referring to a fact recorded in its proper |)lace (see above, on 13, 13.) The loork, i. e. tbe missionary a\ ork in which VOL. TI. — 5 98 ACTS 15, 37-40. they were enp^nc^ed. Here, as in several other cases, the ])()int of the sentence is imj^aired by a needless chan*^e of collocation. In the orios- tolical authority. There was tlius a motive upon each sianiai)as," liis oM friend and associate, sliared in tliat unhaj)py ineonsisteney of Peter, which by some is referred to tlie ""cer- tain days " of V. 30, tliough some ])ut it later, and others think it could not possibly have happened after the decision of the council at Jerusalem. 41. And he went through Syria and Cilicia, con- fimiinfT the churches. o lie went throurjh,, i. e. Paul, as leader of the mission and Apostle of the Gentiles, Silas holding a subordinate position, because although a prophet (see above, on v. 32) not of Ajms- tolic rank, and moreover just enlisted in the foreign service. ^yrla and Cilicia, the regions of which Antioch and Tarsus were the capitals, and to the Gentile converts of which the epistle from Jerusalem was formally addressed (see above, on V. 23.) This was the natural and necessary course to be pursued by one who went by land from Antioch into Asia Minor. The Gospel had most probably been first preached in Cilicia, and perhaps in the adjacent parts of Syria, by Paul himself, a few years after his conversion (see above, on v. 23, and on 9, 30) ; but churches may not have been organized till now, when the great Judaic controversy had been settled, and this organi- zation may be here included under the term co?iJinmnf/, es- tahlishing, or at least connected with it, as it seems to be in 14, 22. 23. CHAPTEE XYI. CoNTixuixG his second foreign mission, Paul revisits Derbe and Lystra, where he enlists Timothy in the service, after cir- cumcising him (1-3.) They deliver the decrees of the council at Jerusalem in the towns through which they pass, and find the churches in a prosperous condition (4-5.) After visiting Phrygia and Galatia, and being excluded from other parts of Asia Elinor, they arrive at Troas (0-8.) There a vision calls them into Macedonia (9-10.) Leaving Asia, they begin their European labours at Philippi, and a church is gathered in the ACTS 16, 1. 101 house of Lyclia (11-15.) A miracle i^erformed by Paul oc- casions his arrest and imprisonment mth Silas (16-24.) They prevent a suicide and baptize a household (25-34.) They as- sert their right as Roman citizens, and are honourably dis- charged and suffered to proceed upon their journey (35-40.) 1 . Then came lie to Derbe and Lystra ; and, behold, a certain disciple was there, named Timotheus, the son of a certain woman which was a Jewess and beheved ; but his father (was) a Greek : Then is the usual continuative particle, connecting this verse in the closest manner with what goes before, the division of the chapters being here mechanical. Came cloion^ or do^^n upon, a favourite verb of Luke's (see below, on 18, 19. 24.) The additional idea of return or coming back, which the word sometimes has in later Greek, would be appropriate here, but does not seem to belong to the Xew Testament dialect. Derhe and Lystra are named together as m 14, 6, but in the reverse order, as they were now approached from the opposite direc- tion. Paul and Silas had probably come through the famous Cihcian Gates, a pass in the Taurus range, leading from north to south, and eighty miles in length. Behold (or 16) usually introduces something unexpected, and may here imply that Timothy was not at home, though in a place where he was weU knOAAm, as appears from the next verse. This may seem to favour the opinion that he was a native of Derbe (see below, on 20, 4), or of Antioch in Pisidia (see 2 Tim. 3, 11) ; but nothing can be certainly deduced from any of these texts as to that point. There no doubt refers to Lystra^ as the nearest antecedent, and as named again in the next verse ; or to Derhe and Lystra together, as being not far apart, or for some other reason spoken of as one place. Disciple^ Christian, probably one of Paul's converts on his former visit (14, 7), and hence called his son or child (1 Cor. 4, 17. 1 Tim. 1, 2. 18. 2 Tim. 1, 2. 2. 1.) Named (literally, hy name) Timotheus^ sometimes written in our Bible with an English termination, Timothy. Certain before woman is omitted in the oldest manuscripts. &on of a beliemng Jewish woman^ i. e. a Christian or converted Jewess. From 2 Tim. 1, 5, we learn that his mother's name was Eunice, and his grandmother's Lois, both eminent for faith, by whom he had been early made acquainted with the scrip- 102 ACTS IG, 1. 2. 3. tiires (2 Tim. 3, 14. 15.) Tliis exclusive mention of his femnlc relatives ULcrees exactly Mith the fact here stated that his father was a (4reek, and as ''^heUevin (/'>'' is not added, no doiiht a heal hen ; as well as with the fact that he had not been circumcised. IntermarriaL^e with the heathen was forbidden by the law (see Deut. 7,4. Ezra 10,2. 44. Neh. 13,23) ; but some suppose a distinction between strange M'ives and strani^e husbands, founded on the cases of Esther and Drusilla (see l)e- low, on 24. 24.) 2. Which -was well reported of by the brethren that were at Lystra and Iconiiim. Well reported of, literally, testified^ attested, testified to be (what is not expressed, but suggested by the context.) He had i)robably been labounng in these cities since Paul's Ibrmer visit, either in a private way, or by express divine appointment (1 Tim. 1, 18), and ordination by the presbytery or elders of these churches (see above, on 14, 23, and compare 1 Tim. 4, 14. 2 Tim. 1,6.) All this however may have happened after what is here recorded. Iconium, see above, on 14, 21. Besides this testimony from the chnrch itself, Paul instructs Timothy himself to require that of those without (1 Tim. 3, V.) 3. Him would Paul have to go forth with him, and took and circumcised him because of the Jews which were in those quarters ; for they knew all that his fa- ther was a Greek. Ilhn (literally, this one) Paid icoidd have (literally, wish- ed, desired) with him to go forth (or out), i. e. npon this foreign mission, in the place of Mark, or as some say, of Titus, which supi)oscs Paul's visit to Crete (Tit. 1, l) to have been made just before; but this is mere conjecture on a point not here revealed or ascertainable. And took (literally, taking) seems to imply decision and authority, and also that he per- formed the rite himself, as it was not a sacerdotal act, but rather belonged to the lather or his representative. It was not done as a necessary act, on Paul's part or on Timothy's, but because of tJie Jews that were (literally, the ones being) in those quarters (hterally, places), i. e. Derbe, Lystra, and per- haps Iconium. For they all knew his father, that he was a ACTS 16, 3. 4. 5. 103 Greek (or Gentile), and therefore concluded that the son had not been ch'cumcised. As one reason for selectmg Timothy was no doubt his connection with both races, fitting him to bo an instrument of good to both, Paul acted on the principle avowed in 1 Cor. 9, 22, and availed himself of the hberty enjoyed, as to ceremonial usages, during the interval between the advent and the downfall of Jerusalem. (See above, on 2, 46, and below, on 21, 23.) As this concession, though intend- ed to conciliate the Jews, could scarcely have been misunder- stood either by them or the Christian converts, it involves no sacrifice of principle, as the very same act would have done in the case of Titus, who seems to have had no connection with the Jews at all, and whose subjection to the rite would there- fore have acknowledged the necessity of the legal ceremonies to salvation. (See above, on 15, 1, and compare Gal. 2, 3-5.) Was a Greek may mean was {still) a Greeks the original ex- pression being not the mere verb of existence, but one some- times denoting change of state and sometimes its continuance. (See above, on 2,30. 3,2.6. 4,34.37. 5,4. 7,55. 8,16. 10, 12. 14, 8.) 4. And as tliey went through the cities, they de- livered them the decrees for to keep, that were ordained of the apostles and elders which were at Jerusalem. Went (journeyed, travelled) through the cities^ where Paul had preached before, Derbe and Lystra, Iconium and Antioch. Decrees^ literally, dogmas^ see above, on 15, 22. 25. 28. Ordained^ decreed, decided. The apostles and elders of the church at Jerusalem, representing the whole body. (See above, on 15, 2.) These decrees, though temporary or pro- visional, were highly important to the present peace and unity of the church, and therefore perfectly consistent with the doc- trine taught by Paul in his epistles (Rom. 14, 2. 17. 1 Cor. 8, 8. 10, 25. Tit. 1,5.) 5. And so were the churches established in the faith, and increased in number daily. So then^ in consequence of this visitation (see above, on 15, 30, and compare, 14, 22), not merely by means of the decrees, the Greek connective {ix.lv ovv) commonly referring to a re- moter antecedent. Estahlished^ settled, or confirmed, as op- 1U4 ACTS 10, 5. C. 7. 8. posed to doubt and vacillation. (Conijiarc Ejih. 4, 1 1.) The faith,, not nu'iely the doctrine of CMiiisl, but their belief of it, and trust in him. Increased,, abounded, were abunchmt. Jj((th/^ literally, fnj d^cach the gospel to them, literally, to evangelize them, as in 8, 25. 40. 13, 32. Here, for the first time, the writer uses the first person {ice sought), implying his own presence and participation in the facts recorded. Some explain this by sup- posing it to have been transferred from the narrative or jour- nal of one who accompanied Paul from Troas to Phili])pi, where this form of expression is discontinued, but resumed again in 20, 5. To this ingenious combination it may be ob- jected that so abruj^t an introduction of another's language, without any intimation or change of form, is far less probable than an abrui)t change in the author's mvn mode of expres- ACTS 16, 10. 11. 107 sion, even if he had been present from the first. Still more natural is the supposition that the writer of the book joined Paul at Troas, perhaps as his physician (see Col. 4, 10), which ao;rees well mth the supposition, that the infirmities of wliich Paul speaks in his epistles (see Gal. 4, 13. 14, and com- i:)are 2 Cor. 12, 7) arose from bodily disease, though some refer them to the cares and doubts occasioned by the in- terruption of his labours (see above, on vs. 6. 7), and others deny any direct reference to this part of his history. That Timothy is not the person here appearing for the first time, see below, on 20, 5. Had it been either Timothy or Silas, it would be wholly unaccountable that this form of expression should begin just here and not before, and also that the ancient and uniform tradition of the church, attested by such names as those of Clemens Alexandrinus, Irenaens, and Tertullian, should have dropped so eminent a name and substituted that of Luke, as the author both of this book and of the third gospel. That the use of the first person ceases at Philippi (see below, on v. 17), and is resumed there on a subsequent voyage (see below, on 20, 6), is a plausible reason for supposing that Luke re- mained there during that whole interval, or even that it was his place of residence. It is very possible, however, that he may have been in constant attendance upon Paul, but only wrote in the first person Avhen he took part himself in that which he relates as a historian. Compare the similar interval between 21, 17 and 27, 1, during which we have no means of determining whether Luke was in Paul's company or separated from him. That he does not name hunself, or explain how he happened to be present, is ascribed by some to modesty, by others to the fact that Theophilus, for whom he wrote in the first instance (see above, on 1, l), was already acquainted with these circumstances. The suppression was altogether natural if Luke attended Paul as his physician, and not as an assistant in the missionary work, for which, however, then as now, his profession ofiered great advantages. 11. Therefore loosing from Troas, we came with a straight com'se to Samothracia, and the next (clay) to NeapoHs — T/ierefore^ in several of the oldest manuscripts, is simply and or hut. Loosing^ sailing, putting out to sea, tlie same term that is used m 13, 13, and there explained. According to some 108 ACTS 10, 11. 12. classical authorilic's, it oricrinally means to loose the ropes. Came with a straifffit roitrse^ or more briefly and exactly, rem straight^ i. e. sailed before the wind, without tackincr, another nautical expression, inij)]yin2: that the wind was tair. This must have ]»een from the south, to overcome the current which sets constantly in that direction from the Dardanelles. Sayno- thrace^ an island midway between Troas and XeapolLs, called Thracian iSatnos to distiniicuish it from Samos on the coast of Lydia (see below, on 20, 15), and still known by the slirrhtly altered name of Samotraki or Samandriki. It is the highest land in the northern Archipelago except Mount Athos, and was anciently renowned for the worship of Cybele and the mysteries of the Cabiri, fomiing a sort of link between Greek and Oriental heathenism. This historical association, with its local position between Europe and Asia, connects it, in an in- teresting manner, with Paul's transit from one to the other, though he seems not even to have landed there. T7ie next (literally, coming^ coming on, ensuing), an abbreviation of the phrase employed in 7, 26 above, and there explained. (See below, on 20, 15. 21, 18. 23, 11.) NeapoUs^ a maritime city, properly belonging to Thrace, but afterwards annexed by Vespasian to the Koman province of Macedonia. Its site, though doubtful, is supposed to be still marked by remains of Roman pavements, acpieducts and cisterns, at the Turkish vil- lage of Kavalla (or Cavallo.) 12. And from thence to Pbilippi, which is the chief city of tliat part of ^lacedonia, (and) a colony ; and we were in that city abiding certain days. The direct continuation of the sentence seems to show that they merely landed at Xeapolis, without unnecessary stay, per- haps because there were no Jews there, but more probably be- cause Paul was impatient to arrive at to^^Tls of primary impor- tance, in which radiating centres of Christian influence might be established. Such a place was PJdUjpjn^ anciently called Datos and Crenides (from its many springs), but afterwards named in honour of Philip of Macedon, by whom it was re- built and fortified. In the year 42 before the Christian era, it was the scene of the great battle, which decided the fate of the Roman republic, and in which Brutus and Cassius were defeated by Octavian and Anthony. In commemo- ACTS 16, 12. 109 ration of this \^ctoiy, and also as a safeguard of the empire, Augustus afterwards established there a colony, i. e. a military settlement chiefly composed of soldiers who had been parti- sans of Anthony. These Roman colonies were organized precisely on the model of the great metropolis, as to govern- ment, laws, language, and external forms, so that each exhib- ited a Rome in miniature. To some were granted in addition the jus italicum^ or the same exemption from all taxes on the land, which Juhus Caesar had extended to the whole of the Italian peninsula. Troas and Antioch in Pisidia were also colonies ; but the fact is particularly mentioned here, because connected ^Axh occurrences which took place at Philippi. (See below, on vs. 37. 38.) Luke describes Philippi, not only by the Latin term colonia (as distinguished from the Greek aiToiKia, which coincides more nearly with our modern use of colony^ as meaning any foreign settlement or emigration), but also as the first (or rather, a first) city of that part (literally, the part) of Macedonia. This description has been variously explamed, some understanding first of rank or dignity, and others of local situation, i. e. the first to which Paul came, Neapolis being then regarded either as a Thracian (not a Macedonian) city, or as the landing-place or harbour of Philippi, to which it is nearer than Seleucia to Antioch (see above, on 13, 4) or Ostia to Rome, and not much further than Cenchrea from Corinth (see below, on 18, 18), or even than the Piraeus from Athens.* The present tense {lohich is not which vKis) is urged in favour of the other explanation of firsts as meaning first in rank or importance. It cannot, however, mean the capital of Macedonia, which was Thessalonica, and the word part or p)ortio7i cannot naturally signify a province or division of the Roman Empire. It is true that the old kingdom of Philip and Alexander, when subdued by Paulus ^mOius, was divided into four provinces or districts ; but the capitals of these have been preserved by Livy, and that of the most easterly was not Philippi but Amphipolis. (See below, on 17, 1.) Some connect first with colony^ 'the first colony in that part of Macedonia,' either in point of time, or dignity, or local situation, i. e. the first colony to which they came. But this construction is forbidden by the collocation of the sentence, although not by the conjunction ancl^ which is sup- plied in the translation. All these interpretations introduce Conybeare aud Howson, vol. i. 9. 310. 110 ACTS 10, IJ. i:{. tlie artic'lo Ix'foroyfV.sY, iIjohltIi louiid in no (Jrcek mauuscript, tlie only rcadiiii^ extant beinj^ sinij)!}' (tt^k-Va; ttoAis) a first rity^ i. e. a city of the hii^licsl rank, as ^\ e mij^lit say a Jirst-ddHS (or afirst-rtite) citi/^ not in relcrence to jxjlitical arrangements, but to j)o|»uIatioM, wealtli, i)lie(l, on coins still extant, to Pergamiis and Smyrna, as well as to E})hesus, whicli was the ])olitical eaj)ital of Asia Proper. (See ])elow, on 18, 19. 19, 1.) The fact that there are no such coins belonnin^ to Pliilippi, or to any city out of Asia iMinor, only renders improbable the technical and formal, not tlie })oi»ular descrii>tive use of the ex])ression in the case before us. We were in that (literally, this) fit'/, ahlding (literally, spcmUncj ; see above, on 12, 19. 14, 3. 28. 15, 35) certain (i. e. so7ne) days^ an indefinite expression, but most readily suggesting the idea of a short time. (See above, on 9, 19.* 10, 48. 15, 36, and compare 8, 36.) 13. And on tlie sabbath we went out of the city by a river side, wliere prayer Avas wont to be made ; and we sat down, and spake unto the women which resorted (thither.) On the sabbath, literally, the day of the sabbaths, the Aramaic form of the Hebrew word resembling a Greek plural, and being often so inflected, even when a single day is meant. (See above, on 13, 14.) Out of the city, or according to the oldest manuscripts, out of the (jate. The Syriac version com- bines both readings {put of the gate of the city.) By a river side, literally, along a river, i. e. the small stream flowing near Philippi into the Strymon, whicli is several miles distant. Whrre prayer was loont to be made, i. e. by the Jews of Philil)pi, whose worship may have been excluded from the city by the strict laws or the prejudices of a Roman colony; or they may have been too few to have a synagogue, in which ease it was usual to have a place of prayer, with or without a building, often without the walls, and where it could be so arranged, near water, probably on account of the ablutions which accompanied the Jewish worship. Thus Tertullian speaks in one place of the Jews as praying on every shore {jjcr omne litus), and in another of their sea-shore prayers (orationes litorales.) From this usage the Hellenistic word for prayer (Trpucnvxri) acquired a local sense, being sometimes ACTS 16, 13. 14. Ill synonymous with synagogue^ and sometimes used to distin- guish the minor j^laces of worship which have just been men- tioned. The Latin form {2^roseucha) is thus used by Juvenal. The Greek word is most commonly explained so here, loJiere there teas ico7it to he a prayer-place (or house of prayer^ But the very same phrase is employed by Philo in explaining Avhat ^ proseiicha was (viz. a place where j^i'ayer was wont to be made), which seems to determine the sense here, or rather to confirm the invariable usage of the word in the New Testa- ment, where it occurs nearly forty times, and always in the sense of prayer. The verb occurs fifteen times, and always elsewhere in the sense of thinking or supposing. (See above, on 7, 25. 8, 20. 14, 19.) Adhermg to this constant usage of both words in the New Testament, the simplest version is, ichere prayer was supposed to he^ i. e. where the missionaries were mformed that the Jews were accustomed to assemble, or still more probably, where they saw a company of women gathered, and themselves supposed that they were met for prayer. That this explanation is an ancient one, appears from the various reading found in several of the oldest manuscripts, they supposed prayer to he. But although this is the most natural interpretation, and the one most in accordance with New Testament usage, the modern interpreters are ahnost unanimous in preferring the secondary sense of the noun {a place of prayer) and the primary or classical usage of the verb {was wont or teas accustomed.) The mention of women only has been variously ex2)lained, by supposing that the men were inattentive, or came later ; or that there were no male Jews at Philippi ; or that the men and women prayed apart, as they are separated in the synagogue. But here again, the simplest supposition, and the one most readily suggested by the text itseli', is that Paul and his associates, seeing a com- pany of women there upon the sabbath, supposed them to be met for prayer, although they may have been mistaken, which agrees well with the usage of the verb in this book (see above, on 7, 25. 8, 20. 14, 19, in all which cases it suggests the idea of a false impression or erroneous judgment.) On any supposition, it is worthy of remark with what fidelity Paul carried out his plan of addressing the Jews first, and through them gaining access to the Gentiles. (See above, on 13, 5. 14. 46. 14, 1.) 14. And a certain woman named Lydia, a seller 112 ACTS 10, 14. 15. of ])iiri)lc, of the city of Thyatira, wliicli ^vorsllippcd God, licarcl (us) ; whose heart the Lord opened, that she attended unto the things which were spoken of Paul. Lydia^ or a Lydlan^ as the name originally means, and as some explain it here, because Thyatira was situated on the confines of Lydia and Mysia in Asia Minor ; but named a Li/dian., or a Lydian hy name^ would be a very unusual ex- pression, and we know that I^ydla was in common use among tlie Greeks and Romans as a proper name. It may indeed have been a surname, given to her as a Lydian by the stran- gers among whom she dwelt. Thyatira, between Pergamus and Sardis, was famous in the ancient world for its purple dye, and old inscriptions have been found there which originated with the Dyers {Bapheis) as a craft or a society. The purple colour, so extravagantly valued by the ancients, included many shades or thits, from rose-red to sea-green or blue. Lydia's occupation may have been the sale of the dye itself, procured from a shell-lish {purpura murex)^ but more proba- bly was that of cloth or clothes dyed with it, an art expressly mentioned in the classics as practised by the Lydian women. She seems to have been temporarily residmg at Philippi for this purpose, as Luke would scarcely have named Thyatira, merely as her birth-place, if it was not still her home. Wor- shipping God^ i. e. the true God, a phrase constantly applied to Gentiles who had obtained some knowledge of the Scrip- tures by attendance on the Jewish worship (see above, on 13, 43. 50, and compare 10, 2. V), Avhether proselytes, i. e. professed converts to Judaism, or not. The technical distinc- tion between different kinds of proselytes is probably of later date. (See above, on 2, 10. 6, 5. 13, 43.) Opened her heart fi. e. disposed the understanding and affections) to attend (apply the mind, but often in the classics ^vith the accessory notion of believing, giving credence) to the (things) spoken of Paul (not concerning or about liim, as the phrase would mean in modern English, but by him), or the things which Paul spake. 15. And when she was baptized, and her house- hold, she besought (us), saying. If ye have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and abide (there). And she constrained us. ACTS 16, 15. 16. 113 Whe7i she icas baptized, not necessarily at this first meet- ing, but rather, as this phrase would seem to intimate, after an interval. In the former case, the natural exj^ression would have been, she icas baptized, whereas the idea now suggested is, that the Lord opened her heart at once, and then when she was afterwards baptized, &c. He?' household, Ht. hoicse, sup- posed by some to mean her family, by others her assistants in her business. Both being mere conjectures, and entirely com- patible Avith one another, there is nothing in the text to decide the controverted question, w^hether children were baptized on this occasion. Both parties reason in a circle from foregone conclusions ; one contending that as infants are incapable of faith, there either were none, or they were excluded from the ordinance ; the other, that as households include children, we have no right to except them from the general statement. The real strength of the latter argument lies not in any one case, but in the r^eated mention of whole houses as baptized. (See above, on 10, 2. 48. 11, 14, and below, on v. 33.) The whole dispute, however, rests on grounds entirely independent of these cases, and every reader will interj^ret these according to his views of those. He who believes m the perpetuity of the patriarchal covenant, Avith a change in the accompanying seal, vnll need no proof that children were baptized with their parents upon such occasions ; whereas, he whose very defini- tion of the ordinance excludes children, will of course deny their actual reception of it in all given cases. She besought, entreated, or invited (see above, on 8, 31. 9, 38. 13, 42) ; 2is is supplied by the translators. If ye have judged is commonly explained to mean, since ye have done so, i. e. by baptizing me (see above, on 4, 9.) Faithful to the Lord (Jesus Christ), or rather a believer in him (see above, on v. 1, and on 10, 45.) Entering iyito my house, stay (or lodge) there, i. e. during their visit to Philippi. Abide, at least in modern English, is too strong, as it suggests the idea of permanent residence. Constrained, or forced, i. e. by urgent importunity, as in Luke 24, 29, and often in the classics. Us, i. e. Paul's whole company, including the historian. 16. And it came to pass, as we went to prayer, a certain damsel possessed with a spirit of divination met us, which brought her masters much gain by sooth- saying. 114 ACTS IG, IG. 17. It happened^ at a time still later, as tlie words seem natu- rally to suLTi^est, though some have strans^ely uinlerstood tlieiii to mean, on the same (h\y, alter baptizin*^ Lydia and her liousehold, but before they had gone into the j)roseueha. Still more improbable is it that lie liere goes baek to relate what had hai)})ened on their way to the river-side. The natu- ral impression made by the whole eontext is, that Paul and his comj)any took up their residence at the house of Lydia, as re(] nested by her, and there formed a church or congregation of disciples, and that on their way to worship ujion some oc- casion not ])articularly specified, it came to 2)ass^ &c. As we 2ce?it, literally, we going^ a Greek verb not denoting simj^le en- trance, but a walk or journey of some length (see above, on T. V, and on 1, 10. 11.25. 8, 26. 3G. 39. 9,3. 10,20. 12,17.) A certain damsel^ girl, young woman, commonly applied to servants (see above, on 12, 13), and perhaps denoting here a slave. Possessed witli^ literally, having, f>r possessing. A spirit of divination^ or as the margin reads, of Python. In the Greek mythology this was the name of a serpent which guarded an oracle on mount Parnassus and was slain by Apollo, thence called Pythius, as being himself the god of divination. That she was not, as some suppose, a mere ven- triloquist or sheer impostor, nor a mere somnambulist or luna- tic, but a demoniac (see above, on 5, IG), is clear from Paul's address to her (see below, on v. 18.) Brought., literal- ly, }4elded or afforded. Masters, joint-owners or employers, such partnerships in valuable slaves being not unusual in ancient times. /Soothsaying, divining, telling fortunes, by the aid of the spirit which possessed her. 17. The same followed Paul and us, and cried, say- ing, These men are the seiTants of the most hicjh God, which shew unto us the way of salvation. The same, literally, this (woman), i. e. the one just described. Followed, literally, following down, dogging or pursuing. Paul and us, i. e. Silas, Timothy, and Luke, who therefore uses the first person. Cried, not once but often, as suggested by the form of the Greek verb and expressly stated in the next verse. &hew, literally, tell, declare, announce, proclaim. (See above, on 4, 2. 13, 5. 38. 15, 36.) These expressions she had probably heard used by Paul and Silas in their j^reaching and now repeated, either without knowing what they meant. ACTS 16, 17. 18. 115 or in a sort of scornM irony, or as an involuntary testimony to the truth, hke that borne to the Sonship and Messiahship of Jesus by the demons whom he dispossessed, (See Mark 1, 8. 5, 7. Luke 4, 34. 8, 28.) There is no need, therefore, of supposing any particular motive on the woman's part, such as a desire to conciliate the strangers, or to increase her masters' profits, or her ovna fame as a prophetess. Some have even imagined that she was impelled by a desire of salvation, and that this was gratified. But see below, upon the next verse. 18. And this did she many days ; but Paul, being grieved, turned and said to the spirit, I command thee in the name of Jesus Clirist to come out of her. And he came out the same hour. Many days^ literally, for many days^ the omission of the preposition being allowed both by Greek and English usage. (See above, on 1, 3.) Grieved^ or more exactly, loearied^ worn out, out of patience, from the frequent repetition of the same annoyance (see above, on 4, 9,) The common version, borrowed fi'om the Vulgate (dolens), seems to favour the idea, enter- tained by some, that Paul was not ofiended at her constant cries, but only grieved (Rhemish version, sorry) that she was under demoniacal possession, and therefore, instead of reprov- ing her, expelled the demon. But this is equally intelligible on the supposition that, although he was displeased or vexed with her repeated outcries, he considered her responsibility as merged in that of the demon who controlled her actions, and whose testimony, even to the truth, especially when thus ob- truded, Paul rejected, as more Hkely to impede than to ad- vance his work, and no doubt with intentional conformity to Christ's example (Mark 1, 34.) Turning^ i. e. towards the woman, who was following them through the street as usual. To the spirit^ present in her and acting through her, a suflScient proof that, in the view of the Apostle, it was not a case of mere disease, somnambulism, or derangement, but of actual possession by a personal sjm-it (see above, on 5, 16.) Com- mand^ or order peremptorily, as an ofiicer his soldiers (but see above, on 1. 4.) In the name of Jesus Christy by his au- thority, and as his repi^sentative. Come out of her, withdraw the preternatural control now exercised, and cease to mfluence her as at present. The same hour, or as the same phrase is rendered elsewhere (Luke 2, 38), that instant. The word no ACTS 10, 18. 10. translated hour is more comprehensive than its Enirlish derivar tive, meaiiinix ])ro]terly a seaHon (of the year) in classical usaijje, and in tliat of tlie New Testament sometimes a whole day (as in ^latt. 14, 15. Mark C, 35), sometimes any short time (as in Jolm 5, 35. 2 Cor. 7, 8), sometimes any detinite or set time, whether lonc^ or short (as in John 4, 21. Matt. 24, 42), but most frequently a definite divisif)n of tlie day, correspond- ing to our use o\' /loiir^ though varying in length according to the season. All that is here intended is, that the miraculous eftect, as usual, was instantaneous. (See above, on 3, 7. 5, 10. 9,18.34. 13, 11.) 19. And when her masters saw that the hope of their gains Avas gone, they caught Paul and Silas, and drew (thein) into the market-place unto the iiilers — Her masters^ owners, or employers (see above, on v. 16.) Seeing^ by her silence, or the change in her demeanour at the moment ; or perceiving afterwards, that her extraordinary gift was lost. Gains^ in the plural, is derived from Tyndale and Cranmer, whereas the other old English versions give it more exactly in the singular. Tlie hope of their (jain^ or their hope of gain ^ not only their actual immediate profit, but their pros- pect of it for the future, ujion which they may have been depending for subsistence. Was gone^ literally, gone out, with obvious allusion to the use of the same word in the preceding verse. The spirit went out, and their hope of gain went out ^\i\^l it. Caught, literally, catching, seizmg, or ar- resting, as in 18, 17. 21, 30. 33, though the Greek verb does not always imply violence (see above, on 9, 27, and below, on 17, 19. 23,19.) Paul and JSilas are not put for the whole company, but specifically mentioned as the only two arrested, Timothy and Luke having probably attracted no attention, from their silence or their obvious subordination to the others. Drew is not so strong a word as that employed in 8, 3. 14, 19, being sometimes applied to the drawing of a sword (Jolm 18, 10), or of a net (John 21, G. 11), or of men by moral, spirit- ual influence (Jolm 6, 44. 12, 32.) The market-jylace, agora,* or forffm, the chief place of concourse in an ancient city (com- pare Matt. 11, IG. 20,3. 23,7. Mark i), 56. 7,4), sometimes in the centre, sometimes just within the gate, where business was transacted, both commercial and judicial. Rulers, a generic tenn, denoting those who take the lead, especially in ACTS 16, 19-21. 117 government, and rendered more specific in the next verse. (See above, on 3, 17. 4, 5. 8. 26. 7, 27. 35. 13, 27. 14, 5.) 20. And brought them to the magistrates, saymg, These men, being Jews, do exceedingly trouble our city— Brought (literally, 'bringing)^ i. e. formally presenting or arraigning, as distinguished from the violent, tumultuous draw- ing, which had just been mentioned. (For a very different use of the same verb as a nautical term, see below, on 27, 27.) Magistrates^ literally, geiierals^ or leaders of an army, but transferred in military governments or those of a military origin, to civil rulers of a certain rank. By the Greek histori- ans of Rome, it is used as an equivalent to Prcetores^ a title which (as Cicero informs us) was affected by colonial and pro- vincial rulers. Philippi, as a Roman colony (see above, on v. 12), was no doubt organized in imitation of the great metro- polis, with its Duumviri or miniature Consuls, who are proba- bly the persons here intended, not as a distinct class from the rulers of v. 19, but as a more exact specification of that vague description. They drew them to the forum, as the place where the magistrates or rulers usually sat, and actually brought them up before the Duumviri or Praetors whom they found there. The real ground of the original disturbance is entirely suppressed, and one of a more j^ublic nature substi- tuted ; just as Christ himself was condemned by the Sanhe- drim as a blasphemer, and then accused by them to Pilate as a traitor and a rebel. (See Luke 22, 66-71. 23, 1. John 18, 19. 19, 12.) Exceedingly trouble is in Greek an emphatic com- pound, strictly meaning to oiit-trouhle^ or to trouble out^ i. e. to drive out of the regular and normal state by stirring up dis- turbance. " Bei7ig Jews to begin with," as an Enghsh writer somewhat quaintly phrases it ; but this agrees better with the English than the Greek collocation of the sentence, m which the phrase {being Jeics) comes after the chief accusation. It is, however, no doubt mtroduced as an additional or aggra- vating circumstance, intended to excite the national antipathy of the Roman colonists. As if he had said, ' who, by the bye, are Jews, and therefore less excusable for .this intrusion.' 21. And teach customs, which are not lawful for us to receive, neither to observe, being Romans. 118 ACTS IG, 21. 22. This is not a new charge, but a mere specification of the one in the i)rece(ling verse, exphiiuing liow tliese Jews dis- turbed the city, namely, by attempting to introduce a new religion. Teach is precisely the same word that is translated sfiow in V. 17, though really meaning in both cases to an- nounce^ declare^ but not without an imi)lication of requirement and authority, like that suggested by the \vovd proclai7n, from its habitual association with, the acts of governments or rulers. Customs^ or rather institutions^ whether established by law or usage. See above, on 6, 14. 15, 1, where the term is ap- plied, both in the singular and plural, to the Law of Moses. This is also the sense here, as the I^hilippian colonists had probably no notion of the diiference between Jews and Chris- tians. Are not lawful gives the sense but not the form of the original, in which the construction is impersonal, it is not law- fiU^ or still more strictly, 2^ossible, but in a moral, not a physi- cal sense, i. e. admissible, right, proper. The same form occurs above in 8, 37, and the participle in 2, 29. To receive, admit, or adopt in theory. To observe (literally, do) in prac- tice. (For a similar combination of icork and counsel, see above, on 5, 38.) Bei7ig Momans, an obvious antithesis to hei7ig Jews in the preceding verse, and intended as a double aggravation of the charge, that Jews should dare to force their own religion upon Romans. The appeal is rather to the pride of race or national connection than to the Roman laws, which allowed the exercise of different religions, but forbade conversions and innovations without pubUc sanction and au- thority. Maecenas is said to have advised Augustus to abide by the hereditary worship, and make others do the same, pro- hibiting all novelties, as tending necessarily to insubordination and confusion. It was this Avorldly policy, rather than any bigoted hostility, with wliich Christianity at first had to strug- gle in the Roman Empire. 22. And the multitude rose up together against them ; and the magistrates rent off their clothes, and commanded to beat (them). The appeal to the prejudices of the Roman population was successful. I'/ie inultitude, crowd, mob, or rabble, as distin- guished from the magistrates or rulers, before whom Paul and Silas were arraigned. Rose tip together, not with one another merely, by a general and simultaneous movement, but wdth ICTS 16, 22. 23. 119 the accusers, in conjunction or in concert with them. The charges, prompted by the selfish wishes or resentments of the owners of the slave, were now effectually seconded by the ex- cited passions of the populace. The first clause of this verse explains the second. It is plain that the rulers were unable or unwillmg to resist the multitude, and therefore, it would seem, without even the form of a judicial process, hastened to inflict a painful and disgraceful j^unishment upon the strangers. Hent off their clothes^ literally, tore around (or from around) them the clothes^ not their own, as some imagine, which would be wholly out of character in Romans, but those of Paul and Silas. Clothes^ not their outer garments merely, as the Greek word means when used distinctively (see above, on 7, 58. 9, 39. 12, 8. 14, 14), but their garments generally, as it was the custom to inflict this punishment upon the naked back and shoulders. To beat them, loith rods^ as the original word, from its very etymology, specifically signifies. (The nearest equivalent m EngUsh is to cane them.) This is one of the three cases, to which Paul refers in 2 Cor. 11, 25 ; the other two are not on record. He also alludes to this disgraceful punishment in 1 Thess. 2, 2. As the magistrates commanded them to be beaten by others, some suppose them to have also torn off their clothes by proxy ; but as this is not expressed, they may have performed that act themselves, in order to con- vince the mob of their zeal in executing its commands, and 230ssibly by tliis unlawful violence to save the prisoners from something worse. 23. And when they had laid many stripes upon them, they cast (them) into prison, charging the jailer to keep them safely — Having laid^ imposed, inflicted, by the hands of their officers or others, whom they are said to have commanded in V. 22. Many stripes^ strokes or blows, there being no such merciful restriction in the Roman practice, as in that of the Jews (2 Cor. 11, 24), or rather in the law of Moses (Deut. 25, 3.) Cast (or threw) them does not necessarily imply lite- ral violence, but may simply mean committed them to prison, (See below, on 22, 4. 26, 10.) But considering the violent, tumultuary character of the whole proceeding, and the way in which the magistrates were evidently urged on by the peo- ple, the word may be strictly understood as denoting, not only 120 ACTS IG, 23. 24. the imprisonment of Paul and Silas, l^it tlic harshness M'itli whieli it was elVeeted, l)y the aujenls of the magistrates, if not by their own liands. This last, thouc^h not a necessary su})po- sition, agrees well, not only with the view already taken of their motives, but with the words of the remaining clause, which seem more naturally to suggest the idea of ])ersonal or oral charge than that of a mere message or a written order. The scene tlius presented is a vivid one, but not without its parallels in real life ; the magistrates, unable to resist the mob, apparently comj)lying with its wishes, but really providing for the safety of the victims, first by an unjust jnmishment, and then by false ini})risonment, officiously demanding of the jailer more than usual fidelity and strictness in the execution of his trust ; lor these words cannot mean mere ordinary diligence or care, as appears from the whole connection, and especially from what is added in the following verse. Safely^ surely, or infallibly. (See above, on 2, 36, and compare Mark 14, 44.) 24. Who, having received such a charge, thrust them into the inner prison, and made their feet fast in the stocks. The jailer (literally, prison-guard or keeper) is not here represented as exceeding his commission, and cruelly aggra- vating the condition of his prisoners, as some suppose, by wanton and gratuitous severities, but simply as obeying the command of his superiors, which is therefore here repeat- ed, or again referred to, as a sort of explanation or apol- ogy for his proceedings. Having received such a charge (or peremptory order), what was there left but to obey it? Or the sense may be otherwise expressed in this way : it was not from any cruelty or malice upon his jjart, but because he had received such a special order that he did what follows. The slight but obvious suggestion of this extenuatmg circumstance may possibly be owing to the fact that Avhen the history was written this Philippian jailer was an eminent disciple. (See below, on vs. 33. 40.) Thrust is precisely the same verb that is translated cast in the jDreceding verse, and admits of the same wide or strict interpretation. TJie inner j^risofi is by some understood to mean a subterranean dungeon ; but the phrase necessarily expresses nothing more than greater dis- tance from the entrance, and as a consequence of this, more security, not only from the chances of escaj:)e, but also from ACTS 16, 24-26. 121 the fury of the mob. 3Iade their feet fast, literally, safe, secure, i?i the stocks, literally, into (i. e. by putting them into) the wood, log, or block, an instrument employed in ancient times, not only for safe-keeping, but for punishment, the limbs being stretched as well as fastened. This implement of torture (caRed m Latin nervus) was sometimes more and some- times less complex in structure, which accounts for the various descriptions given by the ancient writers. 25. And at midnight Paul and Silas prayed, and sang praises unto God, and the prisoners heard them. At, about, or towards. (See above, on 12, 1, and below, on 19, 23. 27, 27.) Praying, hymned (or sang to) God, seems to express, not two distmct acts, as in the English ver- sion, but the single act of Ip'ical worship, or prapng (i. e. worshipping or calling upon God) by singing or chanting, perhaps one or more of the many passages m the Book of Psalms pecuharly adapted and intended for the use of prison- ers and others under persecution. Or the reference may be to similar expressions of religious feeling, spontaneously sug- gested by their circumstances, or by a special divine mfluence, but not to metrical, much less to rhymed hymns, and to arti- ficial melodies, with which we now associate the term, but which are usages of later date. This psalmody of Paul and Silas showed their confidence in God and their superiority to human spite and violence. The diiference m this respect be- tween their case and that of Peter, as described in 12, 6, shows that the one account has not, as some pretend, been copied from the other, but that each is independently authen- tic and original. That two such imprisonments and two such liberations should have taken place, is less improbable and strange, than that God should have thus interposed in one case only. Heard them should rather be loere listening to them, the imperfect tense suggesting the idea of continued action. That Luke may have received an accoimt of what took place in the prison from one of these ear-witnesses, is not impossible, though quite unnecessary to account for his minute description. 26. And suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison were shaken : and immediately all the doors were opened, and every one's Lands were loosed. VOL. TT, -6 122 ACTS IG, 20. 27. There was (bcf^an to be, took place, or happencfl) a great earthquake^ strictly a commotion, shaking, once translated temjKut (Matt. 8, 24), but always elsewhere used in the spe- cific sense of earthquake. Imniediatehj^ at once, simultane- ously, and not successively, as when they were opened by the liands of men. All the doors, not only the external entrance, but the intermediate ones conducting to the " inner prison.'* (See above, on v. 24.) JEvery o?ie^s, in Greek a plural form, of all. Bands, i. e. fetters, chains, or other means used to confine the limbs. Loosed, relaxed, let go, also used as a nautical term (see below, on 27, 40), and in a metaphorical or moral sense (Eph. 6, 9. Heb. 13, 3.) Some understand it here as denoting mere relaxation or diminished pressure ; but the context seems to indicate the stronger sense of total liberation from constraint (but see below, upon the next verse.) 27. And the keeper of the prison awaking out of his sleep, and seeing the prison doors open, he drew out his sword, and would have killed himself, supposing that the prisoners had been fled. Becoming sleepless or aicake (I^ttvos.) Seeing, either from the place where he was lying, or more probably, on rising and passing through the several wards or subdivisions of the prison, which he found all open, or more exactly opened, i. e. just opened, implying that they had been shut and locked as usual. (See above, on 7, 56.) Having drawn a sword, per- haps one that happened to be near him, but more probably the one which he habitually wore, it may be even in his sleep, or which he seized as soon as he awoke. There can be little doubt that the keeper of this prison in a military colony of Rome (see above, on v. 1) was himself a Roman soldier, or at least subjected to the Roman discipline. His very title (see above, on v. 23) seems indicative of military service. Would have killed, or more exactly, icas {just) about to kill, or on the point of despatching (making aAvay with) himself. (For the usage of the two verbs, see above, on 3, 3. 5, 35. 11, 28. 12, 6. 13, 34, and on 2, 23. 5, 33. 36. 7, 28. 9, 23. 24. 29. 10, 39. 12, 2. 13, 28.) Self-destruction was considered by the Romans as not only lawful, but a duty or a virtue under certain circumstances. Cato's suicide was celebrated as a heroic act, and by a singular historical coincidence, this very ACTS 16, 27. 28. 123 city of Philippi, or its neiglibourhood, had been signalized, within a hundred years, not only by the great defeat of Bru- tus and Cassius (see above, on v. l), but by the suicide of both, and by a sort of wholesale selt-destruction on the part of their adherents who had been proscribed by Octavian and Anthony. There is something rather providential than foitui- tous in this rescue of a virtual self-murderer on a spot which had been consecrated, as it were, to suicide by such examples. Supposing the prisoners to have escaped^ and considering him- self liable, according to the rigorous requirements of the Ro- man law or disciphne, to suffer in their stead. This penalty, including the disgrace of having forfeited his trust, and liter- ally slept upon his post, which could not have been justified to his superiors, or even to liimself, by any allegation of a miracle, seemed worse, at least to the excited feelings of this heathen jailer, than any thing to be expected in a future state ; a delusion which might seem incredible, but for the daily proofs of its existence in our own times, and amidst the clear- est Hght of Christianity. 28. But Paul cried with a loud voice, saying, Do thyself no harm, for we are all here. Crie4i called, or as the verb itself originally means, raised his voice, which is then separately expressed, with a loud (lit- erally, a greai) voice. (See above, on 7, 57. 60. 8, 7. 14, 10.) Harm^ literally evil^ which may perhaps suggest the ideas both of bodily violence and moral wrong. As if he had said, ' Neither hurt thy body nor sin against thy soul.' We are all here^ i. e. all the prisoners, not only Paul and Silas, but those who were confined before them, and who were described in V. 25 as listening to the prayers and praises of the two new comers. This seems to imply, that if not in the same apart- ment, i. e. the inner prison (see above, on v. 23), they were near at hand, and that Paul could therefore see them to be still there when he spoke ; although he may, with equal prob- ability, be understood as making this assertion on direct divine authority. The fact itself, that all the prisoners remained, without embracing the occasion of escape, is supposed by some to prove that their chains were only loosened, not en- tirely removed (see above, on v. 27), while others more cor- rectly refer it to a special divine influence, or to the natural effect of certain physical j^henomena, such as storms, echpses^ 124 ACTS IC, 28-80. earthquakes iiiul the hke, iji generating a rehgious awe, even where there is notliing properly miraculous. If prisoners, even in such cases, might forego the opportunity of liber- ation, how much more credible is such forbearance or neglect in this case, where the circumstances were so evidently pre- ternatura!, and where the supposition of a special divine influ- ence upon their minds, although not requisite, is so admissible. 29. Then he called for a hght, and sprang in, and came tremblmg, and fell down before Paul and Silas, Having asked for (or demanded) is the active form of the verb used in 3, 2.' 14. 7, 4G. 9, 2. 12, 20. 13, 21. 28. A light, literally, lights^ which may either be a generic plural simply equivalent in meaning to the singular, or really denote a plurality of lamps or torches, brought by different attend- ants and from diflerent apartments of the prison. Sprang in is by some understood to mean that he leaped doicn into the subterranean dungeon, with which they identify the " inner prison" of v. 23. But it probably denotes nothing more than his abrupt and hurried entrance into the ward or cell where Paul and Silas were confined. Came tremhling introduces an idea not expressed in the original, which strictly means, her coming tremulous^ i. e. begmning to tremble, as a natural ex- ternal sign of fear. The very same phrase is translated else- where by the one word trembled, and almost the same by quake. (See above, on 7, 32, and compare Heb. 12, 21.) Fell down before, in Greek a very strong expression, meaning fell to or against, conveying the idea of a passive or powerless rather than an active and deliberate prostration. It is usually rendered as it is here (see Luke 8, 28. 47. Mark, 3, 11. 5, 33^, but once fell at (Mark 7, 25), once fell down at (Luke 3, 8), and once, in reference to a tempest, beat upon (Matt. 7, 25, the only place where it is not applied to persons.) • It here expresses, in the strongest and most vivid form, the terror and despair of the awakened jailer, and the awe with which he looked upon the two men whom he had so recently com- mitted to the closest and most rigorous confinement. 30. And brought them out, and said, Su's, what must I do to be saved ? Brought out, literally, leading forth (or forward), not ACTS 16, 30-33. 125 from the house into the street or open air, but from the "inner" to the "outer prison," which was no doubt a more spacious, light, and airy pLace. This was, therefore, of itself an act of deference, if not of kindness, which prepares the way for what subsequeiitly passed between them. Sirs is not the word so rendered m 7, 26. 14, 15, and in many other places Men, which is its proper meanmg (see above, on 1, 11. 16. 2, 14. 22. 29. 37. 3, 12. 5, 35. 7, 2. 13, 15. 26. 15, 7. 13), but the word translated 3Iasters in vs. 16. 19, and used in Greek, as that word is in English, to express respect and courtesy, especially to strangers. What must I do, or re- tainmg the original impersonal construction, lohat is it neces- sary for me to do, a stronger and more definite expression, though substantially equivalent to that used in 2, 37 {what shall loe do f) and there explained. It is rendered still more pointed and explicit by the additional words, that I may be saved ? This does not mean delivered from the wrath of his superiors, which he had not mcurred, as the prisoners were all sate, and from which Paul and Silas could not be expected to protect him, or even to advise him how to save himself ISTor does it mean dehvered from the anger of the gods, by whom these strangers seemed to be protected, and who might there- fore be expected to avenge their Vv'rongs. If this had been his meaning, it vs^ould have been otherwise expressed, and not in terms appropriated in this history and throughout the I'^J'ew Testament to the expression of a wholly different idea. Nor would the Apostles have replied to such a question as they did, miless we adopt the forced hypothesis, that he inquired in one sense and they ansv\^ered in another. The only natural and satisfactory mterpretation is the obvious and common one, that saved is here used in its highest and most comprehensive sense, that of deliverance from sin and ruin, guilt and punish- ment, the wrath of God and everlasting exclusion from his presence. The assertion that a heathen could not seek salva- tion in this sense, is an absurdity, refuted by the case of every Gentile convert ; and that this person in particular had heard of the new doctrine, and had even heard it preached by Paul and Silas, is decidedly more probable than that he had not. 31-33. And they said, Believe on tlie Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved, and thy house. And they spake unto him the word of the Lord, and to all 126 ACTS IG, :31-3;J. tliat were in his liouse. And he took them the same lioiir of the night, and washed (their) stripes ; and was baptized, he and all his, straightway. This answer, though entirely different in fonn from that of Peter to tlie same inquiry on the day of Pentecost (see above, on 2, 38), is perfectly harmonious in substance, saving faith and evangelical repentance being inseparable in experi- ence, and mutually implying one another. Bai)tism, although not included in Paul's answer, as it is in Peter's, was actually administered in either case. Thou and tJiy house {or house- holil^ see above, on v. 15), does not mean that they were to be saved by his faith, but by faith hi the same Saviour. Before receiving them as converts or disciples, Paul and Silas now in- structed them more fully in the doctrine of Christ, or the word of the Lord (see above, on 8, 25. 13, 48. 49. 15, 35. 36.) hj)ortnnity of pnttini,^ in liis ehiim ; but we iind liini, on a sub- sequent occasion, uru^ing it without cliallenuje or interrocjation (see below, on 22, 25.) Anotlier explanation is that he was not heard in the tumult, or knew that he would not be heard and therefore remained silent. But it was in such critical emerixencies that Cicero describes the three talismanic words (Rv)n<(nii8 civis sum) as instantly disarming the most lawless violence ; and these words, or their Greek equivalents, might C(,n-tainly have reached some ears amidst the riot at Philipiji. The only remaining supposition seems to be, that l*aul inten- tionally suifered his own rights and person to be outraged, in order to secure a greater good than mere exemption from dis- grace and suffering, not only by admonishing the magistrates to shun a rei)etition of their error, but l)y so departing from Philippi as to leave the infant church there under the protec- tion of the laAvs and in possession of the popular respect. As to the origin of Paul's civic rights, we only know that he pos- sessed them by hereditary right (see below, on 22, 20), not as a citizen of Tarsus, for although that city was a free one, i. e. allowed to govern itself, as a reward for public services, this did not protect Paul from the punishment of scourging on a subsequent occasion (compare 21, 39 with 22, 24), till he had besides declared himself a Roman by hereditary right (22, 29), i. e. most probably in recompense of services rendered by his father, or some other ancestor, to one or more of the contend- ing parties in the civil wars. The same thing may have been true in the case of Silas, who had a Roman name (Silvanus) as well as Paul ; but some suppose that he is here included in the general description, just as Barnabas and Paul are called Apostles (see above, on 14, 4. 14.) A?id now^ after all this public injury and insult. Do they thrust us (literally, cast us) out, the converse of the term used in vs. 23. 24, and like it necessarily suggesting the idea of some force or violence, to wit, that of freeing them or sending them away against their will, :it least in point of time and maimer. The clause may also be affirmatively rendered, they are thrusting us out (or driving us away) ; but the interrogative construction has a stronger tone of indignation and expostulation. It also agrees better with the next clause, in which Paul seems to answer his ov,-n question. Xay verily, if closely rendered, would be no, for, an elliptical expression wholly foreign from our idiom, ACTS 16, 37-39. 131 but which may thus be amplified, no (they shall not do so), for (\ve will not submit to it), hut let them come^ &c. The ori- ginal construction of the last clause is, coining let them fetch us out^ or lead us forth, another compound form of the verb used above in v. 30. Two thmgs have always been admired in this verse ; Paul's condensed and pointed statement of the case, m which it has been said that every word is full of meaning; and the moral courage, calm decision, and sound judgment, which he showed in the assertion of his legal rights, precisely when it was most likely to be useful to himself and others. This is enough to show how far he was from putting a fanatical or rigorous interjjretation on our Saviour's princi- ple of non-resistance (Matt. 5, 39. Luke 6, 29), which, like many other precepts in the same discourse, teaches what we should be wilUng to endure in an extreme case, but without abolishing our right and duty to determine when that case occurs. Thus Paul obeyed it, both in letter and in spirit, by submitting to maltreatment and by afterwards resenting it, as either of these courses seemed most likely to do good to men and honour to God. 38. 39. And the Serjeants told these words unto the magistrates, and they feared, when they heard that they were Romans. And they came and besought them, and brought (them) out, and desh^ed (them) to depart out of the city. Told^ the same verb that is elsewhere rendered rehearsed (14, 27), and declared (15, 4), but m all these cases has the more specific sense, reported^ carried back, implymg previous departure or communication. Feared^ or adhering to the pas- sive form of the original, loere frightened^ or afraid^ which is itself a passive participle, although now used only as an ad- jective. When they heard^ having heard, or hearing. That they were^ literally, that they are^ the present tense, in this as in many other cases, calling up the scene before the reader's mind as actually passing. (See above, on 7, 25.) Came and (literally, coming) besought^ invited, or exhorted (see above, on vs. 9. 15) ; but the strongest sense is here the most appro- priate. What they besought them to do is stated in the last clause. And brought (literally, bringing, or having brought) them oitt^ i. e. out of the prison or the jailer's house, which 132 ACTS 10, 39. 40. wore probaMy tlie samo (see above, on v. 37.) Desired^ literally, asArt/, inqiiire«l, but in Ilcllenistic Greek also niean- inly f/o out, as in v. 3G above. This was not intended as an insult, but as a precautionary measure to ensure their safety and the public peace. 40. And they went out of the prison, and entered into (the lioiisc of) Lydia : and when they had seen the brethren, they comforted them, and departed. Even in complying with this natural request, Paul and Silas seem to have avoided all appearance of timidity or haste, for which indeed they had a double motive; first, to make such an impression of their own respectability and innocence, as might serve to neutralize their previous maltreatment, and prevent its repetition in the case of the disciples whom they left behind ; and secondly, to part from these disci])les in a suitable and edifying manner. This they did by deliberately going from the prison to the house of Lydia, where the church had been originally formed, and Avhere it was accustomed to assemble (see above, on v. 16.) A}id havi7i(/ seen the hrethren., no doubt gathered for the purpose, they exhorted them, the more specific sense of consolation being really included, aiid departed, went out, from Philippi. Such was the first organi- zation of a Christian church in Europe, of which we have any authentic record, that of Rome resting merely on a vague tra- dition, though its date may certainly have been much earlier, as well as that of many others, founded by the foreign converts on the day of Pentecost, who afterwards returned to their re- spective homes. It is remarkable, however, that of such or- ganizations there is no memorial in Scripture, while the nar- rative before us leaves the natural impression, that the one which it records, if not really the first in time, was designed to hold the first place in the memory of men, as the earUest fruits of Aj^ostolical labour in the territory settled by the sons of Japhet. Another claim to this preeminence is founded on the singular aftection which the great Apostle cherished towards this people, and which still ajjpears as fresh as ever in his short epistle to the church of the Philippiaus, between which and the narrative before us there are many cross fights ACTS 16, 40. 133 of reciprocal elucidation. A peculiar mark of bis attachment was his breaking or suspending bis own rule of self-support among the Gentiles, by accepting contributions from this church when he refused them from all others. (See Phil. 4, 10-16. 2 Cor. 11, 7-12.) As the subjects of the verbs hi this verse, and the whole preceding context, must be Paul and Silas, they alone are here expressly said to have departed. This does not forbid the supposition that both Timothy and Luke went with them, and in 17, 14, we find the former with them at Berea; but the use of the first person, which is com- monly regarded as the token of Luke's presence, does not re- appear imtil the close of Paul's next European mission (see above, on v. 10, and below, on 20, 5.) This, although not conclusive e^ddence, creates a strong presumption that Paul left him at Philippi, either to attend to his own business, or more probably to nurse and train the infant church, which may have owed to him, as a chosen instrument in God's hand, that early advancement in the spiritual life which Paul so thankfully ac- knowledges long after. (See Phil. 1, 3-5.) CHAPTEE XYH. The account is still continued of Paul's apostolical and missionary labours in the two great provinces of Greece, Macedonia and Achaia. He passes through Amphipolis and Apollonia to Thessalonica (1.) He preaches there with great success (2-4.) The Jews raise a persecution (5-9.) The same thmgs happen at Berea (10-13.) Paul, leaving Silas and Timothy behind, removes to Athens (14-15.) He preaches in the synagogue and in the market (16-18.) He is brought to the Areopagus and requested to gratify the curiosity of the Athenians (19-21.) Taking occasion from an altar to an unknown God, he teaches them that the Creator can- not be confined to temples or in need of human care (22-25.) He is himself the source of all existence, and the common lather of all nations, whose history is ordered by his provi- dence, with a view to his own glory (26-27.) As the father of the human race, he is dishonoured by the use of images to represent liini (28-29.) This practice he has hitherto en- 134 ACTS 17, 1. 2. dured, but now forbids and will inexorably judc^c, thrl5ugh Christ wlioni hv has raised from tlu; dead (:m-:U.) At this point his audience refuse to liear liini further, and he leaves them, but not without having gained some converts, two of •whom are named (:}2-:34.) 1 . Now when they had passed through AmphipoUs and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, where was a synagogue of the Jews. The history of the Macedonian mission is continued with- out interruption. Ilacbig made their way (or journeyed) throvyh Arirplii polls and Apollonia^ it would seem without stop])ing, probably because there were no Jews, or at least no synagogues, in those two cities. AmjyhqjoUs^ an Athenian colony, tamous in the history of Greece, almost surrounded by the river Strymon, a circumstance indicated by its name. It was above thirty miles west of Philippi ; Apollonia as many miles still further west ; Thessalonica about as far, still in the same direction. When Paulus ^milius, the Roman con- queror of Macedonia, divided it into four provinces or districts, Amphipolis was the chief town of the first, and Thessalonica of the second. When all Greece was after^vards diWded into two great provinces, Macedonia and Achaia, Thessalonica was the capital of the former. It was anciently called Thermae, but Cassander, who rebuilt and fortified it, named it in honour of his wife, the sister of Alexander the Great, who had her- self been so named by her father Philip in commemoration of a great Thessalian victory. The liiie situation of the town at the head of the Thermaic gulr" and on the great Egnatian road from Italy to Asia, gave it early importance, both com- mercial and political, which it has ever since retained ; being still one of the most flourishing cities of the Turkish Empire, under the abbreviated name of Salonica or Saloniki. A syna- gogue^ or more exactly, the synagogue^ i. e. the well-known or famous synagogue ; or still more probably, the only one to which they had yet come in Macedonia. The Jews appear to have been always numerous in this place, and at present con- stitute a large proportion of the population. 2. And Paul, as his manner was, went in unto them, and three sabbath days reasoned with them out of the Scriptm-es — ACTS 17, 2. 3. 135 Accordi7ig to the custom (or ichat was customary) to Paul., he loent in^ &c. A similar practice of our Saviour is expressed in the same manner, Luke 4, 16. Paul was so far from having ceased his efforts to convert the Jews, that he still began with these wherever he went. (See above, on 13, 46.) This also afforded him the best means of access to serious and inquiring Gentiles. JJx)on (or for) three sahbaths., which imphes a stay- there of at least two weeks, but without forbidding the sup- position of a much longer one, which some prefer, as more in keeping with the statements and allusions in the two ej^istles to the Thessalonians, presupposing a longer residence and a more intimate acquaintance with the people. Some, however, think a residence of two or three weeks quite sufficient to ac- count for all that is there said ; while others arbitrarily refer it to a later visit. Measoned,, or discoursed argumentatively, either in the way of dialogue, which is the primary meaning of the Greek verb (see above, on 1, 19. 2, 6. 8), or in that of formal and continuous discourse. Out of {ov from) the Scrii^ tures., as the source and starting-point of all his teachings. Some connect this with what follows, out of the Scriptures Oldening., &c. But although the division of the verses is with- out authority, it seems here to assume the true construction. 3. Opening and alleging, that Christ must needs have suffered, and risen again from the dead ; and that this Jesus, whom I preach unto you, is Christ. Opening., in Greek an emphatic compoimding, opening out or through^ i. e. completely opening or explaming. The same word is elsewhere applied by Luke to the Scriptures them- selves as the subject of instruction (Luke 24, 32), and also to the mmds of those mstructed (Luke 24, 45.) Alleging., or pyropoundlng^ setting forth, as in Matt. 13, 24. 31. (For other senses of the same verb, see above, on 14, 23. 16, 34.) The distinction here is variously supposed to be that between par- ticular and general instruction, or between sjTithetical and analytical ratiocination, but is more probably between eluci- dation or solution of difficulties, and the authoritative propo- sition of things to be believed. It was necessary^ made so by the divine purpose as revealed m the Old Testament. For the Christ (the Messiah there predicted) to suffer (and espe- cially to die, see above, on 1, 3) as a sacrifice for sin, a doc- trine which the Jews had \qvj commonly lost sight of. And 13G ACTS 17, :J. 4. to rise from the dead, as tlio n|»jK)int('(l test of his divine lep^.i- tion, and a necessary j)roof that liis ^reat work was accom- plished. Afid (hat this (sulVerinij: ano, act, practise, as distin- guished from a single momentary action. The decrees of Gesar^ the laws or edicts (or in a wider sense, the sove- reignty and government) of the Roman Emperors, who bore as an official title the name of their great predecessor, Julius Cesar. It properly denoted one branch of the noble Julian race or family, but was adopted by Augustus and his succes- sors, even after the race had ceased to reign, until Hadrian assigned it to the secondary emperor or heir-apparent, reserv- ing that of Augustus for the actual sovereign. The particular violation of the imperial rights here charged was the procla- mation of a rival sovereign. The word king {rex) Avas abjured by the Romans after the expulsion of the Tarquins, so that when monarchical institutions were restored A\ith greater pomp and power than ever, the name assumed was really a military one {imperator^ commander), although now consid- ered higher than king itself Had Luke been writing in Latin, the use of the word king would have been contrary to usage, and at least a pretext for some skeptical misgivmg ; but the Greek writers constantly applied the corresponding Greek word even to the Roman Emperors. The charge itself may be regarded either as a Jewish calumny, like that alleged agamst our Lord himself (Matt. 27, 11. 12. Mark 15, 2. 3. Luke 23, 2. John 18, 33-37. 19, 12), or as a misconception of Paul's Messianic doctrine, which appears to have been misappre- hended even by the Thessalonian Christians. (See 1 Thess. 5, 1. 2 Thess. 2, 1.) One^ supplied by the translators, makes the expression too contemptuous, impljdng that the name was never before heard there, which, however possible or even probable, is not suggested by the form of the original. (Wic- lif 's construction of the last clause is, that Jesus is another king) 8. 9. And they troubled the people and the rulers of the city when they heard these things. And when they had taken security of Jason, and. of the others, they let them go. 140 ACTS 17, 8. 9. 10. 11. Trouhlcdy disturbed in mind, as in 15, 24 above, a different verb troni that in v. G, wliicli relates rather to external tumult and confusion. The j)<^oph\ poi)ulace, or mob, not the word so rendered in v. 5 above, and there explained. Jiulers of the city^ Politarchs, as in v. 0 above. Hearing these things^ i. c. the changes first alleLCC'd against the Christians. Jlamhig taken security^ literally enough^ supposed to be a Latin law-phrase, the correlative oi sattsdare^ to give bonds or security. From Jason and the others (or the rest), not Paul and his company, but the certain brethren mentioned in v. G above. Lrt tlani go, discharged them, a judicial term employed above in IG, 35. 36, and ollen elsewliere. The security was probably to keep the peace, or to abstain from every thing oj)posed to the imperial government, or possibly to send away the causes or occasions of this tumult, as they did. 10. And the brethren immediately sent away Paul and Silas by night unto Berca, who coming (thither) went into the synagogue of the Jews. The brethren, disciples, Christians, acting in one body, as the same class had done long before, in a similar emergency, at Damascus and Jerusalem. (See above, on 9, 25. 30.) Ln- mediately, no doubt upon the same day, or in the course of the ensuing night. ISent away (or out from Thessalonica) both (re) Paul and Silas, i. e. not only Paul, whose safety was particularly cared for, but also Silas, who might perhaps have been expected to remain, as he did at the next place from which Paul was driven. (See below, on v. 14.) Berea, another town of Macedonia, southwest of Thessalonica. It is a curious coincidence that Cicero, in his oration against Piso, represents him as escaping from the same Thessalonica to the same Berea. Coming thither, being there, having got there or arrived. (See above, on 5, 21. 22, 25. 9, 2G. 39. 10, 32. 33. 11, 23. 13, 14. 14, 27. 15, 4.) Went, or more exactly, 'ment away, went out, perliaps because the s}Tiagogue was out of town, as at Philippi. (See above, on IG, 13.) 11. These were more noble than those in Thessa- lonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily, whether those thino-s were so. ACTS 17, 11-13. 141 These^ i. e. the Jews of Berea, whose synagogue had just been mentioned. Calvin, it is true, understands it of the higher ranks, or first faniihes in Thessalonica {the more noble of those in Thessalonicci)^ a construction which appears to be adojDted also in the Vulgate, and by Luther ; but with these exceptions, uiterpreters appear to be unanimous in un- derstanding it as a comparison between the Thessalonian and Berean Jews, the latter being represented as ^nore noble in a moral sense, i. e. more candid and impartial, just and devoted to the truth. Received the icord^ i. e. listened to the preach- ing of the Gospel. Readiness of mind (Wiclif, desire ; Tyn- dale, diligence of mind ; Geneva, readiest affection ; Rhemish, greediness.) They were not only open to conviction, but pre- disposed in favour of the new religion. {Day) by day^ a strengthened form of the expression used above, in 2, 46. 47. 3, 2. 5, 42, denoting not mere occasional but constant and as- siduous investigation. Searching^ the verb employed above in 4, 9. 12, 19, and properly denoting an official or judicial inquisition, thus suggesting the idea that they acted not as advocates or partisans, but judges, i. e. with unbiassed equa- nimity and conscientious love of truth. Tliese things^ i. e. the thmgs taught by Paul and his companions, which had just beeiT called the loord. Were so, literally, had (themselves) so (see above, on 7, 1. 12, 15), i. e. as the Christian teachers represented. 12. Therefore many of them beheved ; also of hon- om-able women which were Greeks, and of men, not a few. T/ierefore, or rather, so then (see above, on 1, 18. 2, 41. 8,4.25. 9,31. 11,19. 12,5. 13,4. 14,3. 15,3.30. 16,5), as might have been expected from these predispositions. 3Iany of (or froi7i among) them, the Berean Jews who had been just described. Relieved m Christ, were converted, became Christians. And of the Grecian (i. e. Gentile) women, the respectable (see above, on 13, 50.) The female converts were probably most numerous, and perhaps most distinguished, but of men too (there were also) not a few, i. e. there were many, as in V. 4, above. 13. But when the Jews of Thessalonica had know- 142 ACTS 17, 13. 14. ledge tliat the word of Ood was preached of Paul at JkTca, they eainethitlier also*, and stirred up the people. Paul's labours at Bcrea were disturbed precisely as they bad been at Lystra on his former mission. (See above, on 14, 1!>.) I>oth cases serve to show not only the inveterate hostility, but the intellifcence and cnerLry, of these dispersed Jews, who a})iK'ar to have been well iiilbrmed of what was passing even at a distance, and habitually ready for decided action^ Of (literally, from) IVtessalonica, i. e. Ijelontring to that place (see above, on 10, 23. 38. 15, 5. 19), not simply com- ing from it upon this occasion, for their coming is recorded in the last clause. The icord of God., the Gospel, as a special revelation. (See above, on 4, 31. G, 2. 7. 8,14. 11,1. 12,24. 13, 5. 7. 44.) Preached^ declared, announced, proclaimed (see above, on v. 3, and on 4, 2. 13,5.38. 15,36. 10,7.21) of Paid^ i. e. by Paul. T]dthe)\ literally, there., which some construe with what follows, there also stirring vp the multi- tudes., because it is to this act, and not to that of coming, that the also must apply. Stirring iij)., exciting, agitating, else- where spoken both of bodily and mental agitation. (See above, on 2, 25. 4, 31. 16, 26.) 14. And then miniediately the brethren sent aw\iy Paul to go as it were to the sea ; but Silas and Tinio- theus abode there still. Immediately then., i. e. as soon as this commotion had begun. The brethren., as in v. 10, impl^dng the formation of a Cliris- tian society or church here also, as the fruit of the Apostle's short and interrupted visit. Sent away is not the same verb that is used in v. 10, but a somewhat more exi)ressive double compound, meaning they sent out and away (to a distance, as in 7, 12. 9, 30. 11, 22. 12, 11.) To go, go away, depart, travel, journey. (See above, on 16, 7. 16. 36.) As it icere is in Greek a single word (ojs) strictly meaning as, but often used by the best prose writers, with the preposition following it here ((Ls £7rt), to signify the mere direction in which any thing or person moves, or at most the design to move in that direction. The full force of the phrase may be, to journey as (he must if he would get) to the sea. This idiom is so common in Thucydides, Polybius, and Xenophon, that it cannot be con- sidered as implying an intention to elude pursuit, by seeming ACTS 17, 14. 15. 143 to go to the sea, but really journeying by land. That he actually went by sea, although not absolutely certam, is made highly jH'obable, not only by its being easier and usually shorter than the land route, but also by Luke's silence as to any of the places through which he must have passed if he had gone by land. Both (re) &ilas and Timothy^ not only Silas but Timothy, one of whom might have been expected to attend the Apostle. (See above, on v. 10.) Abode, not per- manently, as the word in modern English usually means, but remained, continued, for a time, no doubt, according to Paul's constant practice, to watch and train the infant church there. It is very remarkable, considering the description above given (v. 11) of the class from which this church must have been chiefly formed, that it is never again mentioned, especially when such abundant evidence exists of Paul's solicitous regard for the Christians of Thessalonica and Philippi, in his three epistles to those churches still j^reserved in the New Testament canon. This silence has been variously explained, by suppos- ing that although the word of God was preached in Berea (see above, on v. 13), no permanent society or church was formed there ; or that it soon declined and died out ; both of which hypotheses are far from having any antecedent probabihty. 15. And they that conducted Paul brought him unto Athens, and receiving a commandment unto Silas and Timotheus for to come to him with all speed, they departed. Those conducting (or escorting) Paul, a difi*erent word from that in 15, 3, and descriptive of a different proceeding, not, as in that case, the affectionate and honorary act of ac- companying one for a short distance and then taking leave of him, but the more substantial service of attending him throughout a journey, both for guidance and protection. The word here used means strictly, putting (or setting) doicn, as a deposit in a place of safety, and is stronger than the corre- sponding phrase in English, as specially applied to the convey- ing of a person in a carriage to his home, or any other point along the way, while the carriage proceeds further. In the sense of conveying to one's destination, or his journey's end, the Greek verb is employed by the best ancient writers, and by Homer with specific reference to a voyage by sea. Brought 144 ACTS 17, 15. IC. (led, or conducted) frim as far as (or even nnto) Athens. For to come (see above, on 5, :U.) Tlie Greek eonstniction is, that theij as soon as 2^ossible (with all sj)eed, or ininu'diately) should come to hint. Tiiis seems to iavour the ojtiiiion that Silas and Timothy were merely left behind tor safety, or to cover Paul's retreat, and that for want of time no church had been leathered at Berea, notwithstandini^ the tiivourable pre- disjKtsitions of the Jews there. (See above, on v. 14.) The nrijent messapfe sent to Silas anened to encounter there. It has been disputed whether by the Agora (or Forinn)^ here translated market (see above, on 16, 19), is intended the Ceramicus (the ancient Forum) or the Agora Eretria (the new one) ; but it seems rather to be used generically, just as we might say the street, without intending any one exclusively. Daily is a still stronger phrase than that in v. 11, and means on (or through- out) every day, which seems to imply a sojourn or detention of considerable though uncertain length. Met with him, in English, may suggest the idea of a formal meeting or a pre- vious aj)ponitment, both which are expressly excluded in the Greek phrase, meaning those who chanced or happened to be by, so that Thucydides employs substantially the same form to denote the lirst comer (i. e. any body), and the neuter of the same to denote whatever may turn up (i. e. any thing). No form of speech could therefore have been chosen to express more clearly a fortuitous or random intercourse with people in the public i)laces, a circumstance not Avholly without inter- est, because of its exact agreement, which has been already mentioned, with the old Athenian and Socratic method of in- struction. The facility with which the great A})ostle of the Gentiles here adoi)ts ])ecu]iar national and local habits, for the sake of reaching the ^Vthenian mind, is one of the most strik- ing illustrations and examj^les of the holy art, with which he ever stood prepared to become " all to all," that he might " by all means save some" (1 Cor. 9, 22.) ACTS 17, 18. 147 18. Then certain philosophers of the Epicureans, and of the Stoics, encountered him. And some said. What will this babbler say ? other some, He seemeth to be a setter forth of strange gods ; becavise he preached unto them Jesus and the resurrection. Out of the promiscuous mass with which Paul thus came into contact, Luke now singles two well known schools or classes of philosophers. That he says nothing of the still more illustrious schools founded by Plato and Aristotle, has been variously explained, by supposing that these had lost their in- fluence even in their native city ; or that they were more em- ployed in abstruse speculation, and took less interest in prac- tical discussions ; or that their princij^les were less immediately assailed by Christianity ; or finally, that the only schools who happened to be represented in the Agora, when Paul appeared there, were the two here mentioned. The Epicureans, or Phi- losophers of the Garden, owed their name to Epicurus, who died at Athens in the year 270 before the birth of Christ, leaving his house and garden to be the constant seat of his philosophy, which was accordingly maintained there till the time of which we are now reading. He taught that the highest good and great end of existence was serene enjoy- ment, which his followers interpreted as meaning pleasure, and that often of the grossest kind. He ascribed the creation of the world to chance, and although he acknowledged the exist- ence of the gods, described them as indifferent to human inter- ests and human conduct. The Stoics, or Philosophers of the Porch, were so called from the Stoa Poecile or Painted Porch, adjoining one of the Athenian squares or markets, where their founder, Zeno, taught at the same time mth Epicurus. The Stoics acknowledged the supremacy of moral good, and even affected to deny the difference between pain and pleasure. They also acknowledged a supreme God and a Providence, but the former confounded with the world or universe, the latter governed by a fatal necessity. In later times, the Epi- curean system was a favourite with the Greeks, and the Stoical with the Romans, as suiting their national characters respect- ively ; but each had adherents in both races, one of tlie most eminent Stoics (Epictetus) being a Greek of Asia Minor, and one of the most eminent Epicureans (Lucretius) a Roman poet. Encountered is the verb translated convened in 4, 15 above, 148 ACTS 17, 18. 10. and met with in 20, 11 bolow, which hist ni.iv be llic meaning here, to wit, that in liis j)ii])Hc walks and conversations he fell in witli some ])liil«)SO})hers ot" these two scliools. It may, how- ever, have tlie more specific meanini^ of conferrhnj^ or eom- parin£j views, in conversation, liiihhler^ literally, ffre?;o- tions^ in the sense of religious services or worship, is an inex- act translation. The one given in the margin of the English Bible {gods that you icorship) is more accurate, but too re- stricted, as the Greek word denotes every thing connected with their worship, not its objects merely, but its rites and implements, including temples, images, and altars. Found seems to denote something more than saxc^ perhaps implying that the altar was not in public view, but in some corner or less frequented place, where Paul had unexpectedly discovered it or come upon it. Also an altar, the first of which words is omitted in the version, but essential to the sense, as meaning in addition to the well known and more obvious appurtenances of the heathen worship. With this inscription, literally, in (or on") irhirli had been written (or inscribed.) The pluperiect form of the Greek verb may be intended to suggest the same idea of neglect, or at least of great antiquity. To an nnknoic?i (not THE unknown) God, a species ot inscription not uncommon in antiquity, especially at Athens, where Pausanias and Phi- lostratus bear witness to the existence of anonymous altars. Some light is thrown ui)on their origin by the statement of Diogenes Laertius, that when Epimenides was brought from Crete to stay a plague at Athens, he directed white and black sheep to be driven from the Areopagus, and where they first lay down, new altars to be built to the apj^ropriate God (toJ ACTS 17, 23. 163 ^€w TTpocrrjKovTL), i. e. to the divinity by whom the plague had been inflicted, and by appeasing whom it was to be removed. The practice, thus established or exemplified, of trying to pro- pitiate an offended deity without even knowing who it was, agrees with the statements of the other writers above men- tioned, that there were altars there to anonymous or unknown gods. Of this fact, plainly showing the uncertain and unsatis- fying nature of the heathen superstition, which required so many gods to be appeased, and left it doubtful after all whether some had not been overlooked, the Apostle takes advantage, to show his cultivated but deluded hearers "a more excellent way." For ichom and him, the oldest manu- scripts and latest editors read what and that, which gives a better sense, because the object of their worship in such cases was not the true God, but a mere nonentity or vague abstrac- tion. Jerome's arrogant and foolish statement — that the fact was not as Paul asserted, but that the altar was inscribed to the gods of Europe, Africa and Asia, and that Paul, having need of only one, so represented it — if worthy of regard at all, proves only that there was such an inscription as Jerome describes in his day, but not (as some seem to imagine) that there was none such as Paul describes four hundred years be- fore. Ignorantly is in Greek a participle {iiot knovnng), and icorship a compound form of the verb commonly so rendered (see above, on vs. 4. 17, and on 13, 43. 50. 16, 14), expressing the idea of peculiarly devout or pious reverence. (Compare the use of the correlative adjective in 10, 2. 7 above.) What ye loorship icithout knoicing (what it is), that I declare unto you. The reference is not directly to Jehovah, as one of the foreign deities to whom they had erected altars ; nor to the yearnings after the Supreme God, which are said to under- lie the grossest forms of polytheism ; but simply to the practi- cal acknowledgment of insufficiency and worthlessness, includ- ed in the very fact that their religion allowed the worship of an unknown god. As if he had said, ' I perceive from one of your neglected altars, that you recognize another god (or other gods) besides the many which you worship formally by name, and I announce to you that under this mdefinite de- scription falls the very Being whom you ought to serve to the exclusion of all others. What yourselves acknowledge to ex- ist and to be worthy of religious reverence, although you cannot even name it, I make known to you this day, in the person of the only true and living God.' VOL. II. — 7* 154 ACTS 17, 'Ji. '2r). ;24. (U)d tliat iiiiuh* the world and all tliinijs therein, seeing tliat lie is Loi-d ot" lu-aviMi and earth, dwfllcth not in temples made with iiands — TIk' (1c)(1, wlunii ho llius i)roclaiiue(l to (licm, is tlio maker, niid by iH'c'i'ssary consequence the sovereiixn, of the universe, described in one clause as the icorld and all things in iV, and in the otlier as heaven and earthy Avliich is plainly an equiva- lent exj)ressi()n (see above, on 4,24. 7,49. 14,15.) Seeing that he is^ in Greek a sinixle woid, existing^ being (see above, on 10, 3. 20. 37.) The inference from these two facts, to wit, that God is the Creator and therefore the Lord (or Sovereiirn) of the universe, is that he does not dwell in artificial (literally, hand-made., manufactured) shri?ies (or temples^ see above, on 7, 4s, and below, on 19, 24.) The error here denied is that of Heathenism and corru})ted Judaism, namely, that the Deity could be confined or unchanijeably attached to any earthly residence, not the jjenuine Old Testament doctiine of Jeho- vah's real and continued dwellinjx in the tabernacle and tem- ple. There seems to be an evident allusion here to Stephen's words, which had been lieard by Paul himself. (See above, on 7, 48. 58.) 25. Neither is worshipped with men's hands, as thongh he needed any thing, seeing he giveth to all life, and breath, and all things — Another necessary inference from the doctrine of creation and divine sovereignty is God's entire independence of all human care and service as essential to his blessedness or glory. With (literally, hg) the hands of men., i. e. by men (as the agents) M'ith their hands (as the instruments.) Wor- shipped is not exactly the idea conveyed by the original ex- pression, which means cared for^ taken care of, in the way of service, by su])plying want and (in the case of human subjects) healing sickness (see above, on 4, 14. 5, 16. 8, 7, and the Gos- pels passim.) As though he needed (literally, needing^ any {thing)., or ang (o?ic), as the pronoun may be either masculine or neuter. It is somewhat singular that this same sentiment is uttered by Lucretius, the P^picurean poet, and by Seneca, the Stoic moralist. But in flagrant contradiction to these speculative doctrines was the whole religious practice, of philosophers as well as of the multitude, implying the neces- ACTS 17, 25. 26. 166 sity of human service to the divine blessedness. Seeing he giveth (literally, himself giving) to all (without exception or distinction) life and breath (the Avord translated icind in 2, 2), as a necessary incident and condition of life. The phrase is, therefore, not a mere hendiadys for vital breathy though this is the essential meaning. A7id all the {thi?igs) required for the support of life. 26. And liatli made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of tlie earth, and hath deter- mmed the thnes before appomted, and the bounds of theu^ habitation — This relation of the maker to the made is uniform and universal. With respect, not only to the local pride of the Athenians, as autochthones or aborigines^ distinct from other races and the offspring of their own soil, but also to the gen- eral connection between the belief in many gods and that in many races, Paul here asserts the original unity of men, as the creatures of the same God and subjects of the same providen- tial government. Blood is omitted in some manuscripts and versions and editions ; but this omission is more easily ex- plained than the insertion of an expression so unusual, although intelhgible and appropriate, as evidently meaning a commu- nity of nature and of origin. Made may either mean created (as in 4, 24. 7, 50. 14, 15, and v. 24, above) for the purpose of dwelling, &c., or caused (as in 3, 12. 7, 19) to dwells &c. The difference is one of mere construction, the creation of the race being as certainly implied in one case as it is expressed in the other. The great flict here alluded to, though frequently as- sailed and sometimes given up by the defenders of revealed truth, is confirmed by every new discovery in science, showing that the actual diversities among mankind are not more real or more marked than those which can be clearly traced in the same species of other animals. All nations (literally, every nation) to dwell (or more specifically settle)^ begin to dwell (see above, on 1, 19. 2, 5. 9. 14. 4, 16. 7, 2. 4) on all the face (or surface) of the earthy a studied generality of language, ap- parently intended to exclude all reservation and exception, even in favour of the Greeks or the Athenians. Having de- termined (or defined)^ not in the metaphorical or secondary sense of the verb elsewhere (see above, on 2, 23. 10, 42. 11, 166 ACTS 17, 26-28. 29), l)Ut in its j)roj)cr sense of markincj houndaries or limits, either in reterence to time (Ileb. 4, 7) or sj)a('e, or botli, as in the case before us. 7\')/ic.% set times, junctures (see aliovc, on 1, 7. 3, 19. 7, 20. 12, 1. 13, 11. 14, 17), meanins^ liere the dates of history, the turning points in the experience of na- tions. Jitfore (tppohded^ or according to the latest critics, simply iippohitcd or cotrnnandecl. Jiouynh^ literally houiid- settinffs^ limitations, definitions of extent and mutual relation. Jlabitdtion^ settlement, the noun corresponding to the verb (hcell (or settle) in the ])receding clause. In this verse Paul claims for the Most High the right to govern, and indeed the actual control of the vicissitudes of nations, whether temporal or local, as a part of his great providential i)lan or purpose. 27. That they should seek the Lord, if haply they might feel after him and find him, though he be not far from every one of us — A further statement of the end for which this one race was created and established in the earth. To seek the Lord^ or according to the critics, God^ which may, however, be an emendation founded on the supposition that the Lord does not express God's true relation to the Gentiles ; but in this case it is perfectly api)ropriate, as meaning the divine authority or sovereignty, arising from the act of creation, and explicitly affirmed in v. 24 above. If haply (or hy chance^ implying contingency and doubt) they miyJd feel or gropje after him (as in the dark) and find him (even under all these disadvan- tages), a vivid and expressive exhibition of the state in which the Gentile world was placed, without a written revelation or direct communication with their Maker, yet with light enough to make their ignorance of God inexcusable. (See above, on 14, 15-17, and compare Rom. 1, 18-21.) Though he he^XiXr- erally, though he'ing^ or existing, the same verb that is em- ployed above, in v. 24, and here the last word in the clause or sentence. 2\^ot far^ an instance of the figure called litotes or meiosis, the idea suggested being that of the closest and most intimate proximity. Ji^ach (or every) one of us^ i. e. of men in general, mankind, the human race. 28. Por in him ^ve live, and move, and have our being ; as certain also of your own poets have said, Tor we are also his offspring. ACTS 17, 28. 29. 157 The relation thus existing between God and man is not a mere external nearness, but an mtimate, essential oneness. For in hbn^ not merely by or through him, which gratuitously weakens the Apostle's meaning, but in vital union with him, and mcluded in him, as the source and sphere of our existence. Have our heing^ Hterally, are, the ordinary verb of existence, not the one employed in vs. 24. 27. Some suppose a climax in these words, the first denoting animal life, the last exist- ence in the highest sense. Others suppose an anticlimax, live meaning sj^iritual life, move animal life, and are bare being or existence. Another view of the meaning is that without (or out of) God we could not live, nor even move, as some things v/ithout life can do, nor even (which is less than both) exist at all. But all these explanations are perhaps too artificial, and the words may be regarded as substantially equivalent, a cumulative or exhaustive expression of the one great thought, that our being and activity are wholly dependent on our inti- mate relation and proximity to God our Maker. That this was no peculiar tenet either of the Jews or Christians, Paul evinces by a sentence from a heathen poet, his own countryman, Ai'atus of Cilicia, who had lived in the third century before Christ, and who, in his astronomical poem, the Phenomena, translated into Latin by at least two illustrious Romans (Cicero and Germanicus), has these very words as part of a hexameter. The same idea, but conveyed in a direct address to Zeus or Jupiter, is found in an old hymn of Cleanthes the Stoic. Hence the plural form, some of your own poets^ or of the poets among you (or belonging to you.) That Paul was familiar with the classics, although not deducible from this quotation, is much more probable, considering the reputation of his native city as a seat of learning (see above, on 9, 11. 30. 1 1, 25), than that his training was exclusively rabbinical. The use here made of heathen testimony is not an abuse, or 'Sven an accommodation, of the language quoted, which although applied by Aratus and addressed by Cleanthes to a mytholo- gical divinity, could only be regarded, even by themselves, as true of the Supreme God, as distinguished from all others. The /or belongs to the quotation, and refers to nothing in this context. We also^ as well as other orders of intelligences nearer to him. Offspring^ family or race (see above, on 4,6.36. 7, 13. 19. 13, 26.) 29. Forasmuch then as we are the ofFspiing of God, 158 ACTS 17, 20. 30. w'v ouL^Hit not to tliiiik tliat tlio Ciodhcad is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven hy art and man's device. Tlu' rclatioiisliip existing: between (iud and man must be ehietly spiritual, not corporeal. To deify matter, therefore, is to make (iod inferior to man, the Creator to the creature. lujnt.sf/i'ich then as ice are., literally, therefore being. Ought 7wt^ are bound not, as a matter both of interest and moral obligation. Graven., literally, wltJi eorving., sculpture. Art a)ul nuin'^s device disturbs both the order and the syntax, the first and hist noun being equally dependent on the second, art and device of man. Tiie two ideas here combined are those of skill and genius, the power of execution and the power of invention or artistical creation, neither of which, nor both to- gether, can change matter into spirit, much less clothe it with divine perfections. 2' he Godhead., literally, the divine., i. e. the divine nature or essence. The corresponding abstract term in English is the Deity. The original order of this sen- tence, although scarcely reproducible in English, is peculiarly striking and expressive, the tirst word being ojfsjjring, and the last, the Godhead to be like. 30. And the times of this ignorance God winked at, but now commandeth all men eveiy where to repent — A thought to be supplied between the verses is, that this degradation and denial of the Godhead had been practised universally for ages, i. e. in the whole heathen worshi]) and mythology. The times of this (literally, the) ignorance (of what God was and what was due to him from man) include the whole of the preceding ages or the past history of the Gentile world. Times is not the word employed in v. 26, but one denoting periods, as distinguished from mere points or junctures. "(See above, on 1, 7.^3, 21. 7,17.23. 8,11. 13,18. 14,3.28. 15,33.) Winked at is not only an inaccurate translation, but a very objectionable although unintended degradation of the subject, by applying to the Most High, even in a ligure, a bodily gesture trivial in itself and its asso- ciations, and entirely wanting in the Greek, which simply means, having overlooked., or ])assed by, i. e. suffered or en- dured, without declaring his disapprobation. (See above, on 14, 16, and compare Kom. 3, 25.) This period of forbear- ACTS 17, 30. 31. 159 ance is now past. The revelation of God's will is confined no longer to a single nation. Noic^ in emphatic opposition to the past times of man's ignorance and God's forbearance (see above, on 4, 29. 5, 38.) Commands^ peremptorily requires or orders (see above, on 1, 4. 4, 18. 5, 28. 40. 10, 42. 15, 5. 16, 18. 23.) All {men) every ichere^ a double expression of the universality of the command, made still more striking in the Greek by the use of two cognate terms {Traa-i travTaxov)^ which might be Englished, everybody everywhere. To repent to change their minds and reform their practice (see above, on 2, 38. 3,19. 5,31. 8,22. 11, 18. 13, 24), with special reference to this sin of idolatry, but not excluding a more general and comprehensive revolution both of heart and life. 31. .Because lie hath appomtecl a day, in the which he will judge the world in righteousness by (that) man whom he hath ordained ; (whereof) he hath given assu- rance unto all (men), in that he hath raised him from the dead. Because refers directly not so much to what immediately precedes as to an intermediate thought, Avhich is suppressed but may be readily supplied, to wit, this divine command is not without a sanction and a penalty. Its \dolation will be made the subject of judicial inquest, before one who has already been appointed and accredited by God himself. Ap- pointed.^ set, or fixed (see above, on 1, 23. 4, 7. 5, 27. 6, 6. 13.) A day., i. e. a definite or set time, with particular but not ex- clusive reference to the final judgment. See above, on 10, 42, where Peter presents Christ in his judicial character and office to another company of Gentiles. In the ichich., an obsolete redundancy or pleonasm in English, meaning neither more nor less than m ichich without the article, there being nothing corresponding to it in Greek, either here or elsewhere. Will judge., is about (or just about) to judge (see above, on 3, 3. 5,35. 11,28. 12,6. 13,34. 16,27.) The ?oor/^7, literally, the inhabited (earth), here put for the whole world or its inhabit- ants, the whole human race. (See above, on v. 6 and 11, 28.) In righteousness., not merely righteously or justly, as an epi- thet of quality or manner, but in the actual and active exer- cise of righteousness or justice as amoral attribute or trait of character. (See above, on 10, 35. 13, 10.) The judgment IGO ACTS 17, :n. here preointed. (See above, on 2, 23. 10, 42, and compare the use of tlic same verb in Kom. 1, 4.) Mlierefore he hath given assurance, literally, having offered faith (as in the margin of the English Bible), i. e. having made it possible by furnishing the necessary evidence. In that he hath (literally, having) raised hi?)i from (among) the dead, the same expression that is used above in 13, 34, and there explained. The resurrection of Christ established his divine legation and the truth of all his doctrines and preten- sions (see above, on 1, 22), among which was his claim to the judicial functions here ascribed to him by Paul. As this dis- course Avas interrupted (see below, upon the next verse), we have no right to describe it as a mere lesson in natural theol- ogy, nor even to assume (with Calvin and some others) that it is less fully reported in the last than in the first part. The Apostle showed his wisdom, in addressing such an audience, by setting out from principles of natural religion, and gradu- ally introducing the distinctive doctrines of the Gospel, as he begins to do in this verse. That he did not fully carry out his plan, was the fault of his hearers, not his own. 32. And when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked, and others said, We will hear thee again of this (matter). When they heard, Hterally, having heard (or hearing) blocked, derided, ridiculed, the same verb that is used above, in 2, 13, although the latest critics give it there a compound and therefore more emphatic form. The possibility of resur- rection after death was not only no part of the Greek creed, either philosophical or popular, but was positively repudiated as a gross absurdity. The universal faith may be summed up in the poetical but strong and clear phrase of ^schylus, " Once dead, there is no resurrection." This incredulity ap-- pears to have been felt, not only by the mockers of the first clause, but also by the graver and more courteous class men- ACTS 17, 32. 33. 161 tioned in the second. Others said (or so7ne said), We icill hear thee again about this, not the resurrection merely, but the whole theme of his discourse. This is commonly explained as a polite refusal to hear further, even on the part of those who did not mock or ridicule the speaker, and has sometimes been compared to the procrastinating speech of Felix to the same Apostle (see below, on 24, 25.) Some, however, under- stand it as a serious proposal, which was never carried into execution, while some even think it was, and that one more conference at least was held, but as it led to no result, was not recorded. Here again, though not a necessary supposition, it is certainly more natural than any other, that the classes whom Luke so distinctly characterizes, by the few words which he puts into their mouths, were the gay Epicureans and the graver Stoics. (See above, on v. 18.) 33. So Paul departed from among tliem. A7id (omitted in some copies) so (or thus), not a mere con- nective or continuative particle, but like the same word as employed by Stephen (see above, on 7, 8), summing up the substance of what goes immediately before. A)id thus reject- ed, thus derided by one portion of his hearers, thus put off to a more convenient season by another, and perhaps regarded with indifference by the rest, the Apostle of the Gentiles icent out from among (or from the midst of) them, fortuitous but real representatives of Gentile wisdom and of Greek civiliza- tion. The way in which his going forth is here described shows clearly that he was not on his trial or under any per- sonal restraint whatever (see above, on v. 19.) Whether he merely left the Areopagus, or now took his departure from the city, is a question which depends, in some degree, upon the explanation of the following verse. 34. Howbeit certain men clave unto him, and be- lieved, among the which (was) Dionysius the Areopa- gite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with them. Had the story of Paul's ministry at Athens ended with the foregoing verse, it would have seemed to be entirely fruitless. To correct this false but natural impression, an addition is here made to the whole narrative, the very form of which be- 1G2 ACTS 17, .'33. 34. trays its RU|)|)loTnontary or qualifyincr purpose. IfoirheAt^ yet, ])ut, not wit list aiidinLj the apparent ill siieeess ot* tlie Apostle's labours in this I'ainous city, they were not without Iruit after all. iSof/if mot (and one woman), rlcAwsbtg to hhn^ an expres- sion which implies tlie saorifiee involved in doinix so, adherin<^ to him in the faee of ridicule and ojtposition, fmlievcd his doc- trine, and in Christ, as the liedeemer whom he j)reached to them. As if to make up for the fewness of the converts in this famous city, one of tliem was chosen from anionic the judixes of the Areo})aixus itself, the most aufjust tribunal of the ancient world. As usual in all such cases, the tradition of the church describes him as the tirst Christian bisho}* of Athens (so Kusebius), and a legend of much later date as having suf- fered martyrdom there (so Xicei)horus.) A still less credible tradition has attached the name of IJioivjsius the Areopagite to certain mystical and hierarchical productions of a later age, which influenced both practice and opinion in the medieval church to a remarkable degree. The other name i)articularly mentioned here is Damaris^ which difters only in a single let- ter from the favourite Greek female designation, Damalis^ a heifer (compare Dorcas and Tabitha, 9, 36, and Khoda or Rhode, 12, 13.) Some sup])ose her to have been the wife of Dionysius; but she would hardly have been simply called « icoman. Some infer from her being so particularly mentioned, that she was a person of distinction ; others, from her mixing with the crowd on this occasion, in direct violation of Greek usage, that slie was a woman of bad character. More ])roba- ble than either is the supposition tliat she was the only female convert, and is tlierefore named with Dionysius as the most distinguished male one, while the rest are indefinitely classed, at the beginning and the end of the sentence, as "certain men" and "other (men)," besides or with them. CHAPTER XYIII. AVk have here the conclusion of Paul's second mission, and the commencement of the tliird. The first of these divisions is entirely occupied witli his ministry at Cormth. Becoming ac- quainted with Aquila and Priscilla, he takes up liis abode with them, and works as a tent-maker, at the same time preaching ACTS 18, 1. 2. 163 in the synagosjue (1-5.) The Jews opposing liim, he leaves them for the Gentiles, and converts many of both classes (G-8.) Encouraged by a special revelation, he continues thus em- ployed eighteen months (9-11.) The Jews accuse him before GLallio, but are ignominiously defeated (12-17.) Sailing from Cenchrea, he visits Ephesus, and with a promise to return, pro- ceeds upon his journey to Jerusalem, and thence to Antioch (18-22.) While he is beginning his third mission by revisiting Galatia and Phrygia, Apollos makes his first appearance at Ephesus, but removes to Corinth before Paul's arrival (23-28.) 1. After these things Paul departed from Athens, and came to Corinth — ■ After these things^ an indefinite expression, which cannot be rendered more determinate by any calculation or con- jecture. Departed is in Greek a passive participle meaning parted^ separated, as if by force or against one's will. (See above, on 1, 4, and compare Matt. 19, 6. Mark 10, 9. Rom. 8, 35. 39.) It may here imply that Paul left Athens with reluc- tance and regret. Corinth., a famous Grecian city, mentioned by Homer, situated on the Isthmus between Northern Greece and the Peloponnesus, ^vith a j^ort on each side, hence called by Horace himaris (on two seas). The town was famous in remote antiquity for commerce, riches, luxury, and vice. It was destroyed by the Roman Consul Mummius, m the same year with Carthage (B. C. 146), but rebuilt by Julius Coesar. It was now the capital of Achaia, one of the two great pro- vinces into which Greece was divided by the Romans, the other being Macedonia. (See above, on 16, 9. 10. 12, and be- low, on V. 27. 19, 21.) It is now an mconsiderable town of two thousand inhabitants, with few remnants of the splendid buildings which gave name to the Corinthian order of archi- tecture. Its identity is clearly ascertained, not only by its singular position, but by the Acrocorinthus, a hill eighteen hundred feet high, upon which stood the Corinthian Acropo- lis. Paul was no doubt directed to this place, as one peculiarly adapted to become a radiating centre of Christian influence. 2. -And fomid a certain Jew named Aquila, bom in Pontus, lately come from Italy, with his wife Priscil- la, because that Claudius had commanded aU Jews to depart from Rome, and came unto them. 1G4 ACTS 18, 2. Finding^ mcctinix uncxpt'ctcclly, iUllint; in with ; or per- haps it may mean, iindint^ after searcli, upon inquiry (see above, on 11, 20.) 7i// naine yif/ia'la^ by birth (or race) a Poiitiatiy or 7ia(ive of Pontus^ one of the northern provinces of Asia Elinor. By a curious coincidence, Suetonius sj)eaks of a Roman senator named Aquihi Pontius, a contemporary of Ciesar and Cicero, wlio also names him in his private letters. Hence some have hastily concluded that the Jew here men- tioned was a IVeedman (or emancipated servant) of the sena- tor, and according to the Roman custom, bore his name. But nothing can be more j)recarious than an inference from mere coincitlence of names, a circumstance by no means rare either in history or real life. In this case the coincidence is double, as Aquila, the Greek translator of the Old Testament, is also said to have been born in Pontus. Lately^ recently, a term originally applicable only to fresh or newly killed meat, then extended to fruits and flowers, and in the later Greek em- ployed m a generic sense, without regard to its etymology and primary usage. Priscilla^ a diminutive of Prisca^ which form is itself used in 2 Tim. 4, 19. On account of Claudiuses hav- ing ordered all the Jeios (not indefinitely, all Jeics^ but specifi- cally, all the Jews there resident) to depart (the verb used in the preceding verse and there explained). Suetonius relates that Claudius expelled the Jews because they were continual- ly making a disturbance (assidue tumultuantes) under the influence, or at the instance, of one Chrestus ( Chresto inqyul- sore)^ which some regard as the j^roper name of a person now unknown, but others as a mistake for Christus (which Tertul- lian mentions as a frequent error.) The reference may then be either to the Jewish doctrine of a reigning and conquering Messiah, or to the Christian doctrine of our Lord's Messiah- ship, which Avas a constant subject of disturbance and dispute among the Jews, with whom the Christians were as yet con- founded. There is less probability in the opinion that the edict here referred to is one of the same emperor, recorded by Tacitus, in which all astrologers (mathcmatici) were ban- ished. Came to them^ i. e. to their house or dwelling, for he had already found them or become acquainted with them. His coming to them seems to imi:>ly that they w^ere Christians, although some take Jew and Jev:!S in the distinctive sense, and suppose that Aquila and Priscilla were among Paul's converts. 1 ACTS 18, 3. 4. 165 3. And because lie was of the same craft, lie abode with them, and wrought ; for by then- occupation they were tent-makers. Besides the national and spiritual tie, there was also a pro- fessional or business one. On account of being afelloic-craft^ or of the same trade, literally art^ a term originally signifying manual employment, i. e. such as requires skill and not mere strength. It was an ancient Jewish custom to teach all boys some trade, even those who received a liberal education, both as a means of subsistence and a moral safeguard. He ahode^ continued, or remained with them, how long is not expressed (but see below, on v. 11.) Wrought^ the old and genuine past tense of icorJc^ now superseded by the so-called regular form, worked. It is here used in its proper sense of manual labour. The last clause is explanatory of the '' fellow-craft " in that be- fore it. (He was of the same trade) for they were tent-makers. There was a great demand for tents in ancient times, both for travellers and soldiers. They were somethnes made of leather, whence Chrysostom explains the compound term here used as meaning curriers or leather-dressers ; but still more frequently of hair-cloth, and especially of the coarse hair furnished by a species of goat which abomided in Cilicia, whence the Latin name {ciliciiun) for hair-cloth. As Paul was a native of that country, this may help to account for his havmg acquired this particular trade. As the demand for tents, though great, was variable, it is not improbable that those who made them went from place to place, which would account for Aquila and Pris- cilla having hved at Rome, and for their being there again when Paul wrote his epistle (Rom. 16, 3-5.) These migra- tions may, however, have had other causes. 4. And he reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath, and persuaded the Jcavs and the Greeks. Here again Paul addresses himself first to the Jews, who were very numerous in Corinth, on account of its extensive trade and advantageous situation near the confines, not only of Penmsular and Contmental Greece, but of Eui-ope and Asia, and its immediate intercourse both with East and AYest by sea. As in Salamis (13, 5), Antioch (13, 14), Iconium (14, 1), Thessalonica (17, 1), Berea (17, 10), and Athens (17, 17), so m Corinth, he avails himself of the facilities afibrded by the syna- 166 ACTS 18, 4. 5. gjoguc for afldressiiif^ botli the Jews and the dcvoutcr Gentiles, -whether ibrnial jtroselytes or mere inquirers, licasoned^ or disputed^ l)C)th wliieli ecpiivalents are used in the translation of the same Greek verb in the preeedint^ chapter. (See above, on 17,2. 17.) The second idea is rather suf^gested by the context than expressed by this word, which denotes argu- mentative discourse, even as uttered l)y a single person. J^er- suadtd^ endeavoured to convince, and in many cases did con- vince, both Jews and Greeks^ i. e. Gentiles who frequented the synagogue. In such connections, all such Gentiles may be called Greeks, on account of the prevailing use of the Greek language; but in this case, as in 17,4 above, the word may have its primary and strictest sense. 5. And when Silas and Timotlieus were come from Macedonia, Paul was pressed in the spirit, and testified to the Jews (that) Jesus (was) Christ. There is some doubt both as to the reading and the sense of this verse. Instead of spirit^ the latest editors read wo7'd, as found in several of the oldest manuscripts. The original meaning of the verb is held together, or co?npressed, as in 7, 57 above, and in Luke 8, 45. Sometimes it seems to denote a painful pressure on the mind or heart, as in Luke 12, 50. Phil. 1, 23, and perhaps 2 Cor. 5, 14. This is the sense com- monly adopted here, to wit, that Paul was painfully affected m his spirit, or constrained bj/ the Holy Spirit to pursue a certain course. If the other reading be preferred, the sense may be, that he was painfully occupied in preaching (or con- strained to preach) the gospel (compare 1 Cor. 9, 16.) There is also some doul)t as to the connection between what is here affirmed of Paul and the fact recorded in the other clause, to wit, the arrival of Silas and Timothy from JMacedonia. Tlie usual assumption seems to be, that their arrival gave him a new impulse, or imposed a new sense of necessity and obliga- tion. But this is neither so intelligible in itself, nor so con- sistent with the form of the original, the verb being in the imperfect tense, as the supposition that this second clause de- scribes, not the effect of their arrival, but the state in which they found him. And when Silas and Timothy came down from Macedonia, Paulicas (already) pressed in spirit (or 'had been already pressed by the Holy Ghost ') ; or, according to the other text, ' Paul was solicitous about (or wholly taken up ACTS 18, 5. 6. 7. 167 with) the word,' i. e. the j^i'eachmg of the gospel. The effect of this pressure or constraint is given in the last clause. Tes- tifymg to the Jeios^ and through them to the Gentiles who were present at their worship. That Jesus loas Christ is in Greek but two words, Christ Jesits, the sense of which, how- ever, is correctly given in the English version. Testifying to the Jews, and all who were acquainted with the Hebrew Scriptures, that the Messiah there predicted was identical with Jesus of Nazareth. (See above, on 2, 36. 5,42.) 6. And when tliey opposed tliemselves and blas- phemed, he shook (his) raiment, and said unto them. Your blood (be) upon your own heads ; I (am) clean ; from henceforth I will go unto the Gentiles. The course of events here described is very similar to that at Antioch in Pisidia (see above, on 13, 45-47), but precisely such as might have been expected wherever there were unbe- lieving Jews. They resisti7ig (or opposing) is in Greek a military term, and strictly means, arraying themselves^ as an army to resist an enemy, impljdng not mere private or fortui- tous but systematic and concerted opposition. Blaspheming^ either in the lower but more classical sense of reviling, abusing (i. e. Paul and his companions), or in the stronger Hellenistic sense of impiously maligning (God or Christ.) See above, on 6,11.13. 13,45. Shaking^ or shaking out, the same verb which in 13, 51 means shaking off the dust, for the same pur- pose which is there explained. The accompanying words, however, are here different. Y^our blood, i. e. the blame of your destruction, he (or is, or shall he, as the verb is not ex- pressed in Greek) iqjon your {oicn) heads, i. e. rest upon your- selves. (See Matt. 23, 30. 35. 27, 25, and compare Lev. 20, 9. Deut. 19, 10. Ezek. 18, 30. 33, 5.) Clean {am) I, oy 2nire, i. e. guiltless of your ruin. (See below, on 20, 26.) From the now (i. e. the present moment), henceforth, to the nations (i. e. other nations, Gentiles) / icill go, i. e, as an apostle and a preacher. This and the parallel passage in 13, 46 illustrate one another, by showing that Paul's language in such cases has immediate reference only to the place or the community in which he uttered it. 7. And he departed thence, and entered into a cer- 1G8 ACTS 18, 7. 8. tain (iiiairs) house, named Justus, (one) that worshijjped (iod, whose house joined hard to the synagogue. lir/nori/H/^ as the Hanie verb is twice translated in Matt. 17, 20. Thence^ not from tlie house of A(iuila, as some su|)- poso, for wliicli no motive is assignable, but from the syna- gogue, where tliis conflict -with the unbelieving Jews had taken place. Entered^ came or went in, not at that time merely, or once for all, but as a jjcrmanent arrangement. He began to preach there, as he had done in the synagogue. A ctrtahi ?/tan, literally, some (one). Named., literally, by name (see above, on 5, 1.) Justus., a Latin name, which we have already met with, as the Koman surname of Joseph Barsabas (y the epithet ((cieked) to denote an immorality, perhaps as Ic, and rather favoured by tlie identity of name; but it rests on no otlier proof, and requires us to assume tluit lie was after- wards converted. And none of these things concerned Galllo (or irns a care to him.) The ori<^nnal construction is imper- sonal, like that in John 12, G, where the same form of the verb is used, whereas in every other case it is the i)resent tense (see Matt. 22, 10. Mark 4, 38. 12, 14. Luke 10, 10. John 10, 13. 1 Cor. 9, 9. 1 Pet. 5, 7), and in one the im})erative mood (l Cor. 7, 21.) The immediate reference in t/nse things is to the disorderly proceedings of the multitude before the very judgment-seat of Gallio, whose silence and indilt'erence is re- corded as a token of his nonchalance or stoical npathy, and only indirectly of that callousness or coldness in religion, which is commonly regarded as the principal thing here in- tended ; so that Gallio has become a standing type, and " Gal- lio-like" a stereotyped simile, in our religious phraseology. That he knew little and cared less about the true religion, is most probable ; that he was equally indifferent to all religions, true or false, is possible; but neither of these facts is here dis- closed, except by inference from what is really affirmed, to wit, that when the Jews accused Paul he refused to hear them, and when Sosthenes was beaten by the mob he suffered it, and none of these things troubled or concerned him. 18. And Paul (after this) tamed (there) yet a good while, and then took his leave of the brethren, and sailed thence into Syria, and with him Priscilla and Aquila, having shorn (his) head in Cenchrea, for he had a vow. The original construction is, 'And Paul, having still re- mained (continued on, or staid over) many days (literally, days enough), having taken leave of the brethren, sailed, t€.) By all means., or at all events., whatever else may happen, in familiar English, any how. The feast., the coming (one), that now approaching or at hand. This is commonly supposed to have been Pentecost, as naviga- tion was not commonly resumed before the passover, and no other annual solemnity was absolutely called "the feast." Kee2y., literally, make., which may either mean observe., cele- brate, or spends pass, as applied to time in 15, 33, above. The latter is commonly preferred, because it seems less probable that Paul considered himself bound to keep a Jewish festival, than that he wished to take advantage of it as an opportunity of meeting with great numbers from all quarters. (See above, on 2, 5.) Some of the latest critics expunge this clause, as an interpolation from 20, 16, on the ground of its omission in several of the oldest manuscripts and versions. But others, Avith much more probability, account for this omission by supposing, that these old transcribers and translators fell into the natural mistake, still made by many readers, of believing that no visit to Jerusalem is mentioned in the context, and therefore thought it necessary to omit a promise which was not fulfilled (but see below, upon the next verse.) There is no doubt that the last clause of v. 21 is genuine. God loill- hig., Vulg. Deo vole.nte. Sailed., not the verb used in v. 18, but that m 13, 13. 16, 11. 22. And when he had landed at Cesarea, and gone up, and saluted the church, he went down to Antioch. When he had Umded., literally, having come down (i. e. from the vessel) into Cesarea^ and gone %Lp (i. e. to Jerusa- lem), and saluted the church (i. e. the mother-church there, the only one that would be absolutely so called), he icent down (from Jerusalem again) to Antioch, thus returning to his point of departure, as he did at the close of his first mission (see above, on 14, 26.) It may seem more obvious and natural 180 ACTS 18, 22. 2:3. at nrst siLclit to ni)}>ly the middk' clauses of this verse to Cesarea, which is aetually mentioned, wliile Jerusalem is not. But wliy should he have gone out of his way to Cesarea, if not in execution of the purpose so e.\]»licitly avowed in the }»re- ceding verse ? And why should his salutinic tlie cliurch there be mentioned as a eireumstance of any moment? He is also said to have gone tfp^ for which no reason can be given at Cesarea, whereas it is the constant nsage with respect to Je- rusalem. (See above, on 11, 2. 15, 2, and compare Matt. 20, 17. ]MarklO, ;{2. Luke 2, 42. John 5, 1. 7,8. 11,55. 12,20. Gal. 1, 17. 18. 2, 1. 2.) The same is true o{ going down from Jerusalem to Antioch (see above, on 8, 5. 9, 32. 11,27. 12, 19. 15, 1) ; but in what sense could he go doinn from Cesarea to the same place ? To all these reasons may be added a con- clusive one derived from the i)receding verse. If Paul was not really in liaste to reach the Holy City, how can his decla- ration there be justified, or what could be his motive for mak- ing it ? If, on the other hand, this was liis purpose, when was it carried into execution ? Or if it was prevented, why is not tliat recorded, to explain and justify the failure ? The only method of avoiding all these difficulties is by adopting what is now the usual interpretation of the verse before us. 23. And after he liad spent some time (there), he departed, and Avent over (all) the country of Gahitia and Phrygia in order, strengthening all the disciples. A chapter might conveniently liave been begun here, at the opening of Paul's third foreign mission. Having made (i. e. spent, see above, on v. 21 and 15, 0.3) some time (at An- tioch, see above, on 4, 28.) Departed^ literally, came out, went forth (see above, on 7, 4. 10,23. 11,25. 12,17. 14,20. 15, 24. 40. 16, 3. 10. 40. 17, 33.) Went over^ literally, coining (i.e. passing) through (see above, on 8, 4. 40. 9,32. 10,38. 11,19.22. 13,0.14. 14,24. 15,3.41. 16,6. 17,23.) -Galatia and Phrygia^ interior provinces of Asia Minor, mentioned to- gether with the same brevity as here, and with the same pecu- liar formula {the Golatian regio7i) in the account of Paul's second mission (see above, on 16, 6), but in the opposite order (Phrygia and Galatia)^ to which some refer the jjlirase in order here used ; but it rather has respect to the methodical successive visitation of the churches, the details of which were probably diversified by no extraordinary incidents, as both ACTS 18, 28. 24. 181 visitations are so briefly mentioned. Strengthening^ the same word that is rendered confirming (or confirmed) in 14,22. 15, 32. 41, in all which cases, as in this, it denotes not a cere- mony but an intellectual and spiritual process of instruction and conviction. 24. And a certain Jcav, named ApoUos, bom at Alexandria, an eloquent man, (and) mighty in the Scriptm'es, came to Ephesus. Having thus despatched in a single sentence Paul's re- visitation of Galatia and Phrygia, Luke proceeds to the more important part of his third mission, namely, his residence at Ephesus ; but first, as a preliminary topic, introduces the ap- pearance of ApoUos there before I^aul's arrival. A Jew^ by birth and education, in which sense Paul himself was one. ApoUos by name^ most probably a contracted form oi Apollo- 7iius. (For similar contracted forms in «s, see above, on 15, 22.) An Alexandrian by birth {race or nation., see above, on V. 2. 4, 36.) Alexandria in Egypt, so called from its founder, Alexander the Great, was at this time, not only a great com- mercial mart, but an illustrious seat both of Greek and He- brew learning. A multitude of Jews were settled here under the Ptolemies or Macedonian kings of Egypt, and were thus brought into contact with the Greek philosophy and civiliza- tion. It was here that the Septuagint version had its origin, and the school of Platonizing Jews represented by Philo. There was no place where greater advantages of education were enjoyed in the age of the Apostles, among which may be reckoned the greatest library of the ancient world. Eloquent., a Greek word also meaning learned., especially in history ; but the first sense is more conmion with the later writers, and is probably the prominent one here, as Apollos's scriptural learn- ing is separately mentioned in the last clause. The original order is, arrived at Ephesus., being mighty in the Scriptures. This collocation, which is not retained in English, seems to separate the qualities ascribed to Apollos, as if one were pre- vious and the other subsequent to his arrival; or as if the first were of a general nature, and the second had a more specific eference to the object of his visit. He was eloquent and edu- cited, but when he appeared at Ephesus, displayed another special qualification, that of intimate acquaintance with the word of God, and an extraordmary power in expounding and 182 ACTS 18, 24. 25. eiilbrcing it, bi^th whicli ideas arc suggested V>y the ])rcgnant phrase, mighty in (he ^Scriptures. 25. This iiKiii was instructed in tlic way of the Lord ; and being fervent in the spirit, he spake and tanglit dihgentlv tlic things of the Lord, knowing only the baptism of John. Was instructed might be understood to moan after he ar- rived at Ej)1r'Sus ; but the original expression is the usual form of the i»luperfect passive, he had been instructed^ i. e. already, or before he came tliere. The verb itself is one peculiar to the Hellenistic and Ecclesiastical Greek, and is used to denote oral elementary instruction, being the root of the words cate- chism, catechize, cfcc. (Compare Luke 1, 4. Rom. 2, 18. 1 Cor. 14, 19. Gal. C, 0, and see below, on 21, 21. 24.) The icay of the Lord is a phrase used elsewhere only in relation to the ministry of John the Baptist, as our Lord's forerunner (see Matt. 3, 3. Mark 1, 3. Luke 3, 4. John 1, 23), and as John's baptism is expressly mentioned in the last clause, it has been suggested, and is not impossible, that it here means the reli- gion taught by John, i. e. the doctrine of a Messiah come or coming, and of his kingdom as at hand (see Matt. 3, 1. 2. 11. 12.) It is commonly, however, understood to mean the gos- pel, or the doctrme of Christ himself, elsewhere called the (this or that) way. (See above, on 9, 2, and below, on 19, 9. 23. 22, 4. 24, 14. 22.) Fervent (literally, hoiUnrj) in spirit^ is a phrase used by Paul in Rom. 12, 11. SjxtJce (or talked) and taught may signify jjrivate and public teaching (see above, on 16, 13. 32.) JJiligently is not the meaning of the Greek word, but exactly^ accurately, or correctly, i. e. as far as he knew or had as yet been taught, if by the things of (or about) the Lord we understand the gospel. But if that phrase means John's prospective preaching of the Saviour, the adverb may be taken in its strongest sense. Is^nowing^ knowing well, a stronger word than that which is conmionly so rendered (see above, on 10, 28. 15, 7, and below, on 19, 15. 25. 20, 18. 22, 19. 24, 10. 26, 26.) Tlie baptism of John may be either the rite properly so called, or John's whole ministry and doctrine (see above, on 1, 22. 10, 37.) The meaning cannot be, that Apollos did not know that the Messiah had actually come, or who he was; for John had identitied him and baptized him before the close ACTS 18, 25-27. 183 of his ovrn ministry. (See Matt. 3, 13. Mark 1, 9. Luke 3, 21. John 1, 29-36. 3, 26-36.) 26. And lie began to speak boldly in tlie syna- gogue ; whom when Aquila and Priscilla had heard, they took hmi unto (them), and expounded unto him the way of God more perfectly. This same man (oijtos re), or this man also^ besides talking and teaching as above related, now began to speak publicly and plainly (sec above, on 9, 27. 29. 13, 46. 14, 3) in the syna- gogue of Ephesus, where, as a native Jew, he had liberty not only of worship but of speech (see above, on 13, 5. 14. 15.) But Aquila and Priscilla (whom Paul had left at Ephesus, v. 19), hamng heard him^ in the synagogue which they stih fre- quented, or to which they were attracted by the fame of this new preacher, took him unto {thein)^ into their society or com- pany, the same verb that is used above in 17, 5. Expound- ed^ set forth, stated, and explained, the same verb that is used above in 11, 4, and in a very diiferent sense, in 7, 21. Tlie vmy of God^ i. e. his method of salvation, and the doctrine of his Son. The latest critics olnit God^ and simply read the loay^ which may then be an abbreviation of the phrase used in v. 25. That it means the same with that phrase, seems to follow from their teaching him this way more accurately or exactly^ the comparative form of the adverb in v. 25. The English versions are peculiarly unfortunate in rendering this adverb by two entirely different English ones {diligently and 2:>erfect- ly), neither of which expresses its true meaning. The sense of this clause may be either that they gave him a more accu- rate idea of the gospel, the Christian system ; or that they taught him more exactly what the way of the Lord was which John came to prepare. 27. And when he was disposed to pass into Achaia, the brethren wrote, exhorting the disciples to receive him; who, when he was come, helped them much which had believed through grace. W7Le7i he was disposed (literally, he desiring) to 2^c(ss, or go through, i. e. through the intervening space (sec above, on V. 23) into Achaia, and no doubt to Corinth, as the most im- 184 ACTS 18, 27. 28. j»ortant \>\:\cv in tlu' jtroviiu'c (si-e alxtvc, on v. 1.) This wisli iii.'iy have Ijihmi ]>n)iu|»ltMl by tlie rc'iJit'sentations and advice of A(iuila and rriscilla, \\\u) ]i(.Tliai)S [»ri'tc'rrc'd that he should build at Corinth n))()n land's Ibundat ion, rather than anticipate Paul*s work in Ephi'siis. 77ie brethren may denote the same two persons, but perliaps includes some other Christians whom they had found or gathered there. It is not impossible indeed that the Ephesian church was ori^anized already, as Paul in liis epistle to it nowhere claims to be its founder, as he does in other cases. (Comi)are 1 Thess. 1, 5. G. 9. Phil. 1, 5. 6. (4al. 1, 8. 0.) There is here an ambiguity in the original, which has not been retained in the translation. Exlwrlbifj stands before the brethren wrote, and is by some supposed to mean exhort huj {him), i. e. encouraging him in liis purpose, l^ut most interpreters explain exhorting as a statement of what they wrote, the verb and participle indicating simultaneous acts, as in 1, 24. 19, 2. When he icas cyjme, or, having arrived, i. e. in Achaia, and no doubt at Corinth (see below, on 19, 1.) Jlelped, or contributed, the same verb that is used above in 4, 15. 17, 18, and below, in 20, 14, JIad believed, or been con- verted, not through his preaching, but through Paul's, before Apollos came. These he assisted, as appears from the next verse, in their controversy with the unbelieving Jews. 77irou[/h grace is by some connected Avith the remoter verb, contributed or helped through grace, i. e. by special divine iniiuence. To the other and more obvious construction v.itli believed, it is objected that the statement would be here superfluous and out of place, as Luke is not relating how they became Chris- tians at a former time, but how Apollos now assisted them. It may be doubted whether this consideration is sufficient to outweigh the argument derived from the collocation of the words. 28. For lie iniglitily convinced the Jews, (and tliat) publicly, shewing by the Scriptures that Jesus was Christ. The way in which he helped them is particularly stated. j\rightihj, intensely, vehemently, which may reter either to the Ibrce of his arguments, or to the warmth of ids delivery, most probably to both together. (Compare Luke 23, 10, where the Greek word is the same.) (Jonviticed, refuted, or confuted utterly, in Greek an emphatic douljle compound verb, denot- ACTS 18, 28. 19, 1. 185 ing not a cliange of mind in the opponents, as the English ver- sion would imply, but their logical discomiiture or fiiihire in argument, and the complete triumi:)h of ApoUos over them. The adverse party were the unbelieving Jews, mth whom he was particularly qualified to deal (see above, on v. 24.) Puh- licly (see above, on 16, 37, and below, on 20, 20), no doubt in the synagogue (see above, on v. 26.) Shoioi7ig^ evincing, or demonstrating. By (or througli) the Scriptures^ as the only means of proof (see above, on 17, 2. 11.) The Christy the Messiah of the Prophecies (see above, on v. 5.) CIIAPTEE XIX. We have here the history of Paul's long residence and minis- try at Ephesus. He first receives into the church twelve dis- ciples who had only been baptized with the baptism of John (1-7.) He then preaches three months in the synagogue, and two years in another place, until the whole provmce had heard the gospel (8-10.) His preachmg is attested by extraordinary miracles, which certain Jews attempt to imitate, but to their own discomfiture (11-17.) This is followed by a general con- fession and destruction of magical writmgs (18-20.) Paul prepares for his departure and sends two of his attendants mto Macedonia before him (21-22.) Meantime the city is aroused agamst him by interested persons (23-34.) The tu- mult is allayed by the authority and reasonings of a public ofiicer (35-41.) 1. And it came to pass, that, while Apollos was at Gorinth, Paul havhig passed through the upper coasts came to Ephesus ; and finding certain disciples — It came to jxfss (or happened^ a connective formula, re- suming and continuing the narrative of Paul's third mission, which was interrupted (18, 24) to record the first appearance of Apollos. 'WJiile Apollos icas^ literally, in his heing. He was gone to Corinth, therefore, before Paul arrived m Ephe- sus. Coasts^ in the old EngHsh sense of borders districts 180 AC^TS 10, 1. 2. (sec above, on 13,50.) Tlio Greek wortl Iiere iiaed properly means /)a/7.«», i. e. divisions of the country. Upper^ i. e. inland, perliaps witli some allusion to tlie mountains in the interior of Asia Aliuor. The parts here meant may he Phry^^ia anuilt in tlie sixth century before Christ, burnt down in the Iburth, on the niixht that Ah'xander the Great was born, and reliuilt in such a style as to be reckoned by the ancients one of the seven wonders of the world. (Sec below, on v. 24.) Ancient Ephe- 8us was always tlourishinir, and under the Roman domination, the greatest city of Asia Minor, whereas now it exists only in ruins, near the Turkish village of Asayaluk ; while Smyrna, by a singular but not uncommon contrast, is now more flour- ishing and i)opulous than ever. In fulfilment of the promise made on his way from Corinth to Jerusalem (see above, on 18, 21), Paul now commences his long residence at Ephesus, of which the fruits were so abundant and so durable. Find- ing^ unexpectedly, and on his first arrival (see above, on 18, 2.) Ctrtabi (i. e. some, a few) disc'qyles^ not of ApoUos, or of John the Baptist, but of Christ, as the word always means when absolutely used (see above, on 18, 23. 27), and as appears from the way in which Paul treated them. 2. He said unto them, Have ye received the Holy Ghost since ye Leheved? And they said unto him, AVe have not so much as heard whether there be any Holy Ghost. Did ye receive the Holy Ghost it^hen ye believed (or were converted) f not, have you received it since ? which would be otherwise expressed in Greek. The verb and participle de- note simultaneous actions, as in 1,24. 5,30. 10,39. 18,27. Tlie Holy Ghost^ i. e. his extraordinary influences, with their miraculous effects, by which baptism was so frequently accom- panied (see above, on 2, 38. 8, 17. 9, 17. 10, 44-48. 11, 15. 16. 15, 8.) It might seem indeed to have been an invariable con- junction from Paul's question ; but this question may have been occasioned by something else not here recorded ; or it may have been customary in such cases, to ask whether these ACTS 19, 2. 3. 187 extraordinary gifts had been received or not, without imply- ing that they were essential or invariable in every case of genuine conversion. Paul's doubt as to their baptism did not arise from the absence of these gifts, but from their imperfect knowledge of the true religion. If they had simply answered No, he might have questioned them no further ; but the sin- gular form of their denial led him to pursue the subject. We have not so much as heard., may be more exactly rendered, hut (or ^oAy, i. e. so far from recei\ang it) ice did not even hear if (or ichether) there is a Holy Sjnrit. That they had literal- ly never heard of his existence is incredible, even if they were mere Jews (whose Scriptures teem ^^ith references to him), or disciples of John, or of Apollos, much more if they had be- lieved in Christ, which is the constant meaning of the verb be- lieve when absolutely used. (See above, on 2, 44. 4, 32. 11, 21. 13,12.39.48. 14,1. 15,5.7. 17,12.34. 18,8.27.) Heard is in Greek an aorist relating, not to a long interval, but to a single pomt of time, to wit, the date of their conversion or profession. They did not then hear the Holy Sjm'it mentioned, any more than if there had been no such being. Far from re- ceiving his extraordinary gifts, they were not even baptized in his name, or instructed in relation to his work and office. The expression of this fact is strong but natural, and not with- out analogies, even in the dialect of common life. As if an Englishman were asked whether he swore allegiance to the Queen on a particular occasion, he might simply say that no such oath was tendered to him ; but if he wished to make his negative peculiarly emphatic, might express the same idea by declaring that he did not hear her named; or still more strongly, that he did not hear that there was such a person, without any risk of being understood to mean that he had never heard of her. 3. And he said unto them, Unto what then were ye baptized ? And they said, Unto John's baptism. This second question is not founded on the first, but on their strange and unexpected answer. He does not mean to ask them how they could have been baptized at all without receiving these extraordmary gifts, for the two things did not always go together (see above, on 8, 16) ; but how they could have been baptized without so much as hearing of the Holy Spirit. This implies, what is otherwise most probable, that 188 ACTS 19, a. 4. Cliristi.in baptism was administorod from tlio hoLrinninc: in tho form |)rosc'ri))cd ])y C'liiist himself (.Alatt. 2H, !<)), :inf tJte Lord (Jesus) ^ that of wliich lie is liotli tlie author and the subject. (See above, on 8, 'Jo. 13, 48. 40. ir>, 3;3. .30. 10, 32.) 11. 10. And (iod wroui^lit special miracles by the hands of Tani, so that IVoin his body "were brought unto the sick handkerchiefs or aprons, and the diseases departed from them, and the evil spirits went out of them. Special 7niracles^ literally, ^:)02rrr5, not the common (ones)^ or still more closely, ?iot those hap)w)iin(/ (readily or often.) Tlie same jihrase occurs a^jain in this book, and is rendered, 710 little. (See below, on 28, 2.) Poicers or forces is a terra applied to miracles, as being }>roofs and actual exertions of omnipotence. (See above, on 2, 22. 8, 13.) What distin- guished these from ordinary miracles was not their number or intrinsic magnitude, but the way in which they were per- formed, through articles of dress, which had been in contact with Paul's body. JIandkerchiefs and aprons are both Latin words in the original, the former strictly meaning siceat-cloths {sudaria^ elsewhere translated ?2fA7'/^ (Luke 10, 20. John 11, 44. 20, 7), from sudor), and the latter half-girdles (semicinctia), i. e. going only half round the body, covering the front of the person. It here denotes most probably a workman's apron, perhaps those of Paul himself, if we suppose, as some do, that the articles here mentioned were his own, and were carried to and fi'o between him and the persons to be healed. It seems more natural, however, to suppose that the people brought their handkerchiefs or aprons and applied them to Paul's person, for the purpose of securing a miraculous effect. Or (not a?ul} may be intended to suggest, that it mattered little what the garment was, or that it was not always the same ; as if he had said, handkerchiefs, aprons, or other arti- cles of dress, that could be easily removed and carried. brought nnto (or vpo/i), i. e. applied, imposed ; but accord- ing to some critics, the true text is l)rou{iht aicay. Jlis body, properly, his skin (or surface), not implying that these arti- cles were worn there, which was not the case with either, but that a mere superiicial touch or contact was sufficient to ini- }>art the healing virtue. The idea of a vulgar superstition, with which Paul had no concern, and which was mercifully ACTS 19, ll-]3. 195 countenanced by the event, is as gratuitous and groundless here as in the case of Peter's shadow. (See above, on 5, 15.) In either case, there was a special divine ordering, intended to communicate a healing iiiHuence to greater numbers and a greater distance, yet without allowmg any doubt as to the source or channel of communication, such as might have arisen if the miracles had been performed by mere Avord of com- mand, T\ithout actual proximity or contact, mediate or imme- diate, with the object. Departed^ were got rid of, or escaped from, as the Greek word properly denotes. (Compare Luke 12,58. Heb. 12,15.) As in other cases of the same kind, demoniacal possessions are distinctly mentioned, as the worst form of disease, because entirely preternatural and arising from the real though mysterious agency of evil spirits, the ex- pulsion of which furnished the most strildng proof of a divine legation and authority. (See above, on 5, IG. 8, 7.) These were " the signs of an Apostle," by which Paul's commission was attested in Ephesus as well as Corinth (2 Cor. 12, 12.) 13. Then certain of the vagabond Jews, exorcists, took upon them to call over them which had evil spir- rits the name of the Lord Jesus, saying, We adjure you by Jesus whom Paul preacheth. Then (3e) imdertooJc^ took in hand, or attempted. (See above, on 9, 29, and compare Luke 1, 1.) Certain^ some, see above, on vs. 1, 9. 6j/*, litevally, from^ i. e. from among (see above, on 12, 1. 13,23. 15,5. 17,13); but the latest critics, following the oldest manuscripts, read some also (Kat). Vag- dbond Jews^ exorcists^ is too strong a version, as the first Greek word [going aboiit^ icandering) is descriptive of their mode of life and not their character. (Compare its use in 1 Tim. 5, 13. Heb. 11, 37.) The whole phrase rather means, itinerant Jewish exorcists^ as the second word may be either an adjective or substantive. (See above, on 13, 6.) These ■were men who undertook to expel demons by the use of spells or charms, some of which, according to Josephus, were said to have been handed down from Solomon. Such exorcists were very numerous in the days of Christ and his Apostles, partly because there was a general taste for mysteries and occult science in that age, partly because the number of demoniacs was unusually great. (See above, on 5, 16, and compare lOG ACTS 10, 13-15. Matt. 12, 27.) TIk'V uscmI the name of Jesus, no doubt, be- cause they had heard Paul so use it, and desired to try its eflieaey lor tliemselves. Occr or vpon^ iinj)lyinyist who thought the disproportion too great be- tween cMie anSb that, literally, and or hut. Craft is not the word so rendered in v. 25, but one meaning simply ^x^r^ ox j)ortion, as in 2, 10. 5, 2, and in the lirst verse of this chapter, where it is translated coasts. Here it may either mean this j)ortion, share, which we enjoy ; or this part, department, of our busi- ness, as they were not merely manufacturers of shrines, but silversmiths or jewellers, though the former was much the most profitable part of their employment, and perhaps the only one in many cases. Is in danger to us, for us, with respect to us, and by necessary implication, to our loss and damage. (The English version treats the dative, as a genitive and trans- lates it our.) To be set at nought, literally, to come to (or i7ito) confutation, a word occurring nowhere else, perhaps corned for the occasion, but admirably expressive of the speaker's meaning, as its obvious etymology determines it to signify not mere contempt in general, but logical or rational contempt, arising from a reductio ad ahsurdum, in allusion to Paul's arguments against the very being of a man-made god. We have here the transition from their own loss to that of their patroness or tutelary goddess. The temple, not the word translated shrine in v. 24, but a neuter adjective denot- ing sacred, i. e. set a])art, a)»pro]>riated to the deity, and con- stantly applied to the whole enclosure or consecrated ground, both at Jerusalem and among the heathen. (See above, on 2, ACTS 19, 27. 207 46. 3, 1. 4, 1. 5, 20.) The great goddess is not merely an ex- pression of praise and admiration, on the part of the speaker or his hearers, but a sort of standmg epithet or proper name, by which she was distinguished, not only from inferior deities, but also from all others bearing the same name o^ Artemis or Diana. Thus Xenophon describes an Asiatic Greek as swear- ing by his national ancestral god, "the great Ephesian Artemis." Tliis eminence was partly owing to the peculiar oriental attri- butes ascribed to this divinity, and altogether different from those of the Hellenic Artemis and Roman Diana (see above, on V. 24), whose name was given to her, no doubt, on account of some minor and fortuitous resemblance, in accordance with the Greek and Roman custom of transferring the names of their own gods to those of other nations, though belonging to a system altogether different. (See above, on 14, 12.) This method being practised by both nations, not only with respect to the barbarians, but to one another, is a chief source of the endless contradiction and confusion of the classical mythology. Another cause of the peculiar greatness, universally ascribed to the Ephesian goddess, Avas the greatness of her temple, W'hich has been already mentioned (see above, on v. l) as ex- tremely ancient, and rebuilt after its destruction by Herostra- tus, on a scale and in a style which caused it to be reckoned among the seven wonders of the world. Besides the admira- tion which it thus commanded, it was built at the joint expense of many cities, who had thus a common interest, not only in its sustentation, but in the honours of the resident and tutelary deity, the great goddess Diana. Both these, the temple and the goddess, Demetrius here tells his associates, are now in danger to he reckoned for nothing^ a much stronger expression than despised. The next clause, on account of its peculiar idiomatic form, can scarcely be translated into Enghsh, though its meaning is entirely clear. By a slight irregularity or change of construction, Luke proceeds as if, instead of giving the exact w^ords of Demetrius, he w^ere merely telling what he said in substance. This is what the old grammarians call the change from direct to indirect narration. A7id that her greatness loas about to he destroyed^ a Greek verb originally meaning to he taken doicn or indled doicn^ and therefore pe- culiarly appropriate, both in its strict sense to the threatened ruin of the temple, and in its figurative sense to the dishonour of the goddess. Whom the whole {of) Asia (or all Asia) and tlie world doth worship^ no unmeaning boast, nor even an ex- 208 ACTS 19, 27-29. travaijaiit hyperbole, considering: the facts already mentioned and the usaire of the word here rendered ?ro?*/<7, the same that we liave hiid ri'|»e:itedly hefore (see ahove, on 11, 28. 17, 0. :n), and whii'li orii^nnally means inhahiteiJ^ but is indefinitely used to sijxiiity the whole world, or the Koman Empire, or some one of its divisions, as the writer chooses or the context may require. 28. And wbcn they heard (these sayings), they were full of wrath, and cried out, saying, Great (is) Diana of the Ephesians. But (or then) hearing {these sayings is supplied by the translators) and being (or becoming) full of wrath (anger, passion), they cried (in the imperfect tense, were crying^ or continued to cry), saying^ Great (is) Diana of the Ephesians (or tJie EjyJiesians^ Arte?7iis/) Here again, this is not a mere doxology or panegyric, but an assertion of their grand reli- gious tenet, namely, that the goddess whom they worshipped was, in the strictest and the highest sense, entitled to be called The Great. 29. And the whole city was filled with confusion; and having caught Gains and Aristarchus, men of Ma- cedonia, Paul's companions in travel, they rushed with one accord into the theatre. Having caught^ or rather, seizing and carrying along with them, the same verb that is used above in 6, 1 2, and below in 27, 15. The original order of the sentence is, they rushed xoith one accord into the theatre^ seizing Gains, &c. The latter is therefore only a secondary or accompanying act, and not the main one, as the English may suggest. The theatre, among the Greeks, was used not only for dramatic exhibitions but for public meetings, particularly those in which the whole population was assembled. A modern analogy is that of the theatre at Oxford, which is never used for dramatic purposes at all, but only for academical solenmities. The Greek thea- tres were vast unroofed enclosures, semicircular in form, with tiers of stone seats rising one above another. The amphithe- atres, in which were held the lights of gladiators and wild beasts, were double theatres, or rather mere elliptical enclo- ACTS 19, 29. 30. 209 sures, Avith spectators' seats surrounding the arena. The the- atre at Ephesus was one of great size, as appears from the enclosure, Avhich may still be traced, although the seats, &c. have long since disappeared, the materials having been em- j^loyed in other buildmgs. JVith one accord^ or by a common impulse, such as often actuates a mob, without implying any detinite design or knowledge of each other's purpose (see be- low, on V. 32.) Gaiiis^ the Greek form of the Latin Caius, was-a very common name among the Romans and their sub- jects, which greatly weakens the presumj^tion (see above, on V. 22), that wherever it is used in the New Testament, it designates one and the same person. This, however, is by no means impossible ; for although the Gains mentioned after- wards in this book (see below, on 20, 4) is described as a Derbean; and the Gains of whom Paul writes (Rom. 16, 23. 1 Cor. 1, 14) would appear to have been resident m Corinth; and the Gains to whom John writes (3 John 1) may have Uved long after ; none of these circumstances is sufficient to disprove the identity ; the date of John's epistle being doubtful, and there being reason to believe that many of the early converts often changed their place of residence, both for prudential and religious reasons, like Priscilla and her husband. (See above, on 18, 2. 18. 26, and compare Rom. 16, 3. 1 Cor. 16, 19.) Aris- tarchus is more commonly agreed to be the same who after- wards attended Paul to Palestine, and shared m his imprison- ment. (Compare Col. 4, 10. Philem. 24.) Both are here called Macedoniaiu (or as the English version has it, men of Macedonia) ^^Mioh agrees with the description of Aristarchus elsewhere as a Thessalonian (20, 4), and a Thessalonian 3fa^ cedonian (27, 2.) They are also here described as Bald's com- panions in travel^ or more exactly, those who were away from home Avith him. (Compare the use of the same word in 2.Cor. 8, 19.) 30. And when Paul would have entered in unto the people, the disciples suffered him not. And Paul wishing (or intending) to go in, though not carried in by the people, probably because he was not in their way, as his companions were, who do not seem to have been souglit for and arrested, but swept along by the living stream in its resistless course. (See above, on v. 20.) Vnto the peo- ple, or i?ito the assembly, the Greek word bemg that used to 210 ACTS 10, no. 31. dcnole the ])eoj)le as a sovere'iLjn, or as aotiiiix in a corjiorate capacity. Wliat was merely a mob or rabble (ox^os) in tlie streets, became a popular assembly (8^/u.o?), althouLj:h not a legal one, when seated in the theatre. (See above, on 1»15, and be- low, on V. 39.) This attemj>t of Paid evinced that it was not from fear, or any otlier j)ersonal motive, that he was separated from the others. Tlic bnthrtu^ his own converts, the Ephesian Christians, who aj>pear to have been ijo less anxious for his safety than the same class at Damascus, Jerusalem, Lystra, and Thessalonica (see above, on 9, 25. 30. 14, 20. 17, 10.) ISuf- fered him not, did not allo\\' him or permit him. 31. And certain of the chief of Asia, ^vhich were his friends, sent unto him, desiring (him) that he would not adventure himself into the theatre. So77ie of the Aslarchs^ not civil magistrates, nor priests in the ordmary sense, although tlieir oflice was connected with religion. They were annually chosen in the cities of the prov- ince, to conduct the sacriticial services and public games in honour of Diana. They derived their title from the name of the province, as the corresponding officers in Cyprus, Syria, and Lydia, were called Cypriarchs, Syriarchs, Lydiarchs, &c. Those of Asia are said to have been ten in number ; but whether equal and co-ordinate, and whether always resident at Ephesus, is doubtful. As the ancient narrative of Polycarp's martyrdom at Smyrna says that "Philip the Asiarch" refused to loose the wild beasts when required by the people, it has been interred that there was only one such officer on duty at the same time, and with more probability that they exercised their functions at the different cities of the province in rota- tion, or as occasion might require. As the games and sacri- fices over which these Asiarchs presided, were provided jjt their own exi>ense, they were always chosen from the richest class, and may be said to represent the highest rank of the conmiunity. It is therefore no slight indication of Paul's standing with the highest class of heathen, that these Asiarchs are said to have been Jtis friends^ or ratlier friendly to him (ai'Tto <^tAot), i. e. j)ersonally well disposed, without implying any tiiith in his new doctrine, which indeed seems inconsistent with their social and official station, as conductors of ceremo- nies altogether heathenish. It is worthy of remark, however, that the church-councils of the third and fourth centuries were ACTS 19, 31. 32. 211 sometimes called upon to lay down rules for the direction of those Christians who were summoned by official or hereditary duty to perform this very service. It is possible, therefore, that these Asiarchs were converts, or at least inclined to be- come Christians, though the terms of the narrative are satis- fied by simply assuming a respectful and benevolent feeling upon their part towards the great Apostle. Even this throws an interesting light upon his character and social position in the midst of that idolatrous community, by showing that his teachings and his miracles were not done in a corner, and that he was most respected by the most intelligent and wealthy classes. (See below, on v. 37.) Sending to him^ messengers or letters, but more probably the former, from their residence, private or official, or perhaj^s from the place where they were actually engaged in their public duties, and which may have been forsaken by the people when the tumult about Paul arose. Exhorted or besought him^ the same verb that is used above m2, 40. 8,31. 9,38. 11,23. 13,42. 14,22. 15,32. 16,9.15. 39. 40. I^ot to give (risk, or venture) himself into the theatre^ already filled with the infuriated populace, whose conduct and condition are described in the next verse. 32. Some therefore cried one thing, and some another ; for the assembly was confused, and the more part knew not wherefore they were come together. So then {\xiv ow), the resumptive particle so often used in this book after an interruption of the narrative or argument. (See above, on 8, 2. 25. 9,31. 11,19. 12,5. 13,4. 14,3. 15,3. 30. 16, 5. 17, 12. 17. 30.) Having told how the people rushed into the theatre, and then paused to relate what hapi^ened outside, Luke now resumes his account of what Avas done in the assembly. The description given in this verse is admira- bly true to nature, being perfectly appropriate in all its parts to many a convention and conventicle among ourselves. The more {^pari)^ the majority, the greater number. This clause shows that the one consent^ with which they rushed into the theatre (v. 29), had reference only to that act, or at most to the general purpose of consulting what to do, but not to any definite proposal, which had been concerted, if at all, only be- tween the leaders, i. e. those immediately connected with Demetrius. This agrees so exactly with the mode of man- 212 ACTS 10, 32. 33. aginc: siu-h matters now, that it imparts to the whole narrative a striking character of autlienticity and graj)hic truth. 33. And tlicy drew Alexander out of the multi- tude, the Jews puttuig him forward. And Alexander beckoned witli the liand, and would have made his de- fence unto the people. And from (or out of) the crowd (assembled in the theatre) tJmj (i.e. some, indefinitely) hr ouf flit forxcard Alexander. Cal- vin and others have supposed this to be Alexander the co]yper- snut/i, of whom Paul says (2 Tim. 4, 14) that he did him much evil (literally, showed him many evils), but whether at this time or afterwards, they are not agreed. The identity of name proves still less here than in the case of Gains (see above, on V. 29), on account of its frequency in Jewish usage ever since the time of Alexander the Great. (See above, on 4, 6, and compare Matt. 15, 21. 1 Tim. 1, 20.) The identity of busi- ness, too, is not sufficiently exact, although the Greek word used by Paul might possibly have some degree of latitude, or one who' was properly a coppersmith (or brazier) might be led, by the prospect of extraordinary profit, to engage in the same business with Demetrius. But apart from this question of identity, and even granting that the person here named is one otherwise imknown, interpreters are much divided as to his relation to the parties and the matter now at issue. As the Jews put him forward, some suppose that he was to defend them from the charge of having any thing to do with Paul, and to explain the difference between Jews and Christians. Others think that he was himself a convert to the new religion (which is not inconsistent with the statement in the next verse), and that the unconverted Jews maliciously invited the atten- tion of the Gentiles to him, in order to divert it from them- selves. In either case, it was the Jews w^ho put him forward, either to defend them or himself. Wbidd have made his de- fence is too specific, as the Greek phrase simply means, loished to ajjologizc^ or make defence^ but whether for himself or others, is not here expressed. Beckoned with his hand, or more exactly, shook it downwards, almost but not precisely the same phrase with that employed in 12, 17. 13, 16, and there explained. To the people., not as a mere mob, but as an organized assembly. (See above, on v. 30.) ACTS 19, 34. 35. 213 34. But when they kneAv that he Avas a Jew, all with one voice about the space of two hours cried out, Great (is) Diana of the Ephesians. But {they) hioiomg^ recognizing, or discovering, the same verb that was used above in 3, 10. 4,13. 9,30. 12,14, and there explained. How they perceived or ascertained tliis, we are not told, possibly by something Jewish in his looks or lan- guage ; or the information may have been communicated orally from those who knew him to the others, and eventually to the whole assembly. That he is, in the present tense, as if the scene were actually passing, a graphic trait of which we have had several examples. (See above, on 7, 25. 9, 22. 26. 38. 12, 3. 9.) A Jew, i. e. by birth or nation, and therefore equally descrij^tive of an unconverted and a Christian Jew. (See above, on v. 33, and compare 10, 28. 16, 1. 20. 18, 2. 24.) There was one voice (or o)ie voice arose) from all, a similar exj^res- sion to the one in 4, 32, but there relating to one heart and soul. Crying (or shouting) about the space of (literally, as for) two hours. The cry is the same as in the last clause of V. 28, and is here repeated, not as a mere act of adoration or religious praise, but as a kind of watch-word, an expression of their zeal and resolution in the cause of their insulted and en- dangered goddess. Viewed in the former light, it may be reckoned as a sample of the hattology or " vain repetitions," which our Lord describes as characteristic of the heathen wor- ship. (See Matt. 6, 1, and compare 1 Kings 18, 26.) 35. And when the town-clerk had appeased the people, he said, (Ye) men of Ephesus, what man is there that knoweth not how that the city of the Ephe- sians is a worshipper of the great goddess Diana, and of the (image) which fell down from Jupiter ? The first words, as thus rendered, seem to refer to some- thing previously mentioned ('when the town-clerk had thus stilled the crowd ') ; whereas in the original, a new character appears upon the stage ('the town-clerk, having stilled the crowd, says, &c.') Ajypeased implies that they were satisfied, or reconciled to something which before offended them; whereas the Greek word means to ^:>r<^ doitm, quell, subdue, not by persuasion, which was yet to come, but by authority and influence of character or office. In describing this effect, 214 ACTS 10, 35. Luke, with threat exactness of expression, substitutes tlie word denoting vroicd or 7nvh tor that denoting an assembly of the people. (See above, on vs. 30. 33.) It was in the former, not the latter character, that they were shouting and extolling Artemis. This signiiieant though slight variation may illus- trate at tlie same time the resources of the language and Luke's power to em]»loy tliem. Town-cUrk is evidently much too modest a descri]>tion of the ])erson, whose appearance seems to have immediately restored the mob to order. The Greek word is GranmiatcKfi^ the one so otlen rendered scribe (see above, on 4, 5. G, I'i), and like it means a writer, or one who has official charge of writings, whether sacred scriptures or oflicial records. Like the English clerk and secretary^ it admits of numberless gradations in the rank of those to whom it is applied, extending from a toxni-derk (or still lower) to a secretary of state, which last is probably much nearer than the former to the meaning of the title here. Whether it be so rendered, or, as some prefer, recorder, actuary, chayicellor, lic' business. (Ilenco, in the niari^in oftlit* Eiii^lish Bible, Idirf'ulisvxvhMv^Qd for orlieation, nt>t as unlawful or forbidden, but as inlbrmal and without authority; just as a voluntary meetini^ or conven- tion, althoULch perfectly lawful, differs now from a judicial or lej^dslative body. The word translated lainful^ therefore, here means, not jKnnitfed^ but required or constituted by the lau^s. Shall he dettrr/iined^ literally solved^ imi)lying doubt and differ- ence of judpnent, in relation to the ]»rinciples or facts involved. (Comi)are the use of the same Greek verb in Mark 4, 34, and of the corresj)ondintus. Wc have first his visit to the Grecian ])rovinces (1-M.) Then comes a list of his seven companions who went before to Troas and were followed by Paul jind Luke (4-6.) Paul there ])rcaches and performs a miracle (7-12.) His course from Troas to Miletus is recorded with great minute- ness (13-15.) I'assing by Ejjhcsus, he sends for the elders of the cluirch there to Miletus, and delivers a farewell discourse to them (10-35.) He then prays with them and takes leave of them (31-38.) 1. And after the uproar was ceased, Paul called unto (him) the disciples, and embraced (them), and de- parted for to go into IMacedonia. The cessation of the tumult is not given as the cause of Paul's departure, but as a mere specification of time, or rather an indefinite description, since the length of the interval is not recorded (see above, on 19, 22.) Embraced is a secondary usage of the Greek verb, which originally signifies to greet or welcome, but is also used by Xenophon and later writers in the sense of taking leave or bidding farewell, which is the meaning here. Departed^ Uterally, icent out (see above, on 16, 3G. 40.) For to go^ depart, or journey (see above, on 5, 31.) Into Macedonia^ as he had before designed, and whither he had already sent Timothy and Erastus (see above, on 19, 22.) 2. 3. And when he had gone over those parts, and had given them much exhortation, he came into Greece, and (tliere) abode three months. And when the Jews laid wait for him, as he Avas about to sail into Syria, he purposed to return through Macedonia. Having gone (or 2^cissed) throvgli those ^mrts. i. e. Mace- donia, and perhaps some adjacent regions (see Rora. 15, 19.) Given them murli cj'hortation^ literally, having exhorted thcni (i. e. the Christians in those parts) with much 8.peech (or many ACTS 20, 2. 3. 4. 223 words.) Greece^ properly so called, or what the Romans named Achaia, to distinguish it from Macedonia (see above, on 16, 1. 18, 12. 27. 19, 21.) Having made three moJiths^ i. e. passed or spent them, but perhaps with an implication of active employment (see above, on 15, 33. 18, 23.) This is the more worthy of attention, as Luke gives us no details of this second missionary tour in Greece, the greater part of which was pro- bably spent at Corinth, where he is commonly supposed to have written the epistle to the Romans. Being about to sail into Syria^ i. e. to enter on the voyage which was to terminate at Antioch, as in the case of his two previous missions. (See above, on 18, 18, and below, on 21, 3.) The words express his purpose, not the actual event, which was altogether different, as he did not reach Antioch, but was arrested in Jerusalem, and after being long detained in Cesarea, sent to Rome. A plot (the same word that occurs above in 9, 24) heing made [ov formed) against Jiini hg the Jeics. What Avas the nature or occasion of the Jewish plot here mentioned, we have no means of de- termining. We only know that Paul was led, no doubt by the detection or divine revelation of it, to relinquish his design of setting sail from Corinth or Cenchrea (see above, on 18, 18), and to revisit Macedonia for that purpose. Purjposed to re- turn^ literally, there teas a purpose (or it became his purpose) to return. The Greek noun properly means judgment or opinion, but is used by the purest Attic writers in the sense of will or purpose. 4. And there accompanied him into Asia Sopater of Berea ; and of the Thessalonians, Aristarchus and Secundus ; and Gains of Derbe, and Timotheus ; and of Asia, Tjchicus and Trophimus. There folloiced with hini^ an expression which impUes both association and subordination. They were in his company, not as his equals, but as his adherents and attendants. As far as Asia, in the usual restricted sense (see above, on 19, 10. 22. 26. 27.) As far as may have reference to their waiting for him at Troas. It does not necessarily imply that they attend- ed him no further, although only two of them are afterwards expressly named as being with him. (See below, on 21, 29. 27, 2.) /Sopater, an abbreviation of JSosijxiter, and probably denoting the same person whom Paul mentions (Rom. 16, 21) 224 ACTS 20, 4. as a kinsman wIjo w:is witli liiiu in Corintli. Sonic of the oldest niainiscripts and versions have Sopnttr (sf)n) of Pi/rrhus^ whicli seems more Hkely to liave been omitted than inserted without reason. Of Bena^ literally, a Bdrean^ an inhabitant or native of tliat place in Macedonia, where the Jews ])Osc, assigns the rea- son lor Paul's stayint^ at Piiilijjpi, while the seven went imme- diately to Troas, namely, that he wished to keep the feast. ])ut althouLjh sueh o])servanee was by no means ineomjjatiblc witli Paul's ])rineii>les of Christian liberty, it can hardly be suj>}>(>sed that he would have deferred his voyage on that ac- count, or liave attached as much importance to the spending of a paschal week in Philipi)i, as he niiglit have done in Jeru- salem. It is equally j)robable, at least, as Luke alone remained with him, while all the rest went on to Troas, that this delay had some connection with the state of the Apostle's liealth ; or that he waited until Luke had made his preparations to withdraw from the place where he had probably been resident for several years, without detaining the whole company on that account. On either of these latter suppositions, the days of Kuleavened bread may be regarded as a mere date or chro- nological specitication (sec above, on 18, 21), like Christmas and Easter in modern parlance, Avhen employed to designate the season, without reference to religious observance. In five days^ literally, ^into (or as far as) five days^ the same particle emjjloyed above (v. 4) in its proper local sense, but here ap- plied to time, and suggesting two ideas, namely, that this numbci- was the maximum or limit, that they were not more tlian five days on the way, and also that tliis number was un- usually great, as appears moreover from the fact, that on his first voyage from Troas to Pliilippi, he was only two days go- ing the same distance, a diversity no doubt arising from a dif- ference of wind. Abode seven days is the sense but not the form of the original, in which the last word is directly gov- erned by the verb meaning passed or spent. (See above, on 12, 19. 14, 3. 28. 15, 35. 10, 12.) These minute chronological specifications are in perfect keeping with the previous intima- tion that the writer had again rejoined Paul. (See above, on 10, 11.) 7. And upon the first (day) of the week, when the disciples came together to break bread. Paid preached ACTS 20, 7. 227 unto them, ready to depart on the morrow, and con- tinued his speech until midnight. Criinmer's version, upon one of the sahhath-days^ seems at first sight more exact, but is not even grammatical, the Greek numeral and noun being of difterent genders. Equally incor- rect is Tyndale's version, the morrow after the sabbath-day^ except that it retains the reference to the first day of the week. We have seen already that the Hebrew word sabbath^ in its Aramaic form, resembles a Greek plural, and is often so in- flected, even when a single day is meant. (See above, on 13, 14. 16, 13.) Still more natural is the use of the plural to de- note the interval between tAvo sabbaths, or rather a whole week, a division of time connected, both in origin and usage, with the religious observance of one day in seven. Even in Hebrew, ^ceeks and sabbatJis are convertible terms (compare Lev. 23, 15 and Deut. 16, 9.) In the Greek of the Xew Tes- tament, a week is once or twice expressed by sabbath in the singular (see Mark 16, 9. Luke 18, 12), but usually by the jjlural (see Matt. 28, 1. Mark 16, 2. Luke 24, 1. John 20, 1. 19. 1 Cor. 16, 2), which, however, as explained above, is only such in form, but in reality a singular. The substitution of the cardinal {one) for the ordinal {first) is not a Hebrew idiom, but a usage equally well knoAvn to other languages, as in our own lamiliar phrases, "number one," "chapter two," etc. Thus the phrase which, rendered word for word, would mean one of the sabbaths^ is determined by analogy and use to mean {the) first {day) of the iceek^ a striking illustration of the curi- ous tact, that literal translation is not always the most faithful. Li the case before us, it is not a simple date or chronological specilication of the day on which this meeting happened to be held ; tor such a circumstance was too minute to be recorded for its own sake, and is never given elsewhere. The only sat- isfactory solution is, tliat the observance of the first day of the week, as that of our Lord's resurrection, had already become customary, so that the assembling of the church at that time for the purposes here mentioned, was a matter of course, with or without special notice and arrangement. ' This agrees well witli tlie form of the expression here, bemg assembled (i. e. as usual) to break breads etc.^ and also with the words of Faul in 1 Cor. 16, 2, where the designation of the day would be gra- tuitous and inconvenient, unless founded on a previous and fa- miliar custom. The observance itself, though not explicitly 228 ACTS 20, 7. enjoined, nor even Ibrnially reconled, seems to date from the very day of Christ's resurrection. Com])are John 20, 10. 26, where '^ ei<;ht days" is a eonmion idiomatic expression for a week, and '' aiX'iin" implies a j)eriodical reunion, not by chance, but by or(hT or ai^reement, f)n the same day a.*^ belbre. The original or Jewish sabbath may have been observed, at least by Jewish Christians, either alone or in conjunction with the first day of the week, until the downfall of Jerusalem and final abrogation of the old economy, after which the former was entirely su])erseded by the latter, except among the Kbionites md Judaizing Gnostics, who were really, as well in form as spirit, rather Jews than Christians. In all the places which have now been cited, the expression used is simply, the first day of the week. I'he LorcPs Day is a phrase derived from Rev. 1,10, which is also commonly regarded as a proof of apostolical observance, although some interpreters identify it with tlie day of the Lord (or ^ell as use, in solemn ceremonies. Others suj^pose it to be intimated that the Chris- tians of Troas took this method of avoiding the suspicious and malignant charges sometimes provoked by their nocturnal meetings. A third opinion is, that the multitude of lights is hientioued to account lor the drowsiness of Eutychus ; a Iburth, 230 A C T S 20, 8. 0. to ('.\|»l:iiii wliy liis fiill was instantly oljscrved. More natural than eitlicr is tlie siniidc supposition, that the lii,dits are men- tioned, not with any delinite desitju, but as a j>art oftlie scene stronirly impressed upon the writer's memory, and therefore servintr, iu eonjunetion with the intimations i)reviously given, to remind the reader that he is again receiving the report of an eye-witness. (See a])ove, on vs. 5. 6. 7.) As Luke, in oral- ly rehearsing this same narrative long alter the occurrence, might have said to those who heard him, 'My recollection of that night is still so vivid, that I seem almost to see the upper chamber brightly lighted up, the crowd, the young man in the window, etc.,' so in recording it, first for Theoj>hilus, and then for us, he might naturally use some of the same exj>ressions, without any pragmatical or utilitarian design at all. Many^ the word so rendered m 9, 23.43. 12,12. 14,21. 19,19. They were gathered^ or according to the oldest copies, xoe wcpe gatlh- ered^ as in the preceding verse. In both these cases later copyists seem to have entirely overlooked the graphic and au- thentic character imparted to the passage by the use of the first person, or rather to have looked upon it as an incongruity, and so expunged it. It is certainly remarkable that these slight emendations of the text, supported as they are by such external evidence, should not only render the whole narrative more lifelike, but assimilate it still more completely to the context, and enhance the proof that the Apostle of the Gen- tiles had recovered his "beloved physician" (Col. 4, 14.) 9. Alul tliere sat in a window a certain young man named Eutychiis, being fallen into a deep sleep ; and as Paul was long preaching, he sunk down with sleep, and fell down from the thu'd loft, and was taken up dead. There sat (literally, sitting^ seated) in a icindow (literally, 071 the window)^ i. e. on the ledge or window-seat. The defi- nite form {the ichidoio) does not necessarily imply that there was only one ; or denote one looking towards Jerusalem, as some suppose ; but is exactly like our own familiar phrase, to look out of the window, without any reference to number or position. His sitting in the window has been thought to im- ply, that he was a careless, inattentive hearer ; but with more probability, that there was no room elsewhere. The occur- ACTS 20, 0. 10. 231 rence of the same name [Eutychics) in old inscrij)tions, as the name of freedmen or emancipated slaves, is no sufficient ground for the conjecture that this person was a servant. A young man is in Greek one word, corresponding to our youth^ but even more indefinite. That it does not mean a child, see below, on v. 12, and above, on 7, 58. The marked resem- blance of this scene to one of our own public meetings, mth its many lights and even crowded windows, serves to stamp the narrative as that of an eye-witness. Fallen and sunk are diiferent participles of the same A^erb, strictly meaning borne (or cari'ied) down, and specially applied in Greek to the efl:ects of sleep, not only when the latter is expressed, as in our phrase to fall (or dro2j) asleep, but also when the verb is absolutely used. The medical Greek writers eA^en use a cognate noun (Karacfiopd) to designate the lethargy. The present particijjle here denotes the natural relaxmg influence of sleep, the aorist an additional corporeal movement as its result, by which he lost his balance. Into and ivith, although substantially cor- rect, do not exactly reproduce the form of the original, in which the first is represented by the dative (vttvio), and the second by a preposition {aTo) meaning from. The final con- sequence was that he actually fell doivn from the third loft, i. e. floor or story, probably the highest in the house, as the i(p23er room was usually next the roof (see above, on 1, 13.) Taken up, raised, lifted from the ground, an uncompounded form of the verb used above (in 1,9) to denote the first stage or incipient movement of our Lord's ascension. Dead must of course be strictly understood, unless afterwards explained or qualified. 10. And Paul went down, and fell on him, and embracing (him) said, Trouble not yourselves, for his life is in him. Going doicn, descending, to the street, or to the inner court, around which an oriental house is built, and into which " the window " may have opened. Embracing, not the word so rendered in the first verse, but a double compound, strictly meaning to seize with and around, often used by the classics in the figurative sense of comprehending or including, but here in its etymological import of folding or encirchng in the arms. Said, to those who stood by, probably to such of the assembled Christians as had come down A\dth Paul, or be- 232 AC'TS 20, 10. fore liim, ami imincdiatcly alUT tlio occiirronoe of tlie aociflcnt. Trttuhh not ijourselrvs (or he not trouhlcd) sconis in EiiL^lish lo refer exclusively or cliiefly lo internal i)ertiirl»ation or «lis- onler, and to mean, ' be not anxious or alarmed.* Hut the Greek verb properly, and almost constantly, expresses outward disturbance, and jiarticularly noise or uproar, as the kindred noun is renerly denoting brightness and j)articnlarly sunshine. aSo, not so t/ie?i^ as a mere connective or resunij)tive (see above, on 19, 32. 38), but thus, in this way, i. e. discours- ing or conversing to the very last. (See above, on 7, 8. 14, 1. 17,33. 19,20.) ^ Departed, \itcra\\}\ ice?it out, not only from the room, or from the house, but from the city (see above, on v. 1.) 12. And tlicy brought the young man alive, and were not a little comforted. The sense is not, as some suppose, that in the mean time tliey had taken him home, but that now, about the time of Paul's departure, they brought him in, and showed him to the company, alive and well. Both verbs refer to the disciples, whose assembly had been so abruj^tly interrupted, and ap- peared to be completely broken up by this distressing casu- alty. Comforted, relieved from the shock which they had felt at lirst, and from their subsequent solicitude as to the issue. The word may indeed suggest still more, to wit, the natural reaction from distress of tliis kind to unusual excitement and exhilaration. Not a little is in Greek not moderately, an ex- ample of the figure called meiosis or litotes, which employs a negative expression to convey a very positive idea, such as much OY greatly. (See above, on 12, 18. 14,28. 15,2. 17,4.12. 19, 23. 24.) Young man is not the word so rendered in v. 9, but one Mhich answers to our boy (Geneva Bible) or lad (Khemish version), and like it may be substituted both for son and servant. (See above, on 3, 13. 26. 4, 25. 27. 30.) Wiclif's version (child) is here at variance with the previous descrip- tion of him as a youth or young man (see above, on v. 9.) 13. And we went before to ship, and sailed unto Assos, there intending to take in Paul ; for so had he appointed, minding himself to go afoot. IVe, i. e. the writer and his company, which here excludes Paul, as it did the others in v. G above. Goi?ig (or having gone) before, i. e. before Paul's own departure, although pre- viously mentioned. (See above, on v. 11.) The idea seems to be, that they had lell liim in the house with the assembled ACTS 20, 13. 235 • Christians. To ship^ or more exactly, to the ship^ i. e. the one in which they were to sail. It is not necessarily implied that this was the same ship in which they came to Troas ; or if it was, that they had chartered it, and kept it waiting on their movements. For then* own protracted stay of seven days in one place may have been the consequence, and not the cause, of the ship's delay there, for the purpose of refittmg, loading, or aAvaitiug a more favourable wind. (See above, on v. 0.) Sailed^ the same nautical expression used above in v. 3, and in 13, 13. 16, 11. 18, 21, and there explained. Unto Assos^ literally, into Assos, which appears to be the technical or cus- tomary form in such comiections, being found in all the pas- sages just cited. Some of the oldest manuscripts, however, have a difterent preposition in the case before us. Assos (or Apollo?iia)^ a Mysian seaport, opposite to Lesbos, and a few miles south of Troas, on a spot still marked by a wretched hamlet. There, literally, thence, from that place. Intending is too strong a term, especially as it was not their purpose, but his own, that was to be accomplished. The Greek verb is the one denoting mere futurity (see above, on vs. 3. 7), and here means simply that they v:ere to take him, in pursuance of his own jolan as expressed in the next clause. To take in, liter- ally, to take up, i. e. from the land, Avhich in nautical language is described as lower than the water. (See above, on 18, 22, and below, on 27, 3. 28, 12.) He had appointed is in Greek a passive form, and may be therefore more exactly represented by determined or resolved. (For the meaning of the verb it- self, see above, on 7, 44. 18, 2.) Minding, the same partici- ple just translated intending, but here too, although purpose is implied, expressing only futurition (that he Avas to go, or being about to go.) Afoot (in modern parlance, on foot) may be strictly understood, as the distance was so short ; but the verb is used by the best Greek writers (such as Xenophon and Aristotle) to denote a journey or march by land, as distin- guished from a voyage by sea. The cognate adverb is em- ployed in the same way by Herodotus and Thucydides, and may be so explained in Matt. 14, 13. Mark 6, 33. The cause of this arrangement has not been recorded and can scarcely be conjectured. Whether designed for health, or safety, or retirement, or intercourse with others, the unstudied menlion of tliis fact without explanation, so far from discrediting the narrative, imparts to it a fresh air of reality and simple truth. In every such case there are acts and incidents, which natur- i.';JG ACTS 20, 13-15. ally dwell upon the memory of those who Avitnessed them, although tiiey neither ean nor need be fully understood by others, not because they are mysterious or hnportant, but i>er- haps for a reason diametrically opposite. 14. Alul wlicu lie met with lis at Assos, we took liiiii ill, and came to Mitylene. W/ien, literally, ««, an idiom common to both languages. (See above, on 1, 10. 18, 5. 19, 9. 21.) Met, a Greek verb which primarily means to tlirow (or 2nft) tof/et/ier, but lias sev- eral secondary senses, three of which occur in this book. (See above, on 4, 15. 17, 18. 18, 27, and compare Luke 2, 19. 14, 31.) It liere means sometliing more than met, which might have been fortuitous, whereas Paul Joined (or rejomed) them by express preconcert. Us, including the historian (as in vs. 5. G. 7. 8. 13), whose continued presence is evinced, moreover, by the minute specifications both of time and place which fol- low. At Assos is the same phrase that is rendered unto Assos in V. 13. Took him hi, took him up, as in the same verse. Mitylene, the capital of Lesbos, on the east side of the island, famous as the birthplace of Sappho and Alcfeus, described by Cicero as noble, by Horace as beautiful, by Vitruvius as mag- niticent. It is now called Castro. The pjreposition is the same with that prefixed to Assos. 15. And w*e sailed thence, and came the next (day) over against Chios ; and the next (day) we arrived at Samos, and tarried at Trogyllium ; and the next (day) we came to Miletus. ' "VVe have here Paul's itinerary given with all the precision of a journal, or the vivid recollection of one personally pres- ent, tiailinfj away, a different verb from that in v. 13, and a different compound of the one in v. 6. Came, came doAvn upon, the verb employed above in 16, 1. 18,19.24. Over against, opposite to, implj-ing that they did not land or touch there, but simply passed in sight of it. Chios, a beautiful and fertile island, near the coast of Asia Minor, between Lesbos and Samos. It is now called Scio, and is famous for the Turkish massacre in 1822. Arrived, a Greek verb, liter- ally meaning to place one thing by or near another, for com- parison or any other purpose. Hence in Mark 4, 30, it means ACTS 20, 15. 16. 237 to compare, and is the root of the word parahle. As a nauti- cal expression, it means to come to, touch, or land, at any- place. Samos^ an island of the Archipelago, south-west of Ephesus, the birth-place of Pythagoras. Ilamng remained., probably all night. Trogyllium^ the name both of a promon- tory and a town, upon the coast of Asia Minor, opposite to Samos. quietus., a famous seaport, about thirty miles from Ephesus, in Ionia, but near the Carian border, famous as the birth-place of Thales, and at one time the chief commercial town of Asia Minor. It is a curious circumstance, that tJie next day., thrice repeated in this verse, answers to three different Greek phrases, meaning the coming or ensuing (day) ; the other (day) ; and the ad^joining or adjacent (day), the same expression that occurs m the latest text of 13, 44, and is there explained. ^ , 16. For Paul had determined to sail by Ephesus, because he would not spend the time in Asia : for he hasted, if it were possible for him, to be at Jesusalem the day of Pentecost. This verse assigns the reason of Paul's visiting Miletus when he did not visit Ephesus, although much more im- portant and attractive. Determined^ literally, judged., imply- ing not mere arbitrary resolution, but a deliberate oj^inion and conclusion (see above, on 3, 13. 15, 19.) To sail by., i. e. without stopping, though it really lay in his way (see above, on 18, 18. 19.) Because he icould not spend the time., though correct as a paraphrase, is not an exact version. That it might not happen to him (against his own will and judg- ment) to spend the time in Asia, which he felt bound to spend elsewhere. One fine trait, not apparent in the common ver- sion, is the Apostle's wise distrust of his own constancy sug- gested in the begmning of this clause. As if he had said, 'Who knows what may happen, when I find myself agahi among my old friends and old enemies ? In spite of present views and resolutions, I may be induced to waste time there, which I ought to be redeeming elsewhere.' Asia, i. e. Asia Proper or Proconsular, the province to which Ephesus be- longed (see above, on v. 4.) JFbr he hasted, was impatient, or Sohcitous (see 2 Pet. 3, 12.) If' it loere j^ossible, imply- ing some doubt, and at the same time some anxiety. The last 238 ACTS 20, 16. 17. clause may be coustriicfl, that the (Jay of Petitecost should be (observed or spe/it) i;i Jerusalem^ without material ehanc^e of ineauiiiix. (As to Pentecost^ see above, on 2, 1, and comjjare 1 Cor. IG, 8.) It has been disputed whether this desire had reterenee to the observance of the feast, or to the multitudes assembled at it ; but there Beems to \)Q no reason for excluding either motive, though the latter may have been the main one (see above, on 18, 21.) 17. And from jMiletus lie sent to Ephesus, and called the elders of the church. Sending to Ephesus^ he called for^ called to him, sum- moned (see above, on 7, 14. 10, 32.) The elders of the church, and as such its official representatives, as well as its divinely constituted rulers. (See below, on v. 28, and above, on 11,30. 14,23. 15,2.4.6.22.23. 16,4.) The church, i.e. the church of Ephesus, considered as one organic whole, what- ever may have been its subdivisions or affiliated congregations. Whether this descri})tion is to be extended beyond the bounds of Ephesus itself, is a disputed question. Irena?us, followed by some later writers, understands tlie church to mean the church of the whole province or surrounding country. But this con- struction is intended merely to account for the use of the word bishops in \. 28 below, without relinquishing its later sense of prelates or diocesans. As Ephesus alone is mentioned ; as a general citation would have taken time, of which Paul cer- tainly had none to spare ; and as the principle of such inter- pretations is precarious, and admits of an indefinite extension ; it is safest to abide by the letter of the narrative, and under- stand the church to mean the Christian body then existing in the place which is expressly named. That he should cite these presbyters alone, is altogether natural, considering their cen- tral and conspicuous position, and the influence which they must have exerted on the other churches of the province. It is possible, indeed, and perfectly consistent Avith the apostolic mode of church extension (see above, on 19, 21), that these other churches were supplied and governed by the elders of Ephesus, or that their own elders went and came to Ephesus, as the Apostles still did to Jerusalem, both as the mother- church, and as a central source of radiation (see above, on 15, 2.) But however this may be, there can be no doubt that what Paul said to the elders of Ephesus on this occasion, he ACTS 20, 17. 18. 239 said through them to the other presbyters, not only of that province, but of the whole church, not only then, but ever since, and through all ages, for which end it has been left on record. It is therefore a comparatively trivial question who were personally present, as they virtually represented those who were not. The objection to supposing a citation of all the Asiatic churches does not lie with equal force against the notion entertained by some, that the elders of Miletus were among the persons here addressed, and not expressly named because, being on the spot, they were not sent for. There is no proof, however, that a church existed there at this time, or even at the date of 2 Tim. 4, 20, which was some years later. Perhaps, indeed, the natural impression made on every reader by the narrative itself, is rather that Paul, wishing, for the reason before given, not to stop at Ephesus itself, sent for the elders of the church to meet him in a place where there was none, but where they could conveniently confer together. 18. And wlien they were come to him, he said unto them, Ye know, from the first day that I came into Asia, after what manner I have been with you at all seasons — Whe72, lit. as, see above, on v. 14. This discourse of Paul to the Ephesian elders has been justly regarded, not only as a masterpiece of apostolical and pastoral fidelity, but also as ex- tremely characteristic of its author, and therefore affording a strong proof of its own genuineness, and of Luke's fidelity as a reporter. (See above, on 3, 26.) Besides a multitude of verbal similarities between this speech and the epistles, too minute and indirect to be regarded as the product of a studied imitation, the discourse is full of those impassioned vindica- tions of himself from various malignant charo^es, which occa- sionally burst forth in hi's writings, and especially pervade his second letter to the Church at Corinth. Some of these coin- cidences will be indicated in the exposition, but the greater part of the minuter ones, although by no means the least in- teresting, must be left to the reader's own comparison and observation. He first appeals to their own recollection of his faithful and unwearied ministry among them (17-21.) Ho then adverts to the dubious prospect now before him, but only to assert again his own fidelity and freedom from responsibility 240 ACTS 20, 18. for their ])c'r(lilion (22-27.) He exhorts them to a Hke -fideli- ty, and warns them of tlie j)eril.s that await them, still return- in«j^ t<^ the subjeet of his own nnwearied labours, as a model ft)r their imitation (28-31.) He linally commends them to the divine favour, with a partincj protestation of his own disinter- ested toil amon^]^ them, windilij]^ up Avith a memorable saying of the Saviour, nowhere else recorded (;}2-35.) The charge of egotism and boasting, brought by infidels against this vale- dictory discourse, never occurs spontaneously to any devout reader, a sufficient ])roof that it is not only false but artificial and factitious. Every such reader feels that these are not ebullitions of personal vanity or pride, but as it were official claims to apostolical fidelity, by one who had been j)laced there by the Holy Ghost, not only as an oracle to be believed, but as a leader to be followed, and an exemplar to be sedu- lously copied. Lest the whole eftect of this divine arrange- ment should be lost on liis departure, he concentrates in this last discourse expressions which might otherwise have been expanded over many, and details in words what otherwise might rather have been said in action. It is this necessity of uttering as much as possible, and in as strong a form as possible, on one occasion, that imparts to this incomparable speech the air which has been mentioned, but which none can liiil to un- derstand correctly, who have any sympathy with Paul's affec- tions or his situation when the words were uttered. It may be added, that throughout the whole discourse, the idea is spontaneously suggested of malignant calumnies against Paul, possibly invented since he "fought Avith beasts at Ephesus" (1 Cor. 15, 32), and designed not only to affect him personally, but to stop the progress of the new religion. That the Jews of Asia were among his most inveterate enemies, appears from* their connection with his subsequent arrest (see below, on 21, 27. 24, 18.) The heathen feeling towards him we have seen dis}»layed already (see above, on 19, 23-34.) By supposing, as we naturally may, that tliis address was designed in part to be a general and final answer to such charges, we obtain an- other explanation of the jjrominence here given to himself and his Ejjhesian ministry. Tliese general remarks upon a com- mon misconception or perversion will preclude the necessity of dwelling on it, in connection with the several expressions which have given rise to it, as they jn-esent themselves. I'e k?ioic, or more emphatically, ye yourselves are w^ell aware (see above, on 10, 28. 15, 7. 19, 25.) He thus appeals to their own ACTS 20, 18. 19. 241 memory, in proof of what, he is about to utter. As if he had said, ' whatever others may allege, as to my ministry among you, I abide by your testimony ; you at least have been ac- quainted with my Avhole course since I first appeared among you.' Tliat I came^ literally, from ichich I entered^ with refer- ence not merely to arrival but to pubhc appearance on this stage or field of action. Asia^ in the same sense as before (see above, on v. 16.) At all seasons^ literally, the whole tlme^ which is understood by some to mean that he was never absent ; but the emphasis is evidently on the adverb hoio^ or as the English version justly but difiusely phrases it, after ichat manner^ i. e. in what way. I to as icith you^ not merely in the local sense of being personally present, but in that of intercourse, association. They were well aware of his rela- tions to them, or connections with them, during the whole period of his residence in Asia. 19. Serving the Lord with all humility of mind, and with many tears, and temptations, which befell me by the lying in wait of the Jews — The sentence is continued and the hoio of the preceding verse explained and amplified. Ye know how I was with you, namely, sermnrj tJte Lorcl^ not as a private Christian, but as a preacher and apostle, in which sense Peter, James, and Jude, as Avell as Paul, use the cognate noun {servant) to describe themselves in their epistles. (See James 1, 1. 2 Pet. 1,1. Jude 1. Rom. 1, 1. Gal. 1, 10. Phil. 1, 1. Tit. 1,1, and compare Rev. 1, 1.) IlumiUty of mind^ in Greek a single word, but com- pounded of the two expressed in Enghsh. It is sometimes rendered loicliness (Eph. 4, 2) or lowliness of mind (Phil. 2, 3.) The adjective answering to humble has commonly a bad sense in the classics, namely, that of mean, base, abject, although sometimes used by Xenophon and Plato to express a virtue. Christian or evangelical humility was something unknown to the heathen, both in theory and practice. All humility, i. e. all kinds and degrees that ^tere appropriate to his condition. This may be taken, in accordance with a previous suggestion, as a tacit answer to the charge of pride, which may have been alleged against him. Many tears^ or according to the latest critics, simi>ly tears, the many being reckoned an interpola- tion or unauthorized assimilation to Paul's language in 2 Cor. 2, 4. Even the weaker phrase conveys a strong itlea of Paul's VOL. II. — 1 1 242 ACTS 20, 10. 20. sufferinprs in liis ministry at Eplicsus. One specific cause or occasion of these suftcrin^s is liere presented. Tenrs and teynptatiotis, i. e. tears arisint,^ from temi)tations, not in the re- stricted sense of allurements or inducements to commit sin, but in the piimary and wider sense of trials^ including trou- bles or atHictions, when rci^^arded as a test of cliaracter. (Com- pare the use of the same Greek word in Jame§ 1, 9. 12. I Pet. 1, 6. 4, 12. Rev. 3, 10.) The trials thus referred to are then specified as tJiose occurrinrf to me (or hcfulUnfj lae) in tJie plots (or machinations) of the Jews. In does not merely mean by means (or on account) of but suggests the additional idea of his being in the midst of them, surrounded by them. The Greek noun is the same with that in v. 3, and in 9, 24 above, 23, 30 below, in all which cases it is rendered by the English phrase, laid wait or lyifig in waif, a metaphor not found in the original, which simply means aj^lctn, plot, or design against one. What these plots were we have now no means of de- termining ; but the fact of their existence agrees fully with the glimpse which we obtained of Jewish policy and feeling in the riot of Demetrius (see above, on 19, 33.) The same machina- tions still beset his path in Greece (see above, on v. 3.) The Jews of the Diaspora appear to have maintained an active in- tercourse among themselves, as well as with Jerusalem, and this enabled them to operate with more effect against the Christians (see above, on 14, 19. 17, 13, and below, on 28, 21.) This verse, then, describes Paul's ministry at Ephesus as any thing but ostentatious and self-pleasing. 20. (And) how I kept back nothing that was profit- able (unto }'ou), but have shewed you and have taught you, publicly and from house to house — Having thus described the spirit and external circumstan- ces of his mission, he proceeds to state its more substantial qualities of faithfulness and diligence, instructiveness and soundness. He first alleges negatively, and as if in answer to some charge of negligence or partiality, that he had withheld nothing and neglected no means to promote their imi)rove- ment and salvation. JIoic (or that) connects this sentence with his previous ap])eal to their own recollection. As they knew how humbly and amidst what trials he had toiled among them, so they knew that he had kept back nothing of the tilings expedient, i. e. to be known in order to salvation. In ACTS 20, 20. 243 the other places where the verb occurs, it means to shrink, re- coil, or draw one's self back. (See below, on v. 27, and com- pare Gal. 2, 12. Heb. 10, 38.) Here, being construed with an expressed object, it denotes the act of holding back what ought to be presented or exhibited. Expedient is in Greek a participial form, the etymology and usage of which both give it the sense of conducing or contributing^ i. e. to the benefit of those concerned. (Compare 1 Cor. 7, 35. 10, 33. 12, 7. Heb. 12, 20.) The verb itself is used impersonally (like the Latin expedite from which expedient is derived) except in 19, 19, above, where it has its physical and proper sense of bringing together. But have shoiced you is the sense but not the form of the original, which literally means, so as not to show you^ and describes not what he did but what he would have done, if he had kept back any thing to which they were entitled. What kind of withholding he is here disclaiming, is apparent from the last clause, where the same negative construction is continued, so as not to tell you and to teach you. The first of these verbs is the one variously rendered shoiced (19, 18), told (16, 38), declared (15, 4), rehearsed (14, 27), but strictly meaning to announce^ to bring news, and in this connection, therefore, nearly equivalent to preach., in which sense it is joined with teach. (See above, on 4, 2. 18. 5, 21. 25. 28. 42. 4, 26. 15,35. 18,11.25.) It appears, then, that what he here denies havmg held back from them is the word of God, in- struction in the truth, and the negative assertion that he did not so withhold the truth as not to preach and teach, is equiva- lent to the strongest affirmation that he did thus j^reach and teach it. Publicly^ or {^In) a public {^place)^ before the i3eople, in assemblies. From house to house, or m houses, as distin- guished from the j^ublic meetings previously mentioned. (See above, on 2, 46. 5, 42. 8, 3, where the singular number of the Greek noun is employed in the same manner.) Thus the two modes of instruction, which have ever since been found most efficacious, are here combined in Paul's description of his own Ephesian ministry. The church has yet invented nothing to supply the place or rival the effect of church and houseliold preacliing. 21. Testifying, both to the Jews and also to the Greeks, repentance toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ. 244 ACTS 20, 20-22. Ilavino: claimed for liis ministry in Ej)]K'sns tlic praise of beinLT lnimbk>, allrttionalc, diligent, and lailliful, lie now do- scM-il>c's its sjK'C'ific cljaraiter or suhstanct', what it was and wherein it consisted. In the iirst ])lace, it was testimony to the truth, a common description of Christian and j)articularly Apostolic preaching. (For the usage of the Greek verb, see above, on 2, 40. 8, 25. 10, 42. 18, s!) The subject of this tes- tmiony he reduces to two c^reat heads of doctrine and of duty, repentance and faith. There is no distinctive reference to Jews and Gentiles, both being equally in need of both. Nor is it intimated that repentance can be exercised without re- gard to Christ, or faith without regard to God the Father. Mejycntcmce toward God (or with respect to God) is that cliange of heart and life which every sinner owes to God as his rightful sovereign, irrespectively of any offered mercy, al- though never really experienced till this has been revealed and apprehended* Judth totrard our Lord Jesus Christ is that belief or trust, of which he is the specific object, and which cannot therefore be reposed in God as God, without regard to mediation or atonement. The two together constitute the whole of practical religion, and comprise all tlie lawful and obligatory themes of evangelical instruction. lie who preaches the repentance and the taith here spoken of, in all their ful- ness and variety, will need to seek no other topics, and may humbly boast of having kej)t back nothing that was 2:)rofitable to his hearers. 22. And now, behold, I go bound in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there — He now turns from the past to the future, from the recol- lection of his former labours to the anticipation of approaching trials. Aiid now often marks the transition from one topic to another as a sort of logical connective (see above, on 3, 1 7. 7, 34. 10,5. 13,11); but here it may be taken in its proper sense, cmd ?fOw^ at present, at this time, as distinguished from the former times of which he had reminded them. J ffo., or rather, I am fjoing^ journeying (see above, on v. 1, and on 19, 21.) Bound in spirit has been variously understood as meamng, bou7id to the Spirit^ i. e. under his controlling power ; or encircled, guarded, and protected by him ; or prospective- ly, though not yet really, a prisoner ; or constrained in my ACTS 20, 22. 23. 245 own mind (see above, on 18, 5, and compare 7, 59. 15, 16. 18, 25.) Perhaps the meaning of the phrase is given in the next clause, not knoicing the {things) about to meet (encounter or befall) me. Bound in Spirit may then mean, kept in igno- rance, restrained from knowing, either in his own mind, or more probably by the Holy Ghost, who did not vouchsafe to reveal this to him. It thus appears that Paul's inspiration, though infallible, was not unlimited as to its objects, and did not extend to some things in which he was personally most concerned. There^ literally, iii it, or i?i her^ i. e.. in the Holy City, which he had just mentioned. 23. Save that the Holy Ghost witnesseth in every city, saying that bonds and afflictions abide me. The negative statement just made is now qualified. The ignorance in wliich he had been left was not a total one. Tlie Holy Ghost is here expressly mentioned as the source of what he knew upon the subject, and therefore probably as the con- cealer or withholder of that which he did not know, or in other Avords, as the Spirit by wdiom, according to the figurative lan- guage of the verse preceding, he was bound or kept in igno- rance. In every city is too strong a version, the Greek phrase being not universal but distributive, city by city, qv from town to town, which necessarily denotes no more than an occasional communication, here and there, as he proceeded. Witness- eth, the verb translated testifying in v. 21. Sayhig, either by direct revelation to himself, or by means of such commimica- tions as are afterwards recorded (see below, on 21, 10-12.) That no such intimations have been previously mentioned, does not prove that they were not received, as they may fre- quently have been of such a nature as to be observed and un- derstood by no one but liimself. It is possible, how^ever, that the reference is after all to internal revelations, w^hich might just as well be made progressively as outward w\arnings. Bonds, imprisonment, captivity, a form of suffering which he had frequently inflicted upon others. (See above, on 8, 3. 9, 14, and below, on 22, 4. 5. 26, 10.) Bonds and {other) afflic- tions, a specific and generic term combined. Abide, await, are ready for me. 24. But none of these things move me, neither count I my hfe dear unto myself, so that I might finish 24G ACTS 20, 23. 24. my course uitli joy, and tlic ministry, whicli I have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the Gospel of the grace of God. None of these thhigs move me is a very free i)arai)hrasc of the orii^inal, wliich strictly means. I make account o/*(i. e. value, care for) nothlmj. .(For this use of the Greek noun, see above, on 19, 40.) The verb is in the middle voice, and theretbre means to value for one's self, or on one's own ac- count. This ])rofession of indifference is then made still stroni^er. I do not even hold nnj life dear (i. e. valuable, precious) to tnysclf (here expressed by a reflexive pronoun.) The Greek adjective is that used in 5, 34, and there explained. The necessary qualification of these strong expressions is con- tained in the last clause. ^So as to finish (perfect, or complete) my course (or race) icith joy, in allusion to the joy of victory in the athletic games or contests, from which Paul so oflen draws his illustrations. (See above, on 13, 25, and compare Rom. 9, 16. 1 Cor. 9, 24. 26. Gal. 2, 2. 5. 7. Phil. 2, 16. 3, 14. Heb. 12, 1. 2 Tim. 4, 7.) So as to finish is equivalent to say- ing, so that (or jyrovided) J may finish. This is the condition on which, or the good compared with which, he cared for nothing, no, not for Ufe itself That this course or race was not his jjersonal exi^erience merely, is apparent from the last clause. And the 7ni)dstry, i. e. (in fact, though not in form) even the ministry, to wit the ministry. This ministry was that of the Apostleship (see above, on 1, 17. 25, and compare Rom. 11, 13.) He valued it even more than life, not only for its fruits, but for its author. Which I received from the Lord Jesus, i. e. at the time of my conversion (see above, on 9, 15. 17, and below, on 22, 15. 21, and compare Rom. 1, 1. Gal. 1, 1.) This definite allusion to a critical juncture in his history is weakened by translating the verb, have received. (See above, on 19, 2.) Wherein this ministry consisted, he again tells, as if never weary of the repetition. I'o testify (the same verb as in vs 21. 23, meaning not only to proclaim but to attest as true) the gospel (good news or glad tidings) of the grace of God, i. e. the good news that he can and will be graciotis even to the chief of sinners who believes m Christ. (Compare Rom. 3, 26. 1 Tim. 1, 15.) 25. And now, behold, I know that ye all, among ACTS 20, 24. 25. 247 whom I have gone preaching the kingdom of God, sliall see my face no more. The fonnula in v. 22 is repeated, perhaps because he liad recurred for a moment to his previous ministry, and now comes back to his anticipations of the future. In botli cases, lo {behold) as usual suggests something unexpected. As if he had said, ' See to what our friendship comes at last ; after all our intimate relations, we are now to part, and part for ever.' The original order is, 7io more shall see my face ye all among whom I have gone^ literally, I ii^ent through (see above, on 9, 32), i. e. when I was resident among you. This does not necessarily imply, as some suppose, the presence of elders from other parts of Asia besides Ephesus (see above, on v. 17) ; nor is it an impassioned apostrophe to all among whom Paul had laboured, whether present or absent. It is simply an ad- dress to the Ei^hesian elders, not as individuals merely, but as representatives. We have here still another description of his ministry, but one with which we are already well acquainted, 2:>reaching (heralding, proclaiming) the kingdom of God. (See above, on 1, 3. 8, 12. 14, 22. 19, 8.) Some suppose that this was merely an opinion or surmise of Paul without divine com- munication or direction ; but this idea was expressed in v. 22 by the phrase not knowing., and it surely cannot be assumed that knowing and not knowing mean precisely the same thing. \inot knoicing there denotes that it was hidden from him and remained uncertain, then I know must mean that it had been revealed in some way and was certain. To attach the same sense to directly opposite expressions, in the same context, and in reference to the same subject, is to nullify the use of lan- guage. The only natural interpretation of Paul's statement is, that he did not know in detail what should befall him, but he did know that imprisonment and other suiferings awaited him, and he did know that all those among whom he went about in Ephesus should see his lace no more. The only mo- tive for preferring a difterent construction is that Paul, accord- ing to some writers, was released from his captivity at Rome and did revisit Asia Minor, But this historical uncertainty, instead of altering the sense of plain words, must itself be qualified or settled by them. There is no need even of avoid- ing the supposed contradiction by insisting on the strict sense of the word «//, as if Paul meant to say that he would never more be seen by every one then present, though he might be 248 ACTS 20, 25-27. seen by some, perhaps by most of tliem. This, wliicli is always true of every larue asst-mbly, with respect to one who is about to leave thcni, would not have been entitled to such solemn utterance. The obvious meaning of the words is that he was about to take a linal leave of them and of their country. 2G. Wherefore I take you to record this day, that I (am) pure from the blood of all (men.) I take you to record seems to mean, I cite (or summon) you as witnesses, as he liad actually done in vs. 18-21. But the Greek verb here used means, I testify^ I myself bear wit- ness, or at most, with reference to the customary form of oath, I call God to witness. (Compare the use of the same verb in Gal. 5, 3, and especially in Ei)h. 4, 17, where the divine name IS expressed, I test if u in the Lord.) This day is very strong in the original, the noun day and the adverb to-day being both expressed, a combination which can only be imperfectly re- tained in English by such phrases as tJiis very day. The very strength of the original expression shows that it was meant to be emphatic and significant, implying even more than noic in vs. 22. 25. As if he had said, on this the last day we shall spend together, or the last day of our meeting upon earth, I testit^^ etc. The fact thus so*^lemnly attested is, that if they perished it would not be his fault, or for want of iaithful warn- ing and instruction upon his part. This idea is expressed in scriptural and oriental form by saying, / am clean (pure, with- out stain, innocent) from the hlood (i. e. the murder, or the guilt of the destruction) of all (i. e. of all among whom he had laboured.) Clean from^ Avhich has by some been represented as a Hebraism, occurs in classical Greek writers. There is obWous allusion in this passage to Ezek. 3, 17-21. 33, 1-9. 27. For I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God. Shunned^ the same verb that occurs above in v. 20, but without an expressed object as in that place. The essential meaning is, however, still the same, namely, held or drew back so as not to tell^ announce, report, another verb occurring 'in that passage, and with the same infinitive construction. The xnhole counsel (plan or will) of God, respecting your salvation, comprehending the two cardinal requisites of repentance and faith. (Sec above, on v. 21.) ACTS 20, 28. 249 28. Take heed therefore unto yourselves, and to all the flock, over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, to feed the church of God, which he hath purchased with his oAvn blood. Having thus affirmed his own fideUty, he urges them to follow his example. Take heecl^ the same verb that is used above, in 5, 35. 8, 6. 10. 11. 16, 14, and there explained. It denotes not mere attention but attendance, sedulous and anxious care. To yourselves^ to your own safety and salva- tion, as a prerequisite of usefulness to others. The flocJc^ a term appUed by Christ himself to his disciples (Luke 12, 32), and by Peter to the church already organized (1 Pet. 5, 2. 3). It is a favourite figure with the prophets for the chosen jjeo- ple or the church of the Old Testament. (See Isai. 40, 11. C3, 11. Jer. 13, 17. 23,2. 31,10. 51,23. Ezek. 34, 3. Mic. 7, 14. Zech. 10, 3. 11, 4. 7. 17.) Our Lord describes himself as the good shepherd, and believers as his sheep (John 10, 1-16.^ Peter describes him as the shepherd and bishop (or overseer) of souls (1 Pet. 2, 25), and as the chief shepherd (5, 4), to whom ministers are under-shepherds. Over the which is not a correct version, as it makes the overseers entirely distinct from and superior to the flock, whereas the origmal makes them a part of it, although superior in office. In which^ in the midst and as a part of which. The Holy Ghost made^ lit- erally, placed or set, not only by creating the office, but by choosing the incumbents, either by express designation (as in 13, 2), or by directing the choice of others (as in 6, 5.) Bish- ops is the Anglicised form of the Greek word, which means overseers^ inspectors. It is here appUed to the same persons who were before described as elders (see above, on v. 17), proving clearly that the titles are convertible in this case, as they are in Tit. 1, 5-7 ; a conclusion strengthened by the other- wise inexplicable fact, that both are never named together as distinct classes of church officers. (See above, on 11, 30. 14, 23. 15, 2. 4. 6. 22. 23. 16, 4, and compare 1 Tim. 3, 2. 5, 1. 17. 19. 1 Pet. 5, 1.) That these bishops were diocesans with pres- byters under them, is inconsistent with their being themselves called presbyters or elders. That they were subject to dio- cesans not mentioned, is precluded by the improbabiUty that these, though superior in rank, should have passed uiuioticed. That the office of diocesan was vacant at this time, is not only a gratuitous assumption, but at variance with tlic liict tliat VOL. II — 11* 250 ACTS 20, 28. Paul, when lie warns the elders of ap])roacliinc; danc^era, makes no allusion to their future prelate, but addresses them as if they were about to be letl in sole charge of the flock. There is no tenable i^roiuid, therefore, but the obvious and simple one, now commonly adoj)ted even l)y Episcoj)alians, that bish- ops and jiresbyters, when Paul sjtoke and when Luke wrote, Mere the same thini;, a iiut afHrmed also by Theodoret and Jerome. AVhen it is added that the name bishoj) was after- wards assumed by a higher order who succeeded the apostles, it is only true in reference to a sul)sequent thfiUL^h early devi- ation from the aj)ostolic theory and j)ractice. Throu^diout the New Testament the same <-lass of officers are called both j)res- byters and bisho])s. To feedi^ a very inadequate translation of the Greek word, which means to art as (or do the duty of) a s/iep/ierd^ and includes, not only feediufj, but protection, reg- ulation, and the whole care of a shepherd for his flock. (Com- pare the use of the same verb in Kev. 2, 27. 12,5. 19,15, Mliere the sense of feeding is entirely merged in that of rul- ing.) T/te church of God^ or according to the latest critics, of the Lord. Both readings are very ancient, the latter being found in several of the oldest manuscripts, the former in the oldest one of all. The phrase church of God is of frequent occurrence (seel Cor. 1,2. 10,32. 11,16.22. 15,9. 2 Cor. 1,1. Gal. 1,13. iThess. 2, 14. 2 Thess. 1, 4. 1 Tim. 3, 5), whereas church of the Lord is without example elsewhere. But this fact is urged as an argument on both sides, some contending for the usage as decisive of the question, others accounting for the change of reading as an unauthorized assimilation of this one place to the others which have just been cited. The in- terest of the question arises from its bearing on the divinity of Christ, whose blood, according to the common text, is here described as the blood of God, a phrase found in several of the earhest Christian writers (such as Ignatius and Tertullian) as if in allusion to some text of Scripture. In favour of this read- ing it may also be alleged that the apparent incongruity of the expression would naturally tempt men to amend it, while the very same cause would prevent its introduction if it were not genuine. The blood of God is of course the blood of Christ who, though a man, was a divine person. Purchased^ a Greek verb meaning properly to cause to remain over, then to save or lay by, then to acquire or gain. The middle voice denotes specifically to acquire for one's self, both here and in the only other place where it is used in the New Testament ACTS 20, 28-30. 251 (1 Tim. 3, 13.) The corresponding noun occurs more fre- quently and ahvays in reference to redemption or salvation. (See Eph. 1, 14. 1 Thess. 5, 9. 2 Thess. 2, 14. Ileb. 10, 39. 1 Pet. 2, 9.) The motive here urged for fidelity is not, as in V. 27, that their office was created by the Holy Ghost, but that the church itself was purchased by the blood of Christ. 29. For I knoAV this, that after my departing, shall i^rievous Avolves enter in among you, not sparing the iiock. I know this can have no other meaning here than that be- longing to the same words in v. 25. How he knew it, we are not informed in either case ; but that he knew it, is expHcitly afiirmed in both. This^ this too, besides what he professed to know before. Departinfj^ in the original a noun, used by the old Greek Avriters (as Herodotus) to signify arrival^ but by Plato and Demosthenes, a going home again, and then in the Ajiocrypha and here, departure in general, which may either refer to his death or to his leaving them at this time, the two things coinciding as to practical effect. (See above, on v. 25.) Woli'^es^ the natural enemies of shee]^, and therefore used as a figure for those Avho ravage or lay waste the Church. (See Matt. V, 15. 10, 16. Luke 10, 3. John 10, 12.) Grievous (from the Vulgate graves)^ literally, heavy ^ but explained by the context to mean cruel and destructive. (See below, on 25, 7.) Eater in among you (or come in to you)^ i. e. from without, as distinguished from those mentioned in the next verse. Isfot sparing^ a litotes or meiosis (see above, on v. 12) for devour- ing or destroying. 30. Also of your own selves shall men arise, speak- ing perverse things, to draw away disciples after them. Another class of enemies or wasters shall arise from a very different quarter, namely, of{i. e. out of, from among) your own selves. 3/en., not as opi)Osed to wolves, which wei'e also i-epre- sentatives of human beings, but a like class described without a figure. AVolves were to come in from without, i. e. wicked and destructive men, and such men were also to arise Avithin. Some suppose the wolves, or enemies from without, to denote persecutors, as distinguislied from errorists; but the only dis- tinction here intended seems to be that between wasters from 252 ACTS 20, 30. 31. "vvithiii and Iroin wilhoiit. >^/tall arise, appear, come forward. (See above, oii5, 30. 37. 7,18.) Perverse, perverted, or dis- torted, i. e. from the standard of truth and rectitude. (See above, on 13,8. 10, and compare Matt. 17, 17. Luke 9, 41. 23, 2. Phil. 2, 15.) ISo as to draw away, the same infinitive con- struction tliat occurs above in vs. 20. 27. It may liere denote either tlie desii^n, or tlie effect, or botli. They sliould not onlyteacli error in tlie church, but rend it by schismatical divi- sions, forming schools or parties. Disciples seems to mean discii)les of tlieir own ; but in the original it is the disciples, i. e. of Christ, by drawini^ whom away from the belief of the truth and the communion of the Church, these schools or sects were to be formed. After (or beJiind) them, implying not only influence and imitation, but de])endence and subjection. With this i)rcdiction of the evils which were to invade the church at Ephesus after Paul's de|)arture, may be compared the description of its actual condition many years later in the e]>istle of the Saviour to it, as recorded by John (Rev. 2. 2-7.) We there learn that the church had been visited by false apos- tles, and infested by the Nicolaitans ; but that although she had lefl her first love and fallen from her high estate, and was in danger of losing what she still possessed, she had endured and laboured in her master's cause, and had especially un- masked the false apostles, and abhorred the practice of the Nicolaitans ; all which may be regarded as the fruit and the fulfilment of this very prophecy and exhortation. 31. Therefore watch and remember that by the space of tliree years I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears. Therefore, because these dangers threaten you, and you have been forewarned of them. Watch, in the primary and strict sense of the verb, both in Greek and English, be awake, be wakeful (1 Thess. 5, 6. 10), and also in the secondary and more common sense, be on your (juard (1 Pet. 5, 8.) Ilemem- bering, as a motive and example of such vigilance, that Paul himself had exercised it night and day for tliree years, wdien the danger was less imminent. By the space of is supplied by the translators, as in 7, 42. 19, 10 (compare 13, 20, 21. 19, 8. 34), unless it be rega.ded here as a part of the translation of the Greek noun, whic'i denotes a period or interval of three years, like the corresponding Latin form {trienniinn^ This ACTS 20, 31. 32. 253 is here a round number, including the two years and a half exj^rcssly mentioned (see above, on 19, 8. 10), tocrctlier with the undefined period that Paul may have remained there after the two years expired. Night and day^ a natural hyperbole, famiUar in all languages, for constantly^ unceasingly, at all times when he could be so employed, without regard to his own ease and comfort. Ceased not^ paused not, another hyperbohcal expression, to be understood in the same way. With tears J still another, meaning not that he was literally always weeping, but that his whole ministry was something more than a cold and heartless exhibition of the truth, being warmed and animated by the tenderest affection towards them, and a heartfelt desire for their salvation. Warning^ literally, putting in mind, or into the mind, so as to include the ideas of instructing and reminding. This verb and the correspond- ing noun are used in the New Testament by Paul alone, with whom they are favourite expressions. Each one (or every 07ie) who came within the reach of his instructions. This expres- sion seems descriptive not of public but of personal or private, warnmg. 32. And now, brethren, I commend you to God and to the word of his grace, which is able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among all them which are sanctified. And now, a third effort to conclude (see above, on vs. 22. 25), the others having failed, as it were, from strong emotion and unwillingness to leave them. Commend, commit, deposit for safe keeping (see a\)Ove, on 14, 23, and compare the very dif- ferent use of the same verb in 16, 34. 17, 3.) The same idea is expressed, but by another verb, in 14, 26. 15, 40. The icord of his grace may either mean the doctrine of salvation through God's mercy (see above, on v. 24. 14,3, and compare 11, 23. 13, 43), or his gracious word of promise. In the latter case, what follows must refer to God himself; whereas in the other case, it may be construed with the icord or doctrine, which is able, as an instrument or means, to accomplish what is thus ascribed to it. To build up (or edify), another favourite of Paul's, who oflen uses it to signify sjaritual progress or in- crease upon a firm foundation and a certain plan. (See 1 Cor. 3, 10. 12, 14. Eph. 2, 20. Col. 2, 7. Jude 20, and compare the uncompounded form of the same verb explained above, on 254 ACTS 20, •^2-l^5. 0, :H. Inlin-ltal kind of rielies in the east, wliere the fasliion of dress seldom chani^es, and the son not unfrequently inherits the ap]iarel of his father. Hence tlie reference to moth as well as rust in Matt. 6, 19. 20. A similar profession of disinterestedness is made by Samuel in relin- quishing his office (l Sam. 12, 3.) 34. Yea, ye yourselves know, that these hands have ministered mito my necessities, and to them that were with me. Here, as at the beginning of the whole discourse (v. 18), he appeals to their own knowledge of the facts which he as- serts. The original order of the following words is, that to my icaids^ and to those being with me., ministered these hands.^ a much more pointed and emphatic collocation. Whether he showed his hands, as some suppose, exhibiting the marks of labour, is a doubtful question. There can be no doubt, how- ever, that the form of expression is peculiarly appropriate to a person si)eaking, and would scarcely have occurred to a mere writer. To those with me^ that is, to their M'ants, or to them considered as among his own wants. The word translated xcants (or necessities) is one of very frequent occurrence in Paul's writings. Ministered., served, provided for. (See above, on 13, 26, and below, on 24, 23.) Although Paul teaches clearly that the preachers of the Gospel are entitled to support, he refused to avail himself of this right in the Gen- tile churches, lest his motives should be liable to miscon- struction. (See 1 Cor. 0, 11-15. 2 Cor. 11, 7-12. 12, 13-16. 2 Thess. 3, V-12.) 35. I have shewed you all things, how that so la- ACTS 20, 35. 255 bouring ye ought to support the weak, aud to remem- ber the words of the Lord Jesus, how he said, It is more blessed to give than to receive. Sho2ced, the same verb that is used above, in 9, IG, and there explained. All thmr/s may be eitlier the object of the verb, as in the English version, or an adverbial exjiression meaning alwcn/s, or by all means, or in all things. This last construction is not only favoured by the collocation of tlie words in Greek, but by Paul's usage elsewhere (see 1 Cor. 10, 33. Eph. 4, 15.) So lahourlng^ i. e. as I did, with my own hands, and without compulsion. Ye ought is in Greek a more indefinite expression, it is right (or necessary)^ as a general fact or principle of duty. The same word (Set) is translated ice ought elsewhere (see above on 5, 29.) To support^ a most expressive Greek verb which, according to its etymology, ori- ginally signifies to lay hold of any one (or some thing) oppo- site, as if to hold it up. (Compare the use of the same verb in Luke 1, 54. 1 Tim. 6, 2.) The wea/c, in Greek a participle commonly denoting weak in body, i. e. from disease (see above, on 9, 37. 19, 12), but sometimes weak in faith or conscience, i. e. scrupulous (compare Rom. 4, 19. 14, 1. 2. 21. 2 Cor. 8, 9. 11. 12.) Some prefer the latter meaning here, viz., that Chris- tians ought to waive their privilege in this respect, in conde- scension to the doubts or prejudices of others. This agrees well with Paul's principle and practice, but scarcely with the strong expression to sustain^ support, or hold up. It is better, theretbre, to explain tJie vjeak as meaning all who stand in need of such support from any cause. This also agrees better with the words which follow, and which S23eak of giving, not of refusing to receive or to depend on others. To remember too (re), i. e. we ought (or it is right and necessary) so to do. The icords of the Lord Jesus^ nowhere else preserved, but breathing the spirit of his life and doctrine. As neither all his words nor deeds have been recorded (see John 21, 25), there is no need of supposing that Paul here sums up several expressions of the Saviour scattered through the Gospels, as jNIatthew does the prophecies of his humiliation in the words, "He shall be called a Xazarene." (See above, on 2, 22, and compare Matt. 2, 23.) It is nuich more natural in this case to regard the words as literally spoken by our Lord, antl inci- dentally recorded here. The words themselves are exquisitely simple, but embody an important truth and ])rinciple of action. 250 ACTS 20, 35-38. Jikssedy Iiappy, or conducive to hap|)incss, tlie very word used in our Lord's ffcatifffdes (sec ]Matt. 5, 3-1 1. Luke 6, 20-21*), find often elsewliere, so that it may be dcscri])ed as one of his favourite exi>ressions, Avliich continns tlie authenticity of Paul's quotation. The same sentiment is found in Aristotle, hut with far less clearness and directness of exj)ression ; anoiii1)ar()) and Ilulihdi (2 Kintrs 22, 14), to Noadiah (Xch. 0, 14) and Amia (Luke 2, :J0.) Joel's j>romise of extraordi- nary sj)i ritual i^ifts was to servants of both sexes, and to daugh- ters as well as sons. (See above, on 2, 17. 18.) It is j)Ossible, however, that the present j)articiple [prophesy in rf) was not intended to describe a constant but a special momentary in- spiration ])ro hac vice, which would make what they predicted still more striking and imi)ressive. 10. And as we tarried (there) many days, there came down from Judea a certam prophet, named Agabus. We remaining (longer), staying over, the same verb as in V. 4. Many, literally, more, i. e. more than one, equivalent to our modern use of several. (See above, on 13, 31.) That the prophesying of Philip's daughters had respect to Paul's captivity, is rendered still more probable by this verse, which immediately connects with it another intimation of the same sort from a very different quarter. As if he had said, ' these pro})hetic warnings of the four insi)ired virgins were confirm- ed, before we left the place, by a prophet from Judea.' This last expression may denote Jerusalem (see above, on 11, 1. 29), or that part of Judea nearest to Cesarea, where Agabus may have been when he heard of Paul's arrival. The former is more probable, as he is said to have come doicn, although this might have reference merely to the site of Cesarea on the sea- coast. There seems to )>e no reason for disputing the identity of this man with the proi)het who foretold the famine, and gave occasion to Paul's tirst official mission to Jerusalem. (See above, on 11, 27-30.) That two contemporary prophets of Judea should have borne the not very common name of Aga- bus, though not incredible if well attested, is in itself much more improljable tlum that Luke might mention him a second time without referring to his previous appearance. (Compare the reference to Barnabas in 4, 20. 9, 27.) It does not follow from these two cases of prediction, that Agabus was a i)rophet only in the strict sense, and not in the wider and more usual New Testament sense of an inspired teacher. K these had ACTS 21, 10. 11. 265 been tlie only instances of his foretelling tilings to come, they would still have been entitled, from their very nature, to a more explicit record than his ordinary teachmgs, although equally inspired. 1 1 . And when he was come unto us, he took Paul's girdle, and bound his own hands and feet, and said, Thus saith the Holy Ghost, So shall the Jews at Jeru- salem bind the man that owneth this girdle, and shall deliver (him) into the hands of the Gentiles. Corning to iis^ i. e. to the house of Philip, either as the' place of usual resort for Christians, or because Paul and his company were lodged there. It is probably though not neces- sarily implied that Agabus came to Cesarea expressly for the purpose of uttering this prediction. Takinc)^ or more exactly, taking xip (as in 20, 9 above), or taking away (as in 8, 33 above.) If the former, the idea is that Agabus picked up Paul's girdle, which he had laid aside while in the house (see above, on 12, 8.) If the latter, that he took it from his per- son, which may then have been a part of the symbolical action, or prophecy by deed as well as word, of which we have re- peated instances in the old Testament, and one relating also to a girdle. (See Jer. 13, 1. 10, and compare Isai. 20, 2. Ezek. 4, 1. 8. 5, 1. 1 Kings 22, 11, &c.) The girdle was made use of, in the case before us, not because it happened to be lying near, or simply as an article of dress, but because it was essen- tial to all active movement, and therefore a famihar metaphor or emblem of vigorous and energetic action. (See Job 12, 18. 21. Ps. 18, 32. Prov. 31, 17. Isai. 5, 27. 11, 5. Luke 12, 35. Eph. 6, 14.) To bind him with his ot\ti girdle, therefore, expressed far more than to bind him with the strongest cord or heaviest chain. His oion hands and feet is the unequivocal reading of the five oldest manuscripts {kaxjov) and latest critics. The re- ceived text is ambiguous (aurox) or avrov) and may be referred either to Paul or Agabus. But although the former reference may seem to agree better with the flict that it was Paul's gir- dle, not his own, the other is not only required by the true text, but is in itself more probable, as the acting or binding Paul himself for such a purpose would have been indeUcate and inconvenient. T/ms (literally, these things) saith the llohj Ghost^ a formula equivalent to Thus saith the Lord in VOL. ir. — 12 266 ACTS 21, 11-13. aiioiont prophecy, and clainiiiifj- for tlie words of Ajyabus direct divine autliority. The orij^innl order of liis words is, TJic man irhose is this (/irdh\ so shall bind in Jerusalem the Jeics, propriate. (See above, on 8, 31. 9,38. 11,23. 13,42. 14,22. 15, 32. 16, 9. 15. 39. 40. 19, 31. 20, 2. 12.) This unanimous importunate request was prompted by the concurrent and ac- cumulating tokens of impending danger. It implies, of course, that they w^ere only acquainted with this fact, and not with the express communication of the divine will, which had been made to Paul alone. (See above, on v. 4, and below, on v. 13.) These Christians, therefore, were not guilty of dissuading Paul from obeying a divine command, but simply exercised the right, wliich all possess, of judging for themselves or others in a doubtful case. 13. Then Paul answered, What mean ye to weep and to break mine heart ? for I am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus. ACTS 21, 13. 14. 2(57 Then., but, or and (8e.) Vniat mean ye to weep., literally, what do ye weeping ? i. e, what is this tliat you are doinu^? or, without interrogation, see what you are doing, or consider the eifect of your own conduct, which is simply to aggravate my present sufferings, without diminishing my danger, or affecting my unalterable resolution. To break (literally, crushing., shivering) my hearty i. e. weakening, as far as in you lies, my courage, and endeavouring to shake my resolution, by work- ing on my ot\ti fears and my sjTnpathy with your distress. The same verb (in its uncompounded form) is used by Aristo- phanes and Xenophon to signify the moral weakness caused by vicious indulgence. For has reference to something not expressed, e. g. ' it is in vain,' or ' cease these fruitless efforts to unman me.' The original order is, for Z, not only to he hound., hut also to die., at Jerusalem^ am ready., dbc. This last phrase is in Greek still more expressive, and might be ren- dered, hold (myself) i?i readiness. It is elsewhere used only by Paul (2 Cor. 12, 14) and Peter (l Pet. 4, 5.) For the 7ia7ne of the Lord Jesus, not merely for his sake, or for the honour of being called by his name, but for all that his name or names import, viz. his sovereignty, Messiahship, and saving grace. (See above, on 5, 41, 9, 16." 15, 26.) 14. And when he would not be persuaded, we ceased, sayhig, The will of the Lord be done. lie not hei7ig pei'suaded, or 7iot oheying, both which ideas are suggested by the Greek verb, in accordance vnt\\ its usage and its form, which may be either passive or middle. The word may have been employ e(J here to express the pregnant sense of an obedience prompted by conviction, as distinguished from concession to mere force or even to authority. Of this sense we have had already three examples in a single chapter (see above, on 5, 36. 37. 40), and in the present case it is pecu- liarly appropriate, as conveying the distinct but perfectly com- patible ideas, that Paul was not convinced by their representa- tions, and therefore did not yield to their mistaken wishes, being fortified not merely by his natural decision, but also by his certain knowledge of the divine will that he should go up to Jerusalem, whatever might belall him there. Though he does not seem to have avowed this knowledge even now, his friends appear to have inferred it from his fixed determina- tion. We ceased, or more exactly acquiesced, not merely held 208 ACTS L'l, 14. 15. tlu'ir peace, but submitted to his positive decision, as appears tVoin llieir own words liere recorded. (For the nieaninLj of the Greek verb, see above, on 11, 18.) Tlie will of the Lord he done (or happen, come to ])ass) is understood by some as a quotation or allusion to tlie third petition of the Lord's Prayer (.Matt, (j, 10. Luke 1 1, L'), the substance and indeed the very terms of wliicli were no dou])t daily in tlie minds and on tlie iij)s of tlie lirst Christians. Tliese words miglit also be explained as an expression of submission to the Lord's will in allowiuLC Paul to rush, as it were, blindfold to liis own destruc- tion ; but the natural impression, made perhaps on every read- er, is the one already given, to wit, that of acquiescence in Paul's own decision, as itself indicative of what the Lord would have him to do. (See above, on 9, G, and below, on 22, 10.) 15. And after those days we took up our carriages, and went up to Jerusalem. After these days^ i. e. at the end of the several (or many) days mentioned in v. 10. Carriages is here used in its old English sense of things carried, bearing the same relation to the verb carry ^ that luggaye does to the verb lug^ and baggage to the verb hag. This use of the noun occurs in Spenser and in several other places of the English Bible. (See Judg. 18, 1. 1 Sam. 17, 20. 22. Isai. 10, 28.) It w^as here gratuitously intro- duced by the last translators, being found in neither of the older versions. (Wiclif : icere made ready. T\Tidale : inade ourselves ready. Craumer : took tip our hurthens. Geneva : trussed vj) our fardels. Rheims: being prepared^ The whole phrase answers to one Greek w^ord, a participle, which might be more exactly rendered, having jyacked away (our bag- gage) ; either in the sense of stowing aioay what they did not need upon their journey to Jerusalem, or in that of packing off (or foricarding) all their effects. The latter explanation presupposes that the particle (cltto), with which the verb is here compounded, gives it the sense of packing up and sending off, the nearest a])proach to which in classical usage is the sense of clearing dishes from a table, which is found in Suidas. To the first sense above given it has been objected that if they wished to stow away superfluous incumbrances, they would liave done so at Ptolemais, where their sea-voyage ended (see above, on v. V.) But the jjlan may have been formed after leaving that place; or, which is still more probable, Paul may ACTS 21, 15. 16. 269 have expected to return very soon to Cesarea on his way to Rome (see above, on 10, 21.) He would sail in that case,'not from Ptolemais but from Cesarea, as he actually did, but not till after a delay and imprisonment of more than two years. (See below, on 24,27. 27,1.) All these constructions have respect to the received text (aTroo-Kcvao-a^evot), for which the latest editors, on the authority of several of the oldest manu- scripts, have substituted another compound form of the same verb (eTTio-Kemcra/xevo/), more common in the classics, where it means to lit, prepare, or furnish (as a meal, a horse, a ship, etc.), in which sense Tyndale, and the Rhemish version under- stand it here, while the modern writers take it in the more specific sense of packing up, and so preparing for a journey. Went 11})^ literally, go up^ in the present tense, a graphic form of narrative, much used not only by ancient, but by modern, and especially by French historians. 16. There went with us also (certain) of the disci- ples of Cesarea, and brought with them one jNInason of Cyprus, an old disciple, with whom we should lodge. And (8e) at the beginning of the sentence is omitted in the English version, or perhaps merged in the aho^ which how- ever corresponds to a distinct Greek particle (Kat.) Disciples^ i. e. Christians, members of the church there. Of (or from) Cesarea^ which may either mean belonging to it (as in 10, 23. 12, 1. 15, 5. 19, 13), or denote more strictly motion from it (as m vs. 1. 7. 10 above.) Went (or came) icith ics^ means of course to Jerusalem, there being nothing to restrict or qualify the language, as in v. 5, and in 15, 3. 20, 38. The construc- tion in the last clause is unusual and ambiguous, so as to leave the meaning doubtful upon one point. This is the question, whether the disciples brought Paul to Mnason in Jerusalem, or Mnason to Paul in Cesarea. In the one case the construc- tion is, ' bringing (us to one) with whom we might be lodged ' — in the other, 'bringing (one) with whom we might be lodged,' tfec. The English version changes the order of the sentence, and inserts "with them," which is not in the ori- ginal. The first construction is now commonly preferred, and is certainly favoured by the fact that the disciples went with Paid to Jerusalem, whereas they might have brought Mnason to him without leaving Cesarea. There is less force in the argument that the other construction supposes Mnason to have ACTS lM, 10-lR. boon in Cosaroa, tliouij^h liis liomo was in Jonisaloin, a circum- staneo Ijv no moans strani:^^' "'i J^i'.V sujjposition, bnt cs|)ooially as .Mnason was a Cyprian, and may have been retnrniniz; now I'rom Cyprus. It is not even necessary to assume that he Avas livini; in Jernsalom, since multitudes, like Paul himself, were on tlioir way to IVntocost (see above, on 20, 10), and Mnason may have sim])ly invito*] them to share his lodij^inf:^s. Whether ho was an old acquaintanee or even a convert of Paul's during liis visit to Cyi)rus (see above, on 13, 4-12), we liave no means of determining. Old does not here mean personally aged, though lie must have been so, but ancient, old as a disciple or a Christian. The Greek adjective, and the noun from Avhich it is derived, are both a])])lied in this book to the beginning of the Gospel or the Christian dispensation (see above, on 11, 15. 15, 7.) There is therefore no absurdity in the conjecture that this man was a disciple of our Lord himself, or at least a convert on the day of Pentecost, and possibly one of the " Cyprians," by whom the Gospel was first preached in An- tioch (see above, on 11, 19. 20.) It is worthy of remark how many points of contact are presented in this book between the apostolical history and the isle of Cyprus. 17. And when we were come to Jerusalem, the brethren received us gladly. TFe being conie^ or having got there (see above, on 9, 3. 13, 5. 19, 21. 20, 16, and comi)are the compound form in 5, 21. 22.25. 9,20.39. 10,32.33. 13,14. 14,27.15,4. 17,10. 18,27. 20, 18.) 7Vie brethren^ not their personal friends merely ; nor the whole church as an organized body ; nor its elders, whom they seem to have met for the lirst time on the next day ; but such individual believers as they met with on the day of their arrival. Received xis gladhj^ the same adverb that is used above in 2, 41. Us^ as well as Paul himself, and that not only upon his account, but as the representatives of Gentile Chris- tendom or Christianity. (See above, on 20, 4.) 18. And the (day) follomng Paul went in with us unto James ; and all the elders were present. The day foUoiring^ or coming on, ensuing (sec above, on 7, 26. 16, 11. 20, 15), supposed by some to be the day of Pen- tecost. WetU in with us^ i. e. introduced us, showing plainly, ACTS 21, 18. 19. 271 that his travelling companions had a part to play in this trans- action, as the circumstance that they were with him (or rather he with them) would be otherwise unworthy of repeated men- tion. There is not the slightest ground for doubting the iden- tity of this James with the one already named in 12, 17. 15, 13, as president at Jerusalem. It is far less certain, although on the whole most probable, that this was James the Less (Mark 15, 40), so called to distinguish James the Son of Al- pheus from James the Son of Zebedee, whose death is record- ed in this book (see above, on 12, 2.) The anomalous condi- tion of the church until the downfall of Jerusalem, sufficiently apparent from this very chapter, required the constant pres- ence of an Apostle, while the others were engaged perhaps on distant missions. This responsible and arduous commission, which was far more than the pastoral care of any single church, however eminent or important, would not have been assigned to one of less than Apostolic rank, and is therefore a sufficient proof t'hat James was an Apostle. 19. And when he had saluted them, he declared particularly what things God had wrought among the Gentiles by his ministry. Saluted (greeted) them, in words of kindness and respect, which is far more probable, in this connection, than the idea, entertained by some, that he embraced or even kissed them. (See above, on vs. 6. 7, and compare 18, 22. 20, 1.) Declared, expounded, set forth in detail, the same verb that is used above, in 10, 8. 15, 12. 14, and there explained. Particularly is in Greek hy each (or every) one, or giving to the particle its usual distributive force, every {thing) one hy 07ie. This strong expression shows that Paul's report of his missionary labours was by no means a mere vague or general account, but an exact and circumstantial statement. (See above, on 14, 27. 15, 12.) The original construction is, each one of the things which God did in the nations, or among the Gentiles (see above, on V. 11.) Here, as elsewhere, the efficient agency is ascribed to God, that of Paul being only instrumental. By (or through, by means of) his ministry, i. e. his labours as an Apostle, both in the strict sense of a witness and an organizer, and in the wide one of a missionary and itinerant preacher. (See above, on 1, 7. 25. 6, 4. 14, 4. 14. 20, 24.) 2V2 ACTS 21, 20. 20. And wlion tli(\v licard (it), they f^dorificd the Lord, and said unto liiiii, 'J'hou sccst, Ijiothcr, liow many thousands of Jews there are whieh believe ; and they are all zealous of the law — 77/ry, i. V. Jaiiu's and tlic KMcrs, .nil of wliom wero present, as we learn from the i^reetMlinij^ verse. Jlearlncf (or luiruHj heard) Paul's rei)ort, confirmed by the j>resence of Gentile converts from the principal churches founded by him. Glori- fied'the Lord^ or 6'or/, whicli is the reading of the oldest manuscripts and latest critics. The effect is the same with that ascribed to previous disclosures of God's favour towards the Gentiles, and in one case to the Gentile converts them- selves. (See above, on 11, 18. 13, 48.) The Greek verb is ap- propriate only to some signal exhibition and exercise of the divine perfections, as for instance to a miracle (see above, on 3, 13. 4, 21, and here to an extension of God's mercy^ which the Jews no doubt considered equally miraculous.) Glorified^ not only in their hearts, but with their lips, confessing it to be in truth the work of God. A^id said, or said too (tc), i. e. besides glorifying God, they also said to Paul what follows. The indefinite and plural form here used is worthy of atten- tion, as James is often incorrectly mentioned as the sole au- thor of the statement and advice here given ; whereas it is not even said that he concurred in it, although most probably he did, and even acted as the spokesman of the Presbytery. It can hardly be unmeaning or fortuitous, however, that the narrative so carefully ascribes what is here said, not to an in- dividual, not even to a sole Apostle, but to the whole assem- bly, in which he presided, and with which he acted jointly. (See above, on 15, 2. 4. 6. 22. 23. 16, 4.) 77wu seest, be'holdek as a spectacle, the verb employed in 3, IG. 4, 13. 7, 56. 8, 13. 9, 7. 10, 11. 17, 16. 22. 10, 26. 20, 38, in all or nearly all which cases it expresses more than simple vision, and implies some- thing strange and striking in the object. It cannot here refer to what he saw before him, which was only an assembly of the elders (see above, on v. 18, and below, on v. 22), but must rather denote what he had already seen and learned from his experience, the present tense imparting force and point to the expression, as in v. 15 and elsewhere. Brother, an expression both of personal affection and official recognition, the highest title given in the primitive church, even "to Apostles. It is here imj^ortant, as evincing the unhesitating recognition of ACTS 21, 20. 273 Paul's claims as the Apostle of the Gentiles, even. by the mother-church and Jewish Christians of Jerusalem. How many myriads (or te7is of tJioi(sa)uls) is not a mathematical but an indefinite and popular expression, meaning what great numbers, or (at most) vast multitudes, without defining their extent or sum. This is the primary sense of the original ex- pression in the classics, where the definite idea often thousand is entirely posterior to Homer. It is also a favourite hyi)er- bole of Paul himself, who writes to the Corinthians of their having had ten thousand teachers, and of his littering ten thousand words in an unknown tongue (1 Cor. 4, 15. 14, 19), in both which cases he can only mean what we mean when we say " mnumerable," numberless," or " endless," not to define or specify a number, but to convey the vague idea of a multi- tude, which is itself a relative expression, meaning more or less according to the context or the circumstances m which we employ it. These considerations are sufiicient to remove the necessity of carefully inquiring where these myriads of Christian Jews were to be found, or what became of them at terwards, or how this statement can be reconciled with Ori- gen's, that all the JeT\^sh converts in the world would not amount to the apocalyptic number of a hundred and forty-four thousand (Rev. 7, 4. 14, 1.) It is not the statistics of the Jewish Church that we have now before us, but a strong yet natural expression of the fact that they were very numerous, a fact which is altogether credible, especially if we remember, that many of these Jewish converts afterwards apostatized or separated from the church as Ebionites or Judaizing heretics. This may also throw light on the character here given of them, although strictly applicable and explicitly applied to those Jews who had really believed or been converted. But that this conversion was not always real, we may learn from the use of the same word in reference to Simon Magus (see above, on 8, 13.) And all^ as a body or a class, no doubt with indi- vidual exceptions. Zealous^ literally, zealots^ the name given by Josephus to the ultra or fanatical anti-Roman party, Avliose excesses finally occasioned the destruction of the Jewish state and of the temple at Jerusalem. It is here, no doubt, api)]ied to Christian or converted Jews ; but such in every age, have often brought into the Church the spirit of their old profes- sion, and the Christian zealots, here described, may have par- taken largely of the violent fanaticism, which Avas already teeming and fermenting in the bosoms of their unconverted VOL. II, — 12* 274 ACTS 21, 20. 21. brethren. Tlie verb stands in Greek at the end of tlie sen- tence, and is not the onHnary verb of existence (^/rr), bnt tliat more enipliatic form, witli wliich we liave already met repeat- edly, and which in this connection, as in others, seems intended to suir^est the idea of continuance, and might almost be ren- dered .s7/// i(re (or conttnut) zmlots of the law^ as they were perhaj)S before conversion. (See above, on 5, 4. 8, IG. 10,3, and compare 2, 3. 3, 2. G. 4, 34. 37. 7, 55. 10, 12. 14, 8. IG, 20.37. 17,24.27.29. 19,30.40.) 21. And they are informed of thee, that thou teach- est all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake jVIoses, saying that they ought not to circumcise (their) children, neither to walk after the customs. Are (or have heeri) wfortned is a correct though not an adequate translation of the Greek verb, which properly de- notes oral elementary instruction (see above, on 18, 25, and compare Luke 1, 4. Kom. 2, 18. 1 Cor. 14, 19. Gal. 0, 0), and is here descriptive, not of mere report or rumour, but of care- ful inculcation on the part of Paul's opponents. The Chris- tian zealots of Jerusalem, or of the Holy Land, had been not simjily told V)ut tai([/Jit l)y his calumniators what here follows. Ofthee.noi by thee' (as in 2, 24. 4, 11. 10, 33. 38. 41. 42. 12, 5. 15, 4. 10, 4. 14. 17, 13), but about, concerning thee (as in 1, 1. 31. 5,24. 7,52. 8,34. 9,13. 11,22. 13,29. 15,0. 17,32. 18, 15. 25.) Amonr/, not the particle so rendered in v. 19, but a stronger one Avhich might be rendered through, throughout (as in 8, 1. 9, 31. 42. 10, 37), im[>lying an extensive dispersion among various nations. These were the Jews of the JJiaspo- ra, so called in the original (tliough not in the ti-anslation) of John 7, 35. James 1, 1. 1 Pet. 1, 1. To forsake 3/oses, or more emphatically and at the same time more exactly, apos- tasy from Moses. (Compare the verbal root or theme, as used above, in 5, 37. 38. 12,10. 15,38. 19,9.) Saying that they ought not (or more simply and exactly, telling them not) to circumcise tlieir children, nor to walk after (i. e. live accord- ing to) the customs (institutes, or institutions) of the ceremo- nial law or old economy. (See above, on 0, 14. 15, 1. 10, 21.) This account of Paul's teaching with respect to the Mosaic rites was true only in the sense of his denying their necessity to personal salvation, but not in that of representing tliem as ACTS 21, 21-23. 275 worthless or unlawful while the temple was still standing. (See above, on 2, 46. 16, 3. 18, 18.) 22. What is it therefore? the multitude must needs come together : for they will hear that thou art come. What is (it) therefore might be understood to mean, what is the truth as to the subject of these accusations? What is really your theory and practice in relation to the law ? But as they do not ^rait for or require an answer, it is better to explain the words, with most interpreters, as meaning, ichat then is [to be done) f how shall this false impression be re- moved ? The very question, thus explained, implies that the Presbytery, as a body, did not credit the malicious accusation. They speak throughout of Paul's accusers, and of those whom tbey had prejudiced against him, as a class entirely distinct from themselves. The multitude should rather be a multitude^ the article not being used, and cannot therefore mean the church or body of believers as a corporate or organized society, but rather a promiscuous assemblage, or an accidental con- course, of such zealots as had first been described (in the pre- ceding verse), of whom great numbers were assembled in Je- rusalem to keep the feast (see above, on 2, 1.) Must needs (or by all nieans^ i. e. unavoidably) come together^ not in orderly assemblies to discuss the question, but in crowds or mobs to gratify their curiosity. The latest critics have ex- })unged the words, the multitude must come together^ but re- tain the adverb (Travrws) and connect it with the last clause, by all means (or inevitably) they will hear that thou art come. As the oldest manuscripts and versions are divided between these two readings, it is safer to retain the words in question, the omission of which it is at least as easy to explain as theu' insertion. Even the shorter reading, but still more the longer, gives us a clear glimpse of the interest with which Paul and his movements were regarded, both by friends and foes. 23. Do therefore this that we say to thee. We have four men which have a vow on them — The original order is, this therefore do. Therefore^ be- cause there are so many zealots prepossessed against thee, and because they will unquestionably come together, when they 276 ACTS 21, 28. 2t. hoar ot'tliy arrival. Wt ,sv/y fo t/ienini; to be so many just at that time in the ceremonial condition liere describecl. Or the elders may have chosen four out of a greater number, as suf- ficient for the purpose, and yet not so many as to give un- necessary troul)le. A single subject would not have attracted public notice, while a dozen might have ]>roved unmanageal)le or produced confusion. Jlarirtrf a voxo upon thern^ no doubt that of Xazarites, provided for in Numbers 6, 1-21, and ex- plained abo^'e, on 18, 18. This was not, however, as in that case, an informal private vow, externally conformed to legal usage, but a regular and normal case of ceremonial observance, as no other would have answered the proj^osed end of evincing Paul's respect for the Mosaic institutions. 24. Them take, and purify thyself ^vith them, and be at charges with them, that they may shave (their) heads, and all may know that those things, ^^'hereof they were informed concerning thee, are nothing, but (that) thou thyself also walkest orderly, and keepest the law. Them taJce, literally, these (me?i) takiiig^ i. e. to thyself, into thy company. The Greek verb is the same with that employed above, in 15, 39. 16, 33, in both which cases, as in this, it denotes not momentary contact but prolonged associa- tion. Purifii thyself^ or rather, as the Greek verb is a passive form, be purified (by others, i. e. by the priests), submitting to the necessary ceremonial rites. This is usually understood to mean, become a Nazarite like them, assuming the same obli- gation, and undergoing or performing all that they do. This agrees well with the general usage of the Greek word, and with its special application in the Septuagint version of Num- bers 6, 3, to the Nazarite abstinence or separation. But as this hypothesis creates some difficulty in explaining the details that follow, some understand the verb as signifying, not the Nazaritic vow itself, but those preliminary rites of purification ACTS 21, 24. 25. 277 which preceded every solemn act of ceremonial Avorsliip, as required by the law (see Ex. 19, 10. 14) and still practised in the time of Christ (see John 11, 55.) The exhortation, tlius explained, is not that he should make himself a Nazarite, but merely that he sliould perform such preparatory rites as would enable him to take part with these Nazarites in the conclusion of their solemn service. Be at charges icith them, literally, S2yend {inoney) on them, i. e. pay the expenses of their offer- ings and other ceremonial forms attending the conclusion of their vow. (Compare the use of the same Greek verb in Mark 5, 26. Luke 15, 14. 2 Cor. 12, 15, and especially in James 4, 3, Avhere the construction is the same, though not the preposition.) That they may shave their heads (literally, the head), one of the chief external badges of the Xazaritic vow being long hair (Xum. 6, 5), and its pubhc cutting off or shaving the appointed sign of its completion (Xum." 6, 18.) Nothing is said of Paul's own hair, which no doubt was short already (see 1 Cor. 11, 14), but only of his paying what was necessary to enable the four Xazarites to cut theirs likewise. That such participation in the vows of others by advancing money, was a practice not unknown in that age, we may learn from the statement of Josephus, that Agrippa (the Herod men- tioned in the twelfth chapter of the book before us) on coming to Jerusalem from Rome, in this very way enabled many Xaz- arites to shave their heads. His motive was probably the same here suggested by the Presbyters to Paul, namely, to vindicate his doubtful claim to be esteemed a Jew, by publicly conforming to the rites and ceremonies of the law. All may hnow (or according to the latest critics, loill knoio) that of the {thinys) which they have been informed (or taught) about thee, there is nothing (i. e. there is no truth in them or foundation for them), but that thou thyself also icalkest (or that thou walkest even thyself) keeping the law. The verb translated walkest is a military term, and means to keep the ranks or march in order, then to walk by any rule, i. e. to act or live according to it. It is a iavourite word of Paul's, occurring elsewhere only in his writings (see Rom. 4, 12. Gal. 5, 25. 0, 16. Phil. 3, 16.) Keeping, in the proper sense of watching, then observing or obeying (see above, on 7, 53. 12, 4. 16, 4.) 25. As touching the Gentiles which behcve, we have written (and) concluded that they observe no such 278 ACTS 21, 25. 26. tiling, save only that tlioy kco]) tlicniselvos from (things) oH'oiTcl to idols, and from Mood, and from strangled, and from fornication. All that tlie Elose to lay down the same rule for con- verted Gentiles, which would have been directly contrary to all Paul's ju-inciples and j>racticc. (See above, on 16, 3. 18, 18.) To j>reclude this false impression of their ])urpose, they ex- pressly add, that as to the believing Gentile-'^ (literally, the nations who had believed or been converted), they had noth- ing new to ask or otier, but adhered to their own previous de- cision (that recorded in the fifteenth chapter), that they should be only required to abstain from what was unavoidably offen- sive to their Jewish brethren. ^Vritten and conduded^ liter- ally, sent (by letter or in writing) judging (or deciding.) Observe^ a different verb from that at the end of the preced- ing verse, but like it originally meaning to watch or keep (as in 12,5. 6. IC, 23), and then to observe or obey (as in 15, 5. 24.) A^o such thing^ i. e. nothing ceremonial as a i)ermanent observance or as necessary to salvation. These words {that theg observe no such thing save only or except)., though found in several uncial manuscri|)ts, are wanting in the oldest, and therefore excluded by the latest critics, but on insufficient grounds. T/iat they keep (or guard) themselves., the middle or reilexive fjrm of the verb used in the last clause of v. 24. The specific i»rohibitions are the same as in 15, 29, except that the genitive is here exchanged for the accusative throughout, and the ])lural for the singular in the tirst noun, and also in the third according to the latest critics. 2G. Then Paid took the men, and the next day pm-ifying himself with them entered into the temple, to signify the accomplishment of the days of purifica- tion, mitil that an oftering should be offered for every one of them. Tlien is not the continuative particle (St) often so trans- lated, but the adverb of time (rorc) strictly meaning then or ACTS 21, 26. 27. 279 afterwards, i. e. Avhen he had thus been counselled by the elders. Took^ literally, taking (see above, on v. 24.) The 171671, the four who had been previously mentioned (see above, on V. 23.) Kext^ the word employed in 20, 15 above, and there explained. The temple^ in the wide sense of the sacred enclosure (see above, on 2, 46. 3,1. 4,1. 5,20. 19,27.) To signify, literally annoimcing, gi^'ing notice, i. e. to the priests on duty. The accomplishment, fulfilment, or completion, of the days of purification, which may either mean the term of the Kazaritic vow, or the time of the concludmg service. Should be offered, literally v:as offered, the form of the Greek verb being indicative and not subjunctive. This has led some to understand the verse as meaning that Paul notified the priests that the term of the vow was already finished, and then wait- ed at the temple till the necessary oflerings were actually made. The more usual interpretation is that the notice was prospective, or that Paul announced how soon the vow would be expired, in order that the priests might make arrangements for the sacrifices when the time for offering them should arrive. 27. And when tlie seven days were almost ended, the Jews which were of Asia, when they saw him in the temple, stirred up all the people, and laid hands on him — And when (literally, as) the seven days were almost (liter- ally, about to be) ended. It has been much disputed what the seveyi days were. Some suppose that the duration of the Xaz- aritic vow was optional, and that in this case it continued only for a week.' But although the law prescribes no term (" the seventh day" in Xum. 6, 9, having reference to an unexpected interruption and renewal of the ^ow), a Aveek would be too short a time to make the growth of the hair perceptible, and a month is mentioned as the customary period, both by Jo- sephus and the Talmud. Another supposition is, that those who undertook to pay for others were allowed to keep a shorter term, and that when Paul joined these Xazarites, there were only seven days of separation left. But as this solution rests upon a mere conjecture, some understand the seven days to mean the first week after Paul's arrival, which is thouglit to be at variance with other chronological .specifications (see below, on 24, 11.) Others suppose a whole week to have been 280 ACTS 21, 27. o])S(.'rvod at Pentecost as at the Passover; for wh'wh however there is no Lr>-()unn. Others still explain the scren days as seven salthatlis, or the interval of* seven weeks })etwecn the two threat festivals (Lev. 2M, 15. 10.) The (pu'stion, althoui,^h diflicult, is nnim])ortant, and its very (lithciiit y, far from (lisere(litinoint, in this case, is that the time of Paul's ceremonial conformity was almost ended, when the following occurrences took place. 71ie Jcics from Asia^ i. e. from the western jjart of ^Vsia Mi- nor (see above, on 20, 4. IC. 18), and especially no doubt from the Ephesian district. The idea expressed in the common version (ichich icere of Asia) is really suggested by the prepo- sition here used (see above, on v. 16.) Having seen (or beheld) hhn^ with an implication of something strange and unexpected in the sight. (See above, on 1,11. 8,18, and compare the like use of another verb in v. 20, and the places there referred to.) The Jews of Ephesus, among Paul's most malignant ene- mies (see above, on 20, 19), may not liave been prepared to meet him in the Holy City. Regarding him as an apostate, and as such no longer entitled to the })rivileges of a ^{^\\\ they were naturally mq^ved with indignation, when they saw^ him in the temple, and perhaps engaged in ceremonial duties. These excited feelings they of course endeavoured to impart to others. ^Stirred iip^ literally, poured together^ threw into con- fusion (see above, on 2,6. 9, 22. 19,29.32.) All the people, more exactly, all the crowds the promiscuous assemblage or mixed multitude which tilled Jerusalem at such a season. With his usual exactness in the use of such terms,- Luke does not describe them as the jjeople^ either in the Greek sense {rov hii^ov) or the Jewish (rov Xaov)^ but as the mob or rabble (toi/ o;(Xoi'), all which terms are carefully distinguished in the usage of this book. (Compare 12,22. 17,5. 19,30.33 with 3,43. 4,1.2.10. 10,2.41. 12,4.11. 13,31. 15,14. 18,10. 19, 4, and with 1, 5. 8, 6. 14, 1. 16, 22. 17, 8. 19, 33. 35.) Em- boldened by the presence, and perhaps by the applause, of the assembled masses, they laid ha?ids on Faul^ i. e. arrested, seized liim. (See above, on 4, 3. 5, 18. 12, 1.) This, though not perceived to be so at the moment, either by himself or others, eventually proved to be the end of his ministry at large, and the commencement of his long apostleship hi bonds. ACTS 21, 27. 28. 281 (See Phil. 1,7 13.14. 16. Col. 4, 18. Philem. 10. 13. Heb. 10, 34. 2Tim. 2, 9.) 28. Ciyiiig out, Men of Israel, help ! this is the man that teacheth all (men) every where against the people, and the law, and this place ; and further brought Greeks also into the temple, and hath polluted this holy place. We have here the way in which they acted on the multi- tude, to wit, by appealing to their national and theocratic pre- possessions. Men of Israel (literally, Israelites)^ not merely sons of Israel or Jacob (compare Gen. 32, 28), but as such members of the ancient church or chosen people, in which ca^ pacity the people are here summoned to the rescue. Help^ succour, a verb, which from its very etymology, was specially appropriate in outcries like the one before us, being compound- ed of the two verbs crxj and run^ and often used by the Greek poets in like manner. The whole phrase corresponds to a well- kno\\Ti one in Latin {cives adeste !) It was not therefore as a mob, though truly such, but as the house of Israel, that the people were now summoned to protect the temple. The last clause clearly implies Paul's celebrity or notoriety among his unconverted countrymen. This is the man^ of whom you have all heard, and whom some of us have often seen in other places. That teacheth^ literally, the {one) teaching^ i. e. habit- ually, constantly. All men every loJiere^ a double hyperbole or exaggeration, showing clearly what importance was attached by such men to the acts and influence of the apostle. Against the people^ not the populace as such, but the chosen or pecu- liar people, against whose privileges Paul is represented as contending. The laio^ the whole Mosaic system under which they lived, and by which they were segregated from the other nations, l^his place^ Jerusalem, the seat of the theocracy, and more especially the temple, as the heart and centre of the cer- emonial law. This hostile cry must have painfully reminded Paul of that in which he had himself joined against Stephen, and in consequence of which he was arraigned before the coun- cil. (See above, on G, 12. 14.) But the charge against him- self was more specific and exciting still. And further also (or moreover, in addition to all this), nearly the same exi)ression that is used above in 2, 26, and there explained. Greeks, not 2ftl> ACTS 'Jl, 28. 20. in the national or local sense, but in the wider one of Gen- tiles, so called from the greneral and almost universal use of the (jlreek lani^uaije among all kn(i\vn nations. Hence the perpetual antithesis of Jews and Greeks in the Now Testament. (See al/ove, on 11,20. 14,1. 10,1.3. 17,4. 18,4.17. 19.10. 17. 20, 21, and compare Paul's epistles passim.) Into the tem- ple^ or sacred enclosure (see ahove, on v. 20), and especially the inner courts, from which all foreigners (or (Gentiles) were excluded ujion pain of death, by a stone wall and i)i]lars with inscriptions waiiiing against all protiine intrusion. According to a speech which Josej)hus ])uts into the mouth of Titus, the Jews were sulfercil by the Romans themselves to kill a Ro- man who was guilty of such violation. Polluted^ desecrated, reii(lereject of the verb here is not ne- cessarily the same as in vs. 27. 28, but more indefinite, refer- ring not specifically to the Jews of Asia, but to the nearer antecedents in v. 30, i. e. the city and the iKople. Tid'uKjs^ or rather, a report^ either in the sense of rumour, or in that of official information, probably conveyed by the Roman sentries, on or near the spot, to their superiors. Came, went up, as- cended, both in a figurative sense, from the lower to the high- er military ranks, and in a literal or local sense, from the area of the temple to the tower of Antonia which overlooked it. This fortress was an ancient one, but had been several times rebuilt, and named by Herod the Great in honour of his friend and protector, Anthony. Josephus represents it as a lofty structure, at the north-west corner of the temple-area, with which it communicated both by stairs and by interior passages. It was constantly occupied by a Roman garrison, to watch and overawe the Jews, especially in times of more than ordinary concourse, as for instance during the great festivals. This is the force here called tJic hand,, corresj:)onding to a Greek word which originally means a roll or coil (being, the root of our word spiral),, but in military history a maniple, the third j)art of a cohort, or two centuries. It is here supposed by most interj)reters to signify the cohort itself, or a thousand men. Hence the commander of the force is called a chlllarch,, or leader of a tliousand, corresponding to the Latin tribune. Both these military terms are elsewhere used in the New Tes- tament to denote the levitical guard of the temple and its Jewish leader. (See above, on 4, 1. 5, 24. 26, and compare John 18, 3. 12.) As the Jews at this time were peculiarly im- patient of the Roman yoke, and insurrections had been fre- quent (see below, on v. 38, and above, on 5, 36. 37, and com- pare Mark 15, 7. Luke 23, 19. 25), the garrison was no doubt ACTS 21, 31-33. 285 more than usually yigilaut, particularly when the population was increased by multitudes of strangers in attendance on the yearly feasts (see above, on 2, 5.) Was m cm uproar^ literally, has been confounded^ i. e. thrown into confusion (see above, on V. 27.) 32. Who immediately took soldiers and centmions, and ran down unto them ; and when they saw the chief captain and the soldiers, they left beating of Paul. Talcing with him^ or along with him, the same verb as in vs. 24. 26. Centurions^ commanders of a hundred men, whom Mark calls by their Latin name (Mark 15, 39. 44. 45), but Luke and Matthew by the corresponding Greek one {hecato7i- ^arcA^, Matt. 8,5.8.13. 27,54. Luke 7, 2. 6. 23,47.) His taking more than one centurion implies that he was folloAved by at least two hundred men. Ban doicn^ Hterally, from the fort or castle to the street or the exterior enclosure of the temple, and also in the figurative sense of rushing on, assailing, or attacking. Unto them^ or more exactly, on them^ i. e. on the mob who were attempting to kill Paul. And ichen they saw, or more exactly, but they seeing. Left, literally, paused or ceased. Beating of Paul, i. e. beating Paul, there being nothing in the Greek corresponding to the pleonastic preposi- tion. This instantaneous eflect illustrates the immense disi3ro- portion between mobs and armies, and at the same time the habitual submission even of the zealots to their heathen mas- ters, till the national antipathy, exasperated by religious bigotry, finally burst through all restraints and brought about the great catastrophe. 33. Then the chief captain came near, and took him, and commanded (him) to be bound with two chains, and demanded who he w^as, and what he had done. Then (totc), at that time, afterwards, or in the next place (see above, on v. 26.) Came near, coming near, approaching. Took him, hud hold upon, arrested, seized him, the same verb that is used above in v. 30. Paul was thus treated as the evi- dent occasion of the uproar, whether innocent or guilty, which could only be decided by a subsequent investigation. Li the 286 ACTS 21, 33. 34. mean time tlie trilmno w.is bound to keep the peace and to secure tlie j)erson who had caused the breacli of it. ^Vi(h two chains, or two Hi^atures, aj)plied to tl»e hands and feet respec- tively, as some supjiose, but more probably to both arms, ta>*- teninix the })risoner to a soldier on eacli side, a Roman method of safe-keej>intr, Avhich we have already seen exemplified in Herod's imprisonment of Peter. (See above, on 12, G, where the same Greek terms are used as in the ease before us.) I^e- mamkd^ asked, inquired, not of Paul himself, but of the peoj»le round l»im. Who he teas, or rather, 7rho he rnig/U he^ the continfrent ])article ])refixed to the Greek optative ex}>ressing a high degree of doubt and curiosity, whereas the other ques- tion, although similar in English, is in Greek more direct and categorical. What he had done^ literally, what he is having done^ a combination foreign from our idiom, consisting of the perfect participle of the verb to do with the present tense of the verb to be. The use of this peculiar form has been ac- counted for, upon the ground of the chief captain's knowing that he must have done something. But then the same form should have been used in the other case, for the chief captain was no less certain that he must be somebody. 34. And some cried one thing, some another, among the multitude ; and when he could not know the cer- tainty for the tumult, he commanded him to be carried into the castle. Nothing can be more lifelike or more true to nature than this picture, which could scarcely have been drawn from hearsay or imagination. The highly idiomatic form of the first clause (others cried some other thing) does not admit ot an exact translation ; but the meaning is correctly given in our version. (For another instance of the same idiom, see above, on 19, 32.) Whe7i he could not (literally, not being able to) know the certainty (the certain, sure, intallible), i. e. the true state of the case. For the tumult, on account of the confusion, noise, and uproar (see above, on 20, 1.) Carried, in the wide sense of conveyed, conducted, not in the specific sense of borne or lifted, which is mentioned in the next verse. The castle is supposed by some to mean the fortress of Anto- nia described above (on v. 31), by others a fortified camp within it, or the barracks (quarters) which the soldiers occu- ACTS 21, 34-36. 287 jDied. The later classics sometimes use it to denote an army dra^^^l up in a certain manner (compare Heb. 11, 34), but commonly to signify a camp (compare Heb. 13, 11. 13), botli which senses have been put upon the word in one place (Rev. 20, 9.) 35. And when he came upon the stairs, so it was, that he was borne of the sokliers for the violence of the people. Carae^ became, was, or began to be, the same verb that is used above, in vs. 1. 5. 14. 17. 30. The stairs, leading up from the area of the temple into the castle of Antonia, and particularly mentioned by Josephus in describing it. So it icas, or rather, it occurred, chanced, happened, implying that what follows was entirely unintentional and unexpected. (For the use of the verb, see above, on 3, 10. 20, 19.) Borne, lift- ed, carried, not as an act either of hostihty or kindness, but for the violence (or from the pressure) of the croicd (which followed.) This little circumstance is mentioned, not to show how carefully the Roman soldiers guarded and protected Paul, but simply as a vivid reminiscence of the scene by Luke, who well remembered seeing his beloved teacher, as the sol- diers led him up the stairs, completely lifted from his feet by the resistless pressure of the crowd behind, so that without intending it, the soldiers carried him instead of leading him. (See above, on 20. 8, 13, and for the usage of the verb, on 3,2. 9,15. 15,10.) 36. For the multitude of the people followed after, crying, Away with him. Three of the collective terms, or nouns of multitude, which Luke elsewhere so carefully distinguishes, are used succes- sively in this connection, each in its proper and distinctive sense, although the EngUsli version has confounded two of them. Having stated in the foregoing verse that Paul was lifted from his feet by the pressure of the croiccl {rov ox^ov), Luke now adds, by way of explanation, that the mass (to ttXi]- ^o?) o^tJie people {jov Aaou), i. e. of the Jews, icas folloicing, the imperfect tense of the Greek verb denoting both continu- ous and simultaneous action. While the soldiers were remov- ing Paul, the mob was following. (For the usage of the two 288 ACTS 21, 86-38. first nouns of iiniUitiulo, sec above, on vs. 27, 30 ; for the tlnnl, on 2, 6. 4,32. 0,2. 14,4. 15,12.30.) Cri/hi(/, calling with a loud voice, shouting (see above, on 7,57.00. 14, 14. 10, 17. 10,28.32.34.) Aicay with hhn^ literally, ^wXre him (away)^ the same verb that was used above in v. 11, and the same cry tliat was uttered near the same spot, many years before, by a dehided and infuriated rabble, tliirstiiig for the blood of the same j)erson whom, witliin a week, they liad welcomed with hosannas, as the true Messiah. (Com})are Luke 19, 38. 23, 18. Jolni 12, 12. 13. 10, 15.) The verse before us furnishes an ex- jtlanation of what otherwise might seem strange, that although Paul was now hi the j)Ossessioii of the soldiers, he was never- theless closely pressed by his pursuers, who were following hmi even up the castle stairs. 37. And as Paul was to be led into the castle, he said unto the chief captain, May I speak unto thee ? Who said, Canst thou speak Greek ? Being about to he led into the camp (or castle) Paul says to the chiliarch (or tribune)^ the present tense, in this as in many other cases, rejDresenting the whole scene as actually passing (see above, on v. 15.) 3Iay /, literally, if it is per- mitted (or alloicahle) for me^ to say something to thee. For the use of the conditional in asking questions {if it is^ mean- ing, tell me if it is), see above, on 1,6. 5, 8. 7, 1. 10, 2. The latest critics omit something (ti) although found m several of the oldest manuscripts, and read, speak to thee. Who said (or rather, and he said), Cayist thou speak Greek (hterally, dost tJiou know Greek?) The original for Greek is an adverb, corresponding to the Latin Graece, which is used by Cicero in a connection very similar to that before us, w^hen he says of those who do not understand the language, qui Graece nesciunt. (See above, on 14, 11, and compare John 10, 20, where three such adverbs stand together.) 38. Art not thou that Egyptian, which before these days niadest an uproar, and leddest out into the wilderness four thousand men that were murderers ? Art not thou seems to foresee an aflinnative answer, and imply that the commander still regarded Paul and the Egyp- ACTS 21, 38. 289 tian as identical ; whereas he must have been convinced of his mistake as soon as Paul beg-an to speak. This agrees exactly with the Greek phrase, which is hardly interrogative at all, and might be rendered, thou art not then (or so then thou art not) the Egyptian. He is evidently speaking of events still recent, and in which he may have* been concerned himself. Before these days is an indelinite expression, which determines nothing as to the precise date, since it may mean just before, or long before, according to the context. 3Iadest an up- roar is the verb translated turned upside doicn in 17, 5, and trouble in Gal. 5, 1 2, in both which cases, as in this, it means to revolutionize, or violently alter the existing state of things, and might be rendered here, icho made (i. e. tried to make) a revolution ; or if this is too strong, uproar is as much too weak, and insurrection may be taken as a mean between them. Leading out into the loilderness the four thousand men of the assassins. The omission of the article before the last two nouns materially affects the sense, by making the chief cap- tain seem to speak of something known to him but unknown to his hearers ; whereas the four thousand meJi of course means those four thousand men, of whom you have so often heard, or rather whom you well remember, not as murderers merely, but as the assassins, a defined and well remembered body, once perhaps the terror of the country. Assassins is in the original a Greek inflection of the Latin word {Sicarii), so called from sica, a short sword or dagger, and described by Josephus as a kind of robbers who concealed short swords beneath their garments, and infested Judea in the period preceding the destruction of Jerusalem. Such a band had been led by the Egyptian here referred to, who is also men- tioned by Josephus, but in terms at once extravagant and in- consistent. In one place he describes him as the leader of thirty thousand men, of Avliom the most part were destroyed, while in another place he states the number of the latter at four hundred. It is not impossible to reconcile these state- ments with each other and with that before us by assuming what is altogether probable and common in such cases, that the number of his followers, small at first, was vastly multi- pHed by popular delusion and fanatical excitement, and event- ually thinned again as this subsided, or the government began to use its strength agauist them. The four thousand may in that case be regarded as the military force of the Egyptian, and the thirty thousand as the aggregate number of his fol- VOL. II. — 13 290 ACTS 21, 08-40. lowers, in tlio heij^ht of liis success, wlnle tlie four liundred may liave been the remnant finally destroyed when that suc- cess was at an end. Ti)at he should ever liave enjoyed it is the less incredible because Josephus calls him a false projihet, which implies that he Li^ained inllucnce not only by appealing to ])()liticnl dissatisfaction, but to prejudices (see above, on 2, 22. 7, 2. 13, 16. Is, 13.) Defence, in Greek apoloff]), but without any inijjlication of confession or ac- knowledgment. Thus the ancient Apologies, or defences of Christianity, presented to the heathen emperors, involved no admission of fault or error in the system thus defended, but on the contrary were often bold attacks upon the heathen, superstitions. My now (i. e. my present, actual) defence unto you. 2. And when they heard that he spake m the He- brew tongue to them, they kept the more silence ; and he saith — It seems to be implied that Greek would have been equally intelligible, even to the native Jews. His not employing it a})pears to have surprised as well as pleased them. The He- brew dialect may either be the ancient Hebrew, which was still the sacred and the learned language of the Jews, or that ACTS 22, 2. 3. 293 Aramaic modification of it which had nov/ become their ver- nacular dialect (see above, on.l, 19) ; more probably the latter, as he was not addressing the Sanhedrim but the populace, composed both of native and foreign Jews (see above, on 6, 1.) His wisdom in adoptmg this mode of suggesting his own Jew- ish origin and education was approved by the effect as here recorded. /Sjxd'e., was calling to, addressing them, the same verb as in 21, 40, often used by Luke elsewhere (see Luke 6, 13. 7,32. 13,12. 23,20, and compare Matt. 11, 16.) The more, i. e. even more than at first, as mentioned at the close of the preceding chapter. liept silence^ literally, afforded quiefJiess, not the same word that was used before (21, 40), but a stronger and more positive expression, denoting not mere silence but a studied stillness and attention. (Compare the still more expressive use of a cognate verb in 11, 18. 21, 14.) This breathless stillness of the multitude so lately raging adds to the sublimity of Paul's position, standing between the Jewish temple and the Roman fortress, and about to address, for the first and last time, his assembled brethren. 3. I am verily a man (which am) a Je^Y, born in Tarsus (a city) in Cihcia, yet brought up in this city at the feet of GamaHel, (and) taught according to the perfect manner of the law of the fathers, and was zeal- ous toward God, as ye all are this day. With admirable art and skill, he renders prominent what- ever marked him as a Jev>', in order to refute the charge on which he was arrested, namely, that of traitorous hostility to the religion of his fathers. Verily should rather be indeed (or it is true), a concessory particle which qualifies this whole clause, or its second member. ' I am a Jew, born it is true in Tarsus, but nevertheless a Hebrew of the Hebrews (2 Cor. 11, 22. Phil. 3, 5), and brought up among you.' The Jews of the Diaspora (see above, on 21, 21), who did not intermarry with the Gentiles, claimed an absolute equality with those of Pales- tine (see above, on 2, 39.) His being a Hellenist was there- fore nothing to his disadvantage, especially as his early life was chiefiy spent, not only in the Holy Land, but in the Holy City. 7arsus of CUicia, i. e. belonging to it, situated in it. (See above, on 6,9. 9,11.30. 11,25. 15,23.41. 21,39.) A mem icJdch cwi ci Jeic, a needless and enfeebling circumlocu- 294 ACTS 22, 3. tioii for (I ,Tr}rish man, tlic Greek word (touSato?) beinfj pro- j)erly an :uljeelive wliicli means belun^inLj to the tribe of Ju- dah or tbe eountry of Jiidea. (See alK)ve, on 2, 14. 10, 13.) Bromjht ?7>, reared, or nouiishcd, strictly denotinijj tliu nur- ture of eliildren (as in 7, 20. 21), but eonnnonly explained liere .18 denoting mental eulture, on account of what immediately follows, at the f net of GaimtViel. Some, however, understand it strictly, as meanincj that Paul was not only a pupil of (Ga- maliel, but an inmate of his i'amily, ])erhai)s a relative. There is no ufround for disputini,^ the identity of this Gamaliel with the eminent l*harisee anupils, but is much more probably a natural figure for their mutual relation. (See above, on 4, 35. 37. 5, 2. lb, and compare Luke 10, 39.) At the feet will then convey the two distinct ideas of intimate nearness and subjection to authority. The meaning of this verse depends somewhat upon its })unctuation. For a reason already suggested, some divide it thus, hroiKjht vp in this citi/, at the feet of Gamaliel trained (or educated.) But as both the other ])articiples {horn and hroufjht up) precede the words which quality them, this would be a harsh inversion. Most interpreters avoid the supposed incongruity of making Gamaliel Paul's nurse as well as his in- structor, by treating both verbs as substantially synonymous, and here intended to express the same idea of education in the widest sense. The second verb means more than taught in English, namely trained., implying systematic discipline. (See above, on 7,22, and compare 2"Tim. 2,25. Tit. 2, 12.) Its most frequent use in the Xew Testament, however, is in the secondary sense of correcting or chastening, as a necessary part of ail such discipline. (See Luke 23, 16. 22. 1 Cor. 11, 32. 2 Cor. 0, 9. Ileb. 12, 6. 7. 10. Rev. 3, 19.) Perfect manner., literally, strictness or exactness, (comjiare the corresponding adverb, as ex))lained above, on 18,25.26.) The reference is here to the Pharisaic rigor, both of theory and practice, as contrasted with the Sadducean laxity and latitudinarianism. (See above, on 4, 1.) Zealous toicards God^ literally, a zealot of God., i. e. in his service, for his honour, as he then under- stood it (see above, on 21, 20.) The last clause intimates that he had passed through what they now experienced and gone beyond it. ACTS 22, 4. 5. 295 4. And I persecuted this way unto the death, bind- mg and deKvermg into prisons both men and women. He proved the sincerity of his convictions by persecuting all that contradicted them. This icay^ this new sect or reli- gion (see above, on 9, 2. 19, 9. 23.) Unto deaths not only in desire and intention, but in fact, as Ave know him to have done in Stephen's case (see above, on 6, 1, and below, on v. 20), and probably in others (see below, on 26, 10.) With the rest of this verse compare 9, 1. 5. As also the high priest doth bear me witness, and all the estate of the eklers, from wdiom also I re- ceived letters unto the brethren, and w^nt to Damascus, to bring them which were there bound unto Jerusalem, for to be punished. This was no secret, resting only on his own assertion, but matter of record, or at least of recollection on the part of others, llie (then) higJi priest^ from whom he had received his commission, and who was still living, perhaps present. This is commonly supposed to have been either Theophilus or Jonathan, who had been displaced in the mean time by the Romans (see above, on 4, 6.) Doth hear me icitness^ literally, testifies to me^ which may simply mean, he is my witness, or the witness whom I cite in proof of. these things; though the words seem rather to imply a personal appeal to him as actu- ally present. ' Do you ask for proof? There is the very high priest who commissioned me.' The estate of the elders^ a needless paraphrase of one Greek word. Presbytery^ which is retained in the translation of 1 Tim. 4, 14, while in Luke 22, 66, it is simply rendered Eldtrs. Estate is here used in the old sense of a national assembly, as in the phrases third estate^ states general^ etc. The body described is the Sanhedrim, as chiefly composed of elders or hereditary representatives, even the priests behig elders of their own tribe (see above, on 4, 5.) It was therefore under national authority that Paul went to Damascus (see above, on 9, 1. 2.) To the brethren^ i. e. to the Jews in Syria, not against the Christians there, a form of speech which, if not unintelligible, would have been ofl'ensive to Paul's Jewish hearers, and out of keeping with the rest of his discourse, in which, if ever, he became to the Jews as a 290 ACTS 22, 5. 0. 7. Jew (1 Cor. 9, 20.) Tlicrc, liU'ially, ihUhtr^ wliich some un- derstand as ini]>lying previous removal, i)erliai)S iliixlit from the ])ersecntion in Jerusalem (see above, on 21, :i.) About to brifi'j also those thtre beinfj^ i. e. in addition to lliose j)reviously seized at liome. J' or to bc^ literally, thanions jieard tlie voiec, i. c. knew tliat it was siuakinir, and that tliey did not liear it, i. c. did not know uhat it said. AVhethcr tliis distinction was designed to be suggested hy tlie difference ot* construction or the cliange of case already mentioned, is a doubtful point, but one which does not aftect the validity or truth of the solution. It is ])Os- itively favoured, on the other liand, by the only remaining variation, namely, that instead of ^Ae voice (9, 7), we liave liere the more explicit ]»hrase, the voice of the {one) speakiiiff to ine^ which, though it does not necessarily suggest, admits and justities the sui)])Osition, that the voice whicli tliey did not liear was a speaking (i. e. an articulate, distinguishable) voice, and not mere vocal sound or utterance, Mithout regard to words or language. A remarkable analogy is furnished by the case recorded in John 12, 28-30, where some said that it thundered, and others that an angel spoke, im]>lying that it was a voice (and not a mere sound) that they heard, while the Evangelist records the very words that it pronounced. In this case, as in that before us, it might well be said of the first class mentioned, that they did and that they did not hear the ''voice from heaven." Their mistaking it for thunder proves, at the same time, that they heard it in the one sense, and that they did not hear it in the other. 10. And I said, Wliat shall I do, Lord? And the Lord said unto me, Arise, and p:o into Damascus, and there it shall he told thee of all things which are ap- pointed for thee to do. This verse corresponds to 9, G, T)y a slight transposition or inversion, wholly luiimportant and in strict accordance "vWth the usages of common life, in which the same occurrences arc seldom related, even by the same speaker, in ])recisely the same order. The first clause of 9, 6, as we have already seen, is rejected by the latest critics, as an nnauthorized assimila- tion to the one before ns. Even admitting the correctness of this criticism, we are still in possession of the dialogue there given, although not precisely in the same form (see above, vol. i. }>. 359.) The mental and bodily effects there mentioned {trembVuKj and astonished) are omitted here, and the question {what icilt thou have me to do f) is abridged ACTS 22, 10-12. 299 {ichat shall I do ?) In the other clause, admitted to be gen- ume, there are only formal variations, some of which are not perceptible in the translation. Arise is an imperative in that place, and a participle in this. Go is there e)ite)\ here proceed (or journey }j For the citij we have here the proper name, Damascus. Before the verb, the adverb there is here insert- ed. What thou must do is amplified, without a change of meaning, into about (i. e. concerning) the (things) ichich have been appointed, (or ordained) for thee to do. (For the usage of the leadmg verb in this clause, see above, on 13, 48. 15, 2.) 11. And when I could not see for the glory of that light, bemg led by the hand of them that were with me, I came into Damascus. This verse corresponds to 9, 8, a comparison with which will show that the narrative is here abridged, though other- wise unvaried. I could not see is the sense but not the form of the original, which strictly means, I did not see^ or was not seeing. The only addition here made to the narrative is the statement that his blindness arose from the glory (i. e. the celestial or divine effulgence) of that lights already mentioned in V. 6 above. That he was not merely dazzled but miracu- lously blinded, is suggested by the use of the word glory^ which denotes something supernatural (see above, on 7, 2. 55), and still more necessarily im^jlied in v. 13 and the parallel passage. 12. And one Ananias, a devout man according to the law, having a good report of all the Jews which dwelt (there) — Here again the narrative is abridged on one hand, and sup- plemented on the other. Paul omits what passed between the Lord and Ananias (see above, on 9, 10-16), and proceeds at once to the interview between the latter and himself (0, 1 7.) But in describing Ananias, he is more particular than Luke, in order to conciliate the Jews by showing that his introduction to the Christian Church Avas through a well-known Jew, of high repute among his brethren at Damascus. The certain, disciple of 9, 10, now becomes a prions (or devout) ma?i, not merely in the Christian sense, but according to the laic, i. e. the law of Moses, the rehgion of the Jews. But not content 300 ACTS 22, 12-14. ^vilh tliis (U'scription of l»is spiritual cliaraoter, ho adds that he was rerdjinl^ attt'stcd, reconiincMultMl (see above, on 0, 3. 10, 22. 10, 2) hi/ (ill tfie Jrirs rcsidltu/ (tor tlie time, or perma- nently settled) at Damascus. (See above, on 1, 19. 2,5.) The emphasis and fulness with which Paul insists upon these cir- cumstances, altuixether wantinijj in Luke's narrative, altliough it does not in the least impair the harmony between them, calls for explanation ; and this is furnished by tlie circum- stances and occasion of liis speaking at this time at all, and more particularly by his obvious desire to render prominent whatever was most Jewish in his own bio2craphy, and even in the mode of his professini? Christianity, esj)ecially his being in- troduced into the Church, not by a Gentile minister, but by the hands of one whom all the Damascene Jews might be said to have endorsed, as a devout and exemplary member of their body. This shows a definite design in this address of Paul, but one involving no duplicity or evil purpose. 13. Came unto nie, and stood, and said unto me, Brother Saul, receive thy sight. And the same hour I looked up upon him. Coming to me (in the house of Judas), and standing over me fas he sat or lay there.) Brother /Said, or retaining the origmal order, both of this verse and the parallel passage, Saul (my) brother (see above, on 9, 17.) Heceive thy sight and looked vp are imperative and indicative forms of the same Greek verb, and ought to have been so translated, the recov- ery of sight being not expressed but implied, whereas the rela- tive position of the two men is expressly mentioned, and the natural relation of the order and its execution ought not to be hidden by a needless change in the translation. Ananias, standing over him, says. Look up, Avhich he could not do un- less his sight had been restored, and therefore when it is added that he did immediately look np as he was told, it is the strongest way of saying, though by implication, that his eyes were opened. Looked up upon him, i. e. Ananias, still standing by or hanging over him, was the first object of his restored vision. Tlie same hour, i. e. time or moment (see above, on 16, 18.33.) 14. And he said, The God of our fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know his will, and ACTS 22, 14. 15. 301 see that Just One, and shoulclest hear the voice of his mouth. The words ascribed to Ananias in the parallel accounts differ not only in order but in substance, some things which in one place are described as having been addressed by Christ to Ananias being spoken in the other by Ananias to Paul. But this only shows that neither statement is complete, Ana- nias having naturally repeated much that he had heard, a repe- tition which was needless in the record. What is contained in this verse, therefore, Avas no doubt said to Paul by Ananias, although not recorded in the parallel passage. The God of our fathers^ another intimation that both he and Ananias were native Jews, like those whom he was now addressing (see above, on 3, 13. 25. 5,30. 7,2.11.14.15.19.38.40.45. 13,17.) Chosen, appomted, or prepared beforehand. (For a distinct but similar expression, see above, on 10, 41.) To know his icill, by special revelation, and to see the Righteous (or that Just On^, the Messiah, Avho is expressly so called elsewhere (see above, on 3, 14. 7, 52.) To see is no doubt to be strictly taken (see above, on 9, 17.) 27ie voice of his mouth, literally, a voice from (or out of) his mouth, i. e. his immediate in- structions, without any human intervention. This was neces- sary to put Paul upon a level with the twelve Apostles. (See above, on 13, 3, and compare Gal. 1, 1.) 15. For thou shalt be his witness unto all men of what thou hast seen and heard. What was just before implied is here expressed, that is, the reason why it was necessary that Paul should see a-nd hear the Lord himself, to wit, because he was to be an Apostle, although not one of the twelve, and the essential function of that office was to testify of Christ, not from hearsay, but from personal acquaintance and direct communication with him. (See above, on 1, 8. 22. 2, 32. 3, 15. 5, 32. 10, 39. 13, 3.) His witness, i. e. sent forth and commissioned by him, or a loitness to him, i. e. testifying of him. (Compare the two readings in 1, 8 above.) The extent of this official witness-bearing is de- termined or defined in a twofold manner. To all men, with- out social, personal, or national distinctions, Greeks and Bar- barians, Jews and Gentiles, wise and unwise, bond and free. (Compare Rom. 1, 14. Col. 3, 11.) Ofiohat (or of the things lohich) thou hast seen and heard^ i. e. especially, though not 302 ACTS 22, 15-17. perlia})s ex'c'lusivt'ly, in vision and l)y revelation, or direct com- numication, from the Lord liimsclf. (See below, on vs. 17, 18, and above, on 10, 9. ly, 0, and compare Gal. 1, 12. 2, 2. 2 Cor. 12, 1. Epl). 3, a.) The nearest i)arallel to this verse, although very ditlerent in form, is that contained in 9, 15. 10. And now. why tarricst thou? arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calhng on the name of the Lord. Tiie other narrative records the execution (^f this proposi- tion, but not the proj)Osition itself. As Ananias here calls upon Saul to be baptized, so in 9, 18, we read that lie rece'uxd ile, as the earliest in date, and most indelibly impressed upon his memory, as liaving given the first impulse to his youtliful zeal in this lanatical and murderous direction. Bloodshed is pro- bably here put by a familiar figure for loss of life by violence, -without necessarily implying a specific mode of killing, al- though stoning may have been accomj)anied by literal effusion of blood. Martyr is itself a Greek word meaning witness^ and repeatedly occurring in the book before us (see above, on v. 15, and oil 1, 8. 22. 2, 32. 3, 15. 5, 32. 6, 13. 7, 58. 10, 10. 41. 13, 31), but in P^nglish having the specific sense of one who dies for liis religion, or seals his testimony to the truth with his blood. The transition from the general sense of witness to the specific sense of martyr is traced by some in this verse and inKev. 2, 13. 11,3. 17,6. Our translators would, however, have done better to retain the usual term, ^citness^ which is found in all the older English versions. I also is in Greek still stronger, as the ])ronoun means myself or / myself. ' Not only other men, but even I, or I myself too,' possibly with reference to liis youth, * not only older men, but even 1 ' (but see above, on 7, 58.) Was standing is precisely the construc- tion which occurs in the ] (receding verse, and here as there denotes continued action, but confined to one occasion. As if he had said, ' all tlie time that they were shedding Stephen's blood, I was standing hy^^ or more emphatically, standing over (see above, on v. 13), that is, on some spot which over- ACTS 22, 20. 21. 307 looked the scene of murder, or literally over Stephen's body- as he knelt or lay upon the ground (see above, on 7, CO.) Kept the raiment (Hterally, guarding, watching, the u})per garments) of those killing (or despatching) hirn^ Avhicli ihey had thrown off for convenience in the act of stoning. This circumstance, recorded by Luke likewise (see above, on 7, 58), Avould of course be deeply impressed upon the memory of Saul, even after his conversion. As mere reminiscences, these facts would have been out of place, both as originally uttered in the temple, and as here repeated on the castle stairs. The only way in which they can be made significant or relevant, is by supplying the conclusion evidently meant to be deduced from them, to wit, that as the first scene of Paul's persecutions, and of Stephen's martyrdom from which they took their rise, was in Jerusalem, that was the place for the con\'ert and Apostle to retrieve his character, and there the most inviting field of labour in the cause Avhich he had once sought to de- stroy, but which he now lived only to promote, because the last place where his motives or the truth of his conversion could be questioned, in the face of all the suffering and re- proach which it had brought upon him. That the argument suggested (not expressed) in these words is a strong one, every reader feels, and has often been attested by its applica- tion to a multitude of later cases, as for instance when con- verted Jews or popish priests are sent to labour among those wdiom they have lately left, upon the very ground, at least substantially, which Paul here urges for remaining in Jerusa- lem. The frequent failure of sucli missions may be owing partly to neglect or misconception of the way in which Paul's argument was answered, as recorded in the next verse. 21. And he said unto me, Depart, for I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles. Though Paul may have expected a more formal answer to his tacit argument, derived from the facts mentioned in the two preceding verses, he could not have received one more cogent and conclusive than this stern and peremptory iteration of his Master's orders. The words derive a high degree of dignity and grandeur from the very absence of all ratiocina- tion, and their purely imperative or juisive character. There is something also very striking in the childlike simplicity with which Paul here recites this crushing answer, i. c. crushing to 308 ACTS 22, 21. 22. his solf-comjilacc'iit and ambitions prepossessions, altlioni]^]i no donbt lon^^ since liilly jnstilied and hallowed, even to Jiini- self, as ])roors of the divine benevolence as well as wisdom. It is possible, liowever, that ho mifjlit not liave been willing to recite so j)ul)lic'ly liis own liumiliatin::? disappointment, which ■would otherwise never liave been known, it' he had not wished to use it as a ]^roof that his devotion to the Gentiles sprang from no indift'erence to the interests of Israel, but from an absohite divine decree. A?id he said unto me (without any- direct answer to my plea for license to remain). Depart (set out upon thy journey), because I to nations far off am about to send thee out aicat/^ the first and last verb both imj)lying distance. (See above, on 1,10. 8,26. 9,3. 18,6. 21,5, and on 7, 12. 9,30. 11,22. 12,11. 17,14.) Although uncertain, it is not impossible, nor inconsistent with this passage, to suj> pose that the departure here required is the one already men- tioned in 9, 30, and there referred to outward dangers and the anxious care of the brethren at Jerusalem. That the opera- tion of such secondary causes is entirely compatible with an express divine command, is not only matter of experience, but exemplified in other cases upon record (see above, on 15, 1. 4.) "We have only to suppose, what is altogether probable and suited to Paul's character, that notwithstanding the impend- ing dangers and the counsel of the brethren, he refused to leave the post of danger, till convinced that it was not the post of duty, and could not therefore be the post of honour. This conviction may have been eflfected by the argument in this verse, which may be resolved into the simple statement, that whatever God or Christ commands, it must be right, and safe, and wise to do, whatever man may have to say against it. 22. And they gave him audience unto this word, and (then) lilted up their voices, and said, Away with such a (fellow) from the earth, for it is not fit that he should live. Notwithstanding the consummate skill with which Paul seemed to have conducted his defence, it was not to j^rove successful. What the Lord liad said to him in vision long be- fore was now to be verified anew, " they will not receive thy testimony concerning me" (see above, on v. 18.) If any thing had been required to confirm his acquiescence in the former ACTS '22, 22. 309 disappointment of his hopes and wishes, it must have been afforded by this fresh proof, that liis time and toil would have been thrown away upon his " kinsmen according to the Hesh." Gave him audience (as in 13, ]C. 15, 12), literally, heard^ were hearing, or continued still to listen. (See above, on 14, 9, and compare 16, 25.) Unto^ until, as far as, but no further, an ex- l^ression applied sometimes to space (11,5. 13,6. 20,4), but commonly to time (1, 2. 2, 29. 3, 21. 7, 18. 13, 11. 20, 6. 11), and once or twice exclusively to neither (as here and in v. 4 above.) This v^ord^ not the word Gentiles^ as the Enghsh reader may suppose, for it is not the last word in the Greek sentence, and word will bear a wider meaning, such as that of saying, proposition, or expression. The icord meant is no doubt the last part of Paul's discourse, m which he under- took to justify his mission to the Gentiles on the ground of an express divine command, and more esj)ecially the last verse, in which that command is given totideni verbis. Voices^ liter- ally voice^ as that of one man (see above, on 19, 34, and com- pare the like use of the singular in 2, 6. 4, 24. 7, 57. 8, 7. 14, 11.) Aicay icith^ literally take aicay^ remove, i. e. by death, the same cry that was raised against our Lord himself almost upon the same spot. (See Luke 23, 28. John 19, 15.) The contemptuous term, felloio^ is suj^plied by the translators, but in perfect keeping with the tone of this ferocious acclamation. Fit^ becoming, the original word being also a participle in the common text, with which a verb must be supplied, {it is) not becoming. But all the oldest copies have the past tense mean- ing, it teas 7iot fit., or was not right, probably in reference to their previous attempt to kill him, and his rescue by the Ro- mans. The sense will then be, ' We were right at first, it was not tit that he should live, as we declared before.' This allu- sion to their first attack upon him is of some importance, as explaining why they now refused to hear him further, and broke out with these intemperate expressions. It could not be the simi:)le mention of the Gentiles that provoked them ; for among these many of the Jews now present had their homes and business. It was not the intimation that the Gen- tiles might be saved, for this had always been conceded, and the Pharisees were famous for their proselyting zeal (sec Matt. 23, 15.) But Paul's claim to a divine commission as Apostle of the Gentiles (see above, on vs. 17-21) was iunnediately con- nected by his hearers with the previous chai-ge against him (see above, on 21, 28) of apostasy and blasphemy and sacri- 310 ACTS 22, 22. 23. lego, wliich sconu'd to be conlinnccl l)y what he now said, so that they hroke out afresh against him, not sinijily because he said lie had been sent I'ortli to tlie Gentiles, but because his saying this convinced them that he did reject the law, and had proliinod the temple. 23. And as they cried out, and cast off (their) clothes, and threw dust into the air — This verse describes the outward signs of rage, with which the words just given were accompanied. The construction is that of the genitive absolute, they crying^ an unusual intensive form in Greek, which might be rendered by some stronger term in English, such as yelling, shrieking, screechmg. Cast off their clotltcs conveys the false idea that they strii)ped them- selves, which would be wholly unnatural and out of place, as well as foreign from the true sense of the words, which do not even mean that they cast off' their upper garments^ as a pre- liminary to the act of stoning (see above, on v. 20, and on 7, 58.) This, though an appropriate Jewish punishment (see above, on 5, 26. 7, 59. 14, 5. 19), was hereout of the question, as the Romans had Paul in possession, and the Jews would scarcely have expressed the mere desire to stone him, when they knew they could not, by so violent and troublesome a gesture. Besides, we know that when they had him in tlieir power and sought to kill hhn, it was not by stoning but by beating (see above, on 21,31. 32.) The verb, moreover, is not the compounded one m liicli elsewhere means to cast off (see below, on 27, 43), but a frequentative form of the primitive verb, meaning to throw about, to toss. The act described here may be either that of tossing up their loose cloaks or outer garments, or that of violently shaking them without re- moval ; not as a gesture of concurrence or applause, in which sense agitation of the dress is sometimes mentioned in the classics, but as a s})ontaneous expression of intense and irre- pressible excitement. Tliroxnlng dust into the air^ not, as it has sometimes been explained, that it might descend upon their own heads as a sign of mourning, an idea probably con- nected with the false assumption that they rent their garments, whereas they only shook or tossed them. The act described is to be understood precisely like the one before it, as an out- ward symptom of internal rage, resembling its expression in ACTS 22, 23. 24. 311 the lower animals, and said to be quite common in the East, U2)on the part of whole crowds, when impatient or exasperated. 24. The chief captain commanded him to be brought into the castle, and bade that he should be examined by scourging, that he might know wherefore they cried so against him. They thus acting, i. e. while and because they did so, the Roman Tribune, or commander of the garrison, saw that the time was come for a second interposition and rescue. But w^iile he thus provided for the safety of the prisoner, he felt constrained to use some other means for the discovery of his crime, or of the charge alleged against him. This he had not learned from the speech of Paul, either because he did not un- derstand the language, or because it would convey no definite idea to a Roman, even if complete, much less when violently broken off. The method of discovery to which he now re- sorted was no proof of peculiar cruelty or ill-will to his pris- oner, but only of the rigour of the Roman discipline, 7b be examined hy scourging (literally, scourges) was a species of judicial torture, intended like the similar but worse devices of the Inquisition and some other civilized but barbarous tri- bunals, to supply the want of proof or information, by extort- ing a confession or compelling a prisoner to accuse himself From this use torture has acquired a euphemistic name, the application of the rack, the iron boot, the thumb-screws, and a hundred other hellish cruelties, being known in history as put- ting men (or women) to the question. Li comparison with these refinements, there was something merciful in the Roman practice of examining by scourges. That he might kiioic^ dis- cover, ascertain, a compound of the verb to Jaioic^ emi^loyed above in 3, 10. 4, 13. 9, 30. 12, 14. 19, 34, and there explained. For what cause^ in the general sense of motive, ground, or reason (see above, on 10, 21), or in the more specific one of a judicial cause, a crime or accusation (see above, on 13, 28.) So^ as usual, is not an expletive or idiomatic pleonasm (see above, on 1,11. 3,18. 7,8. 13,47. 14,1. 17,33. 19,20. 20, 11. 35. 21, 11), but means, in such a manner.^ i. e. here with such extraordinary fury, without any visible occasion or intel- ligible explanation. Cried^ an entirely difteient word from that in the beginning of v. 23, derived from voice^ and else- where used by Luke, once to denote the acclamation or idola- 312 ACTS 22, 24. 25. trous ap]»laiise ofllcrorl by liis flatterers just before the Angel smote bill! (see above, on 12, 22), and oiiee the awful crV of "enu-ily liiin'' by the rabble of Jerusalem (sec Luke 2M, 21.) 25. And as tlicy bound liim witli thongs, Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it kiwful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and uncondemned ? Bound irlth t/io?i[/s (or stjxqjs)^ a word used elsewhere only to denote the straps of slioes or sandals. (See Mark 1, 7. Luke 3, 10. John 1, 27.) Our translation here supposes it to mean the straps by which the person to be scourged was fast- ened to a post or other fixture, or according to some writers, was suspended in the air. To suit this explanation, the pre- ceding verb is rendered boimd^ but Avithout authority from usage. It really means stretched forth or extended, and may here be literally understood of bodily position, or taken in a figurative sense, such as presented, subjected, or exposed, for which however there is less authority. This latter explanation of the verb requires the tho?igs (or straps) to be explained as meaning the lashes of the scourges to which they were about subjecting or exposing him. The same explanation of the noun may be combined with the literal or strict sense of the verb, to wit, that the)/ stretched hbn out for the ichips^ i. e. in a suitable position for receiving them. All these interpreta- tions coincide in one point, and the only one of much impor- tance, namely, that the clause describes the preparation made for Paul's immediate scourging. This was prevented by a similar avowal of his civil rights to that made at Philippi and before recorded (see above, on 16, 37.) That stood hy^ liter- ally tlie {one) standhig^ i. e. standing there to see the Tribune's order carried into execution. The Koman historians some- times speak of centurions as presiding over punishment, and an officer of that rank seems to have had charge of our Sa- viour's crucifixion (see Matt. 27, 54. Luke 23, 47. Mark 15, 39. 44. 45.) And uncondemned^ i. e. not even tried, an aggravat- ing circumstance which Paul had long before urged at Phi- lipi)i (see above, on IG, 37.) Is it lawful^ the impersonal verb so rendered 16, 21, but elsewhere by the auxiliary let (2, 29) or may (8, 37. 21, 37.) (Tell me) if it is lawful^ see above, on 1, 6. 5, 8. 7, 1. 19,2. 21, 37. For you^ the Koman soldiery, ■svho ought to be the guardians and protectors of your fellow citizens. ACTS 22, 20. 27. 313 26. When the centurion heard (that), he went and told the chief captain, saying. Take heed what thou doest; for this man is a Roman. Having heard (the question just recorded) tJce centurion coming to (him) reported (what he had thus heard) to the chiliarch (or tribune.) The last verb is tlie one employed in 4,23. 5,22.25. 11,13. 12,14.17. 15,27. 16, 36, and there ex- plained. For the meaning of the military title here used, see above, on 21, 31. Take heed, literally, see {to it), a phrase synonymous though not identical with that in 13, 40, but omitted here by all the oldest manuscripts and latest critics, who make the sentence interrogative, v:)Jiat doest thou? or more exactly, ichat art thou about to cJo f the first verb being that employed above in v. 16, and often elsewhere (see above, on 3,3. 5,35. 11,28. 12,6. 13,34. 16,27. 17,31. 18,14. 19,27. 20, 3.7.13.38. 21,27.37.) For assigns the reason of his ask- ing, or according to the other text, his warnmg, which indeed is equally implied in the interrogative construction. A Ro- man, not by birth or residence, but in right and privilege, a Roman citizen. As to the nature and the value of this cimtas or citizenship, see above, on 16, 37. 38. 27. Then the chief captain came, and said unto him, Tell me, art thou a Roman ? He said, Yea. Xeither the centurion nor the chiliarch appears to have suspected Paul of claiming what was not his due, perhaps be- cause of the severity with which false clamis were punished (see above, on 16, 38.) The centurion without hesitation goes to his commander, saying. This man is a Roman. The com- mander, it is true, interrogates the prisoner, but rather from surprise and curiosity than doubt or incredulity, which would have led him to stay where he was, instead of hurrying back to question him. Tell me if thou art, the full form of the ab- breviated question in v. 25. The oldest manuscripts, how- ever, omit if, so that the form of the interrogation is precisely that presented in the English version, except as to the order of the words, which in Greek is. Tell me, thou a Roman art? This might be construed as an exclamation, which would make the expression of surprise still stronger. Yea, in modern P^ng- lish, yes, a form scarcely used in the English Bible. The Greek particle occurs above in 5, 8, VOI-. II, — 14 314 ACTS 22, 28. 29. 28. Ami the cliicf ca])taiii answered, With a great sum obtained I this freedom. And Paul said, But I was (free) born. With (or for) a (/rent sum (lilerally, mwh ccqjital) this freedom (literally, 'polity^ citizonshii)) / obtained (acquired or purchased, as in 1, 18 above.) The chiliarch was probably surprised that one of Paul's ai)pearance should possess the right at all, and still more that he should have the means to purchase it, the customary mode of acquisition, and the only one familiar to his own experience. The sale of such rii^hts was undoubtedly a common practice in the reign of Claudius, and M-as especially promoted by liis infamous wife, Messalina, who at first exacted the highest prices, but afterwards ex- pressed her contempt for the distinction by allowing men to purchase it for almost nothing. But I was free horn^ literally, hut I also have been born^ an unusual expression, which most * probably means, ' I not only have this freedom in possession, as it seems that you have, but was also born to it, as you were not.' It was not merely as a citizen of Tarsus that Paul claimed this birthright ; for although that city received important grants from Julius Cajsar and Augustus, this was not among them. If it had been, Paul would have escaped imprisonment and stripes before, by simply stating his nativity (see above, on 22, 39.) It was not a local but a family distinction, how or when acquired is now unknown, most probably by seiTice which his father or some other ancestor had rendered to the state, or the successful party, during the long civil wars. As to his motive in avowing it precisely at this juncture, it was no doubt essentially the same as at Phihppi (see above, on 16, 37), but regulated by the same discretion which he exercised in that case. Here, besides exemption from a painful and dis- graceful process, it seems to have procured for him the oppor- tunity and honour of appearing m the presence of the Sanhe- drim, as he had already in the presence of the people (see below, on v. 30.) 29. Then straightw^ay they departed from him which should have examined him : and the chief cap- tain also was afraid, after he knew that he was a Ro- man, and because he had bound him. Then^ not a particle of time, but a logical connective mean- ACTS 22, 29. 30. 315 ing therefore^ i. e. because Paul had thus avowed his birth- right as a Roman citizen. Straightway^ immediately, without even waiting, it would seem, for an order from the Tribune, although some assume that it was given, but omitted in the record, as a matter of course or of routine. Departed^ drew off, left him to himself (see above, on 5. 38. 12, 10. 15, 38. 19, 9.) Those about to examine him^ i. e. by scourging (see above, on V. 24.) That they were influenced by fear in thus abandon- ing their task, appears from what immediately follows, and the chiliarch also teas afraid {or frightened)^ not the subal- terns or soldiers merely, but their chief commander. Knoioing^ or having ascertained, the same verb that is used above in v. 24. That he icas a Roman^ literally, that he is one, thus re- calling the whole scene to mind as actually passing. And because he had boimd hini^ not at first, as mentioned in 21, 33, for this restraint still continued (see the next verse), and was lawful till the charge against him could be tried. The refer- ence is rather to the binding mentioned in v. 25, in order to his being scourged, a measure inconsistent with Paul's civil rights, as well as with the statute of Augustus, still preserved in the Digest of the Civil Law, that process never must begin with torture {no7i esse a tonnentis incipiendum.) It is not impossible, however, that the Tribune's fears had reference to Paul's imprisonment, but were not strong enough to put an end to it, especially as he was yet in doubt as to the charge against him. 30. On tlie morrow, because lie would have known the certamty wherefore he was accused of the Jews, he loosed him from (his) bands, and commanded the chief priests and all their council to appear, and brought Paul down, and set him before them. Because he mould have known^ in Greek simply, icishing to knoio (see above, on 14, 18. 19.) The certainty^ in Greek, the certain (or m fallible)^ i. e. the true state of the case, the real facts. (Compare the use of the same phrase above, in 21, 34.) The article is here used in a way peculiar to the Greek idiom, and therefore not expressed in the translation, which would literally be, the why (i. e. the question or the reason why) Jie is accused^ the present tense as in the verse preced- ing. By (or according to another reading, /rowi, on the part 310 ACTS 22, 30. of) the Jews, loosed him, freed liim from personal restraint. J'Voin his hdjuls is omitted in tlie oldest mani!seri])ts and latest critieal editions. Coinmnnded, or required, no doubt by virtue of oflieial powers in cases of emergency belonging to the governor wlien j)resent, but devolving in liis absence on the commander of tlie forces in Jerusalem, most probably the second Koman oilicer or magistrate in all Judea. (See below, on 23, 24.) The chief priests are mentioned as the most im- portant class of counsellors, and then all the ^anJiedrim, the ])ronoun tJicir being omitted by the latest critics. 2o (qjpear, literally, to come, which would naturally mean, to him, into the castle ; but the oldest reading is to come together, to as- semble, i. e. in their customary ])lace of meeting. This had once been in ■ the temple, but according to an old tradition, was at this time in a hall upon Mount Zion. The former situ- ation seems to be implied, however, in the phrase, brought Paid down, i. e. from the camp or castle of Antonia, by the stairs already mentioned (see above, on 21, 35. 40), into the area or enclosure of the temple. Set him, set him up, caused him to stand (see above, on 1, 23. 4, Y. 5, 27. 6, G. 13.) Be- fore them, literally, hito them, i. e. into the midst of the assem- bled council. This last attempt of the commander to iind out what Paul had done or been accused of, by making a national atiair of it and bringing him before the senate, was most pro- bably suggested by his previous discovery that the prisoner, at lirst so harshly and contemptuously treated, was a Roman citizen of equal privileges with himself (see above, on v. 28.) The whole narrative illustrates the perplexity in which the Roman rulers of the Jews were constantly involved, and to wliich Paul owed this unexpected opportunity of making his second Ajiology before the highest court of Israel. CHAPTER XXm. It is highly important here to bear in mind, that Paul w\as not a mere chance visitor to Jerusalem, accidentally involved in a disturbance there, but the Apostle of the Gentiles, specially commissioned to make, as it were, a last appeal to Israel, be- fore he iinally transferred liis centre of operations to the great ACTS 23, 1. 317 metropolis and mistress of the heathen world. All that is re- corded of his acts and sufferings, in his farewell visit to the Holy City, must be viewed as having an official character on his part, and a representative or national signiticancy on the part of those with whom he came in contact, both as friends and foes. Having borne his testimony to the people from the castle stairs and been rejected by them, he now appears, for the same momentous purpose, in the presence of the Sanhe- drim, of which he had once been a member, or at least an emissary. But the rejection of his testimony here is still more prompt and violent than in the other case (1-5.) Un- der the influence of party spirit, the Pharisees espouse his cause, but only for the moment, and so as to increase his per- sonal danger, from which he is a third time rescued by the Romans ((3-10.) The disappointed zealots form a plot against his life, from which he is a fourth time rescued by the Romans (11-22.) Having been thus repeatedly rejected by the Jews and protected by the Gentiles, he is finally delivered from the power of the former, and entrusted to the keeping of the lat- ter, being transferred by the Tribime at Jerusalem to the Procurator at Cesar ea (23-35.) 1. And Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said. Men (and) brethren, I haA^e lived in all good conscience before God until this day. Gazing steadily (or intently)^ a favourite word of Luke's, especially m this book (see above, on 1, 10. 3, 4. 12. 6, 15. 7, 55. 10, 4. 11, 6. 13, 9. 14, 9), and therefore not to be ex- plained here in any special sense, as denoting or implying weakness of sight, but in accordance with its general usage as expressive of earnestness and boldness, and especially of that good conscience which is afterwards expressed in words. Mero {and) brethren^ without the still more deferential titlo^ fathers^ which he used in the beginning of his speech to the people (see above, on 22, l), although here, as it would seem, pecu- liarly appropriate when he was addressing the Senate or El- dership of Israel (see above, on 22, 5.) If the difference was not accidental and unmeaning, or belonging rather to the summary report than to the actual discourse, it may be under- stood as an indirect assertion of his equality with those whom he addressed, and as having forfeited no rights which he liad once possessed, as a member of the body, or at least of the 318 ACTS 23, 1. theocracy, a claim M'hicli is also tlien expressed in words. The notion that it was mere rudeness, or at l)est fnrfj^ettulness in Paul, is an absurd device of tliat neology which loves to pick flaws even in the manners of Apostles. Anticipating, proba- bly, the interruption which ensued, Paul puts into a single sentence the sum total of what he wished to say, to wit, that so far from being an apostate or a renegade, he claimed to be still a faithful member of the chosen j)eople, and to have uni- formly acted in accordance with his theocratical obligations. This involved the doctrine Avhich he always taught, that Christianity was the genuine develoj)ement of ancient Judaism, so that he, and not his adversaries, held fast to the true design and spirit of the Mosaic institutions. The word conscience and the phrase good conscience are confined (with the excep- tion of John 8, b) to the dialect of Paul and Peter. (The full phrase occurs only in 1 Tim. 1, 5. 19. Heb. 13, 18. 1 Pet. 3, 16. 21.) It here means consciousness of rectitude and faithfulness, not merely in the general, but with specific reference to those peculiar rights and obligations which are suggested by the accompanying verb in the original, though not at all by the translation. Lived is a gratuitous attenuation of a Greek verb derived from the noun citizen^ and meaning therefore to act the part, enjoy the rights, perform the duties, of a citizen, or one belonging to some state or body politic. The only such organization that can be referred to here is the Theocracy, or ancient church, in its twofold form, ecclesiastical and national, of which the fSanhedrim was still the ostensible representative, but which Avas really continued in the Christian Church, with- out its national restrictions, and of wiiich Paul therefore was more really a citizen than those whom he addressed. In this same proper sense, and not as a mere figure or accommoda- tion, he applies the Greek word to the Christian life, in the only other i>lace where it occurs (Phil. 1, 27), and where it is no less diluted by the English version, although not precisely in the same form. The specific sense oi theocratic citizenship is given to the verb here by the phrase, to God^ which does not mean before God^ i. e. in his presence, nor is it a superla- tive expression (see above, on 7, 20) meanmg truly or com- jyletely^ but is to be strictly understood as qualifying what precedes, I have lived as a citizen to God^ or of that body in which God is the immediate sovereign. That this sense of the terms is agreeable to Hellenistic usage, may be seen from the occurrence of the same verb in the apocryphal but ancient ACTS 23, 1. 2. 319 books of Maccabees, in reference to the practice of the Jews' religion, and accompanied by qualifying phrases corresponding to the one here used, e. g. to the law^ to the laws of God^ ac- cording to the customs (W-)]) of their forefathers (2 Mace. 6, 1. 11, 25. 3 Mace. 3, 4.) Thus understood, the clause before us is not a vague profession to have acted conscientiously, either before or after his conversion, but a definite and bold claim to have acted theocratically, i. e. as a faithful member of the Jewish church, from which they represented him as an apos- tate. Until this day^ or to this very day, not only while he persecuted Christianity, but still more since he was converted to it. 2. And tlie high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by to smite him on the mouth. This was not an unmeaning act of brutal violence, nor a mere expression of resentment at Paul's not addressing them as Fathers, as it might have seemed to be if the preceding verse only contained the first words of his address without disclosing' what he meant to say. But as it really contains the sum and substance of his whole defence, which he could only have explained and ampUfied if sufiered to proceed, the action here recorded was an arbitrary but significant reply to it, clothed in the form of a symbohcal gesture, like stoning and the rending or shaking of the garments. Striking on the mouth implies a previous unlawful use of it, as well as an injunction to cease speaking. This mode of silencing improper self-defence upon the part of accused persons is said to be still practised Mt the court of Persia. Translated into language it was here equivalent to saying, that Paul's claun, not only to integrity and innocence as some suppose, but to the highest theocratical fidelity, was false in itself, and grossly insulting to his judges, whom it charged, by necessary impUcation, with being them- selves unfaithful to their great national and religious trust. (See above, on 7, 51-53, where Stephen urges the same accu- sation in express and most offensive terms.) Whether this practical repudiation of Paul's theocratic claims can be regard- ed as the act of the whole body, depends upon the doubtful and disputed question, as to the position occupied by Ananias. It is commonly assumed, as a matter of course, or as the only sense that can be put upon this verse and v. 4 below, that he was the actual High Priest at this time, and as such presiding 320 ACTS 23, 2. in the Sniilu'drim (see above, on 4, 0. 7, 1.) That tliere was a Ili^h Pr'u'st ot* this name about the time in <|Mestion, is ex- pressly stated by Josei»hus, who (h'seribes him as .an avarieious, overbearini^ man, and represents him as liavini,' been involved in a disjmte with the Samaritans, in eoTise(pienee of which the Roman governor, C^uadiatus, sent l»im to answer for himself before the Emjteror. But wliether he was there detained or sent baek to Judea, and if so, whether lie continued or was re-ap))ointed High IViest, are dispu^ted ])oints, in reference to which Joseijhus has been variously understood, although the latest writers are inclined to the opinion that lie did return, which vindicates Luke's accuracy in referring to him liere. But even upon this hypothesis, it still continues doubt fid whether he retained his office, or usurped it during a vacancy, or merely held a place among the many High Priests who had been successively put up and down by Roman intervention. (See above, on 4, 6.) It should be remembered that the in- tricacy and confusion of the history on these points is not ne- cessarily the fault of the historian, but arises from the actual irregularities existing at this crisis of the Jewish history, when every thing was tending to the outbreak of that war in which the Hebrew commonwealth was finally destroyed. As the same Greek word is rendered JfigJi and Chief Priests^ and as there certainly were many titular High Priests at once, it is highly arbitrary to insist upon the strict interpretation of the title here, as meaning the one recognized and acting at the time here mentioned, although this is certainly the natural presumption, unless something in the context should recpiire or suggest the wider meaning which is equally agreeable to usage. Those standing by hira might denote those members of the council who were nearest to the prisoner ; but the verb commanded seems to favour the opinion that the phrase de- notes the ministerial officers or attendants of the council. There is no need, however, of taking bystanders in the specific sense of servants or attendants, which it is thought to have in Luke 1, 19. John 18, 22 (but compare John 19, 26), as this would require us to read, standing by (or near) himself i. e. the High Priest, whereas the natural construction is, those standing by (or near to) Paul. If Ananias is here introduced, not as the actual High Priest presiding in the council, but as a previous incumbent and the leader of a taction, this com- mand may be addressed to his own adherents or those stand- ing near to him, as the leaders in the Englisli Parliament de- ACTS 23, 2. 3. 321 scribe tliose acting with them as the gentlemen around or nia;h them. The question as to Ananias cannot be conchisively de- termined without some regard to the ensuuig verses. 3. Tlien said Paul unto liim, God shall smite tliee, (tliou) wliited wall ; for sittest tliou to judge me after the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law ? Shall smite^ hterally, is (or is about) to sraite^ the first verb denoting sunple futurity (see above, on 22, 16. 26. 29), without expressing (although it of course implies) intention or deter- mination on the part of God, much less a desire on the part of Paul himself; so that the old idea of a (human) curse or im- precation is at variance with the very form of the original. The only sense consistent with this form is that of a prediction or prophetical denunciation, not of the general fact that con- dign jDunishment awaits such sinners (compare Gen. 9, 6. Matt. 26, 52), but of the sj^ecitic fact that this man was himself to be smitten of God. This is not only the natural meaning of the words, but is confirmed by the event, as we learn from Josephus that this Ananias, in the beginning of the Jemsh War, was taken from an aqueduct where he lay concealed, and put to death by sicarii or assassins, perhaps some of the same zealots, whose fanaticism he encouraged and inflamed on this occasion. W/iited, i. e. either washed or plastered with lime, as the original word signifies. A vjhited ivall is a fami- liar figure for a fair outside, behind which or within which all is foul and filthy. Our Saviour uses the still stronger image of a ichited sepulchre (Matt. 23, 27.) In this case, as in that, there is reference, no doubt, to personal hypocrisy ; but as the essential idea is a wider one, to wit, that of false appearances in general, it is natural to give the phrase a wider meaning, as applied not only to the private character of Ananias, but to the hollow and unreal nature of the very ofiice which he held or had held, and indeed of the whole system ^\4iich it repre- sented. Nothing could well be more descriptive of the Cere- monial Law, as it was suftered to subsist till the destruction of Jerusalem, a mere shell or framework, venerable and be- loved for the fathers' sake, but from Avhich the vitality or essence had now passed into anotlier form, than this homely figure of a whited wall, behind ^vhich there was nothmg, at VOL. II. — 14^ 322 ACTS 2;{, .'{. least nothinor trood or even slightly. Thus cxplainofi, Paul's lani^uai^c may be })ara|)lirase(l as follows. ' You coniniand me to i)e siuilten, l)ut a tiir worse stroke from God liimself awaits you, the uuworthy clainiant of an office once ordained of God, but now itself a mere mask and disijjuise of human corruption under tlie name and ij^arb of institutions, which have done their office and are soon to vanish even from the si^jht of men.' That this severe denunciation was a burst of sinful passion, is entirely at variance with l*aul\s whole position in this narra- tive, and not supj)orted in the least by his complaint of the in- justice done him, which he had a right to utter, even if only personally interested, much more when thus treated in his offi- cial representative ca])acity. For sittest thou., literally, and thou slttcst^ the conjunction having a peculiar force in such connections, nearly equivalent to then or so then (as in Luke 10, 29, and elsewhere.) Sitting is probably in all languages and nations the appropriate judicial posture. (See Judg. 5, 10. Ps. 9, 7. 122, 5. Prov. 20, 8. Isai. 28, 6.) Sittest judging (or to judge) me, does not necessarily imply that Ananias was presiding, because every member of the Sanhedrim was acting as a judge on this occasion, and because by his command to smite Paul he had volunteered a premature decision of the case before he heard it, Avhether acting as the president or as an individual. (For a similar abuse of the same verb, but in another apjilication, see above, on 15, 19.) Contrary to the laia is in Greek a participle, and means breaking the law^ or acting lawlessbj. (Compare the corresponding noun in 2 Pet. 2, 16.) The lawlessness was tw^ofold and consisted, first, in the unworthy and unjust treatment of Paul's person ; then, in arbitrarily condemning him before he heard him. Here let it be again observed, that Paul was not on trial simply for himself, but for his Master, whose pretensions as the true Mes- siah were involved in Paul's defence before the Sanhedrim. The truth of his assertion in the first verse, that he had been faithful to the church of the Old Testament, depends entirely on the fact that Christ had not destroyed its institutions but fulfilled them. Here then, as well as in v. 6 below, he identi- fies his own cause with the cause of Christianity, and therefore when he speaks of having been unjustly dealt with, the com- plaint has reference to something more than personal maltreat- ment, and cannot i)Ossibly be reckoned as an ebullition of mere piivate feeling. ACTS 23, 4. 5. 323 4. And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God's high priest ? This has often been regarded as conclusive evidence that Ananias was the actual High Priest, because no other would be called the High Priest of God. But the force of this argu- ment depends entirely on the persons so describing him. As we have seen before (on 4, 6), the actual possession of the office was determined, not by the Mosaic law, but by the Ro- man government, who looked upon the priesthood chiefly as a national or civil function, representing the whole body, and the most convenient medium of communication with its for- eign masters. This seems to be the only explanation of the fact that, while in other points the Jews were left in undis- turbed possession of their own religion, the High Priesthood was subjected to continual change, at the caprice or discretion of the Romans. In the eyes of all strict Jews, however, there could be but one legitimate High Priest living at the same time, and his rights were founded on descent from Aaron, not on the decisions of a heathen power. There might indeed be adverse claims among the Jews themselves, and more than one competitor might be supported, each by his own adherents, as the legitimate incumbent. That there were such rivalries and conflicts, is not only in itself a j^robable result of causes which we know to have been in operation, but the natural impression made by the contemporary history. If they that stood hy are the same in this verse as in that before it, where, as we have seen, the words may have respect to the immediate friends and partisans of Ananias, then the phrase God''s High Priest only proves that his adherents so regarded him, while others may have been preferred by other Jewish factions, and still another recoonized and upheld by the Romans in the actual possession of the title and prerogatives belonging to the oflice. If, on the other hand, Ananias was the actual High Priest, they that stood hy will have the same sense as in v. 2, either the general one of persons present, or the more specific one of ofii- cers, attendants. On any of the suppositions which have been suggested, the adherents of the High Priest would of course regard Paul's prophetic denunciation as impious and msolent. 5. Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest : for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people. 324 ACTS 23, 5. The fashionable sentimental view of this verse is, that Paul aeknowledujes his liavini,^ spoken in a fit of ])assi<)n, and apoloi^izes lor it. Jiiit besides the sheer impossibility of making I wist ?wt (i. e. did not know) mean 7 did not con- sider (or remember at the moment), tlie aekno\vle jjrovingly referred to as already borne, if not that very ut- terance to which a sentimental age Avould now attach the sense of an apology for hasty language and unbridled temper, and that last aj^peal to Pharisaic orthodoxy, which the scrupu- lous morality of modern sceptics brands as Jesuitical. If Paul's address to the people was a part of his apostolic testi- mony, so of course was his defence before the Sanhedrim, and nothing can be more unreasonable than the supposition of his having interrupted this official witness-bearing with a burst of sinM anger, except the supposition that in case he did so, his testimony would have been approved, as it appears to be in this verse, without qualification or reserve. This clause is not a simple warning that he was to suffer in Rome as he had done in Jerusalem, but a promise that having now discharged his fmictions in the Holy City, he should complete his work as the Apostle of the Gentiles, by appearing in that character at Rome itself. 12. And when it was day, certain of the Jews banded together, and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had kiUed Paul. It being (or having hecoine) clay^ certain of the Jeics^ or according to the oldest text, simply the Jeics, these zealots representing really the spirit and temper of the whole contem- porary generation. Banded together^ literally, made a com- bi7iation, the same Greek word that is used above, in 19, 40, and there rendered concourse^ but here more nearly corre- sponding to the kindred term concuirence^ i. e. concert and collusion. Bound themselves under a curse^ in Greek anathe- matized themselves^ i. e. pronounced themselves anathema or cursed of God, unless they executed this engagement. Anath- ema originally means a deposit, tlien more particularly some- thing set up or suspended in a temple as a votive offering. Among the Jews it seems to have been used to represent a Hebrew word denoting an irrevocable vow, or something consecrated either to God's special service or to irremissible 334 ACTS 2;{, 12-14. destruction. (Compare the usac^e of the Hebrew noun, Lev. 27, 21. 28. 29. Num. 18, 14. Dent. 7, 26. 13, 18. 1 Kini// (or on the part of) the Jews, i.s an unusual construction, l)otli in Greek and Eni^Iish ; but the sense is plain. At once (Ibrtlnvitli, tlie wory their delegates. A certain orator^ a Greek word originally meaning speaker^ bnt speeially applied to pub- lic speakers in the national assemblies, then to advocates, and finally to teachers of elocpience or rJietoricians^ a word derived from that here used. It is here used, no doubt, in the last but one of these senses, to denote what the Romans called an orator forcnsis or cau.'iUlicffs. From the name TertuUus (a diminutive of Tertius^ like Catullus from Catius, and LucuUus from Lucius), and the well-known custom, to which Cicero refers, of young Komans j)ractising at tirst in the provinces before they ventured to a})j)ear at home, some have inferred that the advocate here mentioned was of this description, and that he must have spoken in Latin. But the Jews of that age, and of every other till the i)resent time, have been so ac- customed to bear Gentile names, that nothing can be gathered from this circumstance with certainty (see above, on 1, 13. 23. 6,5. 13,9. 17,7. 18,2.7.) And even if Tertullus was a Ro- man, there was nothing strange in their employing him to plead their cause before a Roman magistrate, especially if (as Valerius Maximus affirms) the Latin language was employed in all the tribunals of the empire, even Greeks and orientals being forced to use it or to plead through an interpreter. On the other hand, a later Greek historian (Dio Cassius) repre- sents his own tongue as continually heard in the Senate and the courts of Rome itself. Both statements may be reconciled, not only by referring them to different dates, but even at the same time by supposing such a joint use of the languages as now exists hi Canada and Louisiana, where speeches are de- livered, in the same assembhes, on the same occasions, both in French and English. Who^ the relative employed above in 23, 14. 21. 33, and here intended to include the remoter ante- cedent (Ananias) as well as the nearer (the elders and Tertul- lus)^ as taking part in the act described. Lifomied^ in the forensic or judicial sense, of which we have examples in the English terms, i)t fanner^ criminal information^ etc. The Greek verb literally means to shoic or make appear, and is the same with that employed in 23, 15. 22. The Geneva version (appeared before the (/over?ior) is inconsistent both with the foim and usage of the Greek word. Whether this informa- tion was in writing or by word of mouth, is not determined by the narrative, and happily of no importance. The original expression may include both modes of accusation, i. e. written ACTS 24, 1. 2. 3. 851 charges amplified in oral argument, an English parallel to which is furnished by the technical and popular sense of pleading. 2. And when he was called forth, Tertullus began to accuse (him), saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence — He (Paul) having been called (cited or summoned to ap- pear), according to the Roman law, which suffered no man to be judged without a hearing and an opportunity of self-defence ^see beloAv, on 25, 16.) Began to accuse is not a pleonasm (see above, on 1, 1. 2, 4. 11, 4. 18, 26), but may be intended to suggest that only the beginning of Tertullus's oration is recorded, at least with any fulness, the rest being given in a summary or abstract. As if he had said, 'Tertullus then accused him in a speech, of which the exordium was as fol- lows.' This exordium is an apt example of the conciliatory introduction {captatio henevolentiae) prescribed by Cicero and other rhetoricians, and from its very nature complimentary, so that the charges of gross flattery and Ipng, brought by almost all interpreters against Tertullus, although not without foundation, are a little overcharged, as ^^n^\ appear from the particulars recorded in the next verse. 3. We accept (it) always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness. The change of collocation in the version partially conceals the rhetorical and classical form of the original, which opens with the leading or emphatic words, Much peace enjoying through thee^ etc. Peace^ not in the vague sense of prosperity, nor even in the more precise one of tranquillity or quiet, but in the proper and specific one of freedom or deliverance from war and the commotions which attend it. To such disturb- ances the Holy Land had long been subject (see above, on 23, 12. 23), partly from religious causes, and in quelling them Felix had been active and successful, having seized and sent to Rome a famous robber (i. e. zealot or guerilla })artisan) named Elcazar, besides suppressing the rebellion spoken of in 21, 38 above, and other prompt and energetic measures men- tioned by Josephus. For these administrative acts the terms 852 ACTS 24, 8. licrc used by Tertullus can scarcely be recjarded as extrava- gant, or certainly not more so than was Avarranted by Greek and Roman usaire. That the crimes of Felix are not also 8et forth, is a neijfative objection, which applies with equal force to the Apoloixy of Paul himself. Nothini^ is gained by these exaggerated charges of ecome a>: disingenuous as that by which they were at lirst jtrovoked. Ai)art from these traditional invectives, the oration of Tertullus is an average sample of forensic adula- tion in all ages. KnjoyiiKj^ or obtaining, lighting upon, happen- ing to acquire or be possessed of. (See above, on 19, 11, where the ]iarticij)le of the same verb is employed to denote what usually ha})pens and is therefore common.) By (or through) thee, by thy means or agency. Very wortJiy cleecls^ in Greek a single word denoting what is rightly done {recte facta^ as Cicero defines it), but specially applied to martial achieve- ments or exploits, and therefore here appropriate to the mili- tary or coercive measures which had just been mentioned. The Vulgate version {raidta corrigantur)^ which makes it mean reformatory measures, rests upon another reading (8»op^rovidenGe (or foresight) as an attri- bute of a(bninistrative wisdom. This was a favourite mode of flattery in that age, as appears from its occurrence on im- perial coins (Frovicletitia Ccesaris), a part of the idolatrous process, by which the Roman Emperors arrogated to them- selves divine honours. Always and everywhere^ or, preserving the original alliteration, at all times and in all places. Some connect this with what goes before, as a part of the description of the Procurator's merit, ' done to this nation through thy constant and universal providence;' but most interpreters connect it with what follows, always and everywhere (not merely now and in thy presence) we accept^ and by implication thankfully acknowledge. (For the strong sense of the Greek verb, see above, on 2, 41. 15,4. 18,27.) Most noble^ excel- ACTS 24, 3. 4. 353 lent, or honourable, the same honorary epithet employed by Claudms Lysias. in his letter (see above, on 23, 2G), and after- wards applied by Paul himself to Festus (see below, on 26, 25), as it is by Luke to the person for whom both his books were originally written (see above, on 1, 1, and compare Luke 1, 3.) But for these examples, the use of the term here would proba- bly have been among the sins imputed to TertuUus. As the epithet relates to the office, not the person, it was just as ap- propriate to Felix as to Festus, although very different in moral character (see below, on v. 27.) With all thankfulness^ or all the gratitude to which such favours are entitled, whether great or small, and therefore not to be denounced as hypo- critical exaggeration. The Greek noun is used elsewhere only by Paul (e. g. 1 Cor. 14, 16. 1 Tun. 2, 1), and John (Rev. 4, 9. 7, 12), but in later ecclesiastical usage was appUed specifically to the Lord's Supper or Communion, on account of the thanks- giving (eucharist) by which it was accomj^anied. In both these cases, it denotes not merely the internal feeling but its audible expression. (For the sense of all^ as here used, see above, on 4, 29. 5,23. 12,11. 13,10. 17,11. 20,19. 23,1.) 4. Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of thy clemency a few words. Notvyithstanding indicates an opposition or antithesis which does not really exist, the Greek word being nothing but the usual continuative particle (8e), so often rendered hut or and. That I tnay not more, detain (or hinder) thee^ a verb originally meaning to cut in or into^ then to stop one's way (as by a ditch), or cross one's path, to intercept, impede a per- son's progress. I pray (invite, exhort, beseech) thee^ the verb so used in 8, 31. 9,38. 13,42. 16,9.15.39. 19,31. 21,12. To hear us, the Jews, with whom he identifies himself as ac- tually being one of them, or as an advocate, who makes his client's cause his own. Of thy clemeiicy, or in thy moderation and impartiaUty (compare the cognate adjective in Phil. 4, 5.) The essential idea is not so much that of kindness or gentle- ness, as that of fairness, reasonablenesi, freedom from extremes of every kind. This is a peculiarly judicial virtue, and is there- fore pertinently here appealed to. A few icords is in Greek an adverb, corresponding, both in etymology and sense, to our concisely, an abbreviated but intelligible phrase for hear 354 ACTS 24, 4. 5. Its speak coyicisely. Tliis promise to be brief might almost seem to have been caused by some ap])earance of impatience in the Procurator, at tlie jjrospect of a formal and elaborate harangue. There would then be no need of supposing that the rest of the oration has been less fully given than the intro- duction (see above, on v. 2), the difference, on that supposition, being not in the report but in the speech itsel£ 5. For we have found this man a pestilent (fellow), and a mover of sedition among all the Jews, through- out the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the >»az- arenes — The exordium being ended, he proceeds to the statement of the case itself. For may have reference to the request and implied promise in the verse preceding. ' We only ask your impartial attention to a few words ; for all we have to say is, that having found, &c.' A pest (or jilague)^ a natural and common figure in all languages for one who is at the same time troublesome and mischievous. It is so used by the two great orators, Demosthenes and Cicero, who speaks of different persons as the pest of the republic, of the state, and of the empire {jyestis reipuhlicae^ civitatls^ imperii.) Pestilent fellow^ though essentially correct, is a needless departure from the form of the original. Finding may either have its strict sense, and refer to their detection or discovery of Paul in the temple ; or be taken in the secondary sense of ascertain- ing, finding out. Upon the meaning of this verb depends the construction of the clause, which maybe either Slaving found this man (who is) a pest,' or, ' having found this man (to be) a pest.' In either case, the syntax is irregular, the sentence having no finite verb, except in its relative dependent clause (see V. 6.) The sense is clear, however, and such freedom of expression may be found in the best writers of all languages, in whom it is frequently applauded as a beauty, while m Scrip- ture it is censured as an imperfection. Here, however, it is perfectly in keeping as a natural effect of the orator's precipi- tate attempt to cut short what he saw would rather give offence than please. Moving^ stirring up, exciting, see above, on 21, 30. tSedition (literally, rising^ standing up) may either have its proper sense of insurrection, or its secondary sense of strife, dissension (see above, on 15, 2. 19, 40. 23, 7. 10.) Paul ACTS 24, 5. 6. 355 was really accused of both crimes, that of sowing strife among the Jews themselves, and that of rousing them against their Roman masters (see above, on 16, 20. 21. 17, 6. 7. 18, 13. 21, 28.) The ambiguous term may have been selected to suggest both these ideas ; but the former is the one especially pre- sented in the context. To all the Jews^ not only among them, but to their injury or disadvantage. Throughout the inhabited (or civilized world), i. e. the Roman Empire, or indefinitely everywhere, in all directions. (See above, on 11, 28. 17, 6. 31. 19, 27.) A ringleader too (tc, introducing an afterthought or supplementary idea, see above, on 1, 13), not only a public pest in his own person, but the leader of a dangerous organi- zation. The Greek noun is a military term, used by Thucy- dides to signify the front man on the right of an army in array, but afterwards more generally to denote a front rank man, and metaphorically, any leader. The sect (or party ^ see above, on 5, 17. 15, 5) of the Nazarenes^ the followers of the Naza- rene^ contemptuously so called (see above, on 2, 22.) Al- though this designation in the plural form occurs only here, it was probably in common use among the Jews, as Christians was among the Gentiles (see above, on 11, 26), until after the destruction of Jerusalem, when Nazarene became the name of a Christian sect, which still adhered to the Mosaic law, but with less exclusive rigour, and with worthier notions of the Saviour, than the kindred party of the Ebionites (see above, on 21, 20.) 6. Who also hath gone about to profane the tem- ple ; whom we took, and would have judged according to our law. An additional specification of the general charge. He was not only a pest, and a ringleader of the Nazarenes, but had attempted a particular oflTence against the law and the religion of the Jews, that of profaning the temple, literally, rendering accessible, depriving of its consecration, making common (see above, on 10, 14. 15, where the verb, however, is not the same, as it is in Matt. 12, 5.) Hath gone about^ the old English phrase for sought or tried. (See above, on 21, 31, where it represents a synonymous Greek verb.) The charge of actual desecration (see above, on 21, 28) is here softened down to that of merely attempting it, perhaps because they had dis- covered their mistake (see above, on 21, 29), or because they 356 ACTS 24, 6. 7. 8. were unable to prove what tliey at first alleged. IVhorn also (Ktti, not exj)rt'ss('d in tlie version), corresj)oneo]»le, wlien I hroui^ht relief to many poor among them; yes, and wliiie there actually oilered sacrifices at the very sanctuary whicli I am accused of trying to profane.' 18. Whereupon certain Jews from Asia found me jnirified in the temple, neither Avitli inuUitude, nor with tumult. 'Whereupon should be in which,, i. e. in which deeds or employments, aiding the poor saints and performing sacrifice. * In the very act of proving my devotion to the race and my respect for the Mosaic law, they seized me, and have since ar- raigned me, as an enemy of both ! ' Some of the oldest manu- scripts have icJdch in the feminine form, and therefore neces- sarily referring to the feminine nouns alms and offerbiffs,, which only makes the reference more definite, without a real change of meaning. The defensive argument, implied in this clause, is still further carried out by adding, purified (i. e. undergoing ceremonial purification, see above, on 21, 24. 26) in the temple (i. e. in its courts or area, see above, on vs. 6. 12, and compare 2, 46), thereby proving his respect for the Mosaic law in reference to two of its great parts or features, sacred rites and sacred places. The fact that Paul was thus engaged when seized and charged with sacrilege, was a genuine reduc- tio ad absurdum for his flilse accusers. They could not even say that, although present at the temple, and apparently en- gaged in ceremonial duties, he performed them in an unbe- coming or disorderly manner. Not loitU crowd (or concourse), BO as to attract undue attention and disturb the devotions of his neighbours, nor with tumult (uproar, as in 20, 1.21, 34), a stronger term denoting the natural result of mobs or lawless gatherings. There is here a question of grammatical con- struction, closely connected with one of textual criticism. This cannot be intelligibly stated to the English reader with- out restoring the original order of the sentence, which is this, whereupon (or wherein') found me p)urified in the tempM,, not with crowd nor with tumult,, certain Jews from Asia. As the last words evidently constitute the subject of the verb found (which is plural), the translators liave transposed them in accommodation to English usage. But the latest critics have inserted the continuative particle {hi) after some (or certain) ACTS 24, 18. 19. 369 from a few of the old manuscripts, thus separating certain Jews from the preceding verb, and leaving the latter to be construed indefinitely, they (i. e. my enemies and false accus- ers) found me purified^ cC'c, hut (or and) certain Jews from Asia. The authorities for this emendation, although strong, are not decisive, as the oldest copy extant (Codex Vaticanus) either has the common text or has not yet been collated as to this point. Even admitting the proposed change, the con- struction may be made at least intelligible, although still sin- gular, by repeating or supplying somethhig from the first clause. They found me purified in the temple^ not icith crowd or tumult., hut certain Jews from Asia (were the cause of these.) Jews from Asia, the same Greek phrase that is ren- dered Jews lohich icere of Asia in Luke's account of the transaction here referred to. The preposition indicates that they not only came from but belonged to Asia Proper or Pro- consular (see above, on 21, 27.) 19. Who ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they had aught against me. * The mention of the Jews from Asia, as the real authors of the tumult at the temple, leads Paul to urge another circum- stance, showing the unfairness and irregularity of this whole process. Who had accused him of profaning or attempting to profane the temple? Certain Jews from Asia. Why were they not present to sustain their accusation, either as witnesses or parties ? Why was their place supplied by Ana- nias and Tertullus, who knew nothing of the facts except as they had heard them from those Asiatic Jews, whose absence could not be supplied by a contemptuous reference to Claudius Lysias as the only witness (see above, on v. 8.) To have heen here (literally, to he present) hefore thee (i. e. as a judge, or at thy bar, the preposition used above in 21,30, and there ex- plained.) This was no forensic quibl)le or finesse, but a legiti- mate objection to the wliole procedure as evincing bad Inith and a conscious inability to prove their charges. Ohject should be accuse, the same verb as in vs. 2. 8. 13, and in 22, 30. The variation in the version here obscures tlie meaning by suggesting as Paul's meaning, that they ouglit to have been there to make objections to the method of proceeding or to his defence ; whereas he means that they ought to liave ap- peared as his prosecutors or accusers. If they had auyht (or VOL. TI. — 16* 370 ACTS 24, 10-21. a7}y thing) against nie^ is in Greek peculiarly expressive from tlie use of the oj)t:itive mood, imjjlyini^ that the ease was ])ur('ly liypothetical, or in other words, that they had really no eharge against him. 20. Or else let these same (here) say, if they have found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the council. Or else seems to im]>ly that Paul is here ])resenting an al- ternative, ]iroposinG: two things, one of which ought to be done. * Either let the Jews from Asia be brought forward, or else let these, &c.' But what he really says is, not that they ought now to be produced, but that they ought to have ap- peared from the beginning as his prosecutors. He i)roposes nothing as to this point, but merely censures what had been already done. With this relation of the verses agrees the connective particle which simply denotes or, the else being introduced by the translators. Or (as it is now too late to remedy this error, and the Jews from Asia have perhaps gone home) let these (Ananias and the Elders) themselces (not merely through an advocate, but in their proper persons) say^ if they found any loronrj (or according to the oldeirt copies, what wrong they found) in me^ 'tchile (or when) I stood (lit. I standing) before the council (the ^ynedriuni or Sanhedrim^ see above, on 4, 15.) The allusion is of course to the scene described in 23, 1-10. Wrong, the word translated matter of wrong in 18, 14, and there explamed. Before^ the same word as in V. 19, at their bar, at their tribunal. Having shown, from the absence of the original accusers and. of all other wit- nesses, that the charge of sedition was abandoned, he now challenges the High Priest and the Elders to bring forward any other accusation which they could establish, even by their ow^n testimony. Tliey had not witnessed the alleged desecra- tion of the temple ; they had only seen him as he stood before the council (see above, on 22. 30) ; if they knew any thing against him from tlieir own observation, it must have hajj- pened then, and he accordingly gives this specific form and. limitation to his challenge. 21. Except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day. ACTS 24, 21. 371 Except it he^ in Greek a sinp^le letter, meaning tha7i^ i. e. other than, besides, except. For (or about) this one voice seems dependent in construction on a verb suppressed ; or it may be connected with the phrase found wrong in the pre- ceding verse, unless (they found fault or condemned me) for this 07ie^ etc. Voice, utterance, not only the words said, but the act of saying them. A7no7ig them, literally, ^?^ them, i. e. in their circle, in the midst of them. (For the idiomatic use of oTt, that, omitted in the version, see above, on 2, 13. 3, 22. 5,23.25. 6,11. 7,6. 11,3. 13,34. 15,1. 16,36. 19,21. 23, 20.) His quotation of his own words agrees as nearly with Luke's narrative in 23, 6 as would be natural in any case of repetition. The only variations are that he omits hope before reswrection, and adds, this day hy you. Called in question^ here, as in the other case, means judged, tried, put ujDon my trial, summoned to defend myself. As this was the expression which created the division in the council (see above on 23, 7), it has been disputed Avhether those to whom Paul here appeals (though not directly) were Pharisees or Sadducees. But this is a question of no moment, as he is not here appealing to their diverse principles or prepossessions, but is simply recalling what had happened on a recent occasion, for the purpose of strengthening his previous statement, that they could have nothing to allege against him. 'They have only seen me in their council at Jerusalem, and surely I did nothing there for which I must be tried, unless it was my uttering those words which threw them into such confusion.' The reference is not so much to what he said as to his having said so little, and that little so inadequate to justify their conduct. At the same time the A})OStle, with consummate skill, by thus repeating his own words before the Sanhedrim, renews his enigmatical but solemn declaration, that so far from having given up his Messianic hope, it Avas because he held it fast in its original intent, it was because he had embraced the true Messiah when he came, while Israel at large denied him, this was the very reason of his being now a prisoner and called on to defend himself. That he still described his hope of the Messiah as a hoj^e of resurrection, may have been intended to disguise a doctrine which the Jews would instantly regard as nullifying all that he had said in proof of his own loyalty to Israel and Moses. The key to this enigma of his being both a Christian and a Jew was furnished by his holding that ^Messiah had al- ready come. But as this, distinctly stated, might have pre- 372 ACTS 24, 21. 22. vented their atteneakin<^ only of the resurrection, as the crownins,^ attestation of our i^ord's Messi- ahship, reserving a fuller explanation of his meanine: for his last Apolot^y and last appeal to Israel, before he lell the Holy Land for ever (see below, on 2G, G.) It is not to be forLCotten that although this third aj^ology was formally addressed to Felix, and Mas really hitended to apprise him of the true state of the case which had been so misrepresented by the Jews, it was virtually an additional a])peal to the Jews themselves, as there officially and representatively present, a further efibrt to convince them of the false position which they occui»ied in reference to Christ and Moses. 22. And when Felix heard these thmgs, having more perfect knowledge of (that) way, he deferred them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will know the uttermost of your matter. Having heard these things is omitted by the oldest manu- scripts and latest critics, according to whom the verse begins, And Felix j)^^^ them off^ which comes next in the original. 3Iore exacthj (see above, on 18, 2G. 23, 15. 20) knowing the (things) about the icay have been explained by some as the words of Felix himself. ' More exactly kno^ning (i. e. when I do know more exactly) the things concerning this way, said he, when Claudius Lysias,' &c. But this construction is con- demned by the harsh transposition it involves and by the sense it puts upon the participle (ctTrtui/.) TJie icay has here been variously understood to mean the present case ; or the character and practice of the Jews; or the Christian religion, as in V. 14, and otlier places there referred to. This usage seems decisive in favour of the last interpretation ; but the question still arises in what sense Felix is said to have under- stood the new religion more exactly. Some suppose the com- parative to be here used, as it often is in Latin, to express a moderate degree of something (knowing pretty accurately), which, however, is by no means very natural or obvious. Others give the comparative its proper sense, but differ as to the things compared (knowing more exactly than was usual with Romans, or than could have been expected, or than the Jews imagined, &c.) all which suj^ply something not expressed ACTS 24, 22. 373 or necessarily suggested by the context. The simplest syntax and the best sense are obtained by supposing these words to describe the effect of Paul's discourse on Fehx, whom, as we have seen, it was intended to enlighten with respect to the relation between Judaism and Christianity, a subject always puzzhng to the Romans, though important to the exercise of their authority (see above, on 18, 15. 23, 29.) What Galho and Lysias could not comprehend had now been made in some degree perspicuous to Felix by the masterly discourse of the Apostle. 3Iore exactly knoioing (than he did before, the true state of the case) about the xoay (of living and believing) to which Paul adhered and which the Jews had represented as an absolute rejection of their whole religion. Seeing this charge to be a false one, and the whole proceeding frivolous and spiteful, he determined to get rid of it, but not by openly acquittmg Paul, and thereby putting an affront upon the Jews, as represented in his presence by the High Priest and the El- ders. This, as we shall see below (on v. 27), he had personal and selfish reasons for avoiding, while he must have seen that there was not the shghtest ground for the proceeding against Paul. In this dilemma he resorts to the cowardly expedient of delay, embracing for that purpose the suggestion offered by Tertul- lus (see above, on v. 8), that the Tribune should himself be made to testify. 'When Lysias the chiliarch conies down (from Jerusalem, as in v. 1 above), Ivnll k?iow the things con- cerning you (or in which you are interested.) Some regard this as a threat that when he did obtain the necessary informar tion, they might expect to be put upon their trial in their turn. But this agrees neither with the character of FeUx, nor with his actual position, as Josephus describes both ; nor with the natural import of the terms employed. The com- ^30und Greek verb (8tayi/ojcro/zat) might be explained to mean, I will discriminate, and so decide (Geneva Bible) ; but usage is in favour of the sense, I will know (your matters) thoroughly (or through and through), pei-haps Avith some allusion to the forensic use of knowledge to denote judicial cognizance or jurisdiction. The first of these ideas (that of knowing thor- oughly) was no doubt meant to be conveyed by Tyndale's paraphrastic version, retained in King James's Bible, / will know the uttermost of your matter. That this adjournment was a mere device to end the whole proceeding, may have been a])parent, even at the time, from the extreme improba- bility that Lysias could leave his post at such a turbulent and 874 ACTS 24, 22. 23. anxious jiinctiiro, and is now confinncfl by the silence of the history in relerence to any such appearance of the Tribune as a witness in this nialter. 23. And he commanded a centurion to keep Paul, and to let (him) have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him. The imi)ression made upon the governor by Paul's defence is further shown by the directions which he gave for his safe- keeping. He was still to be detained, because not yet acquit- ted, and for other reasons afterwards disclosed, but to have remission (relaxation, mitigation of his bondage.) The trans- lation libtrty^ if strictly understood, makes the sentence con- tradict itself. To he kept (watched, guarded), and at the same time to have liberty^ are incompatible conditions. (For the true sense of the Greek word, compare 2 Cor. 8, 13. 2 Thess. 1, 17.) Some suppose an allusion to the technical distinction between different kinds of custody practised by the Romans, such as the custodia publica^ or continemont in the common prison ; the custodia militarise or perpetual surveillance by a soldier, and in its severer forms attachment to his person by a chain ; and the custodioj libera^ in which the prisoner was entrusted to a magistrate or other well known person, who received him into his own household and was answerable for his safety. This last might seem to be the liberty which Felix ordered Paul to have ; but it was practised only in the case of prisoners of great distinction, and it seems to be implied in the words be- fore us that the centurion still had charge of him. That this was the centurion who escorted him to Cesarea (the other having gone back from Antipatris, see above, on 23, 23. 32), although possible, cannot be inferred from the definite ex- pression {the centurio7i)e because this may only mean the one on duty, or the one who was entrusted with such matters. To forbid none of his own (friends or acquaintances, see above, on 4, 23. 21, G), to wait upon hiin., minister to him, take care of him, supply his wants (compare the use of the same verb in 13, 36. 20, 34.) Or come to him^ have access to him, visit him, even without performing services so intimate and confidential. To the latter class we may perhaps refer Philip and his house- hold (see above, on 21, 8. 9) ; to the former Trophimus (see above, on 21, 29), Aristarchus (see below, on 27, 2), but above all, Luke, "the beloved physician," and the author of this ACTS 24, 23. 24. 375 liistory, which may owe much of its contents to this renewal of the mtercourse between them (see below, on v. 27.) 24. And after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Driisilla, which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ. After certain (i. e. some) days^ an indefinite expression, but suggestive rather of a short than of a long time (see above, on 10, 48. 15, 36. IG, 12.) Came^ coming, being there, the same as in v. 17. 23, 16. 35, and often elsewhere (see above, on 5, 21.) According to Tacitus, the wife of Felix was Dru- silla, daughter of Juba the Numidian king, and grand-daughter of Anthony and Cleopatra. According to Josephus, she was Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa, whose death is recorded in 12, 23, and great-grand-daughter of Herod the Great. This might seem to be total contradiction, but for the statement of a third historian (Suetonius), that Felix was the husband of three queens, by which he no doubt means three wives of royal lineage. This would comprehend and reconcile the statements of Josephus and Tacitus, although there may have been some confusion of names, the double Drusilla being cer- tainly remarkable. The Jewisli Drusilla was betrothed in childhood to Antiochus Epiphanes of Comagene, but he re- fusing to comply with the conditions of the contract by re- ceiving circumcision, she ^tas actually married to Azizus king of Emesa, who did become a Jew. Felix, according to Jo- sephus, was smitten with her beauty, and through the agency of Simon, a magician from Cyprus, but supposed by some to be the same with Simon Magus (see above, on 8, 24), per- suaded her to leave her husband. As the ordinary word for icife^ in Greek as well as French, is looman^ and as some man- uscripts omit the pronoun, it might be understood as a con- temi)tuous expression, loith the woman Drusilla^ like the xcoman Jezebel in Rev. 2, 20. But the pronoun is expressed in many manuscripts, and two of the most ancient have the strong expression, with his own wife ; so that most interpret- ers agree that she is so described, but in a popular sense, with- out implying that the marriage was a lawful one. If it took place about this time, of which we have no other evidence, the words of Luke miglit naturally mean, Felix arrlvinff with his wife Drusilla^ i. e. bringing her home for the first time, a cir- cumstance more likely to be mentioned so distinctly than their 370 ACTS 24, 24. 25. merely .^oino; from one jialacc to aiiotlicr, or, as some siipj>osc, iVom one ajKirtmenl to another in tlie same. llintKj n Jcii^ess^ l)y birth and probably by actual j)rolession, aneace, including «'^n impostor Avho liad tried to raise the j)eo}>le in rebellion by liinatical delusions (see above, on 5, 36. 37. 21, 38.) In these respects his government \N'as very simi- lar to that of Felix (see above, on 23,24. 24,2.3), but his personal character much better, as appears, not so much from any positive description, as from the way in which Josej^hus contrasts him with his successor Albinus, as a man who gov erned in a manner altogether different, and had a hand in every kind of wickedness. According to the latest chronolo gical authorities, Festus administered the government a little less than two years, from the autumn of A. D. CO to the sum mer of A. D. 62. From an incidental statement of Josephus (" that the Emperor, hearing of the death of Festus, sent Al- bmus to Judea as his Procurator"), we learn that, unlike most of his predecessors and successors, he died in office. In jus- tice to the memory of this short-lived and comparatively ui> right magistrate, he ought to be carefully distinguished from his predecessor (Felix), with whom, no doubt from the resem- blance of the names, he has sometimes been confounded, not only by superlicial readers, but by learned writers. Festus then (or tfierefore)^ a resumption of the statement in the first clause of 24, 27. Having come^ literally, come up, mounted, or ascended, sometimes applied to embarkation on board a vessel (see above, on 21, 2. 6, and below on 27, 2), but also to entrance or arrival in a country (see above, on 20, 18) ; and as this is i)erfectly appropriate here, there is no need of resort- ing to the figurative sense of entering on his government (or office)^ which however, although not expressed, is necessarily implied in his arrival and the acts that follow. After three days may be strictly understood as meaning three whole days, or, according to a common ancient idiom, as implying that he took one entire day of rest between his arrival at Cesarea and his journey to Jerusalem. This prompt departure to the Holy City may evince both official promptness and a natural curiosity to see a place so famous even in the history of empires. ACTS 25, 2. 3. 381 2. Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him — Then (Se) the High Priest^ or according to tlie oldest co}3- ies and the latest critics, the High (or Chief) Priests^ in the plural number. The actual High Priest, at this time, as we learn from Josephus, was not Ananias (see above, on 23, 2. 24, 1), but Ishmael the son of Phabi, nominated to that office by Agrippa (see below, on v. 13.) The chief ov first {men) of the Jetcs^ a general description of the class commonly de- scribed as elders (see above, on 4, 5. 8, 23. 6, 12. 23, 14. 24, 1), with whom they are identified by Festus, in relating this very occurrence (see below, on v. 15.) Informed^ the same verb, with precisely the samo meaning, as in 24, 1, where it is ex- plained. This revival of the criminal information against Paul, after an interval of two years, shows the national importance which the Sanhedrim attached to the proceedmg, if not the personal malignity and rancor of its leading members, which, at all events, is evident enough from the petition here record- ed. (For the usage of the last verb, see above, on 2, 40. 8, 31. 16,40. 20,12. 21, 12. 24,4.) 3. And desired favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him. Not content with renewing their old accusation, they pre- sent a petition of the most extraordinary kind. Asldiig (for themselves) favour (or a favour) against him^ the idea of gratuity or special . favour being doubly suggested, by the added noun and by the form of the verb, which is in the mid- dle voice and has the same reflexive sense as in many other places (see above, on 3,14. 7,46. 9,2. 12,20. 13,21.28.) This direct demand for partial judgment, or respect of per- sons, a sin so frequently forbidden in their own law (see above, on 10, 34), would seem to imply an unfa^'ourable estimate of the new Procurator's character and judgment, were it not more easily referred to that insane delusion, under which the Jews, at this eventful crisis of their history, appeared to act, and Avhich lias been already mentioned as transtbrming them, in temper and spirit, from devout Jews to ferocious lieathen (see above, on 24, 10.) One of the clearest in-emonitions that the days of Israel, as a church and as a state, were numbered, 382 ACTS 25, 3. 4. is this very loss of tlie true theocratical spirit, and this cal- lousness of conscience both as to means ami ends; a chanj^o made known to us, not only or most vividly in Scripture, hut in the writings of the contemporary Jewish historian. It is possible, however, that the words, ((skhtg favoiir^ in the verse betbre us, relate not to the form of the request, but merely to its secret motive. The sense M'ill then be, not that they en- treated Festus to confer this favour on them, but that they simply asked him to transfer the trial to Jerusalem, as a matter of ri<^dit or of convenience, while the real purj)Ose of this prop- osition would have made the grantiniiij of it by the governor a gross act of judicial partiality or favour to one party at the cost and hazard of the other. This may seem more natural and credible, in itself considered ; but the other is more read- ily suggested by the language of the narrative. Laying wait^ literally, making an ambuscade (or amhusli)^ either in the strict sense, or in that of plotting. (See above, on 23, 21, and compare the use of the cognate verb in 23, 16 and Luke 11, 54.) If literally understood, the present participle {making) may be used for the future, or imply that they were actually making preparation to way-lay Paul. To kill (despatch, or make away with) Jtim i?i (by or along) the road. (For the usage of the verb, see above, on 2, 23. 9, 23. 16, 2V. 22,20. 23, 15 ; and for that of the preposition, on 5, 15. 8, 36. 16, 7.) 4. But Festus answered, that Paul sliould be kept at Cesarea, and that he himself would depart shortly (thither). JjKt, or so then, the resumptive particle, following the parenthetical statement in the last clause of the third verse (see above, on 1,6. 2, 41. 8,4. 9,31. 11,19. 12,5. 13,4, 16,5. 19, 32. 23, 18, 22. 31.) Should he kept is not the meaning of the Greek verb, which is in the infinitive mood and present tense, and according to Greek usage means that he was actu- ally then kept (i. e. watched or guarded, see above, on 12, 5. 6. 16, 23. 24, 23.) The governor's reply to their exorbitant or treacherous petition was, that Paul was already in safe- keeping at the seat of government, and as the governor ex- pected to be there himself before long, his removal was un- necessary and indeed would be inconvenient. Woidd depart^ or was about to set forth (see above, on 9, 28, and on 24, 15. 25.) ACTS 25, 4. 5. 6. 383 25.) Thither (i. e. to Cesarea) is unnecessarily, but not erro- neously, supplied by the translators. 5. Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with (me), and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him. Therefore^ i. e. because it would not be convenient to re- move liim. Ahle^ i. e. able to do so, as in 11, 17 above (com- pare Luke 14, 31. Rom. 4, 21. 11,23. 14,4. 2 Cor. 9, 8. 2 Tim. 1, 2. Tit. 1, 9. Heb. 11, 19. James 3, 2.) The meaning then is, ' Such of you as have it in your power to attend there.' But although this usage of the Greek word is established by the passages just cited, and by its frequent construction with the infinitive in the classics, most interpreters prefer the stronger sense of 2^oice7'f III, which occurs above, in 7, 22. 18,24 (com- pare 1 Cor. 1,26. 2 Cor. 10,4. 12,9. 13,9. Rev. 6, 15.) This may then be taken either as a vague description of the leading men (like Jirst or chief in v. 2), or as a more specific designa- tion of the persons authorized, by ofiice or by special delega- tion, to perform the duty here prescribed, and represent tlie Sanhedrim at Cesarea. The first mterpretation, although fa- voured by a similar but rare use of the Greek word by Jo- sephus and Thucydides, is less appropriate and natural, as being a mere complimentary description, than the other, which denotes ofiicial rank and obligation. The word wicJcedness, although not printed in italics, is supplied by the translators, being found neither in the common text nor in the critical editions ; but several of the oldest copies have a Greek word (aroTToi/) elsewhere rendered Aarm (28, 6), amiss, (Luke 23, 41,) imreaso7iable (2 Thess. 3, 2.) The idea of fault or crime is of course suggested even by the shorter reading, * if there be any thing in this (or the) man.' G. And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Cesarea, and the next day, sitting on the judgment seat, commanded Paul to be brought. Ilamnxj spent (or ^j)a5seJ), the same verb as in 12, 19. 14, 3. 28. 15, 35. 16, 12. 20, 6. The marginal reading, not more than eight or ten days, is now regarded by the critics as the 384 ACTS 25, C. 7. true text. The difFercnce between this and the common read- incj is, that the latter seems to represent the sojourn as a long one ('he said he woiihl set out soon, but he really remained there more than ten days') ; while the other refers to it as very short (' he said he would set out soon, and accordingly he staid there only eight or ten days.') Going down to Cesarea^ on the morrow sitting (or taking his seat) ?/;;o?i the bench (or tribunal^ see above, on 12,21. 18,12.16.17.) Here again Festus is presented to us as a i)rompt and active man of busi- ness (see above, on v. 1), pimctual to his engagements and ex- acting punctuality of others. 7. And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood romid about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove. Come^ arrived, i. e. either from the prison to the palace, or from one apartment of the latter to another (see above, on 24, 17. 24.) Jlai'ing (or icho had) come down, in obedience to the ^procurator's order, and as rejiresentatives of the na- tional council (see above, on v. 5.) Stood around him, ac- cording to some ancient copies, which is commonly regarded as the true sense, although not perhaps the true text. Some interpreters, however, understand it to mean, round about (the judgment-seat) ; but this is really included in the other, which suggests the additional idea of the eagerness with which they crowded round their long-lost victim. The charges are described in general terms as many and grievous, literally, heavy, which might here have been retained, as it could not be in the translation of the same word in a former case (see above, on 20, 29.) Complaints, charges, accusations, grounds of punishment, a kindred form to that'in 13, 28. 22, 24. 23, 28, and primarily meaning causes. The nature of these charges may be gathered from the former accusation (see above, on 24, 5. 6), and from the abstract of Paul's answer in the next verse. Laid, literally, bearing, bringing, which is equally agreeable to Greek and English usage. Which (complaints or charges) they were not strong (enough, or able) to prove (literally, show forth, as in 1 Cor. 4, 9. 2 Thess. 2, 4), i. e. show to be true. (See above, on 2, 22, and for the usage of the pre- ceding verb, on 6, 10. 15, 10. 19, 16. 20.) ACTS 25, 8. 9. 385 8. While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cesar, have I offended any thing at all. Paul's defence is stated in the same compendious and sum- mary form. He apologizing., saying in liis own defence (see above, on 19, 33. 24, 10), not once for all, perhaps, or in a continuous discourse, but, as the absolute construction seems to intimate, from time to time, replying to each charge as it was opened or alleged against him. {That^ omitted in the version, as at variance with English usage, see above, on 24, 21.) Against^ or more exactly, as to^ with respect to, the idea of hostility or opposition being really suggested by the context. (See above, on 2, 25. 6, 11. 9, 1. 17,^21. 20, 21. 24, 15. 24.) From what Paul here denies we learn what his ene- mies affirmed, to wit, the same old charges of schism or apos- tasy (from the law), sacrilegious desecration (of the temple), and treacherous revolt (against the emperor.) These are sub- stantially the charges urged, two years before, at the bar of Felix, by Tertullus (see above, on 24, 5. 6.) Cesai\ properly the name of a patrician Roman family, from the most ilkistrious of whom (Julius Cesar) it was derived by his adopted son (Augustus), and from him by his adopted son (Tiberius), and from him by his successors (Caligula, Claudius, and Xero), under whom it had become a royal title, equivalent to Emperor (see above, on 11, 28. 17, 7.) 9. But Festus, Avilling to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me ? I'o do the Jeics a x>leasure^ almost the same phrase v/ith the one applied above (in 24, 27) to Fehx. The variation be- tween do and sJioio belongs exclusively to the translation, which, however, is in neither case exact, the Greek verb mean- ing to deposit or lay up in store. A real diflerence of form, not observed in the translation, is that between the plural (favours) m the other place and the singular {favour) in the one before us. This may have reference to the flxct that Felix had used many such means of conciliation, whereas this was the first and perliaps the last attemi)t upon the ])art of Festuii. It cannot be denied, however, that the sameness of expression VOL. II. — 17 386 ACTS 25, 0. ]0. in these cases sliows that Festiis, thongli apparently less selfish and unscrupulous than Felix, was in some measure actuated bv the same desire to secure the good will and the good word of his subjects, when he should come to give account at Rome of his administration. The means by which they undertook to jxain this common end, however, Mere extremely different. Wiiile Felix, after keeping Paul in prison two years, left him still in bondage at his own departure, Festus merely asked him if he would consent to undergo another trial at Jerusalem. This might indeed be regarded as a wholly unobjectionable proposition, made by a new-comer, unacquainted with the murderous designs of the accusers, and regarding their request as one of little moment. But this favourable view of the Pro- curator's conduct must be very materially qualified by the tone and substance of Paul's answer, as recorded in the next two verses. It should also be remembered tliat Paul had just been tried already, as we read of charges and defences sum- marily but distinctly spoken of in vs. 7. 8 above. Tliis was therefore a proposal to be tried once more, and that before the Sanhedrim, though in the presence of the governor, and subject to his ultimate decision. (See above, on 23, 30. 24, 19. 20.) 10. Then said Paul, I stand at Cesar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged; to the Jews have I done no Avrong, as thou very well knowest. To the unreasonable proposition in the ninth verse, wdiich could only be intended to conciliate the Jews by a gratuitous reiteration of a process which had been already several times repeated with the same result, Paul replies by re-asserting, for the third time, his immunities and rights as a Roman citizen. (See above, on IG, 37-39. 22, 25-29.) At Philippi he had done this to reprove the magistrates for scourging and con- fining him ; at Jerusalem, to prevent the repetition of that outrage ; but now at Cesarea, to secure himself from being sacrificed by Festus, even through mere ignorance or weak- ness, to the maUce of his enemies. I stand at (or before) Ce- aar'^s judgment-seat (i. e. the tribunal of the Emperor.) This is not to be confounded with the appeal at the close of the next verse, but explained as a preliminary to it. I am stand- ing (iioic) at Cesar''s lar^ i. e. before his representative, as the very title Procurator signified, and not at that of the ACTS 25, 10. 387 Jewish Sanhedrim. He liere claims the protection of that Roman power, to which the Jews had virtually betrayed liim, and by winch he had been long robbed of his liberty. JV/iere (i. e. in the Roman not the Jewish courts) / ought to be (or still more strongly, J7wst be) tried (if tried at all.) This natu- rally followed from the fact that he was actually in Roman hands and under Roman jurisdiction, and that no reason could be given for removing his case elsewhere. It followed, still more clearly and conclusively, from his being an hereditary Roman citizen, and as such entitled to the full advantage of the Roman laws. These claims would have been valid, even if a case had been made out against him by the Jews ; how much more when they had utterly failed so to do. This third ground is stated in the last clause, with a confident appeal to Festus's own judgment, as to the nature of the charge against him. The Jcics I have {i?i) nothing icronged^ in the judicial sense, i. e. they have no ground of charge against me. If this was merely a profession of his innocence, it would be no argu- ment at all, as it would really be tantamount to saying, ' I am not guilty, and therefore ought not to be tried,' a mode of reasoning which would put an end to all judicial process, ex- cept in the case of persons pleading guilty. This absurd sense has been sometimes put on Paul's expressions by interpreters Avho overlook the fact that this was not a mere preparatory meeting, a discussion about trying him, but that he had just been tried on many grievous charges, and defended himself against them (see above, on vs. 7. 8), and that he here asserts his innocence, not as a witness in his own behalf, but with ex- plicit reference to the result of the preceding trial. ' With respect to the Jews, I am not guilty, having just been proved so by their total failure to substantiate their charges.' This view of the matter also serves to explain the last clause of the verse, which has very much perplexed interpreters. As thou also (not expressed in the translation, i. e. thou thyself, as well as I and others) knoicest rigJit icell (Uterally, better.) This comparative expression, like the one applied to Felix (see above, on 24, 22), has been variously explained as a superla- tive, or as meaning better than could be expected, better than thou choosest to acknowledge, tfcc. But in this, as in the other case, the simplest and most satisfactory hypothesis is that which compares his present with his previous know- ledge, as thou also knowest better (now than thou didst a little while ago.) Besides the simplicity of this construction, the 888 ACTS 25, 10. 11. strict 8cnse wliich it ])uts on tlie comparative expression, and the analofjy aft'orded by the otlier case just cited, it is liirther- more contirnied by the usage of the verlj transhited kiwwest^ ■Nvhich elsewhere means to recognize, discover, ascertain, or come to know wliat was previously unknown or misunder- stood. (See above, on 3,10. 4,13. 9,30. 12,14. 19,34. 22, 24. 29. 24, 8.) As thus explained, the whole verse may be para])hrased as follows. ' Why do you ask me such a needless question? Can you really expect a Roman citizen, already standing at the Roman bar, to consent to undergo another trial at the tribunal of these Jews, who have just failed again to prove their charges against me, and have therefore not the slightest claim upon me, as you must yourself be now con- vinced, if you knew it not before ? ' 11. For if I be an offender, or have committed any tiling Avorthy of death, I refuse not to die ; but if there be none of these thhigs whereof these accuse me, no man may dehver me unto them. I appeal mito Cesar. This verse shoM'S still more clearly that the ground as- sumed by Paul in that before it, is the ground of his own iimocence, not merely as asserted by himself but as judicially established. He indignantly disclaims a base desire to shun investigation or to escai:>e any punishment of which he may be proved worthy. For relates to this disclaimer — 'I am not merely seekhig to shun danger, for if'' &c. If I am guilty, the same technical expression used in v. 10, although here translated by a different phrase [if I be an offender), which obscures the connection to the English reader. If I have done, etc., i. e. if I am proved on trial to have done so ; if such is the result of the investigation just concluded, then I do not refuse, literally, beg off, ask to be exempted as a favour from the punishment which I deserve. (Compare the less emphatic use of the same verb in Luke 14, 18. 19. 1 Tim. 4, 7. 5, 11. 2 Tim. 2, 23. Tit. 3, 10. Ileb. 12, 19. 25.) If there be none of tJtese things, i. e. if their charges have been proved already to be frivolous and groundless. This is really equivalent to say- ing, since they have been proved to be so, the conditional ex- pression being often so employed in Greek (see above, on 4, 9. 11, 17. 23, 9.) Ko [one) can (i. e. lawfully) deliver me, a very inadequate translation of the Greek verb, which means to do ACTS 25, 11. 389 a favour, or bestow a gift (see above, on 3, 14, and below, on 27,24), and should be taken in its strict sense here. 'If I have been found guilty, let me suifer, without further trial. If I have not, to remand me to their bar would be to make a present of me to my enemies, which no man, no, not even you, can rightfully or justly do.' From this reply of Paul, we learn that Festus, although not unfriendly, and no doubt con- vinced of his innocence, had made a gratuitous and dangerous proposal, simply to gratify the Jews, by conceding what ap- peared to him a matter of indiflerence, or at most a matter of mere form. By this proposal he betrayed such a deficiency, either of judgment or of knowledge, that no uprightness of intention or amenity of temper could have made the cause of the Apostle safe so long as it was under his control. By a prompt and unexpected movement, therefore, he removes it instantly beyond the reach, not only of the Jews, but of the governor himself. I appeal unto Cesar^ or, as the words primarily signify, Cesar I invoke^ the same verb that is else- where used to denote the religious invocation of our Lord by his disciples (see above, on 2, 21. 7, 59. 9, 14. 21. 22, 16.) The essential meaning may be that of calling to one's aid, invoking help, either m prayer to a superior being, or by appeal to a superior tribunal. The right of appeal to the people, in a body or as represented by the tribunes, was one of the most valued rights of Roman citizens, and still continued to be so regarded, even after the sujn-eme judicial power of the people had been transferred to the emperors. Particular importance was attached to the right of appeal from the judgments of provincial magistrates. According to ancient writers, no de- lay or written form was requisite, the only act necessary to arrest the judgment being the utterance of the word Appello! The magic power of this one word is described as similar to that of the talismanic phrase, Cims Romanus sum ! (See above, on 16, 37. 21,25.) Indeed the two things coincided, as it was the Roman citizen, and not the mere provincial sub- ject of the empire, who could thus transfer his cause from any inferior tribunal to that of the Emperor himself The posses- sion of this citizenship, therefore, was the providential means of saving Paul, at this critical juncture, not only from the power of his Jewish foes, but also from the weakness of his Roman friends. For it will now be seen, that while in v. 10 he contrasts the Jewish courts with that of Festus, as the re- presentative of Roman justice, in the close of that before us, he 390 ACTS 'Jo, U-i;;. ascends even from the bar of Festiis to the tribunal of liis lord and master. (See 1)elo\v, on v. 20.) 12. Then Festus, Avlicn lie had eonferred with the council, answered, J last thou appealed unto Cesar? unto Cesar slialt thou go. Ilaruig conferred (literally, tdUced or spoken) loith the coiDicil^ not that of the Jews, whieli was not present as a body, and is never so described, the Greek word elsewhere always meaning consultation, Matt. 12, 14 not exce])ted ; but his own assessors or advisers, a kind of local court or jury, who assist- ed the provincial magistrates in their judicial functions. The conference, in this case, was occasionc^d not so much by any doubt or difficulty as by the surprise which Paul's abrupt a})- peal occasioned. According to the ancient legal books, there were some excepted cases, in which the right of appeal was suspended or entirely withheld ; but it seems to have been only where the public peace or safety was endangered by de- lay, as when a pirate or insurgent was detected in the very act. However this may be, the Procurator's council could see no ground for refusing Paul's appeal, and Jfestus therefore entertains it. JIast thou invoked (or appealed to) Cesar P may be also read affirmatively, as in the oldest English ver- sions and the best modern commentaries, thoit hast appealed unto Cesar. It is objected, that the interrogative construc- tion makes the clause more spirited and pointed ; but the very argument against it is, that it imparts to this reply of Festus a flippant and sarcastic tone, Avhicli does not properly belong to it. Without the question, the words simply mean, ' (As) thou hast appealed to Cesar, unto Cesar thou shalt go,' which may have been the customary formula in granting or sustaining such appeals. By this decided and sagacious step, Paul, act- ing under the divine direction, although not perhaps entirely aware of what was to ensue, not only placed himself beyond the reach of his vindictive enemies, but secured his long de- signed and promised visit to Rome. (See above, on 19, 21. 23, 11, and compare Rom. 1, 15.) 13. And after certain days king Agrippa and Ber- nice came unto Cesarea to salute Pestus. ACTS 25, 13. 391 The appeal recorded in the verse precediiio: put an end to all judicial process against Paul, both in the Jewish and th'c Roman courts of Palestine. It might have seemed, therefore, that he could have no further opportunity of self-defence or argumentative appeal to his own nation. And yet he did ap- ]»ear once more, before its highovst representative, and there delivered what, in some respects, is the most characteristic and complete of his Apologies. This singular and unexpected close of Paul's extraoi-dmary mission to Judea seemed to call for explanation, to aiford which is Luke's purpose in the re- mainder of this chapter, where he states distinctly the appa- rently fortuitous occasion of this last appearance. After cer- tain days, literally, some days havwg intervened, or happened, come to pass, between (see below, on 27, 9, and compare Mark 16, 1.) Af/r7p2)a the Icing, sometimes called Agrippa the Second or Younger, to distinguish him from his flither, Agrip- pa the First, always called Herod in this book, whose misera- ble death is recorded in 12, 23 above. When that event took place, the Emperor Claudius, the friend and patron of the yoimger Agrippa, who had been brought up at Rome, was dissuaded ])y his counsellors from giving to a youth of seven- teen the whole dominion of his father (see above, on 12, 1), but bestowed upon him the kingdom of Chalcis which had belonged to his uncle Herod, and afterwards gave him the tetrai-chate of his nncle Philip, with certain parts of Galilee and Perca, with the royal title. To this was eventually added the guardianship of the temple, the keeping of the sacred vest- ments, and the right of nominating the High Priest. Here again the -writer's truthfulness and knowledge of his subject are evinced by the precision and the conhdence with which he steers through all these complicated changes without once committing even an anachronism or misnomer. Three times, in the course of the Xew Testament history, we find a Herod on the throne, yet always with some variation in the circum- stances, which would have proved a snare to a, fictitious writer. Thus the two Agrip]:)as were both kings, but not of the same kingdom, the father reigning over Judea, while the son was present only as a visitor, and the province was again annexed to Syria and governed by a Procurator (see above, on 23, 23.) He is represented by Josephus as a zealous Jew, at least ex- ternally, and even in the Talmud there is a story of his weep- ing at the public reading of the law forbidding any Gentile to bear rule in Israel, whereupon the people cried out to console 392 ACTS 25, 13. and reassure liini. Accordino: to Josej)lms, he was not re Sfarded by tlie Jews witli nmeli alVection or respect, on ac- count oi'liis heatlien education and ecjnivocal ])osition between Jews and (Gentiles, wliich was afterwards detined ])y his ad- herini^ to the llonians, in the iinal strugude which destroyed the Jewish cliurcli and comnionwealtli. During tlie sliort ad- mmistration of Festus, he and Aixrippa were involved in a controversy witli the Jews, occasioned by tlie king's erecting an apartment in his palace on !Mount Zion, from which he could see all that ]»assed in the enclosure of tlie tein]>le, even when reclining at his meals, to obstruct which view the people built a wall before his windows. This dispute was carried up to Rome, and finally decided in favour of the people through tlie influence of Nero's wife, Poppa^a, whom Josephus speaks of as devout, that is, a secret or avowed adherent of the Jew- ish faith. All this was subsequent to what is here recorded ; for we tind Agiippa paying a visit of congratulation to the newly arrived governor, witli whom he may have been ac- quainted formerly at Rome. The incestuous marriages, for which the Ilerods were proverbial, are said to have had one example in the case of this Agrippa and his eldest sister Ber- nice, who no\v attended him to Cesarea. Her first husband was her uncle, Herod king of Chalcis, after whose death she resided with Agrippa, till, in order to avoid reproach and scandal, she persuaded Polemon, king of Cilicia, to become a Jew and marry her, which he did for the sake of her supposed wealth, but atterwards forsook Ijoth his wife and his religion, whereupon she returned to her brother, and at length crowned her infamous career by becoming the mistress of two succes- sive Roman Emperors, father and son, Vespasian (so says Tacitus) and Titus (so says Suetonius.) With such repre- sentatives of Judaism long resident at Rome, it is no wonder that the poet Juvenal, in one of his most bitter and severe allusions, should combine the sabbath and abstinence from swine's flesh with the incest of Bernice and Agrippa, as char- acteristics of the race and the religion. This odious relation, as a key to Agripi>a's moral character, is thought by some to be suggested by the prominence here given to Bernice, with- out any designation of her rank or lineage. That these cor- ruptions were not merely personal, but tainted the whole family, may be inferred from the description previously given of Drusilla, a younger sister of the two here mentioned. (See above, on 24, 24.) Some suppose Agrippa's visit upon this ACTS 25, 13-15. 393 occasion, though ostensibly designed to welcome Felix, to have had some reference to the case of Paul, which he may- have regarded as belonging to his own jurisdiction as the guardian of the temple and protector of the Jews, though not the civil ruler of Judea. But as no such motive is suggested in the context, and as both Agrippa and Bernice paid a simi- lar visit to the Procurator Gessius Florus, it is better to ex- plain it as a complimentary attention, or perhaps as an official recognition of the Roman sovereignty by the successors of the native kings. 14. And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the khig, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix — W/ie?i (literally, as, or while) thet/ had been (literally, were spending time) there., the same Greek verb that is used above in v. 6. Many, Uterally, more, i. e. more than one, several, a few (see above, on 13, 31. 21, 10. 24, 17.) Declared PauVs cause, or more exactly, stated (or referred) the {things) con- cerning Paul. (Compare the use of the same verb by Paul himsell". Gal. 2, 2.) The idea is not that of official reference or report, but rather of a casual colloquial statement, although Festus, if the motive afterwards expressed was real, may have meditated such a course from the beginnmg. This narrative of Festus is as near to that of Luke as would be natural m such a case, although there may be some exaggerations or em- bellishments, as we shall see below. In bonds, Uterally, a prisoner, or imprisoned, the Greek word being used in the classics as an adjective, but in the New Testament always else- where as a noun (see above, on IG, 25. 27. 23, 18, and compare Matt. 27, 15. 16. Mark 15, 6.) In Paul's epistles, written dur- ing his captivity, he uses this word as a favourite description of himself (see Eph. 3, 1. 4, 1. 2 Tim. 1, 8. Philem. 1, 9.) 15. About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed (me), desiring (to have) judgment against him. Ahont (concerning, with respect to) whom, I being at (or to, i. e. having previously come to) Jeruscdem. Informed, as in V. 2 and in 24, 1 above. Desiring to have, literally, asking 394 ACTS 25, 15. Hi. (for tljcmselvcs), the saiiic veil) in llio iiiiddlt^ voice employed above in v. 3. The expression here is not so stronof, however, since instead oi\f<(rour^ tliev are said to have askciljudfpnent, not L'onderiuKttion^ as the Greek word elsewhere means from its connection (see below, on 28, 4, and compare 2 Thess. 1, 9. Jude 7, in all which places it is rendered vcn(/eancc), hut jus- tice, i. e. a fair trial, which was the j)retext of the Jipplication, as appears from Luke's account of it (see above, on vs. 3. 9.) They desired Paul's condemnation, no doubt, as the issue of his trial at their bar; but all they dared to ask was justice. IG. To Avliom I answered, It is not tlie manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he Avliich is accused have the accusers face to face, and liave Uccnse to answer for hhnsclf concerning the crime laid against him. This reply is altogether different from that in v. 4, where the api)lication is refused from mere considerations of conven- ience. It is altogether possible, however, that both answers were returned, and that Luke has chosen to record each only once. Another explanation of the dilFerence, less jjleasing in itself and less creditable to Festus, is that heembellishedhis statement to Agri])[)a, by relating not only what he said but what he might have said on that occasion. The reply itself lias always been regarded as a true and honourable testimony to the Koman love of justice, the most real and conspicuous of the national virtues. Manner (or custom) is a feeble repro- duction of the Greek word (c^^os), which, in reference not only to the Jews (see above, on 6, 14. 15, 1. 21,21), but to the Gentiles (see above, on 16, 21), would necessaiily suggest the additional ideas of established law and religious usage. The practice here repudiated was to the Romans both illegal and irreligious. To deliver^ as a gift, or as a means of gratifying others, the same expression that occurs above in v. 11, and which Festus may have borrowed from Paul's speech on that occasion, a remark admitting of a wider application to the whole of this fine Roman sentiment, for which the judge was very possibly inde])ted to the prisoner at his bar. To die^ lit- erally, to (or for) destruction (or jy^'-f^^dlon^ see above, on 8, 20) ; but these words are not found in the oldest copies, and are therefore omitted by the latest critics, the idea being cer- ACTS 25, lG-18. 395 tainly implied, if not expressed. He which is accused^ or more simply and exactly, the accused, corresponding, both in form and sense, to the accusers. The combination of tlie singidar and phiral form was probably suggested by the case in hand, where one man was accused by many. Mice to face, literally, to {his) face, i. e. before him, in his presence (see above, on 3, 13), which maybe regarded as an abbreviation of the other phrase (see 1 Cor. 13, 12, and compare the marginal translation of 2 John 12. 3 John 14.) License to answer for himself or more exactly, place of apology (or self-defence), which some take literally in the sense of a place where he may defend him- self, but most interpreters in that of opportunity, including a sufficient space of time. (Compare place of repentance, Heb. 12, 17, and the corresponding Latin phrase, poenitentiae locus, used by Livy, Tacitus, and "PHny.) The crime laid against him is in Greek a single word meaning charge or accusation, as explained above (on 23, 29.) 17. Therefore, Avlien tliey were come hither, with- out any deLay, on the morrow, I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth. Whe7i they were come hither, literally, they having come together here, i. e. at Cesarea, in obedience to the order here omitted but before recorded (see above, on v. 5.) Without any delay, literally, snaking no delay (or p)ostponement), a noun corresponding to the verb used above (in 24, 22) of Felix, to whose gratuitous procrastination there may here be a complacent reference, though true in flict, as the testimony of Festus is confirmed by that of Luke himself (see above, on v. 6.) Sitting (or having sat doicn) on the bench (or judg- ment-seat, tribunal, see above, on vs. 6. 10), / commanded the man to he brought {in or forth, i. e. from the prison, as supplied by the translators.) 18. Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I sup- posed— Against whom, literally, about ichom, which may either mean, concerning whom, as in the last clause of v. IG, or have its primary and local sense, arouiid him standing^ an idea be- 39C ACTS 25, 18. 19. fore expressed by a vcrl) coinijounded with tliis same preposi- tion (see above, on v. 7.) Tiiis const rnetion is now commonly ])reierred, as it connects the lirst words of the verse toi^ether, and at the same time makes tlie scene more lively by descril>- ini:^ the accusers not as standinir merely, but as standini; or gathcrinir around the accused. Kone^ as an adjective directly coupled with a noun, belonics to old En<;lish usajj^e, tlie modern dialect, in all such cases, substituting ')io. (Other exam])les of the old form may be seen in Deut. 28, GO. Mic. 3, 11. 1 Cor. 10, 32. 1 Tim. 5, 14.) Of such things as (or those things which) I supposed (surmised, suspected, or conjectured), implying a want of clear and definite knowledge (see above, on 13, 25, and below, on 27, 27.) Festus here refers, no doubt, to tliat which Gallio expressly named upon a like occasion (see above, on 18, 14), namely, legal or moral wrong, as distinguished from mere error of opinion. The resemblance between these two speeches, altliough not so great as to impair their individ- uality, is just what might have been expected from the simi- larity of circumstances, both the governors in question being strangers or new comers, and entirely unacquainted with the Jews' reliirion. 19. But had certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be ahve. Questions^ the plural of the word employed by Gallio, in 18, 15, and there explained. Against him, literally, to or at him, as the jierson whom they charged with heresy, the pre- position signitying not hostility directly, but the object of ad- dress or controversy (see above, on 11, 2.) 0/ (about, con- cerning, as in V. 10) their oic/i religion, an equivocal expression, upon which the si)eaker and the hearers were at liberty to put their o^\Tl construction, as denoting either piety or supersti- tion. It is a kindred word to that employed in the exordium of Paul's discourse at Athens (see above, on 17, 22) and there explained. From the use of this word (in the sense of super- stition) it has been inferred that Agri))pa could not be a Jew, or Festus would not have insulted him so grossly. But the argument is all the other way, to wit, that as we know Agrij^pa to have been a Jew (sec above, on v. 13, and below, on 20, 3. 27), the word must at least admit of a good sense. That this ACTS 25, 19. 397 speech is not copied from the speech of Gallio, is apparent from the circmnstance that while the hitter uses terms of gen- eral description {icoi'ds and names and law)^ Festus fastens on a single question, that of Christ's resurrection, and describes it just as might have been expected from a Roman of good sense, but not acquainted with the Jewish Scriptures or the Christian doctrines. The transition from the general to the special statement of the points at issue is indicated by the and — ' about their own religion and (especially) about one (or a certain) Jesus (now) dead (or a certain deceased Jesus)^ ichom Paul affirmed (or solemnly declared, the same verb as in 24, 9) to live (i. e. to be alive), which may either mean to live still (i. e. not to have died), or to live again (i. e. to have revived or risen from the dead.) The very ambiguity of this expres- sion corresponds no doubt to the precise state of the speaker's mind on this perplexing and confounding subject, as he prob- ably was not aware precisely what Paul meant beyond the general assertion that the man in question w^as alive. The charge of scornful and incredulous misrepresentation, brought by some of the old writers against this description of the con- troverted question, is at variance with what we know besides of Festus, and tar less natural in this connection than the view just taken of the passage, as exhibiting precisely the impres- sion hkely to be made upon the mind of even an intelligent and candid heathen, by the comphcated issues of the contro- versy between Jews and Christians. This character of truth- fulness is made more striking by the fact that the specific pohit, which Festus singles out in his description of the charges against Paul, is precisely that which Paul makes even strangely prominent in his own discourses (see above, on 23, 6. 24, 15. 10, and below, on 26, 6-8.) The more inexplicable this pro- ceeding upon Paul's part may as yet appear, the more surpris- ing is the strict fidelity with which it is reproduced by Festus, to whom it must have been still more enigmatical, and whose account of it is therefore a strong proof of authenticity and genuineness in the record. Besides the points of similarity and diiference between the words of Gallio and Festus, they may also be compared with those of Claudius Lysias in his let- ter to Felix (see above, on 23, 29), where the same natural l)erplexity ap})ears, but with more reference to practical than si)eculative difiiculties, and with a more negative description of the '' questions," as involving no ofi;euce deserving death, or even imprisonment. 898 ACTS 25, 20. '20. And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked (him) wliether he woukl go to Jeru- salem, and there be judged of these matters. Bcrause I doubted, literally, being at a loss, perplexed, confounded (see above, on 2, 12, where the etymology and usage of the Greek verb are explained.) The marginal ver- sion of the next words {how to inquire hereof) is probably nearer to the sense of the original than that given in the text, thouirh both are i>araphrases rather than translations. Being perjylexed (or at a loss) as to the inquiry about these (things), i. e. how such matters could be judicially investigated. The word here rendered inquiry is a connate form to that so otlen rendered question (see above, on 15, 2. 18, 15. 23, 29, and be- low, on 2G, 3), but with a ditFerence of termination (^7x170-15 and ^rjTqfxa), regarded by the best Greek philologists as expressing two distinguishable shades of meaning, namely, the subject and the act of disputation. The questions mentioned in v. 19 were themselves perplexing to the mind of Festus ; but the particular perplexity, of which he here complains, was in rela- tion to the method of inquiry or investigation. ' Being doubt- ful how such questions could be made the subject of inquiry in a court of justice.' This seems a natural and reasonable ground for wishing to transfer the case to Jewish hands; but it is not found in Luke's account of what was said on this oc- casion, which ascribes the Procurator's proposition to a very different motive (see above, on v. 9.) Nor is any such reason presupposed or recognized in Paul's reply, which treats the proposition as unreasonable and unfair, and makes it the occa- sion of his own appeal. From all this it is probable that Fes- tus, like too many men in similar circumstances, instead of simply stating what he said before, avails himself of what has since occurred to him upon reflection, and improves the logic of his speech at the expense of its historical exactness. He originally made the proposition, as Luke tells us, to conciliate the Jews, but afterwards excogitated reasons of a higher kind, by which it might be plausibly supported. Such vanations may be made almost unconsciously, and cannot therefore be adduced as proofs of 7nala fides or malus animus, although they may evince, as in the case before us, a greater care for one's own credit than for truth or for the interests of others. These {things) is the reading of the oldest manuscrijits and latest critics ; the received text is this, in the singular num- ACTS 25, 20. 21. 399 ber, which in Greek may be either masculine or neuter, this (man)^ i. e. Jesus, Avhose life or death was in dispute, or this (thing), i. e. this whole matter or aiFair, which is substantially the same thing with the plural reading. J asked him (literally, said) if (or ichether) he \oould go^ not an auxiliary tense but two distinct verbs, ichether he desired (or loas willing) to go. (See above, on 17, 20. 18, 15. 19, 30. 22, 30. 23, 28 ; and for the like use of a different verb, on 7, 28. 39. 10, 10. 14, 13. 16,3. 17,18. 19,33. 24,6.) Go^ depart, or journey, a verb implying distance and removal (see above, on v. 12.) Judged^ tried, put on trial (see above, on vs. 9. 10.) Of (about, con- cerning) these {things)^ or about these questions, which to Festus were so puzzling and inscrutable. The impression nat- urally made by this whole statement must have been, that Paul had not been tried at all smce Festus came into the prov- mce, but had stubbornly refused to be so, and in order to avoid it had appealed to Cesar. But this impression is to us corrected by the narrative of Luke himself, from which we learn that it was after Paul had been accused and heard in his defence by Festus, with an utter failure, on the part of his ac- cusers, to substantiate their charges, that the governor had asked him to be tried again at Jerusalem, from which gratui- tous and dangerous proposal, whether made ignorantly or in- sidiously, Paul was obliged to escape by suddenly appealing to the Emperor. Whatever impression this misstatement may have made upon Agrippa, it has not been without effect on some interpreters, who seem to take their views of Paul's case rather from what Festus asserts here than fi'om what Luke re- lates in vs. 7-12 above. 21. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearmc: of Au2:ustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Cesar. Paul appealing (or having appealed) to he reserved (or 7ce2)t) seems at first an incongruous construction ; but the first verb really includes the sense of claiming^ Avhich would here be perfectly appro})riate. He appealed (and thereby virtually claimed) to be reserved, etc. Hearing (margin, judgment) is in Greek diagnosis^ a term still employed in medicine to sig- nify the critical discrimination of diseases, but applied more widely in the classics to any discriminating judgment or deci- sion. (For the usage of the prunitive or cognate verb, see 400 ACTS 25, 21. 22. above, on 23, 15. 24,22.) Aicjustus^ like the Greek word which it here transhiles, is })roj)erly an adjective denotini^ ven- erable, reverend, aut^iist. It is strictly a rclii^ious title, and describes, its subject as entitled to divine lionours, in which sense it was idulatrously u;iven by the llcnnan Senate and peo- l)le to Octavian Caesar, tlie first Eni))eror, iVom wliom it was inherited by his successors, as an ollicial title or description. It is here ai>i)]ied to Nero, not by Paul, wlio uses only the fam- ily name Cesar (see above, on vs. 8. 10. 11, and compare Phil. 4, 22), but by Festus, not as a mere lionorary title, but no doubt in its higliest and most heathenish acceptation, thouijh he also uses the less Hattering name in this same sentence. To be kept^ another tense of the verb rendered in the preceding clause, to he reserved^ both suggesting the additional idea of being watched or guarded (see above, on v. 4, and on 12, 5.6. IG, 23. 24, 23.) Until (the time when or at Avhich) I might (should or could) seiid him to Cesar. The delay referred to might have reference to legal forms required in such cases, or to military orders for the escort of the prisoner, or to an op- ])ortunity of safe and speedy passage from Judea into Italy. Tlie interval, however, was not probably a long one (see be- low, on 27, 1.) 22. Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him. Would hear., like would go in v. 20, is not a compound tense of one verb, as in English, but a phrase consisting of two distinct and independent verbs, the lirst of which means to desire (or wish), and is here in the indicative imperfect form. The simplest and most obvious version, therefore, would be, I desired (or I was wishing), with respect to past time, more or less remote. Some accordingly explain it as referring to a wish excited in Agrippa's mind while listening to Festus ('I was wishing just now that I could myself hear him ') ; others to a Avish of earlier date and longer standing (' I desired to hear him long ago,' or ' before I came upon this visit'), which might then be understood as implying that he came at least in part for this purpose. This construction is especially preferred by those who think it not unUkely that Agrippa came to Cesarca, with a view to claim at least con- current jurisdiction witli the Procurator over Paul's case, as ACTS 25, 22. 23. 401 that of a native Jew, and as such nnder his protection and control (but see above, on v. 13.) Most interpreters, however, and es[)ecially the most exact piiilolop,'ists of modern times, explain tlie Greek verb, like the similar imperfect used by- Paul in Rom. 9, 2, as the indirect expression of a present wish, correctly rendered in the English version. The nice distinc- tion in Greek usage, as explained by these authorities, is that the present tense Avould have represented the result as de- pendent on the speaker's will (as in Rom. 1, 13. IG, 19. 1 Cor. 16, 7. 1 Tim. 2, 8) ; the imperfect with the qualifying particle (dv) would have meant, I could loish (but I do not) ; whereas this precise form is expressive of an actual and present wish, but subject to the will of others, 'I could wish, if it were pro- per, or if you have no objection.' This courteous suggestion or request is promptly responded to by Festus, who was no doubt glad of such important aid in settling this vexatious question. The dramatic movement of the sentence is still more marked in two of the oldest extant manuscripts, which omit the verb said in the first clause, and its subject or nomi- native (6 hi) in the last clause. 23. And on the morrow, wlien Agrippa was come, and Bernice, Avitli great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and prin- cipal men of the city, at Pestus' commandment Paul was brought forth. On the morrow^ a favourite expression in this book, though not always uniform in English,' being sometimes rendered the next day. (Compare 10,9.23.24. 20,7. 22,30. 23, 32, with 14, 20. 21, 8, and v. 6 above, in all which places the original expression is the same.) Agrippa having come (or coming) and Bernice^ again named as his companion, and again with- out describing her relation to him, perhaps for the reason be- fore hinted (see above, on v. 13.) With great pyomp^ literally, much fantasy^ a Greek word current in old English, in the restricted sense o^ fancy ^ whicli is really contracted from it, but in ancient usage meaning sliow, display, parade, poniji, as it is here correctly rendered. This might be nothing more than the usual and necessary state maintained by royal per- sonages, as the only means of distinguishing their rank ; but most interpreters suppose it to be here recorded m the way 402 A C T S 25, 23. 24. of censuro, as a lu'cclloss and excessive ostentation, throwing liglit ujion the cliaracter of tliese two persons, and made doubly odious by tlieir mutual relation and by tlie local cir- cumstance, that this display was made almost upon the very spot where their lather, a few years belbre, was smitten by an anj^el and devoured by worms, ibr the induli^ence of a pride very similar to that suj)i)osed to be liere charged npon his children. (See above, on 12, 21-23.) Entered^ literally, coming in,, a comj)ound form of the verb coming in the lirst clause. Place of hearing is in Greek a single word, not used by the ancient classics, and supposed to have been Ibrmed upon the model of the Latin auditorium^ which properly means any place of hearing, such as a lecture-room or court-room ; but as this last usage, even of the Latin word, did not become fixed till the second century, its Greek equivalent most proba- bly denotes, not a i)lace constantly appropriated to this use, but one appointed for the present occasion, no doubt an apart- ment of the Praetorium in Cesarea (see above, on 23, 35.) The other persons mentioned were probably invited to give eclat to the audience, which in this respect was therefore the most brilliant and imposing of all Paul's appearances. Chief captains,, chiliarchs, commanders of a thousand men, i. e. of cohorts (see above, on 10. 1. 21, 31), five of which, as Josephus mentions twice, were stationed at Cesarea, as the political capital of the province. Principal men^ literally, men by {icay of) eminence (ov 2)ro7ni?ience), the prominent or leading men of Cesarea, whether ex officio or as private citizens. 24. And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem and (also) here, crying that he ought not to live any longer. For the information of the strangers present, and perhaps to justify the singular occurrence of what seemed to be an- other tiial after an appeal to the supreme tribunal, Festus opens the assembly with an explanatory statement of the pre- vious jjroceedings and of his own design in this. Jving Agrip- ]ya (in the original, Agrijypa lying) is first addressed by name, as the highest in rank of the spectators, and the one for w^hose gratification this assembly had been really, though not perhaps ACTS 25, 24. 25. 403 ostensibly, convened, Anc7 all the men (or gentlemen) i^resent icith us {here is supi)Iiecl by the translators.) Bernice^ although present, is not named, because a woman could not be consid- ered as taking part injudicial business, without a violation both of Oriental and Roman usage. Ye see, behold, survey, con- template as a strange sight (see above, on 7, 56. 8, 13. 10, 11. 17, lO), or imj^eratively, see, behold (the man of whom you have so often heard.) All the 7nultitude (or mass, see above, on 2, 6. 6, 2. 15, 30. 23, 7) may be either a hyperbole, relating to the priests and elders, or a reference to some popular move- ment not recorded elsewhere, although perfectly consistent with the known facts of the case, and with the habits of the peo])le at Jerusalem (see above, on 21, 36.) Dealt iclth me, applied to me, petitioned me, a Greek verb originally meaning to fall in with or encounter, then to meet, confer, converse, negotiate, intercede, either for, as in every other place where it occurs (Rom. 8, 27. 34. 11, 2. Heb. 7, 25), or against a person, as in this place. Crymg, shouting, and thereby showing the passionate excitement imder which they acted. Here, at Ce- sarea, in allusion, no doubt, to the deputation from Jerusalem, of which we read in vs. 5. 17 above. As no popular commo- tion is recorded to have taken place there, it is not improbable that even what is said in the preceding clause has reference to the Sanhedrim and not to the rabble at Jerusalem. 25. But when I found that he had committed nothhig worthy of death, and that he hhnseh' hath appealed to Augustus, I have determmed to send him. 'Whe7i I found, literally, apprehending, ascertaining, or perceiving (see above, on 4, 13. 10, 34) him. to have done nothing icorthy of death, another proof that Paul had actual- ly been tried before Festus, when the latter made the proposi- tion which occasioned his appeal (see above^ on vs. 7. 8. 20) ; for on what other ground could Festus here assert his inno- cence ? Had Festus promptly acted on the strong conviction here expressed, by setting Paul at liberty, the latter could have no pretext for appeahng. It was because Festus, though convinced of his innocence, instead of giving judgment in his favour, weakly and unreasonably asked him to submit to a new trial, at another and most prejudiced tribunal; it Avas therefore that Paul found himself compelled to gain deliver- ance from both by an assertion of his civil rights. This {man) 404 ACTS 25, L'5. 20. himself having appealed to Cesar ^ from what decision, or for wliat cause, PVstus careliiUy abstains from sayinj^, eitlier here or in his previous and private statement of tlie case to Acriip- pa. / ihtermined to se?td him^ not by an arbitrary act of will, or even by a perenii>tory act of judL,nnent, which is not the meaning of tlie Greek verb (see above, on 3, 13. 4, 19. 15, 19. 20, 10. 21, 25), but I came to this conclusion, I was satisfied that tliis was the true course, as it was in fact the only one left to his discretion (see above, on v. 12.) Before proceeding to the next verse, it is indispensable to get a just view of the painful and embarrassing i)osition, to which Festus had re- duced himself by a vacillating and time-serving policy. Here was a man who had been tried before him (see above, on vs. 7. 8), with an utter fiiilure, on the part of his accusers, to sub- stantiate their charges, as the governor himself admits in this verse. He was therefore virtually though not formally ac- quitted, and his appeal was not from a decision in his favour, w^hich would be absurd, but from the Procurator's fiiiling or refusing to pronounce such a decision, unless Paul would sub- mit to a new trial at Jerusalem. 26. Of wliom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him fortli before you, and speciahy before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write. Having seen the false position in which Festus had been placed by his attempt to please the Jews instead of acting on his own sense of justice and conviction of Paul's innocence, we come now to his own disguised confession of the error into which he had thus fallen. Of (about, concerning) whom (as in \. 24) einy (thing) safe (infallible or certain, see above, on 2, 30. 5, 23. 10, 23. 24. 21, 34. 22, 30) to icrite unto the Lord I have not j icJierefore (for the reason just assigned, that he had nothing definite or certain to report) I brought him forth {or forward) before you^ and especially before thee (as a judge, which idea is suggested by the Greek preposition, as in v. 9, and in 23, 30. 24,8. 19. 20.) Not that Agrippa was to be a real judge in this case, or could possibly decide it after the prisoner's appeal to Nero ; but by acting just as if he could do this, he might relieve the governor from some perplexity. ACTS 25, 20. 27. 405 That the inquest (or examination) having taken lilace^ 1 might have somewhat to icrite (or according to the latest critics, have ichat I may icrite.) This plausible address, with- out directly violating truth, is suited, and was probably in- tended, to convey the false impression, that the governor's embarrassment arose entirely from his ignorance of Jewish usages and doctrines, and could therefore be removed by the assistance of a person so well skilled in all such matters, and at the same time so exalted in position, as the king Agrippa. But this embarrassment, though real when the cause tirst came before him, must have been removed in a great measure by the trial spoken of in vs. 8. 9, or he could not have pro- nounced Paul guiltless, as he does in v. 25. The real difficulty of his present situation lay in the necessity of sending Paul to Home, because he had himself neglected to perform his duty, and was therefore utterly unable to report the case to iSTero without sell-crimination, unless something should occur in this mock-trial or rehearsal of the one before the Emperor, to put a new face on the whole affair, of which he seems to have indulged some vague and groundless expectation. The Lord (or Mas- ter) in this verse is not a synonyme for sovereign., in the ordi- nary secular or civil sense, but Hke Augustus (see above, on V. 21), a religious or idolatrous description of the Emperor as a divine person (see above, on 24, 2.) There is here a strong proof of the writer's intimate acquaintance with the facts to Avhich he even mcidentally alludes, or rather of the absolute fidelity with -which he has reported what was said by others, in the circumstance that this very title [Dominus) had been indignantly rejected by Augustus, and in imitation of him by Tiberius, but afterwards accepted by Caligula and Claudius, and exacted by Xero, to whom Festus here applies it. (For kindred arfyuments derived from the right use of the titles corresponding to proco?isul^ king^ etc., see above, on 13, 7. 17, 7. 19,38.) 27. For it seemetli to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes (laid) agahist him. Unreasonable might perhaps be still more exactly rendered irrational., absurd., something not only unbecoming or impro- per, but a suitable subject of contempt and ridicule. This strong expression, which would hardly be appropriate to such 406 ACTS 25, 27. an error if arisinc: from mere iijnorance of Jewish laws, be- trays a secret eonsciousiu'ss tliat lie liad ]»l:iye(l the fool, as well as failed in duty, by allow ing Paul to take advantage of his weakness and esi"aj)e from his eontrol before he had passed judgment in the case, and Avhile he was gratuitously urging a new trial, with the risk of an unrighteous condemnation, merely because the Jews desired it, though convinced by what had ])assed already in his ])resence, that the prisoner was guiltless of the caj)ital otfence with which he had been charged (see above, on v. 25.) It is very i>robable that Festus would have forced Paul to submit to a new trial at Jerusalem, not for the purpose of destroying him, but simply to gain favour with the Jews, if such coercion had been in liis power. But from this the Apostle was delivered by his civitas or citizen- shi]i, which enabled him, by one decisive act, to overleap the heads both of the High Priest and the Procurator into the presence of the Emperor himself. To this, no doubt, he was divinely guided, as the providential means, not only of pro- longed life and of safe escape from Palestine after he had done his errand, but also of a final apostolical appearance at the bar of Xero (see below, on 28, 30. 31.) To send (literally, sending) a prisoner^ and not icithal (literally, 7iot also) to re- port (or sif/nifij^ but not in the same sense as in 11, 28 above) the charges (literally, causes^ grounds of punishment or pfose- cution, as in v. 18) against him {laid is introduced by the translators.) CHAPTER XXYI. Tins division of the text contains Paul's fifth Apology, the one before Agri})pa, representing botli the Jewish and the Roman power, at whose joint tribunal the Ajiostle recaj)itulates or sums up his defence, thereby closing his extraordinary mission to the Holy Land with another attempt to gain his kinsmen according to the flesh. The chapter requires and admits of no division beyond that afforded by the i)rogress of the argument or drift of the discourse, lieing called on by Agrippa to de- fend himself, he expresses satisfaction at the opportunity of doing so before one so familiar with all Jewish matters (1-3). ACTS 26, 1. 407 Then referring to liis early Pliarisaic life, as well known to the Jews, he points out the remarkable circumstance, that his old associates now accused him of believing their own doc- trines (4-8). Then resuming his narrative, he paints in the strongest colours his own persecuting agency, with aggravat- ing circumstances not recorded elsewhere (9-11). This is followed by a third account of his conversion, with a fuller statement of his great commission then received from Christ himself (12-18). This commission he had faithfully fulfilled, and by so doing had been brought into his present situation (19-21). He continues to maintain, however, that his teach- ing is in strict accordance with the ancient Scriptures, as to the Messiah's being both a sufferer and a saviour (22, 23). At this point Festus interrupts him with a charge of madness, to which Paul replies by courteously denpng his assertion and reminding him that this defence was not addressed to him, but to a person well acquainted with the subject, and indeed a be- liever in the Scriptures (24-27.) Agrippa acknowledges the power of Paul's argument, and agrees Avith Festus that the charges were without foundation, but reminds him that he ought to have discharged the prisoner before, instead of let- ting him appeal to Nero (28-32). i. Then Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permit- ted to speak for thyself. Then Paul stretched forth the hand, and answered for himself : Agrippa here begins to act his part as judge in this mock- trial, which was a sort of rehearsal or anticipation, on a small scale, of what might be expected to take place before the Emperor. It is permitted to tliee^ for thyself to speak. The first verb, in the classics, usually means to commit or to en- trust, but sometimes to permit, which is its only sense in the New Testament. (See above, on 21, 39. 40.) Then, in the first clause, is the usual connective (8e) ; in the last clause, the adverb {jot^) meaning at that time, or afler that, as soon as he received permission. (See above, on 21, 26. 33. 23, 3. 25, 12.) For himself is not expressed, as for thyself is, by a pronoun and a ])reposition, but by the middle voice of a verb wliich oiiginally means to talk off, or save from punishment by speak- ing. (See above, on 19, 33. 24,10. 28,8.) Extending (or stretddny out) the hand, not motioning for silence, as in 12, 17. 13, 16. 19,33. 21,40, where the Greek verb means to shake 408 ACTS 20, 1-:J. or sliako down ; but eitlicr as a customary ^^est uro at the opon- iniX t>r a spoL'ch ; or a sjiccitic rccon^nition oi' A[s;vi\)\n\, as tlie ono whom he eonsented to acMrcss ; at tlie same time intend- ed to remind him anervinf/y worshipping, a Greek word primarily signifying work for wages, and even in its higher use suggest- ing the idea of hard labour undergone with a view to some valuable recompense, an excellent description of the old econ- omy with its burdensome impositions and restrictions (see above, on 15, 10), borne by some as meritorious, by others simply in obedience to the will of God, by others still as a provisional or temporary system until Christ should come. Hope (agreeing with the singular collective in the first clause) to coDie, come do\\'n, arrive at, or attain to. (For the local usage of the Greek verb, see above, on IG, 1. 18, 19. 24. 20, 15. 21,7. 25,13; for its higher application to spiritual attain- ments, compare Eph. 4, 13. Phil. 3, 11.) Of (about, concern- ing) which hope, I am accused (and that) ^y Jeios (not the Jews, see above, on v. 2), i. e. by men whose whole religion rests upon the very hope which they accuse me of maintain- ing. The hope described in this verse cannot be that of a gen- eral resurrection, Avhich is only partially revealed in the Old Testament, and was not held by all the Jews at this time (see above, on 24, 15.) The only hope answering to the descrip- tion, as an ancient, national, and still intense one, is the hope of the Messiah, as promised to the Patriarchs, prefigured in the Law, jiredicted in the Prophets, and still ardently expect- ed by the People. This was in fact the end at which the com- plicated legal system aimed, and towards which it continually pointed. The words, /ci?ir/ Ar/rippa, are omitted by the latest critics, as an unauthorized repetition from v. 2, though several of the oldest manuscripts have one or both. The sense, in which Paul represents himself as charged with holding fast the hope of the nation, although not distinctly stated, must have been perceived by every Jewisli hearer. Common to him and his accusers was the hope of a Messiah ; the breaking point between them was the question whether he had come, which they denied and Paul affirmed He could therefore say with ACTS 26, V. 8. 9. 413 perfect truth, that he was tried (or on his trial) about, con- cerning, in relation to this hope, i. e. to its fulfilment. 8. Why should it be thought a thing incredible with you, that God should raise the dead ? The first word may be also construed as an exclamation, IJTiat ! is it judged incredible^ etc, f This is now commonly preferred, as givhig more vivacity and point to the apostrophe. Is it (not should it he) judged incredible loith you^ i. e. among the Jews, including Agrippa, whom Paul here addresses as their representative. That God shoidd raise^ or rather, if God raises dead (moi), not as a mere possible contingency, but as an actual fact, equivalent to saying, since he has done so. (For this use of if in Greek, see above, on 4, 9. 11, 17. 16, 15. 23, 9.) The reference is plainly to the resurrection of Christ, as the crowning proof of his Messiahship, and thus the nexus between this verse and the one before it, which appeared to be abruptly broken, is completely re-established. As if he had said, ' they believe in a Messiah, so do I ; but they expect him yet to come, while I believe that he is come already, not without grounds or on hearsay, but because God has identi- fied him by raising hun from the dead ; and surely this, if properly attested, cannot be thought by any devout Jew to be beyond his power.' Dead (not the dead) is in Greek a plural, and by some explained as a generic form relating to a single person (see above, on 17, 18) ; but it is rather an allu- sion to the general resurrection, of which Christ's was tlie pledge and the example. (See above, on 24, 15, where this part of Paul's doctrine is more prommently brought to view.) 9. I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth. Verihj^ or rather, so then^ the continuative particle resum- ing what had been previously dropped or interrupted (see above, on 8,4.25. 9,31. 11,19. 12, 5. 13, 4. 15,3.30. 16,5. 17,12.17.30. 18,14. 19,32.38. 23,18.31.) It here connects this verse with the last words of the fifth [I lived a Pharisee)^ from which he had digressed to point out the remarkable tact that he was now accused by Pharisees for holding their own doctrines, and to which he now returns, by showing how his Pharisaic spirit was displayed in action. ' Well then, as I was 414 ACTS 2(3, 0. 10. sayinGf, boinc^ such .i Pharisee, I thon^lit, etc' Wifh (to or iff) ini/selt\ a ]>le()iiaslir ]»lirase, Ibiiiul also in the classics, and suirirestin^ the idea Loth of independent judgment and of in- timate conviction. Oiujht (or mnst)^ in Greek tlie iniinitive of a verb used to denote both idiysical and moral necessity (see above, on 25, 10. 24.) Contrnry (hostile, or in opposition) to the name of Jesus the Nazarene (sec above, on 2, 22. 3; 6. 4, 10. 6, 14. 22, 8. 24, 5), i. e. o])posed to the person so called in contenijtt, even by Saul the Pharisee himself; or, according to the usage of this book, against all that is denoted by his names and titles, which describe liim as a Saviour, the Messiah, Prophet, Priest, King, etc. (See above, on 2, 38. 3, 0. 10. 4, 10.12.17.30. 5,41. 9,15. 15,14.20. 19,5.13.17. 21,13.) It never simply means the person of Christ, nor those who l)ear his name. Many {thinf/s) may either signify a frequent repetition of the same acts, or various forms and modes of opposition. 10. Which thing I also did in Jerusalem; and many of the saints did I shut up in prison, having re- ceived authority from the chief priests ; and when they were put to death, I gave my voice against (them). Which also I did^ i. e. I acted on this strong conviction of necessity and duty, beginning at Jerusalem. The saints^ or holy ones^ a designation of believers used three times in one chapter of the book before us (see above, on 9, 13. 32. 41), and still more frequently in Paul's epistles (see Rom. 1,7. 8, 27. 12,13. 15,25.20.31. 10,2.15. 1 Cor. 1, 2. 4,12. 14,13. 10, 1. 15. 2 Cor. 1, 1. Eph. 1, 1. Col. 1, 2. 4. 12. 20. 1 Th. 3, 13. 2 Th. 1,10. 1 Tim. 5, 10. Philem. 5, 7. Ileb. 0, 10. 3, 24.) The use of the term here imphes an acknowledgment of his former error in relation to these Christians, whom he now admits to have been saints of God. liut while he thus confesses his own sin, he denounces that of the Jewish rulers, by declaring under what authority he acted, namely, that of the fchief priests, here put for the whole Sanhedrim or national council (see above, on 4, 5. 23. 5, 24. 9, 14. 21. 22, 30. 23, 14. 25, 15.) In jyrison, literally, in priso?is. They also (tc) bei?i(/ executed (or de- spatched, see above, on 25, 3), I yave my voice (Uterally, hrovyht a vote) ayaiftst them. This is literally understood by some, as proving that Saul was a member of the Sanhedrim, ACTS 26, 10. 12. 415 which others think improbable for various reasons, and explain the phrase as a figure for personal concurrence and assent, which is elsewhere spoken of in literal terms (see above, on 8, 1. 22, 20.) 11. And I punished them oft in eveiy synagogue, and compelled (them) to blaspheme; and being ex- ceedingly mad against them, I persecuted (them) even unto strange cities. The second and is supplied by the translators. The origi- nal construction is, and often punishing them^ forced them to hlasplienie. In every synagogue^ or more exactly, throughout all synagogues^ a natural hyperbole, implying that this perse- cuting agency was not confined to one community or congre- gation, nor indeed to one country, as appears from the state- ment in the last clause. Punishing^ no doubt by scourging, which was a customary form of punishment, and practised in the synagogues or public meetings for religious worship (see Matt. 10, 17. 23, 34. Mark 13, 9.) Forced them to hlaspheme (or curse the name of Christ), not only tried to do so, but suc- ceeded in the case of those whose faith was weak or spurious. In the reign of Trajan, forty years later, as we learn from one of Pliny's letters, the same thing was required of the perse- cuted Christians in Bithynia ; but he says that none who real- ly believed in Christ could be induced or forced to do it. The last clause is descriptive of the highest point to which his per- secuting zeal attained, and which he here looks back upon as a paroxysm of insane excitement. Exceedingly too (re) raving (being mad or furious) against them^ I pursued {pv persecuted) them even also (or as far as even) to the foreign (literally, outside) cities. As Damascus is the only one of these expressly mentioned, some suppose the plural here again to be generic (see above, on v. 8) ; others think that this one instance was se- lected out of many, because connected with such great events. Most probably, however, Paul's commission extended to other cities, but his progress was arrested at the first. 12. Whereupon as I went to Damascus with au- thority and commission from the chief priests — • In which (thiiigs)^ i. e. while thus employed (compare a 410 ACTS 20, 12-15. similar expression in 24, 18 above.) As I went ^ literally, jour- neyinir, proeeediiiL^ (see above, on 24, 25. 25,12.20.) C'om- mission, a noun (•<)rres})on(ling to the verb employed above in V. 1. Paul insists upon his rei^ular commission an parent inconsistencies between this and the two previous nar- ratives of the same event. (See above, on 9, 1-9. 22, 0-11.) 13. At mid-day, O king, I saw in the way a lip^ht from heaven, above the brightness of the sun, shining round about me and them which journeyed with me. Here, as in 22, 0, the time of day when this occurrence took place is particularly mentioned, namely, mid-day (or the middle, of the day)^ which may be intended either to remind the hearers that this was no nocturnal vision, but an incident occurring in the blaze of noon, or as a vivid recollection, which would naturally dwell upon the mind of the chief actor, al- though just as naturally passed by in the narratives of others. An addition to the previous accounts is the description of the light from heaven as above (or beyond) the brightness of the sun^ and as shining not only about Paul Imnself, but also about those journeying with him. 14. 15. And Avhen we were all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice speaking unto me, and saying in the Hebrew tongue, Saul, Saul, why pcrsecutest thou me ? (it is) hard for thee to kick against the pricks. And I said, Wlio art thou, Lord ? And he said, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest. We all havitiy fallen to the earth, i. e. Paul and his com- panions mentioned in the verse preceding. This is not at variance with the statement in 9, 4. 7, where Paul alone is spoken of as falling to the earth, and those who journeyed ACTS 26, 14-] 6. 417 with him as standing speechless. But the verb stood^ there used, may be rendered had stood still, or stopped, at the first appearance of the Hght, and is opposed not so much to lying prostrate as to going on. They may therefore have fallen after Paul did, whose prostration Luke records exclusively, as that of the chief actor and great subject of the history. J/i the Hebrew dialect, i. e. perhaps the ancient Hebrew, although commonly explained to mean its Aramaic corruption, then vernacular in Palestine (see above, on 21, 40. 22, 2.) The last clause is admitted to be genuine in this place, even by those who reject it in 9, 5, where it has already been exj^lained as a l^roverbial expression, not for difficulty merely, but for danger as attending blind resistance to superior power. The question and answer in v. 15 are substantially the same in all accounts (but see above, on 22, 8), the chief variation being in the col- location of the words, which here follow, as in 9, 5 they pre- cede, the proverbial expression just referred to. This is no contradiction, inasmuch as neither of the narratives professes to record the exact order of the mcidents, which indeed is altogether unimportant. 16. But rise, and stand upon thy feet; for I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, to make thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou hast seen, and of those things in the which I will ap- pear unto thee — In the followdng verses, some things are ascribed directly to the Saviour, which in the former narrative are put into the mouth of Ananias, either because they were originally uttered by the Lord, and then repeated by his messenger, or because the distinction between what came directly and indirectly from the same source was considered unessential to the purpose of Paul's narrative. The command to arise is found in all the narratives, but in the first two followed by an order to go into the city, and there receive further instructions, which are here given immediately as if uttered on the spot. Stand upon tliy feet is an additional expression, no doubt preserved in Paul's own memory, though not recorded in the other places. To make, the verb translated chosen in 22, 14 above, and there explained. A minister and a 2cit?iess may be understood as a generic and specific expression of the same idea, one who VOL. II. — 18* 418 ACTS 20, 10-18. iiiiMisicr.s by wilnoss'mix; or eacli term may have its distinct moaniiifj, one who administers and one wlio testiiies, wliicli is not only a simjiler construction, but ap])ro])riate in this con- nection, Avhere tlie tilings reterred to in the last clause are the divine communications and commands, which Paul was both to execute and make known to others W/drJi. thou saicest (just now) or haM seen (on this occasion), referring to the whole inteniew or vision in which Christ appeared to liim at his conversion. And of the thinys ichich (i. e. as to which or in which) / will appear to thee^ conununicate witli thee, or make revelations to thee, hereafter. The causative construc- tion (I icill make thee see) is consistent neither with the form nor the usage of the Greek verb. 17. Delivering thee from the people, and (from) the Gentiles, unto Avhom now I send thee — Delivering^ rescuing from danger or the power of another, is the constant meaning of this verb in the New Testament (see above, on 7, 10. 34. 12, 11. 23, 27, and compare Gal. 1, 4), excejit Avhere it is used in its primary and physical sense of taking out (as in Matt. 5, 29. 18, 9), from which, in classical usage, it derives that of cJioosing (picking out), and this is preferred l>y some modern Avriters in the case before us. But besides the settled Hellenistic usage, to which tliis would be almost the sole exception, there is something not entirely natural in representing Paul as chosen from among the Gen- tiles as well as the Jews. The words indeed admit of an in- telligible !?ense (to wit, that he -was chosen out of the Avhole Held in which lie was to labour), but by no means so appropri- ate and obvious as that which is obtained by adhering to the usage elsewhere, namely, that although he was to be in danger both from Jews and Gentiles, to w^hom Christ was now about to send him, he should be finally delivered from their enmity and power. 18. To open their eyes, (and) to turn (them) from darkness to light, and (from) the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgiveness of sins, and in- heritance among them which are sanctified, by faith that is in me. Having assured him of his ovsn safety, the Lord now de- ACTS 26, 18. 19. 419 scribes the work to which he was appointed, by a full specifi- cation of the moral changes to be wrought, through his agency, upon the Gentiles, as the words are usually understood, but, as some of the best modern writers understand them, both on Jews ("the people'') and Gentiles ("the nations"), as the double antecedent of the relative (to lohoni) in the last clause of V. 17. This agrees not only with the form of the expression here, but with the fact which runs through Paul's whole his- tory and ^Titings, that wherever he had the opportunity he preached to Jews as well as Gentiles. (See above, on 9, 20. 29. 13,5.14. 14,1. 16,1.3.13. 17,1. 18,4. 19,8, and compare Rom. 1, 16. 9, 3. 10, 1.) The effects themselves are stated both in a literal and figurative form. To open their eyes^ i. e. remove their spiritual bhndness and enable them to distinguish spiritual objects (1 Cor. 12, 14) by communicating both the object and the power of perceiving it, the truth itself and a believing apprehension of it. To turn {them)^ or convert them, which is only a corresponding Latin form, both denoting change of condition and especially of relative position, with re- spect to God, his service and his favour. Darkness and light are common figures in the New Testament, not only for igno- rance and knowledge, especially of spiritual things, but for the several states or characters, of which these are necessary inci- dents, a state of sin and one of holiness. (See Matt. 6, 23. Luke 1, 79. John 3, 19. Rom. 13, 12. 1 Cor. 4, 5. 2 Cor. 4, 6. 6,14. Eph. 5,8. Col. 1,13. 1 Thess. 5, 4. 5. 1 Pet. 2, 9. 1 Jolin 1,5. 2,8-11.) The two worlds thus distinguished are then described by naming their respective sovereigns, from the power (or dominion) of Satan (the great adversary, see above, on 5, 3) to God^ not only to his power or dominion, but to himselti implying a more intimate imion and communion. This change of relation, comprehends or carries with it, exemp- tion from punishment and guilt, or the remission of sins (see above, on 2, 38. 5,31. 10,43. 13,38), and as its positive re- sult, participation by a filial right in the holiness and happi- ness of those who are heirs of God and joint-heirs with Christ (Rom. 8, 17.) Bij faith in me does not qualify the last pre- ceding clause above, but is presented as the only means or principle by wliich any of the changes here described can be effected. 19. Whereupon, O king Agrippa, I was not dis- obedient unto the heavenly vision — • 420 ACTS 20, 19. 20. Wherettpo?}, literally, whence., from wliicli ]»lace (as in 14, 26 above and 28, 13 below), but sometimes loLricaily used, from whieh eause, or for which reason (as in i\Iatt. 14, 7. 1 John 2, 18), an idiom particularly frequent in the ejiistle to the Hebrews (2, 17. 3, 1. 7, 25. 8,^3. 0, 18.) This is the only sense appropriate in this jdace, where the reference is clearly to the previous description of the work to which he had been called. I'or which cause., i. e. because thus instructed in the nature of the work before me, I teas ?iot (or rather, did not become, in consequence of this disclosure) disobedient to the heavenly vision, or divine communication from the visible Re- deemer, the extraordinary sight being put for the whole reve- lation which it accompanied and attested. (Compare the like use of a kindred verb in v. 10 above.) Thus understood, the verse seems to imply that if controlled by selfish motives, or a merely human Avisdom, Saul would have recoiled from the re- sponsibilities and hardships of the ministry, to which he was thus set apart by Christ himself. 20. But shewed first unto tliem of Damascus, and at Jerusalem, and throughout all the coasts of Judea, and (then) to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God, and do works meet for repentance. Far from refusing his commission, he accepted it and in- stantly began its execution, although not avowedly as an Apostle until long after his conversion (see above, on 13, 9.) The particular localities here named are probably designed to show how promptly and how^ fully he had executed his impor- tant mission. J3ut to the (Jeics) in Damascus first, the very place where he became a Christian (see above, on 9, 20-22), and (to those) in Jerusalem (as soon as he returned there, see above, on 9, 29), I showed, the verb so rendered in 11, 13. 12, 17, but elsewhere more exactly told (5, 22-25. 12, 14. 15, 27. 16,36. 22,26. 23,10.17.19), and once reported (4,23.) The act here described is that of preaching, considered as a publication or announcement of the Gospel. This was not confined to the metroi)olis, but penetrated also (re) into the %chole region of Judea. (For the English usage of the word coasts, see above, on 13, 50.) If this related to the beginning of his ministry, it would be inconsistent with his statement in Gal. 1,22; but he here puts together his whole ministry among ACTS 26, 20. 21. 421 the Jews, before proceeding to the other and cliief part of liis commission, to the nations^ i. e. other nations, Gentiles (see above, on v. 16.) Having shown his prompt obedience as to time and place, he now asserts his fidelity in reference to the subject of his j^reaching, as prescribed in his divine commis- sion (see above, on v. 18), the substance of which is here re- })eated in another form. (Announcing both to Jews and Gen- tiles by authority, in other words commanding them) to repent (see above, on 2, 38. 17, 30), mid turn (convert, or be convert- ed) unto God (see above, on. v. 18, and on 3, 19. 9, 35. 11, 21. 14, 15. 15, 19. 20, 21), doing (habitually, practising, a word derived from that here used) ivorks (acts, habits,) loorthy of repentance^ not merely consistent with it, but suited and pro- portioned to it, both as its necessary fruits, and as proolis of its existence and sincerity. This varied yet harmonious state- ment of Paul's great commission may throw light also on the ministerial work in general, and on that of the missionary in particular. 21. For these causes the Jews caught me m the temple, and went about to kill (me.) Having stated his commission and its execution, he pro- ceeds to connect it with his present situation as a prisoner. For (on account or for the sake of) these (things)^ i. e. because I Irad received and executed this commission, as a teacher and apostle (2 Tim. 1,11) both to Jews and Gentiles. This was the true ground, even of the first charge against him, which occasioned his arrest (see above, on 21, 28. 29.) The alleged profanation of the temple would not have been thought of by the Jews from Asia, but for their previous knowledge of Paul's intercourse, as a religious teacher, not with Jews only, but with Gentiles, in their native country (see above, on 19, 8-10.) That he should venture to preach Jesus as the true Messiah, expected by the Jews and predicted in their Scrip- tures, and invite the Gentiles to partake of the advantages be- longing to his kingdom, without even passing through the vestibule of Judaism ; this was the real crime of Paul in Jew- i;h eyes, for which they seized (me) in the temjyle^ and en- deavoured to despatch (or make away loith) me by summary violence, without legal process, though the verb here used is elsewhere applied to the judicial murder of our Lord him- 422 ACTS 20, 21. 22. self. (Sec above, on 5, 30, and cuinparu tlie account of the attempt on Paul's life, 21, 31.) 22. Having therefore obtained help of God, I con- tinue unto this day, witnessing both to small and great, saying none other things than those which the prophets and Moses did say should come — The order in Greek is somewhat different. Succour^ help and protection against enemies, which is tlie specific usage of the Greek word. IVien (or therefore) is not to be pressed as a logical connective, thongli it really refers as such to an in- termediate fact or thought, not here expressed, to wit, the faihire of the murderous attempt just mentioned. ' They would gladly have despatched me, and repeatedly attempted it, but God confounded all their plots, and so (or therefore) etc' Ilav- ing obtained., experienced, met with, tlie same verb that is used above in 24, 2 (3), and there explained. From God., as the ultimate and sovereign author of this help, in whose hands the Romans were but instrumental agents, as declared by Christ himself to Pilate (John 19, 1-1.) Unto this day., from its posi- tion in the sentence, may be construed either w^th the words jDrcceding it in Greek {having obtained help from God)., or with tliose following it (I co?iti?iue) both of which it qualifies in fact, although the last grammatical construction is entitled to the preference, because the other leaves the following verb too insulated. I continue., \it(i\"A\\x stand., ov have stood {i^ec above, v. 6, and on 1, 11. 9, V), which means not merely, I am still alive in spite of these attempts to kill me, but more point- edly, I still maintain my ground, I hold fast my position, the idea expressed in Hebrew by the phrase, to stand in judgment (compare Ps. 1, 5.) But even this is not the whole of what Paul here claims. It was not only negatively true that he had been sustained as an innocent though accused party, but also positively true that he had stood fast as a witness to the truth. Witnessing (or testifying)., not as a self-commissioned volun- teer, but in execution of the charge which he received at his conversion (see above, on v. 16.) JBotJi to small and great., an idiomatic phrase for all classes and varieties of condition, without exclusive reference to rank (high and low) or to age (old and young.) A similar expression (from small to great) is employed above in 8, 10 (and m Heb. 8, 11), though need- ACTS 26, 22. 23. 423 lessly disguised by a superlative translation {from the least to the greatest.) Still nearer to the formula here used is one re- peatedly employed by John in the Apocalypse (see Rev. 11, 18. 13, 16. 19, 5. 18. 20, 12.) If the common text {ixaprvpov- fxevos) be here retained, the clause A\ill have a wholly different sense, this participle being always passive elsewhere (see above, on 6, 3. 10, 22. 22, 12, and compare Rom. 3, 21. 1 Thess. 2, 12, 1 Tim. 5, 10. Heb. 7, 8.) Some accordingly translate it here, at- tested (testified, accredited) both hij small and great (as) saying nothing^ etc. But besides that the expression, small and grea% is not so natural on this construction, it contradicts the known lacts of the history, as all did not bear witness to Paul's faith- fulness in this respect, or he would not have been a prisoner or had occasion to defend himself at all. By a happy coinci- dence which does not often happen, the best sense here agrees with vrhat the latest critics reckon the true text, four imcial manuscripts and several Greek Fathers having another read- ing (/Ltaprvpo/xci'os), the participle of a different though kindred verb, occurring elsewhere only in an active or deponent sense (sec above, on 20, 26, and compare Gal. 5, 3. Eph. 4, 17.) The last clause then describes this testimony, not as something new or anti-jewish, but in strict accordance with the Hebrew Scriptures. Saying none other things (literally, 7iothing say- ing) than (literally, outside of\ besides, except) those ichich the prophets spjolce of (as) about to come (to pass, take place or happen.) For the usage of the two last verbs (/zc/XAoVrcoi/ ytVc- o-^at) see above, on vs. 2. 4. 6. 19. Lest his j^rofession of agree- ment with the prophets should be understood in too confined a sense, he adds, by a kind of afterthought, and Moses., not the other prophets merely, but the great prophetic legislator, from whom I am particularly charged not only with apostatizing, but with teaching apostasy to others also. (See above, on 2i, 21.) The emphatic position of these words in the original is lost in the version by connecting them directly with the prophets. 23. That Christ should suffer, (and) that he should be the first that should rise from the dead, and should shew light unto the people, and to the Gentiles. Having thus far spoken of his preaching as a testimony borne to small and great, perhaps with some allusion to the rank of those whom he addressed on this occasion, he now re- members, as it were, that it had also a polemic character, in 424 ACTS 2G, 2:3. reference to certain Messianic doctrines, ujxjn wliicli its truth depended, and wliich he Iiad been under tlie necessity, not only of expoundinij: but defending from the open opposition or corrupt interpretation of tlie Scril)es and their disciples. What the Version positively states as Paul's own doctrine, he him- self states as a subject of discussion or debate between him and his Jewish adversaries. Tliat Christ should staffer, literally, if (or whether) the Messiah (is or icas to be) jxfssible (susceptible or capable of sufferinir.) As we know, however, that the same parties who denied that the Messiah Avas to suffer, also denied that he Avas to be a divme person, the last w^ord in this clause Vi probably to be taken, not in a philosophical or technical but rather in a ])0}nilar and loose sense, as referring less to liis ca- pacity of suffering than to his suffering in fact, and the predic- tion of that fact by the ancient Prophets. Thus understood, it might be rendered, zchether the Jlessieth (was to be) a suf- ferer. As the suffering meant is that of death (see above, on 1,3. 3,18. 17, 3), it would of course imply his resurrection, which is stated as another controverted question. Whether (he, as the) first from (the) resurrection of (the) dead) i. e. the first so to arise, is (or is about) to proclaim light (i. e. truth, holiness, and happiness, see above, on v. 18) to the 2^loyed in tlie precedinij verse, thouc^h rendered by a dillerent one in Eniclish, thus destroying tlie antithesis which gives force and beauty to the answer. I am not mad may correspond in substance to the i)hrase, thou art beside thy- self; but how much more exactly to the literal translation, *Thou art mad I am not mad.' Most nohle^ excellent, or lionourable, an official title, not a personal description (see above, on 24, 3. 7.) As the use of it was optional, Paul's appli- cation of the term to Festus must be understood as a respect- ful recognition of his oflice, if not of his character, which would not have been uttered if the speech that called it forth had been an msolent or scornful one. As it is, the Apostle turns to Festus, whose j^roximity he seemed to have forgotten, saying, ' I am not surprised that your Excellency thinks me mad, but you are much mistaken,' But xcords of truth and soberness^ or sanity, the opposite of madness, w^hich is the pre- cise sense of the Greek word here employed. I speak out, utter forth, as Avith authority, the Greek verb used above in 2, 7, and there explained. 26. For the king knoweth of these things, before whom also I speak freely ; for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him; for this thing was not done in a comer. The tact and courtesy have always been admired, with [which the Apostle here reminds the governor, that this Apol- 'ogy was not addressed to him, but to Agrippa. Festus had already sat in judgment on him, and by trying to conciliate the Jews at Paul's expense had forced him to appeal to Xero, thereby involving both the prisoner and himself in great em- barrassment, from which he was now trying to escape' by let- ting king Agrippa hear the case again, while Festus himself sat by as a spectator. He had no right, therefore, to distui'b ACTS 26, 26. 27. 427 or interrupt a proceeding wliicli he had himself requested, and in which he was incompetent to take an active part, as he had more than once acknowledged (see above, on 25, 20. 26.) To this Paul dehcately here refers, as if he had said, ' It is not surprising that you cannot understand me, as I am not speak- ing now to you but to the king.' For the king knoics (or is Avell informed, see above, on 19, 15. 25. 20, 18. 22, 19. 24, 10) about these things (the usages and questions mentioned in v. 3 above), to ichoni (not before ichoni^ but directly to lohom) I speak freely (or speak using freedom, see above, on 9, 27. 29. 13, 46. 14, 3. 18, 26. 19, 8.) The reference is not so much to boldness as to plainness or freedom from reserve, because he knew that what he said would be intelligible to his hearer, not only from his general acquaintance with the matters in de- bate, but from his previous knowledge of the facts in this par- ticular case. For any of these {things) to be concealed from (or escape) him^ I do not believe (literally, am not persuaded) ; for not in a corner (i. e. in obscurity or secret) has this {thing) been done^ i. e. this whole affair or series of events, in which Paul had been actively or passively concerned. In thus ac- knowledging the king's acquaintance with the subject and ca- pacity to understand his statements, Paul's design is not to flatter or exalt him, but to humble Festus, without giving him offence, by reminding him that what appeared to him mere visionary raving might be perfectly coherent and intelligible to another, who was quaUfied by early education and experi- ence to comprehend the subject of discussion. 27. King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that thou believest. All that precedes might have been said, had Agrippa been a heathen, but familiar with the Jews' religion, which would certainly have given him a great advantage over any one as ignorant as Festus was of these thmgs, however intelligent in other matters. But besides this mere difference of knowledge, there was one of more importance in the fact, that Agrippa was a Jew by education and profession, and as we here learn by sincere conviction that the Scriptures were inspired of God. This interesting circumstance Paul here turns to his own advantage, not by boldly stating it, but by a natural rhetorical expedient, carrying it home with tenfold force to all who heard him. Believest thou, (oh) king Agrippa, in the 428 ACTS 26, 27. 28. 2)rophcts ? i. e. dost tliou trust them .and rely upon tliem as the spokesmen and messengers of God liimself? Witli another stroke of skill and jjower worthy of Demosthenes, instead of Avaiting for an answer to his question, lie rei)lies to it himself, I knoio that thou hellevest (i. e. in the inspiration of the ancient prophets.) I know cannot mean I think or I conjecture, any more in this place than in 20, 25. 29. Even if the absolute ex- pression did admit of this attenuated meaning elsewhere, it is here forbidden by the solemnity of the occasion, and especially of this appeal to the convictions of Agrippa, which would be ffrrogress till they reach Myra in Lycia (1-5). Here they are transferred to an Alexandrian vessel bound to Italy, * The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul: -with Dissertations on the Life and WritinfTo of St. Luke, and the Ships and Navigation of the Ancients. By James Smith, Esq., of Jordunhill, F. R. S. etc. Second edition, with additional proofs and illustrations. London, 1856. ACTS 27, 1. 433 but are forced hy contrary winds to the east and south of Crete, where tliey iind a harbour, but, in opposition to Paul's warnings, leave it for another more commodious on the same coast (6-12). While prosperously nearing it, as they suppose, a violent and sudden change of wind drives them to the south- west and involves them in the greatest danger (13-19). "When the storm has continued many days, Paul assures "them, on divine authority, of their ultimate escape, but predicts an in- tervening shipwreck (20-26). In the fourteenth night they make land, and are now exposed to danger of another kind, which tempts the crew to leave the others to their fate ; but their proposed desertion is prevented, at Paul's instance, by the soldiers (27-32). He then induces the ^vhole company (the number of which is precisely stated), both by exhortation and example, to partake of food before the ship is lightened for the last time (33-38). As soon as daylight renders the land visible, they run the ship aground, but are still in a posi- tion of great peril, from which Paul is the occasion of their all escaping (39-44). 1 . And wlien it was determined that we should sail into Italy, they delivered Paul and certain other prisoners unto (one) named Julius, a centurion of Augustus' band. When (literally, as) it icas determined that ice shoidd sail., or rather [about) our sailing^ i. e. as to the precise time and mode of their departure, the general determination having been previously formed and recorded (see above, on 25, 12. 21. 25, and compare 26, 32.) We, including the historian, the first occurrence of this form of speech since the appearance of Paul and his companions before the presbytery at Jerusalem (see above, on 21, 18.) Paul's arrest no doubt separated these companions from him, at least until Felix ordered that his friends should have access to him (see above, on 24, 23.) Sail., literally, sail away., i. e. from Palestine, one of several com- pound forms of the same verb, belonging to the nautical dia- lect of Greece, and used by Luke in thislbook with great free- dom and precision. (See above, on 13, 4. 14,26. 15,39. 18, 18. 20, 6. 21, 3, and below on vs. 2. 4. 6. 7. 24.) The one here employed suggests, more distinctly than the simple verb, the ide:i of separation and departure from the Holy Land, where VOL. 11. — 19 434 ACTS 27, 1. liis mission was now ena (see above, on 25, 12. 23, 2G) ; or, more probably than either, as a l)lural indefmite (like that in Luke 12, 20. John 15, G) which, though comparatively rare in Greek, is one of our most famil- iar English idioms, the plural being used instead of the indefi- nite pronouns in French [on] and German [man.) For the most part it may be resolved into the passive, as in this case, Paul was dellDered^ etc. Certain other prisoners, who may have been accumulating for some time at Cesarea. To a cen- turion, strictly the commander of a hundred men, but used perhaps with some degree of latitude (see above, on 10, 1. 21, 32.) Of a hand (called) the August {ov Auyustan), the femi- nine form of the word used above in 25, 21. (For the mean- ing of the word translated hand, see above, on 10, 1. 21, 31.) As the epithet August appears too strong for a subdivision of the army, it is commonly ex])lained to mean Augustan, i. e. belonging or related to the Emperor in some peculiar sense or manner. That this honorary title was bestowed on certain Roman legions, is a certain fact of history ; but not that any such were stationed in the East. Hence some suppose the word to mean Samaritan, from Sehaste, the name given to the ancient Samaria when rebuilt by Herod (see above, on 8, 5) ; but although Josephus does speak of Samaritan battal- ions in the Roman service, he uses a different derivative, as Luke would no doubt have done also, to express the same idea. Some maintain that the Augustan rank (equivalent to that of imperial guard) was given not only to legions, but to cohorts and even to still smaller corps; others, that the title here describes the Procurator's body-guard, as that of the Emperor's official representative. All these explanations pre- suppose that Julius was detached, for this important service, from the army in Palestine ; whereas it is at least as probable ACTS 27, 1. 2. 435 that he came from Italy, perhaps with a special commission, and was now returning tliither, which removes the necessity of explaining the epithet Augustan^ whether Julius be identi- fied with any other person named in history or not. 2. And entering into a sliip of Adramyttium, AA^e launched, meaning to sail by the coasts of Asia; (one) Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Thessalonica, being with us. There seems to have been no direct communication, just at this time, between Palestine and Italy, or at least no vessel of the requisite capacity about to sail immediately in that di- rection. Besides the other jyi^isoners, who may have been nu- merous, as we read in contemporary history of many being sent from Judea to Rome together, the centurion commanded a military escort, as we learn from the mention of the soldiers in vs. 31. 42 below, and this detachment may have been a large one (see above, on 23, 23.) Entering^ embarking, see above, on 21, 2. 6, and compare 20, 18. 25, 1. Adramyttium^ a sea- port of Mysia, on the western coast of Asia Minor, opposite to Lesbos (altogether different in form from Adrumetum on the coast of Africa.) This vessel, having sold its cargo, was now upon its homeward voyage, and Julius availed himself of its accommodations to reach Asia, where he knew that he should meet with vessels on their Avay to Italy ; just as Americans who visit India often go by way of England, the circuitous route being more than made good by the greater certainty, frequency, and ease of the communication. Even this ship, however, was not going directly to its final destination, but about to sail (or navigate) the places along Asia^ i. e. proba- bly to carry on a coasting trade along the western and south- western shore of the peninsula which we call Asia Minor (see above, on 21, 27. 24, 18.) Meaning^ in Greek a verb denot- ing mere futurity (see above, on 26, 2. 22. 23), and according to the common text (yaeAXovre?) agreeing with the subject of the verb {ime laimched or sailed)^ but in the oldest coi)ies with the ship itself {fxiXXovn)^ as exi)lained above. It is possible, however, that this clause has reference not to trade but to the necessary route from Cesarea to Adramyttium, which was also the course usually taken from Palestine and Syria to Italy. They were really, therefore, on their way until they reached 430 ACTS 27, 2. :i. tlic soutli-wcst corner of tlic jfeniiisula, altliou^h oblicjed to seek anotlier vessel to complete their voyage. LauncJitd^ set sail, departed, went out to sea, another nautical expression, of M'hich Me have already met with several examples (see above, on 13, 13. 10, 11. 18, 21. 20, 3. 13. 21, 12.) One Arlstarchus seems to imply that he had not been previously mentioned ; but see above, on 19, 29. 20, 4. He is here described by his country [a 3Iaccdonian) and his city (a TJiessalonian^ see above, on 17,1.11.13.) How long he was separated from Paul, and Avhen he rejoined him, can only be conjectured. Tlie }>raise of constancy bestowed by some uj)on tliis man, though doubtless just, has no foundation in the text here (being icith us) but only in the Vulgate version {j)ersever- ante 7wbiscum.) In two of Paul's epistles, commonly sup- posed to have been written during his captivity at Rome, Aristarchus is mentioned, once as his fellow-labourer (Philem. 24), and once as his fellow-prisoner (Col. 4, 10), which may have reference to his voluntary share in Paul's confinement during and after the voyage here described. 3. And the next (day) we touched at Sidon. And Jidius courteously entreated Paul, and gave (him) lib- erty to go unto his friends to refresh himself. Their first day's course, instead of being north-west towards the coast of Asia (Proper), was considerably east of north, along the coast of Palestine and Phenicia, so as to reach Sidon (see above, on 12, 20) on the next day (hterally, tJte othei\ as in 20, 15) after leaving Cesarea. This movement may have been fur i)uri)oses of trade, or simply occasioned by the westerly wind, wliich is almost as constant as a trade wind, in that part of the Mediterranean, during the summer and autumn. Such a wind would be a fair one between Cesarea and Sidon, and a day Mould thus be gained in their course toMards the coast of Asia Elinor, even if there M^ere no business to be there transacted, either by the ship or the centurion. In fjivour of the latter supposition, hoM'ever, is the fact, that the vessel re- mained long enough at Sidon to admit of Paul's visiting his friends there. Courteously^ benevolently, philanthropically (a M'ord of kindred origin m ith that here used.) louehed, came to, or landed, is in Greek a passive, literally meaning, we were hrougJit doum^ i. e. from the high sea to the shore (see above, on 21, 3, and compare the converse or correlative ex- ACTS 27, 3. 43V pression in the first clause of the next verse. Entreated^ in its old sense of treated (now superseded by that oi prayed^ besought) or used^ which is the literal meaning of the Greek verb. This clause {benevolently using Paul) though relat- ing strictly to the instance here recorded, may be also taken as a general description of the Roman officer's deportment towards his prisoner throughout the voyage. It is not to be regarded as implying any fiiith in Paul's religious doc- trines, which would no doubt have been more distinctly men- tioned, nor even as arising wholly from a personal regard for him. Whatever part of the result may have been owing to the free-will or discretion of the officer, there can be no doubt that he acted in obedience to specific orders, similar to those which Felix issued after Paul's defence before him (see above, on 24, 23), and prompted in both cases, not by mere humanity or good-will to the individual prisoner, but also by respect for his rights and privileges as a Roman citizen. (See above, on 16, 38. 22, 29.) Gave /mn liberty^ literally, permitted (see above, on 21, 39. 40. 36, 1.) Going to the frieiids (whom he had there), either old acquaintances, or simply Christians, who as such were necessarily his friends, at ^idon no less than at Tyre (see above, on 21, 2-4), the other great city of Phenicia, into which country the Gospel had been early introduced (see above, on 11, 19.) These two cities are always named in the New Testament together, except here and in Luke 4, 26, where Sidon stands alone. It was much more ancient than Tyre, which is mentioned neither in the Pentateuch nor by Homer, whereas Sidon is named not only by Moses but by Jacob, as a well-known boundary or landmark even in the patriarchal age. (See Gen. 10, 19. 49, 13.) In the book of Joshua (19, 28) it is called Great Zidon {Zidon Babbah) and apparently assigned to Judah, but remained unconquered (Judg. 1, 31. 10, 10, 12), and was afterwards eclipsed by Tyre (2 Sam. 5, 11. 1 Kings 5, 6. Isai. 23, 8. Ezek. 26, 15. 27, 8. 28, 21), subdued by the Assyrians, destroyed by the Persians but rebuilt, reconquered by Alexander the Great, alternately pos- sessed by his successors, the Greek kings of Syria and Egypt, until finally wrested from them by the Romans. It is still a town of more than five thousand inhabitants, under the slightly- altered name of Saida^ and for some years past the seat of an American mission. The ancient geographers describe its har- bour (or rather harbours, for it seems to have been double) as the finest on the mainland, from the shelter aftbrded by a nat- 438 ACTS 27, 'i. 4. iiral hronkwaler or ridnrc of rocks ; but it was filled up during the middle ai^es. 7c> nfrcsh /iimsc/f\ literally, fo ()}>tfxaToarately orfjanize'd with Myra I'or its capital. But those political vicis- situdes do not atloct its treograpliical position as a part of Asia Proper. Myra was still a i)lace of note and resort during a great i)art of the middle ages. G. And there the centurion found a ship of Alex- andria saiUng into Italy ; and he put us therein. The centurion's expectation of finding an immediate op- portunity to Italy was fulfilled as soon as he arrived upon the coast of Asia. And fhcre (at Myra) Jinding an Alexandrian ship sailing (then or periodically, see above, on 21, 2) i}ito Itahj. That a vessel bound from Alexandria to Italy should be found at Myra on the coast of Asia Minor, may seem at first sight purely accidental, as the direct route between those two countries Avas much further to the south, between the island of Crete and the coast of Africa. Yet Julius seems to liave counted upon it as a matter of frequent if not usual oc- currence. The solution of this difliculty is aiforded by the fact that the same wind, which forced the ship from Cesarea to sail northward on the eastern side of Cy]>rus, might force the ship from Alexandria to the coast of Asia Elinor, with the same advantage, on arriving there, of a powerful current setting westward and a local land wind in the same direction. Ju- lius was justified, moreover, in expecting to find a ship from Alexandria, not only by the general trade of which that city was the centre, but by the special and extensive trade in Avheat, with which at tliis time Rome was supplied chiefly from that quarter. The vessels built for this trade were of great size, fully equal, it is said, to the largest class of modern merchantmen, and therefore able to accommodate a much larger company than that which now embarked at Myra, and afterwards at Malta (see below, on 28, 11.) About this same time, as we learn from Josephus, he was shipwrecked in a ves- sel of this class with six hundred others. A few years later, Titus, after conquering Jerusalem, returned to Home in one of these store-shi})s. In the second century, one was driven by stress of weather into Athens, where it was visited as a great curiosity, and is described in one of Lucian's dialogues. From all this it is plain that what Luke here records, tar from being incredible or even strange, is in strict accordance with contemporary usage and familiar facts of history. Put us ACTS 27, 6. 7. 441 therein., embarked us, made us go aboard (compare the verb in V. 2.) That such changes and transfers were by no means rare upon that coast we have ah-eady had a proof in Paul's adopting the same measure, on his eastward voyage,' at Pa- tara, another port of Lycia (see above, on 21, 1. 2.) 7. And wlien we had sailed slowly many days,- and scarce were come over against Cnidus, the wind not suffering us, we sailed under Crete, over against Sal- mone — On leaving Myi'a and attempting to go further westward, they were met by the still prevaiUng wind from that direction, ^dthout the counteracting influence before exerted by the local wind and current of the southern shore. Hence their progress was not only slow but difficult. In many (literally, sufficient) days slow-sailing., a Greek word not found in the classics, but obviously belonging to the nautical dialect, only a small part of which would find its way into contemporary lit- erature, as in modern cases of the same kind. Scarce^ or scarcely., should rather have been rendered hardly., as in the next verse, and taken in its proper sense, icith difficulty., namely, that of " workmg to ^vindward," or advancing in the face of adverse winds. Over against (opposite or parallel to) Cnidus., a peninsula projecting between Cos and Rhodes (see above, on 21, 1) into the ^gean Sea (or Archipelago) of which it may be said to mark the entrance. The distance between Myra and Cnidus (about 130 geographical miles) being only one day's sail vdt\\ a fair wind, the delay must have arisen from its being still adverse, as intimated in the next clause. This ren- ders needless and gratuitous the supposition that they were becalmed, which also agrees less with the expression hardly., as explained above. Not suffering^ another word unknown to classical Greek usage, and possibly belonging to the dialect of sailors. It is in form a compound of the verb to let (or suffer, see above, on 5,38. 14,16. 16,7. 19,30. 23,32) and the preposition to or unto., expressive either of addition or approach, advancement. Some understand it here accordingly to mean, 7iot admitting (or 2^ermitting) us to (enter Cnidus), as a reason why they did not land there as at Myra. Others, including the best nautical authorities, exjilain it to mean, not allowing tcs to proceed (or go further) in the same direction., VOL. II. — 19* 442 ACTS 27, 7. 8. i. c. west by south, from the point of tlie peninsula to Itnly. Tlie wind forhiddin^j: this, aecordinfj to tlic sjinic autliorities, must have been what is popularly ealled north-west, the very wind which even now, as we have seen, ])revails in those seas towards the end of summer. Repeated instances are quoted from the iiistory of modern naviLT.'Uion, in which the same cause has produced the same eft'ect, to wit, that of driving the vessel to the east and south of Crete, aloni^ the nortliern coast of which her direct course would have lain in this case. Un- dersdikd (or sailed imder) Crete has ])recisely the same sense as in V. 4, M'here it is aj^plied to Cyprus. The only dilTerence in the cases is, that in the one they would otherwise have sailed along the south and in the other on the north side of the island, but in both they actually sailed on the east side, so as to be under its lee, or protected by it from the wind. Over agamst /Salmo?ie, is no doubt the true translation of the Greek phrase which corresponds in form and sense with over against Cnidus in the first clause. Towards (or in the direction of) Sabno7ie^ the construction preferred by some, would be equal- ly grammatical and equally agreeable to usage, but a needless variation from the sense which must be put upon the same phrase in the clause preceding, and yielding scarcely so appro- priate a meaning, as they rather passed in sight of than sailed towards Salmone. This is still, slightly modified, the name of the extreme point of the island eastward. 8. And, hardly passing it, came unto a place which is called the Fair Havens, nigh whereunto was the city (of) Lasea. Having hardly (or with difliculty, as in v. 7) passed or rounded this point, they were soon uj)on the southern coast of Crete, and therefore in the same relative position as before they left the coast of Asia, i. e. with a high indented shore upon their right, and perhaps with something of the same ad- vantage fi-oni a land-wind and a westward current, which would account for their a])parently soon reaching a compara- tively safe port called Fair Havens, a name not unknown to modern and American geography. That they chose to get upon the southern coast because the northern had no har- bours, is a common error founded on a statement of Eustathi- us, refuted by the now familiar fact that there are at least two excellent ones (Souda and Spina Longa) upon that side of the ACTS 27, 8. 9. 443 island. It is clear from the narrative of Luke that they were cliiven to the east and south of Crete against theii- will and by the north-west wind, which would also allow them to proceed as far as Cape Matala, where the coast begins to trend towards the north-west, thus exposing them without obstruction or defence to the wind from that direction. The harbour which they reached must, therefore, have been situated to the east of Cape Matala, and there accordingly it was discovered by Pococke in the seventeenth century, two leagues east of that point, and has since been repeatedly identitied, both by the Greek name which it still retains almost unaltered, and by its position furnishing a shelter from the very wind to which Paul's vessel was now exposed, but not from all the winds by Avhich it might be threatened during a whole winter (see be- low, on V. 12.) This place is described simply as a harbour . (or harbours) but not far from the city of Lasea (or Lasaia)^ which Avas long supposed to have entirely disappeared, both from books and from the surface of the earth, but the remains of which, with the old name still preserved in the local tradi- tion, vrere identitied by two Scotch travellers (Brown and Tennent) in the year 1856. 9. Now when much time was spent, and when saiUng was now dangerous, because the fast was now akeady past, Paul admonished (them) — JS'oio (Se, and, or but), much time (literally, time enough^ as in v. 7. 8, 11. 18, 18) having passed (elapsed, or happened, as in 25, 13), and the sailing (or navigation^ rendered course in 21, 7 above, and voyage in v. 10, below) beiiig already un- safe (a correlative expression to the one translated safe in Phil. 3, 1, sure in Heb. 6, 19, and certain in 25, 26 above) he- cause (or on account of the same construction as in v. 4) the fast being already past (or gone hy)^ i. e. the annual fast of the Mosaic calendar, the great day of atonement, being the tenth day oi the seventh month, corresponding partly to Sep- tember and October. (See Lev. 16, 29-34. 23,20-32.) It is here used simply to deline the season of the year, like Pente- cost in 20, 16, or like Michaelmas in English, which occurs about the same time. There is of course no relerence to any physical connection of the close ol' navigation with the Jewish last as a religious service, or, as some have strangely thought. 444 ACTS 27, 9. 10. willi iIr' nbstinoiK-t> of the crew iVoin food during tlic previous toils and jKMils of tlie voyage (see below, on vs. 21. -Vh) Otliers, though regarding it eorrectly as a simple designation of the season^ would derive it from some fast connected witli the Greek mythology and heathen worship, on the ground tliat the ship's comi)any were not Jews ; as if that would prevent Luke from using Jewisli marks of time, with which liis read- ers were familiar, any more than an English writer wcjuld ab- stain from saying ^Michaelmas to designate the season, although writing about Turks or Chinamen. The Roman i)eriod of the 7nare dausum (or susj^ended navigation) began later, reacliing from about the middle of November to the corresponding part of March. It is probable, however, that the two preced- ing months were reckoned unsafe or precarious, although navigation was not absolutely interrupted. Paul admojiished (or exhorted)^ a Greek verb used only in this chapter (see be- low, on V. 22), but originally meaning to commend, and then to recommend, advise, especially in public, as a sj^eaker in the Greek asscmbUes. It is probable, therefore, that this exhorta- tion was addressed to the Avhole company, not merely to the chiefs and officers (compare tJie more 2)cirt in v. 12 below.) 10. And said unto tliem, Sirs, I perceive that this voyage Avill be "svith hurt and much damage, not only of the lading and ship, but also of our lives. Saying to them^ i. e. either to the whole ship's company, in- cluding sailors, soldiers, and the officers of both sorts, or, as some infer from the next verse, only to the latter (see above, on V. 9.) Sirs^ an excellent translation of the Greek word literally meaning men^ which in English would be rather dis- respectful than the contrary. (See above, on 1, 11. 16. 2, 14. 22.29.37. 3,12. 5,35. 7, 2.*'2G. 13,7.10.20. 14,15. 15,7.13. 17, 22. 19, 25. 35. 21, 28. 22, 1. 23, 1. 6.) These may either be the words he uttered once for all, or the sum of what he said on more than one occasion, during their long stay at Fair Havens. 1 2^crceirc^ behold, contemjjlate (see above, on 25, 24), denoting something more than simply seeing. Whether it here means supernatural perception, insjnration, revelation, or mere human forecast and conviction, is disputed. In favouri- of the latter may be urged the very different assurance after- wards imparted on express divine authority (see below, on v. ACTS 27, 10. 11. 445 23.) The first is then to be regarded as an error ; but tlie two may be reconciled without this supposition, by explaining loss and damage as concise expressions for tlie risk or danger of them, as in 15, 26 above. Iliirt^ a Greek word properly denoting insolence and insult^ as the attributes or acts of hu- man agents, but applied by Pindar and some other poets to the fury of the elements and its effects, which seems more natural in this connection than to understand it of the mari- ners themselves, ' with arrogant presumption on our own part and much loss, &c.' Loss and damage^ both which negative and positive ideas are expressed by this one Greek word. Lading^ load, freight, cargo, from the verb to carry^ like the noun translated burden^ 21, 3, from the verb to Jill. Lives^ the word so rendered in 15, 26, but souls in 15, 24 (compare 2, 27. 3, 23. 4, 32 with 20, 10. 24), the primary idea being that of the soul as living or a vital principle. This voyage will (or is about to) he stands last in the original, with some irregu- larity of syntax, not affecting the sense and occurring in the best Greek w^riters. 11. Nevertheless the centurion beheved the master and the owner of the ship, more than those things which were spoken by Paul. The centurion^ as commander of the troops and guardian of the prisoners, appears to have possessed the chief authority, either because he had chartered or engaged the ship on that condition (see above, on v. 6), or as a necessary consequence of his official rank and special mission in the public service (see above, on v. 1.) Believed^ literally, icas persuaded (or convinced)^ the same passive verb employed above in 5, 36. 37.40. 17,4. 21,14. 23,21. 26,26, and implying previous doubt and reasoning, as distinguished from the exercise of mere authority. The master^ governor (a word of kindred origin with that here used), or pilot, who steered the vessel with his own hands, or at least, in modern parlance, sailed it. Owner of the ship^ in Greek a single word, ship-owner^ who in ancient times most commonly accompanied his vessel in person, although sometimes represented, as at present, by a supercargo. That Julius should defer to the opinion of these niaiiners, in preference to that of his own prisoner, was natural enough, and is here recorded, not as a reproach or censure, 440 ACTS 27, 11. 12. but as tlie unintcnlionul occasion oi' the subscquont disasters (see below, on v. 21.) 12. And because the haven was not commodious to winter in, the more part advised to depart thence also, if bv any moans thev miglit attain to Phcnice, (and there) to winter ; (wliicli is) a haven of Crete, and heth toward the southwest and northwest. The Jiarcn (port or harbour) hehig^ from tlie bei^nnnin:^^ i. e. naturallv, always (tor the usage of the Greek verb, see above, on 3,* 2. 14, 8. 16, 3. 17, 24.^21, 20. 22, 3.) Incoinmo- dious, unsuitable, badly situated, probably another technical expression, as it is not used by classical Greek writers. It is here to be comparatively understood, as meaning that the harbour did not afford shelter from all the winds to whicli the ship would be exposed if it should winter there (see above, on V. 8.) To icinter in is not a verb in Greek (as to icinter in the next clause is), but a cognate noun preceded by a preposition, for \cudering {or for a icinter-statio7i.) Both words are used in classic Greek, and the verb by Paul in his epistles (1 C(jr. IG, 6. 3, 12.) The more {jmrt supplied by the translators) is in Greek a plural adjective, meaning the inore (men or per- sons), i. e. the majority of those consulted, or of all on board the vessel, to whom the decision of this question seems to have been left. Advised^ or as some explain the phrase, gave counsel^ might be more exactly rendered, laid a plan^ or adopted a resolution. The verb (meaning literally placed or put) is one used elsewhere in the strong sense of determined (see above, on 1, 7. 5, 4. 19, 21) ; the noun in that of tr«7/, de- sign, or purpose (see above, on 2, 23. 4, 28. 5, 38. 13, 36. 20, 27.) According to this usage, the whole phrase denotes not mere advice but positive determination, whether that of the whole company or of the officers, decided by majority of voices, although not, most probably, by formal voting. To depart^ the word translated loosed in 13, 13, sailed in 18, 21, and launched in v. 2 above, where its usage is explained more fully. Thence^ i. e. from Fair Havens, where they still con- tinued. The reading and thence (or thence also) is not found in the oldest manuscripts, and seems to be preferred by certain critics only on account of its embarrassing the syntax. If by any means (or if perchance)^ implying the uncertainty and ACTS 27, 12. 447 hnzarcl of the course proposed (compare Rom. 1, 10. 11, 14. Pliil. 8, n, the only otheF cases of its use m the New Testa- ment.) llieij might he ahle^ coming down to (or arriving at) PJienice (or more exactly, Phcenix^ the mascuhne form of that occurring in 11,19. 15,3. 21,2.) Although Ptolemy men- tions such a place, its situation remained undiscovered till within a few years, when it was identified with Avhat is now called Lutro, and in 1856 the ancient name was found, as in so many other cases, to have been preserved by popular or local tradition (see above, on v. 8.) The proof of the identity, how- ever, is afforded by the fact that no other place upon the southei-n coast of Crete affords a shelter even fiom the winds to which it opens, and which never "blow home," but expend their force before they reach the roadstead. The only diffi- culty is that Lutro opens to the eastward, whereas Phoenix is here described as lying (literally, looking^ an expression used by Cicero and modern writers to express the same idea) totcard the south-west and 7ioTth-west^ here denoted by the Latin names of Avinds from those points of the compass. The obvious sense of this translation is chat the harbour could be entered only from the south-west or the north- west ; and this is insisted on by some as the only meaning which the Greek itself will bear. But as the preposition here used (Kara) is among the most variable in its application (see above, on vs. 2. 5. 7), and sometimes (with the genitive) de- notes a downward motion (as in Mark 14, 3. 2 Cor. 8, 2), it may here mean doicn the winds in question, i. e. in the direc- tion towards (not from) which they blow. The harbour then will be described as opening to the north-east and the south- east, which accords exactly with the site of Lutro, whether the double aspect be referred to an island in or near the mouth of the harbour, having two entrances at its extremities, or un- derstood more generally as descriptive of a spacious entrance stretching far round in different directions. This construction, although certainly not the most obvious, is rendered less harsh by the doubtful meaning of the preposition, and more positive- ly recommended by its reconciling the description with the features of the only port upon the southern coast of Crete Avhere the ship can be supposed to have sought refuge. That Lutro is not now frequented or accessible to large ships, if a liict, which seems uncertain, may be readily accounted for by long neglect and by the gradual encroachment of the sand, which has destroyed so many fine ports in tli' .^liditerranean 448 ACTS 27, 12. l:^. (see above, on v. 8.) Tli:it tlie ancient ships sometimes win- tered liere, is elear from an inscription, lound by recent visitors, in honour of "tlie Emperor Nerva (liimself of Cretan lineage), erected by a pilot {(jKhcrnatore) and the superintendent of some ]mblic work njjon tlie island. It a]>pears Irom this verse that the judgment of the captain and the owner, whicli the centurion jtreferred to Paul's, was not merely arbitrary or ca- pricious, but Ibunded on their knowledge of a }iarl)our better suited to their ])urpose. It appears, moreover, that the hope of reacliing Italy Ijcfore the sj)ring was now abandoned, and the only question where they might securely winter. Some indeed explain the cognate verb and noun in this verse, from one of the senses of the root (x^cfxwv or x^'^H-"-)-) ^^ mean shelter from the stor?7i or toyipest then npon them ; but no example of this usage has been cited, while the other has the sanction of Demosthenes, Polybius, and Diodorus Siculus. 13. And when the south Avind blew softly, su])pos- iiig that they hqd obtained (their) purpose, loosing (thence), they sailed close by Crete. The plan of removing to Phenice (or Phoenix) was not only reasonable in itself, because founded upon maritime ex- perience, but apparently most feasible and on the eve of being carried into execution. A south wind bloicinr/ gently^ liter- ally, iimlerhreathing^ a beautiful Greek compound which, ac- cording to the usage of the particle (under) in composition, denotes a small degree or a subdued force (as video in Latin means to laugh and suhrideo to smile.) A south ici?id, the Greek word used by Aristotle as the opposite of Boreas (compare Luke 13, 20. Rev. 21, 13), but applied by Hesiod to the south-west, and by Herodotus to both. A gentle south wind would, according to the nautical authorities, be alto- gether favourable to their course from Fair Havens to Cape Matala, lying four or five miles distant ; and as Phenice was only thirty-ibur miles further to the west-north-west, it is not surprising that they looked upon their purposQ as already ac- complished. tSupjwsinr/ (thinking or believing, as in 12, 9. 2G, 9) to have gained (or more emphatically, mastered^ seized upon, obtained possession of, as in 2, 24. 3, 11. 24, 6) the pur- pose (see above, on 11, 23), i. e. the purpose of removing to Phenice (as stated in the verse preceding.) Loosing^ not the ACTS 27, 13. 14. 440 word so rendered in 16, 11 (see above, on vs. 2. 4. 12), but one which primarily means taking up or raisin g (as in 4, 24. 20, 9), and in nautical language may be applied either to a boat (as in v. 17), a sail, or an anchor, with both which it is coupled by the ancient writers. As absolutely or elhptically used here it maybe translated either setting {sail) or iceighing {anchor)^ without effect on the essential meaning, which is that of leav- ing or departing from a port, to go to sea or to proceed upon a voyage. (See above, on vs. 2. 4.) Sailed close hy Crete is the exact sense, but not the form, of a peculiar nautical Gre^k phrase, consisting of an adverb meaning nearer^ i. e. nearer than usual or nearer than before, when coming to Fair Ha- vens, as related in v. 8, and of the same verb that is there used, strictly meaning they laid themselves (or laid their course) by (or along) a certain place. (Compare the corresponding Latin i^hrase, legere oixim.) This close adherence to the land between Fair Havens and Cape Matala, was at once their shortest and their safest course with such a wind. 14. But not long after there arose against it a tem- pestuous wind called Euroclydon. JVot long after^ literally, after not much^ i. e. probably as soon as they passed Cape Matala, beyond which the coast of Crete turns abruptly to the north and afterwards to the west, so that their direct course lay no longer close along the shore, but across a bight or bay of some extent. Arose^ literally threw or cast {itself)^ of which reflexive sense examples may be found in Homer, who describes a river as throwing (i. e. throwing itself) into the sea, or as we should say in English, emptpng (i. e. emptying itself and its contents.) Against it has by some been understood to mean against the purj^ose mentioned in the first clause of v. 13, and defeated by the change of wind here spoken of. Others refer it to the ship, although the pronoun is a feminine in form, and the noun in vs. 2. 0. 10 is neuter; to remove which grammatical objection, Luke is supposed to have had in his mind another noun of the feminhie gender, which he actually employs below in v. 41, or still less j)robably, some part o*f the vessel (as the prow, the stern, etc.) A third interpretation refers the pronoun to the island ; either in the sense against it, which is inconsistent with the facts, as they were driven from the island, not up(»n it; or in that o^ down from it, as the preposition (Kara) some- 450 ACTS 27, 14. 15. titncs moans (see above, on v. 12, and compare Matt. 8, 32. Marko, IM. Luke 8, 3:^.) This last eonstruction is the one ado}>tecl by the hitest pliiloloLTical and naiilieal interju-eters, as being in aecordanee bolli witli the usage of tlie language and the eireumstanees oTthe case. Tempestuous, in Greek typhonlCy i. e. like a typhoon, a word still used to denote the hurricanes or whirlwinds of the eastern seas. In Greek it seems to have a mythological origin, such tempests being suj)erstitiously ascril>ed to Tyj)hon, Typhos, orTyphcrus, a giant buried under Etna. T/te {one) called., suggesting the idea of a local name, such as Pliny says are particularly frequent with respect to winds. KurocbjdoR., accordingly, is not found elsewhere, and is lierc variously written in the manuscripts and ancient versions, though the weight of critical authority is strong in f.ivour of the common text, which seems to be compounded of Euros, the south (or south-east) wind, and a noun denoting waves or bil- lows, a combination somewhat incongruous and less descrip- tive of a wind than of a sea. Another reading is Euruclydon., which seems to mean wid€-icavy (from the same noun with the adjective ivpvith a side wind, and in this before the wind ; a nice distinction, resting on professional authority, and showing Luke's j^recision in the use and application of sea phrases. A certain island or islet^ the Greek noun being a diminutive in form. Clauda or Claude^ written in thf^ Vul- gate Cauda^ and in several other forms by ancient writers, now called Gozzo^ a small island off the southern coast of Crete and south-west of Cape Matala. Had much icork (liter- ally, toere hardly able) to come by (i. e. to obtain, or more ex- actly, to become possessed or masters of) the boat. Some of the older writers, disregarding the article, strangely under- stood this to mean that they had difficulty in procuring a boat from the people of the island ; whereas the sense is, tliat the raging of the storm made it hard to secure the boat belonging to the ship and probably towed after it. This circumstance is mentioned as a proof of the elemental strife in which the ves- sel was involved. 17. Which when they had taken up, they used helps, undergirding the ship ; and, fearmg lest they shotdd fall into the quicksands, strake sail, and so were driven. 452 ACTS 27, IV. Which (referring to the hoat already mentioned) havmg taken vp (see above, on v. 13), i. e. on deck from the surface of tlic sea where it was iloating. JIclps^ not the assistance of the passengers, as some of tlie ohl writers tliouglit, Imt eitlier such extraordinary metliods as are mentioned in the next clause, or j)erhai>s the appliances and means j)rovided for that purpose. UmhrffirduKj^ not iastening the boat under the ship, as one interpreter absurdly thinks, a j)rocess equally use- less and im})ossible, but strengthening the hull by compression, either by means of wooden stays within the vessel, or more probably by cables passed repeatedly around the outside and made fast on deck. This operation is still known to modern seamen by the technical name oi frappinrj^ and although not often practised now, has been resorted to in several well- known instances of recent date, among the rest especially by Captain Back on his return from his arctic voyage in 1837. In ancient navigation it was so habitually practised that the imdergirding apparatus formed a part of every complete ship's provision, as appears from the inventory of the Athenian navy discovered a few years ago. The learned editor of this work, and some writers on the passage now before us, have supposed that the cables passed from end to end (or stem to stern) around the sides; but this would not be undergirding, or effect the purpose ; and it has now been shown conclusively that both the ancient and the modern practice was to pass the cables vertically round the hull so as to tighten it by out- ward pressure. Fearing^ in Greek a passive form like being afraid (see above on 22, 29.) Fall^ or more exactly, fall out^ an expression also used in classic Greek to signify the driving of a vessel from its course or from the high sea upon shoals and rocks. Quicksands is in Greek a i)roper name, tfte ^Syrtis^ one of two sandy gulfs particularly dreaded by the ancient seamen on the northern coast of Africa, the Syrtis Minor near Cathale, and the Syrtis Major near Cyrene, which last is the one here meant, as being that to Avhich a north-east wind would naturally drive them from the coast of Clauda. Strake sail is regarded by the latest nautical interpreters as not only incorrect but contradictory, denoting not a wise pre- caution against danger but a reckless rushing into it. The first word properly means loosing, slackening, then lowering (as in 9, 25 above.) The other is a very comprehensive term, which has no exact equivalent in English, corresponding more or less exactly to our vessel^ utensil^ etc. As a nautical term ACTS 27, 17-19. 453 it is translated gear or tackle^ and supposed in this place to de- note, not the mast which was immovable in large ships then as now, but the yard with all that was attached to it, or more specifically what is called the " head-gear " or " top-hamper," i. e. the t02>sails and other tackle used only m fair weather. 18. And we being exceedingly tossed with a tem- pest, the next (day) they Hghtened the ship — TFe being) exceedingly (or vehemently) tempest-tossed^ a single word in Greek, used in the same sense by Thucydides and Plato. The next {day)^ see above, on 21, 1. 25, 17, where the same form occurs and is explained. This phrase is not to be connected, as in some editions both of the Greek and English text, wdth what precedes, as if the tempest were par- ticularly violent the next day, but with what follows as the date of the proceeding there recorded. The next day^ not after the beginning of the tempest, but the next day after they used helps^ 0 20. And ^vhcn neither sun nor stars ni many days appeared, and no small tempest lay on (us), all hope that Ave should be saved was then taken away. Neither sun no?' sta7'S oppeari7if/ to (or shhiing on) tisfor many days., literally, more days., i. e. several (as in 25, 14.) And no small tempest., i. e. by a figure of sj)eech common in this book, a very great one (see above, on 12, 18. 14, 28. 15, 2. 17, 4. 12. 19, 23. 24.) Lyiny on (us), i. e. pressing, weigh- ing, as in Luke 5, 1 (comi)are John 11,38. 21,0), elsewhere metaphorically used to signify the pressure of necessity, duty, importunity, etc. (see Luke 23, 23. 1 Cor. 0, 16. Heb. 9. 10.) Then^ or rather thenceforth., after that, literally, (for) the rest. (Compare Matt. 20, 15. 14, 41. 1 Cor. 7, 29. Ileb. 10, 13.) All hope of our being saved (from death or shipwreck) icas taken away., or, as the compound Greek verb strictly means, taken away all round, in which sense it is literally applied to the removal of the anchors in v. 40. As their state could not be rendered hopeless by the darkness mentioned in the first clause, nor even by the tempest mentioned in the second, which might possibly have driven them into some safe harbour, the nautical interpreters suppose it to be tacitly implied, though not ex- jiressly mentioned, that the vessel was already leaking, and their situation therefore looked upon as desperate. 2 1 . But after long abstinence, Paul stood forth in the midst of them, and said, Sirs, ye should have heark- ened unto me, and not have loosed from Crete, and to have gained this harm and loss. Much cdjstinence (literally, foodlessness) existing (or con- tinuing., see above, on v. 12, and on 5, 41), not a religious fast, nor a scarcity of food, as the vessel must have been provided for a much longer voyage, and indeed appears to have been loaded with wheat (see below, on v. 38), but that neglect of regular repasts, which is so frequent a concomitant of storms at sea, and so familiar to the readers of the history of shi|> wreck and marine disaster. Ticen (not expressed in the trans- lation), i. e. after this long period of fasting or indifference to food. At this juncture Paul the prisoner comes forward, not as a mere adviser, but a cheerer and encourager of his com- panions in distress and danger. Stood forth., literally, stand- ACTS 27, 21. 22. 455 ing^ or still more exactly, stationed^ i. e. having taken his stand in some conspicuous position, where he could address the whole ship's company. In the midst of tJiern^ among them, and surrounded by them (see above, on 1, 15. 1*7, 22.) Slrs^ literally, me7i (or gentlemen, see above, on v. 10, and compare 7, 26. 14, 15. 9, 25.) Ye shoidd, literally, it icas right (or necessary^ see above, on 1, 16. 17, 3. 24, 19.) Have hearkened^ literally, obeying, yielding to authority, the same verb that is used above in 5, 29. 32 (compare Tit. 3, l), and there explained. It has here a peculiar propriety and force (not preserved in the translation) because Paul had spoken Avith authority, not as a mariner, but as a person under divine mfluence, although they knew it not, until they learned their error by experience. As if he had said, ' You may now see that when I counselled you to stay where you were, I did not speak at random, but Avith an authority entitled to obedience.' He then reminds them what it was he had advised, namely, not to loose (sail or depart, see above, on vs. 2.4. 12) from Crete^ i. e. from the port in Crete where they were already safely housed, to wit. Fair Havens (see above, on vs. 10-12.) And to gain (or to gain too) this harm and loss, the same two nouns that are translated hurt and damage in v. 10 above, and which have certainly the same sense in both places ; so that the first cannot mean presumption there, as this idea would be wholly inappropriate here. To gain this outrage (of the elements) and injury, may either be ironical, or mean to shun, escape, an idiom of Avhich several examples have been quoted from the classics. 22. And now I exhort you to be of good clieer, for there shall be no loss of (any man's) life among you, but of the ship. Lest they should regard this reference to his previous counsel as a taunt or a reproach, he immediately resumes the tone of consolation and encouragement. And now, tlie same peculiar formula of transition that occurred above in 20, 32 (compare 4, 29. 5, 38. 17, 30.) It is here equivalent to saying, 'but whatever may have been your error in rejecting my ad- vice before, there is no need of desponding now.' I exhort you (see above, on v. 9) to cheer up (or be of good cheer), a verb corres})onding to the abverb used in 24, ]0. Loss, liter- ally, rejection, casting away, as in Rom. 11, 15 (compare the 456 ACTS 27, 22-24. cogiiato vtrb, ^Mark 10, 50. Ileb. 10, 35.) Of any mroVs life, litorally, (f life from {amonr/) yon. lint (only) of the ship, litt'ially, t'xcc'ptini^ of the sliip, an expression foreign to our idiom, but not unusual in Greek. 23. For there stood by inc this night the angel of God, whose I am, and whom I serve — He claims attention to this cheering assurance on the ground of its divine authority and origin. 'Do not regard this as an unauthorized assertion of my own, for, &c.' Sk)od by ine (as in 1, 10. 4, 10. 9, 39. 23, 2. 4.) Not at a distance, but at hand, within reacli of my senses. Tlie angel of God (or rather, an anyel of the God, whose I am, i. e. whose pro- perty, to whom I belong) and v^hom I serve (or worship, see above, on 7, 7. 42. 24, 14. 26, 7.) This form of expression was particularly natural in addressing Gentiles, who knew little or nothing of the true religion, but to whom the word angel was familiar, not only in its general sense of messenger, but .as more speciHcally meaning a messenger from heaven (see above, on 14, 12.) 'lA. Saying, Fear not, Paul ; thou must be brought before Cesar; and, lo, God hath given thee all them that sail ^\ii\\ thee. J'7;a?' 7iot (or be not terrified), the same expression as in 18, 9, where Paul, in the beginning of his ministry at Corinth, was encouraged by a similar divine communication. JBrought before^ the same tense (but a different mood) of the same verb that is rendered stood by in the verse preceding, and which here means to stand before (or in the pjresence of) Cesar, the Emperor Nero (see above, on 11,28. 17,7. 25,8-12.21. 26, 32.) This is an obvious allusion to his own appeal, as one link in a chain of causes and effects which could not be curtailed or broken. As if he had said, * You have appealed to Cesar, and before Cesar you must stand, or the purpose of God will be defeated.' And behold, as usual, introduces something un- exi)ected and surprismg. Paul knew that he must go to liome, but not that for the sake of securing this result, the lives of a multitude should be jjreserved. God hath given thee, presented to thee, or bestowed upon thee, as a free gift and a token of his favour ''see above, on 3,14. 25,11.16.) All ACTS 27, 24-27. 457 those sailing with thee, i. e. their lives, here expressed as if their persons had been given to him. • 25.26. Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer ; for I be- heve God, that it shall be even as it was told me. Howbeit we must be cast upon a certain island. '\V7iere/o7'e, because of this di™e assurance, chee7' up, be cheerful, or of good cheer. Sirs, as in vs. 10, 21. Mfr assigns the reason of this exhortation, I believe (or trust in) God, not only in the general, but that it will be (come to pass or hap- pen) eveyi as, literally, after what maimer (see above, on 1, 11. 7, 28. 15, 11) it has been told(ov spoken to) me. Howbeit (Sc, but) we must (or it is 7iecessary for us) upon (literally, in or into) a certain island be cast (literally, fall out, see above, on V. 17.) The name of the island, it would seem, was not revealed to Paul. 27. But when the fourteenth night was come, as we were driven up and down in Adria, about mid- night the shipmen deemed that they drew near to some country — WTien (literally, as) the fourteenth night (since leaving Crete) was come (occurred or took place, see above, on 23, 12.) We being carried about, literally through, a verb used in the classics, as the corresponding Latin verb {differo) is by Horace, to denote the driving of a vessel up and down or hither and thither by the wind. Adria, or the Adriatic {sea), not in the modern sense, which confines it to the gulf of Venice, but in the ancient sense, which makes it co-extensive with the central basin of the Mediterranean, between Sicily and Greece. This difference of usage is a point of some importance in identify- ing tlie place of Paul's shipwreck (see below, on 28, 1.) About midnight, literally, towards (or near) the middle of the night. Shipmen, sailors, mariners, the officers and crew belonging to the vessel, as distinguished from the soldiers, prisoners, and other passengers. Deemed,, conjectured, or suspected (see above, on 13, 25. 25, 18) that they drew near to some country, literally, that some country drew near to them, or retaining the original construction, they supposed some country to ap- proach them, in accordance with the optical illusion, mentioned VOL. II. — 20 458 ACTS 27, 27-29. by Cicero and otlier ancients, and familiar to all navicrators now, accordinjj; to which the vessel seems to stand still and the land to move. The word translated country does not mean land indelinitely as opposed to water^ which is forbidden by the i)ronoun, but a certain land or country, not yet recog- nized (see below, on v. 39. 28, 1.) They discovered the prox- imity of land, not by the sense of smell, as some interpreters imagine, which supposes that the wind blew from the land, whereas their danger was occasioned by its blowing in the opposite direction ; but by the sight or sound of breakers on the rocky coast. 28. And sounded, and found (it) twenty fathoms ; and when they had gone a Httle further, they sounded again, and found (it) fifteen fathoms. Having sounded (heaved the lead, to ascertain the depth), they found (it) twenty fathoms. The Greek word is derived from a verb meaning to stretch out, and properly denotes the space between the extremities of the outstretched arms, most measures of length, in all languages and ages, being taken from the human body (such as foot, handbreadth, span, ell, &c.) The ancient fathom and the modern coincide so nearly, that the nautical interpreters, in their calculations, treat them as identical. Having stood apart a short {distance)^ or ad- vanced a little further, and again sounded^ they found (a depth of) fifteen fathoms. Such a diminution Avould of course be looked for, in approaching any land ; but as the greater depth here mentioned must have been close to the spot where they perceived the nearness of the land, and in a certain direc- tion from the second sounding, and at such a distance as to give time for the operation mentioned in the next verse ; these data, when combined, may aid us in determining the place where the ship was run aground (see below, on 28, 1.) 29. Then fearing lest we should have fallen upon rocks, they cast four anchors out of the stern, and wished for the day. Then., or more exactly, also., likewise, too, which may here be taken as equivalent to and. Lest we shoidd fdl out (from our course or from deep water, see above, on vs. 1 7. 2(5) upon ACTS 27, 29. 30. 459 (or into) rocks, literally, rough (or rugged') places, a technical term of Greek liydrography. Casting (or having cast) four anchors from the stern, which was not the customary mode in ancient vessels, although more frequently resorted to than now, from their different construction, and from their having both extremities alike. In a picture found at llerculaneum, and belonging to the period of which we are now reading, tliere is a ligure of a vessel with the hawser and anchor at the stern. The same mode of anchoring has been occasionally used in modern times, for instance by Lord Nelson at the bat- tle of the Nile, although the other is in ordinary circumstances more eifectual in promptly stopping the ship's way or progress. Wished for the day, or more exactly, prayed that day might he (begin or come, the same verb as in v. 27.) The first verb properly denotes j^i'ayer as an expression of desire, and then desire in general, which most interpreters suppose to be the meaning here, although there seems to be no reason for ex- cluding the idea that the crew, or the whole company on board, did literally pray to the objects of their worship for deliverance in their extremity. 30. And as the shipmen were about to flee out of the ship, Avhen they had let down the boat into the sea, under colour as though they would have cast anchors out of the foreship — The ship had been anchored to retain her in her actual position until morning, when she might perhaps be safely run aground. This precarious chance of safety did not satisfy the crew, who now, with natural but odious selfishness, determined to abandon both the ship and their companions in misfortune and escape at once to the shore, under the cover of a nautical manoeuvre which they reasonably thought the others would not understand. The shipmen (sailors, see above, on v. 27) seeking (attempting, using means, see above, on 13, 8. 16, 10. 17, 5. 21, 31) to escape out of the ship, and loicering (the same verb as in v. 17) the boat, belonging to the ship, which had been taken up on deck soon after the beginning of the storm (see above, on v. 16.) {Under) a pretext (or pretence) as be- ing about to extend (or cany out) anchors from the prow (or forepart of the ship), in addition to those previously east from the stern (see above, on v. 29.) This was a measure the no- 460 ACTS 27, 30-'i2. ccssity of which oouUl liarcUy be appreciated by a landsman, and wliich thcrcibrc furnished a convenient means to gain possession of tlie boat witlioiit endani^erhiij: its being sunk by others crowding into it. This treaclierous contrivance, Ibund- ed on the imiorance of tliose wlio were to be abandoned, is not without its parallels in modern shipwrecks, and would no doubt have ])roved successful, but for a sudden interposition from an unexpected cpuirter, as related in the next verse. 31. Paul said to the centurion and to the soldiers, Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved. For the third time in this memorable voyage and tempest (see above, on vs. 10. 21), Paul the prisoner comes forward as the counsellor of those who seemed to have his hfe and liberty at their disposal. Perceiving, either by a natural sagacity, by nautical experience, or by special revelation, the ungenerous purpose of the crew, perhaps including both the captain and the owner (see above, on v. 11), he addressed himself to the military portion of the company, to wit, the centurion and the soldiers under his command, all of whom, with the prisoners committed to their charge, would have fallen victims to this murderous desertion of the vessel by the only men on board who knew how to control her, or could be expected to avail themselves of the precarious and dubious opportunity of safety which might be presented when the morning dawned. Except (or unless^ literally, if not^ these (mariners or sailors, who were in the act of lowering the boat, or had already done so) abide (remain, continue) in the shij?, ye (the soldiers whom he was addressing) ccmnot be saved (from shipwreck or from instant death.) The condition thus prescribed, though often used to prove that the divine decrees are not absolute, is perfectly consistent with the previous assurance (in v. 22) that they should all escape, because the means are just as certainly de- termined as the end, which in this case was to be secured by the prevention of the seamen's flight, and that by the very exhortation here recorded, and its eftect upon the soldiers, as related in the next verse. 32. Then the soldiers cut off the ropes of the boat, and let her fall off. The?!, not the mere connective (Se) often so translated, but ACTS 27, 32. 33. 461 the adverb of time (roVe), meaning at that time, or afterwards, when Paul had thus addressed them, and by necessary imi)U- cation, as a consequence of that address. The soldiers^ indefi- nitely, meaning some of them, acting perhaps under the cen- turion's orders, but more probably prompted by the sense of their own danger and the instinct of selt-preservation. Cut off (or cut away) the ropes (originally meaning rushes twisted into cords, but aftervrards a^jplied to ropes in general) of the boat (either those by which it had been lowered, or those by which it was still fastened to the ship, the sense j^referred by nautical interpreters) andlet (permitted, suffered, as in 14, 15. 16, 7. 19, 30. 23, 32, compare v. 7, above) her (the boat) fall off' (or out^ the same verb that is used above, in vs. 17. 26. 29), but here to be literally understood as meaning to fall from the ship into the sea, implpng that she had not yet been entirely let down, unless the verb be taken in the less specific sense of separation or removal from the vessel. 33. And while the day was coming on, Paul be- sought (them) all to take meat, saying, This day is the fourteenth day that ye have tarried and continued fast- in o- havino; taken nothino-. For the fourth time Paul the prisoner assumes, as it were, the command of the vessel, or at least the direction of the company, wisely and carefully providing for the crisis which was now approaching, and in which they would have need of all their strength and spirits, unabated by neglect or insufii- ciency of food. V/hile the day teas coming on^ or more ex- actly, until it loas about to become day^ implying that through- out the interval from midnight (or a little later) to the dawn of day, Paul icas exhorting them^ which is the proper force of the imperfect tense here used. (For the usage of the verb itself, see above, on 2, 40. 25, 2.) The fourteenth day to-day expecting (as in 3, 5. 10, 24), looking for, 'deliverance or ship- wreck, vnthout food (foodless, an adjective corresponding to the noun in v. 21) ye complete (or spend the time), i. e. con- tinue or remain. Having taken nothing is not to be strictly understood, but as a natural and popular hyperbole, denoting the omission of all stated meals, with the deficient and irregu- lar sup})ly of food, wliich may be said to be invariable incidents of storms at sea, and as such recorded in most narratives of 462 ACTS 27, 33. 34. shipwreck and marine disaster (see above, on v. 21.) The irreguhirity arises partly from forgetfuhiess and want of appe- tite occasioned by anxiety or sense of danger, and i)artly from tlie difficulty of preparing, serving, and partakhig of the usual repasts, amidst the disorder and confusion of a storm, by which the provisions are often damaged or swept away before they can be used. Some, with less probability, suj>pose an allusion to religious fasting ; others to scarcity or lailure of provisions, which is mconsistent with the facts recorded in the following verses. 34. Wherefore I pray you to take (some) meat ; for this is for your health : for there shall not a hair fall from the head of any of you. Wherefore^ because you have already fasted so long, and because the consequent debilitation must unfit you for exer- tion, at the very time when you are most in need of all your energy and vigour. 1 2'>ray (exhort, invite, entreat) you (the same verb that is used in the preceding verse) to jmrtake of nourisliraent (or meat^ in its wide old Enghsh sense oi food^ the only one belonging to the word in our translation.) For this (the act of eating, or the use of food) is (the same verb that is used above in vs. 12. 21) for (connected with, belonging or conducive to) your safety^ the word usually rendered sal- vatioii (see above, on 4, 12. 13, 26. 47. 16, 17), but here used in the lower sense of salvation or deliverance fi*om danger. The common version {health) is too restricted, unless taken in the wider sense of welfare, safety. The second for has refer- ence to an intermediate thought, implied though not expressed. ' What I advise is an appointed means to the appointed end of your deliverance, for, &c.' The collocation of the last clause is peculiar, for of 7ione of you a hair from the head (i. e. a hair from the head of none of you) shall foil (to the ground), a proverbial expression for the slightest injury or loss. (Compare Matt. 10, 30. Luke 12,7.) Instead q{ faU^ which is the Hebrew or Old Testament formula (see 2 Sam. 14,11. 1 Kings 1, 52), the oldest manuscripts and versions here have perish^ which may however be a m(^e assimilation to the form of the same proverb used by Christ himself (see Luke 21, 18.) ACTS 27, 35-37. 463 35. And when he had thus spoken, he took bread, and gave thanks to God in presence of them all ; and when he had broken (it), he began to eat. Saying (or having said) these (things)^ and talcing (or having taken) breads he thanhed God before {theiii) all^ and breaking (or having broken it) began to eat. In this Paul is supposed by some to have acted as a Christian minister keep- ing a love-feast if not administering the communion ; by oth- ers, as the father of a family, asking a blessing on his children's food ; by others, as a pious Jew, acknowledging the Lord in all enjoyments. The most natural construction of his conduct is, tliat his primary design was to induce the rest to eat by his example, but that in so doing he did not forget the Christian practice of returning thanks for providential bounties. (See Matt. 15, 36. 26, 27. John 6, 11. 23. Rom. 14, 6. 1 Cor. 10, 30. 11, 24. 14, 17. Eph. 5, 20. 1 Thess. 5, 18.) This religious act was commonly connected, both by Jews and early Christians, with the breaking of bread as the formal commencement of the meal. It is not, therefore, necessarily imphed that bread alone was eaten upon this occasion, though it may have been so ; but in that case it is necessary to suppose a regular and orderly participation of this fi'ugal fare, as distinguished from the scanty and occasional refections of the previous fortnight (see above, on v. 33.) Began is no more pleonastic here than elsewhere (see above, on 1, 1. 2,4. 11,4.15. 18,26. 24,2), but denotes that he made a beginning which the rest con- tinued, or that he began what others finished, as related in the next verse. 36. 37. Then were they all of good cheer, and they also took (some) meat. And we were in all in the ship two hundred threescore and sixteen souls. Then (8e, not t6t€^ as in v. 32) beiiig encouraged, or becom- ing cheerful (see the corresponding verb in vs. 22. 25), they also (or themselves too) i. e. the whole ship's company as well as Paul himself. Took, the verb used in the last clause (and akin to that used in the first clause) of v. 33, and strictly mean- ing took to {themselves), as in 17, 5. 18, 26, where it is applied to persons. The same verb is found also in the received text of V. 34 ; but the oldest manuscrijots and latest critics have the same form there as in the first clause of v. 33 {fxirakajidv, to 464 ACTS 27, 37-39. partake.) That this i)articipation embraced all on board the vessel, is apparent from the statement in v. 37, which does not mean we were in all so many, for this would here be out of place between vs. 30 and 38, but we (who thus partook of this last nieal) icere all the souls on board the ship (amounting to) tico hundred and seventy-six. This number, far from being incredible, as some have thought, is not unusually large, con- sidering the size of these Egyptian storeships (see above, on v. 2), and compared with the statement of Josephus, that about this same time he was wrecked in the Adriatic with a shipload of six hundred. 38. And when they had eaten enough, they light- ened the ship, and cast out the wheat into the sea. A7id being satisfied (or sated), having eaten heartily, their first full meal since the commencement of the storm. Light- ened the ship, the very phrase employed in v. 18 above to represent a Greek one altogether different from that here used, w'hich is a technical term in ancient navigation. In this case we are told more particularly what it w^as that they threw overboard. Casting out the icheat into the sea, i. e. as some explain it, the remainder of the ship's provisions, as no longer needed, since they expected either to be rescued or to perish without long delay. To this it is objected that the provisions would have made but little difference in the burden of the ship ; whereas the cargo, which had not been previously men- tioned, would be naturally spared until the last, and would most probably consist of wheat, as this was the great staple of the trade between Italy and Egypt (see above, on v. 6.) 39. And when it was day, they knew not the land : but they discovered a certain creek wdth a shore, into the which they were minded, if it were possible, to thrust in the ship. JV7ien it was (or be^^ame) day (see above, on v. 29), they did 7iot recognize the land, as one already known to them (compare the use of the same verb in 3, 10. 4, 13. 12, 14. 19, 34.) Discovered, or as the verb strictly means, observed, ex- amined closely, then discerned, distinguished (see above, on 7, 31. 32. 11, 6.) A creek, in its proj^er Enghsh sense of a small ACTS 27, 39. 40. 465 inlet, cove, or bay, metaphorically called in Greek and Latin a bosom. With a shore^ literally, having a beach., and there- fore suitable for landing. This specific usage of the Greek word is found in the best writers, and removes the ground of the objection that all creeks have shores, as well as the absurd construction founded on it, a creeh with a shore^ i. e. a shore vrith a creek. They icere minded., i. e. they intended, pur- posed, such was their design (see above, on 5, 33. 13, 37.) If it v:ere ijossible., lit., if they were able, if they could, the opta- tive form suggesting the idea of contingency and doubt. To thrust m, or riither, to thrust out, the particle referring not to the creek but to the sea from which they there found refuge. (See the same verb as employed above, in 7, 45, and compare the kindred verb in vs. 27. 39 of the same chapter.) 40. And when they had taken up the anchors, they committed (themselves) unto the sea, and loosed the rudder bands, and hoisted up the mahisail to the wmd, and made tovfard shore. Having taken up (or away all round), the same verb that occurs above in v. 20, and which is here more correctly ren- dered in the margin of the English Bible {cut the anchors.) The same remark apphes to the words following [committed themselves unto the sea) which the margin properly explains as still referring to the anchors, a7id left them in the sea, or as it may be still more exactly rendered, let (them fall) into the sea, the verb being the same Avith that applied in v. 32 to their letting the boat fall oif or away. At the same time (a/xa, in the version simply and) loosing (relaxing or unfastening, as in 16, 26) the junctures (ligatures or fastenings) of the rud- ders, which in ancient ships were two large oars on each side of the stern, and which in this case had no doubt been raised out of the water and lashed together while the ship was an- chored by the stern (see above, on v. 29) but must now be loosed again in order to direct her movement towards the shore. And raising (hoistmg) the artemon, an ancient nauti- cal expression still retained in several modern languages, and variously applied to all the principal sails (the main-sail, mizen-sail, &c.) but believed by the latest and best nautical interpreters to mean the fore-sail, both on historical grounds and as the most appropriate in the circumstances here de- VOL. IT.— 20* 4G0 ACTS 27, 40. 41. Bcribcd, to which interesting parallels are cited from the his- tory of modern navii^ation. To the wind^ literally, to the breathing [air) or hloiriuff {breeze)^ an ellipsis also found in Xeno])hon and other Attic writers. Made toioard^ literally,* hild doicn^ i. e. by steering, kept her head in that direction. Herodotus combines the very same verb, particle, and noun (meaning beach or sandy shore, as iii the verse preceding.) 41. And fiilling into a place where two seas met, tliey ran the ship aground ; and the forepart stuck fast, and remained unmoveable, but the hinder part was broken with the violence of the waves. Falling into^ YiiQV2X[y^ falling rounds embracing, but with the secondary sense o^ falling among^ so as to be surrounded by, robbers (as in Luke 10, 30), or temptations (as in James 1, 2), or falling xcithin (getting inside of) a place, as here. If 7/ ere two seas met^ in Greek a single word and that a com- pound adjective, analogous to bimaris, the epithet applied by Horace to Corinth on account of its position on an isthmus (see above, on 18, 1.) The same sense was adopted by the older writers here and referred to a projecting point or tongue of land, on which the vessel struck or ran aground. Later interpreters suppose it to denote the meeting of two opposite currents forming a shoal or sand-bank. But the modern nau- tical interpretation understands it of a narrow channel between two seas or two portions of the sea, as Strabo uses the same term in application to the Bosphorus. Jia?i aground^ another technical term belonging to the nautical dialect of Greece and still j)reserved by other writers, such as Xenophon, Polybius, and Herodotus. The forepart (prow or bows), the word translated foreship in v. 30. Indeed (/^eV), corresponding to the but (Se) in the next clause, is omitted in the version (see above, on 1,5. 5,23. 11,16. 19,4. 22,3.9.) Stuck fast, lit- erally, leaning (resting upon something), and then settling, fixing itself, in a certain situation, here most probably a bed of sand or clay. Unmoveable (in modern phrase, immoveable or motioidess), a term used elsewhere only in a figurative sense (Heb. 12, 28.) But (3e, in opposition to the /acV preced- ing) tJie hinder part (or stern, as it is rendered in v. 29) xcas broken (literally, loosened or dissolved, see above, on 2, 24. 7, 33. 13, 25. 43. 22, 30. 24, 26) with (or rather by) tlie violence ACTS 27, 41-43. 467 (see above, on 5, 26. 21, 35. 24, 7, a\ here it is ai:)plied to human subjects) of the leaves. This is supposed by nautical writers to imply that the stern of the vessel was imbedded in mud and thus exposed to the action of the sea. 42. And the soldiers' counsel was to kill the pris- oners, lest any of them should swim out, and escape. As the sailors had their plot (see above, on v. 30), so the soldiers had their plan, but of a very different nature, not to save their own lives, but their honour and the charge entrust- ed to them, a proposal in the highest degree characteristic of the Roman disciphne and spirit. The soldiers'' counsel was, seems to imply a consultation and the asking of advice by the centurion from different classes, of which this was one. But this is not the sense of the original, which might be more ex- actly rendered, of the soldiers there arose a 2^cm (or proposi- tion), without reference to any other which had been proposed. That they should kill the prisoners (Paul and the others men- tioned in V. 1), lest some (or any one)., swimming out (or from the vessel) should escape^ and thereby bring dishonour on the Roman arms, by which they had been guarded and protected. Far from seeking to preserve their own lives by the sacrifice of others, they proceeded rather on the supposition that they w^ere to perish in the shipwreck, while some of those entrusted to them might escape, a thought mtolerable to their stern fidelity and rude sense of military honour. 43. But the centurion, wilhng to save Paul, kept them from (their) purpose ; and commanded that they which could swim should cast (themselves) first (into the sea), and get to land — The centurion, as the first in rank and in responsibility, willing (or rather wishing, although never so translated in our Bible ; see above, on 5, 28. 12,4. 17,20. 18,15.27. 19,30. 22, 30. 23, 28. 25, 20. 22) to save Paul, literally, to save him through, or bring him safe through (see above, on 23, 24), which implies more hope of their escape from shipwreck than the soldiers seem to have indulged. Here again, as in v. 3 above, the language does not necessarily imply a personal re- gard for Paul, as the governing motive in the mind of the cen- 468 ACTS 27, 43. 44. tiirion, but rather a desire to execute his own trust and dis- cliarjxe his obligations, l)y bringing this important prisoner at least, througli the j)erils which l)c'set liim, sale to Kome and into the inij)erial ])resence. Preferring the })recarious chance of doing tliis to tlie desperate remedy j>roposed by the men under his command, he kept them (literally, hindered ov icith- held them ; see the various versions of the same Greek verb in 8,36. 10,47. 11,17. 16,6. 24,2ii)from their jyurpose {a kindred form to that translated counsel in v. 42), i. e. from its execution, as distinguished from the proposition or conception. And commanded^ or commanded too (re) tJiose able to sioim^ throwing (themselves) out firsts upon the land to go forth (from the ship or from the sea.) By issuing this unrestricted order, the centurion, boldly but prudently, incurred the risk of some among liis })risoners escaping, for the even chance of saving all their lives and yet securing all their persons. 44. And the rest, some on boards, and some on (broken pieces) of the ship. And so it came to pass, that they escaped all safe to land. The construction is continued from the verse preceding ; Ave have here the second part of the centurion's order. (He commanded those who could to swim ashore) and the rest (who could not swim, to get to land) some indeed (/xcV, as in V. 21) on hoards (or spars, perhaps thrown over for the pur- pose), hut (8c) others on some of the {things) from the ship^ i. e. articles of furniture or others which had been swept over- board, or broken pieces of the ship itself, as the English ver- sion rather paraphrases than translates it. And so (or thus) i. e. by these means, namely, swimming and floating with the aid of such appliances as those which had been just described, it came to jyiss, or happened after all, as something more than could have been expected, that cdl (without exception, sailors, soldiers, and prisoners, the whole ship's company of 276 souls) escaped safe (the passive of the verb translated save in the preceding verse, and strictly meaning in both places to he brought safe through^ impending or surrounding perils. Al- though not expressed, there is an obvious allusion to the pro- mise in vs. 22. 23. Not only was Paul's proi)hecy fuUIlled, but the divine assurance upon which it rested shown to be no mere invention or imagination, but an authenticated, proved reality. Besides the singular position of authority, already ACTS 27, 44. 469 occupied by Paul the prisoner (see above, on vs. 10. 21. 31. 33), he now stands forth in the extraordinary character of one to whom his God had made a present of 276 human lives, al- though he might have rescued him alone or with a few com- panions, thus displaying the benevolence as M-ell as the onmi- potence of Him whose worshipper and servant Paul professed to be, and whose immediate agency in this miraculous deliver- anee was placed beyond the reach of doubt by the distinct prediction of the danger (v. 10), of the ultimate escape (vs. 24. 34), and of their intervening shipwreck on an island (v. 26), a minute specification no impostor would have ventured, and which could not have been verified by accident. CHAPTEK XXYIII. This chapter winds up the whole history by recording Paul's arrival at the great metropolis and centre of influence, and the beginning of his labours there. It may be divided into three parts, one of which describes his three months' residence in Malta (l-lO) ; the second, his continued voyage to Rome (11-16) ; the third, his proceedings when he first arrived and through the following two years (17-31). They find them- selves in Malta and are kindly treated by the natives, who regard Paul, first as a murderer, and then as a god (1-6). He is hospitably entertained by the chief man of the island, and performs a miracle of healing in his household, followed by many others, with a marked efifect upon the popuhition (7-10). Leaving the island hi the spring, they touch at Syra- cuse and Rhegium, and land at Puteoli (11-13). Thence they proceed by land to Rome, by the way meeting two deputa- tions from the church there ; and on Paul's arrival he is treated Avith indulgence, Jilthough still a prisoner (14-16). He con- vokes the chief men of tlie Jews and vindicates himself before them, bemg his last vVpology on record (17-22). At their own request, he expounds and proves his Messianic doctrine, Avith the usual diversity of eftect upon the hearers (23-25). This last appeal to his brethren according to the flesh, he winds up by applying to them a well-known prophetic 470 ACTS 28, 1. ])ictiirc of judicial blindness, as exactly descriptive of their own condition (20-29). Ilavinuc thus brought the Apostle to the end of his exertions for the Jews, and to the beginning of his work at Rome, Luke concludes with a brief statement of his unobstructed labours there for two whole years (30. 31). 1. And when they were escaped, then they knew that the island was called Melita. Having been saved^ or brought safe through, the same verb that is twice employed in the two preceding verses (27, 43. 44.) T/iei/ kneio^ or according to the oldest manu- scripts and latest critics, ice hnew^ or rather came to know, discovered, ascertained (see above, on 27, 39), either by fur- ther observation, or from the natives, M'ho are mentioned in the next verse. Was called^ literally, is called^ being still so called when Luke wrote. Melita^ or Melite^ now Malta^ an island south of Sicily, described by Diodorus as a Punic or Pheuiciau colony, and once a famous seat of Carthaginian manufactures, especially of cloth. There was another island of the same name, on the Illyrian coast and in the gulf of Venice, now called Meleda^ which one of the Greek emperors of Constantinople, followed by some later writers, supposed to be the scene of the Apostle's shipwreck. The arguments in favour of this notion are, that Malta is not in the Adriatic ; that its people were not barbarous but civilized ; and that venomous animals are there unknown, though numerous in Meleda. But in ancient geography, the Adriatic was the whole central basin of the Mediterranean (see above, on 27, 27.) Barbarous (in vs. 2. 4) simply means not Greek or Ro- man, and was therefore applicable to the Punic population of Malta, but not to that of Meleda, which was probably of Greek or Roman origin. The presence of venomous reptiles in the latter is ascribed by the writers who assert it to the island's being damp and woody, which was once the case with Malta, but is so no longer. Precisely the same change, and arising from the same cause, has been noted in the Isle of Arran and in other countries. Against Meleda, as the place of shipwreck, it may be objected, that it lies entirely out of the course which the ship had been pursuing ; that the presence of the other Alexandrian vessel there cannot be accounted for ; that it does not agree with the subsequent course of the shipwrecked vessel, as it is described below in vs. 11—13; whereas Malta ACTS 28, 1. 2. 471 agrees perfectly with both, being in the way from Crete to Puteoli and sonth of Sicily. The bay of Saint Paul, on the north-east coast of Malta, which tradition assigns as the place of shipwreck, presents all the features mentioned in the narra- tive ; a rocky shore with creeks or inlets ; a place of two seas, both in the sense of a narrow channel and in that of a project- ing point ; a tenacious anchorage, with beds of mud contigu- ous to banks of sand and clay ; soundings exactly answering to those recorded, and in the same relative position ; and pre- cisely such a coast, as to shape, height, breakers, currents, etc., as would account for a shipwreck taking place just here, in this case and in others of more recent date. If any thing is wanting to complete the resemblance, it is easily accounted for by changes which geologists regard as quite demonstrable. That the seamen did not recognize the island at first, is easily explained from the fact that it was not the most frequented part, and presented no marked features by which it could be readily identified. To all the coincidences which have been recited, it may now be added, that independent calculations, made by several experienced naval ofiicers, as to the rate at which a ship would drive before the wind in such a storm as that described above, agree almost exactly in the singular conclusion, that the vessel, on the fifteenth morning after leav- ing Crete, must have been precisely Avhere tradition has as- signed the place of the Apostle's shipwreck. 2. And the barbarous people shewed us no little kindness ; for they kindled a fire, and received us every one, because of the present rain, and because of the cold. Tlie barbarous {people)^ the same word that is rendered barbarians in v. 4, and applied by the Greeks, and afterwards by the Romans, to all nations but themselves, with reference rather to a diiference of language than of civilization. In this connection, it is nearly equivalent to the common use of na- tives for the inhabitants of unknown countries. Showed., lit- erally, afibrded, or extended to us. iVo little^ literally, not common (see above, on 19, 11.) Kindness., literally, phi/an- throjyy (see above, on 27, 3.) Kindled., literally, touched (or lifjhted) up (compare Luke 12,49. James 3, 5.) lieceived us to [it)., i. e. to the fire, or to their company (as in 17, 5. 18, 472 ACTS 28, 2. 3. 4. 2G.) Every one,, literally, all^ nG^recini^ witli the ]>lural pro- noun {us.) Because (or on account) of the. rai?i^ the jyvesent.^ literally, hav'uif/ come upon (us)^ whieli some refer to the pre- ceding storm, but most inter])reters, no doubt correctly, to a rain which followed it. The ideas of suddenness and violence (comi)are hjintj on^ 27, 20) are not expressed by this word, but suggested by the context. The ro/f/ shows that the wind, which no doubt still continued, could not be the south-east or sirocco with its stifling heat, but must have been the north- east (see above, 'on 27, 14.) 3. And when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks, and laid (them) on the fire, there came a viper out of the heat, and fastened on his hand. Paul assists in keeping up the fire, which affords occasion for a new proof of the special divine care extended over him. Having gathered., literally, turned (or ticisted) together., a verb corresponding to the noun applied, in 19, 40. 23. 12, to human gatherings and combinations. Fire., not the element so called, but a cognate form, meaning a heap or pile of burning fuel. Came out., or according to the latest text, coining out through the wood or sticks, in which it had been lying, no doubt in a torpid state, until aroused by the heat. Out of, or as some explain it, aicag from, or because of as in Rev. 8, 11, which is a rare use of the preposition. Fastened on, literally, fitted (itself) down upon, i. e. with its mouth or teeth, though some infer from v. 5, that it merely coiled itself about his hand with- out biting it (but see below, on that verse.) 4. And when the barbarians saw the (venomous) beast hang on his hand, they said among themselves, No doubt this man is a mm-derer, whom, though he hath escaped the sea, yet vengeance suffereth not to live. And when (literally, as) the harharians (or natives, as in V. 2) saw the beast (a Greek word specially applied to venom- ous serpents) hanging from (or out of) his hand, which seems naturally to imply that he Avas bitten, although some suppose the viper to have merely clung to him without inflicting any wound (see above, on v. 3.) No doubt, or by all means, cer- ACTS 28, 4-6. 4V3 tainly (see above, on 18, 21. 21, 22.) Saved [saved through^ or rescued^ the same verb that occurs at the beginnmg of the first verse.) Yengeance^ Hterally, justice^ either as an act or an attribute 'of God (compare 2 Thess. 1, 9. Jude 7.) There is no need of supposing a personification, or a reference to the Nemesis, or goddess of retributive justice, represented by the Greek mythology as the daughter and avenger of the supreme Deity. Suffereth., Hterally, suffered^ m the past tense, as de- noting a result already fixed and certain. The inference drawn by the barbarians is supposed by some to imply that murder was punished in Malta by the bite of serpents, which appears gratuitous and far-fetched. Others suppose it to imply a pop- ular belief that the guilty member would be providentially punished, but murder is not the only crime committed with the hand. The only natural supposition is, that seeing Paul to be a prisoner, perhaps still fastened to a soldier, they in- ferred that he was guilty of some crime, and seeing hun as- sailed by a venomous animal, whose bite they well knew to be mortal, they concluded that his crime was that of murder, as the highest known to human laws, and one appropriately pun- ished by the loss of life. 5. And lie shook off the beast into the fire, and felt no harm. And^ or so then^ the resumptive particle so common in this book, by which the writer, after telling what the natives said, returns to his main subject, and relates what Paul did. (See above, on 26, 4. 9.) Shook (or more exactly, shaki?ig, having shaken) oJT, (the verb employed in Luke 9, 5, and' a kindred form to that in 13, 51. 18, 6 above.) The beast, or reptile, as in v. 4. The fire, not the word so rendered in vs. 2. .3, but the primitive form, meaning fire in the proper sense, or fire itself. Felt no harm, literally, suffered (or experienced) no evil. This does not mean that the viper did not bite, or that it was not venomous, though so regarded by the natives, who must have been acquainted with its nature and habits, and who could not have expected such efiects without a rea- son (see below, upon the next verse.) 6. Howbeit they looked when he shonld have swol- len, or fallen down dead suddenly ; but after they had 474 ACTS 28, 6. 7. looked a ^reat wliile, and saw no harm conic to him, they changed their minds, and said that he was a god. But they icaited (pv were icaiting)^ the im})erfect tense of the verb used above in 3, 5. 10, 24. 27, 33. Or, retaining the original construction and Greek idiom, they expected him to be about (see above, on 27, 2. 10. 30. 33) to be inflamed^ the only sense supj)orted by the usage of the Greek verb, that of swell in (J being either implied as an effect and sign of inflam- mation, or derived from a confusion of this verb Avith one which dirters from it only in a single letter, and means strictly to be filled or tilled up. Sudden and violent inflammation is described, both by Lucan and Lucian, as an effect of the bite of seri)ents. Or to fall down suddenly dead^ an alternative suggested also by experience. (" Tremblingly she stood and on the sudden dropped," Shakspeare, Anthony and Cleopa- tra, 5, 2.) But for much (time, i. e. long, compare 16, 18. 27, 14), they loaiting (or expecting)^ and beholding (see above, on 25, 24. 2 7, 10) no Jiarm^ literally, nothing out of place^\. e. amiss, injurious, elsewhere used only in a moral sense (see Luke 23, 41. 2 Thess. 3, 2.) Come to him^ literally, happen- ing (occurring, taking place) to (or towards, in relation to^ A«m (see above, on 2, 25. 6,11. 20,21. 24,15. 25,8.20. 26,7.) Changing (themselves or their mind), a verb used in the clas- sics, both without and with a noun, to signify a change of judg- ment or opinion. The change in this case was the opposite of that undergone by the idolaters at Lystra, who first tried to worship Paul, and then to kill him, or at least consented to his being stoned (see above, on 14. 11. 13. 20.) A god^ not neces- sarily any particular deity of their own or of the classical mythology (^sculapius, Hercules, etc.), but a divine person ; not because the serpent was itself regarded as divine, but be- cause he had escaped what they knew to be the usual, perhaps the invariable, efiects of its virus. 7. In the same quarters were possessions of the chief man of the ishand, whose name was Piibhus ; who received us, and lodged us three days coiu-teously. In the (parts) about that place^ i. e. the place of shipwreck, on the north-eastern coast of Malta (see above, on v. 1.) TFere, a verb implying permanent possession (see above, on 4, 34. 37. 5, 4.) Possessions^ literally, ^^aces, lands, the same ACTS 28, 7. 8. 475 word that is used above, 4, 34. 5, 3. 8, and the pkiral of that in 1, 18. 19. Chief men,, literally, first (i. e. in rank or oflice. Compare the plural of the same Greek word in 13, 50. 17, 4. 25, 2.) That it does not denote mere superiority of wealth or social station, some infer from the fact that his father was still living, who, in that sense, would have had precedence. That it rather signifies official rank, may be inferred from the Ro- man name {Puhlius),, and from the fact that two inscriptions have been found upon the island, one in Greek and one in Latin, in which the same title is preserved (MEL. PRIMUS . . . nPnTO:S MEAITAIflN) and in one of them applied to a Roman knight, most probably the Governor. Cicero, in one of his orations against Verres, speaks of Malta as dependent on the Praetor of Sicily, whose legate or lieutenant Publius may have been. Receiving us,, m Greek a more emphatic term, implying cordiality and kindness, although not so strongly as the cognate form of the same verb in 2, 41. 15, 4. 18,27. 24,3. Lodged,, in its modern sense, is too re- stricted to convey the force of the original, which means to entertain as guests, and comprehends all the rites of hospi- tality, as well as the mere furnishing of shelter for the night or even comfortable quarters (see above, on 10, 6. 18. 23. 32. 21, 16.) Courteously,, not the word so rendered in 27, 3, but an analogous compound of the same verb or adjective with another noun, and meaning benevolently,, amicably, kindly. Three days,, i. e. probably until they could be otherwise ac- commodated for their residence of three months in the island (see below, on v. 11.) Us,, not the whole ship's company, as some suppose, for this was too large to be so received, and probably dispersed at once; but, as in v. 10, Paul and his companions, Luke and Aristarchus (see above, on 27, 2), with probably the Roman officer, and possibly the whole detach- ment under his command. 8. And it came to pass, that the father of Pubhus lay sick of a fever and of a bloody flux, to whom Paul entered in, and prayed, and laid his hands on him, and healed him. The Apostle was enabled to repay this kindness to himself and his companions in a very gratifpng manner. It came to pass,, or happened,, either afterwards or at the time of this 410 ACTS 28, 8. 9. hosjtitabk' cntcrtainmeiit, t/iat the father of Publlus lay^ or was lying down, tlie same verb that is rendered kept his bed in 9, 33, and repeatedly applied in the Gospels to a recumbent posture, both at meals (Mark 2, 15. 14, 3. Luke 5, 29) and on a sick bed (Mark 1, 30. 2, 4. Luke 5, 25. John 5, 3. 6.) Seized, confined, or held fast, elsewhere applied to pressure outward (7, 57) and inward (18,5), and in the Gospels to the pressure or constraint of fear (Luke 8, 37) and illness (Matt. 4, 24. Luke 4,38), which is the meaning here. Dysentery and fever, by ■which, in its worst form, it is commonly attended. A fever, literally, /t/vr.?, in the plural, a form of exj)ression also found in the Greek medical writers, and supposed to refer to the in- termittent ])aroxysms of the disease. This is one of the pas- sages in which it is thought by some that Luke's professional habits may be traced. (See above, on 3, 7. 9, 18. 33. 12, 23. 13, 11. 20, 9.) It has been alleged that this disease is unknown on the island of 3Ialta ; but besides the changes Avrought in this respect by lapse of time and the advance of cultivation, the assertion is disproved by the experience both of travellers and resident physicians. Going in andx>rayiny (or having prayed, but see above, on 1, 24), thereby avowing that he healed him, not in his own strength, but as an instrument of the divine mercy (see above, on 9, 40.) It has been well observed, that Paul experienced, almost at the same time, two fulfilments of his Master's promise, " they shall take up serpents ; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt them ; they shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover (Mark 16, 18.)" 9. So when this was done, others also, which had diseases in the island, came, and were healed — The healing of the father of their host was only the begin- ning of a series of such miracles, including, if the words are to be strictly understood, all the sick upon the island, or at least all who could be brought to the Apostle. Nor is this incred- ible, the population being probably a small one, and his stay protracted through the winter. This therefore having take?! pjlace (i. e. the miracle of healing mentioned in the verse pre- ceding) others (or more exactly, the rest, those remaining, as in 2,37. 5,13. 17,9. 27,44) having infirmities (diseases, the noun corresponding to the adjective in 4, 9. 5, 15. 16, and the verb in 9, 37. 19, 12) came (or more exactly, came to, i. e. to him), as he could not go to them, being still a prisoner (see ACTS 28, 9. 10. 411 aboA'e, on v. 4) a7id icere healed, or more exactly cured, the Greek verb meaning strictly cai'ed for, but with special refer- ence to the sick (see above, on 17, 25, and compare 4, 14. 5, 16. 8, 1.) 10. Who also honoured us with many honours; and when we departed, they laded (us) with such things as were necessary. The effect 6f these extraordinary favours on the barbarians or rustic population is expressed by two of its external signs. Who cdso (i. e. not content with praising God, or simply thanking Paul) honoured us (the whole party) loith many hon- ours (or attentions), i. e. marks of affection and respect during our stay among them. As the word translated honours some- times means ^>/7'ce or value, and is always so used elsewhere in the book before us (see above, on 4, 34. 5, 2. 3. 7, 16. 9, 19), some retain that meaning here and understand the clause of fees or pecuniary gifts, to Avhich the word honorarium is ap- plied in Latin, and even the word honos, it would seem, in one of Cicero's epistles {ut medico ho?ios haheretur), and the Greek w^ord itself in 1 Tim. 5, 17 (compare v. 3 of the same chapter) as explained by some interpreters. But all these parallels, together with one found in the Apocrypha (Ecclus. 38, 1), are either doubtful or determined by the context ; whereas here the wider sense is equally appropriate and much more natural, especially as these honours seem to have con- tinued during their abode upon the island, and to be distin- guished from the presents made to them at their departure. Laded us, hterally, laid upon us, which denotes not merely that they put the things into the ship, but that the gifts were very numerous and abundant. lVhe7i ice departed, literally, o?i our setting sail, or setting out, the nautical expression for departure from a seaport, used above in 13, 13. 16, 11. 18, 21. 20, 3. 13. 21, 1. 2. 27, 2. 4. 12. 21. Such things as were 7ieces- sary, literally, the things (pertaining) to the iise or need (or according to the latest critics 7ieeds or icants) of Paul and his companions. For the usage of the Greek noun, see above, on 2, 45. 4, 35. 6, 3. 20, 34 (comparing Phil. 2, 25. 4, 16.) These gifts, consisting no doubt chiefly or entirely in pro- visions and other necessaries for the voyage, were particu- larly seasonable after the hardships and losses of the ship- wreck. 478 ACTS 28, 11-13. 11. And after three nionths we departed in a ship of Alexandria, which liad wintered in the isle, whose sign was Castor and Pollux. After three 7nonths^ probably as soon as navigation was considered sate (see above, on 27, 9.) We departed., set sail, put to sea, the same verb that occurs in the preceding verse. W/tich had tcintered (literally, having wintered) in the island (]Malta), ])crha])s driven there as the other was. but more suc- cessful in avoiding shipwreck. An Alexandria?! (vessel) like the other ; this particular is added in the Greek text by a kind of attert bought to the statement of its having wintered in the island, as if he had said, ' which, by the way, was also a ship of Alexandria.' Whose sign teas is in Greek a single w^ord, and that an adjective, meaning signed, signalized, distin- guished, designated by a badge. The ancient ships, besides the image of some tutelary god upon the stern, bore a carved or painted figure-head upon the prow, which gave name to the vessel ; but in some cases, and perhaps in this, the itisigne and tutela were the same. Castor and Pollux^ literally, Di- oscuri^ i. e. the boys or sons of Jupiter (and Leda), regarded by the ancients as the gods of navigation and the guardians of seamen. This particular is mentioned, not to show the piety or superstition of the mariners, nor to show how Paul was brought into compulsory contact with heathenish corrup- tions, but as a lively reminiscence on the part of an eye- witness. As to the number, size, and quality of these ships, see above, on 27, 6. 12. 13. And landing at Syracuse, we tarried (there) three days. And from thence we fetched a compass, and came to Rhegium ; and after one day the south wind blew, and we came the next day to Puteoli — Landing^ literally, being brought down (see above on 21, 3. 27, 3.) tSgracuse^ the famous capital of Sicily, on the east- ern coast, still in existence under the same name, but with not more than a twentieth of its ancient population. Tarried, re- mained over (see above, on 10, 48. 15, 34. 21, 4. 10), either for purposes of trade, or waiting for a favourable wind. Fetched a coinpasSy hterally, coining "(or going) round, i. e. as some suppose, round the island or the southern point of Italy, or out ACTS 28, 13. 14. 470 to sea in order to avoid the coast, or along the windings of the coast itself; but most interpreters now understand it either of the zigzag movement technically known as tacking, or of the more irregular course caused by an unfavourable wind. 6'«me, or came down, the verb used to denote arrival at a place in 16,1. 18,19.24. 20,15. 21,7.25,13.20,7.27,12. Rhegi- um^ now Reggio, a seaport near the south-west point of Italy opposite Messina. It was ruined by an earthquake in 1783, but is still the chief town of the province of Calabria in the kingdom of Naples, and has nearly twenty thousand inhabit- ants. The south wind (see above, on 27, 10) sjyringing up^ arising, a Greek verb used in the same sense by Polybius and Thucydides. The next day is in Greek a plural adjective analogous to seco7idary^ but used in the specific sense of be- longing to (or happening on) the second day (compare the similar derivation from four in John 11, 39.) Its appUcation to persons (we of or on the second day) is wholly foreign from our idiom ; but the sense is clear. One day would be sufficient with a fair wind to proceed from Rhegium to Puteoh, now Pozzuoli or Puzzuoli, seven miles south-west of Naples, once a place of great resort, both on account of its mineral springs from which or from their odour it derived its name, and as the landing place of the Egyptian corn-ships, the arrival of which was an occasion of great interest, as described by Sene- ca and Suetonius. 14. Where we found brethren, and were desired to tarry with them seven days ; and so we went toward Rome. Even here they found Christians, showing how extensively the gospel had already been diifused, though some suppose the "" brethren " at Puteoli to have been Alexandrians residing there for purposes of trade. We icere desired^ invited or en- treated (see above, on 27, 33. 34.) The very same verb fol- lowed by the same preposition has in 2 Cor. 7, 7 the sense of being comforted in^ which some suppose to be the meaning here ; but this requires a change of text, so as to read tarrying (not to tarry), an emendation without manuscript authority. It seems to be impHed that this request was granted, which could not have been without the leave of the centurion, an- other proof of his indulgent treatment of his i)risoner, what- ever may have been the motive (see above, on 27, 3. 43.) And 480 ACTS 28, It-IG. 50, i. e. aller those delays and interruptions, we went toward lioine^ a plirase analoi2:ous to that in 27, 1 {sail into Italy) and others there referred to. But the best jihiiological inter- preters regard it as denoting their arrival, as it does in the beginning of v. IG, and explain what intervenes as a parenthe- sis or supplementary addition. * So we came to Rome, but on the way, certain brethren came to meet us, tfec' 15. And from thence, when the brethren heard of us, they came to meet us as far as Appii Porum, and the Three Taverns ; whom when Paul saw, he thanked God and took courage. And thence (from Rome) the brethren (Christians there re- siding) hearing (or having heard) the (things) about us (or concerning us)^ i. e. of their arrival at Puteoli, their stay at which place would aflbrd time for the news to be received at Rome. Came out to meet vs, an attention similar to that so often paid at parting with distinguished and beloved guests (see above, on 15, 3. 20, 37. 21, 5.) There is no need of sup- posing a formal division into two companies, but only that some set out earlier than others, so that Paul found them waiting at two well-known stopping places on the Via Appia, the oldest and most famous of the Roman roads, leading from the capital to Capua and thence to Brundisium. Appii Forum was a market-place, and Tres Tabernae a group of shops or inns, the former above forty miles from Rome, the latter about ten miles nearer. Appii Forum is described by Horace in a well- known passage of great humour ; and both are named together in one of Cicero's epistles, dated from Appii Forum and refer- ring to another letter written a few hours before from Tres Ta- bernae. Who}7i JPaid seeing, and beholding in them living rep- resentatives of that im^Dortant church which he had so long purposed and desired to visit (see above, on 19, 21. 23, 11, and compare Rom. 1, 0-15), having thanked God, for his safe arrival and the fulfilment of his hopes so long cherished and deferred, he took courage, either in the passive sense of receiving encour- agement from God, or in the active sense of rallying his jaded spirits, and rousing himself to new or more implicit trust in the divine j^rotection. 10. And when we came to Rome, the centurion ACTS 28, 16. 481 delivered the prisoners to the captain of the guard; but Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a sol- dier that kept him. Having mentioned Paul's reception by the Christians (or the Clmrch) at Rome, Luke now describes his treatment by the public authorities. ^Ve came, implying that the writer Avas still with him. We came to (or into) Home, the same phrase with which v. 14 closes, the narrative there interrupted being here resumed after the statement (in v. 15) of what happened by the way. As if he had said, ' so then, when we got to Rome at last, the centurion, etc' The special commis- sion of Julius now expired on his delivering Paul to the cap- tain of the guard, or as the Greek word literally means, the commander of the cam]), i. e. of the Praetorian camp, occupied by the Praetorian or Imperial Guard, created by Augustus, and pennanently organized under Tiberius by Sejanus. This formidable force, like the Janissaries of modern history, be- came the most powerful body in the state, and finally con- trolled the choice of the Emperor himself. There were usual- ly two Praetorian Prefects, or commanders of this guard ; but under Nero, the place was filled for a time by his preceptor Burrus without any colleague. Hence some have inferred that as only one is mentioned here, it must have been this per- son, and attempt to fix the time of Paul's arrival by the fact that Burrus was put to death in March, A. D. 62. It is evi- dent, however, that no such conclusion can be drawn from the use of the singular number, which may just as well denote the one on duty, or be taken as equivalent to one of the prefects or commanders. The delivery of Paul to this high ofiicer agrees exactly with an order of the Emperor Trajan, forty years later, to the younger Pliny, that a prisoner from his province should be sent to the Praetorian Prefects. ( Vinctus niittl ad p/raefectos 2)raetorii 9nei.) The first clause relates to tlie d(!livery of all the prisoners (see above, on 27, 1. 4:3), but the last to the disposal made of Paul in particular. I^ut to Paid it teas p)ermitted (or allowed, as in 21, 39. 40. 26, 1. 27, 3), not by the centurion, whose power over him had ceased, but no doubt by the Prelect, who had now assumed the charge of him. To dwell (literally, to stay, remain, abide, continue) hij himself, i. e. apart from other prisoners, but not entirely alone, as appears from what is added in the last clause, \oith the soldier (not a soldier, but the one already mentioned VOL. II. — 21 482 ACTS 28, IG. 17. as) keepiiiff (i. e. guardinnr, wateliing) him. (See above, on 12, G. 21,33. 22,30. 23,35. 24,23. 26,29.) The definite form of the expression lias respect to the general method of confinement, not to the person of the guard, Avhich was no doubt continually changed, thereby aflfording Paul the oppor- tunity of talking with a multitude of the imperial guards in turn, to which some suppose him to allude in Phil. 1, 13. Even the confinement here described was indulgence in comparison with that to which most prisoners were subjected, and was probably owing to the favourable statements made by Festus in writing and by Julius orally. (See above, on 25, 25. 2G, 31.) 17. And it came to pass, that after three days Paul called the chief of the Jews together ; and when they were come together, he said imto them, IMen (and) brethren, tlioudi I have committed nothino; against the people, or customs of our fathers, yet was I dehvered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Ro- mans— It came to pass is not a pleonastic or superfluous expres- sion, but equivalent to sapng, the next remarkable occurrence after Paul's arrival was that after three days, etc., thus mark- ing, as it were, the stages or divisions of the narrative. After three days^ during which interval Paul may have removed from the Prsetorian camp to the private lodging mentioned in V. 23, and where the interview about to be recorded would more probably take place than in a camp or prison. Paul^ or according to the oldest manuscripts and versions, Ae, without expressly naming him. Called together^ to or for himself^ which is the full force of the middle voice in Greek. The chief or more exactly, those heing chiefs to wit, at that time, the actual existing chiefs, perhaps with some allusion to their banishment by Claudius (see above, on 18, 2) and restoration under the mild government of Nero during the first five years of his reign. The sense Avill then be, ' those who now again were recognized as chiefs and representatives of the Jews at Rome.' (Compare the similar expression used in 13, 1, and there explained.) It has been disputed whether these were elders and rulers of the synagogue, or merely heads of families and men of weight in the coramimity; but the two classes ACTS 28, 17. 483 are in fact coincident, the elders both of the Jewish and the early Christian church comprising most of those to whom the description above given would apply. Some have thought it strange that the Apostle's first communication should have been with unbelieving Jews, and not with that community of Christians, in whom he had long felt so deep an interest, and to whom he had addressed the greatest of his doctrinal epistles. But having related the readiness and eagerness with which the Roman Christians came forth to receive Paul, Luke might leave his readers to infer from that fact, as a matter of course, the cordial, confidential intercourse which afterwards took place between them, and instead of dwelling upon facts that any one could take for granted, might proceed to mention others not so easily conjectured, and for that very reason needing to be placed on record. The surprise felt at Paul's negotiation with these Jews is of itself enough to justify its being given at full length, while other matters are omitted, which if stated would have generated no surprise at all. As to the motive of this singular proceeding, it was not mere anxiety to stand well with the Jews at Rome, or to avoid their machinations, neither of which could give the great Apostle, after all that he had passed through, much uneasiness ; but rather an intention to Avind up his deahngs with his unbeliev- ing brethren by a solemn declaration of the truth as to him- self and the religion which he now professed, and thus, through them as representatives, to bid farewell to Israel according to the flesh for ever. In this last appeal and apology, he uses his old formula. Men and brethren^ thereby acknowledging them still, not only as his countrymen, but also as his coreUgionists, or fellow- Jews. (See above, on 2, 29. 7,2. 13, 2G. 22,1. 23,1. 6.) I having done nothing contrary (or hostile^ see above, on 26, 9) to the people (i. e. to the rights and privileges of the Jewish church or chosen race) nor to the p>aternal (or ances- tral^ see above, on 22, 3. 24, 14) institutions (see above, on G, 14. 15, 1. 16, 21. 21, 21. 26, 3), (nevertheless as) a priso?ier from Jerusalem icas delivered into the hands of the Momans. Two questions have been raised as to the truth and ingenuous- ness of this statement. Tlie first is, how Paul could deny that he had opposed the Jewish church and institutions, Avhen his whole hie as a Christian had been spent in maintaining that they were not necessary to salvation. The answer is the same that Paul himself gave before Felix (24, 14-16) and Agiippa (26, 6-8. 21-23), namely, that he did not embrace Christianity 484 ACTS 28, 17. 18. as a siiccedancum for the old reliction, hut as its lejijitimate successor and jn-cdictcd consunimation, so that the Christian was in i'act the best Jew, or rather the only Israelite indeed in -wliom there was no guile (compare John 1, 48.) The Mo- saic ceremonies, having been intended for a temporary pur- pose now accomplished, could no longer be essential or even conducive to salvation. The other question is, how Paul could justly represent the Jews as having betrayed him to the Ro- mans, when in fact he had himself declined the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim and appealed to the imperial tribunal (see above, on 25, 9-12.) Tlie answer is, that Paul is here referring not to the outward form of the proceedings, but to their secret springs and actual effects. His original transfer from the power of the Jews to that of the Romans, though immediately occasioned by the armed interference of the latter, was ulti- mately referable to the violence and malice of the former (see above, on 21, 31. 32.) So too, his final appeal to Cesar, though a voluntary act, was rendered necessary by the continued machinations of the Jews against his life and the apparent connivance of the Procurator Festus (see above, on 23, 12. 25, 3. 9-12.) It was therefore true, in fact if not in form, that Paul was forced into the power of the Romans and the pres- ence of the emperor by the treacherous and murderous designs of his own countrymen. The immediate reference is here to his original transfer from the Jewish to the Roman power, as appears from what is added in the next verse. 18. AYho, when they had examined me, would have let (me) go, because there was no cause of death in me. As an aggravation of their guilt in thus betraying him, he adds, that they prevented his acquittal by the Romans when convinced that he was innocent, after a judicial investigation (for the usage of the Greek verb, see above, on 4, 9. 12, 19. 24, 8.) This is not a mere inference or conjecture, but a sup- plementary completion of Luke's narrative in 25, 8. 9, where we read that after Paul's refutation of the charges, Festus asked him if he would be tried again before the council at Jerusalem. The seeming abruptness of this joroposition, and its destitution of all ground or reason, are in some degree re- moved by Paul's own statement to the Jews at Rome, which although perfectly consistent with the other narrative, com- l)letes it by informing us, that in the interval between Paul's ACTS 28, ]8. 19. 485 defence and Festiis's proposal, the latter had expressed a wish to set him free, but by the opposition of the Jews had been induced to offer a new trial as a sort of compromise. This, while it explains the Procurator's conduct, does not in the least extenuate his error in sacrificing Paul's rights to the wishes of his enemies, and proposing a new trial when he ought to have acquitted and discharged him. (See above, on 25, 12.25. 26,31.32.) 19. But when the Jews spake against (it), I was constrained to appeal unto Cesar ; not that I had aught to accuse my nation of. The Jews contradicting or opposing (the proposal to ac- quit or set him free), I was constrained (compelled or forced) to appecd to Cesar (or invoke the emperor, see above, on 25, 11.) The compulsion here alleged is not a physical compul- sion, forcing him against his mil to take this step, but a moral force, depriving him of any other means by which he could ensure his safety. As the Jews were determined to destroy him, and Festus seemed unable or imwilling to protect him, he was forced, as his only means of safety, to assert his civic rights and to mvoke the imperial protection. It was therefore simply a defensive measure, and involved no charge against the Jews as a nation, of which he here still claims to be a member. The idea is not that his persecution in Judea was a local one, for which the Jews at large were not responsible ; for the sacred history uniformly treats the proceedings against Christ and his apostles as a national offence. The distinction drawn is not between the whole race and its subdivisions, but between offensive and defensive action on the part of Paul himself; and even this has reference only to his formal appeal. He does not say, and could not say with truth, that he had no complaint to make against his nation ; nay, he had already made one in this very speech, to wit, that they had betrayed him to the Romans and prevented his acquittal and discharge. Not that I had., might have been translated more exactly, 7iot as having., and immediately connected with the verb preced- ing, / was forced to appeal to Cesar (for my own protection) not as having ajiy thing to charge my nation icith (at this tribunal.) This view of the grammatical construction does away with an additional charge of disingenuousness, by evinc- 480 ACTS 28, 19. 20. ino: that tlic last clause of the verse before us has exclusive reference to the form and i^rountl of Paul's appeal to Nero, ■which was purely a defensive act, involvinc:: no attack what- ever ui)on others, whether innocent or guilty with respect to the appellant. 20. Por this cause therefore have I called for you, to see (you) and to speak with (you), because that for the hope of Israel I am bound with this chain. For this caiise^ not the one suggested in the last clause, as the English version seems to mean, but that involved in the preceding statement; because he had been passive in this whole affair, not active ; because he was ^' more sinned against than sinning ; " because his present errand to the court was not to bring a charge against his nation, but to save liimself from their injustice; for this cause he had called/or (or in- vited) them, to see (them) and speak with (or talk to) them, that they might not of themselves suspect, or be induced by others to believe, that he was an apostate and a traitor to the theocracy in which they gloried. For (not because, which changes the relation of the clauses), so far is this from being true, that I am actually suffering because of my fidelity to that religion which they charge me with abandoning. Ofi account (or for the sake) of the hope of Israel, I wear (or a?n surround- ed by) this chain, the one by which he was attached to the accompanying soldier. (See above, on v. 16, and compare the use of the same compound verb in Heb. 5, 2. 12, 1.) By this skilful but most natural conclusion, Paul connects the simple statement of his own case, and the purpose of his present visit, with the great Messianic doctrine which was at once the cen- tre of the Jewish and the Christian systems. Here, as in 23, 6. 24, 15. 26, 6. 7, the hope of Israel is faith in the Messiah as predicted in the Hebrew Scriptures. Here too, as in his pre- vious apologies just cited, he describes this hope as the occa- sion of his sufferings, because it was his Messianic doctrine that had caused the breach between him and his countrymen, and thus led to his loss of liberty and accusation as a renegade and heretic. But this doctrine, far from involving a rejection of the ancient Jewish faith, was in his view an inflexible ad- herence to it, and he thus comes back to the point from which he set out, namely, that the best Christian is the best Jew in ACTS 28, 20. 21. 487 the true sense of the term ; "for," as he had said lono- before in writin2^ to the Jews at Rome, "lie is not a Jew, wliieh is one outwardly ; neither (is that) circumcision, which is outward in the flesh ; but he (is) a Jew, which is one inwardly ; and cir- cumcision (is that) of the heart, in the spirit, (and) not in the letter, whose praise (is) not of men, but of God." (Rom. 2, 28. 20.) 21. And they said unto him, We neither received letters out of Judea concerning thee, neither any of the brethren that came shewed or spake any harm of thee. Paul's address presented two points to his Jewish hearers ; his motive in appealing to the Emperor (vs. 17-19), and his firm adherence to the ancient doctrine (v. 20.) To both these they reply in the same order, to the first in this verse, to the second hi v. 22. Letters^ the same word that is rendered learning in 26, 24, the strict sense in both cases being icritings. JVor did any {one) of the brethren coming (or arriving here) report or tell any {thing) about thee (that was) evil. Report and tell may possibly have reference to ofiicial and colloquial com- munication. Any of the brethren coming (or that came) may seem in English to imply that some had come, but that none of them had brought any bad account of Paul. In the Greek, however, there is no such implication, as the participle {com- ing) agrees with the singular pronoun {any one.) It is rather implied, though not explicitly aftirmed, that no one had ar- rived who could have brought the news of Paul's appeal before him. Tnis is not improbable, as he had left Judea near the close of navigation (see above, on 27, 9), and no doubt soon after his appeal (see above, on 26, 32. 27, 1), and any vessel sailing near the same time must have been arrested in the same way and could scarcely have reached Italy before him. This may serve to account for the fact here alleged by the Je\ys, without supposing that their banishment by Claudius had in- terrupted all connnunication with Judea, or that this denial was untrue and meant to avoid participation in a feud with which they had not been immediately concerned, and in which they may have seen the powers at Rome to lean in tiivour of the prisoner. This last hypothesis, though not at variance with the Jewish character in that or any hiter age, is less i)rob- able in reference to a number of the leading men than it would be in the case of a private individual. 488 ACTS 28, 22. 22. But we desire to hear of thee what thou thiuk- est ; for as concerning; this sect, we know that every where it is spoken against. Tills is their answer to liis second point or closini^ intima- tion, that the cause of liis imprisonment was not his al)jiirati(»n of the ohl Jewisli doctrine, but his close adherence to it. We think it rif/Jit (perhaps with the suggestion of a wish, see above, on 15, 38) to hear frvjn thee what thou thinkest^ and liow thou feelcst, for tlie Greek verb denotes not mere opinion but affec- tion (compare its use in Matt. IG, 23. Rom. 8, 5. 1 Cor. 13, 11. Phil. 2, 5. 3, 19. Col. 3, 2.) This is therefore a respectful ])ro- position to do justice to Paul's doctrinal as well as his legal or forensic position, by allowing him to state his own views with respect to the great doctrine which divided between him and other Jews, and on which his j)retensions to be still an ortho- dox and iaithful Israelite of course depended. T'o;* (the rea- son why they wish or think it right to hear him) as to (or coii- cerninfj) this sect (or schismatical party, see above, on 5, 17. 15, 5. 24, 5. 14. 20 5), meaning of course the Xazarenes or Christians, to whom Paul notoriously belonged, as he was no doubt understood by them to hint in the conclusion of his first speech (see above, on v. 20.) We know, literally, it is known to us, ]ierhaps implying that they knew no more, as if they had said, ' all we know about it is, that it is every where op- posed (or contradicted)^ i. e. by the Jeu's, with whom they -were in correspondence or communication. This, if not a pru- dent or contemptuous pretence, implies a singular want of in- formation with respect to a religion represented by a large and famous church in Rome itself, whose faith had long been spoken of throughout the whole world (Rom. 1, 8.) Tiiis de- scrij)tion of the Roman church by Paul himself, some years before the date of these events, precludes the exi)lanation which might otherwise be drawn from the extent, confusion, and diversified interests of the imperial city, where two reli- gious bodies might mcU co-exist in ignorance of one another. Some would account fur the phenomenon in question by sup- poshig that the temporary exile of the Jews from Rome, already mentioned, had prevented their knowing many things that had occurred there in their absence, and among the rest the rise and i)rogress of the Christian Church. But the edict of Claudius is supposed by some judicious writers not to have been fully executed, or at least to have been soon repealed by ACTS 28, 22. 23. 489 Claudius himself, and it certainly would seem from Rom. IG, 3, that Aquila and Priscilla had returned before the date of that epistle (see above, on 18, 2.) On the whole, the natural impression, made perhaps on most unbiassed readers, is tliat the Jewish leaders here dissemble or disguise their knowledge of the Christian sect, either from a supercilious disposition to disparage its importance in addressing one of its ringleaders (see above, on 24, 5), or from prudential motives and a natu- ral unwillingness to be involved afresh in quarrels which per- haps had caused their previous misfortunes, but which certain- ly seemed likely now to bring them into conflict not only with the church itself but with the government which at this mo- ment seemed disposed to favour it. This obvious and natural hypothesis accounts for all the facts, without being open to the same objection with the similar assumption in relation to the statement in the verse preceding. 23. And wlien they had appointed him a day, there came many to him into (his) lodging ; to whom he expounded and testified the kingdom of God, per- suading them concerning Jesus, both out of the Law of Moses, and (out of J the prophets, from mornuig till evening. Having appomted (or, as the Greek verb originally signi- fies, arranged, agreed upon) a day loith (or to) him, after how long an interval is not said, but the natural implication is a short one. Many^ literally, more, which may be understood indefinitely, either of a great or small number (see above, on 2, 40. 13, 31. 21, 10. 24, 17. 25, 14. 27, 20), but is commonly explained here strictly as a comparative, meaning more than had attended the first interview. Besides the leading men then present, there were others now assembled, to hear Paul's account of the new religion. Lodginy, a Greek word used by the older classics in the wide sense of hospitable entertainment (compare the cognate verb in v. 7), but by the later writers in the more restricted local sense expressed in the translation. Here (and in Philem. 22) it may denote a i)rivate house where Paul was entertained as a guest, perha[)s that of Aquila and Priscilla (see above, on 18,2, and compare Kom. 10,3); but most interpreters identify it with the liired house mentioned in v. 30. One modern writer paradoxically holds that Paul VOL. II. — 21* 490 ACTS 28, 23. 24. was now at liberty, liis trial and acquittal having taken place between the two nieetincrs witli the Jews here recorded. But the princij)al ground of this opinion, a j)rovision of the Roman law requiring such appeals to be determined within five days, has been shown to be an error, that j)rovision Iiaving refer- ence, not to the trial of the merits, but to the i)reliminary forms, receiving the a])peal, &c. (That Paul was still a pris- oner at the close of this book, see below, op v. 30.) The terms used in describing Paul's address are very similar to those employed before on like occasions. Ej'poxDuled and testijifd^ literally, cdfponnded testify'uuf^ not as two distinct acts, but as one, partaking of both qualities, and answering the twofold purpose of ex})laining and attesting the true doc- trine. (For the usage of the Greek verbs, see above, on 2, 40. 8, 25. 11, 4. 18, 5. 26. 20, 21. 24.) The kinrjdora of God, the reign of the Messiah, the new dispensation, as predicted by the Prophets and fulfilled in Christ. (See above, on 1, 3. 8, 12. 14,22. 19,8. 20,25.) Persuading them too (tc) concerning Jesus, i. e. not merely proving him to be the Christ, but striv- ing to enlist them in his active service. (See above, on 13, 43. 18,4. 19,8.26. 26,28.) The verb denotes, not the actual result, nor yet the mere endeavour, but the whole subjective process as performed by Paul, without respect to the diversity of its effect. J^oth out of the laic, as the source of his argu- ment, or more exactly, />or/i the law, as his starting-point, a?id the jwophets, or remaining scriptures, as expounding and con- firming Moses. (See above, on 3, 18. 21. 24. 10,43. 13,27, 24, 14. 26, 22. 27.) From morning, more exactly, /rom early (in the morning) until evening, i. e. all day long. The whole day was thus occupied, of course not in formal or continuous discourse, but ])artly in familiar and colloquial discussion (see above, on 20, 7.) 24. And some believed the things which were spoken, and some beheved not. As in most other cases where the auditors were Jews, the effect was a divided or diverse one. (See above, on 13, 43-45. 14, 1. 2. 18, 4-6. 8. 12. 19, 8. 9.) >S'ome believed (or more ex- actly, were persuaded or convinced by) the thiftgs spoken, that PauVs doctrine as to the Messiahship of Jesus was correct, and as a neces. plied especially to sleep and death. The corresponding word in Hebrew is still stronger, meaning smeared, or glued fast, so that they cannot be opened. The moral effect of this in. sensibility is stated in the last clause. Be converted, literally, 494 ACTS 28, 27. 28. turn^ i. 0. to God by tni" repentance (see above, on 3, 19. 9, 35. 11, 21. 14, 15. 1*5, lU. 20, 18. 20.) As in the previous de- scription, tlieir own nireney is pioniinently presented, so in tliis, ^vithout excludint,^ that of (lod in either ease. Ileal them, for- give and save them, sin being often represented in the Scri})- tures as a spiritual niahidy. (Compare Ps. 41,4. Jer. 3,22. IIos. 14, 4. 1 Pet. 2. 24.) The terms of this quotation, not excepting the change of construction in tlie verse before us, are derived, witli little variation, from the Septuagint version of Isaiah. 28. Be it known therefore unto you, that the sal- vation of God is sent unto the Gentiles, and (that) they will hear it. Therefore, because you are thus hardened, and exhibit just the character and state described in this appalling passage as the fruits and symptoms of judicial blindness and abandon- ment by God. JBe it knoitm unto yon, the same emphatic formula employed by Peter at Jerusalem (2, 14. 4, 10), and by Paul himself at Antioch in Pisidia (13, 38), to introduce a solemn and authoritative declaration. Salvation, not the Greek word commonly so rendered (as in 4, 12. 13,26.47. 16, 17), but one used only by Luke (Luke 2, 30. 3,6) and Paul (Eph. 6, 17.) It is properly an adjective meaning salu- tary, saving (as in Tit. 2, 11), but here, and in the passa^^es just cited, absolutely used without a substantive to signify God's method of salvation, the remedial system made known in the gospel. Is sent, literally, was sent, i. e. has already been sent. The past tense seems to be employed, and not the fu- ture, because what he here refers to was not something yet to be begun in consequence of what had just occurred, but some- thing begun long before and still in opeiation, of which this was only the farewell annunciation, repeating to the Jews of Rome what Paul had previously said to those of Antioch (13, 46) and Corinth (18, 0), and no doubt in other cases not re- corded. In the present case, however, it is made particularly impressive by its being the conclusion of Paul's efforts to con- vert the Jews, and the commencement of those undivided labours for the Gentiles, of which Rome was now to be the seat and centre. To the Gentiles, literally, the natio7is, i. e. other nations (see above, on 4,25.27. 9,15. 10,45. 11,18. 26, 17. 20. 23.) They shall hear it^ in the lower sense, i. e. ACTS 28, 28-30. 495 shall have the opportunity of doing so, and (many) will hear it^ in the higher sense, i. e. give heed to it, accept it, and ob- tain salvation by it. 29. And when lie had said 'these words, the Jews departed, and had great reasoning among themselves. This verse is rejected by some critics, because not found in several of the oldest manuscripts and versions, but retained by others on account of the agreement as to form among the copies which do give it, and because its insertion is as hard to be accounted for as its omission. It contains a natural though not a necessary close of this transaction with the Jews at Rome, again recording that they were not all of one mind, but divided on the subject of Paulas Messianic teaching. He having said (or saying^ i. e. as or while he said) these icords (to wit, the 07ie word mentioned in v. 25, but more especially his last words in v. 28), the Jews departed^ not the passive verb so rendered in v. 25, but one which j^roperly means went away (employed above, 4, 15. 5, 26. 9, 17. 10, 7.) And had^ (literally, having^ i. e. at the time, or as they went) great rea- soni}ig^ literally, much disinite^ the same word that is used above, 15, 2. 7 (compare the cognate verb in 6, 9. 9, 29) among themselves^ literally, in themselves^ which might be strictly understood of an internal conflict, as a like phrase is employed above in 10, 17. 12, 11, but for the preceding noun, which originally means joint inquiry or investigation, and therefore necessarily implies a plurality of persons. (For the use of in to mean icith or among^ see above, on 2, 29. 4, 12. 34. 5,12. 6,8. 7,44. 12,18. 13,26. 15,7.22. 17,34. 18,11. 20,25.32. 21,19.34. 24,21. 25,5.6. 26,4.18.) This is in one sense the conclusion of Paul's ministry, i. e. so far as it extended both to Jews and Gentiles. From the former it was now to be withdrawn, and during the remainder of his life exclusively directed to the latter, not so much, if at all, by travelling among them, as by setting a ministry in motion at the heart of the empire which should reach to its extremities, and giving an impulse to the energies of others that should still be felt when he had left the tield of labour. 30. And Paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house, and received all that came in unto him — • 490 ACTS 28, 30. 31. Having broiiglit tlie Aj)Ostle of the Gentiles to tlie heart and centre of tlie Gentile world, and recorded his last dealings with the Jews, the history closes with the interesting fact, that he continued to exert his apostolical influence, from this great radiating point, without* interruption or obstruction, for a whole biennium or j)eriod of two years after his arrival. Dwelt^ remained, contuiued (as in v. 10 above.) Two icJiole years^ literally, a ichole bienniimi., or period of two years, the same word that occurs above in 24, 27. The word ichole shows, not only that the two years were elapsed when Luke wrote, but that the condition here described continued without any in- terruption for that length of time. His o%cn^ or as the word may mean, a separate or private dwelling, which amounts, however, to the same thing. (See above, on 1, 7. 19. 25. 2, 0. 8. 3,12. 4,23.32. 13,30. 20,28. 21,0. 23,19. 24,23. 25,19.) Hired house^ a single word in Greek, used in the Classics and the Septuagint to denote the act of hiring or the hire itself^ but here the thing hired or rented, which the context deter- mines to have been a place of residence, and therefore an apartment, if not an entire house. Whether this hired lodg- ing was the same that is referred to in v. 23, or one to which he afterwards removed, is a question happily of little moment, as the narrative does not afford data for its satisfactory solu- tion. And received (as visitors or guests) all the (persons) coming in to him (as such), a statement which implies that his intercourse with others was confined to his own dwelHng, and as a necessary consequence that during these two years he was still a prisoner, an inference corroborated by the allusions to his bonds in the epistles written at this time. (Compare Philem. 1. 9. 10. 23. Col. 4, 18. Phil. 1, 13. 14. 10.) 31. Preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, no man forbidding him. These were not visits of mere courtesy or friendship, but connected with the great work even of his prison-Ufe. (Com- pare Phil. 1, 12-21.) Preaching^ proclaiming as a herald (see above, on 8, 5. 9, 20. 10, 42. 19, 13. 20, 25, and compare the cognate noun in 1 Tim. 2, 7. 2 Tim. 1, 11.) The kingdom of God^ see above, on v. 23. Teaching^ explaining, as well as heralding, announcing (see above, on 15, 35. 18, 25. 20, 20) the {things) about {of or concerning) the Lord Jesus Christy ACTS 28, 31. 497 i. e. Jesus as a sovereign, and as the Messiah of the Scriptures, the predicted Prophet, Priest, and King, not of the carnal but the spiritual Israel. (See above, on 2, 30. 36. 8, 12. 9, 22. 15, 26. 17,3. 18,5. 19,4. 20,21.) With all co?iJide?ice, tho \voYd translated boldness in 4, 13. 29. 31 (compare the kindred verb iii9, 27. 29. 13,46. 14,3. 18,26. 19,8), but always meaning Btrictly freedom and plainness of speech, as opposed, not only to a timid reserve, but to a partial and obscure exhibition of the truth (see above, on 2, 29. 26, 16.) This is the gift for which the twelve apostles prayed in jDersecution (see above, on 4, 29. 31), and of which Paul speaks repeatedly in his epis- tles, as essential to the full proof of his ministry. (Compare Eph. 6, 19. 20. Phil. 1, 20. 1 Thess. 2, 2.) All, i. e. all that was required for this purpose (see above on 4, 29, and com- pare the use of the same epithet in 5, 23. 13, 10. 17, 11. 20, 19. 23, 1. 24, 3.) The mention of this circimistance as some- thing singular, or contrary to w^hat might naturally have been looked for, serves to confirm the previous conclusion that throughout these two years he was still a prisoner (see above, on V. 30) ; and the same thing may be said of the emphatic adverb which concludes the whole book, and to which our lan- guage affords no nearer equivalent than unforhidden (or re- taining the adverbial form, imforhiddenly), the essential mean- ing being that of the English phrase, iOiY/io?^^ let or hindrance. This emphatic and sonorous close shows that the book is not unfinished, as so many have imagined, and endeavoured to ac- count for its abrupt conclusion on the ground that Luke was interrupted, or intended to compose a third book (see above, on 1, 1), or that the original conclusion has been lost,