«ssss >SS\* m 1 H I lltf I itli 11 mm 1 111 i wk \"\ , Wm VXoXVWCS&Y OWSXC' 1 «f |1 Ml If '3fg| ii mi 13 9 H| il 19 il i9 H|| m ihi » Presented / . 2. / . / 2', Ihc OUiPoIogrra/ PRINCETON, N. J. 3Lns+\“YvrVton, Diis ion ESI Section Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2019 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/analyticalcriticOOcoop 1)n ^ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN BULLETIN 63 ANALYTICAL AND CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO AND ADJACENT TERRITORY BY JOHN M. COOPER WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1917 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL Washington, I). C., October 10, 1916. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith the manuscript of a memoir entitled “Analytical and Critical Bibliography of the Tribes of Tierra del Fuego and Adjacent Territory, ” by Rev. John M. Cooper, and to recommend its publication as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully, F. W. Hodge, Ethnologist-in- Charge. Hr. Charles D. Walcott, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. m PREFACE If we are entitled to accept the principle that the modern barbarian world has preserved to a fair degree the culture of humanity’s ado¬ lescence, we may legitimately go a step farther and look to the modern savage world for some clue to the culture of humanity’s childhood. Used with due reserve, our knowledge of savage culture may help toward a reconstruction of the earlier stages of prehistoric cultural development, hut at any rate coordination of the facts must precede their interpretation, and in turn he preceded by intensive studies of the individual savage tribes. The present work had its origin in such an attempt to find what light an intensive study of the available sources would throw on the culture, particularly the religion and morality, and on the cultural relations, of one of the most primitive aboriginal American groups. In the course of preparation references accumulated, and what began as a cultural study has ended as a bibliography. I wish to take this opportunity to express my grateful apprecia¬ tion first of all to Mr. Frederick W. Hodge, who has given me his valued counsel on many matters connected with the work. I am also indebted to him as well as to Mr. Wilberforce Eames for several important titles. Dr. Ales Hrdlicka and Dr. John R. Swan ton have generously given me the benefit of their expert knowledge and wide experience in their respective fields, although of course I should not like them to be held responsible for conclusions advanced in the work. Prof. Charles Wellington Furlong, whose intimate personal kn owl- edge of the Fuegian and Patagonian tribes makes him our foremost North American authority on their culture, has very kindly put at my disposal much of his invaluable manuscript material and has given me information on many obscure points. The Rev. Dr. Antonio Cojazzi and Father Jose M. Beauvoir, both of the Salesian Society, have by letter helped to clear up for me sev¬ eral matters in connection with their own and their confreres’ lin¬ guistic studies. I have to thank Mr. Charles Martel, of the Library of Congress, for many kindnesses to me and for his valuable suggestions regarding bibliographical technique. v VI PREFACE I am also under deep obligation for many privileges extended to me and for their unfailing courtesy in the many demands I made on their time and patience, to Mr. Charles W. Mead, of the American Museum of Natural History, and to the authorities of many of the libraries of Washington and elsewhere, especially of the Library of Congress, of the libraries of the Bureau of American Ethnology, the National Museum, the Surgeon General’s Office, the Geological Survey, and the Pan-American Union, of the Day Missions Library of Yale, and of the New York Public Library. John M. Cooper. Washington, D. C., September 11. 1916. CONTENTS Page Introduction . 1 Scope of the present work . 1 General division of tribes . 2 Yaligans . 2 Names . 2 Territory . 3 Present condition . 4 Alacaluf . 5 Names . 5 Territory . 6 Linguistic evidence . 10 Glossary . 12 Somatological evidence . 29 Cultural evidence . 29 Chonos . . . • . 30 Names and territory . 30 Language . 34 Somatology . 41 Culture . 43 Present condition of the Chonos and Alacaluf . 46 Onas . 48 Names . 48 Territory . 49 Shflk’nam-M&nekenkn relations . 49 Ona-Tehuelche relations . 52 Present condition . 56 Past and future of Fuegian investigations . 59 Early writers and explorers to 1800 . 59 History of investigation . 60 Future of Fuegian and Chonoan investigation . 63 Author bibliography . : . 65 Subject bibliography . 137 Orientation . 137 Bibliographies . 137 Ethnological map3 . 137 Environment . 137 Somatology . 138 Anatomy . 138 Anatomy, physiology, pathology . 140 Expression of the emotions . 140 Languages . 141 Lexical sources . 141 Grammatical sources . 144 Texts . 144 General remarks . 144 VII VIII CONTENTS Subject bibliography — Continued. Page Culture . - . 145 Religious culture . 145 Religious culture proper . 145 Supramundane beings . 146 Totemism, animism, fetishism . 149 Ancestor worship . 150 Future life . 150 Belief and morality . 152 Cult . 152 Quasi-religious culture . 154 Birth customs . 155 Initiations . 156 Taboos . : . 157 Breams . 158 Various customs . 158 Magic . 159 Medicine and medicine-men . 159 Death, mourning, and burial . 160 Mythology, folk tales, and traditions . 162 Domestic culture . 164 Courtship and choice of wife . 164 Levirate . 165 Incest . 165 Endogamy and exogamy . 165 Monogamy, polygamy, polyandry . 166 Divorce . 167 Conjugal fidelity . 167 Position of woman . 168 Division of labor . 169 Modesty . 169 Premarital chastity . 169 Care of aged . 170 Care of the child . 170 Infanticide and abortion . 171 Naming, weaning, and carrying child . 171 Kinship . 172 Moral culture . 172 Ideal . 173 Actual . 173 Regard for human life . 174 Cannibalism . 175 Social relations . 176 Property . 177 Personal morality . 177 Political culture . 177 Economic culture . 178 Proprietorship . 178 Barter . 179 Mental culture . 179 Esthetic culture . 180 Music and songs . 180 Poetry . 181 Dances and drama . 181 Design and sculpture . 181 Personal adornment . 182 CONTENTS IX Subject bibliography — Continued. Culture — Continued. Page Recreative culture . . . . . 184 Material culture . 185 Food . 185 Agriculture and domestication . 185 Storing of food . 187 Drink . 187 Kinds of foods . 187 Cooking . 191 Fire making . 191 Shelter . 192 Clothing . 193 Navigation . 195 Textile and fictile products . 204 Weapons . 205 Tools . 21G Archeology . , 218 Deductions . 219 Relations . 220 To Araucanians . 220 To primitive South American peoples . 221 To American race in general . 223 To Indo-Oceanic primitive peoples . 223 Index of subjects . 229 ILLUSTRATION Plate 1. Map of the southern extreme of South America . Facing page 64 ANALYTICAL AND CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO AND ADJACENT TERRITORY By John M. Cooper INTRODUCTION Scope of the Present Work The present paper is intended as a practical or working guide to the sources for Fuegian and Chonoan anthropology. With this end in view, the writer has endeavored, first, to gather together, analyze, and evaluate the extant written sources; secondly, to draw up lists of references covering the various phases of anthropology; and; thirdly, to sift the available material for all evidence that might help toward clearing up obscure or debated points. The work is divided into three parts: The Introduction, the Bibli¬ ography of Authors, and the Bibliography of Subjects. The Introduction treats of the names, divisions, territories, and present conditions of the Fuegian and Chonoan Indians, and gives a short history of investigation with a summary of what has been accomplished and of what still remains to be done. The perplexing problem of the relations of the Alacaluf of the Strait of Magellan to the Chonos and natives of the West Patagonian Channels has called for somewhat extensive treatment. The Author Bibliography aims to give an analysis and critical appreciation of each book and article, briefly or more at length in proportion to the importance of the work from the standpoint of the anthropologist. Nearly all second-hand works, and even most of the first-hand sources, demanded only short annotations; for, while the list of those who have written of the Fuegians and Chonos from per¬ sonal observation is a comparatively long one, extending through nearly four centuries, the great majority of these explorers have had at the most merely a few hours of contact with the natives. Their descriptions are nearly always exact, and often valuable for the more obvious phases of material culture, but in most other respects have to be used with caution. i 2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | BULL. 03 The bibliographies of somatology and linguistics are designed to be as exhaustive as possible ; those dealing with culture are selective and are cast in the form of cultural outlines with emphasis on the biblio¬ graphical side. Throughout the present work the term Anthropology is used in the broadest sense to include everything relating to the natives directly. The terms Somatology and Culture are employed for physical and cultural anthropology, respectively. Language would logically be included under culture, but for practical purposes the liberty has been taken of classifying it as the third subdivision of general an¬ thropology. General Division of Tribes The Fuegian Archipelago is inhabited by three distinct tribes, the Yaligans of the south, the Alacaluf of the west, and the Onas of the east. The first two spend the greater part of their time on the water, whence their common name “ Canoe Indians,” while the natives of the third tribe have neither canoes nor horses, and are known as “Foot Indians.” The three languages are, lexically at least, distinct, but the physical and cultural differences are in the main less marked between the Yahgans and Alacaluf than between these two tribes on the one hand and the Onas on the other. Of the Ilaush or Manekenkn sub tribe and of the “West Patagonian Canoe Indians” more will be said below. The Chonos occupied the archipelagos between the Guaitecas Islands and the Taitao Peninsula or the Gulf of Penas. Somato- logically and culturally they resembled their more southerly neigh¬ bors, the Canoe Indians. Whether or not they spoke a language distinct from the Alacalufan can not be decided in the present state of our knowledge. YAHGANS Names The most southerly of the Fuegians, and also the most southerly people of the world, are the Yahgans. The name is variously spelt Yagan, Yakan, Yaghan, etc., but should not be confused with the entirely distinct Yacana, Yacana-cunnee. The name Yahgan was given these Indians by the Rev. Thomas Bridges, from Yahga , their native name for the Murray Narrows district, a locality much fre¬ quented by them (Th. Bridges, b, Apr. 1, 1880, 74; h, 207.) They call themselves Y&mana, that is, “living,” “alive” (Th. Bridges, h, 207), or “men” (Th. Bridges, 11. c; Hyades, q, 14; Bove, a , 790; b, 132; c, 125; d, Arch., 288; Cojazzi, 15; Dabbene, b, 170; Lehmann- Nitsche, d, 230-231 ; Furlong, j ; b, 126; Outes, d, 136) } Some of the i The small (lower case italic) letters denote the corresponding article or book under the author’s name in the Author Bibliography. The numbers, of course, refer to the pages. Where under the same letter in the bibliography two or more editions or translations are given, the page cited is from the first one entered thereunder, unless otherwise expressly stated. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 3 earlier nineteenth century explorers dubbed them, from the word constantly on their lips, Yammascoonas, which means “be generous” (Garbe, 362; Hyades, q, 314; Martial, 30; Noguera). Admiral Fitz¬ Roy called one section of them by mistake Tekeenicas (a, 137), from tekianaca, ‘not seen before, strange’ (Th. Bridges, 7i, 207; Lovisato, c, 721; Dabbene, b, 169), or Tac-cy-yennica-owenci, ‘stranger men’ (Despard, b, 746, 717). Of. also discussion of origin of this name in Lovisato, c, 721; Martial, 209; Hyades, q, 282; Th. Bridges and Despard, 11. c. The Alacaluf captured and taken aboard by Admiral Fitz-Roy called the Yahgans, Yapoos (Fitz-Roy, a , 203; King, 428), from the Yahgan word aiapuk, ‘otter’ (Th. Bridges, h , 207 ; Despard, b, 717). Territory In the last century and probably from much earlier times the Yahgans occupied the shores of Beagle Channel and the islands south to Cape Horn. To the east they extended to the eastern end of Beagle Channel, and at times at least cruised nearly to the Straits of Lemaire (de Brosses, ii, 208). To the west they reached as far as the western end of Beagle Channel, and, on Tierra del Fuego Island’s shores and some of the islands to the southwest, even to Brecknock Peninsula (Th. Bridges, b, Oct. 1, 1884, 224). This latter point was in a broad sense the natural dividing line between the Yahgans and Alacaluf; of it Prof. Furlong (j; cf. also r, 174) writes: “To round the weather side of the long reach of Brecknock Peninsula, with its frown¬ ing cliffs and scarcely a landing place, in frail canoes, was something which only the most daring occasionally undertook. While to pass over its barren, unexplored mountain heights for these canoemen was impossible.” Between Good Success Bay and the eastern end of Beagle Channel there was considerable contact, linguistic borrowing, bartering, and intermarriage with the Onas (Th. Bridges, b, Mar. 1, 1876, 59; e, 332; i, cited by Hyades, q, 10; Lovisato, c, 720, citing Whaits; Hahn, c, 340; Martial, 185, 192). An equal or perhaps even greater amount of mingling with the Alacaluf occurred in the more or less mixed or neutral zone between Brecknock Peninsula and the western end of Beagle Channel (Th. Bridges, by Feb. 2, 1874, 26-27; Oct. 1, 1881, 227; e , 332; k, 234; Lovisato, c, 720, citing Whaits; Spegaz- zini, a, 13). Dr. Spegazzini ( a , 4) was told that there were remains of other tribes or sub tribes in Yahgan territory, and he mentions in particular the Piirri of Hermite Island and the Adwipliin of Londonderry Island. Prof. Furlong (b, 129; j) more recently divides the Yahgans into four family groups: the well-formed natives of the eastern Beagle Channel and vicinity, the big-headed, ugly, powerful Lennox 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 62 Islanders, the dwarfish Wollaston Islanders, and the warlike, mur¬ derous Hoste Islanders. The Piirri and Adwipliin were probably two of the small local groups or clans who were known by the names of the localities which they frequented (Th. Bridges, b, Oct. 1, 1884, 224; also quoted in Hyades, Z, 718; cf. also Hyades, j, 149-150), while the considerable differences noted by Prof. Furlong correspond with what the Rev. Mr. Bridges remarked regarding the noticeable indi¬ vidual and local differences in the Yahgans’ physical appearance and culture (Th. Bridges, d, 288-289 ; h, 206) . Dr. Hahn (a, 804), Capt. Martial (129, 208), and Dr. Spegazzini (a, 4; cf. also Barclay, a, 63) wrote as if there were two distinct Yahgan dialects, but Dr. Hyades (p, 339) explicitly states that there is only one Yahgan dialect . The Rev. Mr. Bridges, our best authority on the Yahgan language, seemed rather to share the former view; for, though not stating so explicitly, he wrote ( b , Sept. 1, 1880, 196) that the inner coast Yahgans, the Wiisinarmla, despised the ocean coast men, the Atisimanala, “ because of their strange brogue,” etc. Per¬ haps, too, Dr. Hyades was using the word dialect in a less inclusive sense. Lexically the Yahgan language is quite distinct from both the Alacalufan and the Onan. Some few words of Yahgan show a resem¬ blance to the Alacalufan, but in the present state of the evidence the resemblance is not sufficient to establish any solid ground for kinship. The same in less measure is true of the Yahgan and Onan tongues. There has been, moreover, a certain amount of borrowing from both the other tongues by the Yahgans (cf., e. g., Th. Bridges, e, 332; 1c, 234). Unfortunately, on the grammatical side sufficient Onan material is not available for comparison with the Yahgan, while of Alacalufan grammar we know not a single rule. Somatologically the Yahgans and Alacaluf are very closely related. The Yahgans differ chiefly from the Alacaluf in being slightly shorter in stature and slightly less dolichocephalic, so Dr. Rudolf Martin concluded ( b , 159, 210-211). The physical relations of the Yahgans and Alacaluf to the Onas are treated infra (p. 54). Culturally the Yahgans and Alacaluf are almost identical so far as our information goes; but both tribes differ in many points from the Onas. For details, see Subject Bibliography, under Culture. Present Condition Half a century ago the Yahgans may have numbered 3,000 or more, but by 1884 they had dwindled to about 1,000 (Th. Bridges, b , Oct. 1, 1884, 223; d, 289), by 1886 to about 400 (Th. Bridges, b, Oct. 1, 1886, 217), while according to what seems to be the most exact recent esti¬ mate, by the retired English missionary, Mr. John Lawrence ( S . Amer. miss, mag., 1913, xlvii, 145), there are now fewer than 100 cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 5 survivors. -Of this number 40 to 50 live on Beagle Channel and per¬ haps as many more beyond Murray Narrows southward as far as hut not beyond Wollaston Island. Practically all have largely given up their native culture. ALACALUF Names The western canoe-using Fuegians are the Alacaluf. The name is variously spelled. The following are the chief forms given by first¬ hand investigators: Alacaluf, Alakaluf, or Alacalouf (Th. Bridges, 1c , 233; Bove, a, b, c, d; Hyades, q, 12; Martial, 129, 184; Beauvoir, b, 14; the Salesians, as in Cojazzi, 15; Morales, 62); Alaculuf or Ala- culoof (Th. Bridges, b, Apr. 1, 1880, 74; Oct. 1, 1881, 226-227 and usu¬ ally thereafter; e, 331; h, 203, 210; j, 313; Lovisato, b, 129; c, 720); Alucaluf (Spegazzini, a, 4); Alukoeluf (Spegazzini, c, 132); Aloocu- loof (Th. Bridges, b, Feb. 2, 1874, 26); Alookooloop or Alukulup (Skottsberg, a, xxxii, 592; d , 578); Alokolup (Skottsberg, b, 240); Alikhoolip (Fitz-Roy, a, 132, 140-141). Still other forms occur in anthropological literature, as Alikuluf or Alikaluf (Chamberlain, a, 89; Brin ton, c, 331, for former), Alikoolif (Despard, b, 717), but these do not appear to have any independent value. It is difficult to decide which is the true pronunciation. Perhaps it varies on the natives7 lips, and probably too, given the great diffi¬ culty of catching Alacaluf an words correctly, investigators have heard it differently. In the present work I have adopted the form Alacaluf, without j:>resuming, of course, to decide against the other forms that rest on good first-hand evidence. Admiral Fitz-Roy, the first investigator to use the name, desig¬ nated by it the natives of the islands south of the Strait of Magellan from the western end of Beagle Channel to Cape Pillar (loc. cit.). From the uniformity with which explorers and residents since his time have used the name we may infer that it is the one by which the natives call themselves; although Dr. Skottsberg is the only writer, so far as I have observed, who expressly states so ( b , 240, 242-243). Its meaning is not known. Admiral Fitz-Roy ( a , 132) gave the name Huemuls to the canoe¬ using Indians of Otway and Skyring Waters, because he found them in possession of many skins of that animal. He thought that they were perhaps a branch of Father Falkner’s Yacanas or a mixed Pata¬ gonian and Fuegian people. This surmise, indorsed to a certain ex¬ tent by Dr. Brin ton ( c , 331) and by Dr. Latcham (282-283), is rather contradicted by the linguistic (Lista, e, 41; J. Simpson, b, 88) and cul¬ tural data from this region, both being Alacalufan. According to the Rev. Mr. Bridges (i, in Hyades, q, 12), the Alacaluf used to go on hunting expeditions to the thick forests of western and southern 6 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Patagonia. Then, too, in Mr. Bridges’ time, the Dawson Islanders, who were as much Onan as Alacalufan in .appearance, used to hunt deer as far as the Patagonian coast (Th. Bridges, b, June 1, 1883, 139; Feb. 1, 1886, 33). This might explain Admiral Fitz-Roy’s theory of the Huemuls’ mixed origin. Bougainville (2d ed., i, 276, 290) and many after him called the Canoe Indians of the central part of the Strait Pecherais or Peche- rais (spelled by others Pechera, Pecheri, Pesserai, Pissiri, etc.), from the expression they constantly used. It is not a tribal name, but its meaning is unknown. That it signified “friends” as Mr. Griewe (234), following Vargas Ponce ( a , 349), states, or “son,” “child,” “boy,” “man,” as Lieut. Cevallos believed (Vargas Ponce, b, 28), is very doubtful, to say the least. The canoe-using natives of Brunswick Peninsula and King William IV Land were called Guaicaros according to Senor Lista (cl; e, 41), while Senor Cox spoke (162J, 165) of a supposedly mixed Tehuel- chean and Fuegian people of the north shore of the Strait called Huai- curues. According to the latter writer, they spoke a Tehuelchean dialect, but Senor Lista’s Guaicaro vocabulary (ibid.) is Alacalufan. Father Falkner’s Poy-yus or Peyes and Key-yus or Keyes (98-99) are classed by some writers as Alacalufan. Such classification rests on no tangible evidence. Van Noort (b, 1st ed., 21; Commelin, i, 10; de Brosses, i, 298-299) was told that the natives met, and, incidentally, massacred, on the Penguin Islands, that is St. Martha and St. Magdalen Islands, in 1599, called themselves Enoo, and that other kindred tribes were the Kemenetes of Karay, the Kennekas of Karamay, and the Karaike of Morine. La Guilbaudiere in 1688-1696 divided the Magellanic natives into the Laguediche of the eastern mouth of the Strait of Magellan, the Teste igdiche of Jelouchetez Strait, that is, probably Magdalen Channel, and the Havequediche or Ilauequediche and Cadegdiche of the St. Jerome Channel region and beyond; these were the names, he said, by which they called themselves (18-19; cf. also Villefort). Some of these names recur in Brin ton ( c , 331-332), Fr. Muller («, 276), and d’Orbigny (b, Voyage, iv, pt. i, 187), but it would be unsafe to put reliance in them as distinct tribal names. Perhaps they were local clan or family names. Of the use of the name Chonos to designate the Alacalufan natives of the West Patagonian Channels more will be said later. Territory What territory do the Alacaluf occupy? There is great diver¬ gence of opinion. It will be well to distinguish between what is cer¬ tain and agreed upon and what is questioned. COOPElt] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 7 It is agreed that the Alacaluf have in recent times occupied the following territory: Desolation, Ines, and Clarence Islands with the adjacent islands south of the Strait, Dawson Island and the shores of Magdalen and Admiralty Sounds and of Gabriel and Cockburn Channels. In the Dawson Island and Admiralty Sound district, how¬ ever, there has been considerable mingling, word-borrowing, and inter¬ marriage between the Alacaluf and the Onas (Th. Bridges, b, June 1, 1883, 139; Feb. 1, 1886, 33, cf. also Oct. 1, 1881, 226; £, 234; Lovisato, c, 720, citing Whaits), just as there has been much fusion with the Yahgans in the border zone between Brecknock Peninsula and the western end of Beagle Channel (Th. Bridges, b, Feb. 2, 1874, 26-27; Oct. 1, 1881, 227; &, 234; Lovisato, c, 720; Spegazzini, a, 13). While Brecknock Peninsula was the natural dividing line between the Yahgans and Alacaluf, it was not an absolute one. The Yahgans went west of this line but rarely, it seems, but the Alacaluf were pretty well established east of it, as the sources just quoted show. It appears, too, that in Admiral Fitz-Roy’s time the Alacaluf extended as far east as the western end of Beagle Channel (Fitz-Roy, a, 132, and the whole account of the loss of and search for the stolen whale¬ boat in King). The natives met by Capt. Cook in Christmas Sound in 1774 used the characteristic Alacaluf an expression pechera (J. Cook, b, ii, 183), although their spear shafts were angular (G. Forster, n, 501), like those of the modern Yahgans. Accounts similar to those of Francis Fletcher show that Indians using bark canoes formerly occupied the Strait as far east as Elizabeth, Martha, and Magdalen Islands. These natives were in all probability Alacaluf; although it is possible enough that Patagonians may have ventured out at times on these islands. In fact, certain details in some of the early accounts — for instance, van Noort’s: the mention of ostriches, “la bout de la verge noue d’un fil” ( b , 21; de Brosses, i, 298; cf. Ladrillero, 498) — suggest Patagonian rather than Fuegian provenance. All the above-mentioned territory, except the Elizabeth Island district, lies south of the Strait of Magellan. Do or did the Alacaluf extend north of the Strait ? This is ques¬ tioned. Canoe-using Indians have occupied from early times, or still occupy sporadically or at certain seasons, decimated and scat¬ tered though they now are, the shores of Otway and Skyring Waters, of Brunswick Peninsula, Riesco or King William IV Land, and Munoz Gamero Peninsula, the north shore of the Strait from Port Famine and Cape Froward to the Pacific, and the archipelagos with the neighboring fjords and inlets from the Strait to the Gulf of Penas. Are these people to be classed as Alacaluf, or should they be con¬ sidered as of a different tribe, non- Alacaluf an, Chonoan, or “West Patagonian” ? 64028°— Bull. 63—17 - 2 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 The chief older opinions are those of Admiral Fitz-Roy, Capt. Bove, Mr. Whaits, cited by Dr. Lovisato, and Mr. Thomas Bridges, quoted by Dr. Hyades. Admiral Fitz-Roy divided the above territory between the Peche- rays of the central part of the Strait of Magellan, the Huemuls of Otway and Skyring Waters, and the Chonos of the territory between the north shore of the western end of the strait and Cape Tres Montes (a, 132, 142, 189). The Chonos were, he surmised, the survivors of the ancient Chonos Archipelago natives who had been driven south of Taitao Peninsula ( a , 142). Each of the above three tribes, he states (a, 132), spoke a different language and was distinguished by certain cultural and physical characters. Admiral Fitz-Roy was followed by Dr. Ratzel (b) in calling the West Patagonian Channel natives Chonos. Dr. Coppinger more cautiously calls (54; ill. opp. p. 50) the natives south of the Gulf of Penas “Channel Fuegians.” Capt. Bove (b, c, ethnologic map) marks most of this territory as Chonoan, adding, however, a question mark. Dr. Lovisato (c, 720), on the contrary, ascribes it more confidently to the Alacaluf, citing Mr. Whaits, of the English Mission, as his authority. Dr. Hyades (q, map, and pp. 12-14, quoting Mr. Thomas Bridges; cf. also Martial, 184) divides the territory in question between the Alacaluf of the northern shore of the Strait, including Brunswick Peninsula, King William IV Land, Munoz Gamero Peninsula and the southern shores of Otway and Skyring Waters, and the Chonos of the West Patagonian Channels, including Obstruction Sound and Ultima Speranza Inlet, from the Queen Adelaide Archipelago north. How much reliance can be put on these divisions ? None of the above authorities, except, perhaps, to a very limited extent Mr. Bridges, spoke the Alacalufan tongue, and none except Admiral Fitz¬ Roy and perhaps Mr. Bridges had personal knowledge of the terri¬ tory west of Cape Froward and the Brecknock Peninsula region (Bove, 3 10. Father. H, teteqaou; Fi, 1 cha’ul ; Sk, ci-carR; Bo, cecidr or terueior (=papa), terneia. 11. Mother. H, chaki; Fi, chahp; Sk, cap; Bo, dap, ciapel (=mama); Duclos- Guyot, cap-cap (= woman). 12. Brother. H, yen; Fi, arWe;2 G, any; Bo, am, dni-cel-lac (=cousin); Be, arilaik. 13. Sister. Bo, erresces, arresces or udsc- cu (=aunt), karri; G, any; H, choudikl ; Fi, choVicl. 14. Son. H, pehel, men'-aiou ;3 Fi, pardl; Sk, te-loksta; Bo, cdtalalstd, dyol; G, lapan. 15. Daughter. Sk, teloksta-P eli§’ (or -s); Bo, dyol. 16. Granddaughter. K, youou kipa ;4 Fi, yanukepa. 17. Small. H, choukou , aikoul-hata; Fi, shoks, yicoi’dt;h Bo, i-chiot , diol-ichiol; Sk, i'kjauit; G, ycot (=it is small). 18. Boy. H ,yel-ouaoua,° yatce-e; Fi, a’il- walkh;7 Fe, yaouVykaout; Sk, a-jo:l; King, ydl-la-ba (=youth?). 19. Girl. H, an-ne; 8 Fi, an’na; Fe, yaouch’’ ykaout; Sk, ajau:s’ ; 9 Bo, dyol siercat [—ayols iercatf ], agosce ( = damsel). 20. Child. H, petite, die-hem,10 yakaora (=children); Fi, patete; King, peteet; G, yapetitgouelle. 21. Baby. H, tgifhkackoua, kouche-i; Fi, cos’he; Bo, sir-ickiod or dyol (=male), ichiod or dyol (=female); G, alia (=to give birth to); Sk, ti-kjaus’ (=to bear a child). i Qa-, cha-, ci-, ce- are apparently the same. Cf. 11; 5, Bo; 9; 7, Bo. 2Cf. 13, Bo, G. s Son in Yahgan is magou or makou (Hyades, q, 269, 298), ma-cu (Bove), marriu (Fitz-Roy). < Woman in Yahgan is kepa (Fitz-Roy), chipa (Bove), kipa (Hyades, q, 297, 316), keepa (Bridges, p. 55). CI. Yahgan jahruh kihpa (=girl, Platzmann). 5 Aiol, ail, ajol, yaoul, etc., and yicoat, ikjaut, iercat, etc., occur in most of the words in 17-9, 21. e The combination of vowels is suggestive of Yahgan. Cf. also the Yahgan for boy, walewa (Noguera), ouailaoua (Hyades, q, 265), ualle-iva (Bove), UaUiwa (Spegazzini, c, 142). 7 Perhaps=girl, scil., a’il+ualek(=\ittle+lema\e). 8Cf. Yahgan winni (= my elder sister, Bridges, p, 54). 9 Cf. yaouch in 19, Fe; agosce, 19, Bo; 21, H, Fi; 18, H. Perhaps=rkj(m:<-t-s or +5’. Group II I. Bone. Sk, karR; 11 Bo, car; H, ouchka- e,12 tgele-karh; Fi, osh'kia. Eye. H, tetel-o; Fi, telkh; 13 Fe, delh' ; Sk, tek'l; Bo, telk, tels; Be, telh; G, titche; Si, tesh-pu; Ir, tez-tash; Li, tel, teel; Co, sthole; Lu, te'leh-kwa; Se, decorliqua. 3. Eyebrow. H, youpouch-te; Fi, teth ’- liu; Bo, teleincu, telcidcu; Si, tesh ayiuk; Co, theseoux; G, titchery. 4. Eyelash. Si, tesh-erik; Co, thesseriss; H, lourh. 5. Hair. H, yeyer; Fi, ay'u; Si, ayiuk 1A (=hair or down), terua-ayiuk (=down of arm); Fe, terhkaoujK ; Sk, te-rrkd:f; Bo, ter-kaf; Be, terscaf; Li, tercof; G, tercaf; Co, therkous; Cy, terkarh ’ (= feathers). 6. See. Sk, lo-kjor, la-ksxa:r (=binocle); Bo, luk ( = 1 saw), lekscelak or liksciur (=1 see); G, lache. 7. Look. Bo, lel-lelai; G, qualeona; H, ououkou-hai. 8. Ear. H, til-he, li-a-a; Fi, teVdil; Fe, delh’kooulo; Sk, tedka:olo; Cy, kaoui; Bo, chiaui; Co, hawish; Be, kiawin; Ir, kdhuel ; G, couercal; Sk, ku-rrxs’kial (?); Lu, korehV kel-kwa; Bo, colcdr. 9. Hear. H, til-lack; Fi, tel’Ush; Sk, tid&kior; Bo, telek scelak. 10. Forehead. H, lichi, aoulapa; Fi ,teV- che; Bo, tel-kar; Be, tel-kar; Sk, te&l- karR; Si, kioftalka; G, arcacol. II. Face. Sk, to'slkad, tedksmr (=pipe); Bo, telkar, telscar or dshdkar (=pipe); Si, kichipskiai. 10 Cf. Yahgan for little, yaka (Hyades, q, 267)’ yeeka (Bridges, p, 69), jac-ca (Bove), yuc’ca (Fitz¬ Roy). Final m is often barely audible in Yahgan. n Enters into combination with a great many words. Cf. 5, Cy; 10, Bo, Be, Sk; 11; 14, Bo; 20, Li. Shortened in 10, Fi, Si; 14, Fi, H. For use with affix af, see note 1 on next page. 12 Perhaps hos karR or a sc car (=my bone). 13 Tel, telk, tesh, etc., occurs in many words in 2-4, 8-11, all words referring to upper part of head or functions of sight and hearing. There may be more than one stem, but it is difficult to isolate them. 14 Apparently in combination in 3, Fi, Bo, Si, Co; 16, Sk, Fe, Bo, Si, Ir. The forms in 3, G and 4, Si, Co seem to be from a different stem. Whether 5, H should be classed with ayiuk or erik is doubtful. Ter-kaf is perhaps the proper term for “hair of the head.” COOPER 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 15 12. Nose. H, noul; Fi, 7iohl ; Cy, noelh; Se, nosqua; Sk, lau-xl; Co, los; G, loutche; Bo, lo, olielicsda; Be, olelel- steiskat; Lu, chlia're-kwa; Fe, tcharikh; Li, huicharek; lr, mans. 13. Smell. H, ouk-chi, di errh; Fi, tic’ she. 14. Cheek. H, yelaagil, laMakoufke; Fi, cttt'khopca; Bo, clecepkar; Sk, ci-pipr; G, cheltefarre. 15. Chin. H, oufke-ini;1 2 Fi, uf'ca; G, ascart; Sk, afa-telefs' ; Bo, afatelesc. 16. Beard. Sk, afejuk; Fe, afouiouk' ; Bo, a ffaiucu; Si, of 'sh ayiuk{= mustache), of kesh; Ir, affshiayo (= mustache); Se, hoschiamqua; Co, port. 17. Lip. H, yer-ha; 2 Sk, afe-re; Be, affiry; Bo, afieri, aufiri; G, affirie. 18. Mouth. Fi, uffeare; II, oufieli; G, afflet; Sk, a-fltai; Bo, afkldai, afguldd; Be, afftakal; Cy, oftekalh; Li, asfjestail; Lu, anf'kle' richl-kwa; Ir, affshink. 19. Drink. Fi, dfkhel'la; H, efkil-ele, tgakoul-ele ; Bo, acciaquar (=drink wa¬ ter), acciaquar afedr (= drink to). 20. Tooth, teeth. H, kaouech, kelaich (=gums); Fi, cauwdsh, car' Dish; Fe, girikti; Sk, ce-iegdi; Bo, scerikde; Be, scerikti; G, cherecdye; Ir, scerecte; Si, terrekiti; Lu, che’ rik’ til-kwa ; Se, tschiligiqua; Co, sheriquish (=tooth of seal), pathers; Li, lefeskar.3 * * 21. Eat. H, yo-arh, louf-dich (=also to chew); Fi, luf fish; Sk, (=food); G, laplap; Bo, lefesc, leffsc, ldffaila(s) (=we shall eat), tol; Be, tohola. 22. Tongue. II, louk-ai;* Fi, luc'kin; Sk, lokl; Be, lejehl; Bo, lekel, lec-chiel, lecuiel; Lu, le'kel-kwa; Se, lekkersqua, lecorqua; Fe, lekeurh'; Co, lekiss; Ir, alajte, alot; G, paileaf (or pailcap.). 23. Cry. H, akalai-pakal ; Fi, yelk'esta; Bo, loksda or loksta (=a cry or call), loskda, lel-lelay ( = “ chiamare ”), lektal (=sing); Li, lektan (=sing); G, talcay (=sing). 1 Ouf, af, afsh, etc., occurs repeatedly in words for the lower parts of the head and activities connected therewith. Cf. 15-9, 26. The combination of af, etc. , with car (= bone), often shortenedinto afka,nfk, afg, occurs quite often. Cf. 15, H, Fi, G; 18, Bo; 19, Fi, H* 2 Cf. Yahgan for lips, ya-ha (Noguera); ya (= mouth, Eizaguirre). 3 Lefesc+car=e ating+bone. * The combination l-k apparently occurs in 23, Fi, Bo; 24, Sk, Bo; 25, Fi. 6 -afte, -afta, perhaps=a/+(k) tei. 24. Laugh. Sk, a-loks’ta; Bo, dlcsc, dlacdi; G, pechil ; Fi, feay'l; 1 1 , ■giouiali. 25. Cough. Fi, yilked; H, tiachkacha ouala; Fe, a-ha-hd; Bo, doo, d-o-o. 26. Whistle. H, ouf-ga-kaske; Fi, uf- shtxca. 27. Weep. Sk, a’Ui(s')sta; Li, etkastal; Bo, at-koscia, ateoista , atcasta- f . 28. Speak. H, yeyaye-afte; 5 Fi, yac'dfta; Sk, kstis' , kjau-kr-kstis ' (=to answer); Bo, ktei, ste (=imperative, speak!). Group III 1. Head. Cy, ourkouarh'; Be, orkuar; Bo, orcuar, or-cun (=brain); Li, hur- kuar; Ir, kalvig, kabork; Co, iakalus ; G, yacabedchepy; H, loukemi, lachoukal 6 (=occiput); Fi, of'chocka. 2. Shoulder. H, chouikl; Fi, chd'uks; Bo, ciiikskar,7 iciofskar. 3. Neck. H, cheldike; Fi, chah’likha; Sk, kjdu'S'lerrxarR ; Bo, chioltalcudr, cia- lesda; Be, chal'erskal; G, irsetel. 4. Throat. Sk, je Ika.rrR; G, Heart ; Bo, il-kar or cialusda (= Adam’s apple), cialusda. 5. Chest. H, ietgihor, yakaouachou (=skin of body); Fi, yaca'bishdcun'rie; Sk, kje’pxa.rrR; Bo, chiepkar, kiepcar (=stomach). 6. Heart. Sk, bi-llak; Bo, cielak, cieldcdo. 7. Blood. Sk, ki’blajk ; Be, keplaik ; Bo, chiepelaik; Id, choum-bi; Fi, shub’bd.8 8. Back. H, toukouli; Fi, tuccdler 'khite; Bo, tocaldgte (=backbone). 9. Intestines.0 Sk, kau’tkstl; Bo, kio- tistel. 10. Hip. H, kala-kaistel; Fi, col’khistal. 11. Belly. Bo, kdciel, cacelsda ( = “cin- tura”); Be, kae'chel; Sk, kai'Wel (=stomach); G, quedebchel (== but¬ tocks); Co, kutshiss (=stomach); G, couchetaye (=navel), gabedie; Fi, kup- pudde; H, koupou,10 ye-ouaouar . 6 This and following word apparently contain the syllable cuk, which occurs also in 2. 2 ifar=bone. Cf. 1, Fi; 4; 5, Sk, Bo; 12, Bo, Be; 16, Bo, Be; 17 (?); 20, Fe, Sk, Bo; 22, Bo, and possibly others, such as 3, H, Fi, Sk, Bo, etc. 8 Yahgan for blood is gapa (Hyades, q, 265), sapa (Bove), sahpd (Platzmann). 9 Most of the words in 9, 10, and 11 seem to be related. Yahgan for navel is koupou or koupfou (Hyades, q, 290). 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 63 12. Ann. H, tqioualifq , ka'inebi;1 Fi, to’quim’be; Sk, tau'kwe:!; Bo, taculpel- kdr,2 percar, terrud; Be, per-karr; Lu, perchl-kwa; Si, terua-ayiuk (=down of arm); Ir, appail; Li, merr; G, yabedchart. 13. Elbow. H, koukouch; Fi, yoc’ke. 14. Forearm. Fi, yuc’caba; H, youkebe, ker-mahi. 15. Wrist. II, ayo-kouil, taq-qel-labe; Fi, dccal’ldbd ; Bo, scdrrek. 16. Hand. H, youkebe, your-oul (=fist); Fi, yuc’caba, uf’ sheba (=fist); G, yaca- bed charcal (=fists); Fe, ter’va; Sk, tcrrwa; Si, terua; Li, teregua; Ir, tanna; Co, therrawaus; Lu, dero’alehl-kwa; Bo, pdrcar; Be, peher; Se, corocaschqua. 17. Finger. G, yacabed charcal touf-; Bo, tolscartefe , tolscar ; Fe, darkalkhl ; Sk, tcmxlxa:rkl ; G, tortecoualque (=toe); Li, fol-karjk; 3 4 H, houle; Fi, skul’la; Co, sthoen ; Ir, a ff shower. * 18. Thumb. Bo, af-cio; Sk, ais’; Fi, ushcuc’cun;5 H, ouchkoukoun , le. 19. Finger nail. Co, tharsh; Si, kiosharti ; Cy, toskarkqe; Bo, tolscar, ( telcarkl ); Sk, jekl(-tau'xlxa:rkl)‘, Ir, taultaul; G, tel- telou; II, yachkoul; 6 Fi, esh’cul. 20. Leg. H, aye-te; Fi, cut ; 7 Fe, kath’- karrh’; Sk, kat, ka’txkdrR ; Be, kat; Bo, kdt, kat-car; G, cat; Ir, kat; Lu, kalt-kwa; Co, kutchoice (=calf). 21. Thigh. Fe, kath; H, kout-lambe; Fi, cut’laba; G, catcherbouel (or catcher- boucl ?); 8 9 Sk, a'iS’u; Bo, aisiou, discobe (=buttocks); Si, yiacaspeyeper. 1 Many words referring to limbs or parts thereof in H and Fi and one word in Sk end in -bi, -be, -bed, - ba . Cf. 12, 14-17, 21, 23. This may perhaps be the same as the syllable or stem per -, pe-, pa-, which occurs in 12, Bo, Be; 16, Bo, Be; 22, Bo. One is also reminded of the Yahgan dual ending -pai or - pei (Hyades, q, 322). 2 Yaca, yuca, accal, tacul, toqui (m), tgikouli, skulla, etc., occur hi many words for arm, hand, and parts thereof; also for ankle. Cf. 12-17, 19, 23. Perhaps a misprint for tolkarjk. 4 Cf. 18, Bo; also 16, Fi, uf she+ba. 6 Yahgan for thumb is ouchkakin (Hyades, q, 290), uskkugin (Bridges, p, 56), usca-ghin (Bove). 6 Perhaps the same as je(§)kl in 19, Sk. Cf., how¬ ever, Yahgan for fist, hascul (Bridges, p, 56), askal (Hyades, q, 266); Eizaguirre has yaschu (= fingers). 7 Cut, cat, occurs in many words for leg and parts thereof. Cf. 20-22, 24. 8 - cherbou cf. -sciobe in 21, Bo. 9 Yahgan for knee is toulapour (Hyades, q, 291), tu-lapurr (Bove). Latin de or ex, Span, desde, is expressed in Yahgan by adding -lum or -nd&ulum (Spegazzini c, 140; cf. also, ibid., 138 and Hyades, 22. Knee. H, toulen doulou; 9 Fi, tuV- dul; Sk, skoi'bl:s’; Bo, kol-pacdr; Ir, kotchenkiau. 23. Ankle. H, tgikouli; Fi, acuVlabe. 24. Foot. Ir, thocuer;Fe, tchou’kourrh’; 10 Bo, ciaquor (=shoes); Sk, ce'ku.rR , kiau'tbi ( =heel) ; Bo ,cdt, cat-cdl ( =sole of foot), cdl-chiol (=heel); Fi, cuVUculcul; H, Iciikoulkoultel, ilel; Be, katzors; Co, kadthakous; Lu, djo’kochl-kwa.11 Group IV 1. Day. Bo, kdla, stasc, laufg (=now), cala (=clear); Be, kala; G, cala; Sk, ka'logti,12 lafk (=day or now); H, ye- oukoule, tqelar-oua; Fi, an’oqual. 2. Light. Sk, kjau jeskwa:l; Bo, eskal- laluk. 3. Morning. Fi, ush’qual,13 ilqualef; H, ouchkouali, alikolif; Bo, als-cualuf (= to¬ morrow morning). 4. Fine weather. Sk, ks’as’;1* Bo, ktdsck (=it has stopped raining); G, quesep- garre (=il fait beau temps). 5. Land. Sk, ti, ui'§’15 (=mountain); Bo, uesc, uisc, uosquar or iacu-scior (=field); H, qemptqil, payan-bi (=earth); Fi, champth, badbe{— earth); G, argacart(= mountain); Bo, arcacar or scdr-rek-scar (= mountain); G, alquet{ or alquetf) ,16 chalcayo (=“ prairies”). 6. Island. Bo ,dl-licare; Sk, a'lis’karrrR. 7. Sand. H, paountil; 17 Sk, afau'U’a; G, akaly; Bo, kiapcidcl.18 8. Shore, seashore. H, ouanikh, oue- nouk ;19 Fi, voan’nuc; Bo, kiopceol-calde. q, 316), final m being often barely audible (Hyades, q, 217). 10 Tehuelche for shoe or moccasin is hchoker (Leh- mann-Nitsche, d, 260, quoting Carlos Ameghino), choca (Fitz-Roy, a), chokr (Beauvoir, b, 184), tsocr (Schmid, in Adas XV 11° Congr. internac. deAmer]- canistas, 1910, Buenos Aires, 1912, Apendice, p. 25). 11 Probably means toe (= finger) instead of foot. Cf. 17, Fe, Sk, G. 12 CL somewhat similar suffix in 23, Bo. 18 Cf. esk(w)al in 2, Sk, Bo; also in 3. 14 Cf. 1, Bo. 19 Yahgan for earth is tun (Bove), tun (Th. Bridges, k, 235), tan (Hyades, q, 266); and for land is o'she (Fitz-Roy), ouqi (Hyades, q, 267), usi (Th. Bridges, fc, 235), usi (Bove), uhsi (=earth, Platz- mann), use (=field, Noguera), uisiro (Eizaguirre). The resemblance may be only accidental. is Cf. 6. 17 Yahgan for sand is bandal or baudal (Bove), puntel (Fitz-Roy). is Cf. 10, Sk, Bo; 8, Bo. 19 Yahgan for shore is hanna or hanua (Bove). coorEitl BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 17 9. Sea. Sk, cea'pl ; Bo, dapl; Fi, chah’- bucl, chah’buel ; H, choun-bil; G, chapte or chaplet). 10. Stone. H, lile, koufkete-aou; Fi, cath’dw , kehtla’d ; Sk, kje'ts’lau, ke'pci:kl (=rock); Bo, kep-sceps (=gravel), chiel- la, del-la , yar, cheilao or cheisla (= large stone); Co, kosil (= flint), kesaoux (=stone ax); G, chardol. 11. Sky. Bo, area ; Sk, arrx1; Fi, ac’cuba; H, ekou-oue; G, arcayta.1 12. Cloud. Bo, arcaieta, drcaita; Li, arka- yeta; G, ay el (=clouds or vapors); H, yeleoka; Fi, tuVlu. 13. Sun. H, leum;2 3 * Fi, lum; Sk, arrx- d'luk; 3 Bo, arelok, drreluk; 4 Be, arelok; G, arlocq. 14. Sunrise. Fi, ahlacur’rlc; 5 H, ele- kouraik, kiendak. 15. Sunshine. Fi, lum alkd;& H, leum eleke. 16. Moon. H, koun-hek, haou-ko; 7 Fi, cdn’ak’ho, cuunequd; Sk, rrkapid-d'- luk ; 8 Be, yekapesalok; Bo, iacapescidlop, idcabesnaluc, idcapedala; G, yacabedchar- locq; Duclos-Guyot, sercon. 17. White. Bo, idkapec-kar; Fi, akif’ca; H, ekaif-ke; Sk, iS’kapiS’ ( kwarrR ). 18. Star. H, kounrd-ach; Fi, quo’unash, conash' ; G, collache; Sk, k'olla Bo, col-ldsc, colds (= large star), eolavdse (=it is night), pap-pansc .9 19. Go to bed. Sk, pap; Bo, pap; G, icchelor.10 20. Bed. Sk, papeUa'l; Bo, pap-dedr. 21. Sleep. Ir, kolla; 11 IT, eyakououil; Fi, kay’keol, khdk'hon; Sk, ci'rks’ta, ci'rs’stakwarrR (=asleep); Be, cheeksta; 1 Cf. 12, Bo, Li. 2 Yahgan for sun is leum (Hyades, q, 269), lum (Bove), lum (Bridges, p, 78), lorn (Platzmann), l&m (Eizaguirre, Noguera), lum (Fitz-Roy). 3Arrx=sky. Cf. 11. * - d'luk , -elok. Cf: 2, Bo; 14-15; 16, Sk, Be, Bo. 6 Perhaps metathesis for urric-ahlac, ouraik-elek, arrx-a'luk. 3 Cf. note 2, above. 7 Yahgan for moon is hannooca (Bridges, p, 77), hannuhka (Platzmann), januka (Noguera), anoka (Hyades, q, 268), hannuia, hannuca, or hunnica (Bove), anded or hdn’nukd (Fitz-Roy), anuhayaco (Eizaguirre). 8 Cf. 17 and note 4, above. » Cf. 19, 20. Bo, deksda, ciegsda., degsdak, degdak , Idjjledia; G, torpelan. 22. Night. Bo, ac-kioi, dc-kioler, dkioi (=it is night); Be, akiowen; G, aloouy; H, ad-oulapou, ai-oulebi, oukakouche; Fi, yul’lupre, yowdeba; Sk, k&’Wpi’S’: (=dark). 23. Black. Fi, fcal; Sk, pa'l ( kwarrR ); IT, tafhka-aouandqi; Bo, tir-rekar, ydkdr (=black face), iacdrasldb (=raven), idedtestd (=at night), ydcar or akioi-al legde (=to grow dark); ydccy-ma (Fitz¬ Roy’s “Chono” word for evil spirit, a giant black man). 24. Water. Se, auwa; G, arret; Co, nupp; H, chaoach; Fi, chau’ash; Sk, akreak- warrR; Be, akschokuar; Bo, dedaquar; *Cy, kitchikouar; Ir, chafilar. 25. Rain. Cy, okhtchikouar; 12 G, detcha- coiial, tcauchelart (or teauchelart ?); Ir, apere; Sk, 6'ppera:s\- Fi, ab’quahsh, cap ’pocahsh; Bo, kdpkasc; H, kaif-kech , choumbelpele, oudiakal. 26. Thunder. H, kieyayah; Fi, cayru ’; Bo, tacal; G, tacal. 27. Wind. H, ourouch-kech; Fi, hur’ru- quash; Sk, a'rrkadla:rrR (= storm?), a'ketl; Bo, dcdtel, dcate; G, alache; Li, lefeskar.13 28. Snow. Sk, a’ka:be:u (=also winter), aka'ph'ti (=hoar frost); Bo, acape, kdkd (=to snow); G, ledchebeche; II, ech-ou; Fi, as’hd; Ir, soyer. 29. Ice. G, alabec; Sk, okia'rs’li; Fi, atkhur’ska; H, al-koulke, aye-atil. 30. Fire. H, atelakoyou, tetele; Fi, tet’tal; G, stetel (=flame); Sk, §’ta'tka:l, i:k§’- td't 15 (=match); Co, iuksthaads (=iron- 10 Cf. 22, Bo. See, however, note 11, infra. 11 This and the three following words may be related to col-, star, just as 19 and 20 are to 18, Bo. Cf., however, kay’keol and khdk’hon with dc-kioler and akiowen in 22, Bo, Be. Yahgan for sleep is aka or akalou (Hyades, q, 294), a-calu or a-culu (Bove), kdkahlihdta (=she sleeps, Platzmann). 12 This and perhaps the two following words are apparently related to 24, Sk. Chafilar (24, Ir) may be ciapl+arret. 13 Perhaps an error, as Sr. Lista gives this same word for mouth. 14 Possibly related to the word for white. 15 Cf. i.'kS’td't with iskdat (Bo)=fungus, which is used as tinder. 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 63 stone); Bo, iekscdasc (=spark), ixichestol (=roasted), aiesc (=burnt-out coals); Ir, yiaskka (= cigar), off char;1 Lu, wayach-kiva; Fe (and Sk), tcharkouq; Li, charcuish; Bo, cidrcus, ciarquasc, ciarcuesc (=burning coal), olacar(= stove),1 2 o-lei (=to light the fire); G, ollay. 31. Hot. Sk, a'pd:ll ; Bo, apel (=heat); G, appel (=il fait chaud), obilla (=t,o burn); H, oukoule, kitkaika; Fi, ket’khik. 32. Smoke. H, til-laiks ; Fi, tel’ licks, teWhdsh; Bo, telks ; G, telqueche. Group V 1. One. H, takouaido; Fi, tow’quidow; Bo, tacu-tacu;3 Fe, dakadouk; Sk, da'ku- duk, ta'kso ; Si, hualac. 2. Two. H, tilka-aou; Fi, teVkeow; Bo, tilkaaon; Sk, u'kl(k ); Si, arrec. 3. Three. Bo, uochels-a-tol; Sk, uklk-at- tauklk, tauklik ); H, kouf-ir; Fi, cup’eb ; Si, kugualec. 4. Four. Bo, uokels-a-tel-mokels ; Sk, a'kja:i (=many); H, aitetetele; Fi, in’- adaba; Si, tushicarcague . 5. Five. Bo, tacu-tacu; Si, zugualec; H, koupachpe ,4 * 6. North. Sk, ja'kurlar R; 5 Bo, aciuculai6 (= north wind); Fi, ya’ow; H, ouaye-ho , oufa-hir. 7. West. Sk, a'cikulail; Bo, cietdr 7 (=west wind); Fi, uthqudlddV; H, oukal- del, oupe-ouche. 8. South. Sk, s’i'ptued’li; Bo, cepcacc (=south wind); Fi, uc’coay; H, oukou- €01. 9. East. Sk, cvkerR; Bo, luicheraldr (=eastwind); Fi, yuVdba; FI, youl-ebe. Group VI 1. Boat, canoe, (a) Sk, a'Wli (=Yahgan canoe); Spegazzini, ajli (Spanish j) ; Fi, ath'le; H, etet-li, ouachetqi.8 * ( b ) Sk, a'sxa:r or wa'jeku (—steamer), je'kukltai 1 Yahgan for wood is dh’schif, according to Fitz¬ Roy; for fireplace is uf (Bridges, p, 56), aff (Hyades, q, 304). 2 Olu+car= burning or heating+thing. 3 Bo gives same word for five. 4 Cf. Yahgan, cu-pasc-pa (=five, Bove), cupashpa (= little finger, Bridges, p, 78). & Cf. 9, Bo. 3 Cf. 7, Sk. i Cf. 9, Sk. 8 Yahgan for boat is anan or auan (Bove), ana (Eizaguirre), anln (Hyades, q, 304), aunan or watch- an-nan (Despard, b, 679, 718). (=dugout); Fe, ouayekharh’; Co, ayoux; Sk, kia'lu (=West Patagonian canoe), (c) Sk, cd’rru (=lifeboat); Bo, peller (=“barca”), scerur acqui (=“barca grande”); G, cher-; Macdouall, sheroo; King, sherroo or sherroo (=canoe, ves¬ sel, ship ’s boat) ; Ir, sero ( =canoe) , imassi (=ship); Co, sherroux (=ship’s boat); Duclos-Guyot, shorou; Meriais, cherou (= canoe). 2. Vessel. Fi, a’un; 8 H, e’loun, el’le. 3. Basket. Sk, ta'ju; 9 Bo, tdio; G, daye; Co, dawyer (=plaited basket); Ir, tallo; Fe, talia; Sk, caU'kUa:l (=bucket); Bo, sdoracdl ( = “borsa”); Ir, chokarkau (=bottle or “ recipiente ”) ; Co, kushki (=bottle); Bo, cosc-kei (=bottle), cdsc- chei (=glass); H, kouch, kouf-kehi; Fi, ka’ekhu, kha’io; Co, cheebass (=netted basket) . 4. Arrow. Fi, an’naqua; H, e-nokoue, ti-ekoun; Bo, tekl (=arrow point), dree , drscel,10 erksce; Sk, a'rxkje:l; Si, area; Se, dreso; Ir, kanakene.11 5. Quiver. Sk, a'rxkje.’l-kivarrR; Bo, drscilcual. 6. Bow. H, kirik-kene, yourel; Fi, kerec- cana; Bo, kieracala, gherrdcalak, cherd- kala; Si, schialla, kioshalaska (=string). 7. Stick. Fe, kat; G, carre; 12 Bo, edr or ydr (=stake); Fi, aire (=spear handle); H, heair-hi (=spear handle); Sk, kdrR (= handle), ka'rksku:li§ ’ (=club). 8. Spear, harpoon. H, oue-lee, alike , hai- achke; Fi, ihlca, fished; Sk, isdkdrR (=bilaterally barbed), a'leju ^unilat¬ erally barbed, small) ; Bo, dlegu or dfdacor (= large harpoon); Cy, ioftokgkarh; 13 Sk, td'lda.rR (=with sawtooth shank), i'rS’kc’il (=with large unilateral barb); G, irquebal; Bo, ianisc (=small har¬ poon), per da (=with glass shank); Co, udakutsh (=for seals), kip-thatharsh (=for fish). 9 Cf. Yahgan for basket, taouala (=of fine mesh, Hyades, q, 303), tauhala (Noguera), taualla (Bove), tauala (Lovisato, a, b), and also Ona for same, towaZ (Lista, b, 144), tduel (Segers), thay, thai (=also rush material, Beauvoir, b, 119, 65), tayu (=rush mate¬ rial for baskets, Gallardo, 264). This resemblance running through the three languages probably de¬ notes cultural borrowing. 40 Sr. Lista has arekechul as Tehuelche for arrow (La Patagonia austral, Buenos Aires, 1879, p.85). 11 Perhaps an error for bow. 12 This is apparently an element in 9, Bo; 8, H, Fi, Sk, Bo, Cy. 13 Cf. preceding word and 9, Cy, Ir, Sk, Bo. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIEREA DEL FUEGO 19 9. Knife. Fi, afta're , af tax’ Id; H, iflstilh, alioual ; Cy, afteugki; Ir, aff stash; Sk, afta'sJie; Bo, tarusca (= native knife), autasche (=iron knife), karaustdscdr (=saw), karesche (=ax); G, astachelay (=anything of iron), illay (=to cut), islart. Group VII 1. Guanaco. Sk, lai'xe:l; Bo, laiel, lascel, layl; G, lajxcart (=to hunt); van Noort, cassoni ; Fi, harmaur; 1 H, berkaham, hamalafkar. 2. Deer. G, jgel, becjoul (= antlers); Co, halchun. 3. Otter. Sk, la’.eltl (=large otter), ta’- susci:s (=small otter); Bo, 161-let, Idlt; Fe, laldalkaous; Co, lalthers (=otter skin); G, laten, aauchelap; H, ayapouh; 2 Fi, hiap’po. 4. Puma. Sk, ca'u:l; Bo, ciduel. 5. Mouse. Sk, a'tdelop; G, ascaiselap; Co, akraceps. 6. Domestic cat. Sk, i'rritu; Bo, ieretu. 7. Horse. Sk, au'reli; Fe, orel’le; Bo, oreli, orasi, orasle, orasleualek (=mare), ter, ter-caffiyacdpakiar (= white horse).3 * 8. Sheep. Sk, wo' si; Bo, uosci uosce (=lamb), usd, chidui. 9. Dog. Fe, chalki; Fi, shiVoke; H, tqikoul- ele; Sk, c(i)a‘lki ; Bo, sdalki, dalchi, sialke; G, chalqui; Li, shalki; Co, sharkiss; Si, peshu; Duclos-Guyot, ouchi ; Ir, korrod 10. Whale. Sk, a'pdla; Bo, dpcla, dpla; G, aballa. 11. Fur seal. Sk, arR; 5 6 Fe, harkaqi; Co, harkusis-hushkei (=seal skin), arougsis (=seal skull); Bo, kioro, kioru; Se, vergebrusch; H, tou-pi,Gyailou; Bo, iel-lo (=hide or skin, in general) ; Fi, af’feilo, df’ailo. 1 Yaligan for guanaco is ama-ara (Noguera), amara, mayaka (Hyades, q, 285), am-mara (Bove), amoera (Spegazzini, c, 137), amarha (Eizaguirre), amura (Furlong, g, 3.) 2 Yaligan for otter is aiapuk (Bridges, h, 207), aja- puch or aia-puck (Bove), ayapou, yapou (Hyades, q, 285), yappo (Despard, b, 717). 3 Tercaf+yacapak= hair+ white. < Cf. 11, Bo. Possibly a mistake for seal or sea lion. Sr. Iriarte’s list was gathered by signs and perhaps he “ barked.” ^ Cf. 11, Co; 13, Fi, H. 6 Yahgan for seal is dup'pa (Fitz-Roy), tapara (Hyades, q, 285), taparha (Eizaguirre). Cf. taa-pa (=coat, Despard, b, 718). I 12. Sealion. Sk, a'Uel-drR; H, ouk-houl (=a gown of skin); Fi, uckwul (=g own); Bo, al-kials, dlacdsc; G, alcouetcheta (=“ loup marin”). 13. Skin, hide. Bo, -cosc,7 -case; Fe, -kaous, -kaqi; Ir, yahdks (=mantle, cov¬ ering); Sk, kau§\ o'pddxa:l (=probably guanaco skin); Fe, oppeurkilh (=gua- naco skin); Fi, uc’cdlayk; H, koukoule- a'ikoun, apoule .8 14. Mantle. Sk, a'llak; 9 G, alac (=skin of loup marin); Sk, a'ci:cu (=clothes);10 Ir, chincho (= pea-jacket); Bo, aceciu (= shirt), deciaua ciacdr (=to dress). 15. Bird. Fe, kikik-; Cy, kieqka; Bo, keska, cheisc-car , tdcuatucu (=“0000,” a bird); Fi, tow' qua ( = little bird); H, taou-koul (=little bird). 16. Swallow. Bo, qudl qud da; G, colo- cotcha. 17. Gull. Bo, kdn, kaiel; G, cailx. 18. Bustard. Bo, uddol; G, auatchol, islap.11 19. Duck. H, ayekil-ele, chaoule oufkou- lele, ouin12 (=duclcling); Fi, wen (=duckling), ye'keip; Sk, ka'ip (=steamer duck); Bo, zralitra, ierareslap; G, irarchaux, 13 atargy (= duck “quine vole pas’ ’) ; Co, karawus-poug (=steam- er duck). 20. Penguin. G, carasse; van Noort, compogre. 21. Hummingbird. H, emou-oue; Fi, amowa ’rd. 22. Vulture. H, ekour-heghe; Fi, aheur'- rigd. 23. Owl. H, aichahla (=horned), tafkail- he; Fi, tilkibbdl, ship'ishi (=horned); Bo, olapsc. 24. Goose. Bo, car-cdr-car; Sk, ate'c’lap 14 (=kelp goose, male), da' rip (= ditto, female). 7 Occurs in compounds. Cf. 11, Fe, Co; 12, Bo. 8 Yahgan for skin is appulld (Fitz-Roy), apala (Hyades, q, 269). Cf. 11, Fi. 9 Perhaps occurs in 13, Fi, H. 19 Cf. -etcheta in 12, G. 11 Cf.: 19, Bo; 23, Bo; 24, Sk. The same ending occurs in Bo, iescolcp (= black thrush). It may be a generic term. 12 Yahgan for duck is ui-jin or ui-iin (Bove), ouibn, ouyln, ouaye (Hyades, q, 285, 266). 13 Possibly the same as ierares- in the preceding word. The natives no doubt have special names for each of the various kinds of ducks and other larger birds. 14 See preceding note and note 11 , above. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 25. Chicken. Se, kokokok ; Bo, o-o-o. 26. Fish. Sk, jau'derR (=robalo); Fe, yaoutchilh; Ir, yanchen ; Li, yaulchel ; Bo, iauciel, ydulce, iakel, terkctdye, sciekuer (=“pescagione”), scidc-sddr (= tunny); Sk, ki'rksta ( =to fish) ; Fi, ker'rikstd(= to fish), ap’pubm,1 appuffin; H, epoun bain, yee-rha , 2 tafkarh 3 or tajlarkarh (=to fish); G, orolle; Co, areous-areersh. 27. Mussel. Sk, ka'puk ; Bo, capok; Ir, kapo ( = “choros’ ’); G, aptechouee ; Co, chaloux .4 28. Photinula (a small mollusk). Sk, kei'-gjo:l (=also necklace of same); Bo, kei-col (=necklace of shells); Fi, ca’ecdl (= beads); H, i-koul (= beads). 29. Shell. H, tiache-ouain; 5 Bo, tol-la- jeku ; G, sychaux ; Fi, car'nish. 30. Beads (necklace). H, ekoun-ach (=necklace of bones); Co, heskouna. 31. Sea urchin. Co, kawotchi, karabous- kalpers (=crab); G, cabesche; 6 Sk, tdu:xla'ri ;7 Ir, affshte. Group VIII 1. Tree. Fi, e’arucka,8 kafs’hd; H, kef-he, y-ekokoul; Sk, xa'rltokl ; Bo, carh ocndl , car. 2. Winter’s bark. Sk, sd'la-kwarrR; Sp, shalakuahr, shaahlku. 3. Libocedrus tetragona. Sk, lapa'jekl; Sp, lapaiekhl; G, paicle (=pine). 4. Fagus antarctica. Sp, tashka ; G, tech- elart (=tree). 5. Notofagus betuloides. Sk, a'llkol; Sp ,alcool; Bo, al-chiol, alcol (=bough); G, argol (=leaf). 6. Berberis empetrifolia. Sk, kja'rrR; Sp, kierr; G, cars (=forest); Bo, cdr (=tree). 7. Berberis ilicifolia. Sk, ciV; Bo, cheese (=bush). 8 . Wood. II , achif; Fi, uf ’ sha ; Sk, ce'a: la:; Ir, sillana; Si, anchufalla. 9. Firewood. Cy, kokas ; Sk, Ja'Jdis ; Bo, cacasc; G, cacache; Li, kekdsh. 1 Yahgan for fish is apour (Hyades, q, 287). 2 Perhaps the same as iakel, above. 3 Yahgan for kelp fishing line is aouch tafkoa (Hyades, q, 303, aouch=kelp). Cf. tupar (=to fish, Bove). 4 The natives have different names for the vari¬ ous mollusks. Dr. Skottsberg gives several. 6 Yahgan for the Venus and Mactra mollusks is tachaouin or tachaouo (Hyades, q, 289), ter-sho-in (= limpet shell, Despard, b, 718, the first word gath¬ ered by him, in 1857). 10. Baccharis patagonica. Sk, krlpel; Sp, kiilpel (=Escallonia serrata). 11. Empetrum rubrum. Sk, pvlekutl (=also Tepualia stipularis) ; G, pilcouet ( = “ brande , ’ * heather) . 12. Scirpus cernuus. Sk, s’a'kd:lf; Sp, shakdlu (=Poa scaberula); G, chaca- lam (=‘Therbe,” grass); Bo, scekdlej (=“erba”), skdkalof (=hay), ciacdla s-cess (=grass for a bed); H, qakalif (= grass). 13. Myginda disticha. Sp, tciis; Bo, scess or ifd (=dry grass). 14. Peat moss. Sk, c'aopl ; G, de chajiche (=moss); Bo, cidpl (=high grass). 15. Gleichenia quadripartita. Sk, a'kiu:- tJel; H, haite-kil (=grass). 16. Celery. Sk, ko'Wcau ; H, kele (=grass); Fi, khall (= grass). 17. Philesia magellanica. Sk, ko‘lla-ko‘- lla; Ir, kalakala (=flower). 18. Flower. H, aiikste; Fi, yik’std; Sk, i'ksta:xl; Bo, ikscdal, ijctdl. 19. Macrocystis pyrifera. Sk, kicd'poks G, quetchabache (=“varech, ” sea- wrack); H, ouch-che .9 20. Marsippospermum grandiflorum. Sk, ci'pd:s\ je'kkabi:sse; Sp, iekkabesse; Se, jakapasch (=“Binsen, ” rushes); Bo, ienakasc (=“ alga ’ ’) . Group IX 1. I. Bo, dels, ciels-cud ; Sk, cix(l ); G, qui ouchy. 2. Thou. Bo, dduls, ciauls qua; G, chajisse; Sk, tau'x(l). 3. He. Bo, chidl , kials-cua; G, haulle; Sk, caux(l ). 4. My. Bo, asc, disc; G, hasche; Sk, hd§. 5. Angry. Bo, at-asc; G, atache; Sk, a'tta:$’. 6. Bad. Fe, tchabakta, tchalabarh’ (=ugly); Bo, ceildper (=ugly), ceisldber; Sk, ces’la'borrR, H’logdl (=evil); Bo, cildcdar (=ugly). 7. Button. Sk, ce'pe.rrR; Fe, qiparh\ 6 Perhaps the same as karabous- in preceding word. 2 Cf. 29, Bo. 8 Yahgan for tree is urur’ (=also log, Th. Bridges, p, 54, 78), uorurh (Platzmann), ua-rush (Bove), ouarouch (=wood, tree trimk, Hyades, q, 283). 9 Yahgan for kelp is (h)aoucli (Hyades), ha-usch, ha-ush, a-cich (Bove), howoosh, achik (Bridges, V, 78). cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 21 8. Captain. Bo, scefteor (=chief); Sk, siu'ftiu:r; Cy, qouftior laip (=gener- ous=captain-f-good) . 9. Coire. Se, higehige; G, ygre (=“ par¬ ties de 1 ’homme ’ ’) . 10. Cold. Sk, ki's’as’; Be, kizds; Wyse, quichache 1 (= clothes); Fi, kishdsh’; H, kaine-beche, tourre-ierrha; 2 Bo, kisok, chisacheci; G, ychesche (or yeheschef) (=it is cold), mehaleque (=ditto); Meriais, foiia (= ditto). 11. Come. G, laxcara (=come!); Sk, lo'ca.-l; Bo, lecial or leddlk(— will come), cielocul (=come!), ciolok Id or cilukl tali (=come here!); Se, x x x or kakaka (=exclamation for calling attention); H, kakaoutela ,3 akoumouan or yamach- koun-e 4 (=come here); Fi, yamaschun’d (=come here), hab’relua. 12. Cut. H, kapakoleioua; 5 Fi, cup’ pa; G, illay; Sk, ajekarR. 13. Die. H, ?/e-£ou£i(=dead); Bo, ac-ciol (=he died); H, ouaikalenar (=dead or die), ouailakaruar; Fi, willacar’wona (=dead or die); Cy, a Iguelera (=dead); Bo, anfiasck (=dead), tdf (=death or die); Sk, toff (=dead). 14. Dive. Fi, sko; Sk, ks-iau'i; H, ialgou- loule .6 15. Egg. H, tetil-e-e; Fi, lith’le; G, les- chelly (= penguins ’eggs); Bo, lesle, iorel; Fe, orriV; Sk, jo'ri(s’)l. 16. Fat. Sk, a'fjie; Bo, df-kai; Fi, uf’ki; H, ouf’kai, toufkene-kiou. 17. Go. Sk, as’ (=also walk); Bo, dsc (= also walk), as£(=walk), ascA(=good- bye); Fi, ahsh (=walk), us’hae (=go away) ; H, hack or ker-ne ( =walk), oucho- fh-he (=go away); Bo, telecu (=a walk or road), teclecualme (=go far away); G, tel (or tetf ) (=“ va-t-en”), loulda (=“ marche ’ ’) . 18. Good. H, la-laif; Fi, ly ’ip; Fe, laip; Sk, la'ip; Bo, layep, laiep (=pretty). 19. Green. Bo, dr-car , naipa (=blue); Sk, a'rx ( kwarrR ) (=blue or ? green). 1 The natives were probably asking for “clothes ” by saying “we are cold.” 2 Yahgan for cold is taruri, tarourou (Hyades, q, 266), tor-ri (Bove), tharri (Eizaguirre), teri (No- guera). 3 -tela: cf. tali just above in Bo. The Yahgan for come here is akoum (Hyades, q, 266), a-cum (Bove), acuman-caia (Eizaguirre). 4 This sounds suspiciously like the Yahgan yamasckuna (=be generousl), the usual greeting formerly of the Yahgan to the European visitor. 20. Hut, wigwam. Bo, at (=house); Sk, at (= house), atk (= houses); Ir, ata; Fi, aht, hut (=house); G, hasthe (=house); Sp, at-jl (Spanish j); H, hioutoul (= house) or afteli-tela. 21. Large. H, haoufkil, haou-kouil(— full moon); Fi, ow’quel (=also full moon); Fe, oukeulkh (=mueh); Sk, a’kwi:l, a'kwa: (=always), a'kja:i or a'kj:aus’ (=many); G, agonil (=it is large); Bo, dk-chel, dc-qui, dc-chiai (=much or many), dc-kiai (=more), ak-cui (=en- tire); Ir, pinna (=much or more). 22. Love. Bo, ato-kalai; Sk, a'tMila:(s’). 23. Meat. Sk, ( h)ipr ; 7 Bo, yepper; Se, jepper; Fe, yepeurh’; Lu, vo’perchl-kwa. 24. Milk. Sk, au'rxk ' (=also breast); Fe, ourkh ’ (=breasts); G, ourque (=teat). 25. Nest. Sk, kiut-kiut ; Bo, ei, cheisc-ca-ei (= bird’s nest). 26. No. H, pal’toukoul; Fi, quit’tuk; Fe, ytkoula ; Sk, ta'xli, ta'h’liku:lla (=1 do not wish to); G, tachely (=enough, no more); Fe, m’na (^nothing); Ir, mayo (= little, less), layamma (= enough, no more); Bo, chidtai, chiata (=nothing, no); G, cadays (=no, “nenn'i”), quiepy ( = “rien du tout”), quieb (=“il ne vaut pas rien”); Sk, kjip (=nothing), kjap (— nothing — heard at Port Grappler); King, cab, cab; Topinard, quieppa (=meat?). 27. Oar. G, oyeque 8 (=to row); H, oudi- dik {— man’s oar), ourhou (= woman’s oar); Fe, al’lio; Fi, wor ’ric (= woman’s), wy ’ic ( = man ’s) ; II , koune ( = man ’s) ; G , couaigny; Bo, lepocdr; Sk, le' pokwa:rrR . 28. Pain. Sk, kjd‘fte:l; Bo, kiufdal-l (=to pain), kiuftelk (=great pain); G, ajjle (=“j’ai mal”); Fi, ahf; H, hiff, oum- meye. 29. Paper. Sk, ta'jlkatlka; Cy, taikalka. 30. Porpoise. H, chou-ouenaki; 9 Fi, sho- wan’mke; Bo, sciacdar, cidsda; G, callona. 6Cf. kapok, kapo (=mussel shell). The native knife was made usually with a shell blade. Dr. Hyades (q, 309) gives akoupou as Yahgan for cut. 6 Yahgan for dive is gouleni (Hyades, q, 296, 266), gul-heni (Bove). i A Tehuelche-Ona word (Lehmami-Nitsche, d, 249). The Alacaluf probably acquired it in bar¬ tering for meat with their land neighbors. 8 Perhaps related to ouayekharh’ (= canoe). 9 Yahgan for porpoise is qaouianoukh (Hyades q, 268), sa-ui-jannuck or sa-ui-iaumuck (Bove). 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. G3 31. Rainbow. G, accade; Sk, akja’ielokl; Bo, dccailik, dc-kioribek; Ir, kebnai. 32. Red. Sk, klru (- kwarrR ) ; Bo, chieoqudr. 33. Run. Fi, ahl (=rush); H, ali; Bo, dlesc (=also run away!); Sk, a'lds’ ; G, al chy (=“je vais partir”), alcherba (=“allons-nous-en”), yetlepert 1 (=“il s’en va”). 34. Sick, ill. H, koume or yaouil (=sick- ness) ; Fi, yau ’ hoi ( =sickness) ; Bo, al-ler, al-lel, al-lelk, halen; Be, halen; Sk, a'lolik ); Fe, alilki; Cy, deuf.2 35. Sit. H, choukouil ; Fi, shucka; Sk, U'JtdrR; Bo, sciacdrk; G, houche. 36. Swim. H, kel-i, laimp-a'i; Fi, lira ’pi; Sk, o’llpai:l. 37. Thin. Sk, d'jip; Bo, d-iepl. 38. To-morrow. Bo, terrudiacili, dl cud- lak; G, colas. 39. Urinate. Sk, skarrs ’; G, quesquer. 1 -lepert may be the same as Upper in Bo’s sen¬ tence cial-chi’l-cal (=they ) jaksciorchier Upper (=go to the field). 2 Cf. 13, Bo, Sk. 40. Yes. G, couam (or couansf or co- uausf), allous ( = “oui certes”); Sk, ai’lo:; Fe, ailaou; H, alelkal-ou, tach ,3 ou ou; 4 Fi, o’o; Bo, da. 41. Yesterday. G, area; Bo, dlcualdk. 42. Thing, etc. “The suffix kwarrR is very common and seems to designate a condition or a quality possessed by something: hence cirk’sta, to sleep, ci'rk’s’ta-kwarrR, being asleep. The color names also end in kwarrR; a thing is pa'lkwarrR, i. e., possesses a black color. Another example is a'rxkje:l, arrow ; a ‘ rxkje: IkwarrR , quiver = ‘ the thing that holds the arrows’ ” (Skotts- berg, d, 606). For examples of this suffix in Bo, H, Fi, see the words above for white, red, black, and green; the final r or rrR is elided, as frequently, in II, Fi. Cf. also Group IV, 30, Bo, olacar. s In Yahgan the word das (Fitz-Roy) or tas (Hyades, q, 270) is used for yes, but rarely. 4 A Yahgan word for assent is aouai (Hyades, q, 270), auai (Bove), ow-wy (Despard, b, 718). DISCUSSION OF GLOSSARY Owing to the paucity of available material and the total lack of grammatical data, much in the foregoing comparative study is neces¬ sarily tentative and provisional. Nevertheless, there appears to be sufficient evidence on which to base certain dependable conclusions. The two most important lists, Bo and Sk, agree in from at least 80 to 90 per cent of the cases, so closely, in fact, that there can be no reasonable doubt that they represent the same language. The same is true of Fe. G agrees in quite the majority of cases with Bo, Sk, and Fe, as do also the shorter lists Se, Lu, Sp, Li, Cy, Be, Si, Co, and Ir, while some of the stray words from Duclos-Guyot, King, Mac- douall, Meriais, and Wyse can also be identified. H and Fi closely resemble each other and in the main show manifest affinity with the other vocabularies, but on the other hand contain many words peculiar to themselves. The 15 lists and other words therefore fall into two groups, one represented by H and Fi, the other including the remaining material. Do these two groups represent two distinct languages, or at least two distinct dialects, or does the evidence call for some other ex¬ planation ? That they represent one and the same language seems fairly, reasonably clear, for in about 60 to 70 per cent of the 115 to 120 words for which comparison is possible, there appears to be either out- cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 23 right identity, or else community of stem, prefix, or suffix. On the other hand the remaining differences would seem to be sufficiently accounted for by the presence of Yahgan and Ona-Teliuelche words, and by the errors, inevitable in the circumstances under winch the lists were gathered. In H and Fi there is an appreciable percentage of Yahgan words, at least 10 per cent and probably considerably more. The majority of words for which the Yahgan equivalent is given in the notes to the preceding glossary are clearly of Yahgan provenance. The proxi¬ mate publication of the Rev. Mr. Bridges’ dictionary (Th. Bridges, l) will make possible a more thorough study of this point. Further traces of Yahgan influence, especially in H, are apparently discern¬ ible in the predominance of ou and a sounds, in the frequency of successions of single vowel syllables, and in the occasional endings -ndqi, - ndoulou , - ndouloum , all characteristic of the Yahgan tongue (Hyades, q, 217-218, 322, passim; Spegazzini, c, 138, 140). The presence of this considerable Yahgan element in H and Fi is readily accounted for. According to Mr. Bridges ( b , Oct. 1, 1881, 227; Feb. 2, 1874, 26; June 1, 1883, 139), Admiral Fitz-Roy’s three Alacalufan informants belonged to partly Alacalufan and partly Yahgan mixed stock. They were taken in the region between Brecknock Peninsula and Christmas Sound, where there was much contact, intermarriage, and linguistic borrowing between the two peoples1 (cf. supra, pp. 3, 7). Dr. Hyades evidently did not have any assistance from the English missionaries in compiling his Alacalufan vocabulary, for he was under the impression that no one at the mission knew anything at all about Alacalufan (Hyades, q, 13). His informant, Kitamaoyoelis Kipa, an Alacalufan woman 40 to 45 years old (Hyades, q, 272, 224, Table IV, no. 25), born at Kitamaoya, in western Alacalufan terri¬ tory (q, 106), was at the time living at Orange Bay, in the heart of the Yahgan territory. She and her sister were both married to a Yahgan man. She told Dr. Hyades, it is true, that she remembered well the language of her native land, and the Yahgans at Orange Bay seemed to be convinced of the truth of her assertion, but she had been married to her Yahgan husband for many years, as they had a 13-year-old daughter (Hyades, q, 272, 224, 411-412, Table V, no. 36), and she had in all likelihood been living during these years among Yahgans. It is not surprising, therefore, that she should have lost to some extent the knowledge of her native tongue and should have used many Yahgan words even when speaking Alacalufan. The Fuegians apparently soon forget their native tongue, for Jemmy 1 Many years later Fuegia Basket, one of Admiral Fitz-Roy’s natives, conversed with the Rev. Mr. Bridges in Yahgan, which she understood and spoke, although Alacalufan was her own tongue (Th. Bridges, 6, 1874, 26; 1883, 139). 64028°— Bull. 63—17 3 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lbull. G3 Button, after the lapse of two years, was unable to converse with his parents in his own tongue, although he understood them (Hyades, q, 271), while one of the native women taken in Crooked Reach in 1876 had entirely forgotten by 1883 her own language and spoke only Spanish (ibid., 278). The Alacaluf are or were in contact with the Onas and Tehuel- ches throughout a large section of their territory. In recent years, moreover, the Onas and Alacaluf have been brought into close association at the Dawson Island missions. These facts explain sufficiently the minor Ona-Tehuelche element in the Bo-Sk lists, an element entirely or almost entirely absent from H and Fi. The present writer has made no exhaustive comparison, but has utilized only the more readily accessible Ona-Tehuelche material. If we eliminate the Yahgan element from the H-Fi group' and the Ona-Tehuelche element from the Bo-Sk group, the two groups are brought into much closer harmony and their differences largely accounted for. The remaining differences are probably due to the various causes to be mentioned below. First, inaccuracies of transcription. The Alacaluf an language is, as observers agree, extremely guttural, or “buccale et coniine muqueuse” as Dr. Topinard put it, which makes the task of catching the sounds correctly and transcribing them an exceedingly difficult one (cf., e. g., Hyades, q , 12, quoting Mr. Bridges; Seitz, a, 185; Skottsberg, d, 580). A glance at the comparative glossary given above will show numerous instances where words evidently the same have been caught and transcribed very differently. Then, too, there are many individual and local differences in pronunciation and dic¬ tion (Skottsberg, d, 605; Hyades, loc. cit.). The addition or omission of s , sli, l, etc., whatever be the explanation, has been noted already. We may recall, too, that the observers themselves who gathered the various vocabularies represented six or seven different European languages, and naturally have caught and transcribed the native words somewhat differently. For instance, H usually ex¬ pressed by 6 what Fi expressed by d or a; H and Fi frequently omit the final r where the others give it; H in several instances inserts an f or m where Fi omits it, etc. Or compare Lu and Se, both, gathered from the same Hagenbeck group of natives in Europe: eye — Lu, te’leh-Jcwa , Se, decorliqua; teeth — Lu, che'rik’til-Tcwa , Se, tschiligiqua; tongue — Lu, le'lcel-lcwa, Se, lecorqua, lekkersqua , etc. The above causes largely account for many of the minor differences between the various vocabularies and between the two groups, H-Fi and Bo-Sk. The more radical differences are probably due first of all to misunder¬ standing on the part of the native informants. Admiral Fitz-Roy obtained his words largely by signs, although his natives learned to speak a little English. “I found great difficulty in obtaining words, cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OP TRIBES OP TIERRA DEL FUEGO 25 excepting names for things which could be shown to them and which they had in their own country” (Fitz-Roy, a, 188). Of Admiral Fitz-Roy’s list of more than 200 Tekeenica words, Dr. Hyades found 50 exact, 30 more or less inexact, and 120 entirely wrong (Hyades, q, 262, 270). It is to be expected then that a good proportion of his Alacalufan words, too, may be wrong. Dr. Hyades published his own Alacalufan material “sous les plus expresses reserves, et comme pierre d’attente en quelque sorte” (q, 279). Valuable though his longer list is, it is certainly not as dependable as his Yahgan material, upon which he bestowed much more care and labor, interrogating and reinterrogating the 120 to 130 Yahgan natives who visited Orange Bay during the expedition’s 12-month sojourn, and revising the words with the assistance of the English missionaries. “Pour la langue des Alakalouf, nous allons presenter ... la comparaison du vocabulaire de Fitz-Roy avec les mots que nous avons entendu prononcer par une femme alakalouf, vivant a la baie Orange. Nous Tavons soignee la pendant longtemps pour une arthrite du coude. Elle afhrmait qu’elle se rappelait bien * la langue de son pays natal, et les Fuegiens de la baie Orange parais- saient en etre persuades” ( q , 272). His statement, coupled with the fact that he gives the Alacalufan equivalents only for those words in the main which Admiral Fitz-Roy had already published, gives one the impression that his chief concern was to obtain correct pronun¬ ciation and what few synonyms he could incidentally gather. He did not identify or revise his vocabulary with the aid of other Ala- caluf, and the missionaries at the time did not give him any assist¬ ance ( q , 13). His informant, moreover, as noted above, had in all probability been away from all her people, except her sister, for at least 13 or 14 years. Taking into account, therefore, the circumstances under which the H and Fi lists were gathered, we are justified in assuming that they contain a considerable percentage of errors. Bo and Be were taken under more favorable conditions. The Salesians have been in close contact with the Alacaluf for over 20 years, and most of the natives speak a little Spanish, while Father Borgatello understands a little Alacaluf and Brother Xikora, who assisted him, speaks the language fairly well, although not fluently (Cojazzi, private communication). Dr. Skottsberg’s informant, Emilia, spoke Spanish, the medium of communication, rather brokenly, but well enough for his purpose. Moreover, he took pains to verify his words through other natives. Dr. Fenton had learned his few words some years previously, prob¬ ably with Spanish as the medium of communication, but apparently had not preserved a written record of them, as he dictated them to Dr. Hyades from memory (Hyades, q, 279). They were verified by Cyrille, a 9-year-old boy living at Punta Arenas. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I BULL. G3 Sefior Lista’s vocabulary was gathered from a “Guaicaro” medi¬ cine-man, all of whose people had passed away and who was then living among the Tehuelches. Dr. Coppinger’s list was gathered by signs, though he carefully verified it in part among other natives. .All the other extant Alacalufan material, except perhaps G, so far as our information goes, was gathered by signs. Under such circumstances we should naturally look for a good per¬ centage of errors in the Bo-Sk group as well as in the H-Fi group. The most exact of the extant lists, judging from the circumstances under which they were collected and from their mutual agreement, are Bo, Be, Sk, Fe, Cy, and G. Only in the case of Bo (and G ? and Be ?) did the observers speak at all the natives’ own language. Some further differences between H-Fi and the other group may well be due to the presence of synonyms. The Alacalufan language is evidently, like the Yahgan, poor in abstract and rich in concrete terms (cf. Sk, Bo). The Yahgan contains many synonyms (Th. Bridges, fc, 235-236; Hyades, q, 280), and so apparently does the Alacaluf (cf. Cy, Bo). Nuances of meaning are often expressed by entirely dissimilar words (cf. Sk, Bo). Certain words, too, are, it seems, of local use — Emilia knew the word tscharlcoup, “fire,” but did not use it, while she did not know either Jcaoui, “ear,” or noelh, “nose” (Skottsberg, d, 613-614). That the above sources have actually caused many divergences in the vocabularies and many errors is further evidenced (1) by the number of cases in which the same idea is expressed by different words in each of the lists and (2) by the number of words in the lists belonging to the Sk-Bo group, especially Co, Li, Lu, Se, Si, and Ir, which bear no resemblance to any words in the other lists of this group. Dr. Coppinger’s vocabulary, for instance, which manifestly represents in the main the same language as Sk, as Dr. Skottsberg recognizes ( e , 412), differs from Sk-Bo almost as much as H and Fi do. Or compare some of the words in Lu and Se, both taken from the same troupe of natives: nose — Lu, chlid’re-Jcwa, Se, nosqua; hand — Lu, dero' alehl-kwa, Se, corocaschqua. Before concluding it seems necessary to say a few words regarding Dr. Skottsberg’s recent theory (a, xxxii, 593, d and e). From a care¬ ful comparison of his own vocabulary with H, Fi, Fe, Sp, and Cy, he concluded that there is in Fuegia a fourth linguistic stock quite dis¬ tinct from the Alacalufan. For this fourth stock, to which belong Fe, Cy, Sp, Co, Sk, and many words in Fi, he suggests the name “West Patagonian” ( d , 581, 611-614; e, 412). Dr. Skottsberg, however, did not utilize a great part of the avail¬ able material for comparison, namely, Bo, Be, G, Si, Li, Se, Lu, and Ir, his study being based on Sk, H, Fi, Fe, Cy, Sp, and Co. He has not given due weight, moreover, to the community of element, stem, COOPER 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIE ERA DEL FUEGO 27 and affix between H-Fi and his own list. He has made no allowance for Yahgan and Ona-Tehuelche influence in the respective groups. Finally, he has hardly taken sufficient account of the various other sources of -divergence adverted to above. A few other considerations have a bearing on the point: (1) Emilia spoke of herself and the people met by Dr. Skottsberg as Alukulup, and it is unlikely that she would be mistaken regarding her own tribe’s name or that as Dr. Skottsberg agrees two tribes speaking different languages should have the same name. (2) Sk agrees with Sp, but Dr. Spegazzini’s route barely touched the ex¬ treme eastern fringe of the territory assigned by Dr. Skottsberg to the West Patagonian canoe people, and that only en route between Punta Arenas and Beagle Channel. Capt. Bove and Dr. Lovisato met some Alacaluf at Ushuaia Mission (Hyades, q, 13) and it is probable that the plant and other names in Sp were obtained from these natives. (3) Sk agrees in the main with Lu and Se; but the natives exhibited in Europe by Herr Hagenbeck were, so all competent authorities agree, true Alacaluf even if perhaps with a tinge of Ona blood (Th. Bridges, b, 1883, 139). (4) Most important of all, Sk agrees almost perfectly with Bo; but although Father Borgatello’s mission Alacaluf speak some Spanish and Father Borgatello and Brother Xikora some Alacalufan, and although in addition the Salesians have been in contact with the Alacaluf for over 20 years, no indication in all that time has been found by the missionaries that any other language is spoken by the canoe-using natives called Alacaluf who frequent the Dawson Island missions (Cojazzi, private communi¬ cation, citing Prof. Tonelli) . The present writer has been unable to get precise details of the provenance of Father Borgatello’s informants, but they are probably in the main from the territory east of Port Gallant and south of the Strait; for of the 9 Alacaluf measured by Dr. Outes (c, 220) at Dawson Island Mission in 1908, 3 came from Port Gallant, 2 from Magdalen Channel, 2 from Admiralty Sound, 1 from C. S. Pedro and S. Paolo, and 1 from Port Harris, these last two places being on Dawson Island. For the rest, Dr. Skottsberg himself agrees that the Dawson Island Mission “Alacaluf” are really members of this tribe ( d , 616). In view of the above facts the present writer is unable to accept Dr. Skottsberg’ s theory that there is a fourth Fuegian language totally different from the Alacalufan; but in any event the “West Patagonian” vocabulary is of great value, not only for its length and apparent exactness, but still more for the fact that it proves the Alacalufan language to be spoken by natives of the West Patagonian channels as far north as Port Grappler and perhaps as far as the Gulf of Penas, just as Senor Iriarte’s list gave evidence that Alacalu¬ fan is spoken as far west and north as the Ultima Speranza district. 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. 63 These newly established facts have a considerable bearing on the question whether or not the Chonoan tongue was a distinct linguistic stock or merely an Alacalufan dialect — a problem to which we shall return later. To sum up the whole preceding linguistic study, and the bearing it has on the question at issue, namely, the territory occupied by the Alacalufan tribe. The material at hand seems to show with reason¬ able clearness that the same Alacalufan tongue is spoken by all the non-Yahgan canoe-using Indians of the channels and inlets north and south of the Strait of Magellan and up the West Patagonian coast as far at least as Port Grappler. Fundamentally the two groups of extant vocabularies agree, whde their differences appear to be accounted for sufficiently by the presence of loan words and by the considerable element of error inevitable in the circumstances under which the lists were taken. That there are many local differences of speech seems evidenced both by the lexical material at hand and by the explicit statement of the Ilev. Mr. Bridges made in 1886, who had begun by this time his more thorough researches in the Alacalufan language (Th. Bridges, t) and had just completed an extensive journey into Alacalufan terri¬ tory. Whether these local differences are important enough to con¬ stitute definite dialects is hard to say. The H-Fi lists may represent a distinct dialect but the evidence is not convincing; they may repre¬ sent instead merely a hybrid Alacalufan-Yahgan speech used by the natives of the Brecknock Peninsula and Christmas Sound neutral or mixed zone. A distinct dialect, however, is pretty certainly spoken by the Port Grappler people, as Emilia, Dr. Skottsberg’s interpreter, had much difficulty understanding them and making herself understood (Skottsberg, c, 102; d, 585-586, 609). The preceding conclusion is of course offered with some reserve and is subject to revision at the hands of those more experienced in Indian philology than the present writer, who has been obliged to venture unwillingly into a field not his own. Then, too, the lexical material leaves much to be desired on the score of volume, while grammatical data are entirely wanting. The recovery and publica¬ tion of Messrs. Thomas and Despard Bridges’ 1,200-word Alacalufan vocabulary would probably make accessible sufficient material to settle definitely the whole question. As for grammatical data, we may hope for some light from Brother Xikora and the other Salesians. Having now questioned the linguistic criterion for tribal relations over the territory in dispute, we may examine briefly the somato- logical and cultural criteria. Before doing so, however, one final point may be mentioned. La Guilbaudiere’s vocabulary was gathered not later than 1696. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FLTEGO 29 A comparison with modern Alacalufan shows that the language has not changed to a great extent in these two centuries.1 B. SOMATOLOGICAL EVIDENCE So far as the evidence goes, the same physical type is found over the whole area which we are considering, from Dawson Island and Brecknock Peninsula to the vicinity of the Gulf of Penas. Various observers have noted some differences in physical appearance, natives of larger stature having been reported by Mr. Bynoe (Fitz¬ Roy, a, 197) and by Sr. Serrano M. ( b , 151) from the West Pata¬ gonian Channels, and in earlier times by the Loaisa (Oviedo, n, bk. 20, ch. 10; de Brosses, i, 152) and de Weert (1600 ed., no paging; de Brasses, i, 278; de Renneville, i, 651) expeditions from the Strait. But the osteological evidence does not, so far as it goes, lend any sup¬ port to these reports (P. Martin, b). Besides, although both Ad¬ miral Fitz-Roy ( a , 142) and Dr. Coppinger (48) noted some physical differences between the Patagonian Channel and the Strait Indians, they nevertheless reported them as closely resembling each other (11. c.). And more recently Dr. Skottsberg emphasizes the general resemblance in physical appearance between the Channel natives and the Yahgans, a physical resemblance that was well borne out by his anthropometric data (<7, 592; b, 250-253). C. Cultural Evidence General cultural uniformity prevails throughout the whole area in question. The how and arrow, it is true, is much more commonly used in the Strait than in the Patagonian Channels; but it is not, or has not been since the eighteenth century at least, entirely absent from the latter region, while among the Alacaluf of the Strait it is and has been used only as a secondary weapon, for killing birds and for guanaco hunting. (For details and references, see Subject Bibli- ography.) Admiral Fitz-Roy (a, 142) and recently Capt. Whiteside (18) and Dr. Skottsberg (cZ, 579-580) suggest the plank boat as distinctive of the West Patagonian people, the Alacaluf using, or having formerly used, the bark canoe. But the migration of the plank canoe from Cho- noan and Araucanian territory down into the Strait can be traced i More than a century earlier, in 1580, Sarmiento picked up some natives at or near Tuesday Bay on the north shore of Desolation Island. They gave him the following names, some of them still preserved on our modern maps, of localities along the western and central Strait (Iriarte’s ed., 203-210): Tinquichisgua, Capitloilgua, Xaultegua, Caycayxixaisgua, Exeaquil, Pelepelgua, Cayrayxayiisgua, Puchachailgua, Cuaviguilgua, Alguilgua. All of the names but one end in -gua. Could this be the same curious affix (?) which appears in all the words in the Lu and Se lists? Cf. also the Chono local and personal names in B. Gallardo’s (Balthasigua, 531-532; Pilgua vecha, 530-531) and Father Garcia’s (Feumaterigua, 20; Cama- rigua, the Caucahues’ name for Wager Island, 27; Stelquelaguer, 22; Elalexaguer, 25) narratives. There appears to be a somewhat clearer resemblance between the ursah repeated by the natives whom Narbrough met in 1670 at Elizabeth Island at the eastern end of the Strait (65), and the orza repeated by those whom Bulkeley and Cummins met in 1741 at the western end (anon, ed., 98; other 1743 ed., 130). 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. 63 century by century since 1557-58 (cf. for details and references, Sub¬ ject Bibliography) and has apparently taken place independently of tribal lines. Moreover, La Guilbaudiere’s natives, who spoke the same language as Dr. Skottsberg’s West Patagonians, had bark canoes, not plank boats (La Guilbaudiere, 4-5; cf. also Marcel, a, 491, and c , 108). Dr. Coppinger, too, found the bark canoe in use among the Port Gallant natives, who spoke the same language as his Tilly Bay informant (121-122). Finally, the bark canoe has been re¬ ported occasionahy from various localities well within the West Patagonian Channel area and once, at least even from true Chonoan territory north of Taitao Peninsula (cf. for details, Subject Bibli- ography) . To sum up: The whole region from Brecknock Peninsula and Dawson Island to Port Grappler is, and as far as our evidence goes has long been, occupied by canoe-using Indians of uniform language, somatology, and culture, who call themselves Alacaluf or Alukulup. From Port Grappler to Chiloe is another area formerly inhabited, and even to-day partially inhabited, by canoe Indians very similar to the Alacaluf physically and culturally. The fact that a new dialect of Alacalufan began at Port Gallant would suggest perhaps that Ala- calufan is spoken as far north as the Gulf of Penas. In this connec¬ tion Capt. Pacheco ( a , 53-54) is authority for the interesting state¬ ment that “individuos a quienes se ha vis to en el puerto Gallant, se les encuentra en seguida en la bahia Fortuna o en el canal Messier”; these natives, presumably Alacaluf, are said to pass from the Strait to the channels by inland waterways and portages via Jerome Chan¬ nel, Xaultegua Gulf, Condor Channel, Perez de Arce Inlet, Gajardo Channel, and the west end of Skyring Water. In view of these recent developments it becomes necessary to reopen and rediscuss an old and puzzling problem: What is the relation of the Alacaluf to the now perhaps extinct Chonos or natives who formerly occupied the archipelagos from the Guaitecas Islands to Taitao Peninsula or the Gulf of Penas ? This question we shall take up in detail in the following section. chonos * Names and Territory The canoe-using Indians of the Chilean Channels from the Guaite¬ cas Islands to the Gulf of Penas and beyond have been divided and denominated in a most bewildering fashion by various writers. Tot sententiae, quot homines, is almost literally true in this case. Goicueta in 1557-58 (518) called the canoe Indians from Corcovado Gulf to Cape Tres Montes, Huillis, a people distinct linguistically from those south of Cape Tres Montes (519). Fathers Venegas and Este- cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIE BRA DEL FUEGO 31 van in 1612-13 (Lozano, u, 456, 560-561) speak of the natives of the Guaitecas Islands and vicinity as Chonos. The Indians encountered by the 1641 expedition were nicknamed by the whites “Gabiotas” ( = gulls), in Araucanian, caucaus (Rosales, a, vol. r, 106, 310). Father Ponce de Leon in 1644 (5; in Medina, c, i, 423) used the name Chonos to denote the natives beyond Guafo to the Strait of Magellan. Father Del Techo in 1673 (159-160) divides the southern archi¬ pelagos between the Chuni ( = Latinized Chonos) of the Guaitecas Islands and the islands eastward to the mainland, and the Huillis farther south. Father Rosales in 1674 seems to use the term Chonos for all these southern canoe-using Indians (a, vol. i, 293, 305; b, in Medina, a, 103, 162), except the “Gab iotas” or Caucaus mentioned above ( a , vol. i, 105-106). Bartolome Gallardo in 1675 (527, 531) speaks of the Caucagiies and Caucanes of the southern islands of the Chilean coast. De Vea in 1676 appears to draw a distinction (573-578) between the Chonos and the linguistically distinct natives south of the Gulf of Penas whom he calls Caucagues. Frezier in 1712-13 was told (Amsterdam ed., 1717, i, 147-148; de Brosses, ii, 211-212) by Dom Pedro Molina and others that the southern territory was inhabited by the Chonos and the gigantic Caucahues. Father Pietas in 1729 (Gay, Doc., i, 503-504) places the pale Chonos on the shores of the Gulf of Guaitecas and the seacoast and “quebradas”( = ravines = fjords ?) of the Cordillera, and the gigantic Caucahues between the Cordillera and the Evangelistas Is¬ lands, while near Lake Naguelhuapi lived the Pouyas (ibid., 501). Father Olivares in 1736 (Col. hist. Chile , vn, 5, 372, 509 et al.) ascribes to the Chonos and other nations the islands beyond Chiloe, and refers likewise to the Poyas of the Naguelhuapi region. Byron’s guide in 1742 was a cacique among “the Chonos, who live in the neighbourhood of Chiloe” (a, 103; Fitz-Roy, b , 126; cf., also, A. Campbell, 52-53). Alex. Campbell (60; in Prevost, xv, 388), also of the crew of the wrecked Wager, distinguishes between the Pete- gonens, Chonas, and Coucous, his own party having had contact chiefly with the Coucous. Father Lozano in 1754-55 follows Father Del Techo’s (and Goicueta’s) division, although he is silent regarding the Huillis in the latter part of his account, which is based directly on missionaries’ reports (n, 33-34, 454, 558-561). An attempt at a more detailed and exact classification is made by Father Garcia in 1766-67. According to his Diario (3-4, 9j 22-26) the Caucahues come from as far south as the Guaianecos Islands. Immediately south of them were the Calens, who frequented the Guaianecos, Messier Channel, and the mainland coast between 48° and 49° (32), and the Tayatafar or Taijatafes apparently of the Wellington Island and Fallos Channel region between 48° and 49° 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 (33). South of the Caiens were the Lechei or Lecheyeles, and south of the Tayatafar were the Requinagueres f$r Yequinagueres (32-33). Father Garcia further distinguishes between the Chonos and Cau- cahues and states that the former in earlier times lived in the Ofqui Peninsula region (Hervas, a , 16; b, vol. i, 125-126), although he else¬ where (Diario, 40) speaks of the Guaitecas Islanders as Chonos. Beranger in 1768 in his instructions to Sotomayor and Machado (An. hidr., xiv, 72) refers to the Caucahues, and in 1773 ( Relation jeogr., 13-14) speaks of the Taitao Peninsula and Guaitecas or Guafo or Chonos Archipelagos as inhabited by the nomadic “guaiguenes i chonos.’ ’ Father Falkner in 1774 (98-99) divided the coastal region from Valdivia to the Strait of Magellan between two groups, the Pichi Huilliches who extended as far south as the sea of Chiloe and ranged into the Lake Naguelhuapi country, and the Vuta Huilliches from Chiloe south. The Vuta Huilliches were in turn divided into the Chonos who lived “on and near the islands of Chiloe,” the Poy-yus or Peves who dwelt on the coast from 48° to a little beyond 51°, and the Key-vus or Keyes or Key-yuhues (111) from the latter point to the Strait of Magellan. Father Molina in 1776-1782 (b, 340) divides the eastern territory between the southern boundary of Chile and the Strait among the Poyas, a tall people related to the Patagonians (a, 226), and the Caucau, of medium stature. Fathers Marin and Real in 1779 (217) refer to the “Chonos, Caucahues and others” south of Chiloe. Moraleda in 1786-1796 (327, 124 and passim) speaks of the southern natives settled on Cailin and later on Chaulinec and Apiao as Guai- huenes (i. e., “del sur”) or Chonos. Ascasubi in 1789 (Gay, Doc., i, 315-316) calls the Huar, Cailin and Chaulinec Mission Indians, Chonos and Caucahues, and mentions the Payos of southern Chiloe. Father Gonzalez de Agiieros in 1791 (185, 188) follows in the main Father Garcia’s division, omitting, however, the Caucahues and Requinagueres and adding the Taruchees. Perez Garcia in 1810 (Col. hist. Chile, xxii, 31-32, 34-35, 109-110) follows literally Father Falkner’s division. Admiral Fitz-Roy suspected that the Chonos, who prior to the Spanish conquest had inhabited Chiloe and the Chonos Archipelago, had by his time (1836) all migrated to the south of Cape Tres Montes (a, 142), between which and the Strait there was but one tribe (a, 132, 189) whom he called the Chonos. In this last respect Admiral Fitz-Roy has been followed by Prof. Ratzel (b) and recently by the late Prof. Chamberlain (b, 467, “25°” is evidently a misprint for 52°). As we have seen, however, these “Chonos” were in all likelihood Alacaluf. Dr. Prichard (a, vol. v, 485) follows Father Falkner. According to Dr. Deniker ( c , Fr. ed., 631), the Chilotan and Chonos archipelagos fOOPEIll BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 33 have been inhabited by the Payos and Chonos, but “il ne faut pas confondre . . . [les] Chon os avec la peuplade homonyme vivant plus au Sud, entre le cap Penas et le detroit de Magellan; celle-ci parait se rapprocher plutot des Fuegiens.” The name Payos is used for the natives of southern Chiloe hy Capt. E. Simpson (104), Dr. C. Martin ( b , 465; d, 364), and Dr. E. Schmidt (168-169). Dr. Medina (a, 110) assigns the archipelagos from Chiloe south to the Chonos, Payos, and Caucahues. Out of this tangle of contradictory and partially contradictory divisions it is very difficult to bring order. Of the names themselves the most frequently recurring are Chonos (Chuni), Caucaus (Coucous, Caucahues, Caucagues), Huillis (Huilles, Huilliches), Poyas (Pouyas, Poy-yus or Peyes?, Payos?), and Guaiguenes (Guaihuenes). Three at least of these names are of Araucanian origin. Huilli means south, huaihuen means south wind (An. hidr. mar. Chile , v, 518; cf. also Moraleda, 327, 124). Huilli appears for the first time in Goicueta’s narrative of 1557-58. According to Father Rosales (a, vol. i, 105-106) the natives met by the 1641 expedition were duhbed by the members “Gabiotas” (= gulls) on account of a fancied resem¬ blance of the natives’ cries or speech to the gull’s call. As the Arau¬ canian name for gull was caucau (Rosales, ibid., 310) it is likely the name Caucaus had this origin. It occurs repeatedly after 1641, not before. The earliest clear record the present writer has found of the name Chono is that in Father Venegas’s letter written in 1612 from the Guaitecas Islands and quoted by Father Lozano (n, 456). It occurs commonly thereafter on maps of the region and in Chilean literature. The Chonos Archipelago took its name from the natives, not vice versa, according to Moraleda (327, 311), and in fact the form “Archi¬ pelago of the Chonos” is the more common one used in the early literature and maps. Dr. Lenz believes that Chonos is the name the people called themselves (b, 312), and Fathers Del Techo and Lozano, as well as Moraleda (11. c.) seem to imply the same, although they do not say so explicitly. Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche conjectures that it was the Patagonian chon Hispanicized (d, 220); this is possible but far from proven. The identification of the Lake Naguelhuapi Poyas is a task that can be left to the student of mainland anthropological relations. Payo is the name by which the natives of the southern end of Chiloe have been known (Moraleda, 66, and passim). They are suspected of having some Chono blood in their veins, but the linguistic material from this region is Araucanian (cf. E. Simpson, 104), and even in Moraleda’s time they seem to have spoken Araucanian (53). Of the gigantic Caucahues more will he said when treating of Chonoan somatology. The canoe-using Indians of the southern 34 BUREAU of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY \ BULL. 63 archipelagos are nearly always described as of middle stature. Of the various names by which they were known, the most preferable in view both of. anthropological usage and of probable native origin seems to be that of Chonos. In the following pages and throughout the present work this name will be used for the canoe-using Indians of the territory between the Guaitecas Islands and the Taitao Penin¬ sula, the Gulf of Penas or the Guaianecos Islands. There may pos¬ sibly have been more distinct tribes than one in this region, but there is no clear evidence to that effect and provisionally at least we may look on all the Indians of the district as one people. A. Chonoan Language Admiral Fitz-Roy published ( b , 142) as Chonoan, three words: yerri yupon, “Good Deity”; yacci)-ma, “bad spirit”; cubba, “white men of the moon.” These words were obtained no doubt from Capt. Low, who did not speak the native language. But even accepting them as correct, they still give no adequate basis for comparison with other languages. One of the words, ydcc^f-ma, is vaguely suggestive of the Alacalufan ydkdr, “black face”; the bad spirit was “supposed to be like an immense black man” (Fitz-Roy, a , 190). It may be recalled, too, that Admiral Fitz-Roy’s “Chonos” were the natives of the channels south of Cape Tres Montes, most if not all of which territory is at present Alacalufan. That the Chonos spoke a language quite distinct from the Arau- canian appears to be amply established from first-hand evidence. Cortes Hojea understood some Araucanian, for he conversed with the Araucanian-speaking natives of Coronados Gulf; but his chronicler, Goicueta, distinctly states that the “Huillis” south of the Gulf of St. Martin, that is, Corcovado Gulf, spoke another language (Goi¬ cueta, 514, 518). Father Del Techo explicitly affirms that Delco, the Guaitecas Islands chief, used “an interpreter who knew the Chilotan tongue,” which was an Araucanian dialect, in his interview with the missionaries (bk. 6, ch. 9, 159), that Father Ferrufino used an interpreter to translate into Chono the prayers and act of contri¬ tion (160), and that the Huillis to the south of the Chonos nearer the strait “stlopos1 pro vocibus edunt” and “when taken to Chiloe, were of no use except to frighten birds away from the grain fields, until they learned the Chilotan tongue” (160). Father Venegas is equally explicit (letter quoted by Lozano, n, 456; cf. also ii, 560); his missionary companion, Father Matheo Este- van, took great pains to learn the Chonoan language spoken by the Guaitecas Islanders, and, although he already spoke at least some Chilotan (Lozano, ii, 448), in making his translations into Chono, he used a native Chono interpreter who understood Chilotan. In saying 1 Stlopus= sound made by striking the inflated cheeks. coorEit] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TTERRA DEL FUEGO 35 farewell to the Chonos the two missionaries u qua verbis, qua gestis” (Del Techo, 160) indicated their desire to remain with their neo¬ phytes for good. The gigantic Indians met by the 1641 expedition spoke a language not understood by the members and suggestive of the gull’s cries (Rosales, a, vol. i, 106), though it is barely possible that there is a question here of Tehuelches. Father Rosales elsewhere states (b, quoted by Medina, a, 94-95) that the Chonos’ speech was different from that of the Chilotans. Bartolome Gallardo, who had been born and reared in Chiloe, and who certainly must have spoken Chilotan, the Araucanian dialect in almost as common use among the Spaniards as among the Indians of Chiloe, had to use an interpreter in order to question a native woman of the Moraleda Channel and Gulf of Penas region (An. hidr., xi, 530; cf. also 527, 532). De Yea, who seemingly did not understand Chilo¬ tan, used tandem interpreters, speaking, respectively, Spanish and Chilotan, and Chilotan and Chono, to communicate with the old Chono woman whom he captured on Xavier Island in the east end of the Gulf of Penas (An. hidr., xi, 576, 57S). No one in Chiloe knew the language spoken by Father Pietas’ gigantic Caucahues (Gay, Doc., i, 504), apparently a canoe-using people, as some of them were found on an island (ibid.). Father Olivares (Col. hist. Chile, vii, 5, 372, 394), who had probably been in touch with the Chonos at the Huar Island Mission, states clearly that the Chonos or natives of the southern islands spoke a language different from the Chilotan. Alex. Campbell states (62, 74) that the guttural language of the Indians who guided his party from Wager Island to Chiloe was “ quite different” from the soft tongue spoken by the Chilotan Indians. Father Garcia (b, in Hervas, a, 16 and b, vol. i, 125-126), who had had most intimate contact with the Chonos at the Cailin Mission and in the Guaianecos Islands, although he did not apparently speak their language, is very positive in asserting that the Araucanian tongue was quite different from the tongue (s) spoken by the sea¬ faring Indians south of Chiloe. Machado (An. hidr., xiv, 86, 121), Fathers Marin and Real (Gon¬ zalez de Agueros, 218, 236), and Fathers Menendez and Bargas (ibid. 245), all apparently had to make use of interpreters to converse with the natives of the Chonos Archipelago and the Gulf of Penas. Finally Father Molina’s Caucaus, of medium stature, whose clothing con¬ sisted of seal skins, spoke a language “assai diversa” from the Chilien (b, 340). D’Orbigny (b, vol. iv, pt. 1, 185) and Dr. Brin ton (c, 325) classed the Chonos with the Araucanian linguistic stock, and more recently Drs. Weule (52) and Krickeberg (140) state that the Chonos were akin linguistically to the Araucanians. But none of these authors, 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 except d’Orbigny (see Author Bibliography), produce evidence to prove their statements. Prof. Poeppig, whom Dr. Brinton quotes with reserve, had no first-hand information on the subject and seems merely to follow Father Falkner, whom he cites (i, 464). It seems, therefore, established with reasonable certainty from the testimony of the numerous early authorities, most of them presenting first-hand data, that whatever the Chonoan language was, it was not an Araucanian dialect. W as it, however, related to the Patagonian or Tehuelchean? Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche’s hypothesis that Father Estevan’s Guaitecas Islanders were a branch of the Ona-Tehuelche Tshon people is dis¬ cussed in detail in the Author Bibliography under Estevan. Father Falkner stated (99) that his V uta Huilliches, including the Chonos, Poy-yus and Key-yus, spoke a mixture of Moluche and Tehuelche — an opinion followed by Perez Garcia (Col. hist. Chile, xxii, 34-35). Dr. Lenz more recently (h, 312) has suggested that the Chonos “were probably near relatives of the Tehuelches and Onas.” If, however, the Chonoan had been a mixed Araucanian- Tehuelchean tongue, some of the many early observers would in all probability have detected traces of the Araucanian element. Father Falkner was not writing here from personal knowledge and was using the name Chonos in the loose sense formerly not uncommon, to. denote the Indians living “on and near the islands of Cliiloe,” who as we know from the best first-hand sources spoke an Araucanian dialect (Gonzalez de Agueros, 110-111; Moraleda, 207; Olivares, 370). Byron’s Chonos came from “the neighborhood of Chiloe” (a, 103) and Capt. E. Simpson appears to identify the Payos and Chonos (104). The natives, therefore, whom Father Falkner’s informant had in mind were pretty clearly not true Chonos at all. Further details on the Vuta Huilliches are given in the Author Bibliography under Falkner. If the Chonoan tongue was neither an Araucanian nor a Patago¬ nian or Tehuelchean dialect, was it a distinct linguistic stock or was it related to the Alacalufan? The late Prof. Chamberlain (h, 468) accorded it the dignity of a distinct stock, but the evidence he adduces goes to prove merely its distinction from Araucanian. Below is given what evidence bearing on the question the present writer has been able to glean from available sources: Goicueta, Cortes Hojea’s chronicler, after remarking that the Huillis from Corcovado Gulf to Cape Tres Montes spoke a language different from that of the Coronados Gulf people (518), adds (519) that the more southern Indians between Cape Ochavario or Tres Montes and the “Strait of Ulloa’' are “de otra lengua que no la de los huillis dicha, e por gente es mas pobre,” etc. This is concise and clear enough, and for the rest Goicueta is a very sober and exact COO TER J BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 37 narrator. But we must bear in mind that neither he nor his captain understood or spoke the Huillis’ tongue, although Cortes Hojea knew some Araucanian. The information regarding the Huillis themselves was in all probability gathered on Cortes Hojea’s trip four years earlier when he accompanied Ulloa. There is no explicit evidence that linguistic investigation was made on either expedition. Father Del Techo puts the Huillis south of the Guaitecas Islanders or Chonos; the two peoples were at odds and the Chonos used to capture the Huillis and keep them in servitude or sell them to the Chilotans. He also notes some differences in culture and physical appearance between the two groups and adds that the Huillis “stlopos pro vocibus edunt” (160). Stlopus is a word seldom met with in Latin literature ; it means the sound produced by striking on the inflated cheeks.1 Father Del Techo’s silence regarding the Chonos’ tongue contrasts with his strong characterization of the outlandish nature of the Huillis’. This apparently implied contrast taken in connection with the cultural and somatological differences and with the intertribal man-raiding, might perhaps be interpreted as a possible indication of linguistic distinction between the Guaitecas Islanders and their more southern neighbors. De Vea’s Relation is a little more satisfactory. A certain Tal- capillan, apparently a Chono in spite of his Araucanian name, had been overheard at Chacao on Chiloe making a remark which implied that the “Holandes” had founded a colony in the southern islands. In October, 1674, Bartolome Gallardo set out from Chiloe to locate the supposed colony, but after scouring the northern shores of the Gulf of Penas returned from a fruitless quest (An. hidr., xi, 525-537). In September, 1675, Antonio de Yea sailed from Lima and Callao with the same object in view, stopping at Chiloe on the way south and taking on some troops and friendly Indians. They crossed the Isthmus of Ofqui, and on Xavier Island in the eastern part of the Gulf of Penas captured a native woman. She was evidently not a Chilotan, for she was called a Chona by de Vea (576), she was cap¬ tured in Chonoan territory, and her cross-examination by de Vea, who did not apparently speak Chilotan, had to be carried on through tandem interpreters “sirviendo de interprete el alferez Lazaro Gomez con el indio don Cristobal [Talcapillan mentioned above], y este con la india” (576; cf. also 574), while of her third and final examination de Yea wrote “ primeramente quise volver a examinar la india por el indio Mailen interprete Machuca con el” (578). 2 1 It is interesting to recall that Prof. Topinard described the intonation of the Alacaluf whom he studied at Paris, as not guttural, but “buccale et comme muqueuse” (775). 2 Mailen, Mailes, or Mayles had served as interpreter the year before between B . Gallardo and the Chonos taken back to Chile and Peru (B. Gallardo, 536); he also examined the Chono woman (de Vea, 574); it is pretty clear, then, that he spoke Chonoan. Lieut. Machuca spoke Chilotan at least, for he examined Tal¬ capillan (de Vea, 578), but probably did not speak Chonoan. Talcapillan did not speak Spanish, for Machuca had to interpret for him, but apparently spoke Chilotan as well as his own Chonoan. 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 This Chono woman in the course of her first and especially third examinations testified that she had never been beyond the Gulf of Penas district, but that she knew the language of the Caucagues who lived there, having learned it from them on their visits to her country. This testimony seems at first glance to show clearly that there was a linguistic dividing line near the Gulf of Penas. But in the first place the veracity of the Chono woman is open to question; for some Chono Indians had been captured the year before by B. Gallardo and taken away to Chiloe and the north, and the old woman knew this (de Vea, 574); so she may have well been suspicious of the designs of her armed captors and questioners, and anxious to give them the im¬ pression that she was not one of the group for which they were searching. Secondly, even granting her truthfulness and good faith, what she called a different language may have been only a different dialect; in fact, Dr. Skottsberg’s interpreter, Emilia, made just such a mistake regarding the Port Grappler people’s dialect (d, 585-586). B. Gallardo’s and de Vea’s accounts imply that the same language was spoken by the natives both north and immediately south of Taitao Peninsula. Father Garcia’s expedition nearly a century later brought out this fact more clearly. He calls all the natives who accompanied him Caucahues, and in the course of the voyage some of them pointed out various places both north and south of the peninsula where they had been born or reared — one near the foot of Moraleda Channel (9), others near Boca de Canales (22), another near the Ayantau Islands (23). Their kinsmen, too, used to frequent the Guaianecos Islands (25-26). Moreover, Father Garcia elsewhere (Hervas, a and b) clearly implies that the Caucahues extended as far as the Guaianecos Islands and the head of Messier Channel. Moraleda’s Chono guides were familiar with much of the territory north of Taitao Peninsula, although at least some of them probably had come from south of the Peninsula with the missionaries (51, 292, 319, 358). In the eighteenth century, therefore, the tribal or linguistic divid¬ ing line, if such existed, was not, as one would expect from the topography of the district, at the Taitao Peninsula, but a little far¬ ther south.1 Father Garcia puts just such a line at the Guaianecos Islands: I reached [he wrote in 1783, speaking of his 1766-67 expedition] beyond the 48th degree of south latitude, where the Calen and Taijataf nations were; and there I found that beyond these nations towards the Strait of Magellan there were two other nations called the Lecheyel and Yekinahuer, which according to my observations must be on the shores of the Strait of Magellan. Of the language of these nations, I can only say that it is not Araucanian or Chilian. 1 Canoe communication between the Chonos Islands and the Gulf of Penas by way of the unsheltered Pacific coast must have been well-nigh impossible; but, on the other hand, the portage route via S. Rafael Lagoon and the Isthmus of Ofqui made communication between the two districts comparatively easy. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 39 The Calen and Taijataf nations speak the same language, which is quite guttural and not at all like Araucanian; the two nations can understand each the other’s language, though it appears that each has its own dialect, of which the Araucanians or Chilians understand nothing. Beyond the Calens and Taijatafes towards Chile are the Caucabues [evidently a misprint for Caucahues] and Chonos. Each of these nations has its own language, and, although I know that the languages of these two nations are not dialects of the Araucanian, I can not, on the other hand, say whether they are modified sister dia¬ lects of a common mother tongue or peradventure two distinct tongues. [Ilervas, b, vol. i, 125-126.] Father Garcia implies in his letter, although he does not say so in so many words, that the Calens and Taijatafes who lived south of the Gulf of Penas spoke a language different from that of the Chonos and Caucahues. And in support of his implicit assertion it may be urged that he had been in actual contact with members of both groups — with the Caucahues for a couple of years at Cailin Mission, with the Calens for a shorter time at Cailin (3, 25) and the Guaianecos Islands. He would have had an opportunity during this time to pick up a few phrases at least of their language (s). But, on the other hand, the emphatic manner in which he main¬ tains the non-Araucanian character of the languages of all these southern nomads contrasts with the hesitation and guardedness with which he defines the linguistic relations even between the Chonos and Caucahues, the people best known to him — a contrast which gives us the impression that his linguistic distinctions among the canoe-using nomads of the south were based on inferences which he felt to be somewhat insecure. It is true, as he tells us in his Diario (30-31), he made a consider¬ able address to the Guaianecos natives, explaining the purpose of his expedition and summarizing the principal mysteries of the Christian faith, but it seems more likely that this was done through the medium of some native interpreter who understood Chilotan or Spanish. There may easily have been some such interpreter available, for the Chonos were wont to come at times to Chiloe to barter (Beranger, 13; Del Techo, 159), and some of his Caucahues or Calens during their previous stay at Cailin Mission could have acquired a little knowledge of Spanish or Chilotan. Again, Father Garcia’s Diario shows that there was considerable friendly commingling and intercourse between the Caucahues and their more southern neighbors the Calens and Taijatafes. The Caucahues met the others amicably on the expedition itself (28-29, 31); 1 they related incidents of former meetings, peaceful at first at least, to share their treasure-trove in the shape of stranded whale (25); and a 1 Frezier, too, implies that the Chonos and tall Caucahues were on friendly terms (i, 147-1 18). 64028°— Bull. 03—17 - 4 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 63 year before the expedition a party of mission Caucahues sent out on a reconnaissance by Father Garcia had actually brought back with them to the Cailin Mission some of the Calens of Messier Channel (3). All this would suggest tribal or linguistic unity, although it is of course possible that the southern Gulf of Penas region was the meet¬ ing ground of quasi-friendly bilingual tribes, as are or were (cf ., e. g., Th. Bridges, fc, 234) the boundary zones between the three Fuegian tribes. Father Garcia’s testimony, therefore, while in the main favoring a linguistic dividing line at the Guaianecos Islands and the head of Messier Channel, falls considerably short of being conclusive. Finally, we may examine Admiral Fitz-Roy’s evidence. His “Chono” vocabulary has been discussed above. His expedition saw no non-Araucanian natives between Taitao Peninsula and Chiloe, so he was not in a position to make comparisons at first hand, and in fact he speaks quite guardedly of the surmised identity of the West Patagonian Channel Indians with the Chonos proper (or, 142; cf. also 379-380). He is, however, more positive in stating that the same tribe inhabits all the channels from the Strait to Cape Tres Montes ( a , 132, 189). He bases this assertion chiefly on infor¬ mation given him by Capt. Low, who had had much experience in this region (a, 188, 129, 182). According to Capt. Low the natives from the Strait to Cape Tres Montes all “seemed to be of one tribe, and upon friendly terms with one another.” Niqueaccas, a native taken aboard Capt. Low’s ship the Adeona as pilot near Cape Victory, was perfectly familiar with the harbors and channels, was acquainted with all the natives, was always glad to see them, and was always well received by them, as far north as 47°, the latitude of Cape Tres Montes ( a , 189-190) . Capt. Low did not speak the native language (s), but the account he gives seems to make for the tribal and linguistic unity of all the natives south of the Taitao Peninsula. One more point may bo mentioned. Our extant authorities do not to the present writer’s knowledge describe the language of the Guai- tecas Islanders as guttural. The language of the natives farther south is, however, described as such by Father Garcia ( b , in Hervas, b, vol. i, 125), and that of the Coucous by Alex. Campbell (62, 74; Prevost, xv, 388) as “coming gutterally from the throat” (cf. also Del Techo, 160, “stlopos pro vocibus edunt”). The recently published data showing that at the present time the Alacaluf extend well up the West Patagonian channels as far as Port Grappler and probably as far as the Gulf of Penas have already been given. The foregoing is all the evidence that the present writer has been able to glean from the available sources on the question of the lin¬ guistic relations of the Alacaluf and now perhaps extinct Chonos. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 41 That the Chonos spoke a language quite distinct from the Araucanian seems amply testified. That they spoke a Tehuelchean dialect is very unlikely indeed. That their language was distinct from that of the natives farther south, presumably Alacaluf, is perhaps slightly more probable than not, but such a conclusion is suggested with the greatest reserve. Much more light is needed, light that may come either from the recovery of the Estevan or Ferrufino manuscripts, or from investigation among the modern Gulf of Penas natives or the possibly surviving descendants of the Chono family found by Capt. Enrique Simpson on the Guaitecas Islands in 1875 (114). Leaving the uncertain ground of Chono an and Alacalufan lin¬ guistic relations, we may now pass to the consideration of their fairly clear somatological and cultural relations. B. Chono an Somatology Physical appearance. — The early sources do not, unfortunately, give us much information regarding the physical appearance of the Chonos. The “Gabiotas” or Caucaus encountered by the 1641 expedition were reported to be of gigantic stature (Rosales, a , vol. i, 105). Father Pietas, too, who had seen one of the Caucahues, describes them as giants (Gay, Doc., i, 504), while Frezier was told (Fr. 1717 ed., i, 148; de Brosses, ii, 242) that the “gigantic” Caucahues used to come at times with Chonos to Cliiloe. Father Falkner’s Vuta- Huilliches, or larger-bodied Huilliches, lived on both sides of the Cordillera to the Strait (96, 99). Finally Mr. Bynoe met some large, stout Indians in the Gulf of Trinidad (Fitz-Roy, w, 197). May we accept the above testimonies as evidence for the former existence of a very tall people in the southern Chilean archipelagos ? It seems not. No concrete measurements were taken. Then, too, the Chonos, like the Fuegians, very probably differed individually in stature and stoutness or robustness. Moreover, reports of giants are too common a feature of early Magellanic literature to be taken very seriously. There may be question of possible sporadic visits of Tehuelches across the Cordillera to the coast — Mr. Bynoe (Fitz-Roy, a , 199) saw horse tracks near the upper part of Obstruction Sound — but even this is doubtful. In fact the Caucahues are elsewhere described (Molina, b, 340; Alex. Campbell, 62) as of middle stature, while Moraleda says (124) that the natives — some of them at least Caucahues as Father Garcia calls them — brought back by the missionaries to the Chilotan mis¬ sions, should rather be described as “ parvulillos ” as compared with the Patagonian giants of whom Byron wrote. 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY L BULL. 03 The natives who frequented the Guaianecos Islands were of medium or low stature, as we know from the sixteenth century account of Ladrillero (464, “de mediano cuerpo”; cf. also 484, and Goicueta, 505) and the eighteenth century accounts of Byron (a, 33, “ small stature”; cf. also 144), Alex. Campbell (20) and Bulkeley and Cum¬ mins (anon, ed., 18, 28, other 1743 ed., 37, low stature; ditto in Affecting Narrative ... 30). They had swarthy skin and long coarse black hair hanging over their faces (Byron, a, 33; A. Campbell, 20; cf. also Del Techo, 160). The men met by Ladrillero in the Conception Strait region had beards (473), as had also the “Gabiotas” (Rosales, a, vol. i, 105). Bearded men are not reported by other expeditions to southern Chil¬ ean waters. The Alacaluf and Yahgans are usually unbearded, but there are exceptions (cf. Subject Bibliography, p. 182). Father Del Techo’s quasi- verbatim report (160) of the replies made by Delco the Chono “ cacique” of the Guaitecas Islands to the ques¬ tions of the missionaries, Fathers Venegas and Ferrufino, contains the following statement: “A great many of our people have red hair and an olive complexion” [plurimi capillo ruff, oris colore oleastri]. This statement regarding the occurrence of red-haired individuals among the Chonos is not confirmed by any later sources. The Fuegians’ hair is nearly always black; but among both the Yahgans and Alacaluf some cases of chestnut-colored (Bove, a, 790; b, 134; d , Arch., 290), “chatain fonce” (Hyades, q, 160-161), and “braun- lich schwarz” (Skottsberg, b, 256; cf. also 252) hair occur. Ac¬ cording to Dr. R. Martin ( b , 208) Fuegian hair sometimes has a light brownish tone, while the Rev. Mr. Bridges stated that Yahgan hair shows “many shades of black, many having a reddish yellow tinge” (d, 289). The “capillo ruff” should probably be understood to refer to reddish-tinged hair. According to Father Pietas (Gay, Doc., i, 503; cf. also Lozano, n, 454) the Chonos were a light-skinned people, while Father Rosales not only describes the a Gabiotas” as somewhat white-skinned ( a , vol. i, 105), but states that “los chonos eran comunmente blancos i rubios” ( b , in Medina, a, 103) and that the Chonos were “blancos y de buenas facciones” (a, vol. i, 293). It is possible, however, that the observers on whom Father Rosales relied had mistaken body paint for skin color; white and red body and face painting was a common practice among the natives south of Chdoe (Garcia, a, 28, 31 ; Goicueta, 505). The natives who came to visit the shipwrecked crew of the Wager at the Guaianecos Islands were swarthy skinned (Byron, a, 33; A. Campbell, 20; cf. also Del Techo, 160). As in stature so in skin color there appears to have been considerable variation among the Chonos just as among the Yahgans. “Not a few” of the latter, the Rev. Mr. Bridges noted (d, 288), “have a decided rouge on their ooorEit] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 43 cheeks/' and La Gnilbaudiere described the Alacaluf as wliite- skinned (4), as L’Hermrte described the Y ahgans (41). So far, therefore, as our records go, there seems to be no sufficient ground for positing a tribal difference between the Chonos and the Fuegians proper on the score of physical appearance. Osteology. — Dr. Medina gives (a, 108) the measurements of a cra¬ nium described simply as “antiguo” from the Chonos Islands, and of a calvaria listed as “mui antiguo” from Puerto Americano. Dr. Latcham studied three crania from the Chonos Islands and three from the Guaitecas Islands (281). Dr. Hultkrantz measured one cranium from the Guaitecas Islands ( a , 43-45). This material is not very extensive, it is true, but all three writers agree that the Chono skull shows a manifest affinity with the Fuegian (Medina, a, 110-111) and particularly the Alacalufan (Latcham, 281-282; Hultkrantz, a, 46) cranial type (cf. also Hyades, q, 45). The fact that the crania just mentioned, as well as those described by Prof. Flower (178; 2d ed., 309-310) and Dr. Outes (c, 219), have a somewhat higher average cephalic index than the Alacalufan may be an indication that the Chonos had a certain strain of Chilotan blood, if the Araucanians be classified as brachycephalic, or had at least mixed to some extent with some brachycephalic people. But there seems to be no well-grounded doubt of their fundamental somato- logical identity with the Fuegians, the Fuegian cranial type being one easily recognizable. C. Chono an Culture As far as culture is concerned, uniformity even to many minute details has prevailed over the whole area from the Guaitecas Islands to Dawson Island and Beagle Channel (cf. for details Subject Bibli¬ ography, under Culture). Two apparent exceptions are the bow and arrow and the plank boat. The bow and arrow has, it is true, been more commonlv used in the Strait, but on the other hand has not been entirely absent from the West Patagonian coast. Byron’s natives, for instance, used “bows and arrows sometimes, but always the lance” ( a , 129). The plank boat, probably of Araucanian origin, has to all appearances migrated south and east quite independently of tribal lines. For details regarding these two cultural elements and Chonoan-Fuegian culture in general see the Subject Bibliography under Material Culture. Then, too, there is evidence that a certain minor and superficial Araucanian or Chilotan cultural influence has passed down the Chonoan and West Patagonian coast, weakening as it neared the Strait of Magellan. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. G3 While no systematic agriculture or herding was carried on south of Chiloe (Olivares, 372; Ladrillero, 464; Ponce de Leon, 5, and in Medina, c, vol. i, 424; Pietas, 503), yet both were of sporadic occur¬ rence among the Chonos, especially north of Taitao Peninsula. According to Bcranger (13) the Chonos kept a few sheep and goats on their islands, and some concrete instances of the practice are given by Moraleda (324, 329, 358). The Indians who came to visit the wrecked Wager’s crew in the Guaianecos Islands went away and returned in two days with three sheep (Byron, a , 34 ; Bulkeley, anon, ed., 18, other 1743 ed., 23; A. Campbell, 19; Affecting Narrative, 30). Father Lozano also states that a few bad-tasting potatoes and a little barley were raised on some of the less sterile of the Guaitecas Islands (ii, 559; cf. also Moraleda, 358). The Guaitecas Islanders had no native intoxicant (Olivares, 373; Lozano, ii, 559; Garcia, a, 42). The “cacique” Delco told the mis¬ sionaries that his people “pro potu ex lupis marinis oleum expri- munt, praeter quern liquorem nullius vini aut potionis delicias norun t,” although he had just stated before that “in Guatana insula, patria mea, triticum turcicum, ex quo vinum conficitur, non male jam provenit” (Del Techo, 160). This latter was pretty cer¬ tainly an importation from Chilotan culture. Such an Araucanian influence began to make itself felt even before the Spanish conquest, for Cortes Hojea on his return journey in 1558 found on an island facing the Pacific Ocean at about 44° s. lat. some old abandoned potato patches (Goicueta, 513). That some of the Chonos north of Taitao Peninsula raised a breed of long-haired shaggy dogs, from whose hair they made short mantles covering the shoulders and upper part of the trunk, is attested from two apparently independent sources (Goicueta, 518, based on Cortes’ expedition with Ulloa; Del Techo, 160, from testimony of Delco the Chono headman; cf. also Lozano, ii, 34). They are said, too, to have made mantles from the bark of a tree called “quantu” (Goicueta, 518), as the Chilotans made from the bark of the maque tree (Rosales, a, vol. i, 224). The stone ax was in earlier times very uncommon south of Chiloe. None of the earlier writers, such as Goicueta and Ladrillero, reported it in use south of Taitao Peninsula. Father Rosales mentions its use around Chiloe, but adds that the natives near the Strait used fire and shell to make the planks for their boats, as they had no axes (Rosales, ft, 174; cf. also Garcia, a, 23). Dr. Medina gives illustra¬ tions of two polished axheads from the Chonos Islands (ft, 75, fig. 16, 18) and a perforated one from the Guaitecas Islands (ft, 76, fig. 22). Dr. Cunningham brought back three stone “hatchet heads” from the Guaitecas Islands (335). Dr. Coppinger, “in spite of a most diligent search,” found only one partly ground axhead, in a very old COOPER 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 45 kitchen midden somewhere south of Cape Tres Montes (52-53, ill. opp. p. 34). That the cultural elements just enumerated — sporadic agricul¬ ture and herding, the polished stone ax and the plank boat — should have passed over to the Chonos from the Araucanians is easily accounted for, as there was considerable friendly and unfriendly contact between the Chilotans and their neighbors to the south. According to Father Del Techo (160), as far back as 1609 the Chonos used to capture the Huillis to the south and keep them or sell them into a kind of slavery among the Chilotans. Father Olivares gives many details of the bitter feuds between the Chonos and Chilotans and of the raids and reprisals by one people upon the other, a situation brought to an end in 1710 by the voluntary sur¬ render of 30 harassed Chono families and by their settlement upon the island of Guar (373, 394). Talcapillan, a Chono who lived 60 leagues south of Castro, came to Chiloe with some of his people (Olivares, 377; cf. also Bart. Gallardo, 526-527). Father Lozano states that Delco, the Guaitecas chief, used to come to Chiloe once a year (n, 454; cf. also Del Techo, 159); while on Delco ’s visit to the missionaries, Fathers Venegas and Ferrufino, at Chiloe in 1609, five boatloads of his people accompanied him (Del Techo, 159). When Fathers Venegas and Estevan set out in 1612 from Chiloe for the Guaitecas Islands they were accompanied by 10 Chilotan rowers who knew the Guaitecas region from having participated on an earlier occasion in a raiding expedition among the Chonos (Lozano, ii, 455). Frezier was told that the Chonos were wont to come to Chiloe and sometimes bring Caucahues with them (i, 148; de Brosses, ii, 212). One at least of the natives who some months after the wreck of the Wager in 1741 came to visit the English was a Chilotan who could speak Spanish (A. Campbell, 52), while the Chilotan poncho was observed among the group who visited the island a few days after the wreck (ibid., 20). Finally, in Beranger’s time — around 1773 — it was the custom of the Chonos to come to Chiloe at fiestas and exchange seafood for clothing, potatoes, and barley (Beranger, 13). No doubt, too, the missions to the Chonos, especially to the Guaite¬ cas Islanders, maintained by the Jesuits intermittently from 1612 to 1767 and by the Franciscans later, did much toward spreading some elements of Chilotan and Spanish culture among them. Beneath the cultural importations, however, one can see as through a thin veil the extremely primitive culture of the Chonoan nomads. This very low culture sharply contrasts with that of the much more advanced Araucanians, even those of Chiloe; while on the other hand it is practically identical with that of the Alacaluf, not only in its broad outlines, but also in its detailed features as far as the available sources reveal them to us. 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY T BTTTiTi. C>3 To sum up the relations between the Chonos and Alacaluf, the question of their linguistic relations must for the present he left open, although there appears to be a very slight preponderance of evidence in favor of linguistic disparity. The Chonoan cranial type is fundamentally the same as the Alacalufan but seems to give indi¬ cations of a certain amount of racial mixing between the Chonos and some other people, perhaps the Araucanians. Culturally, apart from a negligible Araucanian influence, the Chonos and Ala- caluf are practically identical. Present Condition of the Chonos and Alacaluf At the time of the Spanish conquest the Chonos Archipelago was thinly populated (Del Techo, 160). Cortes Hojea on his return journey seems to have met no natives at all. A little over half a century later when the first missionaries went to the Guaitecas Islands they baptized some two hundred-odd natives, probably all or nearly all they encountered, as the Indians received them in a very friendly spirit (Del Techo, 160-161; Lozano, n, 561). The relations between the Chilotans and Chonos were to a certain extent unfriendly from very early times. The 10 Chilotan rowers who accompanied Fathers Venegas and Estevan in 1612 to the Guaitecas Islands had participated in earlier raiding (Lozano, n, 455), while the Guaitecas Indians in turn used to capture the more southern Huillis and keep them in a sort of servitude or sell them to the Chilotans (Del Techo, 160). The feud between the Chilotans and Chonos was patched up by the missionaries (Olivares, 372-373), hut soon broke out again. The Chonos used to steal iron and wearing apparel from the Chilotans; the Chilotans retaliated by punitive expeditions among the former, on which they would kill the men and take captive the women and children (Olivares, 394, 373). Finally in 1710 more than 30 Chono families surrendered and were settled under the Jesuit mis¬ sionaries on the island of Huar or Guar in the Gulf of Reloncavi. Being well treated, their example was followed by others until the number swelled to 200 families, or more than 500 souls, so that two more islands in the vicinity were ceded to them as “reservations.” They or some of them were still there in 1736 (Olivares, 394), but in 1795 when Moraleda visited Huar he found Spaniards only and no Indians on the island (Moraleda, 474; Fonck, n, 172). Some of the Guaianecos Indians were brought back in 1745 and established on the island of Chonchi. In 1765 the island of Cailin was set aside as a mission for the Chonos. Hither came many Caucahues and later Calens (Garcia, a , 3, 25). In 1779 Fathers Marin and Real persuaded 11 of the Guaianecos natives to return with them to Chiloe, and a year later 30 or 32 returned with Fathers COOPER ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TTERRA DEL FUEGO 47 Menendez and Bargas (Gonzalez de Agiieros, 181-182, 185, 236, 248). The latter group were taken to the island of Lemui, but left about a year after (Moraleda, 332, 435; Fonck, ii, 151). Cailin was peopled until 1780-81, when the Chonos, at their own request, were transferred to the island of Chaulinec (Moraleda, 306-307). In 1787 Moraleda found Cailin uninhabited, and in 1788 reported 21-22 families of Chonos on Apiao Island just northeast of Chaulinec; but in 1790 the surviving Chaulinec Chonos to the number of 22 returned to Cailin (Moraleda, 79, 124, 306-307). In all cases these mission Chonos appear from the original docu¬ ments to have followed the missionaries voluntarily, not as a result of coercion, as is sometimes stated; but as a rule they soon became dissatisfied, it seems, and returned to their freer nomadic life. We hear nothing more of note about the Chonos until 1875. Admiral Fitz-Roy’s expedition found no Chonos in the archipelago of that name,1 but in 1875 Capt. E. Simpson came across a sole family of Chonos, named Lincoman, in Puquitin Channel between Ascension and Guaitecas Islands (E. Simpson, 114, 18, 43; C. Martin, b, 465; c, 402; d, 364). Some of this family or their descendants may still be in the Chonos Archipelago, but all recent reports declare that the islands north of Taitao Peninsula are uninhabited except by rare or transient whites or Chilotan Indians (Lenz, a , 33; Pacheco, c, 30; Steffen, a, 54). It is possible, however, that some Chonos may still survive in the Gulf of Penas region. According to Capt. Steele (Skottsberg, b, 270) there are about 200 natives in the Gulf of Penas and northern Messier Channel district. This estimate may, however, be somewhat too high. Dr. Skottsberg encountered about 80 Alacaluf on his expedition between Port Grappler and Port Gallant, and was told of about a dozen more. He estimates that he saw about a half or at least a third of the total num¬ ber of inhabitants of this region (d, 591-592; cf., also, Steffen, c, 463). Mr. Thomas Bridges, after his visit to the Alacaluf in 1886, placed their number at about 150 (Hyades, q, 12), while in 1902 Dr. Dabbene was told that there were from 200 to 800 surviving Alacaluf (b, 216-217). Father Pietro Renzi, of the Salesian missions, after a recent visit among the Alacaluf, gives their population as less than 200 (Boll, sales., July, 1910, 221, cited by Cojazzi, 16). Still more recently Mr. Lucas Bridges is cited as authority for the statement that there are now only about 100 survivors of this once widespread people (Gasperi, 164). The more reliable estimates, therefore, vary from about 200 to 400. To judge from the early accounts, like Sarmiento’s, Ladri Hero’s, and 1 Lieut. Skyring found less than 20 natives in his 400 to 500 mile cruise through the Patagonian channels (King, 345). 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. 63 Goicueta’s, the channels between the Gulf of Penas and the western mouth of the Strait of Magellan are probably but little less sparsely populated now than they were three centuries ago, but in the terri¬ tory east of the western mouth of the Strait the aborigines have very greatly decreased in number. Anthropological studies, if to be made at all, must be made in the very near future. ONAS The Foot Indians of the island of Tierra del Fuego should be classed with the Patagonians, but both anthropological usage and geographical position sanction our including them among the Fue- gians. Names The name varies somewhat: Dr. Moreno used O’ona (a, 1st ed., 459; 2d ed., 461; b, 201; c, 109); Dr. Spegazzini, Aona (a); Dr. Segers, Aona (63); Dr. Brinton, Aoniks (c, 331). Admiral Fitz-Roy has Oens or Oens-men (a, 205-206, 325-326). The commonest form is Ona. It is the name given them by the Yahgans and is derived immediately from the Yahgan onepin ( = Tierra del Fuego Island = Onas’ Aland), onachaga ( = Beagle Channel = Onas’ + channel) (Th. Bridges, h, 206; Hyades, q, 15, 283). Ona may be ultimately a corruption of tsoneka , ts’ona’ca, tsh’n, cho’n, chon (Furlong, Jc; Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 232; Chamberlain, a, 95) ; or perhaps is derived from on, a word frequently used by the Onas (Beauvoir, b, 55, 202), or else from onan, the Yahgan word for north wind (Furlong, k; r, 183). Whether there is any connection between Ona and van Noort’s “Enoo” ( b , 1st ed., 21; Fr. tr., 1610 ed., 15; Commelin, i, 10; de Brosses, i, 299) is very doubtful. The boy captured by van Noort possibly referred to the Onas when he spoke of the gigantic Tirimenen of the land of Coin (ibid.). Father Falkner was told that the Yacana-cunnee of extreme southeastern Patagonia extended also to the other side of the Strait (111). The identity of this people is discussed in the Author Bibli¬ ography under Falkner. Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche (d, 229-230, following Falkner) derives the name from the Patagonian yacana-kon’ , “foot people.” The Rev. Mr. Bridges also used the word Wuas to denote the Onas (e, 332). The Onas, with the exception of a nearly extinct subtribe in the southeast, call themselves ShilkTiam (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 233), Shilkenam11 (C. Gallardo, 97), Shelknam, Tshelknam (Beauvoir, b, 202), Schelkenam (Cojazzi, 16), Shillkanen (Furlong, d, 219), Shilk’anan, Shelk’enum (Furlong, private communication), Shirk’- cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 49 enum, Shilk’enum, Shilkanan (Furlong, 1c; cf., also, shiVWenan cho’n, clio'un, cho’wun , the Ona words for man, ibid.) . The nearly extinct sub tribe just referred to are called by the other Onas Haush (pronounced Howsli) (Furlong, j, Jc), Hauss (Cojazzi, 100), Haus (Beauvoir, b, 171), Hush or Ho3’ (Skottsberg, c, 307-308; d, 615). According to Mr. Lucas Bridges, they call themselves Manekenkn (L. Bridges, b; Lehmann-Nitsche, d , 233). Dr. Dab- bene (b, 269) has Manekenkn. The name is apparently the same as Mac-ck, which Dr. Spegazzini used for the Onas whom he met in 1882 (a, 16). In the present paper the name Ona is used to include both the Shilk’nam and Manekenkn. Territory The Onas formerly occupied the whole of the large island of Tierra del Fuego, excepting the shores of Useless Bay and Admiralty Sound, which were intermittently at least frequented by the Alacaluf, and the strip of land between Beagle Channel and the mountain range paralleling it, which the Yahgans inhabited. The Onas were in touch with the Alacaluf in the western part of the island, probably crossing at times to Dawson Island, as the Bev. Mr. Bridges found the Dawson Islanders almost as much Onan as Alacaluf an in lan¬ guage and appearance ( b , June 1, 1883, 139; Feb. 1, 1886, 33; cf. also Oct. 1, 1 881, 226 ; 1c, 234, on N. and E. coast of Onisin the Alacaluf knew the Ona tongue; Lovisato, c, 720, citing Whaits). They were likewise in contact with the Yahgans between Beagle Channel and Good Success Bay, trading and intermarrying with them (Th. Bridges, b , Mar. 1, 1876, 59; Lovisato, c, 720; Martial, 185, 192; Hahn, c, 340; Th. Bridges, i, quoted in Hyades, q, 10), occasion¬ ally raiding and hunting into the Yahgan territory of Navarin Island (Furlong, verbal communication; Fitz-Roy, a, 205-206, 325-326), and stealing wives from the Beagle Channel Yahgans (Despard, b , 717). The Onas made their first appearance at Ushuaia Mission in 1884 (Hyades, q, 7), but since then they have been and are frequently seen along Beagle Channel, especially around Harberton. It is likely enough that in earlier times the Onas may have been in touch with the Tehuelches of the mainland. The fact that they do not use canoes now is not conclusive proof that they never either made use of or borrowed them. Cf. for details on this point Subject Bibliography, under Navigation, pages 195, 196. Shilk’nam and Manekenkn Relations The greater part of the island of Tierra del Fuego is or was occu¬ pied, as we have seen, by the Shilk’nam, while the extreme south¬ eastern peninsula — from Sloggett Bay to Polycarp Cove (Furlong, 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r P.TJI.T.,. 03 Tc), or from Thetis Bay to Fotbey Bay (Cojazzi, 100), or apparently from Polycarp Cove as far west as Moat Bay (Th. Bridges, b, Oct. 1, 1886, 217) — was the home of the Manekenkn. Dr. Segers (81) divided the Onas into six sub tribes: the Parri- quens, Sheila, and Uenenke from San Sebastian Bay to Cape Sunday, and the Kau-ketshe, Koshpijom, and Loualks from Cape Penas to the Straits of Lemaire. These names are, however, according to Mr. Lucas Bridges (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 233), not tribal but local names. Sehor Lista’s northern and southern Onas are, to judge from the respective habitats and vocabularies he gives, no other than the Shflk’nam and Manekenkn (Lista, d, 82, 144-145). The Rev. Mr. Bridges (b, Oct. 1, 1884, 223; also cited in Hyades, l , 718) was the first to state that “the Western Onas scarcely under¬ stand the Eastern Onas.” It is to his sons, especially Lucas, that we owe most of the published material on the Manekenkn, although some independent investigation was carried on by Prof. Tonelli (Cojazzi, 100) and Prof. Furlong (k). Dr. Fred. Cook mentioned this people in 1900 (5, 725), Col.. Holdich in 1904 (160), and since then several other writers. Prof. Furlong gathered six Manekenkn words, and more recently Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche has published ( d , 242-276) 97 Manekenkn words from Mr. Lucas Bridges’ manuscript vocabulary. A compari¬ son of this material with the Ona vocabulary of Dr. Segers and with the southern Ona one of Senor Lista shows pretty clearly that both these explorers were in contact in the south with the Manekenkn. About a dozen words in each list can be identified as Manekenkn rather than Shilk’nam. Senor Lista’s “southern Ona” list is perhaps en tir ely M an ekenkn . Further, it is very probable that the earlier voyagers, the Nodals in 1619, Father Labbe in 1711, the members of Capt. Cook’s first expedition in 1769, as well as some of the early nineteenth century explorers such as Admiral Fitz-Roy and Mr. Darwin, Admiral Wilkes and others, were really in contact with the Manekenkn during their brief visits to Good Success and Valentyne Bays, as these bays are situated in what was a few years ago Manekenkn territory. In one case at least the evidence is ^omewhat more positive. Sir Joseph Banks (60) gives two words taken from Good Success Bay Indians. One of these words, ooudd, “water,” is evidently the same as ootun the Manekenkn word for “water” in Mr. Lucas Bridges’ vocabulary; the Slhlk’nam word is chooen, chook, chooen, choxd’n; Senor Lista, it is true, and Dr. Segers both give oten, but their vocabularies are, as observed above, largely Manekenkn (cf. Lehmann-Nitsche, d , 250). Dr. Cojazzi (102-104) and Father Beauvoir ( b , 171-173) publish vocabularies gathered from a Manekenkn woman about 35 to 40 years cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 51 old who had been living since childhood among the Shilk’nam and whites. Both vocabularies appear to be pure or nearly pure Shilk’nam. Such being our available working material on the Manekenkn In¬ dians, we may now take up the question of their relations to the Shilk’nam. Dr. Fred. Cook ( b , 725) and Dr. Skottsberg (d, 615; c, 308) look on the Manekenkn as a cross between the Onas and Yahgans. Dr. Skottsberg also speaks of the Hos’ tongue as a fifth Fuegian lan¬ guage (d, 614; Cj 308). Prof. Furlong (j; Tc) seems to consider the Manekenkn as tribally and linguistically distinct from both the Yahgans and Shilk’nam. There has been, no doubt, a good deal of mingling and intermarrying between these southeastern Foot Indians and the Yahgans. Some of the authorities for this statement have been quoted above. In addition, Sr. Lista thought he recognized traces of Yahgan influ¬ ence in the physical appearance and language of the Polycarp Cove natives (6, 115, 120). Dr. Segers’ Ona vocabulary contained some Yahgan words (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 237, citing L. Bridges). Prof. Furlong’s old Haush man was married to two Yahgan wives (Tc), while Dr. Skottsberg (d, 615; c, 308) was told by Mr. William Bridges that this old man was himself only half Haush, his mother having been Yahgan. He looked like a Yahgan, Dr. Skottsberg remarks (ibid.). In spite, however, of this considerable infusion of Yahgan blood among the Manekenkn, it is much more probable that they are or were racially akin to the Shilk’nam. A comparison of the linguistic material kindly put at the writer’s disposal by Prof. Furlong and of the words published by Dr. Leh¬ mann-Nitsche with the fairly abundant Shilk’nam lexical data now available shows with reasonable clearness that notwithstanding the many divergences the Manekenkn speech differs from the Shilk’¬ nam only dialectically. The reader can easily test for himself this conclusion by reference to Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche ’s comparative Tehuelche-Shllk’nam-Manekenkn glossary ( d , 242 — 276); in about 30 per cent of the cases the Manekenkn words are similar to the Slulk’- nam or Tehuelche, and often identical. The application of the somatological and cultural criteria of rela¬ tionship yields similar results, although the available material is rather meager. The Thetis Bay natives described in considerable detail by Sr. Lista (b, 126-130) were somatologically and culturally Shilk’nam. The same may be said of Dr. Segers’ Onas, some of whom at least were Manekenkn, and of the natives encountered by the earlier explorers in the Good Success and Valentyne Bays region. Prof. Tonelli (Cojazzi, 100-102) found a few cultural differences, but they are of a very minor character. 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. G3 Prof. Furlong’s Hausli informant was quite unlike the Shilk’nam in physical appearance, being u short, thick-set, and about 5 ft. 4 or 5 in. in height” (1c), but according to Dr. Skottsberg (d, 615; c, 308) this old man was a half breed Yahgan. Prof. Furlong writes (1c) that “ a Haush could not make himself understood to an Ona or a Yahgan by use of the Haush language.” This, however, would not neces¬ sarily be a proof of more than considerable dialectic difference be¬ tween the two tongues. In this connection we may recall the Rev. Mr. Bridges’ remark cited above, that “the Western Onas could scarcely understand the Eastern Onas” (b, Oct. 1, 1884, 223). The evidence at hand, therefore, seems to justify the conclusion that the Shilk’nam and Manekenkn are both fundamentally of the same racial stock. What somatological differences exist are prob¬ ably due in great part to Yahgan influence. The cultural differences are negligible but the linguistic are much more pronounced. Whether these latter are the result of differentiation through long isolation, or are to be accounted for on the theory that the Manekenkn represent an earlier invasion from the mainland, can not be decided in the present state of the evidence. Ona and Tehuelche Relations Anthropologists and explorers almost without exception have held and hold the Onas to be near relatives of the southern Patagonian, aborigines. A. LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE As far as language is concerned practically all who have made actual comparisons between the Onan and Teheulchean tongues have concluded that they are akin. Two notable exceptions are Gen. Mitre (i, 156), who ascribed the lexical resemblance between the two languages to the presence of loan-words acquired by the Onas through communication with the Tehuelches, and the late Prof. Chamberlain, who expressed the opinion (a, 89) that “efforts to make out the Onan to be a Tsonekan (Tehuelchean) dialect have not been successful.” Prof. Chamberlain was here, however, in all probability basing his statement on Gen. Mitre’s, whom he follows very closely in both his articles dealing with Fuegian and Chonoan linguistics. /Vs for Gen. Mitre’s theory, first it takes for granted what is probable indeed, but by no means proven, that the Onas have been in direct contact with the Tehuelches in comparatively recent times, and, secondly, the proportion of such resemblances between the Ona and Tehuelche tongues appears to be much too great to be explained on the hypothesis of loan-words. In from 40 to 45 per cent of the cases the Ona words are similar to the Tehuelche, and often identical. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 53 The actual resemblances between the two languages are judged sufficiently clear and numerous to prove linguistic kinship by the following authorities, all or nearly all of whom have made direct and independent studies: Th. Bridges, (6, Mar. 1, 1876, 60;1 2 Apr. 1, 1880, 74; Oct. 1, 1884, 224; e, 332; g and i, cited by Hyades, g, 11; h, 200, 203; j, 316; &, 223); Lista ( b , 56, 82, 89; e, 37); Brinton (c, 329); La Grasserie (643-647); Lehmann-Nitsche ( a ; b; d, 233- 237); Beauvoir (a, 6; b, 177-181); C. Gallardo (106); O. Norden- skjold (c, 672; d , 434; e, 167-168; g, 355; j, 127); Outes (d, 132-133) and Spegazzini ( b , 239; c, 132). 3 A grammatical comparison can not well be made, as unfortunately very little has been published on Ona morphology, but from a study of the short comparative glossary compiled by Sr. Lista ( b , 82, 56), of the longer ones by Dr. La Grasserie (643-647) and Father Beauvoir (b, 179-181), of another compiled by the present writer for his own use, and particularly of the comprehensive one published by Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche ( d , 242-276), a conclusion in favor of Ona- Tehuelche linguistic kinship, in spite of many lexical divergences, seems not only justified but unavoidable. The reader is referred especially to Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche’ s invaluable compilation. B. SOMATOLOGICAL EVIDENCE Mi*. Darwin (a, 1871 ed., 205) and Admiral Fitz-Roy ( a , 120) noted the resemblance between the Good Success Bay natives and the Patagonians, and since their time other observers who have had an opportunity to compare the two peoples have been struck by the same suggestive resemblance in stature, build, features, and physical appearance. Thus it came to be accepted as beyond doubt that the Onas and Tehuelches are one people. Since, however, the publication of the results of the limited but important Ona cranial studies by Dr. Hultkrantz (a and especially b) and Dr. Hrdlicka (a, in Dabbene, b, 283) the older theory has been questioned more or less. These studies apparently show that the Onas are not brachycephalic, as had been expected, but instead vary from mesaticephalism to dolichocephalism (Hultkrantz, b , 131, 167; Hrdlicka, loc. cit.; cf. also Rivet, 257). On the premise that the modern Tehuelches are brachycephalic, most recent writers who touch on the relations of the Onas and Tehuelches have been inclined to adjudge the former more nearly akin to the ancient Tehuelches (Flultkrantz, b , 163-164; Laloy, b, 404; 1 The Rev. Mr. Bridges was the first definitely to note this linguistic similarity. 2 Cf. also: Bove, a, 789; b, 133; c, 124; d, Arch., 288; Benignus, 229; Keane, b, 431; c, 42; Krickeberg, 140; Lovisato, b, 131-132; Martial, 185. A good many of the passages referred to in the text and in the present note are quoted in Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 234-236, and La Grasserie, 643-647. Dr. Brinton’s later theory ( e , 252-253) that the Ona tongue is more nearly related to the Yahgan is explained by the fact that Dr. Segers’ vocabulary which he used contains many Yahgan words (L. Bridges, cited by Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 236-237). 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. G3 Joyce, 241-242) or to one or more of Dr. Verneau’s earlier Pata¬ gonian types (Dabbene, b, 279-280). Dr. Hrdlicka, however, informs me that the undeformed Tehuelchean skull varies like the Onan from mesaticephalic to dolichocephalic, at least in the majority of cases (cf. also Verneau, b, 62, 66-67, 83-84 and passim). Dr. Rivet also cites as points of Ona-Tehuelche resemblance “la haute stature avec V augmentation correlative de la capacite cranienne et Tallongement tres notable de la face'7 (257). Dr. Hult- krantz (6, 164) states that among the salient characters of the old Patagonian skulls Dr. Verneau mentions “die hervorspringende Glabella, die kurzen, starken Supraorbitalwiilste und das breite, hervorragende Kinn, Merkmale, die auch fur meine Onaschadel typisch sind.” Both investigators likewise found certain resemblances between the Onas and Canoe Indians. Dr. Rivet, who, it may be recalled, restudied three of the Ona crania which Dr. Hultkrantz describes, mentions in particular “la forme relativement surbaissee de la vohte et la leptorhinie” (257). Dr. Hultkrantz says (163): “Erinnere ich bier nur an die ovale Gestalt des Schadeldaches mit den grossen Scheitelhockern und der relativ schmalen Stirn, die charakteristische Dachform der hinteren Frontal- und der vordern Parietalgegend, die starken aber kurzen Supraorbitalwiilste, die breite, eckige Form des Gesichts u. s. w.” “ Andererseits ” he adds (ibid.) “scheinen mir ziemlich bedeu- tende Unterschiede zwischen den Ona und den tibrigen Feuerlandern zu bestehen. Der Schadel ist z. B. mehl* dolichocephal, die Stirn weniger fliehend und sowohl absolut als relativ hoher und breiter. Die Dachform der hintern Stirn- und der vordern Scheitelregion ist weniger ausgesprochen u. s. w. Dazu kommt noch die von alien Reisenden hervorgehobene grossere Statur und etwas andere Korper- proportionen.” He concludes that all three Fuegian tribes, while much differentiated, “ziemlich nahe verwandt sind.” The theory that the Onas represent a mixed Patagonian and Fue¬ gian people (Rivet, 257; Outes, a, 269-270; cf. also Hultkrantz, b, 164 and Dabbene, b, 280) seems best to account for the above points of resemblance and difference. But it must be borne in mind that the Onan evidence is so far very meager. At any rate it appears to be generally recognized that the Onas are related somatologically to the Patagonians, whether the modern Tehuelches or, as far as we are justified in using the term, the “an¬ cient” Patagonians. 1 1 Cf. also in favor of Ona-Tehuelche kinship: C. Gallardo, 106; Deniker, c, Fr. ed., 656-657; Furlong, d, 219; Haddon, c, 113; Krickeberg, 140; C. Martin, d, 365, 333; Moreno, d, 573-579; Segers, 63; Siemiradzki, 129, 134; Sievers, 87, 327; Skottsberg, c, 306; Weule, 51. COOPER J BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 55 C. CULTURAL EVIDENCE In the field of culture the Onas have much in common with the Yahgans and Alacaluf, partly as a result of mutual borrowing, but also much that distinguishes them from the other Fuegian tribes. Among these distinctive cultural elements are some which they share with the Tehuelches. Such are the use of the child’s cradle and the custom of arm tattooing — neither found among the Yahgans or Alacaluf. The Ona skin garments are much longer and more elabo¬ rate than the other Fuegians’ and are very like the Tehuelches’ in length, shape, and number. The Onas, like the Tehuelches, do not go nude — as do the other Fuegians so commonly — except when hunting, wrestling, etc. The Ona skin windshield contrasts structurally with the other Fuegians’ beehive wigwam and bears a suggestive resem¬ blance in structure to the more elaborate Tehuelche skin tent. The Tehuelches call their tents kau (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 256), the Onas their huts taki (Gallardo, 365, southern Onas, 243), Jctai ( = kau+tai = wigwam + small, Beauvoir, b, 48), t’i’i (Furlong, k), but also kau or kaw or kauwy or kawydni (Beauvoir, b , 39-40), kaue or kauyani (Gal¬ lardo, 365, northern Onas, 243), kauw (Segers, 69), kau (Lista, b, 145) cowrie ( = house, Furlong, k). The Ona bow and arrow shows consid¬ erable affinity with the earlier Tehuelchean.1 Dr. Gallardo (104-105) calls attention to certain cultural differ¬ ences between the Onas and Tehuelches. He instances: (1) The Tehuelche skin garments worn with the fur inside and ornamented with polychrome designs as against the Ona skin robe worn with the fur outside and colored red without designs; (2) the Tehuelche Women’s tresses contrasting with the Ona women’s bangs; (3) the Tehuelche flexed burial versus the Ona supine posture. The list could be much extended, as, for instance, the Tehuelche fire drill versus the Ona flint and pyrites. Such cultural divergences, however, would be expected where, as the linguistic evidence shows, the two peoples if once united have been apart for many generations and perhaps many centuries. More¬ over, while the culture of the Onas has undoubtedly been to some ex¬ tent modified through their contact and intermarriage with the Yah¬ gans and Alacaluf, that of the southern Patagonians has been pro¬ foundly modified, especially since the middle of the eighteenth cen¬ tury, by Puelchean and Araucanian cultural influences (Outes, a, 271, 427, 429, 476, and passim). The cultural differences between the Onas and Tehuelches are neither few nor slight, but the chasm was much narrower in the days of Magellan and Ladrillero, and it seems not too rash to inter¬ pret the identities above noted as survivals from an earlier common 1 For further details on each of the cultural features just enumerated see Subject Bibliography, under Culture. 64028°— Bull. 63—17 - 5 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 cultural ancestry, especially if we consider them in conjunction with the somatological and linguistic resemblances. From the foregoing linguistic, somatological, and cultural evidence, we may fairly conclude that the relationship between the Onas and Tehuelches, although not as close as is sometimes supposed, is never¬ theless established as real. The Onas must have parted company with their cousins of the mainland many generations and probably many centuries ago, or else both have descended from a common stock now extinct. The Onas have apparently remained fairly sta¬ tionary in culture, while the Tehuelches have undergone radical changes through contact with their northern neighbors. The Onas are said to have a tradition that they came afoot from a far country of great prairies and that a great cataclysm opened up the Strait of Magellan and so prevented their return (Beauvoir, b, 178, 201-202). Whether this tradition has back of it a foundation in fact or whether the Onas on the contrary reached their present habitat in times posterior to the formation of the Strait can not be decided even probably in the present state of tjie evidence. Present Condition of Onas The Onas were formerly much more numerous than they now are. Earlier estimates differ very much. Sr. Popper came into contact with about 600 Onas on his second expedition in 1891 ( d , 162) and estimated their total number at about 2,000 (ibid.). Dr. Gasperi was informed by Mr. Lucas Bridges in 1912-13 that there were about 300 survivors of the tribe, while the Salesians’ estimate of 1909-1911 was 350 (Cojazzi, 16). The Onas have been outrageously treated by many of the white settlers, herders, and gold seekers who began to invade their terri¬ tory in the seventies and eighties of the last century. Then, too, internal feuds have brought down many victims; Mr. Lucas Bridges, in a letter dated February 11, 1899, and quoted by Mr. Young (1900 ed., 61 ; 1905 ed., 66), states that there are few Ona men over 30 years of age who have not killed one of their own people in revenge. These and other causes have more than decimated this interesting tribe (cf. Gasperi). They have been almost entirely driven from the northern half of their former domain. A number work on the ranches of the Bridges brothers; more are at Rio Grande, Lake Fagnano, and Dawson Island missions; the remainder are scattered over the territory south of the Rio Grande. The nearly extinct subtribe, the Manekenkn, were formerly fairly numerous, to judge from their possession of a distinct dialect and from the accounts of Sr. Lista, Dr. Segers, and the Rev. Mr. Bridges, as well as from those of the earlier explorers. Mr. Thomas Bridges, cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 57 for instance, mentions a party of 38 “ Eastern Ona” men with their wives and children (b, Oct. 1, 1886, 218). The only survivors at present seem to be the woman then about 37 years old investigated by Prof. Tonelli (Cojazzi, 100) and a family ne/ir Harberton. This family consisted of an old man who was a halfbreed Manekenkn- Yahgan (Skottsberg, c, 308; d, 615) or Manekenkn-Shilk’nam (Leh- mann-Nitsche, d, 233), and his two daughters (Skottsberg, d , 615; Cojazzi, 100). His former wife, a full-blooded Manekenkn (Leh- mann-Nitsche, d, 233; Skottsberg, c, 308) had died before Dr. Skotts- berg’s visit in 1908. Prof. Furlong (Jc) found, also in 1908, an old Manekenkn man named Pelota at Harberton, apparently the same one, but this native had two Yahgan wives and one halfbreed son. Prof. Furlong was informed in 1912 that there were five surviving Manekenkn ( k ). PAST AND FUTURE OF FUEGIAN INVESTIGATIONS Early Writers and Explorers The second of the following lists contains the names of the leaders of expeditions prior to 1800 which encountered Fuegian or Chonoan natives, and the dates at which encountered. The first gives the names of the early writers (exclusive of collections of voyages) whose works contain information on the same natives, and the dates when written or published. The letters, C, A, Y, S, M, stand for the respec¬ tive tribes, Chonos, Alacaluf, Yahgans, Slulk’nam, Manekenkn, probably or certainly seen or described. writers to 1800 Oviedo, 1557, A; Gongora Marmolejo, 1575, Chilotans (and C); Marino de Lovera, Chilotans; Acosta, 1590, A; Olaverria, 1594, C. Herrera, 1601-1615, A; Argensola, 1609, A, S; Purchas, 1613; Laet, 2d ed., 1630, A, Y, S, M; Brouwer, 1646, Chilotans (and C); Ponce de Leon, 1644, C; Ovalle, 1646, C; Montanus, 1671; Del Techo, 1673, C, A?; Rosales, 1674, ca., C, A. Nyel, 1704, M; Rogers, 1726; Labarbinais, 1728; Pietas, 1729, C; Olivares, 1736, C; Lozano, 1754-55, C; Beranger, 1773, C; Falkner, 1774, S«; Molina, 1776, 1782, 1787, C; Alcedo, 1786-1789; Ascasubi, 1789, C; Gonzalez de Agiieros, 1791, C. EXPLORERS TO 1800 Magellan, 1520, A or S; Loaysa, 1526, A; Alcazaba, 1535, A; Ulloa, 1553-54, C, A; Ladrillero, 1557-58, A; Cortes Ilojea, 1557-58, A; Drake, 1578, A; Sarmiento, 1579-80, A, S; Hernandez, 1581, A; Cavendish, 1st, 1587, A; Chidley-Wlieele, 1590, A; Cavendish, 2d, 1592, A; Hawkins, 1594, A; de Weert-de Cordes, 1599-1600, A; van Noort, 1599-1600, A. Venegas-Ferrufino, 1609, C; Venegas-Estevan, 1612-13, C; van Speilbergen, 1615, A; Nodals, 1619, M; L’Hermite, 1624, Y, (M?); Montemayor, 1641, C; Brouwer, 1643; Narbrough-Wood, 1670, A; Bart. Gallardo, 1674-75, C; de Vea, 1675-76, C; Sharp, 1681, A; La Guilbaudiere, 1688 (-96), A; de Gennes, 1696, A; Labat, Du Plessis, Beauchesne (Villefort), 1699, A. Labbe, 1711, M; Frezier’s informants, 1712-13, Y?; d’Arquistade, 1715, Y; Clipperton, 1719, A; Anson, 1741, C; the Wager's crew (Byron, A. Campbell, Bulkeley and Cummins, author of Affecting Narrative, etc.), 1741-42, C, A; Byron (and anon, author of “ Voyage, 59 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 etc.”), 1764-65, A; Duclos-Guyot, 1765-66, A; Garcia, 1766-67, C, A?; Wallis, 1767, A; Bougainville, 1768, A; Machado, 1768-69, C; Jas. Cook, 1st (Banks, Parkinson, author of Journal of . . . Endeavor), 1769, M; Jas. Cook, 2d, (G. Forster, J. R. Forster), 1774, M and Y or A; Marin-Real, 1778-89, C; Menendez-Bargas, 1779-80, C; de Cordoba, 1st, 1786, A; Moraleda, 1786-1788, 1792-1796, C; de Cordoba, 2d, 1788-89, A. History of Investigation The name that stands out most prominently in the history of Fuegian investigation is that of the Rev. Thomas Bridges. His researches were confined in the main to Yahgan culture and language, but in addition he became sufficiently familiar with the other two Fuegian peoples to establish for the first time definitely the general tribal relations in the Magellanic archipelago. YAIIGANS From 1624 when the Yahgans were first visited by L’Hcrmite until 1858 when the first group of Yahgans came to Keppel mission in the Falklands little appreciable progress in Yahgan anthropology was made, if we except Admiral Fitz-Roy’s discovery of the existence of two distinct languages in the southern Fuegian archipelago. The Yahgans were visited successively by d’Arquistade in 1715, by Wed¬ dell in 1823-24, by the Beagle expeditions in 1829-32, by the Wilkes and Ross expeditions in 1839 and 1842, respectively, and by Capt. Snow and other English missionaries in the fifties. The modern study of the Yahgans and their language really begins with the arrival of the missionary party under the Rev. Mr. Despard at Cinco-Mai Harbor, Navarin Island, in the spring of 1857 (Despard, b, 718). By the end of 1858 he had gathered nearly 1,000 Yahgan words, and in 1863 published a few notes on Yahgan grammar. But, if the Rev. Mr. Despard was the pioneer in the field of Yahgan linguistics, it is to the genius and labors of a successor, the Rev. Thomas Bridges, that we are indebted for most of what we know of the Yahgan tongue. His remarkable studies, begun in the late fifties or early sixties, culminated in the compilation of his large dic¬ tionary completed in 1879, the translation of his three New Testament books in 1881-1886, and the publication of his larger grammar in 1893. Other papers from his pen treated nearly the whole field of Yahgan culture. The more important new results of the Italo-Argentinian expedition in 1882 and the French Cape Horn expedition in 1882-83, with the subsequent studies by Drs. Hyades and Deniker, Mantegazza and Regalia, and Sergi, were in the field of somatology. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 61 These practically closed the cycle of Yahgan studies. Since then no important new developments have taken place. All three depart¬ ments of Yahgan anthropology are as well known as we could reason¬ ably expect, although there is of course probably a good deal that may yet be discovered about this passing race. ALACALUF The fires seen by Magellan’s expedition in 1520 were from Onan or Alacalufan camps, but the Alacaluf themselves were first observed not until six years later by the Loaysa expedition, nearly a century prior to the first discovery of the Yahgans. The first detailed accounts of the Patagonian channel Alacaluf, brief though these accounts are, are contained in the narratives of Ladrillero’s and Cortes Hojea’s expedition in 1557-58. A few new data came to light around the middle of the eighteenth century subsequent to the shipwreck of the Wager and to Father Garcia’s missionary journey to the Guaianecos Islands. Some 70 years after the Garcia expedition, the results of Admiral Fitz-Roy’s studies were published. In the field of culture little has been added to our knowledge since the days of Admiral Fitz-Roy, although excellent original accounts have been published following Dr. Coppinger’s investigations in 1879-80 and Dr. Skottsberg’s recent expedition in 1908. All of the above accounts are, based on casual meetings or on series of such meetings. A thorough detailed study of these people, based on extensive investigation covering a period of at least a year, is a great desideratum. Some scores of explorers and travelers have personally observed and described the Alacaluf of the Strait of Magellan, but hardly more than casually. An exhaustive study of them by investigators cog¬ nizant of their language and living among them in their native chan¬ nels has yet to be made. The accounts of Drake’s expedition in 1578, of de Weert’s, de Cordes’, and van Noort’s in 1599-1600, and of Beauchesne’s in 1698 furnish some data on the more obvious phases of culture, and to La Guilbaudiere (1688-1696) we are indebted for the earliest vocabu¬ lary. Between 1764 and 1768 the Alacaluf of the Strait were studied successively by B}rron, Duclos-Guyot, Wallis and Bougainville, and in 1786 and 1788-89 by de Cordoba. The most satisfactory of all the older accounts of the Alacaluf are those of Bougainville, Duclos- Guyot, and especially of de Cordoba.1 Further studies were made by the Beagle expeditions in 1826-1832 by Dr. Coppinger in 1879-80 and by a number of later explorers. 1 See, however, Vargas Ponce’s original narratives rather than the translations [BULL. 63 G2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Alacalufan cultural anthropology is, however, in about the same con¬ dition it was in just after the Fitz-Roy expeditions. It may he added that only the material culture of the Alacaluf has been at all ade¬ quately studied. Much more has been done in the department of somatology. A considerable literature sprang up as a direct result of the exhibition of the Hagenbeck troupe in Europe. Most of the available Alaca¬ lufan material is summed up in Dr. R. Martin’s monograph published in 1893. There are extant some seventeen vocabularies of the Alacalufan tongue, beginning with La Guilbaudiere’s of between 1688 and 1696 and ending with Dr. Skottsberg’s of 1908. The largest published vocabulary, Father Borgatello’s, contains less than 600 words, while 10 of the lists contain only 50 or less words. The Rev. Mr. Bridges’ 1,200-word vocabulary has never been published. Of Alacalufan grammar we have no details at all. CHONOS The Chonos were first encountered by the LTloa expedition in 1553 and first described by Goicueta, the. chronicler of the Cortes Hojea expedition of 1557-58. Further accounts begin in 1609-1613 with the advent of the Jesuit missionaries to Chiloe and the Guaitecas Islands — accounts chiefly accessible in the writings of Fathers Del Techo, Rosales, Lozano, and Olivares. In the next century some few further details came to light as a result of the Wager’s shipwreck in 1741 and Father Garcia’s expedition in 1766-67. Since this last date the history of Chonoan investigation has been practically a blank. Much less is known of the Chonos than of the Alacaluf. Of even their material culture only meager details have come down to us, and of their language not one word. A little more is known of their somatology, thanks to the discovery of a few skulls, chiefly of Guaite¬ cas Islanders. ONAS To Sarmiento (244-246; An. hidr., vn, 519-520) belongs the honor of having first discovered the Onas in 1580, the name Gente Grande Bay remaining to this day as a reminder of the event. Forty years later, in 1619, the Nodals saw the Onas, not unlikely of the Mane- kenkn subtribe, at Good Success Bay. The accounts, however, of both Sarmiento and the Nodals, as well as those of later observers, one of LTIermite’s officers perhaps in 1624, Father Labbe in 1711, and the members of the first and second Cook expeditions in 1769 and 1774, give very meager details, chiefly on physical appearance and material culture. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 63 Several other voyagers saw the Good Success Bay natives in the early nineteenth century, hut the real history of Ona investigation began only in 1775 when the Rev. Thomas Bridges first encountered the Onas on a visit to Good Success Bay. Expeditions to the inte¬ rior of the island under M. Pertuiset in 1873-74, Sr. Serrano Montaner in 1879, and later under Capt. Bove developed little new information. The modern period in the study of the Onas began in earnest with the linguistic studies of Mr. Thomas Bridges in 1875 (b, Mar. 1, 1876, 60) and his removal to Harberton in 1886, with the expedition under Sr. Lista in 1886-87, with Dr. Segers’ further studies embodied in his important 1891 article, and with the founding of the Salesian missions among the Onas in 1892. Since the opening of the present century great progress has been made in the fields of Ona culture and language, thanks above all to the sons of the Rev. Mr. Bridges, to the Salesian fathers, especially Father Beauvoir, to the Argentinian scientists, particularly Drs. Gallardo and Lehmann-Nitsche, and to Prof. Furlong. The Bridges brothers’ intimate knowledge of Ona culture and language has been extensively drawn upon by nearly all recent in¬ vestigators, while for other important contributions, above all to Ona linguistics and folklore, we are indebted to the Salesian missionaries. Ona culture has been almost exhaustively treated by Dr. Gallardo, while extensive vocabularies have been compiled by Mr. Lucas Bridges and Father Beauvoir. In the department of Ona grammar very little has been published. Ona somatology lags behind markedly. A good beginning has been made, however, especially by Drs. Plidtkrantz, Hrdlicka, and Outes. From all the foregoing it is seen that the Yahgans alone of the Fuegian peoples have been investigated with anything approaching thoroughness. Ona culture and Alacalufan material culture are well enough known, Chonoan culture very slightly. Of the Chonoan language we possess not one word, of the Alacalufan we have about six hundred words, and of the Onan several thousand. A beginning has been made in the study of Ona grammar, but so far no details at all are accessible on Choi^an or Alacalufan grammar. Alacalufan somatology has been fairly well studied, Onan and Chonoan quite inadequately. The Future of Fuegian and Chonoan Investigation How can the lacunse be filled ? The acquisition of further material on the Onas should be comparatively easy. We may expect detailed information on Ona grammar from the Salesians and particularly from the Bridges brothers. Brother Xikora’s catechism or prayer book should give some clue to Alacalufan morphology, and perhaps 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 we may hope for a grammatical outline from him. Further studies, too, among the Alacaluf by the Salesians may throw more light on this tribe’s social, moral, and religious culture. Our chief hope for definite information on the perhaps extinct Chonos would seem to lie in the recovery of Fathers Ferrufino’s and Este van’s manuscripts. Then, too, it is quite possible that some de¬ scendants of the Lincoman family seen by Capt. E. Simpson in the Guaitecas Islands 40 years ago may still be living 'there or elsewhere. Finally, linguistic investigation among the modern Gulf of Penas natives may clear up Chonoan linguistic relations; some descendants of the true Chonos might be there, for even as late as the second half of the eighteenth century Chonos were encountered in the Guaianecos Islands in fairly good numbers by Father Garcia. At any rate the Gulf of Penas region and the channels to the south of it are the territory most in need of investigation — investigation, as Dr. Skottsberg suggests, extending over at least a year. Three other desiderata call for special mention: (1) There is needed a thorough comparative study of Araucanian and Yahgan grammar. The raw material is easily accessible. Dr. Darapsky made a begin¬ ning in this line, but the clues he discovered should be followed up and either confirmed or proven valueless. (2) More exhaustive studies of the kinship and marriage relations, of the mythology and religion of all the Fuegian peoples are needed. Except to some ex¬ tent in Ona mythology and folklore very little has been accomplished in these difficult fields of research. The considerable mass of de¬ tached data on Fuegian religious and quasi-religious culture suggests strongly that we have by no means gotten to the bottom of Fuegian religion. Perhaps, too, a better knowledge of the initiation rites may throw a greater light on this obscure subject than we now have. (3) Excavations among the abundant kitchen middens from Eliz¬ abeth Island and the Straits of Lemaire to the Chonos Archipelago would undoubtedly give us a clearer vision of the past of the Fuegian and Chonoan peoples. Apart from the investigations in this field by Drs. Lovisato and Coppinger and by Prof. Furlong almost noth¬ ing has been done. A kindred line of research would be the investi¬ gation and excavation of caves and grottos, which are or were used by the Alacaluf and Chonos as burial places. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 63 PLATE I AUTHOR BIBLIOGRAPHY Prefatory Notes The bibliography includes the sources for the study of the On as, Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Chonos. Those for the Tehuelches might have been included, but to have done so would have earned the writer too far afield. Throughout anthropological and kindred literature occur hundreds of brief second-hand notes on the Fuegians. The bulk of these references were too unimportant to justify their inclusion in the present bibliography. But all first-hand sources, however brief and unimportant, that have come to the writer’s attention, have been included, as have also those second-hand sources which sum up a considerable portion of the field or else throw some light on Fuegian and Chonoan anthropology by discussion or suggestion. Where the writer has been unable to consult and review personally any article or book, he has stated the bibliography or other source whence the title has been taken, together with what dependable data regarding the reference he could gather. The great majority of first-hand observers have had at most a few hours of contact with the natives while en route through the archi¬ pelago. Such accounts have been characterized as based on “casual meetings.” They are chiefly of value for material culture. The name “Channel Alacaluf” or “Channel Indians” has been used to denote the canoe-using Indians of the West Patagonian chan¬ nels between the western mouth of the Strait of Magellan and the Gulf of Penas. The present bibliography being intended as a practical or working guide, some of the data usually given in a technical bibliography have been omitted. From the enormous mass of literature dealing with the history of early exploration in the Magellanic archipelago, those narratives, editions, and translations — originals preferred where accessible — have been included which would be more readily available to the student with ordinary library facilities. No attempt has been made to exhaust this field. Further data regarding editions and translations can be found in bibliographical works like those of Tiele, Sabin, and Medina. Those early narratives, like LeMaire’s, for instance, which, however important to the geographer or historian, contain no infor¬ mation on the natives, have been omitted. 65 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. 63 In many cases the later editions or the translations of original narratives have been abridged. Where this abridgment has involved an abbreviation of the Fuegian anthropological material, the fact is usually noted; but in most of the abridgments and abstracts the anthropological data are given either in full or with only slight omissions. It is perhaps superfluous to state that works have been classed as * ‘ important ” or “unimportant” purely from the viewpoint of the student of Fuegian anthropology. A word regarding maps: A good map of the whole district is indis¬ pensable. The present writer has used the following four charts obtained from the United States Hydrographic Office, Washington, D. C. : No. 1315, Coast of Chile, Valdivia to Cape Tres Montes, June, 1892; no. 2243, Coast of Chile, Gulf of Penas to Magellan Strait, Sept., 1905; no. 454, South extreme of South America from Cape Horn to the Magellan Strait, sheet II, Western part, 1873; no. 453, ditto, sheet I, Eastern part, 1873. Except for the interior and east coast of Tierra del Fuego Island, these maps meet all requirements of anthropological study for the territory covered. Aa, Pieter van der, ed. Naaukeurige versamelung der ge- denk-waardigste zee en land-reysen na Oost en West-Indien, 28 vols., Leyden, 1707 [1706-]; 8 vols., ibid., 1727 [1706- 1727]. Contains (vol. xvm; 2d ed., vol. v) Pretty’s account of Drake’s voyage, and (vol. xx; 2d ed., vol. v) Pretty’s and Knivet’s narratives of Cavendish’s voyages. Acosta, Jos€ de Historia natvral y moral de las Indias, Seuilla, 1590; Ital. tr., Venice, 1596; Fr. tr., Paris, 1598; Dutch tr., 2d ed., Amsterdam, 1624; Engl, tr., Lon¬ don, 1604; Hakl. eoc., vols. lx-lxi, London, 1880. Contains (bk. 3, ch. 13) very brief remarks on the natives inhabiting the northern and southern shores of the Strait; not important. Adam, Quirin Frangois Lucien Grammaire de la langue jagane. (In Revue de linguistique et de philologie comparee , Paris, 1884; xvn, 295-322, 1885; xviii, 10-26, 160-173; reprint, ibid., 1885.) An important treatise on Yahgan grammar, fuller than Dr. Garbe’s study; based on Dr. Garbe’s work and on the Rev. Thomas Bridges’ Yahgan translation of the Gospel of St. Luke. Adelung, Johann Christoph and Vater, Johann Severin Mithridates, oder allgemeine Sprach- enkunde, 4 vols., Berlin, 1806-1817. Contains (3. Th., 2. Abt., pp. 391-3) an unim¬ portant brief description of the Fuegians, based chiefly on Laet, Hervds, and J. R. Forster. Affecting narrative of the unfortunate voy¬ age and catastrophe of His Majesty’s ship Wager, London, 1751 Contains (especially pp. 30-31, 45-46, 96-97) some of the same data on the Chonos and Fue¬ gians that Bulkeley and Cummins give. Agueros See Gonz&lez de Agueros. Alcazaba, Simon de. 1535 See Juan de Mori, de Brosses. Alcedo, Antonio de Diccionario geografico-historico de las Indias occidentales 6 America, 5 vols., Madrid, 1786-1789; Engl, tr., 5 vols., London, 1812-1815. Short, unimportant, and not very reliable account of Fuegians under “Fuego, Tierra del” (ii, 168-71; tr., ii, 121). Alvarez, J. S. En el mar austral, Buenos Aires. (Reference from Dabbene.) COO PE It] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 67 Andersson, Johan Gunnar, Nordenskjold, Otto and others Antarctica: or Two years amongst the ice of the south pole, London-New York, 1905. Chapters 4 and 5 of part 2 (pp. 366-91), from the pen of Dr. Andersson, contain passim a good deal of valuable material on some phases of the psychical culture of the Onas, among whom he spent more than a month in Sept.-Oct., 1902. The author made a journey afoot with Ona guides from Harberton to Lake Fagnano and return. Andree, Richard Die Anthropopliagie, Leipzig, 1887. On p. 90 are given the views of Fitz-Roy, Darwin, Snow, Marguin, and Hyades on the question of Fuegian cannibalism. Angelis, Pedro de, ed. Coleccion de obras y documentos relativos a la historia antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata, 6 vols., Buenos Aires, 1836-37. Vol. 1 contains a Spanish translation of Falkner’s Description of Patagonia. Anrique R., Nicolas and Silva A., L. Ignacio Ensayo de una bibliografia historica y jeografica de Chile, Santiago de Chile, 1902. Contains 2,561 titles of books and articles, of which a good proportion are of anthropological interest, in the chief modern languages; annota¬ tions or criticisms are exceptional. There are some inaccuracies, but relatively few, consider¬ ing the short time, only 66 days, at the disposal of the compilers. The list includes many refer¬ ences not found in other bibliographies of Chile. Anson, George, Lord. 1741 See Richard Walter, Pascoe Thomas. Anuario de la prensa chilena, publicado por la Biblioteca nacional, Santiago de Chile, annually since 1886. Gives lists of the books deposited in the library under the law of 1872, and from 1891 includes books by Chilean authors or relating to Chile published in other countries. Not annotated. Anuario hidrogr&fico de la marina de Chile, Santiago-Valparaiso, 1875— 1912, vols. i-xxviii. Contains the following early and modem original narratives or translations thereof bearing on Fuegian and Chonoan anthropology: E. Simpson, Juliet, 1875, vol. i; Goicueta, Ulloa, Ibar S., J. M. Simpson and Chaigneau, a, 1879, vol. v; Ulloa, Pretty, a, tr., Ladrillero, J. M. Simpson and Chaigneau, 6, Serrano M., a, 1880, Anuario hidrografico — Continued vol. vi; Mori, Sarmiento, 1881, vol. vn; B. Gal¬ lardo, de Vea, Serrano M., 6, Hyades, g, tr., 1886, vol. xi; Moraleda, 1887-8, vols. xn-xm; Machado, Garcia, a, d’Arquistade, tr., Martial, tr., 1889, vol. xrv; Brouwer, tr., 1892, vol. xvi; Gajardo, 1905, vol. xxv ; Pacheco, a, 1907, vol. xxvi; Whiteside, 1912, vol. xxvn; Morales, Pacheco, 6, 1912, vol. xxvm. A great deal of the above material is not available elsewhere. The Anuario also contains passim many valuable maps, and considerable first-hand information on fauna, flora, climate, geology, and geography. Arctowski, Henryk Voyage d’ exploration dans la region des canaux de la Terre de Feu. (In Bull. Soc. roy. beige de g'eogr., Bruxelles, 1901, xxv, 33-62; reprint, ibid., 1902.) Dr. Arctowski spent a little more than a month in Fuegia in 1897-98 as geologist and me¬ teorologist of the Belgica expedition, 1897-1899. His article is chiefly of value for the Ona vocabu¬ lary (pp. 61-62) of 139 words, phrases, and sen¬ tences, gathered at Dawson Island with the aid of one of the Salesian missionaries from a young Ona boy who understood Spanish, and who had been to Europe. Argensola, Bartolome Leonardo de Conqvista de las islas Malvcas, Ma¬ drid, 1609; Fr. tr., 3 vols., Amsterdam, 1706; Engl. tr. in Stevens, vol. i; nar¬ rative of Sarmiento’s voyage quoted in full in Iriarte’s ed. of orig. jour., pp. xxxix-lviii, and summarized in de Brosses, i, 199-219, and in Laet, bk. 12, Lat. and Fr. tr., bk. 13. Argensola gives (bk. 3, pp. 109-26) a long account of Sarmiento’s voyage in 1579-80. This abstract contains approximately the same an¬ thropological data as does the original journal, but toward the end relates a few fabulous details not found in the latter. Arquistade, Joapchin d’ Breve et demontree relation de la nouvelle decouverte d’un grand en- foncement ou baye en la coste occi- dentale de la Terre-de-Feu . . . vo¬ yage aus annees 1714, 15, 16 et 17 . . . navire le Sainct-Frangois . . . (In Martial, Mission du cap Horn, i, 266-269 ; extr. in Hyades, l, pp. 723-725; Span. tr. in An. hidr. mar. Chile, Santiago, 1889, xiv, 534-537.) Next to L’Hermite’s, the earliest account we possess of the Yahgans. D’Arquistade’s brief description of their customs and material culture is based on personal observation during one day spent with the natives at Orange Bay in 1715. 68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Ascasubi, Miguel Informe cronologico de las misiones del reino de Chile hasta 1789. (In Gay, Documentos, i, 300-400.) Contains on pp. 315-316 a few notes on the history of the mission Chonos. Aspinall, Edward C. Conferencia dada en la Sociedad cien- tifica alemana de Santiago de Chile sobre los aborigenes de la Tierra del Fuego. (Reference from Dabbene, who adds that it was published in the society’s Ancdes; I can not find it in the Verhandlungen . ) This lecture was given July 25, 1888, by the Rev. Mr. Aspinall after eighteen months’ resi¬ dence among the Yahgans as successor to the Rev. Thomas Bridges. A summary of the lecture by Dy (q. v.), was published in Globus, vol. LV. Mr. Aspinall also contributed various letters of minor anthropological interest to the South American missionary magazine from 1886 on. [Avebury, Lord] Sir John Lubbock Prehistoric times, 7th ed., “thor¬ oughly revised,” New York-London, 1913. .Contains descriptions of the Fuegians, pp. 531-537, 242-243, and notes passim. Based on the older sources, as Hawkesworth, Callander’s tr. of de Brosses, Byron’s Loss of Wager, Fitz-Roy, a, Darwin, a, Weddell, Voice of Pity. The Fuegian sections seem to have passed unscathed through the “thorough revision.” Bahnson, Kristian Etnografien fremstillet i dens lioved- traek, 2 vols., Kjobenhavn, 1900. Contains (i, 539-548) a rather lengthy account of the Fuegians; 2 photographs of Fuegian types; 2 woodcuts, illustrating material culture. Ball, John Notes of a naturalist in South Amer¬ ica, London, 1887. Dr. Ball states (p. 242) that he saw no Fue¬ gians at all on his trip. His book contains only a paragraph on the natives (pp. 260-261). He was told (p. 261) by Dr. Fenton, an old resident of Punta Arenas, that it seems a wellattested fact that the Canoe Indians when in danger from a rough sea throw an infant overboard. This statement, however, needs confirmation (cf. Subject Bibliography, p. 153). Bancarel, Fr. Collection abregee des voyages an- ciens et modernes autour du monde, 12 vols., Paris, 1808-9. Contains abstracts of the following voyages: Drake’s (World encompassed), Cavendish’s (from Pretty), van Noort’s, van Speilbergen’s, Bancarel, Fr. — Continued L’Hermite’s, Clipperton’s, vol. ii; Wallis’, vol. iv. The Fuegian anthropological data are given verbatim in the following voyages: Byron’s, vol. vi; Bougainville’s, vol. vn; Cook’s first, vol. vm; Cook’s second, vol. ix. Banks, Joseph Journal of the Right Honourable Sir Joseph Banks during Captain Cook’s first voyage in II . M. S. Endeavor in 1768-71, ed. by Sir Joseph D. Hooker, London, 1896. Cf. Hawkesworth. Contains (pp. 49-50, 55-56, 58-61) the best description that has come down to us of the Onas, very probably Manekenkn, met by Capt. Cook’s first expedition in Jan., 1769, at Good Success Bay. On p. 60 two words lialleca, “beads,” and ooudci, “water.” The latter seems to be Mane- kenkn rather than Shilk’nam. Barclay, William S. (а) The land of Magellanes, with some account of the Ona and other Indians. (In Geogr. jour., London, Jan., .1904, xxm, no. 1, pp. 62-79.) Contains a quite long and detailed accoimt of nearly all phases of Ona culture (pp. 68-79), to¬ gether with a few brief notes on the Yahgans and Alacaluf (pp. 63-66). (б) Life in Tierra del Fuego. (In Nineteenth century and after, London, Jan.-June, 1904, lv, 97-106.) Covers nearly the same ground as the preced¬ ing article but somewhat less fully. (c) At the world’s end, being an account of the now almost extinct Canoe-dwellers and other tribes of Tierra del Fuego. (In Supplement to Illustrated London news, Jan. 30, 1904, cxxiv, pp. i-iv.) Covers the same ground as the preceding arti¬ cles, lacking, however, some details; contains an Ona legend and a few notes on the Yahgans, not fotmd in (a) and (6); also several excellent photo¬ graphs and sketches. The foregoing articles are important contribu¬ tions to our knowledge of the Onas. They are . based on somewhat limited personal observation during a visit to eastern Fuegia from Jan. 25 to the end of Feb., 1902, but chiefly (according to Dr. Dabbene, a, p. 78, who traveled with Mr. Barclay) on information furnished by Mr. Lucas Bridges (q. v.). Bargas, Ignacio. 1779-80 See Francisco Menendez. Barmon, de Esquisse d’un voyage au detroit de Magellan. (In Soc. imper. acad. de Cherbourg , seance 4 juil., 1862.) (Ref¬ erence from Anrique, p. 393.) cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 69 Barros Arana, Diego (а) Los Fueguinos. (In La Lcctura, Santiago de Chile, 1884, i, 3-5.) (Ref¬ erence from Porter, p. 409.) (б) Historia jeneral de Chile, 16 vols., Santiago, 1884-1902. Contains (i, 39-48) an account of the Fuegian aborigines based on written sources and dealing almost exclusively with the Yahgans and Alaca- luf. The description of the other Chilean abo¬ rigines (i, 49-114) gives passim some notes on Chonoan culture. Bartels, Max See Ploss, b. Bastian, Philipp Wilhelm Adolf Die Culturliinder des alten America, 3 vols., Berlin, 1878-1889. The account in vol. i (pp. 17-18) of the Onas seemingly is based not on personal observation by Prof. Bastian, but on information given him by colonists who came aboard the vessel at Punta Arenas. The data on Fuegian religion (p. 18) have to be used with caution. The author passed through the Strait in 1875. Beauchesne-Gouin. 1699 See Marcel, a, c, de Villefort. Beauregard, Ollivier Sur les tribus qui habitent la Terre de Feu. (In Bull. Soc. d'anthr. de Paris , 1882, 3d ser. v, 672-674.) An unimportant quotation from an article by Capt. Bove in La Nacidn, of Buenos Aires, Sept. 22, 1882. Very brief data on the Yahgans, Ala- caluf, and Onas. Beauvoir, Jose Maria (а) Pequeno diccionario del idioma fueguino-ona con su correspondiente castellano, Buenos Aires (1901). Contains 1,876 common Ona words, 76 sen¬ tences and phrases, and a few additional words, 132 proper names, and the Lord’s Prayer in Ona. The vocabulary is preceded by a few remarks on Ona religion and mythology (p. 6) and by a com¬ parative Yahgan-Alacaluf-Ona vocabulary of 41 words (pp. 7-8). Inserts after pp. 4 and 36 give accounts of the groups of natives exhibited at Paris in 1889 and at Genoa in 1892. In the comparative vocabulary the Yahgan and most of the Alacaluf words seem to have been taken from Hyades, q, and Fitz-Roy, 5, the remaining Alacalufan words presumably from the Dawson Island natives. Father Beauvoir’s earlier Ona dictionary has been superseded by his later one, described below. (б) Los Shelknam: Indfgenas de la Tierra del Fuego, Buenos Aires, 1915. The most important published work on the Ona language. The most valuable parts of the Beauvoir, Jose Maria — Continued book are the extensive vocabulary of more than 4,000 words (Ona-Spanish, pp. 19-76; Spanish- Ona, pp. 109-161) and the large collection of 1,400 Ona sentences with their Spanish translation (pp. 79-104). In addition the following linguis¬ tic material is given: Ona pronunciation and accent (pp. 1-4); a few notes on Ona grammar (pp. 4-9 and passim in “frasario,” pp. 79-104); the Lord’s Prayer and Angelical Salutation in Ona (p. 77); more than 400 Ona proper names and the meaning of 85 proper names (pp. 163-170); an extensive list of Ona local names (pp. 220-225); 211 Haus words (pp. 171-173); an Ona-Tehuelche comparative vocabulary of 110 words (pp. 179- 181); Ona-Tehuelche numerals and cardinal points (pp. 195-196); an extensive list of about 1,000 Tehuelche words, and 45 phrases and sen¬ tences (pp. 183-193, 197-198); a comparative Ona- Yahgan- Alacaluf vocabulary of 103 words (pp. 15-17). The Haus or Manekenkn vocabulary, to judge by Mr. Lucas Bridges’ list, would seem to be pure or nearly pure Shelknam. See comment under Cojazzi. The Yahgan and Alacaluf words in the comparative vocabulary on pp. 15-17 are ap¬ parently taken from Hyades, q. Father Beauvoir also gives a brief summary of Ona culture (pp. 201-212, 217-220). Many photo¬ graphs illustrating environment, physical type, and culture. Father Beauvoir began his studies among the Onas in 1892, and as a missionary among them from 1893 until recently had ample opportunity to gather much information regarding their lan¬ guage. lie had as principal interpreters two Onas, Jose Luis Miguel Kalapacte, who spoke Spanish well, and Jose Tomas Ven Paschol. With the former he was intimately and daily associated for fourteen years. Father- Beauvoir also acknowledges his indebtedness to his con¬ freres of the Salbsian missions, particularly to Father Juan Zenone, who has been with the mission Onas, especially the children, since 1894, and who has a fair speaking knowledge of the language. What Father Beauvoir wrote of the Pequeno diccionario would no doubt apply to his larger work as well: “Estas palabras por haberlas oido muchas vecesen sus conversaciones familiares, y entendido bien por habermelas hecho explicar por Indios que allegados a noso- tros, comprendian suficientemente nucstro idio¬ ma, hasta lo hablaban y escribjan, tengo una seguridad moral de que los vocablos contenidos en este Diccionario tienen realmente el signifi- cado que se les da en la lengua Castellana” (a, p. 3). Beazley, Charles Raymond, ed. (а) Voyages and travels, 2 vols., Westminster, 1903. Contains (I, 281-291) Pretty’s account of the voyage of Cavendish in 1587. (б) Voyages of the Elizabethan sea¬ men, Oxford, 1907. Contains Drake’s Famous voyage. 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l BULL. G3 Becerra, W. En la Tierra del Fuego: Esploracion al pals de los Onas: La bahla Inutil. (In Revista de marina, Valparaiso, 1898, xxv, 1706-1724, 1728 ff.) The first section contains nothing of value to the anthropologist; but the second, to which I had not access, gives an account of the natives and “un estenso vocabulario ” (Anrique, p. 449). Benignus, Siegfried In Chile, Patagonien und auf Feuer- land, Berlin, 1912. Contains a fairly good account (pp. 229-236) of Ona culture, and a shorter one (pp. 236-244) of Yahgan and Alacalufan. Five Yahgan words on p. 243, from Capt. Bove’s vocabulary. The author seemingly had not much personal con¬ tact with the Fuegian natives. Nine photo¬ graphs, chiefly of Ona types. Beranger, Carlos de Relacion jeografica de la provincia de Chiloe, San Carlos, 1773. Ed. with introd. and notes by Nicholas Anrique R., Santiago de Chile, 1893. Contains (pp. 13-14, 16) interesting notes on the territory and culture of the Chonos, with further data from the early sources added by the editor. Beranger had not visited the Chonos in their native islands, but as governor of Chiloe had some knowledge of them. Bermondy, Theoph, Les Patagons, les Fuega-ns et les Araucans. (In Arch. Soc. americaine de France, Paris, 1875, n. s. i, 355-366.) Contains a fair description of the Fuegians based on the then extant sources, and an unim¬ portant discussion of the interrelations of the tribes of extreme southern South America. Betagh, William A voyage round the world : Being an account of a remarkable enterprise, be¬ gun in the year 1719, chiefly to cruise on the Spaniards in the great South Ocean, London, 1728; abstr. in Henry, vol. ii ; in Kerr, vol. x; in Bancarel, vol. II. Contains (pp. 79-81, 85) brief though sympa¬ thetic accounts, quoted verbatim from the jour¬ nal of Capt. Clipperton’s chief mate, George Taylor, of the natives, probably Alacaluf, met casually in June-July, 1719, at points in the Strait between Elizabeth Island and Cape Quod. Betagh was captain of marines on Clip¬ perton’s vessel, the Success. Bischoff, Theodor von (a) Die Feuerlander in Europa, Bonn, 1882. Bischoff, Theodor von — Continued This small brochure contains unimportant notes on the mentality, morality, and religion of the Alacaluf, based on observation of the Hagen- beck group exhibited in Europe. Stature meas¬ urements on p. 3. (6) Bemerkung fiber die Geschleclits- verhaltnisse der Feuerlander. (In Sitz- ungsber. d. Math.-phys. Classe d. Jcgl. bayer. Ahad. d. Wissensch., Miinchen, 1882, xii, 243-246.) A study of Alacalufan sexual anatomy and physiology, based on observation of the same group. (c) Weitere Bemerkungen fiber die Feuerlander. (Ibid., pp. 356-368.) Anatomical data obtained from the post¬ mortem examination of the sexual and some \ other organs of two women of the same group; also (p. 368) stature measurements and brain weight of same two women and of one man. 1 plate. Cf. Seitz, a and 6. Bizemont, H. de Moeurs et coutumes des habitants de la Terre de Feu. (In Exploration, Paris, 1883, vol. xv.) (Reference from Dabbene.) Bohr Besuch von Feuerlandern am bord S. M. S. Hansa. (In Verb. Berlin. Ges. f. Anthr. u. s. w., 1881, pp. [30]— 31.) A short description of some Alacaluf met in their canoe on J uly ?9, 1879, about 30 miles west of Cape Froward. Dr. Bohr, a naval surgeon, measured the heads (breadth, length, circum¬ ference) of three and the stature of four of the Alacaluf men who came aboard. Bollettino salesiano. Periodico della Pia unione dei cooperatori di Dom Bosco. Published monthly, Turin, Italy, 1877-, and printed in 8 languages. The official organ of the Salesian fathers, an increasingly important source of first-hand in¬ formation on the Onas and Alacaluf; compara¬ tively little about the Yahgans. The Salesians have been established in Alacalufan territory since 1889 and in Onan since 1892. With the exception of the Bridges and Lawrence brothers, few if any white men have had better opportuni¬ ties for studying the Onas and Alacaluf at first hand. Frequent contributions of anthropo¬ logical value have been published in the Bollet¬ tino since 1887 by Mgr. Fagnano, Fathers Beau¬ voir, Borgatello, Rossi, Renzi, Zenone, and others. Most of the recent numbers contain photographs. Dr. Cojazzi (q. v.) has gleaned all the above scattered anthropological material and published it in his recent valuable work. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 71 Bollinger Ueber die Feuerlander. (In Cor- resp.-Blatt Deutsch. Ges. f. Anthr. u. s. w., Miinchen, Apr. 1884, xv, 25-27.) A r6sum6 of Dr. Seitz’s article in Virchow’s A rchiv, vol. xci. Borgatello, Maggiorino Vocabulario comparativo Alacaluf, Ona, Tehuelce. MS. An extensive and important vocabulary, the Alacaluf section of which is published in Dr. Co- jazzi’s work (pp. 125-140). (Cf. also ibid., pp. 16- 17.) Father Borgatello has spent many years among the eastern Fuegians. Dr. Cojazzi writes me under date of March 25, 1915, as follows: “ Father Borgatello gathered the Alacaluf vocab¬ ulary by questioning patiently the children and adults of the mission of S. Raffaele on Dawson Island, where there were numerous Alacaluf. ... lie does not speak their language fluently, but knows it fairly well, as does also a lay brother named Juan Xikora. The latter can speak Ala¬ caluf, although with a little difficulty.” Dr. Cojazzi adds that the natives speak Spanish, and that Brother Xikora assisted Father Borgatello in gathering the vocabulary. The list given in Dr. Cojazzi’s book is the most extensive of the Alacaluf tongue thus far published; it comprises 455 words and 137 sentences, phrases, and pro¬ nouns. Bossi, Bartolome (а) Yiaje descriptivo de Montevideo a Valparaiso, Santiago de Chile, 1874, 54 pp. (Reference from Anrique, pp. 576-577.) (б) El vapor Charrua en el Paclfico y regiones magallanicas, Buenos Aires, 1880, 74 pp. (Reference from Anrique, p. 577.) (c) Esploracion de la Tierra del Fuego con el vapor oriental Charrua, Montevideo, 1882, 59 pp. (Reference from Pet. Mitt., 1882, xxvm, 393.) The brochure mentioned in Boll. Soc. geogr. ital., 1883, p. 941, is seemingly an Italian transla¬ tion of the preceding. The last work, chiefly of hydrographical and geological interest, is an account of a two months’ trip in Mar.-Apr., 1882 (Pet. Mitt., loc. cit.). Capt. Bossi’s contributions to Fuegian anthro¬ pology are not, it seems, important. Bougainville, Louis Antoine de Voyage autour du monde, par la fregate du roi la Boudeuse, et la flute l’Etoile; en 1766, 1767, 1768 & 1769, 2d enlarged ed., 2 vols., Paris, 1772; Montemont, vol. iv; Bancarel, vol. vn; G4028°— Bull. 63—17 - 6 Bougainville, Louis Antoine de — Contd. Prevost, vol. xx; Engl. tr. by J. R. Forster, London, 1772; Dutch tr., Dordrecht, 1772 (Tiele, b, p. 45, no. 177); abstr., Henry, vol. iv; descrip¬ tion of Pecherais in Hatin. Contains (i, 289-303) the well-known account of the Pecherais (Alacaluf) met at Port Gallant in 1768. The description of the native medicine¬ man and his methods on pp. 297-302 is especially valuable. A few unimportant notes passim, I, 78-80, 276. Bourne, Benjamin Franklin The captive in Patagonia; or Life among the giants, Boston, 1853; Lon¬ don, 1853. Unimportant for Fuegian anthropology. Contains nothing except (pp. 204-205 of Boston ed.) a mere mention of some Canoe Indians seen at a distance, and (p. 148 of Boston ed.; p. 107 of London ed.) a statement that the author was told by a person met at the Chilean penal settlement that the Fuegians used poisoned arrows. This error has recently been revived by Mr. H. Hes- keth Prichard (q. v.). Bove, Giacomo (a) Viaggio alia Patagonia ed alia Terra del Fuoco. (In Nuova antologia di scienze, lettere ed arti, Roma, 15 die., 1882, lxvi, 2d ser. xxxvi, 733-801.) ( b ) La spedizione antartica. (In Boll. Soc. geogr. ital., Roma, 1883, xx, 2d ser. vm, 5-60, 96-113, and especially 132-147; Engl. tr. in S. Amer. miss, mag., London, 1883-84.) (c) Expedition austral argentina: In¬ formes prelim inares presentados a S. S. E. E. los ministros del Interior y de Guerra y Marina de la Republica Ar¬ gentina, Buenos Aires, 1883. (d) Patagonia, Terra del Fuoco, Mari Australi, Genova, 1883, 150 pp. (Ref¬ erence from Arch, per Vantrop. e Vetnol., Firenze, 1882, xii, 287-299, which re¬ prints in full the somatological and cul¬ tural sections.) The four preceding papers contain a very im¬ portant contribution to our knowledge of Yahgan culture and give a few good notes passim on Ala- calufan and Onan culture. The cultural sec¬ tions in a, b, and d are identical word for word; that in c is slightly abbreviated and summarized. Stature measurements of 33 Yahgans are given in b (p. 144), in c (p. 166), and in d, Arch, reprint (p. 289). A vocabulary of 171 words in Yahgan is given in b (pp. 145-147), and the same vocabu¬ lary, with 16 additional words, in c (pp. 161-165). Ethnological map in b, c, and probably in d. 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l BULL. 03 Bove, Giacomo — Continued (e) Giacomo Bove fiber die Feuer- lander. (In Globus , Braunschweig, Jan -June, 1883, xliii, 156-159.) A summary of the Fuegian cultural data gath¬ ered from Capt. Bove’s publications. The stature measurements and vocabulary are omitted. (/) Yiaggio alia Terra del Fuoco, Roma, 1884, 102 pp. (Reference from Anrique. p. 418.) See also Cora, Keane, a, and von Feilitzen, articles from Capt. Bove’s publications. Capt. Bove’s studies are among our most im¬ portant sources for Yahgan culture and to a lesser extent for Yahgan linguistics and soma¬ tology. His observations were confined almost exclusively to the Yahgans during the two months he spent in eastern Fuegia from May 1 to the end of June, 1882. During this time he had almost continuous contact with theYahgans, but very slight acquaintance with the Ona and Alacaluf. He was an exact and careful ob¬ server. Although not previously familiar with the Yahgan language, he had the advantage of native interpreters and the still greater advan¬ tage of drawing on the intimate knowledge of the elder Bridges and the other missionaries of Ushuaia, to whom, as he states, he was indebted for a “ great part” of his material, both cultural and linguistic. Capt. Bove made a second visit to Fuegia in Feb .-Apr., 1884, but the papers listed above, with the exception perhaps of /, are based on studies made during the first trip. The human skulls and skeletons brought back by Capt. Bove were carefully studied by Drs. Mantegazza and Re¬ galia and by Prof. Sergi; the artifacts by Drs. Colini and Lovisato (qq. v.). It may be added that Capt. Bove’s vocabulary was apparently intended as a corrective of Admiral Fitz-Roy’s Tekeenica list, as the former gives equivalents only of English words found in the latter. Brassey, Annie Allnutt Around the world in the yacht ‘ Sun¬ beam,’ New York, 1879, 1880; published in Boston, 1892, under title “A voyage in the ‘ Sunbeam’ Fr. tr. (according to Dabbene), Tours, 1885. Contains a few unimportant notes (pp. 119-129 passim, 137-138, of 1879 ed.) by a good observer,’ of three women (Alacaluf?) seen at Punta Arenas and of Alacaluf met in canoes in English Reach and near Eden Harbor in 1876. The Voyages and Travels of Lord Brassey from 1862 to 1894, 2 vols., London-New York, 1895, contains only one sentence about the same English Reach group. Bridges, Despard See Bridges, Thomas, t. Bridges, Lucas (a) Vocabulario y fiases de la lengua de los Onas. MS. 32 pp. (Reference from Mitre, i, 164.) The most important as well as the most ex¬ tensive or next most extensive Ona (Shilk’nam) dictionary extant. It contains, according to the Rev. Thomas Bridges’ letter to General Mitre, “algunos miles” words; it is in the Museo Mitre, Buenos Aires. ( b ) Vocabulario Ona (Manekenkn). MS. (Reference from Lehmann-Nit- eche, d, p. 241.) This important vocabulary is our chief source for the language of the nearly extinct Onas of the extreme southeastern peninsula of Tierra del Fuego Island. 97 words from the manuscript in the possession of Dr. Samuel A. Lafone Que- vedo have been published by Dr. Lehmann- Nitsche, d, pp. 242-276 passim. Mr. Lucas Bridges, a son of the Rev. Thomas Bridges, was born in Tierra del Fuego, and with his brother William has spent his whole life in intimate and friendly familiarity with the Onas and to a lesser extent with the Yahgans. He speaks the Ona (Shilk’nam) tongue fluently, and according to Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche (d, p. 233, note 1) also some Yahgan. He is a blood member of the Shilk’nam tribe and has the privilege of sitting in the council house (Fur¬ long, k). The Bridges brothers are the best living first¬ hand authorities on Ona culture. They have, so far as I can discover, published no comprehensive detailed accounts of Ona culture, but their inti¬ mate knowledge has been drawn upon exten¬ sively by Barclay, Cojazzi, Fr. Cook, Furlong, Gallardo, Holmberg, O. Nordenskjold, Tonelli. With the exception of the Salesians, they are almost our sole original living sources for the study of Ona social, moral, and religious culture. Cf. also letter by Mr. Lucas Bridges quoted by Mr. Young. Bridges, Thomas (a) Manners and customs of the Fire- landers. (In A voice for South Amer¬ ica, London, 1866, xiii, 181ff; Fr. tr. by Hyades in Bull. Soc. d'anthr. de Paris , 1884, 3d ser. vii, 169-183.) An important account of Yahgan social, moral, and religious culture. Some Yahgan words passim. This article was written before Mr. Bridges took up his residence at Ushuaia. It is based on data gathered from the Yahgans who had been living at Keppel Island Mission in the Falklands. In 1866 Mr. Bridges had had eight years of contact with mission Yahgans in addition to at least one short visit to Fuegia and had been assiduously studying their language for at least four years. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 73 Bridges, Thomas — Continued (b) Extracts from Journal, and Let¬ ters. (In The voice of pity for South America [continued as A voice for South America and The South American mis¬ sionary magazine ] intermittently from about 1862 to 1898, almost monthly from at least 1871 to 1886.) These extracts and letters are largely profes¬ sional missionary reports, hut many contain im¬ portant data on Yahgan material culture, and are invaluable for the study of Yahgan mentality, character, and morality. Nearly all the anthro¬ pological material contained in them is more easily accessible in the author’s other papers. Some Yahgan words passim. (c) The natives of Tierra del Fuego. (In Mission life, London, 1877, n. s. viii, pt. 1, 109-115; published origi¬ nally in S. Ainer. miss, mag., Dec. 1, 1875, pp. 214-221.) Chiefly of value for the study of Yahgan char¬ acter and morality. (d) The Yahgans of Tierra del Fuego. (In Jour. Anthr. inst., London, 1885, xiv, 288-289.) An extract from a letter to Prof. Flower dated Ooshooia Aug. 24, 1884, giving descriptive soma- tological notes on the Yahgans and the results of a very careful census of the Yahgans made by Mr. Bridges in June, 1884. (e) Das Feuerland und seine Bewoh- ner. (In Globus , Braunschweig, 1885, xlvii, no. 21, 331-333.) Chiefly on Yahgan social, moral, and religious culture, with very brief notes on the general cul¬ ture and language of all three Fucgian tribes. (/) La Tierra del Fuego i bus habi- tantes. (In El Ferrocaril, Santiago de Chile, 1886.) (Deference from Anri- que, p. 420.) Includes, according to Drs. Anrique (p. 420) and Porter (p. 412), copious data on the life and customs of the natives, together with vocabu¬ laries. (g) Account of the Fuegians and their country. (In Flores parish magazine, Buenos Aires, Sept., 1886, pp. 183-185.) (Reference from Hyades.) (h) El confin sur de la Republica: La Tierra del Fuego y sus habitantes. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., Buenos Aires, 1886, vn, cuad. 9, pp. 200-212.) A succinct and excellent account of Yahgan culture in nearly all its phases, together with some notes on Y ahgan grammar. Some Y ahgan words passim. The article also contains a few Bridges, Thomas — Continued remarks on the Onas and an account of Fuegian flora, fauna, etc. (i) Memoire inedit, 1886. MS. Apparently Mr. Bridges’ most comprehensive paper on the culture of the Yahgans, Alaealuf, and Onas. It is used and quoted extensively by Dr. Hyades, q. (j) Datos sobre Tierra del Fuego. (In Rev. Museo de La Plata, La Plata, 1892, hi, 19-32, 313-320.) These letters from Mr. Bridges, published in English, contain some important data bearing on the material culture of the Yahgans and Alaealuf. (1c,) La Tierra del Fuego y sus habi¬ tantes. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., 1893, xiv, cuad. 5-8, pp. 221-241.) A condensed, comprehensive account of many phases of Yahgan psychical culture — one of the author’s most important papers. It includes some very short notes on Yahgan grammar and passim many Yahgan words. On pp. 22L232 is a description of Fuegian flora, fauna, climate, etc. ( l ) Dictionary of the Yahgan lan¬ guage, 2 vols., completed July 5, 1879. MSS. By far the most important extant Yahgan vocabulary, containing, according to a letter from the compiler quoted in the S. Amcr. miss, mag., 1912, XL vi, 77, 1,081 pages and about 32,430 words. The MSS., brought back by the Belgica expedi¬ tion, are now being prepared for publication by Father Hestermann, S. V. D. For details, see Denuce, Hestermann, a, and Furlong, p. “ I was informed,” Prof. Furlong says ( k ), “by Mr. Wil¬ liam Bridges, a rancher of Tierra-del-Fu6go, that his father, the Rev. Thomas Bridges, incorpo¬ rated between 500 and GOO words of Haush in his ‘Anglo- Yahgan Dictionary and Grammar’ under the heading of ‘ Eastern Ona.’ ” (m) Gospl Looc Ecamanwaci: The gospel of St. Luke translated into the Yahgan language, London, 1881. This is the first text of any length ever pub¬ lished in the Yahgan tongue. ( n ) Aposbndian Wushtwagu: The Acts of the Apostles translated into the Yahgan language, London, 1883. (o) Gospel Jon Ecamanwaci: The gospel of St. John translated into the Yahgan language, London, 1886. All three of the foregoing publications were published anonymously. They were printed for the British and Foreign Bible Society. Strangely enough, the last two translations have been en¬ tirely overlooked by almost all students of Fue¬ gian linguistics. The Bureau of American Eth¬ nology library at Washington possesses copies of all three texts. 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. G3 Bridges, Thomas — Continued ( p ) A few notes on the structure of Yahgan. (In Jour. Anthr. inst ., Lon¬ don, Aug., 1893, xxiii, 53-80.) Under this modest title the Rev. Mr. Bridges gives a comprehensive outline of Yahgan gram¬ mar, probably the most important extant treatise on the subject. The paper includes passim a great number of Yahgan words. (q) [Ten letters giving a short ac¬ count of Yahgan grammar.] MSS. These letters were utilized by Dr. Garbe and are perhaps the manuscript notes of which Dr. Ellis speaks and which he used. (r) Letter to Gen. Mitre, dated April 28, 1898. (Quoted in extenso in Mitre, vol. i, pp. 161-162.) Contains Mr. Bridges’ last written remarks on the Fuegian languages in general and on Yahgan grammar in particular. (s) Vocabulary of the Ona language. MS. (Reference from S. Amcr. miss, mag., Oct. 1, 1884, p. 223; cf. also Hyades, l p. 717; Th. Bridges, j, p. 316.) At that time it contained about 1,200 words. It has been superseded by and perhaps incor¬ porated in Mr. Lucas Bridges’ vocabularies (q. v.). (t) Vocabulary of the Alaculoof lan¬ guage. MS. (Reference from S. Amer. miss, mag., Oct. 1, 1884, p. 223; cf. also Th. Bridges, e, p. 331.) A vocabulary of about the same length as the preceding. It was compiled in collaboration with Mr. Bridges’ son Despard. The Rev. Mr. Bridges had begun researches in Alacalufan as early as 1874 (6, Feb. 2, 1874, p. 27), but nine years later had not progressed far (Hyades, q, p. 13). I can find no further trace of this very important manuscript. The Rev. Thomas Bridges was easily the most important first-hand authority on the Yahgans’ language and culture, especially their social, moral, and religious culture. His contributions to our knowledge of the Alacaluf and Onas are of considerably less importance. He was, however^ the first to make clear the tribal relationships in the Fuegian archipelago. Mr. Bridges first came into contact with the Yahgans in 1858 at the Keppel Island Mission in the Falkland Islands, whither he had come in 1856 as the adopted son of the Rev. Mr. Despard. On the latter’s departure for England in 1862, Mr. Bridges was left in charge of the mission Yahgans, of whose language he then began, or perhaps had already begun, a thorough study. After occasional visits to Fuegia from 1863 on, he took up permanent residence at Ushuaia in the heart of the Yahgan territory and at a time Bridges, Thomas — Continued when the natives were comparatively un¬ touched by the white man’s culture. He re¬ mained continuously at Ushuaia from the time of his arrival there late in 1869 or early in 1870 until 1886, when he resigned from the South American Missionary Society and removed to Harberton [ Downeast] about 30-35 miles east of U shuaia on B eagle Channel . He lived here until his death in 1898. During these forty years he was in almost daily contact with the Yahgans, whose friendship, respect, and confidence he retained throughout and over whom he exercised a considerable authority. He had very much less contact with the Onas, and still less with the Alacaluf. Some few of the latter were usually to be found living among the Yahgans, and from time to time some of them visited Ushuaia. He also made a short trip into their territory in 1886. He met the Onas for the first time in 1875 at Good Success Bay. In the eighties he came into closer touch with them, probably both Shilk’nam and Manekenkn, especially after his removal to Harberton. He spoke the Yahgan tongue fluently, but did not acquire a speaking knowledge of either Ona or Alacaluf. He had had professional training neither in philology nor cultural anthropology, — perhaps not a disadvantage under the circum¬ stances, for he approached his subject with an open mind that was at the same time interested, alert, and cautious, as well as keen and exact. The fund of information stored up by him and by his confreres was largely drawn upon by Bove, Lovisato, Spegazzini, Martial, Hyades, and other later writers on Fuegian anthropology. Brine, Lindesay Travels amongst American Indians, their ancient earthworks and temples, London, 1894. Contains (p. 148) meager notes on some Ala¬ caluf met casually in Jan., 1877, at Churruca Bay in the western Strait. Measurements of men: Stature, average under 5 ft., minimum 4 ft. 9 in., maximum 5 ft. 2 in.; chest, 34 to 35 in. Brinton, Daniel Garrison (а) Races and peoples, New York, 1890. Contains an unimportant descriptive para¬ graph on the Fuegians (p. 271). (б) ’ Essays of an Americanist, Phila¬ delphia, 1890. Contains (pp. 39-40) a short note from Darwin on physical resemblance of Fuegians to Botocu- dos, and (p. 338) a refutation of Prof. Max Mul¬ ler’s assertion that the Yahgans’ 30,000-word vocabulary betokens a former higher culture. (c) The American race, New York, 1891. The sections dealing with the Chonos (pp. 325-327), based largely on Del Techo, and with the other Fuegians (pp. 329-332) need consider¬ able revision in the light of more recent studies— coorEu] bibliography of tribes of tierra del fijego 75 Brinton, Daniel Garrison — Continued on the following points in particular: Chonoan and other Fuegian tribal names and divisions, classification of Chonos with Araucanians, dates of first mission among Chonos and of removal of Chonos to Chaulanec, remarks about family af¬ fection, the bolas and woven baskets that hold water, etc. On p. 364 a comparative vocabulary of 21 words, the Alacalufan section from Fitz-Roy, the Yahgan apparently from Bridges and Fitz¬ Roy. Dr. Brinton (p. 332) found no verbal re¬ semblance between the Fuegian and Tapuyan languages. (d) Studies in South American na¬ tive languages. (In Proc. Amer. philos. soc., Philadelphia, 1892, xxx, 45-105; repr., ibid., 1892.) Reproduces the Alacalufan and Yahgan vo¬ cabularies from the preceding work. ( e ) Further notes on Fuegian lan¬ guages. (Ibid., pp. 249-254.) A notice of La Guilbaudiere’s vocabulary of which 22 words are given on p. 250, and a com- • parison of Yahgan words with Dr. Segers’ Ona vocabulary, which is given nearly in full on pp. 252-253. Dr. Brinton’s conclusion that the Onas are linguistically nearer to the Yahgans than to the Tehuelches is explained by the fact that Dr. Segers’ list contains many errors and many Yahgan words (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, p. 237). Brosses, Charles de Histoire des navigations aux terres australes, 2 vols., Paris, 1756; Engl, tr., by John Callander, 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1766-1768; Germ, tr., by Johann Chris¬ toph Adelung, Halle, 1767. From the anthropologist’s standpoint perhaps the most satisfactory extant history - of the first two centuries and a quarter of Magellanic ex¬ ploration. De Brosses paraphrases or quotes verbatim practically all the Fuegian anthropo¬ logical material found in the original documents to which he had access. In the following sum¬ mary of contents the pages of the French edition on which references to the Fuegians occur are given. Vol. i: Magellan, 138; Loaysa, 152; Alcazaba, 164-165; Drake, 186, 188-189; Sarmiento, 200-216 passim; Cavendish, 224 , 229, 231, 233; Chidley, 234; Hawkins, 245; de Cordes and de Weert, 278-280, 283-287; van Noort, 296-299, 301; van Speilbergen, 344; the Nodals, 423-424; L’Her- mite, 439, 440-446. Vol. n: Narbrough, 30-36, 41; Sharp, 44-45; de Gennes, 107, 109, 111; Beau- chesne-Gouin, 11.5-118, 120; Frezier, 208-209, 211-212; Labarbinais, 220-221; Anson, 284-290; Labbe, 434-435; Nyel, 438-439. For the voyages of Ladrillero, Cortes Hojea, and Sarmiento, de Brosses had not access to the important original documents. Brouwer, Hendrick Journael ende historis verliael van de reyse gedaen by ooaten de straet le Maire, naer de custen van Chili, onder het beleyt van den Heer Generael Hen¬ drick Brouwer inden jare 1643 voor- gevallen, Amsterdam, 1646; Germ. tr. (mentioned in Introd. to Span, tr., 1. c. infra, p. 4), 1649; Engl. tr. in Churchill, vol. i; Span, tr., in An. hidr .. mar. Chile , Santiago, 1892, xvi, 1-88. Brouwer saw some abandoned huts at Valen¬ tine Bay, but no natives. Here and there in his account of the Chilotes are a few cultural data common to the Chonos as well; not important. Brown, Robert The races of mankind, 4 vols., Lon- don-Paris-New York, 1873-1876. Contains (i, 310-313) an unimportant but fairly accurate, popular account of the Fuegians, based chiefly on Darwin, a, and Fitz-Roy, a. Brownell, Charles de Wolf The Indian races of North and South America, Cincinnati, 1853. Contains (pp. 630-636) a good but now out-of- date account of the Fuegian Canoe Indians, based chiefly on Prichard, Fitz-Roy, a, and Wilkes. Bruch, Carlos See Outes, d and e. Bry, Theodor,' and others , cel. Collectio peregrinationum in Indiam occidentalem, partes xiii (xiv), Franco- furti ad Moenuin, 1590-1634. Contains Latin and German translations of the following voyages: Cavendish’s (by Pretty), pt. vm, 1599; de Weert ’s and van Noort’s, pt. ix, 1601-2; van Speilbergen’s, pt. xi, 1620; L’Her- mite’s, Lat., pt. xni, 1634, Germ., pt. xiv. 1630. Bulkeley, John, and Cummins, John A voyage to the South-Seas, by His Majesty’s ship Wager, publ. anon., London, 1743; with authors’ names, ibid., 1743; repr. •London-Philadel- phia, 1757; Kerr, vol. xvii; abstr. in Prevost, xv, 363-384. Contains (anon, ed., pp. 17-18, 27-31, 58, 63-64, 97-98, 107; other 1743 ed: and repr. of 1757, pp. 22-24, 36-41, 77-78, 84-85, 130-131, 143-144) nu¬ merous data on the natives, very probably Chonos and Alacaluf, encountered in 1741 from Wager Island in the Guaianeco Archipelago to Cape Quod in the Strait. For further com¬ ments, see Byron, a. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULL. 63 70 Burney, James A chronological history of the voy¬ ages and discoveries in the South Sea or Pacific Ocean, 5 vols., London, 1803-1817. Burney omits much of the Fuegian anthro¬ pological material, and often leaves it out alto¬ gether, hut his work is invaluable as a means of general orientation for the study of the Magel¬ lanic explorers. Bynoe, Benjamin Journal. (Quoted in Fitz-Roy, a, pp. 197-199.) Contains a good description of a group of na¬ tives met in the Gulf of Trinidad on the second Beagle expedition. Of special interest is the de¬ tailed description of the unusually large plank boat they were using. It was nearly 30 feet long and 7 feet wide, with proportionate depth. Byron, John (a) The narrative of the Honourable John Byron (commodore in a late expe¬ dition round the world) containing an account of the great distresses suffered by himself and his companions on the coast of Patagonia, from the year 1740 till their arrival in England, 1746 (Loss of the Wager man of war), 2d ed., Lon¬ don, 1768; Dublin, 1822; Kerr, xvn; Sutcliffe; Germ, tr., Niirnberg, 1769 (Sabin, no. 9731); Span, tr., Santiago de Chile, 1901 (Anrique); anthropo¬ logical data extracted by Fitz-Roy, b, pp. 124-134. One of Anson’s fleet, the Wager, in command of Capt. Cheap, was wrecked in May, 1741, on the Guaianeco Islands. Some of the crew returned by way of the Strait (see Bulkeley and Cum¬ mins, and An affecting narrative); the rest re¬ mained on Wager Island until December, when they departed in two boats, one containing Lt. Hamilton, Mr. Alexander Campbell (q. v.) and six men, the other containing Capt. Cheap, Dr. Elliot, Byron, and nine men; but the survivors were obliged to return to Wager Island after two months. Hither a “Chono cacique” came and guided the party up to Chiloe by way of the Isthmus of Ofqui. The extensive, and in some respects impor¬ tant, cultural data scattered through the narra¬ tive (pp. 18, 32-35, 90-92, 103-107, 123-169 passim) are frequently quoted in later works as being certainly and indiscriminately Chonoan. Judg¬ ing from the circumstances as described and from the data given, it seems probable enough that the natives who visited the shipwrecked crew up to December, 1741, were from the vicinity of the Byron, John — Continued Gulf of Penas and consequently, as Father Garcia’s Diario shows, Chonos. But what the later group were who guided Byron up to Chilod is more problematical; it looks as if these latter were either Chonos who had settled on southern Chilod, or were of mixed Chonoan and Chilotan blood, or else were a party of mixed Chonos and Chilotans. Byron (p. 103) and Alex. Campbell (p. 60) both call the “ cacique” a Chono, but he appears to have been a native of Chiloe (A. Campbell, p. 52) and, besides speaking Spanish, held office under the colonial government (Byron, pp. 103-104; A. Campbell, p. 52); Byron, moreover, says that the “Chonos” live “in the neighborhood of Chiloe” (p. 103). This “cacique” had no authority over some at least of natives frequenting Wager Island district (Byron, pp. 106-107) but had authority among some of the village Indians in the southern part of Chiloti (Byron, pp. 171-172). He moreover “seemed to understand but little” of the language of some Indians met in canoe, probably near Aisen Inlet; “their language” . . . Byron adds, “sounded to us very different from what we had heard before” (pp. 166-167). On the other hand, most of the cultural data de- rived from observation of this group seem to be Chonoan, and Alex. Campbell makes the rather significant remark that the guttural language spoken by the Chono cacique and “Coucou” Indians who guided the shipwrecked party con¬ trasted noticeably with the euphonic Chilotan tongue (pp. 62, 74). Taking into account the foregoing points, there seems to be sufficient ground for quoting the anthropological data in Byron’s and Alex. Campbell’s narratives, even the data based on the cacique’s group of natives, as Chonoan — this the present writer has done in the Introduction and Subject Bibliography— but with some re¬ serve and caution against possible Chilotan in¬ fluence. As for the anthropological material given by Bulkeley and Cummins and the author of the Affecting narrative, some, based on obser¬ vation of the natives met near the western end of the Strait of Magellan and near Cape Quod, is pretty surely Alacalufan; the rest is very probably Chonoan. (6) An account of a voyage round the world in the years MDCGLXIV, MDCCLXY, and MDCCLXYI by the Honourable Commodore Byron in His Majesty’s ship the Dolphin. (In Ilawkesworth, i, q. v.) Contains (I, pp. 66-67, 72, 79-81) a few descrip¬ tive notes on Alacaluf met casually in Mar.- Apr., 1765, in the western part of the Strait be¬ tween Jerome Channel and Cape Upright. Byron was the first explorer to report the plank boat within the Strait proper (pp. 79-81). Cf. also Voyage round the world ... by an officer . . ., London, 1767. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OP TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 77 Campbell, Alexander The sequel to Bulkeley and Cum¬ mins’s voyage to the South-Seas: or, the Adventures of Capt. Cheap, the Hon. Mr. Byron, Lieut. Hamilton, Alexander Campbell, and others, late of H. M. S. the Wager , which was wreck’d on a desolate island in Lat. 47. S. Long. 81. 40. W. in the South-Seas, anno 1741, London, 1747; abstr. in Prevost, xv, 884-394. There are few copies extant, the work having been suppressed soon after publication; Sabin, no. 10205, gives a slightly different title. Campbell’s account of the natives encountered between the Guaianecos Islands and Chilo£ con¬ tains practically the same data as that of Byron (a), whose fortunes and misfortunes he shared from the time of the wreck of the Wager until their arrival in ChiloA The chief data of interest to the anthropologist are on pp. 19-20, 31-32, 52-54, 57-65, 74. Cf. discussion under Byron, a. [Campbell, George Douglas], Duke of Ar¬ gyll Primeval man: An examination of some recent speculations, London, 1869. . On pp. 167-173 the author defends the Fue- gians’ mental capacity and explains their present low culture as due to degeneration, quoting Darwin, a, for his facts. Canas Pinochet, Alejandro La geografia de la Tierra del Fuego y noticias de la antropologfa y etnografia de sus habitantes. (In Trabajos del IV° Congreso cientifico [7° Pan-ameri- cano ] 1908-1909, tomo xi, Ciencias natur., antrop. y etnol., i, Santiago de Chile, 1911, pp. 331-404.) In some respects an important work. The description of Yahgan, Alacalufan, and Onan culture is extensive and good, while that of psychical culture is very sympathetic, in fact almost an apologia. The cultural sections of the paper are based on personal observation, on in¬ formation derived from white residents in Fue- gia, and on written sources. Pages 384-393 treat of languages, the section on Yahgan being based on Adam and Garbe, though some of the words given on p. 387 were collected by the author him¬ self, and the section on Ona being derived from Beauvoir, a. Several long digressions are interpolated and exact references are unfortunately wanting. The copious quotations from Senoret (the Memorial), from Navarro A. (the articles in El Magallanes?), and from Beauvoir, a, make partly Canas Pinochet, Alejandro — Continued accessible some valuable material otherwise difficult to procure. The paper includes 11 plates, 10 being photos of Fuegian types. Carbajal, Lino Delvalle La Patagonia, 4 vols., S. Benign o Canavese, Italy, 1899-1900. Contains on p. 206 of vol. I a paragraph on Fuegian origins. Carfort, Rene Charles le Nepvou de [Four Yahgan melodies.] (In Mar¬ tial, p. 210, q. v.) Carpenter, Frank George South America, social, industrial, and political, Akron, Ohio, 1900. Contains on pp. 266-270 a description of Ala- caluf met casually in Smyth Channel, and on pp. 281-284 a paragraph on the Yahgans from Thomas Bridges and a good longer account of the Onas. Mr. Carpenter’s narrative is refreshingly free from the flippant stupidities by which the pages on Fuegian anthropology in so many recent popular and semipopular travel books on South America are marred. Carruccio, Antonio See Marchiafava. Carta sobre la muerte de Valdivia, 1554. (In Gay, Documentos, i, no. 16, pp. 176-178.) Contains on p. 177 very summary notes on the Patagonian Channel Indians, apparently those met by the Ulloa expedition in 1553-54. Cavendish [or Candish], Thomas. 1587, 1592. See Pretty for first voyage, Knivet and Jane for second. Censo de Chile de 1895. (Reference from Dabbene.) Contains, according to Dabbene, “algunos datos numericos y descriptivos de la poblacion indigena de la Tierra del Fuego.” Cevallos, Ciriaco de. (Quoted in Vargas Ponce, b .) Chaigneau, J. Federico (a) and J. M. Simpson. See J. M. Simpson, a. (b) and J. M. Simpson. See J. M. Simpson, b. (c) Jeograffa nautica de la Repub lica Arjentina, Santiago de Chile, 1896. Contains on pp. 12-13 some unimportant brief notes on the three Fuegian tribes, especially the Onas and Alacaluf. 78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Chamberlain, Alexander Francis (а) The present state of our knowl¬ edge concerning the three linguistic stocks of the region of Tierra del Fuego, South America. (In Amer. anthr., 1911, n. s. xiii, 89-98.) This important paper, largely based on Mitre, contains a critical discussion of most of the sources for the study of the Fuegian languages. (б) On the Puelehean and Tsonekan (Tehuelchean), the Atacamenan (Ata- caman), and Chonoan, and the Char- ruan linguistic stocks of South America. (Ibid., pp. 458-471.) The section on Chonoan (pp. 467-468), likewise based on Mitre, gives some of the sources for this little known tongue or dialect. Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche’s recent study makes it fairly clear that the two Ona dialects should be classified as’Tsonekan. On the evidence at hand the classification of the Chonoan as a distinct t linguistic stock is hazardous. It was certainly distinct from the Araucanian, but may have been akin to or identical with the Alacalufan. (Cf. review of evidence in Introduction to present bibliography.) Chastrey, Henry L’hygiene et la medecine chez les Fuegiens. (In Jour, d’ hygiene, Paris, 1899, xxiv, 253-256.) The most commendable feature of this highly imaginative article is its brevity. Some of the data may have been derived from Byron, a, or from Alex. Campbell. Chidley, John. 1590 See Magoths. Child, Theodore The Spanish-American republics, New York, 1891; Fr. tr., Paris, 1891. Contains (orig. pp. 245-249; Fr. tr., pp. 260- 265) a short description of some Alacaluf met casually in Smyth Channel. Churchill, Awnsham and John, ed. A collection of voyages and travels . . . , 2d ed., 6 vols., London, 1732. Contains translations of Brouwer’s narrative (i, 453-471) and ol Father Del Techo’s history (iv, 636-749). Cienfuegos, Maximo A proposito de una comunicacion del senor L. Navarro A. sobre los indios fueguinos. (In Ac As Soc. scient.du Chili, Santiago, 1894, iv, p. xcii.) A Fuegian man, woman, and child told Dr. Cienfuegos that the Fuegians practiced head de¬ formation. No traces, however, it may be noted, cf this custom have been discovered by students of Fuegian anthropology. Clark, Hyde The Yahgan Indians of Tierra del Fuego. (In Rep. Brit, assoc, adv. sci., 1883, p. 572; somewhat more detailed in Jour. Anthr. inst., London, 1885, xv, 159-160.) The author believed he could trace a kinship between the Yahgan and one of the African languages. Clipperton, John. 1719 See William Betagh. Cojazzi, Antonio Gli Indii dell’ arcipelago fueghino: Contributi al folk-lore e all’ etnografia dovuti alle missioni salesiane, Torino, 1911; Span, tr., lacking Borgatello vo¬ cabulary, in Rev . chilenade hist, y geogr., Santiago, 1914, ix, 288-352, x, 5-51. One of the most important recent contribu¬ tions to Fuegian anthropology, particularly in the fields of Ona social and religious culture and of Alacaluf and Ona linguistics. Of special in¬ terest for Ona culture are the detailed accounts of initiations (pp. 31-38), and of medicine-men, death and burial, and religion (pp. 67-76), and the most extensive published collection of about 18 myths and legends (pp. 76-92). On pp. 100- 104 are some valuable notes on the culture of the little known Haush tribe; the Haush vocabulary of 90 words and phrases is, however, judging by Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche’s comparative glossary, pure, or almost pure, Shilk’nam, rather than Manekenkn. The Haush woman from whom the words were gathered by Prof. Tonelli had been living among the Shilk’nam for a long time, so the Rev. Dr. Cojazzi writes me. Of special value for Fuegian linguistics are: Father Borgatello’s (q. v.) extensive Alacaluf vo¬ cabulary (pp. 125-140) of 592 words, phrases, and sentences; the important grammatical notes on Ona conjugation (pp. 93-94); Prof. Tonelli’s Ona glossary of 39 words, mostly denoting relation¬ ship (p. 95); some Yahgan words furnished by the Bridges brothers (pp. 113-114); a comparative Ona, Yahgan, and Alacaluf vocabulary of 40 words, from Beauvoir, a, with slight corrections (pp. 16-17); some Ona and Yahgan words passim. Dr. Cojazzi thoroughly culled and coordinated all the anthropological material on the Fuegians scattered through the Bollettino salesiano. His work is based, in addition, on data furnished by the Salesians, who have been on the ground since 1889 (1886), on personal study of their ex¬ tensive ethnological collection, including about 1,000 stone artifacts from Fuegia and Patagonia, at Valsalice, Turin, and on manuscript notes of Prof. Tonelli and Dr. Carbajal, Prof. Tonelli’s notes being, in turn, based on personal research . in Fuegia and on much information given him by Messrs. Lucas and William Bridges and by the missionaries of the Salesian stations. Many good photographs of Fuegian types and artifacts. COOrER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OP TRIBES OP TIERRA DEL PUEGO 79 Coleccion de historiadores de Chile y documentos relativos a la historia na- cional, Santiago, 1861-1910, vols. I-XXXIX. The following works in the collection contain material hearing on Fuegian and Chonoan an¬ thropology: Gdngora Marmolejo, 1862, vol. n; Olivares, 1874, vol. vn, 1901, vol. xxvi; Molina, a and b, 1878, vol. xi; Ovalle, 1888, vols. xu-xm; P6rez Garcia, 1900, xxn-xxm; Oviedo, 1901, vol. xxvn; Molina, c, 1901, vol. xxvi. Colini, Giuseppe Angelo Cronaca del museo preistorico-etno- grafico. (In Boll. Soc. geogr. ital., Roma, 1884, xxi, 2d ser. ix, fasc. 2, pp. 157-162, fasc. 3, pp. 237-240.) Extensive and valuable comments by a pro¬ fessional ethnologist on the artifacts, the majority Y ahgan but many Alacalufan and Onan, brought back by the Bove expedition. Some Yahgan words passim. Collection of voyages undertaken by the Dutch East-India Company, London, 1703. A translation from de Renneville of the first four voyages, including de Weert’s, in Commelin, 1645, vol. i. Collignon, Rene [Review of Mission du cap Horn, vol. vn.] (In Anthropologie, Paris, 1891, ii, 702-706.) An excellent synopsis of the results of Dr. Ilyades’ somatological researches among the Yahgans. Colvocoresses, George Musalas Four years in a government explor¬ ing expedition, New York, 1852. Contains (pp. 34-46, 38-42) good accounts of the Onas and especially of the Yahgans met at Good Success and Orange Bays, respectively, in Jan.-Feb., 1839. Lieut. Colvocoresses was a member of the Wilkes expedition. Cf. Wilkes, Pickering. Commelin, Izaak, ed. Begin ende voortgangh van de Vere- enighde Nederlantsche geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische compagnie, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1645; Fr. tr. by de Renne¬ ville, 5 vols., ibid., 1702-1706; Engl, tr. (of first four of the voyages, includ¬ ing de Weert’s), London, 1703. Contains the following voyages: de Weert’s, van Noort’s, vol. i; Speilbergen’s, L’Hermite’s, vol. II. Conway, William Martin Aconcagua and Tierra del Fuego, London, etc., 1902. Contains (pp. 194-195) meager notes on some Alacaluf met in Magdalen Channel, and on pp. 148-149, 191-193, further unimportant details on Onas and Alacaluf, not based on personal ob¬ servation. Cook, Frederick Albert (а) Through the first antarctic night 1898-99: A narrative of the voyage of the Belgica, New York, 1900. Chapter vm (pp. 98-118) contains a lengthy and excellent account, though popular and some¬ what lacking in detail, of the culture of the Onas, with splendid photographs of Ona types. (б) The giant Indians of Tierra del Fuego. (In Century magazine , New York, Mar., 1900, lix, n. s. xxxvii, no. 5, pp. 720-729.) Covers about the same ground as the pre¬ ceding. (c) Vers le pole sud: L’expedition de la Belgica , 1897-1899, adaptation fran^aise par A. Pfinder. (Reference from Dabbene.) Whatever may be thought of Dr. Cook’s arctic exploits, it must be admitted that his careful and sober account of the culture of the Onas, based on several weeks’ personal observation during the Belgica expedition and on information given by Mr. Bridges (Lucas?) and probably by the Salesians, is a reliable and valuable contribution to Onan anthropology. Cook, James (a) Capt. Cook’s journal during his first voyage round the world made in II. M. bark Endeavor , 1768-1771, a literal transcription of the original MSS., ed. with notes and introduction by Capt. W. J. L. Wharton, London, 1893. (Cf. Hawkesworth.) Contains (pp. 37-38) a good description of the Onas met at Good Success Bay in Jan., 1769. See also comment under Banks. Hawkesworth’s narrative incorporates many data from the Banks and Solander journals into Capt. Cook’s. The many accounts of Capt. Cook’s first voyage which appeared prior to 1893-1896 are based on Hawkesworth’s compila¬ tion. See also Journal of a voyage etc., Dublin, 1772. ( b ) A voyage towards the south pole and round the world in H. M. S. the Resolution and Adventure in the years 1772, ’3, ’4, and ’5, including Capt. Furneaux’s narrative, 2 vols., London, 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. G3 Cook, James — Continued 1777; 4th ed., ibid., 1784; Kerr, vols. xiv-xv; Fr. tr. by J. B. A. Suard, 6 vols., Paris, 1778; Montemont, vols. vii-ix; Butch, tr. by J. B. Pasteur, Leyden, etc., 1797-1809, vols. iv-vii; abstr. in Bancarel, vol. ix. Contains good but somewhat brief notes on the natives met at Christmas Sound (n, 183-184) and at Good Success Bay (n, 192) in Dec., 1774. The former had angular spear shafts (G. Forster, n, 501), as have the modern Yahgans; they used a characteristic Alacalufan expression, pcchera, but had probably, like the above Good Success Bay natives who also used it, borrowed it from the Alacaluf. Cooper, John Montgomery Fuegian and Chonoan tribal rela¬ tions. (In Proc. 19th Internal, congr. of Americanists , Washington, 1915, pp. 445-453, 1917.) A general discussion of tribal relations in the Magellanic and Chonoan archipelagos. Coppinger, Richard William Cruise of the Alert, 1878-1882, London, 1883. One of our most important sources, chiefly for the culture, but also for the language and soma¬ tology, of the Alacaluf of the Patagonian chan¬ nels and the western Strait. Dr. Coppinger cruised around this territory from January to May, 1879, and later from October, 1879, to April, 1880, during which time he had excellent oppor¬ tunities for observation. His accounts are full, detailed, and precise. Of special value are the following: Lengthy descriptions of the West Patagonian Channel Alacaluf (pp. 48-56) and of the Tilly Bay Alacaluf (pp. 118-122); stature measurements of 8 men and^iescriptive somatol¬ ogy (pp. 49-50); Alacaluf vocabulary (see below); discovery of skeletal remains at Rosario Bay (pp. 54, 69-70), of stone axhead in old kitchen-midden (pp. 52-53), and of stone weirs (pp. 125-126) at Swallow Bay; descriptions of plank boat (pp. 43^4) and of spearhead making (pp. 119-121). Other data of less importance (pp. 40-44, 57-59, 63-65, 67, 74, 103, 112-113, 123). Several woodcuts, especially the one opposite p. 34. The Alacaluf vocabulary (p. 122), containing 50 words and 5 children’s names, was taken by signs from an old native at Tilly Bay. Subse¬ quently Dr. Coppinger checked the list by re¬ peating the words and having the native point out the objects. Some of the words were further tested on natives later met at Port Gallant and were found to be correct. Cora, Guido La spedizione italo-platense in Pata¬ gonia. (In Cora’s Cosmos, Torino, 1882-83, vn, 181-192, 231-239, 272-277.) Cora, Guido — Continued A good synopsis of Capt. Bove’s report. Con¬ tains the cultural data somewhat abbreviated, the stature measurements, and 167 words from the Yahgan vocabulary. The statement (p. 234) “un uomo ha generalmente quattro mogli” dif¬ fers slightly from the original “raramente pero si vedono uomirii con piu di quattro mogli” (Bove, a, p. 793; b, p. 136; c, p. 128; d, Arch., p. 292), and differs still more from the statements in Bridges, Hyades, and others. Cordemoy, Camille de An Chili, Paris, 1899. Contains (pp. 6-7) meager, unimportant notes on some Canoe Indians casually met. One Ona photograph. Cordes, Simon de. 1599-1600 See Jansz Potgieter, Barent. Cordoba, Antonio de. 1786, 1788-89 See Vargas Ponce. Coreal, Francois Voyages de . . . aux Indes Occiden- tales, 3 vols., Amsterdam, 1722; 2 vols., Paris, 1722; 2 vols., Bruxelles, 1736. Contains (Amsterdam ed., in; Paris and Brux¬ elles ed., ii) a French translation of Narbrough’s voyage. Coriat, Isador H. Psychoneuroses among primitive tribes. (In Journ. of abnormal psy¬ chology, Boston, Aug.-Sept., 1915, x, no. 3, pp. 201-208.) An attempt to explain occasional nervous at¬ tacks among the Yahgans and Onas, during which they rim amuck, on the basis of Dr. Freud’s theory of sexual repression. Informa¬ tion regarding these nervous outbreaks (pp. 202- 206) as well as some good data on Yahgan and Ona music and medicine (pp. 205-206) and on Yahgan mourning, dreams, taboos, and myths (pp. 205-207) were furnished to Dr. Coriat by Prof. Furlong. Corra, E. Les sauvages de la Terre de Feu, leur origine, leurs moeurs et leur acclima- tation, Paris, 1881. (Reference from Babbene.) Seemingly an unimportant work. Correa Luna, Carlos Tierra del Fuego: Expedicion Nor- denskjold. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. ar¬ gent., Buenos Aires, 1897, xviii, 158- 163.) A summary of Dr. Nordenskj old’s itinerary; not of importance. COOrERl BIBLIOGRAPHY OP TRIBES OF TIER R A DEL FTJEGO 81 Cortes Hojea ( variously spelled Ojea, Ogea, Hogea, Ogeda, Ojeda, Oxeda), Francisco de. 1557-58 See Goicueta, Miguel de. Cox, Guillermo Eloi Viaje en las rejiones septentrionales de la Patagonia 1862-63, Santiago de Chile', 1863. Contains (p. 165) mention of a people called the Huaicurues said to live on the north shore of the Strait and to he descended from Tehuelches and Fuegians; their language “se parece algo al de los Tehuelches.” On p. 162f the author speaks of a young Huaicuru slave whom he saw (cf. Lista, d and e ). Crawshay, Richard The birds of Tierra del Fuego, Lon¬ don, 1907. Contains (pp. xxiii-xxv) a few notes on the material culture of the Onas and a short defence of their character, based partly at least on per¬ sonal observation; not important. Crouch, Archer P. Smyth’s Channel and the Magellan Straits. (In United service magazine, London, Sept., 1892, cxi, n. s. v, 568- 581.) Contains (p. 569) a few notes on the Fuegians from Darwin, a, and (pp. 579-5,80) a brief de¬ scription oi a canoe load of Alacaluf met casually at Isthmus Bay. Cummins, John See Bulkeley. Cunningham, Robert Oliver Notes on the natural history of the Strait, of Magellan and west coast of Patagonia made during the voyage of H. M. S. Nassau in the years 1866, 67, 68, and 69, Edinburgh, 1871. Dr. Cunningham cruised with Capt. Mayne aroimd Fuegian waters intermittently from 1866 to 1869, during which time he had frequent con¬ tact with the Channel and Strait Alacaluf and to a lesser extent with the Onas. His narrative, however, can hardly be called important for the anthropologist, as his descriptions of the natives encountered contain few details of value. See especially the following: On Alacaluf, at Sholl Bay (pp. 312-313, stature measurements of 2 men and 2 women, p. 320), at Eden Harbor (pp. 351- 352), and at Fortune Bay (pp. 445-447); on Ala¬ caluf probably in English Reach (pp. 178-179); on Onas (pp. 120-122, 306-307); on the finding of a skull at Philip Bay (pp. 199-200), of a Chono skull and 3 stone axheads in the Guaitecas Islands (p. 335), and of 4 skulls and other bones at Port Melinka in the Guaitecas Islands (p. 436). The Philip Bay skull was described by Prof. Huxley the 4 Chono skulls by Dr. Flower (qq. v.). Curtis, William Eleroy The capitals of Spanish America, New York, 1888. Contains (pp. 518-528) a popular account of the Fuegians, chiefly Alacaluf, based partly on personal observation and hearsay; to be used with caution. Dabbene, Roberto (a) Viaje a la Tierra del Fuego y a la isla de los Estados. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., Buenos Aires, xxi, 3-78.) An important contribution to Fuegian anthro¬ pology, especially in the field of Onan culture. After a summary description of the natives in generaland of the Alacaluf (pp. 54-56), Dr. Dab¬ bene gives extensive accounts of the Yahgans and Onas (pp. 56-67, 67-78). The Onan section, the most important of the paper, is based on careful personal observation during a visit from Jan. 25 to the end of Feb., 1902, and on data fur¬ nished largely through Mr. Barclay (q. v.) by Mr. Lucas Bridges. (b) Los indigenas de la Tierra del Fuego. (Ibid., 1911, xxv, nos. 5-6, pp. 163-226, nos. 7-8, pp. 247-300.) This very important monograph can be rec¬ ommended as the best extant introduction to the study of Fuegian anthropology. It is a com¬ prehensive study, detailing at considerable length practically all that is at present known of the culture of the Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Onas, and summarizing their somatology. It is based on his earlier paper and on the best sources. The treatment is thoroughly scientific. Contents: Environment and division of tribes, pp. 163-168; Yahgans, pp. 168-207; Alacaluf, pp. 207-217; Onas, pp. 217-226, 247-274; measure¬ ments by Dr. Ilrdlicka, of 1 cf Yahgan skull and of 1 cf and 1 $ Ona skulls, with photographs, pp. 283-287; origin of Fuegians, pp. 275-282; extensive bibliography, pp. 288-300. 9 plates and 8 figures in text, in addition to 4 plates mentioned above. Dally, Eugene Amerique, (antliropologie). (In Diet, encycl. des sciences medicates, Paris, 1869, hi, 615-628.) On pp. 622-623 a short account of Fuegian somatology, based on Bougainville, Fitz-Roy, d’Orbigny, Prichard, de Rochas; not important. Dampier, William A collection of voyages, 4 vols., Lon¬ don, 1729; Germ, tr., 4 vols., Franck- furth-Leipzig, 1702-1714; Fr. tr., 5 vols., Rouen, 1723. Hacke’s Collection, containing the voyages of Sharp and Wood, is here published (iv; Germ, tr., iv; Fr. tr., v) at the end of the Dampier voyages. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. G3 Darapsky, Luis L. (a) La lengua araucana, Santiago de Chile, 1888. (Reprint from Revista de artes y letras.) Contains (pp. 29-35 passim) a few notes on cer¬ tain morphological resemblances of the Yahgan to the “ Meso-Andine’» tongues of South America. ( b ) Estudios lingihsticos amerieanos: Fueguinos. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. ar¬ gent ., Buenos Aires, 1889, x, 276-289.) Dr. Darapsky calls attention to some gram¬ matical resemblances of the Yahgan tongue to the Araucanian, Guarani, Aymara, Quechua, and others. He concludes (p. 287) that the com¬ parison does not justify the supposition of close kinship of the Yahgan with the Araucanian, but does suggest a remote common source for the Yahgan and “ Meso-Andine ” tongues. His Y ah- gan data are apparently derived from Bridges, Garbe, and Adam. Darwin, Charles Robert (a) Journal and remarks 1832-1836, London, 1839. (Vol. in of Narrative of the surveying voyages of H. M. S. Adventure and Beagle; various later editions; the account of the Fuegians in the Journal of researches, etc., New York, 1871, is rather fuller than in the original edition.) Contains (pp. 227-244 of orig. ed.; pp. 204-230 of 1871 ed.) an extensive and important descrip¬ tion chiefly of culture, the Alaealufan in par¬ ticular; the Onan and Yahgan are treated much more summarily. (b) The descent of man and selection in relation to sex, 2 vols., London, 1871; many later editions. Contains many references passim to the Fue¬ gians, chiefly Alacaluf. (c) The expression of the emotions in man and animals, London, 1872. Contains passim some interesting data on the expression of the emotions among the Fuegians. These data are from Mr. Darwin’s own observa¬ tion and from answers by Mr. Thomas Bridges to a questionnaire. Mr. Darwin’s numerous observations on the Fuegians usually refer to the Alacaluf. He was in Fuegian waters from Dec. 17, 1832, to Jan., 1833, and from the end of May, 1834, to June 10, 1834, on Admiral Fitz-Roy’s second expedition. During these two visits he had a fair amount of contact with the natives, and in addition had the advantage of close study of the three Fuegians aboard on the voyage from England to Fuegia. His data on moral and religious culture were de¬ rived chiefly from other members of the expedi¬ tion. , Mr. Darwin’s letters to Admiral Sir B. J. Sulivan, commending the work of the English Darwin, Charles Robert — Continued missionaries, were published in the S. Amcr. miss, mag., 1882, pp. 138, 260, and 1888, pp. 54-55. They are of interest chiefly from the religious standpoint. Delorme Salto, Rafael Los aborfgenes de America, Mad rid - Habana, 1894. Contains short accounts of the Fuegians (pp. 151-152) andChonos (pp. 127-129), and some notes passim (pp. 11-58). Unimportant; the author fails to utilize the Fuegian literature of the last two generations. Deniker, Joseph (a) and Hyades, P. D. J. Mission scientifique du cap Horn, vii. See Hyades, q. (b) Anthropologie fuegienne. (In C. R. Congres internat. des Americanistes , 8th sess., Paris, 1890, ibid., 1892, pp. 352-356.) The conclusions of Drs. Hyades and Deniker, as expressed in Mission sc. du cap Horn, vii, 1G6, regarding the probable relationship of the Fue¬ gians (Yahgans and Alacaluf) to other South American aborigines, especially the Lagoa- Santa “race.” (c) Les races et les peuples de la terre, Paris, 1900; Engl, tr., London, 1900. Contains (passim, and pp. 656-658 of orig., pp. 575-576 of tr.) unimportnat brief notes on the Fuegians and Chonos. Denuce, Jean Note sur un vocabulaire complet de la langue yahgane. (In Verb. d. X VI. Intern. Amerikanisten-Kongr., Vienna, 1908, ibid., 1910, pp. 651-654.) An announcement of the proximate publica¬ tion of the Rev. Thomas Bridges’ larger Yahgan dictionary brought back by the Belgica expedi¬ tion in 1899. See also Hestermann. Prof. Franz Boas (ibid., pp. lxviii-lxix) expressed the hope that it would be published as an etymological dictionary. Despard, George Pakenham (a) Yahgan dictionary. MS. (Ref¬ erence from Marsh-Stirling, a, p. 100.) According to a letter written by the Rev. Mr. Despard under date of Jan. 23, 1859, he had got¬ ten together nearly 1,000 words in the Yahgan tongue, but no grammar. These had been gath¬ ered from natives met in Fuegia, and from the Jemmy Button family who had removed the preceding year to the Keppel Island Mission in the Falklands. I have come across no other mention of this dictionary. As the author con¬ tinued his linguistic studies under exceptionally favorable conditions for three years after 1859, his dictionary must have grown much beyond COOI’BR] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 83 Despard, George Pakenham — Continued the thousand words it contained at the begin¬ ning of that year. Passages in the following article show that the Rev. Mr. Despard made strenuous efforts to master the Yahgan tongue — efforts which met with much success. (6) Fireland: or, Tierra del Fuego. (In Sunday at home , London, 1863, x, 676-680, 696-698, 716-718, 731-734, 744-748.) One of our most important sources for Yahgan culture— see especially pp. 679-680, 696, 698, 716- 717. Passim about a score of Y ahgan words, and on p. 698 a few good data on Yahgan grammar — the first published data on the subject, as far as I am aware. The Rev. Mr. Despard first made the acquain¬ tance of the Yahgans in the spring of 1857, and from then until his departure for England in 1862, had excellent opportunities for studying them and their language, both in their native habitat, to which he made several visits, and at the Falkland Mission, whither successive groups of Y ahgans were brought for extensive stays. He began the serious study of their language on his first meeting with them at Cinco-Mai Harbor, Navarin Island. His lexical and grammatical researches, built upon and greatly amplified later by the Rev. Thomas Bridges, are of special inter¬ est, inasmuch as they are the historical starting point, if we except Admiral Fitz-Roy’s inaccu¬ rate vocabulary, in the modern study of Yahgan linguistics. His treatment of Yahgan culture gives evidence that he was a keen observer and a cautious and accurate investigator and chronicler. Diaz, Julino V. Tierra del Fuego. (In Revista Soc. geogr. argent., vn, 268-292.) (Refer¬ ence from Phillips, p. 67.) Dieck, Alfred Die Waffen der Naturvolker Siid- Amerikas, Stalluponen, 1912. Contains references passim to Fuegian weap¬ ons, based on Bastian, Waitz, Th. Bridges, and Hyades. Dixon, Roland Burrage The independence of the culture of the American Indian. (In Science, New York, 1912, n. s. xxxv, no. 889, pp. 46-55.) A criticism, unfavorable but reserved, of Dr. Graebner’s (q. v.) application of the Kulturkreis theory to America, especially to Fuegia. Prof. Dixon, however, leaves open to a certain extent the question of the possible Oceanic origin of the Fuegian plank boat (pp. 53-54). Dominguez, Luis L. Los fueguinos del cabo de Hornos y los naufragos de la fragata Oracle. Dominguez, Luis L. — Continued (In Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., 1883, iv, 141-143.) Contains a few unimportant brief notes on the Yahgans of Wollaston Island. Drake, Edward Cavendish A new universal collection of authen¬ tic and entertaining voyages and trav-* els, London, 1768; same, 1770. Contains abstracts, including the Fuegian an¬ thropological data, of the voyages of Drake (Fa¬ mous voyage), Cavendish (Pretty’s), van Noort, and Anson. m Drake, Francis. 1578 See Francis Pretty, a, and Francis Fletcher. Duckworth, Wynfried Lawrence Henry Morphology and anthropology, Cam¬ bridge, 1904. Contains (p. 440) some notes on the Fuegian brain from Manouvrier, c, and Seitz, b. Duclos-Guyot, Alexandre (a) [Letter to Dom Pernety.] (In Pernety, Antoine J., Journal historique d’un voyage fait aux lies Malouines en 1763 et 1764 . . . et de deux voyages au d^troit de Magellan, 2 vols., Berlin, 1769, ii, pp. 636-646; Engl, tr., 2d ed., London, 1773, pp. 261-266; abstr. on natives in 2d ed., Paris, 1770, n, pp. 95-97.) Contains (pp. 642-644; tr., pp. 264-265) short notes on the Alacaluf met at Port Famine, appar¬ ently in 1765. ( b ) Journal. (Extracts, ibid., pp. 653-684; tr., pp. 270-285; abstr. of ac¬ count of natives in 2d ed., Paris, 1770, ii, pp. 110-121.) Contains (pp. 670-683; tr., 278-285) quite an extensive description of the Alacaluf encountered almost daily from May 30 to June 20, 1766, during the expedition’s stay at Port Famine. On pp. 672, 674, 681 are given 5-6 native words, most of them of very doubtful value. Dumont d’Urville, Jules Sebastien Cesar Voyage au pole sud et dans l’Oceanie sur les corvettes V Astrolabe et la Zelee . . . pendant les annees 1837-1838- 1839-1840, 23 vols., Paris, 1842-1854. Contains in Histoire du voyage, i, pp. 156, 265- 268, 289, a few unimportant notes on the Ala¬ caluf and in Zoologie, n, pp. 208-217, by Honors Jacquinot, a longer but not important account of the Alacaluf, based on written sources and on very limited personal observation by members of the expedition, 84 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I BULL. 03 Du Plessis Journal. (Extracts in Marcel, a and c.) For comments see Marcel . Duse, Samuel August Unter Pinguinen und Seehunden: Erinnerungen von der schwedischen Siidpolexpedition, 1901-1903, tr. by Emil Engel, Berlin, 1905. Contains (pp. 82-83, 86-87, 97) a few notes on the Yahgans, and (pp. 90-96) a somewhat fuller though not very important accoimt of the Onas. Capt. Duse was the cartographer of the Swedish Antarctic Expedition and had a limited amount of contact with the Onas and Y ahgans of Beagle Channel in 1902. Du Valdailly, E. Note stir les Fuegiens de la baie de l’lsthme. (In Bull. Soc. d'anthr. de Paris , 1876, 2d ser. xi, 293-295.) A good hut quite brief description of Channel Alacaluf with whom the writer spent “quelques heures” at Isthmus Bay. Dy L. Die Mission auf Feuerland. (In Globus, Braunschweig, 1889, lv, no. 17, pp. 270-271.) A summary of a conference given by the Rev. Mr. Aspinwall (q. v.); of importance for the study of Yahgan mentality and morality. The account of the latter is rather more favorable than that given by most other first-hand authorities. Ehrenreich, Paul (а) Die Ethnographie Siidamerikas im Beginn des XX. Jalirlmnderts unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Naturvolker. (In Arch. /. Anthr., Braunschweig, 1904, xxxi, n. s. in, 39-75.) Contains (pp. 61-62 and passim) some notes on the extant literature dealing with Fuegia, and on the culture and relationships of the Fuegians. (б) Die My then und Legenden der siidamerikanischen Urvolker und ihre Bezieliungen zu denen Nordamerikas und der alten Welt. (Supplement zu Zeitschr. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1905, vol. XXXVII.) Contains (p. 36) an Ona sun-and-moon myth; nothing else of note on Fuegia. The paper, how¬ ever, would be an excellent starting point for comparative study in the light of our now much fuller knowledge of Fuegian mythology. Eizaguirre, Jose Manuel Tierra del Fuego: Recuerdos e irn- presiones de un viaje al extremo austral de la Repiiblica, Cordoba, 1897; pub¬ lished originally in the daily Sud America of 1891. Contains two Yahgan vocabularies, one of 32 words and expressions on pp. 157-158, the other of 62 words and expressions on pp. 166-167. The author gathered these vocabularies dining a visit to Fuegia from Sept. 22 to Oct. 14, 1891, but he does not state the circumstances under which they were taken. The many notes passim (pp. 70, 104-106, 108-113, 159-165, 210-211, 244-246) on the culture of the Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Onas are based partly on personal observation, but are loosely written and not important Elliot, George Francis Scott Chile, New York, 1907. Contains (pp. 14-19) unimportant notes on the Fuegians and Chonos, based partly on Barclay, Lovisato, Coppinger, Steffen, Byron, a. The statement on p. 15 that the Fuegians are accus¬ tomed selfishly to throw their wives and children overboard when overtaken by dangerous storms is not derived from any trustworthy source, but this has not prevented it from being repeated in other recent popular works. Two other more recent works by the same author, The romance of savage life, Phila¬ delphia, 1908, and Prehistoric man and his story, Phila.-London, 1915, contain unimportant refer¬ ences passim to the Fuegians. Ellis, Alexander John Report on the Yaagan language of Tierra del Fuego. (In Trans. Pkilol. soc., London, 1882-1884, pp. 32-44.) An important and extensive study of Yahgan grammar, giving incidentally many Yahgan words. The paper is based on manuscript notes by the Rev. Mr. Bridges and on the latter’s Yahgan translation of St. Luke’s gospel. The report also contains Mr. Bridges’ original draft in Yahgan of ch. I, w. 1-13, of St. Luke’s gospel, and a Y ahgan letter dated Aug. 5, 1880, written to Mr. Bridges by Stirling Maiakaul, a native. Enrich, Francisco Ilistoria de la Compania de Jesus en Chile, 2(?) vols., Barcelona, 1891. (Reference from Fonck, i, p. 5.) Contains, according to Dr. Fonck, an account of the missions to the Chonos. Entertaining account of all the countries of the known world, 3d ed., London, 1752. Contains an abstract of Anson’s voyage from Walter’s narrative, with some details apparently from Bulkeley and Cummins. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 85 Ercilla y Ztiniga, Alonso de La Araucana, 1569-1578-1589; many later editions. Ercilla crossed over to Chiloe in 1558. lie de¬ scribes in canto xxxvi a couple of points of Chilo- tan culture, which were common also to the Cho- noan. Essendorfer Begegnung mit Feuerlandern in der Magellanstrasse. (In Verh. Berlin. Ges.f. Anthr. u. s. w., 1880, pp. [60]— 63.) An imimportant brief description of a canoe¬ load of Alacaluf met casually in 1878 near Cape Froward. Estevan, Matheo “Doctrina Christiana . . . Arte, y Vocabulario, y algunas Platicas de los principal es Mysterios ” in the Chonoan language. MSS. 1612-13. (Men¬ tioned by Lozano, vol. n, bk. 7, ch. 16, no. 6, p. 560; cf. ibid., ch. 3, no. 35, p. 456.) The recovery of these valuable manuscripts would throw a flood of light on the whole vexed question of Chonoan relationships and language. “ El Padre Tec-ho escrive [Hist. prov. Par., bk. 6, ch. 9, p. 160], que fue el Padre Juan Bautista Ferrufino, quien hizo esta version del Catecismo en la lengua de los Chonos; pero ciertamente padecid engano: porque aver sido Autor el Padre Matheo Estevan, como queda dicho, consta de Carta original del Padre Melchor de Venegas,” who went in 1612 with Father Estevan to the Guaitecas Islands, “escrita desde los Chonos, al Padre Provincial Diego de Torres en 27. de Noviembre de 1612. 1 El Padre Matheo Estevan (dice) es el que ha tornado el trabajo de poner la Doctrina en lengua de los Chonos, y traducilla con un Interprete Chono, que sabe la lengua de Chilob’” (Lozano, ii, p. 456). Recently Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche has suggested (d, p. 220) that the “Chonos” to whom Father Estevan preached were in reality “Patagones,” but he advances no other evidence for this hy¬ pothesis than the resemblance between the names “Chonos” and chon with its Tehuelche and Ona variations. The derivation is doubtful, to say the least, in spite of the resemblance — cf. for instance the entirely unrelated names, Falk- ner’s Yacana and Bridges’ Yahgan. But even granting for the nonce that “Chono” may be “chon hispanizada,” the rest of Dr. Lehmann- Nitsche’s hypothesis seems to be untenable, both on somatological and cultural grounds. (1) Somatological. All the available osteolog- ical remains from the Guaitecas Islands show cranial kinship more to the Alacaluf and Yah- gans than to the mainland tribes. The silence of most of our authorities regarding the stature of the Guaitecas Islanders would suggest that these natives were in all probability of medium Estevan, Matheo — Continued height, not tall like the Tehuelches. See dis¬ cussion in Introduction, pp. 41-42. (2) Cultural. The Guaitecas Islanders to whom Father Estevan preached had a culture very like the Fuegian, and very unlike the Pata¬ gonian. The accounts by Fathers Del Teclio and Lozano, based mainly at least on mission¬ aries’ letters, show this clearly. To instance one point in particular: Dr. Lehqiann-Nitsche him¬ self states (loc. cit.): “esta fuera de duda que los Patagones nunca tuvieron canoas”; this may be putting it a little stronger than the available evi¬ dence warrants, but what is certain is that within historic times the Patagonians have been em¬ phatically non-canoe-using as a people. But Father Estevan’s Chonos were a seafaring people. Not only did the archipelagic conditions demand some form of water craft, but we have clear evi¬ dence that the natives actually had such. Father Del Techo, speaking of the Guaitecas “cacique” Delco’s earlier interview in 1609 with Fathers Venegas and Ferrufino, says (p. 159): “Trahebat secum in quinque navigiolis, praeter familiam, numerosum comitatum,” and Delco in his own testimony unmistakably implies that his people were a seafaring one (ibid.). Father Lozano states that Delco used to come to Chiloe once a year (n, 454), but to get from Guatana in the Guaitecas Islands to Chilod some kind of water craft was of course required. Goicueta earlier as all writers later who treat of the natives between Chilo6 and Taitao Peninsula describe them as using the plank boat. The sources for Father Estevan’s voyage with Father Venegas are: Del Techo, bk. 6, ch. 10, pp. 160-161; Olivares, ch. 10, no. 2, pp. 369, 372- 373; and especially Lozano, vol. n, bk. 7, ch. 3 and 16, pp. 445, 453-456, 558-561. Father Del Techo gives 1619 as the date, but Father Lozano’s, 1612-13, seems much better substantiated. Exploration a la Terre de Feu. (In Rev. Soc. geogr. argent., 1885.) (Reference from Dabbene.) Apparently an unimportant article. Exquemelin, Alexandre Olivier Bucaniers of America, 2d ed. of Engl, tr., 2 vols., London, 1684—85 ; repr. ibid., 1893. This 2d edition of the English translation of De Americaensche zee-roovers (Amsterdam, 1678) contains in vol. n Ringrose’s narrative of the voyage of Sharp. Fagalde, Alberto Magallanes: El pafs del porvenir, Valparaiso, 1901. Contains (i, 29-263) a history of Magellanic exploration, with, however, practically all the anthropological material omitted. 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l BULL. 63 Falkner, Thomas A description of Patagonia and the adjoining parts of South America, Hereford-London, 1774; Germ, tr., Gotha, 1775; Fr. tr., Lausanne, 1787; Span. tr. in de Angelis, i; a more accu¬ rate Span. tr. by Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo, Buenos Aires, 1911. Father Falkner gives two much quoted and very perplexing accoimts of the “Vuta-Huilli- ches’’ (pp. 98-99) and of the “ Y aeana-cunnees ’ ’ (pp. 92-93, 111). Neither is based on personal experience. The source for the former is appar¬ ently “the relations of the missionaries” (p. 90); the description of the Yacana-cunnees was de¬ rived from “ Tamu, the Yacana-cunnee Cacique,” whom Father Falkner knew personally. The “Vuta-Huilliches,” a branch of the Moluches or Araucanians, were divided, accord¬ ing to the author, into three sections, the Chonos, the Poy-yus or Peyes, and the Ivey-yus or Keyes; they lived along the coast, and (p. 96), it would seem, on both sides of the Cordillera, from on and near the islands of Chiloe to the Strait. Whom precisely Father Falkner meant by the Poy-yus and Koy-yus may never be conclusively settled, although of the Poyas (= Poy-yus?) much is written, especially in the older missionary records. As for Father Falkner’s Chonos, it is very doubtful indeed if they were true Chonos at all. They were supposed to have lived “on and near the islands of Chiloe” (p. 98), and reference is also made (p. 82) to the “country of Chonos, on the continent over against Chiloe. ” But our original sources show the Chonos to have lived in the main on the islands south of Chiloe. The Chonos, with the other “Vuta-Huilliches,” are said (p. 99) to have been bigger-bodied than their neighbors to the north and to have spoken a “mixture of the Moluche and Tehuel languages.” This, too, is contrary to what we know of the true Chonos from original sources. Cf. Introduction, pp. 34-36,41-42. The name Chono was sometimes used in a very loose sense, and perhaps Father Falkner’s authority had reference to natives of the Chilotan archipelago or of the adjoining main¬ land. One thing, however, is clear— that is, the accoimt of the Chonos is as confused as it is con¬ fusing. The identity of the “Yacana-cunnees” is al¬ most equally problematical. From the state¬ ments that they inhabited the eastern Fuegian Islands (p. 91), lived chiefly on fish(p. Ill), and had “light floats, like those of Chiloe” (p. Ill; cf. also pp. 92-93), one might suppose they were Canoe Indians; that they were sometimes carried away as slaves by the Huilliches and Tehuelhets (p. Ill) would suggest the same conclusion. But “yacana-cunnee” apparently means “foot people” (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, pp. 229-230), and besides they were a tall people (Falkner, p. Ill); while other details of the description Falkner, Thomas — Continued imply that they were a land people, for they lived on both sides of the Strait (p. Ill), and those on the south side had to cross the Strait to have com¬ munication with the Yacana cacique, Tamu’s people (pp. 92-93). Hence, they must have been either Tehuelches or Onas or both. Finally, they used to have frequent communication with the Spaniards and French who came from the Falk- lands to get wood (p. 91), and used to “catch ostriches with their bowls” (p. Ill); but the French from the Falklands had contact with the Alacaluf and Tehuelches (cf. Bougainville, Duclos-Guyot), not, as far as the records go, with the Onas; the rhea is confined to the mainland, and the bolas had not been introduced among the extreme southern Patagonians themselves until about the middle of the eighteenth century (Outes, a, pp. 427, 254). It looks, therefore, as if Father Falkner’s Y acana-eunnees were the extreme southern Pata¬ gonians. They seem, however, to have been con¬ fused to some extent with the Alacaluf in his description. As far, then, as Onan anthropology is concerned the most that can be inferred from his account of the Y acana is that perhaps at that date the Onas were in communication with their mainland cousins and may possibly have used at times some kind of water craft to cross the Strait. From the foregoing we are justified in con¬ cluding that in the present state of the evidence it would not be safe to use Father Falkner’s ac¬ counts of either the Chonos or the Yacana-cun¬ nees as giving dependable data for Chonoan or Onan anthropology. Featherman, Americus Social history of the races of mankind , 7 vols., London, 1881-1891. Contains (3d div., Chiapo- and Guarano- Maranonians, pp. 501-508) a lengthy description of the Fuegians, based on about a dozen of the better authorities from Capt. Cook to Capt. Bove; frequent inaccuracies. Feilitzen, von Om den italienska expeditionen till Patagonien oeh Eldslandet under led- ning af lojtnant G. Bove. (In Truer, Stockholm, 1883, m, 77-93.) Account taken from Capt. Bove’s report pub¬ lished at Genoa. Fernandez y Gonzalez, Francisco Los lenguajes hablados por los indf- genas de la America Meridional, Madrid, 1893. Contains (pp. 72-74) a paragraph on the Cho¬ noan language based on Brinton, and a few notes on Yahgan grammar from Adam. COOPEIt] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 87 Ferrufino [or Ferrufino], Juan Bautista “ Decern Dei mandata & solemnes Christianorum preces, ac formula(m) detestandi peccata” in the Chonoan language. MSS. 1609. (Mentioned by Del Techo, bk. 6, ch. 9, p. 160.) According to Father Lozano (ii, 456), it was Father Estevan, not Father Ferrufino, who made the translations into Chono. There seem, how¬ ever, to he good reasons for concluding that the latter, too, made translations. Father Del Techo’s account of the Chonos and Chono missions is based largely, at least, on original sources, prob¬ ably on missionaries’ letters (pp. 161, 181). Father Ferrufino, moreover, is reported (Del Teeho, loc. cit.) to have made his translations in two days with the aid of a Chono interpreter, while Father Estevan, although he, too, used an interpreter, actually learned the Chono language. Finally, the texts translated by the former are entirely different, according to our sources, from those translated by the latter. Unfortunately, the Ferrufino manuscript, like the Estevan translations, has been lost, perhaps beyond recovery. The original sources for Father Ferrufino’s voyage and writings are: Del Techo, bk. 6, ch. 8-9, pp. 159-160; Lozano, vol. n, bk. 5, pp. 34-44; Olivares, ch. 10, no. 1, pp. 367-368. Feuilleret, Henri Le detroit de Magellan, Tours, 1880. Contains (pp. 130-139) an unimportant ac¬ count of the Alacaluf, based chiefly on Bougain¬ ville, and (pp. 238-239) a “Note sur les Fu6giens” from Wyse. Figuier, Louis The human race, London, 1872. Contains (pp. 416-419) an unimportant and in some points inaccurate account of Fuegian cul¬ ture and languages. Fitz-Roy, Robert (a) Proceedings of the second expedi¬ tion 1831-1836, London, 1839. (Yol. ii of Narrative of the surveying voyages of H. M. S. Adventure and Beagle.) One of our most important sources for the cul¬ ture of the Alacaluf of the Strait and Patagonian Channels (the latter natives called by Admiral Fitz-Roy Chonos), less important for Yahgan (Te- keenikajYapool culture, still lessfor Onan(Oens- men). The most valuable sections are: General division of tribes, pp. 129-133; “Tekeenika,” pp. 137-140; Alikhoolip, pp. 140-141; “Huemuls,” 141-142; “Chonos,” p. 142; Alikhoolip and “Te- keenikas,” pp. 175-189; “Chonos,” pp. 189-200. In addition there are numerous more or less im¬ portant details passim on the natives; see espe¬ cially: on the Yahgans, pp. 203, 208-211, 214-215, 220-222,323; on the Onas,pp. 121-122,205-206,325- 326; on the Chonos proper, pp. 359-395 passim. 64028°— Bull. 63—17 - 7 Fitz-Roy, Robert — Continued (b) Appendix to same vol. ii. Contains an important English-Yahgan-Ala- caluf vocabulary of 208 words on pp. 135-140, and a vocabulary of 3 “Chonoan” (?) words on p. 142. The appendix also includes some somatological data (measurements of 2 men, etc.) by Dr. Wil¬ son on pp. 142-147, and long extracts from By¬ ron’s Loss of the Wager on pp. 124-134. It should be noted that the first volume of the Narrative of the Adventure and Beagle contains extensive and anthropologically important ex¬ tracts from Admiral Fitz-Roy ’s journal of the first expedition. Few Magellanic explorers have had the ample opportunities for first-hand investigation of the natives that Admiral Fitz-Roy had. lie took part in the first expedition from Dec., 1828, to the end as captain of the Beagle, and commanded the second expedition. Altogether, he spent consid¬ erably over a year in the Fuegian archipelago, during which time he had very frequent contact with the native tribes, particularly the Alacaluf. Moreover, he derived a great portion of his data “from the natives who went to England in the Beagle, and from Mr. Low, who has seen more of them [Fuegians] in their own country than any other livingperson ” (a, p. 129). In some respects, however, these native informants were not, it would seem, unimpeachable witnesses. Mr. Low was the captain of the Adeona; his intercourse was chiefly with the Channel Alacaluf (a, p. 182), whose language, however, he did not speak (a, p. 193). The Alacaluf-Yahgan vocabulary was gath¬ ered from the four natives brought to England, three Alacaluf and one Yahgan. “I found great difficulty in obtaining words, excepting names for things which could be shown to them and which they had in their own country” (a,p. 188). This vocabulary is discussed at length in the In¬ troduction to the present bibliography. Admi¬ ral Fitz-Roy did not learn either the Y ahgan or the Alacaluf language. Admiral Fitz-Roy’s division of the Fuegian tribes has been abandoned, and some few of his cultural data would need revising, but even after the lapse of these eighty years he still remains our most important authority for Alacalufan culture, and little indeed has been added to our knowl¬ edge of Alacalufan culture since his time. Fletcher, Francis The world encompassed by Sir Fran¬ cis Drake, collected out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher preacher . . . and others, London, 1635, 1652-1653 (1st ed., 1628); Osborne, vol. ii; Purves; Hakl. soc., vol. xvi, ed. by W. S. W. Vaux, London, 1854; extr. in Ilyades, q, pp. 2-4; abstr. in Bancarel, vol. ii, and in Henry, vol. i. Contains a good though not extensive descrip¬ tion of Alacaluf met near Elizabeth Island in 1578. Fletcher’s account of the natives is much fuller than Pretty’s. 88 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Flower, William Henry Catalogue of the specimens illustrat¬ ing the osteology and dentition of verte- brated animals, recent and extinct, contained in the museum of the Royal college of surgeons of England, part i, Man, London, 1879; 2d ed., ibid., 1907. Contains measurements of most of the follow¬ ing skeletal remains: (1) Chonoan (1st ed., p. 178; 2d ed., pp. 309-310): nos. 1016-1018, 1020, 4 crania (of which 1 $, 1 c? mutilated, 1 9 mutilated, and 1 9 ?); no. 1019, lower jaw, 2 ossa innominata, and a scapula; (2) Alacalufan (1st ed., p. 179; 2d ed. p. 312): no. 1025, 3 cranium and parts of skeleton, previously described by Huxley (q. v.); (3) Yah- gan (1st ed., p. 180; 2d ed., p. 314): nos. 1026-1027, 1 9 and 1 3 cranium; (2d ed., pp. 312-313); nos. 1025 2-1025 8, 10271; (4) Fuegian (2d ed.,p.312),no. 1025 *, 1 9 skeleton. The Chonoan remains col¬ lected by Dr. Cunningham are classified in the Catalogue as Patagonian, but it is fairly clear that they are Chonoan, for no. 1020 is from the Chonos Islands, and nos. 1016-1019 are apparently the ones found in a small cave at Port Melinka, in the Guaitecas Islands (Cunningham, pp. 335, 436). Most of the above Alacalufan and Yahgan ma¬ terial was more fully studied and described by Dr. Garson (q. v.). Fonck, Francisco Adolfo Viajes de Fray Francisco Menendez, 2 vols., Valparaiso, 1896-1900. Dr. Fonck in this scholarly study gives inci¬ dentally a summary of and the references to most of the sources for the history of the mission Chonos. See especially the following pages: I, 5; II, 28-29, 33, 43, 87, 102, 151, 172, 192-193. Forster, George A voyage round the world in His Britannic Majesty’s sloop, Resolution , commanded by Capt. James Cook, during the years 1772, 3, 4, and 5, 2 vols., London, 1777. Contains (n, 498-506, 510) short descriptions of the natives met at Christmas Sound and Good Success Bay in Dec., 1774, by Capt'. Cook’s second expedition; based on the journal of Johann Rein¬ hold Forster. See comments under J. Cook, b. ■ Forster, Johann Reinhold Observations made during a voyage round the world, London, 1778; Germ, tr. with additions by George Forster, 3 vols., Berlin, 1784. Arranged in topical rather than chronological order. Contains numerous though not impor¬ tant data on the Fuegians (ch. 6, pp. 212-609, passim). The writer, with his son George, ac¬ companied the second Cook expedition. Foster, Henry. 1829 See W. H. B. Webster. Foy, Willy „ Fiilirer durch das Rautenstrauch- Joest-Museum der Stadt Coin, 3d ed., Coin, 1910. Scmipopular in tone. Dr. Foy agrees with Dr. Graebner (q. v.) on the question of the Oceanic origin of American aboriginal culture in general and of the Fuegian in particular. See especially pp. 26, 154. Freville, Anne Frangois Joachim de Ilistoire des nouvelles decouvertes faites dans la Mer du Sud en 1767, 1768, 1769, & 1770, 2 vols., Paris, 1774. Contains (i, 18-24) an account of the natives of Good Success Bay, based on Capt. Cook’s first voyage. Frezier, Amedee Frangois Relation du voyage de la mer du Sud aux cotes du Chili, du Perou et du Bresil, fait pendant les annees 1712, 1713, & 1714, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1717 (orig. Fr. ed., Paris, 1716); Engl, tr., London, 1717; Dutch tr., Amster¬ dam, 1718, 1727; Germ, tr., Hamburg, 1745; Span. tr. of parts relating to Chile, Santiago de Chile, 1902; see also de Brosses, ii, 204-219; abstr. in Prevost, vol. xv. Frezier’s expedition met no natives, but he gives (1717 Fr. ed., 1, 58-59; de Brosses, n, 208- 209) a few details on natives met probably at Good Success Bay by one of Brunet’s officers in 1712 and by Villemorin in 1713, and some data on the Chonos obtained in person from Dom Pedro Molina and others (ibid., pp. 147-148, and 211-21 2 , respectively ) . Not important . Friederici, Georg (а) Die Schiffahrt der Indianer, Stuttgart, 1907. Contains (pp. 41-45) excellent descriptions of the Fuegian bark canoe and plank boat, based on museum material and the best written sources. (б) Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Trutzwaffen der Indonesier, Siidsee- volker und Indianer. (In Baessler- Archiv , Beitrage zur Volkerkunde, heraus- gegeben aus Mitteln des Baessler-Insti- tuts, Beiheft vii, Leipzig-Berlin, 1915.) Contains some few data passim on Fuegian offensive weapons. Cf. pp. 34, 43, and especially pp. 13 and 66-67 on the supposed Fuegian “ Wurf- keule.” See discussion of the throwing club in Subject Bibliography, p. 215. COOl'BR ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 89 Froger, Frangois Relation d’un voyage fait en 1695. 1696. & 1697. aux Cotes d’Afrique, Detroit de Magellan, Brezil, Cayenne & Isles Antilles, par une Escadre des Vaisseaux du Roy, commandee par M. de Gennes, Paris, 1698; Amsterdam, 1699, 1715; Engl, tr., London, 1698; extr. in de Brosses, n, 104-112; abstr. in Prevost, xv. Contains (1698 ed., pp . 97-98; tr., pp. 74-76; de Brosses, n, 109; cf. also pp. 107, 111) a good though short account of Alacaluf met at Port Famine in 1696. “ Ils se servoient aussi de gros caillous taillez pour couper le hois” (p. 97; de Brosses, n, 109). Furlong, Charles Wellington (a) Amid the islands of the Land of Fire. (In Harper's monthly mag., New York, Feb., 1909, cxvm, 335-347.) Contains a few somatological notes on the natives and a short account of their relations with the white people. Two photographs of types; one Yaligan word, p. 344. ( b ) The southernmost people of the world. (Ibid., June, 1909, cxix, 126- 137.) An extensive and excellent description of the present-day Yahgans, especially their social and moral culture. The article includes also the fol¬ lowing: On p. 127 maximum, minimum, and average stature measurements of 14 Yahgan men; on p. 129 a map of former and present Yahgan territory; passim, about 10 Yahgan words. (c) Into the unknown land of the Onas. (Ibid., Aug., 1909, cxix, 443-455.) A narrative of the author’s journey over the mountain range north of Harberton to the At¬ lantic coast with Ona guides. (d) The vanishing people of the Land of Fire. (Ibid., Jan., 1910, cxx, 217- . 229.) An extensive and important account of Onan culture, especially social and moral culture. The article includes also maximum and average stat¬ ure measurements of 11 Ona men (p. 220), about 15 Ona words (p. 225 and passim), map of pres¬ ent and former Ona distribution (p. 225). (e) Cruising with the Yahgans. (In Outing mag., New York, Apr., 1911, lviii, 3-17.) Contains cultural data passim, also a map and 8 photographs. (/) The toll of the Straits. (Ibid., Oct., 1911, lix, 3-22.) Parts of the article throw a little light on Fuegian character. One Ona photograph. Furlong, Charles Wellington — Continued (g) Hunting the guanaco. (Ibid., Oct., 1912, lxi, 3-20.) Contains the most complete extant account of the Onas’ methods of hunting the guanaco and good-notes on the uses to which they put its skin. On p. 7 an Ona guanaco legend, and passim 1 Yahgan and 11 Ona words. ( h ) The lure of the Antarctic. (In Harper's weekly, New York, May 11, 1912, lvi, 16-17.) Contains one paragraph on the Yahgans and one Yahgan photograph. Dr. Dabbene has the following title in his bibliography: Recorriendo las islas de Tierra del Fuego, articulos publicados en El Diario de Buenos Aires, 1910, nos. 6495-6506. Prof. Fur¬ long tells me that these must be articles written up from interviews with him. (i) Stone age men of the Land of Fire. (In Travel, New York, Oct., 1915, xxv, no. 6, pp. 9-13.) A good popular summary of Ona culture, with a few notes on that of the Yahgans. Some excel¬ lent photographs, illustrating Ona culture and physical type. (j) The Alaculoofs and Yahgans, the world’s southernmost inhabitants. (In Proc. 19th Internat. congr. of American¬ ists, Washington, 1915, pp. 420-431, 1917.) An important contribution to our knowledge of Yahgan culture. Five Yahgan words expressing numbers. Stature measurements, maximum, minimum, and average, of 14 Yahgan men. ( k ) The Haush and Ona, primitive tribes of Tierra del Fuego. (Ibid., pp. 432-444.) A valuable paper containing some excellent new material on Ona culture, especially psychi¬ cal culture. Stature measurements, maximum and average, of 11 Ona men. The linguistic ma¬ terial consists of a short Haush vocabulary of 6 words, a longer Ona or Sliilk’nam one of 94 words and expressions, and several Ona and Yahgan words passim, all being material gathered directly from the natives. Of special interest, too, is the author’s discussion of the little known Haush subtribe, whom, however, he classes as a distinct linguistic stock. In both the preceding papers Prof. Furlong emphasizes the role which environment has played in the development of Fuegian culture. Prof. Furlong, by letter of May 7, 1915, has kindly furnished me with the following list and descrip¬ tion of studies he is preparing for publication: (l) [Explorations in the Fuegian archipelago] [Book]: “The bulk of this material will naturally re¬ late to my experience and observations o f the Yahgan and Ona tribes and the lands they in¬ habit.” 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Furlong, Charles Wellington — Continued (m) [The Ona bow and arrow] [Article]: “This will deal with the material of which these bows are made, methods of making, their purpose and the way they are used, including as far as possible the Indian names for the material and parts and any interesting facts relating to the subject.” ( n ) [Patagonian and Fuegian . foot prints and hand prints] [Article]: “This article will contain comments on a col¬ lection of some fifty hand prints and foot prints I took from the Tehuelches, Yahgans, and Onas. The majority of these prints are from the Ona people of both sexes, from babies to adults. I shall also make use of a few circumference line tracings of hands, in connection with this article.” (o) [Yahgan and Ona songs and speech] [Article]: “This will be based on about a dozen phono¬ graphic records I secured from the Ona and Yahgan Amerinds. A duplicate set of these was sent to Prof. Stumpf and Dr. von Ilornbostel of Berlin University for their phonographic ar¬ chives.” Prof. Furlong will be very largely imder obligation to Dr. Erich von Hornbostel for this article. Cf. note by Dr. von Hornbostel in- Zeitschr. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1912, xliv, 831; also Ooriat, pp. 205-206. (v) [Comments on the Ona and Yahgan languages] [Article]: “This will contain a list of words secured by me and comments on the character of speech and its usage; also a brief history of the famousr Bridges dictionary.” The two following articles appeared after my manuscript had gone to the printer. ( q ) Some effects of environment on the F uegian tribes. (In Geographical re¬ view, New York, Jan., 1917, m, 1-15.) The best extant treatment of the subject. Y ah- gan and Ona stature measurements as in b and d. 3 Yahgan words and one O nan. 2 maps. (r) Tribal distribution and settle¬ ments of the Fuegians. (Ibid., Mar., 1917, hi, 169-187.) An important article dealing with the territo¬ ries, nomenclature, decrease and causes thereof, and settlements of the Fuegian tribes. 3 maps, especially one showing the hunting grounds of the various Ona clans. In addition to the above studies, published and in preparation, Prof. Furlong has in manu¬ script extensive field notes on the Fuegian tribes, including the above-mentioned Yahgan, Shilk’nam, and Manekenkn vocabularies. Cf. also Coriat. The author’s published articles are important contributions to Yahgan and Onan cultural Furlong, Charles Wellington — Continued anthropology, and his contemplated publica¬ tions will throw much light not only on some little-known phases of Fuegian culture but on the languages and some departments of soma¬ tology as well. Of the published articles listed above, b, d,j, and fc, q and r are by far the most important. His contributions to Fuegian anthropology are based on careful observation and inquiry made during an expedition to Fuegia in 1907-8. He spent about three months among the Yahgans and Onas. For the greater part of this time he traveled with Yahgans by boat and canoe through Beagle Channel south to Ponsonby Soimd, and with Onas afoot and in the saddle from Harberton through the heart of Tierra del Fuego Island. Many of his cultural data are, moreover, derived verbally from the very best first-hand authorities, the Lawrence and Bridges brothers. The six Haush words were gathered from Pelota, an old Haush man living at Harberton, with the assistance of a Yahgan who spoke a few words of Haush and but very little English. Nearly all the Ona nouns were obtained by sketching the object and having the natives give the equivalent in their own tongue, a game which seemed to interest them very much, for they would repeat the term as often and distinctly as desired. Two extensive collections made by Prof. Fur¬ long are now in the American Museum of Natural History, New York, and in the Peabody Museum at Harvard. The former is especially rich in Onan artifacts. Two smaller collections mado by him are in the Peabody Museurh at Salem, Mass., and in the Museum of the American In¬ dian, Heye Foundation, New York. Gajardo, Ismael Viaje de la escampavfa “Huemul,” Marzo, 1902. (In An. hidr. mar. Chile , Valparaiso, 1905, xxv, 25-45.) Contains a few unimportant notes (pp. 32-34) on the modern Yahgans. Galippe, V. See Hyades, e. Gallardo i Andrade, Bartolome Diez Relacion del sargento mayor don Bartolome Gallardo hecha en Lima de orden de VE. sobre el viaje que hizo al reconocimiento de las poblaciones de los ingleses con todo lo sucedido en el y paraje donde llego, Lima, Apr. 21, 1675. (In An. hidr. mar. Chile. 1886, xi, 525-537.) The Gallardo expedition of 1674-75 got as far as the Gulf of Penas, having crossed the Isthmus of Ofqui. Some of the data in the Relacion on pp. 527, 530-533 have a slight bearing on the vexed question of Chonoan linguistic relations. (COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIE BRA DEE FTTECO 91 Gallardo, Carlos R, Los Onas, Buenos Aires, 1910. An important and indispensable monograph, t reating in the minutest detail every department (except mythology) of Ona (Slulk’nam) culture, and including valuable material on Ona linguis¬ tics. Somatology is treated very briefly. Contents: Environment, pp. 1-93; divisions, names, and origin of Onas, pp. 95-108; descrip¬ tive somatology, pp. 109-117; distribution, pp. 118-120; culture, pp. 121-358; language, pp. 359- 395. The section on language includes some valuable though meager data on grammar and many Ona words passim; there are also many Ona words scattered through the whole book. Copious illustrations, although many of the photographs have been considerably retouched. Dr. Gallardo’s work is based primarily on personal observation during two (or more?) visits to Tierra del Fuego, on the study of museum material— and perhaps to some extent on written sources, although none are cited in the work. In addition he has received much information from Mr. Lucas Bridges, “con cuya ayuda”, as he writes, p. 364, “he podido realizar esta obra. Un carinoso recuerdo tambi4n para el indio Pedro, muerto fuera de sus montanas y sus bosques; mucho fue lo que 41 me ensefid.” Garbe, R. Glossar der feuerlandischen Sprache von Julius Platzmann, Leipzig, 1882. . (In Gottingsche gelehrte Anzeigen, Got¬ tingen, 1883, i, 336-376.) A rather sharp criticism of Dr. Platzmann’s Yahgan vocabulary, followed by a lengthy and important treatise on Yahgan grammar, based (p. 341) on ten letters written by the Rev. Mr. Bridges to Prof. Max Muller. Many Yahgan words passim Garcia [Marti or Alsue], Jose (a) Diario del viaje i navegacion liechos por el padre Jose Garcia de la Compania de Jesus desde su mision de Cailin, en Chiloe, hacia el sur en los anos 1766 i 1767. (Published first in von Murr’s Nachrichten, vol. ii; then in Anales Universidad de Chile , 1871, vol. xxxviii ; finally with extensive notes by Diego Barros Arana in An. hidr. mar. Chile , Santiago, 1889, xiv, 3-47.) One of the most important early sources on the culture of the Chonos (and Alacaluf?). The cul¬ tural data are scattered through the narrative; see especially pp. 6, 14-15, 20-21, 23-25, 28-32, 37- 38, 42 (of the edition by Dr. Barros Arana). The tribal divisions (pp. 31-33) are given with more detail in the next reference. Map. ( b ) [Letter of Oct. 31, 1783, on the tribal and linguistic divisions of the na¬ tives between Chiloe and the Strait. 1 (In Hervas y Panduro, a and b.) Garcia [Marti or Alsue], Jose — Contd. For comment see Hervas. Father Garcia left the Cailin Mission on Oct. 23, 1766, with 5 Spaniards and 34 Chonos. They crossed the Isthmus of Ofqui and got as far as the Guaianeco Islands, where they remained a little while, returning to Cailin Jan. 30, 1767. Father • Garcia probably used an interpreter in giving his missionary message to the Guaianeco Islanders (pp. 30-31), as the whole tenor of his letter to Father Hervas seems to imply that he did not speak the language(s) of the natives. His cultural data, based on personal observation chiefly, are therefore more dependable than his linguistic data. Garson, John George On the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego. (In Jour. Anthr. inst Lon¬ don, 1885, xv, 141-157.) An important study of the following osteolog- ical material in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons of England: no. 1025, c? Alacalufan skull (the same one that Owen, Huxley, and Flower had described) and parts of skeleton; nos. I025A-P, 1026-1027, 6 c? and 2 9 Yahgan skulls, and 3-4 incomplete skeletons, obtained directly or indirectly through the South American Mis¬ sionary Society. Dr. Garson’s paper also con¬ tains a review passim of the somatological evi¬ dence to 1885, and a good summary of Fuegian culture, based on Fitz-Roy, Bridges, and Bove. Gasperi, G. B. de La diminuzione della popolazione in- digena della Terra del Fuoco. (In Arch, per V anthr. e Vetnol., Firenze, 1913, xliii, 163-166; summary in Riv. geogr. ital., Firenze, 1913, xx, 627-628.) Statistics of and a statement of eight- causes for he rapid diminution of the native Fuegian popu¬ lation from 1880 to 1913. A good treatment of the subject. Gay, Claudio, ed. Historia fisica y politica de Chile: Documentos, 2 vols., Paris, 1846-1852. Contains the following documents bearing on the Chonos and Channel Alacaluf: vol. i: no. 16, Carta sobre la muerte de Valdivia, pp. 176-178; no. 30, Informe cronologico by Aseasubi, pp. 300- 400; no. 36, Pietas’ Noticia, pp. 486-512; vol. n: Olaverria’s Informe, pp. 13-54; Goicueta’s narra¬ tive of Cortes Hojea’s voyage, pp. 55-98. Gennes, de. 1696 See Froger. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, Etienne Portrait d’un Fuegien. (In Bull. Soc. d' anthr. de Paris , 1861, ii, 535-536.) An unimportant ten-line description of a por¬ trait (not reproduced in Bulletin) executed by M. Ie commandant Cabaret de Saint-Cernin and presented by M. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, 02 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. 63 Gerlache, Adrien de (а) Relation sommaire du voyage de la Belgica 1897-1899. (In Bull. Soc. roy. beige de geogr., Bruxelles, 1900, xxiv, no. 5, pp. 417-531.) Contains meager, unimportant notes on the Fuegians. (б) Quinze mois dans l’Antarctique, 2d ed., Paris-Bruxelles, 1902. Contains (pp. 86-94) a fair description of the Alacaluf, Yahgans, and especially Onr.s. The author had some contact with the natives in 1897 and 1899, but the above descriptions give very little information about them. See Dr. Cook’s fuller account. Giglioli, Enrico Hillyer *(a) Viaggio intorno al globo della reale pirocorvetta italiana Magenta negli anni 1865-66-67-68 sotto il comando del capitano di fregafca Y. F. Arminjon, Milano, 1875. Contains (pp. 947-951) an unimportant ac¬ count of the. Fuegians, based chiefly on informa¬ tion given by residents of Punta Arenas, and on the then extant literature, especially Fitz¬ Roy and Cunningham. Dr. Giglioli himself ap¬ parently saw no natives except at Punta Arenas; a subofficer encountered casually a group of Alacaluf. (6) Materiali per lo studio della “eta della pietra” dai tempi preistorici all’ epoca attuale. (In Arch, per Vantrop. e Vetnol., Firenze, 1901, xxxi, 19-264; reprint, Firenze, 1901.) Contains (Arch., pp. 258-262; repr., pp. 242- 246) descriptions of Fuegian artifacts, and (pp. 262 and 246, respectively) particularly of 6 bolas balls and a “mortaio di lava” found near Cape Penas on Tierra del Fuego Island and now in Dr. Giglioli’s collection. Gilliss, James Melville The United States naval astronomical expedition to the southern hemisphere during the years 1849-’50-’51-’52, vol. i, Chile, Washington, 1855. Contains (pp. 38, 73) unimportant notes on the Chonos and modern Chilean plank boats. Girard de Rialle, Julien (а) Les peuples de I’Afrique et de l’Amerique: Notions d’ethnologie, Paris, [1880]. Contains (pp. 132-135) a short, semipopular account of the Fuegians, based on d’Orbigny, de Rochas. Not important. (б) Les habitants de la Terre-de-Feu au Jardin d’acclimatation. (In Revue Girard de Rialle, Julien — Continued scientifique, Paris, 1881, xxvm, 3d ser. ii, 476-479.) An unimportant account of the Fuegians, based on the older written sources and on per¬ sonal observation of the Hagenbeck group of Alacaluf in the Jardin d’Acclimatation. Giuffrida-Ruggeri, Vincenzo Un cranio Guayaclil, un cranio (in¬ complete) Ciamacoco e un cranio fue- gino. (In Atti Soc. romana di antrop., Roma, 1906, xn, 235-258.) Contains (pp. 247-254) a description and meas¬ urements of an adult Fuegian skull, the gift of a Salesian missionary Bouvaire [Beauvoir?]. “II cranio e interessante per il suo tipo sferoidale- ipsicefalo” (p. 250). Dr. Sera (q. v., p. 194) thinks this skull is probably of Patagonian origin. Illustrations. Godoy, Pedro Tierra del Fuego: Informe de su go- bernador. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., Buenos Aires, 1893, xiv, cuad. 5-8, pp. 386-397.) Contains (p. 397) a census of the natives of Argentine Fuegia; unimportant. Goicueta [or Goizueta], Miguel de Viaje de Juan Ladrillero 1557-58. (In Gay, Documentos, n, 55-98; ed. with notes by Vidal Gormaz in An. hidr. mar. Chile, Santiago, 1879, v, 482-520.) One of the most important early sources on the anthropology of the canoe-using Indians between Coronados Gulf and the Strait. See especially the descriptions of the natives en¬ countered at the north end of Fallos Channel (“bahia de Nuestra Senora del Valle”) on pp. 484-485, at the south end of Picton Channel (or vicinity) on pp. 505, 509, at Coronados Gulf and Ancud Bay on pp. 514-516. Of equal importance are the accounts of the natives between Corco- vado Gulf (“golfo de San Martin”) and Cape Tres Montes (“cabo Ochabario”) on pp. 518-519, and of those between Cape Tres Montes and the “Strait of Ulloa” (?) on pp. 519-520. On one of the islands between Adventure Bay and the Guaiteeas Archipelago were found (p. 513) some abandoned huts and potato patches. The Ladrillero expedition sailed from Val¬ divia on Nov. 17, 1557, with two (or three?) ves¬ sels, the S. Luis and the S. Sebastian, commanded, respectively, by Ladrillero and Cortes Hojea. They first touched land at the north end of Fal¬ los Channel. The ships became separated, and Cort6s Hojea sought shelter somewhere near the southern end of Picton Channel, where he re¬ mained from February to July of 1558 rebuilding the S. Sebastian. On the return trip some days were spent in and around Ancud Bay. The account of the natives between Corcovado Gulf cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 93 Goicueta [or Goizueta], Miguel de— Con. and C. Tres Montes is apparently based on ob¬ servations by Cortes Hojea made during the Ulloa expedition in 1553-54, of which he was a member (p. 489; Rosales, a, vol. i, 216), as no natives are mentioned as having been seen in this territory on the 1557-58 expedition. GOngora Marmolejo, Alonso de Historia de Chile desde su descubri- miento hasta el aho de 1575, 1575. (Ed. in Col. hist. Chile , Santiago, 1862, voly II.) Contains (ch. 58, p. 153) a detailed description of the plank boat. Gonzalez de Agiieros Descripcion historial de la provincia y archipielago de Chiloe en el Reyno de Chile, y obispado de la Concepcion, Madrid, 1791. Father Agiieros spent six years in the province and archipelago of Chiloe. He made liberal use of the works of Fathers Ovalle and Lozano and others in compiling his Descripcion. It contains interesting data on the Chonos. See especially the following: plank boats, pp. 66-67; Chilotan weirs, pp. 70-71; seal hunting, p. 73; territory, description (from Lozano) and division (from Jos6 Garcia) of Chonos, pp. 185-186, 188. The narratives on pp. 217-248 of the two missionary expeditions of Fathers Marin and Real in 1778-79 and of Fathers Menendez and Bargas in 1779-80 into the Chonos’ territory contain some notes of value for the study of the history and linguistic relationships of the Chonos Graebner, Fritz (а) Die melanesische Bogenkultur und ihre Verwandten. (In Anthropos , St. Gabriel-Modling bei Wien, 1909, iv, 726-780, 998-1032.) Dr. Graebner maintains that the same strati" fi cation of cultures is found in America as in Indo-Oceanica, the successive waves having passed from the latter over to the former. The Fuegians would represent the earliest of these waves, and culturally occupy the same low plane relatively to the other American peoples (“als Randbewohner der Okumene”), as the Tas¬ manians did and the southeastern Australians do to the other Indo-Oceanic peoples. The skin mantle, the beehive hut, and especially the half¬ hitch coiled basketry, found in both archaic areas, would thus be inheritances from a common cultural ancestry, not the result of convergence (p. 1014). See also p. 1018 on Fuegian bark canoe, plank boat, and bow. (б) Methode der Ethnologie, Heidel¬ berg, 1911. An exposition and elaboration of the whole “ Kulturkreis ” theory. Contains (p. 149) a few remarks on the application of the theory to Fuegia. Graebner, Fritz — Continued (c) Gewirkte Taschen und Spiral- wulstkorbe in der Siidsee. (In Eth- nologica im Auftrage des Yereins zur Forderung des stadtischen Rauten- strauch-Joest-Museums f iir Volkerkunde in Coin, herausgegeben von Dr. W. Foy, Leipzig, 1913, n, Heft 1, pp. 25-42.) Contains a short notice of the Fuegian half¬ hitch coiled basketry (p. 39); of interest for com¬ parative study of this kind of basketry. (d) Amerika und die Siidseekul- turen. (Ibid., pp. 43-66.) An answer to Krause (q. v.). Contains on pp. 47-48 further comments on the resemblance of Fuegian to archaic Indo-Oceanic culture. Griewe, Wilhelm Frederick Primitives Siidamerika, Cincinnati, 1893. Contains (p. 234) a very short unimportant account of the Alacaluf. The same account is found in the author’s History of South America, Cleveland, 1913, pp. 152-154. Grubb, W. Barbrooke An unknown people in an unknown land (Paraguayan Chaco), London, 1911. The author spent four years among the Yah- gans at the Falkland Islands Mission (p. 26), but gives no information about them, except that they believed the moon to have turned a blood-red color after the massacre by them of the English missionaries, Capt. Fell and his party (p. 139). Guerrero Bascuiian, Mariano Memoria que el delegado del supremo gobierno en el Territorio de Magallanes . . . presenta al seiior Ministro de Colo- nizacion, 2 vols,, Santiago de Chile, 1897. (Reference from review in An- nales de geogr., Paris, 1898, vol. vn, Bibliographie de 1897, p. 270.) Toward the end of the first volume, according to the reviewer, L. Gallois, there is an account of the aborigines: “Obra rara por haberse que- mado casi toda la edicidn del ultimo tomo’’ (Anrique). Guerrero Vergara, Ramon, ed. Los descubridores del estrecho de Magallanes i sus primeros esploradores. (In An. hidr. mar. Chile , Santiago, 1880- 81, vols. vi-vii; sep. repr., ibid. 1880.) Contains the original narratives of Ladrillero, Juan de Mori and Sarmiento, an account of Drake’s voyage based chiefly on Pretty’s nar¬ rative, and (vi, 435-452) an excellent “reconstruc¬ tion” of the voyage of Ulloa in 1553-54, gathered 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. P.3 Guerrero Vergara, Ramon, ed. — Continued from the early Chilean sources. Tjlloa departed from Valdivia toward the end of October, 1553, and, following the coast line and channels, en¬ tered apparently the Strait. The expedition made many landings and had some contact with the natives, but the fragmentary details that have come down to us contain only meager anthropological material. These few data, how¬ ever, are of interest, inasmuch as they are the earliest extant accounts of the Chonos and Pata¬ gonian Channel natives. Guilbaudiere, Iouhan de la Description des principaux endroits de la Mer du sud, depuis les 52. degrez 30. minutes sud, oil est le d’Estroit du Magelland jusqu’au 41. degrez Nord, qui est l’jsle de Calliforne faite sur les lieux par le si- Iouhan de la Guilbau¬ diere: Dresse et dessine, les plans qui l’accompagnent, sur ses Memoires par le sieur Hanicle Ingenieur ordinaire du Roy. MS. in Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. [1696], Contains a good though short account of the culture of the Alacaluf of the Strait (pp. 3-7) and some local and tribal names (pp. 18-19), but is chiefly important for the vocabulary of 225 words and phrases gathered by La Guilbaudiere from the natives (pp. 8-13). Sometime between 1688 and the date of de Gennes’ voyage, 1696 (Marcel, a), La Guilbaudiere was shipwrecked in the Canal de Joucy-oucq or Yeoucyoucq, which, to judge from Jouan’s description and from Hani- cle’s map, was just oil the Strait of Magellan south of the Port Gallant district— perhaps Bar¬ bara Channel. The crew spent 11 months on the mainland near Port Gallant making a smaller boat from the wreckage of their 200-ton vessel (pp. 2, 23). It was during this time, as La Guil¬ baudiere states (p. 3), that he was enabled to learn something of the native culture and to gather his vocabulary. He had considerable con¬ tact with the Indians and (p. 24) took at least one long voyage of five weeks with them by canoe. The vocabulary is unquestionably Alacalufan. General Mitre’s criticism (i, 159), “estedocumento es una mera curiosidad linguistica,” is certainly far too severe. A comparison with other Ala¬ calufan vocabularies shows Jouan’s to be as cor¬ rect as most and more correct than many of the lists gathered by more trained men; but like most of the other extant lists his has a corroborative rather than an independent value. Much of La Guilbaudiere’s cultural material was published by Dr. Marcel (a and c), as was also the vocabulary (6). Some of the words in Marcel, b, differ slightly from Jouan’s manuscript list; Jouan, too, wrote many of his c’s and e’s, l’s and t’s, and u’s and n’s so much alike that it is not always possible to determine which he meant. Cf. Roussel, a, b. Gunn, John Recent exploration in Tierra del Fuego. (In Scottish geogr. mag., Edin¬ burgh, 1888, iv, 319-326.) Contains (pp. 325-326) a succinct account of Ona culture, chiefly material. The anthropolog¬ ical and other data are derived from Popper, a. Haberlandt, Michael Volkerkunde (Sammlung Goschen), Leipzig, 1898; Engl, tr., London, 1900. Contains (orig., pp. 125-126; tr., p. 101), a very short, unimportant paragraph on the Fuegians. Hacke, William, ed. A collection of original voyages, Lon¬ don, 1699 ; for reprint and Fr. and Germ, translations, see Dampier. Contains the voyages of Sharp and Wood. Haddon, Alfred Cort (а) The study of man, N ew York-Lon- don, 1898. Contains (pp. 55, 78) brief data on Fuegian cra¬ nial and nasal indices. (б) The races of man and their distri¬ bution, London (1909). Contains (pp. 100-102) brief notes on the three Fuegian tribes. (c) The wanderings of peoples, Cam¬ bridge-New York, 1912. Contains (pp. 77, 112-113) suggestions regard¬ ing the probable relationship and original habitat of the three Fuegian tribes. Hahn, Philippe (а) La mere et 1’ enfant chez les Fu6- giens du sud (Yaghan). (In Bull. Soc. d'anthr. de Paris , 1883, 3d ser. vi, 804-807.) An important article from the physiological as well as from the social and moral standpoints. Several Yahgan words given, one (p. 804) show¬ ing a slight difference as used in Ushuaia and the southern islands respectively. (б) Mission du cap Horn: Rapport sommaire. (In C. R. hebdom. Acad, des sciences , Paris, seance of Dec. 31, 1883, xcvn, 1533-1537.) Contains toward end a brief account of Yahgan culture. (c) Les Fuegiens de l’Archipel. (In Science et nature , Paris, ler sem., 1884, i, 337-341.) Quite like the preceding article. Brief men¬ tion of three Yahgan legends. Dr. Hahn had splendid opportunities for first¬ hand study of the Yahgans during his year’s cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF T TERR A DEL FUEGO 95 Hahn, Phillippe — Continued service on the French Cape Horn Expedition as surgeon of the Romanche. He spent this time cruising around with Capt. Martial. By assidu¬ ous study he learned to understand the Yahgan tongue fairly well. In his professional capacity, moreover, he was in a position to gather some in¬ valuable information, especially in the field cov¬ ered by the first of the above three articles. The greater part of the material he gathered has been incorporated in volumes I and vii of the Mission du cap Horn. Hakluyt, Richard, ed. The principal navigations, voyages, trafliques and discoveries of the Eng¬ lish nation, 2d enlarged ed., 3 vols, London, 1598-1600; ed. by Edmund Goldsmid, 16 vols., Edinburgh, 1884- 1890; ed. Hakluyt society, 12 vols., Glasgow, 1903-1905. Contains (2d ed., m, 730-742, 803-825, 839-840, 842-852; Goldsmid ed., xv-xvi; Hakluyt soc. ed., xi) Drake’s Famous voyage, Pretty’s and Jane’s accounts of Cavendish’s 1586 and 1591 voyages, and Magoths’ narrative of Chidley’s voyage. Hakluyt society publications, London, 1847- The society has published reprints or English translations of the following voyages and other works: Acosta, 1880, vols. lx-lxi; Fletcher, 1854, vol. xvi ; Hawkins, 1847, vol. I, and 1878, vol. lvu; Maximilianus Transylvanus, 1874, vol. Ln; Nodals, 1911, 2d ser., vol. xxvm; Sarmiento and Hernandez, 1895, vol. xci; van Speilbergen, 1906, 2d ser. , vol. xvm. Cf. also Hakluyt, and Purchas, 6. Hale, Horatio Ethnography of Antarctic America. (In Science, New York, July 31, 1885, vi, no. 130, pp. 92-94.) A summary of the Lucy-Fossarieu mono¬ graph (q. v.). Hamilton, James A memoir of Richard Williams, sur¬ geon: Catechist to the Patagonian missionary society in Terra del Fuego, New York, 1854. Contains (pp. 109-120) a description of the Fuegians, based chiefly on Byron, de Cdrdoba, Fitz-Roy and Prichard; but is of greater interest for the frequent references passim to the char¬ acter of the Yahgans from the journal of Dr. Williams. Hamy, Jules Theodore Ernest (a) See de Quatrefages. ( b ) Etude sur les collections ameri- caines reunies a Genes a l’occasion du Hamy, Jules Theodore Ernest — Contd. IVe centenaire de la decouverte de l’Amerique. (In Journ. Soc. des Americanistes de Paris, 1895-96, i, 1-31; separate repr., Paris, 1896; also in author’s Decades americanae: 3e & 4e Decades, Paris [1898], pp. 153-178.) Contains (on last 2 pages of article) a few un¬ important notes from observation of the three Alacaluf and one Ona under Father Beauvoir’s care at the Genoa exposition in 1892. (c) Les races malaiques et ameri- caines. (In Anthropologie, Paris, 1896, vii, 129-146; [Les races americaines] in author’s Decades americanae, 5e & 6e Decades, Paris [1902], pp. 1-10.) Dr. Hamy asserts his belief (pp. 142 and 5-6, respectively) in the racial kinship between the modern Fuegians and the ancient Lagoa Santa race. Hanaford, Mrs. Phebe Anne The captive boy in Tierra del Fuego [Thomas Edward Coffin], New York, 1867. Contains passim some fairly good material on Fuegian culture. See especially pp. 210-211 describing what may have been religious cere¬ monies. The boy was shipwrecked with his father among the natives, apparently Alacaluf, and after his father’s murder by them spent about three months, Feb.-May, 1855, in their midst. The boy seems to have been a good observer. Mrs. Hanaford took special pains to gather from him on his return all cultural data and weave them into her narrative. Hariot, P. Un mission scientifique dans les regions magellaniques,. 1886. (Refer¬ ence from Anrique, p. 397.) Harris, John Navigantium atque itinerantium bib¬ liotheca: or, a compleat collection of voyages and travels, 2 vols., London, 1705; rev. ed., ibid., 1744-1748; same, 1764. Contains the following voyages: 1705 ed., vol. i, book i: ch. 4, Drake’s Famous voyage; ch. 5, Pretty’s account of Cavendish’s 1586 voyage; ch. 6, van Noort’s and de Weert’s; ch. 7, van Speil- bergen’s; book 5: ch. 4, Knivet’s account of Cavendish’s 1591 voyage; ch. 10, Hawkins’; the preceding are abstracts, which, however, give the Fuegian anthropological data quite or nearly in full; vol. ii, book 4: ch. 1, Narbrough’s; ch. 6, Sharp’s; these two in full. Hartgers, Joost, ed. Oost-Indische voyagien, door dien begin en voortgangh van de Yereen- 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. 63 Hartgers, Joost, ed. — Continued ighde Nederlandtsche geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische compagnie, Amsterdam, 1648. Contains the voyages of de Weert, van Noort, van Speilbergen, and LTIermite, reprinted from Commelin. Hatcher, John Bell (а) Patagonia. (In Nat. geogr. mag. Washington, Nov., 1897, vm, no. 11, pp. 305-319.) On pp. 305-307 a short, unimportant account of the culture of the Canoe Indians. (б) The Indian tribes of soutnern Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, and the adjoining islands. (Ibid., Jan., 1901, xn, no. 1, pp. 12-22. )] Unimportant for Fuegian culture. Hatin, Louis Eugene Histoire pittoresque des voyages au- tour du monde, 2 vols., Paris- Limoges, 1847. Contains (i, 97-101) the description of the Pecherais (Alacaluf) from Bougainville. Hawkesworth, John, ed. An account of the voyages . . . per¬ formed by Commodore Byron, Captain Carteret, Captain Wallis and Captain Cook . . . drawn up from the journals which were kept by the several com¬ manders and from the papers of Joseph Banks, Esq., 3 vols., London, 1773; 2d ed., 1773; Kerr, vols. xn-xm; repr. of vols. ii— hi, 2 vols., New York, 1774; Fr. tr., 4 vols., Paris, 1774; Montemont, vols. ii— m, v-vii; Dutch tr. of Cook’s voyage, by J. D. Pasteur, Leyden, etc., 1797-1809, vols. i-iii; abridgment of Byron’s and Cook’s voyages, in Ban- carel, vols. vi, vm; abstr. in Henry, vol. iii; abstracts of Wallis’ in Bancarel, vol. iv, of Cook’s in Pinkerton, vol. xi, and in Freville, vol. i. For comments see Byron, b, Wallis, Cook, a, Banks. Hawkins, Richard The observations of . . . inhisvoiage into the South Sea, A. D. 1593, London, 1622; ed. by C. R. D. Bethune in Hak¬ luyt soc. publications, vol. i, London, 1847; ed. by Clements R. Markham, ibid., vol. Lvii, 1878; abridged in Pur- chas’ Pilgrimes, iv, bk. 7, ch. 5; abstr. Hawkins, Richard — Continued in de Brosses, i, 235-249, Harris, i, and Laet, bk. xn (xm of Fr. and Lat. tr.). Contains very meager and unimportant notes on natives, seemingly Alacaluf, met at Blanche’s and English Bays in 1594. Hellwald, Friedrich Anton Heller von Naturgeschichte des Menschen, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1882-1885. Contains (i, 463-474) a lengthy description of the Fuegians. The account would need consid¬ erable revision in the light of more recent re¬ searches. Hennig, C. Das Rassenbecken. (In Arch. f. Anthr., Braunschweig, 1886, xvi, 161- 228.) Contains passim (see pp. 213-214 and 168, no. 73) some notes on the Fuegian pelvis. Henry, David, ed. An historical account of all the voy¬ ages round the world performed by English navigators, 4 vols., London, 1773-74. Contains accounts of the following voyages: Drake’s (World encompassed), Cavendish’s (by Pretty and Jane), vol. i; Clipperton’s, Anson’s (chiefly from Thomas), vol. n; Byron’s, Wallis’s, Cook’s first (all three from Hawkesworth), vol. in; Bougainville’s, vol. iv. The Cavendish voy¬ ages are given in full; the others are abstracts, which, however, include most of the Fueg&n an¬ thropological data. In 1775 Henry published a fifth volume, con¬ taining Cook’s second voyage. Herbertson, Andrew John, and Mrs. Fanny Louisa Dorothea Man and his work: An introduction to human geography, 2d ed., London, 1904. Contains references passim to Fuegian culture. The attribution of the raft (p. 56) to the Fuegians is an inaccuracy. Herculais, J. Kiinckel d’ Les chiens des Fuegiens. (In Sci¬ ence et nature, Paris, ler sem., 1884, i, 137-140.) A study of two Yahgan dogs brought back by Dr. Hyades. Includes extensive quotations from Drs. Hyades and Hahn pn the appearance and habits of the Yahgans’ dogs. Hernandez, Tome Declaracion que de orden del Virrei del Peru D. Francisco de Borja, Prin¬ cipe de Esquilache, hizo, ante escri- bano, Tome Hernandez, de lo sucedido en las dos poblaciones fundadas en el cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 97 Hernandez, Tome — Continued estrecho de Magallanes por Pedro Sar- miento de Gamboa. (In Iriarte’s ed. of Sarmiento’s Viage, Madrid, 1768; Engl, tr., Markham, Hakl. soc., 1895, xci, 352-375.) Contains passim a few unimportant notes on the Alacaluf and Onas(?) (pp. xxv, xxix-xxx). Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio de Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano, 2d (or, according to some, 3d) ed., 5 vols., Madrid, 1726-27 (1st ed., 1601-1615); Engl. tr. of first three decades, London, 1725-26; Fr. tr. ditto, 3 vols., Paris, 1660-1671. Contains meager data on the graves found by Magellan’s expedition, and on the natives met by the Loaysa expedition (dec. 2, bk. 9, ch. 14, and dec. 3, bk. 9, ch. 4, respectively). Herrera, Pedro Nolasco La raza Ona i su civilizacion: Con¬ ference dada en la Sociedad Empleados de Comercio el dia 28 de marzo de 1897, Santiago de Chile, 1897, 42 pp. (Ref¬ erence from Anrique, p. 422.) Hervas y Panduro, Lorenzo (а) Catalogo delle lingue conosciute e notizia della loro affinita e diversita, Cesena, 1784. Quotes in extenso (p. 16) an important letter' dated Oct. 31, 1783, in which Father Jose Garcia Marti (q. v.) sketches the tribal and linguistic di¬ visions of the canoe-using Indians from ChilotHo the Straitof Magellan. This letter has frequently been used by later writers as a basis for the classi¬ fication of these natives. (б) Catalogo de las lenguas de las na- ciones conocidas, 6 vols., Madrid, 1800- 1805. Contains the same letter in Spanish (i, 125-120) and a few unimportant data on Fuegian lin¬ guistics. Herve, Henri Georges See Hovelacque. Hestermann, Ferdinand (a) Zur Transkriptionfrage des Ya- gan. (In Journ. Soc. des American- istes de Paris , 1913, n. s. x, fasc. 1, pp. 27-41.) An announcement by Father Hestermann that he is proparing for proximate publication Hestermann, Ferdinand — Continued the larger Yahgan dictionary compiled by the Rev. Thomas Bridges. In transcribing it he will use the system advocated by his confrere, Father Wilhelm Schmidt, in Anthropos, 1907, n, 282-329, 508-587, 822-897, 1058-1105. (6) See W. Schmidt, b. Hobhouse, Leonard Trelawney Morals in evolution, 2 vols., 2d rev. ed., London, 1908. Contains (i, 45-47) a brief account of Yahgan moral culture, based on Hyades. Holdich, Thomas Hungerford The countries of the king’s award, London, 1904. Contains (pp. 144-145, 152-153, 159-160) a few unimportant notes on the modern Fuegians, based partly on personal observation. Hollard, Henry De l’homme et des races humaines, Paris, 1853. Contains (pp. 202-203) a short, unimportant account of the Alacaluf. Holliday, Frederick William Mackey Letters of travel 1882— [1893], 7 (8) vols., Baltimore, 1897. Contains (vol. v, West Indies and South America, pp. 278-280) imimportant notes on a canoe-load of Alacaluf met casually in 188S. Holmberg, Eduardo Alejandro, ( hijo ) (a) Viaje al interior de Tierra del Fuego. (Reprint from Armies del Mi- nisterio de Agricultural seccion de Inmi- gradon, Propaganda y Geografia, Re- publica Argentina, vol. i, no. 1, Buenos Aires, 1906, 95 pp.) Contains (pp. 51-60) an interesting and ex¬ tensive account of Ona culture. During a four months’ trip in company with Dr. Lehmann- Nitsche, the writer often saw (p. 58) the Onas, and was, moreover, in touch with both Mr. Lucas Bridges and the Salesians. His description, how¬ ever, differs in many details from other accounts based on the same sources. On pp. 51-52 are a few data on the Haush subtribe. Seven photo graphs of Ona types. Ethnological maps, and reprint of Capt. Bove’s map. ( b ) El ultimo representante de una raza. (In Apuntes de hist, nat., 1909, vol. i, no. 5.) (Reference from Dab- bene.) According to Dr. Dabbene (6, p. 269) this article contains data on the Haush tribe, fur¬ nished by Mr. Lucas Bridges. 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. G3 Hovelacque, Abel, and Herve, Henri Georges Precis d’anthropologie, Paris, 1887. Contains (pp. 526-527) a few unimportant notes on Fuegian culture and somatology, based on d’Orbigny, Garson, Manouvrier, and Th. Bridges. Hoyos Sainz, Luis de (а) Lecciones de antropologfa: Vol. hi, Etnografla: Clasificaciones, prehis- toria y razas americanas, 2d ed., Madrid, 1900. Contains (pp. 278-281, 356) a brief account of the Fuegians. Not important. (б) Cranes fuegiens et araucans du musee antliropologique de Madrid. (In Joum. Soc. des Americanistes de Paris, 1913, n. s. x, fasc. i, pp. 181-194.) Contains the description and measurements of an adult Fuegian 3 skull, believed by the writer to be of an Ona. Three photographs of same skull. Hrdlicka, Ale§ (а) Measurements of three Fuegian skulls, a c? Yahgan, a 3 Onan, and a 9 Onan. (Published by Dr. Dabbene [6, p. 283] with three plates of photo¬ graphs of same.) (б) Early man in South America, Bulletin 52, Bureau Amer. ethn., Washington, 1912. On p. 179 Dr. Hrdlibka expresses conviction of the kinship of the modern Fuegians to the ancient Lagoa Santa race. Hulsius, Levinus, ed. [Collection of voyages], 24 parts, Franckfurt am Mayn, etc., 1599-1649. Contains the voyages of van Speilbergen, pt. 17, 1620, and of L’Hermite, pt. 22, 1630. Hultkrantz, J. Vilh. (а) Nagra bidrag till Sydamerikas fysiska antropologi. (In Ymer, Stock¬ holm, 1898, xviii, 31-48.) An important contribution to Fuegian and Chonoan somatology. Dr. Hultkrantz gives the description and measurements of the following skulls: 3 3 Onan, 2 3 Yahgan, 1 9 Alacalufan (probably), and 1 9 Chonoan (probably). In the following paper the first five skulls are studied more fully, but the last two are omitted. (б) Zur Osteologie der Ona- und Yahgan-Indianer des Feuerlandes. (In Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der schwedischen Expedition nach den Magellanslandern 1895-1897 unter Lei- tung von Dr. Otto Nordenskjold, Bd. i, Hultkrantz, J. Vilh. — Continued Geologie, Geographic u. Anthropologie, Heft 2, Nr. 5, Stockholm, 1900 ca, pp. 109-173.) An important contribution to Yahgan and especially Ona somatology. The paper contains a few notes (pp. 126-127) on the culture of the Onas from Dr. Nordenskjold’s Fran Eldslandet, but is chiefly of value for the description and measurements of the following material: 5 nearly complete adult 3 skeletons — 3 Onan and 2 Yahgan — and 1 Yahgan child’s skull brought back by the Swedish expedition of 1895-1897 ; 1 3 Yahgan skull brought back by Dr. Erland Nor- denskiold’s expedition of 1898-99; 2 complete skeletons (one 3 , the other 9 ) and 1 3 skull, all Onan, now at Paris. Dr. Hultkrantz found the cephalic indices of 5 3 Ona skulls to be 72.8, 73.2, 74.3, 76, 76.8, and the 1 9 76.1 (pp. 131, 167)— an average lower than the Yahgan- Alacalufan. The paper concludes with an interesting and impor¬ tant discussion of the somatological relations of the Onas to the Yahgans and Alacaluf, pp. 162- 163, and to the Patagonians, pp. 163-165. The following reviews of the above study con¬ tain summaries of the results: Ymer, 1901, xxi, 206-207; L. Laloy, in Anthropologie, 1902, xm, 402-404; Felix F. Outes, in Historia, Buenos Aires, 1903, 1, 492-493. Huxley, Thomas Henry On the form of the cranium among the Patagonians and Fuegians. (In Jour, of anat. and physiol., Cambridge- London, 1868, n, 2d ser. i, 253-271.) Contains (pp. 266-268) a description of 2 skulls, one Alacalufan, previously described by Dr. Owen, the other either Alacalufan or possibly Onan, from Philip Bay, sent to Prof. Huxley by Dr. Cunningham. Woodcuts. A summary of the above article may be found in Arch. f. Ant hr., Braunschweig, 1868-69, m, 374. Hyades, Paul Daniel Jules (а) [A short letter]. (In C. R. Soc. de geogr., Paris, 1883, pp. 374-377.) Unimportant short notes on the Yahgans of Orange Bay, followed by an unimportant discus¬ sion on Fuegian language taken part in by MM. Bouquet de la Grye, Delisle, and d’Abbadie. (б) Mission du cap Horn: Kapport sommaire. (In C. R. hehdom. Acad, des sciences, Paris, seance of Dec. 10, 1883, xcvn, 1340-1347.) A summary of the results of the geological, floral, and faunal researches of the expedition, followed by a good but brief account of Yahgan culture. (c) Les Fuegiens et la mission fran- ?aise du cap Horn. (In La Nature, Paris, ler sem., 1884, xn, 142.) An abbreviated review of the preceding article. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 99 Hyades, Paul Daniel Jules — Continued (d) Les Fuegiens a la baie Orange. (In Science et nature , Paris, ler sem., 1884, i, 305-309.) A summary of Yahgan culture, quite similar to the Rapport sommaire above. Woodcuts of Yahgan canoe and wigwam, and of 5 casts of natives. (e) and Galippe, V. Observations sur le systeme dentaire des Fuegiens. (In C. R. hebdom. des seances et memoires Soc. de biol., Paris, 1884, xxxvi, 8th ser., i, 69-80; Journ. des connaissances medicates prat, et de pharmacol ., Paris, 1884, annee li, 3d ser., pp. 207-208, 215-216, 222-224.) Description and measurements of material brought back by Dr. Hyades. (/) Notes hygieniques et medicates sur les Fuegiens de l’archipel du cap Horn. (In Revue d’hygiene et de police sanitaire, Paris, 1884, vi, 550-590.) This important paper was read before the Societe de medecine publique et d’hygiene pro* fessionnelle at the meeting held June 11, 1884, and is a “resume des principales observations faites au point de vue medical sur les Fuegiens qui vivent dans les parages immediats du cap Horn,” touching, it may be added, on nearly every phase of Yahgan culture. (g) Une annee au cap Horn. (In Tour du monde , Paris, lcr sem., 1885, xlix, 385-416; Germ. tr. in Globus , Braunschweig, 1886, xlix, 1-7, 17-22, 33-40; Dutch tr. in De aarde en haar volken, Haarlem, 1886, xxii, pp. 89- 104; Span. tr. by R. Serrano M. in An. hide. mar. Chile, Santiago, 1886, xi, 479-521.) Contains an extensive and important accoimt of all phases of Yahgan culture, but very little on somatology or language. 23 woodcuts and 1 map. (, h ) La chasse et la peche chez les Fue¬ giens de l’archipel du cap Horn. (In Revue d' ethnographic, Paris, 1885, iv, 514-553.) A comprehensive treatment of this phase of Fuegian culture, giving also many data on kin¬ dred phases. Many Yahgan words passim. 26 woodcuts. (i) Observations sur les Fuegiens. (In Bull. Soc. d’anthr. de Paris, 1883, 3d ser. vi, 617-621.) Short extracts from two letters by Dr. Hyades. Not important. Hyades, Paul Daniel Jules — Continued (j) Contribution a l’ethnograpliie fuegienne. (Ibid., 1884, 3d ser. vii, 147-168.) Of importance for the extensive notes (pp. 152-165) on Yahgan grammar, especially the con¬ jugations. Some Yahgan words passim. A few notes on culture. This article is followed by Dr. Hyades’ trans¬ lation of Mr. Thos. Bridges’ Manners and cus¬ toms of the Firelanders (pp. 168-1S4) and by an unimportant discussion taken part in by MM. de Semalle, de Quatrefages, Foley, and Letour- neau (pp. 184-185). ( k ) Sur les Fuegiens. (Ibid., pp. 616-620.) ( l ) Sur les Fuegiens. (Ibid., pp. 716-725.) These last two articles are of interest chiefly for the following: an exact census of the Yahgans taken by Mr. Thos. Bridges in June, 1884, p. 717; “Les Ona de l’Oest peuvent a peine comprendre les Ona de l’Est,” quoted from a letter by Mr. Bridges, p. 718; d’Arquistade’s narrative, pp. 723-725. (m) Sur l’etat actuel des Fuegiens de 1’archipel du cap Horn. (Ibid., 1885, 3d ser. viii, 200-215.) Unimportant cultural notes, followed by a Short discussion by .MM. Foley, Hovelacque, Herve, Topinard, Deniker. (n) La rougeole chez les Fuegiens. (Ibid., pp. 462-463.) Some comments upon a communication from the Rev. Mr. Bridges. (o) Les epidemies chez les i uegiens. (Ibid., 1886, 3d ser. ix, 202-205.) Extracts from a letter from Mr. Thos. Bridges on the ravages of an epidemic among the Yah¬ gans. (p) Ethnographie des Fuegiens. (Ibid., 1887, 3d ser. x, 327-340.) Multum in parvo. An important summary of the mental, social, moral and religious culture of the Yahgans, given in the form of concise answers to a “questionnaire de sociologie et d ’ethnogra¬ phie.” A few Yahgan words passim. Discus¬ sion by MM. Hyades, Letourneau, Pietrement, Herv6, Ploix (pp. 340-345). Cf. also notes on Fuegian cannibalism by Hyades (pp. 502-504), Bordier (pp. 66, 505-506), and de Nadaillac (pp. 29-30), ibid., 1888, 3d ser. xi. (q) and Deniker, Joseph. Mission scientifique du cap Horn, vol. vii. Anthropologie, ethnographie, Paris, 1891. The most important extant study of Yahgan anthropology. Where it is accessible, Dr. Hyades’ 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Hyades, Paul Daniel Jules — Continued other writings (except, for a few minor points, the preceding article, p), and, for that matter, almost everything else that had been published previ¬ ously by the Rev. Mr. Bridges, the members of the Bove expedition, and earlier writers on the Yahgans, may be safely neglected. Moreover, since the publication of this classic little of importance has been added to our knowledge of Y ahgan culture, although there have been ad¬ vances in the fields of somatology and particu¬ larly of language. It may be added that Dr. Hyades’ writings are sources for the anthro¬ pology of the Yahgans almost exclusively. As he carefully emphasizes, he had no personal expe¬ rience with the Onas, and very little with the Alacaluf. Contents: Introductory remarks, pp. 1-23; anatomy: osteology, description, and measure¬ ments of the following material, all Yahgan, brought back by the expedition: 4 complete skel¬ etons (of 1 man, 1 woman, and 2 infants); 3 addi¬ tional skulls (2 3 Rosales, Diego de — Continued strange speech to the call of this bird. As the Araucanian name for gull is "caucau” (Rosales^ i, 310), it is very likely that the name "Cau- caus,” “Caucahues,” etc., which occurs so fre¬ quently in works later than 1641 but not earlier to denote the Chonos had its origin in this way. ( b ) Conquista espiritual del reino de Chile. MS. (Fragments only are ex¬ tant. Cf. preceding work, vol. i. In- trod., pp. xxxiv-xxxv.) Valuable data from this manuscript, bearing on Chonoan culture, are given in Dr. Medina's Aborijenes on pp. 94-95, 103, 162, 178, 186. Father Rosales was in Chilod in 1662 and probably derived his information on Chonoan culture from direct observation or from good first-hand sources. In the Introduction and Subject Bibliography the present writer has referred to the data con¬ cerning Father Rosales’ “Gabiotas” as Chonoan. This has been done with considerable reserve, for although from the circumstances of the case it seems more probable that the Gabiotas were Chonos, it is by no means certain. Ross, James Clark A voyage of discovery and research in the southern and antarctic regions during the years 1839-1843, 2 vols., London, 1847. Contains (n, 284-285, 303-307) an excellent ac. count of the culture of the Yahgans who made "frequent visits” to Capt. Ross and his party during the expedition’s sojourn at Martin’s Cove in Sept. -Oct., 1842. Cf. also M’Cormick. Roth, Henry Ling Tatu in Tierra del Fuego. (In Man, London, 1905, v, no. 90, pp. 161-163.) A discussion of a passage hi Parkinson’s Journal, p. 8, perhaps showing the existence of tattooing among the Onas, probably Manekenkn, met in Jan., 1769, at Good Success Bay on Capt. Cook’s first expedition. The passage and illus¬ trations are far from decisive proofs of the point. The illustration may well represent mere stip¬ pling, a common style of face painting among the modern Fuegians. Again no mention is made of tattooing by either Capt. Cook or Dr. Banks, who describe, the latter in considerable detail, the same natives whom Dr. Parkinson saw. It may be added that the modem Onas tattoo the arm, not the face. See also the uncertainties in the evidence, which Dr. Roth himself suggests. Figures 1-3 in text. Roussel, A. (a) Les Fuegiens, leurs moeurs et leur langage au XVIIme siecle. (In Revue de Fribourg , Dec., 1909, 14 pp.) (Ref¬ erence from Geogr. jour., London, 1914, xliii, no. 5, p. 595.) Roussel, A. — Continued ( b ) Le langage des Fuegiens. (In Museon, Louvain, 1910, n. s. xi, 135- MO.) Contains ai: Alacalufan vocabulary, that is pretty surely a copy of La Guilbaudiere’s, from the MS. journal of an officer of Beauehesne- Gouin’s fleet. Less accurate than the original. Rousson (a) and Willems Mission scientifique de Mm. Rousson et Willems a la Terre de Feu. (In C. R. Soc. de geogr., Paris, 1891, nos. 7-8, pp. 176-183; Span. tr. in Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., Buenos Aires, 1891, xn, 2-9.) Contains (pp. 180-181; tr., pp. 6-9 a succinct account of the culture of the northern Onas. ( b ) and Willems La Terre de Feu et ses habitants. (In C. R. Assoc, franqaise pour Vavance- ment des sciences, 21st sess., held at Pau, 1892, Paris, 1893, 2d part, pp. 961- 965.) Contains (pp. 963-965) the same cultural data as the preceding article. MM. Rousson and Willems traveled for over two months in 1890 through the northern part of Tierra del Fuego Island, and for four months in 1891 through the southern part, during which time they had a fair amount of contact with the Onas. They were charged by Senor Adolfo Polero Escamilla with plagiarizing from Senor Popper’s 1887 article; the Instituto Geografico Argentino after investigation sustained the charge {Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., 1891, xii, 118-119). Regardless, however, of the source whence drawn, their cultural data are in the main accurate, even though not so important. See also Willems. Sabin, Joseph A dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, vols. i-xx, New York, 1868-1892. Contains important bibliographical data con¬ cerning many of the sources for Fuegian anthro¬ pology. Salesian bulletin See Bollettino salesiano, Cojazzi. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro Viage al estrecho de Magallanes por el Capitan Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa en los anos de 1579. y 1580. y noticia de la expedicion que despues hizo para poblarle, ed. by Bernardo [de] Iriarte, Madrid, 1768; repr. in An. hidr. mar. Chile, Santiago, 1881, vii, 413-542; Engl. tr. by Sir Clements Markham, cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 125 Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro— Contd. Hakl. soc., yoI. xci, London, 1895. Cf. Hernandez. Contains numerous notes passim (pp. 81, 91, 109-111, 120, 122-123, 191-193, 196-198, 209-212, 228-229; An. hidr., pp. 422, 428, 439, 445-447, 487- 488, 497-498, 511) on the culture of the natives, all probably Alacaluf, of different points between Concepcion Strait and the modem Punta Arenas region, and a few details (pp. 244-240; An. hidr., pp. 519-520) on the Onas of Gente Grande Bay. Ten native local names (pp. 203-210 passim; An. hidr., pp. 493-497) gathered from some Indians taken aboard seemingly at Tuesday Bay, Desola¬ tion Island. Sarmiento had considerable contact with the natives in 1579-1580, but his reports of their culture are rather meager. His most inter¬ esting data are: Cave burial (p. 120; An. hidr., 445); the local names, vaguely suggestive at least of the Alacaluf language; and the descrip¬ tion of the Onas, the earliest extant account of this tribe. The fabulous details found in Argensola’s account (q. v.) of Sarmiento’s voyage are absent from the original narrative. Schlesinger, Georg [Account of Fuegians encountered while aboard the Junon Oct., 1878, between English Reach and Isthmus Bay.] (In Verh. Berlin. Ges. f. Anthr. u. s. w., Nov. 14, 1881, pp. [393]— 394.) Contains some brief notes on the Alacaluf met casually three times; not important. Schmidt, Emil Catalog der im anatomischen Institut der Universitat Leipzig aufgestellten craniologischen Sammlung. (In Die anthrop. Sammlung en Deutschlands: Pri- vat-Sammlungen, i, 1886.) Contains (pp. 1G8-1G9) the description and measurements of the skulls of a Payo man and a half-breed Payo woman. The Payos of south¬ ern Chiloe are suspected of having Chonoan blood in them. Schmidt, Wilhelm (а) L’origine de l’idee de L)ieu, vol. i, Paris, 1910, repr. from Anthropos, 1908-1910, yoIs. iii-v; Germ. tr. rev. and enl., vol. i, Munster i. W., 1912. Contains (p. 103; tr., p. 145) a paragraph on the Fuegian “supreme Deity,” based on Lang. (б) and Hestermann, Ferdinand Volker und Kulturen. (In Mensch aller Zeiten, 3 vols., Berlin-Miinchen- Wien, 1911-, vol. hi, 1914-.) Contains (pp. 112-127) a review of the evidence for the application of the Kulturkreis theory to America, especially South America. See in par- Schmidt, Wilhelm — Continued ticular the section on pp. 115-117 dealing with the Fuegians. Father Schmidt agrees in the main with Dr. Graebner. Schuller, Rodolfo R. Bibliography of Spanish America. MSS. Consists of about 7,000 titles covering history, geography, languages, etc.; not, however, as im¬ portant for Fuegia as for the rest of the continent. It was acquired by the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C., June 17, 1913. Extensive additions to the above bibliography were later acquired by the Library of Congress and are listed under the entry “Collectanea bibliographica americana, 1915.” Second voyage round the world in the years 1772, 3, 4, 5, by James Cook, Esq. . . . drawn up from authentic papers, London, 1776. An apocryphal account of Capt. Cook’s second voyage. Seelstrang, Arturo Apuntes historicos sobre la Pata¬ gonia y la Tierra del Fuego. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., Buenos Aires, 1879- 1882, 1884-85, vols. i-iii, v-vi.) An excellent history of the first century and a half of Magellanic exploration. The writer keeps close to the original documents, from which he paraphrases or quotes verbatim a great part of the anthropological material. Segers, Polidoro A. Habitos y costumbres de los indios Aonas. (In Bol. Inst, geogr. argent., Buenos Aires, 1891, xn, cuad. 5-6, pp. 56-82.) An important paper on Ona culture and to a lesser extent on Ona language. Its publication may be said to have marked an epoch in the study of the Onas, and though more ample material has since appeared, Dr. Segers’ article still remains g valuable original source, especially on Onan culture. The author accompanied the Lista expedition in 1886 and later spent three years in Tierra del Fuego as a naval surgeon. His cultural data have been verified by later explorers, except his division (p. 81) of the Onas into six tribes, the names he gives being, accord¬ ing to Mr. Lucas Bridges (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, p. 233), merely local names. A larger Ona dic¬ tionary compiled by Dr. Segers was unfortu¬ nately lost in a shipwreck. The present article contains a few notes on word composition, a vocabulary of 91 words on pp. 80-81 and several additional words on pp. 69, 70, 77-79. The vo¬ cabulary is, according to Mr. Lucas Bridges (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, p. 237), “lleno de errores y con muchas voces yag&n.” Ten at least of the words seem to be Manekenkn rather than Shilk’nam. 126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Seggel Ueber die Augen der Feuerliinder und das Sehen der Naturvolker im Verhaltniss zu dem der Kulturvolker. (In Arch. f. Anthr., Braunschweig, 1882-83, xiv, 349-356.) Contains a study of the eyes and eyesight of Grethe or Anne, one of the Hagenbeck group of Alacaluf exhibited in Europe. Seitz, Johannes (a) Ueber die Feuerliinder. (In Vir¬ chow’s Arch. f. 'path. Anat. u. Physiol, u. f. Idin. Medicin, Berlin, 1883, xci, 9th ser. i, 154-189, 346-349.) Contains the following: Important account of the last illness, death and post-mortem examina¬ tion of two men and three women of the Hagen- beck group of Alacaluf exhibited in Europe; further data, chiefly pathological; some remarks of little value on culture; an Alacaluf vocabulary (p. 184) of 18 words gathered by signs with much difficulty. A fair percentage of these words seem to be more or less approximately correct. ( b ) Zwei Feuerliinder-Gehirne. (In Zeitschr.f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1886, xvm, 237-284.) A valuable paper on the subject. Plates VII-VIII. Semple, Ellen Churchill Influences of geographic environ¬ ment, on the basis of Ratzel’s system of anthropo-geography, New York, 1911. Contains passim some interesting inferences on the Fuegians. On p. 465 Admiral Fitz-Roy’s views on Fuegian cannibalism are quoted with¬ out comment. Senoret, Manuel Memoria del Gobernador de Magal- lanes: La Tierra del Fuego i sus natu- rales, Santiago de Chile, 1896, 44 pp.; also in Diario oficial de abril de 1896, num. 5395. (Reference from Anrique, p. 466.) This paper is SQmetimes quoted and drawn upon, especially by Senor Canas P. (q. v.) and Dr. Cojazzi. It is probably important, but 1 was unable either to consult or to purchase a copy. Sera, G. Leo L’altezza del cranio in America. (In Arch, per Vantrop. e Vetnol., Firenze, 1912, xlii, 64-124, 161-251, 297-329; 1913, xliii, 13-88.) A comprehensive monograph on the subject. Pp. 182-192 passim and especially pp. 185-186 give the Chonoan data, pp. 192-205 the Fuegian. Bibliographies. Sergi, Giuseppe (а) Antropologia fisica della Fuegia. (In Atti Reale accad. medica di Roma , 1886-87, xiii, 2d ser. hi, 33-70.) An important study in two parts: the first a r£sum6 of the previously published sources on Fuegian somatology, the second the author’s own description and measurements of the osteo- logical remains brought back by Capt. Bove from the 1884 expedition and consisting of 13 complete adult skeletons and the skull of an infant. Of the skeletons 5 were and 8 $, and, accord¬ ing to Capt. Bove, 11 were Yahgan. See sum¬ mary of paper by Marchiafava and Carruccio. 3 plates. (б) Antropologia fisica della Fuegia (Nuove osservazioni). (In Bull. Reale accad. medica di Roma, 1887-88, xiv, 52-62; also in Arch, per Vantrop. e Vetnol., Firenze, 1888, xvm, fasc. 1, pp. 25-32.) A complement to the preceding paper, giving the description and measurements of a complete Fuegian skeleton, presented by Prof. L. Pigorini, who had received it from Dr. DalP Orto, a resident of Colonia del Sacramento, in Uru¬ guay. This skeleton is Yahgan, according to Dr. Sergi. (c) Crani africani e crani americani. (In Arch, per Vantrop. e Vetnol., Firenze, 1891, xxi, fasc. 2, pp. 215-268.) This article includes passim some of the meas¬ urements from the two preceding papers. Serrano Montaner, Ramon (а) Diario de la excursion a la isla grande de la Tierra del Fuego durante los meses de enero i febrero de 1879. (In An. hidr. mar. Chile, Santiago, 1880, vi, 151-204.) Contains passim, especially on pp. 157-158, 162-169, some short notes on the Onas met casu¬ ally. These notes, while not important, are in¬ teresting, inasmuch as the writer was one of the pioneer explorers of Ona territory. (б) Reconocimiento del rio Buta- Palena i del canal Fallos. (Ibid., 1886, xi, 73-176.) Contains (pp. 151, 153-154) very brief notes on two canoe loads of natives met casually in Cortes Ojea and Messier Channels. Sharp, Bartholomew. 1681 See Ringrose. Shufeldt, Robert Wilson Studien fiber die Feuerliinder. (Tr. by L. J. Briilil in Mutter Erde, Berlin- cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 127 Shufeldt, Robert Wilson — Continued Stuttgart, 1900, n, no. 23, pp. 441-444, 464-467.) A summary, chiefly of Yahgan culture, based on Darwin, Bove, Hyades. Siemiradzki, Josef von (a) Beitrage zur Ethnographie der sudamerikanischen Indianer. (In Mitt. Anthr. Ges., Wien, 1898, xxviii, n. s. xviii, 127-170.) Contains (pp. 128-129, 134) suggestions regard¬ ing the kinship and cultural relations of the Fuegians to other South American aborigines. ( b ) Mieszkahcy Ziemi Ogniowej. [Die Volkerstamme des Feuerlandes.] (In Wszechswiat, Warschau, xm, 81-83.) (Reference from P. L. Phillips, p. 72.) Sievers, Wilhelm Slid- und Mittelamerika, 2d ed., Leipzig-Wien, 1903. Contains a few data on the Fuegian tribes See pp. 87, 327-329, 366. Not important; some inaccuracies, especially in the account of the Onas. Silva A., L. Ignacio See Anrique. Simonot Sur la relation d’un voyage de M. de Rochas aux terres magellaniques et a Pile Rossel. (In Bull. Soc. d’ anthr. de Paris , 1862, hi, 118-133.) A resume of M. de Rochas’ account, followed by a discussion (pp. 133-138) by MM. Broca, de Quatrefages, Gosse, d’Avezac, Simonot, Bruner* Bey; no important conclusions reached. Simpson, Enrique M. Exploraciones hechas por la corbeta Chacabuco en los archipielagos de Guaitecas, Chonos i Taitao. (In An. hidr. mar. Chile , Santiago, 1875, i, 3-166.) Contains (pp. 18, 43, 114) a few notes on the Chonos. The writer found no Chonos in the three archipelagos, except one family in the Guaitecas Islands. The “vocabulario Payo i antiguo Chono” given on p. 104 is Araucanian. Simpson, Juan M., and Chaigneau, J. Federico (a) Estudio de la parte oriental de las aguas de Skyring por los tenientes . . . en octubre i noviembre de 1877. (Inin. hidr. mar. Chile, Santiago, 1879, v, 47-56.) Contains (p. 51) a statement that they saw a bark canoe at Lorca Cove in Skyring Water, but no natives. Simpson, Juan M., and Chaigneau, J. Federico — Contin ued (6) Diario llevado por los tenientes Simpson i Chaigneau. (Ibid., 1880, vi, 73-96.) Contains (pp. 86-88) a few notes on the mate¬ rial culture of some natives met near Mt. Dyne- vor in Skyring Water on Feb. 8, 1879. Of special interest is the short vocabulary (p. 88) of 18 words and the first 8 numerals taken by signs from one of the natives who seemed to be more intelligent than the rest. About one-half of the 18 words can be identified as clearly Alacalufan. Skottsberg, Carl Johan Fredrik (а) The Swedish Magellanian expe¬ dition, 1907-1909: Preliminary reports. (In Geogr. jour., London, 1908, xxxi, 640-645, xxxii, 485-488, 591-594, 1909, xxxiii, 289-294, xxxiv, 409^121.) The anthropological results (xxxii, 591-594) are given much more fully in the three following studies. (б) Einige Beobachtungen liber die Eingeborenen Westpatagoniens nach Studien wahrend der schwedischen Expedition 1907-1909. (In Ymer, Stockholm, 1910, xxx, 240-274.) An important article on the somatology and culture of the West Patagonian Channel Alaca- luf. Dr. Skottsberg gives, in addition to ex¬ tensive cultural data gathered at first-hand, the measurements of 6 men and 5 women (pp. 250- 256). The account on pp. 270-273 of the Gulf of Penas natives is based on information given by a certam Capt. Steele, a sailing boat master, met in the vicinity of the Gulf. Dr. Skottsberg’s criticism thereupon seems in the main to be well sustained, but further investigation of these natives themselves would be most desirable. The Skottsberg expedition encountered none north of Port Grappler. Eighteen good photo¬ graphs and cuts in text. (c) The wilds of Patagonia: A narra¬ tive of the Swedish expedition to Pata¬ gonia, Tierra del Fuego and the Falkland Islands in 1907-1909, London, 1911. Contains (pp. 91-103) approximately the same cultural material as the Ymer article, but lacks the Steele narrative and the anthropometrical data, and is written with less detail, as the book is intended for the general reader. There are also some slight references (especially pp. 35, 306-308) to the other Fuegian tribes. Many good photographs and cuts. id) Observations on the natives of the Patagonian Channel region. (In Amer. anthr., 1913, n. s. xv, no. 4, pp. 578-616.) An important contribution to Fuegian lin¬ guistics. This article contains the same cultural 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Skottsberg, Carl Johan Fredrik — Contd. material as the Ymer paper does, with the omis¬ sion, however, of the Steele account and the anthropometrical data; but Dr. Skottsberg pub¬ lishes here for the first time an extensive vocabu¬ lary of about 285 words with 16 sentences (pp. 606-611) taken from the language of the Channel natives. There follows (pp. 611-614) an inter¬ esting discussion of the relations of this vocabu¬ lary to the Alacaluf lists given by Admiral Fitz¬ Roy and Dr. Ilyades. On p. 615 there are a few notes on the Haush. Ethnological map and 18 good photographs and cuts. (e) Some additional notes on the language of the natives in the Pata¬ gonian channels. (Ibid., 1915, n. s. xvii, no. 2, pp. 411-413.) A comparison of his own with Dr. Coppinger’s vocabulary, an added note on the Fitz-Itoy list and some corrections of misprints in the pre¬ ceding article. Dr. Skottsberg’s papers, which constitute the most important recent study of the little-known canoe-using natives of the Patagonian channels, are based on very careful and exact though some¬ what limited personal observation. The expe¬ dition spent about a month in May-June, 1908, between Port Gallant and the Gulf of Penas, en¬ countering natives several times, none, however, north of Port Grappler. The linguistic material was gathered chiefly from a native woman, Emilia, living at Port Gallant, who spoke a little Spanish and who ac¬ companied the expedition for a month as inter¬ preter. Some aid was also given by the natives at Port Gallant and Port Bueno and to a minimal extent by those of Port Grappler. The author’s vocabulary agrees very closely with Father Borgatello’s. Dr. Skottsberg in his com¬ parative study unfortunately neglects a greater part of the important Alacalufan linguistic ma¬ terial. While his conclusion that his vocabulary represents a fourth Fuegian language can hardly be accepted, yet he has done Fuegian anthro¬ pology a great service in showing that the Ala¬ calufan language is spoken as far north at least as Port Grappler, and probably as the Gulf of Penas. This in turn, with the other evidence from older sources, makes it not at all improbable that the Chonos themselves may have spoken an Alacalufan dialect. For fuller discussion of this whole subject, see Introduction to present bibli¬ ography. It may be added that Dr. Skottsberg had had a certain amount of contact with the Onas and Yahgans of Beagle Channel in 1902 as a member of the Swedish Antarctic Expedition of 1901-1903. Skyring, W. G. Extracts from journal. (In King passim.) Contain (pp. 267, 342-345) a few notes on na¬ tives met in Neesham Bay and Sarmiento and Messier Channels. Lieut. Skyring was assistant surveyor and, from Aug. to Dec., 1828, com¬ mander of the Beagle during the first expedition . Slocum, Joshua (a) Sailing alone around the world. (In Century mag., New York, 1899, lviii, n. s. xxxvi, 938-953, 1900, lix, n. s. xxxvii, 134-148.) Contains passim unimportant accounts of un¬ friendly encounters with the Alacaluf in the western part of the Strait. ( b ) Around the world in the sloop Spray , New York, 1903. Contains same data passim in ch. 7-9. Smith, W. G. Rae A visit to Patagonia. (In Scottish geogr. mag., Edinburgh, 1912, xxvrn, no. 9, pp. 456-475.) Contains (p. 461) three short paragraphs on the Fuegians; not important. The author did not get farther south than Punta Arenas. * Snow, William Parker (a) A two years’ cruise off Tierra del Fuego, the Falkland Islands, Pata¬ gonia and in the River Plate, 2 vols., London, 1857. Contains rather important data on the culture of the natives met at Picton Island, Lennox Cove, Beagle Channel, and Woolya, all apparently Yahgans. See especially the long account of the Picton Island natives (i, 324-352), including 5 words of uncertain signification (pp. 326-327, 340) and stature measurements of 2 men (p. 346). Other data passim in vol. i, ch. 22-25, and vol. n, ch. 26-29. ( b ) A few remarks on the wild tribes of Tierra del Fuego from personal ob¬ servation. (In Trans. Ethnol. soc., London, 1861, n. s. i, 261-267.) A more orderly summary of the cultural data scattered through the preceding work. (c) A cruise among the Fuegians. (In Harper's new monthly mag., New York, Jan., 1864, xxviii, 160-167.) Contains approximately the same cultural data as the preceding. This article was pub¬ lished anonymously, but was evidently written by Capt. Snow. Capt. Snow had a good deal of contact with the Yahgans during his stay in their territory in 1855. His account is sympathetic and seems to be careful and exact as far as it goes. Sobron, Felix C. Y. Los idiomas de la America latina, Madrid, [1875]. The section on the Fuegians (pp. 82-84) is based on Fitz-Roy exclusively and is very loosely written; not important. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 129 Sokolowsky, Alexander Menschenkunde, 3d ed., Stuttgart- Berlin-Leipzig, [1901], Contains (pp. 129-133 and passim) a fairly good account of the Fuegian natives. A clearer distinction between the three tribes would have been desirable. Somlo, Felix Der Giiterverkelir in der Urgesell- schaft, Bruxelles-Leipzig, 1909. Contains (pp. 83-90) an excellent and fairly exhaustive treatment of this phase of Y ahgan and Alacalufan culture, based on Th. Bridges, Martial, Hyades, and others. South American missionary magazine, London, 1854- : Yols. i-ix, 1854-1862, published under title “The voice of pity for South America;” vols. x- xiii, 1863-1866, under title “A voice for South America;” vols.' xiv-xlix, 1867-1915, as above. The official organ of the South American Mis' sionary Society of London. The chief con¬ tributors on Fuegia have been Messrs. Th. Bridges, John Lawrence, E. C. Aspinall, John Williams, all missionaries with extensive expe¬ rience among the Yahgans. Dr. Hyades calls ( q , p. 6) this periodical “une mine inepui- sable de renseignements sur les moeurs et les usages des Fuegiens.” Nearly every number contains some communication from Fuegia. The cultural data scattered through the 49 vol¬ umes if culled and coordinated would make a book of first importance. The greater part of this material is, however, accessible in the Rev. Mr. Bridges’ better known papers and in Dr Hyades’ publications, especially q. Complete files of this magazine are rare. The British Museum has the whole series; complete or nearly complete sets are owned by the La Plata Museum and by Prof. Furlong, of Boston. Some of the more recent volumes are available at the office of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Boston, at the Hammond Library , Chicago Theological Seminary (xxx to date), at the Northwestern University, Evans¬ ton, Ill. (xxxv to date), and at the Presbyterian Foreign Missions Library, New York City (xlv to date). The Day Missions Library at Yale possesses the following volumes: vn-xxu, 1 873— 1888, xl-, 1906 to date, and some stray numbers. The volumes in the Day Library are the only ones I have had an opportunity to consult. These I found to contain a great deal of material bearing on Yahgan moral and mental culture and a good amount of data on material culture. Recent numbers contain many good photo¬ graphs. Spears, John Randolph The gold diggings of Cape Horn: A study of life in Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia, New York-London, 1895. Contains on pp. 47-78 a lengthy account of the Yahgans, on pp. 127-134 a shorter one of the Onas, on pp. 134-136 a few data on the Alacaluf, and on pp. 79-127 passim some stray notes. While these descriptions give practically no new infor¬ mation, they are fairly reliable and accurate. They are, it seems, based chiefly if not entirely on good written sources, although the writer, a newspaper man, made a visit to Fuegia. Spegazzini, Carlos ( а ) Costumbres de los habitantes de la Tierra de Fuego. (Reprint from Anales Soc. dent, argent ., Buenos Aires, 1882, xiv, 25 pp.) An important paper on the culture of the Y ah- gans and Onas, including also 6 Ona words, 1 at least Manekenkn, pp. 17-18, 20, and 2 Yahgan and 2 Alacaluf words, pp. 5-7, and Yahgan stat¬ ure measurements, p. 4. The Onas described by Dr. Spegazzini called themselves Mac-ck (p. 16) and some of them at least were probably Mane¬ kenkn. The data on the Yahgans do not differ materially from those given by Capt. Bove and Dr. Lovisato, except perhaps for a somewhat more favorable estimate of moral culture. (б) Costumbres de los Patagones. (Ibid., 1884, xvii, 221-240.) Contains passim a few data on Onan culture. On pp. 226 and 239 the author states his belief in the kinship of the Onas with the Tehuelches. (c) Apuntes filologicos sobre las len- guas de la Tierra del Fuego. (Ibid., 1884, xviii, 131-144.) An important early contribution on Yahgan grammar, especially on the noun and adjective. The paper includes many Yahgan words passim. The article contains no Onan or Alacalufan gram¬ matical data. The author states, on p. 132, that the three Fuegian languages differ absolutely in grammatical construction and that the Yahgan and Alcalufan show certain points of contact with the Ar&ucanian. As far as the Alacalufan is concerned, both of these statements would seem to need confirmation. Except for a sen¬ tence or two in Vargas Ponce (6, p. 27) there is no published material on Alacalufan grammar. Dr. Spegazzini spent only a few days with the Alacaluf, and the English missionaries at the time did not speak the Alacalufan language (Hyades, q, p. 13) or at least had made very little progress in it. (d) Plantae per Fuegiam a Carolo Spegazzini anno 1882 collectae. (In 130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULL. 63 Spegazzini, Carlos — Continued Anales Museo nac., Buenos Aires, 1896- 97, vol. v, 2d ser. n, 39-104.) Of the 313 species and varieties here described ■ Dr. Spegazzini gives the Yahgan names for 44, the Alacalufan for 13, the Onan for 9. Judging from Hyades, q, p. 22, there are some native words in Dr. Spegazzini’s Fungi fuegiani, Buenos Aires, 1887. (e) Vocabularios Ona, Yaghan y Ala¬ caluf. MS. (Reference from Mitre, i, 176-177.) This valuable manuscript, now in the Museo Mitre, is described by Gen. Mitre (i, p. 177) as “muy abundante en el Ona y el Yahgan, con algunas frases de estos dos idiomas, siendo muy breve respecto de los Alacaluf.” (/) Element! di grammatica Iaghan, sistema Ollendorf. (Published in full by Mitre, i, 179-189.) An important summary, including many Yahgan words. (g) Parentesco de los Tehuelches con otros indios americanos. (Tema pre- sentado al Congreso cient. internac. argent, en el ler centenario de la revo- lucion de mayo, seccion antropologfa, julio, 1910.) (Reference from Dab- bene.) (h) Estudios sobre las lenguas pata- gonicas y fueguinas. (Tema presen- tado al mismo Congreso.) (Reference from Dabbene.) Dr. Spegazzini accompanied the first Bove ex¬ pedition as botanist, remaining in Fuegia from May 1 to July 17, 1882; hence he had good oppor¬ tunities for personal observation of the Y ahgans and to a lesser extent of the Onas and Alacaluf. In his linguistic studies, to which he devoted himself “con asiduidad,” he was assisted by two very intelligent natives, who had been raised by the missionaries and who spoke English well, by another native who spoke Spanish, and by Messrs. Bridges and Whaits, who elucidated many difficult points. Dr. Spegazzini has since his return continued his researches in the Fue- gian languages. While his contributions to Fuegian cultural anthropology are of permanent value, his more important and original contribu¬ tions are in the linguistic field, especially in Yahgan grammar. Speilbergen, Joris van Oost ende West-Indische Spiegel, Leyden, 1619; repr. in Commelin, vol. n and Hartgers; Lat. tr., Leyden, 1619; Germ, tr., Hulsius, pt. xvn; Lat. and Germ, tr., de Bry, pt. xi, 1620; Fr. tr., Amsterdam, 1621; de Renneville; Engl, tr., abridged, Purchas, Pilgrimes, vol. Speilbergen, Joris van — Continued i, bk. 2, eh. 6; Engl. tr. in full from orig. Dutch jour, by J. A. J. De Vil- liers, Hakluyt soc., 2d ser., vol. xvm, London, 1906 (see discussion of author¬ ship, Introd., pp. xii-xxxiii); de Bras¬ ses, i, 343-349; abstr. in Kerr, vol. x, in Harris, vol. i, bk. 1, ch. 7, in Ban- carel, vol. ii, in Prevost, vol. xv. Chiefly of interest for the description (p. 34) of graves discovered in 1615 on one of the “Pen¬ guin Islands” (apparently Magdalen Island) just south of the second narrows in the eastern part of the Strait of Magellan. The two bodies “op hunne wyse begraven waren / hebbende een weynich Aerde op’t lijf / rontomme besteecken met Pijlen ende Boghen.” Steffen, Hans (a) Bericht iiber eine Reise in das chilenische Fjordgebiet nordlich vom 48° s. Br. (In Verh. Deutsch. wiss. Vereins zu Santiago de Chile , Valparaiso, 1904, v, 37-116.) The author states (p. 54) that the Guaitecas Archipelago is now uninhabited. lie met (pp. 110-112) no natives in Baker Inlet district, but came across a portage and some abandoned canoes. (h) Viajes de esploracion i estudio en la Patagonia occidental 1892-1902, 2 vols., Santiago de Chile, 1909-10. Contains (n, 346-348) a few notes on the natives of the Patagonian channels; not important. (c) Neuere Arbeiten der chilenischen Marine in der Kiistenregion West-Pata- goniens. (In Zeitschr. Ges. /. Erd- Icunde, Berlin, 1913, no. 6, pp. 451-468.) Contains (pp. 462-463, 466-467) a few notes on the Channel Alacaluf gleaned from the Chilean officers’ accounts in recent numbers of the Anuario hidrografico de la marina de Chile. The writer has spent much time in the vicinity of the Patagonian channels, but he has appa¬ rently had little contact with the natives and gives very meager data on them. Steinmetz, Rudolf S. Endokannibalismus. (In Mitt. Anthr. Ges., Wien, 1896, xxvi, n. s. xvi, 1-60.) Contains (p. 16) a good discussion of the ques¬ tion of cannibalism among the Fuegians. Stevens, John A new collection of voyages and travels, London, 1708-9, vol. i. Contains an English translation of Argensola’s Conquista de las islas Malucas, including (pp. 74-83) the account of Sarmiento’s voyage. COOPER J BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 131 Stirling, Waite Hockin (a) and Marsh, J. W. See Marsh, a. (b) Letters and journal. (Extracts given in Marsh, b, and in South Ameri¬ can missionary magazine , passim.) Bishop Stirling was in close touch with the Yahgans at the Falkland Mission and in their native islands between 1863 and 1869. His pub¬ lished writings are chiefly of value for the light they throw on Yahgan moral culture. Stokes, Pringle Extracts from journal. (In King pas¬ sim.) Contain (pp. 74-77, 166) a few notes on natives met at Mercy Harbor, and on wigwams seen at Port Santa Barbara in the Guaianecos Islands. Capt. Stokes was commander of the Beagle on the first expedition until his death, in Aug., 1828. Stratz, Carl Heinrich Naturgesclii elite desMenschen, Stutt¬ gart, 1904. Contains (pp. 225,. 229, 232, 314-320) a lengthy treatment of the descriptive somatology of the Fuegians (Yahgans and Alacaluf), based on Hyades, It. Martm, Virchow. Some excellent photographs of Fuegian types. Stuart, Martinus De mensch, zoo als hij voorkomt op den bekenden aardbol, 6 vols., Amster¬ dam, 1802-1807. Contains (iv, 251-266) an account of the Fue¬ gians, based chiefly on the results of Capt. Cook’s expeditions. Stiibel, Alfons, Reiss, Johann Wilhelm, Koppel, B., and Uhle, Friedrich Max Kultur und Industrie siidamerikani- scher Volker, 2 vols., Berlin, 1889-90. Contains (n, pi. 10, fig. 10; pi. 25, fig. 6) excel¬ lent illustrations, with short descriptive text , of a fish net and a necklace from Desolation Island. ' Sutcliffe, Thomas Crusoniana; or truth versus fiction, Manchester, 1843. Contains Byron’s Loss of the Wager, and the adventures of the Anna Pink from Walter. Taylor, George Journal. (Quoted in Betagh, q. v.) Techo (Du Toict), Nicolas del Historia provinciae Paraquariae So- cietatis Jesu, Leodii, 1673; Engl. tr. in Churchill, iv, 636-749. Contains (bk. 6, ch. 8-10, pp. 159-161; tr., pp- 676-677) a short but important description of the culture of the Chonos , based , in the main at least , on the reports of the early missionaries to the Techo (Du Toict), Nicolas del — Contd. Guaitecas Islanders. Many points of resem¬ blance between Father Del Techo’s and Goi- cueta’s accounts of the Chonos and “Huilles” suggest that the former may also have made use of the latter’s narrative, particularly in describ¬ ing the “Huillis.” On p. 160 Father Del Techo notes Father Ferrufino’s (q. v.) translations into the language of the Chonos. Terre de Feu. (In Jour, des missions evangeliques , Paris, Aug., 1876.) (Ref¬ erence from Hyades.) Probably based on Th. Bridges. Terrien, Ferdinand Douze ans dans l’Amerique latine, Paris, [1903]. Contains (p. 332) meager, unimportant notes on the Onas. Msgr. Terrien had very limited personal contact with the natives. Testut, L. See Hyades, q. Thomas, Pascoe A true and impartial journal of a voy¬ age to the South Seas, and round the globe, in His Majesty’s ship the Cen¬ turion, under the command of Commo¬ dore George Anson, London, 1745; abstr. in Henry, vol. n. Contains (p. 33) a few notes on the family of Chonos encountered by the Anna Pink near the Inchin Islands in 1741 . The author accompanied Anson. Tiele, Pieter Anton (a) Memoire bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateurs neerlandais, Amsterdam, 1867. Contains important data (pp. 20-38, 63-81) on the authorship and early Dutch editions of the narratives of de Weert’s,van Noort’s,van Speil- bergen’s and L’Hermite’s voyages. (b) Nederlandsche bibliograpliie van land- en volkenkunde, ibid., 1884. Contains passim a great deal of valuable bib¬ liographical material bearing in particular on the Dutch editions and translations of early sources for Fuegian anthropology. Tierra del Fuego. (In Encycl. brit., 11th ed., Cambridge, 1911, xxvi.) A well-written article, containing a very short summary of Fuegian anthropology. Select bib¬ liography. Tierra del Fuego as a mission field. (In Mission life, London, 1877, n. s. vm, part 1, pp. 3-6.) Contains meager unimportant notes on the Yahgans and Alacaluf. 132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l BULL. 03 Tonelli [Manuscript notes.] These notes are largely drawn upon by Dr. Co- jazzi (q. v.). Prof. Tonelli made extensive and careful researches, especially among the Onas and Alacaluf, during a recent visit to Fuegia. In addition he gathered much valuable cultural and linguistic material from the Salesian mission¬ aries and the Bridges brothers. Topinard, Paul [Observations on the Ilagenbeck group of Alacaluf.] (In Bull. Soc. d’anthr. de Paris , 1881, 3d ser. iv, 774- 782.) Some interesting notes, chiefly on the physical appearance and material culture of the Alacaluf, based on observation of the native group ex¬ hibited at Paris. On p. 775 one Alacalufan word. Townsend, Charles Haskins A naturalist in the Straits of Magel¬ lan. (In Pop. sci. monthly , New York, July, 1910, lxxvii, 5-18.) Contains (pp. 9-12) an unimportant descrip¬ tion of Alacaluf met casually. The estimate of 40 to 50 thousand as the population of Fuegia 50 years ago is much too high. Turner, William Report on the scientific results of the voyage of H. M. S. Challenger during the years 1873-1876. Zoology, vol. x, part 29, Report on the human skeletons, The crania, London, 1884; vol. xvi, part 47, The other bones of the skeleton, ibid., 1886. Contains a review (x, pt. 29, pp. 21-26) of pre¬ viously published studies in Fuegian somatology, and the writer’s own description and measure¬ ments (ibid., pp. 17-20; vol. xvi, pt. 47, passim) of the Fuegian skeletal remains obtained at Punta Arenas by the Challenger expedition from Don Diego Duble Almeida, then governor of the Chilean colony. These remains consisted of 4 crania (2 J1 , 1 9 , and 1 probably 9 ) and some other bones. Plate i, figures 5-6; plate vi, fig¬ ure 2. Uhle, Friedrich Max See Stiibel. Ulloa, Francisco de. 1553-54 See Ramon Guerrero Vergara, Carta sobre la muerte de Valdivia, and Rosales, a (also quoted in An. hidr. mar. Chile, v, 481.) Vargas [y] Ponce, Jose de (a) Relacion del ultimo viage al estrecho de Magallanes de la fragata de S. M. Santa Marfa de la Cabeza en los anos de 1785 y 1786, Madrid, 1788; Vargas [y] Ponce, Jose de — Continued abstr. and extr. with description of natives, Maccarthy, vol. x; Germ, ditto, Weimar, 1820; Engl, ditto, 1820 (in Sir Rich. Phillips, New voyages, London, 1819-1823, vol. n, no. 5, ac¬ cording to Sabin, nos. 16772, 62509). One of the most important extant sources for Alacalufan culture, particularly material cul¬ ture. See especially the very detailed and care¬ ful description on pp. 337-355 of the Port Famine and Port Gallant Alacaluf with whom the de Cordoba expedition had two and a half months of contact in the early part of 1786. A few other notes passim, pp. 34-36, 41-42, 47-48. (6) Apendice a la Relacion del viage al Magallanes de la fragata de guerra Santa Marfa de la Cabeza, que contiene el de los paquebotes Santa Casilda y Santa Eulalia para completar el recono- cimiento del Estrecho en los anos de 1788 y 1789, Madrid, 1793; Engl, and Germ, as above (the Germ, summary, according to the title page a tr. of the Engl., gives no dates; it is based chiefly on the first expedition). A valuable source for Alacalufan culture, but not so important as the preceding work. Chiefly of interest for the description (pp. 58-60) of the plank-boat-using Indians met west of Cape Up¬ right in Jan., 1789. See also the description (pp. 24-29), quoted from the notes of Lieut. Ciriaco de Cevallos, chiefly of the natives met in Dec., 1788, between Capes St. Isidore and Froward. On pp. 27-28 are 3 native words, ok-si, “give,” pissiri, “son,” “child,” “boy,” and at times “man,” kap, “future,” and a grammatical note: “No varian las terminaciones de los verbos, ni distinguen de otro modo los tiempos.” This Alacalufan linguistic material is of very doubtful value. Vea, Antonio de Relacion diaria del viaje que se ha hecho a las costas del estrecho de Magallanes con recelo de enemigos de Europa, 1675-1676. (Ed. by Fran¬ cisco Vidal Gormaz in An. hidr. mar. Chile , Santiago, 1886, xi, 539-596.) Contains (pp. 573-578) data that have a more or less important bearing on the question of Chonoan linguistic relationships. Venegas, Melchor de [Letter to the Father Provincial Diego de Torres, dated Nov. 27, 1612.] (Extract quoted in Lozano, vol. ir, bk. 7, ch. 3, no. 35, p. 456.) This letter, besides giving some interesting data on Father Matheo Estevan’s (q. v.) studies cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIE REA DEL FUEGO 133 Venegas, Melchor de — Continued and compositions in the Chonoan language, con¬ tains the earliest clear record, as far as I am aware, of the use of the name “Chonos” to desig¬ nate the canoe-using natives of the Guaitecas Islands. Verneau, Rene (а) Les races humaines, Paris, 1890- 91. Contains (pp. 775-781) a good and rather ex¬ tensive account of Yahgan culture, based on Hahn, Hyades. Five woodcuts. (б) Les anciens Patagons, Monaco, 1903. Of value for the study of the relations of the Fuegians to the Patagonians. See especially pp. 323-325. Viliefort, de Journal du sieur de Viliefort. MS. (Extract in de Brosses, n, 113-125.) Contains (pp. 115-118, 120) brief notes on the Alacaluf met casually several times in June- Dee., 1699, between C. Gate (Quod?) and the eastern end of the Strait. “Deux nations qui sont toujours en guerre habitent egalement l’un & l’autre cote du detroit, l’une nommee Lague- diche, depuis l’entree du nord jusqu’a S. Sebas- tien, l’autre plus nombreuse nommee Ilavegue- diche, depuis le canal S. Jerome au cap Gate d’lm & d’autre cote” (p. 120). The author accom¬ panied Beauchesne-Gouin. Vincent, Frank Around and about South America, New York, 1890. Contains (pp. 122-126) an excellent short ac¬ count of Alacaluf met casually in Smyth Channel [and in the Straits]. The notes (pp. 132, 141) on the other Fuegians are apparently not based on personal observation. Virchow, Rudolf Ludwig Karl (а) Die Feuerlander. (In Verh. d. Berlin. Ges. f. Anthr. u. s. w., 1881, pp. [375]— 393.) An important study of Alacalufan anatomy. The paper is based partly on the then written sources, partly on personal study of 4 men and 2 women of the Hagenbeck group of Alacaluf. Ta¬ ble of measurements, pp. 392-393. 1 plate and figures 1-2 in text. (б) Crania ethnica americana, Sup¬ plement zu Zeitschr.f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1892, xxiv, 1-33. Prof. Virchow repeats (p. 19) his statement from the preceding article (a, p. 382) that he found no trace of head deformation among the Fuegians. Voice of Pity for South America. A Voice for South America. See South Amer . miss, mag. Voyage round the world, in H. M. S. the Dolphin , commanded by the Hon¬ ourable Commodore Byron, by an officer on board the said ship, Lon¬ don, 1767; Fr. tr., Paris, 1767 (Me¬ dina, c, vol. m, p. 9, and Sabin, no. 9734); Dutch tr., Haerlem, 1767; Span, tr., 2ded., Madrid, 1769; Germ, tr., Frankfurt-Leipzig, 1769 (Sabin, no. 9736). Contains (pp. 56, 87-97; Span, tr., pp. 55-56, 83-88, 91) good but short accounts of the natives met in 1764-65 at various points between Elizabeth Island and the western end of the Strait of Magellan. The description (p. 56; Span, tr., pp. 55-56) of the Elizabeth Island na¬ tives is lacking in Byron’s own narrative as it ap¬ pears in Hawkesworth. Voyages, adventures, and discoveries of the following circumnavigators, etc., London, 1758; repr., ibid., 1763. In the abstracts of the voyages of Cavendish, van Noort, de Weert, van Speilbergen, and L’Hermite, the Fuegian anthropological data are given, but not in full. Waitz, Franz Theodor Anthropologie der Naturvolker, 6 vols., Leipzig, 1859-1872. The third volume, published in 1862, contains (pp. 484-491 passim, 496-497, 507-508, 526-527) quite an extensive treatment of the Fuegians and Chonos, based on King, Fitz-Roy, Darwin, Wilkes, d’Orbigny, Dumont d’Urville, and some of the earlier sources. This account is one of the best of its kind, but needs considerable revision and amplification in the light of more recent studies. Walbeeck, Johannes van Journael vande Nassausche vloot / ofte Beschryvingh vande voyagie om den gantschen aerd-kloot / ghedaen met elf schepen: onder ’t beleydt van den Ad- mirael Jaques l’lleremite, ende Vice- Admirael Gheen Huygen Schapenham, in de jaren 1623, 1624, 1625, en 1626, Amsterdam, 1643 (an enlargement, ac¬ cording to Tiele, a , 76-77, 81, and b, 150, of the orig. ed. of 1626); repr. in Com- melin, vol. n, and Ilartgers; Germ. tr. of 1st ed. with additions by Adolf Decker, Strassburg, 1629; same, Hul- sius, pt. xxii; Lat. and Germ. tr. in de Bry, vol. xm (xiv); Fr. tr., de Renne- ville, vol. iv, 2d ed., Amsterdam, vol. v, Rouen ed., vol. ix; de Brosses, i, 437-451; abstr. in Kerr, vol. x, in Ban- 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Walbeeck, Johannes van — Continued carel, vol. n; in Prevost, vol. xv; in Laet, bk. 12, Lat. and Fr. tr., bk. 13. Our earliest and an important source on the Yahgans, containing (pp. 41-43, of 1643 ed.) a rather lengthy and detailed description of the natives met in the Nassau Bay district in Feb¬ ruary, 1624. Barring a few points (as cannibal¬ ism, stone fishhook, cattle) the cultural data have been confirmed by later investigators. According to Dr. Tiele (a, 80-81; b, 150) the probable author of the Dutch journal was Johan¬ nes van Walbeeck. Both he and Decker were members of the expedition. Wallis, Samuel An account of a voyage round the world in the years MDCCLXVI, MDCCLXVII, and MDCCLXVIII, by Samuel Wallis, Esq., commander of His Majesty’s ship the Dolphin. (In Ilawkesworth, i, q. v.) Contains (i, 390-392, 403-405; 2d ed., 1, 170-172, 183-187) some good though hardly important descriptive notes on Alacaluf met casually in Jan., 1767, at Elizabeth Bay and ten leagues east of Cape Upright. Walter, Richard A voyage round the world in the years MDCCXL, I, II, III, IV by George Anson, Esq., London, 1748; Kerr, vol. xi; Purves; Fr. tr., Amster¬ dam, 1749 (Sabin, no. 1637); Germ, tr., Leipzig-Gottingen, 1749 (Sabin, no. 1640); Dutch tr., 2d ed., 1749 (Tiele, h , no. 42, p. 11), Amsterdam, 1765 (Sabin, no. 1641); Ital. tr., Livorno, 1756; de Brosses, ii, 259-304; extr. in Sutcliffe; abstr. in E. C. Drake; in World dis¬ played, 4th ed., vol. vn; in Knox, vol. vii; in Prevost, vol. xv; in Entertain¬ ing account, 3d ed. Contains an interesting but not very impor¬ tant account of a family of Chon os met in 1741 near the Inchin Islands by the Anna Pink (pp. 142-145), and a few notes passim on the natives encountered by the crew of the Wager. Weber S., Alfredo Chiloe, su estado actual, su coloniza- cion, su porvenir, Santiago de Chile, 1903. Contains (p. 8) an unimportant paragraph on the Chonos, and (pp. 22-36) an accoimt of the discovery and early history of Chilod. Webster, Hutton Primitive secret societies, New York, 1908. Contains (pp. 56, 176-177) an account of Yah- gan initiations, based on Hyades. Webster, William Henry Bayley Narrative of a voyage to the southern Atlantic Ocean in the years 1828, 29, 30, performed in H. M. sloop Chanticleer under the command of the late Captain Henry Foster, F. R. S., from the pri¬ vate journal of W. H. B. Webster, sur¬ geon of the sloop, 2 v ols . , London, 1834. Contains (i, 175-185) an excellent and exten¬ sive description of the Yahgans met casually in 1829 at St. Martin's Cove on Hermit Island. The account is detailed and sympathetic. Weddell, James A voyage towards the south pole, performed in the years 1822-1824, London, 1825; see also Montemont, vol. XXI. Contains excellent accoimts of the natives, seemingly all Yahgans, met in 1823-24 at St. Martin’s Cove, Hermit Island (pp. 148-158), at Blunder Cove (pp. 161-168), and at Indian Cove, New Year Sound (pp. 172-186). On pp. 188-192 are a few remarks chiefly on Fuegian mental capacity, and on p. 173 four native words taken at Indian Cove. The analogies of these words with either Yahgan or Alacaluf are too remote to justify even a probable identification. Weert, Sebald de. 1599-1600 See Barent Jansz Potgieter. Westermarck, Edward The origin and development of the moral ideas, 2 vols., 2d ed., London, 1912. Contains references passim to Fuegian mo¬ rality, and (ii, 681-682) a sharp but not very con¬ vincing criticism of Mr. Lang’s conclusions re¬ garding the Fuegian “supreme Deity.” Mr. Bridges, whom the author quotes against Mr. Lang, was an authority on the Yahgans, while the “great black man” was an Alacaluf creation. Weule, Karl Leitfaden der Volkerkunde, Leipzig- Wein, 1912. Contains (pp. 51-53) a short account of the Fuegians and Chonos, and other notes passim; not important. Many of Dr. Weule’s other works contain passing references to the Fuegians. Cf. Das Meer und die Naturvolker (in Zu Fr. Ratzels Gediichtnis), Leipzig, 1904; Die Kultur der Kulturlosen, Stuttgart, [1910]; Die Urgesell- schaft und ihre Lebensfiirsorge, ibid., 1912. Whaits, R. Yahgan dictionary. MS. (Refer¬ ence from Spegazzini, c, p. 131.) Dr. Spegazzini states (ibid.) that Messrs. Th. Bridges and Whaits “cada uno por su cuenta, han confeccionado diccionarios muy extensos, y cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 135 Whaits, R. — Continued de un trabajo minucioso y esmerado.” I have seen no other mention of this valuable manu¬ script. Mr. Whaits spent many years at the English mission, learned to speak Yahgan very well, and gave considerable aid to the members of the Bove Expedition in their linguistic studies. See Lovisato, Spegazzini. Wheele, Paul. 1590 See Magoths. • Whistling, Karl See Platzmann. Whiteside, Arturo Memoria sobre los trabajos hidro- graficos efectuados en los canales Mayne i Gray. (In An. hidr. mar. Chile , Valparaiso, 1912, xxvn, 3-26.) Contains (pp. 17-18) notes on the Channel Alacaluf met in 1904, and (pp. 18-20) a short vocabulary and comparison of same with Father Beauvoir’s Alacaluf list. The vocabulary, con¬ sisting of 43 words, was gathered by the purser, Senor Iriarte, and one of the petty officers from two native boys taken aboard at Ultima Speranza Inlet. Allowing for inevitable errors, the vo¬ cabulary is clearly Alacalufan, and while by no means as extensive as Dr. Skottsberg’s list and perhaps not as exact, is of importance inasmuch as it gives the first published tangible evidence that the Alacalufan language is spoken by some at least of the Patagonian channel Indians. Wieghardt, Jerman El territorio de Magallanes, tomo vi, Indljenas fueguinos i patagones, pri- mera parte, Santiago de Chile, 1896, 59 pp. (Reference from Anrique, p. 398.) This paper, frequently quoted, is probably important, but like Senor Senoret’s, seems diffi¬ cult to procure. Wilda, Johannes Amerika- Wander ungen eines Deutschen, 3 vols., Berlin, 1906-7. Contains (m, 271-273) an unimportant descrip¬ tion of a canoe load of Channel Alacaluf met casually in Wide Channel. Wilkes, Charles (a) Narrative of the United States exploring expedition during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, 5 vols., Philadelphia, 1844; ibid., 1845; same, 1850. Contains good accounts of the Onas, probably Manekenkn, observed for a few hours at Good Success Bay (i, 116-118; 1845 ed., I, 113-115) and of the Yahgans studied more at leisure at Orange Harbor and Wollaston Island (i, 125-133, 146-147; Wilkes, Charles — Continued 1845 ed., i, 121-129, 142). The Yahgan cultural data are especially valuable. Two Ona words of very doubtful value (i, 118; 1845 ed., I, 115). (6) Voyage round the world, em¬ bracing the principal events of the Narrative of the United States explor¬ ing expedition, in one volume, ibid., 1849; New York, 1851; 2 vols., London, 1852. This work, though written in more popular style, contains (pp. 45-47, 49-53; London ed., I, 40-41, 43-46) the same cultural data, with, how¬ ever, some slight omissions, as does the complete Narrative. The expedition was in Ona and Yahgan terri¬ tory in Jan.-Feb., 1839. The members saw very little of the Onas, but had considerable contact with the Yahgans, especially at Orange Harbor. For other accounts of the natives observed, see Pickering, Colvocoresses. Willems (a) and Rousson. See Rousson, a. ( b ) and Rousson. See Rousson, h. . (c) La Terre-de-Feu et ses habi¬ tants. (In Bull. Soc. de geogr. commer¬ cial de Bordeaux , 1892, 2d ser. xv, 231-239.) Contains practically the same cultural data as do the articles written conjointly with M. Rousson. ( d ) La Patagonie chilienne et la Terre de Feu. (In Bull. Union geogr. du Nord de la France , Douai, 1893, xiv, 244-247.) Contains about the same cultural data on the Fuegians as does the preceding article. For comments, see Rousson. Williams, John (а) Letters. (In S. Amer. miss, mag., London, recent numbers.) Some of these contain interesting data on the few surviving Yahgans. (б) Morning and evening prayer with selected collects, in Yahgan. (Refer¬ ence from S. Amer. miss, mag., 1911, p. 69.) The manuscript of the above had just been sent to London for publication. The Rev. Mr. Williams is in charge of the English Mission at Rio Douglas, Navarin Island. According to a notice in the South American missionary magazine (1908, xlii, 153), he has in his possession a manuscript Yahgan dictionary by the Rev. Thomas Bridges, which he is trans¬ cribing with the aid of natives from the Ellis system into the ordinary English alphabet. 64028°— Bull. 63—17 - 10 136 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Williams, Richard Journal. (Extiacts in Hamilton.) See comment under Hamilton. Wilson, John [Somatological notes on the Fuegi- ans.] (In Fitz-Roy, b, pp. 142-149.) For comment see Fitz-Roy. Dr. Wilson was surgeon of the Beagle under Admiral Fitz-Roy. Winter, Nevin Otto Chile and her people of to-day, Bos¬ ton, 1912. Contains (pp. 126-127, 142-147) unimportant accounts of the Fuegians, and on p. 143 the state¬ ment — apparently de rigueur in recent works of this type — that the Fuegians throw their old women and children overboard in dangerous storms. Wood, John Captain Wood’s voyage through the Streights of Magellan, &c. (InHacke’s Collection (q. v.); for repr. and Germ, and Fr. tr., see Dampier; abstr. in Pre- vost, vol. xv.) Contains (pp. 81, 84, 87, 97) some notes on the Alacaluf met in 1670 at Elizabeth Island and Fort Famine. Wood’s descriptions are in agree¬ ment with those of Narbrough, whom he accom¬ panied, but are very much briefer. Wood, John George The natural history of man, 2 vols., London, 1868-1870; published as The uncivilized races of men in all coun¬ tries of the world, 2 vols., Hartford, 1870. Contains (n, 513-523; Amer. ed., n, 1161-1171) an extensive description of the culture of the Yahgans and Alacaluf, based chiefly on Byron, W. H. B. Webster, King, Snow. The account is in general good, but there are some inaccura¬ cies, and considerable revision would be needed to bring it up to date. World displayed, 4th ed., rev., 20 vols., London, 1762-1790. Vol. vn gives an abstract of Anson’s voyage from Walter’s narrative. Cf. Knox. Wyse, Lucien Napoleon Bonaparte De Montevideo a Valparaiso par le detroit de Magellan et les canaux pata- Wyse, Lucien Napoleon Bonaparte — Con. goniens. (In Bull. Soc. de geogr. de Lyon , Jan., 1877, vol. i, no. 6, pp. 524- 553; extract in Feuilleret, pp. 238-239.) Contains (pp. 531, 533-538) some brief unim¬ portant notes on the Onas and Alacaluf, the latter seen in the Strait and Patagonian chan¬ nels. On p. 534 one word, quichache, “clothes,” from a native met in English or Crooked Reach. 0 Xikora, Juan Catechism and prayer book (?) in Ala¬ caluf. (In preparation.) (Reference from Dr. Cojazzi, private communica¬ tion.) Dr. Cojazzi writes me under date of Mar. 25, 1915, that Brother Xikora is preparing an Ala¬ caluf translation to serve perhaps as a catechism or prayer book. Brother Xikora was attached to the Candelaria mission on Tierra del Fuego and can speak Alacaluf, although with a little diffi¬ culty. This work should be of much value and interest, and will be the first text published in the Alacalufan language. Young, Robert From Cape Horn to Panama, London, 1900; 2d ed., revised and enlarged, ibid., 1905. Contains (pp. 1-79; 2d ed., pp. 1-82) a history of the Ushuaia mission, which throws some light on Yahgan character. The author quotes (p. 61; 2d ed., p. 66) a letter written under date of Feb. 11, 1899, by Mr. Lucas Bridges, which though short gives some valuable information on Onan moral culture. Many excellent photos illustrat¬ ing types and occupations in 2d ed. Zampa, Raffaello Fueghini ed Araucani. (In Arch, per Vantrop. e Vetnol., Firenze, 1892, xxn, 361-366.) Contains a description together with cranial and other measurements of 3 Alacaluf of about 25, 10-11, and 4-5 years, respectively, and of 1 Ona boy of about 6-9 years. When seen by Dr. Zampa they were on their way to the Genoa exposition of 1892 in charge of Father Beauvoir (q. v., a, insert after p. 4) of the Salesian missions. Zur Anthropologie der Feuerlander. (In Globus, Braunschweig, 1892, lxi, 205.) A brief resume of some of the chief conclusions given in Hyades, q, on Fuegian somatology. SUBJECT BIBLIOGRAPHY In the lists of sources a star or double star is affixed to those which appear to the present writer to be of more or of greatest importance. The sections on Culture, Archeology, and Relations are cast in the form of outlines. Orientation For the benefit of those who may wish a short list of references covering the field of Fuegian and Chonoan anthropology pretty fully, the following is given: General introduction to whole field of Fuegian anthropology: Dab¬ bene, b; else Furlong, j and It. Yahgans: Hyades, q, somatology, culture, language. Alacaluf : Fitz-Roy, a , culture ; R. Martin, b, soma¬ tology; Coppinger or Skottsberg, b or d , West Patagonian Alacaluf. Onas: C. Gallardo and Cojazzi, culture; Hultkrantz, b, somatology. Chonos: Del Tccho, Garcia, a, and Byron, a , or A. Campbell. For language, see special lists, infra. Bibliographies The more important bibliographies on Fuegian anthropology are: IJyades, q , 393-402, to 1890; R. Martin, b, 216-217, to 1893; Dabbene, b, 288-300, to 1911. On the Fuegian languages in particular the more important lists are: Mitre, i, 153-179; Chamberlain, a and b, based chiefly, as concerns the Fuegians and Chonos, on preceding; Lehmann-Nitsche, d , 240-242. Other lists which have been found of use by the present writer are: Anrique and Silva, Anuario de la prensa chilena, O’Halloran, P. L. Phillips, Porter, b, Sabin, Schuller, Tiele, a, b, Tierra del Fuego in Encyclopaedia Britannica. Ethnological Maps Such are given in: Barclay, a, 152; Bove, b and c (reproduced in Holmberg, a) ; Holmberg, a; Hyades, q; Furlong, b and d, 225, and especially q and r; Skottsberg, d. Environment: Climate, Geology, Flora, Fauna, Etc. Sufficient data for the purpose of the anthropologist are given in: C. Gallardo, 1-93; Th. Bridges, It, 221-232; Hyades, q, 19-23; Mission du cap Horn, vols. ii, iv, v, vi; Furlong, j, It, and especially q. See also Ball;Th. Bridges, b, Sept. 1, 1880, 197; h, 200-203; j, 319; Cunningham; Dabbene, b, 163-166; Hyades, b, c ; Ibar Sierra; Mar¬ tial, 205; O. NOrdenskjold, i; Popper, d; Townsend. 137 138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Somatology The sources which deal with the somatological relations of the Chonos and three Fuegian tribes to one another and to other peoples are given in the Introduction, and under Relations in the Subject Bibliography. In the following somatological bibliography certain sections only of the subject are separately listed; papers bearing on the other sec¬ tions are few, and so have been grouped under the comprehensive heading “ Studies, chiefly anatomical, in part physiological and patho¬ logical.” Further data on the contents of the sources on somatology are given in the Author Bibliography under the respective names. Most visitors to Fuegia have had something to say about the physical appearance of the aborigines, but only a few of the more important descriptions of this kind are included in the present list. Our two most important somatological studies of the Fuegians are (1) that by Drs. Hyades and Deniker (q), treating all branches of Yahgan somatology, and (2) that by Dr. R. Martin (b), dealing with Y ahgan and Alacalufan anatomy. ANATOMY Original studies, based on direct examination of living subjects or of skeletal or other remains. (1) Stature, (a) Alacaluf. Bischoff, a, 3; c, 368; Bohr; Brine, 148; Coppinger, 44, 49; Cunningham, 320; Essendorfer, 62, est.;1. G. Forster, n, 499, est.; Hyades, q, 110-114, 120; ten Kate, 45, cadaver; King, 75; Manouvrier,* a, 772, 774; Outes,* c, 220-221; Skottsberg,* b, 251-253; c, 93; d, 593; Virchow* a, 377, 379, 393; Wallis, in Hawkesworth, i, 391, 2d ed., 171, est.; Wilson, in Fitz-Roy, b, 142, Alacaluf or Yahgan; Zampa, 364. (b) Yahgans. Bove,* b, 144; c, 126; d, Arch., 289; also reprinted in Cora, 233-234; Th. Bridges, MS. cited by Hyades, q, 116; b, Jan., 1882, 12, cited by Garson, 148; d, 289; Despard, b, 679, est.; Fitz¬ Roy, a, 138; Furlong, b, 127; j; q; Hahn,* MS. cited in Hyades, q, 116, 118-119; Hyades,* q , 110-114, 116-119; Lovisato, b, 129; Martial,* 186-187; M’Cormick, i, 322; Snow, a , vol. i, 346; b, 263; Spegazzini, a, 4; Weddell, 157; Wilkes, i, 126, 1845 ed., i, 121, est.; Wilson, in Fitz-Roy, b, 142, Yahgan or Alacaluf. (c) Onas-Slnlkhiam. Barclay, a, 70; Furlong,* d, 220; i, 11; Tc; q; C. Gallardo, 110; Lehmann-Nitsche, a; Lista, b, 81; O. Nordenskjold, h, Tour du monde, 33; j, 127; Outes,* c, 220-221; Zampa, 364. (d) Onas-Manekenkn. Furlong, h, est.; Lista,* b, 126, 56; Parkin¬ son, 7, est.; Banks, 59, est.; cf. also Darwin, a, 1871 ed., 205, and Colvocoresses, 35, est. 1 Est. = estimated, not measured. COOFER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 139 For calculations of stature based on skeleton, see following sec¬ tion. (2) Osteology, (a) Alacaluf. Flower, no. 1025, 1 cr., no. 1025, 1 1 skel.1 Alacalufan or Yahgan; Garson, 1 cr. and parts of skel.; Hult- krantz, a , 1 cr., probably Alacalufan; Huxley, 2 cr., one of them pos¬ sibly Onan; ten Kate, 47-49, 1 cr. and parts of skel.; Latcham,* 281-282, 2 cr. from Wellington Island, 279-280, 6 cr. ; Mantegazza and Regalia, 1 cr., probably Alacalufan; R. Martin,* 5 complete skel.; b, ditto; Medina, a, 108, 1 cr., Alacalufan or Yahgan; Mehnert, 70-71, 1 cr.; Owen, 846-848, 1 cr. and parts of skel., brief descrip¬ tion only; Quatrefages and Hamy, a , 2 cr. ; Rey, 48-52, 1 cr., prob¬ ably Alacalufan; Sergi, a, 2 skel., perhaps Alacalufan; Turner,* 4 cr. and some other bones. (b) Chonos. Flower,* 178, 2d ed., 309-310, 4 cr. (two mutilated) , and other bones; Hultkrantz,* a, 1 cr.; Hyades, q , 45; Latcham,* 281-282, 6 cr.; Medina, a , 108, 2 cr.; Outes,* c, 219, 2 cr. Cf. also E. Schmidt, 168-169, Payo cr. (c) Yahgans. Flower,* no. 1025, 1 1 skel., Yahgan or Alacalufan, nos. 1026-1027, 10252-10258, 1027, 1 10 cr.; Garson,* 8 cr. and parts of 3-4 skel.; Hrdlicka, a, in Dabbene, b, 283, 1 cr.; Hultkrantz, a , 2 cr.; b* 2 complete skel., 1 additional cr., and 1 child’s cr.; Hyades and Deniker,* q , 25-60, 4 complete skel. (of which two are of infants), 3 isolated cr., 2 incomplete skel., many bones; ten Kate, 1 cr, and parts of skel.; Mantegazza and Regalia,* 17 cr.; Medina, a, 108, 1 cr., Yahgan or Alacalufan; Sergi,* a, 11 (or 13) skel.; b, 1 additional skel., probably Yahgan. (d) Onas. Giuffrida-Ruggeri, 1 cr., Onan (?) or perhaps Pata¬ gonian; Hoyos Sainz, b, 1 cr., probably Onan; Hrdlicka,* a , in Dab¬ bene, b, 283, 2 cr.; Hultkrantz, a, 3 cr.; 6,* 3 skel., and 2 additional skel. and 1 cr.; Huxley, 1 cr., possibly Onan; Rivet, 257, restudy of 3 of Plultkrantz’ cr. (3) Measurements of living subjects, (a) Alacaluf. Bohr, head, 3 men; Brine, 148, chest; Hyades,* q , 105-161 passim and especially 110-114, head and body, 2 women; ten Kate, 45-46, body, post¬ mortem, 1 woman; Manouvrier,* 772-774, head and body, 4 men and 4 women, body, 3 children; Outes, c, head, 2 men and 7 women; Skottsberg,* b, 250-256, head and body, 6 men and 5 women; Vir¬ chow,* a, 377-388, 392-393, head and body, 4 men and 2 women; Wilson, in Fitz-Roy, b, 142-147, Alacaluf or Yahgans, some measure¬ ments; Zampa, 364, head and body, 1 man and 2 boys. (b) Yahgans. Hyades,* q, 105-161, head and body, 28 men, 23 women, 20 boys and 16 girls; ten Kate, 43-44, head and body, post¬ mortem, 1 man; Wilson, in Fitz-Roy, b, 142-147, Yahgans or Alacaluf, some measurements. 1 Cr.= cranium, skull, or calvaria; skel.= skeleton. 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 (c) Onas. Lista, b, 54, statement that Onas are subdolichoce- phalic, but no measurements; Outes,* c, bead, 3 men and 11 women; Zampa, 364, bead and body, 1 boy. ANATOMY, PHYSIOLOGY, PATHOLOGY Various original studies, chiefly anatomical, in part physiological and pathological. (a) Alacaluf. Bischoff, b, sexual anat. and physiol.; c, anat. of sexual and some other organs, also brain weight; Coppinger, 49-50, physical appearance; Hyades, q, 105-161 passim, various observa¬ tions; Chr. Jakob, 70-71, 1 brain; ten Kate, study of 1 brain, various anat. notes; Manouvrier, a, 762-766, physical appearance; b, color distinguishing; c, 1 brain; Outes, c, color of skin and iris; Seggel, eyes and eyesight; Seitz, a, chiefly pathol.; b. 2 brains; Skottsberg, b, 250- 256, physical appearance; c, 92-93, ditto; d, 592-594, ditto; Topinard, 778-780, ditto; Virchow, a , 378, 388-390, ditto, skin, hair, etc.; Wilson, in Fitz-Roy, b, 142-147, Alacaluf or Yahgans, various ob¬ servations; Zampa, 363-366, pulse, color of skin, hair and eyes, other observations. (b) Clionos. Cf. references passim in Introduction, pp. 41-43. (c) Yahgans. Bove, a, 790-791, physical appearance; ditto in b, 133-134, c , 125-126, and d, Arch., 288-290; Th. Bridges, a, Fr. tr., 173, pathol.; d, 288-289, anat.; h , 206, physical appearance; j, 317, pathol.; Coriat, psychoneuroses; Furlong, n, footprints and hand trac¬ ings; Galippe and Hyades, e, dental system; Hahn, a, reproduction; Hyades, f, hygienic and medical notes; n and o, pathol.; p, 328- 329, 339, physiol, and cerebral pathol. ; q , 105-161, various observa¬ tions on living subjects; 167-221, physiology; 222-236, pathology; Chr. Jakob, 65-67, 1 brain; ten Kate, 1 brain, various anat. notes; Mar¬ tial, 186-187, physical appearance; Mondiere, sexual anat. (quoted also in Hyades, q, 153-154); Testut, myology, in Hyades, q, 60-104; Wilson, in Fitz-Roy, b, 142-147, Alacaluf or Yahgans, various obser¬ vations. id) Onas. Coriat, psychoneuroses; Furlong, &, physical appear¬ ance; n, footprints and hand tracings; C. Gallardo, 109-117, physical appearance; Outes, c, color of skin and iris; Popper, a, 104-105, physical appearance; Segers, 59-60, ditto; Zampa, 363-366, pulse, color of skin, hair and eyes, other observations. EXPRESSION OF THE EMOTIONS For details see Coppinger, 50, Ajlacaluf; Hyades, q , 244-248, and Darwin, c, passim, Yahgans; C. Gallardo, 139-142, Onas. Psychology is treated under Culture. Resumes, general descriptions, various data, etc., based chiefly or wholly on the preceding original studies. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 141 (a) Alacaluf. Bollinger, resume of Seitz, a; Dabbene,* b, 208-213, excellent general treatment of subject; Dally, 622-623; Duckworth, 440, on brain, from Manouvrier, c, and Seitz, b; Garson, review passim of osteological evidence to 1885; Haddon, a , 55, 78, average cranial and nasal indices; Hennig, pelvis; Kollman, data from Bohr and Huxley; Laloy, a, resume of R. Martin, b; R. Martin,* b , exhaustive review and in part restudy of all anatomical evidence to 1893; Ranke, 3d ed., ii, 292-300, general treatment, based on Virchow and R. Martin; Reclus, xviii, 763, tr., 446, stature; Rivet, 241, cranial; Sera, 192-205, skull height; Stratz, general treatment, based on Vir¬ chow and R. Martin; Turner, x, pt. 29, 21-26, review of osteol. evi¬ dence to 1884; Virchow, a, resume of some of evidence to 1881; Waitz, general treatment, based on earlier sources. (b) Chonos. Rivet, 258, cranial, based on Medina, a , and Flower; Sera, 185-186, skull height. (c) Yahgans. Collignon, resume of Hyades, q; Dabbene, b, 170- 176, excellent general treatment of subject; Garson, review passim of osteological evidence to 1885; Haddon, a, 55, 78, average cranial and nasal indices; Hennig, pelvis; Hyades, q, review and in part restudy of osteological evidence to 1891; Keane, a, 345, and d, 304, stature; Laloy, a, resume of R. Martin, b; Latcham, 277-278, cranial; Marchia- fava and Carruccio (also quoted in Cojazzi, 18), resume of Sergi, a; R. Martin,* b, exhaustive review of all anat. evidence to 1893; Ranke, 3d ed., ii, 292-300, general treatment, based on R. Martin, b; Reclus, xviii, 763, tr., 446, stature; Rivet, 241, cranial; Sera, 192-205, skull height; Sergi, a, review of osteological evidence to 1886-87; c, data from Sergi, a and b; Stratz, general treatment, based on Hyades, q , and R. Martin, b; Waitz, general treatment, based on earlier sources; Zur Anthr. d. Feuerlander, in Globus , 1892, lxi, 205, resume of Hyades, q. (d) Onas. Dabbene, a, 68-69; b, 220-223, excellent general treat¬ ment; Laloy, b, resume of Ilultkrantz, b; Latcham, 276-277, cranial; Rivet, 241, cranial, from Hultkrantz, b; Sera, 192-205, skull height. Languages For references on the linguistic relations of the Chonos and three Fuegian tribes to one another and to the Tehuelclies and Araucanians see Introduction, and under Relations in Subject Bibliography. LEXICAL SOURCES Words, phrases, and sentences — independent and original sources. ( a ) Alacaluf. For complete list of available original sources, see Introduction, pp. 10-11. (b) Chonos. Estevan. (Cf. also Ferrufhio.) 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 (c) Yahgans. Bove, b* 171 words; cf 187 words (167 words from Bove reprinted in Cora, 237-239) ; Th. Bridges, a, some words passim; b, some words passim; /, vocabularies; h, some words passim; fc, many words passim; Z,** about 32,430 words — by far the most impor¬ tant extant Yaligan dictionary; p* great number of words passim; q ; Canas P., 387, some of words are original; Cojazzi, passim and especially 113-114; Despard, a* over 1,000 words; b, about a score of words passim; Eizaguirre, 157-158, 166-167, respectively, 32 and 62 words and phrases; Fitz-Roy, b, 135-140, about 200 words (reprinted in Lacroix and Hyades, q); Furlong, a, 344, 1 word; b, passim and especially 132-133, about 10 words; g, 1 word; o, songs and speech; p, words; Hahn, a, 4-5 words; Hyades, h, many words passim; j , some words passim; p, a few words passim; q,** 208, words for colors; 265-270, about 200 words; 280-321, a very extensive vocabu¬ lary, the most important one published; 332-334, phrases and sen¬ tences; 321-332, passim; King, 444, 1 word; Lovisato, a, 20 words passim; b, some 35 words passim; c, several words passim; Martial, several words passim; Mission Terre de Feu, in La Nature, 310-314, 10 words passim; Noguera,* 254 words; Snow, a, vol. i, 326-327, 340, 5 words of doubtful value; Voice of pity for S. Amer., 1859, vi, 21, 34 words, according to Hyades, q, 272; Spegazzini, a, 5, 7, 2 words; c , many words passim ; d, 44 plant names passim ; e* a great many words and some phrases; f* many words; Weddell, 173, 4 words, presum¬ ably taken from Yahgans; Whaits,* very extensive vocabulary. In addition to the above may be mentioned the extensive vocabu¬ lary taken from the Rev. Th. Bridges7 Yahgan translation of St. Luke’s gospel, by Dr. Platzmann (1-98, 99-226), and a great many words which were gathered from Th. Bridges, q, or St. Luke’s gospel, or both, by Adam, Ellis, Garbe and Muller ( b ) and published in their Yahgan grammatical treatises. See also the abundant Yahgan lexical material in the Rev. Th. Bridges’ translations, m, n, and o, and in J. Williams, b, and a few further words in Ellis (first draft of Luke, i, 1-13, and Yahgan letter). id) Onas-Shilk’nam. Arctowski,* 139 words, phrases and sen¬ tences; Beauvoir, a* 7-8, 41 words; 9-35, 39-59, 1,876 words, 76 sen¬ tences and phrases, some additional words, 132 proper names; 5,** 15-17, 103 words; 19-76, 109-161, more than 4,000 words; 79-104, 1,400 sentences; 163-170, more than 400 proper names, with meaning of 85 of them; 171-173, 211 words, apparently Shllk’nam; 195-196, numerals and cardinal points; 220-225, many local names; Becerra, “un estenso vocabulario” ; Lucas Bridges, a,** “algunos miles”; Th. Bridges, s, about 1,200 words, some perhaps Manekenkn; Cojazzi, some words passim, and especially 28-31; Furlong, d, about 15 words passim, and especially 225; 11 words passim; &, 94 words and expressions; m, words for “bow,” etc.; o, songs and speech; p, words cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 143 passim; C. Gallardo,* a great many words passim, and especially 359- 393; Lehmann-Nitsche, e, vocabulary, of which 63 words are published in Lehmann-Nitsche, d ; Lista,* b, 34, 56, 82, in all 31 words; 144- 145, 86 words largely and perhaps entirely Manekenkn; Lovisato, a , 1 word; O. Nordenskjold ,* e, 140 words and phrases; Outes, b, 5 words; Segers, 69, 70, 77-79, several words ; 80-81, vocabulary of 91 words, of which 10 at least are Manekenkn, and some Yahgan; Spegazzini, a , a few words passim, of which one at least appears to be Manekenkn; d, 9 plant names passim; 6 ,* a great many words and some phrases; Tonelli, in Cojazzi, 95, 39 words, mostly kinship terms; 102-104, 90 words and phrases, apparently Slnlk’nam; Wilkes, a, 2 words of doubtful value, probably not Shilk’nam, but Manekenkn. (e) Onas-Manekenkn. Banks, 2 words; Lucas Bridges, 5,** vo¬ cabulary, of which 97 words are published in Lehmann-Nitsche, d} 242-276; Th. Bridges, £,* 500-600 eastern Ona words; s, perhaps Manekenkn; Furlong, & ,* 6 words; C. Gallardo, 365, 373, 5 (7) eastern Ona words; Lista,* b, 144-145, vocabulary of 86 words, largely, and perhaps entirely, Manekenkn; Segers,* 70, 77-79, 80-81, 10 at least of Segers’ words are Manekenkn; Spegazzini, a , 1 at least of the 6 Ona words seems to be Manekenkn; e} very probably Manekenkn in part at least; Wilkes, a, vol. I, 118, 1845 ed., i, 115, 2 words of doubtful value, taken probably from Manekenkn. The Hauss vocabularies in Cojazzi, 102-104 of 90 words, and Beau¬ voir, b, 171-173, of 211 words, are, to judge by Mr. L. Bridges’ list, Shilk’nam, not Manekenkn. Some of the foregoing original lexical material has been utilized or reprinted in the following papers: (a) Alacaluf. Beauvoir, a, 7-8, and b, 15-17, 103 words in latter and most of 41 in former from Hyades, q, and Fitz-Roy, b; Brinton, c and d, 21 words from Fitz-Roy, b; e, 22 words from La Guilbau- diere; Cojazzi, 16-17, 40 words from Beauvoir, a; Dabbene, b, 215, stray words; Roussel. ( b ) Yahgans. Beauvoir, a, 7-8, and b, 15-17, respectively, 41 and 103 words from Hyades, q, and Fitz-Roy, b; Benignus, 243, 5 words from Bove; Brinton, c and d, 21 words from Fitz-Roy and Th. Bridges; Canas P., 387, a few words, some of them borrowed; Cojazzi, 16-17, 40 words from Beauvoir, a; Colini, some words passim; Dab¬ bene, b, a few words passim; Outes, d , 137, 3 pronouns. (c) Onas. Brinton, e, Segers’ list reprinted almost in full; Cahas P., 387-392, words from Beauvoir, a ; Cojazzi, 16-17, 40 words from Beauvoir, a , and Borgatello; Dabbene, b , a few words passim; Grasse- rie,* many words; Lehmann-Nitsche,** d , 242-276, Ona equivalents for 152 words, important comparative glossary compiled from Lista, b, Segers, O. Nordenskjold, e, Beauvoir, a, C. Gallardo, and Lehmann- Nitsche, e; Outes, d, 133, 3 pronouns. 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 GRAMMATICAL SOURCES (a) Alacaluf. None extant. Cf. Vargas Ponce, b, 27, and Spe- gazzini, c, comments under names in Author Bibliography. (b) Chonos. Estevan. (c) Yahgans. The most important is Th. Bridges,** p. Other valuable grammatical studies based chiefly on Th. Bridges, q, are Adam* (see also resume of same in Mitre, i, 168-172), Ellis,* Garbe,* and probably Muller,* b. The grammatical material in Hyades, j, and q* 321-332 (cf. also q, 214-218, 335-337), and in Spegazzini, c* (see also resume in Mitre, i, 175-176) and/* (published in full in Mitre, i, 179-189), are largely based on information given by the Bev. Mr. Bridges. Some few notes on Yahgan morphology are given in Th. Bridges, h, 211-212 and C, 236. The earliest published data on Yahgan grammar are, as far as I am aware, those in Despard, b, 698. The grammatical notes in Canas P., 384-387, Dabbene, b, 200-201, Darapsky, a, b, and Fernandez are derived from the foregoing sources. (< d ) Onas. A few scattered notes on Ona grammar are available in Cojazzi,* 93-94 (conjugation of verb “to love”); Beauvoir,* b, 4-9 and especially passim in frasario 79-104, and C. Gallardo,* 359-393 passim. See also Segers, 78-79. On Ona pronunciation, cf. Beau¬ voir, a, 60, and especially b, 1-4. TEXTS (a) Alacaluf . Xikora,* catechism or prayer book (in preparation) . (b) Chonos. Ferrufhio, “decern Dei mandata & solemnes Chris- tianorum preces, ac formula(m) detestandi peccata;” Estevan,* “Doctrina Christiana . . . y algunas Platicas de los principales Mysterios.” (c) Yahgans. The most important are Th. Bridges, m,* St. Luke’s gospel; 7i,* Acts of the Apostles; o,* St. John’s gospel. Dr. Ellis prints a Yahgan letter, and ch. i, 1-13 from the first unpublished draft by the Rev. Th. Bridges of St. Luke. Dr. Platzmann reprints the parable of the sower and the Lord’s prayer from Th. Bridges, m. See also J. Williams, b, and Lord’s Prayer . {d) Onas. Beauvoir, a, 36, Lord’s prayer; 6,* 77, Lord’s prayer and Angelical salutation. The version of the Lord’s prayer in b differs considerably from that in a. GENERAL REMARKS ON LANGUAGES (a) Alacaluf. See references in Introduction, pp. 22-29. Cf. also Th. Bridges, b, Apr. 1, 1880, 75 — the Alacaluf an reminded him of Welsh; Topinard, 774-775; Seitz, a, 185. (b) Chonos. See references in Introduction, pp. 34-41. (c) Yahgans. See ditto, p. 4. Also: Bove, a , 800; b, 142-143; d, Arch., 297-298; e, 159; Th. Bridges, e, 331; r; Brinton, e; Cham- cooper! BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 145 berlain, a; Clark; Dabbene, a, 66; 6,200-202; Denuce; Hestermann, a; Hyades, p, 339-340; Lafone Q., a, 525-526; b; Lo visa to, b, 131-132; Martial, 129, 208; Outes, d, 137; Spegazzini, Ji. (< d ) Onas. Beauvoir, a, 60; Th. Bridges, b, 1880, 75; 1884, 223; 1886, 33; e, 332; r; Chamberlain, a; Dabbene, a , 68; b, 267-269; Fitz¬ Roy, a , 121-122; Holdich, 160; Holmberg, a , 51; Hyades, Z, 718; q, 11-12; Lista, b, 120, 126; Lovisato, b , 131-132; Outes, d, 133; Segers, 77-79; Spegazzini, a, 17; g; h; Willems, d, 246-247. Most of the data of any value from the foregoing general remarks have been quoted or utilized in the Introduction and section on Relations in the present work. Culture RELIGIOUS CULTURE The term Religious Culture is used in the broadest sense merely for convenience in classification, and not with the intention of implying that all the beliefs and practices included under it are of a strictly re¬ ligious nature. The line of demarcation between the religious and secular in primitive culture is at best a hazy one, and has to be shifted to suit the varying definitions of religion. The difficulty of drawing the line in Fuegia is, moreover, greatly augmented by the meagerness of our knowledge of the natives. Hence it has been thought best to group under the same heading many beliefs and prac¬ tices which may have only a remote bearing on or affinity with religion properly so called. For purposes of classification we shall take up first those beliefs and practices winch imply an attitude of propitiation toward supramun- dane beings , and secondly, those from which, so far as our present knowledge goes, this element of propitiation is lacking. The first we shall call Religious Culture Proper; the second, Quasi-Religious Culture. Religious Culture Proper Sources (а) Alacaluf. — Bougainville, 2d ed., i, 294; Cojazzi,* 124-125; Fitz-Roy, a* 190- 192, 194; 6, 142; La Guilbaudiere, 3; King, 227; Marcel,* a, 495-496; c, 110-111; Meriais, 391; Skottsberg, b, 257-258, 271; c, 98-99; d , 595; Vargas Ponce, b , 25. (б) Yahgans. — D ’Arquistade, in Martial, 269; Benignus, 243; Bove,* a, 800-801; b, 142-143; c, 135; d, Arch., 297-298; e, 159; Th. Bridges, a,*Fr. tr., 176, 181-182; e, 332; h* 206-207; i* in Hyades, q, 253, 255-256; Jc* 236-237; Despard,* b, 698, 717, 746; Furlong, b, 137; j; Grubb, 139; Hyades, p, 332-333; q* 253-257, 280-281; Lovisato,* b, 149-150; Martial,* 207-8, 211-212; Payro, 184-186; Spegazzini,* a, 12, 15-16. (c) Onas. — Barclay, a, 77; b, 104; Bastian, i, 18, probably Onas; Beauvoir, a, 6; 6,* 165, 207, 210, 217-220 and passim; Benignus, 233; Cojazzi,* 38, 71-72, 76, 86, 90-91; Dabbene,* a, 74-76; b, 269-270; Furlong, d, 228; k; C. Gallardo,* 299, 319, 321, 324-327, 339-341; Lista,* b, 130, probably Manekenkn; Rousson- Willems, a, 181; Segers, 65-66; Terrien, 332. 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBITLL. 63 (d) Fuegians. — Ball, 261; Darwin, a, 1871 ed., 214-215; Fitz-Roy, a, 179-181. Based on the foregoing: Canas P., 375-376; Dabbene, a, 64; b* 202-204; Garson, 145; Lang, 174-175, 187 and passim; Outes, d, 134, 139; W. Schmidt, a, 103, tr., 145; Wester- marck, ii, 681-682. SUPRAMUNDANE BEINGS A. Aiacaluf. — Admiral Fitz-Roy (King, 227) put a watch to the ears of some natives met in Otway Water. “I pointed to the watch,” he says, 1 1 and then to the sky; they shook their heads and suddenly looked so grave, that from their manner in this instance, and from what I could understand by their signs, I felt certain they had an idea of a Supreme Being.” Pointing, signaling or looking toward the sky in a more or less reverential manner is mentioned by various other observers (Vargas Ponce, a, 351; 6, 25; Duclos-Guyot, b, 678; King, 314-315, 319; Meriais, 391; Hanaford, 210-211; Fitz-Roy, a, 190); for instance, one of the natives met by Lieut. Cevallos, after gazing in a looking-glass for some time, “senalo hacia arriba, como diciendo que aquello era cosa del Cielo ” (Vargas Ponce, b, 25). These incidents are interesting and to a certain extent suggestive, but the inferences of Admiral Fitz-Roy and Lieut. Cevallos are, to say the least, hazardous. The former, happily, gives more concrete data in his narrative of the second Beagle expedition. He was told by York Minster, one of his Aiacaluf proteges, that “a great black man is supposed to be always wandering about the woods and mountains, who is certain of knowing every word and every ac¬ tion, who can not be escaped and who influences the weather accord¬ ing to men’s conduct.” “In woods of my country,” said York, “some men go about alone; very wild men — have no belly, . . . live by stealing from other men.” One of these wild men was caught in the act of stealing some birds that had been cached by York’s brother. The brother killed the thief on the spot with a stone, though afterward he repented of the murder. But, added York, “rain come down — snow come down — hail come down — wind blow — blow — very much blow. Very bad to kill man. Big man in woods no like it, he very angry.” York “told the whole story in a very low tone of voice, and with a mysterious manner; considering it an ex¬ tremely serious affair” (Fitz-Roy, a, 180; see also Darwin, a , 1871 ed., 215). Admiral Fitz-Roy also states that “if anything was said or done that was wrong, in their [that of the 3 Aiacaluf and 1 Yahgan taken to England] opinion it was certain to cause bad weather. Even shooting young birds, before they were able to fly, was thought a heinous offense” (Fitz-Roy and Darwin, ibid.). No mention, how¬ ever, is here made of any supernatural being. The above account is partially corroborated from two independent sources. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 147 (1) Admiral Fitz-Roy was told by Capt. Low that the West Pata¬ gonian Channel natives, designated Chonos by Admiral Fitz-Roy, but more properly of Alacalufan stock, believed in “an evil spirit, called Yaccy-ma, who they think is able to do all kinds of mischief, cause bad weather, famine, illness, etc. He is supposed to be like an immense black man.” They also believed, according to Capt. Low, in a “good spirit whom they call Yerri Yuppon, and consider to be the author of all good: him they invoke in time of distress or danger” (Fitz-Roy, a, 190; cf., b, 142). (2) According to recent studies by the Salesian fathers, the Ala- caluf “believe in an invisible being called Taquatu, whom they imag¬ ine to be a giant who travels by day and night in a big canoe, over the sea and the rivers, and who glides as well through the air over the tops of the trees without bending the branches. If he finds any men or women idle or not on the alert [disoccupati o distratti] he takes them without more ado into his great boat and carries them far away from home. It is at night particularly that the Alacaluf fear to meet this terrible being” (Cojazzi, 124). There seems to be no sufficient ground for questioning the correct¬ ness in the main of the preceding statements. They are derived from good first-hand sources. They are from independent observers, and in their chief lines are in agreement. Moreover, such a dualistic con¬ ception is very common among the aborigines of southern South America and elsewhere. The anthropomorphic “black giant” is a common enough creation of very primitive man, while the contrast between the active evil spirit and the remote inactive good spirit occurs the world over. It is true both the Rev. Mr. Bridges and Dr. Ilyades deny that the Fuegians believe in any superior or quasi-supreme beings, and Capt. Martial found the Fuegians to have few scruples about killing nestlings (Martial, 212) ; but it needs to be borne in mind constantly that these writers were authorities on the Yahgans, not on the Alacaluf. Granting, however, the facts, what interpretation should be given them? Mr. Spencer (Lang, 174) and Prof. Westermarck (n, 681-682) summarily dismiss the giant black man as a weather doctor. It is of course possible that he was, but there is no adequate evidence to show this, unless one be ready to draw this inference from the fact that he controlled, among other things, the elements. See also the arguments against this hypothesis in Lang (174-175). Mr. Lang went to the other extreme in ranking the black giant among the ethical Supreme Beings (174, 187). Ethical to some extent he certainly seems to be, but hardly supreme, notwithstanding his omniscience and power, for no creative function is attributed to him, and besides the evidence at hand apparently shows him to be the evil god in the Alacalufan dualistic system. He is pretty clearly 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. 63 the same as Capt. Low’s Yaccy-ma, and probably identical with Taquatu. Father W. Schmid t more guardedly an d probably more cor¬ rectly calls the black giant “a superior being who watches over moral conduct” ( a , 103, tr., 145). Alacalufan dualism, therefore, appears to include an inactive benev¬ olent Deity, who is not invoked except in extremes, “in distress and danger,” and an active and alert malevolent deity, who to some extent at least is the guardian of the moral law. It is likely enough that the Alacaluf believe in other spirits and in ghosts (cf. Fitz-Roy, a , 194; Skottsberg, d, 595); but we have no very definite information on this point. B. Chonos. — From some of the rites and customs to be mentioned later we may probably infer that the Chonos had a belief in spirits and ghosts, but explicit data are wanting. C. Yahgans. — The Rev. Mr. Bridges repeatedly stated that the Yahgans have no Supreme Deity, God, or Creator, nor any word in their language for such ( a , Fr. tr., 181; h, 206; i, in Hyades, q, 253; h, 236-237). A negative is notoriously risky where there is question of a savage’s higher religious beliefs, but on the other hand the testimony of one who studied the Yahgans so long and so well can not be waived lightly. The Rev. Mr. Bridges, however, does not seem to have had intimate personal knowledge of the Yahgan initia¬ tion rites, and it is just possible that back of them was, as in other parts of the world, a higher esoteric theology. Moreover, he appar¬ ently was loath to have his neophytes speak of their quondam religious beliefs (Payro, 184-185). The Rev. Mr. Despard, too, stated explicitly that the Yahgans had no God ( b , 698, 746), but added the interesting remark that the Yahgan “supposes the sun and moon, male and female, to be very old indeed, and that some old man, who knew their maker, had died, without leaving information upon this subject. Hence the ignorance of the present generation” (b, 698). Capt. Bove mentions (a, 800; b, 142; c, 135; d , Arch., 297; e, 159) both a good and an evil deity among the Yahgans, but no details are given about the “Dio benevolo” except that he, like the evil spirit, is neither respected nor feared. Whether these two spirits or gods are dominant ones corresponding to Yerri Yuppon and Yaccy-ma among the Alacaluf, or are only two of the many lower good and evil spirits that are spoken of by Admiral Fitz-Roy (a, 179), is hard to say. The “dio maligno” Curspic sends wind, rain, and snow, and tows behind him the condemned souls (Bove, a, 800-801; b, 142-143; c, 135; d, Arch., 297-298; Lovisato, b, 149). The term cursjric, cashpik, etc., is used in a generic sense by Mr. Th. Bridges (a, Fr. tr., 181; e, 332; i, in Hyades, q, 255; h, 237) and Dr. Hyades (q, 255) for malevolent spirits who dwell in forest caves and send sickness or COOPEIt] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 149 death. Bad, disagreeable and eccentric men are called by the same name. Another evil spirit, Lucooma, presides over the tides and whirlpools or whirlwinds (Th. Bridges, a, Fr. tr., 181; Lovisato, b , 149-150; Spegazzini, a, 16). When a man dies, the natives have been heard at times to say “Un tel a ete pris par GopofF,” an evil spirit (Martial, 212). The medicine-men address a mysterious being called Aiapakal or Yah- pahchel, the son of a deceased medicine-man, and receive from a spirit called Hoakils or Hvacliiella power over life and death (Th. Bridges, a, Fr. tr., 182; i, in Hyades, q, 256; fc, 238). The spirits who were evoked during the boy initiations were believed in only by the women and children (cf. infra, under Initiations). There seems, too, to have been a certain fear of ghosts (cf. infra under Death and Burial) . D. Onas. — There is no evidence for an Ona belief in anything like a Supreme Deity. Whether or not further information regarding Ona boy initiations will show the presence of a secret higher belief, it would be idle to speculate. Father Beauvoir’s repeated inquiries respecting a Supreme Deity elicited only negative answers ( b , 210); the mission Onas use the native word Jhow’n (= medicine-man) for God, but few will agree with Father Beauvoir in tracing any verbal kinship with the Hebrew Jehovah or Yahweh ( b , 219). Messrs. Rousson and Willems attribute to the Onas a belief in a spirit called Waliche or Walichu, to whom the natives attribute both good tilings and bad ( a , 181) ; but these explorers hardly had opportunities to gather dependable information on Ona religious beliefs, and, moreover, Walichu is strongly suggestive of Patagonian origin. Both Sr. Lista ( b , 130) and Dr. Segers (65) mention an evil spirit who enters the body and sends illness; he also sends wind, rain, etc. Some good and evil spirits are believed in by both the men and the women (Dabbene, a, 76; b , 270; Beauvoir, b, 218; Cojazzi, 38). The dead are feared (C. Gallardo, 321), especially dead witch-doctors, who have power even after their death (Cojazzi, 38, 71-72; C. Gal¬ lardo, 299, 341). Many natural objects, as mountains, sun, moon, stars, etc., are believed to have once been men, and mountains at least are feared and respected. Finally we may mention the initia¬ tion spirits believed in only by the women and children (cf. infra, under Initiations), and the mythological beings, especially the myth- hero Kuanip (cf. infra, under Mythology). TOTEMISM, ANIMISM, FETISHISM Among the Chonos, Alacaluf, and Yaligans there is not the slight¬ est trace of either present or former totemism in any of its many forms. Nor is there any tangible indication of it among the modern Onas. If it be considered proven that the older Patagonians were 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 totemists (cf. Outes, a, 251-252), there might be some reason for suspecting that the Onas, too, were formerly such. But the whole question is too obscure in the present state of our knowledge. Animism, in the sense of the personification of nature, is found, but only in a mild form, among the Yahgans and Alacaluf. Among the Onas there is a marked tendency to look upon natural objects as having once been men. The Yahgans carried around with them red pebbles when they traveled inland (Hyades, q, 280-281), and the Onas treasure pieces of stone shaped naturally something like an arrowhead (Cojazzi, 86). Packets or pouches containing human hair are carried by the Ala¬ caluf sometimes (Fitz-Roy, a, 192; Skottsberg, c, 98-99; d, 595). These objects appear to be more than trinkets or curios. The packet given to Mr. Low was supposed to bring fair wind (Fitz-Roy, a, 192). At any rate they are of uncommon use. They might be called fetishes according to some definitions of fetishism. ANCESTOR WORSHIP Traces of ancestor worship are found among the Yahgans and Onas at least. See below under Prayer. It takes the form chiefly of invo¬ cation of deceased medicine-men. The fact that the leather pouch found by Dr. Skottsberg, which was worn around the neck of an Ala¬ caluf, contained the hair of a dead person might perhaps be inter¬ preted as evidence for the existence of the rudiments of ancestor wor¬ ship among the Alacalufan tribe. The possessor, however, readily bartered the pouch for a trifle (Skottsberg, d , 595). It may be noted in passing that the absence of totemism and the very rudimentary development of animism, fetishism, and ancestor worship among the Fuegians are also characteristic of many of the lowest Indo-Oceanic peoples (cf. Mills). FUTURE LIFE A. Alacaluf. — According to the Salesians, the Alacaluf ‘‘believe that the good after death go to a delightful forest where they eat to satiety what they liked in life: fish, seafood, seals, birds, etc.; while the wicked are plunged into a deep well from which they can not escape’7 (Cojazzi, 125). The use of the amulet above mentioned and the custom of burying bows and arrows, etc., with the dead (cf. infra, pp. 161-162) may also be taken as indications of belief in survival. Alacalufan evidence on this point is extremely meager. B. Chonos. — No available data at all. C. Y ahgans. — Authorities differ. Some would have it that the Y ah- gans lack all belief in survival after death (Th. Bridges, e, 332; h, 206; i, in Hyades, q, 253; Hyades, p, 332; q , 257; Lovisato, b, 149; Fur¬ long, b, 137; j), and a fortiori no idea of recompense or punishment COO PE It J 151 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO in the other world (Th. Bridges, a, Fr. tr., 181; k, 239). Other au¬ thorities state definitely that the Yahgans believe the soul remains near the grave or wanders over the woods and mountains, especially at night (Bove, a, 800; b, 142; c, 135; d, Arch., 297; Spegazzini, a, 16; Dabbene, b, 203), happy or unhappy, according to moral conduct in life (Bove, 11. c. supra). The Rev. Mr. Bridges, Dr. Hyades, and Dr. Lovisato give other testimony apparently contradicting their denials mentioned above. Dr. Hyades states ( p , 332) that dead criminals haunt the living; Dr. Lovisato, curiously enough, after denying any definite belief in a future life, adds that after life souls wander through the woods ( b , 149); the Rev. Mr. Bridges says in an earlier paper ( a , Fr. tr., 181) that the Yahgans believe hi the immortality of the soul, and in a later paper (h, 206) that they at least speak of “ exhalaciones como de los espiritus errantes de los suyos,” and that they have a word for death, cagagulo, which means “subir y volar (cf. also a, Fr. tr., 181). Perhaps the most interesting statement regarding Yahgan belief in survival is that which the Rev. Mr. Despard made (b, 698): “He [the Yahgan] thinks, when a man dies, his breath goes up to heaven; but for what he has no notion. . . . He denies the upward ascent of breath to other animals.” Weighing all the above evidence, it seems fairly well established that the Yahgans believe in survival, but whether they have any definite concept of immortality or of future recompense is at best very doubtful. D. Onas. — Of the Ona belief in survival there seems to be no well- grounded doubt. It is attested by Sr. Lista ( b , 130), Dr. Gallardo (319, 325-327, and passim), Mr. Barclay (a, 77), Dr. Dabbene ( b , 269), Dr. Cojazzi (38, 72, 76), and Father Beauvoir ( b , 165, 217-219, and passim). The shades of the dead wander through the woods (C. Ga¬ llardo, 336). The Onas have a word for soul, men (Cojazzi, 76), m’ehm (Dabbene, 6, 269), meh’n (Barclay, a, 77), mehn (C. Gallardo, 327, 336). The dead know what is taking place on earth, but take no active part in human affairs (Barclay, a, 77; Dabbene, b, 269; C. Ga¬ llardo, 319, 327), except dead witch-doctors (Cojazzi, 72; C. Gallardo, 299, 341). The dead are feared by the Onas (C. Gallardo, 322). According to Dr. Cojazzi (76) the departed are happy or unhappy in accordance with their conduct on earth, but this is denied by Dr. Gallardo (326). The Onas also believe that many animals and birds and many natural objects, as mountains, stars, sun and moon, trees, etc., were once men or women (C. Gallardo, 326, 338; Beauvoir, b, 165, 207, 217-219; Cojazzi, 86; Furlong, k). This belief colors much of their folklore. There is no evidence of a belief in reincarnation. 64028°— Bull. 63—17 11 152 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lbull. G3 BELIEF AND MORALITY * The link between religion and morality among the Fuegians is ap¬ parently, as far as our evidence goes, a weak one. Most authorities blankly assert or clearly imply that no such link exists at all (cf., e. g., for the Yahgans, Th. Bridges, fc, 239; Despard, b, 698; for the Onas, C. Gallardo, 324, 326). What, if any, religious significance is attached to their numerous taboos is uncertain in most cases from the informa¬ tion at present available. According to some authorities (cf. supra, under Future Life) the future life is happy or unhappy, in accordance with moral conduct on earth, but these statements need confirmation, and, further, we need detailed data as to whether future happiness and unhappiness follow automatically and impersonally or as a recom¬ pense bestowed and a retribution meted out by a personal supramun- dane being. Attention, however, may be called to the data furnished by Ad¬ miral Fitz-Roy and his informant, Capt. Low (cf. supra, under Supra- mundane Beings). Taking the facts as related by them, we have here a higher being, albeit apparently an evil one, who punishes mur¬ der. Admiral Fitz-Roy also states ( a , 179) that the Fuegians believe ‘ ‘ that the evil spirit torments them in this world, if they do wrong, by storms, hail, snow, &c.” Perhaps, too, the fact that after the murder of Capt. Fell and his party the Yahgans believed that the moon turned a blood-red color may have some bearing on the point in question (Grubb, 139). CULT By cult is here meant all prayers and rites directed to supramun- dane beings. Nonmoral prohibitions, supposed to emanate from such beings, are classed as negative cult. Such prohibitions can not always be clearly distinguished from moral precepts on the one hand and mere taboos on the other. Prayer The Fuegians pray little, so little, in fact, that they are frequently reported not to pray at all. Traces, however, of prayer are found here and there in the Fuegian sources. A. Alacaluf. — Yerri Yuppon was invoked in times of distress or danger (Fitz-Roy, a, 190). Capt. Low on three different occasions witnessed the following ceremony : After a period of famine, food was finally obtained, but before partaking of it an old man gave each native a portion, “repeatedly muttering a short prayer, and looking upward;” all kept silence during this ceremony (Fitz-Roy, a, 190-191, 195; Darwin, a, 1871 ed., 213-214). Capt. Low, however, did not speak the natives’ language, so there remains some uncertainty as to whether the old man’s muttered words were really a prayer or not. B. Chonos. — No data available. COOl'Ell] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF T1ERRA DEL FUEGO 153 C. Yahgans. — Dr. Spegazzini states ( a , 12) that at the death of a Yahgan the relatives stay around the grave all day; when dark conies, “diciendole que son sus amigos, y que su espiritu no les haga ningun dano.” The Rev. Mr. Bridges also describes what may be prayer: The medicine-men “font de frequentes incantations, dans lesquelles ils paraissent s’ addresser a un etre mysterieux, nomine Aiapakal; ils disent tenir, d’un esprit appele Hoakils, un pouvoir surnaturel de vie et de mortT (i, in Ilyades, q, 256; cf. also Bridges, &, 238). D. Onas. — When ordinary means of influencing the weather fail, the Onas, especially the witch-doctors, invoke the aid of Muyee or Moice and Caucoshl or Kan-Kosl, two deceased doctors who had and who still have great power over some of the elements (C. Gallardo, 340-341 : Cojazzi, 71). Sacrifice That the Canoe Indians, the Yahgan in particular, have a kind of sacrifice is attested by at least three independent authorities. When the natives are in great danger at sea they are said to throw an offer¬ ing overboard, a dog or child, according to the Rev. Mr. Bridges in his earliest paper {a, Fr. tr., 181), an infant, according to Dr. Fenton, a long resident of Punta Arenas (Ball, 261), 1 or a piece of fish, etc., ac¬ cording to the Lawrence brothers (Furlong, verbal communication), in order to appease the anger of Lucooma, the spirit of the tides and whirlwinds (Bridges) or the spirit of the tempest (Furlong). While this rite has not been actually witnessed by any of the above authori¬ ties, it is said to be well attested. The Yahgans fear whirlpools (Th. Bridges, loc. cit., caused by Lu- cooma; Lovisato, b, 149-150), and, according to Dr. Spegazzini (a, 16), believe them to be caused by evil spirits, to appease whom they throw into the water coals and pieces of wood. Oaths and ordeals Capt. Martial relates an episode showing that the Yahgans may have some kind of oath (207-208), but our sources give no indication of the existence of anything like the ordeal. Sacred objects The Ona and Yahgan stone amulets and the Alacalufan pouch con¬ taining the hair of the dead person have already been mentioned (cf. supra, under Fetishism). Capt. Steele (Skottsberg, b, 271) claimed to have found in the Baker Inlet district a circle of large stones. The circle was 8 meters in diameter and was paved with stones. Dr. Bastian (i, 18) was told by some colonists that they had found in Ona ( ?) territory an artificial i Doctor Fenton had knowledge chiefly of the Alacaluf, and perhaps he should be understood to have had in mind this tribe rather than the Yahgan. 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l BULL. G3 mound on the platform of which were three figures made with bright stones, one figure representing a circle (the sun), the second a half moon, and the third a hand. Sr. Payro (184-185) was told of certain Yahgan idols. It is very doubtful, however, if any dependence at all can be put on the above accounts; so far at least as the Yahgans are concerned, the Rev. Mr. Bridges and others categorically deny the existence of any such materialization of belief. Capt. Low found somewhere in the West Patagonian channels a number of spears, arrows, and clubs stuck in the ground, and among them a large block of wood rudely carved in the shape of a man, with long red teeth and around the neck a halter of hide. This, he was told, was the native method of declaring war, and the figure repre¬ sented their evil spirit (Fitz-Roy, a , 104; cf. a somewhat similar Araucanian method of declaring war, Rosales, a, vol. i, 147). Negative cult There are a great manv things of a nonmoral nature which the Fuegians scrupulously avoid saying or doing for fear of evil conse¬ quences. In most cases the consequences are believed to follow auto¬ matically, as far as our information goes, a breach of the ban, and hence are provisionally classed under Taboos or Magic. Where, on the contrary, the consequences are explicitly regarded as inflicted by an angered supramundane being, the prohibitions are classed under Cult. A familiar example of such negative cult in the Judeo-Christian religion is the prohibition against taking the name of God in vain. A. Yahgans. — The Kachpikh or malevolent spirits of the woodland caves are avoided lest they inflict illness or death (Hyades, q , 255). The Yahgan has a dread of Cushpeec and is loath to hear his name mentioned (Despard, h , 717; cf. also Furlong, h, 137). It is dan¬ gerous to name the dead (Th. Bridges, a, Fr. tr., 177). B. Onas. — The Onas fear the mountains (Gunn, 326), who are deceased men, and who send storms on trespassers (Cojazzi, 90-91). The Onas respect and fear such natural objects as the mountains, the sun, moon and stars, lakes, woods, and do not speak badly of them nor stare at them too long; if you speak badly of a mountain in its presence, it will send rains and winds (C. Gallardo, 339-340). There is no available evidence bearing on Alacalufan or Chonoan negative cult. As in underdevelopment of animistic beliefs, fetishism, etc., so, too, in poverty of cult, the Fuegians resemble many of the lowest peoples in other parts of the world (cf. Mills). Quasi-religious Culture In the beliefs and observances thus far recorded there seems to be fairly clear evidence of religious elements. The beings believed in cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 155 are supramundane and for the most part exert an aetive influence over man and nature. They are respected and feared and at times prayed to or propitiated by moral conduct and ritual observances. The element of coercion, more distinctive of magic, and that of automatism, more distinctive of taboo, are absent. Of the beliefs and observances now to be listed, some and perhaps many may turn out on further investigation to be of a religious or propitiatory nature. Most of them, at any rate, have sufficient affin¬ ity or resemblance to religion to be classed under Quasi-religious Culture, and if one should prefer to adopt a more inclusive definition of religion they could be classed as clearly religious. BIRTH CUSTOMS The Ona mother in order to make her child robust brings in a great load of wood before delivery, according to Dr. Cojazzi (25), or after delivery, according to Dr. Gallardo (229). Among both the Onas and Yahgans the umbilical cord is cut with a piece of shell (C. Gallardo, 229; Hyades, q, 191), and the latter burned both the cord and the placenta (Hyades, q , 191, 194). One of Father Menendez’ Chonos cut his hair to celebrate the birth of his child (Gonzalez de Agtieros, 247). The Yahgan baby is bathed in the sea shortly after birth (Bove, a, 794; b, 137; c, 129; d, Arch., 293; e , 158; Th. Bridges, a, Fr. tr., 170; h, 208) to make it strong (Th. Bridges, h , 208; Hahn, a, 800), and the mother, too, goes through a series of sea baths (Hyades, q, 192-195). The Ona mother bathes (Cojazzi, 26; Beauvoir, b , 208), but according to Dr. Gallardo (229) only if she happens to be near the sea; the child is not bathed (Beauvoir, b, 208), hut is massaged with white earth (Cojazzi, 26). According to the Rev. Mr. Bridges ( a , Fr. tr., 170), after the birth of a child both parents rest a week or two, while the Rev. Mr. Despard states (b, 698) that the father must sit still for three days, else the child will die. This looks very much like the couvade. After the birth of a child certain food taboos are observed by the mother among the Onas (C. Gallardo, 229-230, 174; Cojazzi, 26; Beau¬ voir, b, 208; Dabbene, b , 257), and by both parents among the Yah¬ gans (Th. Bridges, a , Fr. tr., 170; Martial, 197; Dabbene, b, 190). A Yahgan mother is considered unclean after delivery; she must abstain from marital intercourse for five or six months; the husband, too, is bound by a similar obligation, but not to the same degree (Hahn, a, 806; cf. also Hyades, q, 195). Of Alacalufan birth customs we know nothing, and of Chonoan nothing beyond the point noted above. 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | BULL. 63 INITIATIONS Sources (a) Onas. — Barclay, a* 74-76; b, 99-100; Beauvoir, b, 206-207; Cojazzi,* 31-38, 101-102 (Manekenkn); Dabbene, a, 73-74; &,* 257-259, 269-270; Furlong, d* 224; g, 7; i, 11; k *; C. Gallardo,* 330-337; Holmberg, a, 57-58. (b) Yahgans. — Th. Bridges* a, Fr. tr., 174-175; h, 208-209; k, 239-240; Hahn, c, 340; Ilyades ,* q, 376-377; Martial, 214. Based on the foregoing: Dabbene, b, 191-192, 202; Krickeberg, 142; Outes, d, 140; II. Webster, 56, 176-177. Our sole direct and first-hand source of information on the Yahgan boy initiations was the elder Mr. Bridges, as our main sources for Ona initiations are his sons, Lucas and William. Some of the Ona data have been independently verified by Prof. Tonelli from two natives at Rio Grande mission. The initiation customs observed at present among the Onas and for¬ merly among the Yahgans are very similar. In the earlier days, the tradition runs in both tribes, the men were under petticoat govern¬ ment; but they rebelled, adopted the initiation rites from the women, and created the masked spirits, all in order to keep the women in sub¬ jection. The adolescent boy is taken from his mother and obliged to fast and to undergo other physical and psychical tests. Endurance and stoicism, generosity, honesty, veracity, bravery, the duty of blood-revenge, observance of the marriage laws against incest and adultery, and other tribal virtues are solemnly inculcated. The grown men paint and dress up in masks to represent spirits, and pro¬ ceed to terrorize the women and children and to test the courage of the boy candidate. Finally the boy, if found worthy, is told the truth about the supposed spirits and the purpose of the masquerad¬ ing, namely, to keep the women in subjection, and he is threatened with dire punishment if he should ever reveal the secrets to the women or children. Except for several minor details — the Ona masks, for instance, are of hide; the Yahgan of bark — the initiation rites in the two tribes are so similar1 that there is a good probability of borrowing, as regards some at least of the elements. A detail in the Yahgan’s tradition to the effect that they inaugurated the rites after the incursion of the Onas into the Beagle Channel district (Martial, 214) would perhaps suggest that the Yahgans rather than the Onas have been the bor¬ rowers; but the point is doubtful. By the time of the French expedition in 1882-83, and even before, the boy initiations had fallen into desuetude among the Yahgans, but they still preserved a simpler puberty rite, including fasting and moral instruction, for the girls (Th. Bridges, h} 208; Jc, 240; Hyades, q, 377). 1 Even to the name of the large wigwam used for the rites, called kina by the Yahgan, and haain (Cojazzi, 35), hin (Furlong, d, 224 ),jain, 47; Colvocoresses, 36). The fact that both the Yahgans (Hyades, q, 303, 368) and Onas (C. Gallardo, 203; Th. Bridges, i, in Ilyades, q, 9) occasionally use a fishing rod suggests the probability that some form of fishhook may be used; Dr. Hyades twice saw Yahgans fishing witli a rod and line “du liaut d’un r ocher” 0 q , 368). LTIermite reported finding stone fishhooks among the Yahgans of Nassau Bay district in 1624: “In haer liuttekens is nict te vinden als eenighe biese korfkens / daer haer vis-tuygh in is / ’t welck bestaet in eenige lijnkens ende steene vis-hoecxkens / op onse wijse seer aerdigh ghemaeckt / daer sy mosselen aen hanghen / waer mede sy soo veel vis vanghen als sy begeeren” (1643 ed., 42; Commelin, ii, 28; Decker’s tr., 30, “welches bestehet in etlichen Steinern Fischhack- lein / auss unser weiss sehr artig gemacht / daran sie Muscheln anhengen;” “ hamepons f aits de pierre, assez artistement, a-peu-pres comme les notres,” de Renneville’s tr., iy, 701). Barring several minor errors of deduction, L’Hermite’s general description of the Yahgans has been confirmed by later writers — - a fact that would incline the modern reader to accept as correct the passage just quoted. On the other hand no other explorer has found the stone fishhook in Fuegia, and such skill in working stone seems to be too advanced for the natives. Is it possible that what L’Hermite took for fishhooks were in reality long-stemmed deeply notched Hint arrowheads, or perhaps barbed harpoon heads? The Yahgans often kept arrow heads in their rush baskets, as the “stone fishhooks” were found kept by L’Hermite. Nets. — The Yahgans do no seine fishing. They, however, some¬ times take small fish by means of a basket or net very crudely woven with rushes and bark or split twigs, or by means of an ordinary large- mesh basket attached to the end of a harpoon handle (Hyades, q, 372, 303). The true fish net is found among the Chonos (Goicueta, 518; Byron, a, 134; A. Campbell, 58), the Alacaluf (Sarmiento, Iriarte’s ed., 81, 123, An. hidr., vn, 422, 446; Duclos-Guyot, b, 672; Barclay, a, 66; Th. Bridges, h , 203; Dabbene, b, 214; Stubel, ii, pi. x, fig. 10), and the Onas (Th. Bridges, h, 203; Dabbene, b, 250; Beauvoir, b, ill, opp. p. 200; Benignus, 230; C. Gallardo, 202-204; Cojazzi, 57; O. Nordenskjold, j, 125; Lista, b, 127, Onas of south; Segers, 69). 190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. fiS The Chonoan nets reported by Cortes Hojea were made of bark fiber (Goicueta, 518), and the Alacalufan nets seen by Duclos-Guyot of intestines ( b , 672), but the nets in use among the modern Ala- caluf and Onas are made of guanaco or seal sinew, with rectangular meshes and the ordinary European knot (Dabbene, b, 214; Th. Bridges, h, 203; C. Gallardo, 203; Barclay, a, 66). The fish net was found at such early dates, in 1553 by Cortes Hojea and in 1579-80 by Sarmiento, that it is clearly not a European importation. The Alacaluf also use bird nets made of sinew (Mori, An. Tiidr ., vn, 562, de Brosses, i, 165; Ringrose, Exquemelin, pt. iv, ch. 23, 1684-85 ed., 182, 1893 ed., 470), and the Alacaluf and Chonos seal nets made of rawhide (Th. Bridges, j, 314; A. Campbell, 59) with large meshes 8 inches across (Coppinger, 119). Weirs. —Sometimes rude weirs of branches or stakes are erected in creeks or in other suitable places by the Yahgans (Th. Bridges, cited by Hyades, q, 372), the Alacaluf (Vargas Ponce, a, 341), and the Onas (Th. Bridges, i, in Hyades, q , 9). Dr. Coppinger found several stone weirs in an almost perfect state of preservation in the Swallow Bay region within Alacalufan territory (125-126). Cf. also Furlong, r, 179-180 on possible Y'ahgan stone weirs. Hunting Whales. — A stranded or dead whale is eagerly taken possession of by both the Fuegians and Chonos. Occasionally the Alacaluf (Marcel, a, 490-491) and Yahgans (Hyades, q, 356; Th. Bridges, b, Jan. 1, 1875, 12-13) hunt the whale in the open sea with their spears or harpoons. Seals and porpoises. — Seals are commonly hunted by the Fuegians and Chonos, being either speared or harpooned from canoes or from the land, or killed with clubs, or else netted. The various tribes appear on the whole to use similar methods. Dr. Segers mentions (66-67) an interesting Ona ruse for taking seals by the use of a stuffed seal hide as a dummy or decoy. Guanacos. — In hunting the guanaco the Onas use the bow and arrow, while the eastern Yahgans use either the bow and arrow (Martial, 192) or the spear (Hyades, q , 356). For the most complete account of Ona methods of guanaco hunting, see Furlong, g. Otters. — The Yahgans use the harpoon in otter hunting (Hyades, q, 364) and are ably assisted by their dogs. The dogs also help the Yahgans and Onas in fox hunting. Ctenomys fueguinus. — This small burrowing rodent is a staple article of diet for the Onas. A pointed stake or the short spear is used in locating the nests of and killing the animal (C. Gallardo, 189- 190; Cojazzi, 54-55; Dabbene, b, 249; Furlong, h). coorEnl BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TTERRA DEL FUEGO 101 Bats. — Rats arc not eaten by the On as or the Yahgans except in extreme necessity — dogs never (Hyades, q , 339; C. Gallardo, 172, 70). Birds. — Birds may be killed with the sling or bow and arrow, or taken in other ways. Snares consisting of a single noose or a series of nooses made of guanaco sinew or whalebone are employed by all three Fuegian tribes (Hyades, q , 9, 304; C. Gallardo, 192-193; Dabbene, b, 251; Popper, a, 106). Sometimes these nooses are placed at openings in small corrals of sticks or stakes (Tli. Bridges, h, 210; Cojazzi, 56), or attached to the end of a long pole, the native hiding behind a blind and mimicking the call of the bird (Th. Bridges, 6, July 1, 1879, 158; h, 210; C. Gallardo, 193). Cormorants. — In taking cormorants, which nest on the sides of cliffs, the Fuegians and Chonos go at night with torches and often with clubs; the native is either suspended from the brow of the cliff with long thongs or else climbs up from the water's edge (Th. Bridges, b, July 1, 1879, 156-158; C. Gallardo, 190-191; Garcia, a, 25, 38; A. Campbell, 60). On the use of the gorge hook, see above under Fishhooks. General remarks — The dog is a valuable auxiliary in hunting. The more common hunting weapon of the Onas is the bow and arrow, of the Chonos, Alacaluf, and Yahgans the spear and harpoon. As noted above, the Alacaluf use nets for hunting birds and seals. COOKING As a rule the Fuegians only half cook their food. Wooden two- pronged tongs are used by the Yahgans (Hyades, q , 304) and Onas (Dabbene, b, 251; C. Gallardo, 171, 290). For melting fat and hold¬ ing grease the Yahgans use large mussel shells (Hyades, q, 306, 340), the Onas a shoulder blade of a guanaco or seal (Cojazzi, 58). The Chonos were familiar with the use of hot stones for cooking fish in their bark buckets (Rosales, a, vol. i, 151; b, cited by Medina, a, 186), but the practice is not found among the Fuegians. Heated stones are, however, used by the Onas for heating or toasting lay seeds (C. Gallardo, 173-174; Cojazzi, 61), and Dr. Hyades writes of the Yahgans: “Ils se servent de cailloux chauffes aufeu pour faire fondre la graisse et tiediiTeau, dans lesquelles ils plongent ces cailloux ” (q, 340; cf. also 310). FIRE MAKING The pyrites-and-flint method is the only one ever reported for any of the Fuegian tribes. Dr. Ratzel suggests ( b , vol. i, 523; Engl, tr., vol. ii, 90) its possible introduction by Europeans, but the fact that the method is reported from as far back as the time of Sarmiento, who found it in 1580 in use among the Canoe Indians near the modern Punta Arenas (Iriarte's ed., 229, An. hidr., vn, 511) makes fairly cer- 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. tain the conclusion that the custom is a native one. The iron pyrites is apparently found only in the north of Tierra del Fuego Island and in large quantities near Mercury Sound, Clarence Island (C. Gallardo, 255; Dabbene, b, 194; Th. Bridges, b, June 1, 1883, 139; i, in Hyades, <7, 10). As tinder the Fuegians use bird down, dried fungus, and perhaps very fine moss. Besides its use for cooking, heating, and lighting, fire is employed for signaling by all the Fuegians, including the Onas (C. Gallardo, 258; Furlong, lc)f for straightening arrow and spear shafts by the Yahgans and Onas at least (C. Gallardo, 256, 281 ; Cojazzi, 44; Hyades, q, 356), and for bending canoe ribs by the Yahgans and Alacaluf (Spegazzini, a , 6; Vargas Ponce, a, 344). It is also used in many other ways, as in felling trees, in preparing bark for canoes and material for baskets, etc. The Fuegians have no lamps, but torches of bark are common to both the Fuegians and Chonoans. The Yahgans and Alacaluf carry fire in the center of their canoes on a hearth of earth, clay, sand, shells, or stones (Ulloa and numerous later voyagers). Shelter Beehive wigwam. — Among the Chonos and Canoe Indians the most common form of shelter is the beehive hut, circular or elliptical in ground plan and with a framework of bent sticks covered with grass, ferns, branches, bark, skins, or anything at hand. The Chonos often carried around in their canoes the poles or bark thatching (Byron, a, 123-124; Lozano, ii, 560; Beranger, 13). Excellent detailed de¬ scriptions are given of the Yahgan hut by Dr. Hyades ( q , 342) and of the Alacalufan by Dr. Skottsberg ib, 261-263; d, 597-598). SJcin windshield. — This is the more common Ona shelter. It con¬ sists of a few poles stuck in the ground in a semicircle and inclined toward the center, with guanaco skins stretched on them; it thus forms a fencing without roof, but in bad weather the shelter can be nearly closed over. Sometimes the skins are merely tied to branches of trees (Lovisato, b, 134; Furlong, d, 218). It is not unlikely that this skin windshield is related genetically to the Tehuelche toldo. It is not used by the Canoe Indians. In con¬ struction it is similar to the Teliuelchean tent, although much sim¬ pler. In earlier times the Patagonians of the eastern end of the Strait used a shelter rather like the modern Ona windshield, if we may judge from Ladrillero’s description, which, however, is not quite as clear as we should like: uSus casas son que hincan urias varas en el suelo, i ponen pellejos de guanacos, i de ovejas, i de venados; i hacen reparo para el viento, i por de dentro ponen paya” (Ladrillero, 499). The Teliuelchean tent and the Ona windshield have the same name (cf. Introduction under Ona and Tehuelche Relations: Cultural Evidence). COOrERl BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TTERRA DEL FUEGO 193 Conical wigwams. — Both the Yahgans and the Onas use also a more substantial and usually larger wigwam, in construction like the bee¬ hive hut, but cone-shaped, the framework being of stout sapling or tree trunks (Hyades, q, 343; L/Hermite, 42; de Brosses, i, 443; Des- pard, b, 680; Dabbene, b, 178, 226; Cojazzi, 38-39; Fitz-Roy, a, 140; Segers, 64; Furlong, d, 218; h). Among the Onas at least these more solidly built huts are for more or less permanent use as compared with the skin windshield which is put up for short or overnight stays (Cojazzi, 38, 40; Dabbene, b, 226). Mr. Despard stated (b, 680) that the Yahgan beehive and conical huts are for summer and winter use, respectively. Large wigwams. — Considerably larger wigwams, of circular or ellip¬ tical ground plan, have been observed at times in Yahgan and Ala- calufan territory (Fitz-Roy, a, 198-199, 215; King, 440, 441-442, conical, 166; and especially description and cut in Skottsberg, b , 262- 264; d , 598-599). Such large huts were used in the Yahgan initia¬ tion ceremonies, but it would seem that they were also used as common shelters for several families, as Dr. Skottsberg found several hearths in one. Dr. Hyades mentions a Yahgan partitioned wigwam ( q , 342, note), and Dr. Segers an “enormous wigwam of pyramidal form” used in winter by the southern Onas (64). This latter may have been a council house (cf. Furlong, lc). Other hinds of shelters. — The Yahgans and Onas at times use caves (Hyades, q, 8, 342), or make a rude shelter of a few branches tied together or stuck in the ground (ibid., 341-342; Gunn, 325). The Onas apparently sometimes use simple trenches or holes dug in the ground (Gunn, 326). The Yahgans sometimes construct smaller wigwams, “consacrate agli amori” (Lovisato, b, 132-133) or for the use of children (Hyades, q, 342; Th. Bridges, a, Fr. tr., 171; cf. also Vincent, 123, for Alacaluf). A gable-roofed tent, in contour like our A-tent and covered with bark, etc., is mentioned by Dr. Dabbene ( b , 226) and Prof. Furlong ( d , 218; h) as used occasionally among the Onas in winter or for longer stays. Sometimes the interior of the wigwam is scooped out among the Onas (C. Gallardo, 244; Barclay, a, 72) and Yahgans (Hyades, q, 343 ; L’Hermite, 42 ; de Brosses, i, 443 ; Despard, b , 680) . A little grass or some branches are usually put on the floor (C. Gallardo, 244; Hyades, q, 343-344). The fire is made in the center of the beehive and conical huts and at the opening of the windshield. The huts may have one or two doors; in the latter case one door is usually toward the sea, the other opposite. Clothing Body covering. — The skin mantle is the chief and common garment of the Chonos and three Fuegian tribes. Between, however, the 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY r BULL. fi3 Onas on the one hand and the Clio nos, Alaealuf, and Yahgans on the other, there are certain noticeable differences. The Ona mantle reaches to the feet or knees and usually has no string, while the mantle of the others reaches only over the shoulder and breast or to the waist and is held by a string. The Ona nearly always wears his mantle, except in hunting, wrestling, etc., while the others very frequently go or used to go without it. The Onas more frequently make their mantles from guanaco skins, the others from seal, otter, or fox skins ; but other skins may be used where available. Bird-skin clothing has sometimes been observed (Marcel, a , 492; van Speilbergen, in de Brosses, i, 344; van Noort, b. 1601 ed., 21; Hyades, q, 347; Byron, a, 34, 127; Garcia, a, 23). The Chonos are reported by Cortes Hojea (Goicueta, 518) to have made mantles from fiber, as Father Rosales says (a, vol. i, 224) the Chilo- tans formerly did. The Chonoan dog’s hair mantles have been men¬ tioned before (cf. Introduction under Chonos: Culture). The Yahgan women rarely if ever go without a triangular pubic covering of bird skin or hide (Ilyades, q, 307, 347-348; Fitz-Roy, a , 138; Weddell, 157-158; L’Hermite, 41; de Brosses, i, 443), but the men go frequently without such, as did sometimes the Alaealuf an men, and even women, in earlier days (Ladrillero, 473, 464, 484; Goicueta, 485, 505, 519; La Guilbaudiere, 4; cf., however, for later times, Vargas Ponce, a , 339; Skottsberg, d, 602). The Ona women wear beneath their mantles, which are a little shorter than the men’s, an under garment of guanaco skin, tied to the body and reaching from the breast to the knees (C. Gallardo, 157; Dabbene, b, 223; Cojazzi, 41); the women also wear a pubic covering of the same material (C. Gallardo, 156-157). The Fuegian skin mantle is always worn with the fur outside, in contrast with the Tehuelche custom, but the Ona woman sometimes wears her under garment with the fur inside (C. Gallardo, 157). Head covering. — In hunting and fighting especially, the Ona men wear a triangular peak of guanaco skin over the forehead, but the Ona women and among the other Fuegians and the Chonos both sexes go bareheaded. Exceptionally the Alaealuf may wear a head covering, apparently distinct from the feather diadem (Narbrough, 65, de Brosses, ii, 32; Bynoe, in Fitz-Roy, a, 197; Voyage round world in Dolphin, 56, Span, tr., 55; Vargas Ponce, b, 58). Foot covering .—The Ona men and women wear in walking primi¬ tive moccasins and sometimes leggings made of guanaco skin (C. Gal¬ lardo, 155, 158; Dabbene, b, 224; Cojazzi, 42). Neither the Chonos (Byron, a, 144; cf. also Goicueta, 519, on natives south of C. Tres Montes) nor the Canoe Indians wear any foot covering, except occa¬ sionally when traveling or hunting on land, as is attested for the Yahgans by Dr. Hahn ( b , 1534) and for the Alaealuf by Narbrough COOl’Elt] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 195 (65; de Brosses, n, 32), Vargas Ponce ( a , 339) and the author of the Voyage round the world, in H. M. S. Dolphin (56; Span, tr., 55). Hand covering. — No hand covering is worn by either the Chonos or Fuegians. The Yahgans, however, occasionally use a rude fingerless working glove of hide (Hyades, q, 301) and the Onas and Alacaluf protect their hands with a piece of guanaco skin or other material when making arrow heads (Cojazzi, 45; G. Gallardo, 259; Cop- pinger, 119). Shin dressing. — Detailed accounts of the Yahgan and Alacaluf an methods of skin dressing are not given by writers on Fuegian culture. In the National Museum at Washington there is an otter skin stretched on a rectangular frame — probably of Yahgan or Alacaluf an prove¬ nance. It was evidently such a drying frame that M’Cormick saw on Hermite Island (i, 301). The Yahgans stretch seal skins upon the ground in the wigwam and cover them with grass and moss; after a while the hairs become completely detached (Hyades, q, 347). The Yahgans make thongs flexible by drawing them through their teeth or chewing them (Hyades, q, 141, 143, 302) — a method in vogue among the Onas also (C. Gallardo, 264) and prob¬ ably among the Alacaluf (Skottsberg, b, 252). The Onas, after scraping off the flesh and fat from a skin, take it in both hands and rub it together briskly, then anoint it with grease (Cojazzi, 63; C. Gallardo, 265, 286). If the skin is to be worn as a mantle they trust largely to actual wear to soften it (C. Gallardo, 265). To dry a skin they stake it to the ground if weather and ground conditions are favorable, else they stretch it taut with flexible cross-sticks and lean it against the wigwam or windshield to wind¬ ward (C. Gallardo, 244-245). To make hide they remove the hair with a hafted scraper of stone or glass, and spread on red earth and grease (Cojazzi, 63). Coloring the inner side of mantles with red earth is common among the Alacaluf and Onas at least (Skottsberg, d, 603; C. Gallardo, 152). Navigation The modern Onas have no kind of water craft, nor is there any positive evidence to show that they formerly possessed any of their own making. Moreover, no indication of a former art of navigation is found in any of their myths or traditions. It is true that Father Falkner’s Yacana-cunnees are supposed to have used “ light floats, like those of Chiloe,” to cross the Strait (111; cf. also 92-93), but there are good reasons for reserving judgment on the accuracy of his narrative (cf. Author Bibliography, under F alkner) . That, however, the Onas occasionally ventured and venture on the water is well enough attested. Prof. Furlong’s Ona guides had just BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 196 returned from a hunting expedition on Navarin Island (verbal com¬ munication).1 The Rev. Mr. Bridges found the Dawson Islanders as much Onan as Alacalufan (b, Feb. 1, 1886, 33; cf. also k, 234). Old residents of Punta Arenas assured Dr. Segers that many Indians recalled how, 20 years previously, they used to cross the Strait from Patagonia to Tierra del Fuego (63). Mr. Marsh states, apparently on the authority of the English missionaries, that the Onas rarely use canoes ( a , 109). In view of the preceding statements, the assertion frequently made, that the Onas never use or have used canoes, appears to he too sweep¬ ing. They may possibly have reached their present habitat by water. It is even possible, too, that the “tall” natives encountered in canoes by the Loaysa and de Weert expeditions may have been Onas. Rafts and balsas— Neither rafts nor balsas have ever been reported by any of the scores of first-hand observers of Fuegian and Chonoan culture. Cf. Herbertson in Author Bibliography. Skin boats. — Two recent visitors to Fuegia report seeing in the same locality, the Magdalen Channel district, a canoe made of bark and skins stretched on a wattle framework (Mossman, 365-366; Con¬ way, 194), while Dr. Essendorfer described (60-61) one seen near Cape Froward as made of “ zusammengenahten Hauten, mit der unbehaarten Seite nach aussen.” This type of boat, if the reports be correct, is very unusual in Fuegia. Dugouts. — In recent years, especially since the last decade of the last century, the dugout of beechwood has largely superseded the Alacalufan plank boat (Skottsberg, d, 581; b, 270; c, 100; Barclay, a, 66; Cojazzi, 122) and the Yahgan bark canoe almost entirely (Dab- bene, b, 181; Furlong, b, 126). In 1882-83 the French expedition encountered only one Yahgan dugout during a whole year’s residence (Mission Terre de Feu, 275). The only earlier mention of the dugout as being in use among the Fuegians or Chonos is, as far as the present writer has noted, Father Rosales’ statement, not based on personal observation, that dugouts made with fire and shells were used bv the natives who lived toward the Strait of Magellan (a, vol. i, 173-174). One-piece bark canoe. — Several writers on Fuegian culture state that the natives sometimes use one-piece bark canoes (Colini, 162; J. G. Wood, ii, 520, Amer. ed., ii, 1168; Hale,. 94; Lucy-Fossarieu, 169-170). All these statements hark back to a passage in Commo¬ dore Byron’s narrative in Hawkesworth (i, 79). An officer who had been ashore reported seeing canoes which were “nothing more than the bark of large trees, tied together at the ends, and kept open by 1 According to Jemmy Button, the Yahgan boy, the Onas used to cross Beagle Channel in stolen Yahgan canoes in order to raid the Navarin Island natives (Fitz-Roy, a, 205-206, 325-326). Mr. Despard, however, held (5, 717) that the Onas did not raid beyond the north shore of Beagle Channel. COOl’Elt] BIBLIOGRAPHY OP TRIBES OP TIERRA DEL PUEGO 197 short pieces of wood, which were thrust in transversely between the two sides, like the boats children make of a bean shell.” Such a de¬ scription might apply equally well to the three-piece bark canoe (cf. Fitz-Roy, a , 140). All the scores of detailed accounts of the Fuegian canoe describe it as built up of three or more pieces. Sewed-bark canoe. — Until about a generation ago the Yahgans used exclusively the hark canoe, and in earlier times it alone was used over the whole of the present Alacalufan territory as far up the coast as the Gulf of Penas. The Ladrillero and Cortes Hojea expedition in 1557-58 found only the bark canoe in the territory from the northern end of F alios Chan¬ nel to the western end of the Strait of Magellan, and also in the Ultima Speranza district (Goicueta, 484, 519; Ladrillero, 465, 473, 484, 490). None of the many early Magellanic explorers prior to the voyage of Byron in 1765 reported finding any but the bark canoe in the Strait (cf. especially La Guilbaudiere, 4-5, 19; see also 28). The plank boat, in migrating down the west Patagonian coast, effectually but never entirely displaced the bark canoe, for Mr. Bynoe found the bark canoe in Obstruction Sound, and one as far north as Messier Channel (Fitz-Roy, a, 199; cf. also Child, 245, for Smyth Channel), while Machado (An. hidr., xiv, 85) 60 years earlier, in 1768, found at Port Tangao, probably on Tangbac Island, at the southern end of Moraleda Channel, that is, in Chonoan territory, con¬ siderably north of Taitao Peninsula, a party of marooned natives engaged in making a bark canoe. Throughout the whole territory where found, the bark canoes were constructed in the same way — of three or more pieces sewed together, with thwarts and ribs and with pointed ends. LTIermitc describes (1643 ed., 42) the Y.aligan canoes of Nassau Bay as like “Venetian gondolas”; Drake’s chronicler, Fletcher (Flyades, q, 3), compares those seen at Elizabeth Island to crescents; Goicueta (484) speaks of those observed at the northern end of Fallos Channel as “como luiia de cuatro dias,.con unas puntas elevadas” and made of bark “tan gruesa como un dedo” (519). Of the same shape are the canoes illustrated in de Weert, and L ’ Hermit e, opp. p. 40. Bark of the beech ( Fagus betulo'ides) was usually employed. In cut¬ ting the bark the natives used a shell, bone, or flint knife, and held themselves to the tree trunks with strong rawhide thongs (Th. Bridges, j, 314; Hyades, q, 350; Dabbene, b, 181). Many detailed descriptions of the bark canoe are available; see especial^ Hyades, q , 304-306, 350-352, 414; Vargas Ponce, a, 343-346; Dabbene, b, 180-181. An excellent account of canoe making is given in Despard, b, 679-680. The Alacaluf often made bark canoes of much larger dimensions than those in use among the Yahgans. The latter ones were, as a rule, 198 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lbull. G3 from about 12 to 20 feet long (Fitz-Roy, a, 140; Ilyades, q, 414, 5.20 meters; Bove, a, 792; b, 135; d , Arch., 291, 4-6 meters; Lovisato, b, 134, 5-6 meters; Weddell, 163, 12 feet 4 inches; Dabbene, b, 180, 4-5 meters; cf. Marcel, a, 491, 15-16 and 12-18 feet, Alacalufan canoes; c, 108), while those found by de Cordoba among the Alacaluf of the Strait were ordinarily 24-26 and occasionally 30-32 feet long 1 (Vargas Ponce, a , 344; cf. also Pertuiset, 221, 8-10 meters long, and the “large canoes” observed by the Ulloa expedition, in Gay, Doc., I, 177). While the Fuegian bark canoe is a fairly well made and seaworthy craft, it would appear on the whole inferior in lines and workmanship to the North American birch bark, to which, however, it bears con¬ siderable resemblance. For comparison with bark canoes from Aus¬ tralia and Africa see von Luschan, and also N. W. Thomas, Australian canoes and rafts, in Jour. Anthr. inst., London, 1905, xxxv, 56-79. Plank boat. — This craft has had an interesting career in the Chonoan and Magellanic Archipelagos. A fairly continuous series of docu¬ ments, most of them based on first-hand study, enable us to trace pretty clearly its history, migration, and development from the middle of the sixteenth century down to the present time. At the time of the earliest explorations in the archipelagos south of Chiloe the plank boat was not found south of Taitao Peninsula and Cape Tres Montes. The Ladrillero and Cortes Hojea expedition encountered many groups of natives between the Gulf of Penas and the western mouth of the Strait of Magellan, and all without excep¬ tion had bark canoes (references supra). The earliest mention of the plank boat is contained in Goicueta’s narrative of Cortes Hojea’s voyage in 1557-58. On the way back Cortes Hojea found among the Araucanian-speaking natives of Coronados Gulf a great number (“mucha cantidad”) of canoes made of three planks (514). Goicueta in the same narrative (518) states that the natives between the Gulf of St. Martin ( = Corcovado Gulf) and Cape Ochabario ( = C. Tres Montes) used the same kind of boats as did the Coronados Gulf Indians. Cortes Hojea did not, it would appear from Goicueta’s narrative, encounter any natives in this Chonoan region on his 1557-58 expedition; he had, however, accompanied Ulloa in 1553 (489) and must have seen plank boats south of Chiloe then. Ulloa encountered at least one party of natives on Taitao Peninsula and probably others elsewhere; and, moreover, Goicueta’s narrative is carefully and so¬ berly written. So we may accept Goicueta’s attribution of the plank boat to the Chonos as reasonably dependable. Gongora Marmolejo, in nis Historia of 1575 (ch. 58, p. 153), Brouwer after his visit of 1643 (32; An. hidr., xvi, 34), Father Ovalle in 1646 (bk. 8, ch. 21, p. 394), and Father Rosales in 1674 ca. (a, vol. i, 175), i Presumably Spanish feet of 10.968 inches. COOI'Ell] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 199 all describe the Chilotan or Chonoan plank boat as having only three planks; so, too, does Father Lozano (vol. n, bk. 5, ch. 4, pp. 31, 455), writing in 1754-55, but utilizing earlier missionary reports, probably Father Venegas’ and others of the early seventeenth century. Father Rosales adds that the plank boat was also used by the Pe- guenches near Lake Naguelhuapi and other lakes close to Chiloe, although the Indians of Villarica navigated Lake Epulabquen in balsas and dugouts (a, vol. i, 176). Up to the end, therefore, of the seventeenth century the plank boat was of only three pieces. It was propelled by from 8 to 12 rowers (Rosales, a , vol. i, 175; cf. also Ercilla, canto 36,, the 12-oared piragua seen by him in 1558 in Chilotan waters was probably a plank boat; Gongora M., 153, 5-12 rowers) ; the coxswain sat in the stern (Rosales, loc. cit.). During the course of the eighteenth century the dalca developed from a 3-plank to a 7- plank craft. Father Olivares, writing in 1736, in all probabilit}^ from personal observation, states that the dalcas were then usually made of 3 planks, though there were some larger ones of 5 planks, but never more than 5; the Spaniards made them from about 8-12 “brazadas” (Olivares, 371) 1 ( = 45 to 65 feet) long with 5 planks only (Olivares, 370-371; cf. also Alex. Campbell, 62-63; in Prevost, xv, 388; Molina, a, 209; c, bk. 4, ch. 2; Byron, a, 151-153; and in Fitz-Roy, b, 131). The ordinary length of the native dalca was from 11 to 22 feet (Garcia, a, 23, 31, two to four brazados; 28, eight varas; Gongora M., 153, 34 feet; Gonzalez de Agiieros, 66-67, 2-4 brazas; Moraleda, 351, up to 20 varas). Toward the end of the eighteenth century 7-plank dalcas are for the first time mentioned (Gonzalez de Agiieros, 66; cf. also Moraleda, 350). The plank boat was first reported as seen within the Strait of Magellan by Byron in 1765 ( b , 79-81) and by the second de Cordoba expedition in 1789 (Vargas Ponce, b, 59-60) — in both instances west of Cape Upright, near the western end of the Strait.2 * * * * In the second quarter of the last century the first English expedi¬ tion under Capt. King encountered plank boats as far east as For- tescue Bay and to the southeast off the Grafton Islands (King, 313, 377). The same expedition reported the largest Chilotan dalcas as being 35-40 feet long; a dalca encountered at Neesham Bay, near Trinidad Channel, was upward of 23 feet long (King, 267). Of special 1 Brazada=l.G7 m. (An. liidr. mar. Chile, xi, 529). 2 De Brosses, in his account of Sarmiento’s voyage taken from Argensola, wrote (ir, 206): “Us virent venir une pirogue qui est une esp6ce de barque plate sans vibord, faite de madriers joints ensemble, A quelques fois tissue de joncs, ou composee de courges7’ — this was apparently off the west coast of Hanover Island, in what is now Alacalufan territory. The passage in Argensola reads (1609 ed., bk. 3, p. 117): “ Vieron venir por el agua una Piragua (es barquillo de maderos juntos, sin borde: texese algunas vezes de juncos: y algunas de calaba^as).” The two latter sections of Argensola’s explanation in parentheses are evidence that the whole explanation is his own, and in fact the original passage in Sarmiento’s own narra¬ tive reads simply (122): “Y que habia visto venir una piragua con genie India.” The term “piragua” was used at the time to denote almost any kind of small craft (cf., e. g., Hernandez, xxv, xxix). 64028°— Bull. 63—17 - 14 200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 interest is Mr. Bynoe’s description of the two large plank boats seen in the Gulf of Trinidad; they were 30 feet long and 7 wide; the weight of two men standing on one gunwale did not swamp the boat (Fitz¬ Roy, a , 198). Dr. Coppinger some 50 years later found plank boats of 5 pieces, and 20 feet long (43-44), and others holding 16 and even 23 persons (67, 74) — this last at the northern end of Picton Channel. Many good descriptions of the plank boat are available. See, for example: Lozano, n, 31, 455; Coppinger, 43-44; Friederici, a, 44-45; Juliet, 335-336. Dr. Fonck has reproduced from Father Menendez’ manuscript the only extant cut of the now vanished Chilotan dalca (Fonck, i, 104; n, 436; cf. also bibliography, ibid., ii, 193). The Chonos and more southern Canoe Indians made their dalcas without axes or adzes, by the use of fire, flints, and shells (Byron, a, 152; Garcia, 23; Rosales, a, vol. i, 174). Boechwood was the usual material for the planks (Olivares, 371; King, 280; cf., however, Steffen, a, 110). An interesting feature of the dalca was that it could be readily taken apart for portaging over isthmuses and necks of land (Byron, a, 151-153; Olivares, 376). Portages. — Portage routes are very common in the territory be¬ tween the Chonos Archipelago and Port Gallant in the Strait (cf., e. g., Skottsberg, c, 101 ; Du Valdailly, 294 ; Coppinger, 59; Pacheco, a , 54; Reynaud, u, 94; Steffen, a, 110-111; b, 346-347; see also Fonck, ii, 17, and King, 283). Prof. Furlong (verbal communication) was told of one in Yahgan territory — perhaps this is the mountain pass between the head of Romanche Channel and Tekenika Bay (cf. note on map no. 453, LTnited States Hydrographic Office) — but with this possible- exception they are not reported east of the Port Gallant district. The portage route across the Isthmus of Ofqui was the common native highway from earliest times between the Chonos Archipelago and the Gulf of Penas. Sails. — In a favorable wind both the Yahgans and the Alacaluf sometimes use a crude sail made of a sealskin or of several seal skins sewn together (Dabbene, b, 181, 208; Hyades, q, 13; Coppinger, 64; King, 382; Bougainville, 2d ed., i, 291; Wallis, 392). It is reported among the Alacaluf as early as 1698 (Du Plessis, in Marcel, a , 492; c, 109) and among the Chilotans and Chonos as early as 1791 (Gonzalez de Agiieros, 67) and 1767 (Garcia, a , 23), and among the Chilotans in 1674 (Rosales, a, vol. i, 175). Its occurrence among the Alacaluf at such an early date would suggest that it is of native origin, not of European introduction, but the point can not be conclusively de¬ cided (cf. also discussion in Friederici, a, 73-79, especially 74). Oars and paddles. — As a rule oars are used with the plank boats, and paddles with the bark canoes. Where oars are used, a coxswain, COOl'EIt] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 201 usually an old woman, sits in the stern and steers with a paddle or short oar (Vincent, 123; Reynaud, a, 92; Skottsberg, c, 99; d, 600; Fitz-Roy, a, 198; Dabbene, b, 214; cf. also Rosales, a, vol. i, 175). No rudder is used. The paddlcsvare in one piece with relatively long lanceolate blades and without cross-handles. The Alacalufan oars arc more commonly reported as being of two pieces, a short roundish, elliptical, or oblong blade lashed to a long handle (Skottsberg, c, 99; d , 600; Vincent, 123; Coppinger, 44; Fitz-Roy, a , 198; Rochas, 223; Essendorfer, 61; Brassey, 128). Bailers. — Some voyagers (Byron, a , 153; also in Fitz-Roy, b, 131; de Rabat and Du Plessis, in Marcel, a , 491-492; Fletcher, in Hyades, q, 3) describe plank boats or hark canoes so well constructed and calked as to require no bailing, but as an almost universal rule both plank and bark canoes, even the Chilotan (Rosales, a , vol. i, 175: “siempre hazen agua”; cf. also A. Campbell, 64), require almost continual bailing. The cylindrical bailers are usually made of bark or sealskin (Skottsberg, c, 99; d, 601; Hyades, q, 352, 306- 307, pi. xxxiii, fig. 3). Origin of the plank boat. — The true plank boat as distinct from the built-up dugout appears to have been found in only one other place on the American continent, that is, off the southern California coast (cf. Report U. S. geogr. surveys west of the one hundredth meridian, vii, Archaeology, Washington, 1879, 26, 38-39, 44). The Fuegian plank boat is not of Peruvian origin, as the Peruvians had not this form of water craft and, besides, their influence did not extend so far south. Nor is it of European introduction. It was found as early as 1558 by Cortes Hojea in Coronados Gulf, and was in all probability seen by him as far south as Taitao Peninsula five years earlier. In 1558 it was the common craft in the former locality and was observed in “mucha cantidad.” Nor is it of Fuegian origin. It was not found south of Cape Tres Montes by either Cortes Plojea or Ladrillero in 1557-58, although they saw the bark canoe at many points between Cape Tres Montes and the Strait of Magellan. The later history of the plank canoe shows that the Fuegians acquired it from the Chonos. Was it invented by the Chonos, or did they in turn acquire it from the southern Araucanians % Admiral Fitz-Roy expressed the belief that “the Chonos people taught the Huilli-che how to make” it (a, 380). But as far as our evidence goes the conclusion that the Chonos acquired the art from the Araucanians is much more probable. Geographical conditions were as favorable for the advancement of boat building among the southernmost Araucanians of Coronados 202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 63 Gulf and the Chilotan Islands as among the Chonos, both peoples being archipelagic and seafaring. Cultural conditions, however, were much more favorable among the former, who were on a decidedly higher cultural plane, and in addition were familiar with the arts of ax making and plank cutting, arts which would easily lead up to the use of wood in boat building. The ax was of sporadic occurrence only among the Chonos (cf. Introduction under Chonos: Culture), but polished stone axes were common among the southern Araucanians (cf., e. g., Medina, a). The alerse tree, which grew on the mainland, was so evenly grained that planks could be made from its wood by mere splitting with axes and wedges, and did not require to be dressed with the adze or plane (King, 282; Gonzalez de Agiieros, 124-125; Fonck, i, 19-23). To¬ ward the end of the eighteenth century the Araucanian-speaking natives of the Chilotan Archipelago commonly made their huts with walls of “laurel” planks and roofs of grass (Gonzalez de Agiieros, 111-112). A century and a half earlier Brouwer found the Chilotans busily engaged in plank making; he describes their houses as being low, with one door, and roofs of grass (64; An. hidr., xvi, 61). Far¬ ther north, among the Araucanians of the mainland, Pedro de Val¬ divia had found, in 1551, “casas . . . mui bien hechas y fuertes con grandes tablazones, y muclias mui grandes, y de a dos, cuatro y ocho puertas” (carta iv, in Col. hist. Chile , 1861, i, 55, and in Gay, Doc., I, 142). Cortes Ilojea in 1558 speaks of the houses of the “province of Ancud,” that is, Chiloe, as being of large size and with four to six doors (Goicueta, 516, 519). The plank-making industry was no doubt pushed forward by the Spaniards, but the use of planks in hut building among the southern Araucanians pretty clearly antedates the Spanish conquest. It is not surprising, therefore, that these archipelagic seafaring Araucanians should have introduced the use of planks into their arts of boat building. It may be recalled, too, that plank boats were found in abundance by Cortes Hojea among the Coronados Gidf Araucanians, and are merely mentioned as being in use among the Chonos, and that the general cultural migratory drift in this territory was from north to south, that is, from the Araucanians to the Chonos, not vice versa. For the foregoing reasons it appears much more probable, although not strictly demonstrated, that the Fuegian plank boat originated among the southernmost Araucanians, from whom it passed suc¬ cessively to the Chonos before 1553 or 1558, to the natives south of Taitao Peninsula later, and to the Alacaluf of the Strait sometime around the middle of the eighteenth century. Plank boat versus bark canoe. — Dr. Graebner maintains ( a , 1018) that the Fuegian bark canoe is “cin Auslaufer des letztgenannten COOT'Enl BIBLIOGRAPHY OP TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 203 Typus [i. e., the plank boat], sicher nicht sein Urbild.” l)r. Fried- erici, on the contrary, holds (a, 43) that “die Dalca ist nachweisbar aus deni eben beschriebenen Kami [i. e., the bark canoe] der Magal- haes-Strasse entstanden.” A third possibility is the independent development of the two boats, the plank boat from the dugout which was in common use among the southern Chileans (Rosales, a, vol. I, 173-174), and the built-up bark canoe from a hypothetical one-piece bark in distant pre-Columbian times. The finding of the built-up bark canoe from the earliest days of Magellanic discovery among natives so far removed from the sphere of Chonoan or Chilotan influence as those of the eastern end of the Strait of Magellan seems to argue against Dr. Graebner’s hypothesis; while the apparent absence of types intermediate between the plank boat and the dugout, such as are found in Polynesia, makes somewhat against the third possibility above mentioned, so far as the origin of the plank boat is concerned. As for the second theory, it is true, as Dr. Friederici says, that the slabs of beech bark were very thick — almost true planks in bulk. Moreover, given the existence of the beech-bark canoe in southern Araucanian waters — probably prior to the Araucanian invasion — the substitution of wood for bark would have been a readily suggested and easily realized improvement among a plank-making people. Nevertheless, such a genesis of the plank boat from the bark canoe, while the more probable of the three theories, can hardly be said to be demonstrated. Planlc boat and Pacific influence. — If the Kulturkreis theory should prove, with further research, to apply to South America as well as it appears to apply to Indo-Oceania, there will be some ground for sus¬ pecting an ultimate Oceanian origin for the Chonoan-Araucanian plank boat, as Dr. Graebner holds. Prof. Dixon (53-54), even though rejecting in the main the theory of the Oceanic origin of American cultural strata, leaves open to a certain extent the question of the possible Oceanic origin of some elements, including the plank boat, of American aboriginal culture. In the present state of the evidence, however, a native origin of the Chonoan-Araucanian plank boat seems more probable. The substitution of planks for bark slabs would under the circumstances have been an easy step for the southern Araucanians or Chonos, just as in recent times the Fuegians have readily substituted iron and glass for bone and shell in their weapons and tools. Moreover, the archipelagic conditions under which these Indians were living were a powerful stimulus to the development of the art of boat building, as such conditions were in the Caribbean, the Santa Barbara Islands, and the northwest coast of North America. Again these Indians were intelligent and inventive enough under the pressure of local 204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. rs needs to construct a plank boat that could be easily taken apart for portaging, a bigger cultural leap perhaps than the substituting 'of the more durable and stronger planks for the fragile and soon worn out bark. Then, too, although technically the Chonoan boat is of an ad¬ vanced type, actually it is a rudely modeled and leaky craft. Com- - pared with the Polynesian or Melanesian plank canoe, the Fuegian is markedly inferior in workmanship. There is, besides, no trace, even rudimentary, of the Polynesian outrigger, and it seems a far cry, as Prof. Dixon recalls, to Melanesia and the area of Melanesian influence. Textile and Fictile Products Weaving, plaiting, and twisting. — The fiber and dog’s hair mantles used by the Chonos and the Ona medicine-man’s hair mantle have already been mentioned. No details on methods of manufacture are available. The “Coucous” used to spin a sort of blanket of down (A. Campbell, 59). Twisting and plaiting in fiber, sinew, etc., are common among the Fuegians. For sewing skins or bark, an eyeless needle or awl is used by the Fuegians. Among the Gnas at least it is sometimes hafted (C. Gallardo, 270; Outes, b, 290). Among the Yahgans a kelp sheath is used to protect the point of the awl when not in use (Hyades, q, 306). Baskets. — The common form of basketry found among the three Fuegian tribes is of the half-hitch coiled variety made of rush with or without foundation. There are two types: A simple hah hitch with finer meshes, and what appears from the illustrations (Hyades, h, 517; q, pi. xxxn, fig. 8) to be a wrapped or knotted half hitch with larger meshes. There is among the Yahgans at least a third variety, a crudely woven type (Outes, d, 138, fig. 142; cf. also Hyades, q, 303, under tgaouanouch) . The two varieties of coiled basketry are of uniform weave over the whole Fuegian area. Dr. Skottsberg states (d, 601; b, 267) that “the Yahgan types figured by Hyades are rare” among the West Pata¬ gonian Alacaluf; judging, however, by the illustrations ( d , fig. 142; b, fig. 13) of the common West Patagonian type, there seems to be practical identity of weave between this and Dr. Hyades’ large-mesh variety. Coiled baskets are not so common among the Onas as among the Yahgans (C. Gallardo, 264), and according to Dr. Dabbene ( b , 249) are made by the southern rather than by the northern Onas. This fact and the similarity between the Ona and Yahgan names for basket (cf. Comparative Glossary, Group VI, 3, and note 2) would suggest that the Onas have perhaps borrowed this cultural element from the Canoe Indians. COOPER 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 205 The coiled baskets approximate more or less to an oblong spheroid in shape and have a carrying handle of thong or plaited rush. They are usually neatly made. The only instrument used in their manu¬ facture is a bone or wooden awl. For the comparison of Fuegian basketry with half-hitch coiled basketry from other parts of the world, see especially Mason, b and d , and Graebner, c. Coiled carrying nets, such as are found sporadi¬ cally on the American Continent, are not reported from Fuegia. Buckets. — Cylindrical bark buckets are used by the Yahgans and Alacaluf for carrying and holding drinking water. Bark buckets were also used by the Chonos (Rosales, a, vol. i, 151 ; b, in Medina, a, 186). The Onas ordinarily employ a skin bag for holding water (C. Gallardo, 288). Bags and pouches. — The Onas make use of more or less rectangular envelope-like bags, usually of guanaco skin, for carrying small objects, food, water, etc. (C. Gallardo, 286-288; Dabbene, b, 247-248). These rectangular skin “envelopes” are peculiar to this tribe. For the smaller bags, fox skin or bird skin may be used (C. Gallardo, 287 ; Cojazzi, ill. opp. p. 40). Other small bags made of bladders, intes¬ tines, etc., are used for holding oil or pigments (C. Gallardo, 286; Cojazzi, loc. cit.). The Yahgans make little pouches of seal or penguin skin for holding small objects; of the bladders or windpipes of seals or porpoises for holding ochre and fire flints; of the crops of geese or stomachs of seals for holding oil (Hyades, q, 306-307, 350). The Alacaluf use pouches of sealskin or seals’ intestines for holding small objects (Skottsberg, d, 602; Coppinger, 119; cf. also Vargas Ponce, a, 343; and the bags for red earth found by Sarmiento near Hanover Island, Iriarte’s ed., 123, An. hidr., vn, 446-447). Boxes.- — Both Dr. Coppinger (119) and Dr. Skottsberg (» d , 601) report finding among the Alacaluf circular wooden boxes with lids. These boxes, which contained small objects, like arrowheads, etc., have not been observed among either the Yahgans or Onas. Pottery. — No pottery of even the crudest kind has ever been found among either the Chonos (Goicueta, 484-485, Fallos Channel natives; Ladrillero, 464, ditto, 473) or the Fuegians. Dr. Lovisato found none in the Elizabeth Island middens; suitable clay is not, however, entirely wanting in Fuegia (Lovisato, b, 103-104). Weapons The characteristic weapon of the Chonos, Alacaluf, and Yahgans is the spear or harpoon, while that of the Onas is the bow and arrow. Spear. — The spear is used both for fighting and hunting by the Chonos, Yahgans, and Alacaluf. The Yahgan shaft is said to be octagonal to decagonal in section, the Alacalufan circular (Colini, 159- 206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | BUIiL. 63 160; Lovisato, h , 135 , 138; Snow, a, vol. n, 15; Hyades, q, 301; G. Forster, ii, 501, angular among Christmas Sound natives). Some shafts in the collection of the National Museum at Washington are nearly rectangular. The Fuegian shaft is from 2\ to 4 meters long. The shank is cut with single or serrate barbs arrayed unilaterally or bilaterally and has a notched tang (Hyades, q, 301-302, 356; Cojazzi, ill. opp. p. 123; Outes, d , 139, fig. 144). The shank is lashed to the split end of the shaft with thong or sinew. Occasionally two shanks are attached to the same shaft, or from two to four spears are lashed together (cf. supra, under Fishing). The Chonos and canoe-using Indians south of Taitao Peninsula used a bone-headed spear (Garcia, a, 30; Sarmiento, Iriarte’s ed., 91, 123, An. hidr., vn, 428, 446; Alex. Campbell, 58; in Prevost, xv, 388; cf. also Byron, a, 18, 142, and Benito Marin, in Gonzalez de Agiieros, 235). The single barbed “punales de hueso” found by Cortes Plojea (Goicueta, 505, 518, 520) and Ladrillero (464, 473, 490) were very probably bone spearheads (cf. Bougainville, 2d ed., i, 293); Vargas Ponce (a, 347) speaks of a “punal de hueso” attached to a shank. The shank of the ordinary Yahgan and Alacalufan spear is pref¬ erably of bone, though at times wood is used (Hyades, q, 302, 356; Fitz-Roy, a, 139; Labat, in Marcel, a, 491; c, 108). The Alacaluf and apparently the Yahgans, too, formerly used sometimes barbed spearheads of flint or stone (Du Plessis, in Marcel, a, 491; Th. Bridges, b, Mar. 1, 1873, 30; Aug. 1, 1884, 182; Coppinger, 119-121; cf. also Bastian, i, 17; O’Sullivan, 49) shaped like arrowheads (Vargas Ponce, a, 347; Wallis, in Hawkesworth, 1st ed., i, 391, 2d ed., i, 171, “javelins . . . pointed with flint, which was wrought into the shape of a serpent’s tongue ”) . Dr. Coppinger found in the Tom Bay kitchen middens at 4 feet below the surface a bone spearhead different from those now used; “instead of being rounded, it was flattened from side to side, like a very large arrow-head” (58). The Alacaluf sometimes make a very simple wooden spear of a pointed stick (Cojazzi, 123). A shankless spear, with a fire-hardened point, is said to have been used by the “Caucahues” [ = Chonos] (Pietas, in Gay, Doc., i, 504; cf. also Bastian, i, 17). The Onas use a shorter spear, with a shaft about 1J meters long and a unilaterally barbed bone shank, for fishing and hunting (C. Gallardo, 204, 282-283; Th. Bridges, i, in Hyades, q, 8-9). A shorter spear is also sometimes used by the Yahgans (Hyades, q, 301-302; Ross, n, 305) and Alacaluf (Vargas Ponce, a, 347). Neither the Chonos nor the Fuegians use any kind of spear thrower, nor have they shields or armor. Harpoon proper. — The Fuegian harpoon is of the simplest and most primitive type (cf. Mason, c), being merely the ordinary spear, with the bone shank attached loosely to the shaft with a short (Hyades, cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 207 q, 354; Mason, c, 213) or 15-20 meter thong (Bove, a , 797; b, 140; c, 132; d, Arch., 295; Colini, 160), or thong of various lengths (Weddell, 165). The Fuegians’ harpoon is so like their spear and so little an advance upon it that the presumption is against a European origin. Knives. — The Yahgans at the time of the French Cape Horn expe¬ dition in 1882-83 had only knives made of a sharp-edged mussel shell lashed with thongs to an oblong stone haft (Hyades, q, 299; Colini, 161; My res, ill.), although like the other modern Fuegians they made a chisel-knife out of a hafted bit of iron hoop. Shell knives were used by the Alacaluf also (Fletcher, in Hyades, q, 3). Vargas Ponce reported ( b , 25) bone knives among the Alacaluf of the Strait. The “punales de hueso” seen by Cortes Hojea and Ladrillero in the West Patagonian channels may rather have been spearheads, as noted above under Spear, p. 206. Stone-headed daggers or knives were found among the Yahgans by L’Hermite (1643 ed., 42, “ ende steene messen / die scherp snyden,” Commelin, n, 28, Decker’s tr., 30, de Brosses, i, 444) and Weddell (181), and among the Alacaluf by Du Plessis (Marcel, a} 492; c, 109), Byron ( b , in Hawkesworth, i, 80) and Capt. King (55, 148). The flint dagger heads found by Weddell were of the same shape as the arrowheads and were “inserted in a handle about 9 inches long; and this they probably use as a stiletto” (181). According to Father Pietas (Gay, Doc., i, 503), the Chonos had adzes, chisels, and knives of* stone. These, however, like the ax- heads which have been found in the Guaitecas Islands were not unlikely of Chilotan origin. Capt. Bove dug up in Yahgan territory two large worked flints shaped like arrowheads (Bove, c, ill. opp. p. 124; Lovisato, a, 199; b, 101-102) and Dr. Hahn also found three very large points (Hyades, q, 361, pi. xxx, figs. 9, 10, 11). Of the latter three, two were classed as spearheads by Prof. Mortiflet (212), while Dr. Outes believes one to be a spearhead and one at least of the other two to be arrowheads (a, 412, 397-398). Those found by Capt. Bove are classed among the arrowheads by Dr. Outes ( a , 397). It is quite possible, however, in view of Weddell’s description above noted, that these flints or some of them may have been used as dagger heads. Bow and arrow. — A. Distribution: The Ona and his bow and arrow are inseparable. It is his chief and almost his only weapon of war and the chase. Among the Yahgans the bow and arrow has occupied a very subordinate position. It has never been reported as used in fighting, except in general melees, when anything at hand, including the arrow, may be employed (Hyades, q, 374). It was used in games and dances (Th. Bridges, h, 239-240), and sometimes the eastern and northern Yahgans used it to hunt the guanaco (Fitz-Roy, a, 187; 208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. fi3 Martial, 192), although they also used the spear for this purpose (Hyades, q, 356). It was chiefly used, however, for killing birds (Hyades, q, 300, 360; W. H. B. Webster, i, 184; Fitz-Roy, a, 184). During the last part of the last century it was rarely used at all by the Yahgans (Th. Bridges, j, 314; Hahn, b, 1534; c, 338; Hyades, jp, 336; q, 360; cf. also Th. Bridges, b, Mar. 1, 1873, 30, and Aug. 1, 1884, 182). Dr. Lovisato could find no Yahgan who was able to chip an arrowhead (a, 198; c, 722), while, according to Capt. Martial (192, 203; cf. also Hahn, c, 340), glass and obsidian arrowheads had to be procured from the Onas. The bow and arrow was used by the Yahgans between Banner Cove and Blamefield Harbor (Despard, b, 732), and is mentioned in the Oumoara legend (Martial, 213). Some of the explorers who visited the Yahgans in the earlier part of the last century found them in possession of the bow and arrow (Fitz-Roy, 11. c. and a, 139, 186, and in King, 430; Weddell, 179-180; W. Webster, i, 184; Ross, n, 305; Colvocoresses, 39), but it was not common; Capt. Snow makes no mention of it, nor do three of the chroniclers of the Wilkes and Ross expeditions (M’Cornhck, Picker¬ ing, Wilkes). Both of the very early explorers in Yahgan territory reported it in use among the natives: d’Arquistade at Orange Bay in 1715 (Mar¬ tial, 269) and L’Hermite at Nassau Bay in 1624 (1643 ed., 42, “eenige hebben pylen ende bogen,” the arrows with points of stone; Comme- lin, ii, 28; Decker’s tr., 30; de Brosses, i, 443-444). The Alaealuf of the Strait of Magellan and the adjoining waters have used the bow and arrow normally from the earliest times (Narbrough, 66; Duclos-Guyot, a, 643; Bougainville, 2d ed., i, 292- 293; J. Cook, b, vol. n, 183; Vargas Ponce, a, 340-341, 346 yb, 59; Coppinger, 119-121, 123; King, 54, 76, 226). Bougainville states (loc. cit., 293) that the Port Gallant natives used it “plutot contre le gibier (pie contre les ennemis,” and Vargas Ponce that it was used in killing birds (b, 59; cf. also a , 340-341). Practically all accounts of unfriendly encounters with the Alaealuf of the Strait, and for that matter with the Yahgans and the West Patagonian channel Alaealuf and Chonos, report the natives as attacking with spears, knives, clubs, slings, and stones — never with the bow and arrow (cf., e. g., Ulloa, An. hidr ., v, 481; Duclos-Guyot, b, 682; King, 55, 227; Cop¬ pinger, 43, 63, 112-113; Skottsberg, d , 586). Among the Alaealuf of the West Patagonian channels the bow and arrow was used very little, and in earlier times apparently not at all. Some of the nineteenth century visitors found it in use in the channels just north of the western end of the Strait (Child, 246, 249, and Vincent, 124, in Smyth Channel; Cunningham, 446, at Sholl and Fortune Bays; Du Valdailly, 294-295, at Isthmus Bay), and it is occasionally reported from points much farther up the coast (Giglioli, cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TTERRA DEL FUEGO 209 b, 244, Puerto Bueno; Aylic Marin, 115, Port Grappler; cf. also Brassey, 137-138). Capt. Low told Admiral Fitz-Roy ( a , 194), that he had seen arrows used as a part of a symbolic declaration of war, and Capt. Steele informed Dr. Skottsberg ( b , 271) that the natives of the Gulf of Penas district use the bow and arrow in hunting huemuls. But this weapon must be rather uncommon among the Channel Alacaluf, for neither Dr. Coppinger (54) nor Dr. Skottsberg (b, 270; c, 96; d, 604) observed any at all among them. In the middle of the eighteenth century, Bulkeley (anon, ed., 98; other 1743 ed., 130) reported the natives of the western end of the Strait as having only clubs, while Alex. Campbell (58; and in Prevost, xv, 388) mentions darts and clubs as the weapons of the Chonos. According to Byron (a, 129) the Chonos used “bows and arrows sometimes, but always the lance. ” Ercilla (canto 36) found the • ‘ arco i carcax” among the Chilotans, but apparently it was uncommon; the weapons ordinarily mentioned by writers on Chilotan culture are the lance and macana (cf. Goicueta, 514; Gonzalez cle Agtieros, 73; Brouwer, 63; An. hidr., xvi, 60). No arrowheads have, it seems, been dug up or found in Chonoan territory nor in the archipelagos to the south (Medina, a; Coppinger), although such artifacts have been found in abundance along the Chilean coast north of Chiloe. The narratives of Goicueta, Ladri- llero, and Father Garcia describe in some detail the arms of the natives south of Chiloe to the Strait, but make no mention of the bow and arrow, nor is it mentioned by Father Rosales, Fathers Marin and Real, Sarmiento, by the accounts of the Ulloa expedition, nor, as far as the present writer has found, by any of the earlier sources,1 except Byron, as noted above, on the culture of the Chonos and their neighbors to the south as far as the Strait. To sum up: The bow and arrow is the characteristic and almost exclusive hunting and fighting weapon of the Onas. The Yahgans used it comparatively little, the Chonos and Channel Alacaluf still less, and in earlier times probably not at all. It is in common use among the Alacaluf of the Strait, but among the Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Chonos it is normally used as a hunting weapon only, especially in small-game hunting, never in fighting. In their ordinary hunting these three peoples use the spear or harpoon and the sling; in their fighting, the spear, the knife, the club, the sling, and stones. B. Description: Excellent and minute descriptions of the Ona bow and arrow are given by Drs. Cojazzi (43-51, ill. opp. pp. 42, 45, 46, 49, and 51) and C. Gallardo (272-282). The following is a summary account : 1 Ponce de Leon (in Medina, c, 424) ascribes “flechas” to the natives “hasta cerca del Estreeho,” but by “flechas” he may have meant spears, and he may have been referring to the natives of the Strait itself; at any rate, he had not himself been among the West Patagonian natives. 210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f BULL. G3 Bow: Curved self bow; length, from a little over a meter to 1.34 and 1.60 m.; section, ovate triangle or rounded sector with apex toward cord; shape, thickest in center, tapering to rounded points at ends; string, of twisted sinew; attachment of string, a running or bow- knot at one end, wound and knotted at other. Arrow: Head, trian¬ gular, stemmed and barbed, of stone, bone, or glass, 2-8 cm. long, the stem fitted into a socket in the shaft and lashed with sinew; no foreshaft; shaft, 63-76 cm. long, slightly thicker in middle and taper¬ ing toward ends; feathering, two half feathers, 3-4 cm. long, lashed radially to shaft with very fine sinew or gut. Quiver: Rectangular, of sewn skin. The Yahgan and Alacalufan bows, arrows, and quivers are not only in essentials, but also in most all of the above details, identical, as far as our information goes, with those used by the Onas (cf. Hyades, q, 298, 300, 360-361, pi. xxx, figs. 3-8; Skottsberg, c, 96; Cunningham, 122; Martial, 192; Weddell, 180; Fitz-Roy, a, 184; Narbrough, 66; Coppinger, ill. opp. p. 34, figs. 6-7). There are, however, minor differences. The Yahgan bows seen by Weddell (180) and Admiral Fitz-Roy (a, 184) were smaller, being, respectively, 3 feet 8 inches and 3 feet to 4 feet long, and most of the former had strings of seal thong. The Alacalufan bows and arrows are not as well made as the Onan (Cojazzi, 124), while, according to Dr. Lovisato ( b , 138, also cited by Colini, 159), the Alacalufan arrow shafts are a little shorter (cf. also Skottsberg, c, 96) — somewhat more than 60 cm. — and less smoothly polished, the heads less skillfully chipped and less securely tied to the shaft, and the quivers smaller and less carefully sewn. The Alacalufan arrows seen by the de Cor¬ doba expedition were 2 to 3 Spanish feet long (Vargas Ponce, a, 346; b, 25; Spanish foot =10.968 inches), while a bow collected by Bou¬ gainville is only about 35 inches long (Hyades, q, pi. xxx, fig. 3). The Yahgans have never been reported as using a quiver. According to Drs. Cojazzi (45) and C. Gallardo (275-276), the Onas formerly chipped their flint arrowheads by percussion, although they use the pressure method now. The statement anent the Onas’ former use of percussion needs confirmation; as far as our information goes, all three Fuegian tribes used pressure with usually a bone flaker (Lista, b, 129, Manekenkn; Segers, 67-68; Lovisato, b, 137-138, also cited in Hyades, q, 361-363; Martial, 203; Coppinger, 119-120; Topinard, 775-776, “pression ou ecrasement ”) . See full description of methods: Onan, in Segers, 67-68; Lovisato, b, 137-138; C. Gal¬ lardo, 275-276; Cojazzi, 45; Alacalufan, in Coppinger and Topinard, 11. c. Among all the Fuegian tribes glass has almost entirely replaced stone and the less commonly used bone as the material for arrow¬ heads. COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 211 No poison is used by the Chonos or Fuegians on their arrow points (Hyades, b, 1347; p, 337; q, 363; Lovisato, a, 195; b, 138; Th. Bridges, in Hyades, q, 9; Dabbene, b, 255; Furlong, d, 223; i, 11; j, Juhet, 328). See also comments in Author Bibliography, under Bourne and H. V. H. Prichard. The Onas make very small bows and arrows for their children to play with (Lovisato, c, 721; Cojazzi, 49; C. Gallardo, 350; Beauvoir, b , 204; specimen [perhaps Alacalufan or Yahgan] in National Mu¬ seum, Washington). The Onas polish their arrowshafts with a discoid rubber of soft stone (Outes, b , 295; Dabbene, b, 254; C. Gallardo, 271), and then with leaves or the mixed wood and stone dust on a bit of cloth or skin (C. Gallardo, 271; Cojazzi, 44). The pitch sometimes used in arrow making comes from shipwrecks (C. Gallardo, 263; Cojazzi, 47; Hyades, q, 362). From the kitchen middens in Yahgan territory have been taken several chipped flints shaped like arrowsheads, but larger than most of those now in use (references supra, under Knives; also Dabbene, b, 185). Those found by Capt. Bove were about 75 and 90 mm. in length, those by Dr. Hahn about 60, 85, and 90. The smallest of the latter three was of the unstemmed type not found among the modern Fuegians. Whether the other flints were knife or spear heads or just very large arrowheads can not be definitely deter¬ mined. They are certainly quite above the normal modern arrow¬ head in size. Nevertheless, Dr. Gallardo mentions an exceptionally large modern one 69 mm. in length (279) and Dr. Cojazzi a maximum of 80 mm. (49) ; moreover, the largest four flints from the middens are quite similar in shape to many of the modern arrowheads figured by Dr. Cojazzi (ill. opp. pp. 45 and 46). Arrow release. — Of the Ona arrow release, Dr. Cojazzi writes (49): “The string is generally pulled by the right hand index finger and % thumb, which grasp the nock; when, however, they wish to shoot very far, they use in addition the middle and ring fingers, laying them directly on the string/’ (Cf. also Dabbene, b , 254-255 and Beauvoir, b, 204.) Affinities and origin of the Fuegian bow and arrow. — Certain points of resemblance between the Fuegian and North American bow, arrow, and quiver have been adverted to recently by Dr. Erland Nordenskiold (q. v., in Author Bibliography). The whole question brought up by him will, however, require more minute investigation. The modern Fuegian arrowhead is invariably stemmed, and in so far at least resembles more closely the Patagonian than the Chilean type. Of 601 Patagonian arrowheads examined by Dr. Outes (a, 376-396) only 78 were unstemmed, 88 were of exceptional form, and 435 were stemmed. The Chilean unstemmed arrowheads were, on 212 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 the contrary, abundant, while the stemmed ones were rare (Outes, a , 400; cf. also Medina, a, figs. 147-151, 46-57, 59-65, 69, 71-73). The heads found by Capt. Bove, whether used for arrows, spears, or daggers, are very similar to a common Patagonian type (Outes, a , 397; Lovisato, a, 199; b, 101-102). Then, too, on the Pacific coast from the Guaitecas Islands to the Strait of Magellan there appears to be a complete or nearly complete hiatus — a territory where the bow and arrow has been very little used, and in earlier times, to judge from the narratives, especially of Goicueta, Sarmiento and Ladrillero, not used at all. The middens of this territory have yielded no arrowheads (cf. Coppinger), al¬ though such flints are dug up in abundance farther north on the southern Chilean mainland coast. The above two groups of facts would seem to indicate that the use of the stone arrowhead has probably been introduced into Fuegia from Patagonian rather than from Chilean sources. The further question arises as to the use of the bow and arrow itself. Did the Canoe Indians bring this cultural element with them when they first migrated into Fuegian waters? Or did they acquire it later from the neighboring Onas and Patagonians? (1) Archeological evidence. — In the very old middens of Elizabeth Island Dr. Lovisato found no arrowheads at all ( b , 103). The sup¬ posed arrowheads found by Capt. Bove and Dr. Hahn may, as we have seen, have been spear or dagger heads; and, moreover, there is no evidence that they are of very ancient deposition. The negative archeological evidence would in itself show only the probable earlier absence of the stone arrowhead ; but the ethnological evidence seems to carry us a little farther. (2) Ethnological evidence. — (a) Distribution: The use of the bow and arrow among the Yahgans and Alacaluf decreases in proportion as they are removed from contact with the Onas and Patagonians. Among the comparatively isolated southern Yahgans and West Pata¬ gonian Alacaluf it is either entirely absent or very slightly used, while among the Alacaluf of the Strait and the eastern Yahgans it is or was common enough. But in all cases it has a subordinate posi¬ tion, being utilized, not in fighting, but with rare exceptions only in small-game hunting. The fact that the Foot Indians’ chief weapon is the bow and arrow, while the Canoe Indians’ is the spear or harpoon, may be partly accounted for by the contrasting needs of a land and a seafaring people, but the decidedly greater rarity of the weapon among the West Patagonian Alacaluf and the southern Yahgans can not be entirely explained on this ground, since small game for which tlie bow and arrow are chiefly used by them is as common an article of diet among them as among the eastern Yahgans and Magellanic Alacaluf. ( b ) Manufacture: There is a close resemblance, even down COOPEIt] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF T LERKA DEL FUEGO 213 to details, between the bow, arrow, and quiver used by the Foot Indians and those used by the Canoe Indians — a resemblance so close as to suggest strongly a common origin. But the differences that exist seem to point to the Canoe Indians as the borrowers; for the Yahgans use no quiver, and many of them have been found unable to flake their own arrowheads; while the Alacaluf, although able to make their own bows, arrows, and quivers, make them, as has been noted, far less skillfully. The Ona bow and arrow, on the other hand, is, though simple in form, of splendid workmanship. The fact, too, that there is geographical continuity in the use of the bow and arrow between the Onas and their mainland cousins, the earlier Patagonians (Outes, a , 254), while such continuity is lacking, as we have seen, on the Pacific coast, would appear to corroborate the above.1 In view of the archeological evidence taken in conjunction with the ethnological, it is not unlikely that the Yahgans and Alacaluf and probably the Chonos were originally a spear people, who after their arrival in their present habitat acquired the bow and arrow from neighbors, the Onas and Tehuelches. This conclusion is advanced with much reserve, but the grounds for it, though far from being demonstrative,2 * * * seem sufficiently reasonable and convergent to justify their publication. Further investigations among the middens will perhaps clear up the point more definitely. Clubs. — The club is a common hunting and fighting weapon among the Yahgans and Alacaluf as it was among the Chonos (Byron, a, 141 ; Garcia, a, 25, 30, 38; Goicueta, 518; Lozano, n, 559; Rosales, a, vol. i, 105). Details regarding its form are usually lacking. The clubs found by Bulkeley in use by some natives met near the west¬ ern end of the Strait were described as “like to our cricket batts” (anon, ed., 98; other 1743 ed., 130) and those found by Sharp in 1681 near Duke of York Island as “like our bandies’7 (Ringrose-Exqueme- lin, 1684-85 ed., n, pt. 4, ch. 23, p. 182; 1893 ed., 470). Dr. Skotts- berg gives an illustration ( b , 270; d, 605) of a heavy club seen at Port Grappler; it was made of tepu root and was 60 cm. long (cf. also Skottsberg, c, 96) . The Onas apparently use the club rarely and then only for hunting (Th. Bridges, i, in Hyades, q, 8). On the throwing club see infra, under Bolas. Morning-star club heads. — Two peripherally bossed or “morning- star” perforated stones have been collected in Fuegia, one by Dr. 1 The linguistic evidence is not very conclusive. Cf., however, Alacalufan dree, dr seel, erksce, area, a-rxkje:l, with Tehuelchean arekechul, for arrow (see Comparative Glossary, Group VI, 4. 5, and note 3); Alacalufan scetrc (Bo), with Onan shayat’rrr (Furlong, k), seter (Bo, Hauss), sheltrr or chetr (=bird feather, Bo, b ), for arrow feather. 2 In view of the almost universal diffusion of the bow and arrow over the American Continent it may, for instance, be plausibly argued that the Canoe Indians on their first arrival in Fuegia might have had bows and bone or wooden headed arrows which they later abandoned, some of the Canoe Indians at a still later date adopting the Ona-Tehuelche bow and arrow. 214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. G3 Lovisato (Colini, 240; Lovisato, c, 723), the other by Prof. Furlong (collection in Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., New York). The latter was obtained at Navarin Island, the former from Mr. Lawrence of the Ushuaia English mission. Dr. Lovisato thought the one obtained by him “un semplice pezzo di tufo, ridotto a quella forma dai Yahgan a forza di levigare le aste e le punte delle loro armi” (c, 723), but from the description given by Dr. Colini (240) 1 it is evidently a morning-star club head, similar, as Dr. Colini notes, to the ones found commonly in South America, especially on the Pacific coast. It is improbable that such club heads were ever made or used by the Fuegians. They are almost certainly of foreign origin, acquired through barter or exchange and kept as curios or what not (cf. also discussion of the whole question of perforated stones in America by Dr. Outes, a, 437-445). Stones. — Stones are commomy used, especially in fighting, by the Chonos and Canoe Indians. They are either thrown or else held in the hand for pounding. Slings. — The sling is of common use among the Yahgans and Ala- caluf. Whether or not it was used by the Chonos our sources do not say. It was formerly used somewhat among the southern Onas (Lista, b, 129, “poco usada”; Dabbene, b, 252), but is now rare. Dr. Gallardo found Onas who did not know what it was used for, and he considers that it was almost certainly introduced among the Onas from Yahgan sources (284). It is mentioned, however, in the Ona Kuanip legend (Cojazzi, 79), though possibly as a later accretion; the Ona name for it, shincay (Gallardo, 284), shinke, sinke, shienikey (Beauvoir, b, 203, 135), is quite different from the Yahgan name ouataoua (Hyados, q, 301), uatawa (Noguera), uatta-ua (Bove, b, 146). For descriptions of the Yahgan sling, see Hyades, q , 301, 357-358, pi. xxx, fig. 14, and Colini, 161; of the Onan, Beauvoir, b, 204. Bolas. — The following passage occurs in Dr. Ratzel’s Volkerkunde (2d ed., i, 522; Engl, tr., n, 88): “Von spateren Beobachtern nicht erwahnte bolaahnliche Waffen nennt Oliver van Noort.” This state¬ ment is based not on van Noort’s original account, but in all proba¬ bility on the following description by de Brosses (i, 301) of a weapon found b}^ van Noort in use among the Alacaluf of Maurice Bay on the north shore of Desolation Island : ‘ ‘ Les sauvages tu erent deux hommes de T equipage a coups de longues zigaies de bois, et de lourdes masses attachees au bout d’une corde, qu’ils lancent et retirent, gardant a la main P autre bout de la corde. ” This description certainly suggests the bolas, if we render “masses” as “lumps, weights,” instead of “maces, clubs”; but de Brosses’s description is not a literal transla- 1 “Un grande disco di pietra lungo m. 0.13 con 0.10 di larghezza, forato nel mezzo e con punti all’intorno. COOI’ER 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 215 tion of the original, being instead a paraphrase and a considerably amplified and modified one from the French (1610 edition) and the Latin versions. The passage in van Noort’s original Dutch journal reads ( b , un¬ dated ed., said to be of 1601, p. 27; ditto in 1602 ed., Rotterdam, with two words a little differently spelled) : 1 ‘ Dese Wilden hebben voor haer gheweer groote sware Cnodsen / met een langhe zeel daer aen / daerse mede slaen / encle langhe houte Hasegay / die sy wte hant worpen / daer van wy eenighe vonden ende aenboort brochten.” There is no question here of anything but a heavy club with a long thong on it. And in this sense is the passage translated in the various versions (cf. French, 1602 and 1610, 18, and German in de Bry, i, pt. 9, 31-32, both from orig. Dutch; French, de Renneville’s tr. from Commelin, ii, 25). It may be added that the bolas, in its migration down the Patagonian pampas, seemingly did not reach the Strait until a cen¬ tury or more after van Noort’s voyage (Outes, a, 427, 254). A not uncommon Onan and Yahgan weapon for hunting seals from land is a spear with a thong tied to it, the other end of the thong being tied around the body of the hunter (Th. Bridges, b, July 1, 1879, 158; j, 314; i, in Hyades, q, 8-9; C. Gallardo, 204-205), but the thong would be of less or no value tied to a club. Dr. Friederici believes (b, 13, 66-67) that what van Noort saw was a throwing club (“ Wurfkeule”). But Dr. Friederici’s interpretation of the passage in van Noort seems, at the best, doubtful. For (1) the “daerse mede slaen’ ’ qualifying “Cnodsen” certainly seems to contrast with the “die sy wte hant worpen” qualifying “Hasegay”; this conveys the impression that the clubs were used, not for throwing, as the spears were, but for smiting. (2) ‘ ‘ Large heavy ” clubs are much more likely to have been used for smiting than for throwing. (3) It is doubtful whether the word “zeel ” was found in van Noort’s original manuscript or not; for the passage in the Extract oft Kort verhael (van Noort, a) under January 8, 1600, reads: “Dese wilde hebben voor geweer sware knodsen met een lange steel / ende langhe houten hasegayen / diese met grooter felheyt wter liandt worjien.” Here there is question only of “clubs with a long handle .” The Extract was, according to Dr. Tiele, probably published before the full journal. Whether, therefore, van Noort s original manu¬ script read “zeel” or “steel” remains doubtful. II the former, a passage in Father Garcia’s diary may explain the purpose of the thong. His Caucaliue or Chono companions, when swimming up to the seals they were hunting, took along a lasso and “un palo macizo como de ocho a nueve palmos de largo, que asegu - raron al cuello para que no les embarazase el poder nadar” (a, 6). If, on the contrary, “steel” be the original reading, then van Noort probably saw such long clubs as the Chonos used for killing seals by knocking them on the head (A. Campbell, 58-59). 64028°— Bull. 63—17 - 15 216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 To return to the bolas: It is attributed to the Onas by a whole group of writers (Fitz-Roy, a , 137; Garson, 143; Colini, 158; Brinton, c , 330). Dr. Garson’s passage is based on Admiral Fitz-Roy’s, and the latter’s is derived, as the close similarity in wording and matter* pretty clearly shows, from Father Falkner’s account of the Yacana-cunnee (111): “They . . . catch guanacoes and ostriches with their bowls.” The inclusion of the ostrich shows that in all probability Father Falkner is here speaking of Patagonians, not Onas, as the rhea is not found, and as far as our information goes has never been found, south of the Strait. Moreover, none of the above writers base their statements on personal observation. According to Admiral Fitz-Rov (a, 186), “Mr. Low has seen Fue- gians with balls (bolas) in the northern part of their country” — a somewhat vague localization, referring, possibly, to the Gulf of Penas Indians or to people of mixed Fuegian-Patagonian blood or culture. Dr. Skottsberg was told (6, 271) by Capt. Steele that the Gulf of Penas natives use a two-ball bolas in hunting huemuis, but Capt. Steele’s data on this, as on some other points, require confirmation. Finally, Dr. Cojazzi, speaking of the Alacaluf, says (124): “La boleadora e un’ arma da loro molto usata” — if so, it is difficult to explain the silence of a host of first-hand witnesses, except on the ground that the weapon is of very recent importation. Father Beauvoir ascribes (5, 203-204) the bolas to the Onas, but other first-hand authorities, though describing Qna culture in detail, make no mention of this weapon as being in actual use by them. Finalty, bolas balls, without, however, the thongs or covers, have not infrequently been found in Fuegia, one by the Skottsberg expe¬ dition at Cape Victory, in Alacaluf an territory (Skottsberg, b, 273- 274; <7, 605), and several in Onan territory (E. Nordenskiold, 21; Giglioli, b, Arch., 262, repr., 246; C. Gallardo, 310; Furlong, collection in Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., New York). These finds may point to a former use of the weapon, common or sporadic, but not necessarily. With the exceptions noted above, all first-hand sources on Onan and Alacaluf an culture are silent. The bolas balls, like the morning-star club heads, may well have drifted into Fuegia as unused exotics. To sum up: As the evidence stands at present, it would be unsafe to conclude that the Fuegians have ever actually used the bolas as a Weapon, except, perhaps, in view of the testimonies of Capt. Steele and the Salesians, in very recent years. Tools This branch of material culture has been treated to a certain extent incidentally in the preceding sections. A few notes are here ap¬ pended. Scrapers. — Among skin-using tribes like the Fuegian the scraper naturally takes an important place. The Onas use a small bit of COO PE It] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 217 iron, stone, or glass thonged to an oblong haft, suggesting in general makeup our carpenter’s plane (C. Gallardo, 269-270; Outes, b, 288- 290). They also use as a scraper a sharpened mussel shell lashed with thong to a cylindrical stone haft, like the Yahgan shell knife (Segers, 71; Dabbene, b, 249). The hafted plane-shaped scraper is apparently peculiar to the Onas, and perhaps the Alacaluf. Adze. — Dr. Lovisato found an artifact at Gertrude Cove which he described as “una azza di osso di baleno, magnificamente levigata” (< a , 199), but its identification as an adze is doubtful. (For discus¬ sion, see Colini, 240, and Lovisato, c, 723.) Stone adzes — probably of Chilotan origin — were, according to Father Pietas (Gay, Doc., i, 503), used by the Chonos. Ax. — The white man’s ax is now in common use among all the Fuegians. To judge from the silence of the leading sources on the culture of the Yahgans and Onas, these tribes did not use the stone¬ headed ax (cf. Spegazzini, a, 6: “segun algunos” the Yahgans use stone axes — confirmation needed) . _ _ t ♦ The Alacaluf formerly used the stone ax sometimes. Axheads are found at old camping sites, according to Dr. Cojazzi (124). Some of the older explorers found what appear to have been stone axes in use among the Port Famine natives (Du Plessis, in Marcel, a, 492; c, 109, “pierres taillees pour haches”; Froger, 97, and in de Brosses, ii, 109, “gros caillous taillez pour couper le bois” ; cf. also Duclos-Guyot, a , 644, “manieres de haches”). On the West Patagonian coast Dr. Coppinger “in spite of a most diligent search . . . once, but only once, succeeded in finding a stone axehead. It was of very primitive shape — being only in part ground — and was found lying among the shells of a very old aban¬ doned kitchen-midden” (Coppinger, 52-53, ill. opp. p. 34). The earlier explorers in these parts omit all mention of the ax, while Byron (a, 152) and Father Garcia implicitly ( a , 23) and Father Rosales explicitly (a, vol. i, 174) affirm its absence. The Chonos, according to Father Pietas (Gay, Doc., i, 503), used stone axes. Dr. Cunningham obtained three hatchet-heads of stone which had come from the Guaitecas Islands (335), and Dr. Medina gives cuts of two polished axheads from the Chonos Islands, and a perforated one from the Guaitecas Islands ( a , 75-76, figs. 16, 18, 22). The axheads figured by Dr. Medina closely resemble those from southern Chile and from Chiloe, and are probably of Araucanian origin. For other references to the stone ax in Fuegia, see the following: Benignus, 230; Figuier, 418; Sievers, 329; Skottsberg, b, 271; d, 602. Cf. also illustration of native hafting of iron axhead in Ratzel, Volker- kunde, i, 522 ; Engl, tr., ii, 88. Knife . — There were three kinds: (1) with pointed blades, used as daggers; (2) with terminally edged blades, used as chisels; (3) with 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 laterally edged blades, used as our knives. The most common form is the second. For details regarding the first and second, see under Weapons. The third kind, with a blade of iron, is in use among the Onas, but is not common (C. Gallardo, 268-269 ; Outes, b, 292, ill.) . A simpler rude sort of knife was used by the Yahgans for tracing on trees the outline of bark to be cut, as was also a wooden instrument for detaching the bark (Hyades, q, 300). They also used a curved knife of whalebone for cutting bark (Despard, b, 679). Perforators or awls. — These are made of bone, horn, or wood (Hyades, q, 306, pi. xxxiii, figs. 7-8; Th. Bridges, b, 1886, 56; Skotts- berg, d, 602; Dabbene, b, 249), and among the Onas at least may be halted (Outes, b, 290; C. Gallardo, 270-271). The Yahgans also use a wooden spatula to apply paint to their faces (Hyades, q, 306). Wedges . — The bone wedge is used especially in splitting the four¬ pronged sea-urchin spears (Hyades, q, 299, pi. xxxii, fig. 9 ; Th. Bridges, b, 1886, 56). The Onas use a bone or small stone wedge to split the wood for their arrow shafts (Cojazzi, 44; C. Gallardo, 280). Archeology It may be a little inaccurate to use the heading archeology in the case of the meager remains obtained from Fuegian graves and mid¬ dens. As, however, these remains throw some light on the past of the Fuegian peoples the term is probably justified, at least for the purpose of classification. Investigations thus far made in this field have been inadequate and have yielded only unimportant results. Systematic excavations in the abundant middens of the Magellanic archipelagos are urgently needed and may furnish us with important information on the past of the natives. For the sources at hand on the subject, see the references given under Burial and Disposal of Property, and under Food (mortar and dogs), Spear, Knives, Bow and Arrow, Morning-star Clubheads, Bolas, Adze, Ax. The most important sources are Dr. Lovisato’s excellent paper ( b ) on the Elizabeth Island middens, and Dr. Cop- pinger’s account of his investigations of some of the West Patagonian channel middens. The objects from graves and shell heaps include stone axheads, a flattened bone spearhead, some large chipped flints that may have been either arrowheads or else dagger or spear heads, a morning-star clubhead, a mortar, bolas balls, a polished bone implement somewhat resembling an adzehead, and various stone artifacts. All the above artifacts have been treated in detail in the section dealing with Mate¬ rial Culture. They throw very little light on the past of the Fuegian and Chonoan peoples. There is no definite evidence that the morning- star clubhead, the mortar, or the bolas were ever in actual use — the last ahnost certainly not in use at least prior to the eighteenth century. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 219 Moreover, we have no reliable clue to the exact or even approxi¬ mately exact age of the middens or graves or camp sites from which these remains were taken. In the Elizabeth Island middens the only ones for which there is geological evidence of greater age, Dr. Lovisato Q), 103) found no evidences of human industry except a bit of flint that may have been a reject. DEDUCTIONS From the archeological evidence supported by the ethnological and historical data some inferences may be drawn. A. The Yahgans at least appear to be the first human inhabitants of the territory they now occupy. For (1) they have no tradition of an earlier race; (2) all local names are pure Yahgan; and (3) the crania dug up from the graves are of the same type as the modern Yahgan, although such burials are not demonstrably very ancient (Th. Bridges, e, 332; i, cited by Hyades, #,18; Dabbene, b, 275). B. How long ago the Fuegians first entered their present territory is very uncertain. The great linguistic differences and appreciable though lesser somatological and cultural differences between the Yah¬ gans and Alacaluf suggest that the two tribes came at different times, the geographical position and the slightly lower material culture of the Yahgans that these latter may represent an earlier invasion. Whether the Foot Indian or the Canoe Indian was the first to reach eastern Fuegia is quite uncertain. The length of occupancy of the archipelago is of course bound up with the larger question of the age of man in South America (cf. Hrdlicka, b). That the Canoe Indians have occupied their present territory for a long period is evident, first of all, from the size and abundance of their kitchen middens; while these do not furnish any exact chronology, yet their magnitude and number indicate consid¬ erable age. Secondly, Dr. Lovisato found the mollusks in the Eliza¬ beth Island middens to be of much larger size than those contained in modern middens — these larger mollusks occurring at present only in the waters of the more southern islands and around Staten Island (Lovisato, b, 104, 107-108). Thirdly, the Elizabeth Island middens are 6-7 meters above sea level, the deposits in them showing, accord¬ ing to Dr. Lovisato, that the land has subsided, and subsequently risen this much since they began to accumulate (ibid., 100, 106-107); Dr. Coppinger, too, believed he found good indications of a rise of 30 feet in the land since the date of burial of the bodies which he found in a cave at Rosario Bay, in the West Patagonian channels (Coppin¬ ger, 69-70). This third point should be viewed in the light of Dr. O. Nordenskj old’s conclusion ( i , no. 2; /, 216) that since the recession of the glaciers the Fuegian islands have risen some 60 meters. 220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY t BULL. 63 The above data go to show that the Magellanic archipelagos have been inhabited for a very long period, but it is impossible to assign even an approximate number of centuries in the present state of our knowledge. The theory is occasionally advanced that the Onas, being, like their cousins the Tehuelches, a distinctly nonseafaring people, must have reached their present habitat at a time when Tierra del Fuego Island was still united to the mainland (Outes, d, 132; Dabbene, b, 277-278), a supposition seemingly corroborated by the native Ona tradition that they came by land from Patagonia (Beauvoir, b, 178, 201-202). It is doubtful, however, how much reliance can be put on such a tra¬ dition, while as for the present absence of the canoe from Ona culture we have given evidence (cf. supra, under Navigation, Onas) that it is quite possible that the Onas may have formerly made occasional use, as they now do, of some kind of water craft. Or, again, they may have been ferried across the Strait of Magellan by Canoe Indians. C. Have the Fuegians degenerated culturally since their advent to their present habitat ? Their archeological remains, as we have seen, give no indications of such a retrogression. The Elizabeth Island middens, the only ones of proven antiquity that have been investi¬ gated, show, if anything, that the earlier Fuegians were even less advanced than their modern descendants. During the last three or four centuries Fuegian culture has remained practically stagnant, as is apparent from a comparison of the early narratives like those of Ladrillero, Goicueta, the missionaries to the Chonos, Drake, van Noort and de Weert, L’Hermite, Narbrough, La Guilbaudiere, de Labat, and Du Plessis, with the accounts of mod¬ ern explorers. Neither archeology, therefore, nor the history of Magellanic explora¬ tion has thus far shown any concrete evidence of cultural degeneration among the Canoe Indians since their advent to their present habitat. Relations The intertribal relations of the Chonos and three Fuegian tribes, as well as the relations of the Onas and Tehuelches, have been treated at sufficient length in the Introduction to the present work. The further relations of the Fuegians and Chonos (1) to the Arau- canians; (2) to primitive South American peoples, ancient and modern; (3) to the American race in general; and (4) to some of the peoples of very low culture in Indo-Oceanica and other parts of the world, may here be touched upon or outlined. (1) RELATIONS TO THE ARAUCANIANS Opinions vary greatly. They may be roughly grouped as follows: (a) More or less in favor of some relationship between the Chonos, or cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 221 Fuegians, or both, and the Araucanians : ( 1 ) General or somatological : Giglioli, b, 242; Hollard, 202-203; Omalius d’H alloy, 162-163; J. C. Prichard, b , 450; Fr. tr., n, 203; Pi y Margall, 485; (2) Linguistic: Brinton, c, 325, 327; Darapsky, a, 29-35; b, 287; Figuier, 419, cf. also 416; Fitz-Roy, a, 188; b, 140; Keane, b, 431; d’Orbigny, b, vol. iy, pt. i, 185, 187, see comment under name in Author Bibliography; Peschel, Engl, tr., 1876, 200; J. C. Prichard, b, 450, 446; Fr. tr., xi, 203, 197; Spegazzini, c, 132; Weule, 52; Krickeberg, 140; ( b ) more or less against such relationship: (1) General or somatological: Hoyos Sainz, a, 356; Latcham, 247, and passim; (2) linguistic: Pector, b, 167; Brinton, c, 327, 329. Few of the above writers give grounds for their statements. A. Somatology The Araucanians are usually described as brachycephalic, which would make for absence of near relationship to the Fuegians, but fuller studies of the undeformed Araucanian skull are needed before comparative Fuegian-Araucanian cranial studies can be satisfac¬ torily made. B. Language There is no lexical resemblance between Araucanian and any of the Fuegian tongues. Admiral Fitz-Roy’s short comparative glos¬ sary (5, 142) proves nothing. Dr. Darapsky believed that he had found a remote morphological resemblance between Yahgan and the “Meso-Andine ” tongues, including Araucanian (a, 29-35; b, 287). Sufficient grammatical material for a comparative study of Yahgan and Araucanian is available, but an exhaustive examination still remains to be made. C. Culture Idle Chonoan and Fuegian culture is sharply marked off from the Araucanian (cf. e. g., Medina, a; Rosales, a). The Araucanian in all probability represents a later cultural invasion. It reached to Chiloe and perhaps blended here and in the Chilotan archipelago with a possibly previously established culture similar to the Chonoan. Some few Araucanian cultural elements passed down the coast into Chonoan and Fuegian territory. A thorough investigation of the whole field of possible Fuegian and Araucanian relationship might yield decisive results. Thus far such an investigation has not, to the present writer’s knowledge, been made. (2) RELATIONS TO PRIMITIVE SOUTH AMERICAN PEOPLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN Dr. Medina (a, 110-111) was apparently the first to identify the Fuegians and Chonoans with the ancient long-headed race who peopled the southern part of South America. The question was 222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 discussed more fully by Dr. Hyades (q, 161-166), who found the Fuegian skull allied to the modern Botocudo skull and to the skulls from Lagoa Santa and the Pontimelo and Rio Negro paraderos. That the Fuegians and especially the Yahgans and Alacaluf are mem¬ bers of the widespread archaic race, skeletal remains and living sur¬ vivors of which are found here and there from tropical South America to the Strait of Magellan, is unanimously held as very probable or certain by the somatologists and anthropologists who have since Drs. Hyades’ and Medina’s time treated or touched on the subject (Dabbene, b, 282; Deniker, b; Haddon, c, 77; Hamy, c , Decades, 5-6; Antlirop ., 142; Hrdlicka, b, 179 and verbal communication; Laloy, b , 404; Joyce, 218, 239; Latcham, 247, 257; R. Martin, b , 212; Quatre- fages, b , 545, 599; Rivet, 253-257; cf. also Verneau, b, 327-336). For details, see especially Hyades, q, 161-166 and Rivet, 253-257. Some of the above writers are of the conviction that the Fuegians, though representing fundamentally this primordial South American type, show evidences of mixture with another type (Hyades, q , 164; Rivet, 257; Dabbene, b, 280-282; Hultkrantz, b, 164; Laloy, b, 404). Mr. Darwin was struck by the resemblance in physical appearance between the Fuegian Canoe Indians and the Botocudos (Darwin, b, ch. 7; Brinton, b, 39-40) — a resemblance borne out especially by cranial comparisons (Hyades, q, 163). Dr. Brinton found no lexical similarity between the Fuegian and Tapuyan languages (c, 332), but such would hardly be expected. Culturally the Canoe Indians of Fuegia and the Botocudos are at about the same level, and are largely in agreement both in what they possess and in what they lack. It has been suggested that the Onas are perhaps related through the Tehuelches to the Bororos (Haddon, c, 112-113; Keane, b, 430), by Prof. Keane on the ground of The tall stature and brachy- cephalism common to both the Tehuelches and Bororos. The unde¬ formed Tehuelche skull, however, appears to be in the majority of cases dolichocephalic or mesaticephalic (cf. supra, Introduction: Onas-Tehuelches) . Migration routes. — It is sometimes assumed that the Yahgans and Alacaluf reached their present habitat by way of the Pacific coast and the An dine region (Bove, a, 789; b, 132; c, 124; d, Arch., 288; Dabbene, b, 280-281; Furlong, j; Darapsky, b, 289). This is quite possible, considering their kinship with the Chonos and apparently (Rivet, 259) with the Changos, but there is no definite proof. That the Onas reached Tierra del Fuego by way of Patagonia we may infer from their kinship with the Tehuelches. Dr. C. Gallardo suggests that the common ancestors of the Onas and Tehuelches crossed from the New Zealand region to the southern tip of South America by a land bridge or a chain of islands (107); this theory, however, has to be judged in relation to the whole problem of American origins (cf. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 223 symposium in Amer. anthr., 1912, n. s. xiv, 1-59), as the On as are part and parcel of the American race (as Dr. Gallardo recognizes, pp. 107-108; see also following section). (3) RELATIONS TO THE AMERICAN RACE IN GENERAL A. Somatology The Fuegians are “ incontestably ’ 7 (Hyades, q, 161; cf. also Vir¬ chow, a, 385) of the American race. Their kinship to the Lagoa- Santa type is additional evidence of the same. B. Language The Yahgan, the only Fuegian tongue of which we have adequate morphological data, belongs to the American polysynthetic type (cf. e. g., Hyades, p, 339; q, 334-335; Darapsky, b, 286). C. Culture Like other Americans, the Fuegians are reserved, stoical, exter¬ nally impassive. There is practically nothing un-American in Fue¬ gian culture, which, on the other hand, contains many elements that, though of not uncommon occurrence on other continents, are of par¬ ticular frequency in America, such as, for instance, fire signaling, ball game, bark canoe, tonsure, depilation, feather diadem, sling, child’s cradle, etc. (4) CULTURAL RELATIONS TO CERTAIN OTHER PEOPLES Culturally, the Fuegians are on approximately the same low plane as, for instance, the Todas, Veddahs, Negritos and Negrillos, Sakai and Jakun, Australians, and extinct Tasmanians. This poverty of culture among the Fuegians is apparent, not only in the material, but in some respects even more conspicuously in the psychical, that is, the religious, quasi-religious, domestic, moral, economic, political, and esthetic fields. The Fuegians and other very low peoples have a great many cultural elements in common, but of greater interest, perhaps, is their common lack of a still larger number of elements which are of widespread prevalence among peoples a little higher in the cultural scale. How should these facts be explained? Have the Fuegians, under pressure of their untoward environment, degenerated or retrogressed from a higher cultural status possessed by their remote ancestors? Or, granting that the Indo-Oceanic and other peoples of very low culture are themselves in the main not cultural degenerates, are the Fuegians and they backward, comparatively unchanged survivals from a remote common cultural ancestry? And what bearing has the Kulturkreis theory on the two preceding questions? 224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f HULL. 65 Several generations of anthropologists may, perhaps, pass away before these three questions can he confidently answered. The fol¬ lowing pages represent merely an attempt to coordinate those facts and considerations which seem to have a bearing on the problem and which may lead up to a provisional or probable solution. There is no question here of somatological degeneration or affinity. Culture may well migrate across somatological dividing lines, and may stagnate notwithstanding somatological change and differentiation. It may he well, too, to exclude provisionally from our problem the Onas, among whom there is perhaps some ground for suspecting a certain minor cultural retrogression. A. Are the canoe-using Fuegians cultural degenerates ? {a) Archeology and history, as we have seen, have furnished thus far no evidence to this effect, hut rather positively indicate stagna¬ tion for the last 400 years and probably since the advent of man to the Magellanic archipelagos. It would follow, therefore, that the adverse Fuegian environment, although it may have checked ad¬ vancement, has not actively brought about retrogression. (b) Yahgan and Alacalufan culture shows no internal evidence of degeneration. Not only in material but in psychical culture as well, and not only in what they have but also in what they lack, the two tribes are strikingly simple and primitive. Their material culture is characterized by the absence of agriculture and domestication — excepting the dog, which is probably of later introduction — of pottery and weaving, of narcotics and intoxicants, of polished stone imple¬ ments, of the spear-thrower and shield, of the fishhook, and, among the Yahgans, of the ax and net. Their skin curing, for instance, is of the simplest nature, their harpoons of the most primitive type. Their psychical culture lacks the chieftaincy, hereditary or elective, social classes, secret societies, totemism, mana, or kindred concep¬ tions, medicines, religious paraphernalia, the arts of design, musical instruments, symbolic dances, gambling, divisions of time, numbers beyond three probably, message sticks or similar means of recording ideas. In political, economic, esthetic, and recreative culture the Fuegian Canoe Indians are on the lowest rung of the ladder. Barter, for instance, is of the nature of an exchange of presents, and there is no medium of exchange. Their esthetic culture is perhaps lower than that of any other people on earth. A glance through the sum¬ mary of culture given in the present work will show that the above list could be greatly extended. Most of the above elements which are wanting in Fuegia are of widespread, in fact of almost universal, occurrence among the other peoples of South America and for that matter of the uncivilized world . COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 225 It is easily possible that some or many cultural elements might have been lost, but it is unlikely, to say the least, that all elements of a hypothetical earlier higher culture should have vanished without leaving a trace in material or at least in psychical culture. The plank boat, the one advanced material element, is of foreign and comparatively recent origin. The chipped flint arrowhead is probably of Patagonian-On an provenance. The Yahgan masked dances were not unlikely borrowed from the Onas. On the other hand it seems improbable that a people like the Yahgans would have given up the use of such valuable artifacts as the ax, the fishhook, and the net had they ever possessed them. Internal evidence, therefore, is, as far as it goes, indicative of the true primitivity of Alacalufan and still more of Yahgan culture, and affords no tangible proof of degeneration. There are, however, some grounds, though not very solid ones, for suspecting that the Onas may have lost some elements of a former higher culture. The prominence of metempsychosis beliefs, the masked dance, the somewhat greater tendency to exogamy, the strict separation of the men into two distinct groups in the council hut (Furlong, verbal communication), might be regarded by some as rudimentary survivals of an earlier, more clearly marked, tribal division, and possibly of an earlier totemic or quasi-totemic system. It may be recalled that there is some evidence for regarding the older Patagonians, the Onas’ cousins, as totemic (cf. Outes, a, 251-252). Still all this is, for the present at least, largely speculative. Besides, we do not know enough as yet of Ona social institutions. (c) The Fuegian Canoe Indians are of the most archaic South American physical type. This somatological kinship with the primordial South Americans in itself would not be proof of cultural primitivity, but should be viewed in the light of the fact that the nearest kin both physically and culturally of the Fuegians are the distant Botocudos. This parallel coincidence of archaic physical type with very low culture in the two lowest South American groups suggests that they may have preserved in the main not only their common bodily type but their common earlier culture as well. (d) The geographical position of the Alacaluf and Yahgans makes for the same conclusion. Isolated among the archipelagos of the tip of the continent and leading a life so different from that of most of the mainland peoples, they were cut off from and impervious to the cultural currents of the rest of the continent, and in addition received little stimulus to advancement from their unfertile en¬ vironment, their enforced nomadic way of living, and their usually easily gathered sea-food supply. It is in just such isolated regions — jungle or mountain fastnesses, distant island groups, or the ends of 226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6'i peninsulas, continents, or archipelagos — farthest removed from cultural influences from temperate or tropical climes, that we find the lowest culture in other parts of the world. Cf. also Furlong, g, 5. The more isolated of the two tribes of Canoe Indians should on this score have preserved better the earlier culture, and it is just the more isolated, the Yahgans and apparently the West Patagonian Alacaluf too, who have the slightly less advanced culture in Fuegia. The evidence grouped under the above four heads seems accumu¬ lative and convergent, although of course far from being demonstra¬ tive. As far as it goes, it points to the Fuegian Canoe Indians as being, not cultural degenerates, but survivals, in the main unchanged, of a very early, and perhaps the earliest, aboriginal South American culture. B. In what cultural relation do the Fuegians stand to peoples of very low culture in Indo-Oceanica and elsewhere ? There seems to be no adequate ground for doubting that these latter peoples, or most of them, are themselves in the main cultural survivals, not cultural degenerates. It is possible, for instance, that the Tasmanian represented a more or less disintegrated culture. Then, too, we know, for example, .that most of the Negritos have acquired many elements from neighboring tribes. Moreover, time, isolation, and varying environment and needs have inevitably wrought some changes. But, apart from these exceptions or possible excep¬ tions, we have very good reasons for regarding the Old World primi¬ tives as fundamentallv and in the main the conservers of an ancient «y culture long outgrown by more progressive peoples. Between this primitive Old World culture and the Fuegian there is practical equality of development or want of development. In addi¬ tion, there is a noticeable parallelism or resemblance, a resemblance even more interesting in what is lacking than in what is present, and even more patent in the psychical than in the material fields (cf., e. g., H. Ling Roth, Aborigines of Tasmania, London, 1890; W. Schmidt, Die Stellung der Pygmaenvolker u. s. w., Stuttgart, 1910; A. LeRoy, Les Pygmees, Tours, 1905 ca.; Skeat and Blagden, Pagan races of the Malay Peninsula, 2 vols., London, 1906; C. G. and B. Z. Seligmann, Veddas, Cambridge, 1911). Viewing this parallelism and resemblance, not in itself alone, which would be taking sides in the convergence controversy, but in the light of the probabilities against major degeneration on the part either of the Fuegians or of the Old World primitives, we seem to have good grounds for suspecting that both groups have preserved fairly well an earlier common culture, and that both are, not unchanged, but only superficially changed, survivals from a common cultural ancestry. cooper] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 227 The most obvious objection that might be raised against such a provisional conclusion is that based on the notorious instability of culture. This objection, however, would have more weight were we considering peoples of somewhat more advanced culture. But both archeology and ethnology give good evidence that very low culture may be as stable, or even more stable, than physical types; for the available archeological and paleontological evidence shows pretty clearly that the earlier paleolithic peoples remained nearly stationary in culture for periods measurable by millenia; while, as examples from ethnology, we may instance the somatologically distinct Semang, Sakai, and Jakun, all three at a nearly isoplane culture, or the various groups of Indo-Oceanic Negritos, who, separated from one another for many centuries at least and modified superficially by cultural accretions from neighboring tribes, still preserve in the main a com¬ mon inherited material and ps}Tchical culture (cf. the cultural sections in Skeat and Blagden, and in W. Schmidt, 11. c.). C. What bearing on the question has the Kulturkreis theory ? For an outline of Dr. Graebner s position, see Author Bibliography, under Graebner, a and d. Fathers Schmidt and Hestermann con¬ sider that their three earliest Indo-Oceanic strata, differing somewhat from Dr. Graebner’s analysis, have been fused to a certain extent in southern South America, including Fuegia. Dr. Graebner at first called attention chiefly to the skin mantle, the beehive hut, and half-hitch coiled basketry as being common to Fuegia and the Tasmanian and southeastern Australian areas. Later some other resemblances were noted by Fathers Schmidt and Hester- mann ( b , 115-117). These resemblances in themselves might be the result of conver¬ gence rather than of genetic relationship; but, the advocates of the theory emphasize, they need to be viewed in the light of the similar stratification of cultures that prevails over the whole of Indo-Oceanica and the whole of South America. That such a parallel stratification exists, notwithstanding very considerable interlocking, overlapping, and disintegration of the several strata or cycles, especially in South America, is maintained by Dr. Graebner (a, b, and d), by Dr. Foy, and by Fathers W. Schmidt and Hestermann (cf. also E. Nordenskiold). The contrary view, so far as South America is concerned, is taken in a detailed criticism by Dr. Krause, and on more general grounds by Prof. Dixon and Dr. Krickeberg (163-164). See also R. II. Lowie, On the principle of convergence in ethnology, in Jour. Amer. folk-lore, 1912, xxv, 24-42; F. Boas, in Science, New York, 1911, n. s. xxxiv, 804-810. But as yet a thorough and adequate treatment of the whole ques¬ tion of South American cultural stratification in its relation to Indo- 228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Oceanic lias not been undertaken. More facts are needed, and a much more detailed analysis and coordination of the facts, before the question can be definitely decided. The field is a vast one. If the Kulturkreis theory proves to hold good for the whole of South America, the question of the common cultural descent of the Fuegians and Indo-Oceanic primitives will receive a conclusive affirmative answer. If, on the contrary, it proves not to hold good, we shall be thrown back on the facts and considerations advanced in the preced¬ ing sections A and B as giving a provisional and probable, but, unless new data come to hand, not a final or strictlv demonstrable answer. The reader is referred to the sources given above for further details on the Kulturkreis theory in its extension to South America. Special references to Fuegia in this connection are contained in: Graebner, a, 1014, 1018; b, 149; d, 47-48; Foy, 26, 154; Schmidt and Hestermann, b, 115-117; Dixon, 53-54; Krause, 111. INDEX OF SUBJECTS Page Abortion . 171 Adornment, personal . 182-184 Adultery . 167-168 Adze . 200,207,217 Aged— authority of . 178 treatment of . 136, 170, 173, 175, 176 Agriculture . 44,185 Alacaluf — glossary of language . 12-29 history of investigation . 61-62 name . 5-6 population and present condition. . . . 47-48 territory . 1 . . 6-30 Seealso Relations; Somatology; Lan¬ guages; Grammar; Dialects; Cul¬ ture. Alikhoolip . 5, 87 Allana . : . 123 American race, relations of Fuegians and Chonos to . 223 Amuck, running. . . . SO, 140 Amulets . 150 Anatomy, sources . 138-140 Ancestor worship . 150,153 Animism . 150 Anklets . 183 Anointing . 160,182 Anthropology, use of term . 2 Anthropometrical data, sources . 139-140 Aona . 48 Araucanians— cultural influenc' on Chonos . 43-45 relations of Fuegians and Chonos to _ 34-36, 82,116,220-221 Archeology— deductions from facts . 219-220 facts . 218-219 See also Middens. Aristocracy . 178 Armlets . 184 Arrow, bow and— affinities and origin . 55, 211-213 arrow release . . . 211 description . 184, 209-21 1 distribution of . 29, 43, 205, 207-209 Art . 180-184 Artificial deformation . 78, 183 Asterisks, use of . 137 Athletics . 184-185 Authority— of fathers, aged, and medicine-men . 178 of husbands . 168-169 Authors, bibliography of . 65-136 Awls . 204,218 Ax . 44, 45, 89, 200, 202, 217 Page Bailers............ . 201 Ball game . 184 Balsas . 196 Barter . 45,179 Basketry . 111,204-205 Baths . 155,157,160 Beards . 42,182 Beehive hut . 55,192-193 Belief and morality . 146-148,151,152 Bibliographies — list of . 137 of authors . 65-136 of subjects. .. . 137-228 Bigamy . 51,57,165,166-167 Birds . 191 Birth customs . 155 Blood-revenge . 159, 173, 174-175, 178 Boiling . 191 Bolas . 86,214-216 Bororos, somatological relations of Onas to . . 222 Botocudos, somatological and cultural rela¬ tions of Fuegians to . 222 Bow. See Arrow. Boxes . 205 Brachyceph ALISM . 43, 53, 222 Brain . 180 sources . 140 Bravery . 173,177 Buckets . 205 Burial . 130, 161 Cannibalism . 175-176 Canoe Indians . 2 Canoes, bark — description . 197-198 distribution . 29-30, 197 one-piece . 196-197 sewed . . 197-198 Captives . 174, 176 Casual meetings, use of term . 65 Caucahues, Caucaus . 31, 32, 33. 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 46, 76, 112, 123-124 Cephalic indices . 43,93 sources . 139-140 Ciiangos, somatological relations of Fuegians to . 222 Channel Alacaluf, Channel Indians .... 65 Chastity, premarital . 169-170, 173 See also Conjugal fidelity. Chiefs . 76, 177-178 Children — carrying . 171-172 moral education . 156-157, 173 naming, weaning, and selling . 171 treatment of . . 68,84,136,153,170-171 Chon . 33,36,48,85,106 229 230 INDEX OF SUBJECTS Chonos — Page history of investigation . 62 name . 30-34, 85, 133 population and present condition . 46-47 territory . 30-46 See also Relations; Somatology; Lan¬ guages; Dialects; Culture. Clans . . 3-4,178-179 Climate . 137 Clothing . 55,193-195 Clubs and clubheads . 213-215 Coiffure . . . 55, 182 Combs . 182 Commerce . 45,179 Communism . 178 Conjugal fidelity . 167-168 Cooking . 191 Cormorants . 191 Coucous. See Caucahues. Counting . • . 180 Courtship . 164-165 Couvade . 155 Cradle . 55,171-172 Crania. See Skulls. Creator and Creation . 147,147,162-163 Cremation . 161 Cruelty . 167,168-169 Ctenomys fueguinus . 190 Cult . 152-154 Culture, outline of and sources for Fuegian and Chonoan . 145-218 See also Relations; Degeneration. Dances . 158,160,181 Death . 160 See also Burial; Mourning; Survival; Ghosts. Deformation, head . 78,183 Degeneration, cultural . 74, 77, 220, 223-227 Delivery customs . 155 Depilation . 182 Design . 154,180,181-182 Diadem, feather . 183-184 Dialects — Alacalufan . 28,30,38 Chonoan . 34,38-39 Onan . 50-52,78 Yahgan . 4,94 Disposal of property . 161-162 Divination . 160 Diving for food . 188 Divorce . 164,167 Docility . 173 Dogs . 44, 96, 153, 186-187, 190, 191 Dolichoceph ALISM . 53-54, 221-222 Domestic culture . 102,164-172 Domestication . 44,185 Drama . 181 Dreams . 158 Drink . 187 Dualism . 146-149 Dugouts . 196 Page Endogamy . 165-166 Environment . 137 Esthetic culture . 180-184 Ethical culture . 102,172-177 Exogamy . 165-166 Exploration — history of . 59-63 list of explorers prior to 1800 . 59-60 Eyes and eyesight, sources . 140 Family . 102,164-172 Fasting . 155,156,157 Fauna . 137 Feather ornaments . 157,183-184 Fetishism . 150 Feuds . 45,46,56,174-175 Fictile products . 205 Fighting . 9, 173, 174, 214 Fillets., . „• . 184 Fire . 55,191-192 Fishhook . 188-189 Fishing . 188-190 Flexed burial . t . 161 Flood tradition . 163 Flora . 137 Flour . 187 Folklore . 162-163 Food — cooking . 191 kinds of . 187-191 storing of . 187 taboos . 155,156,157 Foot Indians . 2 Footprints . 140 Friendship . 176 Future life . 149, 150, 151, 153 Gabiotas . 31,33,35, 41, 42, 123-124 Gambling . 177,185 Games . 184-185 Generosity . 172,173,177 Geology . 116,137,219 Ghosts . 148-149, 150, 151, 153, 154 Giants . 35,41,48,115,123 Gifts . 172,177,179 Glossary of Alacalufan Language . 13-22 discussion of . 22-29 prefatory notes to . 12-13 Gloves . 195 Gluttony . 173,177 God . 146-149 Gods . . 146-149 Government . 177-178 Graebner’s theory . 93, 203, 227-228 Grammar— Alacalufan . 10, 28, 129, 132 sources for Chonoan, Yahgan, and Onan. 144 Gratitude . 176 GuaIcaros . 6,107 See also Huaicurues. Guaiguenes . 32,33 Guanacos . 187,190 Economic culture Embryonic burial Emotions— expression of . . . sources . . 172,178-179 . 161 102, 168, 170-171, 176, 177 . 140 Hafting.. . Hair— coiffure, red hair sources . 204,207, 217,218 . 55,182 . 42 . 140 INDEX OF SUBJECTS 231 Page Handprints . Harpoon . Haush . Herding . Hero myths . . Homicide . Honesty . Hospitality . Huaicurues . See also GuaIcaros. Huemuls . Huilliche . Huillis . : . Human life, regard for Human sacrifice . Hunting . Hunting grounds . Huts . . 140 188, 205, 20G-207 . 49 . 44,185 . 163 . 56,95,174 46, 173, 177, 179 . 176 . 81 . o— 6, 8, 9 . 32,33,36,41,86 30-31,33,34,36-37, 45,178 . . 171,174-175 . . 68,153,175 . 180,190-191 . 178-179 . 192-193 III— care of . 175 cure of . 159-160 Immortality . 149,150-151,153 Implements . 216-218 Incest . 165 Indo-Oceanic primitives, cultural rela¬ tion of Fuegians to _ 150, 154, 203-204, 223-228 Infanticide . 171 Inheritance . 172 Initiations . 156-157 Intelligence . 179-180 Intemperance and intoxicants . 44, 177, 187 Inventiveness . 179-180 Investigation — future of . • . 63-64 history of . 59-63 Jealousy . 167-168,173 Keyes, Key-yus . 6, 32, 36, 86 Kinship . 172 Kitchen middens. See Middens. Knives . 207,217-218 Kulturkreis theory . 93,203,227-228 Labor, division of . 169 Lacunae . 63-64 Lagoa Santa race, somatological relations of Chonos and Fuegians to . 221-222 Land, division of . 178-179 Languages — general remarks . 144-145 grammatical sources . 144 lexical sources . 10-11,141-143 texts . 144 See also Relations; Dialects; Grammar. Laws . 174,178 Levirate . 165 Liberty, love of . 177 Mac-ck . 49 Magic . 154,158,159-160 Manekenkn— history of investigation . 50-51, 62-63 name . 49 population and present condition . 56-57 territory . 49-50 See also Relations; Somatology; Lan¬ guages; Culture. 64028°— Bull. 63—17 - 16 Page. Maps . 66,137 Marriage . 157,164-167 by capture . 164-165 courtship, and choice of wife . 164-165, 173 Masks . 156 Massage . 155,160 Material culture . 185-218 Medicine and medicine-men . 149, 151, 153, 159-160, 184 Menstruation taboo . 157 Mental culture . 170-180 Mesaticephalism . 53-54, 222 Metempsychosis . 149, 150, 151, 163 Middens . 44-45, 64, 107, 186, 205, 206, 207, 211, 212, 217, 218-219 Migration routes . 222-223 Missions — Chonoan . 45,46-47 Fuegian . 60-63 and passim Moccasins . 194-195 Modesty . 169 Money . 179 Monogamy . 166-167 MoralxultuRe . 102, 172-177 Morality^ and belief . 146-148, 151, 152 Morning-star clubheads . 107,213-214 Mortars . 18^ Mortuary" customs . 130, 161 Mourning . 160-161 Murder . 56, 95, 174 Music and musical instruments . 158, ISO- 181 Mustaches . 182 Mutilations . 157,183 of dead . 174 Myology . 140 Myths . 162-163 Names of children . 171 Names of tribes — Alacaluf . 5-6 Chono . 30-34 Ona, Shilk’nam, Manekenkn . 48-49 Yahgan . 2-3 Narcotics . 177 Navigation . 85,195-204 Necklaces . 183-184 Needles . 204,218 Nets — fish . 189-190 seal and bird . 190 Nomadic life . 17S-179 Oars . 200-201 Oath . 153 Oensmen . 48 Old. See Aged. Onas— history of investigation . 62-63 name . 4S-49 population and present condition . 56-57 territory . 49-50,56 See also Relations; Somatology; Lan¬ guages; Dialects; Culture. Ordeals . 153 Orientation . 137 Origin — of bow and arrow . 211-213 of plank boat . 201-204 232 INDEX OF SUBJECTS Page I Ornaments, personal . 183-184 Osteology, sources . 139 Ostrich . 86 Otters . 190 Paddles . 200-201 Painting of body and face.. 158, 160-161, 180, 182 Parental affection . 170-171 Pathology, sources . 140 Patience . 173 Payos . 32,33,36,125 Pecherais . 6,8,9,71 Pederasty . 101,170 Perforators . • . 204,218 PEYES . 6,32,33,36,86 Physical appearance— Alacaluf, Yahgans, West Patagonians. . . 29 Chonos . 41-43 Onas . 53 sources . 140 Physiology, sources . 140 Plaiting . 183,184,204 Plank boat— description . 198-200 distribution and migration . . . 29-30, 43,198-200 origin . 201-204 Plants, food . 187 Platform burial . 161 Play . 184-185 Poetry . 181 Poison . 71,121,211 Political culture . 177-178 Polyandry . 166 Polygamy . 51, 57, 80, 102, 165, 166-167 Poncho . 45 Population, decrease of, and present — Alacaluf . 47-48 Chonos . 46-47 Onas . 56-57 Yahgans . 4-5 Porpoises . 190 Portages . 38,118,200 Potatoes . 44,45 Pottery . 205 Poyas . 31,32,33,86 POY-YUS . 6,32,33,36,86 Prayer . 152-153 Present condition— Alacaluf . - . 47-48 Chonos . 46-47 Onas . 56-57 Yahgans . 4-5 Primitivity . 56, 74, 77, 220, 223-227 Property — ethics of . 177 inheritance of and disposal of at death ... 172, 161-162 ownership of . 178-179 Prophecy . 160 Prostitution . 169 Psychology . 140 Psychoneuroses . 80,140 Puberty customs . 156-157 Quarrels . 173,174 See also Feuds. Quasi-religious culture . 154-164 Quiver. See Arrow. Page Racing . 184 Rafts . 96,196 Rats . 191 Recreative culture . 184-185 Reincarnation . 151 Relations— Cultural, between — Fuegians and Botocudos . 222 Fuegians and Indo-Oceanic primi¬ tives . 150,154,203-204,223-228 Linguistic, between Fuegians and Tapuyas . 75,222 Linguistic, somatological, and cultural, between — Alacaluf and West Patagonian Chan¬ nel Indians . 7-30 Chonos and Alacaluf . 36-46 Chonos and Tehuelches . 36,85 Chonos-Fuegians and Araucanians . . 34-36, ’ 82,116,220-221 Fuegians and American race . 223 Manekenkn and Shllk’nam . 50-52 Onas and Tehuelches . 52-56 Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Onas . 4,54 Somatological, between — Chonos-Fuegians and Lagoa Santa race . 221-222 Fuegians and Changos . 222 Onas and Bororos . 222 Yahgan-x\lacaluf and Botocudos . 222 Religious culture . 64,145-164 Riiea . 86 Sacred objects . 153-154 Sacrifice... . 68,153,157,158 Sails . 200 Salt . 187 Scarification . 160,182 Scraper . 216-217 Sculpture . 154,181-182 Sea food . 187,188 Seals . 187,190 Secret societies . 156-157,178 Seines . 189 Shelter . 192-193 Shilk’nam — history of investigation . 62-63 name . 48-49 population and present condition . 56 territory . . . 49,56 See also Relations; Somatology; Lan¬ guages; Culture. Sick. See III. Skeletons, sources . 139 Skin boats . 196 Sion, color of— Chonos and Fuegians . 42-43 sources . 140 Skin dressing . 195 Skulls— Chonos . 43 Onas . 53-54 sources . 139 Slaves . 45,86,178 Slings . 184,214 Smoking . 177 Snares . 191 Social relations . 176-177 INDEX OF SUBJECTS 233 Somatology — anatomy, physiology, pathology . anthropometrical data . 139-140 osteology . 139 resumes, etc . 141 sources . 138-141 stature . 138-139 See also Relations. Songs . 158,180 Soul, survival of . 149,150-151,153 Spear . 188,190,205-206,215 Spirits . 146-148,153,154,156 Squatting burial . 161 Stature — Chonos . 41-42 sources . 138-139 Yahgans . . . 102 Stoicism . 173,175 Stones, as weapons . 214 Subjects, bibliography of . 137-228 Suicide . 175 Superstitions . 159 Supine burial. . 55,161 SUPRAMUNDANE BEINGS.. . 146-149 Supreme Being . 146-149 Survival of soul . 149,150-151,153 Sweating. . " 160 Taboos . 154,155,157-158,162 Taciturnity . 177 Tapuyas, linguistic relations of Fuegians to. 75, 222 Tattoo . 55,124,183 Teeth, sources . 140 Tehuelches, relations of Onas to . 52-56 Tekeenicas . . . 3 Territory — • Alacaluf . 6-30 Chonos . 30-46 Onas, Shilk’nam, Manekenkn . 49-50,56 Yahgans . * 3-4 Textile products. . 204-205 Texts, sources . 144 Theft... . 46,173,177,179 Throwing club . 215 Toldo.... . 55,192 Tonsure . 160,182 Tools . 216-218 Torches . 191,192 Torture.... . 175 Totemism. . 149-150 Trade . 45,179 Page 170 Traditions . Transmigration, 140 Tribes — Page Fitz-Roy’s division of . 8, 87 general division of . 2, 60, 74 Truthfulness, . 173,176-177 Twins... . 171 Twisting . 204 Vocabularies, sources., . 10-11,141-143 War . 154,174 Weaning . 171 Weapons . 205-216 Weather doctors. See Medicine-men. Weaving . 44,194,204 Wedges.,., . 218 Weights and measures . 179 Weirs . 190 West Patagonian Channel Indians, re¬ lations to — Alacaluf . 7-30 Chonos . . . . : . 34-46 W hales. . . . 190 Wigwams . . . 192-193 Windshield. . . . 55, 192-193 Witches, wizards. See Medicine-men. Wives — choice of, . 164-165,173 number of . 166-167 stealing.. . 49,164-165 treatment of, . 84, 168-169 W OMAN— labor of,. . 169 position of,. . 168-169, 173 Wrestling..,. . 184 Wristlets . 183 Writing . 180 W uas . 48 YACANA-CUNNEE . 2,48,86,195 Yahgans — history of investigation — . 60-6 name, . 2-3 population and present condition . 4-5 territory., . 3-4 See also Relations; Somatology; Lan¬ guages; Dialects; Culture. Yam ana.... . 2 Yammascoonas . 3 Yapoos . 3 o V / ) * V I t E51.U58v.63 Analytical and critical bibliography of Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library hMIr