THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS AND THE JOHANNINE PROBLEM The Joh annine Writings AND The Joh annine Problem NOV 16 1917 AN AID TO THE CRITICAL STUDY V k ^ OF THE BIBLE AS LITERATURE ^v^^/^Cl^Hf SO^ By HENRY C VEDDER THE GRIFFITH AND ROWLAND PRESS PHILADELPHIA BOSTON CHICAGO ST. LOUIS LOS ANGELES NEW YORK TORONTO Copyright 191 7 by GUY C. LAMSON, Secretary Published September, 1917 TO MtlUam ©baurr Utlktttsott TEACHER, CRITIC. FRIEND. A TOKEN OF GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION PREFACE Diligent study of literary and historical criticism, and equally diligent practice of composition, in various fields of literature, have been the chief occupation of the writer of this book for half a century. During all these years he has also been a less diligent student, but still fairly diligent, of the Greek language and literature, classical as well as biblical. If, therefore, there is any subject of which he may claim expert knowledge, it is literature; if there is a craft of which he has any mastery, it is the writer's. So that, concerning a literary problem, after he has duly studied it, he hopes that he may venture to speak without incurring suspicion that he is one of those who " rush in where angels fear to tread." On a question of literature, nobody can speak ex cathedra words to be received by others as infallible and irreform- able of themselves ; nor yet with the authority of a judge, who, however fallible, has both the right and duty to decide a case tried before him. All that any critic of literature can claim is, such study and experience as entitle his words to be duly considered and well weighed before they are either accepted or rejected. If the facts, theories, and conclusions herein set forth receive such consideration as this, it is the author's belief that most of them, novel as they may at first appear, will be accepted. The kernel of this discussion was first published in the form of a two-part paper entitled " Two Johns or One?" in The Watchman for August 9 and 16, 1900. This was followed by a series of seven articles on the Apocalypse in the same religious newspaper, beginning vii Vlll PREFACE June 28, 1906. An essay on the content of the Fourth Gospel appeared in the Reviezv and Expositor of April, 1906; while the same periodical published in two suc- cessive numbers (October, 19 12, and January, 191 3) a study of the Epistle of John. The remainder now appears for the first time ; and the older portions have been, for the most part, so altered by revision, excision, and expansion, as to be hardly recognizable by a former reader. This has therefore been a labor of love through many years. When mind and body have been wearied by other tasks, rest and refreshment have often been found by turning to this. It has furnished delightful occupation for many vacation days. Some parts of the text have entailed an amount of work so disproportionate to the visible results as to be incredible to any one who has never attempted a like venture — such as the investigation of the Johannine vocabularies. If an author could only be certain that the value of his results might be measured by what they have cost him in toil, with how light a heart could he send a child of his brain out into the world! But one may at least hope that he has done something, if only a little, to promote study and under- standing of a vital part of the most vital of all books. Crozer Theological Seminary, CONTENTS PART I. A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS According to Modern Literary Canons Chapter Page I. The Apocalypse and Its Literary Form . . 3 II. Content and Significance of the Apoc- alypse 24 III. The Fourth Gospel : Its Plan and Literary Characteristics 50 IV. The Content of the Fourth Gospel 80 V. The Epistles of John: Their Literary Characteristics and Content 99 VI. The Johannine Problem : The External Testimony 133 VII. The Johannine Problem : The Internal Evidence 155 PART II. A NEW TRANSLATION OF THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS Arranged in Modern Literary Form Introduction 207 I. The Apocalypse 217 II. The Gospel According to John 266 III. The First Epistle of John 340 The Second Epistle of John 351 The Third Epistle of John 353 Index 355 PART I A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS According to Modern Literary Canons CHAPTER I THE APOCALYPSE AND ITS LITERARY FORM IN one respect at least, the Apocalypse is unique: it claims more divine authority and is accorded less than any other book in the New Testament. Most of the canonical books make no specific claim to inspiration or authority; but the Apocalypse claims both, and to such extent that for anybody to alter a syllable of it is to endanger, or rather to lose, his salvation. And yet it is probably one of the least read books of the Bible. We all have a private canon of our own — certain books or parts of books that we believe to be especially valuable — to which we turn for comfort and instruction. We may believe the whole Bible; we may try to study the whole Bible ; but this is our real Bible. And how many of us include in this private canon the Revelation ? And yet this is one of the most interesting, and might be one of the most instructive, of our sacred books. It well deserves to be among those most frequently read and best loved. The lack of honor in which it is at present held has an easily discovered cause; it has been the worst-abused writing in the New Testament. All sorts of wild-eyed cranks have gone to it for con- firmation of their theories, and they have twisted and tortured its words to obtain the desired testimony in their favor, as never heretic was racked in the dungeons of the Inquisition. A welter of conflicting interpretations has gathered about the text, until the average man has con- cluded that nobody knows anything about its meaning — 3 4 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS that the Revelation is an insoluble mystery, about which he would be foolish to concern himself. And so, pos- sibly excepting the closing chapters, he seldom reads the book; and when he does read it, the light that shines from it serves only to make darkness visible. A study of the ordinary commentary on the Revela- tion, and indeed, of most commentaries, invites the con- clusion that if the commentator's method is sound, and his results valid, the sacred writers used language to conceal their thought, which must be painfully dug for and extracted in small fragments. On the contrary, the canon of interpretation should be this: The writers of Scripture used language to convey their thought, and they succeeded at least as well as most writers do. What- ever the content of " inspiration " may be, the influence of the divine Spirit cannot be supposed to have rendered a writer less skilful in his craft than the uninspired. Therefore, a meaning that has to be painfully dug out is not there. Exegesis, as actually practised through the Christian ages, may be defined as the science of dis- covering what the sacred writers never intended to say. Suppose we begin our study with the assumption that the Apocalypse was written, not to conceal thought, but to convey ideas? We may as well dismiss at once the hypothesis that it is a series of puzzles to which nobody can find the key. The Revelation is prophecy, not predic- tion; and they who go to it as an oracle to learn what things are in the womb of the future misuse the book, and will get from it nothing but harm. The idea so long prevalent that the Apocalypse is a treatise on the philos- ophy of history, has done untold mischief, and has hin- dered thousands of readers from gaining any understand- ing of what the book does mean. We are to study the Apocalypse as literature. This study of the Bible as literature has only begun of late apocalypse: literary form 5 years to be seriously pursued; but it has already thrown much new light on the meaning of the Book. There is still some prejudice against this study, because the pur- pose and method are misapprehended. Literary study of the Bible does not preclude nor hinder, nor even discourage, devotional study, but constitutes an indis- pensable preparation for genuine devotional study. The spiritual content of any writing is conveyed through literary forms, and the content cannot be accurately or fully comprehended until the form has been studied and understood. Literary study is so far from being irreverent that if it should become irreverent it would prove futile ; for it is well understood that no great work of literature can be successfully studied unless it is studied sym- pathetically. Lovers of the Bible should encourage its literary study, because the new method will continually cause new light to break forth from God's word, and his truth will speak to us with fresh emphasis and gain a stronger hold on our faith as we come to appreciate better what an incomparable body of literature is this collection that we call The Book. Studied as literature, the Apocalypse takes on a charac- ter wholly new to many readers. We discover that it is a dramatic poem — that is to say, it is a dramatic poem in substance and spirit. Judged by strict literary canons, its form is not always dramatic, and only sometimes poetic. It was one of our greatest English poets who first discovered and announced the book's character — John Milton, when he said: "And the Apocalypse of Saint John is the majestic image of a high and stately tragedy, shutting up and intermingling her solemn scenes and acts with a sevenfold chorus of hallelujahs and harp- ing symphonies." But Milton did not develop his idea, and no one since his day has had the insight and courage to attempt the task. A number of writers have had 6 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS glimpses of the truth, and have given hints to their readers of what might be done, but a systematic study of the book with this as the guiding principle has never been undertaken. When we call the Apocalypse a dramatic poem, no one should understand that it was intended to be acted. If the author had ever read a drama, which is more than doubtful, he certainly made no attempt to imitate one. The resemblances of the Apocalypse to a Greek tragedy are few, and of the most superficial kind. The twenty- four Elders play, to some extent, the part of a Greek chorus, and besides their frequent chants, there are others of similar character introduced from time to time. There is occasional dialogue. And with these features the resemblances begin and end. Likewise, when the Apocalypse is called a poem, the reader must not look for the Western verse to which he is accustomed, or for verse of the classic period; or he will be disappointed. There is no verse in the Revelation. What rhythm there is (and there is a good deal) is sentence rhythm — rhythm that depends for its eflfect on the balancing of clauses, on the parallelism or antithesis of ideas, not on the regular succession of syllables. It is the rhythm of the Psalms and of Hebrew poetry in general that we find in the Apocalypse. And this is just what we might expect to find there. The whole book shows how the author's mind was steeped in the Old Testament literature; in culture and mentality he is a Hebrew of the Hebrews. What could be more natural than that such a writer should throw his lofty spiritual ideas into the forms of Hebrew poetry? One marvels that this striking literary characteristic should have gone so many centuries unmarked. The poetry of the Apocalypse — Hebrew in spirit and form, Greek in words only — is such poetry as the Magnificat apocalypse: Literary form 7 (Luke I : 46-55), or the Nunc Dimittis (Luke 2 : 29- 32), both of which the Revised Version has had the grace to print in poetic form. Versions of the Psalms, and of part, at least, of the Prophets, have been made at various times, in which the peculiar Hebraic poetic spirit and poetic forms have been given appropriate typograph- ical expression ; but what version even hints at the pres- ence of a poetic element in the Revelation ? And yet one would suppose that nobody who had studied the Psalms could mistake the literary character of such a passage as this: And the Spirit and the Bride say, Come; And let him that hears say, Come ; And let him that is athirst come ; Let him that wills take the Water of Life freely. Or this : To Him that loved us And freed us from our sins by his blood. And made us a kingdom and priests to God and his Father, To Him be honor and power, unto the ages. Amen. So much for the literary form of this book. What of the purpose of the writer? What ideas did he attempt to express through this form ? The Apocalypse was evidently composed in the midst of a great persecution, to encourage those who were undergoing this fiery ordeal. For our present purpose it matters little what this historic occasion was. Not less evident than this purpose of the writer are his two dominant ideas : the judgment and downfall of the great adversary of the faith, the imperial power of Rome, are both certain and " soon " to occur ; the triumph of the kingdom of God and the reign of Christ as King cannot be withstood or delayed even by the power of mighty Rome, and the reward of those who endure to the end 8 THE JOHANNIXE WRITINGS is as certain and as great as the triumph of their King. On these thoughts the changes are rung throughout the book, which becomes at once a prophecy and a war-cry. And what thoughts could have been so well fitted to sustain Christ's witnesses, to give them the hope and courage and enthusiasm that would carry them trium- phantly through their martyrdom? Though apparently losers in the contest with Rome, they would know them- selves to be on the winning side ; and like the soldier who falls in battle, they saw the hour of victory approaching, and died with a smile. None of the canonical books was more highly appreciated by that large section of the early Church which first received it as canonical, than the Apocalypse. And there were good reasons for so high an estimate. To understand the book, therefore, we must approach it from the writer's point of view and put ourselves back, so far as we may, into the atmosphere of the first century. The writer has given us a clue to the mass of perplexing details in the one word " soon." To his vision it is the immediate future, not the distant, that is unrolled. He is not attempting to foretell the history of the Church for fifteen or twenty centuries, but to comfort his terribly tried brethren by visions of things that are to take place in the near future — within the lifetime, probably, of many who should read. This thought is so often repeated as to leave no possibility of doubt as to the writer's purpose. He describes his book in the opening sentences as the revelation of things that must shortly come to pass ; and the conclusion of the title, or introductory section, is, " the crisis is at hand" (i : 3). Marks of the speedy accom- plishment of the visions abound throughout the book (e. g., I : 19; 3 : 11; 6 : 11; 10 : 6, 7). To leave no room for doubt in the minds of his readers, he repeats his assertions in the closing verses of the last vision {22 : 6, apocalypse: literary form 9 7, 10), and adds another equally emphatic declaration, twice repeated by Jesus himself, *' Behold, I am coming quickly" (22 : 12, 20). How can there be any question after this of John's point of view and the scope of his visions The beginning of all study of a writing must be to in- quire what the author meant to convey by it, and what would naturally be understood by those for whom he wrote. The beginning of all study must be this, but not necessarily the end. A book certainly does mean what its author consciously puts into it, but it may mean a good deal more. This is true of any great work of human genius. A Shakespeare, a Browning, says a vast deal more to the world through his writings than ever passed through his own mind. Literature — especially that form of literature which we call poetry — is like music and painting, in that its office is not merely to say, but to sug- gest. It conveys thought, but it also stimulates thinking. And in a great drama, as in a great symphony, there is not only all the meaning of which the composer was conscious, but quite as truly, all the meaning that anybody finds there. The poet's eye, in a fine frenzy rolling, Doth glance from heaven to earth, from earth to heaven ; And as imagination bodies forth The forms of things unknown, the poet's pen Turns them to shapes, and gives to airy nothing A local habitation and a name. So the seer, in his " fine frenzy," bodies forth what were otherwise vague and shadowy ideas of the invisible world, and gives a local habitation and a name to things spiritual. There is this difference mainly: the poet's inspiration is love of the beautiful; the seer's, love of the holy. One seeks to give men pleasure ; the other, to make men better. And if it is true that men of genius, of whom in their 10 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS loftier moments we speak as " inspired," have given to the world a message more meaningful than they ever dreamed, how much more may we expect to find this true of any writing composed under special uplift and guidance of the Spirit of God! If there were not in it a deeper, richer, broader significance than was comprehended by the writer and his generation, if continual study did not reveal to us new vistas of meaning, and disclose striking applications of its content to conditions undreamt of by its author — should we not have good reason for doubting its claim to inspiration? If even a poem that claims no more than human origin cannot exhaust its meaning to a single generation, but grows in interest and power and value with the centuries, can a book that claims to come from God be expected to do less ? In view of such reasonable presumptions as these, the disparaging remarks made regarding the Apocalypse by some of the most orthodox scholars are not a little re- markable. Sir William Ramsay, for example, says : " The apocalyptic form of literature was far from being a high one; and the Apocalypse of John suffers from the unfortunate choice of this form: only occasionally is the author able to free himself from the chilling influence of that fanciful and extravagant mode of expression." ^ One fears that the capacity to appreciate poetry was somehow left out of the composition of this accomplished scholar. His criticism reminds us irresistibly of the story of the great mathematician who was persuaded to read " Paradise Lost," and for his only comment said, "After all, what does it prove?" Of course it is not incumbent upon any student of the Apocalypse, however orthodox, to maintain that its literary art is perfect. The imperfection of the book, however, consists not in the fact that the author adopted the apocalyptic form, 1 " The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia," New York, 1905, p. 72. apocalypse: literary form ii but that he did not consistently adhere to it. Any piece of literature, to be fully successful as a work of art, must make choice of one form or method, and maintain it throughout. Here wc have an apocalypse that is not purely apocalyptic, but is partially epistolary. Each method of composition has its own laws, and the two can- not be successfully mingled in a single work. By mingling them, the author made unity of form impossible. This has led some to say that the letters to the churches which form the introductory section were an afterthought; but more careful study of the book excludes this possibility, since, as will be presently made clear, the letters are an integral part of the composition. Their insertion mars unity of form, but it secures unity of plan. As for John's choice of the apocalyptic form, which seems so reprehensible to Doctor Ramsay, nothing more need be said to explain it to the average reader who is not a great scholar than that it was a common form of Jewish literature. John conforms to literary canons already well established. It is the privilege of a modern reader to believe that there are better literary forms, but to quarrel with John for his choice is as reasonable as it would be to berate the author of sonnets because he did not write an epic. It is the privilege of any writer to choose his own form of expression, and the world should accept his product and be grateful for anything good contained in it. The Jewish apocalypses all pro- fessed to be pictures of forthcoming events, received in a state of ecstatic vision. This was little more than a recognized literary fiction, to be taken hardly more seriously than the device of modern romancers who pro- fess to have discovered an ancient manuscript containing their tale. But while the modern romancer does not ex- pect to be literally believed, the apocalyptic prophet did expect to be believed as to the substance of his mes- 12 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS sage, and usually was believed. Nobody could write the solemn warning of Revelation 22 : 18, 19, who did not take himself and his message with utmost seriousness. In saying that John wrote for his own time, and to reveal the things soon to occur, one by no means excludes the presence of other and deeper meanings. To dis- cover these, however, is not the purpose of the present study. But one may properly add just here his convic- tion that the Church of all ages has not been astray in setting a high estimate upon this book, though it has been sadly misused and abused. The Revelation has always taught true believers that, however mighty may appear to be the power of evil, Christ rules his world; and the victory of his Church is certain iV it continues in the faith delivered to the saints. No book in the New Tes- tament has shown greater power to sustain Christian faith and hope and courage, and to inspire Christ's fol- lowers to fidelity and endurance. Even in the midst of apparent defeat. Christian faith still looks eagerly for- ward to the Great Consummation; and still says, in the present tense, as of a thing so certain that it may be taken as already done. The kingdom of the world is become The kingdom of our Lord and his Anointed And he will reign to the ages of the ages. II German critics have gone daft during the present generation over the " partition theory " of the New Testa- ment. There is hardly one of the canonical writings that these critics are now willing to accept as the product of a single mind and hand; and the hypothesis of com- posite authorship is urged with special persistence and ingenuity in the case of the Apocalypse. The chief apocalypse: literary form 13 problem now regarding this book is not whether " John " wrote it, and if so, what John, but whether anybody wrote it. The enterprise of resolving the various books of the Bible into a number of independent documents has in no case been more vigorously prosecuted than in this. Critics like Volter and Briggs present what may without injus- tice be called the scissors-and-paste theory of the origin of the Apocalypse. Volter's idea of the original book is that it consisted of the following passages: 1:4-6; chapters 4 to 9 inclusive (with slight changes in 4 : i and S : 9, and omitting a few words in 5 : 6, 10 ; 6 : 16 and the verses 5 : 11-14 and 7 : 9-17) ; 10 : 14 to 13 : 18 (saving a few words in 11 : 15, 18) ; 14 : 1-8 (all but a few words of 14 : i) ; 18 : I to 19 : 4 (save two words in 18 : 20) ; 14 : 14-20; 19 : 1-5. This original composition was by "John," about A. D. 65. Another book by an unknown author was com- posed a few years later, say A. D. 70, and consisted of 10 : 17; II : 1-13; 12 : 1-16; the whole of chapters 15 and 17; 19 : 11 to 22 : 6. These two independent compositions were combined by an editor in Trajan's time (A. D. 114), who added the fol- lowing passages: 5:6, 9; 6 : 16; 7 : 9-17; 12 : 17; 13 : 18; 14 : 9-12; 15 : 1-4, 7; 16 : 2; 19 : 5-ioa; 14 : 8; also a little in chapters 18 and 19, more in 21 : 9 seq. ; and 22 : 8, 9. Finally, another editor, in Hadrian's reign, contributed a preface and a note here and there, such as: 1:1-3; i : 9 to 3 : 22; 14 : 13; 16 : 15 ; 19 : lob; 22 : 7, 10 seq. It would perhaps be wasting space to comment on the details of this rediictio ad absurdiim of the critical method as practised in Germany. There have been many profound scholars in that country whose literary ineptitude is a thing to marvel at, but not to admire. Still, the method has so many admirers and imitators among ourselves that it may be worth while to point out briefly two weighty objections that apply both to the method in general and to this application of it in par- ticular. Either objection deserves to be called weighty: together, they make the theory and its results incredible. 14 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS The first objection is furnished by the book itself. To one practised in the study of literature, the Apoc- alypse proves its own unity as a composition. The im- press of the same hand is found on every part. The unity of purpose, of style, discoverable throughout the book, proves that a single mind brought together these visions, whether he composed all of them, or merely some of them, or none of them. Somebody has made of these diverse materials one book. And whatever pre- existing materials he may have employed, and however incongruous they may have been in their original form, they have been interfused in the alembic of a single personality. These materials may have been as Jewish, or as pagan, as any one pleases ; but in passing into this alembic of a Christian consciousness, the carbon has somehow been crystallized into the diamonds of Chris- tian truth. A composite authorship is a hypothesis im- possible of reconciliation with the testimony of the book itself. The ultimate verdict of Christian scholarship, we may be sure, will accept the testimony of the book — will set aside these vagaries of criticism, and find an explanation of the perplexing features of the Apocalypse that is consistent with the fundamental literary fact of a single authorship. The second objection to such methods and results as those of Volter is that the " editor " or " redactor," who is so indispensable a personage in these critical theories, is a being " of imagination all compact." He is a figment of the modern critic's too ingenious mind. The " editor " never existed in ancient times ; he is the prod- uct of that modern scholarship which began with the Renaissance. No ancient book was ever composed by a process such as Volter supposes. Neither Oriental nor classical literature knows anything of a " redactor." We have authors and their books, and we have nothing apocalypse: literary form 15 else. Some ancient books are original (so far as we know), and others make large use of previous materials. Our modern literary conventions and modern literary ethics were alike unknown. Authors used without scruple or concealment any existing materials germane to their purpose; and no author dreaded being called a plagiarist. But — and this is the important point — he used preexisting documents for his own purpose. He did not piece together a crazy-quilt of unrelated docu- ments ; he wrote a book with a definite purpose and with a clear plan, borrowing for this book (and sometimes using unskilfully) whatever he fancied in the literature known to him. Besides these two objections — which together, as has been said, are fatal to the partition theory — there is a third, which Jiilicher has urged in his " Introduction to the New Testament." It is what may be called the cumulative improbability of the results reached by apply- ing this method in turn to nearly every New Testament book. " If these gentlemen are right," says Jiilicher, " the Almighty must have set from ninety to a hundred and twenty hands in motion during the first and second centuries to produce a mutilation, unparalleled elsewhere, of all the New Testament texts, with the sole object of creating a field for the brilliant display of the ingenuity of modern historians, for whom no other task is now worthy of notice." - Nevertheless, the work of these critics has not alto- gether been wasted. Their diligence has cleared up the meaning of many obscure passages. They have proved that we can discover to a considerable ext^^nt the mate- rials that the author probably borrowed from earlier writings. They have shown it to be extremely likely that he used a Jewish Apocalypse or Apocalypses and ■"Introduction to the New Testament," New Yotk, 1904, p. 30. l6 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS adapted this previous writing in whole or in part to his own scheme. Light is thrown upon the author's literary methods by the fact that of the four hundred and four verses into which the book has been divided, two hun- dred and seventy-eight contain references to the Old Testament. Yet there are few exact quotations. This makes it probable that the writer used his other sources, whatever they were, in a similar independent manner. Some have also suggested the hypothesis that the visions of which the book consists may have been composed at different times in the author's life, and not put together all at once in their present form. This would help to solve some of the chronological and other difficulties. And there is so much truth as this in Volter's theory: that there may very probably be interpolations here and there by a later hand or hands. Moreover, the " I, John " of 22 : 8 might be interpreted to mean that the book as a whole had been dictated to an amanuensis (as it is tolerably certain was the case with the letters of Paul), and that John now adds a brief epilogue with his own hand. This hypothesis would help to explain some of the crudities of style. At any rate, the author is no master of architectonics. But it will be wise to test these and other like hypotheses rigorously, and to resort to them only where they are required to explain something otherwise inexplicable. Most of the errors of criticism result from treatment of a possibly useful hypothesis as if it were unquestioned and unquestionable fact. i That the book is the product of a single mind is, we repeat, the conclusion to which literary study unmistak- ably points. This is because in every part of the book the influence of a single, definite, striking personality is felt. " Do his works reveal to us a real man? If so, they must be the genuine composition of a true person; apocalypse: literary form 17 110 pseudonymous work has ever succeeded, or could suc- ceed, in exhibiting the supposititious writer as a real personaHty." ^ These words of Ramsay regarding Luke are equally applicable to John. The style of the Apoc- alypse is unique, and the style is the man. None of the New Testament books has so peculiar features ; and these are found not in any single chapter, but throughout the book. The key to most of these peculiarities is this: we have here an author who writes in Greek, but thinks in Hebrew. His mother speech is Aramaic ; and he has acquired his Greek, not in a literary way, through teach- ers and books, but by colloquial use. He has conse- quently acquired it well enough to make it serve him as a medium of expression, but not well enough to write it correctly. Therefore his idioms are often the idioms of the Old Testament ; and he ignores Greek grammar to a degree that is extraordinary and surprising. No other extant specimen of Greek literature contains so many solecisms. Examples are all but innumerable, and are found in every part of the book, which is to most minds one of the strongest reasons for believing in a single authorship. The author follows the Hebrew idiom by putting in the nominative case the word in apposition to any oblique case: TTjV yuvaJxa Ut^djizX ^ liyouaa ("the woman Jezebel who calls herself"), 2 : 20; cf . I : 5 ; 2 : 7, 13; 3 : 8, 13; 4 : i; 11 : 18; 12 : 6; 14 : 12, 19; 20 : 2. He is particularly fond of doing this with a participle: cpov-qv . , . kiyovre^ ("a voice . . . say- ing"), 5 : 12; cf. 14 : 6, 7, 12, 13, 14. Other clear cases of Aramaic influence are: (i) Changing from a participial construc- tion to indicative, which is quite proper in Hebrew but, to say the least, irregular in Greek : rw ayaTzwvrc ijiia^ . . . xai i-Koifjaev ("to him that loves us . . . and has made"), i : 5, 6; 2 : 2, 9; 7 : 14. (2) The singular number used for the plural, a clear Hebraism: Svofxa ("name") for dvofiara, 17 : 8. (3) ol6g ("son"), 12 : 5, used as "child," needing aptrev ("male") to ^ Sir William Ramsay, "Luke the Physician," New York, 1908, p. 31. B l8 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS be added to make the sex certain. (4) The use of nude t he world' s greatest teachers , and well knew the value of repetition. And " JohrT^' may himself have added something to his Master's method, as a result of his own experience as teacher of young Christians at Ephesus — if for the' moment we may accept something of the tradi- tion regarding the later years of the apostle and deduce what is fairly obvious. There is indeed a curious mixture of simplicity and depth, of ordinary vocabulary and extraordinary mean- ing, in this Gospel. Many of the sayings here attributed to Jesus are more pregnant with meaning, more spiritually luminous, show more creative potencies of life, than anything found elsewhere in the New Testament. The thrust of the thought is more powerful even than Paul's — a fact that has often escaped notice, because of the ex- treme simplicity of the sentences in which the thought is clothed. It requires no careful search of the text to discover instances of this; one may almost select at random from the sayings to light on such as these : Unless one be born from above, He cannot see the Kingdom of God (3 : 3). God is Spirit, And they that worship Him must worship in spirit and in truth (4 : 24). I am the Bread of Life : He that comes to me will not hunger. And he that trusts me will never thirst (6 : 35). You will know the truth, And the truth will make you free (8 : 32). He that loves his life, loses it : And he that hates his life in this world Will keep it to life eternal (12 : 25). GOSPEL: PLAN AND CHARACTERISTICS 79 He that has seen me has seen the Father (14 : 9). If a man love mc, he will keep my word (14 : 23). This is my commandment : That you love one another, Just as I have loved you (15 : 12). I pray . . . that they all may be one, Just as thou. Father, art in me, And I in thee (17 : 21). It is sayings like these, in which the Gospel of John is peculiarly rich, so simple in form, so inexhaustibly pro- found in significance, that have always made the book a favorite of the spiritually minded in all the Christian ages, and they go far to justify Luther's epithet, " the truly chief Gospel." If any one would know the heights to which the mind of man has winged its way as it has meditated the things of the spirit, the great problems of the here and the hereafter, let him read the Fourth Gospel; and if he would know the depths to which the human mind has descended in its attempts to evaluate these same spiritual verities, let him read the critics of the Fourth Gospel. 'And this is no more to imply that there is no sound and instructive thought in the litera- ture of criticism, than that all the words of the Gospel are of equal value. Any literature, the greatest, even the book that the reader now holds in his hand, to be read with profit, must be read with discrimination. CHAPTER IV THE CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL ^ TO master any piece of literature, no single method of study suffices. At least two methods must be pursued, neither to the exclusion of the other, since they are complementary. One is to study the whole in the light of the details — a method commonly called exegesis. The other is to study the details in the light of the whole, and is often called exposition. It is perhaps a matter of no great importance which method is first employed, provided the other is not neglected; for there can be no accurate exposition without careful exegesis, nor truthful exegesis without thorough exposition. First of all, after the Prologue, we have a group of seven events, conceived either as testimonies borne to the divine Sonship and Messianic mission of Jesus, or as manifestations of his " glory," his uniquely perfect char- acter, in the earlier part of his ministry. The Gospel begins (i : 19) almost as abruptly as the Gospel of Mark, with the testimony of John the Baptist and certain 1 The author acknowledges that he has found much help in the under- standing of the Fourth Gospel in the writings of commentators and exposi- tors, which he has used diligently and from which he has borrowed much. These borrowings include not only all their ideas that seemed good, but sometimes their exact words. These have been, however, an apt phrase here, a telling clause there — both too numerous and too brief for it to be practi- cable in all cases to acknowledge them, either by specific reference or by quotation-marks. This general acknowledgment of indebtedness must, there- fore, suffice. It is not claimed that any considerable part of this expo- sition is original; the author only hopes that it is true. These remarks apply equally to the expositions of the Apocalypse and the Epistle. No writer, who is also a student, can be certain that anything of his is absolutely original; what he fondly believes to be such may he unconscious reminiscence. 80 CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 8l of his disciples. Knowledge of the preliminary work of John, and its results among the Jewish people, is as- sumed by the author. This work has created such a stir that the national authorities can no longer ignore it; they send a deputation to John, who demand from him an account of himself and a declaration of his authority. He frankly confesses that he is not the Christ, but only the forerunner; but to their demand for his credentials he gives what must have seemed to them a vague and enigmatic, if not evasive, reply. On the very next day (if we are to construe literally this note of time) the Baptist bears public testimony to the Messianic character and divine Sonship of Jesus. The baptism of Jesus we must understand from i : 32-34 to have occurred previously, but though John at that time recognized the Messiah in Jesus, he had not then oppor- tunity to bear his testimony. He now announces that he has beheld the divinely appointed sign of the Spirit of God descending upon Jesus in the form of a dove and remaining on him, and by this he knows Jesus for the Lamb of God, for him who would baptize in the Holy Spirit. But this was to John more than a mere sign of identity; he recognizes and testifies that in this descent of the Spirit Jesus had received the reality of which the holy oil was but a symbol, and was now become the Anointed One, the Messiah, the Christ. With this formal public attestation of his official character, Jesus begins his ministry. With John on that day are two disciples who are, like him, waiting and watching for the coming of the promised Deliverer. Hearing the words of their Master they follow Jesus, and at his invitation spend the rest of the day with him. What a day of days it was to them! How every incident of it must have remained photo- graphed upon their memories to their latest breath. From F 82 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS that interview they are the devoted followers of Jesus — they become his disciples as they had been John's. One of these men was Andrew ; the other, unnamed — who can he be but the author himself? Andrew, in his new enthusiasm, goes in search of his brother Simon, bursts upon him with these words, " We have found the Messiah," and brings him forthwith to his new-found Master and Teacher, Jesus, who needed not to be told what was in any man, beheld in Simon not only the man he was, impulsive, headstrong, fickle, a strange compound of bravery and cowardice ; but the man he would become by God's grace — the leader, the pillar, the tower of strength to his brethren and their common cause — and gives him a new name, expressive of this new character, Kephas, Peter, Rock. The next day Philip is called to be a disciple, and at once accepting the invitation goes to his friend, Nathanael, the Israelite in whom there was no deceit, who, though doubtful at first, is persuaded to see Jesus, and recog- nizes him for what he is. Though we are not told this in so many words, we may be sure that John would not be long in finding his brother James, and with him six of those who are to be the twelve closest disciples have already heard and answered their call. These in- stances illustrate, and were probably recorded to illus- trate, the eagerness with which a select few choice souls, who were prepared by previous spiritual experiences to understand Christ, instinctively perceived his unique char- acter and mission, joyfully welcomed him as one to whom they were drawn by irresistible affinity, and confessed with Nathanael, " Teacher, you are God's Son, you are Israel's King." The author now goes on to relate the first public mani- festation of his " glory " by Jesus — the first " sign " to the world of his character and office — the miracle of CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 83 turning water into wine at Cana. What the effect upon the guests may have been, we can guess, but are not told; what we are told is that his disciples were led by tliis manifestation of himself to give him their whole trust. They had already recognized his exalted character from his words to them; this deed confirms their in- tuitions. It show^s Jesus, as the Christ of God, to be the source of life. King of the physical world as of the spiritual, as far above men in power as he is in character and dignity. After a brief stay at Capernaum, Jesus goes up to Jeru- salem. This ministry in Galilee " John " passes over in almost complete silence, not because it was in his view unimportant, not because it is fully described in the other Gospels, and so need not be told again, but because it is not germane to his purpose. He has set out to tell the story of Christ's appeal to the Jewish nation, and his rejection by its official and spiritual heads. For the same reason he tells us of but one incident of this visit to Jerusalem — the one that exactly fits his theme and purpose. Jesus goes to the temple; he is outraged by the flagrant abuses that have grown up ; before his authoritative manner, before his flaming indignation, the conscience-stricken brokers and dealers flee in dismay. This assumption of authority, this manifestation of moral power, were strictly appropriate for the Messiah, and were a tacit assertion of his official dignity. It was so understood by priests and Sanhedrin — for by " the Jews " are meant either these official representatives of the nation, or their unofficial religious leaders, the scribes and Pharisees — and they instinctively assume a hostile atti- tude to this new prophet and teacher. They demand of him a " sign," that he shall work a miracle to attest his right to such exercise of authority. Jesus refused then, as always, to perform a miracle for the convincing of the 84 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS hostile or incredulous. Nor will he explicitly declare himself to be the Messiah, and thus precipitate the fate that is finally to overtake him. Though no other acts of Jesus during this visit are narrated, it is easy to gather that John is not silent because there was nothing more to tell. Other " signs " that Jesus did are mentioned, and the fact is recorded that many believed on him at this time — which things show that his ministry here was of some duration and in- cluded both teaching and miracles. That he made a pro- found impression in Jerusalem, both upon the people at large and upon their leaders, is evident. At least one of the leaders was favorably impressed by the teaching of Jesus, and desired to know more about him, and ac- cordingly came to him for a private, personal conference. His coming by night may have been due in part to a prudent wish to avoid comment — he was not yet an avowed disciple, and may not have wished to identify himself too closely with a teacher already under suspicion of the authorities. Quite as probable is the conjecture that he came by night, because Jesus was thronged all day by the people, and night offered the only opportunity for a private and prolonged conversation, such as he desired. To Nicodemus Jesus imparts two principles fundamental in his teaching: First, that his kingdom is spiritual, and consequently natural birth gives no one entrance into this kingdom. Jew as well as Gentile must undergo a profound spiritual change before he can be- come a subject of the King. And secondly, he makes clear his atoning work, his redemptive mission. Because his sacrifice was so immeasurable, his exaltation is so matchless — the way of lowliness, of service, of death, is the way of greatness, of glory, in his kingdom. While we have no definite information regarding the length of this stay in Jerusalem, we may plausibly guess CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 85 that it was not more than a few weeks at most. It must have created great excitement, and even exposed Jesus to the danger of immediate arrest. We may read these things between the hues, as the reason for his going into the rural districts, where there would be less ex- citement and danger of interference. He continues to teach and make disciples. His success was so great that the jealousy of certain disciples of the Baptist was roused; they come to their Master complaining that he is in danger of eclipse. John again bears most emphatic testimony that Jesus is the Christ, of whom he has claiined to be only the forerunner. There is no room for jealousy in the great heart of the Baptist; he knows that his work is nearly done. Henceforth he must decrease and Jesus must increase, and he rejoices that such is the case. The Pharisees continue their opposition, and Jesus thinks it the part of prudence to leave Judea for a time. On the journey, at Jacob's well, he meets a Samaritan woman and converses at length with her. Three prin- cipal themes are found in this discourse: (i) Jesus de- clares himself to be the Water of Life, the source of spiritual power; (2) he makes clear the nature of genuine Avorship, that its essence is not in time or place or ritual, but in the relation of man's spirit to God, who is Spirit; (3) he first explicitly declares himself to be the Mes- siah. What he would not tell to hostile unbelief at Jeru- salem he discloses to simple faith at Sychar. For several days he tarries in the town, and many believe on him there. It is easy to see why John relates this episode : it is, in some respects, the most striking of all the mani- festations of the " glory " of Jesus. A hated Jew, the power of his character and teaching are so convincing that multitudes give him their entire trust. There could be no more emphatic contrast between the faith of these 86 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS Samaritans and the unbelief and rejection of the Jews. To make that contrast as vivid as possible is the writer's evident object. Which ought a religious teacher to regard as the greater failure — to elicit no faith from a part of his hearers, or to rouse a wrong kind of faith in another part? In Judea, in spite of having created a great furore, Jesus had on the whole been coldly received, suspected, rejected; in Galilee men received him favorably because they had heard of his signs and wonders at Jerusalem. Only in Samaria did his message find a ready acceptance for its own sake, for its intrinsic worth. It is perhaps because of this attitude on the part of the men of Galilee that " John " elects to tell but one incident of the early minis- try there. He evidently chose this one, not because it was not told in the earlier Gospels, but because it was a strik- ing manifestation of the " glory " of Jesus, inasmuch as it called forth faith of a peculiar quality, such as he did not often find in Galilee or elsewhere. It was natural that this royal officer should seek Jesus — a journey of twenty miles or so — a father in such case will leave noth- ing untried. What was not to be expected was the officer's instant and entire confidence in the mere word of Jesus, a confidence that next day he found to be fully justified. Such faith was peculiarly grateful to Jesus. Every man would rather be valued for what he is than for what he can bestow. The faith that sees in Jesus the chiefest among ten thousand and the one altogether lovely, is surely dearer to him now, in his exaltation, than the faith that sees in him only the most willing and boun- tiful of givers — though he may not repudiate the latter sort of faith, and may honor it more than it deserves. In his first " sign " at Cana, Jesus had shown himself lord of the forces of nature that minister to the needs of man. Now he shows that his lordship is such that he CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 87 can heal disease. But who can do this except one that has power also to minister to minds diseased, to heal sickness of soul as well as of body? II Here, with the second main division of the Gospel, begins a series of seven distinct and direct appeals to the representatives of the Jewish nation, all but one of which are made in Jerusalem. These appeals are arranged in a rising scale, a crescendo of interest and power. Four of them have their starting-point in the performance of a notable miracle, or " sign," and in each case the miracle is followed by an address or sermon. The first of the incidents is the healing of the lame man at the pool of Bethesda. His lameness had been caused by sin; the man had become hopeless of cure. What a type of sin and its results! for sin is paralysis, sin is the maiming of all our powers, sin is a hopeless condition apart from divine healing. This healing, which took place during an unnamed feast, was a sign of un- deniable power, but nevertheless gave occasion for a enlarge by the Pharisees that Jesus had violated the Sab- bath. We see how rapidly unbelief hardens into opposi- tion. In his discourse, Jesus shows how absurd the charge of sacrilege really is, but this only in passing ; his main purpose is to announce his divine Sonship and the proofs by which his mission is authenticated. The Jews rightly understood him to claim equality with God, as his real ground of justification in the course he was pur- suing. His mission, he declares, is to honor the Father by doing his works. God is the source of Life, but he has given to the Son power to make alive. God is Judge, but he has committed all judgment to the Son. This is not inconsistent with the declarations of Jesus elsewhere 88 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS (3 : 17; 8 : 15) that he did not come into the world to judge the world. All hearing of the gospel is necessarily a judgment; men either accept the truth and find life, or they reject it and continue in death. A testing, winnow- ing self-judgment of hearers is inseparable from the teaching of truth. In short, the Son is the revelation of the Father, he has come into the world to declare God to man. This mission is authenticated by three lines of proof: (i) the testimony of John; (2) the testimony of the works; (3) the testimony of the Scriptures. If they really believed Moses and the prophets they would be- lieve him; their rejection of him proves that they did not really believe Moses or understand the Scriptures. They could not believe Jesus because their ideals were earthly, as they showed by preferring the applause of men to tlie honor of God. It was desirable that at least one appeal should be made to the Pharisees and leaders of Galilee. The second notable miracle, the feeding of five thousand, was made the occasion of such an appeal. In the syna- gogue at Capernaum Jesus delivered a long discourse, in which he explained the spiritual significance of that miracle, and made clear the manward aspect of his mission. He had come into the world that men might have life — had come to satisfy their hunger with the Bread of Life. He was himself that Bread — in him was to be found the satisfaction of the spiritual hunger of men, and only those that feed on his flesh and drink his blood, that is, become partakers of his nature, receive eternal life. To a material mind, the figurative way in which this teaching was given would naturally seem grossly material, and so we need not wonder that the Jews "murmured" (discussed, complained, criticized in a hostile spirit). It is more surprising that some of his disciples declared such teaching to be intolerable, and CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 89 that from that day many who had hitherto professed discipleship turned away from him. This was the crisis of the work in Gahlee. Those who sougiit material blessings, those who had political aspira- tions, fell away, unable to receive a teaching so spiritual, caring nothing for a kingdom not of this world, or for food that did not nourish the body. But the Twelve, and some others doubtless, remained faithful. With Peter they believed that Jesus had words of eternal life, that his words and works avowed him to be God's Anointed One. He satisfied their deepest spiritual wants. Yet already Jesus could see in Judas signs of that de- fection which was to come. The remaining appeals to the nation were made in Jerusalem. The authorities generally say that " John " is the most precise in his chronology of all the evangelists, which is true in a sense, though it is also true that " John " does not care a button for chronology. What he shows us is that Jesus made his appeals to the nation in con- nection wdth the great national feasts ; partly because he had greater opportunity to present his teachings at those times, partly because the crowds then present were a protection to him. The Sanhedrin did not venture for some time to risk the disapprobation of the multitude by arresting him during a feast. Again and again we are told that he would have been summarily dealt with by that body but for this fear of the people, in whose eyes Jesus was a prophet. The feast of Booths afforded an excellent occasion for teaching the multitudes, and making an appeal to the scribes and Pharisees. Jesus declined to be moved by his brothers' taunts to make a demonstrative entry of the city and a public proclamation of his Messianic char- acter. A few months later, at the Passover feast, he did this; and the result was his speedy death, as he had 90 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS foreseen. Not to provoke such an untimely fate, while his work was still but half done, he now goes up quietly, but teaches publicly in the temple. The authorities and leaders were astonished at his teaching, indeed perplexed, because he had not been a pupil of any rabbi and be- longed to none of the recognized schools or parties. But already among the people the question was anxiously discussed whether this teacher were not in truth the Christ. Enraged by this, the Pharisaic party in the Sanhedrin sent officers to arrest him, but these were so impressed by the teaching that they returned without their prisoner, saying, " No man ever talked like this ! " What had so impressed them? A discourse in which Jesus declared that he was soon going whither they could not come, and because they did not believe his teaching they would die in their sins. He also declared more plainly than ever before his divine authority for his teachings : " He that sent me is with me. He has not left me alone, because I always do the things pleasing to him." On the last day of the feast the teaching of Jesus becomes more emphatic; he promises the Water of Life; he declares that he alone can make men free. There is a tone of unusual sharpness in his denunciations of " the Jews " (some rabbis apparently had engaged in contro- versy with him), for he now says they are not children of Abraham at all. The Jews could not receive him be- cause he was not their ideal of a Messiah ; and they had such an ideal because they had become alienated from God and so misunderstood the Scriptures. In con- clusion, Jesus makes what every Jew would understand to be a claim of divine nature. " Before Abraham was, I am." They attempted to stone him for blasphemy. The rising tide of opposition is almost ready to overwhelm Jesus — the people begin to join their leaders. CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 9I The healing of the man bom blind, which seemingly happened during this visit, deepens the intensity of feel- ing. It is symbolic, like all of the miracles of Jesus, and the discourse following in the treasury of the temple made clear its meaning. Jesus is the Light of the world ; he has come to dispel the darkness, to cure the moral blindness that sin has caused. But he has also come for " judgment," for testing and sifting men. Those who, like the Pharisees, are not conscious of their need of heal- ing and insist that they see, must remain in their dark- ness and guilt. The Jewish leaders not only could not receive this teaching, but they had the blind man who had been healed expelled from the synagogue, because he proclaimed his trust in Jesus as the Christ. Persecution quickly followed rejection. Passing over the intervening time without comment, " John " comes to the feast that commemorated the dedi- cation of the temple. Again Jesus makes his appearance in Jerusalem and teaches in the temple, this time in Sol- omon's colonnade. " The Jews " challenge him to tell frankly whether he is the Messiah or not, but he docs not permit them to force him into a premature declaration of himself. Yet he gives an implicit declaration of his office and work, in the allegories of the Good Shepherd and the Door; and he closes his discourse with the announce- ment that he and his Father are one. Again the Jews make a demonstration of stoning him, for what they regarded as blasphemous words, but he shows that the Scriptures which they accepted as God's word contained precedents for such language. Escaping an attempt to arrest him, and judging that the excitement and opposition had become too great for him to continue his teaching in Jerusalem, Jesus went for a time to Perea. From now on he teaches only those who come to him of their own choice for instruction. 93 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS Luke has given us a very full account of this part of his ministry. Chapters ii to 13 of the Third Gospel are given to this subject, and contain among other things the discourse on prayer, the parables of the Prodigal Son, the Unjust Stew^ard, and the Pharisee and Pub- lican, as well as the incident of the rich young ruler. " John " merely says that many came to him at that time and believed. This Perean ministry was interrupted by the greatest of the miracles of Jesus, the raising of Lazarus. The key to the chapter describing this event and its consequences is given us in the words, " I am the resurrection and the life." This " sign " again discloses Jesus as Lord of all things, including life and death, as the one in whom alone men have hope of eternal life. The miracle in the flesh was wrought only to turn men's minds to the miracle in the spirit that he was equally able and equally ready to work. But instead of this, it merely embittered his enemies and precipitated the long-preparing catastrophe. Jesus foresaw the consequences — the final rejection of his claims by the Jewish leaders, who, instead of being convinced by the truth of his teaching, were infuriated by his success to the point of including Lazarus with Jesus in their scheme of vengeance. It was knowledge of this stifif-necked opposition, as well as the faint faith of his closest disciples, that made Jesus so indignant in spirit as he approached the tomb of Lazarus, and drew from him tears that the bystanders incorrectly interpreted as evidence of his great love and grief for his friend. He was not grieving for the dead Lazarus, but for liv- ing sinners, whose fixity of unbelief and malignant op- position cut him to the heart. They had scornfully rejected him without taking pains to comprehend his teaching. He was not the sort of Messiah they were looking for, so in their eyes he was CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 93 an impostor. But they greatly feared that his miracles would lead the people to accept him, and that a revolt against Rome would be the natural consequence — a re- volt certain to be unsuccessful, and to be punished by a still further loss of their liberties. There was, there- fore (granting the validity of their premises), but one prudent course to pursue: to suppress this false Mes- siah before worse mischief should be done. Their cul- pability lay in the fact that they had not even attempted to understand Jesus and his teachings ; had they done so, their fears would have been shown to be groundless. Jesus was put to death in complete misapprehension of his aims; but, if they had understood him better, would the Jewish leaders have believed in him more readily? Nothing warrants an affirmative answer. After the raising of Lazarus, Jesus again goes across the Jordan, to await the Passover, when he will make the final manifestation of himself and complete his work. At the proper time he goes up to Jerusalem. Jesus may have made no appreciable impression on the Jewish lead- ers, he may have made less impression on the people than his large following would suggest; but, at any rate, he had a small company of intimate friends and disciples in whose hearts he was enshrined forever, in whose love and fidelity he could unquestioningly trust. His friends are the measure of his " glory." The story of the supper at Bethany is therefore told by " John " for its own sake and in its proper order, while the other Gospels tell it out of its chronological order, merely to explain the treason of Judas. The anger of this unworthy disciple at the rebuke of Jesus no doubt precipitated action that he had perhaps long secretly meditated. On the following morning Jesus makes his entry into the city. The news of his coming has preceded him, and disciples come forth to welcome him. If there has been 94 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS a steadily growing unbelief and hostility among the ruling classes, there has also been a rising tide of belief and enthusiasm among the people. The enthusiasm of the crowd leads them to make a considerable demonstration, and Jesus does not check them. The time has come for him to declare himself unmistakably, and he accepts the title of Messiah as his of right when the acclaiming crowd confers it on him. When he reaches the temple, Jesus finds certain Greeks desiring to see and hear him, and he hails this as proof that his work has culminated, his mission is accomplished, since his fame has gone beyond the narrow limits of Judea. Henceforth nothing remains but to fructify by his death the truth he has been teaching. He leaves the temple with his work on earth completed. His few remaining hours of life belong to the inner circle of his disciples, that he may impress himself as deeply as possible on their consciousness and prepare them to become his apostles and witnesses. Ill Eight chapters — nearly half the entire writing, exclu- sive of Prologue and Epilogue — are devoted by " John " to the last manifestations and testimonies of Jesus. The greater part of this matter is peculiar to " John," and even when he describes scenes and events that are narrated in the other Gospels with sufficient fulness for biographical purposes, the point of view from which he writes is so novel and the end he keeps in mind is so distinctive, that he is invariably led to give fresh incidents and illuminat- ing details. We see this in the very first of the seven subdivisions of this part — the account of the Last Sup- per. Of the supper itself " John " says little, and of the institution of the eucharist he says nothing at all — an CONTENT OF THE FOURTH GOSPEL 95 omission that at llrst seems unaccountable and incredible, until we remind ourselves once more of his main object in writing, and then we see why he tells us only the one incident of Jesus washing the disciples' feet. This was the supreme manifestation of Jesus' love. While his dis- ciples were disputing w^hich should be greatest in the kingdom, and striving which should have the seats of honor at table, he performs this menial service — not to teach humility, as is so commonly said, but to teach love, as he himself says (13 : i) : the love that he actually had for his disciples, the love that they should have for each other. (13 : 12-17.) ^^ thus says to them in symbol, what he soon after says in word, " This is my commandment, that you love one another, even as I have loved you." In the conversation at the supper, we have one of the purely personal touches that are a part of the charm of this Gospel. " John " alone tells, as he alone of the evan- gelists knew at first hand, of the byplay between him- self and Peter regarding the betrayer of Jesus. For tradition cannot be wrong in its uniform maintenance that " the disciple whom Jesus loved " is to be regarded both here and elsewhere as no other than John himself. After the departure of the traitor — smarting at the knowledge that his treason is now known not only to his Master, but to at least two of his fellow disciples, and burning to accomplish his evil purpose and receive his reward — ^Jesus begins the most tender and impressive of all his discourses. All that he says may be naturally classified under two topics : Union with Christ, and the Coming of the Comforter. We may then conceive the discourse as beginning with chapter 15, and the allegory of the Vine. (15 : 1-8.) From this Jesus passes to the New Commandment that he is about to leave with them (13 : 34, 35), and the 96 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS subject is continued in 15 : 9-27. Union with Christ, as of the branches with the vine, a union whose proof and manifestation are furnished in their mutual love — this is the topic of the discourse. The other topic, the Coming of the Comforter, to which transition is made in 15 : 26, 27, is continued in 16 : l-II and 16-33. Then we return for its further discussion to 13 : 31, whence the discourse moves on to 14 : 29, to which should be added 16 : 12-15, and as the con- clusion of the whole, 14 : 30, 31. One can hardly miss the purpose of the author in so fully repeating to us these discourses. They are the crowning manifestation by Jesus to his disciples of his " glory," his unique character. Only the incarnate Word could thus intimately speak of his Father ; only the incar- nate Word could declare that " he that has seen me has seen the Father " ; only the incarnate Word could speak of " the Comforter, whom I will send you." As these promises gave a new idea of their Master to the disciples who first heard them — an idea that never ceased to deepen and broaden — so the permanent record of them, it seemed to John, could not but give readers for all time a truer idea of the real character of Jesus Christ. And now, having finished his instructions to his dis- ciples, Jesus pours out his whole soul to his Father in prayer. This chapter 17 is the most wonderful chapter of the Bible, for by admitting us to the privacy of his communion with his Father, our Lord has taken us into the very holy of holies. This is commonly called " Christ's Intercessory Prayer," and the title is so far justified as this: Jesus does in this prayer make inter- cession for his disciples, present and to be. But this is to name the prayer from a single element in it, and that not the most important. The chief thing in the prayer is not Christ's concern for his disciples, but Christ's rela- CONTEXT OF THE FOURTH GOSFEL 97 tion to his Father. His work on earth is finished, he is standing (so to speak) by his open grave, he is in the very article of death, and under these circumstances he solemnly commends to his heavenly Father himself, his work, and his followers. Far more appropriately than to the prayer given by Matthew and Luke, the name of the Lord's Prayer might have been given to this outpour- ing of our Lord's inmost heart. The other prayer should be called the Disciples' Prayer. It is, of course, hopeless to think of changing a usage that has so rooted itself in Christian literature, but w^e can at least remember that this is the real Lord's Prayer, and so think of it. And as to its substance, let us note that it is largely communion with God, soul to soul, heart to heart. It is not mainly petition. Petition has its place in this, as in all prayer, but here its place is distinctly subordinate. Communion, fellowship — that is the essence of prayer. If we come to God only to seek gifts from him, even spir- itual gifts, we have not yet learned the nature of true prayer. L"^pon the three testimonies of the arrest and trial, the crucifixion, death and burial, and the resurrection, it is not necessary to dwell. The author's purpose is evi- dent in each case ; the bearing of Jesus under this supreme test, the proofs of his divine nature that he continually gave, correspond to the general theme and round out the account of the incarnate Word. The words and incidents that " John " alone reports — we may note especially the in- cident of " the doubting Thomas " — are such as precisely suit his purpose to let the greatness of Christ's character speak for itself. He was right in believing that Jesus is himself the most convincing argument for the truth of Christianity, as generations of readers of this Gospel have discovered and testified. With chapter 20 the Gospel proper ends, but who would G 98 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS wish omitted the Epilogue and its personal reminiscences ? It is the most touching manifestation of the character of Jesus in the whole book : his unbounded love and mercy, the forgiveness that could restore Peter without rebuke (save one delicately hinted) to his place of primacy and influence among the apostles. CHAPTER V THE EPISTLES OF JOHN: THEIR LITERARY CHARACTERISTICS AND CONTENT NOTHING can be plainer to one who deeply and can- didly studies the First Epistle of John than the fact that it is not a letter. It is most unfortunate that this misleading title has become so firmly attached to the document; for, on the one hand, no attempt to change it could have the slightest prospect of success, while, on the other, such a name obscures the real nature of the book and has led to no end of misinterpretation. The writing lacks every peculiarity of letter-writing, as one may see by comparing it with the Epistles of Paul, genuine letters if any letters were ever written. The literary affinities of John's writing are with the Wisdom literature. With this, the uncanonical books as well as the canonical, the author may be fairly presumed to have been well acquainted. These affinities, however, extend only to literary form. In spirit this " epistle " is unmis- takably, even aggressively, Christian. The lack of con- tinuity of thought, so perplexing to those who persist in regarding this as epistolary in literary form, becomes ap- propriate and even characteristic in a composition of the Wisdom order. This is not put forward as any new discovery. The lack of epistolary features in this writing has always been felt, and has frequently been acknowledged, by Christian scholars who have undertaken to expound it. The difficulty is that they appear to have lacked the courage of their convictions, and could not persuade 99 lOO THE JOHANNIXE WRITINGS themselves to treat the hook as they felt it should be treated. For example, Dr. Horatio B. Hackett, one of the greatest exegetes that America has produced, in the notes that he used to dictate to his classes, said : " The ideas in the Epistle are not presented with any strict method, but follow each other with a freedom character- istic of a familiar letter." The candid recognition of fact in the first clause is as clear and characteristic of Doctor Hackett as his inability to break away from tradi- tional conclusions in the second. Bishop Westcott, in his excellent commentary on the book, remarks : "It is ex- tremely difficult to determine with certainty the structure of the Epistle. No single arrangement is able to take account of the complex development of thought which it offers, and of the many connections which exist between its dift'erent parts." But after this judicious comment he proceeds to do what he declares to be impossible — he makes an extended " analysis " that purports to show entire continuity of thought. Doctor Salmond, in the Hastings " Bible Dictionary," quite agrees with these distinguished scholars in both particulars. He says of the book: "It has nothing of the formal structure, the systematic course, the dialectical movement of these (the Pauline Epistles) ... It takes the form of a succession of ideas which seem to have no logical connection, and which fall only now and then into a connected series. They are delivered, not in the way of reasoned statements, but as a series of reflections and declarations given in meditative, aphoristic fashion." That is excellently said; it goes right to the heart of the matter. And yet, will it be believed that, in the very teeth of this, Doctor Salmond proceeds to give us an elaborate " Order of Thought," which fills two closely printed columns, and extends to nearly two thou- sand words ! epistles: characteristics and content ioi All these and other like inconsistencies would disap- pear in a moment, if eminent scholars would have the courage to treat the book as they declare that it should be treated. We must set aside from the beginning of our study all notion that this is a letter, and look upon the writing as a tractate, a literary production of the Wisdom type, whose distinguishing mark is not continuity of thought, but the very reverse. In other words, we have here a collection of brief essays or Thoughts, more or less connected through their mutual relations to a general theme. A brief prologue states this theme, and an equally brief epilogue sums up what the writer regards as the chief things established by what he has written. This gives to the collection a quasi-methodical air that it would otherwise not possess. It would not be correct, however, to say that the book consists of disconnected paragraphs, but the connection of its component parts is rather that of variations on one theme, than the logical nexus that we expect in a letter, still more in a theological discussion. Sometimes the closing sentence of one Thought has obviously suggested the opening sentence of the next ; sometimes one para- graph is found to be a development of some idea con- tained in or germane to a paragraph preceding; some- times little or no connection between parts can be traced without a too ingenious exegesis ; we may even find abrupt and complete transition of thought. Such phrases as " I write unto you," which are not infrequent, and the continual use of endearing address, " little children," " brothers," " beloved," are not at all inconsistent with this view of the literary form of the Epistle. This form of personal appeal is frequent in the Wisdom literature, and is well known to readers of the Proverbs and the Wisdom of Solomon: but the form of address in the Wisdom literature, " my son," has been changed to more I02 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS distinctively Christian salutations. There is as little question that the book was written for Christians, as that it was not addressed to Christians. The Gospel was writ- ten to make believers, the Epistle to comfort and establish saints. The full meaning and significance of this book can be appreciated, it is believed, only as it is interpreted from the point of view above defined. But there is, of course, an alternative theory of the literary characteristics of this writing, and certain German critics have not hesi- tated to adopt it — namely, to hold that the author at- tempted to write a letter, and failed for lack of skill. Baur saw in the book an " indefiniteness," a " tendency to repetition," a want of " logical force," that gives the Epistle "a tone of ^childlike feebleness." It Is, in short, precisely such an Epistle as John might have been ex- pected to produce in his dotage. But why, one asks, should we demand that every writing be orderly, logical, definite, and free from repetitions, on pain of being pronounced childish? It is the dotage of criticism that proposes such a critical test. What would be the result if such a canon were applied to literature outside of the books of the New Testament? Were Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius and Pascal in their dotage, and has the world been wrong all these centuries in accepting their writings as belonging to that small collection of literature that is all pure gold? S. G. Lange also found in the writing the " feebleness of old age," but why should we not rather see in such a criticism the feebleness of the critic? The lack of Insight, of literary taste and feeling, shown in such criticisms is pitiful rather than blame- worthy; and there has been a plentiful sufficiency of just such Inept ^vrltlng in the productions of Germans famous for their biblical scholarship and historical learn- ing. One need have no hesitation in saying that the epistles: CIIAKACIEKISTICS AND CONTENT IO3 student of this Epistle who cannot feel its unique power, cannot discern its vigor, vividness, originality, freshness, and, above all, its spiritual insight, ought by all means to devote himself and his powers to some other pursuit than literary criticism. Giving to the theory of the literary form and char- acteristics of the Epistle as above set forth a provisional acceptance, let us study the document in detail. Prologue. 1:1-4 This is strikingly like, and as strikingly different from, the Prologue to the Fourth Gospel. It introduces us at once to the two fundamental ideas of the writer, which he is here announcing, a Person and a Fact. The Person is here, as in the Gospel, the Word, eternal, source of Life. The Fact is the Incarnation or earthly manifesta- tion of this Revealer of the Father, not stated explicitly, as in the Gospel ("the Word was made flesh"), but implicitly ("the Hfe was manifested"). This fact has a threefold attestation : hearing, sight, touch. Thus early the apostle makes plain his antagonism to the form of Gnosticism known as Docetism. Jesus was no phantom, but the Word became man and lived a real human life. To this the writer bears personal testimony. And the object of this testimony and announcement is to bring his readers into fellowship with him, and so into fel- lowship with God and his Son. In such fellowship is the consummation of the Christian's joy. The theme of the book is thus plainly stated, and its method foreshadowed. It is to consist of a series of meditations, through which will run these two threads : the new spiritual life that has its source in the eternal Word ; and that fellowship with him which is the highest privilege and joy of believers. 104 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS I. God is Light, i : 5-7 In the first meditation the apostle sums up again his whole message. He is not afraid of repetition; he knows how useful, how indispensable it is to the teacher; but he does not merely repeat, he adds something. His object he has already declared to be the establishing of Chris- tian fellowship on the basis of fellowship with God. But fellowship rests on mutual knowledge, and it is there- fore first of all necessary that we should know God. This is the message that makes fellowship possible : God is Light. Light is a higher potency of God's manifesta- tion of himself than Life. But this does not refer pri- marily to manifestation ; it designates the divine essence ; it describes what God is, not what God does. He pos- sesses in fullest perfection and intensity that spiritual nature which may be typified to us by Light. In him all goodness, all perfection, dwell ; he is absolutely pure and glorious. In verse 7 God is described as not only Light, but as " being in the Light " — that is, he radiates Light, clothes himself with it as a garment. God is therefore self -communicating by his very nature, and imparts him- self to man, and man is able to receive him. As flower to the sun, so man made in the divine image instinctively turns to God. And as Light, God is also Life, for light is the fundamental and indispensable condition of our existence. Darkness is the negation of light, and signifies the contrary of all that God is, the sphere of life and con- duct undivine, opposed to God. Revelation of what God is determines man's relations to him. Hence, says the apostle, if we claim fellowship with God, and yet our entire life is in a sphere outside of God, opposed to God, we make a claim patently false and we have no connection Avith the divine fulness of truth. For truth is not only thought, but action; not epistles: characteristics and content 105 merely speculation, but character. I do, therefore 1 am. A Christian life is impossible where there is no corre- spondence between profession and moral action, where faith is disjoined from ethics. And hence, on the other hand, if we live in the sphere of God's character and influence, two results follow. First, Christian fellowship, a common interest and life among believers. True fellowship with God is here represented as coming through, or at least as being proved by, fellowship with men, our fellow believers in Christ. This first result is a result of relationship with others, but there is another, for life in the Light cannot fail to have its effects on him who lives it — he is cleansed from all sin. Not forgiveness of sins merely — that the believer receives at the moment he passes from death to life; that is justification — but cleansing from sin, sanctification. The verb used here, xadapl^o), " cleanse," is in the present, not the aorist, and hence does not signify an act per- formed once for all, as in justification, but a continuous process, little by little, as life in the Light continues. Sanctification is here attributed to the blood of Christ, blood and life being generally convertible terms in the Scriptures. No sanctification is conceivable that is not the eflfect of Christ's power of life working in the be- liever who lives in the Light. 2. Our Advocate, i : 8 to 2 : 2 The mention of sin leads to this new meditation. A question naturally presents itself : How has he that walks in the Light anything more to do with sin? Can he be a Christian and still sin? May he not, should he not, expect perfection? Is he not free from the law, and may he not assert that sin is an accident of conduct, not a prin- ciple of life within him? The question is a perplexing Io6 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS one, to which the easiest answer is a general denial; and so, the antinomian solves the problem at a stroke: the Christian is freed from the law and cannot sin, for with- out law there is no transgression. No, says the apostle, this answer is inadmissible. Denial of sin and of the need of cleansing is an evidence that one is not walking in Light, but in darkness. We still have sin — a phrase peculiarly Johannine, which distinguishes between the sinful principle and the sinful act, which latter he de- scribes by the verb sin or commit sin. Denial of sin is not merely falling into error, it is entering on an alto- gether false and godless course of life. We know the assertion to be false, yet persuade ourselves that it is true, and so we lead ourselves astray and the truth cannot be in us as an informing and transforming power. Without consciousness of sin, there cannot be even the beginning of the life of truth, much less continuance in it. If sin thus besets us (cf. Heb. 12 : i, " the closely cling- ing sin"), how shall we be rid of it and of its conse- quences? By confession, says the apostle. But confes- sion does not relate to sin, rather to sins. The denial is made in the abstract, but the confession is to be made in the concrete ; the specific, overt acts of transgression are to be acknowledged, openly, before all men. We are in- deed conscious of sin, but we cannot successfully contend against it as a principle or state ; we can only oppose its manifestation in specific cases. Hence we can gain de- liverance from sin only through forgiveness of sins. This forgiveness is rooted in the character of God ; it is because he is faithful to his promises and righteous that he will not only forgive (that is, remit the consequences of our sins, as a debt owed hirn), but will in addition cleanse us from everything that is not in accord with his own character. Both the last verbs are in the aorist ; this may be simply the aorist of completed action, the writer look- epistles: characteristics and content 107 ing forward to the end; or it may have been the apostle's thought that, as the sins confessed are specific, so are the forgiveness and the cleansing. But a man may recognize the true character and per- manence of sin, and yet maintain that he has not sinned. Pelagius taught that some men keep the law^ of God per- fectly and are saved by their obedience. Not so, says the apostle. Such denial of sin is blasphemous; by it we would degrade God, if that were possible, from the realm of truth into that of falsehood, since we proclaim that he has dealt falsely with all men in treating them all as sinners. The whole of God's revelation assumes sin as a premise, implies that normal relations between God and man have been interrupted. But for this there would have been no need of God's Son coming into the world. By such denial of the thing fundamental in revela- tion, all possible fellowship with God is destroyed, and his words, as spirit and life, a power laying fast hold on men and transforming them, have no place in our hearts. I am writing these things to you, continues the apostle, that you may not sin at all (the verb denotes the single act, not the state). He is not merely warning them against the danger of converting his teaching about for- giveness into license for continuance in sin, but is rather aiming to produce in them the completeness of life in the Light. In spite of abiding sinfulness of nature, their purpose should be not to fall into specific acts of trans- gression. This is the double goal : cleansing from sin and freedom from sins. Yet it may happen tliat the Christian will be carried into sins that contradict the tenor of his life; it will be possible therefore to say of him, -^fiapTe, " he sinned," but not A/iaprduec, " he lives in sin." If this has happened to him who is walking in the Light, let him not despair, for we (note the sig- loS THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS nificant change of pronoun, not the sinner only, but all Christians) have an Advocate, Counselor, Helper, with the Father. This word Paraclete is the same used by Jesus of the Holy Spirit (John 14 : 16, etc.), but this is not inconsistent with its use here, for everywhere in the New Testament the Holy Spirit is the Spirit of Jesus Christ. Both the humanity and the deity of the Mediator are here recognized in the double name. Two conditions of successful mediatorship are implied by the apostle, both of which were fulfilled in Jesus Christ: (i) He was fitted for his mediatorial office and work by his charac- ter — ^he is the " righteous " one (corresponding to the " righteous " God of 1:9) who has accomplished per- fectly all that is revealed to us of the Father's nature; (2) the case advocated must be in conformity with the divine righteousness. This was accomplished by his tak- ing away our unrighteousness. He is himself a propitia- tion or means of reconciliation with God, in behalf of the sins of all men. He is the high-priestly offering through which sin is expiated. And this expiation is not merely in behalf of Christians, but of the " whole world " — words that have the broadest possible meaning, which it is not possible to restrict by any honest exegesis. If the pro- pitiation does not in fact effect the salvation of all men, the failure is not due to the extent of the propitiation — that is sufficient in worth and dignity to secure the salva- tion of every man that comes into this world. 3. Obedience the Test of Love. 2 : 3-6 The apostle's general object is to make known the Word, that men may be brought into fellowship with him. He has just declared the remedy for sin, and now proceeds to point out the signs of its efficacy. How are men to be sure that they know God as Light and Jesus epistles: characteristics and content 109 Christ as Advocate and propitiation? What evidence can they give to others that they possess such knowledge? Mere profession is nothing. We perceive that men know God hy this test: they possess character like God's. Knowledge no less than fellowship produces assimilation of character, and so tends to manifest itself in conduct that accords with God's nature. For the commandments are the expression of what God is, and what we must be if we are in fellowship with God, who is Light. To profess fellowship with him and yet not keep his com- mandments is not only obvious falseliood — there is no correspondence of word to fact — but shows that the whole character is false. Truth is in a man when it is an active principle, regulating his thought and action — this cannot be said of the man whose conduct contradicts his profession. In any man who keeps God's word, not his commandments merely, but the spirit of the law as well as the letter — the love of God has been perfected, because love is the fulhlling of the law. The truth is not merely in him, but has reached its consummation — love is perfect, because obedience is complete. This is true, whether " love of God " is objective or subjective genitive, whether it means the love that God shows us, or the love of which God is the object, or has the still larger sense of the love that is characteristic of God. This divine character in us is not only the proof to others that we love God, and are walking in the Light, but is the test by w'hich we know ourselves to be united to him. It follows, therefore, that he who professes to abide in God, to be in full and permanent fellowship with him, must live the Christ-life, not as a necessity laid upon him, but as an obligation that he has voluntarily assumed. Not the mere semblance, but the reality, of godliness must be his. This imitation of Christ is the infallible mark of the Christian — that we follow the Christ-pattern in a no THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS life of humiliation, suffering, sacrifice, is proof that we are in union with him. 4. A Commandment New and Old. 2 : 7-1 1 The mention of the love of God naturally suggests brotherly love. The apostle puts his teaching into a paradox. The commandment is new or old according to the point of view. Brotherly love is no new command- ment, because from the beginning of proclaiming the gos- pel, the word of God to man, love has been the law of life. The gospel is nothing else than a message of love from God, and its end is to make men love God and their fellows. On the other hand, Jesus himself calls the commandment a new one, because it was given by him in a new form and with a new sanction, " Love one an- other as I have loved you." This was a new and stronger incentive to brotherly love; resting on this foundation and enforced by this example, it was indeed a new com- mandment. While this duty was enjoined by the gospel from the first, the words and works of Christ have be- come better understood, and so the commandment has been found in more complete accord than was at first per- ceived with the facts of Christ's life on the one hand, and with the facts of Christian experience on the other. This love of our fellows, perceived to be characteristic of their Master, must be realized in his followers. It has been brought into the world only through the example of Christ, and it can be attained by us only through fel- lowship with him. The paradox is shown to be justified by the change that has been produced through the pro- claiming of the gospel of love: Because the power of evil has been broken — it has not yet passed away, but is now in the act of passing, is being drawn aside as a cur- tain — and the genuine light is shining, the kingdom of epistles: characteristics and context hi God, the reign of righteousness, has begun to triumph. But whether a man is still in the darkness or the hght, whether he really belongs to the kingdom of God or the kingdom of Satan, is a matter about which he may deceive himself. It is in vain for one who hates his brother — not his neighbor, merely, but a fellow Christian — to pro- fess himself a member of Christ's kingdom. His moral condition is the exact opposite of that which he claims, and doubtless sincerely believes, to be his. On the other hand, he that loves his brother is not merely in the king- dom of God, but abides there in a condition of stability and certitude. His love is not the cause of his fellow- ship with God, but the consequence and proof of that fellowship. He will never cause others to fall — on the contrary, his character will be an inspiration and help to them — but lack of love is a prolific source of offenses. Finally, love clarifies the vision, while hate blinds the eyes. To see the truth, light and love are necessary; hatred means loss of the very faculty of seeing, and the life of the hater is one continual stumbling in the dark. 5. The Writer's Purpose. 2 : 12-14 The apostle now states in a dift'erent form his pur- pose in writing these meditations. He puts his thought into six terse sentences, rhythmical in their balanced form — Hebrew poetry, in short — and these naturally fall into two triads. He first addresses all his readers by the affectionate title, " little children," and declares that he is not teaching the first principles of the Christian faith, for he is writing to those whose sins are forgiven, and know the ground of that forgiveness to be what Christ has done. They have therefore already made considerable progress in the faith, and he is desirous to lead them to maturity. (Cf. Heb. 6:1.) They have already experienced in part 112 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS the word of God, they have known something of the blessedness of fellowship witli Christ; he purposes exhort- ing them to continuance in the faith, to attainment of nobler heights of Christian character. He then addresses the two classes into which they may be divided — fathers and youths, the men of experience and the men of action, thinkers and soldiers. Christians are indeed one in the experience of the forgiveness of sins, but their other ex- periences differ largely with their ages and circumstances. The fathers, or elders, the more mature and thoughtful Christians, have learned to know Christ, him who has existed from the beginning. This knowledge is conceived as the fruit of past experience and still abiding, not as a process now continuing — the verb is aorist, not present. The young men, the possessors of soldierly qualities, vigor and bravery, have conquered the Evil One, the prince of the realm of darkness — not that their victory is in fact complete, but it may be so regarded, in view of what they are and of what they have already accomplished. The second triad is a repetition of the first, but with some significant, if slight, modifications. The most strik- ing of these is perhaps the change from " I am writing " to " I have w^ritten," as if the apostle would have said, " I am writing to you, yes, I assert it again, that it is for these reasons." The general address is also slightly changed, and becomes " little ones," instead of " little children," but more important is the change of reason : I have written to you on the ground of your Christian character and experience, because you have learned to know the Father, They manifest this knowledge by correspondence of character to profession, by exhibition of brotherly love. There is no change in the address to " fathers," but a significant addition to the words spoken to young men : " because you are strong " (that is, they are well qualified for active and aggressive service) " and El'ISTLES: CHARACTERISTICS AND CONTENT II3 God's word abides in you," so that they are in contact with the source of strength — in these two facts is to be found the certainty of their victory. 6. Love of the World. 2 : 15-17 The apostle has given his new-old commandment; he now adds another. " Love not " is as important as " love." Love determines character ; love discloses char- acter; hence the object of love is all-important. Love of the world and love of the Father are absolutely in- compatible, for the world is everything that God is not. The " darkness " of i : 5, 6 and 2:9, 11 is the evil principle, the world is the sphere of its working — both are God's antithesis. Note the emphasis achieved through the order of the Greek words: "If any one love tlie world, there exists not [whatever he may say] the love of the Father in him." All fellowship with God is neces- sarily destroyed by this love, and the love of which God is both source and object cannot animate and inspire one whose moving principle is love of the world. Because in moral and spiritual things, as well as in physical, no stream rises higher than its source. The things in the world, all that constitute it what it is, do not come from God, and hence cannot lead men to God, but keep them in bondage to the world. The desires that have their source in the flesh, and find their satisfaction in physical pleasure; the desires whose gratification constitutes the higher mental pleasures: unregulated mental activity, unrestrained intellectual curiosity; the thousand vices, whether physical or mental, that are rooted in self-asser- tion, arrogance, pride — these are the " things that are in the world " and make the love of it incompatible with the love of God. Not only so, but the love of the world is as different from the love of God in its end as in its H 114 THE JOHAXNINE WRITINGS source. The world, the order of things opposed to God, is passing away — hke a screen or curtain that hides God from men, it is pushed aside, and those whose love has made them a part of it must vanish also. Only in har- mony with God, in fellowship with God, practically evi- denced by the doing of his will, is there assurance of permanence. The world is transitory, God is vmchanging and eternal. He that does his will, he only, abides for- ever. 7. Antichrist. 2 : 18-28 And now the apostle speaks a word of solemn warn- ing to his readers. The " last hour " is at hand — not necessarily the immediate end of all things, the consum- mation of the age and the final judgment, but a critical period, a time of change and sifting. This is proved by the divisions among Christians themselves, and the consequent temptations to desert the faith and break off fellowship with God. " My little ones," says the writer, addressing his readers with the double authority of age and experience, you have heard that the " last hour " will be preceded by the coming of Antichrist — not merely an opponent of Christ, but one who takes the place of Christ, becomes his opponent by assuming his guise. Antichrist is therefore he whose character is the nega- tion of all for which the name of Christ stands. But already there are among us many manifestations of this Antichrist; those who, like Judas, have been numbered among the disciples of Christ, and for a time were indis- tinguishable from them, but were never in real union with Christ, and so were never truly of us. If they had ever been really of our fellowship they would have continued with us — their apostasy shows that their fellowship was but a sham. Now their masks have fallen, and they stand revealed in their true characters; and by this dis- epistles: characteristics and content 115 closure they are shorn of the greater part of their power for evil. But you are not hice them, for to you the Holy Spirit has been given and you have a special gift of dis- cernment. This is why 1 have written to you, because you understand the truth and know the absolute con- trariety between falsehood and truth. And who is the liar above all others, if not he who denies that Jesus is the ]\Iessiah ? It cannot be doubted that here John refers not to the Jew, but to the Gnostic, who affirmed that the aeon Christ descended on Jesus at his baptism and left him before the passion, and so denied the indissoluble union of the divine and human in the one personality of Jesus Christ. This, says the apostle, is to be Antichrist, for to deny the incarnation leads inevitably to a denial of the eternal oneness of the Father and the Son. This is no mere abstract dogmatic disputation, but a most practical matter: since God has fully revealed him- self in Christ, and in him alone, one who refuses to ac- knowledge Christ as the Son of God of necessity loses knowledge of the Father, even though he professes to revere him. Conversely, such is the eternal and essen- tial unity and mutual indwelling of Father and Son, that he who acknowledges the Son is thereby brought into vital relations with the Father. Therefore, guard yourselves from every declension from the truth ; hold fast the teaching you have had from the beginning, and you will as a natural and inevitable result abide in fellowship with the Son, and therefore with the Father. And this fellowship, this vital relation to God through his Son, is the promise that he has himself given you — this is life eternal, the final scope of Christ's redemptive work, the consummation of the Christian faith. I have written these things, the apostle concludes, as a warning against those whose aim is to lead you away from the truth, away from God. But you do not need a Il6 THE JOIIANNINE WRITINGS human teacher, you have only to Hsten to the Holy Spirit that has been given you, to learn what is true and what is false, and by holding fast to his teaching you shall con- tinue in the divine life and fellowship. So then, in the face of all enemies and temptations, constantly endeavor to maintain your fellowship with God, in order that, when Christ shall come again, we may have the boldness of those who are friends of the Judge, and not the shame of those who are consciously under his condemnation. 8, The Character of God's Children. 2 : 29 to 3 : 12 The writer proceeds to contrast with those whom he has described in the foregoing section — the Pseudo-Chris- tians, the Antichrists — the genuine Christian. There is but one test by which he may be known : Character. A single act may mean little, but he who lives a life of righteousness has been begotten by the righteous God. His righteousness does not make him a child of God, it is the consequence of his sonship. This is the only un- deceptive mark by which a Christian may test himself or others. The amazing love that the Father has be- stowed on us is manifest in the fact that we are called children of God; and this is not a mere name, this is really our character. The world does not recognize this character in us, because the world has failed to recog- nize God, whether as made known in creation or through his Son. We are now, already, children of God, and while we do not fully know what we shall become, we do know this : We shall be like Christ. The day of his full manifestation approaches, when we shall see him as he is; and in consequence of that beatific vision of the glory of God in Christ we shall reflect his glory, we shall be transformed into his likeness. And every man who, with firm trust in God, looks forward to becoming epistles: characteristics and content 117 like Christ must strive to be like him now — he will dis- ciphne and train himself to a life of holiness and avoid everything that pollutes. The character of sonship has been divinely bestowed on the Christian, but he will ear- nestly desire to make the ethical relation correspond to the spiritual fact, and the moral habit of a man is not the mere gift of God, but depends also on his personal coop- eration in righteous conduct. Sin is in its very nature irreconcilable with the Chris- tian life, for all sin is violation of the divine law. The very reason of the incarnation and the redemptive work of Christ was to deliver man from sin, not from punish- ment merely; and Christ could do this, because he was himself sinless. No one can have fellowship with him and continue in sin (note the force of the present tense in this and the other verses of this section) ; the very fact that a man continues in sin proves that he has not comprehended Christ's mission or come into real fellow- ship with him. For really to see Christ, truly to know him, is to become partaker of his nature and to be changed into his image. Let nobody deceive you about this: He that lives a life of righteousness is like him who is the source of righteousness, he has the mark of the divine sonship ; but he that lives a life of sin is the child of the devil, who is the source of all evil. But the Son of God came into the world for the express purpose of destroying the devil's works, that is, to take away sin. Every child of God has a divine germ within him, the permanent principle of a new life, and therefore he does not continue in sin. He may commit sins, isolated acts that are contrary to the whole tendency of his character, but to live a life of conscious and deliberate sin is for him a moral im- possibility. God's children may therefore be distinguished from the devil's by this simple test: No man who does II 8 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS not live a life of righteousness and love his brother is of God. And for this reason : The whole aim of the gospel is to create and develop love — this is its first message, this is the meaning of Christ's entire life. Take warn- ing from the example of Cain, who showed himself to be of the devil because he hated his brother and slew him. The secret of his crime was that he hated righteousness, knowing his own works to be evil, while his brother's were righteous. By his sin, then, Cain preaches the duty of brotherly love. 9. Love, the Badge of the New Life. 3 : 13-24 The mention of Cain and his hatred suggests a further development of the thought. It ought not to astonish Christians that the world hates them; on the contrary, this is precisely what they should expect. Only the world can hate. Hatred is characteristic of the world, because the world is spiritually dead. On the other hand, love is the sign that we have experienced the change from death to life. Conversely, he that hates his brother shows by that very fact that he is not a Christian, but is still in a state of spiritual death. Hatred is the sinful inward state of which murder is merely the formal outward ex- pression. So our Lord taught in the Sermon on the Mount; so the apostle teaches here. Such a state is incompatible with love and life, which are convertible terms, though not precisely identical ideas, with the apostle. " Life " in his writings always means some- thing other and higher than mere existence, and " eternal life " is much more than existence prolonged forever — " eternal " connotes an idea of ethical quality rather than of duration. Eternal life is life of the highest type, ful- filment of the loftiest ideal and purpose of being, the realizing of all the powers and possibilities of our nature. epistles: characteristics and content 119 How can the man that hates have this hfe? But if love is the mark of the Christian, w^hat is the test or standard of love? The love of him who first revealed what love really is, what it really means — that love seeks not to re- ceive, but to give; not to be blessed, but to bless; that love means unselfishness, love means sacrifice. We love because Christ taught us that, and because he has taught us we count it our joy and privilege to repeat his self- sacrifice. Except a man renounce self and take up his cross and follow Christ, he cannot be his disciple. This is a lofty ideal, but what relation has it to daily duty ? Few are called to die for Christ, but all are called to live for him. There is a test of discipleship that lies nearer at hand than the cross, and is not less searching and decisive. Here is our suffering brother — " the poor ye have always with you " — and he who loves self better than his brother, he who has the ability but not the will to relieve his brother's distress, gives no indication that he understands what God's love means. It is not the indwelling and all-controlling principle of his life. Here is a practical test. We are in danger of hypocrisy ; let us strive to avoid the mere semblance of love, the making of empty professions, the glib use of unmeaning phrases ; let us beware even of evanescent emotions; it is deeds that count, and these are the true test of our love. The necessity of love and its pattern or standard hav- ing been thus discussed, the writer goes on to consider its fruit, confidence. Here the thought is somewhat ob- scurely expressed, and while we are in no doubt as to the general meaning, the exact thing said is not easy to determine. The apostle seems to say that confidence born of love assures us against the condemnation that our own moral nature pronounces against us; and this is only the feeble echo of God's condemnation, which is the mightier in that it springs from perfect knowledge; I20 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS SO that, apart from our s"ense of fellowship with him we should have no hope. Or, the meaning may be, as Bishop Westcott suggests : *' The sense within us of a sincere love of the brethren, which is the sign of God's presence with us, will enable us to stay the accusations of conscience, whatever they may be, because God, who gives us his love, and so blesses us with his fellowship, is greater than our heart; and he, having perfect knowl- edge, forgives us all on which the heart sadly dwells." Furthermore, because of this sense of fellowship with God and the assurance against condemnation, our con- fidence finds expression in prayer, which is always an- swered. At first thought, this statement of the apostle seems unqualified, and contradictory of our frequent experience, that we do not receive what we ask. But this is because our asking is not in accordance with the prin- ciple that the apostle adds : We receive of him what- ever we ask, because we are ever seeking to know and do the will of God. It is prayer offered by one who is in harmony with the will of God that is always answered, and such prayer cannot fail to receive its answer. And do we ask what it is to do the will of God? to " keep his commandments ? " They are summed up in one word : That we trust his Son, Jesus Christ, and love one another. This is the Christian version of the summary of the Jewish law : " Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thyself." Again we see that love is the fulfilling of the law. Obedience to this law is at once the condition and the test of a life of fellowship with God. 10. The Test of the Spirit. 3 : 24 to 4 : 6 Thus far the apostle has had much to say of the Father and the Son, but he has not even mentioned the epistles: CHAKACTEKISTICS AND CONTENT 121 Spirit; he now proceeds to speak of the relation of the Spirit to the Christian. We know, he says, that we have fellowship with God, because he has given us of his Spirit. But how shall we be certain that we have this indwelling Spirit? Caution is surely necessary, for not everything that seems or professes to be of the Spirit of God really comes from that source. Many spiritual forces are active among men; many profess to teach under the authority of the Spirit ; but some spirits are lying spirits, some prophets are false prophets. These we should not receive without question, but we should test them and discriminate. One test was especially appropriate for those to whom John wrote. Gnosticism, in the peculiar form of Docetism, was already rife. The Docetists denied that Jesus of Nazareth was a real man, but only God in the appearance of a man. God, said they, could not become united to human nature, and certainly God could not have suffered on the cross — it was but a phantom that went about among men as Jesus, and all that was divine withdrew into heaven before the crucifixion. With the best of motives, possibly, these teachers were taking out of Christianity all that made it valuable to the world. Therefore John makes the test of the spirits the confession that Jesus has come in the flesh, was a real man and no phantasm, for no man can make that confession but by the Spirit of God. The Fourth Gospel is the Gospel of the Incarnation, and this " epistle " makes the incarnation the central fact to a Christian, confession of which is the strongest proof of the Spirit's presence and power. The test of Anti- christ was confession of a vital truth: Jesus is Son of God; the test of spirits is confession of a vital fact: Jesus is God manifest in the flesh. He who refuses this confession denies the characteristic thing in Chris- tianity, the true union of God and man in the person 122 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS of Jesus Christ, which alone makes possible and authen- ticates our fellowship with God. This is to be of Anti- christ, rather than of God, to be partaker in spirit and purpose with God's greatest opponent. This test sug- gested by John is as applicable to our day as to his ; de- nial of the incarnation is rife amongst us also, and now, as then, it is a denial of all that is worthful in Christianity. In this conflict between spirits good and bad, between teachings true and false. Christians must engage, be- cause they are in the world where the conflict rages ; but their victory is so certain, because of the power of Him who dwells within them, that it is stated by the writer in the present tense, as a thing already fully accomplished. The apostle's thought probably is, that by the fact of Christians' turning away from error and bearing testi- mony to the truth, they have already been successful and have conquered Antichrist. The apostle marks off, by a sharp antithesis, those in whom God dwells and makes victorious from " the world," the present moral order, in its separation from and hostility to God. The false teachers are of the world, and their teaching has the characteristics of this ungodly social order. Men listen to them gladly, because the teaching agrees with their own evil character. Here is the contrast: The world listens to the false teachers because they repro- duce its own thoughts ; but those who are in harmony with God listen to those who speak of the things of God. Men accept or reject the divine message according to their character, and the preaching of the gospel is neces- sarily a sifting, a judgment. The desire for the truth and acceptance of the truth come from the Spirit of Truth ; and rejection of the truth proves the working of the spirit of error. All judgment is self-judgment; a man affords an infallible index to his character by what he approves and what he condemns. epistles: characteristics and content 123 II. God is Love. 4 : 7-21 In several meditations tiie apostle has considered vari- ous aspects of the conflict between truth and falsehood; he has warned Christians against Antichrist and the spirit of Antichrist; he now turns to consider the Christian life, its distinguishing badge, the source of its power, its ground of assurance. The badge of the Christian society is love, which has its source in God himself, whose inmost nature is love. Our love of the brethren is only the reflection — only the faint reflection — of the divine love in us. The very fact that one loves is proof that new life has been im- parted to him by God, that he is partaker of the divine nature; and the absence of love proves that a man has no real knowledge of God, no likeness to his nature, no sympathy with his purposes. For all knowledge is grounded in spiritual likeness to the one known; knowl- edge of God presupposes possession of the divine char- acter. God's nature is love. Love is the self-imparting faculty. Because God is love, he desires to impart him- self, the fulness of all goodness, to his creatures. In our case God has demonstrated the character of his love in the incarnation and the atonement — in the supreme self-sacrifice of giving his Son to impart life to us. Thus the mission of God's Son has become a power of God working in us. We should never have loved God but for this revelation of himself; but now that we know what he is, now that we appreciate what the gift of his Son meant to him and means to us, an overwhelming obligation rests on us to imitate his love. The love of God becomes the Christian's constraining motive; it is his energizing power. But note carefully: the apostle does not draw from this the conclusion that we might expect. He does not 124 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS say, " we ought also to love God," but " we also ought to love one another." The former inference we may be trusted to draw for ourselves, the latter we are in danger of overlooking or forgetting, and therefore the apostle lays special stress on it. It is, in fact, a vital thing, for it is the only possible proof that we possess the Christian character and are living the life of fellow- ship with God, God is spirit; we have no actual vision of him; we must know him through the spirit and in the spirit. How then can we know, how can we prove, to others, that we are in genuine fellowship with him? The manifestation of love to our brother, says the apos- tle, proves that we do know God, that he dwells within us, and that the divine love in its completest form is ours. The perfection of love in the believer results in the perfection of the believer in love; the latter can be seen and recognized, and thence the former can be safely inferred. Besides this objective test, there is a test sub- jective: for himself the believer is conscious that the divine indwelling is a fact, because he knows that the love filling his heart is not native to himself, but can be inspired only by the Spirit of God. In saying these things, the apostle is testifying, not for himself alone, but for the Christian society as a whole, for the church of Christ. What the immediate disciples beheld in the flesh, Christian disciples will be- hold by faith through all ages; and therefore whoso- ever shall confess that Jesus is the Son of God will enjoy the life of fellowship with God, because only love can prompt that confession. That love we have already perceived and partly realized, but we are far from having exhausted its meaning; we wait confidently for a more complete unfolding of its significance. That God is love is the ground of our redemption, and source of our new life and knowledge; it is also the epistles: characteristics and content 125 ground of inward peace. To abide in God's love is to share his nature, to know ourselves as possessing a Christlike character, even in this un-Christlike world. Therefore we feel only unhesitating confidence, perfect assurance, when we think of that supreme test, the day of final judgment; for what partakes of Christ's nature cannot fall under God's condemnation. We might feel fear were it not for love, but love and fear are incom- patible. Fear means lack of fellowship, implies want of harmony, carries with it the idea of punishment, and there can be punishment only for disobedience. Those who love may yet fear, because their love is imperfect; but perfect love means perfect harmony, perfect obedience, and so excludes the very possibility of fear. Bengel states the progress of the soul, in its relations to fear and love, thus: Varius hominnni status: Sine timore et amore; cum timore sine amore; cum timore et amore; sine timore cum amore — which loses some of its point and all its assonance in English : " These are the varied conditions of men: without fear or love; with fear, without love; with fear and love; without fear, with love." It is true that men give us little encouragement to love them, but God loved us while we still hated him, and by that love won us to himself and to love. This is why we love those who do not seem to wish or appreciate our love. And if we really love God we shall do this, for this is what he commands ; and to say that we love God while not obeying him is absurd. Love that expresses itself in w^ords only is not love; genuine love impels to action; real love demands an object on which to expend itself. And so, if we cannot love that which is visible, like ourselves — namely, our brother, who is also a child of the same Father, and has in him something of the divine image — ^how can w^e expect our professions of love to a far-oft, unseen God to be believed? It is im- 126 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS possible that such professions should be true — our con- duet gives the lie to our words. He that loves God must love his brother ; the test is as inexorable as it is obvious. 12. The Victory of Faith. 5:1-5 Not content with what he has hitherto said about love of the brother, the apostle goes more deeply into the mat- ter and discusses the foundations of Christian broth- erhood. And here we have the first full and explicit mention of faith as the means by which we attain the new life. Up to this point the writer has spoken only of the love that the new life produces and the confession that love prompts. As love brings life, love will neces- sarily accompany that life; and if we love Him who is the source of our life, we shall inevitably love all that share that life. As the apostle has said before, brotherly love is the proof of the love of God — indeed, the only proof of it. Brotherhood is founded on the vital relation with God into which we have come by faith in Jesus Christ, his Son. We are all brothers, because we have one divine Father. That we should love our brother is not, there- fore, an arbitrary command, but a moral necessity. This seems like an inversion of the logic expected, but it is evident that any genuine love of God will result in obedi- ence to him, and he has commanded us to love our brother. Hence, it is equally true to say, " We love God because we love our brother," and " We love our brother be- cause we love God." The brotherly love of which the apostle speaks is something different from and superior to natural affec- tion ; it is spiritual, and of everything in the spiritual realm love of God is the necessary and final norm. And here let us not fail to note again the force of the present epistles: characteristics and content 127 tense, in the zr^()u)fis.v, " we keep," of verse 3. The present tense always expresses continuous action, therefore the thought here is not the mere keeping of the command- ments (the aorist would have sufficed for that), but the unflagging and vigilant endeavor to do the will of God. The commandments are not grievous, they are no despotic enactments whose crushing weight is destructive of all spontaneity and freedom in love and service, as con- sideration of their character will show. They are hard only to him that resists them, whose will is in opposition to the divine will; and so only to the Christian, and through divine grace, do they become easy — " my yoke is easy and my burden light." The proof that they are not grievous to the believer is that every one who has become partaker of the divine life is conquering the world. His victory is not yet complete, the battle is still on, but he is conquering. All the powers that oppose God and the progress of his kingdom are yielding, and there is no doubt of their final and complete defeat. That which makes the conquest certain is faith. To " be- lieve " in Christ as Son of God is with perfect trust to commit oneself to him forever, and thus to become one with him in the victory he has already won over death and sin, a victory that is moving toward its final consum- mation. Only he who has such faith is conquering or can conquer the world. 13. The Three Witnesses. 5 : 6-13 The Christian is gaining the victory over the world by faith in Jesus Christ and confession of him as Son of God. The apostle now considers the testimony or evi- dence on which such faith and confession are grounded, and by which they are justified. And here it is worth while to consider the remarkable prominence of this idea 128 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS of " testimony " throughout the Johannine writings. The Gospel introduces the idea in the Prologue, goes on with the testimony of the Baptist, gives continual testimonies throughout the public ministry of Jesus, and ends with the testimony of the evangelist himself. The entire Apoca- lypse, from I : 2 to chapter 22, is treated from this point of view ; every vision is begun with the words, " And I saw." This " Epistle " begins with the testimony of the apostle to what he had himself seen, and ends with that of God himself. As grounds of certitude, we have now given, first, the historical evidence afforded by the life and death of Jesus Christ. He was shown to be the Christ by water and blood; these revealed the nature of his work as Redeemer. In that day a fountain was opened to the house of David and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem not only, but to the whole world, for sin and for uncleanness. The water and the blood must represent some divine act, or some divine institution, which testifies to the mission of Christ. They must be at once the pledge of his son- ship and the means by which he was constituted the world's Redeemer. There can be little doubt that John sees, and means us to see, in this " healing flood " the symbols of life and death, atonement and regeneration, the double pledge for man's redemption and the forgive- ness of his sins. The propitiation for our sins wrought by Christ's death is symbolized by the blood; the new life cleansed from sin that comes to us through him is signified by the water. The emphatic repetition, " not in the water only, but in the water and the blood," prob- ably indicates that the apostle had in mind an error, early prevalent in the church, that the Spirit of God descended on Jesus at his baptism and made him Son of God, but left him before his passion, so that a mere man died on the cross. epistles: characteristics and content 129 We have also, says the apostle, the testimony of the Spirit, because he is Truth, and cannot but testify con- cerning the mission and work of Christ. The writer does not here pause to discuss the content of this testimony, or the way in which it is given, or the person to whom the Spirit testifies. He has spoken with sufficient ful- ness on these points before, and now another thought causes him to hasten onward. We have in reality three witnesses, he says, the Spirit, the water, and the blood — the inward spiritual assurance and the double historical attestation. This fulness of evidence warrants our cer- tainty concerning that which the three witnesses with one voice affirm. " These three are for the one " is not a statement of their mere unanimity, but means that their independent testimonies converge on the one gospel of Christ. Two witnesses were, under both Roman and Jewish law, sufficient to establish a fact, but here are three; and these three are living, continuous witnesses, as is implied in the present participle, fiaprupouvre!:. From the character of the witnesses and their testi- mony, the apostle passes to consider its effectiveness. It is first of all a divine testimony. God himself has testi- fied concerning his Son, and if we receive human testi- mony as credible, how much more is that of God to be accepted as credible, authoritative, and convincing. The apostle may here refer to the audible voice in which God several times attested the divine mission of Christ, ac- cording to the Gospels ; or he may mean that God testi- fied through the water and blood. Secondly, there is a human witness, the consciousness that the believer has the presence and testimony of the Spirit. No one who has experienced the regenerating power of the Spirit can have any doubt of the divine mission and nature of Christ. Unbelief is essentially denial of the testimony of God — in efl'ect an accusation that he is false and untrustworthy I 130 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS in his dealings with men. Above all, we have the witness of the eternal life, a life of union with the Son of God, its sole source. To impart this life was the object for which Christ came, and the fact that we possess this life is the supreme evidence that his coming was not in vain. To establish the certainty of this in the hearts of believers, the apostle declares, is the object of his writing these meditations. 14. Prayer. 5 : 14-17 If this certainty of fellowship with God through his Son becomes established in us, we shall be in perfect harmony with God's will. Therefore we shall have bold- ness with him, knowing that all our petitions will be heard — and not merely heard, for our confidence is so great that we shall regard as already ours whatever we ask, because the believer will not make his own any desire contrary to the will of God. The believer's char- acteristic use of this freedom of access to God in prayer will not be in petitions for himself, but in intercessions for others — he will pray for his brother man whom he sees falling into sin. This is the highest expression of that brotherly love to which the apostle has been con- tinually exhorting. But it seems to be taught plainly that there is a kind of sinning for which it would be vain to pray, for which believers would have no desire to pray. The distinction is between " sin unto death " and a " sin not unto death," and it is clearly implied that the believer can recognize and distinguish between them, else he would not decline to pray for the latter. The apostle does not further define either sin, perhaps because exact definition is impossible. Certainly the distinction that the church early came to make between " mortal " and " venial " sins has no justification here. " Death " must have here, as so often in the Scriptures, a spiritual epistles: characteristics a\d content 131 meaning, not the physical. " A sin unto death " there- fore must be, not some specilic and horribly wicked transgression, but any form of sinning that totally sepa- rates one from Christ. Nothing can be meant but such sin as proves that the sinner has finally and irrevocably turned away from Christ, the sole source of life and fellowship with God, and thereby placed himself beyond the pale of prayer or any good influence. He has hard- ened his heart against God and chosen death rather than life. No man's case is hopeless, whatever sins he has committed, until he has said with Satan, " Evil, be thou my good," until he sins from the pure love of sinning. For such it will be vain to pray. There is sin, however, that falls short of this, and all unrighteousijess is to be reprehended and renounced. From such sin we are to pray that our brother may be delivered, and this prayer, being according to the will of God, will be granted. The lesson is, therefore, to pray more frequently and earnestly and with more confident assurance for our brother's de- liverance from sin. Epilogue In three closing sentences, the apostle sums up the grounds of Christian assurance — the things that we do not merely believe, but know, because they are incon- testable facts of experience. We know that the new life and sin are incompatible, and that whoever has received the new life from God hates sin, does not habitually do that which is sinful, scrupulously guards his conduct, and is free from the bondage in which the Evil One once held him. We know that the source of our life is God, and that human society is wholly under the dominion of the Evil One ; he has more than " laid hold " on it ; it " lies in " him, he has such perfect possession that he who says 132 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS " world " says " devil." John was speaking of die Roman world, as he knew it, but is even a so-called Christian nation much better ? We know that the Son of God has come, that his mis- sion and work is a permanent fact, and that he has endowed us with the power of discerning truth. And the ground of that discernment is, that we are in fel- lowship with Jesus Christ, who is Truth and Life. The apostle adds a last warning, both affectionate and solemn : " Guard yourselves from idols " — not the mere images of false gods, but from all thoughts, ideals, teach- ings, innumerable inducements on every side, that will lead the believer to turn from faith in Jesus Christ and give his faith and love and service to false objects of devotion. It is the fitting end to these deeply spiritual meditations. The Second and Third Epistles of John demand no extended treatment. They differ from the First, in being really epistolary in form, but their ideas and style are the same. So great is this similarity that there is practically no dissent from the opinion that they are by the author of the First Epistle. The only serious alter- native is that they are the work of a later writer, who imitated so successfully the style and thought of the First Epistle as to deceive generations of Christians ; but no adequate motive for such a forgery has ever been suggested. Neither of the Epistles, nor both combined, can be said to make the arguments and conclusions based on the First Epistle stronger or weaker. They are so brief and uncomplex that to summarize their content would be waste labor — It is enough to refer the reader to the translation in Part II. CHAPTER VI THE JOHANNIXE PROBLEM : THE EXTERNAL TESTIMONY FOR three generations the New Testament has suf- fered many things because of the critics. No book has been exempt, but perhaps the worst has befallen those writings that had been ascribed by the unbroken tradition of Christendom to the apostle John. Since the days of Baur it has been stoutly maintained that the Fourth Gospel cannot be Johannine. With that Gospel, the Epistles were also denied to be the work of the apostle. For a time it was conceded that John the apostle might be accepted as the author of the Apocalypse, but criticism has now resolved that book into numerous frag- ments, and concluded that though the book may have had an editor, it had, properly speaking, no author. These conclusions, so completely contradicting and overturning what had been unquestioningly believed for centuries, have been professedly attained by rigid ap- plication of the scientific method to study of New Tes- tament texts. To question these conclusions is, in the judgment of many, to expose oneself to the imputation of ignorance or incompetence. Such is the glamor that a succession of German critics have been able to cast about the whole subject, that for a long time hardly a competent scholar has ventured to raise his voice in opposition to this verdict or challenge its validity. Sir William Ramsay has, indeed, with courage and learning worthy of all praise, come to the rescue of Luke, and has 133 134 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS SO triumphantly vindicated the good physician's author- ship of the Third Gospel and the Acts that Harnack has accepted this view and abandoned his own earlier denial of the Lucan authorship of these writings. It is worthy of remark, however, that Harnack has not as yet been convinced by Ramsay's equally complete vindication of Luke's accuracy and trustworthiness as a historian. But while Luke has thus been defended, John is still left to the tender mercies of German criticism. That John the apostle could not have been the author of the Fourth Gospel has been called " an axiom of criticism." The phrase is happily chosen; for an axiom is a principle whose truth is assumed, and is not capable of being proved by testimony, or demonstrated by reason. That seems to describe fairly well this notion of the non- Johannine character of the Fourth Gospel, that has been so long masquerading as the assured result of inductive study of the document. As already intimated, Baur set the fashion of denying the Johannine authorship of this Gospel ; and Baur's entire criticism of the New Tes- tament was conditioned and directed by a philosophic theory that he brought with him to the study. It was absolutely necessary for the establishment of his theory that the composition of the New Testament books, and of the Fourth Gospel in particular, should be pushed as far away into the second century as possible. The authen- ticity of the Fourth Gospel, as an admitted fact, would have demolished his whole historical structure. This is not to accuse Baur of conscious unfairness; it is rather to recognize in him unconscious prejudice, such as made any truly scientific study of the literature impossible. For scientific study must begin with an open mind, and Baur's mind was not open — it was impervious to any evidence that did not make for his theory. This is now quite generally admitted; and though Baur made some THE problem: external testimony 135 contributions of great value to our knowledge of the New Testament documents, nearly every one of his particular contentions has been abandoned by the later exponents of ** scientific " criticism. But what was true of Baur has been true of every other German critic, from his day to Schmiedel. Hardly one of them has approached the study of the Fourth Gospel but with a theory of the early history of Chris- tianity that absolutely required denial of a Johannine authorship. Scarcely one of them could have made place in his scheme of Christian origins for the Fourth Gospel, on the theory that it was written by John the apostle, and is a trustworthy historical document. What chance is there for such impartial weighing of fact as is the sine qua non of the scientific method by men who have thus predetermined their conclusion? Instead of real scientific study, under great show of scientific method and of scien- tific impartiality, we have had for three generations an industrious search for every item of evidence that could by any ingenuity be made to support what w^as in fact a begging of the whole question involved. German criticism of the Johannine writings has been just as much and just as little entitled to be called scientific, as was the Sumnia Theologiae of Thomas Aquinas, when he first inquired, What does the Church teach ? and assuming that to be true, then went to the Scripture to find proof-texts that would support the teaching. Of course, he found what he looked for. The critics have found what they looked for — plenty of evidence against the Johannine authorship. They have as one man refused to find any other evidence. Their preconceived idea that John could not be the author has made it inevitable that their study should end in the conclusion that John was not the author. Doubtless the retort will be. " Physician, heal thyself." Is one who thus freely accuses others of prejudice him- 13^ THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS self unprejudiced? In what way does he dare claim that he is better fitted for scientific study of the literature than the critics whom he condemns? The retort is fair; the question is pertinent; but the answer is an easy one: the author does not consciously hold any theory of the origins of Christianity; and particularly does not hold a theory that obligates him to any conclusion whatever regarding authorship and date of any New Testament writing. Working hypotheses regarding these matters one does hold; but is willing to change any or all of them at any moment for good reason, because one is anxious only to know the truth about them. No man can be certain that he is free from bias — on the contrary, every sensible man knows that he cannot entirely free himself from bias. At best he can only approximate the unbiased state of mind. But one can approximate it ; one can consciously begin an investigation without a theory that requires a given conclusion. The Johannine problem is a problem of criticism, not of dogmatics. It is not im- perative, on theological or sectarian grounds, to main- tain the traditional authorship and dates of these writ- ings. The most orthodox may approach the problem, not wholly without prepossessions perhaps, but without anxiety; and he can examine with entire candor all the evidence that presents itself. And whether the Fourth Gospel shall be shown by the inquiry not to be the work of the apostle John, or the Johannine authorship shall be confirmed and established, is, if not a matter of indif- ference to Christian believers, at least a matter of com- parative unimportance. II Many volumes have been written on the Johannine problem, and much learning has been devoted to solution of such questions as, Have the books attributed to the THE PROBLEM : EXTERNAL TESTIMONY I37 apostle John a common authorship? and, Did the apostle John write any of these books? One will not be under- stood to accuse the scholars who have discussed every possible phase of such questions with so painstaking care of having only darkened counsel with words, if he ven- tures to say that all the pertinent evidence is capable of statement within the compass of a few pages. The direct and indirect evidence is of small bulk, and the significance of each testimony has been thoroughly sifted and is generally admitted. It will be profitable to sum up this residuum of critical discussion. Eusebius places all the Johannine writings among his bfioloyo'Jiitva^ or acknowledged books, about which there was never any serious question in the Church.^ In this he was quite justified by all that we can learn from patristic literature. It may be true that the Johannine authorship of any writing cannot be proved from the Fathers ; it is certainly true that, with a single exception to be noted, their genuineness was never questioned. Even the few heretics who rejected the Fourth Gospel, did this because of its content, not because of its alleged authorship. Marcion is said to have rejected all the Gospels but that of Luke, and he " edited " that after a fashion to delight the heart of a modern German critic. The Alogi, about whom we hear so much and know so little, rejected the Fourth Gospel (so Epiphanius tells us) really on account of its doctrine of the incarnation of the Logos, but they made a question of authorship an excuse and assigned its composition to Cerinthus. But Cerinthus the Gnostic was so impossible an author for the book that no orthodox writer ever troubled him- self to refute the Alogi. Yet we may note in passing that it is not without significance that the Alogi, in seeking for a putative author of this Gospel, selected an Ephesian * B. E., iii, 2$. 138 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS and a contemporary of the apostle John, according to tradition. But while Eusebius does not place the Apocalypse among his avrtlzybiizva, or disputed writings, he does indicate that a considerable minority of Christians were still inclined in his day to refuse this book a place in the canon. This opposition to the Apocalypse, especially in the East, was no doubt due to the fact that the Montanists appealed so confidently to that book for con- firmation of their chiliastic teachings. The Catholic Church rejected chiliasm, and naturally inclined to look with some suspicion upon a book that was said to give apostolic support to that doctrine. Yet of the two writ- ings, Gospel and Apocalypse, it is the latter that has the earlier and stronger attestation as of Johannine origin. As early as 150 Justin recognizes as current in his day what became the generally accepted view : " And further, there was a certain man with us, whose name was John, one of the apostles of Christ, who prophesied, by a revelation that was made to him, that those who believed in our Christ would dwell a thousand years in Jerusalem." - No such decisive testimony regarding the authorship of the Gospel can be cited until several decades later. Irenseus, about 180, bears testimony not only to what was held in his day regarding the Johan- nine authorship of the Apocalypse, but also to the date of its composition : " It was not in the long ago that this vision came to pass, but almost in our own generation, toward the end of the reign of Domitian." ^ It is per- haps worthy of note that this Father says no more than the book itself, that it was written by " John," and does not call the author an apostle. Since, however, Justin had affirmed the John of Revelation to be the * " Dial, with Trypho," Ixxxi. * Adv. Haer., v, 30, 3. THE problem: external testimo:ny 139 apostle, and Ircnaeus does not deny it, wc may infer tliat the latter believed such to be the, case.* Dionysius of Alexandria (d. 265) was the first of the Fathers to question the apostolic authorship of the Apoca- lypse. It seems not to have occurred to him to suspect the tradition about the Gospel, but he found difficulty in believing that both books could have the same author. In his treatise '' On Nature " he discusses the matter at considerable length, and though the book itself is lost, Eusebius has preserved for us a long extract. After telling us that some ascribed the Apocalypse to Cerinthus, Dionysius says that for himself he cannot reject a writ- ing held in high esteem by others, though he finds it beyond his own comprehension. " That this book is the work of one John," he goes on to say, " I do not deny. And I agree also that it is the work of a holy and inspired man. But I cannot readily admit that he was the apostle, the son of Zebedee, the brother of James, by whom the Gospel and Catholic Epistle were written." In giving his reasons for this opinion, Dionysius antici- pates the arguments of the nineteenth-century critics, who did little more than amplify what had already been said by this Alexandrine scholar of the third century: " In fact, it is plainly to be seen that one and the same character marks the Gospel and Epistle throughout. But the Apocalypse is different from these writings and for- eign to them: almost, so to speak, without even a syl- lable in common with them. . . Moreover, it can also be shown that the diction of the Gospel and Epistle differs from that of the Apocalypse. For they were writ- ten not only without error as regards the Greek language, * Irenaeus is also our earliest authority for the tradition that after his re- lease from confinement on Patmos. John returned to Ephesus, lived there until the times of Trajan, and published his Gospel there. (Adv. Haer., iii, I, i; ii, 22, 5.) It is Epiphanius who first adds the detail that the apostle was nearly a liundred years old when he WTOte his Gospel, shortly before his death. (Haer., ii, 12.) 140 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS but also with elegance in their expression, in their reason- ings, and in their entire structure. They are far indeed from betraying any barbarism or solecism, or any vul- garism whatever. . . I do not deny that the other writer saw a revelation and received knowledge and prophecy. I perceive, however, that his dialect and language are not accurate Greek, but he uses barbarous idioms, and, in some places, solecisms." ^ For the present it is sufficient to say that no orthodox student of the New Testament need feel under any obligation to assert and defend what the Apocalypse itself does not claim, an apostolic author- ship. " John " may or may not have been the apostle. That he was is merely the voice of tradition and the opinion of many Christian scholars — nothing more. But so far as the external evidence goes, it is clearly in favor of apostolic authorship. Ill In considering the external evidence concerning the Gospel and Epistles, it will be convenient to treat them together, since from earliest times until now there has been practically no doubt that they have a common au- thorship. This has indeed been questioned — what is there that has not been questioned? — but the overwhelm- ing weight of scholarly opinion has always been, and still is, in favor of a common authorship. We may, however, properly take pains to separate more clearly than has sometimes been done between evidence of the existence of the Fourth Gospel from the year too on- ward, and evidence of Johannine authorship. To some extent, the one fact implies the other, yet they are not precisely the same thing. Much of the external evidence only proves the existence and use in the church of the Gospel at a certain time ; and in such cases, authorship ^ Eusebius, H. E., vii, 34, 7, 22-27. THE PROBLEM : EXTERNAL TESTIMONY I4T is rather inferred with great probabiHty than delinitely proved. We begin, as a sohd starting-point, with the exis- tence of our four Gospels under the same names that they now bear, in the time of Irenseus. He not only enters into a fanciful and far-fetched argument to show that there must be four Gospels and no more, but also repeats the extant traditions regarding the authorship of the various books. As to the matter with which we are concerned, he says : " Then John, the disciple of the Lord, who also leaned upon his breast, himself also published the Gospel, while he was dwelling at Ephesus in Asia."® A little further on he adds that John re- mained permanently with the church at Ephesus " until the time of Trajan." As Trajan was emperor from 98 to 117, the statement of Irenseus accords with later tradi- tions that speak of the apostle's death at Ephesus at an advanced age. But the point just now to note is that in the age of Irenseus there was no Johannine problem: a common authorship, and that apostolic, of the Johannine writings was the generally accepted tradition. And, therefore, the importance of this testimony of Irenaeus is that it is not merely his individual witness: the implications are as significant as the assertions. This Father was born, probably, not later than 140, and by his own account he had in his youth known Polycarp, who had been a learner from the original disciples of Jesus. It is incredible that the Fourth Gospel should have been published during his own lifetime, and he be ignorant of the fact. Therefore, his words carry the date of the Gospel, and the tradition of the Johannine authorship as well, back to at least the middle of the second century. But, as already intimated, by linking his own testimony with that of Polycarp, the date is ^Adr. Haer., iii, i, i; ii, 3, 4; ii, 22, s; cf- iii. u. 9- 142 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS pushed back close to the apostolic period itself. In a lost letter to Florinus, from which Eusebius quotes at some length, Irenaeus says: " What boys learn, growing with their mind, becomes joined with it; so that I am able to describe the very place in which the blessed Poly- carp sat as he discoursed, and his goings out and com- ings in, and the manner of his life and his physical ap- pearance, and his discourses to the people, and the accounts that he gave of his intercourse with John and with the others who had seen the Lord. And as he re- membered their words, and what he heard from them concerning the Lord, and concerning his miracles and his teaching, having received them from eye-witnesses of the ' Word of Life,' Polycarp related all things in harmony with the Scriptures. These things being told me by the mercy of God, I listened to them attentively, noting them down, not on paper, but in my heart. And continually, through God's grace, I recall them faith- fully." '^ This statement, with its unmistakable allusion to the Prologue of the Fourth Gospel, goes so far to make Polycarp a witness to the Johannine authorship, that the only way of escape from that conclusion has proved to be a denial of the authenticity of the letter. But this is mere denial, which rests on no proof what- ever. Consequently, the majority of scholars accept the letter on the authority of Eusebius. To be sure, there is another small loophole, through which a few have crawled. Irenseus does not say in so many words, '' John the apostle." But he does say, " John who had seen the Lord." And if the Fourth Gospel was written by a John who was an eye-witness of the ministry of Jesus, what profit will there be in discussing whether he should be further named John the apostle or John the presbyter or John something-else? ■^ Eusebius, H. E., v, 20, 4-7. THE PROP.LEM : EXTERNAL TESTIMONY I43 We may surely leave such discussion to minds that find profitable exercise in debating the vast difference between tweedle-dee and tweedle-dum, and turn to the Muratorian Canon, which belongs to about the time of Irenaeus, at least to the later years of his episcopate. We read : " So also John, one of the disciples [author of the] fourth of the Gospels, began to write from the birth of John [the Baptist]. At the entreaties of his fellow disciples and bishops, he said, ' Fast with me three days from this, and whatever shall be revealed to us, let us narrate to each other.' On the same night it was revealed to Andrew, one of the apostles, that John should relate all things in his own name, while all revised them. . . He professes that he was not only an eye-witness, but also a hearer, and besides a writer in order of the wonderful works of the Lord." * Legendary and even silly, per- haps, this record yet makes clear the fact that the un- known writer of this document, and those for whom he spoke, believed John the apostle to be the author of the Fourth Gospel. The earliest writer to ascribe the Gospel to "John," presumably the apostle, is Theophilus of Antioch. Writ- ing perhaps a decade before Irenseus, he speaks of " all the Spirit-bearing men, one of whom, John, says, * In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God.'"^ Clement of Alexandria, probably writing a little later, but belonging to the last quarter of the second century, speaks like Irenaeus of the " four Gospels." ^" And Eusebius quotes from a lost work of Clement, the " Hypotyposes," a distinct testimony to the authorship of the Fourth Gospel : " But last of all, John, perceiving « For the full text of the Muratorian Canon, see Westcott's " History of the Canon,' pp. S43S47. ^Ad Axitol., ii, 22. Eusebius also informs us {H. E., iv, 24) that The- ophilus has used testimonies from the Apocalypse of John, but he gives no actual instances, and so we have only his opinion in the case. 'o Strom., iii, 13. 144 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS iliat the external facts had heen made plain in the Gospel, being urged by his friends and inspired by the Spirit, composed a spiritual Gospel." " The significance of this saying, as regards the content of the book, has been elsewhere discussed : here we note merely the historical bearing of Clement's attestation. The comparatively recent discovery of Tatian's " Dia- tessaron," a work previously known only by title and repute, makes it clear that the external testimony to the Fourth Gospel goes unmistakably back a generation earlier than that of Irenseus. Tatian used the Fourth Gospel equally with the Synoptists in the composition of his book, which is probably to be dated earlier than 170, and this of course implies acceptance and circulation of the Gospel for several decades before it would have been natural for a Christian scholar to use it on equal terms with the older narratives. Strictly speaking, Tatian only proves the existence of the Fourth Gospel and its unopposed use in the church from about 140 onward; but in view of the fact that no other than John the apostle is ever named as author by the Fathers, the inference as to authorship from the fact of use is almost irresistible, Sanday has shown that Tatian uses a text of the Gospel already very corrupt, and therefore derived by several successive copyings from the original autograph, which strongly confirms the inference that the book cannot, on this evidence from Tatian, be of later origin than 140, and might have been published decades earlier. We now come to Tatian's teacher, Justin, commonly surnamed Martyr. A passage occurs in his First Apology, which could have been written only by one familiar with John 3:3-5: " For Christ also said, ' Unless ye be born again, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.' " H. E., vi, 14, 7. THE PROBLEM : EXTERNAL TESTIMONY I45 But that it is impossible for those who are once born to enter into the womb of those who brought them forth, is evident to all." ^' Great efforts have been made to escape the natural conclusion from these words. Many critics have urged that the verbal deviations of Justin's citation from the passage in John show that this is no quotation, but may be better explained as an independent reference to the same tradition that is embodied in the Gospel: a common origin would explain their substantial identity, while the verbal differences make the hypothesis of quotation impossible. The argument is plausible until we examine the habits of the Fathers with regard to quotation, especially Jus- tin's. Fortunately, we have ample materials for in- vestigation. We find that of eighty-nine quotations by Justin from the Septuagint, twenty-three approximate verbal exactness, while thirty-three contain material varia- tions from the quoted text ; eight are merely free adapta- tions, and eight others are combinations of two or more separate passages into one. Of seventeen passages quoted more than once, scarcely one is given twice alike. Jus- tin's citations from the Synoptic Gospels, which he ad- mittedly had and used, are equally free. The investiga- gation proves beyond reasonable doubt that this Father does not attempt the exact verbal accuracy of modern scholars. The hypothesis most reconcilable with all the facts is, that Justin usually quoted from memory — an unusually well-stored memory, that always reproduced the sense of a passage, but not in most cases its exact words. Dr. Ezra x'Vbbot has shown by an elaborate in- vestigation that this habit of Justin's was common to all the early Fathers, and even to many later writers; and he has produced from the works of Christian schol- ars, from Irenaeus to Jeremy Taylor, quotations of this ^ApoL, i, 61. K 146 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS same passage in the Fourth Gospel, all of which show- verbal inaecuracies equal to or greater than Justin's, it the inaccuracy of Justin proves that he did not possess and use the Fourth Gospel, by parity of reasoning it is clear that this Gospel was unknown to over sixty of the greatest writers in Christian history. There could not be a more successful rcdiictio ad absurdum, and Doctor Abbot must be acknowledged to have completely de- molished this critical objection. ^^ But we have not yet before us the sum of Justin's evidence. Elsewhere he says : " I have previously shown that he was the only Son of the Father of all things, his Logos and his power, born of himself, and afterwards made man by means of the Virgin, as we have learned from the Memoirs." ^* These Memoirs, according to Justin, " have been composed by the Apostles and by those who have accompanied them," ^^ and are read in public worship as of equal authority with the Old Testa- ment prophets. Such acceptance and use require a long previous history. As there is so much dispute about Justin's Logos doctrine, whether he derived it from the Fourth Gospel, or from a common source, the widely diffused philosophic ideas of Philo, a cautious scholar will hesitate to draw an inference from this doctrine regard- ing the authorship of the Gospel. But in any event, it can hardly be successfully maintained that Justin was ignorant of this book ; and, if he knew it, its composition and publication cannot be dated later than the year 130. We are again indebted to Eusebius for a still earlier testimony that is believed by many to throw valuable light on the origin of the Fourth Gospel. This is something that Papias says about his earlier life, in a writing now 1' " The Fourth Gospel." Essays by Ezra Abbot, Andrew P. Peabody, and Bishop Lightfoot, New York, 1891, pp. 28-37. ^* Dial., c, 25. ^ Apol., i, 67. THE problem: external testimony 147 lost : " And again, on any occasion when a person came in my way who had been a follower of the elders, I would inquire about the discourses of the presbyters — what was said by Andrew or Peter, or by Philip, or by Thomas or James, or by John or Matthew, or any other of the Lord's disciples, and what Aristion and John the Presby- ter say. For I did not think that I could get so much profit from the contents of books, as from the utterances of a living and abiding voice." ^° Eusebius inferred from these words of Papias a distinction between the John who was a disciple or presbyter along with Peter and James, and another John who was known as " the pres- byter." It was possibly knowledge of some such fact or tradition as this which led Dionysius of Alexandria to conjecture that John the apostle was not the author of the Apocalypse, but " some other one of those in Asia, as they say there are two monuments in Ephesus, each bearing the name of John." This latter circum- stance Eusebius seems to attest of his own knowledge, though his language is not absolutely conclusive : " This shows that the statement of those is true, who say that there were two persons in Asia that bore the same name, and that there were two tombs in Ephesus, each of which, even to the present day, is called John's. It is important to notice this, for it is probable that it was the second John, the presbyter, if one is not willing to admit that it was the first, that saw the Revelation which is ascribed by name to John." Those Fathers who found difficulties in the theory of a common authorship of Gos- pel and Apocalypse, with one accord ascribed the Apoca- lypse to another John, but never thought of another than the apostle as author of the Gospel. As we have already noted, evidence for the authorship of the Epistles is practically evidence for the Gospel also. **f/. E., iii, 39, 4. 148 THE JOIIANNINE WRITINGS Eusebius tells us that Papias " has used testimonies from the former Epistle of John, and from that of Peter simi- larly." ^■^ And Polycarp seems to quote i John : " For whosoever does not confess that Jesus Christ has come in the flesh, is Antichrist," ^® which is so exactly the sub- stance of I John 4 : 2, 3, and so nearly the form, that the relationship of the two can hardly be denied. Pos- sibly there are in Polycarp's letter echoes of the Gospel also, as where he says, " As he has promised us, ' I will raise you from the dead.' " ^^ The only record of such promise by Jesus is in the sixth chapter of the Fourth Gospel, where " I will raise him up at the last day " is thrice repeated as a sort of refrain in verses 40, 44, 54. It is certain, however, that Polycarp nowhere mentions John by name, while he does mention Paul. He also cites unmistakably from Paul and only doubtfully from John. If Polycarp was really a disciple of the apostle, it is urged, such an attitude toward his teacher is strange, if not incredible. But we should remember that we have only a short letter of Polycarp, and he cannot be fairly expected in that to tell us all that he had ever known or thought. That short letter, moreover, was addressed to the Philippians, a church with which Paul had a vital connection and John none at all, so far as we know. Still further, Polycarp was exhorting the Philippians to sted- fastness under persecution, " such as ye have seen before your eyes, not only in the case of the blessed Ignatius . . . but also in others . . . and in Paul himself, and the rest of the apostles." -" He could not well refer to John in this connection, if John was not a martyr, but had only recently died at Eusebius (according to tradition). In the light of these facts, can it be fairly said that Polycarp's silence regarding his alleged master is inexplicable? "H. E., iii, 39, i6. ^ " To Philippians." ch. vit. ^^ lb., ch. V. "" " Philippians," ch. ix. THE I'KOBLKM : EXTERNAL TESTIMONY 149 But, it is still further urged, the facts have not yet been fully considered : the silence is not that of Polycarp alone, but of Ignatius and Justin— of all the Fathers, in fact, prior to 150. For, if it be conceded that some or all of these were acquainted with the Fourth Gospel, not one of them mentions John as its author. The argument from silence, it is said, is cumulative, and therefore very weighty. To which it must be replied, that of all forms of historical evidence the argument from silence is of least value. Humboldt once illustrated its weakness from modern literature, especially when our information is fragmentary: In the archives of Barcelona there is no mention of the triumphal entry of Columbus into that city; in Marco Polo's Travels there is no allusion to the Great Wall of China ; and in the state papers of Por- tugal nothing is to be found about the voyages of Amerigo Vespucci in the service of the crown. According to the critics of John, we ought to reject as mythical, or at least unproved, these facts. It is now a recognized prin- ciple among historical students that the argument from silence is never quite conclusive, and it is never even strong, unless it can be shown from attendant circum- stances that a writer had a powerful motive to say a given thing, if he was acquainted with it and believed it to be true. Then, indeed, silence may be very significant. The silence of the Fathers regarding John is not at all of that nature; there was then no controversy about the authorship of the Gospel, and no particular reason why a Father should mention the author ; hence nothing can be safely inferred from mere silence. And besides, the argument from silence in this case of the Fourth Gospel is double-edged and cuts both ways. If the silence of the Fathers down to about 150 about the authorship of the Fourth Gospel is difficult to reconcile with the theory of its previous existence and apostolic 150 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS authorship, the silence of the Fathers after 150 about the recent pubHcation of the Gospel and the fiction of apostolic authorship would be equally inexplicable. When Theophilus and Iren^Eus begin to quote the Gospel as the work of John the apostle, they treat it as a book well known and generally accepted. The conclusion to which all the facts, therefore, unmistakably point is, that the Gospel was probably published before no, and al- most certainly published as the work of John the apostle. The full significance of this unanimous acceptance of the Fourth Gospel by the year 150 will be apparent when we ask ourselves what possibility there would have been of introducing a fourth account of the life of Jesus, so different from the already accepted three, as the work of an apostle, without rousing one word of controversy or protest. When Melanchthon attempted to make a few changes in the Augsburg Confession, he nearly disrupted the Lutheran party. The second letter ascribed to Peter is a sufficient example of the opposition that any ill- authenticated book would receive in the second century, when it claimed apostolic authority and a place in the canon. If a book of small relative importance required two centuries to surmount opposition and become gen- erally accepted as apostolic and canonical, what chance would a book of so supreme importance as the Fourth Gospel have had of being slipped " unbeknownst " into the official books of the Church? It would be possible to add considerably to the bulk of the patristic evidence, but hardly to its significance. At- tempts have been made to show that Ignatius was familiar with the Fourth Gospel. He certainly does not quote from it, in the modern sense, but there are in his letters phrases of a Johannine flavor, echoes of the Gospel (such as "the eternal Word of God," Mag. viii) Mdiich, how- ever, prove no more than that Ignatius was familiar with THE problem: extekn.vl testimony 151 the Johannine type of teaching. Such famiharity he might have gained from tradition, as well as from a written Gospel. There is valuable evidence also from heretical sources, as well as from orthodox. Chief among these is Basilides, who died not long after 130, and must therefore have been living in the last two decades of the first century. He is said by Hippolytus to have been a disciple of that Matthias who was chosen to take the place of Judas among the Twelve, Basilides is quoted by Hippolytus as saying: " And here it is (says he) what is said in the Gospels, ' I am the true Light that lighteth every man,' " and, " Let every thing have its own ap- pointed time (says he) is what the Saviour sufficiently declares in these words, * My hour is not yet come.' " It is hard not to see here quotations of John i : 9 and 2 : 4. Critics like Weizsacker, not too strongly inclined to orthodoxy or traditionalism, admit that these are quo- tations from the Fourth Gospel. If this view is correct, the publication of the Gospel after 130 is impossible, and after 120 is incredible. IV Even among the critics most hostile to the traditional views, a great change has come about since the debate over the Johannine writings began. Baur insisted that the Gospel could not be dated earlier than 170. But further investigation showed conclusively that the book was widely current at that date, and had already been made the subject of a commentary by Heracleon, which implies a considerable previous history, since commen- taries are not written on an unknown work, or even on one recently published. So Hilgenfeld set the date back to 150, with which date Keim finally agreed, after first fixing on 130. The establishment of Tatian's use of the Gospel now compels even the most radical critics to make 152 TliE JOHANNINE WRITINGS Keim's earliest date the latest possible, and recent Ger- man writers show a progressive tendency to approximate the traditional ideas. Wernle, for example, accepts " the fact that the writings that form the New Testament to- ward the end of the second century, were already — with scarcely an exception — in the possession of the ecclesias- tical writers, Ignatius, Polycarp, and Papias, at the be- ginning of the century." -^ And Volkmar, whom no scholar will accuse of undue conservatism, says : " If be- tween 125 and 155 a commentary was composed on John's Gospel, such as that of which Origen has preserved con- siderable extracts, -- what yet remains to be discussed ? It is very certain that it is all over with the critical thesis of the composition of the Fourth Gospel in the middle of the second century." There are, however, still not a few who are unwilling to accept the conclusion above indicated as best in ac- cord with all the facts. If the Gospel was published by 120, not more than twenty years after the probable death of John, and accepted by the presbyters and bishops of those Asiatic churches where he was best known, how can his authorship be successfully questioned? The only recourse would seem to be to deny the tradition of John's Ephesian residence and old age. When they wrote, Baur and Hilgenfeld found this Asiatic residence of the apos- tle necessary to the validity of their arguments against a Johannine authorship ; and so they not only accepted the tradition, but maintained it. Now an Asiatic resi- dence of the apostle has become an embarrassment to the critics, and from Keim onward they have denied that the tradition has any foundation in fact. Some will not even admit that there was one John in Ephesus, while ^ " Beginnings of Christianity," 2 : 245. ^ Origen quotes from Heracleon's commentary about fifty times, and often at considerable length. THE problem: external testimony 153 others eagerly receive the assertion of Eusebius and others that two Johns dwelt there, who became confused in the later traditions. A fragment recently recovered from Papias declares that " John and James, his brother, were killed by the Jews." -^ This statement is held to be more inherently credible than the tradition of death of old age at Ephesus, since it accords better with the Synoptic prediction concerning both brothers, " Ye shall drink the cup that I drink." -* This is an argument, of course, that appeals with special force to those who hold that all predictions are made after the event — all suc- cessful predictions, at least. That there is a difficulty just here was recognized by some of the Fathers, and Origen suggests that the words of Jesus were sufficiently fulfilled by the banishment of John to Patmos.-^ Though the earlier tradition does seem to recognize two Johns in Asia, it says nothing about both being in Ephesus, which is a considerably later addition. And the later tradition is not consistent : for example, Epiphanius speaks of a presbyter of Jerusalem who survived until 117, who bore the name of John."® The first definite statement about John the presbyter, therefore, is that he was of Jerusalem, not of Ephesus. The theory of two Ephesian Johns is probably nothing but a mare's nest dis- covered by Dionysius and approved by Eusebius, to dis- credit not the Fourth Gospel, but the Apocalypse. Euse- bius makes his motive quite evident, when he quotes as the oldest tradition known to him, the words of Polyc- rates, bishop of Ephesus in the last decades of the second century : " And moreover John, who was both a witness and a teacher, who reclined on the bosom of the Lord, and being a priest wore the sacerdotal plate. He also ^"Texte und Untersuchungen," v, 2, p. 170. ^ Mark xo : 39; Matt, zo : 23. -' Com. in Matt., torn, xvi, 66. '' De Mens., xv. 154 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS sleeps at Ephesus." -^ Whatever strengthened ecclesias- tical claims found ready acceptance with the first Chris- tian historian. And it becomes increasingly difficult to explain how an accepted tradition of an Ephesian resi- dence of John the apostle could have grown up within two generations of his asserted death there, if there had been no foundation of fact for such a general belief. An appropriate conclusion of this examination of the external evidence would seem to be these words of the late Bishop Lightf oot : " We may look forward to the time when it will be held discreditable to the reputation of any critic for sobriety and judgment to assign to this Gospel any later date than the end of the first century, or the very beginning of the second." "* ^ H. E.. iii, 21 ; cf. v, i, 8, 13 and iii, 23. 28 " Biblical Essays," London, 1871, p. 11. CHAPTER VII THE JOHANNINE PROBLEM: THE INTERNAL EVIDENCE THOUGH the question of the authorship of the Fourth Gospel is a purely critical problem, it is a problem of the first interest, if not of the first impor- tance. Apologetic literature in former generations as- sumed that we have four independent witnesses of the Hfe of Jesus in the Four Gospels. Critical study has convinced all scholars that at most we have but two wit- nesses: the Synoptists, owing to their literary interde- pendence, together give but one testimony, while the Fourth Gospel at least purports to give another. But the slightest examination discloses the fact that the Fourth Gospel differs widely from the other three. Some critics therefore argue: Since John's account of the min- istry and teaching of Jesus differs so widely from that of the Synoptists, it cannot be true. This is a complete non sequitur. One accustomed to judicial sifting of tes- timony would be more likely to argue thus : John's testi- mony is different from that of the Synoptists, therefore it probably is true; had it been the same, the agreement would have been suspicious. The Fourth Gospel is the only one of the four that claims to be written by an eye-witness. None of the other writers puts forth this claim to possession of first- hand knowledge; the writer of the Third Gospel, indeed, frankly confesses that he did not belong to the original circle of disciples and has used written sources. But the 155 156 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS author of the Fourth Gospel is announced in its text, not by tradition merely, to have belonged to the inner circle, to have seen the works of Jesus and listened to his words, and, moreover, to have been distinguished by the Master's special affection. If the claim is false, we have this curious paradox to justify: the New Testament writing most eminent in ethical quality and spiritual in- sight is precisely the one that was written by a man peculiarly deficient in these qualities. And if we adopt the view that the claim was made, not by the author, but by his disciples or an unknown editor^ — which is probably the fact — we have made the case but a shade better. For while the explicit claim was probably the addition of a later hand, the apostolfc authorship is implicit in the whole book. On the other hand, if the claim is true, we have what every Christian would most desire : a portrait of our Lord and his ministry by the one who was nearest to him and understood him best.^ Every Christian therefore is vitally interested to know whether the Fourth Gospel represents Jesus as he was, and his words substantially as they were uttered, or whether it merely presents to us what the Church of the second century thought Jesus ought to have been and ought to have said. Is it true, as Loisy has said, that the Gospel is not a testimony to the life of Jesus on earth, but to the life of Christ in the Church at the end of the first century? If so, we have in this Gospel merely an interesting historical document; but if it is in truth what it claims to be, we have a solid foundation for our Chris- tian faith. The reluctance of Christian scholars to accept the new view of the Gospel is not hard to understand; nevertheless, no dread of consequences must deter us from seeking to know the truth and weighing the evidence 1 Marcus Dods, Introduction to the Gospel of John, " Expositor's Greek Testament," Vol, I, p. 655. THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE I57 fairl}-. On the other liand, we must be permitted to say that there has been an apparent eagerness to discredit the apostohc authorship of the Gospel, and to remand its testimony to the domain of historical romance, which casts more than a doubt upon the scientific impartiality of many critics. The first item of internal evidence of authorship that demands attention is the already mentioned assertion in the last chapter: "This is the disciple that bears witness of these things, and wrote these things: and we knoxv that his ivitncss is true." These words, espe- cially the italicized clause, are obviously an editorial ad- dition, and they occur in a chapter that is, in the opinion of many scholars, a kind of appendix to the Gospel by a later writer, not a part of the original book. In its original text, the Gospel was almost certainly anonymous. But it is more difficult to accept the theory of a later authorship for the whole of the last chapter. The same style and vocabulary and habits of thought are found in it that we discover in the preceding chapters. The theory of later composition of the final chapter also raises this historical difficulty, not less serious than the literary: How could such a spurious addition to the work have gained unopposed acceptance? On the other hand, 21 : 24, together with 19 : 35, and perhaps 12 : 23 also, might have been placed at any time as marginal notes on the manuscript, and afterwards incorporated into the text without notice or opposition. Nor does it seem that accurate reasoning shuts us up to the two alternatives proposed by some,' that these are either true ascriptions of authorship or wilful misstate- ments. There is a third possibility, more probable than either of these, namely, that the author or authors of ' Anqong others, by Drummond, " Character and Authorship of the Fourth Gospel," London, 1904, pp. 260, 261. 158 THE JOHANNIXE WRITINGS these interpolated assertions of authorship beheved what tliey said to be true, but did not really know it to be true — that they inferred a Johannine authorship from the character of the document and its general repute. Men do not always lie when they say things contrary to fact ; they often believe (on insufficient grounds, but sincerely) that they speak according to fact. There is nothing to prevent us from accepting this as the honest statement of what was believed among Ephesian Christians early in the second century. But, then, why should they have be- lieved this if it were not true? Had they not fully as good opportunities to learn the real fact of the case as those enjoyed by the modern critic? While we may not receive their statement as indisputably true, there does not seem to be rational ground for rejecting it as in- dubitably false. Clearly, the verse would be printed in a modern book as an editorial footnote. Johannine authorship is, there- fore, a claim explicitly made for the Gospel, not by the Gospel, " We know that his testimony is true " can have no possible meaning other than attestation of the record by those who knew the author, either personally or by repute. It has been plausibly conjectured that " we " were presbyters of Ephesus. All that we know is that they vouch for the Gospel and its author; but who will vouch for these anonymous witnesses of an otherwise anonymous writing? We have only one voucher, and, after all, we could hardly have a better, in the fact that their testimony was accepted without question and be- came the unanimous belief of the Church. Surely that is a fact of no little weight. In the absence of a single hint to the contrary, in all the patristic literature, it estab- lishes a presumption of the correctness of the statement that can be set aside only by some positive evidence to the contrary. THE problem: internal evidence 159 Such evidence has been found, some think, in the Gos- pel itself. The internal evidence has inclined most read- ers to believe that the author was a Jev^ and a Palestinian, which is so far favorable to Johannine authorship. But this has been stoutly disputed. The author's frequent references to " the Jews," it is said, are impossible on the lips of a Jew. When it is remembered that most, if not all, of these references apply to the official representa- tives of the nation and their adherents — a party avowedly hostile to Jesus from the first — to whom Jesus is described as continually making unsuccessful appeal; and if it be admitted that the author was residing among Gentiles long previous to writing, and that he wrote mainly for Gentile readers — it will then appear that this is exactly the way in which he might be expected to speak. Equally different conclusions have been drawn from another item of the internal evidence. The Gospel is remarkable for its " local color," its precision of accumu- lated detail, its accurate knowledge of Jewish customs, all of which are very characteristic. The Synoptics are content, for example, with saying that a certain disciple smote a servant of the high priest, but this Gospel says explicitly that Peter struck and Malchus was injured. At the anointing of Jesus at Bethany, some disciples mur- mured at the waste, according to the Synoptics ; but this Gospel says Judas pretended to want the ointment sold and the money given to the poor, that he might get a chance to embezzle it.^ The critic who is determined not to be convinced says that these are marks, not of truth, but of artful verisimilitude, such as a Defoe or a Swift manages to give his fictions — they merely place the Fourth Gospel in the class of " Robinson Crusoe " and " Gulliver's Travels," as a work of fancy. Hostile criti- s On these lifelike details, see E. F. Scott, " The Fourth Gospel, its Pur- pose and Theology," Edinburgh, 1906, p. iS seq. l60 THE JOHANXIXE WRITIXGS cism has changed its ground with reference to such mat- ters as often as the exigencies of the case have required. Thus a generation ago, Baur and Bretschneider contended that there were such geographical inaccuracies in the Fourth Gospel as to prove conclusively that it could not be the work of an apostle and eye-witness — no native of Palestine could have made such blunders. But later re- search has so confirmed the accuracy of the Gospel that this ground has been abandoned. It is now so plain that the author w^as a native of Palestine and had so perfect knowledge of the country, that Bacon makes this an ob- jection to the Johannine authorship — this Palestinian author could not have been for the better part of his life a resident of Ephesus! The critics seem to have borrowed a slogan from politicians, " Anything to beat John." He cannot be the author of the Gospel because it is inaccurate, and he cannot be the aiithor because it is too accurate ! O " scientific " criticism ! What follies are perpetrated in thy name ! Not to seem to treat a grave subject with undue levity, let us once for all admit that the internal evidence for the Gospel does suggest certain serious difficulties to one who would maintain the traditional authorship. So much may be conceded by the most orthodox students, as well as asserted by the most radical. The real question is, How much weight is it just to assign to each of these difficulties, or to all of them combined? And on the answer to that question will depend one's solution of the Johannine problem. II The prime difficulty is perhaps the diflFerence in general scheme between this Gospel and the Synoptics, and the new ideal of Jesus and his mission presented. From the Synoptics we should hardly suspect a Judean ministry, THE problem: internal evidence i6i l^rior to the final visit to Jerusalem;* from the Fourth Gospel we should hardly suspect a Galilean ministry of any length. From the Synoptics the easiest inference would certainly be that the ministry extended over little more than a single year; while the Fourth Gospel nar- rates a ministry of over two years surely, possibly over three. It may, of course, be true, as all harmonists have contended, that these schemes are not essentially incon- sistent, that they are in fact easily reconcilable ; but they are patently different. Yet more grave is the difference in conception of the mission and work of Jesus that characterizes the Fourth Gospel. The Synoptics repre- sent Jesus as concerned mainly with the establishment of the kingdom of God. He is Saviour of the world, to be sure, but salvation consists in repentance — a moral right-about-face — and the doing of righteousness, that is, coming into filial relation with God and fraternal relation with men. God welcomes and forgives the repentant, as a father treats his erring son when the wanderer returns to his father's house. The Fourth Gospel repre- sents the mission of Jesus as a revelation of the divine glory, effecting an atonement without which forgiveness and salvation would have been impossible. As a result, he is able to confer abundant life, eternal life, on those who trust him. This Gospel is the necessary historical basis for Paul's theology, which cannot be deduced from the Synoptics. Is not at least a partial explanation of these phenomena possible without denial of the historicity of the Fourth Gospel? Why this surprise that the ideal of Jesus there presented differs so markedly from the earlier ideal of the Synoptics? Did the disciples of Jesus come to a * Critics object that the Synoptics tell us of only one visit to Jerusalem, John speaks of several. But the Synoptics imply what John tells. " O Jeru- salem, Jerusalem. . . How often would I have gathered thy children," etc. (Matt. 23 : 37; cf. Luke 13 : 34.) This may be called an unconscious testi- mony to the historicity of the Fourth Gospel. l62 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS true and full appreciation of his character and mission all at once? And if the process was a gradual one, what guaranty have we that the process was finished when the Synoptists wrote? If John had nothing to add to what had already been said about his Master, if he had nothing new to tell about Jesus, no fresh light to throw on his character or teaching, why break silence at all? When- ever the Synoptic Gospels were written in their present form, one cannot doubt that the materials of which they are composed were for the most part committed to writing at an early date, while the human side of the life of Jesus still remained most vivid in the recollections of his disciples. The Fourth Gospel was composed a full generation at least after the last of the Synoptics, when there had been time for reflection upon the meaning of that life, and its interpretation in terms of Christian ex- perience — after the Pauline gospel had been widely pro- claimed, with its strong insistence upon the divine Sonship of Jesus. It was to be expected, therefore, that we should have in a Johannine Gospel a very different con- ception of the Christ character from that entertained by the first generation of Christians — that he should be pre- sented to us as the eternal Word become flesh, the revela- tion of the Father that Christian experience had found him to be. As between the synoptical Jesus and the Johannine Christ, which is the true historical personage? Both, is the correct answer, for the alternative is artificial, not real. We are not, as matter of fact, compelled to choose between the Synoptics and John: surely, the Christian consciousness of all the centuries has not erred in its conclusion that each picture is true, while each presents only one side of the truth. In other words, both together are truer than either taken separately. For example, the teaching of the Fourth Gospel regarding the pre- THE problem: internal evidence 163 existence of the Son, does not eontradict the Synoptists, but supplements them. Preexistence is implicit in the s>Tioptic idea of the divinity of the Son, as the Church soon perceived when all four documents were before it. Paul's teaching helped to bring this more quickly to the consciousness of all Christians, but the process was in- evitable, and would have been little delayed had Paul never written his Epistles. Another serious difficulty that we must consider is the different material contained in the Fourth Gospel. The waiter appears to have possessed and used the Synoptics, but very slightly. ]\Iost of his material is strictly orig- inal: the miracle at Cana, the second testimony of the Baptist, the conversations with Nicodemus and the woman of Samaria, the healing of the paralytic at Bethesda and of the man born blind, and above all the raising of Lazarus, with the teachings accompanying most of these miracles — all these find not so much as a corresponding hint in the first three Gospels. But one of the seven miracles that he selects from the entire ministry of Jesus for special narration is told in the Synoptics (the feeding of the multitude), unless with some we regard the healing of the nobleman's son at Cana as merely another version of the synoptic story of the healing of the centurion's slave at Capernaum. That seems rather too much like saying that Ccesar's story of his fight with the Nervii is another version of Livy's account of the battle of Cannae. To be sure, the details of time and place and name are quite dissimilar, but the two accounts must be different versions of the same event, because each is the story of a battle fought by a Roman general. By that sort of reasoning, which has been too frequent in biblical criti- cism, one easily proves any event to be identical with any other. In like manner, hypermetropic critics who can see much further into a millstone than the rest of 164 THE JOHANNIXE WRITINGS US have suggested that the story of the raisiug of Lazarus grows out of Luke's story of the rich man and Lazarus, and the hint of the closing words, " Neither will they be persuaded if one rise from the dead." So the author of the Fourth Gospel made Lazarus rise from the dead, to show that " the Jews " were still unconvinced ! This may strike some as a notion fitter to have emanated from Bedlam than from the mind of a sober biblical scholar, yet no less a critic than Schmiedel admiringly adopts it from Bruno Bauer. Another internal difBculty in this Gospel is said to be that the day on which Jesus died differs from that given in the Synoptics. It can hardly be denied that such is the fact, though many scholars have striven desperately to " reconcile " the two accounts, in the supposed inter- ests of orthodoxy. But one can hardly read with un- biased mind Luke 22 : 7, 13, 15, and the parallel pas- sages in the other Synoptics, and avoid the conclusion that Jesus ate the Passover with his disciples. On the other hand, one who reads with equal impartiality John 13 : i; 18 : 28; and 19 : 14, 31, finds it equally dif- ficult to escape the conclusion that Jesus was crucified at the time when the Passover lamb was killed. Only heroic exegesis will make these two accounts agree, as candor will in the end compel all Christian scholars to recognize. Bacon seems to state the fact fairly when he says that Jesus celebrated with his disciples, not the Passover, but the Kiddush, or preparation of the Passover, and that the Fourth Gospel has preserved a more accurate tradi- tion than the Synoptics.^ But his conclusion well illus- trates what seems to be a rule of the more radical critics : When the Synoptics contradict John, believe the Synop- tics ; when John contradicts the Synoptics, believe John. * B. W. Bacon, " The Fourth Gospel in Research and Debate," New York, 1910, p. 260. THE rRUULliM ; IXTEKXAL EVIDENCE 165 The beauty of this rule is that by its apphcation each evangelist can in turn be convicted of mistakes and in- accuracies. It appears, even in the opinion of the radical critics, that in this instance to differ from the Synoptics is favor- able to the credibility of the Fourth Gospel. What some have asserted to be a difficulty in accepting it, turns out to be a point in its favor. Besides the existence of a double tradition thus witnessed, reaching back to apos- tolic times, the statement of the Fourth Gospel is the necessary historical datum for explanation of the rise and continuance of the Easter controversy of the second century. It is well known that the churches of Asia Minor, led by Ephesus, were quartodeciman ( f ourteenth- ers), that is, they celebrated the eucharist on the four- teenth of Nisan, not because Jesus instituted the ordinance on that day, but because he died on that day, and there- fore was the true Paschal Lamb, In this they agreed with John and contradicted the Synoptics. It was on the idea of the celebration that the quartodecimans differed from others, quite as much as on the day : they commemorated the death of Christ as the chief fact, rather than his resur- rection. The Talmud is said to confirm as the true tradi- tion the account of John. Many of the " difficulties " vanish in like manner on careful consideration of the author's purpose and plan, which have been fully treated in a previous chapter. This is not the case, however, with the omission of any ac- count of the institution of the eucharist in connection with the Last Supper, and the apparent association of it with the miracle of feeding the multitude. It is true that many exegetes have denied this connection, but uncon- vincingly; to most readers of all ages, thought of the eucharist has been quite irresistible when Jesus says, " He that eats my flesh and drinks my blood has eternal life," I66 THE JOilANJSfliN'E VVKITINGS and the rest of it. Whatever explanation of this omission be suggested or adopted, ignorance will never do. It is impossible that any writer between lOO and 120 could have been unaware that the eucharist was a firmly estab- lished Christian institution, and that tradition ascribed its institution to Jesus himself. Spitta makes the in- genious suggestion that a leaf containing the account of the supper may have dropped out of the original manu- script, which is a solution rather too ingenious to be acceptable. Critics tell us often that the Gospels are not biog- raphies, but belong to apologetic or polemic literature ; and then in all their critical examinations and arguments treat the Gospels as if they were biographical." They argue, for example, that if a writer does not tell a thing it is " unknown " to him. Mark knows nothing of the virgin birth, because he does not speak of it ; and all the Synoptics were ignorant of the preexistence of Christ because they do not mention it. It cannot be said too insistently that there is no rational foundation for such a canon of criticism. The mere fact that a writing does not contain what we think it should con- tain, is no sufficient ground for accusing the author of ignorance or for questioning a reputed authorship. Who made us judges of what the apostles ought to say? Critics often complain of modern books that they show unaccountable omissions; probably no author lives who has not been told many times by his critics how much better they could have written his book. The author did not estimate as the critic does the relative importance of things. Or he may not choose to write about what he does not fully understand — which is where the critic usually has the advantage of him. Many hypotheses are ^ As for example, G. B. Foster, " Finality of the Christian Religion," Chicapro, 1906, p. 352. The apologetic character of the Gospels is no modern discovery; it was recognized by Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., iii, ii, i. THE rRUDLliM : INTEKiNAL EVIDENCE 167 possible, other than a denial of reputed authorship, which is the favorite resort of bibhcal critics in every difficuhy. Ill But perhaps the most serious obstacle to the acceptance of Johannine authorship of the Gospel, or at any rate to its historicity, is found in the discourses of Jesus.' Even in form the difference of these discourses from those in the Synoptics is striking, and the difference in substance is greater still. In form the synoptic discourses are monologues, while those of the Fourth Gospel are dia- logues. As to the substance, Renan has put the matter with his usual clarity, " If Jesus spoke as Matthew would have us believe, he could not have spoken in the manner represented by John." The majority of German scholars, and an increasing number of French and En- glish, agree with Renan, though some would state their opinion more cautiously. The candid scholar cannot deny that this alleged dif- ference is real ; it is so marked that no reader of ordinary literary perception can fail to note it. Evidently, the author of the Fourth Gospel, whether John the apostle or another, has used considerable freedom in reporting the discourses of Jesus. Any report of a discourse by another is an interpretation as well as a report: that is to say, unless a discourse is taken down verbatim in shorthand, a report tells the impression that the discourse made on the reporter. Longhand reporting is, as any- ■^ Some have receivecl an impresston from a cursory reading of the Gos- pels that the Fourth differs from the earlier three in the lengthy of the dis- courses attributed to Jesus. This is a case of hasty generalization. There is a difference, but it i=; not so much in John's giving longer discourses as that he reports fewer short sayings than the Synoptics. Careful study and an accurate tabulation of facts shows that John reports twenty brief dis- courses (of three to ten verses each) to Matthew's sixteen; while of moder- ately long discourses (ten to twenty verses) he has but three to Matthew's eight; and of quite long (exceeding twenty verses) but three to Matthew's four. (Drummond, p. 17.) One of the remarkable things about biblical criticism is that it has always known, so many things that aren't so. -1^ l68 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS body knows who has had experience in doing it, a com- plex psychologic process, and the result represents the mental activities of the reporter as well as those of the speaker. The longer the time that elapses between the speech and the writing of the report, the more of the re- porter's mentality is likely to become embodied in the report. This may happen without impairment of the substantial correctness of the report: not always the exact words of the speaker, but always his vital meaning, will be conveyed by a good reporter. So, when certain critics assure us that the contrasts between the synoptic discourses and those of the Fourth Gospel are too great to be explained away,^ one may reply : *' Nobody is at all interested to explain them away. The question is. How are they best to be accounted for ? " If John or another is the composer of these discourses, and so is to be accounted a poet or religious romancer, and not a recorder of historical fact, we have this aston- ishing phenomenon : The author of the most profound and eloquent religious teaching in the history of the world was not Jesus, and men have been altogether astray in hailing him as the Great Teacher of mankind , for here was a disciple who was greater than his Master. Is that credible? Is not almost any other hypothesis more credible than that? Is not the solution proffered by the great exegete, Meyer, much preferable? Aleyer says: " The manifestation of Jesus as the divine-human life was intrinsically too rich, grand, and manifold not to be represented variously, according to the varying individ- ualities by which its rays were caught, and according to the more or less ideal points of view from which those rays were reflected." But while we fully admit and even insist upon all facts 8 H. L. Jackson, " The Fourth Gospel and Some Recent German Criti- cism," p. i6i. THE PROJiLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE I69 disclosed by most thorough exegetical and literary study of the Gospel, we may be allowed also to enter protest against exaggeration of fact and erroneous conclusion from fact. Those critics have gone too far who have declared that a Jesus who could teach as in the Synop- tics, and at the same time as in John, is " a psychologic impossibility " — if due regard is had, that is to say, to differences of mentality between the reporters. The con- trast is no greater, to say the least, than that between the style of Daniel Webster's public orations, revised by himself and so representing his style at what he at least believed to be its best, and the conversations re- ported by his friend Harvey. As has often been pointed out, the contrast is no greater than between the dis- courses of Socrates as reported by Xenophon in his " Memorabilia " and those in the " Dialogues " of Plato. Each reporter has put a large part of his own personality into his account of the philosopher's teachings, but un- derneath either we may perceive the true Socrates, and from both together we get a better portrait of the man than either would be taken separately. Xenophon, like the Synoptists, has probably kept closer to the exact words of his master, while ' Plato, like the Fourth Gos- pel, has better interpreted his profounder teachings. Critics have been without due warrant of fact when they have urged that the writer of the Gospel makes John, Nicodemus, the blind man, Pilate, and Jesus all speak in the same manner, namely, the author's. Those scholars have shown better literary discernment who have praised, as one of the striking characteristics of the Gospel, the clear discrimination of these personalities from each other and their vivid individualization. And * The fact that there is a large recognizahle personal element in the Synoptics, as^ well as in the Fourth Gospel, and the early recognition of thi-^ fact by tlie Church, we may safely infer from the ancient titles of the honks: {eiiayyiXiov) Kara Toi' Mapicor, etc. — not the Good News pure and simple, but the ideal of the Good News presented by Mark or Matthew or Luke. I/O THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS there is more difference between the discourses and the narrative than many critics have been able or wilHng to see. Further still, the contrast between the synoptic discourses and these is not so violent as many critics have represented. Lest these be taken as mere un- founded assertions, here are a few pertinent facts : The author puts into the mouth of Jesus one hundred and forty-five words never used elsewhere in the Gospel, and thirty-eight of these are used in the synoptic accounts of the words of Jesus. Godet has prefixed to his Com- mentary a list of twenty-eight sayings in the Fourth Gospel that are identical, or nearly so, with others in the Synoptists. Any reader may discover for himself passages here and there in the first three Gospels that are quite in the style of the Fourth; as: All things have been delivered to me by my Father; And no one knows the Son save the Father; Nor does any know the Father save the Son, And he to whomsoever the Son wills to reveal him.'" These are strikingly like words in the Fourth Gospel: The Father loves the Son, And has given all things into his hand. Not that any man has seen the Father, Save he who is from God, He has seen the Father." And we do find in the Fourth Gospel's discourses that same Hebraistic construction of sentences, that entire absence of the true period, that rhythmic parallelism and antithesis which are characteristic of the synoptic reports, because they are the characteristics of all He- brew poetry. The adequate translation and editing of "Matt. II : 27; Luke 10 : 22. 11 John 1 : 35; 6 : 46. 1 from Mattnew, or lice versa John 3 : 35; 6 : 46. The critics should now insist that John copied "he THE I'KOiiLEM : IMEKXAL EVIDENCE 17I the four Gospels causes a total disappearance of the greater part of their apparent unlikeness in their ordinary English dress. Let the reader turn to the second part of this work, where an attempt has been made at such editing of the discourses of the Fourth Gospel, and judge this matter for himself. All critics agree with tradition in at least one important matter : that the author of the Fourth Gospel was farthest in time of composition from the time in which the discourses were delivered. This does not exclude the hypothesis that he may have made notes, at the time or soon afterward, from which his fuller report was after- ward elaborated. As already pointed out, we might reasonably expect that this interval, with its opportunities for frequent meditation on the meaning of his Mas- ter's words, and the light thrown upon them by a whole generation of Christian experience, would afTect the manner of reporting the discourses. But there is an- other consideration, to which sufficient weight has not always been attached: Jesus spoke in Aramaic, and the earliest report of his words was, according to Papias, made by Matthew in that language. All the reports that we now have, therefore, are translations from Aramaic into Greek — made we know not when or by whom, in the case of the Synoptics. If we accept the view that the Synoptics give us variant readings of a common source for the discourses, nothing hinders our regarding the discourses of the Fourth Gospel as an independent version. The turning of the Aramaic words of Jesus into Greek by dififerent persons must be expected to show considerable variations of style, since no translator can help infusing something of himself into his author, and some make a paraphrase rather than a literal render- ing of their author's words. It : ^ recorded of the great English scholar Bentley that after reading Pope's transla- 172 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS tion of the Iliad he said, " A very pretty poem, ]\Ir. Pope, but you must not call it Homer." Any one who can read the Iliad in the original must feel the justice of this criti- cism: and yet he must also admit that Pope has turned into English the substance of the Iliad. Another explanation of these differences of style has been either overlooked or underestimated by many critics : While the Synoptists present the kingdom as the main theme of discourse, the Fourth Gospel presents the King. It is the character of Jesus as the Messiah, Son of God, that the writer keeps ever before us. And he represents Jesus as making appeal again and again in this character to the hostile " Jews," the officials and leaders and teach- ers of the nation. Hence, while in the Synoptics Jesus is didactic, ever instructing his disciples, or those in the main favorable to him, in the Fourth Gospel he is nearly always polemic or apologetic, because he is speak- ing to those who are either doubtful about his claims or openly hostile to them. Hence, while there is scope for great variety of discourse in the Synoptics, there is practically only one theme for all the discourses of the Fourth Gospel. It must be admitted that the differences we have been discussing shatter into bits the once generally maintained theory of verbal inspiration, and the consequent infallible authority of the last syllable of the Gospels. We must have a new method of study. The old style of gram- matical exegesis, insisting that to fix definitely the mean- ing of every preposition and particle was of utmost im- portance, since these expressed the mind of Christ, has become unthinkable. A more broad and rational inter- pretation is demanded by the revised idea of inspiration that the facts absolutely compel. But all this affords no ground for questioning the historicity of the Fourth Gospel. A human element in the Scriptures is now as THE problem: ixternal evidence 173 clearly allowed by orthodox theologians as insisted on by radicals. If the human element is larger in the Fourth Gospel than in the Synoptics, as may be justly inferred from the facts, the orthodox need not be alarmed by the conclusion, for the radical is wrong to make this a reason for declining to receive the Gospel's testimony. There is no good reason assignable why " John " may not be regarded as trustworthy as Plato. But if the radical critics often claim too much, so do the orthodox. It is not fair to argue, as Godet and others have urged, that for " John " to compose, to in- vent, as some say, the discourses attributed to Jesus, is a theory that involves psychological absurdity and moral impossibility. That theory may present a psychological problem, but it is not insoluble. If the author regarded his Gospel, as some critics would have us regard it, as an ideal portrait of Jesus, a historical romance or poem, the difficulty is eliminated. To put into the mouth of Jesus words that he never uttered is precisely what Alilton has done on a large scale in " Paradise Regained," and nobody supposes that any serious psychological or ethical difficulties are involved in his work. A great deal of pious twaddle, to speak plainly, has been put forth by defenders of the Fourth Gospel. The real question to decide is, Shall we accept the Gospel as, on the whole, a faithful representation of Jesus and his teaching, as seen and understood by his most spiritual-minded dis- ciple ? or, Shall we regard the Gospel as a romantic poem, a religious epic, of which Jesus is the hero, written prob- ably by a man who had no personal acquaintance with him? John 20 : 31 is the rock on which the poetical romance theory strikes and breaks into pieces : " These things are written that you may believe that Jesus is the Mes- siah the Son of God ; and that believing you may have 174 '^'HE JOHANNINE WRITINGS life in his name." The writer was at least a man of in-. telligence; how could he have expected to win converts to Jesus by a work that was mainly or quite fictitious? Milton hoped to interest and please and possibly to in- struct men by his " Paradise Regained," but surely he never expected to persuade men to believe it. His pur- pose was purely literary; the author of the Gospel an- nounces a purpose purely religious. The internal evi- dence will not sustain the theory of romance or epic. The writer's purpose is witnessed not only by his words, but by his spirit throughout ; he is in too deadly earnest for fiction. He impresses us as one who, whether he rightly understood his Master or not, whether he ac- curately remembers the words of Jesus or not, honestly gives us the character and teaching of his Lord as he comprehended both. On the whole, we may conclude that the diflferences between the Synoptics and the Fourth Gospel — real dif- ferences, though often exaggerated, and as often inde- fensibly denied — make the acceptance of the book by the Church inexplicable, except on the ground that at the time of its publication all Christians felt certain of its authorship and historicity. From this point of view the differences, instead of weakening confidence in the authen- ticity of the Gospel, actually strengthen the evidence in its favor. Those who originally accepted it were much influenced, no doubt, as we should be, by the essential character of the book. The Fourth Gospel is a work of genius ; it combines in an extraordinary way deep spiritual insight with fine literary art. Its ideas are few, but they are of great importance ; they have been deeply meditated and are set forth with clearness and force. The author was both thinker and poet ; but though the form is often mystical and symbolic, the content is never doubtful. THE PRORLExM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE I75 It is notable that one of the late German critics, and not the least scholarly, defends the essential authenticity and historicity of the Gospel. Wendt maintains that the discourses existed first, and are from the hand of John the apostle. These were combined with a historical nar- rative by a later writer, very much as most scholars now believe the First Gospel to have been composed. Wendt would ascribe to the awkwardness of this unknown editor-author the curious displacement of discourses that is undeniable in the present text of the Gospel, for which we feel impelled to find some sort of explanation and rectification. He concludes his study with the statement that the discourses " may be taken as utterances of the historic Jesus, such as the synoptic sources reveal him," and that " the Fourth Gospel, as we have it, was not written by the apostle John, but contains the Memoirs of John." ^- But the weight of opinion is against this twin- authorship, and the general view of the book is better presented by Holtzmann : " All attempts to draw a clearly distinguishable line of demarcation, whether it be between earlier and later strata, or between genuine and not genuine, historical and unhistorical elements, must always be wrecked against the solid and compact unity that the work presents, both in regard to language and in regard to matter." Keim was so impressed by this quality of the book that he called it " the seamless coat." All of Wendt's ingenuity, therefore, fails to convince us of the composite nature of the Gospel, and his theory of the pre- existence of the discourses stands or falls with that. The valuable contribution made by Wendt to the litera- ture of the subject is his vindication of the historical value of the Gospel. He confirms what has already been said above: "When the discourses of one man are pre- "H. H. Wendt, "The Gospel of Saint John," Edinburgh, 1902, p. 188 Seq. 176 TflE JOHANNINE WRITINGS served tlirougli the aiediuni of another who possesses a strong individuality, and, in consequence, an individual style of thought and speech, it is possible for the second to assimilate the manner of discourse to his own, while the matter, the real meaning of the original, is correctly reproduced." ^^' Instead, therefore, of finding absolute contrariety between the two types of discourse attributed to Jesus, Wendt finds essential affinity. He takes issue with that large body of critics who have been assuring us that the value of the Fourth Gospel is not in its his- torical verity, but its vividness as a personal impres- sion: the truth of it is not objective, but subjective; not historical, but psychological — we learn from it not what Jesus actually was, but how Jesus impressed himself upon one of his disciples. Very plausible at first sight, but after a little it occurs to one to ask. How did John or some one get this vivid impression from something non- existent? Is it not truer to psychology as well as to history to hold with Wendt that Jesus made upon John the impression recorded in the Gospel because he was that kind of man and teacher? In other words. Can we have a portrait of Jesus that is psychologically true and at the same time historically false ? An attempt has been made to avoid the difficulties that are conceived to beset both the traditional hypothesis and the extreme critical theories. Weizsacker and Schurer may be named among those scholars who have thus tried to find a middle-of-the-road solution. Matthew Arnold has stated this mediating theory with his usual felicity of phrase ^* : " In his old age Saint John at Ephesus has ' logia,' sayings of the Lord, and has incidents in the Lord's story '* Wendt, pp. 206, 2:3. " " God and the Bible," pp. 256, 257. THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE I// which have not been published in any of the written ac- counts that were beginning at that time to be handed about. The elders of Ephesus, whom tradition afterward makes into apostles, fellows of Saint John, move him to bestow this treasure upon the world. He gives his materials, and the presbytery of Ephesus provides a redaction for them and publishes them. The redaction with its unity of tone, its flowingness and connectedness, is by one single hand : the hand of a man of literary talent, a Greek Christian, whom the Church of Ephesus found proper for such a task. A theological lecturer, perhaps, as in the Fourth Gospel he so often shows him- self, a theological lecturer, an earlier and nameless Origen, who in this one short composition produced a work out- weighing all the folios of all the Fathers, but was content that his name should be written in the Book of Life." \"ery modest of this gifted unknown, to be sure, but could a man capable of such literary achievement hide his light under a bushel so completely ? Not to mention that no great work of literary art, ancient or modern, was ever produced by this method. Though a plausible hypothesis at first blush, this would not be entertained for a moment in the case of a literary masterpiece outside of the Bible. And the Fourth Gospel is a literary masterpiece. The writer was the greatest spiritual genius, as Mr. Arnold recognizes, of early Christianity, especially if he com- posed the discourses of Jesus instead of reporting them, and it required hardly less genius to appreciate and repro- duce than to compose. Only a great soul and a great intellect were equal to this task, and together these con- stituted the author of this book one of the most remark- able men of his time, or of all times. Yet most of the critical theories require us to believe that the man capable of producing this incomparable work was some obscure, M 1/8 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS anonymous personage, who made so little impression upon his age that his personality was at once forgotten, and perhaps even his name. The utter futility of such explanations of the origin of the Gospel has been well satirized by Ebrard, who says that the critical theories reduce themselves to this formula : " At that time it came to pass — that nothing came to pass." Denial of the Johannine authorship appears on exam- ination to involve difficulties as great as any suggested by the traditional theory. It requires quite as great an effort of faith, not to say credulity, to accept the new version of origin as to hold fast to the old. Even the most plausible of the critical theories escapes the most serious of these difficulties only by maintaining a virtual Johan- nine origin of the Gospel. But if the material of the book is Johannine, and only the final form was given to it by somebody else, what has the critic left that is worth con- tending for ? Why invent a ** redactor " to replace the traditional John, if, after all, the substance of the book is his ? It is not pretended that this discussion of difficulties and objections is even approximately exhaustive. There is the less necessity of examining in detail many of the objections that have been raised, in that the later critics have so often confuted the earlier, and a large number of once urged " difficulties " are admitted to be no longer difficult. Better knowledge has disposed of some, and better reasoning of others. To discuss details like these would only be to obscure what Is perfectly clear. For the real difficulties have been sufficiently considered, and found to be less serious than they are often asserted to be. To sum up our conclusion thus far: There is nothing in either the external or the internal testimony now available to us regarding the authorship and historicity of the Fourth Gospel that is irreconcilable with the uni- THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE I79 versal opinion in the Church, from Irenseus onward, that this book is the work of John the apostle. The evidence cannot be said either to prove or to disprove this author- ship beyond a reasonable doubt, but the doubt seems to be little greater than in the case of the Gospels of Mark and Luke. Criticism has not disproved a Johannine authorship of the Fourth Gospel, but rather tends to establish the credibility of the tradition that uniformly connects with this book the name of the disciple whom Jesus loved. IV So far as it goes, probably no more sensible conclusion is possible than that of Professor Jiilicher, of Marburg, who pronounces the Apocalypse to be " the work of a Christian of about the year 95, who in many places in- serted older apocalyptic fragments, more or less ade- quately harmonized with the context." ^^ This is better in accord with the testimony of the book itself than the theory of Von Soden, who believes that a Christian writer adopted bodily an older Jewish apocalypse, and adapted it to his purposes. The first seven chapters are mostly new matter contributed by this Christian author: the Jewish apocalypse begins with chapter 8 and extends to 22 : 5, the Christian appending a conclusion of his own. The Jewish writing was probably composed between May and August, A. D. 70, during the impending fall of Jeru- salem. Twenty years afterward Christians found them- selves in a similar predicament under Domitian, and the stress of persecution produced the Apocalypse.^'' Pro- fessor Bacon is confident that the Apocalypse has a Pales- tinian origin, excepting the introductory letters to the ^'A. Julicher, "Introduction to the New Testament," New York, 1904. p. 290. ^*H. Von Soden, "Early Christian Literature," New York, 1906, p. 346. l80 THE JOIIANNINE WRITINGS seven churches, and that the ascription of the book to John of Ephesus as author is a literary fiction.^' One admires, at a respectful distance, the unabashed audacity of such guesses. They do great credit to the mental agility of their authors. But when they are labeled " scientific criticism " and put forth as the last word of serious biblical scholarship, it becomes a duty to point out that they are nothing more than the baseless fabric of a vision. If out of the most admired disorder of " critical " theories we must choose one as the least im- probable, that of Julicher will serve. It has the merit of resolving at once most of the fancied difficulties, and all the real, that have been found in the style and vocabulary of the book. The use of a number of sources, selected fragments of which were translated from Aramaic into what the author supposed was Greek, will explain the occasional characteristics of literary patchwork observ- able, while the deeper and unmistakable indications of a single directing intelligence throughout are not ignored, as they are in Bousset's remark : " It seems to be settled that the Apocalypse can no longer be regarded as a literary unity." ^^ On the contrary, if anything is settled about the Apocalypse, it is that it possesses a unity like that of a holograph. But this conclusion as to unity is entirely non-committal as to the further inquiries. Who was this Christian writer? and, if we accept the assertion of the text that his name was John, Was he the apostle or some other John? Pro- fessor Bacon declares it to be " an axiom of criticism . . . that the author of the Revelation is a totally different individual from the author of the ' Johannine ' Gospel and Epistles." ^^ If one pursues studies in biblical criticism "Bacon, "Fourth Gospel," pp. 180-182. ^8 Encyclopedia Biblka, art. " Apocalypse." "Bacon, "Fourth Gospel," p. 178. THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE 151 only a little way, he will encounter many such " axioms," and will discover for himself a very important difference between an axiom of criticism and an axiom of mathe- matics : the latter is accepted by all men of normal reason- ing powers, while the former is accepted only by those who happen to agree with the critic. Professor Harnack, for example, a scholar whose attainments and conclusions Professor Bacon would probably admit to be entitled to equal weight with his own, is so little of the opinion that we have here an axiom of criticism that he regards John the presbyter as the probable author of all the Johannine writings.-" However, he stands sole among German scholars in this conclusion, it is true ; still, while his authority settles nothing, nothing that he disputes can well be called " axiomatic " in criticism. It is again on differences of style that the modern " chorizantes " chiefly depend to make out their case. There are real differences of style between the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel. Those who maintain a single authorship must admit them. We have already had occasion to note the most serious of these differences. The Greek of the Apocalypse is very bad, almost the worst conceivable, while the Greek of the Gospel is good, though not so good as that of the Gospel of Luke or the Epistle to the Hebrews. It is the Greek of a Hebrew, and one of the chief differences between the Greek lan- guage and the Hebrew is the richness of the former in particles and its consequent ability to express nice shades of thought and to wxave sentences together in close texture. As we have already seen, after the He- brew fashion, the Fourth Gospel almost ignores particles. The result of this idiosyncrasy of the writer is that we find obscurity in the Fourth Gospel where a Greek writer 20 A. Harnack, " Chronologie dcr altchristlichcr Litteratur," pp. 67s, note, 677, 680, note 3. l82 THE JOJIANNINE WRITINGS would have made himself perfectly understood. This is the easiest of the Gospels to translate and the hardest to interpret. But when we turn to the Apocalypse, we find the same habits of thought and language, only inten- sified. There is hardly a sentence that does not contain words, phrases, ideas derived from Hebrew prophecy, especially from Isaiah and Ezekiel. The mentality of the two books is the same : the literary habits are of the same type, the only difference being that the Gospel approxi- mates more nearly correct Greek. There is surely some- thing in the suggestion that has often been made: that if we concede an interval of a decade or more between the composition of the two books, a writer of Hebrew birth who in the meantime lived among Greek-speaking people might easily have acquired the additional skill in use of the language that the Gospel displays over the Apocalypse. And impartial criticism, while it recognizes these dif- ferences of style, and grants them their due weight, will also be careful to grant them no more than their due weight. It will take into account as well the resemblances of style and vocabulary that careful study discloses. Many commentators and critics have given partial lists of words and phrases, amounting to one hundred or more, that are common to the Johannine writings, many of which are characteristic words. But in the Excursus fol- lowing this chapter will be found what is believed to be the first complete analysis of the Johannine vocabulary; and at any rate, there will be found the only satisfactory basis for deductions concerning the style of the various books, so far as style and vocabulary are identical. It will be apparent to any one who examines these lists with care that many assertions concerning the differences of vo- cabulary are invalidated by the facts. A large part of the critical objections to a common authorship dissolves at once into thin air. Even the partial evidence previously THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE 1 83 set forth has constrained some critics to propose the hypothesis that the author of the Gospel studied the Apocalypse, which is conceded to be the earlier work, with the intent to produce the impression of a common authorship. The " chorizantes " must feel themselves hard pressed, to have recourse to so clumsy a hypothesis. Even Professor Bacon seems inclined to the theory that all the Johannine writings should be viewed as the product, not of one man, but of one school. A common authorship is therefore now virtually admitted, and the only question remaining open is this : Were the three writings produced by a single individual, or by several individuals of the Ephesian school? The answer to this question will depend, as it has long depended, chiefly on the personal equation. Criticism is not an exact science. Critical judgments are based upon facts that may be scientifically tested, but the judgments are subjective impressions made by the facts, and will differ as the mentality of critics differs. Style makes its appeal to the esthetic faculty, and the appeal is not pre- cisely the same in any two individuals. Hence arguments based on alleged qualities of style are peculiarly falla- cious. They are essentially uncertain and deceptive in their premises: which are often intermixed with ques- tion-begging premises from other sources ; and incor- rect deductions are frequently drawn from premises themselves valid. In addition to these sources of error, the individual often trusts unduly to his own perceptions, and persistently ignores a large body of well-established literary fact. For example, the differences of style in the Johannine writings, if we allow for argument's sake the worst that has been said, are no greater than exist in writings that we absolutely know to have proceeded from one mind. Such differences of style have often been produced 184 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS by conscious effort. The many cases of successful parody constitute irrefutable proof of this: nearly all the great poets and prose-writers have been made objects of imita- tion, and, so far as their style is concerned, with convinc- ing skill. More important for our purpose is the fact that without conscious effort, writers have often changed their style almost totally; so that books by them, treating dif- ferent subjects, or composed at different periods of their lives, not infrequently seem so utterly diverse in style that only positive testimony would convince one of iden- tity of authorship. Yet we have just such positive testi- mony in cases by the score. So numerous are these cases that one hardly knows where to begin or end in citing instances. Notwithstand- ing the indisputable documentary proof that the same William Shakespeare wrote the poems and sonnets and plays, these works are so unlike in style and mentality that many critics refuse to accept the documentary proof. This unlikeness is all that gives plausibility to the Baconian theory. The literary critic of A. D. 3000, if he lights upon the " Life of Napoleon," the romance of " Ivanhoe," and the " Lady of the Lake," will have no difficulty in persuading himself from the internal evidence that one and the same Walter Scott could never have written all three books. Had we not abundant external evidence, might we not find it incredible that the robust grandeur of " Hyperion," the cameolike perfection of the " Ode to a Grecian Urn," and the puerilities of " Endymion " proceed from one poet, and that all three were composed within a decade? Can the Goethe of " Wilhelm Meister " and the Goethe of " Faust " be the same individual? Did the same Dante compose those " sugared sonnets " and the " Inferno " ? And so on, and so on, through all ages and all literatures, ad libitum, al- most ad infinitum, and quite certainly ad nauseam. Style THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE 185 is as deadly a weapon in the hands of the rash critic as the gun that isn't loaded has proved to be in the hands of a fool. Style is limited to choice and arrangement of words. It discloses mental habits. But it is not the only clue to a writer's mentality. Some years ago, in a famous trial of a socially prominent man for the alleged crime of murder, the fate of the accused turned on the question whether he wrote certain documents. Experts contended that it is impossible for a man effectually to disguise his handwriting; the trained eye can identify all that the same hand wrote. This is said to be due to the fact that each man has his own physical habits in writing, of which he is unconscious, from which therefore he can never entirely escape by any conscious effort. Certain of these habits will persist through all attempts at dis- guise, and thus his identity will be conclusively estab- lished. In like manner, certain mental habits persist throughout every writer's literary activity, and are to be accepted as indubitable proofs of identity. Have we not all noticed in public speakers to whom we have frequently listened certain oratorical devices by which we should have been able to recognize them under whatsoever conditions? Preachers are peculiarly liable to fall into such habits, such as always dividing a dis- course into three heads, and of these habits they are totally unconscious, yet such characteristic methods con- stitute evidence of identity that would be convincing to critical listeners. The use of peculiar turns of expression, of pet phrases, of favorite words, is another familiar habit of speakers and writers that would often serve as an infallible test of identity. More or less, every writer and speaker is the unconscious victim of habits that con- tinually betray his personality, and as he is the last person to become aware of them, they persist through all l86 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS his mental product, and would make him known under every attempted disguise. Some of these habits relate only to expression, to the words with which thought is clothed. When they are not too pronounced, they give to style that quality that we call " manner " — an agreeable flavor of originality, or at least of individuality, just sufficing for zest. When such habits become too pronounced we call them " manner- ism " ; the flavor of individuality is now so strong as to become offensive, or nearly so. But other habits relate to literary form, rather than to mere expression; and analysis of literary form leads us into deeper recesses of the mind than study of literary expression. In the study of any piece of literature, struc- ture is usually more significant than style. Structure is fundamental; style is superficial. Historical criticism has committed many gross errors by neglecting a prin- ciple that should have been so obvious. Nothing is more remarkable in the great range of critical studies of the Johannine writings than the almost complete neglect of their structure. Attention has been con- centrated on the surface phenomena of words, to the utter ignoring of those underlying habits of thought that are more trustworthy indicia of identity. Criticism can- not claim to have spoken a really decisive word, not to say the last word, on any ancient composition, until it has gone below the shallows of diction and sentence-building, and taken more account of structural peculiarities, which rest on basic elements of personality. In our previous studies we have carefully examined the structure of the Johannine writings, and the facts have been adequately set forth, but there has been little attempt as yet to estimate the value or significance of these facts. It will be remembered that we discovered the Gospel and Apocalypse to be the most artificial books THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE 187 in the New Testament — '' artificial " in the good sense, implying careful plan, distinct structural peculiarities. If now we reexamine these studies and sum up their results, we shall find that there is a remarkable similarity in the structure of the writings. They are not only most arti- ficial, but artificial in the same way. The striking simi- larities discovered by our study are real, not imaginary, and cannot be accidental. Together they constitute evi- dence of a cogent character that these writings are prod- ucts, not merely of one school, but of a single mind. These similarities are two : likeness of general plan and likeness of literary form. Of these the likeness of literary form is the less char- acteristic and individual, and therefore the less convincing, but still very significant. Both the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel are largely in the form of Hebrew poetry, and a notable part of the Epistle is cast in the same literary mold. In the Gospel, the words of Jesus are uni- formly poetic, while the narrative portions are plain prose. The contents of the Apocalypse are not so easily classi- fied. Some of the visions are mainly poetic, while the remaining parts are the baldest of prose, and prose pas- sages are throughout interspersed with poetic in an ap- parently purposeless manner. Critical study may yet succeed in making an analysis of the text that will be generally accepted; and in this case many of these varia- tions may find a perfectly natural explanation, as coming from dififerent sources. But the poetic form is not unique in the Johannine writings. The discourses of Jesus in the Synoptics are also mainly in the form of Hebrew verse, and this seems to be unimpeachable testimony to the fact that the ulti- mate choice of this form was not made by Matthew or Luke or " John," but by Jesus himself. He cast his dis- courses in this form, not only because he was by nature l88 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS poet as well as teacher, but because he had good reason to believe this form to be most impressive to hearers and most easily retained in memory. Everybody knows how much easier it is to commit to memory and retain verse than prose. That the author of the Fourth Gospel gives us the discourses in this form, instead of in prose, is a circumstance at least favorable to the theory that he was an intimate disciple of Jesus and well acquainted with the Master's method. Whoever he was, this author was the one early Christian writer -^ who shares with the com- piler of the discourses in the Synoptics — Matthew, if we accept the tradition of Papias — this tendency to adopt the poetic form. But Matthew is clearly out of the question as author of the Apocalypse, to say nothing of the Fourth Gospel. Here we have, therefore, a kind of evidence that points unmistakably to a single author- ship of the Johannine writings, and this author probably an original disciple. So far literary criticism agrees well with tradition. In similarity of plan we find evidence of a more positive and convincing nature. Comparison of the Johannine writings shows more than similarity of structure ; it, in fact, establishes identity. One characteristic feature runs throughout these structures: a continuous thinking in sevens. It is not beyond the theory of chances that several New Testament writers should make some kind of use of this symbolic number; indeed, every one of them might make considerable use of the number seven, and the facts could still be rationally referred to their common stock of Hebrew ideas. But when an author makes this number seven the key to the formal structure of his book, as Dante makes the number three the key ^We of course exclude Mark and Luke, as well as the author of the present " Matthew," because the poetic passages in these Gospels are clearly not the composition of the writers, but copied from their sources, mainly the Aramaic Logia of Matthew, THE PROBLEM I INTERNAL EVIDENCE 189 to the structure of the Divine Comedy, we are forced to look for an explanation to the personality of the author. If a hitherto unknown Italian poem of the fourteenth century should be discovered, and should prove to be constructed on the number three, Dante would undoubt- edly be first thought of as the probable author, and this structural form might well be the decisive factor in determining the authorship. That two writers of the same country and the same generation should have the same habit of mind, and should independently choose this structural form, is so improbable as to be practically unthinkable. This conclusion holds in the case of the Johannine writings. Their structural identity connotes mental char- acteristics in their author far more impressive than those mental characteristics that result in choice of words and constructions. In other words, plan counts for more than style in determining authorship. Identity of plan therefore overrides differences of style when we come to final judgment regarding the authorship of any writ- ing or series of writings. And this is especially the case when, in a given series, we find certain writings that have an identical plan, while no other document in the series shows a tendency toward the same mental habit. Thinking in sevens is not only characteristic of the Johannine writings, but peculiar to these writings among the entire early Christian literature. For while the sym- bolism of seven is known and employed in nearly all this literature, it does not extend to plan and structure in any other work. No other writing of Christian antiquity even suggests this sevenfold treatment of its material. We have, therefore, in the Johannine writings such marked structural phenomena as constitute proof of unity of authorship more weighty than could be furnished by any similarities of style; and conversely, no dissimi- 190 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS larities of style could be held to offset this proof. But the evidence of authorship afforded by the style of these writings is indecisive in itself; there are as many and as great similarities as dissimilarities, and the latter may be plausibly accounted for on several grounds. Of these three writings, possessing these common structural traits, the only writings in a large collection that so possess them, two are generally conceded to be from the same writer. The conclusion is almost irresistible that the third must proceed from the same mind. It may be objected by one who has read thus far, that the sum total of what has been said fails to prove the Johannine authorship of the Fourth Gospel, and still more signally fails to prove a single authorship of Gospel and Apocalypse. But once more let it be said, This literary study of these writings is not intended to " prove " anything; it is an attempt to understand those writings better, including the question of their authorship. It is a search for truth, not the defense of a thesis. We are not required to reach a definite conclusion regarding any of the questions raised, unless the evidence compels such a conclusion. But, moreover, it should also be recognized that nobody is under obligation to " prove " the Johannine authorship. It is for those who doubt John's authorship of the writings attributed to him to disprove it. For we have the same evidence for his authorship that we have for the authorship of Plato's Dialogues or Caesar's Commentaries, namely, the unbroken tradition of antiquity. Such traditions may be erroneous, but they can be set aside only by good evidence. If the evidence, such as we have, is on the whole more favor- able to the Johannine authorship than unfavorable, can THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE lyl it be said that the hostile critics have made out their case? After three centuries of study and discussion, some of the ablest critics maintain a single authorship, while others concede a virtual Johannine authorship of the Gospel. In the face of such facts, it would seem futile for the more radical critics to claim that they have disproved the traditional theory. A sober scholar, who weighs well the evidence and the meaning of words, will be slow to assert that the presumption of right and authority always attaching to undisputed tradition has been seriously weakened. Our inquiry has solidly established the following facts and conclusions : 1. Each of the Johannine books — Apocalypse, Gos- pel, and Epistle — is the product of a single mind. No hypothesis of a composite authorship is admissible. 2. The Gospel and Epistle are original works, in- corporating no previous sources. 3. The Apocalypse probably incorporates considerable portions of previously existing apocalypses of Jewish origin, freely adapted to the new Christian uses. 4. Large parts of each writing are in the form of He- brew poetry, a fact that points toward a common origin. 5. The three writings have a large common vocabulary of words and phrases, a fact that gives emphatic sup- port to the hypothesis of common authorship. 6. The differences of vocabulary are amply accounted for by (a) the brevity of the writings; (b) their dif- ferences of theme and aim; (c) the use of documents, as indicated above (3). 7. The difficulties presented by " John's " report of the discourses of Jesus have largely disappeared, to such an extent that at least one learned German critic now ac- cepts them as the Memoirs of the apostle John and the genuine nucleus of the Gospel. 192 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS 8. Each of the three writings was evidently composed by a Jew, to whom Greek had never become a natural medium of expression. But the differences between the Apocalypse and the other writings in the use of Greek are no greater than might easily occur in the writings of any Hellenist, if an interval of a decade or more between them be assumed. 9. Each book shows the same attitude of mind toward Jesus, his mission, and the character of his " salvation." 10. The structure of each book is determined by the number seven. This is of deepest significance, in view of the fact that it is true of no other early Christian writing, canonical or uncanonical. 11. So many of the above ten conclusions have been accepted as to lead an increasing number of critics either to pronounce in favor of a single authorship or to con- clude that the three writings emanated from an Ephesian school, of which the apostle John was the founder. 12. The tendency of recent criticism is to the con- clusion that the Johannine writings must be studied as one tissue. So far as the writer can learn, the conclusions num- bered 4 and 10 have never before been urged in a critical treatise on the Johannine writings; and those numbered 5 and 6 have never before been adequately established. EXCURSUS TO CHAPTER VII GREEK WORDS USED ONLY IN THE GOSPEL Note. Words marked with a prefixed asterisk are used nowhere else in the New Testament; a prefixed dagger means that the word is used only once elsewhere. 'Axadoc; (3), djjiUa) (2), dyco (13), dfiovi^ofxai (l), ddskf^ (6), dderico (i), aijcaX6(: (i), ahia (3), dxavBat (i), dx6.)>dtvoz THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE I93 (l), dxoTJ (i), d?M (4), di^dxeipai(4),dvaxu7:rw(2), *duafidp- rrjTO^ (i), dua~c7:T(o (5), dvaavpicpco (i), dvarpiitio (i), dva-^iopiu) (i), dvkpyopat (i), ^'dvdpaxcd (i), dvcarT^pc (8), dvW (l), duzUco (4), ^dvrlr^pa (i), dvr(Trc (2), dTioXoo) (5), d7:oauudya)YO(; (3), *dpa;fG> (2), dptoiia (i), dadiueca (2), dadtveco (9), dTcpd^o) (i), abqdvco (i), ^auzoifcopoz, (i), ^aiov[\), jSaTTzc^a) (13), ^dnzo) (2), ^aadcxo^ (2), /3^//a (i), j^cj^pcoaxw (i), ^laa(pTjp£(o (i), /9oda> (i), ^oaxo) (2), ^ooXvjopac (2), /?ou;o//«r(i), /3oDc(2), ^payioiv (i), /9/>apC (i), /?^^//a (l), ^pibaiz. (4), ya!^0(pfAdxcou {i), ydzcov (i), yspi^o) (2), 7-£ver;y (i), y-i^owv (i), ys'jopcu (2), yeiopydi; (i), pjpdaxco (i), *yXoa- aoxopov (2), Yucopt^co (2), y'vwtrroc (2), yoyyu^co (4), yoyyua- poc (i), T-oveTc (6), ;'/>d/i/^a (2), ypappazvj/>ed (i), l^oc (i), SfW^-w (i), £?ra (3), ixdi^opac (i), ixXiyopac (5), hpdaaoi (3), *kxvvj(o (i), ixzecpco (i), iXdaacov (i), iXazzoco (i), iXauvco (i), iXeuOepda) (2), iXqpa{i), kXx'jo) (5), i;j/>jv^r3y' (17), ^irrdpazo^ (i), i~aupiou (5), in-££ (2), *s.z£vduz7j<: (i), iTzepwzdco (2), irux£cpac (2), iruXiyopajc. (i), Iruphay (i), iruzpir^o} (i), ^iniy^pio) (2), i7:oupdv(0<; (i), kppr^veuw (3), Itrco (i), hspoq (i), ezoipo^; (l), £i^o-va> (i), ei^^c (3), e^/'V"^ (l), ^X'^^C (I), C^;-oc (i). N 194 '^IIE JOIIANNINE WRITINGS f^rjTTjaeQ (l), ^(opvjfii (2), ^coorrodco (3), ^Xixia (2), rjlo^ (2), dapasco (i), dtpfJiaiuonac (3), ^i^'x;y (i), dp^jaxco (2), dpipjua (2), dprjusu) (i), dufdzrip (i), dupwpoz (3), ^L>tt» (i), cdopai (3), r^£ (15), f'd'foc (15), ^oov (ii), f;^ac (i), IpauapoQ (i), «<70c (l), /;f^uc (3), xadacpco (i), xadapcopo^ (2), *xairocys. (l), xdzsT (i), xdxdvoz (6), xaxaJQ (i), za/oc (7), xaXaJz (4), zav (4), xazdyvupc (3), ^xaxaypdipco (i), xoxdxztpat. (2), zara- z^O£vw (2), *xarax'jTiTCD (i), xaralapfidvto (5), xarahcTTco (i), xatayopca (i), xar^o (2), *xscpca (i), xsppa (i), *xtpp.aTcfa (2), Xavpda (i), Xivrcop (2), hjafj'; (3), Xcdd^to (5), Xocdopsco (i), ^uzoc (2), Xoniio (2), >'>t;7r--j' (4), fiadr^rrjc, (78), pabofiac (i), paxpdv (i), iidXXov (4), p.aarqbio (i), pdyopat (i), pedtp- p-qvzbopai (i), //i^er (2), //iv (8), phxoi (5), ^pzabio (i), /^£6i; (9), ■^pcadcoTOQ (2), pvTjp^^ov (16), potytia (i), p'jpov (4), mo^oc (l), i^ioc (i), fj^s^iw (i), v;-r:y';0 (i), v/-rw (13), VO£Ct» (l), fvo/i;^ (l), V6//0C (14), fv!J(7<7W (l), 'oOTffko} (l), bdoTZopia (i), *0(^<:t> (l), ■\dd6vcov (4), OiVa (5), oixodopico (l), orzoc (4), o7/iar (l), 6xr<:*> (2), f^/^o^ (S). o/iwf (l), *dudp:op (l), ovoc (l), o'l^oc (3), Sttwc (i), dpdpo^: (l), bpifavbz (i), oo^- ///« (4), Ttdaya (10), *r,tvQzpbc, (i), nevxaxcaxiXcoc (i), nevx^xbvxa (2), TrijOay (8), *7tepc8iopac (i), TTspdaxrjpc (i), TTspiffffeuM (2), Tiepcaxepd (3), Tzspixipvo) (l), TrepixWy^p: (i), Ttepixopij (2), t;r;^^6c (5), rcmpdaxo) (i), nXeUou (5), ;r^ix(t; (i), THE PROBLEM : INTERNAL EVIDENCE I95 7t?.£upd (4), 7r^6o(: (2), Txl-jpr^:; (i), ■Klrjpwfxa (i), Tih^aiov (i), TtXoidpiou (4), Tzoiprju (6), iioDAxt^ (i), -KoXuvcpoQ (i), rtopeu- opai (17), yTo6 (9), ^npo^aztxoz (l), ^Tcpo^dreov (2), *~poaficzeu) (i), 1[7vpoaac-r^^ (i), Ttpoaepyopac (i), *r,ooo>£' (2), ^npcjca (i), ;r,owrov (8), ^nzuapai^i), -z'jio (i), novddvopac (i), 7:upeT6<; (l), TTcoAo^ (i), Tzcopoio (l), pdrccGpa (2), */jiw (l), |0;^//a (12), ad^^azov (14), axavoaXi^ay (2), ^axeXo^ (3), * axrjVOTZTjjia (i), axhjpoc, (i), aooddpcov (2), OTtecpa (2), aTizipu) (2), aitoyjoi; (i), azwjpo^ (i), OToa (2), azpaxtcozfj:; (6), aop/c (i), r^o/rov (3), r/)o^;^' (i), •r/>f«i^ft> (5), ru;roc (2), o^-^^^'c (6), *6<5^/a (3), bTzavzdco (4), UTidvzTjaa; (i), with ace. (i), 67:7jpsz-/j<: {g), u7tvo(; (i), utto with ace. (i), dTrodecf/ua (l), imodr^pa (i), bTZOiupvrjaxoi (i), \uaaco7ZO(; (i), bazzpkco (l), uazepov (i), hipavzbz (i), 6^'ow (5), (favtpco^ (i), '^ipavbc, (l), ^aDAoc(2), ^3y;/£ (4), ^j7oc (6), ^o^oiw (i), ^ippayiUcov (i), *xapai (2), ytcpcov (i), ytipcov (i), ^f^rcov (2), *yoXdo) (i), /w>^6c (i), ;iffii/>a(3), ;fw,oiw (3), ;^w^orov (i), 7^<>/>/c (6), ([''jyoi; {i), *(/)ojpcou (4), (Lv (26), *aj<7avvct (i), cwtrre (i), cozdpcov (i), a»r/ov (i), (JofsXico (2). WORDS USED IN THE APOCALYPSE ONLY "A^uaffo^ (7), «^;yc (4), (i(5aict> (10), doixr^pa (i), a^w (3), deroc (3), djy'.o (2), a/viw (i), alayyvq (i), aiypaXcoaia (2), dxadapzoi: (4), ^dxpd^to (i), dxpazo:; (i), dxpci; (2), dXX.aXou- (d (4), 5^y;ia (i), dp\>iov (27), dt/><7£v (2), dpymoc, (2), di^ (i), wjhfCT^c, (l), difucpeo) (2), a;f^or (11), d(pt\^do^ (2), /36t^oc (l), ^aaai'iCio (5), ^aaaviaiibz. (5), ^aacXvjo) (7), ^aailcaaa (i), ^^dxpayoc, (l), ^deXuYpo. (3), ^dzXoaaopac (i), ^ijpuXXoi; (l), *l^cfiXapidtoi^ (4), /3£y3/oc (2), ^or^deco (i), ^oppd^ (i), ^or/>yc (i), /5,«£X^'> (i), /?/>ovr3^ (9), ^uaacuo^ (5), ;'a(Tr;y/) (i), y-i/zfu (7), ^ivoc (i), j-^^yzuc (2), ^-vwyu^y (3), ^o//oc (2), ;'6vu (l), Yprj-jfopso) (3), yopvovfjz (l), ;'a>v/a (2), ddxpuov (2), ds:?.6:; (l), deczueco (i), ^iza (9), oiudpou (4), 0£(7>T6r;jc (i), *dcdd-/jpa(T)), dcadrjXT] (i), oioxovca^i), dcaupji; (i), dca (i), spitopoi; (4), epifol^o;: (l), ivaro^ (i), kudixaro^ (17), iv^uo (3), ^kvdcoprjGtz (i), *k^ax66voc (46), ^u^voc(i), dup6<; {10), duacaari^- pcou (38), ^Cfi^a? (2), ra?«xoc (i), xtiwv (i), laimpdt; (5), larpvjco (2), ^leoxo^uaacpoi; (i), Aswxoc (15), -^'Swv (6), t-^'^J^f^C (4)» t^«^«^oc (i), *>^;/3a- vo>roc (2), .^//9^voc (l), Icppyj (6), A;//6c (2), pJvou (l), linapo^ (i), ;>oot6c (8), -^y/v/a (7), ;.y;fvoc (3), paxpodev (3), papyap'izr^Z (S), *pdpfxapo<: (i), *papTupeou (l), *pdpTU<: (5), *paadoiia.c (i), paaroz (i), f/^-'r^'^^'^i^ (2), /-«i>^«C (2), ;/i^ (2), pzaoupdvr^fia (3), fxeravoea) (12), [xstpeo} (5), *peTC07rov (8), t//^xoc (2), //;^y (6), /i^yrs (2), //jVvy//r (2), /iv:^//a (i), ■\noluvu} (2), poayoti (i), *pouacx6(: (i), *pijxd- opac (i), *p'jIcvo^ (i), //yAoc (i), puaxijpcov (4), vauti^z (i), V£^% (7), *U£^:Voc (4), *olovdo(: (i), o/ivyw (i), bpota)pa(i), dq'j(:{y), oTtcadeu (^4), f o^oao-^c (3), *(^P/^'^/^c, (l), *7todi^p7j(; (i), -fTTolepia) (6), rrolspoi; (9), fTrovoc (3), Ttopveuo) (5), 7r6/>v;5) (5), 7:6pvo<; (2), *nop(pDpa (i), *7iozapo(p6p7jzooc (3), *5a-^oc (2), ^eroc (i), bnopovfj (7), Vif'Y^XoQ (2), u^^'oc (i), -\(fappaxia{2), *ipdppaxov (i), *ipappaxbc, (2), (fdeipo) (l), *(pcdX.7j (12), S^'^og (3), ^ovs^c (2), ^ovoc (i), ^y;.;^ (21), ^^;iov (i), ■fifioaz-jp (i), *-)(^dXayx (4), yjri}.v^z (i), ydXxtoz (i), ^yahcq- dcbv (i), *ya.Xxo}'t^m^ov (2), yaXxoi; (i), ydpaypa (7), ;f^/>a (i), ;fr;^a'c(i8), txf'>^fo^ (9), tZ"'^^(0. V''«/>oc(i), tz>''«>/>oc (3), *prvr| (2), t^o^C (i), //>yff£Oc (15), ;f,oyrT/ov (5), *;^^>y<76- ^;^oc (i), *ypuaonpaaoc. (i), X/^^^''^ (4). *XP'-Kybco (2), t^£u^^'c(2), t^;y^^'C«>(0' Wfo-'CO. t^''^Z;^oc (3), *i2(3), ^'0;^ (4), (hd'tvco (i). WORDS FOUND IN THE EPISTLE ONLY ^ AyaTtfjzo:: (6), otj-voc (l), dyyeXia (2), alayyvopLac (i), aiZ7]p.a{i\ dXa'^ovla (i), dvopia [i), dvz'iypcazo^ {4), ^ioq (2), diduoca (i), ooxcpd^to (i), £yl;r£C (i), eTzayyeXJa (i), iTrayysXXo) (l), ■^pezspoz (2), xadapi^o) (2), xazaytvdxTxto (2), xo^ywv/a (4), t;c6>^.a (G13, EI, A2), iTTc witli dative (07 ei, A15), imdupta (gi, e3, ai), £/>^ov (027, E3, A2i) Ipyopai (G158, E4, A34), layazo^ (g8, E2, a6), £J^w (G85 E26, A99), ^doi (G16, EI, A13), 'Coyq (g37, E13, A17) ■/j (gi2, ei, A 5), Yipipa (G31, EI, A2i), ddvavoz (g8, e6 A19), dklqpa (gii, e2, ai), ^£oc (g8i, e6i, A97), decopico (022, EI, A2), Tva (G128, EI 8, A32), Iva pij (gi8, e2, aii) xaevo:; (g2, ei, a8), xaXeo) (g2, ei, A7), xapdia (g7, E4, A3) xa-d with ace. (g8, ei, a6), xtcpae (gj, ei, A2), xoapo:: (076, e22, A3), x/)/oj'oc (G40, e6, a 18), X'ju) 20O THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS (g6, e2, a6), fiapTopiu) (033, e6, A4), [lapzopta (G14, e6, A9), fisvco (039, E22, Ai), ;«erfii with gen. (041, E/, A39), pLTj (g49, EI 5, A12), /i;o-i^t) (oil, E5, A3), povoc; (09, e2, ai), vcxdu) (gi, e6, A15), opococ; (g2, ei, a2i), bpoXoyeu) (04, E5, ai), ovo;/a (g25, e3, A36), bpdio (G30, e/, a;), o(TTi^(Gy, E2, A9), orav (G17, EI, A9), or^ (G263, E75, a6o), oy (G267, E48, A55), oude (G14, E3, A 10), oudec:: (G54, E2, A12), ouxizi (a3, G12), ou;rfe> (G13, ei, A2), ootox; (G15, E2, A/), dipdaXpoz (G17, E3, A 10), ;r (gi 5, EI, A 1 6), ypBia (G4, e2, A3), ^f^eyi^oc (gi, e2, A3), ^uy^ (gio, E2, A7), wpa (g26, e2, a 10), a;c (GI3, E2, A70). WORDS FOUND IN THE APOCALYPSE AND IN EITHER OF THE OTHERS ''AyaXXcdo) (ai, G2), d.yyzlo(; {hd'J, G4), kyid^o) (ai, 04), dyopd^co (a6, G3), aipco (g26, A2), dxoXoodeto (a6, G19), ct/ii^oc (a 1 8, G34), dpi^v (a 8, 026), d.p7t5Xo(: (a 2, 03), dvaj^acpo) (A13, G16), dvayivaxTxco (ai, Gi), dvdazaait: (a 2, 04), di^epoi; (A3, Gl), dv:^/) (ai, g8), dvolyo) (A26, Gll), (a2, G4), drji^dptov (a2, g2), dcftxoatoe (G2, A2), dcdayij (A3, G3), bupdco (A3, g6), duoxio (ai, G2), ?.oc (AI4, Gii), 5yo (a9, G13), dcodexa (a2I, g6), dajpedv (a2, gi), i^oopo^ (a5, gi), ^hPpacari (a2, G5), ^^-pc (a2, on), iytc/HU (ai, GI3), £^voc (a23, GS), er oy (ai, G2), tioioXov (a I, El), er/zj (aio, G54), e? (a8, G26), dpr^vri (a2, g6), daspyopac (a5, G15), "ixaazoz (a/, G4), Ix^dlloi (a I, g6), ixs? (a 5, G22), ixsWeu (ai,G2), ixxevzico (ai, gi), ixhxro^ (ai, gi), ixTcopeuopoi (a8, G2), Ixro^ (a5, 02), ixyio) (A9, gi), c^.«:V/ (a I, gi), kUxyo) (a I, G3), ihodepo:: (A3, G2), e/ioc (ai, G37), £? (a2, 03), ivca'jzo:; (ai, G3), iursuOeu (AI, 05), iTzdvoj (a2, G2), iqouaia (a2I, g8), £-r (with gen., A59, 09; with ace, A74, G2i), Im^d/la) (ai, G2), irzcnCTZza) (ai, g8), i7Tct5 (a5, g6), J(T^/a> (a6, G15), err (a2, g8), kzoipd^co (a 7, g2), Iroc (a6, G3), eudeo)^ (a I, G3), tupiaxco (a 13, GI9), tbyapiazeco (ai, 03), eiwc (conj., AI, G5 ; prep., ai, g6), C'jr^<^«' (ai, G34), ■^;?<:u (a6, G4), 6d)Maaa (a26, G9), daupd^co (A4, g6), ^i-^vW (a6, G23), deparcvjio (a2, gi), depc^co (a3, 04), depcapoi; (ai, G2), ^/J.^Y'rc (a5, G2), ^/>/<^ (a2, G2), ^u/>a (a4, g7), cdou (a26, G4), ;£ry£!3c (A3, Gl), IpdziOV (Ay, g6), "aZT^pt (A2I, GI9), fV^VW (ai, gi), xdyd) (a5, G31), xadapoz (A5, 04), xdOr^pac (a4, G4), xadi^io (a3, G3), xmpbci (a5, G3), zajw (a5, G2), /ftxoc (a2, G2), xapTio^ (a2, 09), xardt (with gen., A3, Gi), xaza- jdaciico (aio, GI7), xaza^olij (a2, Gi), xazsaOuo (A5, Gl), xazr^yopico (ai, G3), x£^.a/a» (a6, g8), Z/^.c/w 202 THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS (a6, G2), xXsTCZTji; (A2, G4), XOTTcdtO (aI, 03), ZO/TOC (a2, gi), xpd^oj (a 1 1, G4), xparsco (a8, gi), z/>//za (A3, Gl), ;f/)rW (aq, G19), xp'jTZTo) (a3, g3), xuxlvjo) (ai, gi), Kupco^ (a2I, G53), i^.a^ew (ai2, G59), laixKac, (a2, gi), /aoc (A9, G3), /If'^oc (a8, G7), ^otift) (ai, G i), lioxdpioc, {h.'j, G2), fiavdaviti (a i, G2), fidvi^a (ai, g2), fidj^acpa (gi, A3), //i^-ac (a8o, G5), [xedixo (a2, gi), //iy'i/lfo (A13, GI 2), //ijooc (a4, G3), //i<70c (a8, gj), ptezd (with ace, All, G16), fjthpov (a2, gi), ou p.-^ (A17, G17), prjodi; (a2, ei), p'JTTjp (ai, gio), pcxpoQ (aio, g2), pcpuTjaxofiac (ai, G3), luaQbz (a2, gi), pvTjpovtuo) (A3, G3), pLOtyeinn (ai, gi), va/ (A3, G3), vaoc (a 16, G3), v£;f/>oc (a 13, g8), vw/z^^y (A4, gi), vupifioQ (a I, G4), vy? (a8, g6), ^T^paivoi (a2, gi), 606c (a2, G4), orvoc (a8, g7), 67oc (a5, g6), optouoi; (a2, G3), omW (a3, g7), ottou (aS, G30), d/v^;^' (a6, gi), o)ooc (a8, G5), o G3), 7r-^pc (ai, gi), Tr^a^w (ai, g8), rdvco (a3, gii), Tt'inxo} (a22, g3), mW^c (A4, ei), Tthilov (a2, g8), ;rvefy (ai, G2), tzoQzv (a2, G13), nocpoxvoi (a4, gi), ;roToc (at, G4), Ttoh:; (a26, g8), Tzopvda (Ay, gi), Tiopfupeoq (a2, G2), nozaiio^ (a 8, gi), Trdre (ai, G2), Tiozrjptov (a4, gi), ;ro:;C (ai i, G14), Trpea^uzepo^ (ai2, gi), Tzpo^azov (ai, G19), ;r/?dc (with dat, Ai, G3), izpoaxuvio) (a24, G12), TtpoiprjZEooi (a2, gi), 7tpO(p-^z7](; (a8, G14), nzoiyoc, (a2, G4), ;ry/) (a27, Gi), TtcoXeco (ai, G2), arjptlov {jcj, G17), tr^z-oc (a2, gi), axvjoq, (a3, gi), axrjvoo) (a4, gi), a7Trj)Mcov (ai, gi), azddiov (a2, gi), azaupoto (ai, GIO), Gzs(favoQ (a8, gi), azr^doQ (a I, G2), (Tr;yxa> (a I, G2), <7rd/i« (a2I, gi), azpiipco (ai, G4), £C (A27, G2), zixzo) (a5, gi), zcfiT^ (a6, gi), ro/TOc (a8, GI7), ZfJS^O) (at, G2), ZfJCZU^ (A22, gi), ZOfXoi; (AI, GI6), tiyTO (with gen., A2, gi), utioxolzco (a4, gi), ^^i/^to (a2, G17), y^et^^-w (a4, G3), ^^/liw (a2, G13), *ovoc (A4, G5), (peudopac (ai, ei), Traeudonpofjzrj^ (A3, Ei), w(5e (a6, G5), wantp (a I, G2). WORDS FOUND IN THE GOSPEL AND EPISTLE, BUT NOT IN THE apocalypse \iYViC,u) (gi. El), ddcxla (gi, E2), alzico (gi I, e5), dXrjdeca (g2 5, e9), dXyjdT^z (gi 5, e2), dk/jdio; (g/, ei), dpapzdvto (04, Eio), dvayyillo} (g5, ei), dvQpoiriOxzbvoz. (gi, e2), dizayfkDM (gi, E3), anzopm (gi, ei), dpeazo:: (gi, ei), £f (G31, E5), £V/^£v (g4, e8), iari (G17, E2), J (gi8, E31), .^o-^ (gi6, e2), dsdopai (g6, e3), xado)^ (03 1, E9), /^jyoi (G2, E2), povoytvrj:: (g4, ei), /zovoc (g5, e2), vov (g29, E4), d(pti)M (g2, E3), Tiacoiov (g3, E4), napdyoj (gi, e2), 7Tapp-/;ma (g9, E4), ;r£/^£ (with gen., G67, E9), ruaztuco (095, E9), nwizoze (G4, ei), ■\axozia (G9, e5),