'J.  ^ 
 
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 7 
 
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 I 
 I 
 
 ^  PRINCETON,  N.  J.  ^* 
 
 -■ r  rc|^. 
 
 Diviiion ,  -^X^^^. 
 
 Section  ,,f_.X~_.>!r*.\... 
 
 Shelf  Number 
 
LECTURES 
 
 O  N 
 
 HISTORY, 
 
 AND 
 
 GENERAL     POLICY; 
 
 TO    WHICH    IS    PREFIXED, 
 
 AN  ESSAY  ON  A  COURSE  OF  LIBERAL  EDUCATION 
 FOR  CIVIL  AND  ACTIVE  LIFE. 
 
 By    JOSEPH   PRIESTLEY,    LL.  D.  F.  R.  S. 
 
 AC.  IMP.  PETROP.  R.   PARIS.   HOLM.  TAURIN.  AUREL.  MED.  PARIS. 
 HARLEM.  CANTAB.  AMERIC.  ET   PHILAD.  SOCIUS. 
 
 JUVAT  EXHAUSTOS  ITERARE  LABORES, 
 
 Et  sulcata  MEIS  PERCURRERE  LITORA  REMIS. 
 
 BUCHANANI    FrAKCISCANUS* 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 Printed   by    P.  BYRNE,    No.  io8,  Grafton-stree- 
 
 m,dcc,lxxxviii. 
 
THE 
 
 DEDICATION 
 
 T    O 
 
 BENJAMIN    V  A  U  G  H  A  N,  Efq. 
 De  A  R  Si  R, 
 
 T 
 
 "^  H  E  S  E  Ledures  were  formerly  addreffed 
 to  you  as  a  pupil ;  and  I  (liall  think 
 luyfelf  happy  if  what  you  fay  you  heard  with 
 pleafure  formerly,  do  not  difippoint  you  now  j 
 which  is  often  the  cafe  with  the  objeds  of  our 
 fond  admiration  in  younger  years.  Confider, 
 however,  that  thcfe  Ledures  were  not  intended 
 for  proficients  but  ioxjiudents^  unfurnilhed  with 
 the  very  rudiments  of  hiftorical  and  political 
 knowledge,  and  that  you  attended  them  at  the 
 age  of  fixteen. 
 
 With   this  allowance,   it  may  give  you  plea- 
 fure   (as  the   motto  from    my  favourite   Latin 
 poet  expreffes  it;   to  go  over  the  ground  you  have 
 formerly  trodden.     Remember,     then,    that  you 
 are  now  to  read  for  amtifement^  and  not  for  m- 
 Jirudion ;    and  I  fhall   be  happy  if  the    fcenes 
 
 A  2  which 
 
IV 
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 which  I  may  bring  to  your  recolledion  give  you 
 as  much  fatisfadion  as  they  do  me.  For  I  never 
 experience  greater,  than  when  I  find  young  men 
 of  ability  formed  to  virtue,  and  ufefulnefs  in 
 life,  under  my  inftrudions. 
 
 My  obligations  to  your  father,  to  yourfelf, 
 and  to  the  whole  of  your  large  and  refpedable 
 family,  will  always  be  a  fubjed  of  pleafing  re- 
 colledion  to  me  j  and  this  is  a  circumftance  that 
 greatly  heightens  the  fatisfadion  I  have  in  fub- 
 fcribing  myfelf  on  this  occafion, 
 
 Dear  Sir, 
 
 Your  aftedionate  Friend, 
 
 J.    PRIESTLEY. 
 
 BIRMINGHAM, 
 Jan.  I,  1788. 
 
THE 
 
 R      E      F      A      C      E 
 
 AT  the  requefl  of  many  of  my  former  pupils,  1  now 
 publifh  the  heads  of  the  Ledurcs  on  Uijlory  aiid 
 'general  Policy^  which  I  compofed  for  their  ufe  when  I 
 was  tutor  at  Warrington,  and  which  I  promifed  to  do 
 when  I  pubhfhed  my  EJfay  on  the  firji  principles  of  Go- 
 vernment, I  preiix  to  them  an  Effay  on  a  courfe  of  li- 
 beral Education  for  civil  and  adive  Life^  which  has  been 
 long  out  of  print,  and  which  will  no  more  accompany 
 my  Mifcellaneciis  Obf creations  relating  to  Education.  It 
 will  be  very  evident  that  it  has  a  much  nearer  con- 
 nexion with  thefe  lectures,  which  were  compofed  in 
 purfuance  of  the  ideas  which  I  have  there  enlarged 
 upon.     The  following  circurnflance  gave  birth  to  them 
 
 both. 
 
 On  my  accepting  the  office  of  Tutor  in  the  Lan- 
 guages and  Belles  Lettres  in  that  academy,  I  found 
 that  the  far  greater  part  of  the  iludents  were  young 
 gentlemen  defigned  for  civil  and  aclivc  life,  whereas 
 the  courfe  of  (ludy,  as  in  all  other  places  of  liberal 
 education,  was  almofl  intirely  adapted   to   the  learned 
 
 prfcfftons; 
 
vi  PREFACE. 
 
 profejftons  ;  and  it  occurred  to  me  that,  befides  the  lec- 
 tures which  they  had  been  ufed  to  attend,  other  cour- 
 fes  might  be  introduced,  which  would  bring  them  ac- 
 quainted with  fuch  branches  of  knowledge  as  would  be 
 of  more  immediate  ufe  to  them  when  they  fhould 
 come  into  life.  With  this  view  I  planned  and  com- 
 posed three  courfes,  one  on  hijlory  m  general^  another 
 on  the  hiftory  of  England,  and  a  third  on  the  laws  and 
 conjiiiution  of  England^  fyllabufes  of  which  will  be 
 feen  in  my  former  EJfay  on  Education, 
 
 The  publication  of  Blackftone^s  Commentaries^  and 
 of  Sullivan^s  Law  Ledures^  have  made  it  unneceffary 
 to  publifli  the  third  of  thefe  courfes,  and  Henry's  hif- 
 tory of  England  has  fuperfeded  the  fecond,  though 
 my  plans  will  be  feen  to  be,  in  feveral  refpeds,  more 
 comprehenlive  than  rheirs,  efpecially  than  that  of  Dr. 
 Blacl.ftone,  But  no  publication  that  I  have  yet  feen 
 will  probably  be  thought  to  fuperfede  the  ledures  con- 
 tained in  this  volume.  For  befides  what  relates  to 
 hijlory^  1  endeavoured  to  bring  into  it  as  many  articles 
 of  mifcellaneous  knowledge  as  I  could,  in  order  to  en- 
 large the  minds  of  young  men,  and  to  give  them 
 liberal  views  of  many  important  fubjeds,  and  fuch 
 as  could  not  fo  well  be  brought  before  them  in  any 
 other  CQurfe. 
 
 So  far,  therefore,  v/as  I  from  endeavouring  to  keep 
 flrictly  to  the  title  which  I  firfl  gave  thefe  lectures, 
 viz.  on  Hi/lory^  that  I  fludied  to  exceed  thofe  bounds 
 as  m.uch  as,  with  any  propriety,  I  pofhbly  could ; 
 and  I  foon  found  that,  under  the  head  of  objeds  of 
 attention  to  an  hijlorian^  or  a  reader  of  hiflory,  I  could 
 
 eafily 
 
PREFACE.  vii 
 
 eafily  bring  the  very  important  fubjed  of  general  po- 
 licyy  or  an  account  of  thofe  things  which  principally 
 contribute  to  render  the  great  focieties  of  mankind 
 happy,  numerous,  and  fecure,  with  which  young  men 
 of  fortune  cannot  be  too  well  acquainted.  The  rea- 
 der mufl  not,  however,  expeO:  to  find  any  thing 
 more  than  the  outline  of  this  branch  of  knowledge. 
 For  general  principles  are  all  that  can  be  taught  at  a 
 place  of  education.  The  details  of  things  mufl  be  left 
 to  men's  refearches  afterwards.  Through  the  whole  I 
 hope  I  have  kept  in  mind,  that  the  mofl  important 
 object  of  education  is  to  form  the  m^inds  of  youth  to 
 virtue  ;  and  therefore  I  have  made  a  point  of  omitting 
 no  fair  opportunity  of  introducing  fuch  obfervations 
 and  reiledions  as  appear  to  me  to  have  that  tenden- 
 cy, efpecially  at  the  beginning  and  the  clofe  of  the 
 courfe. 
 
 I  mull:  alfo  remind  the  reader,  that  all  he  Is  to  ex- 
 pert from  thefe  ledtures  is  a  judicious  feledlon,  and 
 arrangement,  of  the  knowledge  that  was  to  be  col- 
 lected from  books  which  were  extant  at  the  time  when 
 they  were  compofed.  Many  of  the  obfervations,  however, 
 are,  as  far  as  I  know,  original  ;  but,  at  this  diflance 
 of  time,  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  diflinguifli  thofe 
 that  are  fo  from  thofe  which  I  collefted  from  other 
 writers.  I  cannot  in  all  cafes  even  diftinguiili  my  own 
 compofition  from  the  extrads  which  I  made  from  the 
 works  of  others ;  and  not  having  at  firfl  any  intention 
 of  publifhing  thefe  Lectures,  I  neglected  to  take  notes 
 of  the  books  that  I  quoted.  But  this  is  of  little  con- 
 fequence  to  the  reader ;  it  being  fufficient  for  him  if 
 the  fa6ls  may  be  depended  upon,  and  the  obfervations 
 
 jufl. 
 
viii  PREFACE. 
 
 juft.  It  will  be  found,  however,  that  I  have  enlarged 
 this  courfe  fince  the  fyllabus  of  it  was  firfl  printed, 
 with  many  valuable  articles,  colleded  from  works 
 which  have  been  publifhed  fmce,  efpecially  Dr,  Smith 
 on  the  Wealth  of  Nations^  and  Stiiarfs  Principles  of  Po-» 
 litical  Oecommy  ;  and  my  wifh  is,  that  by  the  illuftra- 
 tion  of  fome  general  principles  in  fuch  works  as  thefe, 
 I  may  excite  in  youth  a  defire  to  become  better  ac- 
 quainted with  them. 
 
 Thefe  leftiires  will  .be  found  to  be  of  very  unequal 
 lengths,  and  the  reafon  of  this  will  not  always  ap- 
 pear. But  this  circumflance  is  of  little  confequence, 
 either  to  the  reader,  or  to  any  perfon  who  may  think 
 proper  to  make  ufe  of  them  in  his  own  ledluring.  My 
 method,  as  in  all  my  other  led:ures,  was  to  read  the 
 text,  and  illuflrate  it  by  a  familiar  addrefs,  queftioning 
 the  pupils  very  particularly  on  the  fubjed  of  the  for- 
 mer lecture  before  I  proceeded  to  a  new  one  j  and  on 
 fome  of  the  fubjecls  1  happened  to  have  much  more  to 
 fay  to  them,  and  to  enquire  of  them,  than  on  others. 
 Alfo,  in  going  over  the  lectures  a  fecond  time,  I  paid 
 little  regard  to  the  divifions  I  had  firfl  made,  but  took 
 in  more  or  lefs  matter,  as  I  found  convenient  at  the 
 time ;  and  this  I  would  advife  other  ledurers  to  do. 
 
 The  only  courfe  of  le£lures,  compofed  and  deliver- 
 ed while  I  was  at  Warrington,  that  I  have  any  thoughts 
 of  publifliing  befides  this,  is  one  on  the  Theory  of  Lan- 
 guage and  Univerfal  Granwiar,  which  was  printed  for 
 the  ufe  of  the  ftudents,  but  not  publifhed.  If  this  be 
 done  at  all,  it  will  be  in  conjundion  with  the  addi- 
 tions  that  Dr.  Kippis  made  to  it,  when  he  did   me  the 
 
 honour 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 honour  to  make  It  his  text-book  at  the  Academy  in 
 Hoxton.  This  joint  work  I  wifh  to  remain  as  a  mo- 
 nument of  our  friendfliip,  and  efpecially  of  the  grati- 
 tude I  owe  him  for  his  kindnefs  to  me  in  a  period  in 
 which  I  wanted  a  friend.  He  and  Dr.  Benfon  were 
 fome  of  the  hrfl  whom  1  could  truly  place  in  that 
 clafs. 
 
 The  ledures  on  Oratory  and  Criiicifm^  which  I  com- 
 pofed  at  Warrington,  have  been  fome  time  before  the 
 PubHc.  In  them  I  have  made  great  ufe  of  Dr.  Plart- 
 ley's  dodrine  of  ajfoctation  of  ideas^  which  appears  to 
 me  to  fupply  an  eafy  foiution  of  almofc  all  the  difficul- 
 ties attending  this  curious  fubje^l,  and  gives  us  folid 
 maxims,  inllead  of  arbitrary  fancy.  In  this  extenfive 
 application  of  the  dodrine  of  affociation  to  the  bunnefs 
 of  criticifm,  I  think  I  nave  fome  claim  to  merit. 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 CONTENTS, 
 
 LECTURE      I. 
 
 1  HE   INTRODUCTION  .        Page  i 
 
 PART    I.    General  Ufe  of  Hiflory  .  3 
 
 LeQ:ure  II.  Hi/lory  tends  tojirengthen  the  Sentiments  of 
 Virtue^  ^r.  -  -  14 
 
 Leclure  III.  Hijlory  teaches  Virtue  by  exhibiting  the 
 Condu6l  of  Divine  Providence,  Isfc.  -  23 
 
 PART    II.    Of  the  Sources  of  Kiflory         -  34 
 
 Leaure  IV.  Of  Oral  Tradition,   ^c,  -  ibid. 
 
 Lecture  V.  Of  hflorical  Poems,  and  hiflorical  Ctf 
 toinsy  isfc,  -  -  -  -  43 
 
 Ledure  VI.  Of  Coins  and  Medals,  ^V.  -  4B 
 
 Lefture  VII.  Of  written  Hifiories,   Iffc.  -  56 
 
 Ledure  VIII.    Of  the  indired  Methods  of  colic aing 
 the  Knowledge  of  pa  ft  Events  -  61 
 
 Leclure  IX, 
 
xii  C     O     N     T    E     N    T     S. 
 
 Ledure  IX.  Connexion  of  Hijiory  and  Law ^  ^c.  Page  66 
 
 Ledure  X.  T/je  Ufe  of  Obfervations  on  the  Intervals 
 bct'zueen  the  Generations  of  Me?!  and  SucceJJions  of 
 Kings ^  to  af certain  the  Dates  of  p aft  Events^  he.     70 
 
 Leclure  XI.  The  Time  of  pafl  Events  afcertained  by 
 Means  of  celeftral  Appearances  -  78 
 
 Lednre  XIL  Of  the  Ufe  which  Newton  has  tnade  of 
 Obfervations  on  the  Precejfion  of  the  Equinoxes  in 
 rectifying  ancient  Chronology  -  -  -  82 
 
 PART  III.  "What  is  necefTary,  or  ufeful,  to  be 
 known  previous  to  the  Study  of  Hiilory       -  88 
 
 Leclure  XIII.  Ufe  of  the  Sciences  derived  from  Hif 
 tory  to  the  Study  of  Hijiory.  Of  Chronology.  Of 
 Weeks  -  -  ibid. 
 
 Lecture  XIV.    Months  and  Cycles^    &c.  -  94 
 
 Leclure  XV.  Of  the  Methods  of  eftimating  the  Riches 
 and  Power  of  ancient  and  remote  Nations  104 
 
 Leclure  XVI.  Of  the  EngUftj  and  French  Money ^ 
 &c.  -  -  -  114 
 
 PART  IV.  Diredions  for  facilitating  the  Study 
 of  Hiftory  -  -  1 21 
 
 Leclure  XVII.  Of  chronological  Tables^  he,  ibid. 
 
 Ledure  XVIII.  Charts  of  Hiflory  and  Biography, 
 &c.  -  -  J  28' 
 
 Ledure  XIX.  Of  the  Terms  of  Fortification       -  153 
 
 Ledure  XX. 
 
CONTENTS.  xiii 
 
 Ledure  XX.  The  Order  in  which  ancient  general 
 Hi/lories  may  mojl  conveniently  he  read.     Of  He- 
 .  rodotus  ...  -         Page  133 
 
 Ledure  XXL  Of  Thucydidcs^  Xenophon^  Diodorus 
 Sicidiis.  Suintus  Curtius^  Jrrian^  J^ifti^h  Plu- 
 tarch ^  and  Cornelius  Nepos  -  -  136 
 
 Leciure  XXII.  Of  Dionyfius  Harlicarnaffenfts^  Li- 
 vy^  Polybius^  and  Appian  -  141 
 
 Ledure  XXIII.  Of  Sallufi,  Cdefar,  Hirtius,  Dio 
 CaJJius^    Suetonius^  and  Tacitus  -  147 
 
 Le£lure  XXIV.  Of  Aurelius  Vidor,  Herodian^ 
 Scriptores  Roniani,  Eutropius^  kc.  Of  ?nodern 
 Compilations  of  Hifiory^    &c.  -  153 
 
 Ledure  XXV.  Of  the  Method  offludying  the  En- 
 glijh  Hifiory  -  -  .  159 
 
 Ledure  XXVI.  The  Englijh  Hiflorians  from  the 
 Conqueft  to  Edward  IV.  -  -  167 
 
 Lecture  XXVII.  The  Remainder  of  original  Englijh 
 Hifiorians^  and  Compilers  of  the  Hift or y         -        173 
 
 Ledlure  XXVIII.  Hiftories  of  particular  Lives  and 
 Reigns  -  -  •  -  -  178 
 
 Le6:ure  XXIX.  Of  the  Ecclefiaftical  Writers  and  the 
 old  Englijh  haw-hooks^  &c.  -  181 
 
 Ledures  XXX.  and  XXXI.  Of  the  Englijh  Re- 
 cords^ -  -  188 — 193 
 
 Lecture  XXXII.  Hijloriam  of  other  Nations       -       200 
 
 P  A  R  T     V. 
 
xiv  CONTENTS. 
 
 PART  V.  Of  the  mofl  important  Objeds  of 
 Attention  to  a  Reader  of  Hiftory        -        Page  204 
 
 Lecture  XXXIII.  Different  Objects  to  different  Per- 
 fons^  he,  -  -  -  ibid^ 
 
 Le61:ure  XXXIV.  General  Obfervations  on  political 
 Meafures.  Periods  of  Hijiory  more  particularly 
 worthy  of  Attention  -  -  2  il 
 
 Leaure  XXXV.  The  Rife  and  Declenfion  of  the  Ro- 
 man Empire*  The  Time  when  the  Hiflory  of  fe- 
 'veral  European  Countries  begins  to  be  interefting 
 to  the  reft  of  Europe  -  -  215 
 
 Ledure  XXXVI.  The  mofl  remarkable  Periods  in 
 the  Englifh  and  Scotch  Hfiory,  The  mofi  interef 
 ting  Periods  in  the  Hiflory  of  Literature  and  the 
 Arts  -  -  220 
 
 Leaure  XXXVII.  The  tnofl  important  Periods  in 
 the  Hiflory  of  Manufactures  and  Commerce      -      225 
 
 Le£ture  XXXVIII.  Every  thing  worthy  of  Attention 
 in  Hiflory  which  contributes  to  make  a  Nation  hap- 
 py^ populous^  or  fe cure.  Of  Govern?nent  in  gene- 
 ral -  -  228 
 
 Lcdure  XXXIX.  Of  political  and  Civil  Liberty, 
 &c.  -  -  237 
 
 Lecture  XL.  Of  Defpotic  Government  -  243 
 
 Lecture  XLI.  Of  Democracy  -  249 
 
 Ledure  XLII.  Of  Ariflocracy.  Of  the  prefent  Eu- 
 ropean Monarchies         -  -  -  257 
 
 Ledure  XLIIL 
 
CONTENTS.  XV 
 
 Le£ture  XLIII.  Of  the  Permanence  of  Governmentr, 
 &c.  -  -  -  -  Page  263 
 
 Lefture  XLIV.  Of  a  State  of  Barbarifm.  The  Eu^ 
 rope  an  Governments  (and  particularly  the  Eng- 
 lijhj  traced  from  their  frji  Rife  in  Germany  to 
 their  prefent  Form  -  -  272 
 
 LcdureXLY.  Of  the  Feudal  Syf^em,  Sec.         -         281 
 
 Leaure  XLVI.  Rife  of  Corporations.  The  Rife  of 
 the  Englifh  Commons.  The  Dcclenfwn  of  the  Feu- 
 dal Syftem  not  equal  in  all  Parts  of  Europe     -       28^ 
 
 Le6lure  XLVII.  0/'L^i6;j.     Criminal  Laws ^  &c.     292 
 
 Ledure  XLVIII.  The  Theory  of  the  Progrefs  of 
 Law  -  -  304 
 
 Lecture  XLIX.  Of  an  Attention  to  Agriculture^  &c.   309 
 
 Ledture  L.  Of  Arts  and  ManufaBures         -  317 
 
 Ledure  LL  Of  Conwierce  -  -  327 
 
 Ledure  LIT.  Ufe  of  Colonies  to  a  commercial  State. 
 Maxims  with  refped  to  Money  -  339 
 
 Ledture  LIIL  Of  the  Interefi  of  Money.  Of  Paper^ 
 money.     Of  Exchange  -  -  348 
 
 Ledure  LIV,  Of  Luxury,  kc.  -  354 
 
 Ledure  LV.  Of  Politenefs,  &c.  -  360 
 
 Lefture  I.VI.  Of  the  Influence  of  Religion  on  civil 
 Society  -  -  -  -  367 
 
 Ledure  LVII.  Of  civil  Eft ahlijhments,  of  Religion. 
 The  Influence  of  Philofophy  on  civil  Affairs        379 
 
 Ledures  LVIIL 
 
XVI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Ledures  LVIII.  and  LIX.  Of  the  Populoufnefs  of 
 Nations  -  -  -         Page  387 — 394 
 
 Lectures  LX.  LXI.  and  LXII.  Of  the  Strength  of 
 Nations         -  -  -  401 — 412 — 419 
 
 Ledure  LXIIL  Of  the  Expences  of  Government     -     427 
 
 LeaureLXIV.   Of  National  Debts  -  435 
 
 Ledure  LXV.  Of  Science,  &c.  he.  -  443 
 
 Leftures  LXVI.  LXVII.  and  LXVIII.  Of  an  Atten- 
 tion to  Divine  Providence  in  the  Conduct  of  Human 
 Affairs  -  -  -  451 — 460 — 466 
 
A    N 
 
 E 
 
 ON    A    COURSE    OF 
 
 LIBERAL   EDUCATION, 
 
 FOR   CIVIL  AND  ACTIVE  LIFE. 
 
 FIRST  PUBLISHED  IN  1764. 
 
 IT  feems  to  be  a  defe6l  in  our  prefent  fyftem  of  public  edu- 
 cation, that  a  proper  courfe  of  ftudies  is  not  provided  for 
 gentlemen  who  are  defigned  to  fill  the  principal  ftations  of  ac- 
 tive  life,  diftinQ  from  thofe  which  are  adapted  to  the  learned 
 profejfions.  We  have  hardly  any  medium  between  an  educa- 
 tion for  the  counting-houfe,  confiding  of  writing,  arithme- 
 tic, and  merchants'-accounts,  and  a  method  of  inftitution  in 
 the  abftrad:  fciences  :  fo  that  we  have  nothing  liberal,  that  is 
 worth  the  attention  of  gentlemen^  whofe  views  neither  of  thefe 
 two  oppofite  plans  may  fuit. 
 
 Formerly,  none  but  the  clergy  were  thought  to  have  any 
 occafion  for  learning.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  the 
 whole  plan  of  education,  from  the  grammar-fchool  to  the 
 finilhing  at  the  univerfity,    (hould  be  calculated  for  their  ufe. 
 
 B  If 
 
xviii  AN     ESSAY      ON 
 
 If  a  few  other  perfons,  who  were  not  defigned  for  holy  or- 
 ders, offered  themfelves  for  education,  it  could  not  be  expe£t- 
 ed  that  a  courfe  of  fludies  fhould  be  provided  for  them  only. 
 And,  indeed,  as  all  thofe  perfons  who  fuperintended  the  bu- 
 finefs  of  education  were  of  the  clerical  order,  and  had  them- 
 felves been  taught  nothing  but  the  rhetoric,  logic,  and  fchool- 
 divinity,  or  civil  law,  which  comprized  the  whole  compafs 
 of  human  learning  for  feveral  centuries,  it  could  not  be  ex- 
 pefted  that  they  fliould  entertain  larger,  or  more  liberal  views 
 of  education  ;  and  ftill  lefs,  that  they  fliould  (Irike  out  a 
 courfe  of  ftudy,  for  the  ufe  of  men  who  were  univerfally 
 thought  to  have  no  need  of  fludy  ;  and,  of  whom,  few  M^ere 
 fo  fenfible  of  their  own  wants  as  to  defire  any  fuch  advan- 
 tage. ^ 
 
 Befides,  in  thofe  days,  the  great  ends  of  human  fociety 
 fcem  to  haA-'e  been  but  little  underflood.  Men  of  the  greateft 
 rank,  fortune,  and  influence,  and  who  took  the  lead  in  all 
 the  affairs  of  flate,  had  no  idea  of  the  great  objects  of  wife 
 and  extenfive  policy  ;  and  therefore  could  never  apprehend 
 that  any  fund  of  knowledge  was  requifite  for  the  moft  emxi- 
 nent  flations  in  the  community.  Few  perfons  imagined  what 
 were  the  true  fources  of  wealth,  power,  and  happinefs,  in  a 
 nation.  Commerce  was  little  underflood,  or  even  attended 
 to ;  and  fo  flight  was  the  connexion  of  the  different  nations 
 of  Europe,  that  general  politics  were  very  contracted.  And 
 thus,  men's  views  being  narrow,  little  pi-evious  furniture  of 
 mind  was  requifite  to  condu61:  them. 
 
 The  confequence  of  all  this  was,  that  the  advances  which 
 were  made  to  a  more  perfe£t  and  improved  ftate  of  fociety 
 were  very  flow  ;  and  the  prefent  happier  flate  of  things  was 
 brought  about,  rather  by  an  accidental  concurrence  of  circum- 
 ftances,  than  by  any  efforts  of  human  wifdom  and  forefight. 
 — We  fee  the  hand  of  Divine  Providence  in  thofe  revolutions 
 which  have  gradually  given  a  happier  turn  to  affairs,  while 
 men  have  been  the  paffivc  and  blind  inflruments  of  tlicir  own 
 felicity. 
 
 But 
 
EDUCATION.  xix 
 
 But  the  fituation  of  things  at  prefent  is  vaftly  different  from 
 what  it  was  two  or  three  centuries  ago.  The  objefts  of  hu- 
 man attention  are  prodigioufly  multiplied ;  the  connexions  of 
 ftates  are  extended  ;  a  reflection  upon  our  prefent  advantages, 
 and  the  fteps  by  which  we  have  arrived  to  the  degree  of  power 
 and  happinefs  we  now  enjoy,  has  fliewn  us  the  true  fources 
 of  them ;  and  fo  thoroughly  awakened  are  all  the  ftates  of 
 Europe  to  a  fenfe  of  their  true  interefts,  that  we  are  convin- 
 ced, the  fame  fupine  inattention  with  which  afl^airs  were 
 formerly  conducted  is  no  longer  fafe ;  and  that,  without  fu- 
 perior  degrees  of  wifdom  and  vigour  in  political  meafures, 
 every  thing  we  have  hitherto  gained  will  infallibly  be  loft,  and 
 be  quickly  transferred  to  our  more  intelligent  and  vigilant 
 neighbours.  In  this  critical  pofture  of  affairs,  more  lights, 
 and  fuperior  induftry,  are  requifite,  both  to  minifters  of  ftate, 
 and  to  all  perfons  who  have  any  influence  in  fchemes  of  pub- 
 lic and  national  advantage  •,  and  confequently  a  difix^rent  and 
 a  better  furniture  of  mind  is  requifite  to  be  brought  into  the 
 bufinefs  of  life. 
 
 This  is  certainly  a  call  upon  us  to  examine  the  ftate  of  edu^ 
 cation  in  this  country,  and  to  confider  how  thofe  years  are  em- 
 ployed which  men  pafs  previous  to  their  entering  into  the 
 world  :  for  upon  this  their  future  behaviour,  and  fuccefs,  muft, 
 in  a  great  meafure,  depend.  A  tranfition,  which  is  not  eafy, 
 can  never  be  made  with  advantage ;  and  therefore  it  is  cer- 
 tainly our  wifdom  to  contrive,  that  the  ftudies  of  youth  fhould 
 tend  to  fit  them  for  the  bufmefs  of  manhood  ;  and  that  the 
 objects  of  their  attention,  and  turn  of  thinking  in  younger 
 life,  fhould  not  be  too  remote  from  the  deftined  employment 
 of  their  riper  years.  If  this  be  not  attended  to,  they  muft 
 neceflarily  be  mere  novices  upon  entering  the  great  world,  be 
 almoft  unavoidably  embarraffed  in  their  conduct,  and,  after 
 all  the  time  and  expence  beftowed  upon  their  education,  be 
 indebted  to  a  feries  of  blunders  for  the  moft  ufeful  knovv'ledge 
 they  will  ever  acquire. 
 
 In  what  manner  foever  thofe  gentlemen  who  are  not  of  any 
 learned  profeflion,  but  who,  in  other  capacities,  have  render- 
 
 B  2  ed 
 
XX  A  N      E  S  S  A  Y      O  ]^ 
 
 cd  the  moll  important  fervlces  to  their  country,  came  by  that 
 knowledge  which  made  them  capable  of  it,  I  appeal  to  them- 
 felves,  whether  any  confiderable  fhare  of  it  was  acquired  till 
 they  had  finifhed  their  ftudies  at  the  univerfity.  So  remote  is 
 the  general  courfe  of  ftudy  at  places  of  the  moft  liberal  edu- 
 cation among  us  from  the  bufinefs  of  civil  life^  that  many 
 gentlemen,  who  have  had  the  moft  liberal  education  their 
 country  could  aiibrd,  have  looked  upon  the  real  advantage  of 
 fuch  an  education  as  very  problematical,  and  have  either 
 wholly  difpenfed  with  it  in  their  own  children  ;  or,  if  they 
 have  fent  their  fons  through  the  ufual  circle  of  the  fchools, 
 it  has  been  chiefly  through  the  influence  of  cuftom  and  faflii- 
 on,  or  with  a  view  to  their  forming  connexions  which  might 
 be  ufeful  to  them  in  future  life.  This  appears  by  the  little 
 folicitude  they  fliow  about  their  fons  being  grounded  in  thofe 
 fciences,  in  which  they  themfelves  might  pofhbly  have  been 
 confiderable  proficients,  when  they  applied  to  them  ;  but 
 which,  from  their  being  foreign  to  the  bufinefs  of  life  in 
 which  they  were  afterwards  engaged,  they  have  now  wholly 
 forgotten. 
 
 Indeed,  the  fevere  and  proper  difcipline  of  a  grammar- 
 fchool  is  become  a  common  topic  of  ridicule  ;  and  few  young 
 gentlemen,  except  thofe  who  are  defigned  for  fome  of  the 
 learned  profeflTions,  are  made  to  fubmit  to  the  rigours  of  it. 
 And  it  is  manifeft,  that  when  no  foundation  is  laid  in  a  gram- 
 matical knowledge  of  the  learned  languages  (which,  in  a 
 large  or  public  fchool,  cannot  be  done  without  very  ftri^l 
 difcipline,  and  a  fevere  application  on  the  part  both  of  the  maf- 
 ter  and  fcholar)  youth  can  be  but  ill  qualified  to  receive  any 
 advantage  from  an  univerfity  education.  Young  gentlemen 
 themfelves  fo  frequently  hear  the  learning  which  is  taught 
 in  fchools  and  univerfities  ridiculed,  that  they  often  make 
 themfelves  eafy  with  giving  a  very  fuperficial  attention  to  it ; 
 concluding,  from  the  turn  of  converfiition  in  the  company 
 they  generally  fall  into,  and  which  they  expeft  to  keep,  that 
 a  few  years  will  confound  all  diftin£l:ion  of  learned  and  un- 
 learned. 
 
EDUCATION.  XXI 
 
 learned,  and  make  it  impoffible  to  be  known  wliether  a  man 
 had  improved  his  time  at  the  univerfity  or  not. 
 
 Thefe  evils  certainly  call  for  redrefs ;  and  let  a  perfon  be 
 reckoned  a  projector,  a  vifionary,  or  whatever  any  body 
 pleafes,  that  man  is  a  friend  of  his  country  who  obfcrves, 
 and  endeavours  to  fupply,  any  defects  in  the  methods  of  edu- 
 cating youth.  A  well-meaning  and  a  fenfible  man  may  be 
 miitaken,  but  a  good  intention,  efpecially  if  it  be  not  wholly 
 unaccompanied  with  good  fenfe,  ought  to  be  exempted  from 
 cenfure.  What  has  occurred  to  me  upon  this  fubjc6l  I  fliall, 
 without  any  farther  apology,  propofe  to  my  fellow-citizens, 
 and  fellow-tutors,  hoping  that  it  will  meet  with  a  candid  re- 
 ception. It  is  true  I  can  boafl  no  long  or  extenfive  expe- 
 rience in  the  bufmefs  of  education,  but  I  have  not  been  a 
 mere  fpe£lator  in  this  fcene  ;  which,  I  hope,  may  exempt 
 me  from  the  ridicule  and  contempt  which  liave  almofl  ever 
 fallen  upon  the  fchemes  of  thofe  perfons  who  have  written 
 only  from  their  clofets,  and,  without  any  experience,  have 
 rafhly  attempted  to  handle  this  fubjetl,  in  which,  of  all 
 others,  experiments  only  ought  to  guide  theory  ;  upon  which 
 hardly  any  thing  worth  attending  to  can  be  advanced  a  priori ; 
 and  where  the  greateft  geniufes,  for  want  of  experience, 
 have  been  the  greateft  vifionarles  ;  laying  fchemes  the  leaft 
 capable  of  being  reduced  to  pracl:ice,  or  the  moft  abfurd  if 
 they  had  been  put  in  pracbice. 
 
 Let  it  be  remembered,  that  the  dlihcuity  under  prefent 
 confideration  is,  how  to  fill  up  v/ith  advantage  thofe  years 
 which  ^immediately  precede  a  young  gentleman's  engaging  in 
 thofe  higher  fpheres  of  active  life  in  which  he  is  deftined  to 
 move.  Within  the  departments  of  aclive  life,  I  fuppofe  to 
 be  comprehended  all  thofe  ftations  in  which  a  man's  ccndudl: 
 will  confiderably  affetl  the  liberty  and  the  property  of  his 
 countrymen,  and  the  riches,  the  ftrength,  and  the  fecurity 
 of  his  country  ;  the  firft  and  moft  important  ranks  of  which 
 are  filled  by  gentlemen  of  large  property,  who  have  them- 
 felves  the  greateft  intereft  in  the  fate  of  their  country,  and 
 who  are  within  the  influence  of  an  honourable  ambition   to 
 
 appear 
 
xxii  AN      ESSAY      ON 
 
 appear  in  the  chara<5ler  of  magiftrates  and  legiflators  in  the 
 flate,  or  of  ftandlng  near  the  helm  of  affairs,  and  guiding  the 
 fecret  fprings  of  government. 
 
 The  profeffion  of  Law,  alfo,  certainly  comes  within  the 
 above  defcription  of  civil  and  a£live  life,  if  a  man  hope  to  be 
 any  thing  more  than  a  pradifing  attorney  ;  the  profeffion  of 
 arms,  too,  if  a  gentleman  have  any  expectation  of  arriving  at 
 the  higher  ranks  of  military  preferment  j  and  the  bufmefs  of 
 merchandife,  if  we  look  beyond  the  fervile  drudgery  of  the 
 warehoufe  or  counting-houfe.  Divines  and  phyficians  I  con- 
 fider  to  be  interefled  in  this  fubje£t,  only  as  gentlemen  and 
 general  fcholars,  or  as  perfons  who  converfe,  and  have  influ- 
 ence, with  gentlemen  engaged  in  a6live  life,  without  any 
 particular  view  to  their  refpeClive  profefTions. 
 
 That  the  parents  and  friends  of  young  gentlemen  deflined 
 to  a6l  in  any  of  thefe  important  fpheres,  may  not  think  a  li- 
 beral education  unnecefTary  to  them,  and  that  the  young  gen- 
 tlemen themfelves  may  enter  with  fpirit  into  the  enlarged 
 views  of  their  friends  and  tutors,  I  would  humbly  propofe 
 fome  new  articles  of  academical  inflruClion,  fuch  as  have  a 
 nearer  and  more  evident  connexion  with  the  bufmefs  of  active 
 life,  and  which  may  therefore  bid  fairer  to  engage  the  atten- 
 tion, and  roufe  the  thinking  powers,  of  young  gentlemen  of 
 an  adlive  genius.  The  fubjeds  I  would  recommend  are  civil 
 HISTORY,  and  more  efpecially,  the  important  obje£ls  of 
 CIVIL  policy;  fuch  as  the  theory  of  laws,  government,  ma- 
 nufactures, commerce,  naval  force,  &c.  with  whatever  may 
 be  demonflrated  from  hiftory  to  have  contributed  to  the  fiou- 
 rifliing  flate  of  nations,  to  rendering  a  people  happy  and  po- 
 pulous at  home,  and  formidable  abroad ;  together  with  thofe 
 articles  of  previous  information,  without  which  it  is  impoffi- 
 ble  to  underftand  the  nature,  connexions,  and  mutual  influ- 
 ences, of  thofe  great  objeds. 
 
 To  give  a  clearer  idea  of  the  fubjeds  I  would  propofe  to 
 the  fludy  of  youth  at  places  of  public  and  liberal  education,  I 
 have  fubjoined  plans  of  three  dillinCl:  courfes  of  lectures, 
 which,  I  apprehend,  may  be  fubfervient  to  tliis  defign,  divi- 
 ded 
 
EDUCATION.  xxlli 
 
 ded  into  fuch  portions   as  experience  has  taught  me,  may  be 
 conveniently  difcuired  in  famiHar  lectures  of  an  hour  each. 
 
 The  firft  courfe  Is  on  the  study  of  histor.y  in  general, 
 and  in  its  mod  extenfive  felife.  It  will  be  feen  to  confift  of 
 fuch  articles  as  tend  to  enable  a  young  gentleman  to  read  hif- 
 tory  with  underftanding,  and  to  reap  the  moft  valuable  fruits 
 of  that  engaging  ftudy.  I  fhall  not  go  over  the  particulars  of 
 the  courfe  in  this  place  :  let  the  fyllabus  fpeak  for  itfelf.  Let 
 it  only  be  obferved,  that  my  view  was,  not  merely  to  make 
 hiftory  intelligible  to  perfons  who  may  chufe  to  read  It  for 
 their  amufement ;  but  principally,  to  facilitate  its  fubfervlency 
 to  the  hlghefl  ufes  to  which  it  can  be  applied ;  to  contribute 
 to  its  forming  the  able  flatefman,  and  the  intelligent  and  ufe- 
 ful  citizen.  It  is  true,  that  this  is  comprifing  a  great  deal 
 more  than  the  title  of  the  courfe  will  fugged.  But  under  the 
 head  of  ohjecis  of  attention  to  a  reader  of  hifrory,  it  was  found 
 convenient  to  difcufs  the  principal  of  thofe  fubjecls  which 
 every  gentleman  of  a  liberal  education  is  expe£led  to  under- 
 ftand,  though  they  do  not  generally  fall  under  any  dlvifion  of 
 the  fciences  in  a  courfe  of  academical  education  :  and  yet 
 without  a  competent  knowledge  of  thcfe  fubjeds,  no  perfon 
 can  be  qualified  to  ferve  his  country  except  in  the  lowed  ca- 
 pacities. 
 
 This  courfe  of  le6lures,  it  is  alfo  prefumed,  will  be  found 
 to  contain  a  comprehenfive  fyflem  of  that  kind  of  knowledge 
 which  is  peculiarly  requifite  to  gentlemen  who  intend  to  tra- 
 ir/.  For,  fince  the  great  object  of  attention  to  a  reader  of 
 hiftory,  and  to  a  gentleman  upon  his  travels,  are  evidently  the 
 fame,  it  muft  be  of  equal  fervlce  to  them  both,  to  have  their 
 importance,  and  mutual  influences,  pointed  out  to  them. 
 
 It  will  llkewife  be  evident  to  any  perfon  who  infpects  this 
 fyllabus,  that  the  fubjecl  of  commerce  has  by  no  means 
 been  overlooked.  And  it  Is  hoped,  that  when  thofe  gentle- 
 men, who  are  intended  to  ferve  themfelves  and  their  country 
 in  the  refpeftable  charailer  of  merchants,  have  heard  the  great  ■ 
 maxims  of  commerce  difculTed  in  a  fclentifical  and  conne£led 
 manner,  as  they  deferve,  they  v/ill  not  eafily  be  influenced  by 
 
 notions 
 
xxiv  AN     ESSAY     ON 
 
 notions  adopted  in  a  random  and  hafty  manner,  and  from  fu- 
 perficial  views  of  things :  whereby  they  might,  otherwife,  be 
 induced  to  enter  into  meafures  feemingly  gainful  at  prefent, 
 but  in  the  end  prejudicial  to  their  country,  and  to  themfelves 
 and  their  pofterity,  as  members  of  it. 
 
 The  next  courfe  of  leftures,  the  plan  of  which  is  briefly 
 delineated,  is  upon  the  history  of  England,  and  is  de- 
 figned  to  be  an  exemplification  of  the  manner  of  ftudying 
 hiftory  recommended  in  the  former  courfe  ;  in  which  the 
 great  ufes  of  it  are  fhown,  and  the  actual  progrefs  of  every 
 important  objed:  of  attention  diftinftly  marked,  from  the 
 earliefl  accounts  of  the  iiland  to  the  prefent  time. 
 
 To  make  young  gentlemen  flill  more  thoroughly  acquainted 
 with  their  own  country,  a  third  courfe  of  lectures  fin  con- 
 nexion with  the  two  others)  is  fubjoined,  viz.  on  its  present 
 CONSTITUTION  AND  LAWS.  But  the  particular  ufes  of 
 thefe  two  courfes  of  le6lures  need  not  be  pointed  out  here,  as 
 they  are  fufficiently  explained  in  the  introdu£lory  addrefles 
 prefixed  to  each  of  them. 
 
 That  an  acquaintance  with  the  fubjecfts  of  thefe  le£lures  is 
 calculated  to  form  the  ftatefman,  the  military  commander,  the 
 lawyer,  the  merchant,  and  the  accomplifhed  country  gentle- 
 man, cannot  be  difputed.  The  principal  obje6tion  that  may 
 be  made  to  this  fcheme,  is  the  introduction  of  thefe  fubjeCIs 
 into  academies,  and  fubmitting  them  to  the  examination  of 
 youth,  of  the  age  at  which  they  are  ufually  fent  to  fuch 
 places  of  education.  It  will  be  faid  by  fome,  that  thefe  fub- 
 jecSls  are  too  deep,  and  too  intricate,  for  their  tender  age  and 
 weak  intelledls ;  and  that,  after  all,  it  can  be  no  more  than  a 
 fmattering  of  thefe  great  branches  of  knowledge  that  can  be 
 communicated  to  youth. 
 
 To  prevent  being  mifunderflood,  let  it  be  obferved,  that  I 
 would  not  propofe  that  this  courfe  of  fludies  fhould  be  entered 
 upon  by  a  young  gentleman  till  he  be  fixteen  or  feventeen 
 years  of  age,  or  at  lead,  and  only  in  fome  particular  cafes, 
 fifteen  years  ;  at  which  time  of  life,  it  is  well  known  to  all 
 perfons  concerned  in  the  education  of  youth,  that  their  facul- 
 ties 
 
EDUCATION.  XXV 
 
 ties  have  attained  a  confiderable  degree  of  ripenefs,  and  that, 
 by  proper  addrefs,  they  are  as  capable  of  entering  into  any 
 fubjecl  of  fpeculation  as  they  ever  will  be.  What  is  there  in 
 any  of  the  fubjecSls  mentioned  above,  which  requires  more 
 acutenefs,  or  comprehenfion,  than  algebra,  geometry,  1  'gic,. 
 or  metaphyncs ;  to  which  fludents  are  generally  made  to  apply 
 about  the  fame  age  ? 
 
 And  if  it  be  only  a  fmattering  of  political  and  commercial 
 knowledge,  &c.  that  can  be  acquired  in  the  method  I  pro- 
 pofe  ;  let  it  be  obfcrved,  that  it  is  nothing  more  than  the  ru- 
 diments of  any  fcience  which  can  be  taught  in  a  place  of 
 education.  The  mafter  of  fcience  is  a  character  of  which 
 nothing  more  than  the  outline  is  ever  drawn  at  an  Academy, 
 or  the  Univerfity.  It  is  never  nni&ed  but  by  ailidiicus  and 
 long-continued  application  afterwards.  And  fuppofing  that 
 only  the  firft  rudiments,  the  grand,  plain,  and  leading  max- 
 ims of  policy,  with  rclpecl:  to  arts,  arms,  commerce,  ccc. 
 be  communicated  to  a  young  gentleman,  if  they  be  fuch  max- 
 ims as  he  is  really  deftined  to  purfue  in  life,  is  it  not  better 
 that  he  have  fome  knowledge  of  them  communicated  early, 
 and  at  a  time  vrhen  it  is  likely  to  make  the  deepefl  and  moil 
 lafting  impreflion,  than  to  be  throv.-n  into  the  pra£lice  vv^th- 
 out  any  regular  theory  at  all  ?  It  is  freely  acknowledged, 
 that  the  man  of  bufmefs  is  not  to  be  finifhed  at  an  academy, 
 any  more  than  the  man  of  fcience.  This  chara£i:er  is  not  the 
 child  of  inftru^lion  and  theory  only ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
 neither  is  it  the  mere  offspring  of  practice  without  inftruction. 
 And,  certainly,  if  a  knowledge  of  thcfe  fubjefts  be  of  any 
 ufe,  the  earlier  they  are  attended  to  (after  a  perfon  be  capable 
 of  attending  to  them  to  any  purpofe)  and  the  more  regular  is 
 the  method  in  which  they  are  taught,  the  greater  chance  there 
 is  for  their  being  thoroughly  underftood. 
 
 When  fubjefts  which  have  a  connexion  are  explained  in  a 
 regular  fyftem,  every  article  is  placed  where  the  mofl  light  is 
 refleded  upon  it  from  the  neighbouring  fubjeds.  The  plaineft 
 things  are  difcufled  in  the  nrft  place,  and  are  made  to  ferve  as 
 axioms,  and  as  the  foundation  of  thofe  which  are  treated  of 
 
 afterwards. 
 
xxvi  AN     ESSAY     ON 
 
 afterwards.  Without  this  regular  method  of  fludying  the 
 elements  of  any  fcience,  it  feems  impoflible  ever  to  gain  a 
 clear  and  comprehenfive  view  of  it.  But  after  a  regular  in- 
 ftitution,  any  particular  part  of  a  plan  of  inftrmStion  m.ay  be 
 enlarged  at  any  time,  Mnth  eafe^  and  without  confufion. 
 With  how  much  more  eafe  and  diftin£lnefs  would  a  perfon  be 
 able  to  deliver  himfelf  upon  any  fubje6t  of  policy,  or  com- 
 merce, who  had  had  every  thing  belonging  to  it  explained  to 
 him  in  its  proper  connexion,  than  another  perfon  of  equal 
 abilities,  who  fhould  only  have  confidered  the  fubjecl  in  a 
 random  manner,  reading  any  treatife  that  might  happen  to  fall 
 in  his  way,  or  adopting  his  maxims  from  the  company  he 
 might  accidentally  keep,  and,  confequently,  liable  to  be  im- 
 pofed  upon  by  the  interefted  views  with  which  men  very  often 
 both  write  and  fpeak.  For  thefe  are  fubjedts,  on  which 
 almofb  every  writer  or  fpeaker  is  to  be  fufpe6ted  j  fo  much 
 has  party  and  intereit  to  do  with  every  thing  relating  to 
 them. 
 
 Since,  however,  thefc  fubje6ls  do  enter  into  all  fenfible 
 converfation,  efpecially  with  gentlemen  engaged  in  civil  life, 
 it  is  a  circumftance  extremely  favourable  to  the  ftudy  of  them, 
 that  converfation  will  come  greatly  in  aid  of  the  lectures  the 
 voung  gentlemen  hear  upon  them.  It  cannot  fail  to  roufe 
 tlieir  attention,  and  increafe  their  application  to  their  (ludies, 
 when  they  hear  the  fubjefts  of  them  difcuffed  by  their  fathers, 
 and  the  elder  part  of  their  friends  and  acquaintance,  for 
 whofe  underflanding  and  turn  of  thinking  they  have  con- 
 ceived a  great  eflecm.  They  will  liflen  with  greater  attention 
 to  grave  and  judicious  perfons,  and  become  much  more  fond 
 of  their  company,  when  they  are  able  to  underlland  their 
 converfation,  and  to  enter  occafionally  into  it ;  when  they  can 
 fay,  that  fiich  a  fentiment,  or  fa(£l,  was  advanced  in  their 
 Ie£lures,  and  that  one  of  their  fellow-pupils,  or  themfelves, 
 made  fuch  a  remark  upon  it.  It  is  no  wonder  that  many 
 young  gentlemen  give  but  little  attention  to  their  prefent 
 fludies,  when  they  find  that  the  fubje(fi:s  of  them  are  never 
 difcufled  in  any  fenfible  converfation,  to  which  they  are  ever 
 
 admitted. 
 
EDUCATION. 
 
 XXVI 1 
 
 admitted.  If  fludylng  thefe  fubje£ts  only  ferve  to  give  the 
 generality  of  young  gentlemen  a  tafte.  for  converfmg  upon 
 them,  and  qualify  them  to  appear  to  tolerable  advantage  in 
 fuch  converfations,  the  variety  of  lights,  in  which  they  are 
 viewed  upon  thofe  occafions,  cannot  fail  to  make  them  more 
 generally  underftood :  and  the  better  thefe  fubjetls  are  under- 
 ftood  by  the  bulk  of  the  nation,  the  more  probable  it  is  that 
 the  nation  will  be  benefited  by  fuch  knowledge. 
 
 If  I  were  afked  what  branches  of  knowledge  a  young  gen- 
 tleman fhould,  in  my  judgment,  be  mafler  of,  before  he  can 
 fludy  this  courfe  with  advantage  ;  I  would  anfwer,  that  a 
 knowledge  of  the  learned  languages  is  not  abfolutely  necef- 
 fary,  but  is  very  defirable ;  efpecially  fuch  an  iiifight  into 
 Latin  as  may  enable  a  perfon  to  read  the  eafier  claihcs,  and 
 fuperfede  the  ufe  of  a  dictionary,  with  refpe£t  to  thofe  more 
 difficult  Englifh  words  which  are  derived  from  the  Latin. 
 The  fludent  of  this  courfe  fnould  underfiand  French  very 
 •welly  he  Ihould  alio  be  a  pretty  good  accomptant,  be  ac- 
 quainted with  the  more  ufeful  branches  of  practical  mathe- 
 matics J  and,  if  pofTible,  have  fom.e  knowledge  of  algebra  and 
 geometry,  which  ought  to  be  indifpenfable  in  every  plan  of 
 liberal  education. 
 
 Some  will  be  ready  to  obje6l  to  thefe  ftudies,  that  a  turn 
 for  fpeculation  unfits  men  for  bufmefs.  I  anfwer,  that 
 nothing  is  more  true,  if  thofe  fpeculations  be  foreign  to  their 
 employment.  It  is  readily  acknowledged,  that  a  turn  for  po- 
 etry and  the  Belies  Lettres  mi,'::jht  hurt  a  tradefman,  that  the 
 fludy  of  natural  philofophy  might  interfere  with  the  prafticc 
 of  the  law,  and  m.etaphyfics  and  the  abftraCV  fciences  with  the 
 duty  of  a  foldier.  But  it  can  never  be  faid  that  a  counfellor 
 can  be  unfitted  for  his  practice  by  a  tafte  for  the  ftudy  of  the 
 lawj  or  that  a  commander  would  be  the  worfe  foldier  for 
 fludying  books  written  on  the  art  of  war  :  nor  can  it  be 
 fuppofed  that  a  merchant  would  do  iefs  bufmefs,  or  to  worfe 
 purpofe,  for  having  acquired  a  fondnefs  for  fuch  writers  who 
 have  bell  explained  the  principles  of  trade  and  com.merce, 
 
 and 
 
xxvili  AN     ESSAY     ON 
 
 and  for'being  qualiiied  to  read  them  v/ith  underftanding  ami 
 judgment. 
 
 It  iniift  be  rJlovv'cd,  that  the  mechanical  parts  of  any  employ- 
 ment wij}  be  befi  performed  by  perfons  who  liave  no  know- 
 ledge, or  idea,  of  any  thing  beyond  the  mere  prac^licc.  When 
 a  man's  faculties  are  wdiolly  employed  upon  one  fingie  thing. 
 It  is  more  probable  that  he  will  make  himfetf  compleatly 
 mailer  of  it  •,  and,  having  no  farther  or  higher  views,  he  will 
 fHore  contenteah/j  and  more  chearfully^  give  his  whole  time 
 to  his  proper  objc£l:.  But  no  man  who  can  afrbrd  the  ex- 
 pence  of  a  liberal  education,  enters  upon  any  buiinefs  with  a 
 Tiew  to  fpend  his  wliole  ufe  in  the  mere  mechanical  part  of 
 k,  and  in  performing  a  ta(k  impofed  on  him.  A  man  of 
 ipirit  will  laudably  afpire  to  be  a  mailer  in  his  turn  ;  when 
 he  miift  be  directed  by  his  own  lights,  and  when  lie  will  find 
 himfelf  miferably  bewildered,  if  he  have  acquired  no  more 
 knowledge  than  was  fufficient  for  him  while  he  followed  the 
 cla-e£Vion  of  others.  Befides,  in  the  ciife  of  merchandife,  if 
 one  branch  fail,  there  is  no  refource  but  in  more  extenfive 
 knowledge.  A  man  who  has  been  ufed  to  go  only  in  one 
 beaten  track,  and  v/ho  has  h.ad  no  Idea  given  him  of  any  other, 
 for  fear  of  his  being  tempted  to  leave  it,  will  be  wholly  at  a 
 !ofs  when  it  hapj^ens  that  that  track  can  be  no  longer  ufed  ; 
 while  a  perfon  who  has  a  general  idea  of  the  whole  courfe 
 of  the  country  may  be  able  to  itrike  out  another,  and  perhaps 
 a  better  road  than  the  former. 
 
 I  am  av/are  of  a  difierent  kind  of  objection,  from  another 
 quarter,  which  it  behoves  me  not  to  over-look.  The  advo- 
 cates for  the  old  plan  of  education,  and  who  diflike  innova- 
 tions in  the  number,  or  the  dillribution,  of  the  fciences  in 
 which  lectures  are  given,  may  objetl  to  the  admiffion  of 
 thefe  ftudies,  as  in  danger  of  attracting  the  attention  of  thofe 
 lludents  who  are  defigned  for  the  learned  profeihons  •,  and 
 thereby  interfering  too  much  with  that  which  has  been  found, 
 bv  the  experieiice  of  generations,  to  be  the  bed  for  fcholars, 
 the  proper  fubjcds  of  which  are  fufBcient  to'  fill  up  all  their 
 time,  without   thefe  fupernumcrary  articles.      I  anfwer,  that 
 
 the 
 
EDUCATION.  xxix 
 
 the  fubjecls  of  thefe  lectures  are  by  no  means  neceffary  arti- 
 cles of  a  mere  fcholaftic  education  •,  but  that  they  are  fach 
 as  fcholars  ought  to  have  fome  acquaintance  with  ;  an<l  that 
 without  fome  acquaintance  with  them,  tlieymuft,  upon  many 
 occafions,  appear  to  great  difadvantage  in  the  prefent  flate  of 
 knowledge. 
 
 o 
 
 Time  was  when  fcholars  might,  wirh  a  good  grace,  dif- 
 ciaim  all  pretenfions  to  any  branch  of  knowledge  but  what 
 was  taught  in  the  univernties.  Perhaps  they  would  be  the 
 more  revered  by  the  vulgar  on  account  of  fuch  ignorance,  as 
 an  argument  of  their  being  more  abflracled  from  the  world. 
 Few  books  were  written  but  by  critics  and  antiquaries,  for 
 the  ufe  of  men  like  themfelves.  The  literati  of  thofe  days 
 haii  comparatively  little  free  intercourfe  but  among  them- 
 felves ;  the  learned  world,  and  tbe  comm^on  world,  being 
 much  more  diftinft  from  one  another  than  they  are  now. 
 Scholars  by  profefTion  read,  wrote,,  and  converfed  in  no  lan- 
 guage but  the  Roman.  They  would  have  been  afliamed  to  have 
 exprefled  themfelves  in  bad  Latin,  but  not  in  the  leaft  of  being 
 guilty  of  any  impropriety  in  the  ufe  of  their  mother  tongue, 
 which  they  confidered  as  belonging  only  to  the  vulgar. 
 
 But  thofe  times  of  revived  antiquity  have  had  their  ufe, 
 and  are  now  no  more.  We  are  obliged  to  the  learned  labours 
 of  our  forefathers  for  fearching  into  all  the  remains  of  anti- 
 quity, and  illuftrating  valuable  ancient  authors ;  but  their 
 maxims  of  life  will  not  fuit  the  world  as  it  is  at  prefent. 
 The  politenefs  of  the  times  has  brought  the  learned  and  the, 
 unlearned  into  more  familiar  intercourfe  than  they  had  before. 
 They  find  themfelves  obliged  to  converfe  upon  the  fame  topics. 
 The  fubje^ls  of  modern  hiftory,  policy,  arts,  manufactures, 
 commerce,  &:c.  are  the  general  topics  of  all  fenfible  conver- 
 fation.  Every  thing  is  faid  in  our  own  tongue,  little  is  even 
 written  in  a  foreign  or  dead  language  ;  and  every  Britifn 
 author  is  ftudious  of  writing  with  propriety  in  his  native  Eng- 
 lifli.  Criticifm,  which  was  formerly  the  great  bufmefs  of  a 
 fcholar's  life,  is  now  become  the  amufement  of  a  leifure 
 hour,  and  this  but   to  a  few  j  fo   that  a   hundredth    part    qf 
 
 tliC 
 
XXX  ANESSAYON 
 
 the  time  wliich  was  formerly  given  to  criticifm  and  antiqui- 
 ties is  enough,  in  this  age,  to  gain  a  man  the  chavucSler  of  z 
 profound  fcholar.  The  topics  of  fenfible  converfation  are 
 likewife  the  favourite  fubjefts  of  all  the  capital  writings  of 
 the  prclcnt  age,  which  are  read  with  equal  avidity  by  gentle- 
 men,  merchants,  lawyers,  phyficians,  and  divines. 
 
 Now,  when  the  courfe  of  reading,  thinking,  and  converfa- 
 tion, even  among  fcholars,  is  become  fo  very  different  from 
 Vvhat  it  was,  is  it  not  reafonable  that  the  plan  of  even 
 fcholaflic  education  iliould,  in  fome  meafure,  vary  with  it  ? 
 The  neceffity  of  the  thing  has  already,  in  many  inftances, 
 forced  a  change  ;  and  the  fame  increaling  neceffity  will  either 
 force  a  greater  and  more  general  change,  or  we  mud  not  be 
 furprifed  to  find  our  fchools,  academies,  and  univerfities,  de- 
 ferred, as  wholly  unfit  to  qualify  men  to  appear  with  advan- 
 tage in  the  prefent  age. 
 
 In  many  private  fchools  and  academies,  we  find  feveral 
 things  taught  now,  which  were  never  made  the  fubje<£l:s  of 
 fyftematical  inftru6lion  in  former  times  •,  and  in  thofe  of 
 our  univerfities,  in  which  it  is  the  interefl  of  the  tutors  to 
 make  tlieir  le^lures  of  real  ufe  to  their  pupils,  and  where 
 le£l:ures  are  not  mere  matters  of  form  j  the  profefTors  find  the 
 neceffity  of  delivering  themfelves  in  Englifh.  And  the  evi- 
 dent propriety  of  the  thing  mud  neceffiirily  make  this  prac- 
 tice more  general,  notwithftanding  the  moil  fuperllitious  re- 
 gard to  eftablifiied  cuPcoms. 
 
 But  let  the  profeflbrs  condu61:  themfelves  by  what  maxims 
 they  pleafe,  the  {Indents  will,  of  courfe,  be  influenced  by 
 the  tafle  of  tlie  company  they  keep  in  the  world  at  large,  to 
 which  young  gentlemen  in  this  age  have  an  earlier  admif- 
 fion  than  they  had  formerly.  How  can  it  be  expe6i:ed  that 
 the  prefent  fet  of  fludents  for  divinity  fhould  apply  to  the 
 ftudy  of  the  dead  languages  with  the  alfiduity  of  their  fathers 
 and  grand-fathers,  when  they  find  fo  many  of  the  ufes  of 
 thofe  languages  no  longer  fubfifting  ?  What  can  they  think 
 it  will  avail  them  to  make  the  purity  of  the  Latin  ftyle  their 
 principal  fludv,  for  fcvcral  years  of  the  mofl  improveable  part 
 
 ®f 
 
EDUCATION.  xxxi 
 
 of  their  life,  when  they  are  fenfible,  that  they  fliall  have  little 
 more  occafion  for  it  than  other  gentlemen,  or  than  perfons 
 in  common  life,  when  they  have  left  the  univerfity  ?  And 
 how  can  it  be  otherwife,  but  that  their  private  reading  and 
 ftudies  fliculd  fometimes  be  diiTerent  from  the  courfe  of 
 their  public  inflruftions,  when  the  favourite  authors  of  the 
 public,  the  merits  of  whom  they  hear  difculTed  in  every  com- 
 pany, even  by  their  tutors  themfelves,  write  upon  quite  dif- 
 ferent fubjefts  ? 
 
 In  fuch  a  ftate  of  things,  the  advantage  of  a  regular  fyfle- 
 matlcal  inflruclion  in  thofe  fubjeds,  which  are  treated  of 
 in  books  that  in  h6k  engage  the  attention  of  all  the  world, 
 the  learned  lead  of  all  excepted,  and  which  enter  into  all 
 converfations,  where  it  is  worth  a  man's  while  to  bear  a  part, 
 or  to  make  a  figure,  cannot  be  doubted.  And  I  am  of  opi- 
 nion, that  thefe  ftudies  may  be  conduced  in  fuch  a  manner, 
 as  will  interfere  very  little  with  a  fufRciently  clofe  applica- 
 tion to  others.  Students  in  medicine  and  divinity  may  be 
 admitted  to  thefe  ftudies  later  than  thofe  for  whofe  real  ufe 
 in  life  they  are  principally  intended  ;  not  till  they  be  fufli- 
 ciently  grounded  in  the  claffics,  have  ftudied  logic,  oratory, 
 and  criticifm,  or  any  thing  elfe  that  may  be  deemed  ufeful, 
 previous  to  thofe  fbudies  which  are  peculiar  to  their  refpec- 
 tive  profefii®ns ;  and  even  then,  thefe  new  ftudies  may  be 
 made  a  matter  of  amufement,  rather  than  an  article  of  bufi- 
 nefs. 
 
 With  refpe6l  to  Divines,  it  ought  moreover  to  be  confi- 
 dered,  that  the  fame  revolutions  in  the  ftate  of  knowledge, 
 which  call  their  attention  to  thefe  new  ftudies,  have,  in  a 
 great  meafure,  furniflied  them  v/ith  ti/ne  for  their  applicati- 
 on to  them  ;  by  releafing  them  from  feveral  fubje£ts,  the 
 ftudy  of  which  was  formerly  the  great  bufmefs  of  divines, 
 and  engrofled  almoft  their  w^hole  time.  And  though  new 
 fubje6ls  have  been  ftarted  within  the  province  of  divinity,  it 
 does  not  appear  to  me,  that  they  require  fo  much  time  and 
 application  as  was  ufually  given  to  tliofe  ether  ftudies,  the 
 ufe  of  which  is  now  fuperfeded.     I  mean^  principally,  fchool- 
 
 divinity, 
 
xxx5  AN      ESSAY      ON" 
 
 divinity,  and  the  canon  law  ;  not  to  mention  logic  and  mc- 
 taphyfics,  which  were  formerly  a  more  intricate  bufmefs,  and 
 took  up  much  more  time  than  they  do  now. 
 
 J^et  a  perfon  but  look  over  the  table  of  contents  to  the 
 works  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  which  were  read,  fludied,  or 
 commented  upon,  by  all  divines  a  few  centuries  ago,  and  he 
 will  be  convinced,  that  it  mult  have  required  both  more 
 acutenefs  to  comprehend  the  fubje£ls  of  them,  and  more 
 time  to  ftudy  and  digell  them  in  any  tolerable  manner,  than 
 it  would  require  to  become  exceedingly  well  verfed  in  all  the 
 branches  of  knowledge  I  would  now  recommend. 
 
 The  canon  law  was  not  lefs  complex  than  both  the  com- 
 mon and  flatute  law  of  England,  and  every  clergyman  of 
 eminence  was  under  a  neceihty  of  underftanding,  not  only 
 the  general  principles  and  theory  of  that  fyftem,  but  even  the 
 minutiae  of  the  pradlice.  Good  fenfe,  and  a  free  accefs  to 
 the  fcriptures,  have  at  length  {afufled,  perhaps,  by  an  aver- 
 fion  to  abilraft  fpeculations)  thrown  down  the  whole  fabric 
 of  fchool-divinity,  and  the  rife  of  the  civil  above  the  ecclefi- 
 aftical  power  in  this  realm  has  reduced  the  theory  and  prac- 
 tice of  the  Englifh  canon  law  within  very  narrow  bounds. 
 And  as  to  the  little  that  now  remains  in  ufe,  very  few  clergy- 
 men need  trouble  themfelves  about  it. 
 
 It  is  acknov/ledged,  that  the  attention  of  (ludents  in  theo- 
 logy, and  other  learned  profefiions,  is  much  engaged  by  ma- 
 thematical and  philofophical  ftudies  w^hich  have  been  much 
 cultivated  of  late  years.  I  rejoice  in  fo  valuable  an  accelhon 
 to  hum.an  fcience,  and  would  be  far  from  fliortening  the  time 
 that  is  given  to  them  in  places  of  liberal  education.  I  rather 
 wifh  there  were  more  room  for  thofe  ftudies  in  fuch  places, 
 and  better  provifion  for  teaching  them.  But,  notwithftand- 
 ing  this,  there  is  room  enough  for  a  fmall  portion  of  time  and 
 attention  to  be  given  to  the  fubjecls  I  would  here  recom- 
 mend J  and  it  is  not  much  of  either  that  I  would  plead  for, 
 in  the  cafe  of  gentlemen  intended  for  the  learned  profefiions. 
 
 The  method  in  which  thofe  lectures  may  be  taught  to  the 
 moll  advantage,  I  apprehend  to  be  the  following  ;  and  expe- 
 rience 
 
EDUCATION. 
 
 XXXUl 
 
 rience  has  in  fome  meafure  formed  my  judgment  in  this 
 cafe. 
 
 Let  the  Ie£turer  have  a  pretty  full  text  before  him,  digefted 
 with  care,  containing  not  only  a  method  of  difcourfing  upon 
 the  fubjedbs,  but  alfo  ail  the  principal  arguments  he  adduces, 
 and  all  the  leading  facfs  he  makes  ufe  of  to  fupport  his  hypo- 
 thefes.  Let  this  text  be  the  fubje^l  of  a  regular,  but  familiar 
 difcourfe,  not  exceeding  an  hour  at  a  time  •,  with  a  clafs  not 
 exceeding  twenty  or  thirty.  Let  the  lecturer  give  his  pupils 
 all  encouragement  to  enter  occafionally  into  the  converfation, 
 by  propofing  queries,  or  making  any  objeftions,  or  remarks, 
 that  may  occur  to  them.  Let  all  the  ftudents  have  an  oppor- 
 tunity of  perufing  this  text,  if  not  of  copying  it,  in  the  inter- 
 vals between  the  le£lures,  and  let  near  half  of  the  time  for 
 ie6luring  be  fpent  in  receiving  from  the  ftudents  a  minute  ac- 
 count of  the  particulars  of  the  preceding  lecture,  and  in  ex- 
 plaining any  difficulties  they  might  have  met  with  in  it  5  in 
 order  that  no  fubjedl  be  quitted,  till  the  tutor  be  morally  cer- 
 tain that  his  pupils  thoroughly  underftand  it. 
 
 Upon  every  fubjecl  of  importance,  let  the  tutor  make  re- 
 ferences to  the  principal  authors  who  have  treated  of  it ;  and 
 if  the  fubjecE^  be  a  controverted  one,  let  him  refer  to  books 
 written  on  both  fides  of  the  queftion.  Of  thefe  references, 
 let  the  tutor  occafionally  require  an  account,  and  fometimes 
 a  written  abftra<£t.  Laftly,  let  the  tutor  fele<Sl:  a  proper  num- 
 ber of  the  moft  important  queftions  that  can  arife  from  the 
 fubjedl  of  the  le£lures,  and  let  them  be  propofed  to  the  ftu- 
 dents as  exercifes,  to  be  treated  in  the  form  of  orations, 
 thefes,  or  differtations,  as  he  fhall  think  fit.  Moreover,  if 
 he  judge  it  convenient,  let  him  appoint  rewards  to  thofe  who 
 (hall  handle  the  fubje£l:  in  the  moft  judicious  manner. 
 
 Young  gentlemen  defigned  for  the  learned  profeffions  need 
 not  be  put  upon  thefe  exercifes,  or  reading  all  the  authors 
 referred  to.  It  may  be  fufficient  for  them  to  attend  the  lec- 
 tures as  they  are  delivered.  And  as  I  would  not  advife  that 
 the  lectures  be  given  with  ftiorter  intervals  betv/een    them 
 
 C  than 
 
XXXIV 
 
 AN      ESSAY      ON 
 
 than  three  days,  they  cannot  interfere  much  with  their  appli- 
 cation to  their  proper  ftudies. 
 
 I  think  I  could  aflign  very  fatisfaftory  reafons  for  each  of 
 the  dire61:ion3  I  have  laid  down  aboVe,  but  I  flatter  myfelf  they 
 will  fuggeil  themfelves  ;  if  not  upon  the  bare  perufal,  at 
 leafl  upon  any  attempt  to  reduce  them  to  pra6tice.  I  fliall 
 only  take  notice  of  an  objeftion  that  may  be  made  to  one 
 particular  article  in  this  method. 
 
 Some  may  obje^l  to  the  encouragement  I  would  give  the 
 fludents  to  propofe  obje^lions  at  the  time  of  le£luring.  This 
 cuftom,  they  may  fay,  will  tend  to  interrupt  the  courfe  of 
 the  le6lure,  and  promote  a  fpirit  of  impertinence  and  con- 
 ceit in  young  perfons.  I  anfwer,  that  every  inconvenience  of 
 this  kind  may  be  obviated  by  the  manner  in  which  a  tutor 
 delivers  himfelf  in  le6luring.  A  proper  mixture  of  dignity 
 and  freedom  (which  are  fo  far  from  being  incompatible,  that 
 they  mutually  fet  off  one  another)  will  prevent,  or  reprefs, 
 all  impertinent  and  unfeafonable  remarks,  at  the  fame  time 
 that  it  will  encourage  thofe  which  are  modeft  and  perti- 
 nent. 
 
 But  fuppofe  a  le6lurer  fliould  not  be  able  imm.ediately  to 
 give  a  fatisfadory  anfwer  to  an  obje6lion  that  might  be  dart- 
 ed by  a  fenfible  fludent.  He  muft  be  confcious  of  his  having 
 made  very  ridiculous  pretenfions,  and  having  given  himfelf 
 improper  airs,  if  it  give  him  any  pain  to  tell  his  clafs,  that 
 he  will  reconfider  a  fubjeft  j  or  even  to  acknowledge  himfelf 
 miftaken.  It  depends  wholly  upon  a  tutor's  general  difpofi- 
 tion,  and  his  ufual  manner  of  addrefs,  whether  he  lofe  or  gain 
 ground  in  the  cfleem  of  his  pupils  by  fuch  a  declaration.  Every 
 tutor  ought  to  have  confidered  the  fubje£l:s  on  which  he  gives 
 It^lures  with  attention  ;  but  no  man  can  be  expe6l:ed  to  be 
 infallible.  For  my  own  part,  I  would  not  forego  the  plea- 
 fure  and  advantage  which  accrue,  both  to  my  pupils  and  to 
 myfelf,  from  this  method,  together  with  the  opportunity  it 
 gives  me  of  improving  my  lectures,  by  means  of  the  many 
 ufeful  hints  which  are  often  ftarted  in  this  familiar  way  of 
 
 dlfcourfing 
 
EDUCATION.  XXXV 
 
 dlfcourfing  upon  a  fubje£l:,  for  any  inconvenience  I  have  yet 
 found  to  attend  it,  or  that  I  can  imagine  may  poflibly  at- 
 tend it. 
 
 I  cannot  help  flattering  myfelf,  that  were  the  ftudi^s  I  have 
 here  recommended  generally  introduced,  into  places  of  libe- 
 ral education,  the  confequence  might  be  happy  for  this  coun- 
 try in  fome  future  period.  Many  of  the  political  evils,  un- 
 der vi^hich  this,  and  every  country  in  the  vi^orld  labours,  are 
 not  owing  to  any  want  of  a  love  for  our  country,  but  to  an 
 ignorance  of  its  real  conftitution  and  interefts.  Befides,  the 
 very  circumftance  of  giving  that  attention  which  I  would  re- 
 commend to  its  conftitution  and  interefts,  would  unavoidably 
 beget  a  love  and  afl^e6tion  for  them  ;  and  might,  perhaps, 
 contribute  more  to  produce,  propagate,  and  enflame,  a  fpirit 
 of  patriotifm  than  any  other  circumftance.  And  certainly,  if 
 there  be  the  moft  diftant  profpe£l  of  this  valuable  end  being 
 gained  by  an  application  to  thefe  ftudies,  it  cannot  fail  to  re- 
 commend them  to  every  true  lover  of  his  country,  in  an  age 
 in  which  the  minds  of  fo  many  are  blinded,  and  milled,  by  a 
 fpirit  of  faftion ;  and,  what  is  more  alarming,  when  a  tafte 
 for  luxury  and  expence  is  fo  high,  that  there  is  reafon  to  fear 
 it  may,  in  many  cafes,  be  fuperior  to  all  other  regards  ;  and 
 when,  in  many  breafts,  it  already  apparently  threatens  the 
 utter  extinftion  of  a  fpirit  of  patriotifm. 
 
 What  was  it  that  made  the  Greeks,  the  Romans  in  early 
 ages,  and  other  nations  of  antiquity,  fuch  obftinate  patriots, 
 that  they  had  even  no  idea  of  any  obligation  fuperior  to  a  re- 
 gard for  their  country,  but  that  the  conftant  wars  they  were 
 obliged  to  maintain  with  the  neighbouring  nations  kept  the 
 idea  of  their  country  perpetually  in  view,  and  always  oppofcd 
 to  that  of  other  nations  ?  It  is  the  fame  circumftance  that 
 gives  our  common  foldiers  and  feamen  more  of  the  genuine 
 fpirit  of  patriotifm  than  is  felt  by  any  other  order  of  men  in 
 the  community,  notwithftanding  they  have  the  leaft  intereft 
 in  it.  Now  the  courfe  of  inftru£lion  I  would  introduce, 
 would  bring  the  idea  of  o'ar  country  more  early  into  the 
 minds  of  Britifti  youth,  and  habituate  them  to  a  conftant  and 
 
 C  2  clofe 
 
xxxvi  AN     ESSAY     ON 
 
 clofe  attention  to  it.  And  wliy  fliould  not  the  pra£lice  of 
 thinking,  reading,  converfing,  and  writing  about  the  interefl 
 of  our  country,  anfwer  the  fame  purpofe  with  the  moderns, 
 that  fighting  for  it  did  among  the  ancients  ? 
 
 It  is  a  circumftance  of  particular  confequence,  that  this  en- 
 thufiailic  love  for  our  country  would  by  this  means  be  imbi- 
 bed by  perfons  of  fortune,  rank,  and  influence,  in  whom  it 
 might  be  effectual  to  the  moft  important  purpofes  *,  who 
 might  have  it  in  their  power,  not  only  to  wiOi  well  to  their 
 country,  but  to  render  it  the  greatefl:  real  fervices.  Such 
 men  would  not  only,  as  is  the  cafe  with  private  foldiers  or 
 feamen,  be  able  to  employ  the  force  of  a  fingle  arm  in  its 
 defence,  but  might  animate  the  hearts,  and  engage  the  hands, 
 of  thoufands  in  its  caufe.  Of  what  unfpeakable  advantage 
 might  be  one  minifter  of  (late,  one  military  commander,  or 
 even  a  (ingle  member  of  parliament,  who  thoroughly  under- 
 ftocd  the  interefts  of  his  country,  and  who  poftponed  every 
 other  intereft  and  confideration  to  it  ! 
 
 This  is  not  teaching  politics  to  low  mechanics  and  manu- 
 facturers, or  encouraging  the  ftudy  of  it  among  perfons  with 
 whom  it  could  be  of  no  fervice  to  their  country,  and  ofter> 
 a  real  detriment  to  themfelves  *,  though  we  may  fee  in  thofe 
 perfons,  how  polhble  it  is  for  the  public  paflions  to  fwallow 
 up  all  the  private  ones,  when  the  objefts  of  them  are  kept 
 frequently  in  view,  and  are  much  dwelt  upon  in  the  mind. 
 The  fame  zeal  that  is  the  fubje6i  of  ridicule  in  perfons  of  no 
 weight  or  influence  in  the  ftate,  would  be  mofl  glorious  and 
 happy  for  their  country  in  a  more  advantageous  fituation. 
 
 Some  may  perhaps  objefl:  to  thefe  ftudies,  as  giving  too 
 much  encouragenient  to  that  turn  for  politics,  which  they 
 may  think  is  already  immoderate  in  the  lower  and  middle 
 ranks  of  men  among  us.  But  mud  not  political  knowledge 
 be  communicated  to  thofe  to  whom  it  might  be  of  real  ufe^- 
 becaufe  a  fondnefs  for  the  fludy  might  extend  beyond  its  pro- 
 per bounds,  and  be  catched  by  fome  perfons  who  had  better 
 remain  ignorant  of  it }  Befides,  it  ought  to  be  confidered,  that 
 liow  ridiculous  fo  ever  fome  may  make  themfelves  by  preten- 
 
 fions 
 
EDUCATION, 
 
 XXXVll 
 
 lions  to  politics,  a  true  friend  of  liberty  will  be  cautious  how 
 he  difcourages  a  fondnefs  for  that  kind  of  knowledge,  which 
 has  ever  been  the  favourite  fubje£l  of  writing  and  converfa- 
 tion  in  all  free  Hates.  Only  tyrants,  and  the  friends  of  ar- 
 bitrary power,  have  ever  taken  umbrage  at  a  turn  for  politi- 
 cal knowledge,  and  political  difcourfes,  among  even  the  low- 
 eft  of  the  people.  Men  will  ftudy,  and  converfe  about  what 
 they  are  interefted  in,  efpecially  if  they  have  any  influence  ; 
 and  though  the  afs  in  the  fable  was  in  no  concern  who  was 
 his  mafter,  fince  he  could  but  carry  his  ufual  load ;  and 
 though  the  fubje£ls  of  a  defpotic  monarch  need  not  trouble 
 themfelves  about  political  difputes  and  intrigues,  which  never 
 terminate  in  a  change  of  meafures,  but  only  of  men  ;  yet,  in 
 a  free  countrv,  where  even  private  perfons  have  much  at 
 ftake,  every  man  is  nearly  interefted  in  the  conduct  of  his 
 fuperiors,  and  cannot  be  an  unconcerned  fpectator  of  what 
 is  tranfa£led  by  them.  AVith  refpecl  to  influence,  the  fenti- 
 ments  of  the  loweft  vulgar  in  England  are  not  wholly  in- 
 fignificant,  and  a  wife  minifter  will  ever  pay  fome  attention 
 to  them. 
 
 It  is  our  wifdom,  therefore,  to  provide  that  all  perfons  who 
 have  any  influence  in  political  meafures  be  well  inftrufted  in 
 the  great  and  leading  principles  of  wife  policy.  This  is  cer- 
 tainly an  objecSl:  of  the  greateft  importance.  Inconveniences 
 ever  attend  a  general  application  to  any  kind  of  knowledge, 
 and  no  doubt  will  attend  this.  But  they  are  inconveniences 
 which  a  friend  to  liberty  need  be  under  no  apprehenfions  about. 
 
 I  may  poflibly  promife  myfelf  too  much,  from  the  general 
 introdu£l:ion  of  the  ftudies  I  have  recommended  in  this  Eflay 
 into  places  of  liberal  education  ;  but  a  little  enthufiafm  is  al- 
 ways excufeable  in  perfons  who  propofe  and  recommend  ufeful 
 innovations.  I  have  endeavoured  to  reprefent  the  ftate  of  edu- 
 cation in  this  view  as  clearly  and  as  fully  as  I  have  been  able  ; 
 and  I  defire  my  propofals  for  emendations  to  have  no  more 
 weight  than  the  faireft  reprefentation  will  give  them,  in  the 
 minds  of  the  cool  and  the  unbiafled. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
LECTURE 
 
 Why  Hijlory  is  fo  generally  pleaftng  and  uitereJHng,  Hi/lory 
 ferves  to  amufe  the  ImagmatioHy  and  hiterejl  the  Pafftons^ 
 Advantage  of  Hi/lory  above  Ficlion.  It  improves  the  Under' 
 Jlandingy  and  Jits  Men  for  the  Btftnefs  of  Lfe.  Some  Ad- 
 vantages of  Hijlory  above  Experience,  Peculiarly  ujeful  to 
 Prifices.  Fa^s  ejfential  to  all  Knowledge,  Political  Know- 
 ledge ujeful  in  every  Station  of  Lfe.  H'Jlory  frees  the  Mind 
 from  many  Prejudices ^  and  particularly  national  Prejudices. 
 The  UJe  of  Hijlory  to  the  Ladies.  All  Improvement  in  the 
 Science  of  Government  derived  from  Hijlory. 
 
 THE    INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE  ftudy  of  Hiftory  is  more  or  lefs  the  employment 
 of  all  perfons  of  reading  and  education.  This  was, 
 indeed,  the  earliefl  ufe  that  was  made  of  letters.  For  the 
 mod  ancient  poems  were  almoft  entirely  hiftorical ;  and 
 verfe  was  firft  cultivated  in  preference  to  profe  (which  feems 
 to  be  the  moft  natural  vehicle  of  hiftory)  as  the  beft,  be- 
 caufe  the  moft  fecure,  method  of  tranfmitting  to  pofterity 
 the  knowledge  of  paft  events.  In  all  ages  the  writing  of 
 hiftory  has  employed  the  ableft  men  of  all  nations  \  and  to 
 this  day  hardly  any  writer  enjoys  a  greater,  a  more  exten- 
 five,  and  what  will  probably  be  a  more  lafting  reputation,  than 
 a  good  hiftorian. 
 
 The  infinite  variety  there  is  in  the  fubje£ls  of  hiftory, 
 makes  it  inviting  to  perfons  of  every  difpofition.  It  may  be 
 either  trifling,  or  ferious.  It  fupplies  materials  with  equal 
 eafe,  and  equal  copioufnefs,  for  the  fallies  of  mirth,  and 
 the  graveft  difquifttions  of  philofophy.     As  every  thing  comes 
 
 under 
 
a  LECTURES      ON  Part.  L 
 
 under  the  denomination  of  hiftory,  which  informs  us  of  any 
 facl  which  is  too  remote  in  time,  or  place,  to  be  the  fub- 
 jc£l  of  our  perfonal  knowledge ;  it  is  calculated  for  the  ufe 
 of  perfons  of  both  fexes,  and  of  men  of  all  ranks  and  of 
 all  profeffions  in  life.  Becaufe  it  cannot  be  prefumed  that 
 a  perfon  of  any  profcflion,  or  in  any  fituation,  can,  of  him- 
 felf,  come  at  the  knowledge  of  every  fadl  which  it  is  for  his 
 advantage  to  be  acquainted  with. 
 
 Hiftory  is  fo  conne£l:ed  with,  and  eflential  to,  all  kinds 
 of  knowledge,  that  the  moft  fuperficial  effay  upon  any  fub- 
 je£l:  whatever,  is  hardly  tolerable,  unlefs  fome  kind  of  hifto- 
 rical  fafts  be  introduced,  or  alluded  to  in  it.  The  necefli- 
 ty  of  fa6ls  to  moral  writers,  or  thofe  who  write  upon  the 
 theory  of  human  nature,  I  need  not  mention.  And  cer- 
 tainly no  perfon  can  be  a  good  divine,  much  lefs  under- 
 take any  part  of  the  controverfy  with  unbelievers,  unlefs  he 
 be  very  well  acquainted  with  hiftory,  civil  as  well  as  ecclefi- 
 aftical.  Indeed,  more  than  half  of  the  books  of  fcripture 
 confift  of  hiftory.  And  as  all  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  and 
 New  Teftament  muft  be  verified  by  hiftory,  none  but  a  good 
 hiftorian  can  be  a  judicious  commentator  upon  fuch  impor- 
 tant parts  of  the  facred  writings. 
 
 Befides,  an  acquaintance  with  hiftory  is  agreeable  to  us  as 
 fociable  and  converfable  creatures ;  fince  it  may  be  confidered 
 as  a  means  of  extending  the  power  of  converlation,  and 
 making  the  dead  of  the  party  equally  with  the  living.  Nay, 
 as  things  are  circumftanced,  the  dead  contribute  more  largely 
 to  gratify  our  natural  and  eager  curiofity  to  be  informed  of 
 paft  and  remote  tranfad^iions. 
 
 In  this  field  of  hiftory,  therefore,  which  is  open  to  every 
 man  of  letters,  and  in  which  every  man  of  tafte  and  curio- 
 fity cannot  fail  to  pafs  a  great  part  of  his  leifure  hours,  it 
 cannot  but  be  defirable  to  have  a  guide  (at  leaft  upon  a  per- 
 fon's  firft  introdu6lIon  into  it)  left  he  ftiould  lofe  himfelf  in 
 the  boundlefs  variety  it  affords,  and  not  be  able  to  find  thofe 
 convenient  eminences  from  which  he  will  have  the  moft  eafy 
 and  agreeable  view  of  the  obje6i:s  it  contains.     In  the  cha- 
 
 ra6^er 
 
Lect.  I.  HISTORY.  3 
 
 rader  of  this  guide,  Gentlemen,  I  now  offer  you  my  bell 
 afliftance. 
 
 The  courfe  of  ledlures  we  are  now  entering  upon  is  in- 
 tended to  facilitate  the  ftudy  of  hiftory,  both  by  direding  you 
 to  the  eafieit  methods  of  acquiring  and  retaining  the  know- 
 ledge of  it,  and  making  the  proper  j^/e  of  it  when  you  arc 
 pofleiTed  of  it. 
 
 That  the  obfervations  I  have  collected  for  this  purpofe  may 
 be  the  moft  intelligible  and  ufeful,  I  fhall  difpofe  of  them  in 
 the  following  method ;  confidering, 
 
 I.  The  general  ufes  of  hiftory. 
 
 II.  The  fources  of  hiftory. 
 
 III.  What  is  neceflary,  or  ufeful,  to  be  known  previous  to 
 the  ftudy  of  hiftory. 
 
 IV.  Dire£^ions  for  the  more  eafy  acquiring  and  retaining  a 
 knowledge  of  hiftory. 
 
 V.  Proper  objects  of  attention  to  an  hiftorian.  And  under 
 this  head  I  fhall  confider  the  feveral  fubje£l:s  of  general  policy^ 
 or  the  circumftances  that  chiefly  contribute  to  render  civil 
 focieties  fecure,  numerous,  and  happy,  as  being  the  moft 
 important  of  all  obje6^s  of  attention  to  readers  of  hiftory. 
 
 VI.  In  the  laft  place  I  would  give  you  a  general  view  of 
 hiftory  civil  and  ecclefiaftlcal,  but  fhall  content  myfelf  with 
 referring  to  Holberg,  or  fome  other  epitome  of  general  hiftory. 
 
 PART         I. 
 
 ACCORDING  to  the  method  above  hid  down,  I  am 
 firft  to  confider  the  general  ufes  of  hiftory.  Thefe 
 maybe  exhibited  under  three  htads.  i.  Hiftory  ferves  to 
 amufe  the  imagination,  and  intereft  the  paflions  in  general. 
 2.  It  improves  the  underftanding.  And  3.  It  tends  to 
 ftrengtheft  the  fentiments  of  virtue. 
 
 The 
 
4  LECTURES      ON  Part,!, 
 
 The  firft  and  lowtft  ufe  of  hiftory,  is  that  it  agreeably 
 amufes  the  imagination,  and  interefts  the  paffions.  With 
 thefe  charms  hiftory  captivates  the  generality  of  readers  ; 
 and  though  I  fhall  chiefly  recommend  it  in  another  and  an 
 higher  view,  I  think  this  is  an  advantage  of  hiftory  which  is 
 by  no  means  inconfiderable,  and  by  which  a  reader  of  the 
 fevereft  philofophy  need  not  be  alhamed  to  acknowledge 
 himfelf  influenced.  To  amufc  the  imagination,  and  give 
 play  to  the  pafTions  in  genera],  is  ahnoft  the  only  and  avowed 
 fcope  of  all  works  of  jiclion^  both  in  profe  and  verfe  ;  and 
 men  of  great  genius  and  abilities  are  not  thought  to  have 
 thrown  away  their  time  to  no  purpofe  upon  them.  What- 
 ever excrafesy  does  likewife  improve^  and  invigorate  our  fa- 
 culties, and  difpofe  them  for  the  more  free  and  perfe£l  difr 
 charge  of  their  proper  fun£lions.  Admitting,  therefore,  that 
 the  hiftories  of  Alexander  the  Great,  of  Charles  XII.  of  Swe- 
 den, or  the  conqueft  of  Mexico,  be  read  with  no  other  view 
 than  the  adventures  of  Telemachus,  of  Amadis  de  Gaul,  or 
 the  conqueft  of  Jerufalcm  ;  or  that  the  voyages  of  Dampier, 
 Sir  Francis  Drake,  and  Captain  Cooke,  be  put  upon  the  fame 
 footing  with  thofe  of  Gulliver,  I  would  not  fay  the  time 
 Ipent  in  reading  them  was  wholly  loft.  Whatever  valuable 
 inf>prefIions  are  made  upon  tlie  mind  by  fictitious  adventures, 
 the  fame,  in  kind,  though  perhaps,  generally,  not  equal  in 
 degree,  are  made  by  real  adventures  \  and  facls  with  what- 
 ever view,  and  in  whatever  manner,  treafured  up  in  the 
 mind,  are  ready  to  be  applied  to  any  farther  and  higher 
 ufes  that  they  are  capable  of,  whenever  the  perfon  who 
 is  poiTefled  of  them  is  difpofed  to  view  them  in  any  other 
 light. 
 
 In  this  view  all  true  hiftory  has  a  capital  advantage  over 
 every  work  of  fi£l:ion.  Works  of  ii6lion  are  not,  in  their  na- 
 ture, capable  in  general,  of  any  other  ufes  than  the  authors 
 of  them  had  in  view,  which  muft  neceifarily  be  very  limited  ; 
 whereas  true  hiftory,  being  an  exhibition  of  the  conduct  of 
 divine  Providence  •,  in  which  every  thing  has,  perhaps,  infi- 
 nite 
 
Lect,  I.  HISTORY.  5 
 
 nite  relations  and  ufes,  is  an  inexhauftible  mine  of  the  moft 
 valuable  knowledge.  Works  of  fi(Sion  refemble  thofe  ma- 
 chines which  we  contrive  to  illuflrate  the  principles  of  philo- 
 fophy,  fuch  as  globes,  and  orreries,  the  ufes  of  which  extend 
 no  farther  than  the  views  of  human  ingenuity ;  whereas  real 
 hiftory  refembles  the  experiments  made  by  the  air-pump,  the 
 condenfing  engine,  or  eleilrical  machine,  which  exhibit  the 
 operations  of  nature,  and  the  God  of  nature  himfelf,  M'hofc 
 works  are  the  nobleft  fubje£l  of  contemplation  to  the  human 
 mind,  and  are  the  ground  work  and  materials  of  the  nioft 
 extenfive  and  ufeful  theories. 
 
 But,  independent  of  any  farther  ufe,  we  have  many  well 
 written  hiftories,  which,  I  think,  are  calculated  to  give  as 
 much  pure  entertainment,  efpecially  to  a  perfon  of  a  reafon- 
 able  age  and  experience,  as  the  generality  of  novels  and  ro- 
 mances. Let  a  perfon  of  tafte,  and  juft  fentiment,  read  the 
 hiftory  of  the  life  of  Cicero  written  by  Middleton,  the  con- 
 queft  of  Mexico,  or  the  voyage  of  Commodore  Anfon,  or 
 -even  fuch  larger  works  as  the  hiftory  of  Herodotus,  Thucy- 
 dides,  Livy,  Philip  de  Commines,  Sec.  and  then  judge.  If 
 the  amazing  and  interefting  fcenes  of  fi£lion  be  worked  up 
 with  more  art,  be  more  happily  difpofed  to  excite  and  interell 
 the  paffions,  and  be  more  agreeably  div'erfified  with  proper 
 epifodes,  the  very  thought  that  it  is  ficllon  (the  influence  of 
 which  grows  with  our  years)  makes  that  artful  difpofition, 
 and  thole  embelliftiments,  neceflary ;  whereas  the  mere 
 thought  that  we  are  liftenlng  to  the  voice  of  truth  is  able  to 
 keep  the  attention  awake  through  many  a  dry  and  ill  digefted 
 narrative  ai  faEls. 
 
 The  next,  and  higher  ufe  of  hiftory  is  to  improve  the  un- 
 derftanding,  and  ftrengthen  the  judgment,  and  thereby  fit  us 
 for  entering  upon  life  with  advantage.  ^'  B^  ftudying  hif- 
 <*  tory,"  as  Lord  Bolingbroke  well  obferves,  "  and  examining 
 <<  all  kinds  of  caufes  and  eifecls,  a  man  may  ftiarpen  his 
 <«  penetration,  fix  the  attention  of  his  mind,  and  ftrengthcn 
 ^<  his  judgment.  Thus'  he  acquires  a  faculty  and  habit  of 
 "  difcerning  quicker,  and  learns  how  to  exert  that  flexibility 
 
 «  and 
 
S  LECTURES     ON  Part  L 
 
 <*  and  {leadinefs,  which  are  neceffary  to  be  joined  in  the 
 **^  condu£\:  of  all  affairs  that  depend  on  the  concurrence,  or 
 **  oppolition,  of  other  men."  Judgment,  as  well  as  our 
 other  powers,  mufl  improve  by  exerclfe.  Now  hiftory  pre- 
 sents us  with  the  fame  objeifls  which  we  meet  with  in  the 
 fynfmefs  of  life.  They  muft  confequently  excite  the  fame 
 J:ind  of  reflexions,  and  give  the  fame  exercife  to  our  thoughts, 
 and  thus  produce  the  fame  turn  of  mind.  Hiftory,  therefore, 
 may  be  called  anticipated  experience.  By  this  mearv?  we 
 begin  our  acquaintance  with  mankind  fooner,  and  bring  into 
 thtz  world,  and  the  bufmefs  of  it,  fuch  a  call  of  thought, 
 znd  temper  of  mind,  as  is  acquired  by  pafhng  through  it ; 
 which  will  make  us. -appear  to  more  advantage  in  it,  and 
 not  fuch  mere  novices,  upon  our  introduction  into  it,  as 
 we  fhould  otherwife  be.  As  Lord  Bolingbroke  again  obferves, 
 •f  He  who  ftudies  hiilory  as  he  would  philofophy,  Mall  dif- 
 **  tinguiih  and  collect  certain  general  principles,  and  rules  of 
 *«  life  and  conduct,  which  always  mud  be  true  ;  becaufe  they 
 ♦*  are  conformable  to  the  invariable  nature  of  things ;  and 
 •f  by  doing  fo  he  will  foon  form  to  himfelf  a  general  fyftem 
 «  of  ethicks  and  politicks  on  the  fureft  foundations,  on  the 
 "  trial  o:  thefe  principles  and  rules  in  all  ages,  and  on  the 
 *«  confirmation  of  them  by  univerfal  experience." 
 
 The  impreflions  which  this  anticipated  knowledge  of  the 
 world  makes  upon  us,  it  is  certain,  will  not  be  fo  deep  sps 
 thofe  which  are  the  refult  of  our  own  perfonal  acquaintance 
 with  it  j  and  our  judgment  of  things,  and  maxims  of  condu6t, 
 formed  in  this  manner,  will  not  be  fo  firmly  riveted  in  our 
 minds.  But  then  they  will  have  the  advantage  of  being  more 
 corre£t,  and  of  being  a  better  guide  to  us,  than  any  thing  we 
 could  have  learned  from  our  own  random  experience,  upon 
 our  entering  the  world.  The  reafon  is,  that  the  examples 
 which  hiftory  prefcnts  to  us  are  generally  complete.  The  whole 
 is  before  us.  We  fee  men  and  things  at  their  full  length, 
 as  we  may  fay  •,  and  we  likewife  generally  fee  them  through 
 a  medium  which  is  lefs  partial  than  that  of  experience. 
 Whereas  in  real  life  e^^ery  fcenc  opens  very  flowly,  we  fee 
 therefore  but  a  very  fmall  part  of  a  thing  at  one  time  j  and 
 
 are 
 
Lect.  I.  HISTORY.  7 
 
 are  confequcntly  liable  to  be  deceived  into  a  very  fallacious 
 judgment  of  it ;  particularly  confidcring  how  diftorted  even 
 thofe  imperfe£l  views  of  things  are  by  the  relation  of  ei'ery 
 thing  to  fdf^  which  it  is  impolFible  to  keep  out  of  fight  ia 
 things  in  which  we  ourfelves  are  concerned. 
 
 In  this  view,  hiftory  is  generally  the  only  faithful  inilru<^or 
 of  princes,  particularly  abfolute  princes.  It  is  fo  much 
 the  iflterelt  of  abler  men  than  themfelves  to  impofe  upon 
 them,  and  to  fvv'ell  their  ideas  of  their  own  importance,  that, 
 without  the  aid  of  hiilory,  \t  is  almofl  impoffible  they  fhoukl 
 ever  form  any  juft  notion  of  men,  or  things,  at  all.  But  m 
 hiftory  princes  may  fee  their  predeceflbrs  treated  without 
 flattery  or  ceremony ;  and  therefore,  by  the  help  of  commoji 
 fenfe  they  may  fee,  as  in  a  glafs,  in  what  light  their  owji 
 chara£lers  and  conduft  will  appear  to  pofterity.  Nay,  tli^y 
 may  depend  upon  it,  that  fonie  hiflorians  will  rate  them  as 
 much  too  low,  as  their  cotemporaries  have  rated  them  too 
 high.  Of  what  avail  have  been  the  fulfome  flatteries  of 
 Velleius  Paterculus  to  the  character  of  Tiberius,  or  his  fa- 
 vourite Sejanus ;  or  even  the  refined  praifes  of  Virgil  anJ 
 Horace  to  the  characirer  of  Auguftus  himfelf?  Pofterity  at 
 length  fees  their  real  characters,  tln-ough  ail  their  artful 
 difguifesj  and  only  thinks  the  worfc  of  men  for  laying  perions 
 of  wit  and  ingenuity  under  a  necefTity  of  acting  a  part  fo 
 unworthy  of  themfelves.  All  future  kings  of  France  may 
 fee  many  very  free  cenfures  upon  the  charafler  and  conduct 
 of  their  predecefibr  Louis  XIV.  written  by  VoltaiiCj  notwitli- 
 flanding  tlie  writer  cannot  conceal  his  partiality  for  his  hero 
 and  his  natioii. 
 
 But,  indeed,  to  men  in  all  flations  inftrudions  for  their 
 own  conduct  may  be  conveyed,  in  the  clearefl  and  moll 
 cogent  manner,  through  the  example  of  others.  Suetonius 
 relates  that  Auguftiis  ufed  to  tranfcribe  inflrucbive  palTages  of 
 "hiftorians,  and  fend  them  to  thofe  of  his  officers  who  had 
 need  of  admonition. 
 
 We  may  eafily  be  feufible   of  the  importance  of  hiflory  to 
 the  advancement  of  knowledge  in  general;  as  well  as  of  po- 
 litical 
 
g  LECTURES      ON  Part  I. 
 
 lltical  knowledge  in  particular,  if  we  confider  that  the  mod 
 exalted  underftanding  is  nothing  more  than  a  power  of  draw- 
 ing conclufions,  and  forming  maxims  of  condu£l,  from 
 known  facfs  and  experiments^  of  which  necelTiiry  materials  of 
 Imivledge  the  mind  itfelf  is  wholly  barren.  How  then  can 
 knowledge  be  gained  without  experience  ?  And  very  fcanty 
 and  dear  bought,  would  be  the  wifdom  that  was  the  refult  of 
 the  experience  of  one  man,  or  of  one  age  only.  How  flow 
 then  mud  have  been  the  progrefs  that  mankind  would  have 
 made  in  wifdom,  and  improvements  of  all  kinds,  before  by 
 fome  means  or  other,  one  age  could  be  made  acquainted  with 
 the  obfervations  of  their  anceftors. 
 
 It  was  requifite,  therefore,  in  order  to  the  improvement  of 
 human  kind,  and  of  human  conduct,  and  to  give  mankind 
 clear  and  comprehenHve  views  of  their  intereft,  together  with 
 the  means  of  promoting  it,  that  the  experience  of  fome  ages 
 {liould  be  colie£ted  and  compared,  that  diilant  events  fhould 
 be  brought  together ;  and  fo  the  firft  rife,  entire  progrefs, 
 and  final  conclufion,  of  fchemes,  tranfa£i:ions,  and  characters 
 fliould  be  feen,  as  it  were,  in  one  unbroken  view,  with  all 
 their  connexions  and  relations.  Without  this,  no  adequate 
 judgment  could  be  formed  of  them,  fuch  as  would  enable  an 
 intelligent  perfon  to  determine  how  far  the  fame,  or  the  like> 
 undertakings  v/ould  bear  to  be  repeated,  or  amended.  With- 
 out thefe  advantages,  therefore,  the  improvements  of  human 
 life,  notwithftanding  the  greateft  perfection  and  extent  of  our 
 intcllcftual  powers,  would  be  at  a  ftand.  There  might  be 
 conjecture,  and  enterprize,  but  there  could  be  no  certainty, 
 or  rational  expectation  of  fuccefs. 
 
 Confequently,  without  hiftory,  the  advantages  of  our  rati- 
 onal nature  mud  liave  been  rated  very  low  \  and  the  more 
 complete,  the  more  exaCt,  and  com.prehenfive  is  our  furniture 
 of  hiftorical  faCts,  the  more  materials  of  knowledge,  and 
 confequently  of  power  and  happifiefs^  are  we  poflefled  of. 
 For  Lord  Bacon  has  juftly  remarked,  that  "  knowledge  is 
 «<  power  •,"  and  certainly  all  the  excellence  of  human  nature, 
 all  the   advantage  we  have  above  the  brutes,  is  derived  from 
 
 the 
 
Lect.  L  HISTORY.  9 
 
 the  ufe  of  our  Intellectual  powers.  Since,  with  refpe<Sl  to 
 the  powers  of  body,  and  an  inftincSlive  capacity  of  defending 
 and  providing  for  themfeives,  they  have  greatly  the  advantage 
 of  us. 
 
 Political  knowledge,  it  will  be  faid,  is  ufeful  only  to  poli- 
 ticians, and  minifters  of  ftate.  But  befides  that  it  is  a  matter 
 of  reafonable  curiofity,  to  examine  into  the  fprings  of  the 
 great  wheel  of  government,  on  the  juft  balance,  and  regular 
 motions,  of  which  our  temporal  fecurlty  and  happinefs  de-^ 
 pend  ;  and  though  political  affairs  be  almoft  wholly,  but  not 
 entirely,  out  of  the  fphere  of  private  perfons  under  an  arbi- 
 trary government ;  yet  in  free  governments,  as  it  is  admirably 
 faid  by  Lord  Bolingbroke,  **  the  public  fervice  is  not  confined 
 *'  to  thofe  whom  the  prince  appoints  to  the  feveral  poOis  in 
 <<  the  adminiftration  under  him.  Men  of  all  degrees  ought 
 ^'  to  inftru6l  themfeives  in  thofe  affairs  wherein  they  may  be 
 "'^  a£lors  themfeives,  or  judges  of  thofe  who  a£t,  or  control- 
 **  lers  of  thofe  who  judge  5"  and  from  fome  one  or  other  of 
 thefe  claffes  no  fubjeci  of  Great  Britain  is  wholly  excluded. 
 
 It  is  not  unworthy  of  our  nclice,  v^'hen  we  confider  in 
 what  refpefts  the  knowledge  of  hiilory  improves  the  und^r- 
 {landing,  that  it  tends  to  free  the  mind  from  many  foolifli 
 prejudices,  particularly  an  unreafonable  partiality  for  our  own 
 country,  merely  as  our  own  country,  which  makes  a  people 
 truly  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  foreigners.  It  was  a  want  of 
 acquaintance  with  hiflory  that  made  the  Chinefe  Mandarines 
 exprefs  their  aftonifhment  to  find  their  country  make  fo  fmall 
 a  figure  in  a  map  of  the  world,  which  the  Jefults  {hewed 
 them.  And  through  the  fame  ignorance,  the  Samoedes,  a 
 people  inhabiting  the  northern  parts  of  iSibcrIa,  whom  Le 
 Bruyn  defcribes  as  the  lowed  and  worfl  provided  for,  of  all 
 the  human  race,  wondered  that  the  Czar  of  Mufcoyy  did  not 
 chufe  to  live  among  them. 
 
 National  prejudices  likewifc  produce  a  moft  unreafonable 
 averfion  to  foreign  nations  and  foreign  religions,  which  no- 
 thing but  an  acquaintance  with  hiftory  can  cure.  Tlie  mis- 
 fortune is,  that  it  is  too  often   tht-  interePi  of  particular  per- 
 
 ibns. 
 
TO  LECTURES     ON  Part.  I. 
 
 fons,  and  parties,  to  promote  tliofe  prejudices.  The  Moors 
 of  Africa  were  furprized  to  find  their  firft  chriftian  captives 
 in  the  fliape  of  men  ;  and  our  very  figns  do  to  this  day  bear 
 the  traces  of  the  extravagant  opinion  of  the  fize  and  the 
 flrengtk  of  the  Saracens,  which  they  who  returned  from  the 
 crufades  propagated  among  their  ignorant  countrymen. 
 
 The  knowledge  of  Iilflory  operates  no  lefs  favourably, 
 and  effedlually,  in  removing  the  prejudices  that  may  have 
 been  entertained  in  favour  of  ancient  or  modern  times,  by 
 giving  a  juft  idea  of  the  advantages  and  difadvantages  of  man- 
 kind in  all  ages. 
 
 Far  am  I,  however,  from  imagining  that  the  confequencc 
 of  ftudying  hiftory  will  be  an  indifference  to  our  own  coun- 
 try. On  the  contrary,  I  think  it  one  of  the  greateft  advan- 
 tages arifing  from  the  ftudy  of  hiftory,  to  an  inhabitant  of 
 Great  Britain,  that  he  will  generally  lay  down  his  book 
 more  thoroughly  fatisfied  with  his  own  fituation ;  and  will 
 be,  from  rational  convi^lion,  and  not  from  blind  preju- 
 dice, a  more  zealous  friend  to  the  intereft  of  his  country 
 than  before. 
 
 Indeed,  fo  apparent  are  the  fuperior  advantages  of  our 
 conflitution,  and  laws,  if  not  of  our  manners  and  cuftoms, 
 over  thofe  of  mod  other  nations,  that  there  are  few  foreign- 
 ers who  do  not  give  ours  the  preference  to  their  own.  Mon- 
 tefquicu,  one  of  the  firft  of  philofophical  pditicians,  that  is, 
 thofe  who  have  treated  of  laws  and  government  with  a  juft 
 regard  to  the  principles  of  human  nature,  and  the  fituation 
 and  wants  of  mankind,  is  in  raptures,  and  almoil  quits  the 
 ftyle  of  philofophy,  whenever  he  treats  of  our  conftitution. 
 And  Voltaire,  who  is  exceedingly  partial  to  the  power  and 
 glory  of  France,  cannot  help  doing  the  fame  juftice  to  the 
 fuperior  excellence  of  our  government.  Indeed,  as  a  man  of 
 a  free  and  bold  turn  of  thinking,  you  will  be  fenfible  that 
 he  could  not  have  done  otherwife,  when  we  come  to  analize 
 the  Britiih  conflitution,  and  to  fliew  from  what  its  excel- 
 lence 
 
Lect.  I.  HISTORY.  ii 
 
 lence  refults  ;  though,  at  the  fame  time,  I  fhall  not  fail  to 
 point  out  fome  radical  and  very  confiderable  defe£ls  in  it.* 
 
 Under  the  head  of  prejudices^  I  (hall  jufl  mention  a  plea- 
 fant,  but  not  unimportant  obfervation  of  Mr.  Hume,  viz. 
 that  the  fair  fex  may  learn  in  hiftory  that  love  is  not  the  only, 
 nor  always  the  mofl  governing,  principle  in  the  hearts  of 
 men  ;  which,  from  the  reading  of  novels,  frequenting  the 
 theatre,  and  even  the  general  turn  of  polite  converfation, 
 they  might  otherwife  imagine. 
 
 But  the  capital  advantage  we  derive  from  hiilory  under 
 this  head  is,  that  from  this  fource  only  can  be  derived  all  fu- 
 ture improvements  in  the  fcience  of  government.  And  if  the 
 well  being  of  fociety  be  our  objedt,  this  is,  after  all,  the 
 moft  important  of  all  fciences.  For  certainly  more  fubftan- 
 tial  benefit  refults  to  fociety  from  the  proper  balance  of  the 
 feveral  powers  of  a  (late,  or  even  from  one  wife  law,  re- 
 fpe£ling  the  liberties  and  properties  of  men,  than  could  be 
 derived  from  all  the  other  fciences  put  together.  I  except, 
 however,  the  fciences,  if  they  may  be  fo  called,  of  morality 
 and  religion. 
 
 Human  nature,  with  the  various  interelts  and  connexions 
 of  men  in  a  ftate  of  fociety,  is  fo  complex  a  fubje6l  that 
 nothing  can  be  fafely  concluded  a  priori  with  refpe(Sl  to  It. 
 Every  thing  that  we  can  depend  upon  muft  be  derived  from 
 facls.  All  the  plans  of  government  laid  down  by  the  wifeft 
 of  the  ancients,  as  Plato,  Arlftotle,  and  Cicero,  are,  with- 
 out exception,  defedlive  in  many  capital  inftances ;  and  not- 
 withftanding  the  farther  lights  that  More  and  Harrington 
 might  have  derived  from  the  hiftory  of  many  centuries  after 
 them,  neither  the  Utopia  of  the  former,  nor  the  Oceatia  of 
 the  latter,  would  bear  to  be  reduced  to  pradlice.  The  former 
 is  vifionary  even  to  a  proverb. 
 
 This  grand  fcience  is  ftill  in  its  infancy.  Men  of  the 
 greateft  refledtion  and  experience   could  not  pretend  to  pro- 
 
 *  This  refers  to  a  courfe  of  leAures,  wfiich  I  do  not  publiih,  but  of  which  a 
 Syllabus  may  be  feen  in  my  EJfuy  on  Education. 
 
 D  nounce. 
 
12  LECTURES      ON  Part  I. 
 
 nouncc,  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  what,  for  inftance, 
 would  be  the  confequence  of  any  confiderable  change  in  our 
 own  conftitution  and  government,  or  that  of  other  nations. 
 And  do  we  not  frequently  fee  that  our  ableft  minifters  of 
 ftate,  who  give  the  clofeft  attention  to  the  internal  policy  of 
 the  kingdom,  are  obliged  to  change  their  meafures,  in  con- 
 fequence of  their  being  difappointed  in  their  expedlations 
 from  them  ?  This  makes  it  fo  extremely  hazardous  to  intro- 
 duce any  material  change  into  an  eftablifhed  form  of  govern- 
 ment. No  human  fagacity  can  forefee  what  inconvenience 
 might  arife  from  it. 
 
 So  important  is  this  fcience  of  government,  that  nothing 
 can  be  more  worthy  of  the  ftudy  of  thofe  who  have  fufficient 
 abilities,  and  who  are  friends  of  mankind ;  and  the  only 
 foundation  on  which  men  who  think,  and  who  are  not  car- 
 ried away  by  their  own  imaginations,  will  build  any  conclu- 
 fions  is  h'ljlorical  JaEls.  Hypothefes  built  upon  arguments  a 
 priori  are  leaft  of  all  tolerable.  Here  obfervation  and  ex- 
 perience are  the  only  fafe  guides. 
 
 As  all  other  fciences  have  made  very  rapid  advances  in  the 
 prefent  age,  the  fcience  of  government  bids  fair  to  keep  pace 
 with  them.  Many  ingenious  men  have  of  late  turned  their 
 thoughts  to  this  fubje6l,  and  valuable  treatifes  upon  it  have 
 been  publifhed  both  in  this  country  and  abroad.  But  what 
 is  of  much  more  value,  we  have  now  a  vail  ftock  of  im.por- 
 tant  faSls  before  us,  for  our  contemplation.  The  old  go- 
 vernments of  Europe  are  arrived  to  a  confiderable  degree  of 
 maturity.  We  may  rather  fay  they  are  growing  into  decay  j 
 fo  that  their  feveral  advantages  and  defers  are  become  fuf- 
 iiciently  confpicuous,  and  tlie  new  governments  in  North 
 America  are  fo  many  nenu  experiments^  of  which  political  phi- 
 lofophers  cannot  fail  to  make  the  greateft  ufe.  Time  has 
 alfo  weakened,  and  removed,  many  prejudices  in  favour  of 
 pretended  rights  to  poiuer,  and  peculiar  ttKnles  of  government ; 
 fo  that  the  only  proper  obje£l  of  government,  the  happinefs  cf 
 the  peophy  is  now  almoft  univerfally  feen,  and  alone  attended 
 to. 
 
 For 
 
Lect.  I.  HISTORY.  13 
 
 For  want  of  acquaintance  with  hiftory,  we  are  apt  to  pro- 
 nounce a  priori  many  things  to  be  impoflible,  which  in  fa£l 
 really  exift,  and  are  very  fafe.  Thus  the  King  of  Siam  could 
 not  be  made  to  believe  that  the  Venetians  had  no  king,  any 
 more  than  that  water  could  have  the  hardnefs  of  ftone,  and  bear 
 men  and  carriages. 
 
 I  fhall  conclude  this  head  with  adding,  that  the  knowledge 
 of  hiftory  contributes  to  enlarge  the  mind  by  the  acquaintance 
 we  are  thereby  enabled  to  form  with  all  thofe  objects  which, 
 in  the  courfe  of  thefe  lectures,  will  be  pointed  out  as  worthy 
 of  peculiar  attention  to  an  hiftorian,  the  knowledge  of  which 
 is  equally  ufeful  for  fpeculative  or  pradlical  purpofes ;  fo  that 
 philofophers  and  politicians  may  equally  avail  themfelves  of  it. 
 
 B  a  LECTURE 
 
14,  LECTURES     ON  Part  I. 
 
 LECTURE      II. 
 
 Htjiory  tends  tojlrengthcn  the  Sentiments  of  Firiue  :  Jhown  from 
 the  Manner  in  tvhich  virtuous  Impreffions  are  actually  made 
 upon  the  Mind.  Advantage  of  the  Study  of  Hi/lory  previous 
 to  a  Perfon's  being  introduced  into  the  World,  Why  the  Re^ 
 prefentations  of  Hifiorians  are  almofl  univerfally  favourable  to 
 Virtue,  What  kind  of  Scenes  Hiflory  aSlually  exhibits  'which 
 are  favourable  to  Virtue.  A  View  of  the  Sentiments  and 
 CetiduB  of  great  Afen  infpires  the  Mind  nvith  a  Tajle  for 
 folid  Glory  and  true  Greatnefs.  Hiflory  enables  us  to  form  jufl 
 Ideas  both  of  the  Strength  and  Weaknefs  of  human  Nature. 
 Inflances  of  both,  ivith  Reflecfions. 
 
 TH  E  third  ufe  of  hiflory  is,  that  it  tends  to  ftrengthen 
 the  fentiments  of  virtue.  That  this  is  the  tendency 
 of  an  acquaintance  with  hiflory  will  be  evident,  if  we  confider 
 in  what  manner  virtuous  impreffions  are  acftually  made  upon 
 the  mind.  How  do  we  acquire  a  love  for  virtue ;  but  by 
 frequently  viewing  it  in  thofe  points  of  light  in  which  it 
 appears  defrable  to  us,  and  in  a  fituation  of  mind  in  which  no 
 bias  is  laid  upon  us  in  favour  of  vice  ? 
 
 It  cannot  be  denied  by  any  who  maintain  that  virtue  is  its 
 own  fufficient  reward  in  this  life,  that  even  a  jull  and  well- 
 conducted  knowledge  of  the  world  would  have  this  h?.ppy 
 cfFecl.  It  is  only  a  partial  acquaintance  with  it,  feeing  things 
 in  an  unfair  point  of  light,  and  with  minds  prejudiced  by 
 profpe£ls  of  pleafure,  intereft,  or  falfe  notions  of  honour, 
 that  prevents  that  happy  confcquence  from  taking  place 
 univerfally.  Now,  to  iludy  hiflory  is  to  come  at  the  know- 
 ledge of  the  world  in  the  mod  favourable  circumilances. 
 Hiftorians  are  the  befl  guides  and  tutors  we  can  take  with  us 
 in  our  travels.     They  fhew  us  the  ijohole  of  tranfadlions  and 
 
 charadlers 
 
Lect.  II.        HISTORY.  i^ 
 
 characElers,  before  a  partial  view  of  them  can  have  had  time 
 to  make  any  unfavourable  impreffions  on  our  minds ;  and  all 
 the  reflexions  they  make  upon  men  and  things  are  uniformly 
 dictated  by  a  fenfe  of  virtue  and  honour.  Even  Machiavel 
 himfelf,  though  his  very  name  conveys  the  idea  of  bafenefs 
 and  villainy  as  a  politician,  difcovers,  as  Mr.  Hume  obferves, 
 true  fentiments  of  virtue  in  his  hiftory  of  Florence. 
 
 In  fuch  company,  and  in  the  hands  of  fuch  able  and  faith- 
 ful conductors,  what  reafon  have  we  to  be  alarmed  to  fee 
 our  friends  Introduced  to  a  knov/ledge  of  mankind  ?  There 
 is  certainly  a  great  difference  between  a  perfon's  being  ad- 
 mitted to  fee  the  figure  which  Alexander  the  Great,  or 
 Charles  XII.  made  at  the  head  of  their  conquefts  ;  to  view 
 the  court  of  Dionyfius,  of  Nero,  or  of  Louis  the  XIV.  in 
 all  their  fpiendour,  and  feeing  the  figure  their  whole  lives 
 make  in  the  annals  of  hiftory.  In  the  former  fituation  the 
 uncautious  mind  of  a  young  man  might  be  in  danger  of  being 
 captivated  with  the  charms  of  ambition,  voluptuoufnefs,  or 
 magnificence  ;  but  looking  upon  the  fame  objeds  from  the 
 more  advantageous  fituation  in  which  hiftory  places  us,  we 
 muft  certainly  be  equally  ftruck  with  their  vanity  and  folly, 
 and  conceive  a  difguft  and  averfion  to  them.  It  is  with  th-e 
 knowledge  of  the  world  as  Pope  fays  it  is  with  learning. 
 
 Here  fmaller  draughts  intoxicate  the  brain, 
 But  drinking  largely  fobcrs  us  again. 
 
 The  only  reafon  why  a  young  perfon  cannot  be  fafely 
 trufted  with  viewing  the  vices,  as  well  as  the  virtues,  that  are 
 in  the  world  is  that,  if  left  to  himfelf  in  real  life,  vice  may 
 be  fo  circumftanced,  as  to  be  but  too  inviting  to  his  unexpe- 
 rienced mind.  But  in  hiftory  vice  never  appears  tempting. 
 Indeed,  whatever  be  the  dlfpofition  of  hiftorians  themfelves, 
 it  they  give  a  faithful  view  of  things,  as  they  have  really 
 come  to  pafs,  they  cannot  help  giving  a  reprefentation  fa- 
 vourable to  virtue.  So  confiftent  is  the  order  of  Divine 
 Proridence,  that,  if  the  fchen>e  be  fairly  and  compleatly  re- 
 
 prefented. 
 
i6  LECTURES     ON  Part  I. 
 
 prefented,  we  may  depend  upon  it  that  nothing  will  be  ex- 
 hibited from  which  it  may  be  fairly  concluded,  that  vice  is 
 eligible  upon  the  whole.  Contrary,  therefore,  to  what  may 
 be  apprehended  from  a  promifcuous  acquaintance  with  the 
 world,  through  the  glafs  of  hiftory,  vices  may  be  viewed  as 
 fafely  as  virtues.  Nay,  they  both  equally  teach  wifdom  and 
 good  morals.  It  is  even  impoflible  to  fay  which  of  them  in- 
 culcate the  important  leiTon  with  more  force.  The  excefles 
 of  a  Nero,  and  the  goodnefs  of  a  Marcus  Aurelius,  have  the 
 fame  good  effecfl  in  hiflory. 
 
 Thus  it  appears,  by  arguing  as  it  were  a  priori ,  from  the 
 lights  in  which  chara£lers  and  events  are  feen  in  hiftory,  that 
 it  mti/i  have  an  efFeft  that  is  favourable  to  virtue.  I  fhall 
 now  demonftrate  the  fame  thing  more  particularly,  by  fhow- 
 ing  what  fcenes  hiftory  actually  exhibits  that  have  this  happy 
 tendency. 
 
 In  the  firft  place,  hiftory  by  difplaying  the  fentlments  and 
 condu6l  of  truly  great  men,  and  thofe  of  a  contrary  charac- 
 ter, tends  to  infpire  us  with  a  tafte  for  folid  glory  and  real 
 greatnefs  ;  and  convinces  us  that  it  does  not  confift  in  what 
 the  generality  of  mankind  are  fo  eager  in  the  purfuit  of. 
 
 We  can  never  imagine,  if  we  derive  our  inftru£lion  from 
 hiftory,  that  true  greatnefs  confifts  in  riches  ;  when  we  fee 
 that  fome  of  the  moft  diftinguiftied  charafters  in  the  annals 
 of  mankind  were  formed,  and  lived  in  poverty  ;  men  who 
 (hewed  their  contempt  of  riches  by  refufmg  to  improve  the 
 opportunities  they  had  of  amafTmg  wealth.  Not  to  mention 
 Cincinnatus,  Fabrlclus,  and  other  Romans  in  the  early  ages 
 of  that  city,  honoured  for  their  poverty,  but  who  had  no  op- 
 portunity of  acquiring  what  we  (hould  call  riches ;  Sclpio 
 iEmilianus,  who  might  have  engrofled  almoft  all  the  wealth 
 of  Carthage,  never  made  a  fingle  acquifitlon  in  all  his  life. 
 The  great  Philopasmen  generally  went  in  a  very  plain  drefs, 
 and  without  any  fervant  or  attendants.  The  Emperors, 
 Nerva,  Trajan,  Antoninus,  and  Aurelius,  fold  their  palaces, 
 their  gold  and  filver  plate,  their  valunble  furniture,  and  all 
 the  fuperfluiticj  they  could  difpenfe  with,    which  their  pre- 
 
 deceflbrs 
 
Lect.II.  history.  17 
 
 deceflbrs  had  heaped  up,  and  baiiifhed  all  expences  and  deli- 
 cacies from  their  tables  with  the  greateft  feverity. 
 
 Thefe  Princes,  together  Muth  Vefpafian,  Pertinax,  Alex- 
 ander Severus,  Claudius  the  fecond,  and  Tacitus,  who  were 
 raifed  to  the  empire  by  their  merit,  and  whom  all  ages  have 
 admired  as  the  greateft  and  the  beft  of  princes,  were  ever 
 fond  of  the  greateft  plainnefs  in  their  apparel,  furniture  and 
 outward  appearance.  The  ruins  of  Adrian's  country  feat  are 
 ftill  to  be  feen,  and  it  does  not  appear  to  have  exceeded  the 
 bignefs  of  one  of  our  common  houfes.  Even  Auguftus  him- 
 felf,  during  a  reign  of  near  fifty  years,  never  changed  his 
 apartment,  or  furniture.  We  fee  the  fame  juft  turn  of 
 thinking  in  the  famous  Cornelia,  daughter  of  the  great  Scif  io. 
 When  a  lady  of  her  acquaintance  defired  very  importunately 
 to  fee  her  toilet,  fhe  deferred  fatisfying  her  curiofity  till  her 
 cliildren,  who  were  the  famous  Gracchi,  came  from  fchool, 
 and  then  only  faid  En  I  h^c  ornaiyienta  nua  funt,  Thefe  are  my 
 of'fiajnentSf 
 
 When  temperance,  frugality  and  a  jaft  fenfe  of  greatnefs 
 are  graced  with  fuch  names  as  thefe  I  have  mentioned,  flip.ll 
 we  be  in  any  danger  of  abandoning  ourfelves  to  excefs  in 
 imitation  of  the  infamous  Nero,  whole  golden  palace,  Herodian 
 fays,  was  as  large  as  all  the  reft  of  the  city  of  Rome,  and 
 whofe  extravagance  in  other  refpe<£ls  was  in  proportion  to  it  5 
 of  Caligula,  of  the  beaftly  Commoduc,  or  the  mad  Helio- 
 gabalus  ?  Do  wx  admire  Lucullus  the  more  for  the  idea 
 that  Cicero  gives  us  of  his  expenfive  table  ?  Or  can  we 
 think  Marc  Antony  to  be  commended  for  having  a  .fucccf- 
 fion  of  grand  entertainments  always  ready,  that  whenever  he 
 was  difpofed  to  eat  he  might  never  wait  half  an  liour  ? 
 
 Can  we  think  that  homurs  and  preferment  conftitute  true 
 greatnefs,  when  we  fee  in  hiftory  that  the  mod  wortliy  men 
 have  generally  declined  them  ?  Tacitus  and  Probus,  who 
 did  fo  much  honour  to  their  ftations,  w^ere  both  advanced 
 to  the  empire  againft  their  inclinations  :  and  in  hov/  much 
 fairer  a  point  of  light   do   their  characters  ftand  than  that  of 
 
 thofc 
 
i8  LECTURES      ON  Part.  I. 
 
 thofe  fons  of  ambition,  who  waded  through  feas  of  blood  to 
 
 come  at  it  ? 
 
 The  extravagances  of  Alexander  the  Great  in  killing  his 
 beft  friends,  the  cruelties  of  the  Spaniards  in  America,  the 
 ruin  of  Sweden  by  Charles  XII.  are  certainly  more  proper  to 
 fhew  the  folly  and  madnefs  of  unbounded  ambition,  than 
 their  victories  are  to  dazzle  our  minds  with  their  glare.  How 
 we  regret  that  unhappy  turn  of  mind  when  we  confider  what 
 valuable  members  of  fociety  their  abilities  would  have  ren- 
 dered fuch  men  as  Julius  Ccefar,  and  Pompey,  had  they 
 jointly  employed  them  to  raife  the  glory  of  their  country  j 
 and  that  the  expences  of  Lewis  XIV.  in  preparations  for 
 deftru(^ion,  were  more  than  fufficient  to  have  founded  many 
 numerous  colonies,  and  to  have  put  them  into  a  flourifhing 
 condition. 
 
 Nothing  fo  effe£l:ually  cures  a  man  of  the  abfurd  pride  of 
 birth  Tindi  family  as  feeing  fome  of  the  greatefl  men  in  hiftory, 
 fuch  as  Tamerlane,  Cardinal  Ximenes,  and  Pope  Sixtus  the 
 fifth,  rife  from  low  beginnings  ;  and  we  are  always  charmed 
 to  fee  truly  great  men,  who  were  poiTefTed  of  the  advan- 
 tages of  birth,  wave  all  pretences  to  merit  on  that  account. 
 Even  Vefpafian  laughed  at  thofe  who  pretended  to  derive  his 
 defcent  from  Hercules. 
 
 An  exceflive  paflion  iox  fame^  as  an  end  of  a6lion,  reduces 
 a  man  very  low  in  the  light  of  hiftory.  How  much  does  the 
 letter  which  Cicero  wrote  to  Lucceius,  and  which,  unfor- 
 tunately for  him,  yet  remains  (in  which  he  almoft  inflfts 
 upon  his  praifing  him  at  the  expence  of  truth,  in  the  hiftory 
 of  his  confulfliip),  fmk  that  great  man  in  our  efteem.  On 
 the  contrary,  how  prodigioully  does  the  charafter  of  Cato 
 rife  upon  us  by  a  fev/  words  of  Salluft,  Maluit  ejfe,  quam 
 videriy  bonus  :  He  rather  chofe  to  BE,  than  to  SEEM,  good. 
 And  the  vanity  of  Nero  upon  his  excelling  in  mufic,  and  of 
 Commodus  on  his  dexterity  in  killing  wild  beafts,  complete- 
 ly expofes  the  affeftation  of  excelling  in  what  is  out  of  our 
 proper   fphere.      The    fame  maxim   is  conveyed  by  Philip, 
 
 when 
 
Lect.II.  history.  59 
 
 when  he  alked  his  fon  Alexander,  if  he  was  not  afhamed  to 
 play  on  a  mufical  inftrument  fo  well  as  he  did. 
 
 In  how  different  a  light  do  thofe  men  appear  in  hiflory  who 
 are  greedy  to  engrofs  all  praife  to  themfelves,  and  thofe  who 
 contribute  heartily  to  the  reputation  of  otliers  ?  An  inllancc 
 of  the  former  we  fee  in  Claudius,  who  made  an  idle  expe- 
 dition to  finifh  the  ccnqueft  of  Britain ;  of  the  latter  in  M. 
 Aurelius,  who  denied  himfelf  the  pleafure  of  attending  his 
 filler  Lucilia  (whom  he  had  married  to  L.  Verus)  into  the 
 Eaft,  left  his  prefence  fhould  give  a  check  to  the  growing  re- 
 putation of  his  fon-in-law,  and  feem  to  draw  upon  himfelf 
 the  honour  of  putting  an  end  to  an  important  war,  to  the 
 other's  prejudice.  And  hiftory  does  the  moft  ample  recom- 
 pence  to  thofe  who  have  generoufly  facrificed  their  own  re- 
 putation to  the  public  good.  Thus  Fabius  Maximus,  to  his 
 immortal  honour,  notwithftanding  the  provoking  infults  he 
 received  from  Minucius,  refcued  him  from  the  hands  of 
 Hannibal,  fetting  afide  his  refentment ^  and  confulting  only  his 
 zeal  for  the  intereft  of  his  country. 
 
 We  conceive  more  clearly  what  true  greatnefs  of  mind  is, 
 at  the  fame  time  that  our  hearts  are  more  filled  with  admi- 
 ration of  it,  and  burn  with  a  ftronger  paiTion  for  it,  by  a 
 fimple  narration'  of  fome  incidents  in  hiftorv,  than  by  the  moil 
 elaborate  and  philofophically  exad:  defcription  of  it.  What 
 can  give  us  a  clearer  idea  of  the  noble  fentiments  of  ilri<Sl 
 honour  and  integrity  than  Marfhal  Turenne's  refufing  a  fum 
 of  money,  which  was  oifered  him  if  he  would  not  march  his 
 army  through  a  certain  territory,  becaufe  he  had  not  intended 
 to  march  that  way.  Does  not  every  perfon's  heart  flrongly 
 feel  the  fentiments  of  benevolence,  when  he  hears  the  good 
 Titus  exclaiming  that  he  had  loft  a  day,  becaqjfe  he  had  done 
 no  perfon  a  good  ofBce  in  it .?  If  a  perfon  be  capable  of  form- 
 ing any  idea  of  greatnefs  of  mind  in  forgiving  injuries,  he 
 will  do  it  from  hearing  the  following  reply  that  Lev/is  XII. 
 made  to  a  courtier,  who  preffed  him  to  puniflr  a  perfon  who 
 had  offended  him  before  he  came  to  the  throne  :  "  It  belongs 
 <*  not  to  the  king  of  France  to  revenge   the  injr.ries  offered 
 
 «  to 
 
2b  LECTURES      ON  VartL 
 
 '<  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  "  Or,  laftly,  wliat  can  give  fo 
 juil  an  idea  of  the  true  fpirit  and  magnanimity  of  a  foldier, 
 as  the  reply  that  Vifcount  Doree  made  to  Charles  IX.  of 
 France,  when  he  received  an  order  from  him  to  maffacre  the 
 Hugonots,   "  I  defire  your  majefty  will   employ  me  in  what 
 
 is  /-#*/.." 
 
 The  hfh  example  leads  me  to  a  fecond  obfcrvation,  which 
 is,  that  hiftory  enables  us  to  form  jufl  ideas  of  the  dignity 
 and  the  weaknefs  of  human  nature,  both  of  which  arc  ex- 
 tremely ufeful  to  us  in  life.  The  one  infpires  us  with  the 
 noble  ambition  of  rifmg  above  the  level  of  our  fpecies ;  and 
 the  other  view,  without  deftroying,  tempers  that  ambition 
 with  no  more  than  a  due  degree  of  luimility  and  diffidence  ; 
 which  in  facl  equally  contributes  to  the  fame  end.  What  I 
 mean  will  be  more  clearly  underftood  by  a  few  examples. 
 
 How  can  we  conceive  a  more  jufl,  or  a  more  exalted  idea 
 of  a  fenfe  of  true  honour  and  heroifm,  than  by  reading  fuch 
 flories  as  that  of  the  behaviour  of  the  Earl  of  Peterborough 
 at  the  famous  fiege  of  Barcelona.  While  he  was  fettling  the 
 terms  of  capitulation  with  the  Spanifh  commander,  news  was 
 brought  that,  contrary  to  the  fufpenfion  of  arms  agreed  upon 
 between  them,  a  party  of  the  allied  troops  had  broke  into 
 the  town.  The  Earl  told  the  SpaniOi  general,  th^t  if  he 
 vv^ould  give  him  leave  to  enter  the  town  with  his  Englilli 
 troops,  he  would  drive  out  his  allies,  and  then  return  to 
 fmifh  the  capitulation,  which  he  adually  performed. 
 
 I  (hall  fay  nothing  of  the  fabulous  ftory  of  Curtius,  whp 
 is  faid  to  have  leaped  into  a  guiph,  or  of  Codrus,  who  pro- 
 cured his  own  death  to  fave  his  country,  fmce  inftances  of 
 equal  courage  in  braving  death  are  by  no  means  uncommon 
 in  our  own  times.  At  the  fiege  of  Turin  one  Mica  fired  a 
 mine,  and  purpofely  deftroyed  himfelf  M^ith  the  enemy.  And 
 how  many  commanders  of  fhips  have  purpofely  blown  them 
 up  rather  than  ftrike  their  colours.  Thefe,  it  may  be  faid, 
 are  the  effe6^s  of  a  refined  fenfe  of  honour,  which  is  ac- 
 quired in  a  highly  improved  ftate  of  fociety.  But  we  may 
 Tee  what  may  be  called    the  native  flrength  of  the  mind  in 
 
 the 
 
Lect.il  history.  21 
 
 the  North  American  Indians,  with  whom,  when  prifoners,  it 
 is  very  common  to  refufe  dying  by  their  own  hands,  on 
 purpofe  to  (hew  the  honour  of  their  country,  in  fupporting 
 the  tortures  which  they  know  are  prepared  for  them. 
 
 Fa6ts  hke  thefe,  together  with  thofe  which  (how  the  ex- 
 tent of  genius  in  fuch  men  as  Ariflotle,  Archfmedes,  and 
 Sir  Ifaac  Newton,  give  us  high  ideas  of  the  dignity  of  human 
 nature,  and  the  capacity  of  the  human  mind.  But  the  other 
 fide  of  the  picflure,  which  hiftory  with  equal  faithfulnefs 
 prefents  to  us,  gives  us  a  moft  affecting,  and  equally  inftruc- 
 tlve  view,  of  our  deplorable  we<jknefs  and  frailty,  exemplified 
 in  the  greateft  of  men. 
 
 Hardly  any  thing  gives  us  a  more  afFcc^mg  view   of  the 
 weaknefs  and  inconfiflency  to  which   the  mind  of  man  is  lia- 
 ble, than  to  fee  men  of   found  and    clear  underflandings,  in 
 moft  refpefts,  and  of  upright  honeit  hearts,  fall   into  fenti- 
 ments    that  lead  to  grofs   and   painful  n-yerilitions.     A  mod 
 remarkable  inftance    of  this  was  Pafcal,  one  of   the  greatefl 
 geniufes,  and  beft   men,  that  ever   lived.     He  entertained  a 
 notion  that  God  made  men  miferable  here   in  order  to  their 
 being  happy  hereafter ;    and    in  confequence  of  this  he  im- 
 pofed   upon    himfelf    the    moft    difagreeable    mortiiicationa. 
 He  even  ordered  a  wall   to  be  built  before  a  window  of  his 
 ftudy,  from  which  he  thought  he    had   too  agreeable  a  prof- 
 pe£l.     He  alfo  were  a  girdle  full  of  (liarp   points  next  to  his 
 fkin,  and    while  he  was   eating   or  drinking  any  thing    that 
 was  grateful  to  his  appetite,  he  was  conftantly  pricking  him- 
 felf,   that  he  might  not  be  fenfible  of    any  pleafure.       His 
 fifter  too,  who  was  a  woman   of  fine  fenfe   and  great  piety, 
 actually  died  of  thirft,  as  fne  thought,   to  tlie  glory  of  God. 
 It  was  certainly  through    a  weaknefs  of  the    fame  nature  in 
 the  ingenious  and  excellent  Fenelon,  that  he  fubn-.itted  with- 
 out   referve   to   the   arbitrary    fentence    of  the  Pope,    when 
 he  condemned  a  book   that  he  publiflied.     He  even  preached 
 to  condemn  his  ov/n  book,    and   forbad  his   friends-  to  de- 
 fend  it, 
 
 Thcv 
 
11  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S      O  N  Part  L 
 
 They  have  not  only  been  good  men,  and  of  a  truly  reli- 
 gious turn  of  niind,  who  have  been  fubjc£fc  to  fuch  ground- 
 lefs  fuperftitions,  but  the  moft  vicious  and  abandoned  alfo. 
 Both  khids  of  inftances  fhew  the  v/eaknefs  to  which  human 
 nature  is  liable.  But  whereas  a  good  man  who  is  a  Have  to 
 fuperilition  is  an  obje£l:  of  the  greateft  compaffion,  a  wicked 
 man  in  the  fame  fituation  is  rather  a  fubje£l  of  ridicule. 
 What,  for  inftance,  can  be  more  completely  ridiculous  than 
 Lewis  XI.  of  France,  a  man  who  made  no  confcience  of  any 
 ■villainy,  going  always  covered  with  relics,  and  wearing  a 
 leaden  image  of  the  Virgin  Mary  in  his  hat,  of  which  it  is 
 faid  he  aiked  pardon  for  his  murders  before  they  were  com- 
 mitted. The  fame  prince  made  a  deed  of  the  earldom  of 
 Bolloigne  to  the  Virgin  Mary. 
 
 -  Even  the  fentiments  of  morality,  which  of  all  others  one 
 would  expe£i:  to  find  the  mofh  invariable  and  uncorrupted, 
 are  found  greatly  perverted,  and  intermixed  with  notions 
 that  are  foreign,  and  even  contrary,  to  morality,  in  the 
 minds  of  fome  whole  nations.  Thus  the  Tartars,  with 
 \vhom  it  is  a  fin  and  a  capital  crime,  as  Voltaire  fays,  to  put  a 
 knife  in  the  fire,  to  lean  againft  a  whip,  to  beat  a  horfe  with 
 a  bridle,  or  to  break  one  bone  with  another,  think  it  no  fin, 
 in  fome  cafes,  X.o  break  their  word,  to  plunder,  and  commit 
 murder.  The  fame  Arab  who,  if  he  find  you  at  his  door 
 claiming  hofpitality,  would  receive  you  as  his  brother,  and 
 condli6l  you  the  next  day,  would  not  have  fcrupied  to  rob 
 and  murder  you,  as  his  lawful  prey,  if  he  had  met  you  in  the 
 defert  an  hour  before.  To  give  inilances  of  the  weaknefs  and 
 inconfiftency  in  the  human  mind,  which  hiflory  prefents  us 
 with,  were  endlefs.  Thefe  are  fufiicient  to  give  us  an  idea 
 how  afFetling  and  ufeful  fuch  views  are,  and  at  the  fame 
 time  how  entertaining  to  a  fpeculative  mind. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  III.  H      I     S      T      O      R      r.  aj 
 
 LECTURE     III. 
 
 Hi  (lory  tends  to  Jirejigthen  the  Setitiments  of  Virtue  by  the  Variety 
 of  Vieivs  in  which  it  exhibits  the  ConduB  of  Divine  Providence y 
 Jhowing  important  Events  brought  about  by  iticorfulerahle  Means y 
 or  contrary  to  the  Intention  of  thofe  Perfons  who  were  the  prin- 
 cipal  Agents  in  them.  A  Regard  to  Divine  Providence  height 
 tens  our  SatisfaHion  in  reading  Hifory,  and  tends  to  throw  an 
 agreeable  Light  upon  the  mof  gloojny  and  difgufing  Parts  of  it. 
 Hifory,  in  the  Misfortunes  and  Hardfips  to  which  the  mof 
 difinguifjed  Perfonages  have  been  redticed^  gives  a  deep  Con- 
 viBion  of  the  Inf  ability  of  all  Huma?i  ThitigSy  prepares  our  Minds 
 to  fubynit  to  Adverfity  with  Refignatlon^  and  makes  us  acquiefce 
 in  the  more  humble  Stations  of  Life.  Lajliy,  the  mof  common 
 Obfervations  on  the  Tempers  and  Manne?-s  of  Men,  fuch  as  we 
 may  collect  every  Day  from  common  Life^  ^ff^^  ^^^  much  more 
 fro7igly  when  we  fee  them  exemplified  in  the  Hifory  of  great 
 Perfonages ,  At  what  Age  Hifory  ought  to  be  read^  In  what 
 Senfe  proper  for  every  Age. 
 
 THIRDLY,  Hiftory  tends  to  ftrengthen  the  fentlments 
 of  virtue,  by  the  variety  of  views  in  which  it  exhibits 
 the  condu61:  of  divine  providence,  and  points  out  the  hand  of 
 God,  in  the  affairs  of  men.  For  certainly  whatever  fuggefts 
 to  us  the  idea  of  a  divine  Being,  either  in  the  end,  or  means, 
 of  great  events,  muft  be  favourable  to  piety  and  virtue. 
 
 That  the  world  has  a  governor,  or  fuperinteiidant,  is  ju it  as 
 evident  as  that  it -had  a  maker.  For  no  perfon  does  any  thing 
 without  feme  defign,  or  without  intending  to  make  fome  ufe 
 of  it.  A  telefcope  is  made  to  be  ufed  for  the  better  diftin^ 
 guifhliig  diftant  objects,  the  eye  itfelf  for   feeing  things  at  a 
 
 moderate 
 
24  LECTURES      ON  Part  1. 
 
 rtioderate  diftznce  from  us,  and  no  doubt,  ttten^  and  the  luorld, 
 for  Tome  end  or  other. 
 
 And  as  the  fame  Being  that  made  the  greatefl  things,  made 
 the  fmalleft  things  alfo,  all  being  parts  of  the  fame  f;^fl:em, 
 fome  ufe,  no  doubt,  is  made  of  every  thing,  even  what  ap- 
 pears to  us  the  mofl:  inconfiderable  ;  fo  that,  as  our  Saviour 
 obferved,  "  a  fparrov/  falls  not  to  the  ground  vrithout  God^ 
 "  and  the  very  hairs  of  our  heads  are  numbered."  Alfo,  as 
 nothing  was  f?jade,  fo  nothing  can  come  to  pafs  without  the 
 knowledge,  the  appointment,  or  permifTion  of  Gk)d.  Some- 
 thing, therefore,  is  intended  by  every  tiling  that  happens^  as 
 v^ell  as  by  every  thing  that  is  made.  But  in  little  things  a  de- 
 fign  is  not  fo  apparent  as  in  greater  and  more  ftriking  things. 
 Though,  therefore,  the  hand  of  God  be  really  in  every  thing 
 that  happens,  and  that  is  recorded  in  hiftory,  our  attention  is 
 more  forcibly  drawn  to  it  in  great  events,  and  efpecially  in 
 ^      things  which  happen  in  a  manner  unexpe6led  by  us. 
 
 How  can  we  help  acknowledging  the  hand  of  God  when  wc 
 fee  great  and  important  events  brought  about  by  feemingly  tri- 
 fling and  inconfiderable  means ;  or  by  means  which  feem  to 
 have  little  or  no  relation  to  the  end  \  as  when  our  king  James 
 and  both  houfes  of  parliament  were  refcued  from  deftruftion, 
 by  a  letter  which  a  confpirator  fent  with  a  view  to  fave  one  of 
 the  members  of  the  Houfe  of  Lords  for  whom  he  had  a  friend^ 
 iliip  ? 
 
 Who  would  have  imagined  that  the  defire  which  Henry 
 Vin.  had  to  be  divorced  from  his  wife,  would  have  brought 
 about  the  reformation  in  England  ?  The  indifcretlon  of  a 
 Portuguefe  prieft,  who  would  not  give  place  to  one  of  the 
 king's  officers  in  Japan,  and  the  obftinacy  of  the  jefuits,  in  re- 
 fufmg  to  give  up  the  houfe  which  a  nobleman  had  given 
 them,  when  his  fon  claimed  it  back  again,  occafioned  the 
 extirpation  of  the  Roman  catholic  religion  in  that  country. 
 
 But  v/hat  m.oft  of  all  fliews  the  hand  of  Providence,  and  the 
 weaknefs  and  fhort-fightednefs  of  men,  are  great  events  being 
 brought  about  contrary  to  the  intention  of  the  perfons  who 
 were  the   cliief  inftruments  of  them,  and  by  the  very  means 
 
 which 
 
Lect.  III.       -HISTORY.  25 
 
 which  were  intended  to  produce  a  contrary  event.  Thus 
 perfecution  has  always  been  the  means  of  promoting  the  per- 
 lecuted  religion  •,  infomuch,  that  it  is  become  a  common  pro- 
 rerb,  that  "  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  feed  of  the 
 <«  church."  Thus,  likewife,  Athens,  Lacedxmon,  Car- 
 thage, Rome,  and  many  other  ftates  have  been  ruined  by 
 their  own  fuccefles.  Philip  II.  of  Spain,  by  his  intolerable 
 opprefTion,  was  the  caufe  of  the  freedom  of  the  ftates  of  Hol- 
 land. Such  has  often  been  the  confequence  of  wicked  men 
 over-acSling  their  parts.  Thus  alfo  the  fenate  of  Rome  was 
 once  faved  by  Catiline's  making  the  fignal  for  the  maflacre  too 
 foon. 
 
 With  what  fatisfadlon  may  a  perfon  who  has  an  eye  to 
 divine  Providence  read  fuch  a  paffage  as  the  following  in 
 Machiavel,  that  Borgia  had  fo  well  conduced  his  meafures, 
 that  he  muft  have  been  mafter  of  Rome,  and  of  the  whole 
 ecclefiaftical  eftate,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  but  that  it 
 was  impolTibJe  for  him  to  forefee  that  he  himfelf  would  be  at 
 the  point  of  death  at  the  very  time  that  Alexander  his  father 
 finiflied  his  life.  They  were  both  poifoned  at  an  entertain- 
 ment, by  a  miftake  of  the  waiter,  who  ferved  them  with  the 
 wine  which  was  to  have  taken  off  their  enemies. 
 
 It  is  no  uncommon  thing,  in  the  hiftory  of  divine  Provi- 
 dence, that  perfons  being  known  to  have  abilities  fhall  have 
 been  the  means  of  keeping  them  in  obfcurity,  while  others 
 have  been  advanced  in  confequence  of  their  feeming  infignifi- 
 cance.  If  Auguftus  had  (hown  any  capacity,  as  a  flatefman 
 or  general,  any  greatnefs  of  foul,  or  any  thing  in  the  leaft  en- 
 terprizing,  at  firft,  he  would  probably  never  have  been  maf- 
 ter of  the  Roman  empire.  But  while  Cicero,  and  Antony, 
 in  their  turns,  thought  to  make  a  tool  of  him,  they,  un- 
 known to  themfelves,  increafed  his  power  and  influence,  at 
 the  expence  of  their  own. 
 
 In  this  view  it  is  very  amufing,  and  ufeful,  to  confider  to 
 what  a  different  purpofe,  the  labour,  powers,  and  works  of 
 men,  and  nations,  have  been  employed  from  what  was  ori- 
 ginally thought  of  and  intended  5  as  that  the  Romans,  after 
 
2&  LECTURES      ON  Part.  I. 
 
 all  their  conquefts  of  other  nations,  fhould  be  often  governed 
 by  favage  and  tyrannical  barbarians,  fuch  as  Maximin  and 
 others  ;  and  that  that  city,  the  miflrefs  of  the  world,  which 
 was  built  by  Romulus,  and  whofe  power  was  enlarged  by  fuch 
 men  as  Camillus,  Scipio  Africanus,  Marius,  Sylia,  Cxfar, 
 Ponipey,  and  Trajan,  fhould  now  be  in  fubjeclion  to  the  Pope, 
 and  the  feat  of  a  power  totally  different  from  what  had  before 
 refided  in  it,  and  of  which  the  founders  could  have  no  con- 
 ception. How  far  was  Condantine  from  forefceing,  that 
 Conflantinople  would  be  the  capital  of  the  Turkifh  empire, 
 and  the  principal  fupport  of  a  religion  oppofite  to  that  which 
 he  eflabliflied.  How  far,  alfo,  were  the  heads  of  the  Gre- 
 cian commonwealths  from  forefeeing,  that  their  country,  the 
 feat  of  arts  and  liberty,  would  ever  become  the  mofl  igno- 
 rant, and  enflaved  of  all  the  ftates  of  Europe. 
 
 A  regard  to  divine  Providence,  is,  likewife,  extremely  ufe^ 
 ful  to  heighten  our  fatisfa£tion  in  reading  hiftory,  and  throw 
 an  agreeable  light  upon  the  moft  gloomy  and  difgufting  parts 
 of  it.  With  a  view  to  this,  the  moil  difagreeable  objects  in 
 hiflory  will  bear  to  be  looked  upon  with  fatisfa(El;ion.  And 
 could  we  fee  every  event,  in  all  its  connexions,  and  mofl  dif- 
 tant  influences,  we  fhould,  no  doubt,  perfeftly  acquiefce  in 
 every  thing  that  comes  to  pafs  under  the  government  of  God  ; 
 in  feeing  that  all  evils,  lead  to,  and  terminate  in  a  greater 
 good.  But  in  many  cafes,  we  fee  events  which  give  us  pain 
 at  firfl  fight,  and  which  occafion  much  regret  and  difappoint- 
 ment,  to  thofe  who  give  more  fcope  to  their  pafTions  than  to 
 their  reflexion  while  they  are  reading  ;  which,  if  we  look  no 
 farther  than  the  next  and  immediate  confequences,  we  fliall 
 be  thoroughly  fatisfied  and  pleafed  with. 
 
 No  perfon  converfant  with  the  ancient  clafhcal  hiftorians, 
 and  who  has  thereby  acquired  a  clafTical  tafle,  and  clafTicai 
 notions  of  liberty,  but  regrets  that  Rome,  in  the  height  of  its 
 glory,  fliould  fall  under  th-e  power  of  mailers.  But  it  is  becaufc 
 he  does  not  confider  that  all  the  provinces  of  the  vail  Roman 
 empire  were  moft  miferably  opprefled  and  plundered  by  the 
 
 republican 
 
Lect.  III.  HISTORY.  27 
 
 republican  governors,  who  had  little  to  fear  from  courts  of 
 juftice  ;  but  were  relieved  and  happy  under  the  government  of 
 perfons  who  lived  in  conftant  fear  of  being  accufed  of  mal- 
 adminiftration,  to  an  inexorable  mafter.  Nay  the  provinces 
 were  not  much  lefs  happy  under  Tiberius  and  Nero,  than  un- 
 der Trajan  and  the  Antonines. 
 
 A  reader  of  Thucydides  is  apt  to  be  extremely  mortified  at 
 the  ill-treatment  of  Alcibiades,  and  the  defeat  of  the  Athe- 
 nians before  Syracufe.  But  it  is  becaufe  he  does  not  think 
 what  would  probably  have  been  the  confequence  of  the  fuc- 
 cefs  of  that  expedition ;  namely,  the  flavery  of  Greece,  and, 
 from  the  nature  of  its  government,  the  confufion  and  flavery 
 of  Athens  too.  As  fuccefs  naturally  points  out  our  favourite 
 hero  to  us,  we  cannot  help  conceiving  a  violent  indignation 
 againll  Hanno,  for  taking  no  more  care  to  fend  recruits  to 
 Hannibal,  after  the  battle  of  Cannae.  But  juftly  did  he,  and 
 all  Carthage,  dread  the  power  of  Hannibal,  when  mafler  of 
 Rome,  who  was  able  to  change '  the  whole  form  of  their  go- 
 vernment, even  when  he  was  conquered. 
 
 Thefe  obvious  remarks  I  mention  here,  to  fhew  the  necef- 
 fity  of  thought  and  reficciion  in  reading  hiflory.  Farther  ob- 
 fervations  of  this  kind,  and  fuch  as  are  lefs  obvious,  I  fhall  < 
 referve  for  another  part  of  this  courfe  of  le£lures,  in  which 
 I  fliall  endeavour  to  enter  a  little  farther  into  the  views  and 
 condudl  of  divine  providence,  in  the  government  of  the 
 world. 
 
 In  the  fourth  place,  hiftory,  in  the  misfortunes  and  hard- 
 fhips  to  which  the  moft  diftinguifhed  perfonages  have  been 
 reduced,  gives  us  a  deep  convidlion  of  the  inftability  of  all 
 human  things,  and  prepares  our  minds,  to  fubmit  to  adver- 
 fity  with  more  patience  and  refignation,  as  to  a  condition 
 from  which  we  fee  none  are  exempt.  Even  the  misfortunes 
 and  difappointments  of  brave  and  good  m.en,  who  have 
 brought  themfelves  into  difficulties,  in  confequence  of  their 
 generous  attempts,  in  favour  of  the  liberties  and  beft  inte- 
 refts  of  mankind,  do  not  as  exhibited  in  hiftory,  in  the  leaft 
 tend  to  flacken  our  zeal  in  the  fame  glorious  caufe ;    at  the 
 
 E  fame 
 
28  LECTURES     ON  Part.  I. 
 
 fame  time  that  they  make  us  more  prudent  In  the  choice  and 
 profccution  of  our  meafures,  to  attain  the  fame  end,  and 
 difpofe  us  to  yield  to  difappointment  with  a  better  grace. 
 That  an  acquaintance  with  hiflory  has  this  efFe£t,  I  appeal  to 
 v/hat  any  perfon  feels  after  reading  of  the  untimely  end  of 
 Agis,  Cato,  Brutus,  Hampden,  and  the  great  Algernon  Syd- 
 ney. The  honourable  mention  that  will,  to  the  end  of  the 
 world,  be  made  of  fuch  glorious,  though  unfortunate  men 
 as  thefe,  and  their  noble  ends,  will  raife  more  friends  to  the 
 fame  great  interefts  j  while  their  misfortunes  will  only  fen-e 
 to  make  thofe  friends  more  prudent,  and  therefore  probably 
 more  fuccefsful  in  their  endeavours. 
 
 But,  independent  of  thefe  martyrs  of  liberty  raifmg  up 
 more,  and  more  fuccefsful  patrons  of  it,  the  remarkable  re- 
 verfes  of  fortune  in  the  hiftory  of  confiderable  perfonages, 
 has  a  fine  efFe<Sl  upon  the  human  mind.  It  wonderfully 
 foftens  and  calms  it,  and  gives  it  an  excellent  temper  for 
 encountering  with  the  viciffitudes  of  life.  What  other  fen- 
 fations  do  we  feel,  while  we  read  that  Henrietta,  daughter  of 
 Henry  IV.  of  France,  and  wife  to  Charles  I.  of  England, 
 was  reduced  to  the  utmofl  extremity  of  poverty;  and  that 
 her  daughter,  v/ho  was  afterv^-ards  married  to  a  brother  of 
 Lewis  XIV.  is  faid  to  have  lain  in  bed  for  want  of  coals  to 
 keep  her  warm,  while  the  people  of  Paris,  blind  with  rage, 
 paid  no  attention  to  their  fufferings.  The  fame  kind  of  (en- 
 fations  we  feel,  when  vv'e  read  of  the  great  and  fuccefsful  ge- 
 neral Bellfarius  (if  the  ftory  be  true)  begging  his  bread ;  of 
 Cortez,  the  renowned  conqueror  of  Mexico,  living  unknown 
 and  in  difgrace  in  Spain,  and  fcarce  able  to  get  to  fpeak  to 
 his  mailer  Charles  V.  though  when  the  king  aiked,  who  the 
 fellow  wns  that  was  fo  clamorous  to  fpeak  to  him,  he  cried 
 out,  '<  I  am  one  who  have  got  your  majelty  more  provinces, 
 than  your  father  left  you  towns."  He  afterwards  ferved  in  a 
 rank  little  higher  than  that  of  a  common  foldier  on  the  coaft 
 of  Barbary. 
 
 Fifthly,  Thefe  great  revcrfes  of  fortune,  and  calamities  of 
 men  in  high  llations,    at  the  fame  time  that  they  are  hardly 
 
 ever 
 
Lect.  III.  HISTORY,  29 
 
 ever  known  to  difcourage  men  of  ability  and  fpirit  from  un- 
 dertaking the  public  fervice,  when  regularly  called  to  it,  may 
 juftly  make  perfons  who  are  born  to  private  flations,  and  who 
 have  no  opportunity  of  rifing  above  them,  content  with  their 
 fituation.  The  many  who  have  abdicated  royalty,  as  Chrif- 
 tina  queen  of  Sweden,  Charles  V.  emperor  of  Germany, 
 Vi6lor  Amadeus,  king  of  Sardinia,  John  Cafimer,  king  of 
 Poland,  and  others,  convince  us  that  crowns  do  not  always 
 fit  eafy;  and  that  perfons  in  high  flations  have  need  of  a 
 ftrong  fenfe  of  honour  and  integrity  to  make  their  fatigues 
 and  misfortunes  tolerable. 
 
 It  is  no  unufeful  fentlment  that  we  colledl  from  reading 
 that  Richlieu  fhortened  his  days  by  the  uneafmefs  with  which 
 he  was  devoured  in  the  fulnefs  of  his  power.  What  Vol- 
 taire fays  of  Lewis  XIV.  is  an  excellent  memento  to  the 
 ambitious  ;  that  he  faw  all  his  family  perifh  by  premature 
 deaths  j  that  though  towards  the  clofe  of  his  life,  he  ap- 
 peared in  public  as  ufual,  in  private  the  pain  of  his  many 
 misfortunes  pierced  him  to  the  heart,  and  threw  him  into 
 convulfions  j  that  he  met  with  domeftic  loiTes  at  the  conclu- 
 fion  of  an  unfuccefsful  war,  and  before  he  was  fure  of  ob- 
 taining a  peace,  and  at  a  time  when  a  famine  had  wafted  his 
 kingdom ;  and  that  he  loft  in  the  minds  of  his  fubje(£ls,  dur- 
 ing the  laft  three  years  of  his  life,  all  the  refpe6t  and  efteeni 
 he  had  gained  by  his  great  acftions. 
 
 The  advantage  of  preferring  a  private  fituation,  efpeclally 
 to  entering  into  the  views  of  fa£lion,  we  fee  in  the  fecurity 
 and  long  life  of  Atticus,  in  the  moft  diftrafted  times  of  the 
 Roman  hiftory ;  and  in  Richard  Cromwell,  who  lived  to  a 
 great  age  contented  and  happy,  whereas  his  father  never 
 knew  what  happinefs  was.  The  hiftory  of  very  few  great 
 ftatefmen  can  match  that  of  Cardinal  Fleury,  of  whom  we 
 read,  that  his  fchemes  were  crowned  with  fuccefs  from  the 
 year  1726  to  1742  ;  that  he  lived  ninety  years,  and  preferv- 
 cd  his  faculties  unimpaired  to  the  laft  ;  which  makes  his  hif- 
 torian  fay,  that,  if  ever  there  was  a  happy  man  upon  earth, 
 it  was  doubtlefs  Cardinal  Fleury. 
 
 E  2  Laftlyj 
 
30  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  I. 
 
 Laftly,  Thofe  obfervatlons  on  the  tempers  and  manners 
 of  men,  .which  we  may  collect  every  day  from  common 
 life,  affe6t  us  much  more  ftroiigly  when  we  fee  them  exem- 
 plified in  the  hiftory  of  great  perfonages.  We  fee,  for 
 inftance,  every  day,  that  almoll  all  perfons  who  are  intrufted 
 with  power  abufe  it.  But  this  is  better  exemplified  in  kings, 
 and  minifters  of  ftate.  We  fee  again  that  men  in  low  cir- 
 cumftances  are  apt  to  be  defpifed,  and  that  court  is  always 
 paid  to  the  great  and  the  powerful.  But  this  maxim  receives  a 
 (Ironger  confirmation,  and  makes  a  deeper  imprefTion,  than 
 any  occurrence  in  private  life  could  occafion,  when  we  think 
 what  court  was  paid  to  Oliver  Cromwell,  by  all  the  princes 
 of  Europe,  while  Charles  II.  then  in  exile,  could  not  obtain 
 an  interview  with  the  minifters  of  either  France  or  Spain, 
 at  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees,  though  he  made  a  journey  on 
 purpofe  to  obtain  it. 
 
 It  is  a  common  and  juft  obfervation,  that,  through  the 
 inconftancy  of  our  nature,  men  are  liable  to  conceive  hafty 
 and  unreafonable  difguft  at  their  fituation,  'and  yet,  when 
 they  have  changed  it,  wifh  to  refume  it ;  and  this  we  fee 
 Txemplified  in  private  life  almoft  every  day.  But  ever  fo 
 many  examples  of  this  kind  do  not  make  fo  great  an  impref- 
 fion  upon  us,  as  the  hiftory  of  Vi<£lor  Amadeus  king  of  Sar- 
 dinia, who  abdicated  the  crown  through  mere  caprice,  but 
 found,  as  fome  hiftorian  fays,  that  the  company  of  his  mif- 
 trefs,  who  was  become  his  wife,  devotion,  and  the  tranquillity 
 of  retirement,  could  not  fatisfy  a  foul  occupied  during  fifty 
 years  with  the  affairs  of  Europe.  He  was  defirous  of 
 regaining  the  throne  even  by  force,  and  afterwards  died  in 
 confinement. 
 
 How  incapable  riches  and  power  are  to  fatisfy  the  mind  of 
 man,  is  an  obfervation  which  few  perfons,  in  the  courfe  of 
 their  own  experience,  have  not  feen  occafion  to  make.  But 
 the  fentiment  makes  a  deeper  Impreflion  upon  us  when  we 
 fee  it  exemplified  in  the  hiftory  of  ftatefmen  and  conquerors  ; 
 and  as  it  is  beautifully  exhibited  in  a  converfation  which 
 pafled  between  Pyrrhus  and  his  minifter  Cyncas,  before  their 
 
 expedition 
 
Lect.III.  history.  31 
 
 expedition  into  Italy.  The  minifter  alked  the  king  what  he 
 propofed  to  do  when  he  had  fubdued  the  Romans  ?  He  an- 
 fwered,  pafs  into  Sicily.  What  then  ?  faid  the  miniller. 
 Conquer  the  Carthaginians,  replies  the  king.  And  what 
 follows  that  ?  fays  the  minifter.  Be  fovereign  of  Greece, 
 and  then  enjoy  ourfelves,  faid  the  king.  And  why,  replied 
 the  fen fible  minifter,  can  we  not  do  this  /njl  now  ? 
 
 To  add  one  inftance  more :  we  fee  the  vanity  of  the  living 
 in  their  boundlefs  provifion  for  futurity,  and  in  the  diffipation 
 of  the  large  fortunes  of  covetous  perfons,  by  the  extrava- 
 gance of  their  heirs.  But  it  does  not  affecl  us  near  fo  much 
 as  when  we  are  reading  in  hiftcry,  that  the  riches  which 
 Sixtus  V.  amaiTed  in  his  pontificate,  and  thofe  which  Henry 
 IV.  of  France,  had  with  great  difficulty  fived,  were  fquan- 
 dered  avv-ay  within  lefs  than  a  year  after  their  deaths  ;  alfo 
 that  the  treafure  which  Henry  VII.  of  England  had  raifed  by 
 every  art  of  extortion,  went  almoft  as  faft. 
 
 Thus  we  have  feen  how,  by  hiftory,  our  minds  are  agree- 
 ably entertained,  our  paffions  are  exercifed,  and  our  judg- 
 ments are  formed,  fo  as  either  to  fit  us  for  the  bufinefs  of 
 life,  or  furnifh  us  with  materials  for  fcience  •,  how  fentiments 
 of  virtue  are  acquired,  and  the  beft  moral  maxims  of  con- 
 duct are  moft  deeply  imprefied  upon  our  minds.  All  thefe 
 advantages  refult  from  hiftory  as  a  JIudy.  There  are  other 
 advantages  refulting  to  mankind  from  it,  in  a  different  man- 
 ner, as  only  one  inftrument  of  recording  tranfaclions.  How 
 imperfecSl:,  for  inftance,  without  hiftory,  v/culd  be  our  know- 
 ledge of  genealogies,  and  confequently  of  the  order  of  im- 
 portant fucceffions,  and  how  precarious  would  be  the  advan- 
 tage, refulting  from  conventions  and  treaties  of  all  kinds, 
 if  all  the  articles  of  them  were  repofited  only  in  the  memory 
 of  the  contracting  parties.  We  read  that  the  boundaries  of 
 fome  of  the  Grecian  ftates  were  once  determined  by  a  verfe 
 of  Homer,  who,  in  his  defcription  of  Greece,  relates  what 
 they  were  in  his  time. 
 
 The  preceding  account  of  the  ufes  of  hiftory  will  afTift  us 
 in   determining, what  has   formerly  been  a  fubje^l  of  debate 
 
 among 
 
32  LECTURESON  Part  I. 
 
 among  the  critics,  namely,   at  what  age  hiftory  is  proper  to 
 be  read. 
 
 Confidering  the  various  ufes  to  which  the  ftudy  of  hiftory 
 has  been  fliown  to  be  fubfervient,  I  fee  no  reafon  why  we 
 Ihould  hefitate  to  pronounce,  that  it  can  neither  be  begun 
 too  early,  nor  continued  too  late.  If  hiftory  amufe  the 
 imagination,  exercife  and  improve  the  paflions,  infpire  a 
 tafte  for  true  glory,  juft  fentiments  of,  and  a  love  for,  virtue, 
 and  thereby  form  the  temper,  and  prepare  men  for  converfmg 
 with  the  world  j  what  can  be  more  proper  for  young  perfons  ? 
 And  fmce  the  mind  cannot  be  too  well  furniftied  in  thefe 
 refpecfls,  and  men  cannot  have  too  a  large  a  ftock  of  this 
 anticipated  experiefice,  the  ftudy  of  it  muft  be  ufeful  while 
 there  remains  any  thing  of  the  part  we  have  to  a61:  on  the 
 theatre  of  the  world.  Moreover,  fince  hiftory  furniflies  ma- 
 terials for  the  fineft  fpeculations,  and  the  moft  important 
 fciences,  it  cannot  but  be  of  fervice  while  we  make  any  ufe 
 of  our  intellecSlual  faculties. 
 
 Since  hiftory  may  be  confidered  as  containing  examples  of 
 the  fciences  of  morals  and  politicks  chiefly,  no  doubt  a  perfon 
 who  has  ftudied  thofe  fciences,  is  qualified  to  read  hiftory 
 with  more  pleafure  and  advantage.  But  then  it  muft  likewife 
 be  confidered,  that  it  is  impoflible  to  be  mafter  of  thefe 
 fciences  without  a  knowledge  of  hiftory.  Their  influences 
 and  ufes  are  reciprocal.  Thus  the  perfon  who  has  ftudied  the 
 grammar  of  any  language  v/iil  read  authors  who  have  written 
 in  it  with  more  eafe  and  advantage.  But  grammars  could 
 never  have  been  made  without  a  previous  knowledge  of  the 
 languages  for  which  they  were  made,  nor  even  learned, 
 without  the  ufe  of  examples  borrowed  from  thofe  languages. 
 
 That  young  perfons  are  not  capable  of  making  a  right  ufe 
 of  hiftorical  examples  in  a  moral  refpeft  was  obviated  when 
 the  advantages  of  hiftory  above  experience  were  mentioned. 
 *If  what  was  fnid  there  be  confidered,  it  will  appear  much 
 fafer  for  a  child  to  be  trufted  with  a  piece  of  hiftory  than  to 
 hear  the  common  news  of  the  town  he  lives  in.  It  is  certain 
 that  neither  In  the  one  nor  the  other  Is  exa£t  juftice  done  to 
 
 the 
 
Lect.III.  history.  33 
 
 the  charafters  of  men  In  the  events  of  their  lives.  But  in 
 hiftory  it  is  done  much  more  completely  than  it  is  within  the 
 compafs  of  any  particular  perfon's  obfervation. 
 
 A  proper  regard,  no  doubt,  ought  to  be  had  to  the  age, 
 experience,  and  previoufly  acquired  knowledge,  as  well  as  the 
 intended  fphere  of  life,  of  the  perfon  to  whom  particular 
 hiftories  are  recommended.  It  would  be  very  prepofterous  to 
 advife  any  perfon  to  begin  the  ftudy  of  hiftory  with  fuch 
 writers  as  Polybius  or  Tacitus,  and  to  end  with  Livy,  Quin- 
 tus  Curtius,  or  Cornelius  Nepos.  Common  fenfe  will  dire£t 
 that  hiftories  which  tend  chiefly  to  amufe  the  imagination,  or 
 inforce  the  plaineft  inftructions  in  morals,  ought  rather  to  be 
 recommended  to  young  perfons,  who  will  both  have  the  moft 
 relifh  for  fuch  works,  and  to  whom  they  will  be  of  the 
 greateft  ufe  j  and  that  hiftories  which  furnifli  more  exercife 
 for  the  judgment  fliould  be  referved  for  an  age  in  which  the 
 judgment  is  riper.  However  there  can  be  no  great  incon- 
 venience in  young  perfons  being  indulged  in  reading  almoft 
 all  hiftories  promifcuoufly.  Their  natural  difpofition,  and 
 previous  acquirements,  will  direct  them  to  what  they  are 
 moft  capable  of  profiting  by,  and  the  higher  ufes  of  the 
 fame  works  may  be  fafely  left  to  be  reaped  at  a  fecond  pe- 
 rufal,  in  a  more  advanced  ftate  of  life.  No  general  hiftory  Is 
 better  calculated  for  the  vSc  of  young  perfons  than  that  of 
 Rollin. 
 
 PART 
 
34  LECTURES    ON  PartII. 
 
 PART         n. 
 
 OF    THE    SOURCES    OF    HISTORY. 
 
 LECTURE        IV. 
 
 Importance  of  Records,  What  have  been  the  principal  Methods  of 
 tranjmitting  to  Poflerity  the  Knoivledge  of  Events^  nvith  the 
 Advantages  and  Imperfect  ions  of  each.  Oral  Tradition,  De^ 
 pendent  and  independent  Evidence.  To  eflimate  the  Value  of 
 ftngle  Evidences,  Hiflorical  Examples,  The  Corruption  of 
 Tradition  exemplified  in  eccleftaflical  Hifiory^  and  the  ancient 
 Hiflory  of  Egypt,  Difference  betiveen  anciefit  and  moderjf 
 Times  with  refpeEi  to  the  Communication  of  IntelHgejice, 
 
 THOUGH  it  cannot  be  fuppofed  that  mankind,  in 
 very  early  and  rude  ages,  could  be  aware  of  any  of  the 
 advantages  which  arife  from  Hiftory  as  2.  Jiudy,  or  that  they 
 could  even  have  much  occafion  to  tranfmit  the  knowledge  of 
 any  of  their  tranfa£lions  to  pofterity ;  yet  it  muft  be  acknow- 
 ledged that  the  apprehenfion  of  the  ufefulnefs  of  fome  contri- 
 vance for  this  purpofe  muft  very  foon  have  arifen  in  the  minds 
 of  a  people  who  were  forming  themfelves  into  any  kind  of 
 fociety.  No  fociety,  for  inftance,  can  fubfift  without  com- 
 pa£ts  and  agreements  *,  and  thefe  are  fo  manifeftly  liable  to  be 
 forgotten,  or  evaded  (particularly  as  the  obligation  of  keeping 
 a  promife  is  feldom  found  to  have  much  force  among  barba- 
 rians) that  it  muft  have  immediately  appeared   defirable   to 
 
 have 
 
Lect.IV.  history.  35 
 
 have  fome  {landing  memorials  of  them,  as  a  better  fecurity 
 for  their  obfervance  than  the  memory,  or  the  honour,  of  the 
 contracting  parties.  Various  other  more  extenfive  ufes  o^ 
 records  could  not  fail  to  occur  in  a  more  improved  ftate  of  ro- 
 ciety  ;  and  with  the  improveinents  of  fociety,  and  the  multi- 
 plied ufes  of  records,  it  may  reafonably  be  fuppofed  that  the 
 methods  of  recording  vi^ould  likewife  improve.  Accordingly 
 we  find  that  thefe  have  been  various  *,  and  the  traces  of  pafl 
 events  v/hich  the  praftice  of  thefe  methods  has  left  in  the 
 world,  are  the  chief  fources  to  which  all  hiftorians  muft  have 
 recourfe  for  their  materials. 
 
 Under  this  fecond  head,  of  the  fottrces  of  hlfloyy^  I  propofe  to 
 enumerate  all,  or  at  leaft  the  principal,  methods  that  have 
 been  made  ufe  of  for  tranfmitting  to  pofterity  the  knowledge 
 of  paft  events  j  and  I  fhali  treat  of  them  in  what  I  apprehend 
 to  be  their  natural  order,  beginning  with  the  firft  a/id  leaft 
 perfe£t,  and  ending  with  the  laft  and  rnofr  perfect,  that  hu- 
 man ingenuity  has  yet  invented.  Under  each  head  I  Ihall 
 confider  the  nature  of  the  evidence  on  which  it  refts,  and 
 give  a  general  account  of  the  information  we  mav  expecl 
 from  it.  After  thefe  direcf  fources  of  hiftory,  I  fhall  men- 
 tion the  principal  of  thofe  means  by  which  we  are  able  indi* 
 reBly  to  afcertain,  and  tranfmit  the  knowledge  of  important 
 fafts. 
 
 Before  the  invention  of  the  arts  of  writing  and  car^'ing, 
 Oral  TradiUoJi  muft  have  been  the  only  vehicle  of  hiftorical 
 knowledge  ;  and,  with  refpe6l  to  this,  it  is  well  worth  our 
 notice,  that  the  wifdcm  of  Providence  has  made  prcviiion  for 
 the  inftruclion  of  youth  in  the  difpofitions  and  ciicumftances 
 of  their  aged  parents.  When  the  adive  fcenes  of  their  lives 
 are  clofed,  their  active  powers  being  fpent,  but  the  a£live  paf- 
 ficns  of  their  nature  ftill  fo  much  awake,  as  deeply  to  intereft 
 them  in  public  tranfadions,  fince  they  can  have  but  little  ihare 
 in,  and  enjoyment  of,  thtprefent^  they  are  perpetually  review- 
 ing, and  taking  pleafure  in  relating,  the  pafl  fcenes  of  their 
 lives ;  which,  being  impreiTed  when  their  minds  were  vigo- 
 rous and  retentive,  are  faithfully  retained  in  memory.     Thm 
 
 tlic 
 
26  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IL 
 
 the  natural  talkatlvenefs  of  old  age,  meeting  with  the  natural 
 inquifitivenefs  and  curiofity  of  youth,  makes  a  happy  cx)inci-^ 
 ^cnce  of  circumftances,  very  favourable  to  the  propagation  of 
 knowdedge  and  inftrutlion. 
 
 It  mud  be  confeiTed,  that  it  is  obvious  to  conceive,  that 
 this  method  of  conveying  hiftorical  knoMdedge  muft  have  been 
 very  imperfe6l,  and  inadequate  for  feveral  important  ufes  of 
 hiltory.  But,  notwithftanding  this,  it  might  have  been  much 
 more  extenfive  and  exac^  than  we,  who  chiefly  make  ufe  of 
 different  and  more  perfe6l  methods,  can  well  imagine.  It 
 is  univerfally  true,  that  when  any  art  has  been  long  difufed, 
 it  grows  lefs  perfe£l,  and  more  infuihcient,  than  Avhen  man- 
 kind, through  want  of  any  other,  were  obliged  to  make  the 
 mod  of  it ;  and  it  is  therefore  apt  to  fufFer  more  upon  com- 
 parifon  with  a  new,  and  more  cultivated  art  than,  in  the 
 nature  of  things,  it  ought  to  do.  Thus  v/e  fee  that  perfons 
 who  have  no  knowledge  of  written  numbers  are  much  readier 
 in  mental  computat4«rn,  than  thofe  who  have  been  ufed  to 
 have  recourfe  to  their  pen  upon  every  occafion. 
 
 It  is  very  pofTible,  therefore,  that  we  may  entertain  too 
 mean  an  opinion  of  the  flate  of  hifhorical  knowledge  before 
 die  invention  of  the  prefent  arts  of  recording  events  ; 
 fince  perfons  who  had  no  hiflorles  to  read  would  make  more 
 enquiries,  and  take  more  pains  to  procure  information  from 
 all  quarters,  and  would,  of  courfe,  be  more  capable  of  in- 
 forming others  than  any  perfons  now  living  could  be  with 
 refpcvfl:  to  what  they  have  not  learned  from  books.  It  is  not 
 improbable  but  that,  in  thofe  unlettered  ages,  every  elderly 
 perfon  would  be  poffefTed  of  a  little  treafure  of  hiftory  ; 
 which  would  not  confift  of  his  own  family  ftories  only,  but 
 contain  many  particulars  relative  to  the  general  flate  of  his 
 country,  and  other  neighbouring  nations, 
 
 Thefe  informations  were  the  fources  from  which  Herodotus 
 derived  the  greateil:  part  of  his  hiftory  j  and  the  growing  re- 
 putation of  that  author  demonftrates  how  much  real  and 
 ufcful  knowledge  a  man  of  fenfe  and  enquiry  may  get  from 
 •'uch  channels. 
 
 To 
 
Lect.  IV.  HISTORY.  37 
 
 To  fecure  the  remembrance  of  very  important  facls,  par- 
 ticularly of  compafts  and  treaties,  we  find  it  to  have  been 
 the  cuftom  in  all  nations  before  the  ufe  of  letters,  and  even 
 continued  long  after  their  introduction,  to  recite  them  be- 
 fore large  dated  aflemblies  of  people.  Hereby,  botli  an  air 
 of  importance  was  given  to  them,  and  a  greater  number  of 
 witnefles  provided  for  them.  For  many  ages  in  this  country, 
 every  contra<Ei  of  importance  was  made  in  fome  public  coart ; 
 and  no  bargain  or  falc  of  goods  was  valid  unlefs  made  in  the 
 open  market.  It  is  not  wholly  improbable,  but  that  it  might 
 be  in  confequence  of  fuch  cuftoms  as  thefe  that  Herodotus 
 was  led  to  recite  his  written  hiftory  before  the  general  af- 
 fembly  of  Greece  at  the  Olympic  games. 
 
 It  is  a  very  good  m.ethod  which  the  Indians  of  North 
 America  ufe,  to  enable  them  to  retain  in  memory  all  the 
 articles  of  a  complex  treaty.  The  public  orator  delivers  to 
 one  of  his  attendants  a  firing  of  wampum  upon  the  reci- 
 tal of  every  article  ;  fo  that  each  is  Intrufted  to  a  different 
 perfon,  and  he  is  provided  with  a  memorial  of  it,  that  may 
 frequently  remind  him  of  it,  and  thereby  the  more  deeply 
 imprefs  it  on  his  memory. 
 
 The  paintings  of  the  Mexicans  anfwered  the  fame  pur- 
 pofe  much  better,  and  contained  a  pretty  full  hifiory  of  the 
 nation  from  a  very  early  period.  They  confifted  of  the 
 figures  of  natural  objedls,  fometimes  contracled  into  /vVr:?- 
 g/ypbicSy  mixed  with  many  fymbolical  cliaradlers  ;  and  the 
 names  of  perfons  and  places  were  diftingui-fhed  by  the  figures 
 cf  the  objects  which  the  names  expreffed.  Thus,  with  the 
 help  of  tradition  (there  being  perfons  whofe  bufniefs  it  was 
 to  explain  thefe  pi£cures)  they  conveyed  to  future  ages  a 
 very  competent  knowledge  of  the  paft. 
 
 But,  notvvithftanding  every  method  of  improving  merely 
 oral  tradition,  it  feems  to  have  been  not  without  reafon, 
 that  Sir  Ifaac  Newton  lays  it  down  as  a  general  maxim, 
 that  things  faid  to  have  been  done  above  a  hundred,  or  two 
 hundred  years  before  the  ufe  of  letters,  are  worthy  of  little 
 
 credit. 
 
38  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  II, 
 
 credit.  ApA  if  we  confider  the  nature  of  evidence,  the 
 reafonablenefs  of  this  airertion  will  be  more  apparent  •,  and 
 particularly  if  we  attend  to  the  great  difference  there  is  between 
 dependent  and.  independent  evidence. 
 
 If  the  (yvidence  of  a  fa6t  depend  upon  a  number  of  original 
 witnefl>,<;,  no  way  connecled  with  one  another,  fo  that  the 
 infuffytiency  of  one  fnall  not  at  all  affe6:  the  reft>  the  fa£l 
 will,  not  be  improbable  unlefs  the  deficiency  of  credibility  in 
 t>?em  all  be  very  great.  But,  if  the  evidence  be  fupported  by, 
 a  number  of  witneiTes  dependent  upon  one  another,  fo  that 
 the  infulBciency  of  any  one  {hall  wholly  invalidate  that  of  all 
 who  come  after,  the  credibility  of  each  feparately  taken  muft 
 be  very  great,  to  make  the  evidence  of  the  whole  authentic. 
 In  the  former  cafe,  the  more  witnciies  there  are  the  better. 
 For  each  evidence,  though  ever  fo  weak,  increafes  the  pro- 
 bability, and  brings  us  nearer  to  certainty.  But  in  the  latter 
 cafe  the  fewer  there  are  the  better  -,  for  each  evidence,  though 
 ever  {o  Urong,  leiTens  the  probability,  and  makes  the  fadl: 
 more  uncertain. 
 
 This  fubje£l  Dr.  Hartley  has  illuftrated  by  the  mathemati- 
 cal dodrine  of  chances,  in  the  following  manner  j  putting  -J 
 for  the  abfolute  value  of  each  dependent  evidence,  or  the 
 infufficiency  of  each  independent  evidence,  abfolute  certainty 
 in,  the  former  cafe,  and  abfolute  uncertainty  in  the  latter  being 
 equal  to  unity,  and  making  the  number  of  witnelies  the  poiver 
 of  a  in  both.  From  this  it  will  be  manifeft^  upon  a  little 
 attention,  that  provided  the  power  {n)  be  confiderablc  {a)  may 
 be  very  little  without  greatly  diminifhing  theValue  of  the 
 expreffion  -,  that  is,  without  greatly  leffening  :the  probability 
 in   the    one    c:i{Qy   or    the    improbability    in   the   other.     For 
 
 example,  let  ^^=3   and  f7— .lo-,  then  ^-^_ i which, 
 
 .•^o,oco,coo.ooo 
 
 in  independent  evidence,  will  be  little  le'fs  than  abfolute  cer- 
 tainty;  and  in  dependent  evidence,  little  lefs  than  abfolute 
 uncertainty. 
 
 The  value  of  each  feparate  evidence  mud  be  eftimated  from 
 confidering  the  opportunity  any  perfon  had  of  knowing  the 
 
 truth,  and  bis  fidelity  in  communicating  it.     In  hiftorica-1  evi- 
 dence. 
 
Lect.IV.  history.  39 
 
 dence,  where  an  author's  moral  character  is  not  known,  his 
 veracity  will  be  judged  of  according  to  his  fituation,  by  con- 
 fidering  whether'it  was  fuch  as  would  lay  him  under  any  bias 
 to  falfify,  or  not. 
 
 From  the  firil;  of  thefe  connderations  we  infer  that  the  hif- 
 tories  of  England,  Scotland,  and  other  European  dates,  be- 
 fore the  Roman  conquefts,  and  the  introduction  of  letters  (as 
 they  are  grounded  chiefly  upon  oral  tradition)  mud  be  very 
 uncertain :  and  hence  the  marks  of  fable  in  fome  of  the  firft 
 books  of  almoft  all  very  ancient  hiftories.  From  the  fecond 
 confideration  we  are  led  to  give  little  credit  to  the  accounts 
 of  either  friends  or  enemies  in  the  hiftories  of  rival  nations, 
 and  particularly  of  oppoilte  feels  or  parties,  unlefs  we  have 
 an  opportunity  of  comparing  the  accounts  of  both  fides.  Thu^ 
 the  charader  which  tlie  Romans  have  given  of  the  Cartha- 
 ginians •,  and  even  their  accounts  of  fad^s  in  their  intercourfe 
 with  them,  will  be  for  ever  reckoned  dubious ;  whereas  the 
 rnoft  exa£l:  and  impartial  hiftory  of  their  tranfactions  with 
 the  Grecian  ftates  may  be  extraded  from  the  accounts'  of 
 both  nations.  And  from  both  confiderations  is  founded  the 
 great  degree  of  credit  that  is  univerfally  given  to  the  hiftories 
 of  Thucydides  and  Zenophon.  Both  of  thefe  authors  lived 
 in  the  times  of  Vv-hich  they  write  ;  both,  though  Athenians, 
 and  employed  in  public  characters  by  their  country,  were  ill- 
 ufed  by  their  countrymen,  and  obliged  to  take  refuge  among 
 the  Lacedemonians  *,  fo  that  it  may  be  pretty  fairly  prefumed, 
 that  one  prejudice  would  nearly  balance  another,  and  their 
 minds  be  left,  as  near  as  poiTible,  in  a  ftate  of  abfolute  im- 
 partiality. 
 
 The  comparifon  of  the  Egyptian  hiftories  of  Herodotus, 
 Diodorus  Siculus,  and  what  Plato  relates  from  a  poem  of 
 Solon's,  fliews  the  natural  progrefs  of  fiction  in  hiftorv, 
 where  there  are  no  records  to  curb  and  reftrain  the  invention 
 of.  a  people  bent  upon  magnifying  their  antiquities.  After 
 Cambyfes  had  deftroyed  the  records  of  Egypt,  the  priefts  of 
 that  country  were  continually  adding  to  the  catalogue  of  their 
 kings,  and  carrying  more  backward  the  dates  of  paft  tranf- 
 
 a6lions, 
 
40  LECTURESON  Part  II. 
 
 a£lIons,  as  appears  by  the  following  circumftances.  Solon, 
 Herodotus,  and  Diodorus,  all  travelled  into  Egypt  at  different 
 and  fucceflive  periods  of  time,  and  all  had  their  information 
 from  the  priefts  of  that  country.  According  to  Solon,  who 
 •wd.s  the  firfl  of  the  three  that  vifited  Egypt,  the  wars  of  the 
 great  gods  happened  in  the  days  of  Cecrops,  but  according 
 to  Herodotus  they  muft  have  been  more  ancient ;  and  Dio- 
 dorus, who  wrote  four  hundred  years  after  Herodotus,  inferts 
 many  namelefs  kings  between  thofe  whom  he  placed  in  con- 
 tinual fucceffion  ;  fo  that  their  earheft  hiftory  was  then  re- 
 moved into  the  remoteft  antiquity. 
 
 The  credibility  of  hiftorians  who  treat  of  their  own  times, 
 and  do  not  compile  from  the  writings  of  others,  particularly 
 of  thofe  who  themfelves  bore  a  part  in  public  affairs,  as 
 Thucydides,  Xenophon,  Caefar,  Clarendon,  Sully,  &c.  come 
 under  the  confideration  of  original  evidences.  With  refpe£l 
 to  writers  of  this  clafs,  it  is  obvious  to  remark,  that  the 
 ancients  were  in  circumftances  in  which  it  was  much  lefs 
 eafy  to  receive  information  than  the  moderns,  by  reafon  of 
 their  want  of  the  methods  which  are  now  in  ufe  for  the 
 fpeedy  conveying  of  intelligence.  For  thefe  we  are  indebted 
 to  that  freer  intercourfe  which  more  extenfive  politics  and 
 commerce  have  promoted  between  different  ftates,  and  ef- 
 pecially  the  eftabliiliment  of  poils  in  all  the  civilized  countries 
 of  Europe. 
 
 In  ancient  times  a  nation  might  be  fubdued,  and  hardly 
 any  but  its  next  neighbours  hear  of  it.  This  may  be  the 
 reafon  why  fo  little  notice  is  taken  of  the  wars  of  the  Romans 
 and  Carthaginians  by  the  cotemporary  Greek  writers,  who  do 
 not  fo  ftri<Stly  confme  themfelves  to  their  fubjecSl:,  as  purpofely 
 to  decline  the  mention  of  foreign  incidents  that  would  em- 
 bellifh  their  works.  For  a  like  reafon  it  is  remarkable  that 
 all  the  ftates  of  Europe  were  long  ignorant  both  of  Jenghis 
 Khan  and  his  conquefts.  But  fince  commerce  and  navigation 
 have  been  fo  much  extended,  nothing  can  happen  in  the  moft 
 remote  parts  of  the  civilized  world  but  the  knowledge  of  it  is 
 immediately  communicated  to  all  the  reft. 
 
 It 
 
Lect.IV.  history.  41 
 
 It  is  a  pretty  juft  obfervation  of  Mr.  Hume,  that,  In  ge- 
 neral, there  is  more  candour  and  fincerity  in  the  ancient 
 hiftorians,  but  lefs  exaftnefs  and  care  than  in  the  moderns- 
 The  reafon  of  the  latter  may  be,  that  the  firfl  writers  of 
 hiftory  could  not  be  aware  of  the  itfe  of  fuch  minute  exaftnefs 
 in  relating  a  variety  of  hiilorical  circumftances.  For  example, 
 not  having  obferved,  or  fuificiently  attended  to,  fuch  fubjects 
 as  government,  laws,  manners,  arts,  &c.  they  were  not  aware 
 that  the  progrefs  of  them  would  ever  become  a  matter  of  fuch 
 general  and  reafonable  curiofity  as  it  is  now.  Alfo  having 
 it^w  no  important  end  anfwered  by  chronological  exa6lnefs, 
 and  having  no  fixed  xras  to  guide  them,  they  would  naturally 
 not  be  fo  attentive  to  fix  the  precife  dates  of  events,  as  the 
 more  extenfive  views  of  modern  hlilorlans  makes  it  defirable 
 that  they  had  been. 
 
 On  the  other  hand,  the  ancient  and  claffical  hiftorians  had 
 an  advantage  in  the  fuhjecl  of  their  hiftorles,  with  refpe^t  to 
 the  certainty  of  intelligence,  concerning  the  objects  and  mo- 
 tives of  fchemes  and  tranfa£l:ions.  They  treat  chiefly  of  the 
 politics  and  wars  of  republican  dates,  in  which  nothing  can 
 be  kept  fecret.  For  befidcs  that  modern  politics  are  much 
 more  complex  and  refined  than  the  ancient,  more  pains  are 
 taken  to  conceal  them ;  which,  in  European  courts  and  mo- 
 narchies, or  ftates  in  wliicli  the  executive  power  is  lodged  in 
 one  hand  or  a  few  hands,  it  is  more  eafy  to  do.  Notwith- 
 ftanding  this,  fo  much  are  the  methods  of  coming  at  intel- 
 ligence multiplied,  and  improved,  in  the  more  connefted 
 modern  ftates  of  Europe,  that  the  fagaclty  even  of  fome 
 cotemporary  writers  has  arrived  at  remarkable  certainty  and 
 exactnefs  in  their  accounts  of  public  meafures ;  and  even 
 with  refpecl  to  thofe  nations  which  are  the  moft  famed  for 
 the  intricacy  of  their  politics.  Gerard,  fecretary  to  the  Duke 
 d'Epernon,  relates,  that  when  Davila's  hiftory  was  read  by 
 that  old  man,  who  had  been  a  principal  a6lor  in  that  age,  he 
 exprefled  his  wonder  hov/  the  author  could  be  fo  well  in- 
 formed of  the  moft  fecret  councils  and  meafures  of  thofe 
 times. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
42  LECTURESON  Part  II. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
 Of  hijlorlcal  Poems,  Thofe  of  Homer.  Public  Monuments^  with 
 tradhional  Explicatkns.  HiJIorical  Cufoms.  Hiftorical  Names 
 <f  P erf 071  s^  Coimtries  and  Towtis,  he.  Monuments y  with  em- 
 blematical and  alphabetical  Infcriptions. 
 
 AIMETHOD  of  tranfmitting  the  knowledge  of  impor- 
 tant events  with  greater  accuracy  than  by  fimple  nar- 
 ration would  be  by  hiforical  poems^  with  which  few  barbarous 
 nations  have  been  long  wholly  unprovided.  A  ftory  reduced 
 to  any  kind  of  metre  would  fuffer  little  by  repetition  \  and  it 
 can  hardly  be  fuppofed  that  any  variation  in  the  repetition 
 would  be  of  fuch  a  nature  as  to  afFe6t  the  general  fa£l:s  it  con- 
 tained. Confidering  that  all  the  learning  of  thofe  nations 
 muft  necellarily  confifl:  of  thofe  poems,  and  that,  being  com- 
 pofed  chiefly  in  honour  of  their  founders  and  heroes,  they 
 would  be  conftantly  fung  in  religious  ceremonies,  and  on  fef- 
 tivals  inftituted  to  their  memory  (which  circumftances  would 
 greatly  contribute  to  extend  and  perpetuate  them)  it  is  eafily 
 conceived  M^hat  ufe  an  hiflorian,  who  could  come  at  the 
 knowledge  of  fuch  poems,  might  make  of  them. 
 
 The  bards  among  the  Britons  and  ancient  Germans,  and 
 the  Scaldri  among  the  Scandinavians,  are  moft  worthy  of  our 
 notice  in  this  refpecl,  as  they  were  an  order  of  men  whofc 
 fole  employment  it  was  to  compofe  and  repeat  thofe  poems.  1 
 Olaus  Magnus  has  been  much  indebted  fo  the  poems  of  the 
 Scaldri  in  his  hiftory  of  one  of  the  northern  nations.  It  were 
 to  be  wiflied  that  the  poems  of  the  Welfli  and  Iriih  were  bet- 
 ter known. 
 
 Even  the  poems  of  Homer  (particularly  the  Iliad j  bear  evi- 
 dent marks  of  their  being  founded  on  fadt;,  xiotwithdanding 
 
 the 
 
Lect.  V.  HISTORY.  43 
 
 the  mixture  of  the  abfurd  Grecian  mythology  with  them. 
 This  author  is  much  more  circumftantial  than  a  mere  writer 
 of  fiction,  particularly  fo  ancient  a  writer,  would  ever  have 
 thought  of  being.  The  remarkable  diftin£lnefs  of  his  cha- 
 ra61:ers  is  likewife  no  bad  foundation  for  fuppofing  that  they 
 were  copied  from  real  life.  In  both  thefe  refpecSts  the  -^neid 
 of  Virgil  is  very  defective.  The  hiftorical  part  of  that  work 
 is  neither  fo  circumftantial,  nor  are  the  characters  introduced 
 into  it  fo  diftinClly  marked.  It  has,  therefore,  much  more 
 the  air  of  a  romance. 
 
 Particularity  in  fa£ls  and  charaClers  neceflarily  belong,  and 
 clofely  adhere,  to  whatever  has  actually  happened.  It  is 
 therefore  almoft  impoflible  to  exclude  the  mention  of  the 
 particular  circumftances  of  time,  place,  and  charadler  in  a 
 relation  of  fa6ls ;  whereas  thefe  being  fuperfluous  in  the 
 views  of  a  writer  of  fiClion,  and  not  neceflarily  obtruding 
 themfclves  into  the  ftory,  they  are  generally  omitted.  Befides, 
 fuch  ftories  are  commonly  more  agreeable  to  the  trite  maxims 
 of  criticifm,  as  being  free  from  every  thing  that  is  not  efl^en- 
 tial  to  the  main  ftory.  But  this  kind  of  corre<Slnefs  is  pur- 
 chafed  at  the  expence  of  what  is  one  of  the  beft  chara6te- 
 riftics  of  truth.  And  happy  has  it  been  for  the  caufe  of 
 truth  that  the  importance  of  introducing  fuch  a  number  of 
 feemlngly  unneceflary  particulars  into  narrations  was  not 
 more  early  attended  to,  as  hereby  it  is  much  more  eafy  to 
 diftinguiih  truth  from  fi£lion  in  ancient  writings. 
 
 Another  means  of  preferving  traditions,  which  has  been 
 more  general  than  hiftorical  poems,  is  by  vifible  monuments ^ 
 fuch  as  pillars,  edifices^  or  mere  heaps  of  Jlones,  ere£led  upon 
 occafion  of  any  remarkable  event.  Thefe  monuments,  en- 
 gaging the  attention  of  the  rifing  generation,  v*^ould  occaficn 
 fuch  a  fuccefiion  of  enquiries  and  informations,  concerning 
 the  origin  and  ufe  of  them,  as  would  long  preferve  the 
 knowledge  of  the  tranfadions  they  were  conne£led  with. 
 Of  this  nature  probably  was  the  tower  of  Babe,!,  as  well  as 
 the    pillar  that  Jacob  ereded   at   Hebron,   and  the   heap  of 
 
 F  ftones 
 
44  LECTURES      ON  Part  II. 
 
 floncs  jointly  raifed  by  him  and  Laban  as  a  memorial  of 
 their  mutual  reconciliation   and  covenant. 
 
 As  thefe  monuments  had  no  infcriptiojis^  their  explanation 
 muft  only  have  been  traditional ;  but  as  the  fafts  vi'ere  con- 
 nected with  vifible  and  flrlklng  aflbciated  circumftances,  they 
 would  have  a  great  advantage  over  thofe  conveyed  by  mere 
 oral  tradition.  The  fight  of  the  m.onument  could  not  fail 
 to  revive,  in  the  minds  of  all  who  lived  in  the  neighbour- 
 hood, the  remembrance  of  the  ufe  and  defign  of  It :  and 
 while  the  monument  fubfifted,  it  can  hardly  be  fuppofed  that 
 even  a  migration  of  the  people  would  be  followed  by  an  ab- 
 folute  lofs  of  the  hiftory.  For  the  new-comers,  though  not 
 equally  Interefled  in  the  events  referred  to  with  the  late  in- 
 habitants, could  not  help  being  Induced,  by  principles  com- 
 mon to  human  nature,  to  get  what  information  they  could 
 procure  with  refpe£l  to  fuch  curiofities  in  the  countries  they 
 fettled  in. 
 
 Giving  names  to  countries,  towns,  &c.  has  been  made  ufe 
 of  as  an  expedient  for  perpetuating  the  memory  of  their 
 planters  or  founders,  from  times  of  the  earlieft  antiquity  to 
 the  prefent  age  •,  from  Enoch,  which  had  its  name  from  the 
 fon  of  Cain,  down  to  Pitfbury,  which  was  fo  called  in  the 
 late  war.  Indeed  there  is  hardly  a  name  given  either  to  a 
 perfon,  or  place  in  the  Old  Teflament  without  an  hiftorlcal 
 reafon  for  It.  And  where  tranfa61:ions  would  not  be  to  the 
 honour  of  the  perfons  concerned  In  them,  the  ofEcious  zeal 
 of  their  enemies  has  fometimes  affixed  opprobrious  names 
 and  epithets  to  the  places  which  were  the  theatre  of  them, 
 which  bid  equally  fair  to  adhere  to  them.  Thus  the  field  in 
 which  Pope  Gregory  treated  with  Lewis  the  feeble,  when 
 they  were  both  known  to  enter  into  the  negociation  with  a 
 view  to  deceive  one  another,  went  for  a  long  time,  and  Ig 
 perhaps  to  this  day  known,  by  the  name  of  the  field  of  lies. 
 
 Of  the  fame  nature  with  public  monuments  and  traditional 
 explanations,  are  national  cujloms^  in  commemoration  of  re- 
 markable hiflorical  events  \    fuch  as  the   Athenians  fending 
 
 annually 
 
Lect.  V.  HISTORY.  45 
 
 annually  a  fhlp  to  Delos,  the  Pafchal  fupper  among  the  Jews, 
 the  Lord's  fupper  among  Chriftians,  our  making  bonfires  on 
 the  fifth  of  November,  and  carrying  oak  boughs  on  the 
 twenty-ninth  of  May. 
 
 The  philofopher  Anaximander  effectually  provided  for  his 
 not  being  forgotten  ;  when,  being  afked  by  the  magiftrates 
 at  Lampfacum,  where  he  had  refided,  what  they  fliould  do 
 to  honour  his  memory,  he  made  the  feemingly  fmall  and 
 fimple  requeft,  that  the  boys  might  have  leave  to  play  on  the 
 anniverfary  of  his  deceafe. 
 
 Thefe  hiflorical  cuftoms  would  not,  indeed,  like  hiftorical 
 monuments,  remain  in  the  country  where  they  were  firfl 
 eflablifhed,  and  thereby  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  new 
 inhabitants  -,  but,  which  is  an  equivalent  advantage,  they  are 
 eafily  transferred  with  the  people  that  migrate,  wherever 
 they  go  ;  and  in  another  refpeft  they  are  more  ufeful  to  an 
 hiftorian,  as  they  alTift  him  in  tracing  the  original  of  colo- 
 nies, which  would  naturally  retain  the  cuftoms  of  their  mo- 
 ther country.  Thus  Newton  infers  from  what  we  read  of 
 the  praftice  of  circumcifion  in  Colchis  and  Iberia,  that 
 the  inhabitants  of  thofe  countries  were  probably  a  colony 
 of  Egyptians,  and  perhaps  left  there  in  the  expedition  of  Se-= 
 foftris.  By  the  fame  manner  of  reafoning  the  Chinefe  have 
 alfo  of  late  been  fufpe£led  to  have  been  a  colony  of  Egyp- 
 tians, and  the  prefent  inhabitants  of  North  America  to  be  of 
 the  race  of  the  ancient  Sarmatians,  inhabiting  the  north  eaf- 
 tern  parts  of  Afia, 
 
 It  is  not  improbable  but  that  the  corruption  which  the  tra- 
 ditional explanations  of  naked  monuments  Is  unavoidably  lia- 
 ble to,  might  firft  fuggeft  to  mankind  the  expediency  of  fome 
 contrivance  to  make  them  their  own  interpreters  ;  either  by 
 the  form,  or  fituation  of  them,  as  in  the  pyramids  of  Egypt, 
 trophies  of  victory,  &c.  or  by  engraving  upon  them  fome 
 emblems,  or  devices,  exprelTive  of  the  ufes  they  were  in- 
 tended to  anfwer.  Thus  Sefoftris  Is  faid  to  have  ereO:ed 
 pillars   in  the  countries  he  fubdued,    and  to  have  engraved 
 
 F  2  upon 
 
4^  LECTURES      ON  Part  IL 
 
 upon  fome  of  them  emblems  exprefTive  of  the  cowardice  or 
 weaknefs  of  the  inhabitants,  upon  others  fymbols  of  the  vi- 
 gour and   fpirit  with  which  they  had  oppofed  his  invafion. 
 
 As  the  names  of  men^  in  all  original  languages,  were  bor- 
 rovied  from  thofe  of  things^  the  figures  of  thofe  things  which 
 bore  the  fame  name  with  any  perfon,  engraved  upon  his  fe- 
 pulchre,  was  no  bad  method  of  expreffing  to  whom  it  be- 
 longed. This  method  might  have  been  ufed  before  alpha- 
 betical writing  was  invented  ;  and  as  the  bifhop  of  Cloghcr 
 ingenioufly  conje£l:ures,  may  eafily  be  fuppofed  to  have  given 
 rife  to  the  worfhip  of  animals  and  vegetables  among  the 
 Egyptians. 
 
 As,  in  after  ages,  improvements  were  made  in  this  method 
 by  the  Greeks  who  fettled  in  Egypt,  who  ere£l:ed  ftatues 
 holding  in  their  hands  the  things  which  the  former  inha- 
 bitants had  been  fatisfied  with  pourtraying  upon  the  fepul- 
 chres,  the  fame  learned  perfon,  with  great  appearance  of 
 reafon,  conjectures  that  the  ftatue  of  Jupiter  Cafius  holding 
 a  pomegranate  in  his  hand  was  originally  defigned  for  Caph- 
 tor,  who  is  mentioned  by  Mofes,  and  whofe  name  fignifies  a 
 pomegranate  in  HebrcM'^,  which  was  the  original  language  of 
 that  country.  This  conjecture  receives  additional  confir- 
 mation from  confidering  that  this  Caphtor,  M^ho  feems  to 
 have  come  along  with  his  great  grandfather  Ham  into 
 Egypt,  was  the  firft  Egyptian  warrior  that  we  meet  with 
 any  account  of  in  real  hiftory,  who  extended  his  conquefts 
 beyond  the  boundaries  of  Egypt,  and,  in  company  with  his 
 brethren  the  Philiftines,  difpofleired  the  Avim  of  that  part, 
 of  the  land  of  Canaan  which  was  afterwards  called  Philiftia, 
 and  was  in  after-times  deified.  Nor  is  it  improbable  that  he 
 might  have  been  the  fame  perfon  alfo  with  Dionyfius  the. 
 elder,  or  the  great  Bacchus. 
 
 The  apparent  convenience  of  thofe  monuments  to  receive 
 infcriptions  would  probably  fet  mens  ingenuity  to  work,  and  . 
 greatly   accelerate    the   invention  of   nurithigy  both  hierogly- 
 phical  and  alphabetical.     And  there  is  reafon  to  believe  that 
 
 letters, 
 
Lect.  V.  HISTORY.  47 
 
 letters,  and  charaflers  of  all  kinds,  were  made  upon  wood, 
 {tone,  metal,  and  fuch  like  durable  materials,  long  before 
 they  were  made  ufe  of  in  common  life. 
 
 The  imperfe£lion  of  monuments,  even  with  infcriptions, 
 is  that  they  could  record  only  a  few  events^  in  a  manner  de- 
 ftitute  of  circuvjflarices,  and  that  they  are  not  eaiily  multi- 
 plied, fo  that,  remaining  fmgle,  and  little  care  being  taken 
 to  renew  them,  the  materials  would  in  time  moulder  away, 
 and  the  infcription  become  effaced.  And  the  attention  which 
 was  not  fufficient  to  keep  them  in  repair,  would  hardly  fuf- 
 lice  for  the  prefervation  of  the  traditional  explications.  The 
 Arundelian  marbles,  v/hich  contain  all  the  leading  events  of 
 the  Grecian  hiftory  till  fixty  years  after  the  death  of  Alexan- 
 der the  Great ;  and  the  Capitoline  marbles,  which  contain 
 a  catalogue  of  the  Roman  magiftrates,  and  the  principal 
 events  of  their  hiftory,  during  the  time  of  the  common- 
 wealth, are  juftly  reckoned  among  the  moft  valuable  remains 
 of  monumental  infcriptions. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
46  LECTURES     ON  Part  II. 
 
 LECTURE       VI. 
 
 Of  Coins  and  Medals.  Their  Origin  and  Ufe  in  Hijory.  The 
 principal  Information  ive  receive  from  them.  The  Progrefs 
 of  Letters  traced  by  their  Means,  Addifon^s  Ufe  of  Medals. 
 Ancient  and  modern  Coins  compared,  luith  a  Vieiv  both  to 
 Hifory  and  Tajie.      Of  the   Origin  and  Ufe  of  Heraldry. 
 
 COINS  and  medals,  with  refpe^:  to  their  Ufes  in  Hif- 
 tory,  may  be  confidered  as  a  kind  of  portable  monu^ 
 ments.  The  materials  of  both  are  fimilar,  and  the  events 
 they  record  are  fingle,  and  remarkable.  The  fmall  fize  of  a 
 coin  does  not  even  admit  of  its  being  fo  circumftantial  as  a 
 monument  \  and  though,  for  the  fame  reafon,  it  be  more 
 liable  to  be  loft,  it  is  alfo  more  capable  of  being  concealed, 
 and  is  not  expofed  to  the  injuries  of  the  weather.  And  as 
 great  numbers  are  ftruck  at  the  fame  time,  they  are  eafily 
 multiplied,  fo  that,  upon  the  whole,  they  ftand  a  much 
 fairer  chance  of  being  feen  by  poflerity.  Accordingly,  we 
 have  innumerably  more  coins  that  were  ftruck  in  ancient 
 times  than  there  are  ancient  monuments  ftanding  in  the 
 world ;  and  though  we  may  be  more  liable  to  be  impofed 
 upon  by  pretended  antiques,  this  confideration  affefts  the 
 virtuofo  more  than  the  hiftorian.  For  if  the  new  ones  be 
 exa£l  copies  of  ancient  coins,  they  corrupt  no  hiftory,  and 
 it  can  hardly  be  worth  any  perfon's  while  to  coin  a  piece 
 whofe  known  exiftence  has  acquired  it  no  degree  of  repur 
 tation. 
 
 If  we  attend  only  to  the  original,  and  primary,  ufe  of 
 coins,  we  ought  to  make  no  mention  of  them  among  the 
 direct  methods  of  recording  events.  For  all  the  ancient 
 coins,  which  have  now  obtained  the  name  of  medals,  were 
 nothing  more  than  the   ftamped  money   of  ancient  nations. 
 
 Yet 
 
Lect.  VI.  HISTORY.  49 
 
 Yet  as  the  monumental  ufe  of  fuch  portable  pieces  of  metal, 
 ftruck  by  the  direction  of  a  ftate,  were  fo  very  obvious  ;  it 
 was  not  long  before  this  double  ufe  of  them  was  attended  to* 
 We  know  nothing  of  the  Impreflion  of  the  Crcefti  (fo  called 
 from  Crcefus,  who  is  the  firfl  prince  in  the  world  whofe 
 coined  money  is  mentioned  by  hiftorians,  and  which  were 
 afterwards  recoined  by  Darius  the  Mede,  and  from  him  re- 
 ceived the  name  of  Danes)  but  the  Latins  coined  their  firft 
 money  with  the  head  of  Saturn  on  one  fide,  and  the  figure 
 of  a  (hip  on  the  other,  in  memory  of  his  coming  into  Italy 
 by  fea  *,  and  upon  every  new  event,  or  the  accefhon  of  a  new 
 magiftrate  in  the  Roman  empire,  the  dies  of  their  coins  were 
 changed,  to  take  proper  notice  of  that  new  circumflance. 
 No  anecdotes,  indeed,  of  a  private  nature  are  found  on 
 them.  For  though  fome  few  pieces  under  the  emperors 
 were  coined  in  honour  of  the  fenate,  the  army,  or  the  peo- 
 ple i  no  private  perfons  had  that  honour,  except  they  were 
 related  to  the  emperor. 
 
 Such  a  number  of  events  have  been  recorded  by  ancient 
 medals,  and  fo  great  has  been  the  care  of  the  moderns,  in 
 coUefting  and  preferving  them,  that  they  now  give  great 
 light  to  hiftory ;  In  confirming  fuch  paflages  as  are  true  in 
 old  authors,  in  afcertaining  what  was  before  doubtful,  and 
 in  recording  fuch  as  were  omitted.  It  is  remarkable  that 
 hiftory  fcarce  makes  any  mention  of  Balbec,  or  Palmyra, 
 whofe  ruins  are  fo  famous  ;  and  we  have  little  knowJedge  of 
 them  but  what  Is  fupplied  by  infcriptlons.  It  is  by  this  means 
 that  Mr.  Vaillant  has  difembroiled  a  hiilory  which  was  loft 
 to  the  world  before  his  time.  For  out  of  a  fhort  collection 
 of  medals  he  has  given  us  an  entire  chronicle  of  the  kings 
 of  Syria  -,  though  it  will  hardly  be  regarded  as  fupplying  any 
 important  defeiSl:  in  hiftory,  that  medals  inform  us  of  wives 
 and  children  of  emperors,  which  have  not  been  taken  notice 
 of  by  any  perfon  whatever. 
 
 All  the  principal  events  of  the  reign  of  Lewis  XIV.  have 
 been  recorded  in  a  fet  of  medals,  ftruck  for  tlint  very  pur- 
 pofe.     But   the   inconvenience   attending    modern    medals   is, 
 
 that, 
 
50  LECTURES     ON  Part  II. 
 
 that,  not  being  ufed  as  the  current  coin  of  any  ftate,  and 
 being  made  of  very  collly  materials,  they  are  confined  to 
 the  cabinets  of  a  few  perfons.  This  was  not  the  cafe  of 
 any  of  the  ancient  medals,  except  a  few  of  a  larger  fize, 
 and  more  curious  workmanfhip,  which  were  flruck  by  the 
 emperors  for  prefents  to  their  friends,  foreign  princes,  or 
 ambalTadors,  &:c.  and  which  we  now  diftinguifh  by  the 
 name  of  medallions. 
 
 But  medals  are  not  only,  or  perhaps  chiefly,  valuable  as 
 they  are  a  means  of  preferving  the  knowledge  of  the  leading 
 events  in  hiftory  ;  they  have  likewife  been  a  means  of  tranf- 
 mitting  to  us  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  many  things 
 which  we  are  defirous  of  forming  an  idea  of,  than  any  hif- 
 tory, by  means  of  verbal  defcription,  could  poflibly  give  us. 
 We  find  upon  them  traces  of  cujloms  and  manners^  the  figures 
 of  ancient  buildings,  inftruments,  habits,  and  of  a  variety 
 of  things  which  fhew  the  ftate  of  the  arts  and  conveniencies 
 of  life,  in  the  age  wherein  the  medals  were  ftruck  ;  many 
 things  in  nature  which  hillorians  have  pafTed  unnoticed,  as 
 being  familiar  in  the  times  in  which  they  wrote,  pr  have 
 omitted,  as  not  being  aware  that  they  would  ever  engage  the 
 curiofity  of  after  ages. 
 
 It  is  alfo  very  amufing  to  view  upon  medals  the  features  of 
 the  great  men  of  antiquity  \  which,  if  they  were  ftruck  in  an 
 age  in  which  the  arts  flourifhed,  as  is  the  cafe  with  many  of 
 the  Roman,  and  particularly  of  the  Grecian  medals,  we  can 
 have  no  doubt  but  that  they  are  fufficiently  exa£t.  And  even 
 if  they  were  ftruck  in  an  age  which  did  not  excel  in  the  arts 
 of  painting,  ftatuary,  and  carving  ;  yet,  as  faces  are  chiefly 
 drawn  in  profile  upon  coins,  any  perfon  who  has  taken  notice 
 o^  JljndoivSy  may  conceive  that  a  very  ftriking  likenefs  may 
 eafily  be  \]^\t  off  in  that  way.  However,  in  general,  fo  ex- 
 tremely exa61:  are  the  drawings  of  moft  fingle  obje£l:s  upon 
 the  old  medals  of  the  beft  ages,  that  even  thofe  famous 
 pahiters  Raphael,  Le  Bruyn,  and  Rubens,  thought  it  worth 
 their  while  thoroughly  to  ftudy  them,  and  preferve  cabinets 
 of  them.  And  indeed,  the  generality  of  figures  on  many  of 
 -  the 
 
Lect.  VI.  HISTORY.  51 
 
 the  Grecian  medals  have  a  defign,  an  attitude,  a  force,  and  a 
 delicacy,  in  the  expreflion  even  of  the  mufcles  and  veins  of 
 human  figures,  and  they  are  fupported  by  fo  high  a  relief, 
 that  they  infinitely  furpafs  both  the  Roman  medals,  and 
 mod  of  the  moderns.  The  only  defe6l  in  the  drawing  upon 
 old  medals  is,  that  buildings,  and  other  ©bjecls,  are  feen 
 only  in  front,  and  never  in  perfpe6live,  an  art  with  which 
 the  ancients  were  but  little  acquainted. 
 
 Upon  medals  are  feen  plans  of  the  moft  confiderable  build" 
 ings  of  ancient  Rome.  One  might  make  an  entire  gallery, 
 fays  Mr.  Addifon,  out  of  the  plans  that  are  to  be  met  with 
 on  the  reverfes  of  feveral  old  ccins.  We  fee  alfo  the  habits, 
 and  drejfes  of  different  perfons,  in  different  ages  ;  and  more- 
 over not  only  things  but  cujlotjis,  civil  and  religious,  are  pve- 
 ferved  upon  coins,  as  facriiices,  triumphs,  congiaries,  allo- 
 cutions, decurfions,  le^tifterniums,  and  many  other  anti-» 
 quated  names  and  ceremonies,  that  we  fliould  not  have  had 
 fo  juft  a  notion  of,  were  they  not  flill  preferved  on  coins. 
 Without  the  help  of  coins,  as  the  fame  author  prettily  ob- 
 ferves,  we  fhould  never  have  known  which  of  the  emperors 
 was  the  firft  that  wore  a  beard,  or  rode  in  flirrups. 
 
 01<l  coins  exhibit  likewife  the  generrJ  characier  and  tafte  of 
 the  feveral  Emperors.  Thus  we  fee  Nero  with  his  fiddle, 
 and  Commodus  dreffed  in  his  lion's  fkin  •,  though  we  are  not 
 to  truft  to  coins  for  the  characters  of  princes.  If  fo,  Clau- 
 dius would  be  as  great  a  conqueror  as  Julius  Caefar,  and  Do- 
 mitian  as  good  a  man  as  Titus.  For  though  the  coinage  at 
 Rome  was  fubjecl  to  the  direction  of  the  fenate,  thei-e  is  no 
 doubt  but  that  in  this,  as  in  every  thing  elfe,  they  conlultcd 
 the  tafte  and  pleafure  of  the  Emperors. 
 
 Several  of  thefe  advantages  medals  pcffefs  in  commcn  with 
 fome  monumental  infcriptions.  They  alfo  agree  in  this,  that 
 from  medals  ^nd  infcriptions  only  we  can  form  any  idea  of 
 the  progrefs  of  the  art  and  manner  of  writing  in  different 
 nations  and  ages.  Writing  upon  other  materials  could  not 
 be  expected  to  be  fo  durable.     In  facl,  the  oldcft  manufcripts 
 
 are 
 
52  LECTURES      ON  Aart  II, 
 
 are   few,  and  modern,  in  comparifon  of  thoufands  of  coins 
 and  infcriptions. 
 
 Upon  medals  are  preferved  the  entire  forms  of  many  an- 
 cient edifices y  and  probably  the  attitudes  of  famous  Jlatues^ 
 and  copies  of  celebrated  paintings^  of  "which  there  are  now  no 
 other  remains.  What  confirms  this  conje^liire  is,  that  four 
 of  the  moft  beautiful  flatues  extant,  viz.  Hercules  of  Far- 
 nefe,  Venus  of  Medicis,  Apollo  of  Belvedere,  and  the  fa- 
 mous Marcus  Aurelius  on  horfcback,  do  all  of  them  make 
 their  appearance  on  ancient  medals ;  though  thi&  was  not 
 known  till  the  ftatues  themfelves  were  difcovered. 
 
 On  the  fubjctl  of  the  ufe  of  ancient  medals  (though  it  be 
 an  ufe  of  them  that  has  little  relation  to  hiftory)  I  ihall  juil 
 mention  the  principal  fubje£l  of  Mr.  Addifon's  ingenious 
 treatife  on  medals,  viz.  that  ancient  medals  and  ancient  poetry 
 throw  great  light  upon  one  another.  He  has  there  exhibited 
 a  variety  of  examples,  in  which  the  artift  who  made  the 
 medal,  and  the  poet  have  had  the  fame  thought^  or  copied 
 from  the  very  fame  common  original  \  the  very  fame  thing 
 being  defcribed  in  verfe,  and  exprefl'ed  in  fculpture.  He  has 
 likewife  prefented  us  with  a  curious  fet  of  medals  which  clear 
 up  feveral  difficult  palTi^^ges  in  old  authors,  and  he  has  pro- 
 duced many  paffages  from  the  poets,  which  explain  the  re- 
 verfes  of  feveral  medals  :  fo  that  the  fcience  of  medals  makes 
 no  inconfiderable  figure  in  the  Belles  Lettres. 
 
 What  the  ancients  made  a  fecondary  and  fubordinate  ufe 
 of'  their  coins,  modern  European  ftates  have  attended  to,  as 
 a  primary  and  dire£l  object.  They  have  ftruck  a  variety  of 
 jliedals  with  no  other  view  than  to  celebrate  fome  illuRrious 
 perfon,  or  perpetuate  tlic  knowledge  of  fome  miemorable 
 event.  For  modern  medals  do  not  pafs  current  in  payment, 
 as  money  ;  but  at  the  fame  time  that  they  anfwer  this  their 
 primary  ufe  more  compleatly,  by  containing  more  circum- 
 ftances  of  a  tranfaO:ion,  and  being  furnifhed  with  more  pre- 
 cifc  dates  ;  in  every  other  refpe£l:  they  fliew  a  manifeft  want 
 of  judgment  and  true  tafte  j  and,  but  that  it  is  impofTible  we 
 
 Ihould 
 
Lect.  VI.  H      I      S      T    ;0      R      Y.  53 
 
 Ihould  be  deceived   in  the  manners  and  cuftoms  of  our  own 
 times,  they  might  greatly  miilead  us  in  thofe  refpe(ffcs. 
 
 With  the  method  of  coining,  we  have  flavifhiy  copied  tl->e 
 manners,  cuftoms,  habits,  and  even  the  religion,  of  the  an_ 
 cients,  with  the  fame  abfurdity,  ^nd  in  the  fame  degree,  as 
 we  have  done  in  our  poetry.  This,  from  the  nature  of 
 things,  muft  ever  be  the  fate  of  all  imitations,  that  are  not 
 made  immediately  from  nature.  If  we  copy  from  other 
 imitations,  we  fhall  always  copy  too  much,  an  error  which 
 the  inventors  of  any  art,  who  copy  only  from  nature  and  real 
 life,  are  not  liable  to.  For  this  reafon  every  borrowed  art 
 will  always  betray  its  original.  Thus,  though,  in  ancient 
 medals,  we  may  trace  all  the  variations  of  mode  in  drefs,  in 
 the  modern  we  cannot  j  all  perfons  without  diflinclion,  beinj^ 
 commonly  feen  in  a  Roman  habit.  From  the  ancient  meda-s 
 we  may  form  feme  idea  of  the  cuftoms  and  religion  of  xht 
 country  in  which  they  were  ftruck ;  but  we  might  conclude 
 all  the  modern  European  ftates  to  be,  in  part  at  ieaft,  Hea- 
 then from  their  medals.  Had  the  Greeks  and  Romans  been 
 guilty  of  the  fame  extravagance,  we  fhould  not  have  fotind 
 half  the  ufes  of  their  medals  that  we  now  do.  It  is  impof- 
 fible  to  learn  from  the  French  medals,  either  the  rclir^ion, 
 the  cuftoms,  or  the  habits  of  the  French  nation. 
 
 With  regard  to  taj}e  in  medals,  the  m.cderns,  attend in<]j 
 principally  to  their  hiftorical  ufes,  have  crouded  them  too 
 much  with  infcriptions  ;  fometimes  for  want  of  room,  putting 
 a  part  of  the  legend  upon  the  external  edge  of  the  piece  j 
 wliereas  the  infcriptions  upon  m.oft  ancient  medals  are  ex- 
 tremely concife,  and  elegant.  We  even  find  entire  copiccj  of 
 verfes  on  fome  modern  medals,  and  on  others  fo  abfurd  and 
 extravagant  a  tafte  is  fhown,  that  the  year  of  our  Lord  is 
 diftinguifhed  by  the  letters  in  the  infcription  which  denote 
 it  being  raifed  above  the  reft.  Laftlv,  which  is  very  re- 
 markable, confidering  the  great  improvement  of  the  arts  in 
 general  ;  many  of  the  ancient  medals,  as  was  hinted  before, 
 particularly  thofe  of  the  kings  of  Macedon,  are  faid  by  the 
 connoiiTeurs  to  exceed  any  thing  of  modern  date  in  the  beautv 
 
 of 
 
54  LECTURES      ON  Part  IL 
 
 of  their  workmanfhip,  and  the  delicacy  of  expreffion.  During 
 the  time  of  the  early  Roman  Emperors,  the  medals  had  a 
 more  beautiful  relief  than  the  modern.  But  about  the  time 
 of  Conllantine  they  became  quite  iiat,  as  thofe  of  all  Euro- 
 pean flates,  which  imitated  them,  likeXvife  were,  till  of  late 
 years.  We  iikewife  copied  the  Conftantinopolitan  coinage  in 
 England  till  about  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  in  drawing  a  full 
 face  ;  whereas  all  faces  M'ere  drawn  in  profile  (which  is,  on 
 m2ny  accounts,  far  the  moft  proper  for  a  coin)  till  the  end  of 
 the  third  century. 
 
 Confidering  the  principal  hiftorical  ufes  of  medals,  M'ithout 
 entering  into  all  the  fanciful  views  of  a  vlrtuofo^  intent  upon 
 compleating  his  feveral  fnites,  it  will  appear  no  paradox  that 
 the  value  of  a  medal  is  not  to  be  eftimated  either  from  the 
 fize,  or  the  materials  of  it;  but  from  what  is  curious  in  the 
 head,  the  reverfe,  or  the  legend  of  it ;  from  its  rarity,  from 
 the  finenefs  of  its  workmanfhip,  or  from  the  goodnefs  of  its 
 prefervation.  Thus  an  Otho  in  filver  is  common  and  cheap  ;  but 
 an  Otho  in  bronze  is  very  fcarce,  and  bears  an  immenfe  price. 
 
 In  modern  times  coats  of  arms  have  been  made  ufe  of  t& 
 diilinguifh  families.  They  mull  therefore  be  of  great  ufe  io 
 tracing  pedigrees,  and  confequently  in  afcertaining  perfons 
 and  events  in  hiftory. 
 
 The  origin  of  armories  feems  to  be  afcribed  with  the 
 greateft  probability  to  the  ancient  tournaments.  Henry  the 
 Fov/ler,  \w\\o  regulated  the  tournaments  in  Germany,  was  the 
 firll  who  introduced  thefe  marks  of  honour.  Coats  of  arms 
 were  then  a  kind  of  livery,  compofed  of  feveral  bars,  filets, 
 and  colours,  to  diflinguifh  the  combatants,  wliofe  features 
 could  not  be  feen  during  the  engagement.  And  thofe  who 
 had  not  been  concerned  in  any  tournaments  had  no  arms, 
 though  they  were  gentlemen. 
 
 Such  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  as  crofled  the  fea,  in  \X\^ 
 expedition  to  the  holy  land^  alfo  affumed  thefe  tokens  of  ho- 
 nour, to  diflinguifh  themfelves. 
 
 Before  thofe  times  we  find  nothing  upon  ancient  tcmbs  but 
 crofTcs,  with   gothic    infcriptions,  and   reprcfentatlons   of  the 
 
 perfons 
 
Lect.  VL         HISTORY.  55 
 
 perfons  deceafed.  The  tomb  of  Pope  Clement  IV.  who  died 
 in  one  thoufand  two  hundred  and  fixty-eight,  is  the  firil 
 whereon  we  find  -any  arws ;  nor  do  they  appear  on  any  coin 
 {truck  before  the  year  one  thoufand  three  hundred  and  thirty- 
 fix.  We  meet  with  figures,  it  is  true,  much  more  ancient 
 both  in  ftandards  and  on  medals  ;  but  neither  princes  nor 
 cities  ever  had  arms  in  form,  nor  does  any  author  make  men- 
 tion of  blazoning  before  that  time. 
 
 Originally,  none  but  the  nobility  had  the  right  of  bearing 
 arms.  But  Charles  V.  king  of  France,  having  ennobled  the 
 Parifians,  by  his  charter,  in  one  thoufand  three  hundred  and 
 feventy-one,  permitted  them  to  bear  arms.  From  their  ex- 
 ample, the  moil  eminent  citizens  of  other  places  did  the  like. 
 
 Camden  fays  the  ufe  of  arms  was  not  eftablidied  till  the 
 reign  of  Henry  III.  <ind  he  inftances  in  feveral  of  the  moft 
 confiderable  farrfilies  in  England  ;  whereas  till  that  time  the 
 fbn  always  bore  arms  different  from  thofe  of  the  father. 
 About  the  fame  time  it  became  the  cuftom.  in  England  for 
 private  gentlemen  to  bear  arm.s,  borrowing  them  from  the 
 lords  of  whom  they  held  in  fee,  or  to  Vv'hom  they  were  the 
 moft  devoted. 
 
 Arms  at  prefent  are  cf  the  nature  of  titles y  being  both  alike 
 hereditaryj  and  the  marks  for  diilinguifliing  families  and  kin- 
 dred, as  names  are  of  perfons  and  individuals. 
 
 All  the  methods  of  tranfmitting  the  knowledge  of  events 
 to  pofterity  which  have  hitherto  been  mentioned,  excepting 
 this  of  coats  of  arms,  being  more  fimple,  and  requiring  lefs 
 ability,  would  probably  precede  hijtories,  or  narratives  written 
 upon  light  and  portable  materials  •,  though  thefe,  no  doubt, 
 would  be  very  fhort,  plain,  and  devoid  of  ornament  at  firft. 
 The  traces  of  _  fa£l:s  left  by  the  pradtice  of  preceding  methods 
 mufl  alfo  have  been  the  only  fources  from  which  the  fivll  hif- 
 torians  could  derive  their  materials  for  the  hiftories  of  times 
 paft.  And  fince  all  nations,  and  all  arts,  approach  to  per- 
 fe£lion  by  degx-ees,  it  is  probable  that  traditional  poems  and 
 monuments,  with  or  without  infcriptions,  &c.  v.'ould  abound 
 ia  thofe  countries  which  produced  the  firft  hiftorians. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
S(S  LECTURES      ON  Part  II. 
 
 LECTURE       VII. 
 
 The  franfiUon  from  public  Monuments  to  ivrltten  Hijiories.  Re^ 
 cords  n?id  Archives  of  States.  At  what  Time  Chronology 
 began  to  he  attended  to.  Early  Methods  of  noting  the  hitervals 
 of  Time.  At  ivhat  Time  the  Hifory  of  this  ivejlern  Part  of 
 the  World  begins  to  be  credible.  Ancient  Hijhrians  to  be 
 preferred^  ivho  ivrite  of  the  Events  of  their  own  Times. 
 Modern  Hifory  htf  imderfood  a  confiderable  Time  after  the 
 Events. 
 
 TH  E  tranfition  from  public  monuments  to  written  hif- 
 tories  may  eafily  be  conceived  to  have  been  gradual, 
 and  almoft  infenfible.  For  the  firft  writings,  or  records  in 
 an  hiftorical  form,  were  not  the  work  of  private  perfons,  who 
 wrote  either  for  their  own  reputation,  or  the  fervice  of  the 
 public  \  but  were  made  under  the  direction  of  fomc  public 
 magiftrate ;  and,  like  the  Capitoline  tables,  contained  little 
 more  than  a  catalogue  of  the  chief  magiftrates,  and  the  bare 
 mention  of  the  principal  events  which  happened  under  their 
 adminiilratlon.  Such,  probably,  were  the  records  of  the*  Ar- 
 chons  of  Athens,  the  catalogue  of  the  prieftelTes  of  Juno 
 Argiva,  and  not  much  more,  probably,  were  the  chronicles  of 
 the  kings  of  Judah,  Ifrael  and  Perfia,  of  which  mention  is 
 made  in  the  Scriptures. 
 
 Few  attempts  were  made  b^  private  perfons  to  compofe 
 hiilory  in  the  Greek  language  (in  which  the  oldeft  writings 
 now  extant,  except  thofe  of  the  old  Teftament,  are  contained) 
 before  Herodotus,  who  is  therefore  filled  the  father  of  hifory, 
 and  who  wrote  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  years  before 
 Chrifl:.  Hiftory  never  contained  any  variety  of  interefting 
 2nd  curious  particulars,  nor  received  any  of  thofe  graces  and 
 ornaments,  which  render  the  ftudy  of  it  liberal,  and  engaging 
 to  the  perfons  not  concerned  in  the  tranfaftions  it  records, 
 till  men  of  literature  and  leifure  gave  their  time  and  abilities 
 to  the  fubjecu 
 
 As 
 
Lect.  VII.  HISTORY.  ^ 
 
 As  but  feiv  tranfa£tIons  could  be  tranfmlttcd  by  all  the 
 methods  in  ufe  for  recording  them  before  the  writing  of 
 hiflory,  and  as  hiflorians  themfclves  afford  no  fufficient  dates 
 for  meafuring  the  intervals  of  paft  time  without  chronology ; 
 it  will  be  ufeful,  in  order  to  form  a  general  idea  about  what 
 time  the  bulk  of  hiitory  begins  to  be  worthy  of  credit,  to  give 
 fome  account  of  the  time  when  hiflory  began  to  be  written, 
 and  chronology  to  be  attended  to,  in  fome  countries  of  princi- 
 pal note.     In  this  I  (hail  bncfiy  follow  Sir  Ifaac  Newton. 
 
 The  Europeans  had  no  chronology  before  the  time  of  the 
 Perfian  Empire,  and  whatever  chronology  they  now  have  of 
 more  ancient  times  has  been  framed  fmce,  by  reafoning  and 
 conjecture.  What  they  call  the  hi/iorical  age  wants  a  good 
 chronology  for  fixty  or  feventy  olympiads,  and  from  fuch 
 wandering  people  as  were  formerly  in  Europe,  there  could  be 
 no  memory  of  things  done  three  or  four  generations  before  the 
 nio.  of  letters. 
 
 Cadmus  IMilefius,  and  Acufilaus,  the  oldeft  hiftorians 
 among  the  Greeks,  Jofephus  fays,  were  but  a  little  before  the 
 expedition  of  the  Perfians  againft  the  Greeks.  Hellanicus 
 was  twelve  years  older  than  Herodotus,  and  digefted  his 
 hiftory  by  ages,  or  the  fuccelTion  of  the  priefleffes  of  Juno  and 
 Argiva.  Others  digefted  theirs  by  the  archons  of  Atiiens, 
 or  the  kings  of  Laced^emon.  Herodotus  himfelf  ufes  no 
 particular  sera.  Thucydides  makes  ufe  of  the  commencement 
 of  the  Peloponnefian  war,  which  is  the  fubje£l  of  his  hiflory, 
 as  an  a^ra  to  which  he  refers  all  the  events  he  mentions. 
 Ephorus,  who  brought  his  hiflory  to  the  twentieth  year  of 
 Philip  of  Macedon,  digeiled  things  by  generations.  The  reck- 
 oning by  olympiads,  ox  any  other  fixed  ara,  was  not  yet  in 
 ufe  among  the  Greeks.  The  Arundelian  marbles  were 
 compofed  fixty  years  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
 and  yet  mention  not  the  olympiads,  nor  any  other  flanding 
 jera,  but  reckon  backward  from  the  time  then  prefent.  In 
 the  next  olympiad,  Timaeus  Siculus  wrote  a  hiflory  down  to 
 his  own  times,  according  to  the  olympiads.  Eratoillienes 
 wrote  about  one   hundred  years  after  the  death  of  Alexander 
 
 the 
 
58  LECTURES      ON  Part  II. 
 
 the  Great,  and  was  followed  by  Apollodorus ;  and  thefe  two 
 have  been  followed  by  all  chronologers. 
 
 As  Cambyfes  deftroyed  all  the  records  of  Egypt,  fuch  as 
 they  were,  we  have  no  account  of  that  people  which  can  be 
 depended,  upon  before  their  intercourfe  with  the  Greeks, 
 from  whom,  indeed,  is  derived  all  that  we  know  of  them, 
 and  that  was  not  before  the  time  of  Pfammeticus,  who  began 
 his  reign  in  the  year  fix  hundred  and  fixty-one  before  Chrift» 
 This  we  learn  from  Herodotus,  v/ho,  when  he  is  fpeaking  of 
 thofe  Grecians  who  had  helped  to  fct  Pfammeticus  on  the 
 throne  of  Egypt,  fays  that  the  lonians  and  Carlans  continued 
 for  a  long  time  to  inhabit  thofe  parts  which  lay  near  the  fea, 
 below  the  city  of  Bubaftis,  in  the  Pelufiac  branch  of  the  Nile, 
 till  in  fucceeding  times  Amafis  king  of  Egypt  caufed  them 
 to  abandon  their  habitations,  and  fettle  at  Memphis,  to  de- 
 fend him  againft  the  Egyptians.  But  from  the  time  of  their 
 cflablifhment,  he  fays,  they  had  fo  conftant  a  communication 
 v/ith  the  Greeks,  that  one  may  juftly  fay  we  know  all  things 
 that  pafled  in  Egypt  from  the  reign  of  Pfammeticus  to  our  age. 
 
 The  chronology  of  the  Latins  is  flill  more  uncertain  than 
 that  of  the  Greeks.  Both  Plutarch  and  Servius  reprefent 
 great  uncertainty  in  the  originals  of  Rome  ;  and  no  wonder, 
 confidering  that  the  old  records  of  the  Latins  were  burned  by 
 the  Gauls,  one  hundred  and  twenty-fix  years  after  the  Regi- 
 fuge,  and  one  hundred  and  fixty  years  before  the  death  of 
 Alexander  the  Great.  Quintus  Fabius  Pi£bor,  the  oldeft 
 hift®rian  of  the  Latins,  lived  one  hundred  years  later  than 
 Alexander,  and  took  almoll:  every  thing  from  Diodes  Pepare- 
 thus,  a  Greek. 
 
 When  the  Greeks  and  Latins  were  forming  their  technical 
 chronology,  there  were  great  difputes^  about  the  antiquity  of 
 Rome.  The  Greeks  made  it  much  older  than  the  Olympiads. 
 Some  of  them  fald  it  was  built  by  jiEneas ;  others  by  Romus, 
 the  fon  or  grand fon  of  jEneas  ;  others  by  a  Romus,  the  fon  or 
 grandfon  of  Latinus,  king  of  the  Aborigines  ;  others  by  Ro- 
 mus the  fon  of  Ulyfles,  or  of  Afcanius,  or  of  Italus ;  and 
 forae  of  the  Latins  at  firft   fell  in  with  the   opinion  of  the 
 
 Greeks, 
 
Lect.VII.         history.  5p 
 
 Greeks,  faying  it  was  built  by  Romulus  the  fon,  or  grandfon, 
 of  -^neas.  Timaeus  Siculus  reprefents  it  as  built  by  Romulus 
 tke  grandfon  of  -^neas,  above  one  hundred  years  before  the 
 Olympiads,  and  fo  did  Nsvius  the  poet,  who  was  twenty 
 years  older  than  Ennius,  ferved  in  the  firft  Punic  war,  and 
 wrote  a  hiftory  of  that  war.  Hitherto  nothing  certain  was 
 agreed  upon ;  but  about  a  hundred  and  forty,  or  one  hundred 
 and  fifty  years  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  they 
 began  to  fay  that  Rome  was  built  a  fecond  time  by  Romulus, 
 in  the  fifteenth  age  after  the  deftru£^ion  of  Troy,  meaning  by 
 ages^  the  reigns  of  the  kings  of  the  Latins  at  Alba  *. 
 
 Scythia  beyond  the  Danube  had  no  letters  before  Ulphilas 
 their  bifhop  introduced  them,  fix  hundred  years  after  the  death 
 of  Alexander ;  and  the  Germans  had  none  till  they  received 
 them  from  the  weftern  empire  of  the  Latins,  about  feven  hun- 
 dred years  after  the  death  of  that  king.  The  Huns  had  none 
 in  the  days  of  Procopius,  who  flourifhed  eight  hundred  and 
 fifty  years  after  the  death  of  that  king,  and  Sweden  and  Nor- 
 way received  them  ftill  later  f . 
 
 With  regard  to  our  own  country,  the  Romans  are  the  firft 
 nation  from  whom  we  learn  any  account  of  ourfelves,  and  we 
 had  no  writers  of  our  own  till  the  planting  of  chriftianity,  in 
 the  time  of  the  Saxon  heptarchy.  But  from  this  time  the 
 church  and  the  cloyfters  furniflied  a  conftant  fucceflion  till  the 
 reformation  j  after  which,  and  the  revival  of  letters  in  the 
 weft,  there  can  be  no  complaint  of  want  of  writers,  of  any ' 
 kind,  or  party.  And  as  to  the  bulk  of  modern  hiftory  in 
 general,  and  indeed  a  great  part  of  what  is  now  called  ancient 
 too;  Lord  Bolingbroke  juftly  obferves,  that  fince  ancient 
 memorials  have  been  fo  critically  examined,  and  modern  me- 
 morials have  been  fo  multiplied,  it  contains  fuch  a  probable 
 ferles  of  events,  eafily  diftinguifliable  from  improbable,  as 
 forces  the  aflent  of  every  man  who  is  in  his  fenfes,  and  is 
 fufficlent  to  anfwer  all  the  purpofes  of  the  ftudy  of  hiftory. 
 
 It  may  not  be  amifs  to  clofe  this  account  of  hiftorians  pro- 
 perly fo  called  with  obferving,  that,'  of  ancient  hiftorians,  a 
 cotemporary  writer  is  to  be  preferred  ;  but  that  among  the 
 *  Newton's  Chron,  p.  12$.  f  Ibidem,  p.  50. 
 
 G  moderns, 
 
6o  LECTURESON  Part  IL 
 
 moderns,  a  later  writer  is  ajmoil  univerfally  preferable.  The 
 ancients  we  credit  in  proportion  to  the  merit  of  their  evi-- 
 dence  for  what  they  relate.  The  moderns  we  chieHy  regard 
 according  to  their  accuracy  and  diligence  in  comparing  and 
 afcertaining  the  evidence  they  can  collecSl:  from  others.  The 
 difference  is  founded  on  this  confideration,  that  for  want  of 
 memorials  of  ancient  tranfa^lions,  the  more  time  has  elapfed 
 after  they  happened,  the  more  dubious  the  hiilory  grows. 
 "Whereas  in  modern  times,  every  event  of  confequence  is  in- 
 flantly  committed  to  writing,  in  fome  forhi  or  other,  by  a 
 thoufand  hands.  Thefe  are  brought  to  light  only  by  degrees  ; 
 and  confidering  that  no  perfon,  or  thofe  immediately  conne6led 
 with  him,  can  know  the  whole  of  any  very  complex  tranf- 
 acflion,  and  moreover  that  no  perfon  who  writes  the  hiflory  of 
 his  own  times  can  efcape  the  influence  of  prejudice,  for  or 
 againft  particular  perfons  and  fchemes  ;  a  later  writer,  who 
 views  things  with  more  coolnefs,  and  has  a  greater  variety  of 
 materials  to  compare,  has  certainly  a  great  advantage  over  any 
 that  went  before  him. 
 
 Our  own  hiftory  till  the  reformation,  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
 is  far  better  underflood  this  century  than  it  was  the  lad  ;  and 
 every  year  brings  us  acquainted  with  fome  new  memoir  con- 
 cerning the  tranfaftions  of  the  middle  of  that,  and  the  be- 
 ginning of  the  prefent  century.  Nay,  fo  much  weight  is  due 
 to  this  confideration,  that  we  hardly  need  fcruple  to  fay,  not- 
 withftanding  the  lofs  of  many  valuable  hiftories,  that  we 
 have  almofb  as  perfeft  a  knowledge  of  the  moll  important 
 events  of  feveral  periods  even  in  the  claffical  hiftory  as  the 
 generality  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  who  lived  in  thofe  pe- 
 riods could  attain  to.  However,  with  regard  to  modern  times, 
 a  cotemporary  writer,  were  he  entirely  free  from  prejudice, 
 writes  under  great  difadvantages,  in  point  of  intelligence  only, 
 in  comparifon  with  one  who  comes  after  him  ;  who,  with  in- 
 ferior qualifications,  will  eafily  be  able  to  fupply  his  deficiencies, 
 if  not  correct  his  miflakes.  And  it  can  only  be  with  refpedl: 
 to  times  in  which  there  is  a  great  fcarcity  of  materials,  and 
 where  thofe  have  been  tranfmitted  through  the  hands  of  feveral 
 dependent  evidences,  that  a  contrary  rule  is  to  be  obferved. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.VIII.  history.  6i 
 
 LECTURE      VIII. 
 
 Of  the  indireSl  Methods  of  colle cling  the  Knoivledge  of  paj}  Evefits, 
 The  Ufe  of  Books  not  properly  h'lflorical.  The  Works  of  Poets  y 
 and  Orators^  and  the  Kemains  of  Artijls  of  all  Kinds,  Diffi' 
 culty  of  a  Writer^  s  concealing  his  Age  and  Country  from  a  faga- 
 clous  Reader.  The  Fictions  of  A?inius  of  Viterho,  The  hifo- 
 rical  Ufe  of  Cicerds  Letters.  Several  Infances  of  Newtoti's 
 Sagacity  in  tracing  EvetJts  by  Means  of  cotinecled  Circumfan- 
 ces.  Ufe  of  Language  to  an  Hiforian,  in  tracing  Revolutions 
 in  a  State.  Hoiu  far  any  Circumfances  in  the  Language  of  a 
 Country  may  he  a  Guide  in  judging-^  of  the  original  Genius  and 
 Manners  of  the  People  ;  exemplified  in  the  Hebre^u  and  Roman 
 Tongues.  A  rurious  Ohfervation  of  Mr.  Huine's  on  the  Ufe 
 of  correlative  Terms  in  Languages.  Of  Simplicity  or  Refi?ie- 
 ment  in  Languages, 
 
 THE  methods  of  recording  events  which  have  hitherto 
 been  mentioned  may  be  termed  direcl,  becaufe  they 
 were  contrived,  and  made  ufe  of,  for  that  purpofe  ;  and  the 
 notices  of  pad  events  with  which  they  furnifh  us  are  the  moil 
 copious  fource  of  Hiftory  in  after  ages.  But  there  is  a  va- 
 riety of  other  methods  in  which  the  knowledge  of  events, 
 and  of  the  fituation  of  things  in  times  pad,  is  communicated 
 to  us  indireBly  ;  as  from  many  circumftances,  which  do  not  at 
 all  partake  of  the  nature  of  records^  perfons  of  fagacity  and 
 attention  will  be  able  to  form  an  idea  of  the  ftate  of  things, 
 and  to  diftinguifh  the  intervals  of  time,  in  pad  ages.  I  fnall 
 mention  a  few  of  thefe,  in  order  to  give  you  fome  idea  what 
 a  variety  of  things  an  accurate  hiflorian  mud  attend  to,  and 
 from  what  unexpefted  quarters  he  may  fometimes  receive  the 
 greated  light  and  information. 
 
 In  the  fird  place,  it  will  eafily  be  apprehended,  that  in 
 order  to  form  a  complete  idea  of  characters  and  events  which 
 occur  in  any  period  of  hidory,  we   are  not  to  confine  our- 
 
 G  2  f«lves 
 
(52  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  IL 
 
 felves  to  books  profelTedly  hiflorical.  For  fo  extenfive  is  the 
 connexion  of  things  ^ith  one  another,  that  every  thing 
 wrkten  or  done,  in  any  period  of  time,  is  necefTarily  related, 
 in  a  thoufand  ways,  to  many  other  things  that  were  tranf- 
 a^led  at  the  fame  time ;  and  therefore  cannot  help  bearing 
 fome  marks  and  traces  of  thofe  related  particulars  j  and  by 
 thefe  a  perfdn  of  fagacity  will  be  led  to  the  knowledge  of  more 
 things  than  he  who  tranfmitted  the  accounts  of  them  intended 
 to  fignifv.  For  this  reafon,  to  form  as  complete  an  idea  as 
 poflible  of  the  (late  of  things  in  any  period  of  pad  time,  we 
 muft  carefully  fludy  all  the  remains  of  that  time,  how  foreign 
 foever  they  may  at  firfl  fight  appear  to  be  to  our  main  pur- 
 pofe.  In  this  fenfe,  even  poets  and  orators  may  be  confidered 
 as  hiflorians,  and  every  law  and  cuflom  as  a  piece  of  hiftory. 
 
 To  fo  great  perfe£tion  are  men  arrived  in  diftingulfliing 
 things  that  have  any  real  connexion,  that  the  age  of  almoft 
 every  writing  that  remains  of  ancient  times  is  determined 
 with  great  exa£lnefs.  Indeed,  a  writer  who  has  no  particular 
 defign  to  conceal  the  time  in  which  he  writes,  can  hardly 
 avoid  introducing  (in  one  manner  or  other)  the  mention  of 
 fuch  particulars  as  will  dire61:  to  it  j  or  if  he  intend  to  impofe 
 upon  the  world,  it  is  a  thoufand  to  one  but,  if  nothing  cKc, 
 his  language  and  JJyIe  betray  him.  Thefe  are  things  which  are 
 perfe(^ly  mechanical,  and  lead  of  all  at  a  perfon's  command  y 
 or,  however,  what  few  perfons  ever  think  of  difguifing. 
 
 There  is  no  doubt,  in  particular,  but  that  all  the  pieces 
 which  Ati}iius  of  Viterbo  endeavoured  to  palm  upon  the  world 
 as  ancient  writings  have  been  expofed ;  the  innumerable  fa- 
 bulous legends  about  our  Saviour,  the  apoftles,  and  many  of 
 the  popifli  faints,  which  long  pafled  current,  are  now  no 
 longer  regarded  ;  and  the  famous  Decretals^  of  which  the 
 popes  availed  themfelves  fo  much  in  dark  ages,  are  now  ac- 
 knowledged to  be  forgeries,  even  by  the  papifls  themfelves  ; 
 while  the  real  produftions  of  antiquity  ftand  their  ground  the 
 firmer  from  thefe  critical  examinations ;  and  all  the  argvi- 
 ments  of  Pere  Hardouin  (who  from  feeing  numberlefs  forge- 
 ries was  led  to  fufpecSl  forgery  ever  where)  has  not  probably 
 been  able  to  make  one  genuine  claflic  author  fufpe^led. 
 
 A  few 
 
Lect.  VIII.  HISTORY.  63 
 
 A  few  examples  will  more  clearly  fliow  what  ufe  an  atten-^ 
 tive  hiftorian  may  make  of  books  not  properly  hlftorical. 
 No  hiftorian  now  extant,  or  probably  that  ever  was  extant, 
 will  give  a  perfon  fo  much  infight  into  the  real  charaflers, 
 and  views,  of  thofe  great  men  who  diftinguiflied  themfelves 
 in  the  time  of  Cicero,  as  he  may  get  from  that  colle£lion  of 
 letters  between  Cicero  and  his  friends,  which  pafs  under  his 
 name,  and  particularly  from  his  correfpondence  with  Atticus. 
 Thefe  letters,  indeed,  are  written  with  fo  few  interruptions, 
 and  with  fo  much  freedom,  that  they  contain  a  pretty  regu- 
 lar, and  very  faithful  hiilory  of  the  moft  aclive  and  critical 
 part  of  his  life.  They  (how  us,  at  leaft,  in  what  light  Cicero 
 himfelf,  who  was  a  principal  acStor  in  that  important  period, 
 viewed  the  characters  and  events  of  his  time.  And  private 
 diaries,  and  letters,  written  by  perfons  who  were  the  chief 
 actors  on  the  theatre  of  European  politics  in  the  laft  century, 
 are  daily  coming  to  light,  and  fupplying  great  defects  in  all 
 our  hiftorians. 
 
 Sir  Ifaac  Newton,  from  two  paflages  in  the  poems  of 
 Theognis  of  Megara,  collects  both  the  age  of  that  writer 
 and  the  fituation  of  the  Greeks  in  his  time.  That  poet  ex- 
 horts his  companions  to  be  unanimous,  and  to  drink  and  be 
 merry,  without  fear  of  the  Medes  ;  and  he  fays  that  Mag- 
 nefia,  Colophon,  and  Smyrna,  Grecian  cities  of  Alia  Minor, 
 vvere  deftroyed  by  difcord.  From  thefe  circum^flances  he  in- 
 fers that,  in  the  time  of  this  author,  Cyrus  had  conquered 
 thofe  cities  of  the  Greeks  in  Afia,  that  the  ftates  of  Greece 
 in  Europe  were  under  great  apprehenfion  of  being  invaded, 
 and  that  the  Perfians  had  not  then  ailumed  the  fuperiority 
 over  the  Medes,  which  they  afterwards  did. 
 
 The  language  of  a  people  is  a  great  guide  to  an  hiftorian, 
 both  in  tracing  their  origin,  and  in  difcovering  the  ftate  of 
 many  other  important  circumftances  belonging  to  them.  Of 
 ail  cuftoms  and  habits,  that  of  fpeech,  being  the  moft  fre- 
 quently exercifed,  is  the  moft  confirmed,  and  leaft  liable  to 
 change.  Colonies,  therefore,  will  always  fpeak  the  language 
 of  their  mother  country,  uulefs  fome  event  produce  a  freer 
 intercourfe  with  people   who    fpeak   another  language ;    and 
 
 even 
 
64  LECTURESON  PartIL 
 
 even  the  proportion  of  that  foreign  intercourfe  may  in  fome 
 meafure  be  eftimated  by  the  degree  of  the  corruption  of  the 
 language.     A  few  fa6ls  will  clearly  explain  thefe  pofitions. 
 
 The  confiderable  change  which  the  Hebrew  language  un- 
 derwent at  the  time  of  the  Babylonifh  captivity  would  be  fuf- 
 ficient  to  inform  us,  without  the  aid  of  any  other  circum- 
 ftance,  that  few  of  the  old  inhabitants  remained  in  the  coun- 
 try, and  that  thofe  who  were  carried  away  captive  were  either 
 much  feparated  from  one  another,  or  did  not  return  in  great 
 numbers.  The  few  and  inconfiderable  remains  of  the  Britifh 
 language  in  the  prefent  Englifli  demonflrates,  beyond  all  con- 
 tradiction, the  havock  that  was  made  of  the  Britons  by  our 
 Saxon  anceftors,  amounting  almofl  to  a  total  extirpation  and 
 expulfion.  And  the  Saxon  language  fpoken  in  the  lowlands 
 of  Scotland  is  a  greater  proof  that  they  were  conquered  by 
 the  Saxons,  than  the  imperfect  and  fabulous  annals  of  the 
 Scotch  hiftorians  are  of  the  contrary. 
 
 But  the  ufe  of  language  to  an  hiitorian  is  by  no  means  con- 
 fined to  difcover  the  origin  of  a  nation,  or  the  greater  revo- 
 lutions that  have  befallen  it.  Language  takes  a  tincture  from 
 the  civil  policy,  the  manners,  cuftoms,  employment,  and 
 tafte,  of  the  nation  that  ufes  it,  by  means  of  which  a  perfon 
 well  verfed  in  the  theory  of  language  will  be  able  to  make 
 many  curious  difcoveries.  An  example  or  two  will  make 
 this  obfervation  alfo  pretty  plain. 
 
 It  has  been  obferved  that  the  frequent  allufions  to  military 
 affairs,  or  concealed  metaphors  borrowed  from  the  art  or 
 pra6lice  of  war  in  the  common  forms  of  fpeech  in  the  Ro- 
 man tongue  (fucli  as  mtervallum^  a  term  fignifying  d'ljlance 
 fimply,  though  borrowed  from  fortification)  and  a  great 
 many  others  of  the  like  nature,  clearly  inform  us  that  the 
 Romans  were  a  people  originally  addicted  to  war.  Like  traces 
 of  a  paftoral  life,  and  the  bufinefs  of  hufbandry,  are  found 
 in  the  Hebrew  language,  which  is  therefore  equally  charac- 
 teriflic  of  the  genius  and  manner  of  life  of  that  people. 
 And  if  we  only  confider  that  all  people  muft  be  under  the 
 greatefl  neceflity  of  inventing  terms  to  exprefs  the  ideas  of 
 things  about  which  they  are  the  mofl  early  and  the  moffc  fre- 
 quently 
 
Lect.  VIIL  history.  65 
 
 quently  converfanf,  and  that  thefe  terms,  preferably  to  others, 
 are  univerfally  transferred  to  things  analogous  to  them  (be- 
 caufe  mod  allufions  will  neceflarily  be  made  to  things  of  the 
 moft  frequent  occurrence)  this  method  of  tracing  the  origi- 
 nal genius,  manners,  and  employment  of  a  nation,  fubtle  as 
 it  may  at  firft  fight  appear,  will  eafily  be  perceived  to  have  a 
 foundation  in  nature ;  and  we  may  fee  that,  were  a  language 
 thoroughly  examined  in  this  view,  many  clear  and  unquef- 
 tionable  conclufions  of  tliis  kind  might  be  drawn  from  it. 
 
 It  is  obfervable  that  the  word  in  the  Hebrew  which  fignifies 
 a  Jlranger,  is  derived  from  another  word  which  fignifies  to 
 fear,  and  that  hojlis  in  Latin  originally  fignihed  both  zJJranger 
 and  an  enemy.  Are  not  both  thefe  circum.flances  plain  indi- 
 cations that,  in  the  times  when  thofe  languages  were  formed, 
 there  was  little  intercourfe  between  diflerent  nations,  and 
 that  travelling  was  very  haz-^rdous  ? 
 
 From  the  following  curious  obfervation  on  the  nature  and 
 progrefs  of  language,  Mr.  Hum.e,  with  great  ingenuity,  and 
 appearance  of  reafon,  argues  that  population  was  little  en- 
 couraged by  the  Romans  among  their  flaves.  In  all  lan- 
 guages, v/hen  two  related  parts  of  a  ivhole  bear  any  fenfible 
 proportion  to  each  otlier,  in  numbers,  rank,  or  confidera- 
 rion,  there  are  always  correlative  terms  invented,  which  anfwcr 
 to  both  of  the  parts,  and  exprefs  their  mutual  relation  ; 
 whereas  if  they  bear  no  fenfible  proportion  to  each  other,  a 
 name  is  invented  for  the  lefs  only,  and  no  particular  term  is 
 thought  of  to  diftinguifh  the  more  confiderable  part  from  the 
 other.  Thus  man  and  ivoman,  majler  and  fervant,  prince  and 
 Jiihjcct,  Jlranger  and  citizen,  are  correlative  terms  in  all  lar- 
 guages,  indicating  that  each  part  fignified  by  them  bv:. 
 confiderable  proportion  to  the  other,  that  both  are  frequc-  y 
 m.entioned  in  oppofition  to  one  another,  and  are  often  con- 
 pared  together.  But  Vtrnn,  the  Latin  name  for  -^  Jlave'  hjrn 
 in  the  family,  has  no  correlative  ;  wliich  clearly  indicate:  -:i  r: 
 that  fpecies  of  flaves  bore  no  fenfible  proporticn  to  th:  )•:■■. 
 and  would  not  bear  to  be  compared  with  them. 
 
 By  the  fame  method  of  reafon vng,  we  infer  that  the  mili- 
 tary part  of  ancient  Rome  bore  a  greater  proportion  to  th*. 
 
 hufb^indmeri 
 
66  LECTURESON  Part  II. 
 
 hufbandmen  than  they  do  among  us,  becaufc  with  the  Ro- 
 mans the  terms  miles  and  paganits  were  correlative  j  and  that 
 the  priejls  of  Rome  were  never  confidered  as  a  part  of  the 
 community  diftindl  from  the  reft,  becaufe  there  is  not  in 
 Latin  any  term  to  denote  the  laity^  in  oppofition  to  the  clergy^ 
 as  there  is  in  all  chriftian  countries. 
 
 It  may  juft  be  mentioned  in  this  place,  that  copioufnefs  and 
 refinement  in  language  always  keep  pace  with  improvements 
 in  the  arts  and  conveniencies  of  life,  and  with  the  progrefs 
 of  fcience  in  a  country.  Difcoveries  of  other  kinds,  made 
 by  the  medium  of  language  might  be  mentioned,  but  thefe 
 are  fufficient  to  fhow  of  what  importance  the  ftudy  of  lan- 
 guage may  be  to  a  perfon  who  would  get  a  thorough  infight 
 into  the  hiftory,  the  genius,  and  the  manners  of  a  people. 
 
 LECTURE      IX. 
 
 Connexion  of  Hijlory  and  Law.  The  State  of  paternal  and  filial 
 AffeEiion  among  the  Romans,  as  feen  by  the  Tenor  of  the  Civil 
 Laiu.  Cifioms  and  general  Maxims  of  the  fame  Ufe  as  Laws, 
 Ufe  of  Laws  in  tramig  the  original  Genius  arid  Manner  of 
 Life  of  a  People.  Change  in  Laws  correfponding  with  a  Change 
 of  MannerSy  exemplified  in  the  feudal  Syfiem  in  England,  Sim^ 
 plicity  or  Intricacy  of  Law.  Hale's  Inferences  from  a  Law  of 
 Cctnute's. 
 
 THE  laws  of  a  country  arc  necelTarily  connected  with 
 every  thing  belonging  to  the  people  of  it  j  fo  that  a 
 thorough  knowledge  of  them,  and  of  their  progrefs,  would 
 inform  us  of  every  thing  that  was  moft  ufeful  to  be  known 
 about  them  ;  and  one  of  the  greateft  imperfections  of  hifto- 
 rians  in  general  is  their  ignorance  of  law.  Indeed  hardly  any 
 perfon,  except  a  native,  can  come  at  an  intimate  knowledge 
 of  the  lav/s  of  any  country.  But  it  is  greatly  to  be  lamented 
 that  things  fo  nearly  connefted  as  law  and  hifiory  fhould  have 
 been  fo  feldom  joined.  For  though  the  hiftory  of  battles  and 
 ftate  intrigues  be  more  engaging  to  the  bulk  of  readers,  who 
 
 have 
 
Lect.IX.  history.  67 
 
 have  no  rellfh  for  any  thing  but  what  interefts  the  pajjlons ; 
 from  the  knowledge  of  the  progrefs  of  laws,  and  changjes  of 
 conftitutlon,  in  a  ftate,  a  politician  may  derive  more  ufeful 
 information,  and  a  philofopher  more  rational  entertainment, 
 than  from  any  other  objedt  he  can  attend  to.  I  fhali  mention 
 a  few  particulars,  by  way  of  illuftration,  of  what  I  have  no w 
 advanced. 
 
 As  every  new  law  is  made  to  remove  fome  inconvenience 
 the  ftate  was  fubje£t  to  be*bre  the  making  of  it,  and  for  which 
 no  other  method  of  redrefs  was  efFeclual,  the  law  itfdf  is  a 
 ftanding,  and  the  moft  authentic,  evidence  we  can  require  cf 
 the  ftate  of  things  previous  to  it.  Indeed,  from  the  time  that 
 laws  began  to  be  written  in  fome  regular  form,  the  preamble 
 to  each  of  them  is  often  an  hiftorical  account  of  the  evil 
 intended  to  be  remedied  by  it,  as  is  the  cafe  with  many  of 
 our  ftatutes.  But  a  fagacious  hiftorian  has  little  occafion  for 
 any  preamble  to  laws.  They  fpeak  fufliciently  plain  of 
 themfelves. 
 
 When  we  read  that  a  law  was  made  by  Clothaire  king  of 
 France,  that  no  perfon  fhould  be  condemned  without  being 
 heard,  do  we  need  being  told  that  before  the  time  of  the 
 enacting  that  law  the  adminiftration  of  juftice  v/as  very  irre- 
 gular in  that  country,  and  that  a  man  could  have  little  fecu- 
 rity  for  his  liberty,  property,  or  life  ?  Is  it  not  a  proof  that 
 tlie  fpirit  of  hofpitality  began  to  decline  among  the  Burgun- 
 dians  as  they  grew  more  civilized,  when  there  was  occafion 
 for  a  law  to  punifh  any  Burgundian  who  Ihould  fhow  a  ilranger 
 to  the  houfe  of  a  Roman,  inftead  of  entertaining  him  him- 
 felf. 
 
 It  Is  but  an  unfavourable  idea  that  we  form  of  the  ftate  of 
 paternal  and  filial  affection  among  the  Romans,  from  the 
 tenor  of  their  laws,  which  ftiow  an  extreme  anxiety  to  rs- 
 ftrain  parents  from  doing  injuftice  to  their  own  children- 
 Children  (fay  their  laws)  are  not  to  be  difmherited  vv^thout 
 juft  caufe,  chiefly  that  of  ingratitude,  the  caufe  muft  be  fet 
 forth  in  the  teftament;  it  muft  be  tried  by  the  judge,  and 
 verified  by  witnefTes,  if  denied.  Whereas  among  other  na- 
 tions natural  affedlion,  without  the  aid  of  law,  is  a  fiiiHcient 
 
 moave 
 
6$  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S,  O  N  Part  !L 
 
 motive  vi'ith  parents  to  do  no  injuftice  to  their  children,  A 
 knowledge  of  another  part  of  the  political  conflitution  of  the 
 Romans  will  probably  help  us  to  a  reafon  for  the  uncommon 
 <iefe£l:  of  natural  affection  among  them.  The  Patria  Potejlas 
 was  in  reality  the  power  of  a  mafter  over  a  ilave,  the  very 
 knowledge,  and  idea,  of  which,  though  it  were  not  often  ex- 
 ereifed,  was  enough  to  produce  feverity  in  parents,  and  fear 
 and  diffidence  in  children,  which  muff  dellroy  mutual  confi- 
 dtence  and  affe£tion. 
 
 Cuftcms,  and  general  maxims  of  condu6f,  being  of  the 
 fiature  of  unwritten  laws,  give  us  the  fame  infight  iiito  the 
 it2.tt  of  things  in  a  country.  The  high  efteem  in  which  hof- 
 pjtality  is  held  by  the  Arabs,  and  the  religious,  and  even  fu- 
 perftitious  pra£lice  of  it  by  them,  and  by  other  favage  nations, 
 Ihews  the  great  want  there  is  of  that  virtue  in  thofe  countries, 
 and  that  travelling  is  particularly  dangerous  in  them. 
 
 The  laws  and  cuftoms  of  a  country  fhow  clearly  what  was 
 the  manner  of  living  and  the  occupation  of  the  original  in- 
 habitants of  it.  Thus  where  we  find  that  the  eldeft  fons  fuc- 
 ceed  to  the  whole,  or  the  greateft  part  of  the  eftate,  we  may 
 Be  fure  that  we  fee  traces  of  feudal  notions,  of  a  military  life, 
 and  a  monarchical  government  •,  in  which  a  prince  is  better 
 ferved  by  one  powerful  vaffal  than  by  feveral  weak  ones. 
 Where  the  children  fucceed  equally,  it  is  a  mark  of  a  ftate 
 having  been  addided  to  hufbandry,  and  inclined  \Ki  a  popular 
 equal  government.  And  v/here  the  youngeft  fucceeds,  we 
 may  take  it  for  granted  that  the  people  formerly  lived  a  paf- 
 toral  and  roving  life,  in  which  it  ks  natural  for  the  oldeft  to 
 be  provided  for,  and  difpofed  of,  the  firft,  and  the  youngeft 
 to  take  what  is  left  •,  a  manner  of  life  which  requires,  and 
 admits  of,  little  or  no  regular  government. 
 
 The  change  of  manners,  and  way  of  living,  may  be  traced 
 in  the  changes  of  the  laws.  Thus  the  change  from  a  military 
 to  a  commercial  ftate  may  be  traced  in  England  by  the  pro- 
 grefs  of  our  laws,  particularly  thofe  relating  to  the  alienation 
 of  landed  property  \  a  thing  abfolutely  inconfiftent  with  ffri6t 
 feudal  notions,  and  for  a  long  time  imprafticable  in  this  coun- 
 try j  but  which  took  place  by  degrees,  as  the  interefts  of  com- 
 merce 
 
Lect.  IX.  HISTORY.  69 
 
 merce  were  perceived  to  require,  that  every  thing  valuable 
 fhould  circulate  as  freely  as  polTible  in  a  ftate.  It  mull,  how- 
 ever, be  confidered,  that  the  change  of  laws  does  not  keep  an 
 equal  pace  with  the  change  of  manners,  but  follows  fome^ 
 times  far  behind.  In  almoft  every  cafe,  the  reafon  and  ne- 
 ceflity  of  the  thing  firfl  introduces  a  change  in  the  practice^ 
 before  the  authority  of  laiv  confirms  and  authorifes  it.  This 
 too  is  eafy  to  be  traced  in  a  great  many  of  our  Englifh  laws, 
 and  particularly  thofe  which  relate  to  the  eafy  transferring  of 
 property,  for  the  purpofe  of  trade  and  commicrce. 
 
 "Without  entering  into  particular  laws,  we  may  obferve  of 
 the  ftate  of  laws  in  general,  as  was  obferved  with  regard  to 
 language,  that  copioufnefs  and  refinement  in  them,  and  eveo 
 intricacy  and  tedioufnefs  in  the  adminiflration  of  them,  is  an 
 indication  of  freedom,  and  of  improvem.ents  in  civilized  life  ; 
 and  that  few  laws,  and  an  expeditious  adminiftration,  are 
 marks  either  of  the  connexions  of  perfons  being  very  few, 
 and  little  involved  (which  is  a  necefTary  confequence  of  im- 
 provements) ;  that  the  rights  of  perfons  have  not  been  attended 
 to,  and  that  the  nation  is  but  little  advanced  in  the  knowledge 
 or  polTeiTion  of  thofe  things  on  which  their  happinefs  and  le- 
 curity  chiefly  depend  ;  or  that  too  arbitrary  a  power  is  lodged 
 in  fome  hands  or  other  ;  it  being  well  obferved  by  Monref- 
 cuieu,  that  the  tedioufnefs  and  expence  of  law  fuits  is  the 
 price  of  liberty. 
 
 To  make  you  fenfible  with  what  attention  laws  fliould  be 
 confidered,  and  how  many  diftincl  circumflances  a  perfon  of 
 fagacity  may  learn  from  them  ;  I  fliall  quote  the  cbfjrvations 
 which  Lord  Chief  Juftice  Hale  makes  upon  a  law  of  king 
 Canute,  which  is  as  follows  in  Lambard's  collection :  olve 
 qii'is  incurldy  Jive  morte  repentind  fuevit  intcJIrJo  mortuus,  dominus 
 tamefi  nullam  rerum  fuarum  partem^  prater  earn  qu£  jure  dehettir 
 hereoti  nomine^  Jibi  ajjtirnito  ;  verum  eas,  jiidkio  fuo^  uxoriy  llheris^ 
 it  cognat'ioni  proxlmls  ji'Ji^y  pro  fuo  cu'ique  jure^  difirihiiito.  *f  If 
 *'  any  perfon  dying  by  accident,  or  fuddcnly,  (hall  be  intef- 
 «^  tate,  let  not  the  lord  take  any  part  of  his  goods,  except 
 f^  what  may  be  due  to  hiiii  as  a  heriot  \  but  let  him,  ufing  his 
 
 "  beil 
 
70  LECTURES     ON  PartII, 
 
 <*  befl  ju<lgment,  diftribute  them  to  his  wife,  children,  and 
 <*  neareft  relations,  according  to  their  refp66live  claims." 
 
 Upon  this  he  obferves  five  things,  i.  That  in  thofe  times 
 the  wife  had  a  fliare  as  well  of  the  lands,  as  of  the  goods,  for 
 her  dower  ;  2.  That,  in  reference  to  hereditary  fuccefTions, 
 there  ieemed  to  be  little  difference  between  lands  and  goods ; 
 for  this  law  makes  no  difiin^llon  ;  3.  That  there  was  a  kind 
 of  fettled  right  of  fuccelTion  with  reference  to  proximity  and 
 remotenefs  of  blood  or  kin  j  4.  That  with  refpecl  to  children, 
 they  all  feemed  to  fucceed  alike  without  any  diftin(fUon  be- 
 tween males  and  females  ;  5.  That  the  anceftor,  however^ 
 might  difpofe  of  his  lands,  as  well  as  goods,  by  will. 
 
 LECTURE      X. 
 
 The  life  of  Ohjervaiiofis  on  the  Intervals  bet-ween  the  Generations 
 of  Men  and  Succejftons  of  Kings,  to  afcertain  the  Dates  of  paj} 
 Events,  The  Antiquity  of  thefe  Methods  of  noting  Intervals  of 
 Time.  Fallacious  Method  of  computing  by  them.  Eafy  Cor' 
 reciion  of  that  Fallacy ;  by  which  Newton  has  amended  the 
 Chronology  of  ancient  Kingdoms  and  Nations.  The  Interval  be-- 
 tiueen  the  Return  of  the  Heraclid,£  and  the  Battle  of  ThermopyU 
 determined  by  Succcffions  :  The  fame  Interval  afcertained  hy  Ge- 
 nerations. The  Time  of  the  Argonautic  Expedition  determined 
 hy  two  Courfes  of  Generation.  Extravagance  of  the  Greek 
 Chronology,  hnprobable  Circnmfances  in  the  cotmnonly  received 
 Chronology  of  Rome.  The  Time  of  the  Siege  of  Troy  comes  to  be 
 the  fame  y  computing  hy  Succcffions  in  Italy,  and  by  Succejfions  and 
 Generations  in  Greece ;  and  is  agreeable  to  what  Appian  writes 
 from  the  Archives  of  Carthage. 
 
 MANY  obfervations  on  the  common  courfe  of  human 
 life  will  enable  us  to  determine  the  intervals  of  time 
 within  which  events  connected  with  them  have  happened. 
 Thofe  of  which  the  moll  ufe  has  been  made  are  obfervations 
 •on  generations  of  men,  and  fiicceffions  of  kings.  For  inftance, 
 when  we  read  in  hiilory,  or  collect  from  circumftances,  that 
 
 a  certain 
 
L^CT.  X.  HISTORY.  71 
 
 a  certain  number  of  generations  Intervened  between  any  two 
 events,  or  that  a  certain  nu:.;ber  of  kings  reigned  in  the  in- 
 terval, we  fhall  be  able  to  fix  the  date  of  the  former  with 
 refpecl  to  the  latter,  if  we  have  carefully  obferved  (from 
 comparing  a  fufficient  number  of  fafts)  vv-hat  has  been  the 
 mean  length  of  a  generation,  and  the  mean  length  of  a  reign  ; 
 or  at  what  age  men,  taken  one  with  another,  have  had  chil- 
 dren, and  how  long  kingc,  in  general,  have  actually  reigned. 
 
 The  ufe  of  thefe  mediums  of  proof  has  been  acknov/ledged 
 from  the  earlieft  writing  of  hiitory ;  and,  indeed,  fo  obvious 
 is  the  thought,  that  the  chronology  of  all  the  ancient  times  of 
 the  Grecian  liiftory  was  adjufted  by  their  oldeft  writers  upon 
 thefe  principles  aljne.  The  misfortune  is,  that  they  took 
 their  mean  length  of  a  generation^  and  aifo  that  of  a  fuccejjion 
 from  mere  random  and  fanciful  conje<5lures,  and  not  from  a 
 careful  obfervation  of  fa(^s.  But  it  is  happy  that,  though 
 thefe  writers  have  fixed  the  chronology  of  ancient  times  by  a 
 fallacious  theory,  a  fufficient  number  of  the  facfls,  to  which 
 their  theory  ought  to  have  correfponded,  ftill  remains ;  by 
 means  of  which  it  is  eafy  to  reform  their  theory,  and  reftify 
 their  chronology.  Indeed,  it  is  a  happy  circumftance,  that 
 every  theory  drawn  from  the  fituation  of  things  in  human  life^ 
 is  always  open  to  confutation  or  correction,  while  the  courie 
 of  human  Hfe  remains  the  fame.  It  is  but  obferving  how 
 things  really  are,  and  whether  the  theory  in  quefiiion  aftually 
 correfpond  to  it,  or  not. 
 
 It  is  upon  thefe  principles  chiefly  that  Sir  Ifaac  Newton  has 
 undertaken  to  rectify  the  chronology  of  ancient  ftates  and 
 kingdoms ;  and  for  examples  to  thefe  obfervations,  I  lliall  lay 
 before  you  the  evidence  on  which  his  admirable  theory  refts. 
 In  order  to  this,  I  ilrall  ftate  the  nrincinal  of  thofe  fafts  the 
 chronology  of  which  has  been  fo  variouily  reprefented ; 
 Tnowing  how  incompatible  with  the  courfe  of  nature  are  the 
 dates  that  have  formerly  been  aiTigned  to  them,  and  which 
 pafTed  without  examination  till  the  time  of  this  great  author, 
 and  upon  what  principles  he  has  reduced  their  extravagance 
 chronology  within  the  bounds  of  nature  and  probability. 
 
 In 
 
72  LECTURESON  Part  II. 
 
 In  order  to  have  a  clearer  idea  of  the  connexion  of  his 
 proofs,  I  muft  obferve  that  the  great  events,  the  intervals  of 
 which  he  endeavours  to  afcertain,  fucceeded  each  other  in  the 
 following  order : 
 
 The  Argonautic  expedition. 
 
 The  fiege  of  Troy. 
 
 The  return  of  the  Heraclid?e  into  Peloponnefus. 
 
 The  firft  Meflenian  war. 
 
 The  expedition  of  Xerxes. 
 
 The  Peloponnefian  war. 
 
 Between  the  return  of  the  Heraclidx  into  Peloponnefus  and 
 the  battle  of  Thermopylae  (of  the  time  of  which  there  is  no 
 controverfy)  tliere  reigned,  of  one  race  the  following  kings  of 
 Lacedsemon  ;  Eurifthenes,  Agis,  Echeflratus,  Labotas,  Doria- 
 gus,  Agefilaus,  Archelaus,  Teleclus,  Alchimenes,  Polidorus, 
 Euricrates,  Anaxander,  Euricratides,  Leon,  Anaxandrides, 
 Cleomenes,  and  Leonidas,  feventeen  In  all,  and  along  with 
 thefe  was  a  fucceffion  of  feventeen  alfo  in  the  other  race.  In 
 this  interval,  therefore,  we  have  a  double  fucceffion  of  feven- 
 teen kings.  Now,  by  comparing  the  chronology  of  almoll  all 
 the  fucceffions  which  have  been  perfectly  afcertained.  Sir 
 Ifaac  Newton  finds  that  kings  have  reigned  one  with  another 
 eighteen  or  twenty  years  a  piece ;  and  if  in  any  cafe  they 
 have  exceeded  that  number  of  years,  it  was  not  in  fuch  un- 
 fettled  times  as  were  thofe  of»the  Grecian  monarchies. 
 
 The  feventeen  princes,  therefore,  according  to  this  compu- 
 tation, allowing  them  twenty  years  a  piece,  which  is  quite  as 
 much  as  the  nature  of  things  will  admit  of,  mufl  have  reigned 
 three  hundred  and  forty  years.  Thefe  counted  backwards 
 from  the  fixth  year  of  Xerxes,  and  allowing  one  or  two  years 
 more  for  the  war  of  the  lleraclidae,  and  the  reign  of  Ariftodemus, 
 the  father  of  Eurifthenes  and  Proclus,  will  place  the  return  of 
 the  HeraclidiC  into  the  Peloponnefus  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
 nine  years  after  the  death  of  Solomon,  and  forty-fix  before 
 the  firft  Olympiad  in  which  Chorsebus  was  viftor.  But 
 Timaeus  and  his  followers  have  taken  the  reigns  of  kings  for 
 generations,  and  reckoned  three  generations  at  one  hundred, 
 and  fometimes  one  hundred  and  twenty  years  ;  and  {o  have 
 
 affigned 
 
Lect-X.  history.  73 
 
 affigned  thirty-five  or  forty  years  to  each  king,  and  accordingly 
 have  placed  the  return  of  the  Heraclidse  two  hundred  and 
 eighty  years  earlier  than  the  nature  of  things  can  pollibly 
 admit. 
 
 Other  fa£ls,  with  which  we  are  furni{hed  by  thefe  very 
 chronologers,  and  other  ancient  writers,  enable  us  to  confirm 
 the  truth  of  the  preceding  interval  of  time  by  a  different 
 medium  of  proof.  If  we  ccnfider  the  courfe  of  defcent  in  a 
 fufficient  number  of  families,  we  inall  find  that  the  interval 
 from  father  to  fon,  is  one  with  another,  thirty-three  or  thirty- 
 four  years  a  piece,  and  that  the  intervals  between  the  eldeil 
 fons  and  chiefs  of  families  (fuch  as  are  moll  taken  notice  of 
 by  hiftorians)  are  not  more  than  twenty-eight  or  thirty  years, 
 one  with  another. 
 
 The  reafon  why  a  longer  interval  is  afligned  to  generations  qJ 
 men  than  to  fucceffions  cf  kingSy  is  becaufe  kings  are  fucceeded 
 not  only  by  their  fons,  but  fometimes  by  their  brothers ;  and 
 fometimes  they  are  llain  or  depofed,  and  are  fucceeded  by 
 others  of  an  equal  age,  or  even  a  greater  age  than  themfelves, 
 and  efpecially  in  elective  or  turbulent  kingdoms. 
 
 Admitting  the  above  to  be  the  mean  length  of  generations, 
 if  we  multiply  the  number  of  generations  which  intervened 
 between  any  two  events  by  thirty-three  or  thirtv-four,  for 
 generations  in  general,  and  by  tv/enty-eight  or  thirty. for 
 generations  by  the  eideft  fons,  we  ihail  probably  determine 
 the  interval  with  tolerable  exaftnefs :  and  when  conciuhons 
 from  this  method  of  computation  coincide  with  thole  from 
 the  other  by  fucceffions  of  kings,  they  cannot  but  be  allowed 
 to  confirm  one  another.  This  we  are  able  to  do  v/ith  refpe61: 
 to  the  greater  part  of  the  preceding  interval. 
 
 From  the  return  of  the  Heraclidae  to  the  beginning  of  the 
 firfl  MeiTenian  war,  there  reigned  ten  kings  of  Sparta  in  one 
 race,  nine  in  the  other,  ttn  of  INIen^ne,  and  nine  of  Arcadia. 
 Thefe  fucceffions,  if  reduced  to  the  courfe  of  nature,  in  the 
 method  directed  above,  will  fcarce  take  up  one  hundred  and 
 eighty,  or  one  hundred  and  ninety  years  ;  whereas  according 
 to  chronologers  in  general,  they  took  up  a  fpace  of  three 
 hundred  and  feventy-nine  years-     But  that  one  hundred  and 
 
 eighty. 
 
74  LECTURES     ON  Part  IL 
 
 eighty,  or  one  hundred  and  ninety  years,  is  the  moft  probable 
 interval,  appears  by  an  argument  drawn  from  a  courfe  of 
 generations  during  the  very  fame  period, 
 
 Euryleon  the  fon  of  ^^ugeus  commanded  the  main  body  of 
 the  Meilenians,  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  firlt  Meflenian  vi^ar, 
 and  he  was  in  the  fifth  generation  from  Ololochus  the  fon  of 
 Theras,  brother-in-law  of  Ariflodemus,  and  tutor  to  his  fons 
 Eurifthenes  and  Prcclus,  as  Paufanias  relates.  Confequently 
 from  the  return  of  the  Heraclidae,  which  was  in  the  days  of 
 Theras,  to  the  battle,  which  was  in  the  fifth  year  of  this  v/ar, 
 there  were  fix  generations,  which  being  (as  is  moft  probable) 
 chiefly  by  the  elded  fons,  will  fcarce  exceed  thirty  years  to  a 
 generation,  and  fo  may  amount  to  one  hundred  and  feventy, 
 or  one  hundred  and  eighty  years.  That  war  lafted  nineteen 
 or  twenty  years,  of  which  add  the  laft  fifteen  years  to  the  five 
 mentioned  before,  and  there  will  be  about  one  hundred  and 
 ninety  years  to  the  end  of  that  war ;  the  very  length  of  the 
 fame  interval,  as  determined  by  the  preceding  obfervations  on 
 the  fuccelTions  of  kings.  But  the  followers  of  Timseus,  by 
 making  this  interval  about  three  hundred  and  feventy-nine 
 years,  muft  allow  above  fixty  years  to  a  generation,  which  can 
 by  no  means  be  fuppofed. 
 
 To  illuftrate  more  at  large  the  method  of  arguing  from 
 generations,  and  at  the  fame  time  to  proceed  a  little  further  in 
 giving  the  outlines  of  this  author's  great  reformation  in  ancient 
 chro!iology,  1  fliall  relate  two  other  courfes  of  generations^ 
 which  fix  the  time  of  the  Argonautic  expedition,  an  event, 
 which  is  the  grand  hinge  on  which  all  the  chronology  of 
 ancient  Greece  tunis,  and  the  date  of  which,  as  determined 
 by  generations,  you  will  prefently  fee  confirmed  by  another 
 method  of  inveftigation  on  very  different  principles. 
 
 One  of  thefe  courfes  of  generations  extends  backwards  from 
 the  return  of  the  Heraclidx,  where  our  laft  courfe  began,  to 
 the  expedition,  and  the  other  from  the  Peloponnefian  war  to 
 the  fame  event.  Hercules  the  Argonaut  was  the  father  of 
 Hillus,  the  father  of  Clcodcus,  the  father  of  Ariftomachus, 
 the  father  of  Temenus,  Crefphontes,  and  Ariftodemus,  who 
 kd  the  Heraclidae  into  Peloponnefus ;    whence  their  return 
 
 was 
 
Lect.  X.  HISTORY.  75 
 
 was  four  generations  later  than  the  Argonautic  expedition  ; 
 and  thefe  generations  were  (hort  ones,  being  by  the  chief  of 
 the  family ;  and,  according  to  Thucydides,  the  fiege  of  Troy 
 was  about  eighty  years  before  the  return  of  the  Heraclld?e. 
 Count  therefore  eighty  years  backward,  from  the  return  of  the 
 HeracHdse  to  the  Trojan  war,  and  the  taking  of  Troy  will  be 
 about  feventy-fix  years  after  the  death  of  Solomon  -,  and  the 
 Argonautic  expedition,  which  was  one  generation  earlier,  will 
 be  about  forty-three  years  after  it. 
 
 ^fculapius  and  Hercules  were  Argonauts,  and  Hippocrates 
 was  the  eighteenth  inclufively,  by  the  father's  fide,  from  jEfcu- 
 lapius,  and  the  nineteenth  from  Hercules  by  the  mother's 
 fide  i  and  becaufe  thefe  generations,  being  taken  notice  of  by 
 writers,  were  moft  probably  by  the  principal  of  the  family, 
 and  fo  for  the  moft  part  by  tlie  eldeft  fons,  we  may  reckon 
 about  twenty-eight,  or  at  the  moft  about  thirty  years  to  a 
 generation  •,  and  thus  the  feventeen  Intervals  by  the  father's 
 fide,  and  the  eighteen  by  the  mother's,  at  a  middle  reckoning, 
 amount  to  about  five  hundred  and  feven  years  ;  which,  counted 
 backwards  from  the  beginning  of  the  Pcloponnefian  war,  at 
 which  time  Hippocrates  began  to  flourlfti,  will  reach  up  to  the 
 forty-third  year  after  the  death  of  Solomon,  and  there  place 
 the  Argonautic  expedition ;  the  very  year  in  which  we  were 
 led  to  place  it  by  following  the  former  courfe  of  generations. 
 
 The  fame  great  author  afcertains  this,  and  feveral  other 
 capital  events  in  the  Grecian  hiftory,  by  fuch  a  variety  of 
 independent  arguments,  drawn  from  the  fame  and  different 
 mediums,  all  fo  agreeable  to  the  prefent  courfe  of  nature, 
 that  it  feems  ImpofTible  for  a  perfon  who  pays  a  fufficient 
 regard  to  it  not  to  be  determined  by  them.  It  is  furprifing, 
 indeed,  that  the  manifeft  inconfiftencies  of  the  commonly 
 received  chronology  with  the  courfe  of  nature  fhould  not  have 
 prevented  the  eftablifhment  of  it ;  and  it  is  abfolutely  unac- 
 countable, but  upon  the  willlngnefs  of  all  m.en,  to  admit  of 
 any  hypothefis  which  tends  to  give  dignity  to  their  nations 
 and  families,  by  adding  to  the  antiquity  of  them.  But  muft 
 it  not  be  a  more  unaccountable  attachment  to  eftablifhed 
 hypothefes  which  can  induce  any  perfons  of  the  prefent  age, 
 
 H  ;ifter 
 
76  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  IL 
 
 after  tliefe  inconfiflencles  have  been  fo  clearly  pointed  out, 
 ftill  to  adhere  to  a  chronology,  which,  in  thofe  turbulent 
 unfettled  times,  fuppofes  kings  to  have  reigned  one  with 
 another  in  fome  fucceffions  thirty-five,  in  fome  thirty-eight, 
 in  fome  forty,  in  fome  forty-two,  in  fome  forty-four,  and  in 
 fome  forty-fix  years  a  piece  *,  and  which  generally  allows  about 
 fixty  years  to  a  generation,  and  in  one  inflance  eighty-five  ? 
 
 With  refpe£l:  to  the  chronology  of  the  kings  of  Rome,  Mr. 
 Hooke  has  fhown  by  feveral  independent  arguments,  drawn 
 from  the  connection  of  events  in  the  hiflory  of  their  reigns, 
 that  to  fuppofe  them  to  have  reigned  one  with  another  nineteen 
 or  twenty  years  makes  a  more  confiflent  feries  of  fa6t:,  than  to 
 imagine  them  to  have  reigned  thirty-five  years  a  piece,  which 
 is  the  common  hypothefis. 
 
 The  chief  inconveniences  attending  the  old  chronology  in 
 the  Roman  hiflory  are,  that  it  fuppofes  an  interval  of  fixty- 
 three  years  of  peace  in  that  refllefs  nation  before  the  acceflion 
 of  Tullus  Hoftilius.  It  makes  the  reign  of  Servius  Tullius 
 fo  long  in  proportion  to  the  few  Cenfufes,  which  (according 
 to  the  nioft  authentic  records  were  taken  in  his  reign)  as 
 would  argue  a  moft  unaccountable  negle6l  of  his  own  favourite 
 inflitution.  It  obliges  us  to  fuppofe  Tarquinius  Superbus  not 
 to  have  been  the  fon  of  Tarquinius  Prifcus,  Dido  not  to  have 
 been  cotemporary  with  ^neas,  or  Numa  with  Pythagoras,  as 
 well  as  Solon  with  Croefus  in  the  Grecian  hiftory ;  all  which 
 have  the  unanimous  voice  of  all  tradition  in  their  favour,  and 
 which  Dionyfius  Halicarnafienfis,  Livy,  and  Plutarch  exprefs 
 their  extreme  unwillingnefs  to  give  up,  but  that  they  were 
 compelled  to  it  by  a  regard  to  a  chronology  which  in  their 
 times  was  unqueflioned.  Indeed,  the  congrefs  of  Solon  and 
 Croefus  Plutarch  exprefles  his  determination  not  to  give  up, 
 notwithftanding  his  general  attachment  to  a  theory  which 
 would  not  admit  of  it,  and  the  fallacy  of  which  he  did  not 
 fufpeft.  His  words  are  fo  remarkable,  and  fhow  fo  clearly  on 
 how  precarious  a  footing  that  chronology  {lands,  that  I  fhali 
 recite  them,  "  The  congrefs  of  Solon  with  Croefus  fome  think 
 *«  they  can  confute  by  chronology.  But  a  hiflory  fo  illuftri- 
 «  ous,  verified  by  fo  many  witnefTes,  and,  which  is  more,  fo 
 
 "  agreeable 
 
Lect.  X.  HISTORY.  77 
 
 "  agreeable  to  the  manner  of  Solon,  and  worthy  of  the  great- 
 "  nefs  of  his  mind  and  of  his  wifdom,  I  cannot  perfuade 
 **  myfelf  to  rejedl  becaufe  of  fome  chronological  canons,  as 
 <«  they  call  them  ;  which  an  hundred  authors  correcting,  have 
 <*  not  been  able  to  conftitute  any  thing  certain,  and  have  not 
 "  been  able  to  agree  amongft  themfelves  about  repugnances." 
 
 Befides,  to  return  to  the  Roman  hiftory ;  if  the  number  of 
 kings  that  reigned  at  Alba  be  joined  to  thofe  who  reigned  at 
 Rome,  and  they  be  allowed  to  have  reigned  nineteen  or  twenty 
 years  a  piece,  they  will  place  the  coming  of  jEneas  into  Italy, 
 and  the  ficge  of  Troy,  exaClly  in  the  time  in  which  arguments 
 drawn  from  generations  and  fucceflions  in  Greece,  as  well  as 
 aftronomical  calculations  (as  will  hereafter  appear)  place  that 
 event,  which  is  a  reciprocal  confirmation  of  the  juft  correction 
 both  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  chronology.  For  from  Latinus 
 to  Numitor  are  fixteen  kings,  who  reigned  at  Alba  j  Romulus 
 was  contemporary  with  Numitor,  and  after  him  Dionyfius  and 
 other  hiftorians  reckon  fix  kings  more  at  Rome  to  the  begin- 
 ning of  the  confuls.  Now  thefe  twenty-two  reigns,  at  about 
 eighteen  years  to  a  reign  one  with  another  (for  many  of  thefe 
 kings  were  flain)  took  up  three  hundred  and  ninety-fix  years, 
 which  counted  back  from  the  confulfhip  of  J.  Brutus  and 
 Valerius  Poplicola,  the  two  firft  confuls,  place  the  Trojan  war 
 feventy-eight  years  after  the  death  of  Solomon. 
 
 This  computation  likewife  agrees  with  what  Appian  in  his 
 hiftory  of  the  Punic  wars  relates,  out  of  the  archives  of  Car- 
 thage, which  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  viz.  that 
 Carthage  ftood  feven  hundred  years.  This  is  a  round  number, 
 but  Solinus  adds  the  odd  years  when  he  fays,  Carthago  poft 
 annos  737  quam  fuerat  extruCla  exciditur,  which  places  Dido, 
 the  founder  of  Carthage,  about  feventy-fix  years  after  the 
 death  of  Solomon.  It  likewife  agrees  with  the  Arundelian 
 Marbles,  which  fay  that  Teucer  came  to  Cyprus  feven  years 
 after  the  deftruClion  of  Troy,  and  built  Salamis,  in  the  days 
 of  Dido.  Indted,  it  is  an  argument  greatly  in  favour  of 
 Newton's  computations,  that  they  agree  very  nearly  with  all 
 the  moft  ancient  monumentSy  the  moft  current  traditions  of 
 antiquity,  and  the  oldefi  hijlorians ;  particularly  Herodotus  and 
 H  a  Thucydides, 
 
78  LECTURESON  Part  IL 
 
 Thucydidcs,  who  wrote  before  chronology  was  corrupted  by 
 the  vanity  of  their  nation,  or  the  abfurd  fyflems  of  later 
 hiflorians. 
 
 It  is  an  argument  greatly  in  favour  of  the  credibility  of  the 
 Old  Teflament  hiflory,  that  the  courfes  of  generations  and  de- 
 fcents  which  are  mentioned  in  it,  parallel  to  thofe  in  the  fa- 
 bulous period  of  the  Grecian  hiflory,  fall  within  the  fame 
 intervals  of  time  with  thofe  which  have  been  meafured  fmce 
 hiflory  has  been  authentic.  Confequently,  it  is  another  ar- 
 gument in  favour  of  Newton's  corredlion  of  the  ancient 
 Greek  chronology,  that  it  brings  the  courfes  of  generations 
 and  fuccefTions  in  the  one  to  correfpond  to  thofe  in  the  other. 
 Befides,  in  feveral  other  refpedls  it  brings  them  to  a  greater 
 harmony  than  can  be  made  out  upon  any  other  principles. 
 Particularly  it  places  the  expedition  of  Sefoflris  (who  as  it  is 
 highly  probable  from  feveral  circumftanccs,  was  the  fame 
 perfon  with  Sefac)  in  the  very  time  in  which  it  is  fpoken  of  in 
 the  fcriptures. 
 
 LECTURE      XI. 
 
 The  Time  of  pajl  Events  afcertained  by  Means  of  celejlial  jip-^ 
 pear<inces.  The  Certainty  of  the  Method  of  Computation  h 
 Kclihfes.  A  few  ancient  Eclipfes  enumerated.  The  Ufe  of 
 them  exemplified  in  the  Calculation  of  an  ancient  Eclipfe  of  the 
 
 Moon, 
 
 OF  all  the  incidental  circumftanccs  by  which  ancient 
 writers  enable  us,  in  an  indireci  manner,  to  afcertaiu 
 ,  the  time  of  events,  none  give  occafion  to  more  clear  and 
 undeniable  conclufions  than  the  mention  they  make  of  celejlial 
 appearances,  on  account  of  the  regularity  and  conftancy  of  the 
 revolutions  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  becaufe  the  laws  of 
 their  motions  are  fo  exa£lly  known  to  us.  In  this  refpe<5l 
 much  are  modern  chronologers  and  hiftorians  obliged  to  the 
 fuperflition  with  which  the  ancients  regarded  unufual  ap- 
 pearances in  the  heavens.  It  was  their  imagined  portentous 
 nature  that  firfl  drew  upon  them  the  attention  of  mankind, 
 
 who 
 
Lect.  XL  HISTORY.  79 
 
 who  dreaded  their  unknown  hifliiences  and  effefls.  It  was  on 
 this  account,  and  not  becaufe  they  were  conndered  as  proper 
 fubje£ts  of  philofophical  inquiry,  or  of  any  ufe  in  chrono- 
 logy, that  they  have  engaged  the  notice  of  hiftorians.  And 
 fortunately  for  us,  the  catalogue  of  ancient  eclipfes,  not  ob- 
 ferved  by  philofophers,  but  gazed  at  by  the  fuperftitious  vul- 
 gar, is  pretty  full.  Along  with  the  hiftory  of  many  remark- 
 able revolutions,  and  critical  fituations  in  the  hiftory  of  ftatss, 
 the  eclipfes  which  preceded,  or  accompanied  them,  are  faith- 
 fully transmitted  to  us  *,  and  where  the  time,  the  place,  and 
 quantity  of  an  eclipfe  are  mentioned,  though  not  with  aftro- 
 nomical  exa^Vnefs,  it  is  very  eafy,  by  the  rules  of  calculation, 
 to  fix  the  very  year  and  day  when  the  event  happened.  For 
 confidering  the  prodigious  variety  which  the  three  circumftan- 
 ces  of  time^  places  and  quantity  occafion  in  the  appearance  of 
 eclipfes,  there  is  no  room  to  fufpecl  that  any  two,  happening 
 within  a  moderate  diftance  of  one  another,  can  be  in  the  leaft 
 danger  of  being  confounded. 
 
 For  the  entertainment  of  thofe  who  take  pieafure  in  cal- 
 culations of  this  kind,  I  fhall  juft  quote,  from  Mr.  Fergu- 
 fon's  aftronomy,  fome  of  the  principal  eclipfes  that  have  been 
 taken  notice  of  by  hiftorians,  that  you  may  verify  them  at 
 your  leifure. 
 
 Before  Chrift  585  May  28,  an  eclipfe  of  the  fun,  foretold 
 by  Thales,  by  which  a  peace  was  brought  about  between  the 
 Medes  and  the  Lydians. 
 
 B.  C.  523  July  16,  an  eclipfe  of  the  moon,  wliich  was 
 followed  by  the  death  of  Cambyfes. 
 
 B.C.  481  April  19,  an  eclipfe  of  the  fun,  on  the  failing  of 
 Xerxes  from  Sardis. 
 
 B.  C.  463,  an  eclipfe  of  the  fun  followed  by  the  Perfian 
 war,  and  the  falling  off  of  the  Egyptians  from  the  Perfians. 
 
 B.  C.  431  Auguft  31,  a  total  eclipfe  of  the  fun,  and  a 
 comet  •,  followed  by  a  plague  at  Athens. 
 
 B.  C.  413  Auguft  27,  a  total  eclipfe  of  the  moon,  when 
 Nicias  was  defeated  at  Syracufe. 
 
 B.  C.  394  Auguft  14,  an  eclipfe  of  the  fun,  when  the  Per* 
 fians  were  beaten  by  Conon  in  a  fea  engagement 
 
 B.C. 
 
So  LECTURESON  Part  II. 
 
 B.C.  1 68  June  21,  a  total  eclipfe  of  the  moon,  and  the 
 next  day  Perfeus  king  of  Macedonia  was  conquered  by  Paulus 
 -^milius. 
 
 After  Chrift  59  April  30,  an  eclipfe  of  the  fun,  reckoned 
 by  Nero  among  the  prodigies  on  account  of  the  death  of 
 Agrippina. 
 
 A.  C.  306  July  27,  an  eclipfe  of  the  fun ;  the  ftars  were 
 feen  and  the  Emperor  Conftantius  died. 
 
 A.  C.  840  May  4,  a  great  eclipfe  of  the  fun,  and  Lewis 
 the  Pious  died  within  fix  months  after  it. 
 
 A.  C.  1009  an  eclipfe  of  the  fun,  and  Jerufalem  taken  by 
 the  Saracens, 
 
 To  exemplify  the  ufe  of  eclipfes  for  the  purpofes  of  chror 
 nology,  I  (hall  fele£l  from  the  above-mentioned,  one  of  the 
 moon,  and  fliow  how  the  date  of  the  event  which  accompa- 
 nied it  is  afcertained  by  the  help  of  it. 
 
 The  eclipfe  of  the  moon,  which  I  fliall  fele(E^,  and  the  cir- 
 cumftances  attending  it,  are  thus  related  by  Thucydides,  L.  7. 
 fe£l.  50.  Upon  the  arrival  of  Gylippus  to  the  afliftance  of 
 the  Syracufans,  the  Athenians,  finding  they  were  no  match 
 for  the  united  force  of  their  enemies,  repented  that  they 
 had  not  quitted  their  fituation  (in  which  it  was  no  Ipnger  fafe 
 for  them  to  continue)  before,  and  immediately  came  to  a 
 refolution  to  fail  out  of  the  harbour  as  fecretly  as  poflible. 
 But  when  every  thing  was  ready  for  failing  the  moon  was 
 eclipfed,  for  it  was  then  full  moon.  Upon  this,  mofl  of  the 
 Athenians,  alarmed  at  the  omen,  defired  their  commanders  to 
 proceed  no  farther  j  and  Nicias,  being  himfelf  a  fuperilitious 
 obferver  of  fuch  prodigies,  declared  that  he  would  not  come 
 to  any  final  refolution  about  quitting  the  place  till  they  had 
 fl:aid  three  days  longer,  according  to  the  advice  of  the  footh- 
 fayers.  This  occafioned  the  Athenians  to  flay  in  the  place, 
 which  they  had  never  after  an  opportunity  of  leaving,  and  in 
 which  they  almoft  to  a  man  perifhed. 
 
 This  event  is  placed  by  hiftorians  in  the  year  B.  G.  413, 
 and  upon  looking  into  the  aflronomical  tables,  it  appears 
 that,  the  moon  was  at  the  full  about  midnight  at  London, 
 or  one   o'clock   in  the  morning  at  Syracufe  on  the  27th  of 
 
 A  ugull 
 
Lect.  XI.  HISTORY.  8x 
 
 Auguft  in  that  year  ;  when  the  fun  was  only  forty  degrees 
 forty-eight  minutes  from  the  node,  far  within  twelve  degrees, 
 the  limit  of  Lunar  eclipfes;  and  when,  confequently,  there 
 muft  have  been  a  total  echpfe  of  the  moon,  which  would  be 
 vifible  to  the  Athenians  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  it, 
 and  may  therefore  reafonably  be  fuppofed  to  have  produced 
 the  efFect  afcribed  to  it  by  the  hiflorian. 
 
 A  hiftory  which  contains  an  account  of  a  fufficient  number 
 of  thefe  phaenomena  furnilhes  us  with  the  fureft  ted  of  its 
 authenticity.  Almofl  all  the  credit  which  is  given  to  the 
 Chinefe  hiftory  is  derived  from  this  confideration.  The  eclip^ 
 fes  there  mentioned  to  have  happened,  aftronomers  fay,  did 
 really  happen  at  the  times  aftigned  to  them*. 
 
 The  theory  of  comets  is  not  fufEciently  afcertained  to 
 enable  us  to  make  much  ufe  of  their  revolutions  for  hiftorical 
 purpofes  ;  nor  indeed  are  there  any  events  they  accompanied, 
 which  we  cannot  determine  much  more  nearly  by  other  me- 
 diums of  proof,  than,  it  is  probable,  we  could  have  done  by 
 the  help  of  comets,  were  their  theory  ever  fo  well  afcertain- 
 ed. Their  returns  are,  probably,  not  fufficienly  regular,  nor, 
 if  they  were,  are  the  accounts  of  them  in  hiftorians  fufE- 
 ciently exadt  for  that  purpofe. 
 
 *  I  made  this  lefturc  a  (hort  one,  becaufe   I  ufed   to  produce  in  the  courfe 
 of  it  calculations  of  fevcral  paft  ecHpfes,   to  illudrate  the  principles  of  it. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
82  LECTURES     ON  Part  IL 
 
 LECTURE      XIL 
 
 Of  the  life  Tvhich  Newton  has  made  of  Ohfervations  on  the  Pre-r 
 cejfion  of  the  Equinoxes  in  reBifying  ancient  Chronology,  The 
 Time  of  the  Argonautic  Expedition  determined  by  that  Means, 
 The  Date  of  fever al  fuhfeqtient  Events  determined  by  the  fame 
 Meansy  in  perfect  Conffence  luith  one  another.  A  GonjeElure 
 ca^erning  the  Age  of  an  old  Sphere  in  the  Mifeiim  of  the  Far- 
 nefian  Palace,  The  Age  of  Hefwd  determined  pretty  nearly 
 from  his  Account  of  the  heliacal  rifng  and fetting  of  fome  Stars. 
 The  Ufe  of  the  Books  of  the  Old  Tefament  for  reBifying  the 
 Heathen  Chronology.  The  Ufe  it  luas  of  to  Newton  in  par^ 
 ticular, 
 
 THE  calculations  of  eclipfes  are  of  great  ufe  in  afcertain^ 
 ing  particular  events,  if  they  have  been  previoufly  de-r 
 termined  M^ithin  a  moderate  diftance  \  but  the  grand  aftrono- 
 mical  medium  which  Sir  Ifaac  Newton  has  fo  fuccefsfully  em^ 
 ployed  in  rectifying  the  whole  fyftem  of  ancient  chronology, 
 is  the  preceffion  of  the  equinoxes.  The  quantity  of  this  pre- 
 ceflion  is  known,  by  a  feries  of  the  mofl  accurate  ohferva- 
 tions, to  be  one  degree  backwards  in  feventy-twq  years ;  that 
 Is,  the  fun  croffes  the  eclyptlc  fo  much  more  to  the  weft  every 
 year,  that  at  the  end  of  feventy-two  years  his  progrefs  weft- 
 ward  amounts  to  one  degree,  M^hereby  the  places  of  the  equi- 
 noxes are  continually  receding  from  the  conftellations,  in  the 
 middle  of  which  they  were  originally  placed.  Whenever, 
 therefore,  the  fituation  of  the  equinoClIal  or  folftitial  points, 
 or  any  appearance  depending  upon  them^  is  mentioned,  it  is 
 eafy  to  afcertain  the  time  pf  any  event  with  which  fuch  an  ap- 
 pearance was  conne£l:ed.  It  is  done  by  obferving  how  many 
 degrees  the  equino6lial  points  have  receded  from  the  fituation 
 they  then  had  to  that  which  they  have  at  prefent,  and  allow- 
 ing feventy-two  years  to  every  degree. 
 
 That  the  conftellations  were  firft  invented  at  the  time  of  the 
 Argonautic  expedition,  is  pretty  evident  from  a  variety  of  con- 
 
 fiderations^ 
 
Lect.  XII.  HISTORY.  83 
 
 fiderations.  We  have  not  only  the  teftlmony  of  feveral  an- 
 cient writers  for  the  fa£l,  but  the  conftellations  themfelves 
 feem  very  plainly  to  declare  as  much.  For  the  old  conftella- 
 tions mentioned  by  Aratus,  do  all  of  them  relate  either  to  the 
 Argonauts  themfelves,  and  their  cotemporaries,  or  to  perfons 
 one  or  two  generations  older  ;  and  nothing  later  than  that  ex- 
 pedition was  delineated  there  originally.  It  is,  thereforCj 
 very  probable  (as  feveral  ancient  writers  alTert)  that  the  firfl 
 fphere  was  invented  by  Chiron  and  Mufaeus  for  the  ufe  of  tlie 
 Argonauts. 
 
 We  have,  moreover,  the  teftlmony  of  feveral  ancient  wri- 
 ters that  the  equinoctial  and  folftitial  points  in  this  old  fphere 
 were  placed  upon  the  middle  of  the  conftellations  that  give 
 names  to  them  •,  namely,  that  the  equinociialcolure  was  made 
 to  pafs  through  the  middle  of  the  conftellation  Aries,  and  the 
 folftitial  colure  through  the  middle  of  Cancer.  Beftdesj  the 
 reafon  of  the  thing  might  reafonably  lead  us  to  imagine,  that 
 the  ancients  would  place  the  equinoxes  and  folftices  as  nearly 
 in  the  midft  of  their  refpecSlive  conftellations  as  their  coarfc 
 obfervations  would  enable  them  to  determinate.  For  fmce  the 
 firft  month  of  their  lunar-folar  year,  by  reafon  of  their  inter- 
 calary month,  began  fometimes  a  week  or  a  fortnight  before 
 the  equinox  or  folftice,  and  fom.etimes  as  much  after  it,  the 
 firft  aftronomers,  who  formed  the  afterifms,  would  naturally 
 endeavolir  to  place  thofe  grand  divifions  of  the  year,  the 
 equinoxes  and  folftices,  as  near  as  they  could  in  the  middle  of 
 the  conftellations  Aries,  Cancer,  Chelae,  and  Capricorn. 
 
 Admitting  the  colures  to  have  paft~ed  through  the  middle  of 
 thofe  conftellations  at  the  time  of  the  Argonautic  expedition, 
 Sir  Ifaac  Newton  finds  that  the  equinocliai  and  folftitial  points 
 had  gone  back  thirty-fix  degrees  forty-four  minutes  at  the  end 
 of  the  year  one  thpufand  fix  hundred  and  eighty-nine  ;  which, 
 allowing  feventy-two  years  to  each  degree,  would  have  been 
 accompliihed  in  the  fpace  of  two  thoufand  fix  hundred  and 
 forty-five  years.  This  number,  counted  back  from  the  year 
 one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  eighty-nine,  will  place  the  Ar- 
 gonautic expedition  about  twenty-five  years  after  the  death  of 
 Solomon. 
 
 This 
 
^4  LECTURES      ON  Part  II. 
 
 This  computation  proceeds  upon  the  fuppolltion  that  the 
 fiiiddle  of  the  conftellation  is  cxadly  the  middle  point  between 
 the  two  ftars  called  prima  Arietis  and  ultima  CaudiSy  but  if  we 
 fix  the  cardinal  points  by  the  ftars  through  which  the  colures 
 pafled  in  the  primitive  fphere,  as  defcrihed  by  Eudoxus,  which 
 feems  to  be  better,  the  equinoctial  points  will  have  receded 
 thirty- fix  degrees  twenty-nine  minutes,  which  anfwers  to  two 
 thoufand  fix  hundred  and  twenty-feven  years,  and  places  the 
 expedition  forty-three  years  after  the  death  of  Solomon,  very 
 near  the  fame  year  to  which  it  was  referred  by  the  other  pre- 
 ceding, and  very  different,  methods  of  computation  ;  the  very 
 near  and  remarkable  coincidence  of  which  is  the  greateft  con- 
 firmation of  the  certainty  of  both  thofe  methods  of  invefti- 
 gation. 
 
 What  gives  great  weight  to  this  argument  from  the  pre- 
 ceflion  of  the  equinoxes  is,  that  if  we  reckon  from  whatever 
 time  the  pofition  of  the  equinocSlial  points  hath  been  men- 
 tioned by  aftronomers  whofe  age  is  known,  this  motion, 
 counted  backwards,  fixes  that  great  event  in  the  fame  year. 
 It  likewife  demonllrates  that  the  obfervations  of  the  ancients, 
 though  coarfe  enough,  as  Sir  Ifaac  acknowledges,  are  fuffici- 
 ently  exact  for  the  purpofe.  As  this  circumftance  is  pretty 
 remarkable,  I  ihall  mention  the  particulars  of  it. 
 
 According  to  Pliny,  and  the  calculations  of  Petavius,  Thales, 
 who  wrote  a  book  of  the  tropics  and  equinoxes,  fixed  the 
 equinoxes  and  folftices  in  the  eleventh  degree  of  their  refpec- 
 tive  ligns  •,  fo  that  they  had  receded  four  degrees  twenty-fix 
 minutes  and  fifty-two  feconds,  from  their  original  place  at  the 
 time  of  the  Argonautic  expedition.  This  anfwers  to  three 
 hundred  and  twenty  years,  and  calculated  backwards  from  the 
 forty-firfl  Olympiad  (when  Thales  was  a  young  man,  fit  to 
 apply  to  aftronomical  ftudies)  will  place  that  event  forty-four 
 years  after  the  death  of  Solomon. 
 
 According  to  Columella,  Meton,  and  Eu£tcmon,  who  pub- 
 lifhed  the  lunar  Cycle  of  nineteen  years,  and  for  this  purpofe 
 obferved  the  fummxcr  folflice  in  the  year  of  Nabonaflar  three 
 hundred  and  fixteen,  the  year  before  the  Peloponnefian  war 
 began,  placed  the  fummer  folflice  in  the  eighth  degree  of  Can- 
 cer, 
 
Iect.XII.  history.  ^5 
 
 cer,  which  is  at  leaft  {even  degrees  more  backwards  than  at 
 firft.  This  fpace  anfwers  to  five  hundred  and  four  years^ 
 which,  counted  backwards  from  the  year  of  obfei  vation^ 
 makes  the  expedition  fall  upon  the  forty-fourth  year  after  the 
 death  of  Solomon* 
 
 Laftly,  Hipparchus,  who  firft  difcovered  that  the  equinoxe* 
 had  a  regular  motion  backwards,  made  his  obfervations  about 
 the  year  of  Nabonaflar  fix  hundred  and  two,  :LrA  f.xed  the 
 vernal  equinox  in  the  fourth  degree  of  Aries.  Confequentiy^ 
 the  equinoctial  points  had  gone  back  eleven  degrees  fmce  the 
 Argonautic  expedition,  which  is  equivalent  to  feven  hundred 
 and  ninety-two  years,  and  which  counted  backwards  places  the 
 expedition  in  the  forty-third  year  after  the  death  of  Solomoc 
 
 Thefe  four  coincidences  are  remarkable,  and  could  not  have 
 placed  the  fame  event  fo  near  the  fame  year,  unlefs  all  the  ob- 
 fervations had  been  fufficientiy  exa£t.  And  when  we  confider 
 the  coincidences  of  a  great  many  more  independent  eviden- 
 ces, derived  from  the  courfe  of  generation,  and  tlie  order  of 
 fucceffion,  with  thofe  v/hich  are  borrowed  from  aftronomicaj 
 principles,  nothing  feems  to  be  better  eftablifhed,  than  that 
 the  Argonautic  expedition,  an  event  on  v^rhich  all  the  Greek 
 chronology  depends,  really  happened  about  forty-three  year5 
 after  the  death  of  Solomon,  and  not  in  the  days  cf  Gideon, 
 above  three  hundred  years  before,  as  has  been  the  conmioa 
 opinion. 
 
 It  may  be  obferved  in  this  place,  thnt  the  error  of  Hippar- 
 chus with  refpe6l  to  the  quantity  of  the  precellion,  is  a  proof 
 that  the  chronology  of  Greece  before  his  time  vv-ss  erroneous, 
 and  wanted  corrt^lion.  He  makes  it  to  be  one  degree  in 
 about  one  hundred  years,  which  he  vvas  necelTarily  led  to 
 conclude  from  the  lengthening  of  the  intervals  of  obfeivation 
 fey  the  received  chronology  •,  and  therefore  the  dIfco\^ery  that 
 the  preceflion  of  the  equinoxes  is  only  at  the  rate  of  feventy- 
 two  years  to  a  degree,  furnifhes  us  with  a  good  reafon  why 
 we  ought  to  fhorten  the  time  before  Hipparchus  in  about  the-- 
 fame  proportion. 
 
 By  arguments  drawn  from,  the  rate  of  the  preceiTion  of  the 
 equinoxes  we  can  nearly  determine  the  age  of  an  old  glohs 
 
 found 
 
t6  LECTURES      ON  Part  1L 
 
 found  in  the  ruins  of  ancient  Rome,  and  which  is  now  pre- 
 ferred in  the  mufeum  of  the  Farncfian  palace,  as  one  of  the 
 mod  curious  monuments  of  antiquity.  On  this  globe  the 
 equino£lial  colure  pafTes  through  the  right  horn  and  right  foot 
 of  Aries,  and  is  about  five  degrees  diflant  from  the  equinoc- 
 tial point  laid  down  on  the  globe.  From  thefc  circumftances 
 it  will  appear,  that  this  globe  was  made  about  forty  years  be- 
 fore Chrift  ;  and,  it  is  moreover  probable,  from  the  conftruc- 
 tion  of  this  globe,  that  the  colure  paffcd  through  the  bright 
 liar  of  Aries  about  four  hundred  years  before  Chrifb. 
 
 The  rifing  and  fetting  of  the  ftars  with  refped:  to  the  rifing 
 and  fetting  of  the  fun  depends  alfo  upon  the  preceflion  of  the 
 equinoxes.  Any  writer,  therefore,  who  mentions  the  rifing 
 or  fetting  of  any  ftar,  at  any  particular  time  of  the  year,  with 
 refpe<fl:  to  the  fun,  furnlfhes  us  with  data  fufficient  to  deter- 
 mine the  time  in  which  he  wrote.  Thus  Hefiod  tells  us  that 
 fjxty  days  after  the  winter  folftlee  the  ilar  arfturus  rofe  juft  at 
 fun  {et ;  from  which  circumftance  it  is  eafily  calculated  that 
 Hefiod  ilouriihed  about  one  hundred  years  after  the  death  of 
 Solomon,  or  in  the  generation,  or  age,  next  to  the  Trojan 
 war,  as  Hefiod  himfelf  declares  ;  which  is  another  indepen- 
 dent argument  for  the  date  before  alTigned  to  that  war,  and 
 all  the  Greek  chronology  connected  with  it. 
 
 Many  other  circumftances  which  Hefiod  occafionally  men- 
 tions, relating  to  the  ftate  of  the  heavens  in  his  time,  concur 
 in  leading  us  lo  the  fame  conclufion.  Virgil  too,  if  his  age 
 had  not  been  afcevtained  in  another  manner,  has  given  us  data 
 of  the  fame  kind  fufficient  to  determine  It  pretty  nearly. 
 
 I  cannot  conclude  thefe  obfcrvatlonson  the  chronology  of  the 
 earlicft  ages  of  the  heathen  world  better  than  by  reminding 
 you,  that,  the  truth  of  the  fcripture  hiflory  being  unquef- 
 tionable,  and  relating  to  times  prior  to  the  age  in  which  hif- 
 tory  began  to  be  written  by  any  other  people  than  the  Jews, 
 it  is  the  beft  guide  to  the  knowledge  of  prophane  antiquity. 
 It  was  in  purfuing  this  plan  that  Newton  was  led  to  correal 
 the  ancient  technical  chronology  of  the  Greeks  by  itfelf. 
 The  principles  on  which  he  reduces  their  accounts  are  founded 
 on  nature,  and  independent  on  any  arguments  drawn  from 
 
 fcripture. 
 
Lect.  XII.  HISTORY.  87 
 
 fcripture.  But  it  is  more  than  probable  that,  feeing  reafon  to 
 think,  from  fimilar  circumftances,  that  Sefoftris  muft  have 
 been  the  fame  perfon  with  Sefac,  of  whom  we  have  an  ac- 
 count in  the  hiftory  of  Rehoboam,  he  firft  of  all  fixed  the 
 date  of  that  expedition  according  to  the  fcriptures,  and  that 
 afterwards,  from  confidering  the  fubje£l  in  various  points  of 
 light,  he  was  led  to  the  other  arguments  which  have  been 
 mentioned  ;  by  which  he  was  able  to  confirm  the  fcriptural 
 date  of  that  event,  and  alfo  the  dates  of  the  principal  fa£ls 
 in  the  hiftory  of  Greece  conne<fted  with  it,  in  a  manner  in- 
 dependent of  the  authorities  on  which  he  firfl  founded  his 
 opinion.  Then  having,  by  the  joint  helps  of  fcripture  and 
 reafon,  re£lified  the  chronology  of  the  Greeks,  he  made  ufe 
 of  this  recSlified  chronology  to  adjuft  the  cctemporary  affairs 
 of  the  Egyptians,  Aflyrians,  Babylonians,  Medes,  and  Perfians. 
 
 If  this  analyfis  of  the  method  of  reafoning,  fo  fuccefsfuDy 
 ufed  by  Sir  Ifaac  Newton  in  rectifying  the  chronology  of  an- 
 cient times,  induce  any  of  you  who  are  intended  for  a  learned 
 profeflion  to  ftudy  fo  excellent  and  important  a  work,  and  be 
 any  help  to  you  in  underftanding  it,  and  I  fiiall  thus  contri- 
 bute to  the  more  general  reception  of  the  great  outlines  of 
 this  fyftem,  I  {hall  think  that  I  have  rendered  an  important 
 fervice  to  the  learned  world. 
 
 P  A  R  T 
 
88  LECTURES     ON  pARt  III. 
 
 PART         IIL 
 
 WHAT  IS  NECESSARY,  OR  USEFUL,  TO  BE 
 KNOWN  PREVIOUS  TO  THE  STUDY  OF 
 HISTORY. 
 
 LECTURE      Xlir. 
 
 TJfe  of  the  SdeTicfs  derived  from  HiJIory  to  the  Study  of  H'fiory* 
 The  Koivhdge  of  human  Nature,  Philufophicol  Ktionvledge  in 
 general.  Geography.  Chronology,  The  Method  of  reckoning 
 by  U'^eeks,      Divifon  of  the  Day, 
 
 BEFORE  we  enter  upon  the  third  divifion  of  our  fub- 
 je6lj  which  comprizes  what  is  neceflary,  or  peculiarly 
 ufeful,  to  be  known  previous  to  the  ftudy  of  hiltory,  it  is  pro- 
 per to  obferve,  that  it  mull  be  taken  in  very  difrerent  degrees 
 of  extent,  according  to  the  views  with  which  hillory  is^read  ; 
 and  that  this,  as  was  obferved  before,  depends  very  much 
 upon  the  age  and  fituation  of  the  perfon  who  applies  to  it. 
 
 If  particular  portions  of  hiluory  be  recomjnended  to  young 
 perfons,  with  a  view  to  amufe  their  imaginations,  to  engage 
 their  palTions,  to  difcover  their  difpofitions  and  genius,  or  form 
 them  to  juft  and  manly  fentiments,  in  order  to  fit  them  for 
 afting  in  the  common  fpheres  of  life  with  more  propriety  and 
 dignity,  no  previous  qualifications  at  all  are  neceflary.  Let 
 youth  have  hiflory  put  into  their  hands  as  foon  as  they  are  ca- 
 pable of  reading,  provided  that  pafTages  be  fele6ted  with  a 
 view  to  their  age  and  capacity.  The  ufes  above-mentioned 
 (which  after  all,  are  the  noblefl  that  can  be  made  of  hiftory) 
 may  be  derived  from  it  though  many  particular  pafTages  in  hif- 
 torians  be  unintelligible,  and  the  reader  be  not  capable  of 
 applying  hiftory  to  thefe  purpofes  of  fcience,  to  which  it  has 
 been  fhown  to  be  fubferv^ient. 
 
 But  if  a  perfon  have  farther  and  fcientlfic  views  in  the  fludy 
 of  hiflory,  he  will  find  feveral  branches  of  knowledge,  and 
 
 fome 
 
Lect.  XIII.         HISTORY.  89 
 
 fome  articles  of  previous  information,  extremely  ufeful,  and 
 in  a  manner  neceflary.  It  is  true  that  thofe  fciences,  and  thofe 
 articles  of  information,  were  originally  derived  from  hiftory  ; 
 and  therefore  that  thofe  who  firft  applied  to  the  ftudy  of  it 
 had  not  thele  helps.  But  the  fame  may  be  faid  of  grammars, 
 which  were  made  after  the  perfcn  who  wrote  tjiem  had  formed 
 an  acquaintance  with  the  languages  v/hich  they  were  deligned 
 to  explain  ;  but  which  are  univerfally  elleemed  to  be,  in  a 
 manner,  neceflary  to  be  underftood  by  any  perfon  who  would 
 obtain,  at  leaft  an  eafy  and  fpeedy  acquaintance  with  thefe 
 languages  afterwards.  I  fhall  therefore,  in  this  part  of  my 
 fubjeft,  point  out  thofe  branches  of  fcience,  and  give  the 
 principal  of  thofe  aiticles  of  information,  which  are  pecu- 
 liarly ufeful  to  a  perfon  who  applies  to  the  fbudy  of  hiitory. 
 And,  indeed,  if  a  perfon  have  no  thought  of  eilablilhing  or 
 confirming  any  principles  of  fcience  by  his  ftudy  of  hiftory, 
 it  muft  greatly  contribute  to  his  pleafure  in  reading,  to  un- 
 derftand  his  author  perfe£tiy,  and  have  a  clear  idea  of  every 
 thing  which  is  prefented  to  him  in  the  theatre  he  is  viewing. 
 
 Confidering  the  extenfive  nature  of  hiftory,  there  is  no 
 branch  of  fcience  which  it  may  not  be  of  advantage  for  a  per- 
 fon to  furnifh  himfelf  with,  preparatory  to  the  ftudy  of  it. 
 But  it  muft  be  obferved  that  an  accurate  and  extenfive  kno^^'- 
 jedge  of  thofe  fciences  cannot  be  attained  without  fome  know- 
 ledge of  hiftory.  Indeed  their  aid  is  mutual,  juft  as  the  know- 
 ledge of  grammar,  as  was  obferved  before,  qualifies  a  perfon 
 for  the  reading  of  authors,  and  the  reading  of  authors  en- 
 larges and  perfects  his  acquaintance  with  grammar.  There  is 
 no  occafion  therefore  fcr  a  perfon  who  propofcs  to  ftudy  hif- 
 tory fcientifically  to  defer  his  application  to  it  till  he  be  com- 
 pletely mafter  of  the  fciences  I  fliall  recommend,  as  peculiarly 
 ufeful  to  his  purpofe.  If  he  come  to  the  reading  of  hiftory 
 furnilhed  with  the  firft  principles  of  them,  he  v/ill  find  his 
 knowledge  of  them  grow  more  perfed  as  he  proceeds  ;  par- 
 ticularly if  he  attend  to  the  fa£ls  he  becomes  acquainted  with, 
 with  that  view. 
 
 For  inftance,  the  knowledge  of  human  fw.ii^re  is  of  univerfal 
 and  conftant  ufe  in  confidering  the  characters  and  actions  of 
 
 mejj ; 
 
po  LECTURES      ON  Part  IIL 
 
 men ;  yet  a  very  moderate  knowledge  of  this  important  fab- 
 jedt  is  the  rcfult  of  all  our  reading,  of  all  our  experience,  and 
 of  all  the  obfervations  we  can  make  upon  mankind.  A  gene- 
 ral idea,  however,  of  the  principles  of  human  nature  will  be 
 an  excellent  guide  to  us  in  judging  of  the  confiftency  of  hu- 
 man chara£lers,  and  of  what  is  within,  and  what  without,  the 
 reach  of  human  powers ;  and  without  forae  attention  to  this 
 fubjeft  we  might  embrace  all  the  fables  of  Grecian  mythology y 
 and  ail  the  extravagancies  of  books  of  chivalry^  as  undoubted 
 truth  ;  or  admit  it  to  be  poffible,  that  the  real  heroes  of  anti- 
 quity might  have  been  the  fame  perfons  with  thofe  who  bore 
 their  names  in  the  moll  abfurd  of  the  modern  plays  and  ro- 
 mances which  are  founded  on  their  hlftory. 
 
 Philofophical  knowledge  in  general  is  of  the  mod  extenfive  ufe 
 to  all  perfons  who  would  examine  with  accuracy  the  atchieve- 
 ments  of  ancient  nations  In  peace  or  war,  or  who  would  tho- 
 roughly weigh  the  accounts  of  any  thing  in  which  the  pow- 
 ers of  nature  are  employed.  Without  fome  acquaintance  with 
 phllofophy  it  will  be  Impoffible  to  dlilinguifli  between  the 
 moft  abfurd  chimeras  of  eaftern  romance,  and  the  mofl  natu- 
 raJ  hiftorical  relations.  Who  but  a  philofopher,  or  a  perfon 
 acquainted  with  the  powers  of  nature  and  art,  could  form  any 
 judgment  of  what  the  ancients  relate  concerning  the  prodi- 
 gious machines  of  Archimedes  in  the  defence  of  Syracufe ;  or 
 know  what  to  think  of  the  accounts  of  omens,  oracles,  and 
 prodigies,  which  occur  in  fuch  grave  hiftorians  as  Livy,  Taci- 
 tus, Jofephus,  &c.  ? 
 
 Without  fome  knowledge  of  phllofophy  a  perfon  might  even 
 admit  what  many  authors  have  related  one  after  another,  that 
 the  famous  Otho,  Archblfhop  of  Mayence,  was  befieged  and 
 devoured  by  an  army  of  rats  In  the  year  fix  hundred  and  ninety- 
 eight,  that  Gafcony  was  deluged  with  fhowers  of  blood  in 
 one  thoufand  and  feventeen,  or  that  two  armies  of  ferpents 
 fought  a  battle  near  Tournay  in  one  thoufand  and  fifty-nine. 
 It  particularly  requires  a  confiderable  acquaintance  with  feve- 
 ral  branches  of  phllofophy,  to  diltlnguifli  between  truth  and 
 falfliood,  probability  and  Improbability,  in  the  hillory  of  the 
 cuftoms  and  manners  of  ancient  and  remote  nations. 
 
 A/Ironomjf, 
 
Lect.  XIII.         HISTORY.  91 
 
 Jfirofiomyy  though  feemingly  very  remote  from  this  fubje^l 
 of  civil  hiftory,  has  been  (liown,  in  a  preceding  le£lure,  to 
 inftru£^  us  in  the  bufinefs  of  chronological  calculations  -,  and 
 mathematical  fcience  in  general  is  ufefully  applied  in  meafuring 
 the  greatnefs,  and  confequently  in  determining  the  probability, 
 of  many  human  works. 
 
 But  thofe  fciences  which  are  of  the  moft  conftant  and  gene- 
 ral ufe  to  an  hiilorian,  fo  as  to  have  deferved  to  be  called  the 
 t'wo  eyes  of  hifloryy  are  geography  and  chronology.  Without  geo- 
 graphy, or  a  knowledge  of  the  fituation  and  relative  magni- 
 tude of  the  feveral  countries  of  the  earth,  no  reader  of  hif- 
 tory can  have  any  clear  and  diftin£l  idea  of  what  he  reads,  as 
 being  tranfa£^ed  in  them.  Befides,  he  would  be  liable  to  the 
 grofleft  impofitions,  and  might  even  be  led  to  think,  for  in- 
 ftance,  from  the  common  editions  of  Shakefpeare,  that  fhips 
 might  come  to  an  haibour  in  Bohemia.  Moreover,  by  a 
 knowledge  of  geography,  we  are  able  to  verify  many  pad 
 tranfa£tions,  which,  if  they  ever  happened,  muft  have  left 
 indelible  traces  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  Many  curious  ex- 
 amples of  this  nature  may  be  feen  in  4-ddifon's,  Maundrell's 
 and  Shaw*s  travels.  The  fiflure  in  the  rock  of  Mount  Calvary, 
 which  was  made  when  our  Saviour  was  crucified,  and  a  large 
 fragment  of  the  rock  of  Rephidim  near  mount  Sinai,  are  re- 
 markable fadis  of  this  nature. 
 
 This  fcience  of  geography,  being  perfectly  diflind^  from 
 hiftory,  civil  or  ecclefiaftical,  though  abfolutely  necefiary  to 
 the  knowledge  of  it,  I  fhall  not  enter  upon  ;  but  chronology^ 
 the  other  eye  of  hillory,  as  it  confifts  chiefly  of  a  knov/ledge 
 of  the  artificial  divifions  of  time,  and  partakes  more  of  the 
 nature  of  hiftory,  I  ftiall  explain  as  briefly  as  poflible ;  cfpe- 
 cially  as  much  of  the  principles  of  it  as  I  apprehend  to  be  of 
 the  moft  ufe  in  the  ftudy  of  hiftory. 
 
 The  ufe  of  chronology  (though  it  may  have  been  fometime^ 
 handled  too  minutely  for  the  purpofe  of  hiftory)  cannot  be 
 denied.  We  can  form  but  very  confuied  notions  of  the  inter- 
 vals of  time,  of  the  rife  and  fail  of  empires,  and  of  the  fuc- 
 ceffive  eftabiifliment  of  ftates,  without  fome  fuch  general  com- 
 prehenfion,  as  we  may  call  it,  of  the  whok  current  of  time, 
 
 I  3te 
 
92  LECTURES     ON  Part  IIL 
 
 as  may  enable  us  to  trace  out  dlftin£lly  the  dependence  of 
 events,  and  diftribute  them  into  fuch  periods  and  divifions,  as 
 {hall  lay  the  whole  chain  of  paft  tranfa<£tions  in  a  juft  and  or- 
 derly manner  before  us  j  and  this  is  what  chronology  under- 
 takes to  aflifl  us  in. 
 
 The  divifions  of  time  which  are  confidered  in  chronology 
 relate  either  to  the  different  methods  of  computing  days, 
 months,  and  years,  or  the  remarkable  asras  or  epoclias  from 
 which  any  year  receives  its  name,  and  by  means  of  which  the 
 date  of  any  event  is  fixed. 
 
 Time  is  commodioufly  divided  by  any  equal  motions,  or  the 
 regular  return  of  any  appearances,  in  the  heavens  or  on  the 
 earth,  that  ftrike  the  fenfes  of  all  perfons  ;  and  there  are  three 
 of  thefe,  fo  particularly  confpicuous,  that  they  have  been 
 made  ufe  of  for  this  purpofe  by  all  mankind.  They  are  the 
 changes  of  day  and  night,  the  ccurfe  of  the  moon,  and  the 
 return  of  the  feafons  of  the  year. 
 
 The  firfl  of  thefe  is  produced  by  the  revolution  of  the 
 earth  about  its  axis,  and  is  called  a  day ;  the  fecond  is  the  pe- 
 riod that  elapfes  between  one  new  moon  and  another,  called  a 
 month ;  and  the  third  is  the  time  in  which  the  earth  completes 
 its  revolution  about  the  fun,  called  a  year. 
 
 Were  thefe  three  periods  commenfurate  to  one  another* 
 that  is,  did  a  month  confill  of  any  equal  number  of  days, 
 ^pA  the  year  of  a  certain  number  of  lunar  months,  a  great 
 part  of  the  bufinefs  of  chronology  would  have  been  exceed- 
 inglv  eafy.  All  the  embarraflment  of  the  ancient  aftrono- 
 mers,  in  fettling  their  periods,  and  all  the  difficulty  that  at- 
 tends the  acquiring  the  knowledge  of  them,  have  been  owing 
 to  the  methods  that  mankind  have  been  compelled  to  adopt 
 in  order  to  accommodate  the  three  methods  of  computing 
 time,  viz.  by  days,  months,  and  years,  to  one  another,  fo  as 
 to  make  ufe  of  them  all  at  the  fame  time. 
 
 Befides  thefe  three  natural  divifions  of  time,  there  is  ano- 
 ther that  may  be  called  artificial,  viz.  into  iveeks,  or  periods 
 of  feven  days,  which  took  its  rife  from  the  Divine  Being  hav- 
 ing compleatcd  the  creation  of  the  earth  in  feven  days.  But 
 this  divifion  of  time,  though  ufed  by  Jews,  Chriftians,  and 
 
 Mahometans, 
 
Lect.  XIIL  history.  93 
 
 Mahometans,  and  by  almoft  all  the  people  of  Afia  and  Africa, 
 was  not  obferved  by  the  Greeks  or  Romans. 
 
 To  give  as  diftin£l  a  view  of  this  fubje£l  as  I  am  able,  I 
 fhall  firft  give  fome  account  of  each  of  thefe  divifions  of  time, 
 noting  all  the  principal  fub-divifions  or  diflributions  that  have 
 been  made  of  them,  and  then  defcribe  the  methods  of  accom- 
 modating them  to  one  another. 
 
 Days  have  been  very  differently  terminated  and  divided  by 
 different  people  in  different  ages,  which  it  is  of  fome  impor- 
 tance to  a  reader  of  hiflory  to  be  acquainted  with.  The 
 ancient  Babylonians,  Perfians,  Syrians,  and  moft  other  eaf- 
 tern  nations,  with  the  prefcnt  inhabitants  of  the  Balearic 
 iflands,  the  Greeks,  &c.  began  their  day  with  the  fun*$ 
 rifing.  The  ancient  Athenians  and  Jews,  with  the  Auf- 
 trians,  Bohemians,  Marcomanni,  Silefians,  modern  Italians 
 and  Chinefe,  reckon  from  the  fun*s  fetting  ;  the  ancient 
 Umbri  and  Arabians,  with  the  modern  aftronomers,  from 
 noon ;  and  the  Egyptians  and  Romans,  with  the  modern 
 Englifh,  French,  Dutch,  Germans,  Spaniards,  and  Portu- 
 guefe,  from  midnight. 
 
 The  Jews,  Romans,  and  moft  other  ancient  nations  di- 
 vided the  day  into  twelve  hours,  and  the  night  into  four 
 watches.  But  the  cuftom  which  prevails  in  this  weftern 
 part  of  the  world  at  prefent  is,  to  divide  the  day  into 
 twenty-four  equal  portions,  only  with  fome  the  twenty-four 
 are  divided  into  twice  twelve  hours  ;  whereas  others,  parti- 
 cularly the  Italians,  Bohemians,  and  Poles,  count  twenty- 
 four  hours  without  interruption. 
 
 I2  LECTURE 
 
n 
 
 ILECTURES      ON  PartIIL 
 
 LECTURE       XIV. 
 
 Months^  Lunar  and  Solar,  Difference  in  Beginning  the  Tear. 
 Intercalation,  Cycles.  Qld  and  new  Style,  The  Solar  Cycle. 
 Cycle  of  Indinion.  Julian  Pericd,  ^ras  or  Epcchas,  The 
 Mra  of  Nabonaffar.  Of  the  Seleucida.  Of  the  Birth  of 
 Chrifl.  Of  the  Hegira,  Of  the  ^ra  ufed  formerly  in  Spain. 
 Of  the  Battle  of  JBium.  Of  the  Mr  a  of  Diocleftan  and  that 
 of  Tfdcjerd.      Cautions  in  comparing  them  luith  one  atiother. 
 
 AS  a  complete  lunation  confifts  of  about  twenty-nine 
 days  and  an  half,  and  the  changes  of  the  moon  are 
 very  vifible,  there  could  be  no  great  difficulty  in  accommodat- 
 ing them,  to  each  other,  or  in  fixing  what  number  of  days 
 fhould  be  allowed  to  a  month.  In  general  the  ancients  made; 
 them  to  confifl  of  twenty-nine  and  thirty  days  alternately  \  and 
 they  could  never  make  a  miftake  of  a  day  without  being  able 
 to  recSlify  it  (provided  the  view  of  the  heavens  was  not  ob- 
 ftrudled)  by  ocular  obfervation. 
 
 When  months  came  to  be  reckoned  not  by  lunations,  but 
 were  confidercd  as  each  the  twelfth  part  of  a  year,  confiding 
 of  three  hundred  and  fixty-five  days  and  fome  hours,  it  be- 
 came necefiary  to  allow  fometimes  thirty  and  fometimes  thirty- 
 one  days  to  a  month,  as  in  the  Roman  calendar. 
 
 Whenever  months  are  mentioned  as  divided  by  days  in  the 
 books  of  fcripture,  they  are  fuppofed  to  confifl  of  thirty  days 
 each ;  and  twelve  months,  or  three  hundred  and  fixty  days, 
 make  the  year.  This  is  particularly  to  be  obferved  in  inter- 
 preting the  prophetical  books  of  Daniel  and  St.  John* 
 
 Different  people  have  made  their  years  to  begin  at  different 
 times,  and  have  ufed  a  variety  of  methods  to  give  names  to 
 them,  and  diflinguifh  them  from  one  another. 
 
 The  Jews  began  the  year  for  civil  purpofes  in  the  month  of 
 
 Tizriy  which  anfwers  to  our  September  j  but  for  ecclefiaftical 
 
 purpofes    with'  Nifan,  whiqh  anfwers  to  our  April,  at  which 
 
 time  they  kept  the  palfover. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  XIV.        HISTORY.  95 
 
 The  Athenians  began  the  year  with  the  month  Hecatomhaon^ 
 
 which  began  with  the  firfl:  new  moon  after  the  fummer  folftice. 
 
 The  Romans  had  at  firft  only  ten   months    in  their  year, 
 
 \vhich  ended  with  December,  but  Numa  added  January  and 
 
 February. 
 
 At  preient  there  are  in  Rome  two  ways  of  reckoning  the 
 year.  One  begins  at  Chriftmas  on  account  of  the  nativity  of 
 our  Saviour,  and  the  notaries  of  Rome  ufe  this  date,  prefix- 
 ing- to  their  deeds  A  nativitate ;  and  the  other  at  March,  on 
 account  of  the  incarnation  of  Chrift,  and  therefore  the  pope's 
 bulls  arc  dated  arino  mcarnatioms. 
 
 The  ancient  French  hiftorians  began  the  year  at  the  death  of 
 St.  Martin,  who  died  in  the  year  four  hundred  and  one,  or 
 four  hundred  and  two  ;  and  they  did  not  begin  in  France  to 
 reckon  the  year  from  January  till  one  thouland  live  hundred 
 and  fixty-four,  by  virtue  of  an  ordinance  cf  Charles  IX.  be- 
 fore that  time  they  began  the  day  next  after  Eafter,  about  the 
 twenty-fifth  of  March. 
 
 In  England  alfo,  till  of  late,  we  had  two  beginnings  of  the 
 year,  one  in  January,  and  (h^  other  in  March  25  \  but  by  acl 
 of  parliament  in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fifty-two, 
 the  firfl  day  in  January  was  appointed  to  be  the  beginning  of 
 the  year  for  all  purpofes. 
 
 Moft  of  the  eaftern  nations  diftinguifh  the  year  by  the  reigns 
 of  their  princes.  The  Greeks  alfo  had  no  better  method^ 
 giving  names  to  them  from  the  magiftrates  who  prefided  in 
 them.,  as  in  Athens  from  the  Archons.  The  Romans  aho 
 named  the  year  by  the  confuls.  And  it  Vv'as  a  long  time  before 
 any  people  thought  of  giving  names  to  the  years  from  any 
 particular  sera,  or  remarkable  event.  But  at  length  the  Greeks 
 reckoned  from  the  inftitutlon  of  the  Olympic  games,  and  the 
 Romans  from  the  building  of  Rome.  They  did  not,  how- 
 ever, begin  to  make  tliefe  computations  till  the  number  of 
 years  that  had  elapfed  fince  thofe  events  could  not  be  com- 
 puted with  exadlnefs,  and  therefore,  they  have  greatly  ante- 
 dated them. 
 
 About  A.  D.  360,  the  chrlftians  began   to  reckon  the  years 
 from  the  birth  of  Chriil,  but  not  time  encugii  to  enable  the 
 
 chronologers 
 
g6  LECTURES      ON  Part  HI. 
 
 chronologers    of    that    age,    to    fix   the  true   time    of   that 
 event. 
 
 The  Greeks  diilributed  their  years  into  fyftems  of  four, 
 calling  them  Olympiadsy  from  the  return  of  the  Olympic  games 
 every  four  years.  And  the  Romans  fometimes  reckoned  by 
 Lujlray  or  periods  of  five  years.  The  word  comes  from  /«<?, 
 which  Varro  fays  fignifies  to  payy  becaufe  every  fifth  year  they 
 paid  a  tribute  impofed  by  the  Cenfor,  at  the  folemn  purifica- 
 tion inftituted  by  Servius  Tullius. 
 
 The  greateft  difficulty  in  chronology  has  been  to  accommo- 
 date the  two  methods  of  computing  time  by  the  courfe  of  the 
 moon  and  that  of  the  fun  to  each  other;  the  neareft  divifion 
 of  the  year  by  months  being  twelve,  and  yet  twelve  lunar 
 months  falling  eleven  days  fhort  of  a  complete  year.  This 
 gave  birth  to  many  cycles  in  ufe  among  the  ancients,  the  prinr 
 cipal  of  which  I  fhall  explain. 
 
 It  appears  from  the  relation  which  Herodotus  has  given  of 
 the  interview  between  Solon  and  Croefus,  that,  in  the  time  of 
 Solon,  and  probably  that  of  Herodotus  alfo,  it  was  the  cuf* 
 tom  with  the  Greeks  to  add,  or,  as  it  is  termed,  to  intercalate^, 
 a  month  every  other  year  •,  but  as  this  was  evidently  too  much, 
 they  probably  rectified  it,  by  omitting  the  intercalation  when- 
 ever they  obferved,  by  comparing  the  feafons  of  the  year  with 
 their  annual  feftivals,  that  they  ought  to  do  it.  If,  for  in- 
 (lance,  the  firft  fruits  of  any  kind  were  to  be  carried  in  pro-^ 
 ceflion  on  any  particular  day  of  a  month,  they  would  fee  the 
 necelTity  of  intercalating  a  month,  if  according  tq  their  ufual 
 reckoning,  thofe  fruits  were  not  then  ripe,  or  they  would 
 omit  the  intercalation  if  they  were  re^dy.  And  had  no  other 
 view  interpofed,  their  reckoning  could  never  have  erred  far 
 from  the  truth.  But  it  being  fometimes  the  intereft  of  the 
 chief  magiftrates  to  lengthen  or  fliorten  a  year,  for  the  pur- 
 pofes  of  ambition,  every  other  confideration  was  often  facri- 
 ficed  to  it,  and  the  greatel]:  confufioq  was  introduced  into 
 their  computations. 
 
 Finding  themfelves,  therefore,   under  a  neceflity  of  having 
 fome  certain  rule  of  computation,  they  firft  pitched  n^on  fou 
 years,  in  which  they  intercalated  only  one  month.     But  this 
 
 producing 
 
Lect.  XIV.        HISTORY.  97 
 
 producing  an  error  of  fourteen  days  In  the  whole  cycle,  they 
 invented  the  period  of  eight  years y  in  which  they  intercalated 
 three  months,  in  which  was  an  excefs  of  only  one  day  and 
 fourteen  hours,  and  therefore  this  cycle  continued  in  ufe  much 
 longer  than  either  of  the  preceding. 
 
 But  the  moft  perfeiSl  of  thefe  cycles  was  that  which  was 
 called  the  Metonicy  from  Meton,  an  Athenian  aftronomer, 
 who  invented  it.  It  confifled  of  nineteen  years,  in  which 
 feven  months  were  intercalated.  This  brought  the  two  methods 
 to  fo  near  an  agreement,  that  after  the  expiration  of  the  period, 
 not  wniy  do  the  new  and  full  moons  return  on  the  fame  day  of 
 the  year,  but  very  nearly  on  the  fame  hour  of  the  day. 
 
 This  cycle  was  adopted  by  the  chrillians  at  the  council  of 
 Nice,  for  the  purpofe  of  fettling  the  time  for  keeping  Eafter, 
 and  other  moveable  feafts.This  period,  however,  falling  fhort  of 
 nineteen  years  almoft  an  hour  and  a  half,  It  has  come  to  pafs, 
 that  the  new  and  full  moons  in  the  heavens  have  anticipated 
 the  new  and  full  moons  in  the  calendar  of  the  book  of  com- 
 mon prayer  four  days  and  an  half.  Thefe  laft  are  called  Ca- 
 lendar new  moons^  to  diftinguifh  them  from  the  true  new  moons 
 in  the  heavens. 
 
 It  has  not  been  without  difficulty  and  variety,  that  the  com- 
 putation \ii^  years  has  been  accommodated  to  that  by  ^^^j'j- ;  fince 
 a  year  does  not  confift  of  any  even  number  of  days,  but  of 
 three  hundred  and  fixty-five  days  five  minutes  and  forty-nine 
 feconds. 
 
 It  will  appear  from  what  has  been  obferved,  that  fo  long  as 
 mankind  computed  chiefly  by  months.  It  was  not  of  much 
 confequence  to  determine  with  exadlnefs  the  number  of  davs 
 in  the  year;  and  this  method  fufficiently  anfwercd  every  civil 
 and  religious  purpofe.  But  the  Egyptians,  and  other  nations 
 addi6i:ed  to  aftronomy,  were  not  fatished  with  the  method  of 
 computing  by  lunar  months,  the  days  of  which  varied  fo  very 
 much  from  one  another  in  different  years.  They  therefore 
 made  the  year  the  ftandard,  and  dividing  that  into  daysy  made 
 life  oi  months  only  as  a  commodious  intermediate  divifion,  and, 
 without  regard  to  the  courfe  of  the  moon,  didributed  the 
 days  of  the  year   into  twelve  parts y    as  nearly  equal   as  they 
 
 conveniently 
 
98  LECTURES      ON  Part.  IIL 
 
 conveniently   could.      By   this   means  the   fame   day  of  the 
 month  would  fall  on  the  fame  part  of  the  fun's   annual  re- 
 volution, and  therefore  would  more  exactly  correfpond  to  the 
 feafons  of  the  year.      The  Mexicans  divided  their  year  into   ^ 
 eighteen  parts. 
 
 The  Egyptians,  as  alfo  the  Chaldeans  and  AfFyrians,  reckon- 
 ed at  firft  three  hundred  and  fixty  days  to  the  year,  but  after- 
 wards three  hundred  and  fixty-five.  The  confequence  of  this 
 was  that  the  beginning  of  their  year  would  go  back  through 
 all  the  feafons,  though  ilowly  ;  namely,  at  the  rate  of  about 
 fix  hours  every  year.  Of  this  form  too  were  the  years,  which 
 took  their  date  from  the  reign  of  NabonafTar  of  Babylon,  Yef-^ 
 digerd  of  Perfia,  and  the  Seleucidae  of  Syria. 
 
 It  mud  be  obferved,  however,  that  the  people  who  reckon- 
 ed their  year  from  thefe  epochas,  namely,  the  Egyptians,  Per- 
 fians,  and  Jews;  as  alfo  the  Arabians,  had  a  different  and  more 
 fixed  form  of  the  year  for  aftronomical  purpofes ;  but  as  no 
 ufe  was  made  of  it  in  civil  hiftory,  the  account  of  it  is 
 omitted  in  this  place. 
 
 The  inconvenience  attending  the  form  of  the  year  above- 
 mentioned  was  in  a  great  meafure  remedied  by  the  Romans, 
 in  the  time  of  Julius  Ciefar,  who  added  one  day  every  fourth 
 year    which  (from   the    place  of  its  infertion,  viz.  after  the 
 fixth  of  the   calends  of  March)  was  called   hiJfextiU^  or  leap 
 year.     This  form  of  the  year  is  ftill  called  the    Jidmn  year. 
 But  the  true   length   of  the  year   being  not  quite  fij^  hours 
 more  than  the  three  hundred  and  fixty-five  days,  this  allow- 
 ance  was  too  much;    and    pope  Gregory   XIII.  introduced 
 another  amendment  in   the  year  one  thoufand  five  hundred 
 and    eighty-two,  by  ordering  that  once  in  one  hundred  and 
 thirty-three  years  a  day  fhould  be   taken  out  of  the  calendar, 
 in   the  following  manner,  viz.   from   the  year  one  thoufand 
 fix   hundred  every  hundreth  year   (which   according  to  the 
 Julian  form  is  always  biflextile,  or  leap  year)  was  to  be  com- 
 mon, but  every  four  hundreth  year  was  to  continue  biflextile, 
 as  in  the  Julian  account.     As   this  pope   made  allowance  at 
 once  for  all  the  alteration  that  his   method '  would  have  made 
 in  the  courfe  of  the  year  from  the  time  of  the   council  of 
 
 Nice, 
 
Lect.XTV.        H    I    S    T    O    II    Y.  519 
 
 Nice,  the  neto  Jlile  (for  fo  his  regulation  of  the  year  is  called} 
 differed  from  the  aid  fllie  ten  days  at  the  very  commencement 
 of  it,  and  is  now  eleven  days  different  from  it.  The  new 
 ftiie  was  adopted  in  England  in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred 
 and  fifty-two. 
 
 The  Mahometans  make  their  year  to  confifl  of  lunar  months 
 only,  without  endeavouring  to  adapt  it   to  the   courfe  of  thi^ 
 fun ;    fo    that    with    them    the  beginning    of  the  year  gocf 
 through  all  the  feafons  at  the  rate  of  about  eleven  days  eve.ry 
 year. 
 
 But  fmce  the  exa£l  time  of  twelve  moons,  befides  the  three 
 hundred  and  fifty-four  whole  days^  is  about  eight  hours,  and 
 forty-eight  minutes,  which  make  eleven  days  in  thirty-iix 
 years,  they  are  forced  to  add  eleven  days  in  thirty  years, 
 which  they  do  by  means  of  a  cycle,  invented  by  the  Ara- 
 bians, in  which  there  are  nineteen  years  v/ith  three  hundred 
 and  fifty-four  days  /only,  and  eleven  intercalary  of  three  hun- 
 dred and  fifty-five  days,  and  they  are  thofe  in  which  the  num- 
 ber of  hours  and  minutes  more  than  the  whole  days  in  the 
 year  is  found  to  he  more  than  half  a  day,  fuch  as  two,  five, 
 feven,  ten,  thirteen,  fixteen,  eighteen,  twenty-one,  twenty- 
 four,  twenty-fix,  and  twenty-nine,  by  which  means  they  £11 
 up  all  the  inequalities  that  can  happen. 
 
 It  has  been  of  fome  confequence  to  chrifiians  to  adjuft  the 
 days  of  the  week  to  the  days  of  the  month,  and  of  the  year, 
 in  order  to  get  a  rule  for  finding  Sundny,  Had  there  been  no 
 biflextile,  it  is  evident  that,  fmce  the  year  confifls  of  fifty- 
 two  weeks,  and  one  day,  all  the  varieties  would  have  been 
 comprized  in  feven  years.  But  the  biifextiic  returning  every 
 fourth  year,  the  fcries  of  dominical  letten  fucceeding  each 
 other  is  interrupted,  and  does  not  return  in  order,  but  after 
 four  times  feven  years,  or  twenty-eight  years,  which  is  there* 
 fore  commonly  called  the  folar  cycle^  ferving  as  a  rule  to  find 
 Sunday,  and  confequently  all  the  days  of  the  week  of  every 
 month  and  year. 
 
 Befides  the  above  mentioned  periods  of  years,  called  cycles^ 
 there  are  fome  other  combinations,  or  fyftems  of  years,  that 
 are  of  ufe  in  chronology,  as  that  called   the  indiBiony  which 
 
 is 
 
loo  LECTURES      ON  Part  III. 
 
 is  a  period  of  fifteen  years,  at  the  end  of  which  a  certain 
 tribute  was  paid  by  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  and 
 by  which  the  emperors  ordered  public  a6ts  to  be  dated. 
 
 But  the  mod  remarkable  of  rJl  the  periods  in  chronology 
 is  that  called  the  julian  period^  invented  by  Jofeph  Scaliger, 
 and  called  Juliatiy  from  the  years  of  which  it  confifts  being 
 Julian  years.  His  obje£l  was  to  reduce  to  a  certainty  the  dif- 
 ferent methods  of  computing  time,  and  fixing  the  dates  of 
 events,  by  different  chronologers.  For  this  purpofe  nothing 
 was  neceffary  but  a  feries  of  years  fome  term  of  which  was 
 fixed  (that,  for  inftance,  by  which  the  prefent  year  fliould  be 
 denominated)  comprehending  the  whole  extent  of  time.  Since, 
 if  each  chronologer  would  apply  that  common  meafure  to  his 
 particular  fcheme,  they  would  all  perfectly  under{lan4  one 
 another. 
 
 To  accomplifli  this,  he  combined  the  three  periods  of  the 
 fully  the  moon^  and  the  indlBmi^  together,  that  is,  multiply- 
 ing the  numbers  twenty-eight,  nineteen,  and  fifteen  into  one 
 another,  which  produces  feven  thoufand  nine  hundred  and 
 eighty,  after  which  period,  and  not  before,  all  the  three 
 cycles  will  return  in  the  fame  order  every  year,  being  diftin- 
 guiflied  by  the  fame  number  of  each. 
 
 In  order  to  fix  the  beginning  of  this  period,  he  took  the 
 cycles  as  he  then  found  them  fettled  in  the  Latin  church;  and 
 tracing  them  backwards  through  their  feveral  combinations, 
 he  found  that  the  year  in  which  they  would  all  begin  together 
 was  the  year  before  the  creation  feven  hundred  and  fourteen, 
 according  to  Ufiier,  and  tliat  the  firft  year  of  the  chriftian  a;ra 
 would  be  four  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fourteen  of  this 
 period. 
 
 There  is  a  farther  convenience  in  this  period,  viz.  that  if 
 any  year  be  divided  by  the  number  compofing  the  cycles,  viz. 
 twenty-eight,  nineteen,  or  fifteen,  the  quotient  will  fhew  the 
 number  of  the  cycles  that  have  elapfed  fince  the  commence^ 
 ment  of  it,  and  the  remainder  will  give  the  year  of  the  cycle, 
 correfponding  to  the  year  given. 
 
 I  cannot  help  obferving  that  this  boafted  period  feems  to 
 have  been  unneceflary  for  the  chief  purpofe  for  which  it  was 
 
 invented, 
 
Lect.  XIV.        HISTORY.  loi 
 
 invented,  viz.  to  fen-e  as  a  common  language  for  chronologcrs, 
 and  that  now  little  ufe  is  made  of  it,  notvvithflanding  all 
 writers  ftill  fpeak  of  it  in  the  fame  magnificent  terms. 
 The  vulgar  chriflian  aera  anfwers  the  fame  purpofc  as  eifec- 
 tually. 
 
 All  that  can  be  necefTary  for  chronologcrs  to  fpeak  the  fame 
 language,  and  be  perfe^lly  underftood  by  one  another,  and 
 by  all  mankind,  is  to  give  every  year  the  fame  name  or  defig- 
 nation,  which  is  moft  conveniently  done  by  exprefling  them 
 in  a  feries  of  numbers  in  arithmetical  progreflion,  any  one 
 term  of  which  they  fhail  agree  to  affix  to  the  fame  year,  a 
 year  in  which  any  well  known  event  happened.  Let  it,  for 
 example,  be  that  in  which  the  peace  of  Paris  was  m.ade,  and 
 let  it  be  called  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  ajid  fixty-three. 
 If,  befides  this,  it  be  only  agreed  in  what  part  of  the  revolu- 
 tion of  the  fun,  or  in  what  month  and  day,  the  year  begins, 
 there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  giving  a  name  to  every  other 
 year  preceding  or  following  it,  and  thereby  afcertaining  the 
 interval  between  all  tranfaO:ions.  For  aJl  the  events  that 
 took  place  the  year  before  that  peace  will  be  referred  to  thi; 
 year  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-two,  and  all  in 
 the  ye^r  after  it  to  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty- 
 four.  This  period  having  had  a  commencement  lince  the  date 
 of  hiftory  is  no  inconvenience ;  for  whenever  we  have  gone 
 back  to  number  one  of  this  period,  the  year  preceding  it  may 
 be  called  cne  before  its  commencement ^  the  year  preceding  that 
 two  before  it,  &c.  and  thus  proceeding  ad  injimtum  both 
 ways. 
 
 That  Chrift  might  not  have  been  born  in  the  firfl  of  that 
 fyftem  of  years  to  which  it  ferves  to  give  a  nnme,  is  no  in- 
 convenience whatever  5  fmce,  whatever  differenccb  of  opinion 
 there  may  be  among  chronologcrs  about  the  time  when  Chriil 
 was  born,  they  all  agree  in  calling  the  prefent  year,  and  con- 
 fequentjy  every  other  year,  by  the  fame  name,  and  therefore 
 they  have  the  fame  idea  of  the  interval  between  the  prefent 
 year  and  any  other  year  in  the  fyftem.  The  real  time  of 
 Chrift's  birth  can  no  more  afFe£l  the  proper  ufe  of  this  fyftem 
 than  that  of  any  other  in  dilFcrent  event ;  fince,  ufiag  the  fame 
 
 /#■••■' 
 
xoa  LECTURES     ON  Part  III. 
 
 jyftem  of  (InteSy  they  may  fay  Chrift  was  born  in  the  third, 
 fourth,  fifth,  or  fixth,  or  what  I  think  to  be  the  cafe,  in  the 
 fe^'^enth  year  before  the  chriftian  sera. 
 
 Whenever,  therefore,  chronologers  ceafed  to  date  events 
 from  the  creation^  which  v/as  very  abfurd  (fince  they  did  not 
 agree  in  fixing  the  interval  between  the  prefent  year  and  the 
 date  of  that  tvitnt,  and  therefore  grive  all  the  years  different 
 names)  they  had  no  occafion  to  have  recourfe  to  ^ny  fuch  pe- 
 riod as  the  JiiHan  ;  fince  another,  capable  of  anfwering  the 
 fame  purpcfcs,  was  already  in  common  ufe,  fuoplying  them 
 with  a  language  which  they  all  equaiiy  underitood. 
 
 ^ras  or  Epochas  are  memorable  events  fi-om  which  time 
 is  reckoned,  and  from  which  any  fubf^quent  year  receives  its 
 denomination.  The  Greeks  for  a  long  time  (as  1  obferved 
 before)  had  no  fixed  sera,  afterwards  they  reckoned  by  Olym- 
 piads, which  were  games  cciebrated  in  honour  of  Jupiter  once 
 in  four  years,  and  began  in  Midfummer,  feven  hundred  and 
 feventy-fix  years  before  Chrifl.  The  Athenians  gave  names 
 to  their  years  from  their  archons.  The  Romans  called  their 
 years  from  the  names  of  the  confuls  who  prefided  in  them, 
 and  afterwards  they  dated  events  from  the  building  of  their 
 city,  fuppofmg  it  to  have  been  built  {tw^n  liundred  and  fifty- 
 three  years  before  Chrifl. 
 
 Some  hiflories  are  regulated  by  the  year  of  NabonafTer,  who 
 began  his  reign  in  the  year  feven  hundred  and  forty-feven  be- 
 fore Chrift,  of  the  Julian  period  three  thoufand  eight  hundred 
 and  fixty-feven.  It  is  fuppofed  to  have  commenced  on  the 
 twenty-fixth  of  February  in  the  afternoon. 
 
 The  Jews  before  Chrift  reckoned  by  the  year  of  the  Seleu- 
 cidje,  fometimes  called  the  year  of  the  contrails,  which  began 
 in  the  year  three  hundred  and  twelve  before  Chrift,  of  the 
 Julian  period  four  thoufand  four  hundred  and  two,  fome  time 
 in  the  fpring. 
 
 The  Chriftians,  about  three  hundred  and  fixty  years  after 
 the  birth  of  Chrift,  began  to  make  ufe  of  that  asra,  which  is 
 now  ufed  in  all  chriftian  countries. 
 
 The  Mahometans  reckon  their  years  from  the  flight  of 
 Mahommed  from  Mecca.  This  3era   is  called  the  Hegyra.     It 
 
 began 
 
Lect.  XIV.        HISTORY.  103 
 
 began  in  the  year  Gx  hundred  and  twenty-two  after  Chrift,  of 
 the  Julian  period  five  thoufand  three  hundred  and  thirty-five, 
 on  the  fixteenth  of  July. 
 
 The  old  Spanifh  sera  is  dated  from  the  year  thirty-eight 
 before  Chrifl,  about  the  time  when  they  v>^ere  fabdued  by  the 
 Romans.  It  was  ufed  till  the  year  one  thoufand  thtee  hun- 
 dred and  thirty-three,  under  John  I.  of  Caftile. 
 
 The  Egyptians  long  reckoned  from  the  battle  of  Ac^ium, 
 which  happened  in  the  year  thirty-one  before  Chriit,  of  the 
 Julian  period  four  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  eighty-three,  on 
 the  third  of  September. 
 
 Before  the  Chriftian  sra  was  ufed,  the  Chriftians  for  fome 
 time  made  ufe  of  the  Dioclenan  a^ra,  which  took  its  rife 
 from  the  perfecution  by  Dioclefian,  in  the  year  two  hundred 
 and  eighty-four  after  Chrift. 
 
 The  aera  of  Yefdigerd  is  dated  from  the  laft  king  of  Perfia 
 who  was  conquered  by  the  Saracens,  in  the  year  fix  hundred 
 and  thirty-two  after  Chriit,  of  the  Julian  period  five  thoufand 
 three  hundred  and  forty-five,  on  the  fixteenth  of  June. 
 
 Witli  regard  to  all  thefe  methods  of  denominating  time, 
 care  mull  be  taken  that  the  year  be  reckoned  according  to  the 
 method  of  computation  follov/ed  by  the  people  who  ufe  it. 
 Thus,  in  reckoning  from  the  Hegyra,  a  perfon  would  be  led 
 into  a  miflake  who  fliould  make  thofe  years  corrcfpond  to 
 Julian  years.  He  muft  deduct  eleven  days  from  every  year 
 which  has  elapfed  fince  the  commencement  of  it.  Thus, 
 though  the  firft  year  of  this  asra  correfponded  to  the  year  fix 
 hundred  and  twenty-two  after  Chrift,  and  began  on  the  fix- 
 teenth of  July  \  the  year  three  hundred  and  twenty-fix  of  the 
 Hegyra  correfponded  to  the  year  nine  hundred  and  thirty- 
 {cvcn  of  Chrift,  and  began  November  eight.  And  the  year 
 of  the  Hegyra  fix  hundred  and  fifty-five  commenced  on  the 
 nineteenth  of  January,  one  thoufand  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
 leven. 
 
 This  compendium  of  chronology  is  fufficient  for  the  pur- 
 pofe  of  reading  hiftory,  but  is  by  no  means  a  complete  ac- 
 count of  the  methods  of  coniputing  time  in  every  particular 
 
 country 
 
I04  LECTURES     ON  Part  III. 
 
 country  which  has  been  mentioned.  To  have  ddne  this,  would 
 have  carried  me  beyond  my  prefent  purpofe,  and  too  far  into 
 the  cuftoms  of  particular  countries.  For  a  fuller  account  I 
 refer  you  to  Strauchius,  and  other  chronologers. 
 
 LECTURE      XV. 
 
 Of  the  AT et hods  of  efimat'iHg  the  Riches  and  Power  of  ancient 
 and  remote  Nations.  Sources  of  Mijlake  on  this  SuhjeEl^ 
 Change  in  the  Standard  of  Coin.  Upon  nvhat  the  Price  of 
 Comjuodities  depends.  Of  the  Changes  which  the  Grecian  Coins 
 underwent.  Of  the  Proportion  between  Silver^  Gold,  and 
 Copper^  in  ancient  Times.  Of  the  Changes  in  the  Roman 
 Coins.  Of  the  Proportion  of  Money  to  Commodities  in  different 
 Periods  of  the  Grecian  arid  Roman  Hifory  Of  the  Litere/i 
 of  Jlloney  in  Greece  and  at  Rome. 
 
 AN  article  of  information  the  moll  immediately  neceflary 
 to  a  reader  of  hiftory,  is  how  to  make  a  juft  eftimate 
 of  the  riches  and  power  of  ancient  and  remote  nations,  and 
 to  compare  them  with  thofe  of  our  own  age  and  nation,  by 
 means  of  the  expreffions  which  hidorians  have  ufed  to  denote 
 the  riches  and  power  of  ftates,  and  particularly  by  the  fums  of 
 money  which  are  occafionally  mentioned  in  their  writings. 
 The  true  flate  of  the  riches  of  nations,  in  the  feveral  periods 
 of  their  hiftory,  will  be  pointed  out  as  an  obje6J:  of  the  firft 
 importance  to  an  hiftorian.  On  this  account  it  is  of  confe- 
 quence  that  every  reader  of  hiftory  have  it  in  his  power  to 
 form  a  juft  idea  of  them  from  the  data  he  finds  in  hiftorians, 
 and  that  he  be  guarded  againft  the  miftakes  which,  without 
 fome  previous  inftruftion,  he  would  unavoidably  fall  into 
 with  refpe6t  to  them. 
 
 I  (hall  therefore  endeavour  to  explain  the  fources  of  un- 
 certainty, and  ambiguity,  that  every  circumftance  in  our  fitu- 
 ation  can  occafion  to  us,  in  interpreting  the  fums  of  money 
 ■which  are  mentioned  in  the  hiftories  of  the  moft  confiderable 
 
 nations> 
 
Lect.XV.  history.  105 
 
 nations,  and  I  fhall  then  give  fuch  a  col]e6lion  o^  fuels y  col- 
 le6led  from  hiftory,  as  (liall  iliew  us  the  true  ftate  of  every 
 thing  connefted  viith  money  in  the  moft  remarkable  fucceffive 
 periods  of  time  in  thofe  countries.  By  this  means  it  will  be 
 eafy  to  make  every  neccllary  allowance  for  the  difference  of 
 circumftances  between  us  and  them,  and  thus  exhibit  what- 
 ever accounts  we  meet  with  of  the  riches  and  power  of  an- 
 cient times  and  nations,  in  a  fair  contrail  with  the  riches  and 
 power  of  our  own  age  and  nation,  and  fo  to  form  the  cleareft 
 idea  we  can  get  of  them. 
 
 In  order  to  this,  it  mull  be  confidered,  that  money  is  only  a 
 commodious  reprefentative  of  the  commodities  which  mav  be 
 purchafed  with  it  \  and  we  fliall  have  the  eafieft  view  of  this 
 fubjedl  if  we,  moreover,  Qon{\^tx  filvcr  as  the  only  (landard 
 of  money,  and  gold  and  copper,  as  fubftitutes  for  filver,  or  as 
 commodities  which  are  reprefented,  and  may  be  purchafed 
 by  filver.  Now,  there  are  two  things  which  may  make  an 
 alteration  in  the  reprefentative  power  of  money.  The  one  is 
 a  change  of  the  idea  annexed  to  any  common  name  of  a  piece, 
 or  a  fum  of  money,  and  the  other  is  an  alteration  of  the  pro- 
 portion between  the  quantity  of  money  in  a  ftate,  and  the 
 commodities  reprefented  by  it.  I  fhall  explain  each  of  thefe 
 more  particularly. 
 
 If  a  change  be  made  in  the  ftandard  of  a  coin,  which  con- 
 tinues to  go  by  the  fame  name,  it  Is  plain  that  the  fame  name 
 no  longer  expreffes  the  fame  idea,  and  therefore,  if  we  be 
 not  aware  of  this  change,  we  (hail  be  milled  by  the  expref- 
 fions.  For  inftance,  if  the  quantity  of  filver  which  we  call  a 
 pound  be  at  this  time  but  half  the  quantity  which  was  formerly 
 called  by  that  name,  it  is  ph.in  that,  if  we  would  form  a  juft 
 idea  of  the  value  of  a  pound  in  times  previous  to  the  altera- 
 tion, we  muft  fuppofe  it  to  be  two  of  our  prefent  pounds,  in- 
 ftead  of  one  j  for  fo  in  fa£l  it  is. 
 
 The  tables  of  our  coin  only  fliow  the  proportion  which 
 fums  denoted  by  particular  names,  as  pounds,  {hillings,  pence, 
 &c.  bear  to  one  another ;  and  though  thefe  fums  may  have 
 always  kept  the  fame  proportion,  the  abfolute  value  of  them 
 all  may  have  changed.    And  iahhsj  which  ihew  the  value  of 
 
 ancient 
 
to6  LECTURESON  Part  IH. 
 
 ancient  or  foreign  money,  are  always  calculated  according  to 
 the  laft  ftandard  of  both,  which  is  generally  the  lowed.  The 
 prefent  tables,  therefore,  are  not  fufficient  Cd  inform  a  reader 
 of  hiftory  of  the  true  value  of  funis  of  money  expended,  or 
 acquired,  in  early  times.  He  muft  alfo  have  an  hiflorical  acr 
 count  of  thofe  changes  in  the  value  of  coin,  which  alter  the 
 quantity  of  metal  contained  in  it,  either  by  diminifhing  the 
 fxze  of  the  current  pieces,  or  lellening  the  finenefs  of  the  me- 
 tal by  a  greater  proportion  of  alloy.  , 
 
 As  the  generality  of  hiilorians  take  no  notice  of  changes  in 
 the  value  of  money,  but  content  themfelves  with  mentioning 
 fums  by  their  common  names,  I  (hall  endeavour  (as  far  as  the 
 materials  I  have  been  able  to  coilecEi  will  enable  me)  to  fupply 
 this  defect  with  refpe<Sl  to  thofe  hiflories  whicli  are  moft  inte- 
 reding  to  us. 
 
 As  it  is  a  maxim  in  trade,  that  every  thing  will  find  its  value 
 (and  indeed  the  value  which  the  exchange  of  any  thing,  in 
 buying  and  felling,  has  is  its  real  value,  that  is,  its  true  rela- 
 tive value  with  refpeiSt  to  other  things)  the  accounts  of  fums 
 exchanged  for  commodities  in  hiftory  are  the  only  data  v/c 
 have  given  us,  to  determine  this  relative  value  of  money ;  and 
 if  we  have  enough  of  thefe  accounts,  they  will  be  abundantly 
 fufficient  for  the  purpofe. 
 
 To  judge  of  the  proportion  between  the  quantity  oT  circu- 
 lating calli  in  different  nations,  or  different  periods  of  the 
 fame  nation,  it  is  evident  that  we  muft  not  be  guided  by  the 
 price  of  any  fmgle  article,  particularly  an  article  of  luxury  j 
 becaufe  the  prices  of  thefe  things  depend  upon  fancy  and  ca- 
 price, which  are  continually  changing.  The  bed  guide  upon 
 the  whole  fecms  to  be  the  price  of  mere  labouvy  eftimated  by 
 the  wages  given  to  perfons  of  the  loweft  occupations.  For 
 thefe  have  been  obferved,  in  all  ages  and  nations,  to  l>e  little 
 more  than  a  bare  lubfiftence,  and  the  articles  of  tUir  expence 
 muft  be  the  necejfaries  of  life. 
 
 Befides,  it  is  fclf-evident,  that  the  man  who  can  command 
 the  moft  of  the  labour  of  his  fellow-creatures  is  the  richeft, 
 and  the  moft  powerful.  For  this,  in  fa£l,  is  all  that  wealth 
 and  power  can  procure  a  man.     If  it  be  faid  that  what  is  ne- 
 
 cefTary 
 
Lect.  XV.  HISTORY.  107 
 
 cefTary  in  fom^  countries  is  fuperfluous  in  others,  as  cloaths  In 
 hot  climates,  bread  or  flefh  meat  in  countries  where  each  of 
 thofe  articles  may  not  be  ufed,  and  the  like,  it  is  (till  obvious, 
 that  the  lefs  money  will  purchafe  neceffhr'ies,  whatever  they  be, 
 tiie  more  value  It  is  of,  and  the  more  a  perfon  may  fpare  out 
 of  the  l^ime  fum  for  the  conveniencies  and  fuperfluities  of 
 life,  by  purchafmg  the  labour  of  his  fellow  creatures. 
 
 We  are  not,  however,  to  judge  of  a  man's  wealth  by  the 
 number  of  perfons  he  can  maintain,  unlefs  thofe  perfons  con- 
 tribute nothing  by  their  labour  towards  their  own  maintenance. 
 He  muft,  by  commanding  the  labour  of  ethers  (for  It  cannot 
 be  done  in  any  other  way)  m.aintain  them.  But  if  they  be  a 
 continual  expence  to  him,  if  they  were  emiploved  in  building;, 
 or  other  great  worivs,  in  the  army,  or  kept  upon  charity,  it 
 feems  to  be  a  very  fair  medium  of  computation.  If  there- 
 fore, for  infhance,  v/e  read  that  one  perfon  was  Impoverlfhed 
 by  employing  one  thoufand  labouring  men  upon  any  piece  of 
 work,  and  that  another  M^as  able  to  keep  two  thoufand  at 
 work,  we  need  not  trouble  ourfelves  to  confider  the  fituatlon 
 of  their  diiTerent  countries,  and  times,  the  prices  of  provi- 
 fion,  manner  of  living,  &c,  but  may  very  fairly  conclude, 
 that  the  one  was  twice  as  rich  and  powerful  as  the  other. 
 
 Under  the  fecond  head,  therefore,  I  fhall  endeavour  to  find 
 the  proportion  between  m.oney  and  the  neceffaries  of  life  in 
 the  different  periods  of  thofe  hiftories  with  which  a  gentleman 
 and  fcholar  vrould  choofe  to  be  beft  acquainted.  And  at  the 
 fame  time  that  I  endeavour,  in  this  manner,  to  determine  the 
 proportion  which  the  quantity  of  current  money  has  borne  to 
 vendible  commodities,  I  fhall,  likewlfe,  take  notice  of  the 
 price  of  money  with  regard  to  itfelf,  that  is,  the  ititerejl  it  has 
 borne.  It  is  true  that  the  interefi:  of  m.oney  has  been  very 
 juftly  called  the  barometer  of  ftates  with  refpecl  to  other 
 things  than  thofe  I  am  now  conhdering,  and  which  may  be  the 
 fubjeft  of  a  future  lecture  \  but  in  the  mean  time  it  may  not 
 be  amifs  to  take  notice  of  it,  at  prefent,  as  a  commodity,  and 
 on  many  occafions  one  of  the  moft  neceifary.  For  fince  mo- 
 ney may  be  of  ufe  like  any  other  commodity  which  a  perfon 
 may  make  advantage  of,    he  is  the  richefh  man   (coet.   par.) 
 
 K  whofc 
 
io8  LECTURESON  Part  IIL 
 
 whofe  dated  revenues  can  purchafe  the  moft  extenfive  ufe 
 of  It. 
 
 Having  explained  the  nature  of  this  fubje6l,  I  fhall  enter 
 upon  it,  by  giving  the  befl  account  that  I  have  been  able  to 
 collect  (taken  almoft  wholly  from  Arbuthnot)  of  the  fuccelTive 
 changes  which  have  taken  place  in  the  value  of  nominal  fums 
 of  money  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  with  the  propor- 
 tion which  they  bore  to  commodities,  and  then  give  a  more 
 particular  account  of  the  like  changes  and  proportions  in 
 Englifli  and  French  money,  and  to  each  I  (liall  fubjoin  an  ac- 
 count of  the  changes  in  the  rate  of  interefl ;  not  that  I  fliall 
 perhaps  keep  all  thefe  articles  perfectly  diftincl,  fmce  very 
 little  inconvenience,  and  perhaps  fome  advantage,  may  arife 
 from  occafionally  mixing  them. 
 
 The  Greek  coins  underwent  very  little  change  compared 
 with  that  of  the  Roman  money,  or  of  the  money  of  modern 
 European  dates,  and  therefore  is  the  lefs  worthy  of  our  no- 
 tice. All  the  allowance  we  are  to  make  for  the  changes  of  va- 
 lue in  the  Drachma  (a  coin  equal  to  the  Roman  Denarius,  and 
 worth  about  eight-pence  of  our  p relent  money)  and  to  which 
 the  changes  of  value  in  the  reft  of  their  money  correfponded 
 is,  that  from  Solon  to  the  time  of  Alexander  we  mufl  reckon 
 fixty-feven  grains  for  the  weight  of  it,  from  thence  to  the 
 fubje£lion  of  Greece  by  the  Romans  fixty-five,  and  under  the 
 Romans  fixty-two  and  an  half,  a  change  which  is  very  incon- 
 fiderable. 
 
 The  conftant  and  dated  rate  of  the  value  of  gold  to  filver 
 among  the  Jews,  Greeks,  and  Romans,  in  the  whole  period 
 of  ancient  times,  was  ten  to  one,  with  very  little  variation, 
 a'ld  the  rate  of  filver  to  Cyprian  brafs  one  hundred  to  one  j  and 
 the  general  fuppofition  is,  that  there  was  one  fiftieth  part  of 
 alloy  in  the  gold  coins  of  the  ancients.  At  prefent  gold  is  to 
 f'lver  as  about  fifteen  to  one,  and  filver  to  copper  as  feventy- 
 three  to  one. 
 
 Numa,  or  Servius  Tullius,  fird  damped  brafs  money  among 
 the  Romans,  fjlver  was  not  damped  by  them  till  the  year  of 
 the  city  four  hundred  and  eighty-five,  the  time  of  their  war 
 with  Pyrrhus,  and  gold  not  till  fixty-two  years  after. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.XV.  history.  109 
 
 The  As,  from  being  a  pound  weight  averdupois,  fell  to  two 
 ounces  in  the  firft  Punic  war,  in  the  fecond  Punic  war  to  one 
 ounce,  and  prefently  after  it  was  fixed  by  the  Papyrian  law 
 to  half  an  ounce.  Thefe  alterations  were  occafioned  by  the 
 neceflities  of  the  commonwealth-,  but  as  Arbuthnot  obferves, 
 the  plenty  of  gold  and  filver  would  have  done  the  fame  thing, 
 and  have  broui^ht  down  fuch  an  enormous  brafs  coin ;  or  ra- 
 ther  fdver  coins  of  an  equal  value,  and  of  lefs  weight  would 
 have  been  introduced. 
 
 It  may  eafily  be  imagined  how  fcarce  fdver  was  at  Rome 
 when,  in  all  the  early  times  of  the  Roman  hiftory,  eight  hun- 
 dred and  forty  pounds  of  brafs  were  equivalent  to  one  of 
 fdver.  Some  fay  the  proportion  between  thefe  two  metals  be- 
 fore the  firil  Punic  war  was  nine  hundred  and  fixty  to  one. 
 The  different  proportion  which  was  juft  now  obferved  to  have 
 taken  place  in  Greece,  during  the  fame  period,  fnows  how  lit- 
 tle communication  there  was  between  Greece  and  Rome  in 
 thofe  times.  Indeed  the  commonwealth  gradually  reduced 
 this  proportio?!,  probably  in  confequence  of  a  freer  inter- 
 courfe  with  other  nations,  which  would  neceffarily  be  attend- 
 ed with  the  introduction  of  iilver  where  it  was  fo  fcarce. 
 
 The  adulteration  of  the  Roman  coin  in  fomxe  periods  of 
 their  hiftory  exceeds  any  thing  we  read  of  with  refpe£l:  to 
 other  countries.  The  money  of  Caracalla  had  more  than  one 
 half  alloy,  that  of  Alexander  Severus  two  thirds,  and  under 
 Gallienus  it  was  nothing  more  than  gilt  copper. 
 
 To  enable  us  to  judge  of  the  proportion  of  money  to  com^- 
 modities,  I  have  felecled  fome  of  the  accounts  that  I  have 
 met  with  concerning  the  moft  neceffary  articles  of  confump- 
 tion  in  the  feveral  countries  and  ages  which  I  have  propofed 
 to  confider. 
 
 Corn  was  commonly  reckoned  in  Greece  at  a  drachma  the 
 medimnus,  which,  reduced  to  our  computation,  is  four  fiiil- 
 lings  and  fix-pence  per  quarter.  In  Demofthenes's  time  it 
 was  much  higher  \  being  five  drachmas  the  medimnus,  which 
 is  about  one  pound  two  fliillings  and  feven-pence  per  quarter. 
 In  times  of  plenty  in  Greece  the  price  of  a  fneep  was  eight- 
 pence,  of  a  hog  two'  riiillings,  an  ox  three  pounds  three  iliil- 
 
 K  2  lings-, 
 
no  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  III. 
 
 lings ',  and  a  foldier  ferved  for  a  drachma  a  day,  which  is  a- 
 bout  eight-pence.  Upon  the  whole,  we  may  perhaps  allow 
 that  the  proportion  of  money  to  commodities  in  the  moft 
 flourifliing  time  of  Greece,  or  the  time  in  which  the  claflical 
 hiftorians  wrote,  was  about  one-third  lefs  than  it  is  at  prefent 
 with  us  j  -  which  was  about  the  fame  that  it  was  in  Europe  be- 
 fore the  difcovery  of  America. 
 
 As  the  common  people  of  Rome  lived  very  much  upon 
 bread  corn,  the  price  of  that  article  will  be  a  better  guide  to 
 us  than  any  other  fnigle  circumftance  in  judging  of  the  pro- 
 portion between  money  and  the  necefTaries  of  life  among  them. 
 The  ancient  price  of  corn  in  Rome,  and  to  which  it  was  re- 
 duced at  the  burning  of  Rome  by  Nero,  was  three  nummi 
 the  modius,  that  is  three-pence  three-farthings  the  peck.  Ac- 
 cording to  Pliny,  the  coarfeft  bread  was  made  of  flour  worth 
 forty  nfftSj  equal  to  two  fliillings  and  fix-pence  three-farthings 
 a  peck  ;  of  "wdieaten  bread  forty-eight  offt's,  equal  to  three 
 {hillings  and  three-farthings  ;  and  the  iineft  of  all  eighty  njpsy 
 or  five  fliillings  and  one-penny  farthing  ;  fo  that  about  the 
 time  of  Pliny,  corn  was  confiderably  dearer  in  Rome  than 
 it  is  comimonly  at  London. 
 
 The  article  which  (lands  next  to  bread  corn  among  the 
 necefTaries  of  life  is  cioathuig.  Common  wearing  cloaths, 
 made  of  v/ool,  fuch  as  were  always  worn  at  Rome,  we  fliould 
 not  think  very  dear.  For  Cato  the  elder  never  wore  a  fuit 
 worth  above  one  hundred  drachms,  equal  to  three  pounds 
 four  fliillings  and  feven-pence;  and  we  mufl  confider  that  the 
 Roman  cloaths  were  not  made  clcfe,  but  large,  and  loofe,  and 
 therei^ore  would  laft  longer  than  our  clofe  garments.  Thia 
 article  is  likewife  to  be  underflood  of  plain  undyed  cloth, 
 which  was  white  ;  for  the  expence  of  dywgy  particularly  pur- 
 ple, -which  the  Romans  and  the  ancients  in  general,  moft  of 
 all  affeded,  Vv-as  prodigious.  Pelagium,  one  fpecies  of  that 
 dye,  was  worth  fifty  nummi,  equal  to  eight  fliillings  and 
 eleven-pence  per  pound.  The  buccinum,  another  fpecies  of 
 it,  was  double  that  value ;  the  violet  purple  was  three  pounds 
 ten  fliillings  and  eleven-pence  per  pound,  and  the  Tyrian  dou- 
 ble dye  could  fcarccly  be  bought  for  thirty-five  pounds  nine 
 
 flnlj'7?3.3 
 
Lect.X\^  history.  Ill 
 
 fhilllngs  and  one  penny  farthing  per  pound.  There  muft  alfo 
 have  been  a  great  difFerence  in  the  finenefs  of  their  wool,  and 
 confequently  in  the  price  of  it.  For  a  Roman  pound  of  Pa- 
 dua wool,  the  fineft  of  all  (though  indeed  M^hen  it  was  rather 
 dear)  fold  for  one  hundred  nummi,  at  which  rate  the  Eng- 
 llfli  pound  troy  comes  to  feventeen  fliillings  and  eight-pence 
 three  farthings. 
 
 Wine  feems  always  to  have  been  cheap  at  Rome.  For,  ac- 
 cording to  Columella,  the  common  fort  was  worth  eight- 
 pounds  per  ton. 
 
 In  the  early  times  of  Rome,  the  price  of  a  good  calf  was 
 twenty-five  ojfcs^  equal  to  one  fliilling  and  feven-pence  three- 
 eighths.  The  price  of  a  Iheep  a  denarius,  or  eight-pence, 
 and  the  price  of  an  ox  ten  times  as  much.  Thefe  articles 
 Arbuthnot  quotes  from  Pliny,  who,  no  doubt,  makes  allow- 
 ance for  the  alteration  in  the  coin.  Otherwife  they  muft 
 have  been  much  dearer  than  we  can  reafonably  fuppofe  in  the 
 early  times  of  the  commonwealth.  According  to  Varro, 
 {heep,  in  his  time,  were  commonly  worth  twenty-live  (hil- 
 lings each,  a  bullock  tv/elve  pounds  ten  fiiillings,  and  a  calf 
 three  pounds  two  fliillings  and  fix-pence.  This  makes  the 
 price  of  butcher's  meat  nearly  the  fiime  as  in  London. 
 
 An  Englifli  acre  of  middling  land,  for  a  vineyard,  was 
 worth  according  to  Columella,  fourteen  pounds  fifteen  fliil- 
 lings  and  three-pence,  and  the  Jugerum  was  to  the  Englifli 
 acre  as  ten  to  fixteen.  According  to  the  fame  author,  the 
 com.mon  mean  rent  of  an  acre  of  p allure  ground  v/as  one 
 pound  eight  fhillings  and  ten-pence.  Lands  were  commonly 
 reckoned  at  twenty-five  years  purchafe.  For  the  lands  of  the 
 government  were  fo  let,  paying  according  to  the  rate  of  four 
 pounds  per  cent. 
 
 The  price  of  land  was  confiderably  increafed  by  the  great' 
 treafures  brought  to  Rome  in  Auguftus's  reign.     An  acre  of 
 the  beft  ground  in   the  city  of  Rome,  under  the  emperors, 
 may  be  reckoned  to  have  brought  in  a   ground   rent  of  five 
 pounds  per  annum.    , 
 
 The 
 
112  LECTURES      ON  Part  III. 
 
 The  price  of  an  ordinary  Have,  in  Cato   major's   time,  was  * 
 three  hundred   and    feventy-feven  drachms,     equal   to  forty- 
 eight  pounds  eight  (hillings  and  nine-pence. 
 
 Before  Domitian,  the  Roman  foldiers  ferved  for  under  live- 
 pence,  and  afterM'ards  for  about  fix-pence  a  day;  fo  that  if 
 we  take  the  price  of  day  labour  from  the  pay  of  a  foldier 
 (which  in  moil  countries,  and  particularly  ancient  nations,  it 
 hardly  ever  exceeds)  it  Vv'iil  not  make  it  much  higher  in  Rome 
 than  in  our  own  country. 
 
 From  the  prices  of  all  tliefe  articles  taken  together,  we 
 fhould  conclude  that  the  proportion  which  money  bore  to 
 commodities  in  the  mod    flouriiliinsT   times   of  the   common- 
 
 o 
 
 wealth,  and  under  the  firft  emperors,  was  rather  higher  than 
 it  bears  at  prefent  with  us.  But  this  could  only  be  the  cafe 
 at  Rome,  and  the  neighbourhood  of  it.  All  the  necefiaries 
 of  life  were  confiderably  cheaper  in  Greece.  Polybius,  who 
 lived  in  the  timiC  of  the  third  Puinc  war,  fays  that  provifions 
 were  fo  cheap  in  Italy  in  his  tim»e,  that,  in  fome  places,  the 
 Hated  club  in  the  inns  was  a  femis  a  head,  which  is  but  little 
 more  than  a  farthing.  And  under  the  later  emperors  the 
 prices  of  all  neceiTaries  were  certainly  nearly  the  fame  that 
 they  were  in  this  part  of  Europe  before  the  difcovery  of 
 iimerica. 
 
 All  the  articles  mentioned  above  relate  to  what  may  be 
 called  the  necejfarles  of  life.  How  extravagant  the  Romans 
 were  in  entertainments  and  the  elegancies  of  life,  we  may 
 form  fome  idea  of  from  the  following  circumftance,  that  Rofcius 
 the  aclcr  (whofe  profelTion  was  lefs  refpetlable  at  Rome 
 than  it  is  even  M^ith  us)  could  gain  five  hundred  fellerLJa, 
 equal  to  four  thoufand  and  thirty-fix  pounds  nine  (liilllngs  and 
 two-pence  per  annum  ;  and  per  day  when  he  adled  one  thou- 
 fand nummi,  equal  to  thirty-two  pounds  five  fliillings  and 
 ten-pence.  Various  curious  inflances  of  Roman  luxury  may 
 be  feen  in  Arbuthnot. 
 
 The  molt  moderate  interejl  at  Athens  was  twelve  per  cent, 
 paid  monthly,  and  according  to  Ariftophanes  it  was  fomic- 
 what  more.  The  rent  of  other  things,  likewife,  was  very 
 high  in  proportion  to  their  value.     Antidorus,    fays  Demof- 
 
 thenes, 
 
Lect.  XV.  HISTORY.  113 
 
 thenes,  paid  three  talents  and  an  half  for  a  houfe,  which  he 
 let  for  a  talent  a  year.  If  this  were  true,  admitting  it  to 
 Iiave  been  an  extraordinary  cafe,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the 
 hire  of  money  bore  fo  extraordinary  a  price  in  proportion 
 to  its  value.  Such  circumflances  as  thefc  are  a  demonllration 
 of  the  precarious  flate  of  property.  For  both  with  regard 
 to  money,  and  every  thing  elfe,  the  more  fecure  it  is  fup- 
 pofed  to  be,  the  lefs  annual  intereft  is  required  in  proportion 
 to  its  value. 
 
 In  the  early  times  of  the  Roman  commonv%'ealth  too,  in- 
 tereft was,  at  a  medium,  twelve  per  cent.  In  the  flourifhing 
 times  of  the  commonwealth  it  was  at  fix,  and  though  it  was 
 fuddenly  reduced  to  four  upon  the  conqueft  of  Egvpt,  it  pre- 
 fently  rofe  to  its  old  flandard  ;  and  in  Pliny's  time  fix  per 
 cent,  was  the  public  cuftomary  intereft  of  money;  Juftinian 
 reduced  it  to  four  per  cent,  and  money  lent  to  mafters  of  fhips 
 to  one  per  cent,  per  month.  This  kind  of  intereft  had  before 
 been  two  per  cent,  per  month. 
 
 But  there  was  a  peculiarity  in  the  Roman  method  of  put- 
 ting out  money  to  intereft,  which  muft  be  explained,  as  we 
 have  nothing  like  it  with  us.  With  them  it  was  cuftomary 
 after  one  hundred  and  one  months  to  add  fix  per  cent,  to  the 
 principal,  befides  the  fimple  intereft  which  was  due  upon  the 
 fum.  This  they  called  anatocifmosy  fo  that  their  ufual  rate  for 
 long  intereft  was  neither  fimple  nor  compound,  but  fomething 
 between  both. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
114  LECTURESON  Part  III. 
 
 LECTURE      XVL 
 
 Of  the  EngliJJj  Coins,  Saxon  and  Norman  Coim  compared.  When 
 Gold  and  Copper  began  to  be  coined  by  our  Kings.  A  Table  of 
 all  the  Changes  in  the  Value  of  Englifh  Coins.  The  Proportion 
 between  Gold  and  Silver,  and  between  Coin  and  Commodities  in 
 diferent  Periods  of  our  Hijlory,  A  Table  of  all  the  Changes  of 
 the  French  Coins  from  the  Time  of  CharhmagJie.  A  general 
 lilea  of  the  Proportion  it  has,  at  different  Times,  borne  to  Com- 
 modities in  France.  Of  the  different  Rates  of  Interejl  in  Eu- 
 rope in  different  Periods.  The  Number  and  Riches  of  a  People 
 to  be  confide  red  in  computing  the  proportional  ^lantities  of  the 
 Money  they  raife. 
 
 TH  E  Englifh  money,  though  the  fame  names  do  by  no 
 means  correfpond  to  the  fame  quantity  of  precious  metal 
 as  formerly,  has  not  changed  fo  much  as  the  money  of  moil 
 other  countries.  In  this  part  of  my  fubjecl  I  am  fo  happy  as 
 to  be  able  to  give  a  much  more  complete  deduftion  of  the 
 changes  both  in  the  value  of  money,  and  the  proportion  it  has 
 borne  to  commodities,  than  in  the  preceding.  A  view  of  all 
 the  changes  which  the  ftandard  of  our  money  has  ever  under- 
 gone, I  fliall  prefent  to  you  at  once,  in  a  table  extra^led  from 
 the  account  lately  publiflied  of  Englifh  coins  by  the  fociety  of 
 antiquaries.  But  previous  to  this  it  will  be  proper  to  inform 
 you,  that,  in  the  Saxon  times,  a  {lulling  (at  one  time  at  ieall) 
 was  reckoned  to  contain  five-pence,  or  pennyM^eiglits,  and 
 one  pound  contained  forty-eight  flnllings,  which  is  the  fame 
 -number  of  pence  that  a  pound  contains  now. 
 
 However,  the  proportion  between  th^ffilling  and  either  the 
 penny  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  pound  on  the  other,  feems  not  to 
 have  been  fo  conftant  and  uniform  as  that  between  the  penny 
 and  the  pound.  During  the  firfl;  race  of  the  kings  of  Frapce, 
 the  Frenchy^?/,  or  frilling,  appears,  upon  different  occafions,  to 
 have  contained  five,  twelve,  twenty,  and  forty  pennies.  From 
 the  time  of  Charlemagne  among  the  French,  and  from  that  of 
 William  the  Conqueror  among  the  Englilh,  the  proportion  be- 
 tween 
 
Lect.  XVI.  HISTORY.  115 
 
 tween  the  pounds  the  JJj'illingy   and  the  psiinyy  feems    to  have 
 been  uniformly  the  fame  as  at  prefent  *. 
 
 Though  a  ditferent  diftrlbution  of  the  fubdlvifions  of  a  pound 
 was  introduced  with  the  Normans,  yet  William  the  Conqueror 
 brought  no  new  weight  into  his  mint;  but  the  fame  weight 
 ufed  there  fome  ages  after,  and  called  tht  pound  of  the  toiuer  (^ 
 London^  was  the  old  pound  of  the  Saxon  moniers  before  the 
 conqueft.  This  pound  was  lighter  than  the  pound  troy  by 
 three  ounces.  It  was  divided  into  two  hundred  and  forty- 
 pence,  and  confequently  the  intrinfic  value  of  that  fum  in 
 weight  was  the  fame  as  the  value  of  fifty-eight  millings  and 
 three  half-pence  of  our  prefent  coined  money. 
 
 It  may  not  be  improper  alfo  to  premife,  that  Edward  IIL 
 was  the  hrlt  of  our  kings  who  coined  any  gold ;  and  that  no 
 copper  was  coined  by  authority  before  James  I.  Thefe  pieces 
 were  not  calledyJ/r//'!>//7^'.f,  hxxtfarthiug  toiciis,  and  all  people  wer; 
 at  liberty  to  take  or  refufe  them.  Before  the  time  of  Ed- 
 ward IIL  gold  was  exchanged,  like  any  other  commodity,  by  its 
 v/eight ;  and  before  the  time  of  James  I.  copper  was  flampc4 
 by  any  perfon  who  chofe  to  do  it. 
 
 The  l|)llowing  table  exhibits,  at  one  view,  the  flandard  of  our 
 filver  money  as  to  gocdnefs,  together  v/ith  the  true  weight  of 
 two  hundred  and  forty  pence,  fixty  groats,  or  twenty  (liillingK, 
 making  the  pound  ilcriing  in  tale,  and  the  prefent  intrinfic  value 
 of  fo  much  filver  as  was  rtfpeftively  contained  in  the  fame  pound 
 fterling  at  the  feveral  tim.es  there  noted  in  the  hrft  column. 
 To  this  is  alfo  added,  in  the  lad,  the  fame  intrinfic  value  of  the 
 nominal  pound  fterling,  exprclTed  in  decim.als  of  our  prefent 
 fterling  pound  j  Vvdiereby  the  proportion  of  the  intrinfic  value  of 
 any  fum  of  money  mentioned  in  books,  to  the  intrinfic  value 
 of  fo  much  money  as  it  is  nov/  called  by  the  fame  appella- 
 tion, may  immediately  be  known,  and  the  prices  of  proviiions, 
 labour,  and  materials  in  former  times,  may  readily  be  compared 
 with  the  different  prices  which  the  like  provifions,  labour,  and 
 materials,  are  found  to  bear  at  this  day. 
 
 The  m.eaning  of  the  term  oldjierling,  in  the  fecond  column  of 
 the  following  table,  is  that  eleven  ounces  two  pennyweights  of 
 
 *  Smith's  Wealth  of  Nations,  vol.  i.  p.  40. 
 
 line 
 
ti6 
 
 LECTURES     ON 
 
 Part  III. 
 
 fine  filver,  were  contained  in  twelve  ounces  of  old  coin.  The 
 numbers  which  exprefs  the  alterations  made  afterwards  (how 
 the  additional  quantity  of  alloy  ufed  in  fome  reigns. 
 
 B 
 
 E. 
 
 Year  of  thckina' 
 
 s  reign,     £t.:ndard  of 
 Silver. 
 
 VVeij^lit  'jf 
 
 zos. 
 
 jVal 
 
 ne  of  the  fair  f 
 
 Propor- 
 
 and A.  D 
 
 in  tale 
 
 inp 
 
 rcfcnt  money. 
 
 tion. 
 
 ! 
 
 1 
 
 >z.    cl-u'tj. 
 
 CIS. 
 
 /. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 Conquefl 
 
 io6^'0]d  fterling 
 
 '         5 
 
 0 
 
 z 
 
 18 
 
 ^\ 
 
 a,906 
 
 28  Edward  I.  - 
 
 I  5C0; Ditto 
 
 I         a 
 
 5 
 
 z 
 
 ^7 
 
 !^ 
 
 1.871 
 
 jSF.dw.  ;ii.   - 
 
 i;,44!Ditto 
 
 0        3 
 
 0 
 
 z 
 
 12 
 
 s\ 
 
 2,6Z, 
 
 20  ditto 
 
 i.-54  6;Ditto 
 
 1 0        0 
 
 0 
 
 % 
 
 Ir 
 
 8 
 
 ^,583 
 
 17  ditto 
 
 '    1 .353;l^''^''o 
 
 9         0 
 
 0 
 
 z 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 2.3^5 
 
 13   Henry  IV. 
 
 !  412!  Ditto 
 
 7        10 
 
 0 
 
 I 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 J»937 
 
 ii  F.dw.  IV.     - 
 
 ii;6-i 
 
 Ditto 
 
 6         0 
 
 0 
 
 I 
 
 Ii 
 
 0 
 
 f,554 
 
 18  Hen.  YIII. 
 
 15x7 
 
 Ditto 
 
 5         6 
 
 16 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 6-4 
 
 «,37H 
 
 54  ditto 
 
 J  54? 
 
 W.     I  OS      2d'u> 
 
 .7         0 
 
 0 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 3i 
 
 1,163 
 
 36  ditto 
 
 lUi 
 
 5        2 
 
 Ditto 
 
 0 
 
 13 
 
 I.l 
 
 0,698 
 
 37  tlitto 
 
 Ii46 
 
 7         2 
 
 Ditto 
 
 0 
 
 9 
 
 04 
 
 0,466 
 
 3  Edw.  VI. 
 
 1 549 
 
 5        a 
 
 3         6 
 
 16 
 
 Di 
 
 tto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 5   ditto 
 
 Issi 
 
 8         1 
 
 Ditto 
 
 0 
 
 4 
 
 ^1 
 
 0,132 
 
 6  ditto 
 
 155  ^ 
 
 0        I 
 
 4         0 
 
 0 
 
 I 
 
 0 
 
 I3O28 
 
 I   Mary 
 
 If:;: 
 
 0            2g 
 
 Ditto 
 
 I 
 
 0 
 
 si 
 
 1,024 
 
 Z  Eliz. 
 
 156c 
 
 Old  flcrliiw 
 
 Ditto 
 
 I 
 
 0 
 
 8 
 
 ^033 
 
 43  ditto 
 
 1601 'Ditto 
 
 J \,7_ 
 
 10 
 
 JL 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 __i,ooo 
 
 It  appears  that  in  the  twenty-feventh  year  of  king  Edward 
 III.  1353,  when  the  f.rfl  confiderable  coinage  of  gold  M^as  made 
 in  England,  fine  gold  was  rated  in  our  coins  at  eleven  times 
 and  about  one-fixth  part  as  much  as  fine  fdver.  But  even 
 this  value  of  gold  was  thought  too  great  in  the  time  of 
 Henry  IV.  and  the  fame  being  complained  of,  by  the  regu- 
 lations made  in  his  thirteenth  year,  1412,  gold  came  to  be 
 exchanged  for  ten  times  and  about  a  third  of  an  equal  quan- 
 tity of  filver.  In  the  fourth  year  of  Edward  IV.  1454, 
 gold  was  again  valued  at  a  little  more  than  eleven  times  the 
 price  of  fdver.  During  one  hundred  and  forty  years  next 
 following  there  was  fcarce  any  alteration  made  in  the  pro- 
 portional value  of  the  two  metals,  excepting  only  in  the  times 
 of  confufion,  between  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  Henry  VIII.  and 
 the  laft  of  Edward  VI.  and  by  the  indentures  of  the  forty- 
 third  year  of  queen  Elizabeth,  and  thofe  of  the  firfl  of 
 king  James,  1603,  the  pound  weight  of  fine  gold  in  the 
 coin  was  yet  rated  at  fomewhat  lefs  than  eleven  pounds 
 weight  of  fdver.     But   foon  after  that  time   the  price  of  gold 
 
 was 
 
Lect.XVL  history.  117 
 
 was  fenfibly  advanced,  the  pound  weight  of  it  being  valued 
 in  the  indentures  of  the  fecond  year  of  king  James  at  more 
 than  twelve  pounds  and  an  ounce ;  and  in  the  feventeenth 
 year  of  the  fame  king,  at  more  than  thirteen  pounds  four 
 ounces  and  three  penny  weights  of  fine  filver.  AVhen  guineas 
 came  iirft  to  be  coined  for  twenty  fhilHng  pieces,  in  the 
 fifteenth  year  of  Charles  II.  1663,  the  pound  of  fine  gold 
 was  made  equivalent  to  fourteen  pounds  five  ounces  fixteen 
 pennyweights  and  nine  grains  of  fine  filver ;  which  value 
 (by  the  running  of  guineas  as  they  now  do  for  twenty- 
 one  fliillings  each)  is  yet  farther  advanced  to  fifteen  pounds  two 
 ounces  ten  pennyweights  and  feven  grains  of  the  fame  filver.^ 
 
 The  Scots  money  pound  contained,  from  the  time  of  Alex- 
 ander the  Firil,  to  that  of  Robert  Bruce,  a  pound  of  filver 
 of  the  fame  weight  and  finenefs  witli  the  Englifli  pound  fteriing. 
 Th^jir  pound  and  penny  now  contain  about  a  thirty-fixth  part 
 of  their  original  value  *. 
 
 Having  thus  exhibited  a  view  of  the  fuccefilve  changes  of 
 the  Englifh  coin  to  the  prefent  time,  I  fiiall  endeavour  to 
 afcertain  the  proportion  that  money  has  from  time  to  time 
 borne  to  commodities,  by  means  of  the  prices  of  things  taken 
 at  proper  intervals,  from  the  times  of  the  Saxons  down  to 
 cur  own. 
 
 In  the  year  712  and  727  an  ev/e  and  lamb  were  rated  atone 
 fliilling  Saxon  money  till  a  fortnight  after  Eailer.  Between  900 
 and  1000,  t>^x>  hydes  of  land,  each  containing  about  one 
 hundred  and  twenty  acres,  were  fold  for  one  hundred  fhillings. 
 In  1000,  by  king  Ethelred's  laws,  a  horfe  was  rated  at  tliirty 
 fhillings,  a  mare,  or  a  colt  of  a  year  old,  at  twenty  fliiliings, 
 a  mule,  or  young  afs,  at  twelve  fhillings,  an  ox  at  thirty- 
 pence,  a  cow  at  twenty-four  pence,  a  fwine  eight-pence,  a 
 Iheep  at  one  (hilling.  In  1043,  a  quarter  of  wheat  was  fold 
 for  fixty  pence.  From  thefe,  and  fome  other  fimilar  facets. 
 It  is  "computed  that  in  the  Saxon  times,  there  was  ten  times 
 lefs  money  in  proportion  to  commodities  than  at  prefent. 
 Their  nominal  fpecie,  therefore,  being  about  three  times 
 higher  than  ours,  the  price  of  every  thing,  according  to  our 
 
 *  Smith  on  the  "'A'ealth  of  Nations,  vol.  I.  p.  39.  41. 
 
 preicnt 
 
J  IS  LECTURES     ON  Part  III. 
 
 prefent  language,    mull  be  reckoned  thii'ty  times  cheaper  than 
 it  is  now. 
 
 In  the  reign  of  William  the  Conqueror  commodities  were 
 ten  times  cheaper  than  they  are  at  prefent  j  from  which  wc 
 cannot  help  forming  a  very  high  idea  of  the  wealth  and  power 
 of  that  king.  For  the  revenue  of  William  the  Conqueror  was 
 four  hundred  thoufand  pounds  per  annum,  every  pound  being 
 equal  to  that  weight  of  filver.  Confequently  the  whole  may  be 
 eftimated  at  one  million  two  hundred  thoufand  pounds  of  the 
 prefent  computation  }  a  fum  which,  confidering  the  different 
 value  of  money  betv/een  that  period  and  the  prefent  time,  was 
 equivalent  to  twelve  millions  of  modern  edimation. 
 
 The  moll  neceffary  commodities  do  not  feem  to  have  advan- 
 ced their  price  from  William  the  Conqueror  to  Richard  I. 
 
 The  price  of  corn  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  was  near 
 half  the  mean  price  in  our  times.  Bifliop  Fleetwood  has 
 jQiov/n  that  in  the  year  1240,  which  was  in  this  reign, 
 four  pounds  thirteen  fliiliings  and  nine-pence  was  worth  about 
 fifty  pounds  of  our  prefent  money.  About  the  latter  end 
 of  this  reign  Robert  de  Hay,  re£lor  of  Souldern,  agreed  to 
 receive  one  hundred  ihilUngs  to  purchafe  to  himfelf  and  fucceflbr 
 the  annual  rent  of  live  ihiilings,  in  full  compenfation  of  an 
 acre  of  corn. 
 
 Butchers  meat,  in  the  time  of  the  great  fcarcity  in  the  reign 
 of  Edward  II.  was,  by  a  parliamentary  ordinance,  fold  three 
 times  cheaper  than  our  mean  price  at  prefent ;  poultry  fome- 
 what  lower,  becaufe  being  now  confidered  as  a  delicacy,  it  has 
 rifen  beyond  its  proportion.  The  mean  price  of  corn  in  this 
 period  was  half  the  prefent  value,  and  the  mean  price  of  cat- 
 tle one-eighth. 
 
 In  the  next  reign,  which  was  that  of  Edward  III.  the  mofl 
 neceffary  commodities  were,  in  general,  about  three  or  four 
 times  cheaper  than  they  are  at  prefent. 
 
 In  thefe  times  knights,  who  ferved  on  horfeback  in  the  army, 
 had  two  fnillings  a  day,  and  a  foot  archer  fix-pence  ;  which 
 lail  would  now  be  equal  to  a  crown  a  day.  This  pay  has 
 continued  nearly  the  fame  nominally  (only  that  in  the  time  of 
 the  commonwealth  the  pay  of  the  horfe  was  advanced  to  two 
 
 {hillings 
 
Lect.  XVr.  HISTORY.  up 
 
 lliillings  and  fix-pence,  and  that  of  the  foot  to  one  fhilling  5 
 though  it  was  reduced  again  at  the  refloration)  but  foldiers 
 were  proportionaWy  of  a  better  rank  formerly. 
 
 In  the  time  of  Henry  VI.  corn  Vv'as  about  half  its  prefent  value, 
 other  commodities  much  cheaper.  Bifhop  Fleetwood  has  de- 
 termined, from  a  moft  accurate  confideration  of  every  circum- 
 ftance,  that  five  pounds  in  this  reign  v/as  equivalent  to  twenty- 
 eight,  or  thirty,   now. 
 
 In  the  time  of  Henry  VII.  many  commodities  were  three 
 times  as  cheap  here,  and  in  all  Europe,  as  they  are  at  prefent, 
 there  having  been  a  great  increafe  of  gold  and  filver  in  Eu- 
 rope fmce  his  time,  occafioned  by  the  difcovery  of  America,  " 
 The  commodities  whofe  price  has  rifen  the  moil  fince  before 
 the  time  of  Henry  VII.  are  butcher's  meat,  fowls  and  fifh  ; 
 efpecially  the  latter.  And  the  reafon  why  corn  w^s  always 
 much  dearer  in  proportion  to  other  eatables,  according  to 
 their  prices  at  prefent,  is,  that  in  early  times  agriculture 
 was  little  underftood.  It  required  more  labour  and  expence, 
 and  was  more  precarious  than  it  is  at  prefent.  In<ieed, 
 notwithftanding  the  high  price  of  corn  in  the  times  we 
 are  fpeaking  of,  the  raifmg  of  it  fo  little  anfwered  the  ex- 
 pence,  that  agriculture  was  almoft  univerfally  quitted  for 
 grazing  ;  which  was  more  profitable,  notwirhilanding  the  low- 
 price  of  butcher's  meat.  So  that  there  was  conftant  occaficn 
 for  ftatutes  to  reftrain  grazing,  and  to  promote  agriculture ; 
 and  no  effecSlual  remedy  was  found  till  the  bounty  upon  the 
 exportation  of  corn  ;  fince  which,  above  ten  times  more  corn 
 has  been  raifed  in  this  country  than  before. 
 
 The  price  of  corn  in  the  time  of  James  I.  and  confequently 
 that  of  other  necelfaries  of  life,  was  not  lower,  but  rather 
 higher,  than  at  prefent ;  wool  is  not  two-thirds  of  the  value 
 it  was  then  ;  the  finer  manufactures  having  rather  funk  in 
 price  by  the  progrefs  of  art  and  induftry,  notwithftanding  the 
 increafe  of  money.  Butcher's  meat  was  higher  than  at  pre- 
 fent. Prince  Henry  made  an  allowance  of  near  four-pence 
 per  pound  for  all  the  beef  and  mutton  ufed  in  his  family.  This 
 may  be  true  vrith  refpecl  to  London  ;  but  the  price  of  butch- 
 ers meat  in  the  country,  which  does  not  even  iiowinuch  ex- 
 
 c-eed 
 
120 
 
 LECTURES     ON 
 
 Part  lit 
 
 ceed  tills  price  at  a  medium,  has  certainly  greatly  increafed 
 of  late  years,  and  particularly  in  the  northern  counties. 
 
 The  French  money  has  fufFered  much  more  by  the  di- 
 minution of  its  value  than  the  Eni:;lilh.  Voltaire  gives  the  fol- 
 lowing general  account  of  it.  The  numerary  pound  in  the 
 time  of  Charlemagne  was  twelve  ounces  of  fdver.  This  pound 
 was  divided  into  twenty  fojs,  and  the  fols  into  twelve  deniers. 
 In  Europe  that  fol,  which  was  equal  to  a  crown  at  prefent,  Is 
 now  no  more  than  a  light  piece  of  copper  with  a  mixture  of  at 
 moft  one-eleventh  of  fdver.  The  livre  which  formerly  repre- 
 fented  twelve  ounces  of  fdver,  is  in  France  no  more  than  twenty 
 copper  fols,  and  the  denier  is  one-third  of  that  bafe  coin  we 
 call  a  Hard.  Whereas  a  pound  fterling  is  worth  about  twenty- 
 two  franks  of  France,  and  the  Dutch  pound  is  nearly  equal 
 to  twelve.  But  the  following  table  will  exhibit  all  the  fuc- 
 cefTivc  changes  of  the  French  livre  in  a  more  particular  and 
 diftin£l  manner. 
 
 Reigns. 
 
 Charlf  magne  from 
 
 Lewis  VJ.  VII. 
 
 Philip  Augurtus 
 
 St.  Lewis  and  Phil,  the  Hardy 
 
 Phil,  the  Fair 
 
 Lewis  Hutin  and  Philip  the  Lc 
 
 Charles  the  Fair 
 
 Philip  de  Valois 
 
 John 
 
 Charles  V.  -  - 
 
 Charles  VT. 
 
 Charles  VIL 
 
 Lewis  XI. 
 
 Charles  VIIL 
 
 Lewis  XII. 
 
 Prancis  1. 
 
 Henry  II.  and  Francis  II. 
 
 Charles  IX. 
 
 Henry  III. 
 
 Henry  IV 
 
 1 
 
 Va 
 
 ue  of 
 
 the  Money  in  the 
 
 D 
 
 \TES. 
 
 P 
 
 refent 
 
 VIoney  of  France. 
 
 . 
 
 763 
 
 to 
 
 1 1 13 
 
 66 
 
 L^ivres 
 
 8  Sols. 
 
 0  Den. 
 
 1113 
 
 to 
 
 iiiS 
 
 IS 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 - 
 
 izza 
 
 '9 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 - 
 
 1226 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 liSq 
 
 17 
 
 19 
 
 0 
 
 ^■s 
 
 1313 
 
 IS 
 
 8 
 
 10  , 
 
 1321 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 - 
 
 1344 
 
 14 
 
 II 
 
 10 
 
 . 
 
 1364 
 
 9 
 
 19 
 
 ^f 
 
 - 
 
 1380 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 8* 
 
 . 
 
 1422 
 
 7 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 - 
 
 1461 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 - 
 
 i4f53 
 
 4 
 
 «9 
 
 7 
 
 - 
 
 1497 
 
 4 
 
 lO 
 
 7 
 
 - 
 
 1514 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 - 
 
 1546 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 z 
 
 - 
 
 15. S  9 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 1374 
 
 a 
 
 18 
 
 7 
 
 . 
 
 1589 
 
 i 
 
 12 
 
 II 
 
 - 
 
 1611 
 
 a 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 - 
 
 1642 
 17I5 
 
 1 
 I 
 
 »5 
 4 
 
 3 
 1 1 
 
 - 
 
 1720 
 
 0 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 - 
 
 17J0 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Lewis  XIII. 
 Lewis  XIV. 
 Lewis  XV. 
 Prefent  Livre 
 
 Voltairc  alfo  gives  us  the  following  ufeful  caution  Vvdthrcfpe6t 
 to  the  computations  made  by  feveral  confiderable  French  wri- 
 ters. RoUin,  Fleury,  and  all  the  moft  ufeful  writers,  when 
 they  would  cxprefs  the  value  of  talents,  minx  and   feflerces 
 
 compute 
 
Lect.  X\'I.        H      I      S      T      O      R      Y.  ^m 
 
 compute  by  an  eftlmate  made  before  the  death  of  Colbert,  But 
 the  mark  of  eight  ounces,  which  was  then  worth  twenty-fix 
 franks,  ten  fols,  is  now  worth  forty-nine  livres  ten  fols ;  a 
 difference  which  amounts  to  near  one  half.  Without  remem- 
 bering this  variation,  we  fliould  have  a  very  erroneous  idea  of 
 the  ftrengtli   of  ancient  ftates^  &c. 
 
 The  changes  in  the  proportion  between  money  and  commo- 
 dities in  France  may  eafily  be  imagined  to  have  kept  pace 
 pretty  nearly  v/ith  thofe  in  England,  and  therefore  need  not 
 be  particularly  pointed  out.  Acccrdlngiy,  Voltaire  obfervxs 
 that  all  provifions  were  eight  or  ten  times  cheaper  in  propor- 
 tion to  the  quantity  of  money  in  Charlemagne's  time  ;  but  he 
 cannot  be  fuppofed  to  fpeak  very  accurately,  Vvhen  he  fays  that 
 in  the  reign  of  Lewis  XI.  who  was  cotemporary  with  Edward 
 IV.  money,  meaning  of  the  fame  ftandard,  was  worth  about 
 double  of  what  it  is  at  prefent,  and  alfo  that  it  was  of  the  fame 
 value  in  the  reign  of  Lewis  XIII.  who  reigned  in  the  laft  year 
 of  James  I.  and  the  beginning  of  Charles  I.  For  betwixt  thofe 
 two  reigns  was  an  interval  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  in 
 which  was  the  difcovery  of  America^  which  occauoned  the 
 greateft  general  aheration  of  the  proportion  betv/een  money 
 and  commodities  that  ever  was  made  in  this  part  of  the  M'orld. 
 In  the  former  re^^jn,  therefore,  the  value  of  money  muil  have 
 been  much  greater,  and  perhaps  in  the  latter  reign  lefs,  than 
 he  makes  it.  At  prefent  the  prices  of  commodities  are  higher 
 in  England  than  in  France,  befides  that  the  poor  people  of 
 France  live  upon  much  lefs  than  the  poor  in  England,  and 
 their  armies  are  maintained  at  lefs  expence.  It  is  computed 
 by  Mr.  Hume,  that  a  Britifli  armv  of  twenty  thoufand  men  i.> 
 maintained  at  near  as  great  an  expence  as  fixtv  thoufand  in 
 France,  and  that  the  Englifh  fleet  in  the  war  of  i'74i  requir- 
 ed as  much  m.oney  to  fupport  it  as  all  the  Roi-iian  legions  in 
 the  time  of  the  emperors.  However,  all  that  v/e  can  conclude 
 from  this  laft  article,  is  that  money  is  much  more  plentiful  in 
 Europe  at  prefent  than  it  was  in  the  Roman  empire. 
 
 In  the  thirteenth  century  the  common  intereft  v/hich  the 
 Jews  had  for  their  money,  YcltHire  fays,  was  twenty  per  cent. 
 But  with  regard  to  this  we  mull  coniider  the  great  contempt 
 
 that 
 
122*  LECTURES     ON  Part  IIL 
 
 that  nation  was  always  held  in,  the  large  contributions  they 
 were  frequently  obliged  to  pay,  the  riik  they  run  of  never  re- 
 ceiving the  principal,  the  frequent  confifcation  of  all  their  ef- 
 fects, and  the  violent  perfecutions  to  which  they  were  expof- 
 ed  ;  in  which  circumftances  it  was  impoflible  for  theni  to  lend 
 money  at  all  unlefs  for  a  mod  extravagant  intereft,  and  much 
 difproportioned  to  its  real  value.  Before  the  difcovery  of  Ame- 
 rica, and  the  plantation  of  our  colonies,  the  intereft  of  money 
 was  generally  twelve  per  cent,  all  over  Europe  ;  and  it  has 
 been  growing  gradually  lefs  fnice  that  time  till  it  is  now  gene- 
 rally about  four  or  five. 
 
 "When  fums  of  money  are  faid  to  be  raifed  by  a  whole  peo- 
 ple, in  order  to  form  a  juft  eftimate  of  it,  we  muft  take  into 
 eonfideratlon  not  only  the  quantity  of  the  precious  metal  ac- 
 cording to  the  ftandard  of  the  coin,  and  the  proportion  of  the 
 quantity  of  coin  to  the  commodities,  but  alfo  the  number  and 
 riches  of  the  people  who  raife  it.  For  admitting  the  two  cir- 
 cumftances which  have  been  already  explained  to  be  the  fame; 
 ftill  populous  and  rich  countries  will  much  more  eafily  raife 
 any  certain  fum  of  money  than  one  that  is  thinly  inhabited, 
 and  chiefly  by  poor  people.  This  circumftance  greatly  adds 
 to  our  furprife  at  the  vaft  fums  of  money  raifed  by  William 
 the  Conqueror,  who  had  a  revenue  neariy  in  value  equal  to 
 twelve  millions  of  pounds  of  our  money  (allowance  being 
 made  for  the  ftandard  of  coin  and  the  proportion  it  bore  to 
 commodities)  from  a  country  not  near  fo  populous  or  rich  as 
 England  is  at  prefent.  Indeed  the  accounts  hiftorians  give  us 
 of  the  revenues  of  this  prince,  and  the  treafure  he  left  behind 
 him,  are  barely  credible. 
 
 Next  to  judging  of  the  real  value  of  fums  of  money  men* 
 tioned  by  hiftorians,  it  is  of  importance  to  have  juft  ideas  of 
 the  meafures  of  length  and  capacity^  which  occur  in  them.  But 
 thefe  are  fubjet'^s  of  litde  variation,  fo  that  common  tables  of 
 thofe  things,  whether  adapted  to  the  prefent  or  former  times  ; 
 to  our  own  or  remote  nations,  are  fufficient  for  the  purpofe  of 
 reading  hiftory,  and  require  no  illuftratlon. 
 
 PART 
 
LiCT.  XVII.         HISTORY.  i2i 
 
 PART        IV. 
 
 DIRECTIONS  FOR  FACILITATING  THE  STUDY 
 OF   HISTORY. 
 
 LECTURE       XVIL 
 
 Ufe  of  Compendiums.  The  heji  Epitomes  of  Hijiory.  Mecha7iical 
 Methods  which  have  been  ufed  to  facilitate  the  Study  of  Hif 
 tory.  Chronological  Tables,  CharaSfer  of  different  Tables, 
 Sturt's  Tables,     Genealogical  Tables* 
 
 IN  the  fourth  divifion  of  our  fubje6l,  which  we  are  nsw  en- 
 tering upon,  I  propofed  to  give  you  feme  diredlions  for  faci- 
 litating the  ftudy  of  hiftory  ;  both  that  it  may  more  efFe6lually 
 anfwer  the  end  propxofed  by  it,  and  that  you  may  purfue  it 
 with  more    fatisfadlion. 
 
 One  of  the  mofl  ufeful  directions  1  can  give  you  is  to  begiii 
 with  authors  who  prefent  you  with  a  compendium^  or  genera! 
 view  of  the  whole  fubjeflof  hiftory,  and  afterwards  to  apply  to 
 the  ftudy  of  any  particular  hiftory  with  which  you  chufe  to  be 
 more  thoroughly  acc^uainted.  This  is  like  fketching  an  entire 
 outline  before  you  finifti  any  part  of  a  pidlure,  and  learning  the 
 grand  divifions  of  the  earth  before  you  ftudy  the  geography  of 
 particular  countries  ;  and  feveral  very  obvious  advantages  attend 
 this  method,  to  whatever  it  be  applied. 
 
 L  The 
 
122  LECTURES    ON  PartIV^. 
 
 The  principal  advantage  of  this  method  in  ftudying  hiftory 
 is,  that  ydu  have  hereby  a  clear  idea  vi^hat  figure  the  hiftory  to 
 which  you  propofe  to  give  more  particular  attention  makes  in 
 the  hiftory  of  the  virorld  ;  and  by  this  means  are  enabled  to 
 judge,  in  fome  meafure,  of  the  importance  of  it.  Befides,  it 
 will  contribute  greatly  to  your  fatisfacSlion  in  reading  hiftory, 
 and  anfwer  fome  ufeful  purpofes  in  the  ftudy  of  ic  to  have 
 fOme  idea  of  the  preceding,  the  cotemporary,  and  (if  it  be  an- 
 cient hiftory)  of  the  fucceeding  ftate  of  the  u^orld  in  general, 
 and  of  that  particular  part  of  the  world  of  which  you  are  read- 
 ing. Whereas  that  knowledge  can  be  but  very  limited,  and 
 fcanty,  which  is  derived  from  ever  fo  minute  an  infpedtlon  of  any 
 fmgle  portion  of  hiftory.  As  well  might  we  expert  a  good 
 judgment  of  the  regularity  and  beauty  of  an  extenfive  building 
 from  viewing  a  fmall  part  of  it.  We  are  only  mifled  by  fuch 
 a  method  of  ftudy.  But  a  clofe  examination  of  particular  parts 
 is  very  ufeful  after  a  general  view  of  the  whole  of  any  thing. 
 
 For  this  reafon,  the  hiftory  of  our  own  country,  though  the 
 moft  worthy  of  a  particular  ftudy,  is  not  proper  to  begin  with. 
 We  can  form  no  idea  of  the  Englifli  nation  in  general,  and  the 
 hiftory  of  it,  with  regard  to  the  reft  of  the  world,  unlefs  we 
 can  compare  an  idea  of  the  whole  compafs  of  it  with  a  like 
 idea  of  the  whole  compafs  of  hiftory  in  general,  or  that  of  other 
 particular  nations.  But,  when  once  we  have  got  a  general 
 idea  how  the  whole  courfe  of  hiftory,  as  we  may  fay,  lies,  we 
 apply  with  pleafure  and  advantage  to  the  more  minute  con- 
 fideration  of  our  own  country,  and  prevent  any  prejudice  or  in- 
 convenience of  any  kind,  which  we  fhould  be expofed  to  from  a 
 clofe  attention  to  fo  fmall  a  portion  of  hiftory,  without  know- 
 ing its  relation  to  the  whole  of  hiftory,   of  which  it  is  a  part. 
 
 This  fame  advice  is  applicable  to  a  perfon  who,  after  hav- 
 ing gained  a  knowledge  of  the  hiftory  of  a  particular  country, 
 propofes  to  ftudy  any  particular  period  of  it.  Let  him  firft 
 make  himfelf  acquainted  with  the  hiftory  of  the  country 
 in  general,  and  then  ftudy  the  hiftory  of  the  particular  period. 
 It  is  but  a  very  imperfe«5l  idea  that  a  perfon  could  get  of 
 th«  hiftory  of  the  civil   wars  in  England  during  the  reign   of 
 
 Charles 
 
Lect.  XVII.  HISTORY.  123 
 
 Charles  I.  for  in  (lance,  from  reading  fuch  a  fingle  hiftory  as 
 that  of  Clarendon,  were  the  performance  ever  fo  excellent, 
 while  confined  to  the  occurrences  of  that  time.  We  ouo;htto 
 go  very  far  back  in  our  hiftory  to  have  a  juft  idea  of  the  true 
 ftate  of  the  parties  that  exifted  in  thofe  times,  and  the  oppofi- 
 tlon  of  which  occafioned  fuch  a  dreadful  convulfion  in  the  Eng- 
 Jifli  government. 
 
 I  may  add,  that  it  is  men's  forming  their  notions  of  fuch 
 times  as  thefe  from  detached  pieces,  particularly  fuch  as  are 
 written  by  the  known  friends  of  one  or  other  of  the  parties, 
 from  profeiTed  panegyricks  or  invedlives,  or  from  fermons 
 (which  are  always  one  or  the  other  of  them,  and  generally  the 
 extremes  of  the  one  or  the  other)  that  they  are  more  than  mifled 
 in  their  ideas  of  thefe  times.  From  this  method  of  forming 
 ideas  of  hiftory  is  derived  much  of  the  bigotry,  and  fpirit  of 
 faction,  which  has  prevailed  in  this,  or  any  other  nation.  This 
 advice,  therefore,  to  perufe  fome  account  of  the  whole  of  hiftory 
 before  you  apply  to  any  particular  hiftory,  and  the  whole  of 
 any  particular  hiftory  before  you  ftudy  any  particular  period  of 
 it,  is  of  more  importance  than  at  firft  fight  ir  appears  to  be. 
 
 This  general  acquaintance  with  the  whole  courfe  of  hiftory 
 will  make  it  lefs  neceflary  to  attend  to  the  order  in  which  par- 
 ticular hiftories  are  read  ;  becaufe  a  perfon  thus  prepared  will  be 
 able  to  refer  any  particular  hiftory  he  takes  up  to  its  proper  place 
 in  univerfal  hiftory.  And  though  particular  hiftories  be  read 
 without  any  regard  to  the  order  of  time  or  place,  they  will 
 eafily  range  themfelves,  as  we  may  fay,  without  any  confufion 
 in  their  proper  place  in  hi;^  mind. 
 
 Befides,  univerfal  hiftory  is  an  immenfe  field,  with  which  the 
 compafs  of  no  fmgle  life  is  fuificient  to  bring  a  man  even  toler- 
 ably acquainted.  Since,  therefore,  it  is  only  a  part  of  hiftory 
 that  any  perfon  can  propofe  to  make  himfelf  intimately  ac- 
 quainted with,  it  is  of  advantage  to  be  able  to  chufe  the  moft 
 important  part,  and  what  is  moft  worthy  of  his  attention, 
 which  he  will  be  able  to  do  from  having  a  general  idea  of  the 
 whole  fubje<^  of  hiftory  in  its  proper  order  and  connexion. 
 
 L  2  The 
 
124  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 The  moft  celebrated  epitome  of  univerfal  hiftory  written  in 
 Latin  is  Turfelins^  which  is  read  in  moft  of  the  foreign  univerfi- 
 ties.  It  is  indeed  a  judicious  and  elegant  performance  ;  but  in  al- 
 moft  every  page  of  the  modern  parts  there  are  fuch  marks  of 
 ftrong  attachment  to  the  principles  of  Popery  as  cannot  but 
 give  difguft  to  a  zealous  proteftant.  Bofiuct's  ('pitome  of 
 univerfal  hiftory  is  greatly  and  defervedlv  admired  in  France  ; 
 but  it  brings  the  hiftory  no  lower  than  the  time  of  Charle- 
 magne. One  of  the  moll  ufeful  epitomes,  upon  the  whole,  is 
 that  written  by  Baron  Holberg  in  Latin,  and  tranflated  with 
 improvements  into  Englifli  by  Gregory  Sharpe.  The  princi- 
 pal defedl  in  it  is,  that  too  little  notice  is  taken  of  the  hiltory  of 
 Greece.  The  moft  valuable  of  the  larger  kind  of  epitomes  are 
 Rollin's  of  the  ancient  hiftory,  and  Puft'cndorPs  of  the  modern. 
 
 One  of  the  moft  obvious  contrivances  to  reduce  hiftory  into 
 a  fliort  compafs,  and  to  make  an  entire  courfe  of  it  eafy  to  be 
 comprehended,  and  at  the  fame  time  to  obferye  a  proper  diftinc- 
 tion  between  the  parts  of  it,  has  been  by  Chronological 
 Tables;  and  if  theyconfift  of  nothing  more  than  an  en'jmera- 
 t'on  of  the  capital  events  in  hiftory,  thrown  together  promif- 
 cuoufly,  without  any  diftin6lion  of  kingdoms,  regard  being  only 
 had  to  the  order  of  time  in  which  the  events  happened,  they 
 have  their  ufe.  We  thereby  fee  the  principal  things  th^t  hif- 
 tory exhibits,  and  from  the  dates  annexed  to  each  article,  may 
 form  an  idea  of  the  interval  of  time  between  each  of  them. 
 Such  tables  as  thcfe  are  publiftied  along  with  a  variety  of  fmglc 
 liiftories,  to  which,  indeed,  they  are  particularly  fuitcd.  Such 
 is  the  k}hort  Chronicle  prefixed  to  Newton  s  Chronology. 
 
 But  when  a  hiftory  is  very  complex,  it  may  eafily  be  con- 
 ceived to  be  a  great  advantage  to  have  the  feparate  parts  kept 
 diftin6l,  by  being  arranged  in  different  columns.  By  this 
 niea-ns  we  have  a  diftindt  idea  of  the  courfe  of  any  fmgle  hiftory, 
 and  at  the  fame  time  a  clear  comparative  view  of  the  cotem- 
 porary  ftate  of  any  other  hiftory  which  runs  parallel  with  it. 
 The  confufion  attending  the  negletSl  of  this  method  may  be  ken 
 in  the  chronological  tables  publiftied  with  the  Unherfal  Hif- 
 tory^ and  the  advantage  of  adopting  it  in  luch  tables  as  MarJhaWs^ 
 
Lect.  XVII.  HISTORY.  125 
 
 Tallent's^  &c.  Indeed  thofe  adapted  to  the  Univerfal  Hiftory, 
 could  not  have  been  brought  into  any  tolerable  compafs  on  a 
 more  diftind  and  perfect  plan. 
 
 Bcfides  a  diftin<fl  view  of  the  fuccefTion  of  events  in  different 
 hiftories,  it  is  an  advantage  to  have,  in  feparate  columns,  an  ac- 
 count of  the  p-r^^/ w/f«,  in  arts  or  arms,  which  each  age  has 
 produced.  7  his  has  been  exhibited  by  the  lafl:  mentioned  au- 
 thors and  others.  Two  columns  are  quite  fufficient  for  this 
 purpofe;  one  for  Jiatefnun  and  ivarriarsy  and  the  other  ^ov  men 
 of  learnhrg. 
 
 Another  improvement  in  chronological  tables  has  been  to 
 annex  a  variety  of  dates,  in  diftincSl:  columns,  to  every  event,  to 
 fave  the  reader  the  trouble  of  reducing  the  different  methods  of 
 computation  to  one  another.  But  many  chronologers  have 
 multiplied  thefe  different  epochas  far  beyond  any  real  ufe,  fo  as 
 greatly  to  encumber  their  page,  and  leave  little  room  for  more 
 valuable  matter.  Helvicus,  among  others,  is  an  example  of 
 this.  Four  oeras  are  abundantly  fufficient,  namely,  the  year 
 before  and  after  Chrifl,  and  the  Julian  period  to  run  through 
 the  whole  extent  of  the  work  ;  the  Olympiads  for  the  courfe  of 
 the  Grecian  hif^ory,  and  the  year  of  the  city  for  the  Roman. 
 Thefe  are  ufed  by  Blair. 
 
 The  laft  and  capital  improvement  in  chronological  fables, 
 which  has  been  effedled  in  fome  meafure  by  Tallent,  and  Mar- 
 fliall,  more  perfectly  in  HelvicuSy  but  mofl  completely  by  Blat7\ 
 is  to  difpofe  the  events  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  that  the  diflance 
 at  which  they  are  placed,  without  attending  to  the  date  in  the 
 margin,  fhall  give  a  juft  idea  of  the  real  interval  of  time  between 
 them.  This  is  done  by  having  a  fingle  line,  or  any  fet  fpace, 
 appropriated  to  any  certain  period  of  time,  or  number  of  years. 
 
 In  the  chronological  tables  engraved  by  Sturt  we  fee  a  great 
 deal  of  matter,  by  a  fingular  method,  and  the  help  of  arbitrary 
 and  fymbolical  characters,  crouded  into  a  fnort  compafs  j  fu 
 that  we  fee  the  ftate  of  the  feveral  kingdoms  of  Europe  for  any 
 century  fmce  the  Chriflian  asra  in  a  fingle  page.  This  author 
 has  alfo  annexed  an  alphabetical  index  to  his  work,  in  which, 
 by  the  help  of  fymbols,  he  has  exprelTed  the  charadler  of  every 
 
 Prince 
 
126  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     Q  N  Part  IV. 
 
 Prince  mentioned  in  his  tables,  and  the  principal  events  of  his 
 life.  This  fmall  work  is  valuable  for  its  conclfenefs,  but  is 
 not  fo  much  recommended  by  its  diftin^tnefs. 
 
 Very  much  oT.the  perfpicuity  of  hiftory  depends  on  conceiving 
 clearly  the  order  of  generations  and  the  right  of  fuccejfton  in  regal 
 and  other  families,  i.  e.  in  what  manner  the  great  pcrfonages 
 who  have  been  competitors  for  crowns,  or  rivals  in  power,  were 
 related  to  one  another.  In  this  refpedl  Genealogical 
 Tables  are  of  unfpeakable  ufe.  Indeed  it  is  not  poffible,  by 
 words,  to  give  fo  eafy  and  perfe<5l  a  view  of  the  defcent  of 
 families,  as  by  the  help  of  lines  and  figures.  For  local  pofition 
 is  apprehended  entirely,  with  whatever  can  be  reprefented  by 
 it,  at  one  view,  and  without  the  leaft  danger  of  miftake ; 
 whereas  if  the  hiftory  of  family  connexions,  which  Is  necefTarily 
 a  very  complex  and  intricate  thing,  be  exprefled  in  words,  we 
 fee  only  a  part  at  a  time;  and  before  the  whole  can  be  laid 
 before  us,  in  this  flow  manner,  fome  efTential  circumftance 
 will  have  been  forgotten. 
 
 The  moft  natural  order  of  genealogical  tables  feems  to  be 
 to  place  the  common  ftock  at  the  head  of  the  table,  and  the 
 feveral  defcents,  or  fucceeding  generations,  each  in  a  lower 
 line  appropriated  to  it ;  and  not  to  make  the  oVder  of  generations 
 proceed  from  the  left  hand  to  the  right,  as  is  done  by  fome. 
 But  every  diftinft  generation  fhould  by  all  means  be  placed  in  a 
 line,  or  fpace,  appropriated  to  itfelf :  otherwife,  our  ideas  will 
 be  greatly  confufed.  The  order  of  birth  in  the  fame  generation 
 may  eafily  be  obferved  (as  is  done  in  fome  of  our  bed  tables) 
 by  placing  the  flrft-born  to  the  left  hand  in  the  table,  and  the 
 reft,    according  to  the  order  of  birth,  to  the  right. 
 
 There  are  a  variety  of  other  relations,  befides  mere  natural 
 defcent,  which  it  is  very  ufeful  to  have  a  clear  idea  of,  as  the 
 connexion  by  marriage,  by  adoption  among  the  Romans,  &c. 
 by  which  different  families  are  intermixed.  And  it  is  pofTible, 
 by  different  kinds  of  lines,  joining  the  names  fo  conne(5led, 
 hov/  remote  foever,  in  the  table  of  generation,  to  cxprefs  all 
 thefe  relations,  without  the  ufe  of  words.  But  as  the  attempt 
 to   exprefs  them  ajl  by  characters  disfigures  the   table  with  a 
 
 great 
 
Lect.  XVII.  HISTORY.  127 
 
 great  variety  of  lines,  many  of  them  of  confiderable  length, 
 and  extending  themfelves  in  every  dire(5tion,  it  feems  moft 
 convenient  to  exprefs  natural  defcent  only  by  characters,  and 
 to  fubjoin  to  each  name  an  account,  in  words,  of  all  its  other 
 connexions,  referring  at  moft  from  one  to  another  by  marks 
 contrived  for  that  purpofe.  This  method  Rapin  has  taken,  in 
 the  excellent  genealogical  tables  in  his  hiftory  of  England. 
 
 Some  valuable  tables  of  genealogy  may  be  feen  at  the  end  of 
 Petavius's  Chronology  ;  but  the  largeft  and  moft  compleat  body 
 of  genealogies  is  that  pubhftied  by  Anderfon ;  w^hich,  in  one 
 large  volume  folio,  contains  all  the  genealogies  he  could  collet 
 from  the  whole  body  of  hiftory,   ancient  and  modern. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
128  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 LECTURE       XVIII. 
 
 Chart  of  Hijhry,  Chart  of  Biography,  Grefs  Memoria  Tech- 
 nica.  The  Method  of  a  common  Place-Book  for  the  Purpofe 
 of  Hiflory, 
 
 'Tr^HE  moll  Ingenious  and  ufeful  contrivance  to  facilitate 
 -*•  the  ftudy  of  hiftory,  and  to  aid  the  Imagination  in  conceiv- 
 ing diftin<5tly,  and  comprehending  the  whole  courfe  of  it,  in  all 
 its  parts,  co-exiflent,  and  fucccdlve,  is  the  chart  of  hijiory  lately 
 imported  frotn  France.  This  is  properly  a  pidure  of  all 
 hlftory,  and  is  made  by  fuch  natural  methods  of  expreffion, 
 that  it  renders  vifible  to  the  eye,  without  reading,  the  whole 
 figure  and  dimenfions  of  all  hiftory,  general  and  particular  i 
 and  fo  perfectly  fhows  the  origin,  progrefs,  extent,  and  dura- 
 tion, of  all  kingdoms  and  ftates  that  ever  exifted,  at  one  view, 
 with  every  circumftance  of  time  and  place,  uniting  chronology 
 and  geography,  that  it  not  only,  in  the  moft  agreeable  manner, 
 xefrefhes  the  memory,  v/ithout  the  fatigue  of  reading  ;  but_a 
 novice  in  hiflory  may  learn  more  from  it  by  a  mere  attentive 
 infpe6lion  of  a  few  hours,  than  he  can  acquire  by  the  reading 
 of  many  weeks  or  months. 
 
 This  chart  will  not,  indeed,  give  a  perfon  the  knowledge 
 of  any  thing  that  pafll-d  within  a  kingdom,  and  which  produced 
 no  adual  alteration  in  the  extent  of  its  territories,  or  of  the 
 manner  m  which  conquefts  were  made  or  loft.  But  a  perfon 
 may  by  the  help  of  it  gain  a  clearer  idea  zvhen^  and  by  what 
 nations  conquefts  were  made,  how  far  they  extended,  and  how 
 long  they  continued,  than  he  could  ever  get  by  reading. 
 
 It  is  obvious  to  remark,  that  this  chart  muft  anfwer,  in 
 the  complcteft  manner  imaginable,  almoft  every  u^c  of  a 
 compendium  of  hiftory,  proper  to  be  read  before  a  larger 
 and   fuller  courfe  be   entered  upon  ;  and   it  will  prevent   any 
 
 confufion 
 
Lect.  XVIII. 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 "9 
 
 have  avoided  the  faults  above-mentioned,  and  have  introduced  feveral  impiovemtnis. 
 It  is  of  the  fame  fize  with  my  C/iart  of  Biography^  drawn  upon  th.-  kme  fcale,  and 
 made  to  correfpond  to  a  in  all  refpeetN. 
 
.UJ).  EIW  ,nv!  et  M 
 
Lect.  XVIII.        HISTORY. 
 
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Lect.  XVIII.        HISTORY.  1:9 
 
 confuflon  which  might  arife  from  reading  particular  hiftories 
 without  a  regard  to  their.proper  order  of  titne  or  place,  better 
 than  any  abftra£l  of  univerfal  hiftory  whatever.  For  it  is  but 
 cafting  our  eye  for  a  minute  upon  this  chart,  and  we  fee,  at  one 
 glance,  the  cotemporary  ftate  of  the  whok-  world  at  the  period  of 
 which  we  are  reading,  and  the  preceding  and  fucctediiij?;  ftatc  of 
 the  particular  country,  the   hiftory  of  which  we  arc  ftudyin'j. 
 
 It  is  an  inconvenience  in  this  particular  chart  that  different 
 fcales  are  made  ufe  of  to  reprefent  the  fame  number  of  years 
 in  difrerent  parts  of  it;  fo  that  the  fame  diftance,  as  fee  n  by 
 the  eye,  does  not  reprefent  the  fame  portion  cf  time  in  every 
 part  of  it.  This  might  eafily  have  been  obviated  by  doublino- 
 the  width  of  the  chart,  or  at  mofl-,  by  omitting  the  earlier  and 
 obfcure  part  of  the  hiftory  *« 
 
 The  ftate  of  the  world  with  refpetSl  to  the />^r/2)«i  who  have 
 made  the  greateft  figure  in  it,  may  be  exhibited  with  much 
 more  eafe  and  advantage  by  means  of  linei  and  fpnce^  than  the 
 ftate  of  the  world  even  with  refped  to  the  diftcrent  powers  to 
 which  the  parts  of  it  have  been  fubjecSl.  For  whereas,  in  this, 
 regard  muft  be  paid  to  both  the  circumftances  of  time  and  place 
 (not  to  fay  that,  in  many  cafes,  it  is  not  cafy  to  determine  when 
 territories  were  really  acquired  or  loft)  with  regard  to  fingk 
 I'wes^  the  circumftance  oi  time  only  is  to  be  taken  in. 
 
 \f^  therefore,  every  man's  life  be  exprefied  by  a  line  pro- 
 portioned to  the  length  of  it,  and  all  the  lines  be  adapted  t^ 
 the  fame  fcale,  and  terminated  in  their  proper  places  with 
 regard  to  univerfal  time,  fuch  a  chart  of  biography  \w\\\€\h\h\t^ 
 in  the  cleareft  manner  ioia^inable,  without  reading,  the  entire 
 fucceftion  of  great  men  in  every  age  and  of  every  profcilion, 
 with  the  relative  length  of  their  lives.  So  that  if  we  attend 
 to  any  period  of  time,  we  not  ojdy  fee  who  flout  ift-ied  in  it,  but 
 how  all  their  ages  ftood  with  refpedl  to  one  another  j  whereby 
 we  not  only  fee  who  were  a  man's  cotemporaries,  but  alfo  how 
 
 *  Since  this  was  written,  I  have  publifhed  a  xfw  C/ar/  oj  fhjlory/xn  v!h\ch  \ 
 have  avoided  the  faults  above-mentioned,  and  have  introduced  feverai  impiovemtnts. 
 It  is  of  the  fame  fize  with  my  Chart  of  Biography^  drawn  upon  th.-  fame  fcale,  and 
 made  to  correrpond  to  't  in  all  refpectN. 
 
 far 
 
I30  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 far  any  of  them  was  before  him,  or  how  far  after  him,  in  the 
 order  of  their  births  or  deaths  j  which  will  be  of  ufe  to  allift 
 us  in  judging  of  the  advantages  or  difadvantages  they  re- 
 fpeclively  lay  under  with  regard  to  knowledge  and  in(lru£lion. 
 
 How  much  more  readily,  and  with  how  much  lefs  fatigue 
 of  the  imagination,  lines  thus  difpofed  will  fuggeft  the  idea 
 of  the  relative  length  of  men's  lives,  may  be  conceived  from 
 this  circumftancc,  that  the  names  of  the  tiumbers  which  expreis 
 the  time  of  a  perfon's  birth  and  death,  do  not  fuggeft  a  definite 
 idea  of  the  interval  between  them,  till  they  be  reduced  to  the 
 idea  oi  extenfton-,  an  expedient  which,  I  believe,  all  perfons 
 naturally  and  mechanically,  have  recourfe  to.  Our  idea  of 
 time  is  always  that  of  a //»^,  and  a  longer  or  Ihorter  fpace  of 
 time  is  reprefented  in  our  minds  by  the  idea  of  a  longer  or 
 fhorter  line  ;  fo  that,  in  this  method,  the  procefs  of  the  mind, 
 of  reducing  intervals  of  time  to  lines,  is  fuperfeded,  and  done 
 in  a  more  accurate  manner  than  any  perfon  could  do  it  in  his 
 own  mind  for  himfelf. 
 
 Moreover,  a  biographical  chart  of  this  kind,  filled  with 
 iiams^s  properly  fele6led,  in  every  kind  of  ertiinence,  will  exhibit 
 what  ages  have  abounded  moft  with  great  men,  and  what  were 
 barren  of  them  ;  and  this  is  a  more  comprehenfive  and  diftinft 
 manner  than  can  be  acquired  by  reading ;  a  view  which  cannot 
 fail  agreeably  to  amufe  a  fpeculative  mind. 
 
 It  will  be  a  necefiary,  and  remedilefs  defecSl  in  every  chart 
 of  this  nature,  that  the  time  of  the  death,  and  efpeclally  of 
 the  birth  of  many  perfons  cannot  be  found.  But  then  it 
 will  be  eafy  to  contrive  proper  characters  to  exprefs  the  uncer- 
 tainty there  may  be  with  refpedl  to  either  of  thefe  particulars. 
 
 It  hardly  need  be  mentioned,  that  it  cannot  be  exped^ed  that 
 fuch  a  chart  as  this  fhould  be  drawn  up  according  to  the  real 
 merit  of  the  perfons  inferted  in  it.  Befides,  it  is  a  regard  to 
 celebrity  only  that  can  make  it  of  any  ufe  to  a  reader  of  hiftory, 
 A  chart  of  real  merit  would,  no  doubt,  be  very  different  from 
 this.  Many  names  which  make  the  greatefl  figure  in  the 
 tablet  of  fame  would  not  be  found  in  that  of  merit  j  and  again, 
 many  names  v/ould  be  feen  in  that  of  merit,  which  no  perfon 
 
 who 
 2 
 
Lect.  XVIII.         HISTORY.  iji 
 
 who  became  acquainted  v.'ith  men  by  fame  only,  would  have 
 any  knowledge  of*. 
 
 In  this  enumeration  of  the  methods  to  illuftrate  and  retain 
 hiftory,  we  muft  by  no  means  forget  the  ingenious  Mr.  Grcy*s 
 me?norial  I'mesy  of  fuch  admirable  ufe  to  recollect  dates  with 
 exadnefs.  Of  all  things,  there  is  the  greateft  dimculty  in 
 retaining  numbers.  They  are  like  grains  of  fand,  which  will 
 not  cohere  in  the  order  in  v/hich  we  place  them  j  but  by 
 tranfmuting  figures  into  letters^  which  eafily  cohere,  in  every 
 form  of  combination,  we  fix  and  retain  numbers  in  the  mind 
 with  the  fame  eafe  and  certainty  with  which  we  remember 
 words.  Thus  when  Mr.  Grey,  in  his  Me?noria  Technical 
 annexes  a  chronological  date  to  the  termination  of  the  name,  it 
 is  only  pronouncing  it  with  his  variation,  and  we  inftantly  re- 
 colle6t  its  proper  date.  For  example,  if  we  can  remember  ihat 
 Mr.  Grey  calls  Rome  Romput  (which  the  very  oddnefs  of  the 
 variation  will  make  us  lefs  liable  to  forget)  fince  he  makes  [p) 
 to  fland  for  feven  {«)  for  five,  and  (/)  for  three,  we  imme- 
 diately recolledt,  that  (even  hundred  and  fifty- three  before 
 Chrift  is  the  date  ufually  alligned  to  the  building  of  Rome. 
 If,  moreover,  we  can  learn  to  repeat  the  names  of  kings  in  the 
 order  in  which  he  has  digefted  them  (which  his  verfes,  rough 
 as  they  are,  make  it  pretty  eafy  to  do)  we  (hall  have  not  only 
 the  years  when  each  of  them  began  their  reigns,  but  alfo  the 
 order  of  their  fucceffion. 
 
 As  this  method  is  fo  eafily  learned,  and  may  be  of  fo  much 
 ufe  in  recollecSling  dates,  when  other  methods  are  not  at  hand, 
 particularly  in  converfation  upon  the  fubjetSl  of  hiftory,  when 
 dates  are  often  wanted,  I  think  all  perfons  of  a  liberal  educa- 
 tion inexcufable,  who  will  not  take  the  fmall  degree  of  pains 
 that  is  neceflary  to  make  themfelves  m.afters  of  it ;  or  who 
 think  any  thing  mean,  or  unworthy  of  their  notice,  which  is  (o 
 ufeful  and  convenient. 
 
 Mr.  Grey's  attempt  to  apply  this  m.ethod  to  the  numbers  which 
 occur   in  aftronomy,  tables    of  weights  and  meafures,  &c.    is 
 
 *  Such  a  Chart  of  Biography  as   this    I  have  drawn  up  and  publiHied,  and  a  fpe- 
 c-iaien  of  it,  and  alfo  one  of  the  Chart  cj  Hijlory^  are  given  with  this  work. 
 
 like  wife 
 
132  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 likewife  extremely  ufeful ;  but  his  application  of  it  to  geography 
 is  unnatural   and  ufelefs. 
 
 In  order  to  fecure  the  moft  valuable  fruits  of  hiftory,  it  is 
 abfolutely  neceflary  that  they  be  repofited  in  a  commcn-plnce 
 book.  For  the  memory  of  no  perfon  whatever,  who  reads  much 
 hiftory,  is  fufEcient  to  retain  all  he  reads,  or  even  the  moft  va- 
 luable part  of  it.  The  eafieft  method  I  can  diredt  you  to  for 
 making  a  common-place  book  for  this  purpofe  is  the  following. 
 Whenever  you  meet  with  any  fa£t  which  you  wifh  to  preferve, 
 put  it  down  under  fome  general  head,  as  religion^  government^ 
 commerce,  war,  ^c.  referving  every  two  oppofite  pages  in  your 
 book  for  one  of  thefe  heads,  and  note  it  in  a  feparate  place  at 
 the  end,  or  beginning  of  the  book,  with  the  page  in  which  it 
 may  be  found  j  and  when  any  two  pages  are  filled,  either  open 
 two  other  pages  with  the  fame  title  ;  or,  if  you  perceive  that 
 the  title  you  firft  began  with  was  too  comprehenfive,  divide  it 
 into  whatever  parts  you  think  moft  convenient.  If  thefe  titles 
 fhould  grow  fo  numerous  as  that  any  of  them  cannot  eafily  be 
 found  in  the  promifcuous  manner  in  which  they  were  firft  fet 
 down,  it  will  be  eafy,  at  any  time,  to  reduce  them  to  the  order 
 of  the  alphabet,  in  another  page ;  and  the  former,  which  will 
 then  be  fuperfluous,  may  be  cancelled. 
 
 N.  B.  Lei  the  perfon  who  gives  this  LeSfure  and  the  preceding^ 
 come  to  his  clafs  prepared  to  exhibit  the  different  tables,  ^i\ 
 explained^  or  mentioned  in  it» 
 
 L  E  C  7   U  R  l!^ 
 
Lect.XX.  history.  123 
 
 LECTURE      XIX. 
 
 The  Terms  of  Fortification  explained,  by  the  Help  sf  a  Model  of  all 
 its  Varieties  cut  in  Wood ;   to   enable  young   Gentlemen  to  under- 
 Jl and  modern  Hijlory,    and  the   News -Papers^  and  tu  judge    of 
 the  Progrefs  of  a  Siege  *. 
 
 LECTURE        XX. 
 
 ^  regular  Progrefs  in  Hijlory  pleafmg.  The  Order  in  which  ancient 
 general  Hijiories  may  moji  conveniently  he  ready  fo  as  to  make  them 
 one  continued  Series  of  Hijiory  ;  together  with  the  CharaSfer  of 
 the  Hijiorians  as  they  are  mentioned^  and  an  Account  of  ihofe 
 Pafjages  in  other  Authors  which  may  ferve  to  enlarge  the  Hif 
 tory  of  the  feveral  Periods  of  which  they  treat*  Of  Hero^ 
 dotus. 
 
 AS  a  regular  progrefiion  in  any  thing  is  generally  agreeable ; 
 and  we  are  carried  along  the  courfe  of  hiflory  (to  ufe  a 
 metaphor)  with  more  pleafure,  when  we  go  uniformly  with, 
 the  current  of  iime^  and  are  not  carried  backward  and  forward, 
 in  the  courfe  of  our  reading;  I  fhall  for  the  fake  of  thofe  who 
 have  opportunity  and  leifure  to  go  to  the  fources  of  ancient 
 hiftory,  give,  from  JVheare^s  Le£lures  on  Hijiory,  publifhcd  by 
 Bohun,  a  method  in  which  the  principal  authors  of  antiqu-ty 
 may  be  read,  fo  as  to  colle£t  from  them  a  pretty  regular  ferics 
 of  facSbs,  which    will    comprize  the  hiftory  of    Afia,    Africa, 
 
 •  My  cuftoro  was  to  explain  the  model,  withotit  having  any  thing  wriden  so  »-  aj 
 on  the  fubjcft.  The  terras  belonging  to  the  art  of  Fortijicatitn  are  eafjiy  Uaiatd 
 from  books. 
 
 Greece 
 
,34  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 Greece  and  Rome  till  the  diflblution  of  the  empire  of  Conftan- 
 tinople.  And  for  the  fake  of  thofe  who  do  not  chufe  to  depend 
 on  compilers  for  the  hiftory  of  their  own  country,  1  fhall 
 likewlfe  name  the  original  authors  of  the  English  hiftory,  in 
 the  order  in  which  they  maybe  read,  according  to  the  time  of 
 which  they  treat. 
 
 I  fijall  alfo  take  this  opportunity  cf  noting  a  few  of  the 
 moft  neccfiary  obfervations  on  the  characters  of  the  principal 
 hiftorlans  ;  and  to  the  accounts  of  each  author  in  the  regular 
 feries  of  the  ancient  hiftorians,  I  fhall  fubjoin  an  account  of 
 thofe  other  authors,  and'  paflages  of  other  hiftorians,  which 
 may  be  of  ufe  to  enlarge  and  complete  the  hiftory  of  the  period 
 he  treats  of,  that  any  perfon  may  either  read  the  principal 
 authors  only,  which  follow  one  another,  in  the  order  of  time, 
 or  may,  as  he  has  opportunity,  get  a  fuller  and  more  fatisfaclory 
 knowledge  from  the  other  authors  of  any  particular  period  be- 
 fore he  proceeds  to  another.  I  (hall  alfo  carefully  diftinguifti 
 the  fubjeds  of  every  hi  (lory,  and  the  period  of  time  in  which 
 it  falls,  compared  with  the  time  in  which  the  author  lived,  as 
 one  circumftance  proper  to  be  taken  into  confideration  in  judg- 
 ing of  the  credibility  of  any  hiftorian. 
 
 As  the  hiftories  of  Greece  and  Rome  have  little  or  no  con- 
 nexion till  the  final  conqueft  of  Greece  by  the  Romans,  I 
 /hall  often  depart  from  the  ilndi  order  of  time,  not  to  inter- 
 rupt the  order  of  reading  the  Grecian  and  Afiatic  hiftory  by  a 
 reo-ard  to  the  cotemporary  hidory  of  Rome,  but  begin  the 
 Roman  hiftory  after  the  conqueft  of  Greece. 
 
 The  oldeft  hiftory  extant,  next  to  the  hiftorlcal  books  of  the 
 Old  Teftament,  is  that  of  Herodotus  of  Halicarnairus,  who 
 flourifhed  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  years  before  the  chrif- 
 tian  lera,  a  little  after  the  invafion  of  Greece  by  Xerxes.  His 
 hiftory  comprifes  probably  every  thing  he  had  an  opportunity 
 of  learning  concerning  the  hiftory  of  the  Lydians,  lonians,  Ly- 
 cians,  Egyptians,  Perfians,  Greeks,  and  Macedonians.  Com- 
 putino-  from  the  earlieft  of  his  accounts  to  the  lateft,  his  hif- 
 tory may  be  reckoned  to  commence  about  feven  hundred  and 
 thirteen  years  before  Chrift,  and   to  reach   to   about  the  year 
 
 479  before 
 
Lect.  XX.  HISTORY.  135 
 
 479  before  Chrift  >  a  period  of  about  two  hundred   and  thirty- 
 four  years. 
 
 This  author  was  never  charged  with  partiality  except  by 
 Plutarch  with  regard  to  the  Baeotians  only,  which  is  not  v/orth 
 our  notice,  fince  the  Baeotians  were  Plutarch's  countrymen, 
 and  he  could  not  bear  that  any  refle6lion,  though  ever  To  juff, 
 ftiould  be  cafl:  upon  them.  But  he  is  generally  thought  to  be 
 too  fond  of  the  marvellous.  It  is  certain  that  he  has  inferted 
 rnany  fabulous  things  in  his  hiftory,  though  very  often  with 
 fufficient  intimations  of  his  own  difbelief,  or  fufpicion  of 
 them.  And  it  is  an  argument  greatly  in  favour  of  this  ancient 
 writer,  that  his  chronology  requires  lefs  correction,  according 
 to  Newton's  canons,  than  that  of  any  fubfequent  Greek  hiftoi  ian. 
 The  greateft  inconvenience  attending  the  reading  of  him  arifes 
 from  his  method^  which  is  the  moft  irregular  and  digreffive  that 
 can  be  conceived  ;  fome  entire  hiftories  coming  in  as  it  were 
 hy  vf^ij  o{  par etiihefis  in  the  bodies  of  others.  But  with  all  his 
 faults  he  is  a  moil  plealing  writer. 
 
 A  more  particular  account  of  feveral  things  in  the  period 
 of  which  Herodotus  treats  may  be  extraded  from  the  following 
 authors.  Juftin,  book  i.  ii.  iii.  and  vii.  Xenophon's  Cyropae- 
 dia.  The  lives  of  Ariftides,  Themiftocles,  Cimon,  Miltiades, 
 and  Paufanias  written  by  Plutarch  and  Cornelius  Nepos. 
 And  thofe  of  Anaximander,  Zeno,  Empedocles,  Heraclitus,  and 
 Democritus  by  Diogenes  Laertius. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
136  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 LECTURE       XXL 
 
 Of  Thucydtdes^  Xenophon^  Diodorus  Siculus^  ^intus  Curttus^  Ar^ 
 r'lan^   yuft'in^  Plutarch^  and  Cornelius  Nepos^ 
 
 NEXT  to  HeroJotus,  Thucydides  is  to  be  read.  He  propofcd 
 to  write  tbiC  hillory  of  the  Peloponnefian  war;  but  intro- 
 dudlory  to  this,  his  principal  and  profefled  rybje(^,  he  gives  a 
 fummary  view  of  the  hiftory  of  Greece  from  the  departure  of 
 Xerxes  to  the  commencement  of  that  war,  which  conne£ls  his 
 hitiory  with  that  of  Herodotus.  His  hiilory,  however,  reaches 
 no  farther  than  the  twenty-firft  year  of  the  Peloponnefian  war. 
 
 Thucydides  was  an  Athenian,  and  employed  by  his  country 
 in  fome  command  in  the  war  of  which  he  treats  ;  but  not 
 being  crowned  with  fuccefs,  in  an  undertaking  to  which  the 
 forces  he  was  entrufted  with  were  not  equal,  he  was  deprived 
 of  his  command  by  that  inconftant  people,  and  obliged  to  take 
 refuge  among  the  Lacedaemonians. 
 
 It  is  impoflible  to  difcover  any  marks  of  partiality  in  this 
 writer,  notvvithftanding  we  cannot  read  him  without  making 
 <>urfcives  a  party  with  the  Athenians.  There  is  all  the  appear- 
 ance imaginable  of  the  flriiSleft  fidelity,  and  the  moft  punctual 
 :i,Jhercnce  to,  truth  in  hishiftory  ;  notwithftandmg  he  was  pro- 
 bably the  firft  hiftorian  who  introduced  the  unnatural  cuftom  of 
 putting  rhetorical  and  fi6litious  harangues  into  th,e  mouths  of 
 his  principal  aciors.  For  the  fpeeches  which  occur  in  Hero- 
 dotus, who  wrote  before  him,  are  more  like  converfation  than 
 formal  harangues,  and  compared  with  thefe,  deferve  not  tlxc 
 name  o^  fpeeches. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  XXr.  HISTORY.  137 
 
 The  exac^nefs  of  Thucydides,  in  obferving  chronological 
 order,  in  his  hiftory  of  the  events  of  a  very  various  and  complex 
 fcene  of  actions,  obliges  him  to  interrupt  the  thread  of  his  nar- 
 ration in  a  method  that  is  very  painful  and  difagreeable  to  a 
 reader.  But  notwithttanding  this,  his  hiftory  is  extremely 
 intcrefting. 
 
 To  complete  the  period  of  the  hiftory  of  which  Thucydides 
 treats,  after  his  firft  book  let  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  of  Dio- 
 dorus  Siculus  be  read,  together  with  Plutarch's  Themiftoclesj 
 Ariftides,  Paufanias  and  Cimon,  and  the  fecond  and  third  books 
 of  Juftin.  And  after  the  whole  of  Thucydides  read  the  lives  of 
 Alcibiades,  Chabrias,  Thrafybulus,  and  Lyfias,  written  by  Plu- 
 tarch or  Cornelius  Nepos,  the  fourth  and  fifth  books  of  Juftin, 
 and  the  firft  book  of  Orofius. 
 
 Next  to  Thucydides,  let  the  firft  and  fecond  books  of  Xeno- 
 phori  s  hijiory  of  Greece  be  read.  This  completes  the  hiftory  of 
 the  Peloponnefian  war,  with  the  cotemporary  aftairs  of  the  Medes 
 and  Perfians.  After  this  let  him  proceed  to  the  expedition  of  Cyrus^ 
 and  the  return  of  the  Greeks ;  and  laftly,  the  remainder  of  his 
 hiftory  of  Greece,  which  contains  an  account  of  the  affairs  of  the 
 Greeks  and  Perfians  to  the  battle  of  Mantinasa,  which  happened 
 in  the  year  363  before  Chrift  ;  fo  that  all  the  hiftorical  books  of 
 Xenophon  comprize  a  period  of  about  forty-eight  years. 
 
 Xenophon's  hiftory  is  properly  that  of  his  own  times,  and  as 
 he  was  the  firft  general  and  philofopher,  as  well  as  beft  hifto- 
 rian  of  his  age,  he  had  the  beft  opportunity  of  being  acquainted 
 with,  and  the  beft  capacity  of  judging  of,  every  thing  of  which 
 he  writes.  With  regard  to  his  country,  he  was  in  circura- 
 ftances  very  fimiiar  to  thofe  of  Thucydides,  and  he  appears 
 to  be  equally  impartial.  But  he  is  much  happier  in  the  fim- 
 plicity,  as  well  as  true  elegance,  of  his  ftyle  and  manner.  He 
 feerns  to  keep  a  medium  between  the  loofe  excurfive  man- 
 ner of  Herodotus,  and  the  extreme  rigour  of  Thucydides, 
 whofe  formal  harangues  he  has  likewife,  in  a  great  meafure, 
 dropped..  But  a  barrennefs  of  remarkable  events  in  the  hiftory 
 of  Greece  of  which  he  treats,  as  well  as  the  mangled  ftate  in 
 which   his  works  have  come  down  to  us,  makes  his  hiftory  lefs 
 
 iVl 
 
138  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 engaging,  and  I  believe  lefs  generally  read,  than  either  of  the 
 fore- mentioned  authors.  But  his  Anabafis^  in  which  he  relates 
 the  adventures  of  a  body  of  ten  thoufand  Greeks,  under  his  own 
 command,  in  their  return  to  Greece  from  the  very  heart  of  the 
 Perfian  empire,  is  highly  engaging.  As  for  his  hiftory  of  Cyrwj 
 the  Elder,  it  has  all  the  appearance  of  being  compofed  with  a 
 view  to  exhibit  the  moft  perfect  idea  he  could  conceive  of  an 
 accompliftied  prince,  both  with  refpe^t  to  the  arts  of  peace  and 
 war. 
 
 To  complete  the  hi  (lory  of  all  that  period  of  which  Xeno- 
 phon  treats,  read  the  lives  of  Lyfander,  Agefilaus,  Artaxerxes, 
 Thrafybulus,  Chabrias,  Conon,  and  Datames  written  by  Plu- 
 tarch, or  Cornelius  Nepos  ;  the  fourth,  and  fifth  books  of  Juf- 
 tin,  and  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  of  Diodorus 
 Siculus. 
 
 After  Xenophon's  works  read  the  fifteenth  and  fixteenth  books 
 of  Diodorus  Siculusy  which  contain  the  hiflories  of  Greece  and 
 Perfia  from  the  battle  ofMantinaea  to  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
 of  Alexander  the  Great,   in  the  year  336  before  Chrifl. 
 
 Diodorus  flourifhed  in  the  time  of  Julius  Casfar  and  Auguflus. 
 He  fpared  no  pains,  or  expence  in  reading  or  travelling,  to 
 collect  materials  for  an  univerfal  hiftory,  from  the  earlieft  ac- 
 count of  things  to  his  own  tmies  ;  and  the  fmall  remains  we 
 have  of  it  bear  fufficient  marks  of  his  great  labour  and  fidelity. 
 But  the  merit  of  that  part  of  his  immenfe  and  valuable  work 
 which  has  come  down  to  us,  is  that  of  a  faithful  compiler.  For 
 all  the  lafl  books  of  his  hiftory  are,  in  all  probability,  irre<:over- 
 ably  loft  ;  though  there  are  fome  who  pretend  that  they  ftill 
 may  be  extant  in  fome  obfcure  part  of  Sicily.  Of  forty  books, 
 of  which  the  entire  work  confifted,  the  five  firft,  which  bring 
 the  hiftory  of  the  world  to  the  Trojan  war,  are  entire.  The  next 
 five  are  wanting  •,  but  from  the  eleventh  to  the  twentieth  in- 
 elufive,  the  work  is  complete.  The  hiftory  of  thofe  two  books 
 of  Diodorus  will  be  more  complete  by  reading  the  lives  of  Cha- 
 brias, Dion,  Iphicrates,  Timotheus,  l-*hocion  and  Timoleon, 
 written  by  Cornelius  Nepos. 
 
 After 
 
Lect.  XXI.  HISTORY.  139 
 
 After  thefe  two  books  of  Diodorus  Siculus,  read  Arrian's  hif- 
 tory  of  Alexander,  To  make  this  hiftory  more  complete  read 
 all  Quintus  Cuitius,  the  tenth  and  eleventh  books  of  Juftin, 
 and  Plutarch's  life  of  Alexander. 
 
 As  great  an  encourager  as  Alexander  the  Great  was  of  learned 
 men,  in  an  age  which  abounded  with  them,  he  has  been  fo  un- 
 fortunate, that  none  of  the  many  hiftoriesof  his  exploits  which 
 were  written  by  his  cocemporaries  have  reached  our  times  ;  a 
 misfortune  which,  it  is  remarkable,  he  fhares  in  common  with 
 Auguftusand  Trajan,  who  were  nearly  in  the  famecircumftances. 
 The  oldeft  of  the  hiftories  of  Alexander  now  extant  are  thofe 
 of  Quintus  Curtius,  and  Arrian,  who  lived  four  hundred  years 
 after  his  death.  The  hiftory  of  Arrian  is  an  evident,  and  in  all 
 appearance,  a  faithful  compilation  from  authors  of  the  beft  au- 
 thority, and  who  lived  neareft  the  times  of  Alexander  j  particu- 
 larly from  the  commentaries  of  Ariftobulus  and  Ptolemy  Lagus. 
 He  has  fo  happily  fucceeded  in  a  ftudied  imitation  of  the  ftyle 
 and  manner  of  Xenophon,  that  he  is  often  called  the  younger 
 Xenophon.  There  is  alfo  extant  an  hiftory  of  India  by  this  au- 
 thor. The  leaft  praife  of  Arrian,  is  that  of  an  hiftorian.  His 
 Enchiridion^  which  is  a  compendium  of  Epi6letus's  philofophy, 
 has  ever  been  acknowledged  to  be  the  moft  beautiful  piece  of 
 ancient  heathen  morality. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  ^intus  Curtius  is,  upon  the  whole,  an  agree- 
 able performance  ;  but  there  appears  to  be  too  great  adifpla)*  of 
 oratory,  an  affectation  of  fine  thoughts,  ihining  expreflions, 
 and  eloquent  fpeeches  upon  every  occafion,  to  make  it  thoroughly 
 fatisfa«5lory  as  a  hiftory. 
 
 After  Arrian  read  the  eighteenth,  nineteenth,  and  twentieth 
 books  of  Diodorus  Siculus,  which  contain  the  hiftory  of  Greece 
 from  the  year  323  before  Chrift  to  the  year  301  ;  and  to  com- 
 plete this  period  read  alfo  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth 
 books  of  Juftin,  and  the  Demetrius  and  Eumenes  of  Plutarch, 
 
 After  the  above  mentioned  books  of  Diodorus,  read  from  the 
 fixteenth  to  the  twenty-ninth  book  inclufive  of  Jujlin^  which 
 brings  down  the  hiftory  to  about  the  year  195  before  Chrift. 
 Juftin  lived  under  Antoninus  Pius  about  the  year  150 after  Chrift. 
 
 M  2  His 
 
140  LECTURESON  PaKt  IV. 
 
 His  hiftory  is  only  an  abridgment^  and  as  it  "Wtrh  the  contents  of 
 whatmuft  have  been  an  immenfe  and  valuable  work  of  Trogus 
 Pompeius\  being  a  complete  univerfal  hiftory,  from  the  earlieft 
 account  of  things  to  his  own  time,  which  was  that  of  Auguftus. 
 Juftin  has  drawn  up  his  compendium  with  a  great  deal  of  pro- 
 priety and  elegance,  and  it  is  a  very  proper  book  to  introduce 
 young  pcrfons  to  the  knowledge  of  hiftory. 
 
 After  the  forementioned  books  of  Juftln,  read  Plutarch* S 
 //•i;^5  of  Pyrrhus,    Aratus,  Agis,    Cleomenes  and  Philopoemen. 
 
 The  lives  of  iliuflrious  men  written  by  Plutarch,  who 
 flourirtied  under  the  emperor  Adrian,  about  the  year  130  after 
 Chrift,  make  an  excellent  fupplement  to  univerfal  hiftory.  Being 
 more  a  philofopher  than  an  hiftorian,  his  lives  of  illuftrious 
 men  confift  chiefly  of  fuch  particular  incidents  as  lead  us  to 
 form  the  cleareft  idea  of  their  tempers,  characters,  and  views, 
 
 Cornelius  Nepos,  a  writer  of  the  Auguftan  age,  who  pre- 
 ceded Plutarch  nearly  in  the  fame  plan,  exhibits  an  agreeable 
 compendium  of  the  chief  tranfadions,  and  a  clear  view  of  the 
 characters,  of  the  principal  heroes  of  ancient  times,  and,  like, 
 Plutarch,  is  alfo  ufefully  read  by  way  of  fupplement  to  more 
 regular  hiftories. 
 
 To  complete  the  hiftory  contained  in  thofe  lives  of  Plutarch, 
 read   the  fragments  of  Diodorus. 
 
 Laftly,  in  the  regular  order  of  hiftory,  read  the  thirtieth 
 book  of  Juftin,  and  all  that  follow  till  the  two  laft,  which 
 completes  the  hiftory  of  Greece,  till  it  mixes  with  that  of  the 
 Romans. 
 
 All  the  hiftories  mentioned  in  this  leClure  are  written  in 
 Greek,  except  thofe  of  Juftin,  Quintus  Curtius,  and  Cor- 
 nelius Nepos,  which  are  in  Latin. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XXII.        HISTORY.  141 
 
 LECTURE       XXII. 
 
 Of  Dionyfius  Halle arnajjhifis^   Livy,  Polyblus,  and  Jpplan,  . 
 
 AS  the  authors  of  whom  an  account  was  given  in  the  pre- 
 ceding ledure  contain  not  only  the  hiftory  of  Greece, 
 but  that  of  all  the  nations  .of  the  world  that  were  known  to 
 the  hiftorians  J  fo  the  following  courfe  of  Ram^n  hijlory  muft 
 likewife  be  confulered  as  comprehending  all  that  is  now  to  be 
 learned  of  the  fubiequent  ancient  hiftory  of  all  other  nations. 
 Indeed,  the  connexions  of  the  Romans  were  fo  extenfivc,  that 
 a  conipkat  hiftoiy  of  their  affairs  could  be  nothing  lefs  than  a 
 hiftory  of  the  world  ;  at  lead  of  that  part  of  it  which  is  moft 
 worthy  our  notice.  In  reality,  we  know  nothing  of  the  hiftory 
 of  any  ancient  nations  after  the  eftablifhment  of  the  Roman 
 empire,  but  in  confequence  of  their  connexion  with  the  Romans. 
 The  writers  of  the  Roman  hiftory  I  fliall  give  an  account  of 
 in  the  order  in  which  they  are  to  be  read,  without  any  formal 
 ^ranfitipn  from  one  to  another. 
 
 The  writer  who  treats  of  the  early  part  of  the  Roman  hiftory, 
 in  the  fuUeft  and  moft  fat  is  factory  manner,  is  Dionyfius  of  Halt' 
 carna(fus^  an  excellent  rhetorician,  as  well  as  hiftorian.  He 
 came  to  Rome  in  the  reign  of  Auguftus,  and  fpent  twenty-two 
 years  there,  principally  with  a  view  to  acquaint  himfelf,  from 
 the  fource  of  information,  with  the  antiquities  and  cuftoms  of 
 the  Romans.  His  entire  work  confifted  of  twenty  books,  and 
 brought  down  the  hiftory  of  Rome  as  far  as  the  beginning  of 
 the  firft  Punic  war.  But,  of  thefe  only  the  eleven  firft  are  now 
 extant,  and  they  end  at  the  year  of  the  city  412,  before  Chrift 
 341,  the  time  when  the  confuls  refumed  the  chief  authority  in 
 the  Republic  after  the  dilFolution  of  the  decemvirate. 
 
 This  writer  was  furniftied  with  ail  the   lights  that  could  be 
 
 procured  to  conduct  him  through  his  undertaking,  having  the 
 
 afliftance  of  the  moft  learned  and  eminent  of  the  Romans  in 
 
 I  every 
 
142  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 every  thing  in  which  they  could  be  ferviceable  to  him  ;  and  he 
 is  generally  thought  to  have  made  the  moft  of  the  authorities 
 he  could  procure,  in  the  great  fcarcity  of  ancient  records  which 
 we  have  before  obferved  to  have  been  at  Rome.  But  what  we 
 are  moft  indebted  to  Dionyfius  for,  is  the  defcription  he  has 
 given  of  the  manners,  cuftoms,  and  laws  of  the  Romans,  as 
 obferved  by  himfelf,  and  which  no  Roman  writers  have  men- 
 tioned. Indeed,  fuch  particulars  as  thefe  we  could  not  fo 
 reafonably  expe£l  from  a  native,  writing  for  the  ufe  of  hiS 
 countrymen  (who  muft  have  been  as  well  acquainted  with 
 them  as  himfelf)  as  from  a  foreigner,  writing  for  the  ufe  of 
 foreigners,  to  whom  every  thing  of  that  kind  would  be  new 
 and  entertaining. 
 
 Notwithltanding  Dionyfius  lived  in  an  enlightened  age,  and 
 he  feems  defirous  to  tranfmit  nothing  but  well  attefted  facls, 
 he  has  not  efcaped  the  charge  of  the  moft  egregious  credulity 
 in  his  account  of  forne  of  the  prodigies,  with  which  all  the 
 Roman  hiftories  abound,  particularly  when  he  tells  us,  that, 
 by  the  command  of  Nsvius  Adlius  the  Augur,  a  razor  cut  a 
 whetftone  ;  that  Caftor  and  Pollux  fought  in  perfon  for  the 
 Romans  againft  the  Latins,  that  two  rivers  turned  their 
 courfe  to  favour  the  inhabitants  of  Cumse,  and  that  a  ftatue  of 
 Fortune  fpoke  certain  words  twice  over. 
 
 The  ftyle  of  this  author,  though  his  language  be  truly  Attic, 
 does  not  quite  anfwer  the  expectations  he, naturally  raifes  by  his 
 criticifms  on  the  ftyle  of  other  hiftorians,  and  his  rules  for  the 
 proper  ftyle  of  hiftory.  For  though  his  Attic  phrafes  are 
 allowed  to  be  elegant,  the  beft  critics  complain  of  a  Angu- 
 larity, and  a  particular  roughnefs,  in  the  general  turn  of  his 
 fentences. 
 
 To  compleat  the  hiftory  of  the  period  of  which  Dionyfius 
 treats,  read  Livy,  Book  I.  II.  and  III.  Plutarch's  Romulus, 
 Numa  Pompilius,  Valerius  Poplicola,  Coriolanus,  and  Ca- 
 millus. 
 
 After  Dionyfius,  read  from  the  fourth  to  the  tenth  book,  in- 
 clufive,  of  Livy,  which  brings  the  hiftory  of  Rome  to  the  451 
 of  the  building  of  the  city,   and  2<)'2  before  Chrift, 
 
 Livy 
 
Lect.  XXII.        HISTORY.  143 
 
 Livy  was  a  native  of  Padua,  but  upon  undertaking  to  write 
 the  Roman  hiftory  (a  work  in  which  he  was  wholly  employed 
 for  more  than  twenty-two  years)  he  came,  in  the  reign  of 
 Auguftus,  to  live  at  Rome,  for  the  convenience  of  having 
 recourfe  to  the  mod  proper  materials  for  his  work,  particularly 
 thofe  records  which  were  preferved  in  the  Capitol  ;  and  having 
 colledled  every  thing  which  he  thought  to  his  purpofe,  he  re- 
 tired to  Naples,  that  he  might  profecute  his  ftudies  without  in- 
 terruption. 
 
 All  the  time  he  was  engaged  in  this  work  he  lived  a  retired 
 fedentary  life.  But  though  we  never  read  either  of  his  having 
 ever  travelled,  or  being  employed  in  any  cominand  in  the  army, 
 or  any  other  department  of  public  bufinefs,  it  is  remarkable  that 
 this  defeat  is  not  perceived  in  his  hiftory.  His  defcription 
 of  places  is  as  exa6i:  as  if  he  had  vifited  them  himfelf ;  and  he 
 defcribes  a  fiege,  and  the  arrangement  of  an  army,  with  the 
 greateft  propriety  and  judgment.  It  is  not  improbable  but  he 
 might  be  aflifted  in  thole  parts  of  his  work  by  perfons  who 
 were  better  acquainted  with  the  fubje6ts  of  them  than  he 
 himfelf  could  be.  When  he  was  at  Rome,  he  enjoyed  fhe 
 favour  of  Auguftus,  who  gave  him  every  opportunity  of  fur- 
 nifliing  himfelf  with  the  knowledge  necelldry  to  his  defign. 
 
 The  entire  work  of  Livy  confifted  of  one  hundred  and  forty- 
 two  books  J  but  of  thefe  only  thirty-five  are  left,  viz.  the  firft, 
 the  third,  the  fourth,  and  half  of  the  fifph  decad  j  but  the 
 epitome  of  them  all  by  another  hand  is  extant, 
 
 All  the  ancients  are  unanimous  in  giving  the  m.oft  ample 
 teftimony  to  the  noble  and  generous  impartiality  of  this  v/riter  ; 
 who,  though  he  lived  in  the  reign  of  Auguftus,  had  tne  courage 
 to  dojuftice  to  the  charaders  of  Pompey,  Cicero,  Ijruius,  and 
 Caffius.  But,  probably  with  a  view  to  add  to  thQ  folemnity 
 of  hi§  hiftory,  he  takes  every  opportunity  of  inferting  accounts 
 of  omens  and  prodigies,  and  fome,  as  they  appear  to  us  of  the 
 lov/eft  and  moft  ridiculous  nature.  Indeed,  with  refpecl  both 
 to  the  materials  of  his  hiftory,  and  the  ftvie  and  manner  of 
 compofitlon,  Livy  feems  to  have  ftudied  grandeur  and  mag- 
 nificence.    With  all   the  marks  of  real  modefty,  and  greatnefs 
 
 of 
 
144  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 of  mind,  he  every  where  preferves  an  uniform  energy  and 
 majefty  of  ftyle,  to  which  the  length  and  fulnefs  of  his  periods 
 does  not  a  little  contribute  ;  and  every  part  is  as  elaborate  and 
 highly  finifhed  as  polTible. 
 
 To  fupply  the  chafm  between  the  tenth  and  twentieth  books 
 of  Livy,  read  Polybius^  particularly  books  firfl:  and  fecond, 
 tvhich  treat  chiefly  of  the  firft  Punic  war;  the  epitome  of  the 
 fecond  decad  of  Livy,  Juftin,  book  feventeenth,  eighteenth, 
 twenty  fecond,  and  twenty -third,  fourteen  chapters  of  the  fourth 
 book  of  Orofius,  the  fourth  and  fifth  of  the  third  book  of  the 
 Hljloria  Mijcellanea  of  Paulus  Diaconus,  Plutarch's  Marcellus, 
 iind  Fabius  Maximusj  the  fecond  tome  of  the  annals  of  Zo- 
 naras,   and  Appian's  Punic,  and  lllyrian  wars. 
 
 Polybius  was  an  Arcadian.  He  flourifhed  in  the  year  216 
 before  Chr ill,  and  was  of  the  firil:  note  in  his  age  as  a  foldier, 
 fl:atefman,  and  philofopher.  He  came  to  Rome  on  an  embafi'y, 
 and  there  became  very  intimate  with  Scipio  African  us  the 
 younger,  and  Laelius,  whofe  infeparable  companion  he  was  in 
 all  their  expeditions. 
 
 His  hiilory  confifted  originally  of  forty  books,  of  which  the 
 eighth  part  only  is  remaining  to  us  entire,  and  comprehends  a 
 fpace  of  fifty  three  years,  the  greateft  part  of  it  employed  in 
 the  hiftory  of  thofe  events  of  which  he  was  an  eye  witnefs,  and 
 in  the  condudt  of  which  he  had  a  coniiderable  iliare. 
 
 The  pains  which  this  writer  took  to  inform  himfelf  of  the 
 things  and  places  of  which  he  writes  was  prodigious.  He 
 croffed  the  Alps,  and  traverfed  one  part  of  Gaul,  on  purpofe  to 
 reprefent  truly  Hannibal's  pafiage  into  Italy;  and  fearing  to 
 omit  the  leaft  circumflance  of  Scipio's  adions,  he  travelled  all 
 over  Spain,  and  flopped  particularly  at  New  Carthage,  that  he 
 might  carefully  fludy  the  fituation  of  it ;  and  even  ufed  Scipio's 
 authority  to  procure  vefTcls  to  fail  upon  the  Atlantic  ocean,  with 
 fome  view  to  the  hiftory  he  was  writing.  He  learned  the  Roman 
 tongue,  and  obtained  a  perfe<Sl  knowledge  of  their  laws,  their 
 rites,  their  cuftoms  and  antiquities  ;  and  having  gained  per- 
 miHion  from  the  fenate  to  fearch  the  Capitol,  he  made  himfelf 
 familiar  with  their  records,  and  tranllated  them  into  his  mother 
 tongue. 
 
 However, 
 
Lect.  XXII.         HISTORY.  145 
 
 However,  though  in  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  his  fubjecl, 
 and  efpccially  as  a  judge  of  every  thing  relating  to  it,  he  was 
 fuperior  to  almoft  all  other  ancient  hiilorians,  he  is  iniciior  to 
 muft  of  them  in  point  of  eloquence  j  and  it  appears  not  to  ha^e 
 been  without  juftice  that  Dionyfius  of  Halicarnaflus  calls  l)ini 
 unpolite.  and  reproaches  him  with  negligence,  both  in  the 
 choice  of  his  words,  and  the  ftructute  of  his  pericxis.  His 
 obfervations  and  refle<5tions  (which  frequently  interrupt  the 
 courfe  of  his  narration,  and  take  up  great  part  of  his  work) 
 appear  tedious  to  thofe  who  are  impatient  to  go  on  with  the 
 hiftory,  but  are  univerfally  admired  by  the  thoughtful  and  ju- 
 dicious. 
 
 Oro/ms  wzs  a  Chriftian  Prefbyter,  who  fiouriflied  about  A.  D. 
 416,  and  wrote  feven  books  of  hiftory  again  ft  the  Pagans. 
 
 Jppian  was  defcended  from  one  cf  the  chief  families  of 
 Alexandria.  He  came  to  Rome  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Tra- 
 jan, where  he  pra(il:ired  the  law,  and  diftinguilhtd  himfclf  fo 
 much  as  a  pleader,  that  he  was  advanced  to  ibme  office  in  the 
 government;  and  by  the  fucceeding  emperors  Adrian  and  An- 
 toninus Pius,  to  the  higheft  dionities  of  the  empire. 
 
 Of  the  many  works  which  he  compofed,  there  remain  at  this 
 time  but  the  leaft  part,  viz.  his  hiftory  of  the  Punic,  Syrian, 
 Parthian,  Mithridatic,  and  Spanifh  v/ars,  the  fifth  book  of  the 
 civil  wars,  and  thofe  of  Illyricum. 
 
 Whatever  reflecti(m  it  may  be  upon  him  as  a  man,  it  ought  te 
 be  no  objection  with  us  to  the  hiftory  of  Appian,  that  heh-s 
 been  fufpedled  of  copymg  a  good  deal  from  the  Commentaries 
 of  Auguftus,  and  other  writers  whofe  works  are  now  loltj 
 and  this  circumftance  may  have  occafioned  fome  little  in- 
 equality in  his  ftyle.  This,  however,  is  only  what  fome  critics 
 pretend  to  have  obferved,  and  his  ftyle  is  allowed  to  be, 
 upon  the  whole,  very  plain  and  fuitc^d  to  his  fubje^l.  His  me- 
 thod of  preferving  the  tranfactions  of  every  particular  country 
 diftin6l  from  thofe  of  every  other  is  thought  to  have  fome 
 advantages,  and  he  is  allowed  to  be  particularly  happy  in  his 
 defcriptions  of  battles,  and  in  every  refpecl  to  have  given  the 
 greateft  proof  of  his  knowledge  in  the  arjt  of  war. 
 
 After 
 
146  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 After  Appian,  (hould  be  read  the  remainder  of  Livy,  from 
 the  twenty- firft  book  to  the  end,  whrch  brings  the  hiftory  to 
 the  year  of  the  city  587,  before  Chrtft  166,  and  the  epitome  of 
 Livy  to  the  end. 
 
 To  compleat  the  laft  books  of  Livy,  read  Plutarch's  Hanni- 
 bal, Scipio  Africanus,  Quintus  Flamininus,  Paulus  iEmilius, 
 and  Cato  Major.  After  this  read  bis  Gracchi,  Marius,  Sylla, 
 Cato  Minor,  Sertorius,  LucuUus,  Pompey,  and  Brutus. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XXIII.        HISTORY.  147 
 
 LECTURE        XXIII. 
 
 Of  Sallufi^  Cafar^  Hirtius^  Dio  Caffiin^    Paierculus^  Suetonius^ 
 and  Tacitus, 
 
 THE  reader  of  hiftory  muft  novv^  proceed  to  Salluji's  hiftory 
 of  the  war  of  Jugurtha,  which  happened  one  hundred 
 years  before  Chrift,  and  of  the  confpiracy  of  Catiline,  which 
 happened  fixty-two  years  before  Chrift. 
 
 Sallult  was  a  Roman,  defcended  of  a  family  which  had  long 
 made  a  figure  in  the  equeflrian  order.  He  was  a  man  of  profli- 
 gate morais,  and  the  eariy  part  of  his  life  was  fpent  in  the 
 purfuits  of  ambition  ;  but  not  fucceeding  in  his  attempts  to  be 
 a  leading  man  in  the  government  of  the  ftate,  he  retired  with 
 a  difcontent  which  fhows  itfelf,  both  in  the  general  feverity 
 of  his  language,  and  his  frequent  keen  inveAives  againfl  the 
 times  in  which  he  lived.  He  was  a  great  enemy  of  Cicero  (whofe 
 wife  Terentia  he  married  after  Cicero  had  divorced  her)  and  the 
 friend  of  Caefar,  who  was  a  great  admirer  of  him.  By  Cajfar 
 he  was  entrufted  with  the  command  of  fome  forces,  and  a  pro- 
 vince, in  which,  by  his  excefiive  rapacioufnefs,  he  grew  forich, 
 that,  upon  his  return,  he  purchafcd  one  of  the  nobleft  manfions 
 in   Rome,  which  to  this  day  is  called  the  gardens  of  Salluft. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  the  war  of  Jugurtha,  and  of  the  Catilinarian 
 confpiracy  are  all  that  we  have  left  of  this  hlftorian.  Nothing 
 at  all  is  left  of  that  excellent  hiftory  which  procured  him  the  title 
 oi  the  prince  of  hijiorians^  except  four  orations  and  two  epiftles  j 
 collected  by  the  ancient  grammarians. 
 
 It  is  remarkable  that,  notwithftanding  the  profligacy  of  this 
 writer's  morals,  and  his  particular  attachments  \n  life,  thofe 
 things  feem  to  have  laid  no  bia«;  upon  him  as  a  writer.  He 
 does  juftlce  both  to  Cicero  and  Caefar  in  his  hiftory  of  the  Catili- 
 narian confpiracy  ;  and  he  is  fald  to  have  taken  uncommon  pains 
 to  get  well  informed  in  the  particulars  of  his  hiftory.  With  re- 
 gard to  the  Punic  wars  in  particular,  we  are  told  that  he  not  only 
 
 examined 
 
148  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 examined  the  memoirs  and  writings  of  thofe  countries,  but  vifited 
 many  places  in  peribn,  to  avoid  miftakes  in   his  defcriptions. 
 
 Sallail  falls  far  fliort  of  the  majefty  of  Livy,  but  he  is  re- 
 markably happy  in  a  peculiar  concifenefs,  fulnefs  and  energy  of 
 exprefFion,  for  which  he  is  faid  to  have  particularly  ftudied 
 Thuc^dides.  His  harangues  are  extremely  elaborate,  but  much 
 too  long  in  proportion  to  the  hiftory,  and  they  have  every  ap- 
 pearance of  being  purpofely  introduced  to  fhcw  his  own  elo- 
 quence on  a  variety  of  occalions 
 
 A  fondnefs  for  thefe  fet  declamations  has  ftrangely  feized  al- 
 moft  all  the  hiftorians  of  antiquity  who  are  famous  for  their  ftyle 
 and  manner  of  compofition.  It  may  perhaps  be,  in  part,  ac- 
 counted for  by  confidering  that  they  were  almoft  all  educated 
 pleaders  ;  and  that  propriety  of  addrefs  on  every  occafion  was 
 (o  much  ftudied  by  the  Romans,  that  it  was  the  conftant  exer- 
 cife  of  youth  at  fchools,  as  we  learn  from  Juvenal,  to  mak^ 
 fpeeches  for  the  heroes  of  hiftory  j  and  one  great  and  happy 
 example  would  occafion  many  imitations  of  that  unnatural 
 manner.  It  muft  be  acknowledged,  however,  that  they  tend 
 to  make  hiftory  mach  more  interefting,  by  obliging  the  reader 
 to  dwell  longer  on  the  ftate  of  things  in  important  fituations. 
 
 Julius  Cafar's  Coinmentar'ies  of  his  own  wars,  and  the  fupple- 
 ments  by  Hirt  is  and  others. 
 
 Julius  Csefar  was  a  man  who,  by  the  arts  of  popularity,  ac- 
 quired great  afcendancy  over  the  people  at  Rome.  Being  en- 
 trufted  with  the  command  of  an  army  in  Gaul,  he  reduced  all 
 that  country  into  fubjection  to  the  Romans,  and  by  the  fame 
 good  fortune,  and  his  own  excellent  condu6l,  he  made  himfclf 
 mafter  of  the  commonwealt'i  ;  but  fell  a  facrifice  to  the  fpirit 
 of  liberty,  which  was  not  yet  fufficiently  quelled  in  that  brave 
 and  high  fpirited  people. 
 
 The  title  of  Caefar's  Commentaries  does  not  promife  a  regular 
 and  ccmpleat  hiftory  of  the  vars  of  which  they  treat.  But 
 fo  maftcrly  is  the  performance,  that  none  of  the  ancients  ever 
 attempted  to  improve  upon  them.  Though  Caefar  is  the  hero 
 of  his  own  hiftoiy,  he  always  fpeaks  of  himfelf  in  the  third 
 perfon ;  and  he  gives  an  account  of  the  prodigious  fuccefs  he  met 
 with,  with  the  greateft  delicacy,  and  with  as  much  coolnefs  and 
 
 impartiality, 
 
Lect.  XXIII.        HISTORY.  149 
 
 impartiality,  as   if  he  were   writing   the  hiftory   of  any  othtr 
 perfon. 
 
 In  this  Casfar  exadly  refembles  Xenophon.  Indeed,  there 
 are  few  perfons  whofe  circumftances,  and  manner  of  v^riting, 
 admit  of  a  nearer  comparifon.  They  have  the  fame  advantage  in 
 the  clearnefs  of  their  defcriptions  of  things  relating  to  war 
 from  having  been  generals  themfelves.  They  have  the  fame 
 fimplicity  and  eafe  in  their  ftyle,  and  both  are  equally  fparing  ia 
 introducing  fet  fpeeches.  Of  the  two,  Caefar  keeps  nearer  to 
 nature  and  probability  in  this  refpe£l.  Perhaps  he  might  chufe 
 to  ftyle  his  work  Commentaries^  rather  than  lay  himfelf  under  a 
 kind  of  neceility  of  fwelling  a  regular  hijlory^  with  ornaments 
 fo  unfuitable  to  a  work  which  ought  to  be  the  exact  copy  of 
 truth  and  real  life. 
 
 Hirtius,  who  wrote  feme  of  the  books  which  are  generally 
 joined  with  Caefar,  was  a  man  intimately  acquainted  with  the 
 tranfaflions  of  thofe  times.  After  the  death  of  Csefar  he  was 
 made  conful,  and  together  with  his  colleague  Panfa  died  glo- 
 rioufly  at  the  battle  of  Mutina,  fighting  againft  Antony.  His 
 ilyle,  and  manner  of  compofition,  as  well  as  the  fubjedl  of  his 
 hiftory,  juftly  entitle  him  to  a  place  next  to  Caefar.  The  other 
 pieces  commonly  annexed  to  Caefar  are  greatly  inferior  to  thefe. 
 
 To  obtain  a  clear  idea  of  the  hiftory  of  this  important  period 
 of  time,  Cicero's  epijiles^  efpecially  thofe  to  Atticus,  ought  by  no 
 ■means  to  be  overlooked.  Cicero  feldom  departed  from  Rome,  was 
 a  principal  a6tor  in  all  the  great  affairs  tranfadted  in  his  time; 
 of  which  he  writes  almoft  an  uninterrupted  account  to  his  friend 
 Atticus,  who  lived  a  retired  life,  remote  from  all  affairs  of  ftare. 
 So  great  is  the  franknefs  of  this  writer,  that  we  fee  the  moft 
 fecret  motions  of  his  heart,  and  how  he  was  affe6led  upon 
 every  emergence.  He  alfo  (hews  us,  as  far  as  he  himfelf  was 
 able  to  penetrate,  the  hearts  of  all  thofe  men  who  make  fo  great 
 a  figure  in  the  hiftory  of  thofe  times. 
 
 Dio  Cajjius  was  a  native  of  Bythinia,  whither  alfo  he  retired  to 
 pafs  the  conclufion  of  his  life,  after  having  been  twice  conful  at 
 Rome,  and  been  intrufted  with  the  government  of  feveral  pro- 
 vinces under  Alexander  Severus,  and  feveral  of  the  preceding 
 emperors. 
 
 His 
 
ISO  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 His  hlftory  comprized  all  the  time  from  the  building  of 
 Rome  to  the  reign  of  Alexander,  which  he  wrote  in  eighty 
 books,  divided  into  eight  decads,  of  which  few  are  faved 
 from  that  cataihophe  which  has  been  fatal  to  many  admirable 
 works  of  this  nature,  through  the  ignorance  and  incurfions 
 of  barbarous  nations.  At  prefent  the  thirty-fifth  book  is  the 
 firft  of  thofe  that  remain  entire.  For  we  have  only  fome  frag- 
 ments of  th«  thirty-fourth.  His  progrefs  to  the  fixtieth  is 
 compleat  enough,  but  inftead  of  the  laft  twenty  we  mufl  be 
 content  with  what  Xiphilinus,  a  monk  of  Conftantinople,  who 
 wrote  in  the  year  1050  after  Chrift,  has  given  us,  in  a  compen- 
 dium of  them.  That  which  we  now  have  of  this  author,  com- 
 prehending the  events  of  three  hundred  years  at  Icaft,  begins  at 
 the  time  when  Lucullus  had  his  great  commands,  and  ends  with 
 the  death  of  the  emperor  Claudius.  We  are  as  unfortunate  with 
 refpecl  to  this  author  as  to  Livy  ;  fmce  the  hiftory  of  the  laft 
 forty  years,  of  the  tranfacSlions  of  which  he  was  an  eye  witnefs, 
 is  entirely  loft. 
 
 This  writer  has  by  no  means  avoided  the  charge  of  partiality, 
 from  his  favouring  the  party  of  Caefar  and  Antony,  and  his 
 inventive  againll  Pompey  and  Cicero,  particularly  the  latter, 
 whom  he  treats  in  the  moft  fcurrilous  and  indecent  manner  ; 
 and  perhaps  it  is  not  fo  much  an  argument  of  the  prudent 
 conduit  of  Dio,  as  of  a  criminal  complaifance  in  him,  that  he 
 could  pafs  through  fuch  dangerous  times  as  thofe  of  Commodus, 
 Caracalla  and  Heliogabalus,  without  any  rifk  of  his  life  or  for- 
 tune. But  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  an  argument  in  favour  of  his 
 chara6ler,  that  he  was  efteemed  by  that  excellent  prince  Alex- 
 ander Severus,  with  whom  he  once  had  thehonour  of  being  cen- 
 ful,  and  under  v^hom  he  publifhed  his  hiftory.  This  writer, 
 however,  has  certairdy  fallen  into  a  greater  excefs  of  fuperftition 
 and  credulity  with  refpedt  to  prodigies  and  miracles  than  Livy. 
 From  Livv's  manner  of  introducing  thofe  things  it  cannot  at 
 all  be  inferred  that  he  believed  them.  He  feenis  rather  to  have 
 brought  them  in  to  add  to  the  folemnity  and  dignity  of  his  hif- 
 tory i  but  they  make  a  very  different  appearance  in  Dio.  The 
 fpeeches  of  this  writer,  which  tuke  up  whole  books,  are  infuf- 
 ferably  tedious  ;  but  his  ftyle  in  genersd  is  rather  admired  than 
 
 olherwifc. 
 
Lect.  XXIII.        HISTORY.  151 
 
 otherwife.     He  was  a  great  imitator  of  Thucydides,  and  is  not 
 {o  obfcure  as  he  was. 
 
 The  period  of  which  Dio  CafTius  treats  will  be  made  more 
 complete  by  VeUeius  Paterculus^  who  lived  under  Tiberius.  He 
 was  a  perfon  of  noble  extraction,  and  had  confiderable  employ- 
 ments in  the  Roman  ftate.  His  work  is  an  epitome  of  the  Ro- 
 man hirtory  to  his  own  times,  upon  which  he  is  more  large ; 
 and  he  tranfmits  to  us  feveral  particulars  which  wc  fliould  not 
 otherwife  have  known.  Excepting  the  grofs  flatteries  of  Ti- 
 berius and  Sejanus,  Patercuius's  work  is  a  faithful  and  elegant 
 compendium  of  Roman  hiftory ;  but  it  is  in  feveral  places  im- 
 perfect. This  writer  excels  in  drawing  chara<Sters  ;  and  if  his 
 work  be  thought  too  rhetorical,  it  muft  be  acknowledged 
 that  his  rhetoric  is  more  that  of  the  gentleman  than  of  thefcholar. 
 Suetonius's  lives  of  the  twelve  Cafars.  This  author  was  a 
 Roman  born,  had  been  employed  in  the  army,  and  at  the  bar  in 
 the  reign  of  Trajan  ;  and  under  Adrian  he  was  for  fomc  time 
 what  we  may  call  fecretary  of  ftate  ;  but  being  obliged  to  quit 
 his  office,  on  account  of  fome  difguft  which  he  had  given  to  his 
 mafter,  he  retired,  and  wrote  the  hiftory  he  has  left  us.  Indeed, 
 his  v/ork  can  hardly  be  called  a  hiftory  ;  fince  without  any 
 regard  to  chronological  order,  he  has  only  thrown  together  fuch 
 incidents  in  the  lives  of  the  twelve  Ca^fars,  as  he  imagined 
 would  reflect  the  greateft  light  on  their  real  characters,  and  has 
 difpofed  them  in  an  order  which  he  thought  beft  adapted  to 
 that  purpofe. 
 
 Suetonius  has  given  us  the  moft  undoubted  proofs  of  his 
 diligence,  veracity  and  freedom,  in  the  execution  of  his  work. 
 He  is  even  thought  to  have  entered  too  particularly  into  the  de- 
 tail of  fome  unnatural  vices.  Hisexprefllon  is  very  clear,  though 
 concife  :  but  rto  writer  requires  a  greater  knowledge  of  the  man- 
 ners, cuftoms,  and  antiquities  of  Rome  to  make  him  intelli- 
 gible ;  his  mention  of  them,  and  allufions  to  them  are  fo  fre- 
 quent. 
 
 Tacitus'* s  Annals  and  Hi/lory,  This  author  was  a  Roman, 
 who  v/as  advanced  regularly  through  all  the  honours  of  the 
 ftate,  till  he  was  made  conful  under  Nerva.  He  wrote  annals  of 
 the  public  affairs  in  fixteen  books,  which  begin  at  the  death  of 
 
 Auguftus 
 
152  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 Auguftus  Caefar,  and  continue  the  Ifory  almoft  to  the  end  of 
 Nero.  We  have  but  part  of  them  left;  viz.  the  four  hrft 
 books,  a  fmall  part  o{  the  fifth,  all  the  fixth,  from  the  eleventh 
 to  the  fifteenth,  and  parth  of  the  fixteenth.  The  two  kft  years 
 ofN<rro,  and  part  of  the  foregoing  year  are  u^anting.  Thefe 
 are  the  iaft  books  of  the  work.  He  has  left  us  a  /;//?^r);  likewife, 
 which  exteiids  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Galba  to  the 
 end  of  that  of  Domitian.  There  are  alfo  extant  of  this  author, 
 one  book  of  the  Alanners  of  the  Germans,  and  another  of  the 
 Lt'fe  f)f  Agrtcola. 
 
 Tacitus  is  a  mod  faithful,  grave,  and  fevere  writer.  Indeed, 
 the  fubjetSl  of  his  hiftory  exhibits  the  moft  fliocking  fpe6t:acle 
 of  vice  which  the  annals  of  mankind  can  ihow  j  in  which  cafe 
 true  hiftory  muft  necefiarily  have  all  the  keennefs  of  fatire. 
 This  hiftory  contains  a  fund  of  political  knowledge,  and  on 
 that  account,  is  very  proper  to  be  fludied  by  princes  and  minif- 
 ttrs  of  ft:ate. 
 
 Nothing  can  be  more  oppofite  than  the  ftyle  of  Tacitus 
 and  that  of  Caefar  ;  yet  each  may  be  called  excellent  in  their 
 kind.  Tacitus  has  not  the  beautiful  fimplicity  and  eafy  flow 
 of  Casfar,  but  his  language  has  equal  precifion  and  more  force. 
 He  is  not  fo  eafy  to  be  underfiood,  but  he  does  not  pleafe  lefs 
 when  he  is  underftood.  It  is  hardly  credible  that  ^o  much 
 fentiment  fhould  be  crowded  into  fo  fmall  a  ccmpafs  as  is 
 done  by  Tacitus.  Caefar  will  perhaps  have  more  charms  for 
 a  young  gentleman,  but  Tacitus  will  give  more  fatisfacStion  to  a 
 perfon  of  age  and  experience. 
 
 Tacitus  is  the  laft  Roman  hiftorlan  who  is  worth  reading 
 except  barely  for  the  fake  of  thofe  fa6i$  which  we  have  no 
 other  method  of  getting  acquainted  with.  Indeed  both  Sueto- 
 nius and  Tacitus  are  generally  placed  in  what  is  called  the 
 filver  age  of  the  Latin  tongue  ;  but  all  the  fucceeding  writers 
 are  univerfally  thrown  into  the  haxen  or  iron  age.  I  fhall, 
 therefore,  content  myfelf  with  a  ftighter  mention  of  them,  in 
 the  order  in  which  they  ought  to  be  read,  without  diilinguifh' 
 •ng  them  into  primary  and  fecondary  writers. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XXIV.  HISTORY.  153 
 
 LECTURE        XXIV. 
 
 Of  Aurelius  V'lSior^  Herodlan^  Scriptores  Romania  Eutropius,  Zozt" 
 mus^  Zonaras^  Jornandes^  Ammianus  Marceliinus,  Procopiusy 
 Jgatbias,  Nicetas  Acotninatusy  Nicephorus  Gregoras,  and  Johan- 
 nes Contacuzenus.  Ufe  of  Books  of  Antiquities^  Writers  wha 
 have  explained  Coins  and  Infcriptions.  Ufe  of  a  Knowledge  of 
 the  Civil  Law.  Of  modern  Compilations  of  Hijhry,  TheUni- 
 verfal  Hijhry*     Hooked  Roman  Hijiory. 
 
 THE  lives  of  Nerva  and  Trajan  written  by  Aurelius  Vi6lor 
 or  Xiphilin.  Aurelius  Vidor,  was  a  perfon  of  mean  birth, 
 but  on  account  of  his  learning  and  abilities,  was  advanced  by 
 Conftantius,  the  fon  of  Conftantine  the  Great,  to  feveral  con- 
 fiderable  employments  in  the  ftate.  Among  other  works  he 
 wrote  a  hiflory  of  the  Ccefars,  from  Auguftus  down  to  Con- 
 ftantius his  patron. 
 
 Spartian's  Adrian,  and  Capitolinus's  Antoninus. 
 
 Herodian.  This  author  was  a  Greek  grammarian  of  Alex- 
 andria in  the  fecond  century,  but  he  fpent  moft  of  his  time  at 
 Rome  in  the  court  of  the  Emperors,  where  he  wrote  his  hif- 
 tory.  It  confifts  of  eight  books,  from  the  death  of  Antoninus 
 Philofophus  to  Ealbinus  and  Pupienus,  in  the  year  238,  which 
 is  the  hiflory  of  his  own  times. 
 
 Few  authors  have  ever  had  a  happier  and  more  engaging 
 manner  of  writing  than  this.  He  prefents  every  fcene  with  its 
 caufes  and  effecSls  in  the  cleareft  and  eafieft  point  of  view  s  and 
 his  ftyls,  without  the  lead  appearance  of  labour,  has  all  the 
 charms  of  fimplicity  and  elegance. 
 
 After  Herodian  muft  be  read  what  has  not  been  already  dire£ted 
 to  out  of  the  fix  following  writers,  commonly  known  by  the 
 name  of  Scriptores  Romani,  or  Hifiorits  Augu/ia  fcriptores,  viz, 
 
 N  Spartianus, 
 
154  •      L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 Spartianus,  Lampridius,  Capitolinus,  Vulcatius,Trebelllus  Pol- 
 lio,  and  Vopifcus.  They  arc  publiflied  altogether  by  Cafaubon 
 and  Salmafius.  They  all  flourilhed  about  the  time  of  Diocle- 
 fian,  or  Conftantine,  and  their  works  are  not  eafil/  diftinguiflied 
 from  one  another.  But  there  is  a  chafm  in  thefe  writers,  be- 
 tween Gordian  III.  and  Valentinian,  which  may  be  fupplied 
 from  Aurelius  Vidor.  By  the  help  of  this  fupplement^  the 
 above-mentoned  writers  bring  down  the  hiftory  to  the  year  of 
 the  city  1036,  of  Chrift  283. 
 
 If  -any  perfon  would  chufe  to  fee  an  epitome  of  the  Romrin 
 h'iflory  till  about  this  time,  Euiropius  will  furnifh  him  with  a 
 pretty  good  one  in  Latin.  He  was  an  Italian  fophill,  and  fe- 
 cretary  to  Conftan.tine  the  Great,  but  more  particularly  trufted 
 by  Julian.  By  the  exprels  order  of  the  Emperor  Valens  he 
 wrote  a  compendium  of  the  Roman  hiftory  to  the  death  of  Jo- 
 vian, in  the  year  of  the  city  11 19,  of  Chrift  360.  All  the 
 writers  of  the  Roman  hiftory  from  this  time  are  Greek,  exoept 
 Arnmianus  Marcellinus. 
 
 Zozimus  wrote  the  hiftory  of  the  declenfion  of  the  empire  in 
 fix  books,  beginning  with  Auguftus,  giving  a  fuller  account  of 
 things  from  the  reign  of  Dioclefian,  and  ending  with  the  tak- 
 ing of  Rome  by  the  Goths  under  Alaric.  In  the  firft  book  he 
 runs  through  all  the  firft  emperors  to  Dioclefian  with  great 
 brevity  ;  but  in  the  other  five  books  he  gives  a  larger  and 
 fuller  account.  He  lived  in  the  time  of  Theodofius  the 
 younger,  who  began  his  reign  in  the  year  507.  Zozimus  was 
 a  pagan,  and  therefore  very  often  refle6ls  upon  the  chriftiaii 
 princes;  notwithftanding  which,  his  fidelity  is  noteafilytobe 
 called  in  queftion. 
 
 Zonaras  wrote  a  general  hiftory,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world 
 to  the  death  of  the  emperor  Alexius  Comnenus  in  the  year  11 19, 
 in  whofc  time  he  lived.  He  divided  his  work  into  three  tomes. 
 In  the  firft  he  gives  a  brief  hiftory  of  the  world  from  the  crea- 
 tion to  the  deftru6^ion  of  Jerufalem  ;  in  the  fecond  fae  writes 
 the  Roman  hiftory  from  the  building  of  Rome  to  Conftantine 
 the  Great,  but  very  briefly ;   and  in  the  third  tome,  he  gives  an 
 
 account 
 
Lect.  XXIV.         HISTORY.  155 
 
 account  of  the  actions   of  all  the  chriflian  emperors  from  Con- 
 ftantine  the  Great  to  the  death  of  Alexius  Comnenus. 
 
 This  hiftory  and  that  of  Zozimus  will  be  made  more  com- 
 pleat  by  jQrnand€i\  hiilory  of  the  fuccelTions  of  kingdoms  and 
 times,  and  his  hiftory  of  the  Goths.  He  flouriflied  about  the 
 year  of  Chrift  540.  He  was  himfelf  a  Goth,  or  an  Alan,  and 
 as  he  fays,  joined  the  Gothic  hiftorians  with  the  Greek  and 
 Latin  writers,   in  order  to  compile  his  hiftory. 
 
 Ammianus  Marcellinus  flourifhed  in  the  year  of  Chrift 
 375,  and  was  a  foldier  under  Conftantine  and  Julian,  He 
 wrote  thirty  one  books  from  the  beginning  of  Nerva  to  the 
 death  of  Valensin  whofe  court  he  lived  :  but  of  thofe  the  firft 
 thirteen  have  perifhed.  In  thofe  which  are  extant  he  begins 
 with  Gallus  Caefar  about  the  year  of  Chrift  353,  and  largely 
 defcribes  the  actions  and  lives  of  Conftantius  Caefar,  Julian, 
 Jovian,  Valentinian,  and  Valens.  He  was  an  eye  witnefs  of  a 
 great  part  of  what  he  writes,  and  he  brings  the  hiftory  to  the 
 year  of  Rome  1128,  of  Chrift  378. 
 
 In  the  mifcellaneous  hiftory  of  Paulus  Diaconus,  beginning 
 with  book  xii.  will  be  found  a  compleat  hiftory  from  Valen- 
 tinian to  the  depofition  of  Michael  Curopalates,  in  the  year  of 
 Chrift  812,  in   which   time  this  author  lived. 
 
 Procopius  flourifhed  in  the  year  502,  and  wrote  feven  books 
 of  the  Perfian,  Gothic,  and  the  Vandalic  wars,  undertaken  by 
 Juftinian,  and  condu6led  by  his  general  Belifarius. 
 
 Agathias  lived  about  the  year  of  Chrift  567.  He  was  a  lawyer 
 by  profeffion,  of  Smyrna  in  Afia  \  he  wrote  five  books  of  the 
 reign  and  actions  of  Juftinian,  and  begins  his  hiftory  where 
 Procopius  ended.     He  was  a   pagan. 
 
 If  any  perfon  chufe  to  omit  thefe  laft  mentioned  writers,  and 
 go  on  with  the  third  tome  of  Zonaras,  he  may  pafs  on  from 
 Zonaras  to  Nicetas  Acominatus,  or  Chonites,  who  begins  where 
 Zonaras  ends,  and  continues  the  hiftory  pretty  largely  for 
 eighty-five  years,  to  the  taking  of  Conftantinople  by  Baldwin 
 the  Flandrian,  in  the  year  of  Chrift  1203.  This  writer  was 
 born  at  Chonis,  a  town  in  Phrygia,  from  whence  he  took  his 
 name. 
 
 N  2  After 
 
156  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 After  Nicetas,  follows  Nicephorus  Gregoras,  who  wrote  a 
 hiftory  of  one  hundred  and  forty -five  years,  from  Theodo- 
 rus  Lafcares  the  iirfl  to  the  death  of  Andronicus  Palaeologus 
 the  latter,  in  the  year  of  Chrift  1341,  about  which  time  he 
 flourifhed. 
 
 But  whereas  the  fidelity  of  this  writer  is  called  in  queftion, 
 particularly  his  hiflory  of  Andronicus  Palasologus,  it  may 
 not  be  amifs  to  take  in  here  Johannes  Cantacuzenus,  who  of  an 
 emperor  became  a  monk,  and  wrote  an  excellent  hiftory,  under 
 the  title  of  Chriftodulus.  This  royal  hiftorian  flourifhed  about 
 the  year  of  Chrift  135c.  His  hiftory  confifts  of  fix  books,  of 
 which  the  two  firft  treat  of  the  reign  of  Andronicus,  the  re- 
 maining four  of  his  own  reign,  and  what  he  did  after  the  death 
 of  Andronicus.  He  was  made  a  monk  in  the  year  of  Chrift: 
 1360,  when  he  took  the  name  of  Jofaaphus. 
 
 The  conclufion  of  the  hiftory  of  Conftantinople,  with  the 
 rife  and  progrefs  of  the  Turks,  maybe  learned  from  Laonicus 
 Chalchondiles,  who  put  an  end  to  it.  He  begins  his  hiftory 
 with  Ottoman  the  fon  of  Orthogul,  who  began  to  reign  about 
 tlie  year  of  Chrift  1300.  His  work  confifts  of  ten  books,  and 
 brings  the  hiftory  to  the  year  1453,  in  which  Conftantinople 
 was  taken  by  Mahomet  II, 
 
 That  you  m.ay  not  be  difappointed  in  your  expedbations  from 
 thofe  hiftorians  who  wrote  after  the  removal  of  the  feat  of  the 
 empire  from  Rome  to  Conftantinople,  I  muft  inform  you  that, 
 as  from  that  time  the  grandeur  of  the  empire  began  to  decline^ 
 the  bounds  of  it  to  be  contracted,  and  confequently  the  con- 
 nexions of  the  Romans  to  be  lefs  extenfive  than  before  j  the 
 Byzantine  hijhrians^  as  thofe  writers  are  called,  are  very  much 
 confined  to  ihe  aftairs  of  the  empire  and  court  of  Conftanti- 
 nople, which  for  feveral  centuries  before  the  final  diflblution  of 
 the  empire  was  very  inconfiderable.  This  part  therefore  of  the 
 preceding  courfe  is  by  no  means  to  be  called  general  hiftory,  as 
 the  earlier  part  of  it,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  very  much 
 limited  and  particular. 
 
 Of  all  tiie  modern  compilations^  derived  from  thefe  fources  of 
 hiftofical  knowledge,  none  are  fo  ufeful  as  thofe  which  treat  of 
 
 the 
 
Lect.  XXIV.  HISTORY.  157 
 
 the  manners,  cuftoms,  and  laws  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
 The  moft  complete  body  of  Greek  and  Roman  antiquities  is 
 that  which  has  been  collected  from  the  united  labours  of  all 
 the  beft  critics  and  antiquaries  by  Graevius  and  Gronovius. 
 But  this  is  an  immenfely  voluminous  work,  which  few  perfons 
 can  purchafe,  or  perufe.  A  perfon  may  acquire  knowledge 
 enough  of  this  kind  for  the  purpofe  of  reading  the  Greek  and 
 Latin  hiftorians  irf  Potter's  excellent  and  compendious  fyftem 
 of  Greek  antiquities  and  in  Kennet's  antiquities  of  Rome; 
 but  without  an  acquaintance  with  thefe  at  leair,  a  perfon  will 
 find  himfelf  greatly  at  a  lofs  in  reading  thecourf.,  or  any  part  of 
 the  courfe,   of  hiftory  recommended  above. 
 
 Books  which  contain  collections  of  coins  and  infcriptions 
 fhould  by  no  means  be  negleded  by  a  perfon  who  is  defirousof 
 receiving  all  the  lights  he  can  get  into  the  tranfadlions  of  any 
 period  of  paft  times.  The  principal  collectors  of  thefe  kinds  of 
 records  are  Gruter,  Lipfius,  Chiihul,  iViontfaucon,  Prideaux, 
 Mazochius,  and  Fleetwood  for  infcriptions  5  and  Spanheim, 
 Urfmus,  Patin,  Vaillant,  Hardouin,  and  Goitzius  for  coins. 
 
 With  regard  to  the  Roman  hiftory,  no  perfon  can  be  a  com- 
 petent judge  of  many  important  things  relating  to  it,  who  is 
 not  verfed  in  the  civil  law,  which  contains  the  hiftory  of  the 
 domeftic  policy  of  that  great  people.  Let  every  perfon  there- 
 fore who  propofes  to  ftudy  the  Roman  hiftory  by  all  means 
 make  himfelf  mafterof  ^ujlinian  s  Injiituies  at  leaft,  which  con- 
 tain an  authentic  outline  of  their  policy  ;  and  this  indeed  is 
 fufEcient  for  the  purpofe  of  reading  their  hiftory. 
 
 It  would  be  endlefs  to  enumerate  all  the  modern  compila- 
 tions of  ancient  hiftory.  The  moft  complete  body  of  hiftory 
 ancient  and  modern  is  the  Univerfeil^  and  it  is  the  more  conve- 
 nient for  the  ftudy  of  hiftory,  as  the  references  in  it  to  original 
 authors  are  very  large  and  particular  on  every  paragraph  of  it  j 
 fo  that  it  is  at  leaft  a  full  index  to  univerfal  hiftory,  and  fur- 
 nifties  the  reader  with  the  means  both  of  enlarging  the  ftory, 
 and  cerreding  any  miftakes  the  authors  may  have  fallen  into. 
 The  performance  is  certainly  a  very  unequal  one,  with  refpect 
 both  to  judgment  and  ftyle,  and  the  chronology  of  it  is  various, 
 
 as 
 
15^  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 ^s  might  be  expciTtecl  from  a  work  which  could  not  have  been 
 completed  at  all  but  by  a  great  number  of  hands.  It  is  to  be 
 regretted  that  the  chronological  tables  adapted  to  it  are  drawn 
 up  upon  the  old  exploded  fyftem.  But  among  a  few  inflances 
 of  inaccuracy,  there  are  numberlefs  marks  of  the  greateft  la- 
 bour and  impartiality. 
 
 Of  the  compilers  of  the  Roman  hiftory  in  particular,  Hooke 
 feems  far  preferable  to  any  other  in  French  or  Englidi.  He 
 has  fhewed  the  greateft  fagacity  in  tracing  the  rife,  progrefs, 
 and  condu61:  of  that  people,  and  in  penetrating  into  the  cha- 
 iraders  of  their  principal  heroes,   ' 
 
 L  £  C  T  U  R  F. 
 
Lect.XXV.  H    I    S     T    O    R    Y.  ,55 
 
 LECTURE      XXV. 
 
 Of  the  Method  of  Jiudytng  the  Englijh  Hijhry.  Original  Wrlten 
 recommended.  Glldas.  Bede,  Nennlus,  Hoel  Dhas  laws, 
 Geoffrey  of  Monmouth.  Caradocus.  Roman  writers  of  Eng~ 
 lljh  Affairs.  Their  Defe£is  how  fupplled.  Fulnefs  of  Englljh 
 Hiflory  from  the  Time  of  Chrlfiianlty  accounted  for.  Saxon 
 Recorders.  Saxon  Chronicle.  Affer  Menevenfis.  Ethekvard. 
 Verfiegan.  Sherlngham.  What  Foreign  Hljhrics  are  uftful  to  a 
 Knowledge  of  the  EngllJJ)  Affairs  In  early  Times.  Of  the 
 Danljh^  IJlandlc^  German^  and  Norwegian  Antiquities. 
 
 AS  the  hiftory  of  our  own  country  is  both  more  intereftirig  to 
 us,  and  on  every  account,  of  the  n^oft  confequcnce  for  us 
 to  be  thoroughly  acquainted  with,  I  fliall  be  more  particular  in 
 my  direcStions  to  acquire  a  thorough  knowledge  of  it  than  I 
 have  been  with  refpet^:  to  ancient  hiftory.  To  do  this  in  as 
 complete  a  manner  as  the  bounds  of  my  dcfign  will  admit,  I 
 fhall  firft  deduce  a  regular  feries  of  hlflorlans^  from  the  earJieft 
 a^CGOunt  of  our  nation  to  what  may  be  called  our  own  times, 
 and  then  give  fome  account  of  the  records  which  our  coun- 
 try affords  of  a  different  nature,  but  v/hich  a  careful  hif- 
 torian  ought  to  avail  himfelf  of,  and  alfo  of  the  places  v/here  it 
 is  faid  fuch  records  are  to  be  met  with.  A  great  part  of  what 
 I  {hall  advance  upon  this  laft  head  in  particular  will  be  ex- 
 tracted from  Nlcholfons  Englljh  Hljiortcal  Library^  to  which  I 
 would  refer  thofe  perfons  v/ho  are  defiroas  of  farther  info  mation 
 with  refpecl  to  the  fubje.3:  of  this  LetStuie.  I  ikall  however 
 fo  far  depart  from  his  method  as  to  give  all  I  have  to  fay  con-  / 
 cerning  the  Britons,  Saxons,  and  all  the  earlier  part  of  otir 
 hiftory,  by  itfelf. 
 
 Imperfect  as  what  I  have  collei^ed  on  this  fubjecl  may  be,,  it 
 will  at  leaft  fuffice  to  give  you  an  idea  what  case,  labour,  and 
 fagacity  are  neceffary  to  compile  a  good  hiftiory  of  our  country, 
 from  the  vaft  variety  of  materials  which  it  a^ffords  for  that  pur- 
 pofe ;  which  will  make  us  more  fenfible  of  the  obligations  we 
 
 are 
 
'     i6d  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 are  under  to  thofe  diligent  hiftorians  and  antiquarians  who  have 
 taken  the  pains  requifite  for  that  purpofe,  and  increafe  our 
 contempt  for  thofe  writers,  who,  without  ftirring  from  their 
 clofets,  or  perufing  one  ancient  original  author,  aflume  the 
 name  of  hijioriansy  and  publifh  pompous  accounts  of  their 
 works;  when  they  have  done  nothing  more  than  republifh,  in 
 a  new,  and  perhaps  no  better  form,  the  information  that  had 
 been  colleded  by  others.  Of  thefe  fecond  and  third  hand 
 compilers  no  nation  perhaps  furnifhes  a  greater  number  than 
 our  own.  If  fuch  works  be  recommended  by  greater  fymmetry 
 in  the  arrangement  of  their  parts,  and  a  better  ftyle  and  manner 
 of  compofition,  it  cannot  be  denied  but  that  the  authors  of 
 them  have  their  merit ;  but  then  it  is  a  merit  of  a  different  kind 
 from  that  of  the  laborious  inveftigators  of  hiftorical  truth,  and 
 ought  not  to  be  confounded  with  it. 
 
 I  mufl  admonifh  you,  however,  that  you  mufl  not  promifc 
 yourfelves  much  entertainment  from  the  language  and  ftyle  of 
 the  original  hiftorians  of  our  nation.  The  bulk  of  our  ancient 
 hiftories  are  only  to  be  confidered  as  repofitories  of  fadts.  It 
 has  only  been  ©f  late  years  that  hiftory  has  been  written  v/ith 
 the  leaft  degree  of  elegance  by  the  natives  of  this  country ; 
 and  even  now  we  can  (how  but  very  few  mafterly  compofitions 
 of  this  kind  ;  perhaps  none  which  have  united  with  the  merit 
 of  writers  that  of  diligent  inveftigators  c^  hiftorical  truth. 
 Indeed,  thefe  qualifications  in  modern  times  are  rarely  united, 
 though  in  ancient  times  they  often  were. 
 
 The  moft  ancient  Britifli  hiftorian  now  extant  is  Gildas* 
 He  was  a  monk  of  Baagor  about  the  middle  of  the  fixth  century, 
 a  forrowful  fpedtator  of  the  miferies,  and  almoft  utter  ruin,  of 
 hfs  countrymen  the  Britons,  by  a  people  under  whofe  banners 
 thej^  expe£i:ed  protedlion  and  peace.  His  lamentable  hiftory 
 De  excidio  Britannia  is  all  that  is  printed  of  his  writing,  and 
 perhaps  all  that  is  any  where  extant. 
 
 Cotemporary  with  Gildas  was  Bede,  who  was  a  Saxon  ;  and 
 though  his  hiftory  of  the  Englifh  nation  is  chiefly  ecclefiaftical, 
 he  has  intermixed  fcveral  particulars  of  the  civil  ftate  of  the 
 Britons  and  Saxons. 
 
 The 
 
LectXXV.        history.  i6i 
 
 The  next  Britifli  hiftorian  of  note  is  Nennius^  a  monk,  who 
 flouriflied  in  the  year  830.  He  is  faid  to  have  left  behind  him 
 feveral  treatifes,  whereof  all  that  is  publiTned  is  his  H'tjloria 
 Britonum. 
 
 The  next  remains  of  the  Britons,  avq  Hoel  Dhas  Laius^  which 
 wereenadted  about  the  middle  of  the  tjnt'i  century,  ^i  th^fe 
 there  are  feveral  copies,  both  in  Welch  and  Latin,  Itill  extant  \ 
 among  which  is  a  very  old  on^:,  written  on  parchment  in  Jefus 
 College,  at  Oxfo  d. 
 
 We  are  not  to  expeil  any  fuch  afnilance  for  afcertaining  the 
 hiftory  of  thefe  times  as  after  ages  airbrd  us  from  charters, 
 letters  patent,  &c.  It  is  vcrj^  doubtful  whether  thofe  times 
 ever  produced  fuch  materials  for  hiftory;  if  they  did,  they  have 
 all  perilhed.  Neither  can  we  expedl  any  afTiftance  from  the 
 medals,  or  coin«,  of  the  ancient  Britons.  The  money  ufed 
 here  in  Caefar's  time  was  nothing  more  than  iron  rings,  and 
 (hapelefs  pieces  of  brafs  ;  nor  does  it  well  appear  that  their  kings 
 did  afterwards  introduce  any  of  another  fort. 
 
 The  firft  perfon  that  attempted  the  writing  of  the  old  Britifh 
 hiftory  after  the  conqueft  was  Jeffery^  Archdeacon  of  Mon- 
 mouth>  This  author  lived,  under  King  Stephen,  about  the 
 year  1150.  Ht  feems  particularly  fond  of  ftories  which  have 
 the  air  of  romance,  which  led  him  to  pitch  upon  King  Arthur's 
 feats  of  chivalry,  and  Merlin's  prophecies,  as  proper  fubjeds 
 for  his  pen  ;  but  his  moft  famous  piece  is  his  Chronicon,  five 
 Hijiorla  Britonum.  In  this  he  has  given  a  genealogy  of  the  kings 
 of  Britain  from  the  days  of  Brutus,  the  fuppofed  fon  of  ^neas, 
 containing  a  catalogue  of  above  feventy  monarch's,  who  reigned 
 in  this  ifland  before  Julius  Csfar  landed  in  it.^  The  hrft  ftone 
 of  this  fabric  was  laid  by  Nennius,  but  the  fuperftru6ture  is 
 this  author's  own.  Notwithftanding  this  author  has  not  been 
 without  his  advocates,  particularly  the  famous  J.  Leland,  his 
 hiftory  is  now  univerfally  regarded  in  no  other  light  than  that 
 of  a  romance. 
 
 Contemporary  with  this  JefFcry  was  Caradocus,  a  monk  cf 
 Lancarvan,  who  wrote  a  hiftory  of  the  petty  kings  of  Wales 
 after  they  were  driven  into  that  corner  of  the  ifland  by  the 
 Saxons.     This  hiftory  which  was  written  originally  in  Latin, 
 
 .  and 
 
i6a  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 and  brought  as  low  as  the  year  1156  by  its  author,  was  after- 
 wards tranllated  into  Englilh  by  Humphry  Lluid,  and  en- 
 larged and  publifhed  by  Dr.  Powel,  and  again  by  W.  Wyn, 
 with  a  learned  preface. 
 
 After  King  Charles's  reftoration  Mr.  R.  Vaughan,  a  learned 
 gentleman  of  Merionethfhire,  publifhed  his  Brit'ijh  Antiquities 
 revived^  wherein  are  many  curious  remarks  and  difcovejies. 
 This  author  was  well  known  to  Archbilhop  U(her,  by  whom 
 he  was  much  countenanced  and  encoura2;ed  in  thele  iludies. 
 
 The  Roman  writers  treat  of  the  affaiis  of  this  iflanJ,  both 
 antecedent  to  their  conqueft  of  it,  and  during  their  ftay  in  it, 
 only  oceafionally.  Casfar  maybe  depended  upon  for  an  authentic 
 account  of  his  own  expedition,  and  the  manner  in  which  he 
 was  received  by  the  natives  ;  but  it  is  certain  he  could  have 
 but  little  opportunity  of  being  acquainted  with  the  manners 
 and  cuftoms  of  the  people,  or  any  thing  relating  to  the  internal 
 {late  of  the  nation.  As  the  Romans  were  afterwards  better 
 acquainted  with  the  ifland,  we  have  more  reafon  to  depend 
 upon  the  little  that  we  find  of  our  hiftory  in  Tacitus,  Dio 
 Caffius,  Suetonius,  Eutropius,  and  the  Scriptores  Romani,  who 
 may  all  be  fuppofed  to  have  had  the  pcrufal  of  fuch  memorials 
 as  were  from  time  to  time  fent  to  the  emperors  from  their 
 lieutenants  in  this  province.  A  great  deal  of  caution  is  necef- 
 fary  in  reading  fome  o(  the  laft  mentioned  authors  j  but  their 
 defe«5ls  are  well  fupplied  by  the  famous  Mr.  Dodwell,  in  his 
 FraUSiiones  Camdeniana:^  which  will  be  highly  fervieeable  to 
 all  perfons  who  engage  in  thefe  lludies.  Tacitus's  life  of 
 Agricola  has  all  the  appearance  of  being  a  faithful  account  of 
 that  general's  conduft  in  this  ifland.  He  fpeaks  of  the  natives 
 with  great  impartiality. 
 
 Many  defedh  in  the  Roman  accounts  have  been  fupplied  by 
 infcriptions  and  coins,  found  in  feveral  parts  of  our  ifland  ;  and 
 there  are  daily  new  difcoveries  of  both.  The  Roman  comman- 
 ders in  this  ifland  afFe6tcd  to  celebrate  their  exploits  on  the 
 reverfes  of  thsir  coins,  vi/hcnce  may  be  cclle<£ted  feveral  good 
 inuilrations  of  that  part  of  our  hiftory.  Thofe  preferved  in 
 Camden's  Britannia  are  very  valuable. 
 
 We 
 7, 
 
Lect.  XXV.        HISTORY.  163 
 
 We  are  much  more  happy  with  refpec^  to  the  hiftory  of  the 
 Saxon  times,  particularly  the  end  of  them,  than  thofc  pre- 
 ceding. It  is  remarked  by  all  writers,  that  there  is  not  in  the 
 world  a  hiftory  lefs  obfcure  than  that  of  Enjand  after  the 
 ninth  century.  Nor  can  we  be  at  a  lofs  to  account  for  this, 
 when  we  are  informed  by  Matthew  Paris,  that  there  was  a 
 cuftom  in  England,  that,  in  each  mitred  abbey  of  the  order 
 of  St.  Benedict,  fome  perfons  of  the  fraterjiity,  of  ability  and 
 care,  were  appointed  to  regiller  the  moll  conhderable  events  j 
 and  after  the  death  of  every  king  thefe  different  memoirs  were 
 laid  before  a  chapter  of  the  order,  to  be  reduced  to  a  body  of 
 hiftory,  which  was  preferved  in  their  archives  for  the  inftruction 
 of  pofterity. 
 
 Wehave  like  wife  other  remains  of  the  Saxon  times,  which 
 may  be  of  great  ufe  to  an  hiftorian.  In  feveral  libraries,  and 
 in  many  regifter  books  of  our  oldeft  monafteries,  we  have 
 many  charters  granted  by  our  Saxon  kings,  but  they  are  to 
 be  admitted  with  great  caution.  The  records  of  the  church 
 of  Canterbury  alTure  us  that  Withered,  who  reigned  about  the 
 year  700,  was  the  firft  who  gave  out  charters  in  writing,  his 
 prcdeceflbrs  thinking  their  bare  word  fufficient  to  fecure  any 
 of  their  gifts  and  benefa^lions. 
 
 Many  of  the  Saxon  laws  have  been  publiftied.  The  firft 
 attempt  of  this  kind  was  made  by  L.  Nowel,  who  coiIe(Sl:ed  all 
 he  could  find,  and  left  them  to  be  tranfiated  by  his  friend  W. 
 Lambard.  Mr.  Somner  corrected  the  errors  of  Lambard,  adding 
 feveral  laws  omitted  by  him,  and  giving  a  double  tranflation, 
 in  Latin  and  Englifh,  to  the  whole.  And  there  have  been 
 fome  ftill  later  additions  and  improvements  by  other  hands. 
 There  is  not  much  to  be  learned  from  the  coins  of  any  of  our 
 Saxon  kings  ;  their  filver  ones  being  generally  of  the  fame  fize, 
 and  very  flovenly  minted. 
 
 The  oldeft  hiltory  of  the  Saxon  affairs  is  the  Saxon  Chrcnick^ 
 firft  publifhed  by  Abraham  Wheelock,  who  tranfiated  it,  and 
 caufed  it  to  be  printed  at  the  end  of  his  Saxon  Bede.  The 
 author,  or  authors,  of  this  work  are  unknown.  Some  copies  or 
 it  end  with  the  year  977,  another  brings  down  the  hiftory  10 
 ICOI5  another  to  the  year  1070,  and  another  to  1154. 
 
 The 
 
164.  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 The  earlieft  account  we  have  of  the  reign  of  Alfred  is  that 
 of  AJferius  MenevenfiSy  who  lived  in  his  court,  and  is  faid  to 
 have  been  promoted  by  him  to  the  bifhoprick  of  Sherborn. 
 This  treatife  was  firft  publiflied  by  Archbifhop  Parker  in  the 
 old  Saxon  character,  at  the  end  of  his  edition  of  Thomas  Wal- 
 fingham's  hiftory.  Aflerius  wrote  his  fovereign's  life  no  farther 
 than  the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  which,  according  to  his 
 computation,  fell  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  893  ;  but  the  work  is 
 continued  by  other  hands  to  the  death  of  Alfred. 
 
 The  next  Saxon  hiitorian  is  Ethelward^  or  Elward  Patritiusy 
 defcended  of  the  blood  royal,  who  lived  in  the  year  1090,  but 
 he  continued  his  chronicle  of  the  Saxon  kings  no  farther  than 
 Edgar.  Indeed,  the  whole  is  faid  to  be  a  tranflation  of  an  im- 
 perfect copy  of  the  Saxon  chronicle,  and  in  a  very  bad  ftyle. 
 
 Many  things  relating  to  the  civil  government  of  thefe  times 
 are  difperfed  in  fome  particular  lives  of  their  faints  and  kings, 
 particularly  thofe  of  Offa,  Ofv/in,  Ethel  wolf,  and  Edward  the 
 ConfeiTor, 
 
 Of  the  later  writers  of  the  Saxon  affairs,  Verjlegan  muft  be 
 firft  mentioned.  His  rejiltution  of  decoyed  intelligence  in  an^ 
 tiqiilties  relates  particularly  to  the  language,  religion,  manners, 
 and  government  of  the  ancient  Englifli  Saxons.  This  writer 
 has  fallen  into  many  miftakes  ;  but  fome  of  them  have  been 
 noted  by  Mr.  Sheringham,  and  the  reft  have  been  carefully 
 corrected  by  Mr.  Somncr. 
 
 Mr.  Scldcn  was  a  perfon  of  vaft  induftry,  and  his  attainments 
 in  moft  parts  of  learning  were  fo  extraordinary,  that  every 
 thing  that  came  from  him  is  highly  admired  ;  but  Mr.Nicholfon 
 is  by  no  means  falisfied  with  the  account  he  gives,  in  his  Ana- 
 le£la^  of  the  religion,  government,  and  revolutions  of  ftate 
 among  our  Saxon  anceftots. 
 
 On  the  contrary,  Mr.  Nicholfon  fays,  that  the  beft  per- 
 formance he  knows  of,  relating  to  the  prime  antiquities  of  the 
 Saxons  is  Mr.  Sheringhani s  treatife  De  Anglorum  gentis  origine. 
 Our  civil  wars  fent  this  autiior  into  the  low  countries,  where 
 he  had  an  opportunity  of  becoming  acquainted  with  Dr.  Mar- 
 Iham  and  the  Dutch  language,  both  inclining  him  to  fuch 
 ftudies  as  his  book  fhows  him   to  have  delighted  in.     He  ap- 
 
 '^'  pears 
 
Lect.  XXV.        HISTORY.  165 
 
 pears  to  have  been  a  prfon  of  great  modedy,  as  well  as  induf- 
 try  and  learning.  His  collections  from  the  Greek,  Roman, 
 and  particularly  from  the  northern  writers,  are  exceedingly  va- 
 luable. 
 
 Our  Saxon  antiquary  ougl^.t  alfo  to  be  (killed  in  the  writings 
 of  thofe  learned  Germans  who  have  made  collcdtions  of  their 
 own  laws,  or  hav^e  written  fuch  gloil'aries,  or  grammatical  dif- 
 courfes,  as  may  bring  him  acquainted  with  the  many  ancient 
 dialects  of  our  anctftors  and  kinfm.en  in  that  part  of  the  world  j 
 particularly  the  Sachfen  Spic^el^  or  Speculum  Saxo?7icum,  which  is 
 an  excellent  manuel  of  the  old  laws  of  the  ancient  Saxons. 
 
 In  order  tounderftand  the  Danijb  period  of  our  hiilory,  the 
 Daniih  antiquities  muft  be  fearched  into,  and  the  Runic  character 
 underftood  ;  for  in  this  character  the  Danes  regiilered  all  their 
 more  conhderable  tranladions  upon  rocks,  and  ftones  hewn  into 
 various  (hapes  and  figures.  On  thefe  they  engraved  fuch  in- 
 fcriptions  as  were  proper  for  their  heathen  altars,  triumphal 
 arches,  fepulchral  monuments,  and  the  genealogical  hiftories 
 of  their  anceftors.  Their  wTitings  of  lefs  concern,  as  letters, 
 almanacks,  &c.  were  engraven  upon  wood  ;  and  becaufe  beech 
 was  the  mod  plentiful  in  Denmark,  and  moll  commonly  em- 
 ployed for  thofe  purpofes,  from  the  Danifh  nam.e  of  that  tree, 
 which  is  bog,  they,  and  all  other  northern  nations,  have  the 
 name  of  hook. 
 
 Our  Danifh  antiquary  fhould  alio  be  acquainted  with  the 
 beft  lilandic  hiftorians  ;  the  moft  ancient  w^h^reof  is  Jras 
 Frode,  cotemporary  wiih  Scemond,  about  the  year  11 14.  He 
 firft  wrote  a  regular  hiftory  of  Iceland  from  the  firft  planting 
 of  his  country  down  to  his  own  time,  wherein  he  gives  an  ac- 
 count of  the  affairs  of  Norway,  Denm.ark,  andlLngland,  in- 
 termixed with  thofe  of  his  own  nation.  Part  of  thiS  v»oik 
 happily  fell  into  the  hands  cf  Thomas  Barthoiine's  friend,  the 
 bifhop  of  Skalholt,  who  took  care  to  have  it  p  ubliihed  in  the 
 year  1&89. 
 
 There  is  likewife  extant  a  couple  of  Norv/egian  hiftories  of 
 good  credit  which  explain  many  particulars  of  the  exploits 
 relating  to  the  Danifli  kings  of  Great-Britain,  which  our  own 
 hiftorians  have  either  wholly  omitted,  or  recorded  imperfe6tly. 
 
 The 
 
i66  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 The  former  of  thefe  was  written  foon  after  the  year  1130,  by 
 one  Theoderic,  a  monk.  The  other  was  compiled  by  Snorro 
 Stttrlefonius,  Both  drew  their  materials  from  the  ballads  of  the 
 Scaldri^  whofe  hiftorical  poems,  it  is  generally  thought,  may 
 be  depended  upon.  Arngrim  Jonas,  who  lived  about  thofe 
 times,  afiures  us  that  thefe  Scaldri  were  far  from  flattering,  and 
 knew  nothino-  of  the  modern  poetical  fable.  This  book  was 
 tranfiated  into  the  vulgar  En^lifh  by  Peter  Undallenfis,  and 
 publifhed  by  Wormius. 
 
 Only  two  Danifh  hiRorians,  Mr.  Nicholfon  fays,  are  necef- 
 fary  to  the  Englifh  antiquary'slibrary  ;  namely  Saxf  Granimailcus, 
 and  his  cotemporary  and  fellow  fervant  Sweno  Agonis^  of 
 both  which  we  have  an  excellent  edition  by  Stephanus.  Saxo 
 is  commonly  reckoned  the  mo(t  ancient,  as  well  as  the  moft 
 polite,  hiftorian  of  Denmark,  dying  provoft  at  the  cathedral 
 church  at  Rofchild  in  the  year  1204.  Saxo  himfelf  fays  that 
 he  compiled  his  hiftory  out  of  the  Icelandic  ballads,  and  Sweno 
 declares  that  he  compiled  his  from  the  traditions  of  old  people  i 
 yet  the  former  is  thought  by  Arngrim  Jonas,  and  J.  Lyfcander, 
 not  to  have  made  good  ufe  of  his  authorities. 
 
 The  great  reftorer  of  the  decayed  antiquities  of  Denmark  was 
 Olaiis  Wormhu^  who  has  alfo  enabled  us  to  make  many  new 
 difcoveries  in  thofe  of  our  own  nation.  His  Literatura  Runica 
 was  the  firft  happy  attempt  towards  the  right  explanation  of  the 
 old  Cinibrian  monuments,  which  till  his  time  had  lain  ne- 
 glected, and  unknown  to  the  learned  world,  not  only  in  thefe 
 northern  kingdoms,  but  in  feveral  parts  of  Italy,  Spain,  and 
 otht  r  European  countries,  where  the  Gothic  arms  and  letters 
 had  2;ained  a  footing.  His  Mommenta  Danica  is  alfo  of  fingular 
 ufe  to  a  perfon  who  pretends  to  write  upon  any  branch  of  our 
 Englifh  antiquities  ;  fome  of  which  are  particularly  illuftrated 
 by  the  author  himfelf.  Thomas  Bartholine,  fon  to  the  famous 
 phyfician  of  that  name,  has  given  us  an  addition  to  Wormius's 
 difcoveries. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XXVI.         HISTORY.  167 
 
 LECTURE       XXVI. 
 
 The  Englijh  Riftory  from  tht  Conquejl,  IngulpJms  of  Crayland^ 
 Marianus  Scotus.  Florentius  Bravonius^  Eadmerus^  lyUiiam  of 
 Malmftmry^  Si/neon  of  Durham^  Ealred^  Henry  of  Huntings 
 don^  IVilliain  of  Newbury,  Gervafe  of  Canterbury^  Roger  de 
 Hovederiy  Ralph  de  Diceto,  Matthezv  Paris ^  Chronicle  of  Mai U 
 roSy  Thomas  IVicks^  Nicholas  Trivet^  Roger  CefirenfiSj  John 
 Brompton,  JValter  of  Hemmingford^  Ralph  Higden^  John  Vicar 
 ■cfTinmouth^  Matthew  of  IFeJiminJier^  Henry  Knighton^  Froif 
 fart,  Thomas  of  Walfingham,  William  Caxton,  and  John  Rofs, 
 
 A  FTER  the  conqueft  (as  Sir  William  Temple  obfcrves) 
 -^~-*  though  the  hiftory  of  England  was  not  for  a  long  time 
 written  by  one  fkilful  hand,  yet  it  is  reprefented  in  fo  clear  a 
 light  as  leaves  very  little  either  obfcure  or  uncertain  in  the  hif- 
 tory of  our  kingdom,  or  the  fucceflion  of  our  kings  ;  and  for 
 this  advantage  we  are  indebted  to  our  monafteries.  I  (hall  only 
 give  an  account  of  the  principal  of  our  hiftorians  fmce  that 
 period,  and  this  as  briefly  as  pofTible,  ranking  them  in  the  feve- 
 ral  centuries  wherein  they  wrote. 
 
 The  firft  of  our  Englifh  hiftorians  after  the  conqueft  was 
 Inguiphus  of  Croyland.  He  wrote  the  hiftory  of  his  monaftery, 
 and  in  It  relates  many  things  concerning  the  kings  of  England. 
 He  begins  in  the  year  of  Chrift  626,  with  Penda  king  of  Mer- 
 cia,  and  ends  at  the  year  1089,  which  was  the  third  year  of 
 William  Rufus.  This  nuthor  was  the  fon  of  a  courtier  of  Ed- 
 v/ard  the  laft  king  of  the  Saxon  race.  He  was  reckoned  an  ex- 
 cellent Ariftotelian  philofopher.  He  was  counfellor  to  William 
 duke  of  Normandy,  and  after  the  conqueft  of  England  was  by 
 him  made  abbot  of  Croyland.  The  relation  this  author  bore  to 
 king  William  does  manifeftly  bias  him  in  the  account  he  gives 
 of  Harold. 
 
 About  the  fame  time  wrote  Marianus  Scotus,  3.  monk  of 
 Mentz  in  Germany,  who  brought  down  our  Englifti  hiftory, 
 interwoven  with  the  more  general  one  of  Europe,  as  low  as  the 
 year  1083.  He  was  reckoned  an  elegant  writer  for  the  times, 
 and  his  work  met  with  fuch  univerfal  applaufe  in  our  monaf- 
 teries, 
 
i6B  L  E  C  T  t)  R  E  S     ON  Part  IV, 
 
 terie^,  t!)at  there  was  hardly  one  in  the  kingdom  that  wanted 
 a  copy  of  it,  and  Tome  had  feveral.  The  beft  and  moft  com- 
 plete manufcript  of  it  is  in  the  public  library  at  Oxford, 
 
 The  earlieft  hiftory  in  the  twelfth  century  was  written  by  Flo- 
 rcntiui  Bravonius^  a  Monic  of  Worceiter,  who  in  many  places  of 
 his  work  has  almoft  tranfcribed  Marianus,  but  he  has  added  a 
 great  deal  out  of  the  Saxon  chronicle,  and  other  writers.  His  book 
 ended  with  his  life,  in  the  year  1 1 19;  but  it  was  continued  fifty 
 years  farther  by  another  monk  of  the  fame  monaftery. 
 
 Eadmerus^  a  monk  of  Canterbury,  is  our  next  hiftorian,  whofe 
 hijioria  novorum^  &c.  was  publifiied  by  Mr.  Selden,  and  con- 
 tarns  the  hiftory  of  the  two  Williams,  and  Henry  I.  from  the 
 year  1066,  to  the  year  1122.  Mr.  Nicholfon  fays  this  work  is 
 of  great  gravity,  and  unqueftionable  authority.  The  intimate 
 acquaintance  the  author  had  with  archbifhop  Anfelm  did  not 
 bias  him  in  favour  of  the  clergy.  The  chara6ler  which  Selden 
 gives  of  him  is  that  his  ftyle  equals  that  of  William  of  Malmf- 
 bury,  and  that  his  matter  and  compofition  exceed  him. 
 
 WiUiam  of  Malmjbiiry  has  had  the  higheft  commendations  ima- 
 ginable given  him  by  fome  of  our  beft  critics  in  Englifh  hif- 
 tory. He  wrote  De  gejits  regum  Anglorum  in  five  books,  with 
 an  appendix  in  two  more,  which  \\q  ^yl^s  novella  ht/iorice.  In 
 thefe  we  have  a  judicious  collection  of  whatever  he  found  on 
 record  touching  the  affairs  of  England,  from  the  firft  arrival 
 of  the  Saxons,  concluding  his  work  with  the  reign  of  king- 
 is  tephen,  to  whom  he  fhows  himfelf  tohave  been  a  hearty  enemy. 
 
 Simeon  Dune.lmenfis^  and  £'^/r^^  Abbot  of  Rievaulx  are  our  next 
 hiftorians  of  note  in  this  century.  The  former  was  monk  and 
 precer.lor  of  Durham  in  the  year  1164,  and  may  juftly  be 
 reckoned   one  of  the  moft    learned   men  of  his  a^^-e.     But  his 
 
 o 
 
 two  books  De  gejlis  regum  are  not  his  mafter-pieces.  His  hif- 
 tury  begins  at  the  death  of  Bede  in  732,  and  ends  in  ti  e  year 
 1 129.  Abbot  Ealred  gives  us  a  fhort  genealogy  of  our  kings  to 
 Henry  II.  but  enlarges  chiefly  on  the  praifes  of  David  king  of 
 Scotf;,  founder  of  many  abbeys  of  the  Ciftercians. 
 
 About  the  fame  time  flourished  Henry  Archdeacon  of  Hunt- 
 ington^ whofe  eight  books,  concluding  with  the  reign  of  kmg 
 Stephen,  were   publilhed    by  Sir  Henry  Savil.      After  Bede's 
 
 time 
 
Lect.  XXVI.         HISTORY.  169 
 
 time  he  has  many  particulars  out  of  the  Saxon  chronicle,  which 
 had  been  omitted  by  our  hiftorians  before  him.  He  acknow- 
 ledges, and  very  juftly,  that  his  hiftory  is  very  confu fed. 
 
 William  of  Newberry  was  fo  called  from  a  monaftery  of  that 
 name,  whereof  he  was  a  member.  His  hiftory  begins  at  the 
 death  of  Henry  I.  and  ends  in  the  year  1097,  though  he  is  faid 
 to  have  been  alive  in  the  year  1120.  He  has  with  great  keen- 
 nefs  expofed  the  fables  of  Jeffrey  of  Monmouth,  for  which  he 
 is  blamed  by  Leland. 
 
 The  thirteenth  century  begins  with  Gervafe  a  monk  of  Can- 
 terbury, who  is  reported  to  have  been  a  moil  judicious  anti- 
 quary, and  methodical  hiftorian,  and  to  have  made  an  excellent 
 collection  of  the  Britifh  and  Englifh  hiftory  from  the  coming  in 
 of  the  Trojans  to  the  year  1200.  AH  that  is  extant  of  his 
 works  begins  with  the  year  11 12,  which  was  the  twelfth  year 
 of  Henry  I.  and  ends  with  the  death  of  Richard  I.  It  is  faid 
 to  be   done  with  great  judgment. 
 
 Cotemporary  with  thefe  two,  and  as  Nicholfon  fays,  as  great 
 an  hiftorian  as  both  of  them  joined  together,  was  Roger  de  Hove- 
 deny  who  ftems  to  have  been  chaplain  for  fome  time  to  king 
 Henry  II.  He  has  deduced  our  hiftory  to  the  year  of  Chrift 
 1202,   the  fourth   year  of  king  John's  reign. 
 
 The  next  hiftorian  of  note  h  Ralph  de  Diceto,  dean  of  London, 
 who  wrote  about  the  year  1210.  He  compofed  two  treatifes, 
 one  called  abbrev.atioKes  chronkorum^  and  the  other  Imagines  hif» 
 toriarum.  The  former  contains  an  abftra6t  of  our  hiftory,  but 
 chiefly  of  church  affairs,  down  to  the  conqueft.  In  the  latter 
 he  gives  the  hiftory  of  fome  of  our  kings  more  at  length,  end- 
 ing with  the  firft  years  of  king  John's  reign.  Selden  is  a  great 
 admirer  of  this  author  and  his  works. 
 
 Soon  after  thefe  writers  appeared  Matthew  Paris^  a  monk  of 
 St.  Alban's,  one  of  the  moft  renowned  hiftorians  of  this  king- 
 dom, his  hijloria  major  contains  the  annals  at  large  of  eight 
 of  our  kings,  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  William  I.  to 
 the  conclufion  of  that  of  Henry  III.  From  the  year  1259, 
 in  which  this  author  died,  to  the  death  of  king  Henry  III.  it 
 was  continued  by  William  Riftianger,  a  monk  of  the  fame  fra- 
 ternity.    The  whole  book  fhows  a  great  deal  of  candour  and 
 
 O  cxadtnefs 
 
170  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 exadnefs.  It  furnifties  us  with  Co  particular  a  relation  of  the 
 brave  oppofition  made  by  many  of  our  princes  to  the  ufurpations 
 of  the  pope,  that  it  is  a  wonder  how  fuch  an  heretical  hiftory 
 came  to  furvive  thus  long.  The  fame  author  wrote  an  abftraft 
 of  the  fore-mentioned  book,  to  which  he  gave  the  title  of  chro- 
 nica^ and  which  Lambord  fit  ft  called  hljioria  minor.  It  con- 
 tains feveral  particulars  of  note  omitted  in  the  larger  hiftory. 
 The  faireft  copy  of  this  book,  fuppofed  to  be  written  by  the 
 author's  own  hand,  is  in  the  king's  library  at  St.  James's. 
 
 The  chronicle  of  Mailros^  though  its  title  may  feem  to  rank  it 
 among  the  records  of  another  kingdom,  may  juftly  challenge  a 
 place  among  our  Englifli  hiftorians,  fnice  it  chiefly  infifts  upon 
 the  affairs  of  this  nation.  The  abbot,  or  prior  of  Dundranard 
 in  Galloway,  a  nurfery  under  Mailrof?,  is  thought  to  have  been 
 the  firft  compiler  of  this  work  ;  but  it  was  afterwards  continued 
 by  feveral  hands  down  to  the  year  1270. 
 
 The  fourteenth  century  begins  with  Tho?nas  Wikes,  His 
 hiftory  begins  at  the  conqueft  and  ends  at  the  death  of  Henry  I. 
 in  the  year  1304.  The  author  was  canon  regular  of  Ofney  near 
 Oxford,  and  writes  as  clearly  and  fully,  efpecially  fome  paflages 
 relating  to  the  wars  of  the  barons,  as  fo  compendious  a  chro- 
 nicle as  his  is  would  allow  him  to  do;  his  ftyle  is  elegant  for 
 the  times. 
 
 Ncholas  Trivet,  fon  of  Sir  Thomas  Trivet,  Lord  Chief  Juf- 
 tice,  was  prior  of  a  monaftery  of  Dominican  friars  in  London, 
 where  he  was  buried  in  the  year  1328.  His  hiftory  is  in  French, 
 and  bears  the  title  of  Les gejies  des  apojioiles^  efnpereurs,  e  rois,  an 
 excellent  copy  of  it  is  in  Alerton  college  at  Oxford. 
 
 Roger  Cejlrenfts.,  who  was  a  Bcnedidine  monk  of  St.  Wer- 
 borges  of  Chefter,  was  Trivet's  cotemporary,  and  wrote  a  large 
 account  of  the  aff'airs,  of  this  nation.  His  work  he  entitled 
 polychronicon  iemporitm,  and  began  it  at  the  coming  in  of  the 
 Romans.  He  continued  it  at  lirft  no  farther  than  the  year  1314, 
 but  afterwards  added  a  fupplement  of  fixteen  years  more.  There 
 are  many  manufcripts  of  this  v/ork  in  the  Harleian  library. 
 
 About  the  fame  time,  as  Mr.  Selden  with  probability  con- 
 jedures,  lived  the  author  of  that  chronicle  which  goes  by  the 
 name  of  John  Bromptony    fometime  abbot  of   Joreval  in    the 
 
 county 
 
Lect.  XXVI.  rt     I     S     T     O     R     Y.  lyt 
 
 county  of  York,  which  begins  with  the  coming  in*bf  Auguftin 
 the  monk,  in  the  year  528,  and  ends  with  the  death  of  Richard 
 I.  in  the  year  1198.  This  author  is  particularly  valuable  for 
 the  colle6i:ion,  and  verfion,  which  he  has  given  us  of  the  Saxon 
 laws  in  Latin,    made  in  the  time  of  Edward  III. 
 
 The  chronicle  of  Walter  Hemmingford^  who  flourifhed  in  the 
 reign  of  Edward  III.  (whofe  reign  he  has  more  largely  defcribed) 
 begins  in  the  year  1066,  and  ends  with  the  year  1308.  He 
 was  a  monk  of  Glallonbury,  a  perfon  of  great  induftry,  and  a 
 very  learned  mm  for  the  times  in   which  he  lived. 
 
 Ralph  Higden^  a  monk  of  St.  Werburgs  in  Cheder,  wrote  a 
 hiftory  which  he  ftyles  ^5/yf/;r<2;7/V5«,  compiled  chiefly  from  the 
 writings  of  others,  particularly  from  fome  ancient  chronicles 
 which  are  now  wholly  loft.     He  died  very  old,  in  the  year  1377. 
 
 John^  vicar  ofTimnouth^  and  afterwards  a  monk  of  St.  Alban's, 
 in  the  year  1366,  was  a  great  coIIe£l:or  of  Englifh  hiftories, 
 which  he  left  digefted  in  three  very  large  volumes,  of  which 
 there  are  now  fair  copies  in  the  libraries  at  Oxford,  Lambeth, 
 &c.     They  relate  chiefly  to  the  miracles  of  our  Englifh  faints. 
 
 Matthew^  a  benediciine  monk  of  IVeJlminfter^  was  a  great  coJ- 
 le-flor  of  former  hiftorians,  from  which  he  is  ufually  ftyled  flori^ 
 legus.  His  hiftory  ends  at  the  year  1307,  which  it  is  not  pro- 
 bable he  long  furvived.  The  mott  eminent  of  his  continua- 
 tors  was  Adam  Merimuth,  canon  regular  of  St.  Paul's,  and  a 
 great  civilian^  He  begins  his  work  at  1302,  and  his  firft  part 
 reaches  only  to  1343,  but  the  fecond  continues  the  hiftory  to 
 the  year  1380,  in  which  it  is  probable  he  died. 
 
 Henry  Knighton^  one  of  the  canons  of  Leicefter,  in  this  cen- 
 tury, wrote  a  chronicle  of  the  events  of  England^  as  he  ftyles  iti 
 In  his  firft  books  he  gives  us  fome  account  of  the  Saxon  and 
 Norman  affair?,  from  the  time  of  Edgar,  who  began  his  reign 
 in  958  to  William  the  Conqueror  ;  and  then  he  writes  more 
 Jaro;ely  to  the  year  1395,  which  was  the  nineteenth  year  of 
 Richard  \1.   in   whofe  times  he  lived. 
 
 The  fifteenth  century  was   one  of  the  moft  rude  and  illiterate 
 
 ages.     Among  the  few  who  were  eminent  for  learning  in  it  was 
 
 '  Sir  John  Froijfart^  fome  time  canon  and  treafurer  of  Chimay  in 
 
 the  diocefe  of  Liege.     His  work  contains   indeed  a  general  hif- 
 
 O  2  torv 
 
172  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 tory  of  the  affairs  of  France,  Spain,  and  other  parts  of  Europe ; 
 but  he  chiefly  infifts  on  thofe  of  this  nation,  and  particularly  the 
 wars  between  the  Englifh  and  French  from  the  year  1335  to 
 1400.  This  author  was  a  Frenchman  born,  but  was  brought 
 up  in  the  court  of  king  Edward  III.  and  many  years  was  fa- 
 miliarly converfant  in  that  of  Richard  II.  His  account  of 
 things  feems  to  be  plain  and  honefl-,  and  perhaps  no  perfon 
 gives  a  better  account  of  the  affairs  of  thofe  two  princes.  He 
 wrote  in  his  own  native  knguage,  which  in  his  time  was  the 
 court  language  in  England. 
 
 Faffing  by  a  fet  of  very  ordinary  writers,  the  next  hiftorian 
 worthy  of  our  notice  is  Thomas  Walfmgham^  a  benedi<^ine  monk 
 of  St.  Alban's,  and  very  probably  regi us  profeffor  of  hiflory  in 
 that  monaftery,  about  the  year  1440.  His  fhort  hiflory  begins 
 at  the  conclufion  of  Henry  III.'s  reign,  where  Matthew  Paris 
 ends,  and  continues  the  hiflory  to  the  end  of  Henry  V.  His  Hy- 
 podigma  Neujlria  has  a  more  particular  regard  to  the  affairs  of 
 Normandy,  giving  a  full  account  of  that  dukedom,  from  the  time 
 that  it  firfl  came  into  the  hands  of  Rollo,  down  tb  the  fixth 
 year  of  Henry  V.  in  which  are  many  occurrences  not  elfewhere 
 to  be  met  with. 
 
 William  Caxtcn^  who  was  a  menial  fervant  for  thirty  years  to- 
 gether to  Margaret  duchefs  of  Burgundy  (fifter  to  our  king 
 Edward  IV.)  in  Flanders,  continued  a  hiflory  begun  by  the 
 monks  of  St.  Al ban's,  which  commenced  with  the  firfl  inha- 
 biting this  ifland,  to  the  lafl  year  of  Edward  IV.  1483.  The 
 whole  work  bears  the  title  oi  f rutins  tetnporum.  This  author 
 hadcertainly  a  good  opportunity  of  being  acquainted  with  the 
 court  tranfa£tions  of  his  time. 
 
 John  Rofs^  with  the  account  of  whom  we  fhali  clofe  this 
 century,  was  a  man  of  good  parts  and  fmgular  induftry.  He 
 travelled  over  the  greatefl  part  of  England,  and  made  large 
 colIe(Slions  out  of  the  libraries  where  he  came,  relating  to 
 the  hiflory  and  antiquities  of  this  kingdom.  His  hiflory  of  our 
 kings  is  flill  extant  in  the  Cotton  library,  lately  removed  to  the 
 Britifh  mufeum.  It  contains  many  colle6lions  illuflrating  the 
 antiquities  of  our  univerfitics. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XXVII.      HISTORY,  17 
 
 LECTURE        XXVII. 
 
 Robert  Fabian^  Polydore  Virgil^  Edward  Hall,  Hollingjhead^ 
 Stow,  Speed,  Baker,  Clarendon,  Whltlocke,  and  Ludlow, 
 Burnet,  Rapin,  Hume,  Roberifon.  Parliamentary  Hijiory, 
 Grey^s  Debates,  Ufe  of  private  Letters,  Memorials,  and 
 ether  Remains  of  Men  in  public  CharaSfer. 
 
 THE  firft  writer  worthy  of  our  notice  in  the  fixteenth 
 centiry  is  Robert  Fabian,  an  eminent  merchant,  and 
 fome  time  fherifF  of  London,  where  he  died  in  the  year  151a. 
 His  Hijloriarum  Goncordantia  confifts  of  feven  parts,  of  which 
 the  fix  firft  bring  down  the  hiftory  from  Brutus  to  William 
 the  Conqueror,  and  in  the  feventh  he  gives  the  hiftory  of  our 
 kings  from  the  Conqueror  to  Henry  VII.  He  is  very  par- 
 ticular in  the  affairs  of  London,  many  things  concerning  the 
 government  of  that  great  city  being  noted  by  him  which  arc 
 not  to  be  met  with  any  where  elfe.  He  mixes  all  along,  the 
 French  hiftory  with  the  Englifh,  but  in  different  chapters. 
 In  the  beginning  of  the  feventh  part  he  obferves  Higden's 
 method,  of  making  his  years  commence  at  Michaelmas. 
 
 Polydore  Virgil  was  the  moft  accompllfhed  writer,  for  ele- 
 gance and  clearnefs  of  ftyle,  that  this  age  afforded.  He  wrote 
 the  hiftory  of  our  nation  in  Latin  to  Henry  VIII.  He  was 
 much  unacquainted  with  the  Englifti  tongue,  and  being  a  Catholic, 
 he  gives  a  very  unfair  account  of  the  reformation,  and  of  the 
 conduct  of  the  Proteftants.  His  work  however  is  neceffary  to 
 fupply  a  chafm  of  almoft  feventy  years  in  our  hiftory,  including 
 particularly  the  lives  of  Edward  IV.  and  Edward  V.  which 
 period  is  hardly  to  be  found  in  Latin  in  any  other  author. 
 
 Edward  Hall,  who  was  fome  time  recorder  of  London,  where 
 he  died  in  the  year  1547,  wrote  a  large  account  of  the  wars 
 between  the  houfes  of  York  and  Lancafter,  which  he  dedicates 
 to  Henry  VIII.  If  the  reader  defires  to  know  what  fort  of 
 cloaths  were  worn  in  each  king's  reign,  and  how  the  fafhions 
 
 altered. 
 
574-  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 altered,  this  is   the   author  for  his  purpofe.    In   other  refpedls 
 his  information  is  not  very  valuable. 
 
 The  Chronicle  w^ritten  by  JVilliam  Harrifon  and  Ralph 
 Hollingjhead^  two  obfcure  clergymen,  vvas  vi^ell  received,  and 
 is  ftill  greatly  efteemed.  Hollingfiiead  frequently  ou^ns  thp 
 great  affiftance  he  had  from  Francis  Thynne,  fome  time  Lan- 
 cafter  herald,  and  an  eminent  antiquary  in  the  reign  of  queen 
 Elizabeth.  The  fecond  edition  of  this  hiftory  was  continued 
 to  the  year  1586  by  John  Hooper,  alias  Vov^el. 
 
 The  firft  author  we  meet  with  in  the  feventeenth  century 
 is  John  Stow.  He  was  a  member  of  the  merchant  taylprs' 
 company  in  London.  He  travelled  through  a  good  part  of 
 England  in  fearch  after  manufcript  hiftorians,  in  the  libra- 
 ries of  our  cathedral  churches,  and  was  very  exadt  and  critical 
 in  his  colledions.  Having  fpent  above  forty  years  in  thefe 
 iludies,  he  was  put  upon  the  correction  and  publifhing  of 
 Reyne  Wolf  s  Chronicle  by  Archbifhop  Whitgift,  and  he  had 
 fairly  tranfcribed  his  work,  and  made  it  ready  for  the  prefs^ 
 when  he  died,  in  the  year  1605.  Upon  his  death  the  rev ifmg 
 and  continuation  of  his  work  was  committed  to  Edward  Hows? 
 who  fays  he  bellowed  thirty  years  in  bringing  it  into  that  good 
 prder  and  method  in  which  we  now  fee  it. 
 
 The  chronicle  of  John  Speed  is  the  largeft  and  beft,  fays 
 Mr.  Nicholfon,  that  is  extant.  It  begins  with  the  firft  in- 
 habitants of  the  ifland,  and  ends  with  the  union  of  the  tyvQ 
 kingdoms  under  king  James,  to  whom  it  is  dedicated. 
 
 The  chroniclp  o{  Richard  Baker^  who  died  in  the  Fleet  in 
 the  year  3644,  met  with  very  great  fuccefs.  The  author  himfelf 
 wrote  the  hiftory  of  our  kings  from  the  Romans  down  to  the  end 
 of  the  reign  of  James  I.  and  it  was  continued  to  the  reftoration 
 by  Edward  Philip,  who  having  the  perufal  of  fome  of  the  duke 
 of  Albemarle's  papers  might  have  fet  that  great  revolution  in 
 its  true  light,  had  not  ambition  and  flattery  carried  him  beyond 
 the  truth,  and  his  copy. 
 
 In  latter  times  we  have  had  no  want  of  hiftorians,  at  leaft 
 of  compilers  of  hiftory.  The  misfortune  is  that  too  many  of 
 them  have   been   mifled   by  fome  favourite   hypothefis,  which 
 
 they 
 
Lect.  XXVIL        HISTORY.  175 
 
 they  feem  to  have  written  to  fupport.  To  pafs  by,  therefore, 
 fuch  writers  as  Sir  Winfton  Churchill,  Sandford,  Brady,  Tyr- 
 rel,  Echard,  Carte,  and  Guthrie,  which  are  either  faid  to  fall 
 under  the  former  cenfure,  or  are  too  voluminous,  or  ill  digefted, 
 to  be  read  with  much  pleafure  or  improvement,  I  fliall  give  a 
 (hort  view  of  the  more  confiderable  that  remain. 
 
 Clarendon,  who  accompanied  Charles  II.  in  his  exile,  who 
 was  afterwards  his  chancellor,  and  laft  of  all  difcarded  by  him, 
 wrote  a  full  and  pretty  faithful  hiftory  of  the  civil  wars  in  the 
 reign  of  Charles  I.  But  as  he  is  thought  to  adhere  too  much 
 to  the  royal  party,  it  will  be  neceflary  for  the  reader  to  com- 
 pare his  account  of  things  with  thofe  of  Whitlocke  and  Lud- 
 low, who  were  of  the  oppofite  party  ;  of  whom  the  one  was  a 
 zealous  Prefbyterian  and  the  other  an  Independent;  and  who, 
 on  account  of  the  rank  and  employments  they  bore  under  the 
 commonwealth,  had  no  lefs  advantage  than  Clarendon  of  being 
 well  informed  of  what  they  wrote.  Clarendon  is  the  firft 
 Englifhman  who  feems  to  have  attempted  to  write  hiftory  with 
 any  degree  of  dignity  ;  and  confidering  how  bad  a  tafte  for 
 compofition  prevailed  at  this  time,  his  fuccefs  was  confiderable. 
 But  the  length  of  his  periods,  and  his  long  and  frequent  pa- 
 renthefes  are  very  tirefome. 
 
 Few  writers  have  ever  had  a  better  opportunity  of  procuring 
 information  than  Bifhop  Burnet,  and  the  hiftory  he  has  left  us 
 of  his  own  times  is  certainly  a  valuable  work.  But  being  a 
 zealous  advocate  for  the  houfes  of  Orange  and  Hanover,  he  is 
 charged  with  great  partiality,  and  perhaps  not  wholly  without 
 reafon,  by  the  party  whofe  principles  he  oppofed. 
 
 Of  all  the  general  hiftories  of  our  nation  till  the  revolution 
 none  are  fo  full,  and  fo  impartial,  as  that  written  by  Rapln^  a 
 Frenchman,  who  came  over  with  king  William  from  Holland, 
 and  after  having  ferved  under  him  in  Ireland,  and  travelled  as 
 tutor  to  fon^eof  our  Englifh  nobility,  retired  again  to  Holland, 
 where  he  fpent  twenty  years  in  the  compofition  of  this  excellent 
 hiftory.  If  this  writer  be  thought  tedious  in  fome  parts  of  his 
 work,  it  is  owing  to  his  extreme  care  to  omit  no  circumftance 
 of  any  important  tranfadtion,  and  to  his  fidelity  in  keeping 
 f  lofe  to  his  authorities.     The  notes  of  Tindal,  who  tranfiatcd 
 
 this 
 
176  LECTURESON  Part  IV. 
 
 this  work,  are  an  ufeful  fupplement  to  it,  and  a  correftion  of  it 
 in  feveral  places.  The  fame  author  has  written  a  continuation 
 of  Rapin  to  the  reign  of  George  II, 
 
 A   more  entertaining  hiftoryofthe  fame  period,  and   much 
 fuperior  in  point  of  compofition,  is  that  of  Mr.  Hume.     For  a 
 judicious  choice  of  materials,  and  a  happy  difpofition  of  them, 
 together  with  perfpicuity  of  ftyle   in  recording  them,  this  writer 
 was  hardly  ever  exceeded ;  efpecially  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
 work,  which  is  by  far  the  mofl  elaborate.     The  earlier  part 
 of  his  hiftory  is  too  fuperficial.     He  has   endeavoured  to  trace 
 the  progrefs    of  our     conftitution,    and    has    defcended   more 
 into   the   internal   ftate  pf    the  nation,  in  exhibiting  a    view 
 of  the  manners  and  fentiments  of  each  age,  the  ftate  of  property 
 and   perfonal    fecurity,    with   the   improvements  in   the  con- 
 veniencies  of  life,  than  moft  other  writers  -,  but  he  has  reprefented 
 the  ancient  government   as  much  more  arbitrary   than  it  really 
 was,  as  will  appear  by  the  much  more;  accurate  accounts  of 
 Dr.    Sullivan,  and  efpecially  Mr.  Millar,  whofe  work  on  the 
 Englifti  conftitution  I  cannot  too  ftrongly  recommend.     Some 
 great  faults  in  Mr.   Hume's  hiftory  were  well  pointed  out  by 
 Dr.    Towers.     Mr.  Hume  is  alfo  thought  by  many    to  have 
 given  too  favourable  an  idea  of  the  characters  of  our  princes  of 
 the  Stewart  family,  by  omitting  to  mention  thofe  particulars 
 in  their  condu6i:  which  have  been  much  objected  to  ;  and  it  was 
 probably  with  a  view  to  exculpate  them,  that  he  has  taken  fo 
 much  pains  to  give  the  colour  that  he  has  done  to  the  preceding 
 periods  of  our  hiftory.     A  good  antidote  to  what  is  unfavour- 
 able to  liberty  in  Mr.  Hume  will  be  found  in  the  very  mafterly 
 hiftory  of  Mrs.  Macaulay.     Though  the  ftyle  of  Mr.  Hume  i«-j 
 upon  the  whole,  excellent,  yet  he  has  departed  more  than  any 
 other  writer  of  the  prefent  age    from  the  true   Englilh  idiom, 
 and  leaned  more  to  that  of  the  French  f. 
 
 -f  This  I  pointed   out   In  the  Notes  and  ebferiatlons^  fubjolned   to  my  Englijb 
 Grammar.     To  a   common  friend  he  acknowledged  the  jufinefs  of  my  reirarks, 
 and  promifed  to  corre£l  his    ftyle  in  future  editions  of  his  work;   and  I  believe  he 
 has  in  a  great  meafure  done  it. 
 2 
 
 Dr. 
 
Lect.  XXVII.        history.  177 
 
 Dr.  Robertfon's  hiftory  of  Scotland  throws  great  light  upon 
 the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,  and  in  point  of  compofition  is 
 not  inferior  to  Hume. 
 
 A  valuable  treafure  of  materials  for  the  conftitutional  hiftory 
 of  England  is  contained  in  xhQ  parliamentary  hijiory  lately  pub- 
 liihed,  and  in  th^  journals  and  debates  in  the  houfc  of  Commons 
 by  various  hands,  among  which  thofe  taken  by  Mr.  Grey  are 
 the  moft:  valuable  ;  relating  to  the  times  before  and  after  the 
 important  period  of  the  revolution. 
 
 It  is  in  fuch  large  works  as  thefe,  and  the  letters  and 
 journals  of  eminent  men,  who  had  a  confiderable  fhare  in  the 
 tranfaftions  of  their  times,  as  thofe  of  Melville,  Henry  Lord 
 Clarendon,  and  others,  that  we  are  tranfported  as  it  were  into 
 thofe  paft  times.  Thefe  give  us  an  infight  into  the  manners 
 and  turn  of  thinking,  which  prevailed  in  them,  and  bring  us 
 intimately  acquainted  with  the  perfons  who  made  the  greateft 
 figure  in  them.  Hereby  we  are  enabled  to  enter  into  their 
 fentiments  and  views,  and  have  a  clear  idea  of  their  peculiar 
 character,  temper  and  manner.  In  fuch  works  as  thefe  the 
 men  themfelves  are  feen  acting  and  fpeaking ;  whereas  in  general 
 hiftory,  we  are,  at  beft,  only  told  how  they  fpoke  and  a6i:ed, 
 which  is  a  thing  very  different  from  the  former.  Of  fuch 
 books  as  thefe  there  has  been  no  want  fince  the  introdu6lion 
 of  priming  into  England,  particularly  from  the  reign  of  Henry 
 VIII.  fo  that  a  very  fatisfaftory  idea  of  our  hiftory  from  that 
 time  maybe  had  by  any  perfon  who  will  take  the  requifite  pains 
 for  it. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
178  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 LECTURE       XXVIH. 
 
 HiftorUi  of  particular  Lives  and  Reigns,  Of  JVilliam  the  Con- 
 quer or  by  William  of  Poi6iiers,  Of  Edward  11.  by  Thomas  de 
 la  More,  Of  Henry  V.  by  Titus  Livius.  Of  Edward  IV. 
 by  Haddington,  Of  Edward  V.  by  Sir  Thomas  Moore,  Of 
 Henry  VIL  by  Sir  Francis  Bacon.  Of  Henry  VII L  by  Lord 
 Herbert  of  Cherbury,  Edward  Vlth's  own  Diary.  Of 
 Elizabeth  by  Camden.     Lives  written  by  Harris  and  others, 
 
 TO  the  former  writers  o^  general hijlory^  or  of  the  hiftory  of 
 their  own  times,  we  (hall  find  oar  account  in  adding  thofe 
 who  have  confined  themfelves  to  the  hiftory  of  particular  mo- 
 narchs ;  fince  from  thefe,  if  not  manifeftly  under  fome  preju- 
 dices, we  may  expetSl  the  fulleft  and  moft  fatisfaclory  accounts. 
 I  (hall  therefore  fubjoin  a  brief  account  of  the  moft:  valuable 
 writers  of  this  clafs, 
 
 The  life  of  William  the  Conqueror  was  written  by  William 
 of  Poitiers,  Though  he  was  a  foreigner,  and  under  fome 
 obligations  to  the  king,  he  has  acquitted  himfelf  with  great 
 impartiality.  There  is  alfo  a  ftiort  anonymous  hiftory  of  his 
 reign  publiftied  by  Silas  Taylor  at  the  end  of  his  treatife  of 
 Gavelkind,  This  writer  lived  in  the  reign  of  Henry  I.  fo  that 
 he  might  be  fufticiently  informed  of  the  truth  of  all  that  he 
 relates.  But  Sir  William  Temple  has  given  us  the  moft  excel- 
 lent and  judicious  account  of  this  king's  reign  and  policy. 
 
 King  Stephen's  memoirs  were  collected  by  Richard  Prior 
 of  Hexham^  and  are    printed  among  the  decern  fcriptores. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  Henry  IL  has  of  late  been  very  elaborately 
 written  by  Icrd  Littleton. 
 
 The  expedition  of  Richard  I.  into  the  Holy  Land  was  cele- 
 brated by  Jofeph  Ifcanus^  in  a  poem  intitled  Antiocheis.  It  is 
 sn  heroic  verfe,  and  in  a  ftyle  much  fuperior  to  what  might  be 
 cxpeiied  from  his  age.  This  author  was  one  who  accompanied 
 his  hero  into  ihe  Holy  Land, 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  XXVIII.        HISTORY.  179 
 
 The  life  of  Edward  II.  was  accurately  written  by  Sir  Thomas 
 de  la  More,  who  was  knighted  by  Edward  I.  was  counfellor 
 of  Edward  II.  and  lived  to  the  beginning  of  the  more  profperous 
 reign  of  Edward  III.  It  was  firft  tranflated  from  French  into 
 Latin  by  Walter  Baker,  a  canon  of  Ofney,  near  Oxford,  and 
 has  frequently  been  publifhed  in  Englifn.  Sir  Henry  Gary 
 has  alfo  written  the  hiftory  of  this  unfortunate  prince,  with 
 political  obfervations  on  him,  and  his  unhappy  favourites 
 Gavefton  and  Spencer. 
 
 The  life  of  Henry  V.  was  written  at  large  by  one  who 
 called  himfelf  Titus  Livius,  and  under  that  name  dedicated  it  to 
 king  Henry  VI.  We  have  two  good  copies  of  this  work,  one  in 
 Sir  John  Cotton's  library,  the  other  in  that  of  Bennet  College, 
 The  life  of  Edward  IV.  has  been  written  by  Mr,  Haddington^ 
 as  well  as  could  be  expected  from  one  who  lived  at  fo  great  a 
 diftance  from  him. 
 
 The  fhort  and  lamentable  hiftory  of  Edward  V.  was  largely 
 and  elegantly  defcribed  by  the  famous  Sir  Thomas  More^  lord 
 chancellor  of  England,  who  alfo  began,  but  did  not  iinifh, 
 the  hiftory  of  Richard  III. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  Henry  VIL  has  been  written  in  an  excellent 
 manner  by  Sir  Francis  Bacon.  He  has  entered  as  it  were  into 
 all  his  councils,  has  largely  defcribed  every  thing  of  importance, 
 and  dwelt  upon  nothing  trivial. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  Henry  VIII.  has  been  written  by  Edward 
 Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  with  almoft  as  much  reputation 
 as  lord  chancellor  Bacon  gained  by  that  of  Henry  VIL  This 
 author,  however,  has  dwelt  chiefly  on  affairs  of  war  and 
 policy,  and  has  not  entered  far  into  the  ecclefiaftical  hiftoty 
 of  that  reign,  which  is  neverthelefs  the  moft  important  and 
 interefting. 
 
 The  moft  confiderable  tranfa(£lions  of  the  reign  of  Edward 
 VI.  are  well  regiftered  by  the  young  king  himfelf,  in  the  diary 
 written  by  his  ov/n  hand,  which  is  ftill  preferved  in  the  Cotton 
 library,  from  which  Bilhop  Burnet  tranfcribed  and  publilhed  it. 
 The  long  and  profperous  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth  was  writ- 
 ten by  Mr.  Camden,  by  the  fpecial  direction  and  command  of 
 
 lord 
 
i8o  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 lord  Cecil,  tt  has  gone  through  feveral  editions,  and  in  feveral 
 languages,  though  it  is  pity,  Nicholfon  fays,  it  fhould  be  read 
 in  any  Qther  than  it's  author's  polite  original  Latin.  The  fame 
 reign  has  likewifc  been  written  lately  by  Mr.  Birch. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  the  laft  century  has  been  very  much  illuftrated 
 by  feveral  fingle  lives  lately  publiftied,  particularly  thofe  of 
 James  L  Charles  L  and  Oliver  Cromwell,  by  Mr.  Harris,  in 
 the  way  of  text  and  notes^  after  the  manner  of  Bayle  *. 
 
 *  As  hiftorles  of  particular  reigns  and  lives  are  continually  multiplying,  I   leave 
 this  le£tore  a  fliort  one,  to  give  room  for  an  account  of  them. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.XXIX.        history,  ^8i 
 
 LECTURE      XXIX. 
 
 Light  thrown  upon  the  Civil  Hijiory  of  England  by  the  ecdeftajii' 
 cal  Writers.  Odericus  Vitalise  ^c.  Burnet* s  HiJlory  of  the  Re- 
 formation, Cranmer^s  Memorials  puhlijhed  by  Strype.  An  Ac^ 
 quaintance  with  the  old  Englijh  Law -books  ufeful  to  an  Englijh 
 Hijlorian,  Coujlumier  de  Normandy.  Glanville^  Bra^on,  Fleta^ 
 Hengham^s,  Horn's  Mirroir  de  fujiice^  Breton,  Nova  Narra- 
 iiones.  Fort ef cue  de  Laudibus  legum  Anglia^  Statham's  Abridg- 
 ment of  Reports^  Littleton  and  Coke,  Do6ior  and  Student^ 
 Fitzherbert  de  Natura  Brevium,  Tear  Booh,  Reports,  &c, 
 Blackjione* s  Commentaries* 
 
 IN  order  to  obtain  a  complete  knowledge  of  the  political 
 affairs  of  this  nation,  it  will  be  neceflary  to  attend  to  the 
 Ecelefiafiical  Hijiory  of  it  j  particularly  as  before  and  during 
 the  reformation,  the  affairs  of  the  church  and  flate  were  fo  in- 
 timately united,  that  no  writer  can  give  a  complete  idea  of 
 either  of  them  feparately.  Even  thofe  writers  who  confined 
 themfelves  the  moll  to  ecelefiafiical  matters  never  fail  to  intro- 
 duce a  good  deal  of  political  hiflory.  Thus  Odericus  V^italis, 
 who  wrote  thirteen  books  of  church  hiflory,  in  his  firfl  and 
 fecond  books  treats  pretty  largely  of  the  military  adions  of  the 
 Normans,  in  France,  England,  and  Apulia,  to  the  year  1141. 
 about  which  time  he  lived. 
 
 Of  ecclefiaftical  hiftorians  there  has  been  no  failure  fince  the 
 firfl  introdudion  of  chriflianity  into  this  ifland,  quite  down  to 
 the  reformation.  Of  thefe  fome  have  written  general  ecclefiaf- 
 tical hilfory,  others  the  particular  hjfiories  of  certain  bifhoprics 
 and  bifhops,  of  particular  orders  of  monks  and  faints  j  but  for 
 thefe  I  refer  you  to  Nicholfon,  who  has  treated  very  largely 
 of  all  the  moft  confidcrable  of  them  5  it  not  being  my  bufi- 
 nefs  to  take  notice  of  church  hiflory,  any  farther  than  it  is  ne- 
 ceffarily  connected  with  civil.     In  this  view,  however,  I  mufl 
 
 not 
 
i82  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 not  fail  to  mention  Burnet's  Hljlory  of  the  Reformation  For 
 never  were  the  affairs  of  church  and  ftate  To  intimately  con- 
 nected as  during  that  period.  This  hiftorian  gives  us  a  parti- 
 cular account  of  all  the  affairs  of  the  reformation,  from  its 
 firft  beginning  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII  till  it  was  finally 
 fettled  and  completed  by  Q^ieen  I'^Jizabeth  in  the  year  1559^ 
 The  collection  of  records  which  he  gives  in  the  conclufion  of 
 e^ch  volume  fup plies  good  vouchers  of  the  truth  of  all  he  ad- 
 vances in  the  body  of  his  hiftory,  and  are  much  more  perfect 
 than  could  reafonably  be  expected,  after  the  pains  taken  in 
 Queen  Mary's  time  to  fupprefs  every  thing  that  carried  the  marks 
 ©f  the  reformation  upon  it. 
 
 The  Memorials  of  Archbijhop  Cranmer  have  been  publifhed 
 by  Mr.  Strype,  who  has  adhered  to  Burnet's  method,  giving  his 
 own  hiltorical  account  in  three  books  ;  the  firfl  of  which  ends 
 at  the  death  of  Henry  VIII.  the  fecond  at  the  death  of  Edv/ard 
 VI.  and  the  third  at  that  of  Cranmer  himfelf.  In  the  conclufion 
 there  is  a  good  collection  of  records^  among  which  are  feve- 
 ral  authentic  letters,  and  other  papers  of  value  then  firft  made 
 public. 
 
 Of  all  the  books  not  dire<Slly  hldorical,  none  are  of  fuch  im- 
 mediate u(e,  for  the  moft  valuable  purpofes  of  hiftory,  as  Lav/ 
 Books.  In  thefe  we  may  trace  both  the  greater  and  more  minute 
 chancres  in  the  internal  conftitution  of  the  nation,  with  innu- 
 merable  other  important  articles  of  which  general  hiftorians 
 take  but  little  notice.  I  fhall  therefore  give  a  brief  account  of 
 ail  our  mofr  ancient  law  books,  nearly  in  the  order  in  which 
 they  were  ^ritten. 
 
 The  hi  It  book  of  laws  which  draws  our  attention  is  that 
 which  is  entitled  Coujium'ier  de  Normandy^  and  would  do  much 
 more  fo,  if  it  were,  as  fome  have  imagined,  an  ancient  formulary 
 drawn  up  by  the  firft  princes  of  that  country,  and  brought  in 
 hither  by  the  conqueror.  But  though  it  contains  many  particu- 
 lars which  prove  it  not  to  be  of  fo  great  antiquity,  it  would  ftill 
 be  of  confiderable  value,  if  it  were  compiled,  as  the  author  him- 
 felf hints,  forty  years  after  the  acceffion  of  King  Richard. 
 There  are   in  it   many  of  the  laws  of  Edward  the  Confeffor, 
 
 and 
 
Lect.  XXIX.         HISTORY.  183 
 
 and  other  Saxon  kings,  but  mixed  with  Norman  cufloms 
 that  are  no  way  related  to  them.  Though  a  great  part  of 
 this  compilation  is  very  ancient,  fciveral  paragraphs  are  tranf- 
 hted  Tilmoix  verbatim  out  of  Glanviile  ;  yet  fome  of  his  courts 
 of  juftice,  original  writs,  &c.  are  not  fo  much  as  named  in  it. 
 
 The  next  author  is  Ra'mulphde  Glanville^  who  was  chief  juftice 
 In  the  reign  of  Henry  U.  The  book,  that  now  bears  his  name 
 (though  there  have  been  fome  difputes  about  the  author  of  it) 
 was  firft  publifhed  by  the  perfuafion  and  procurement  of  Sir 
 William  Stamford,  and  has  fmce  had  feveral  editions.  Its  tiile 
 is  Tra6latus  de  legihus  et  Confuetudinilus  Regni  Angli^f,  iffc.  It  is 
 divided  into  fourteen  books,  each  of  which  relates  to  a  diftini'l 
 divifiun  of  the  law,  as  it  ftood  In  his  time  ;  and  in  all  thefe  he 
 gives  the  forms  of  fuch  writs  as  were  then,  and  are  moftly  ftiii 
 in  ufe,  upon  all  the  feveral  occafions  that  are  treated  of. 
 
 John  Bra6ton,  the  author  of  a  treatife  which  goes  by  his 
 name,  was  judge  itinerant  in  the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of 
 Henry  III.  and  the  beginning  of  Edward  I,  This  truly  vene- 
 rable code  of  our  ancient  common  law  confifts  of  five  books, 
 which  begin  with  the  feveral  legal  ways  of  procuring  property, 
 and  proceed  to  thofe  of  the  juft  maintaining  or  recovering  it. 
 This  method  is  very  conformable  to  that  of  the  emperor  Juftinian, 
 vvhofe  laws  are  alfo  fometimes  quoted  as  familiarly  as  if  they 
 were  part  of  the  known  common  lav.'  of  this  kingdom.  On 
 every  head  this  author  interfperfes  a  regifter  of  proper  writs,  and 
 reports  of  adjudged  cafes  in  both  benches,  as  alfo  of  fuch  as  had 
 been  tried  before  the  judges  in  Eyre,  afTize,  Sec, 
 
 The  author  of  that  methodical  and  learned  treatife  which 
 bears  the  name  of  Fleta^  wrote  in  the  reign  of  one  of  the  Ed- 
 wards, moft  probably  the  feccnd  or  third.  In  his  firfl  book 
 he  infifts  chiefly  upon  the  pleas  of  the  crown,  in  the  fecond  he 
 gives  a  moft  full  and  curious  account  of  all  the  affairs  of  the  kind's 
 houfhold,  with  many  oiher  particulars  that  greatly  lUultrate  the 
 hiftory  of  thofe  times  ;  and  in  the  four  follow, ng  he  (hews  the 
 pradice  of  our  courts  of  judicature,  the  forms  of  writs,  expli- 
 cation of  law  terms,  &c.  He  fometimes  tranfcribes  the  very 
 words  of  Bradlon,  and  fometimes  has  the  fame  things  that  we 
 find  in  one  of  Bradon's  epitomizers,  Gilbert  de  Thornton. 
 
 The 
 
iS4  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 The  lad  mentioned  writer  modelled  his  abftracSl  of  the  com- 
 mon law  as  he  thought  would  be  moft  ufeful  in  explaining  acSls 
 of  parliament.  He  frequently  quits  Bra6ton's  method,  and 
 makes  ufe  of  one  which  looks  more  con fu fed. 
 
 Sir  Ralph  de  Hengham  was  chief  juflice  of  the  king's  bench 
 and  of  the  common  pleas  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  His 
 Simmas  have  always  paft  under  the  titles  of  Hengham  Magna^ 
 and  parva^  and  have  both  the  fame  common  fubje<5):,  treating  of 
 the  anciirnt  and  now  obfolete  forms  of  pleading  in  ejfoins  and 
 defaults.  7'hey  were  long  fince  tranflated  into  Englifti  j  but 
 that  being  done  in  the  language  of  Edward  II/s  or  lil.'s  time, 
 it  was  thought  moft  ad vi (cable  to  print  them  in  their  original 
 Latin.  This  was  done  by  Mr.  Selden,  who  publifhed  them 
 with  Fortefcue,  adding  a  few  notes  of  his  own  in  Englifh. 
 
 Behdes  thefe,  there  were  many  more  treatifes  on  matters 
 of  law,  written  in  the  time  of  Edward  I.  wherein  the  prac- 
 tice of  the  bar  began  firfi:  to  flourifti ;  but  not  being  much  con- 
 ducive to  the  purpofe  of  hiflory,  the  mention  of  them  is  omitted 
 in  this  place. 
 
 Andrew  Horn,  the  author  of  the  Mirroir  de  fujlice-y  lived  in 
 the  reign  of  Edward  II.  His  defign  was  to  give  the  judges  of 
 his  time  a  view  of  what  they  Ihould  have  been,  and  what  they 
 were.  He  frequently  quotes  the  rolls  of  the  Saxon  times,  and 
 even  their  very  year  books^  which  are  now  vanifhed  j  which  fl:iews 
 that  we  have  loft  many  of  our  beft  helps  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
 hiftory  of  thofe  ages.  He  pretends  to  have  perufed  all  the  laws 
 of  this  iflar.d  ever  fmcethe  reign  of  King  Arthur.  The  Englifti 
 edition  difi'ers  very  much  from  the  French,  and  yet  the  tranf- 
 lator  pretends  that  he  kept  clofe  to  the  words  and  meaning  of 
 his  author. 
 
 That  excellent  French  manual  of  our  laws  which  bears  the 
 name  of  Briton^  Mr.  Nicholfon  thinks  was  written  by  that 
 John  Breton,  whom,  we  find  one  of  the  king's  juftices  together 
 with  Ralph  and  Roger  de  Hengham,  in  the  firft  year  of  Edward 
 II.  "VVingate's  edition  is  juftly  commended  for  the  care  and 
 judgment  of  the  publlilier;  fuch  various  readings  being  added 
 in  the  appendix  as  ferve  very  much  to  fupply  the  defeats  of  the 
 
 former 
 
Lect.  XXIX.  HISTORY.  18^ 
 
 former  impreflion.  The  language  is  the  true  old  French  of  the 
 thirteenth  century,  as  appears  from  the  authentic  inftruments 
 of  thofe  davs,  and  differs  confiderably  from  that  of  Littleton  in 
 the  fifteenth.  The  whole  book  runs  in  the  name  and  ftile  of 
 the  king  himfelf,  as  a  fummary  of  all  the  laws  then  in  force 
 within  the  kingdom  of  England  and  dominion  of  Ireland. 
 
 It  is  generally  agreed  that  the  art  of  pleading  was  brought  to 
 its  perfection  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  when  the  little  manual 
 of  entries  which  bears  the  name  of  Nova  Narrationes  was 
 firft  colleded  and  publifhed.  It  gives  us  fuch  forms  of  courts, 
 declarations,  dcfenfors,  pleas,  &c.  as  were  then  in  ufe.  To 
 which  are  added  the  articuli  ad  novas  narrationes^  being  a  com* 
 mentary  or  fome  fhort  rules  upon  them.  But  all  thefe  are  few 
 and  defective  in  comparifon  with  what  we  have  in  thofe  books 
 of  entries  which  are  the  work  of  later  times,  the  chief  whereof 
 are  thofe  by  William  Rajlal^  Sir  Edward  Coke^  and  Sir  Humphry 
 WincL 
 
 Sir  John  Fortefcue  was  chief  juftice  of  the  king's  bench 
 during  half  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  In  his  book,  which  is  en- 
 titled De  Laudibus  Legum  Jnglia^  and  which  is  written  by 
 way  of  dialogue  between  the  prince  and  himfelf,  he  proves  that 
 all  kings  are  under  obligation  to  be  converfant  in  the  laws  of 
 their  own  realms  ;  that  our  laws  are  not  alterable  at  the  fole 
 will  of  our  monarchs  ;  that  our  conftitution,  or  common  law, 
 is  the  moft  reafonable,  as  well  as  the  moft  ancient  in  Europe,  and 
 more  equitable  in  many  things,  in  which  he  inftances,  than  even 
 the  civil  law,  or  the  laws  of  neighbouring  nations,  and  that  our 
 kings  are  greater  and  more  potent  in  the  liberties  and  properties 
 of  their  own  people,  than  arbitrary  tyrants  in  the  vafTalage 
 of  their  flaves.  This  book  was  firft  tranflated  and  publifhed, 
 together  with  its  Englifh  verfion,  by  R.  Mulcafter,  and  was 
 afterwards  revifed  and  improved  with  a  few  curfory  notes,  by 
 Mr.  Selden. 
 
 Nicholas  Statham,  one  of  the  barons  of  the  exchequer  in  the 
 time  of  Edward  IV.  was  the  firft  who  reduced  the  larger  ar- 
 guments and  tedious  reports  of  the  year  books  into  a  fhort 
 fyftem  under  proper  heads  and  common  places,  which  he  did  as 
 
 P  low 
 
i86  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 low  as  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.     His  example  has  been  followed 
 by  many  oiher  perfons. 
 
 Sir  Thomas  Littleton  was  one  of  the  juftices  of  common 
 pleas  in  the  reign  of  Edward  IV.  His  Book  of  Tenures  is  ftudied 
 by  every  body  who  pretends  to  any  acquaintance  with  the  mu- 
 nicipal law  of  this  kingdom,  and  has  been  more  frequently 
 printed  than  any  other  law  book  whatever ;  though  many 
 particulars  of  his  common  law  are  altered  by  a6ls  of  parlia- 
 ment, and  others  are  difufed  and  grown  obfolete.  Sir  Edward 
 Coke  fays  that  this  is  the  moft  perfed:  and  abfolute  work  that  ever 
 was  written  in  any  human  fcience.  The  firft  volume  of  Coke* s 
 Injiitutes  is  only  a  tranflation  and  comment  upon  this  book. 
 Sir  Edward's  Complete  Copyholder^  may  alfo  be  read  as  a  fecond 
 commentary  on  Littleton's  tenures;  and  together  with  thefe,  it 
 will  be.  highly  convenient  to  peiufe  Sir  Henry  Spelman's  trea- 
 tife  on  the  original  growth,  propagation,  and  condition  of  lands 
 and  tenures  by  knight's  fervice  in  England. 
 
 The  dialogue  in  two  parts,  which  goes  by  the  name  of  the 
 Vo£ior  and  Student^  was  written  by  one  Chriftopher  St.  Ger- 
 main, barrifter  of  the  Inner  Temple,  who  died  in  the  year  1540. 
 The  defign  of  the  book  was  to  enquire  into  the  grounds  and 
 reafons  of  the  common  law  of  England,  and  to  fhew  how  con- 
 fiftent  every  one  of  its  precepts  is  with  right  reafon  and  a  good 
 con  fcience. 
 
 Sir  Anthony  Fitzherbert  was  one  of  the  juftices  of  the  com- 
 mon pleas  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIIL  and  was  author  of  the 
 Neiv  Natura  hravium^  which  was  carefully  reviewed  by  William. 
 Raftal,  who  added  a  table  and  fome  other  proper  ornaments  to 
 what  its  excellent  author  feems  to  have  left  unfiniihed. 
 
 There  were  ten  volumes  of  the  Tear  Books  printed  by  fub- 
 fcription  in  the  year  1679.  Thefe  began  with  the  reign 
 of  Edward  III.  and  ended  with  the  reign  of  Henry  Vlll. 
 To  thefe  were  afterwards  added  the  cafes  adjudged  in  the  time 
 of  Edward  II.  colieded  by  Serjeant  Mainard,  out  of  feveral 
 ancient  manufcripts. 
 
 Anciently  judgments  at  the  common  law  were  recorded  with 
 
 the  reafons  and  caufes  of  fach  judgments,  and  the  cuflom  was 
 
 I  continued 
 
Lect.XXIX.        history.  187 
 
 continued  during  the  whole  reign  of  Edward  I.  and  a  great 
 part  of  that  of  Edward  II.  But  this  cuftom  ceafed  in  Edward 
 III.'s  time,  when  caufes  were  numerous,  and  the  practice  of  the 
 law  was  brought  to  its  full  perfe£lion.  Hence  arofe  the  trouble 
 of  thofe  reporters  of  cafes^  who  from  the  beginning  of  that  reign 
 have  fupplicd  the  defeds  of  the  records,  and  not  only  afford 
 us,  as  thefe  do,  the  final  determination  of  the  judges  in  each 
 cafe,  but  alfo  the  intermediate  reafonings  and  debates  on  which 
 fuch  judgment  was  founded.  The  authors  of  thefe  reports  are 
 very  numerous,  and  are  daily  increafmg. 
 
 The  preceding  writers  are  necefl^iry  to  be  ftuiiied  by  a  perfon 
 who  would  enter  minutely  into  the  ftate  of  the  kingdom  with 
 refpcdl  to  thofe  things  to  which  they  relate;  but  a  perfon  may 
 underftand  our  general  hiftorians  very  well  if  he  be  mafter  of 
 Blackjione' s  Commentaries^  for  the  prefent  ftate  of  the  law,  Sulli- 
 van's Le<Stures,  and  Dalrymple  on  feudal  property,  together  with 
 fome  of  Lord  Kaim's  law  tra6ls,  for  the  ancient  ftate  of  it,  and 
 the  capital  changes  it  has  undergone  to  the  prefent  time.  Jacob's 
 Law  Didionary  is  lilcewife  a  very  ufeful  book  to  beconfulted  oc- 
 cafionally,  in  reading  a  courfe  of  Englifti  hiftory  ;  as  alfo  Brady's 
 GlofTary,  fubjoined  to  his  Introduction  to  the  old  Engiifh  Hif- 
 tory. But  without  fome  knowledge  of  the  Englifh  law,  it  can 
 be  but  a  very  lame  and  imperfc(Sl  idea  that  an)  peifon  can  get  of 
 the  Englifh  hiftory. 
 
 E  C  T  U  R  £ 
 
i88  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 LECTURE      XXX. 
 
 Of  the  EngUJh  Records,  Royal  Proclamations.  Difpatches  and 
 Injlrudions  for  Foreign  Miniflers.  Leagues^  Treaties^  Memo- 
 rials^ iffc.  where  to  be  found.  Records  of  the  Old  Court  of  Chi- 
 valry. Jgard's  Colle^ions.  Cotton  s  Library.  Records  of 
 Foreign  States.  Rymers  Feeder  a.  The  Green  Cloth.  A£ls  of 
 Parliament.  Rajla.^s  CoUeSiion.  Prynne's  Abridgment^  and 
 others,  fournals  of  both  Houfes.  Summons  of  the  Nobility  in 
 Dugdale.  Records  in  the  Courts  of  Wejhninfler.  Difpofition 
 of  the  Records  in  the  Tower. 
 
 FROM  books  and  writings  which  have  been  publlfhed,  I 
 proceed  to  give  fonie  account  of  the  various  kinds  of  records 
 which  our  country  affords,  and  which  a  diligent  hiftorian  may 
 greatly  avail  hinifelf  of..  Of  thefe  records,  fome  or  other 
 are  daily  publifhed,  but  many  are  of  fuch  a  nature  that  we 
 can  never  expert  there  will  be  any  other  than  fmgle  copies  of 
 them  extant ;  or  at  moft  but  a  few  copies  of  each.  Thefe 
 therefore  cannot  be  confulted  without  having  recourfe  to  the 
 places  where  they  are  preferved,  of  which  I  (hall  give  the  beft 
 information  I  can   colled:  from  Nicholfon  and  other  writers. 
 
 To  preferve  as  much  diftindlnefs  as  poffible  in  this  account,' 
 1  (hall  firlt  give  an  account  of  thofc  records  which  are  preferved 
 within  the  verge  of  the  king's  Court  and  Palace  Royal  ;  fe- 
 condly,  of  thofe  which  relate  to  the  two  houfes  of  parliament, 
 thirdly,  thofe  of  the  couris  of  Weftminfter,  &c.  and  laftly, 
 thofe  of  an  ecclefiaftical  nature.  Articles  of  lefs  note  will 
 be  introduced  occafionally,  where  the  mention  of  them  will  ap- 
 pear the  moft  natural. 
 
 The  fociety  of  antiquaries  projected  by  Sir  Robert  Cotton, 
 Mr.  Camden,  and  others,  took  particular  care  to  make  it  one  of 
 the  rules  and  ftatutes  of  their  community,  that  all  the  proclama- 
 tions of  our  kings  and  queens  fhould  be  preferved  in  their 
 library.  Thefe  are  the  more  valuable,  becaufe  general  hiflo- 
 rians,  although  they  take  notice  of  what  is  commanded  or  pro- 
 hibited by  royal  authority,  feldom  give  us  the  reafons  of  fuch 
 public  edicts,   which    are   always  exprefl'ed  in  the  inlhument 
 
 it-felf. 
 
Lect.  XXX.         HISTORY.  189 
 
 itfelf,  and  are  much  more  valuable  than   it,  as  they  often  con- 
 tain a  good  part  of  the  hiftory  of  the  times. 
 
 Charters,  and  letters  patent,  making  grants  of  privileges, 
 offices,  and  penfions  are  at  this  day  enrolled  in  chancery  ;  but 
 as  they  formerly  took  their  rife  at  the  king's  Court  of  Re- 
 fidencethey  are  to  be  looked  for  in  the  paper  office. 
 
 Todiftinguifh  thofe  that  are  truly  ancient  and  genuine  from 
 fuch  as  are  counterfeit,  it  will  be  r-quifite  to  be  perfe6tly  well 
 /killed  in  the  feveral  changes  that  have  been  made  in  the  king's 
 feals  and  titles,  of  which  Nicholfon  gives  a  particular  account. 
 For  ancient  and  modern  precedents  of  charters  confult  Shep- 
 herd's trcatife  of  corporations,  fraternities  and  guilds. 
 
 Occafional  proclamations  with  all  difpatches  and  inftruc- 
 tlons  for  foreign  minifter?,  letters  of  intelligence,  and  other 
 public  papers  which  are  communicated  to  the  two  fecretaries 
 of  ftate,  are  tranfmitted  to  the  paper  office^  wherein  they  are  all 
 difpofed  by  way  of  library,  in  a  place  of  good  fecurity  and 
 convenience  within  the  king's  Royal  Palace  at  Whitehall, 
 There  are  likewife  the  credentials  of  ambafladors,  the  letters  of 
 foreign  princes  and  ftates,  leagues,  treaties,  memorials,  &c.  Of 
 what  great  ufe  to  any  hiftorian  a  free  accefs  to  this  trea- 
 fure  may  be,  appears  from  Burnet's  hiftory  of  the  Reformation. 
 Befides  thefe  affiftances,  the  inquifitive  hiftorian  will  here  find 
 a  great  variety  of  papers  relating  to  the  decrees  and  tranfadtions 
 of  feveral  of  our  ancient  as  well  as  modern  palace  courts. 
 
 The  court  of  chivalry  has  been  long  difcontinued,  but  fomeof 
 its  records  that  relate  to  the  proceedings  in  the  Marfhalfea  are  ftill 
 in  the  Paper  office.  There  is  however  little  in  them  to  an  hiftori- 
 an's  purpofe.  What  is  moft  confiderable  in  this  rich  treafure  is 
 the  vaft  collection  we  here  meet  with  of  memorials,  inftructions, 
 plenipotentiary  powers,  granted  in  feveral  reigns  and  on  feveral 
 occafions  to  our  ambafladors  and  envoys,  or  papers  of  the  like 
 kind  prefented  by  the  minifters  of  foreign  princes  and  flates 
 refiding  in  England.  That  great  light  in  hiftory  may  be  had 
 from  thefe  is  evident  from  Diggs's  complete  AmbaJJador^  the 
 hiftory  of  Sir  Thomas  Randolf's  embafly  to  the  emperor  of 
 J^uffia,   aiid  many  other  works, 
 
 la 
 
190  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 In  the  Receipt-office  in  the  Exchequer  there  is  a  (hort 
 colle(Slion  of  all  leagues,  treaties  of  peace,  intercourfes  and 
 rparriagcs  with  foreign  nations,  compiled  by  the  induftrious 
 antiquary  Agard  ;  but  this  falls  infinitely  (hort  of  that  immmenfe 
 ftore  which  Sir  John  Cotton's  library  will  afford  of  thefe  mat- 
 ter?. We  have  there  no  lefs  than  forty-three  volumes  of 
 treaties  between  the  Englifli,  Scotch,  and  French,  in  a  fair  and 
 regular  method,  befides  many  more  of  the  like  kind  in  a  more 
 loofe  and  difperfed  condition. 
 
 Nor  are  the  memoirs  of  our  own  ambafladors  only  of  great 
 ufe  to  an  Englifh  hiftorian  ;  thofe  of  our  neighbouring  nations 
 are  no  lefs  f o ;  thofe  efpecially  with  which  this  kingdom  has 
 maintained  the  greateft  correfpondence  in  treaties  of  peace  and 
 commerce;  as  France  and  Holland,  from  which  countries  we 
 are  often  obliged  to  fetch  our  information  in  fomc  articles, 
 concerning  which  our  own  hiftorians  afford  us  no  fatisfa(?lion. 
 The  like  may  be  faid  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  &c.  whenever  wc 
 find  our  own  affairs  interwoven  with  thofe  of  other  countries. 
 This  want  is  in  part  fupplied  by  Rymer's  Foedera^  an  immenfc 
 work,  undertaken  by  the  command,  and  attheexpence  of  queen 
 Anne.  It  contains  not  only  finiftied  treaties,  but  letters  of 
 great  princes,  and  their  chief  minifters  of  ftate,  inftruc^ioiis  to 
 ambaffadors,  and  other  minifters  refiding  in  foreign  courts, 
 Papal  bulls  of  all  kinds,  conge  d'elires,  and  of  reftitutions  of 
 temporalities,  royal  mandates  to  the  clergy  for  commemorative 
 maffes,  fa£ls,  and  thankfgivings,  &c.  fculptures  of  ancient 
 hands  and  feals,  and  many  other  curious  pieces  of  antiquity. 
 
 There  is  another  rcpofitory  of  our  court  records  which  is  com- 
 monly known  by  the  name  of  the  green  cloth.  In  this  office 
 are  not  only  preferved  the  accounts  of  the  king's  houftiold  ex- 
 pences,  but  alfo  fuch  orders  as  have  from  time  to  time  been 
 given  by  the  lord  fteward,  chamberlain,  comptroller,  &c.  for 
 the  more  regular  behaviour  of  the  inferior  fervants.  'I'here 
 likewifc  (and  not  in  Chancery)  were  commonly  inrolled  ill 
 letters  and  writings  concerning  fuch  matters  of  flate  as  were 
 not  fit  to  be  made  public, 
 
 A  collection  of  the  laws  before  Magna  Charta  was  made  by 
 Sir  Henry  Spelman,  and  is  now  among  the  many  choice  manu- 
 fcripts  in  the  Bodleian  library.  Ac> 
 
Lect.  XXX.  HISTORY.  191 
 
 A£^s  of  parliament  often  give  hints  of  the  manners  and  cuf- 
 toms  which  prevailed  at  the  time  of  their  being  enavfled,  fo 
 that  many  parts  of  our  hiftory  may  be  recovered  from  them  ; 
 efpecially  if  compared  vi^ith  the  writers  cither  io  divinity  or 
 morality  about  the  fame  date.  Thus  the  ftatute  againft  the  mul- 
 tiplication of  metals  (hows  tha  attention  which  was  given  to 
 chemical  experiments  in  order  to  difcover  the  philofopher's 
 ftone  ;  and  Chaucer's  tale  of  theciinnon  yeomen  confirms  the 
 fame  fa6l. 
 
 The  putting  of  marginal  notes  to  the  ftatutes  at  large  was 
 iirft  begun  by  William  Raftal,  who  collected  all  in  force  from 
 Magna  Charta  to  the  fourth  year  of  Philip  and  Mary.  Thefe 
 colle(9:ions  have  been  carried  on  by  different  hands  to  the  prefent 
 time.  But  fince  thefe  colleitions  are  in  many  refpc<5ls  deficient, 
 the  diligent  hiftorian  will  be  obliged  to  have  recourfe  to  the 
 original  records. 
 
 Before  the  u(s  of  printing,  and  till  the  reign  of  Henry 
 VIL  the  flatutes  were  all  engrofTed  on  parchment,  and  pro- 
 claimed openly  in  every  county;  but  this  cuftom  has  fince 
 been  difcontinued.  In  thefe  parliamentary  rolls  are  many 
 decifions  of  difficult  points  in  law,  in  which  we  have  not  only 
 the  final  refolution  and  judgment  of  the  court,  but  alfo  the 
 reafons  of  it. 
 
 An  exa£l:  abridgment  of  as  many  of  the  parliamentary  records 
 as  were  to  be  had  in  the  Tower  of  London,  from  the  reign  of 
 Edward  II.  to  that  of  Richard  III.  was  made  by  Sir  Robert 
 Cotton,  and  publifhed  by  William  Prynne.  There  is  a  fair 
 tranfcript  of  thofe  from  the  firft  of  Edward  III.  to  the  forty- 
 third  of  queen  Elizabeth  in  the  Cotton  library,  where  there 
 are  alfo  two  volumes  of  indexes  to  the  Tower  records. 
 
 The  laft  fort  of  parliamentary  records  are  the  journals  of  the 
 lords  and  commons  wherein  every  vote  that  pailes  is  carefully 
 regiftcred  by  the  clerks  of  the  feveral  houfes.  A  complete 
 journal  of  the  tranfadions  of  both  houfes,  from  the  firft  of 
 Henry  VIII.  to  the  feventh  of  Edward  VI.  was  drawn  up  by 
 Robert  Boyer,  and  is  now  in  the  Cotton  library;  but  the 
 {^jreft  fountain  is  that  of  the  original  records  themfelves  in  the 
 Tower  and  Parliament-office.  Thefe  journals  have  lately  been 
 printed.  Sir 
 
292  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 Sir  William  Dugdale  has  given  us  a  perfe£l:  copy  of  all  the 
 fummons's  of  the  nobility  to  all  the  great  councils  and  parlia- 
 ments of  this  realm,  from  the  forty-ninth  of  Henry  III.  to  the 
 prefent  times,  wherein  we  likewife  find  the  like  mandates  to 
 the  clergy  and  commons. 
 
 The  records  of  the  king's  courts  at  Weftminfter  are  firft 
 depofited  in  the  chapel  at  the  rolls,  and  as  that  grows  full 
 and  overftocked,  they  are  removed  to  the  Tower ;  where, 
 in  two  feveral  apartments,  thev  are  methodically  arranged 
 accordingto  their  various  kinds  and  ufes.  In  Wakefield  Tower 
 are  the  inrollments  of  leagues  and  treaties  with  foreign  princes, 
 the  original  laws  as  they  pafled  the  royal  afient,  authentic 
 memoirs  of  the  Englifh  atchievem.ents  in  France  and  other 
 nations,  forms  of  homage  from  the  kings  of  Scothmd,  the 
 eftablifhment  and  laws  of  Ireland,  liberties,  and  privileges 
 granted  to  cities,  corporations,  and  private  fubje61:s,  tenures 
 and  furveys  of  lands  and  manures,  infpeximus's  of  charters  and 
 deeds,  made  before  and  foon  after  the  Norman  conqueft,  boun- 
 daries of  all  the  forefis  in  England,  &c.  In  fiiort,  we'have 
 here,  according  to  the  petition  of  the  commons  in  parliament, 
 the  perpetual  evidence  of  every  man's  rights  without  which  no 
 ftory  of  the  nation  (to  u(e  Dr.  Chamberlain's  words)  can  be 
 written  or  proved.  In  Julius  Csefar's  chapel  in  the  White 
 Tower  there  is  another  vaft  collection  of  records,  out  of  which 
 the  indefatigable  William  Prynne  colledled  his  four  large 
 volumes.  Any  of  thefe  may  be  fee n  and  per u fed  by  thofe  who 
 have  occafion  to  confult  them,  there  being  a  perfon  appointed 
 to  attend  for  that  purpofe,  eight  hours  every  day  in  (ummer, 
 and  fix  in  winter. 
 
 In  the  records  of  the  courts  of  King's-bench  v/e  are  to  look 
 for  all  judgments  upon  notorious  treafons,  breaches  of  the 
 peace,  &c.  2S  alfo  for  the  like  upon  common  pleas,  by  bill 
 for  debt,  covenant,  promife,  &c.  againft  the  immediate  officers 
 of  the  King's  court.  The  public  records  of  this  court,  as  well 
 as  thofe  of  the  Common  Pleas,  preceding  the  firft  year  of 
 flenry  VI.  are  in  the  chapter  houfe  of  the  church  of  Weftmin- 
 fter ;  but  thofe  of  that  year  and  downwards  are  kept  in  the 
 upper  ticafury,  adjoining  to  Weftminfter-hall  ;  fuch  only 
 excepted  as  are  of  daily  ufe,  and  not  above  ten  years  old,  which 
 are  in  the  cuftody  of  the  clerks  in  the  lower  treafury. 
 
LectXXXI.        history.  193 
 
 LECTURE      XXXI. 
 
 Hie  petty  Bag-office,  The  Majier  of  the  Rolls.  Regijlrum  de 
 Cancellaria,  Lower  Exchequer.  The  Pipe- office.  The  fever  al 
 Remembrancers,  Doomfday  Book.  The  red  Book  of  the  Ex- 
 chequer.  The  black  Book.  Tejia  Nevilli.  Records  of  the 
 inferior  Courts.  Thofe  kept  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty, 
 The  Office  of  Ordnance,  The  Libraries  and  Mifeums  cf  Noble- 
 men and  private  Gentlemen,  Vfe  of  the  Britijh  Mufeum. 
 What  Records  have  been  publijhed.  Formulare  AngUcanum. 
 Pedigrees  of  ancient  Families,  Old  Accounts  of  Expences  and 
 Dijburfements  in  Families,  Ledger  Books^  and  other  Domefiic 
 Records,  Monaflicum  Auglicanum  by  Dugdale,  Notitia  Mo* 
 najlica  by  Tanner.  IJniverfity  Monuments.  Hifioriola  Ox^ 
 onienfis,  IVood^s  Hijlory  and  Antiquities  of  Oxford,  Black 
 Book  of  Cambridge.  Lives  of  Englijh  Writers  by  Leland  and 
 others,     Regijiers  in  Ecclefiajiical  Courts, 
 
 THE  records  of  that  court  of  Chancery  wherein  the  pro- 
 cefs  xwns  fecundum  legem  et  confiietudinein  Anglia  are  filed 
 up  in  the /►^/z';;  ^tf^-^r^.  The  chief  clerk  of  this  court  is  the 
 mafter  of  the  Rolls.  In  his  keeping  are  the  inrollments  of  all 
 letters  patent,  treaties  and  leagues,  deeds,  and  purchafes, 
 recognizances,  commiffions  of  appeal,  oyer  and  terminer,  &c. 
 ever  fince  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  the  reft 
 having  been  tranfmitted  to  the  Tower.  Moft  of  the  Chancery 
 records  were  deftroyed  by  the  rebels  under  Wat  Tyler  in  the 
 time  of  Richard  II. 
 
 There  are  feveral  repofitories  of  the  records  belonging  to  the 
 high  court  of  Chancery,  all  of  which  are  under  the  immediate 
 care  and  infpedion  of  the  mafter  of  the  Rolls.  Firft,  in  the 
 chapel  of  the  Rolls,  the  oldeft  record  is  a  patent  roll  of  Edward  V. 
 thofe  that  bear  any  higher  date  being  long  finee  depofited  in 
 the  Tower.     Thofe  of  the  following  reigns  to  the  end  of  queen 
 
 Elizabeth, 
 
194.  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  IV. 
 
 Elizabeth,  and  fomewhat  lower,  are  ftill  kept  here  in  good 
 order.  Secondly,  The  petty  Bag-office  firft  receives  the  enroll- 
 ments of  patents  with  the  privy  feals  and  eftreats  from  the  fix 
 clerks,  but  is  obliged  to  tranfmit  the  former  to  the  chapel> 
 and  the  latter  to  the  Exchequer  ;  fo  that  nothing  ancient  is  to 
 be  looked  for  here.  Thirdly,  In  the  Examiner* s  office  are  de- 
 pofitions  of  witnefles,  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
 Edward  VI.  and  fome  few  that  are  higher.  Fourthly,  The 
 moft  noble  repofitory  of  the  ancient  records  in  Chancery  is  in 
 the  Tower^  under  the  ultimate  infpe£lion  of  the  mafter  of  the 
 Rolls.  The  principal  treafure  under  his  charge  lies  in  feveral 
 preffes  within  that  part  of  the  palace  which  bears  the  name  of 
 Wakefield  Tower,  The  contents  of  thefe  are  very  large.  A 
 general  account  of  them  in  alphabetical  order  may  be  feen  in 
 Nicholfon. 
 
 Another  confiderable  treafure  of  records  within  the  precincfls 
 of  the  Tower  of  London,  and  under  the  fame  infpedtion  with 
 the  former,  is  in  that  part  which  is  called  Cafar's  CbapeL  There 
 is  a  large  collection  of  proceedings  in  Chancery  as  high  as  the 
 times  of  Henry  VI.  together  with  regular  bills,  anfwers  and 
 depofitions,  from  the  firft  year  of  queen  Elizabeth,  privy  feals, 
 manucaptions,  &c.  from  the  days  of  Edward  I.  and  feveral 
 other  particulars. 
 
 There  is  one  famous  monument  of  antiquity  belonging  to 
 this  court  which  they  call  Regijirum  de  Canceilaria^  or  the 
 regiftcr  of  writs,  containing  the  form  of  writs  at  the  common 
 law.     Thefe  have  often  been  printed. 
 
 In  the  hands  of  the  two  chamberlains  of  the  lower  Exchequer 
 there  are  many  ancient  records,  leagues,  and  treaties  with 
 foreign  princes,  ftandards  of  money,  weights,  and  meafures, 
 &c.  There  were  anciently  four  feveral  apartments  wherein 
 the  records  of  the  Exchequer  were  kept,  being  all  in  the 
 cuftody  and  under  the  charge  of  the  chamberlains  of  that  court. 
 A  particular  account  of  thefe  with  their  contents  may  be  feen 
 in  Nicholfon. 
 
 Of  the  other  repofitories  of  exchequer  records  the  principal 
 is  the  F'lpe- office^  wherein  are  kept  the  great  rolls  of  the  Exche^ 
 
 quer* 
 
Lrgt.  XXXI.        HISTORY.  195 
 
 query  that  is  one  bundle  for  every  year,  from  the  reign  of  king 
 Henry  II.  to  the  prefent  time.  In  thefe  are  ftated  the  accounts 
 of  the  royal  revenue,  whether  certain  or  cafual.  The  moft 
 ancient  record  in  this  office  is  that  which  bears  the  name  of 
 ^ing  Stephen. 
 
 There  are  alfo  other  offices  belonging  to  this  high  court  not  to  be 
 overlooked  by  an  hiftorian,  whjch  are  known  by  the  name  of  their 
 feveral  remembrancers^  as  fir  ft,  that  of  the  ^eens  Rememhraiicer  ; 
 ferondly,  of  the  Lord  TvEofurer's  Remembrancer  ;  thirdly,  the 
 Office  of  Pleas  \  and  fourthly,  i\\c  Office  of  Remembrancer  of  fir/i 
 Fruity  andTenths,  To  thefe  are  to  be  added  the  Courts  of  IVardsy 
 the  records  of  which  now  m^ke  part  of  the  treaiury  of  the 
 Queen's-bench.  There  is  alfo  an  apartment  in  the  Exchequer 
 which  bears  the  name  of  the  Augmentation- office.  For  the  contents 
 oi  thofe   I  refer  to  Nicholfon. 
 
 Among  all  the  ancient  records  in  the  Exchequer,  Doonf 
 day  hook  is  defervedly  of  the  grcaieft  reputation  and  value. 
 It  is  a  tax  book  made  by  the  commiffioners  of  William  the 
 Conqueror,  wherein  ,is  an  exa6l  furvey  of  all  the  cities,  towns, 
 and  villages  in  England.  It  does  not  only  account  for  the 
 feveral  baronies,  knights  fees,  and  plough  lands,  but  gives 
 alfo  the  number  of  families,  men,  foldiers,  hufbaiidmen,  fer- 
 vants,  and  cattle  \  what  rent,  how  much  meadoWj  pafture, 
 woods,  tillage,  common  heath,  marfti,  &c.  every  one  pollefledv 
 It  is  in  two  volurnes,  whereof  the  foimer  gives  a  fuccincl  de^ 
 fcription  of  thirty^three  counties^  and  the  latter  a  fomewhat 
 larger  account  of  EfTtx,  Norfolk,  and  Suffolk.  In  the  front 
 of  each  county  ftands  a  lift  of  the  lords  of  the  foil  ;  that  is,  the 
 king  and  a  few  of  his  nobles.  Sir  Henry  Spelman  has  given 
 us  a  fample  of  the  book,  but  it  is  faid  that  the  fociety  of  anti^ 
 quaries  a:e  about  undertaking  the  publication  of  the  whole. 
 
 There  is  alfo  in  the  keeping  of  the  king's  remembrancer  amif- 
 cellany  of  ancient  treaties,  which  go  by  the  name  of  the  red  book 
 of  the  Exchequer.  It  has  fome  things  (as  the  number  of  the  hides 
 of  land  in  many  of  our  counties)  relating  to  the  times  before  the 
 conqueft,  and  the  ceremonies  ufed  at  the  coronation  of  queen 
 Eleanor  wife  to  king  Henry  III.     There  is   likewife  an  exa£t 
 
 colledtion 
 
196  LECTURES    ON  Part  IV. 
 
 co]le£lion   of    the  efcuages   under  Henry   II.    Richard  I.  and 
 king  John. 
 
 The  black  hook  is  fuppofed  to  have  been  compiled  by  Gervafe  of 
 Tilbury,  nephew  to  king  Henry  II.  In  this  we  have  the  hiftory 
 of  the  firft  inftitutlon  of  thecourt  of  the  king's  Exchequer;  the 
 manner  of  ftating  the  accounts  of  thofe  times,  and  the  way  of 
 colie<5ling  the  rents,  both  in  money  and  purveyances  of  vi6tuals, 
 &c. 
 
 The  great  roll  which  bears  the  name  of  T^/?^  Nevlllt  was 
 compiled  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  and  contains  an  account  of 
 all  the  lands  held  in  grand  or  petty  fergeantry  within  the  county 
 of  Hereford, 
 
 The  Englifh  hiftorian  will  alfo  find  his  account  in  confulting 
 occafionally  the  records  of  affize,  feflions  of  the  peace,  and  ot|her 
 inferior  courts  in  England,  and  in  Wales.  He  ought  alio  to 
 look  into  the  navy  office,  and  the  abftra^ls  of  accounts,  lifts  of  the 
 old  and  new  fliippjng,  from  the  feveral  yards  at  Deptford, 
 Woolwich,  Chatham,  &c.  all  which  may  be  feen  in  the  cuftody 
 of  the  fecretary  of  the  admiralty. 
 
 For  a  juft  eftimateofthe  military  force  in  England,  there  are 
 feveral  repofitories  of  papers  and  rolls,  with  which  an  hiftorian 
 {hould  be  acquainted.  But  above  all  the  office  of  ordnance  will 
 afford  him  the  beft  acquaintance  with  the  provifions  of  war. 
 All  orders  and  inftruftions  for  the  government  of  this  office,  as 
 Irkewife  all  patents,  and  grants  to  the  many  officers,  arti- 
 ficers, attendants,  and  labourers,  with  the  quarter  books  for 
 falaries,  ledgers,  receipts,  and  returns  of  his  majefty's  ftores,  &c. 
 are  in  the  cuftody  of  the  clerk  of  the  ordnance  ;  as  thofe  for  the 
 giving  out  of  any  provifions,  or  ftores,  either  at  the  Tower  or 
 any  other  of  the  king's  magazines,  are  under  the  care  of  the  clerk 
 of  the  delivery. 
 
 To  underftand  the  hiftory  of  our  trade  and  commerce,  it  will 
 be  neceftary  to  confult  the  accounts  of  exports  and  imports  of  all 
 our  fea  ports;  with  the  amount  of  the  duties  paid  for  them, 
 which  will  be  found  with  the  officers  who  have  the  infpe£tion 
 of  the  excife  and  cuftoms,  and  alfo  in  the  journals  of  the  Houfe 
 of  Commons. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.XXXI.        history.  197 
 
 The  libraries  and  mufeums  of  many  noblemen  and  private 
 gentlemen  are  able  to  afford  a  good  fupply  of  materials  to  an 
 hiftorian  who  can  procure  intelligence  of  them,  and  have  accefs 
 to  them.  And  fmce  the  opening  of  the  Britijh  Mufeum  many 
 perfons  are  daily  contributing  to  that  immenfe  and  valuable  col- 
 Ie£lion,  by  fending  ancient  writings  and  manufcripts  j  which  are 
 much  more  ufeful  when  they  are  thus  made  the  property  of  the 
 public,  than  they  could  be  while  they  were  in  their  own  private 
 cuftody. 
 
 A  great  number  of  conveyances,  deeds,  and  other  papers  and 
 records,  in  the  hands  of  private  fubjects,  weredeftroyed  in  the  civil 
 wars  j  but  the  fubverfion  of  monafteries  deftroyed  the  greateft 
 number  of  thofe  ufeful  materials  for  hiftory;  fince  many  of  the 
 moft  confiderable  Englifh  families  had  committed  their  moft 
 valuable  writings  to  the  cuftody  of  the  monks,  in  whofe  hands 
 they  thought  them  fafer  than  at  home.  The  fmall  fcraps  of 
 parchment  and  of  paper,  on  which  they  were  commonly  written, 
 were  more  liable  to  be  loft  than  the  more  bulky  inftruments 
 of  our  days. 
 
 Many  collections  of  thefe  private  records  have  been  publiflied. 
 Particularly  we  have  a  very  valuable  and  judicious  collection 
 of  contrads,  grants,  and  other  evidences  gathered  chiefly  out  of 
 the  augmentation  office  by  Mr.  Maddox,  v/ho  has  placed  them 
 in  a  methodical  order,  and  afcertaincd  the  age  of  every  ftngle 
 inftrument,  from  the  Norman  conqueft  to  the  end  of  the  rei»n 
 of  Henry  VHI.  under  the  title  of  Formulare  Anglic anum.  The 
 general  heads  of  this  work  are  certihcates,  confirmations,  com- 
 poiltions,  feoffments,  letters  of  attorney,  releafes,  wills,  &c. 
 the  greateft  part  of  which  are  certainly  genuine  j  and  notice  is 
 given  when  there  feems  to  be  reafon  for  fufpeCting  any  of  them. 
 
 Had  pedigrees  been  carefully  preferved  in  all  the  great  fa- 
 milies in  England,  they  would  have  been  of  excellent  fervice  to 
 an  hiftorian  j  fince  the  moft  remarkable  circumftances  in  the 
 lives  of  eminent  perfons  are  ufually  recorded  in  them.  But  {^^ 
 of  thefe  pedigrees  are  to  be  met  with. 
 
 Old  accounts  of  expences  and  difburfements  in  the  families 
 of  noblemen  and  perfons  of  quality  will  be  of  fingular  \x{t  to  an 
 
 hiftorian^ 
 
,98  LECTURESGN  Part  IV. 
 
 hiftorian,  who  cannot  but  be  fenfible  of  what  importance  it  Is  to 
 take  notice  of  the  prices  of  food,  cloaths,  and  other  conveniences 
 of  life,  the  wages  of  fervants,  and  day-labourers,  &c. 
 
 It  is  needlefs  to  obferve  what  advantage  may  accrue  to  hiftoty 
 from  the  epiJ}olary  correfpQndence^2inA  private  journals,  of  ertninertt 
 ftatefmen,  as  alfo  from  the  lives  of  fuch  perfons,  in  which  the 
 moft  important  part  of  the  hiftory  of  their  times  is  neceffariiy 
 introduced. 
 
 The  ufe  of  the  ledger-books^  and  other  monaftic  records  is 
 very  apparent.  The  moft  eminent  of  our  hiftorians  are  greatly 
 indebted  to  them.  Hence  they  are  enabled  to  clear  the  defcents 
 and  pedigrees  of  many  noble  families,  the  tenures  of  eftates,  the 
 ancient  cuftoms  of  counties,  cities,  and  great  towns,  the  founda- 
 tions and  endowments  of  churches,  &c.  For  how  fparin* 
 or  defective  foever  the  monks  might  be  in  recording  the 
 public  affairs  of  ftate,  we  are  fure  they  were  extremely  dili- 
 gent in  noting  thofe  of  their  own  monafteries ;  whence  it 
 is,  that  the  hiftories  of  thofe  cathedrals  which  were  anciently 
 in  their  poiTefTion  are  the  moft  entire  of  any  in  the  kingdom. 
 
 The  greateft  treafure  of  this  kind  of  ecclefiaftical  records  is 
 contained  in  the  famous  Monajlicon  Anglicanum^  publifhed  in  three 
 volumes  folio  by  Sir  William  Dugdale,  and  Mr.  Dodfworth. 
 Great  are  the  advantages  which  all  branches  of  our  hiftory, 
 both  ecclefiaftical  and  civil,  will  derive  from  this  work;  and 
 there  is  hardly  a  private  family  of  any  confidtrraiion  in  the  king- 
 dom but  here  will  meet  with  fomething  of  its  genealogy  and 
 pedigree.  They  are  moft  fcrupuloufly  exa6t  in  tranfcribing  the 
 ancient  records  ;  fo  that  the  bad  Latin,  barbarous  expreffions, 
 and  other  deformities  of  the  monkifti  ftyle,  are  to  be  reckoned 
 beauties  in    them. 
 
 Tanner's  Notitia  Monafilca  is  a  valuable  addition  to  the  Mo- 
 nafticon.  It  not  only  contains  a  (hort  hiftory  of  the  foundation.^ 
 and  chief  revolutions  of  all  our  religious  houfes,  but  prefents  us 
 v/ith  a  catalogue  of  fuch  writers  (noting  the  places  where  we 
 may  find  them)  as  will  abundantly  furniih  us  with  fuch  farther 
 particulars  as  we  may  have  occafion  for. 
 
 Q^xi 
 
Lect.  XXXr.         HISTORY.  199 
 
 Our  two  univerfities  furnifti  feveral  records  worthy  to  be  con- 
 fulted  by  our  hiftorians.  There  are  no  lefs  than  twenty-one 
 volumes  relating  to  the  antiquities  of  the  univerfity  of  Oxford, 
 as  charters,  orders,  ftatutes,  decrees,  letters,  &c.  all  in  manu- 
 fcript.  Of  thofe  which  have  been  printed,  the  Hijioriola  Oxo- 
 nienfis  is  reckoned  the  moft  authentic.  It  is  only  a  fhort  frag- 
 ment of  a  fingle  page  in  o6tavo,  wherein  we  are  told  that  the 
 Britons  began  an  univerfity  at  Grekelade,  which  the  Saxons  re- 
 moved to  Oxford.  Anthony  Wood  has  pnblifhed  a  valuable 
 work  under  the  title  of  The  Hijiory  and  antiquities  of  the  Univer- 
 ftty  of  Oxford, 
 
 The  black  book  of  Cambridge  makes  as  confiderable  a  figure 
 there  as  any  of  the  old  ftatute  books  can  do  at  Oxford,  and  it 
 has  alfo  its  hijioriola^  which  is  equal  both  for  matter  and  autho- 
 rity to  the  other.  The  whole  volume  is  a  coUedion  of  ancient 
 charters  and  privileges. 
 
 The  lives  of  Englilh  writers  have  been  written  by  John  Bof- 
 ton,  John  Leland,  J.  Pitts,  A.  Wood,  and  John  Tanner,  all 
 proper  to  be  confulted  by  an  Englifh  hiftorian.  For  the  cha- 
 racter of  thefe  works,  I  refer  to  Nicholfon. 
 
 The  regifters  of  ecclefiaftical  courts  can  be  but  of  little  ufe 
 to  a  writer  of  civil  hiftory,  efpecially  fi nee  the  reformation.  It 
 may  not,  however,  be  improper  to  obferve  that  regifters  in 
 churches,  of  marriages,  chriftenings,  and  burials,  were  firft  ap- 
 pointed to  be  kept  in  the  year  1538,  juft  upon  the  diflblution 
 of  the  monafteries.  Thefe  have  been  of  fome  ufe,  and  might 
 be  of  more  if  care  were  taken  to  regifter  other  remarkable  oc- 
 currences relating  to  the  public  concerns  of  the  feveral  parilhes. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
200  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  IV, 
 
 LECTURE         XXXII. 
 
 Htjlorians  of  other  Nations.  Where  Accounts  of  them  are  to  he 
 looked  for.  What  fufficient  for  an  Englijhman.  Heinauli's 
 Hljlory  of  France,  Ufe  of  the  Univerfal  Hijlory,  Thuanus^ 
 Guicciardini,  Davila^  Voltaire.  Lives*  Voyages  and  Travels, 
 Suites  of  Hijiories, 
 
 HAVING  treated  fo  largely  of  the  hiftory  of  our  own 
 nation,  I  fhall  refer  you  to  fuch  writers  as  Wheare  and 
 Rawlinfon  for  the  hiftorians  of  other  particular  countries.  In- 
 deed, confidering  the  time  it  will  neceflarily  require  to  get  toler- 
 ably well  acquainted  with  the  hiftory  of  our  own  country  (which 
 it  is  certainly  of  the  moft  importance  for  us  to  be  acquainted 
 with)  it  will  be  quite  fufficient  for  any  perfon,  let  him  have 
 ever  fo  much  leifure  for  hiftorical  purfuits,  to  take  the  hifto- 
 ries  of  other  countries  from  compilers  of  the  beft  repute;  and 
 even,  of  thefe,  the  moft  voluminous  may  very  well  be  dif- 
 penfed  with.  Engliftimen,  in  general,  for  inftance,  hardly  need 
 to  defire  a  better  acquaintance  with  the  hiftory  of  France  than  the 
 abridgement  of  Heinault  will  fupply  them  with.  It  were  greatly 
 to  be  wiflied  that  the  hiftories  of  other  nations  were  drawn  up 
 in  the  fame  compendious  manner,  and  with  the  fame  judgment. 
 We  ftiould  then  have,  as  we  may  call  it,  the  marrow  of  hiftory 
 difencumbered  of  that  load  of  fuperfluous  matter,  which  makes 
 the  reading  of  hiftory  as  it  is  generally  written,  extremely  tire- 
 fome  and  difgufting.  But  if  a  perfon  be  poflefTed  of  the  Univer- 
 fal Hiftory,  he  will  generally  have  it  in  his  power  to  inform 
 himfelf  of  as  much  of  the  hiftory  of  any  foreign  country  or 
 people,  as  he  can  have  occafion  for,  or  defire. 
 
 '1  here  are  fome  particular  hiftories,  however,  which  are  (o 
 excellently  written,  and  the  fubjeds  of  which  are  fo  generally 
 interefting,  that  though  little  notice  be  taken  of  the  affairs  of 
 our  own  country  in  them,  no  perfon  of  a  liberal  education  ought 
 to   be  unacquainted   with  them.     The  principal   of  thefe,  are 
 
 Thuanus's 
 
Lect.  XXXII.        HISTORY. 
 
 201 
 
 Thiiamts's  hiftory  of  his  own  times,  a  work  almoft  equal  to  any 
 prodadion  of  the  claffical  ages.  Guicciardims  hiftory  of  Italy, 
 Davilas  of  the  civil  wars  in  France,  Bentivoglio^s  of  thofe  of 
 the  Netherlands,  and  Giannone's  hiftory  of  Naples.  The  firft  of 
 thefe  v/as  written  originally  in  Latin,  and  the  four  laft  in 
 Italian. 
 
 No  writer  whatever  can  excel  Vertot  in  the  happy  art  of 
 making  hiftory  entertaining;  but  it  is  generally  thought  that  he 
 has  facrificed  more  than  he  ought  to  the  graces. 
 
 Voltaire's  general  hiftory  confifts  of  little  more  than  obferva- 
 tions  on  a  courfe  of  hiftory.  In  general  they  are  certainly  juft, 
 and,  to  a  perfon  who  is  prcvioufty  acquainted  with  the  hiftories 
 to  which  his  obfervations  are  adapted,  nothing  can  be  more 
 entertaining  ;  and  to  this  his  lively  manner  of  writing  not  a  little 
 contributes. 
 
 But  though  the  title  of  his  work  promifcs  a  compendious 
 view  of  univcrfal  hiftory,  and  therefore  might  feem  to  be  in- 
 tended for  perfons  who  are  beginning  the  ftudy  of  hiftory,  it 
 would  be  wholly  unintelligible  without  a  previous  acquaintance 
 with  the  fubjecS): ;  not  to  fay  that  it  requires  a  good  ftock  of 
 general  knowledge  to  guard  the  mind  againft  his  prejudices, 
 and  the  errors  into  which  his  writings  in  general  would  in  many 
 refpe<S^s  betray  his  readers. 
 
 Time  is  continually  producing  other  hiftorlcal  productions  of 
 great  excellence,  with  which,  as  they  gain  the  attention  of  gen- 
 tlemen and  fcholars,  it  v/ill  become  all  readers  of  hiftory  to 
 make  themfelves  acquainted.  The  recommendation  of  thefe 
 muft  be  left  to  the  lecturer  of  the  day. 
 
 Befides  more  general  hiftories,  mzny  fmgk  lives  are  fo  well 
 written, and  are  fo  peculiarly  interefting  and  inftru6tive,  that  they 
 force  an  almoft  univerfal  attention  ;  as  that  of  Sixtus  V.  by  Leti, 
 that  of  Guftavus  Adolphus  by  Hart,  and  many  others.  Voyages  and 
 Travels  are  alfo  works  of  an  hiftorical  nature  that  are  univerfally 
 pleafing,  and  of  thofe  every  year  never  fails  to  produce  feveral 
 that  give  the  moft  valuable  information,  and  convey  it  in  the 
 moft  pleafing  manner.  The  moft  generally  interefting  are  the 
 voyages  of  the  circumnavigators,  as  that  of  Lord  An  Ton,  and 
 efpecially  the  late  ones  conducted  bv  Captain  Cook. 
 
 CL  '  It 
 
202  LECTURES     ON  Part  IV. 
 
 It  is  a  particular  fatisfadion,  after  reading  a  dlflinct  and  in- 
 terefting  hiftory  of  any  particular  period,  to  find  another  hif- 
 torlan  whofe  account  fhall  begin  about  the  fame  time  that  the 
 preceding  leaves  off.  I  ihall  mention  two  courfes  of  this  kind 
 which  I   have  perufed  with  much  fatisfadlion. 
 
 Philip  De  Comines,  a  ferious  and  excellent  hiftorian,  has 
 left  fuch  an  account  of  the  affairs  of  Charles  the  Bold,  duke  of 
 Burgundy^  and  of  Lewis  XL  of  France,  together  with  many 
 particulars  of  Edward  IV.  of  England,  as  is  in  the  higheft  de- 
 gree interefting  and  improving.  Had  I  the  education  of  a  prince, 
 he  fliould  get  many  parts  of  this  hiftory  almoft  by  heart.  It 
 ends  with  the  famous  expedition  of  Charles  VIIL  into  Italy,  and 
 with  this  expedition  the  hiftory  of  Guicciardini,  another  very 
 exa6l  and  copious  hiftorian  begins,  and  where  he  ends,  viz.  a 
 little  after  the  year  1530,  the  ftill  more  celebrated,  and  more 
 general  hiftory  oiThuanus  commences,  ending  near  the  death  of 
 Henry  IV.  of  France;  including  the  civil  wars  of  that  country, 
 every  thing  that  is  interefting  on  the  theatre  of  Europe,  and  even 
 in  the  more  diftant  parts  of  the  world,  for  the  fpace  of  about 
 half  a  century,  comprizing  events  of  the  greateft  magnitude  and 
 importance. 
 
 If  a  perfon  cannot  read  Latin,  or  French  (in  which  there  is 
 a  good  tranflation  of  Thuanus)  he  may,  after  Guicciardini,  take 
 up  the  hiftory  of  Charles  V.  by  Robertfon,  and  with  much  fa- 
 tisfa<5^ion  read  that  work,  and  after  it  the  hiftories  of  Philip  11, 
 and  III.  by  Dr.  Watfon. 
 
 A  method  of  nsaking  hiftory  particularly  interefting  and 
 ufeful,  is  to  make  the  objed:  of  it  feme  particular  perfon  of  dif- 
 tinguiftied  eminence,  whofe  hiftory  has  a  connexion  with  al- 
 moft every  tiling  of  importance  in  the  age  in  which  he  lived  ; 
 and  in  writing  his  hiftory  to  omit  no  tranfa(Sl:ion  of  any  mo- 
 ment. Such  a  work  is  the  Memoirs  of  Petrarch  in  three  vo- 
 lumes qufirto,  v/hich  I  have  read  feveral  times  with  fingular 
 fatisfatStion.  This  work  gives  a  diftindt  view  of  the  moft  im- 
 portant affairs  of  Europe  for  the  fpace  of  near  feventy-years, 
 ending  A.  D.  1374,  and  including  almoft  the  wholeperiod  of  the 
 refidence  of  the  popes  at  Avignon.  As  very  little  is  faid 
 in  this  work    of  the  civil  tranfadions  of  France  or  Eno-Jand 
 
 CD 
 
 I  during 
 
Lect.  XXXII.        HISTORY.  203 
 
 during  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  the  defect  may  be  fupplied 
 from  Froiflart,  whofe  manner  of  writing  is  very  natural  and 
 pleafing,  refembling  that  of  Philip  de  Comines ;  and  in  a 
 feries  it  may  with  great  propriety  be  read  immediately  before 
 that  work,  though  there  is  an  interval  of  near  half  a  century 
 between  them,  which  muft  be  fupplit-d  from  other  hiftories. 
 
 Immediately  after  the  time  of  Petrarch  was  the  grand  Jchifrn^ 
 the  hiftory  of  which  is  largely  written  by  V Enfant^  in  his 
 Hijiory  of  the  Councils^  of  Pifa^  and  Conjiance  \  which  to  perfons 
 who  do  not  diflike  church  hiftory  will  be  very  interefting  j  and 
 after  this  may  be  read  in  the  fame  author,  the  hiftory  of  the 
 Council  of  Bafil^  which  will  bring  him  to  about  the  time  of 
 Philip  de  Comines. 
 
 If  a  perfon  finds  him.felf  interefted  in  thefe  hiftories  of  coun- 
 cils (which  indeed  comprize  almoft  every  tranfaition  of  import- 
 ance, civil  as  well  as  ecclefiaftical,  in  the  period  of  which  they 
 treat)  he  will  have  equal  fatisfadlion  and  advantage  in  reading 
 Father  Paul's  Hiflory  of  the  Council  of  Trent  ^  a  work  of  extraor- 
 dinary merit  in  its  kind,  efpecially  in  the  French  tranriatiuu 
 with  notes  by   Courrayer. 
 
 It  would  be  highly  interefting  to  find  a  feries  of  the  lives  of 
 great  men  which  might,  in  fucceftion,  and  without  interruption, 
 carry  us  down  the  ftream  of  time  till  we  come  to  the  period  of 
 our  own  recollection.  As  Mr.  Berington  has  begun  in  fo  early 
 a  period  as  the  life  of  Ahelard^  and  has  written  it  in  a  manner 
 that  makes  it  highly  interefting,  I  cannot  help  wifhing  tnat  we 
 had  other  works  of  a  fimilar  conftrucStion,  to  bring  us  from 
 thence  to  the  age  of  Petrarch. 
 
 Voyages  have  lefs  connexion  with  each  otherthan  hiftories  of 
 tranfactions  by  land,  but  thofe  of  great  confequence  have  often 
 fome  relation  to  each  other,  and  therefore  are  real  with  particu- 
 lar fati.vfaCtion,  in  fucceftion,  as  in  the  colle6tion  of  Harris,  and 
 others.  The  voyages  of  Captain  Cook,  which  will  always 
 m..ke  a  rnoft  interefting  period  in  the  hiftory  of  navio-ation, 
 w;ll  clofe  this  lift  with  great  advantage.  There  are  few 
 voyages  the  obje(5ts  of  which  were  fo  great,  and  none  that  were 
 fo  ably  and  fiucdsfully  conducted  ;  and  they  have  every  ad- 
 vantage of  illuftration  by  means  of  maps  and  cuts. 
 
 0,2  PART 
 
204  LECTURESON  Part  V, 
 
 PART        V. 
 
 OF  THE  MOST  IMPORTANT  OBJECTS  OF  AT. 
 TENTION  TO  A  READER  OF  HISTORY. 
 
 LECTURE       XXXIII. 
 
 Different  ObjeSfs  to  different  Perfons.  An  acquaintance  with  the 
 Hijlory  of  our  own  Country  ufeful  to  Perfons  in  all  Ranks  of 
 Life,  Peculiar  life  of  Biography.  Biographia  Britannica^ 
 and  other  Biographical  Writings.  We  ought  particularly  to 
 attend  to  the  Connexion  of  Caufe  and  Effe£l  in  all  the  Changes 
 of  human  Affairs.  What  prejudices  to  he  more  particularly 
 guarded  againfl.  Afcrihing  too  much^  or  too  little  to  general^  or 
 particular  Caufe s -y  too  many^  or  too  few  Caufes.  Inconveniences 
 of  both. 
 
 WE  are  now  advanced  to  the  laft  divifion  of  our  fubje£l^ 
 namely,  to  point  out  the  mofi  proper  objeSls  of  attentiony 
 either  to  an  hiftorian,  or  a  reader  of  hiftory,  that  is  to  diredl  a 
 perfon  to  thofe  parts  of  hiftory  which  will  mofl:  tend  to  form 
 hisjudgment  and  dired  his  conduct  j  which  was  one  of  the 
 ufes  which  hiftory  was  (hown  to  anfwer  in  the  beginning  of  this 
 courfe,  and  the  only  one  with  which  we  have  any  concern  at 
 prefent.  What  objects  thofe  are  that  amufe  the  imagination, 
 and  intereft  the  paftions,  are  confidered  in  another  courfe  of 
 ledtures,  viz.  that  on  philofophical  criticifm. 
 
 » 
 
 Since 
 
Lect.  XXXIII.        HISTORY.  205 
 
 Since  there  is  an  infinite  variety  in  the  bufinefs  of  human 
 life,  different  clalTcs  of  men  require  different  kinds  of  infor- 
 mation, according  to  their  different  ffations  in  life.  It  were 
 vain,  therefore,  to  prefcribe  one  fcope,  or  view,  to  every  hif- 
 torian.  He  may,  if  he  pleat'es,  write  for  one  clafs  of  men 
 only,  and  therefore,  with  great  propriety  and  advantage,  intro- 
 duce that  kind  of  information  only  which  is  peculiarly  adapted 
 to  them  ;  or,  writing  for  the  ufe  of  tnankind  in  general,  con- 
 fifting  both  of  the  fpeculative  and  practical  part  of  them,  he 
 may  compofe  a  hiitory  of  fuch  materials  as  promifeto  be  of  the 
 moft  general  ufe  ;  containing  maxims  and  examples  both  for  the 
 direction  of  the  more  active  part  of  mankind,  and  alfo  the  moft 
 rational  entertainment  of  the  fcholar  and  the  gentleman. 
 
 With  refpe6t  to  a  reader  of  hiftory,  it  is  obvious  to  remark, 
 in  the  firft  place,  as  has  been  mentioned  more  than  once  already, 
 that  every  perfon  will  beft  find  his  account  in  ftudying  the 
 hiftory  of  his  own  country,  or  profeflion,  and  that  both  in  a 
 fpeculative  and  pra(5tical  view. 
 
 If  a  perfon  be  called  to  bear  an  active  part  in  the  tranfa£tions 
 of  his  country,  either  by  prefiding  in  its  councils,  directing  its 
 force,  or  performing  any  thing  which  will  probably  enter  into 
 the  hiftory  of  his  country,  as  his  particular  condudt  is  only 
 a  party  and  a  continuation^  of  a  feries  of  councils,  and  a  train  of 
 exploits,  which  began  before  he  was  born,  all  the  parts  of 
 which  are  ftridiy  connected  in  an  infinite  variety  of  ways,  no 
 fucceeding  part,  fuch  as  he  is  acting,  can  be  well  conducted 
 without  a  regard  to  the  preceding.  For  inftance,  how  ill- 
 qualified  would  a  general  be  to  conduct  a  future  war  againft 
 France  who  was  unacquainted  with  the  conduct  of  the  laft  war  ; 
 when  every  new  expedition  and  ftratagem  would  neceffarily 
 have  fome  kind  of  reference  to,  or  be  guided  by,  a  former 
 expedition  or  ftratagem.  But  the  laft  war  could  not  be 
 thoroughly  underftood  without  fome  knowledge  of  thofe  pre- 
 ceding it.  In  the  fame  manner  we  may  argue  the  neceffity  of, 
 at  leaft,  a  general  knowledge  of  the  whole  of  the  Englifti  hiftory, 
 to  every  Englifh  commander. 
 
 But 
 
ao6  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 But  the  knowledge  of  hiftory  is  ftill  more  necefTary  to  a 
 minifter  of  ftate.  For  every  treaty  that  is  made  with  any  njition, 
 and  every  meafure  that  is  taken  with  refpcdt  to  it,  muft  necef- 
 farily  be  adapted  to  the  preceding  t  ran  fait  ions  of  every  kind  with 
 that  nation. 
 
 An  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  hiftory  of  our  country 
 is  no  lefs  necefTary  to  every  perfon  who  is  concerned  in  the  en- 
 abling or  in  the  adminiftration  of  our  laws.  The  conduct  of 
 a  divine  too,  whether  of  the  eftablifliment,  or  a  non-conformift, 
 (hould,  in  many  particulars,  be  dire6led  by  a  knowledge  of  the 
 hiftory  of  our  country,  both  ecclefiaftical  and  civil  ;  and  the 
 like  is  necefTary,  or  ufeful,  in  a  greater  or  lefs  degree,  to  every 
 inhabitant  of  the  country.  Befides,  what  more  inviting  fubjecl 
 of  contemplation  can  a  reclufe  perfon  make  choice  of,  than 
 to  trace  the  revolutions  in  church  and  ftate  which  his  own 
 country  has  undergone,  to  enter  into  the  caufes  of  them,  and 
 fee  the  manner  of  their  operation. 
 
 If  a  perfon  read  hiftory  for  real  ufe,  and  the  direction  of  his 
 conduit  in  his  own  profeifion,  biography  will  anfwer  this  purpofe 
 more  effedtually  than  general  hiftory.  Lives  have  been  pub- 
 liflied  of  particular  perfons  of  every  ftation  and  profeflion, 
 princes,  generals,  ftatefmen,  divines,  philofophers,  and  even 
 artifts  of  every  kind,  which  are  of  excellent  ufe  to  infpire  a 
 fpirit  of  emulation  in  perfons  of  the  fame  ftation  and  pro- 
 feflion,  Thofe  in  the  Bi agraphia  Britannica  are  excellently 
 adapted  to  this  purpofe,  but  the  General  Biographical  DiSiionary^ 
 though  exceedingly  uleful,  will  not  completely  anfwer 
 this  end.  The  accounts  it  contains  of  the  perfons  whofe 
 lives  are  introduced  into  it  are  too  concife.  And  we  cannot 
 become  fafficiently  interefted  in  any  charjidter,  fo  as  to  have 
 our  emulation  and  other  generous  paflions  excited  by  it,  unlefs 
 we  have  an  opportunity  of  feeing  it  in  a  variety  of  lights,  and 
 thereby  forming  a  pretty  particular  and  intimate  acquaintance 
 with  it. 
 
 A  (hort  defcription  in  a  few  words  (fuch  as  is  given  of  great 
 men  in  many  genral  hiftories)  is  not  fufficient  to  give  a  clear 
 idea  of  a  charader.     It  muft  be  dwelt  upon  a  confiderable  time 
 
 before 
 
Lect.  XXXIII.       HISTORY.  207 
 
 before  it  can  afFe£t  the  imagination,  and  intereft  the  paiHons. 
 Indeed,  thih  eff^^ci  cannot  be  produced  by  any  general  andabftradt 
 defcription  whatever.  Thofe  chara6ters  only  affecl  the  imagi- 
 nation, and  intereft  the  paflions,  which  we  form  to  ourfelves 
 from  the  reprefentation  of  a  detail  of  actions,  and  a  courfe  of 
 condu(Sl  of  fonie  extent. 
 
 It  is  a  1  moll  needle fs  to  obferve  (thojgh  it  be  of  the  utmoft 
 importance  to  attend  to  it)  that  in  piopofing  to  ourfelves  the 
 imitation  of  any  perfon  or  a£lion,  we  fliould  take  care  that  the 
 circumftances  of  the  two  cafes  be  perfectly  alike,  Otherwife  a 
 fimilar  conducSlwill  have  very  different  confequences.  Yet  the 
 drcumftances  of  human  conduct  are  fo  various,  and  changes 
 are'fo  imperceptible  in  a  courfe  of  time,  that  men  of  the 
 greateft  fagacity  are  often  deceived  by  fimilar  appearances,  and 
 betrayed  by  them  into  great  abfurdities  in  their  conduct.  Thus 
 Pope  Paul  V.  in  the  year  1606,  thought  to  imitate  Gregory 
 VII.  in  laying  the  whole  ftate  of  Venice  under  an  interdiiSt. 
 But  time  had  greatly  leffened  the  terror  of  papal  menaces.  The 
 Venetians  prohibited  the  reading  of  the  mandate. 
 
 Secondly,  if  we  read  hiftory  like  philofophers,  we  mufl 
 principally  attend  to  the  connexion  of  caufe  and  effe£i^  in  all  the 
 great  changes  of  human  affairs.  We  ought  never  to  be  fatisfied 
 with  barely  knowing  an  event,  but  endeavour  to  trace  all  the 
 circumftances  in  the  fituation  of  things  which  contributed 
 either  to  produce,  or  facilitate  ;  to  haften,  or  to  retard  it,  and 
 clearly  fee  the  manner  of  their  operation  ;  by  which  we  fhall 
 be  better  able  to  form  a  judgment  of  the  ftate  of  political  affairs 
 in  future  time,  and  take  our  meafures  with  greater  wifdom, 
 and  a  more  reafonable  profpe^l  of  fuccefs. 
 
 Thus  a  perfon  who  confines  himfelf  ftri£lly  to  natural  hiftory 
 contents  himfelf  with  giving  a  faithful  account  of  the  appear- 
 ances of  nature  ;  but  a  philofopher  employs  himfelf  in  obferving 
 the  analogies  of  thefe  appearances,  in  order  to  difcover  the  ge- 
 neral laws  of  nature,  and  produce  future  appearances  from 
 known  preceding  circumftances. 
 
 In  this  cafe  alfo  the  political  philofopher  has  the  fame  pre- 
 judices  to  guard  againft  that  philofophers  in  general  have  ; 
 
 particularly 
 
2o8'  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 particularly  the  two  extremes  of  hmplicity  and  refinement. 
 Some,  not  confidering  the  vaft  variety  there  is  in  the  fprings  of 
 human  conducSl,  are  never  induced  to  go  beyond  one  obvious 
 reafon  of  a  great  event.  Others  again  aflign  fo  many  reafons 
 for  the  rife  and  fall  of  ftates,  that  we  are  fo  far  from  wonder- 
 ing that  they  rofc  fo  early,  or  fell  fo  foon  as  they  did,  that  we 
 cannot  help  being  furprifed  that  they  rofe  no  earlier,  higher,  or 
 fafter,  and  that  they  fell  no  lower,  or  fooner,  than  they  did. 
 When  hiftorians,  like  Mr.  Hume,  affign  a  great  number  of 
 reafons  for  every  political  meafure,  there  is  this  advantage  in  it, 
 that  though  it  be  highly  improbable  that  all  of  them  fliould 
 have  been  adually  thought  of  at  the  time,  yet,  of  fo  many, 
 fome  would  probably  have  been  attended  to,  and  have  had  real 
 weight  with  the  perfons  concerned  ;  and  the  reader  in  this  cafe 
 may  chufe  what  reafons  he  thinks  did  moft  probably  contribute 
 to  bring  about  the  event.  This  method  is  certainly  fairer  and 
 better  then  pronouncing  dogmatically  that  this  or  the  other 
 circumftance  was  the  true  caufe  of  the  event,  when  it  could 
 not  have  produced  it  fmgly,  though  its  operation  was  necefTary  j 
 or  when  it  was  the  latl  in  operation  of  a  train  which  gave  birth 
 to  the  event,  and  in  refpe6l  of  which  it  was  no  more  than  a 
 fecondary  caufe,  and  therefore  not  fo  deferving  of  notice  as  the 
 primary  caufe. 
 
 I  {hall  endeavour  to  make  myfelf  underflood  by  a  few  ex- 
 amples of  the  principal  of  thefe  cafes.  Montefquieu  is  one 
 of  the  moft  excellent  of  all  political  writers,  but  his  lively 
 manner  of  expreffion  is  very  apt  to  lead  his  readers  into  mif« 
 takes,  if  they  do  not  make  ufe  of  fome  parts  of  his  works 
 to  explain  others.  Thus  it  is  roo  peremptory  to  fay,  as  he 
 does,  that  the  blood  of  Lucretia  put  an  end  to  kingly  power 
 at  Rome  ;  that  the  debtor  appearing  covered  with  wounds 
 made  a  change  in  the  form  of  the  republic;  that  the  fight  of 
 Virginia  put  an  end  to  the  power  of  the  Decemviis,  and  that 
 the  fight  of  the  robe  and  body  of  Caefarenflaved  Rome.  This 
 is  certainly  afcribing  too  much  \.o  fpe^acles^  without  telling  us 
 v/hat  was  the  reafon  why  fuch  fpedcacles,  in  thofe  particular 
 circumftances,  had  io    much   influence.     For,    as    he    himfelf 
 
 excellently 
 
Lect.  XXXIII.     HISTORY.  209 
 
 excellently  obferves,  if  a  particular  event,  as  the  lofs  of  a 
 battle,  be  the  ruin  of  a  (late,  theie  muft  have  been  a  more 
 general  reafon,  why  the  lofs  of  a  battle  would  ruin  it.  The 
 fume  remark  maybe  applied  here, 
 
 Bolingbroke  excellently  fhows,  in  a  familiar  and  ftriking  in- 
 fiance,  that  we  mull  endeavour  to  lov^k  farther  than  the  neareft 
 caufe  in  politics.  The  mJfery  of  England,  he  fays,  under 
 James  II.  was  owing  to  his  bigotry,  that  to  the  exile  of  the 
 royal  family,  that  to  the  ufurpation  of  Cromwell,  that  to  the  civil 
 wars,  and  that  to  opprefTion. 
 
 Writers  who,  with  fo  pofitive  an  air,  afFedt  to  afcribe  the 
 greateft  events  to  fingle  caufes  are  very  apt  to  ieem  <o  contradict 
 themfelves  when,  in  feparate  parts  of  their  works,  they  have 
 occafion  to  fpeak  of  two  or  more  cauies  v/hich  were  equally 
 necelTary  to  the  event.  Thus  M.^ntelquieu  fays  in  one  place, 
 that  whatever  Charles  II.  of  England  meant,  certain  it  is  that 
 his  conduct  eftablifhed  the  fupcriority  of  France  in  Europe;  In 
 another  place,  that  a  numerous  nobility  without  eflates  has 
 been  a  great  caufe  of  the  grandeur  and  power  of  France.  But 
 in  other  places  he  very  juiHy  affigns  other  reafons  for  the 
 amazing  increafe  of  the  French  power.  And  thouc^h  in  the 
 pafiage  quoted  above,  he  feems  to  afcribe  too  much  to  mere 
 ^pe^acks^  in  the  revolutions  of  the  Roman  ftate  ;  yet  in  his 
 treatife  on  the  rife  and  fall  of  the  empire,  he  gives  a  moft 
 judicious  detail  of  many  caufes  which  concurred  to  produce 
 thofe  events.  Indeed,  many  circumftances  are  really  nccelTary 
 to  almofl:  every  event;  and,  as  was  obferved  in  a  former  part 
 of  this  courfe,  it  is  very  ufeful  to  reflect  on  what  minute  in- 
 cidents the  greateft  events  do  often  abfolutely  depend,  not- 
 withftanding  the  acknowledged  influence  of  general  caufes. 
 I  {hall  juft  add  a  few  more  examples  of  this  kind  here  to  thofe 
 mentioned  in  another  viev/  before. 
 
 Mr.  Hume  obferves  that  Pope  Clement  would  probably  have 
 confented  to  the  divorce  of  Henry  Vill.  and  confequently  that 
 the* reformation  v.ould  have  been  prevented  from  taking  place 
 in  England,  at  leaft  at  that  ti;i:e,  and  in  that  manner,  if  a 
 perfon  who  carried  a  particular  kivcr  from   Heniy   to  the  Pope 
 
 had 
 
2IO  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 had  not  been  detained  by  an  unforefeen  accident  beyond  the 
 day  appointed.  Voltaire  fomewhere  fays,  that  a  ftone  thrown  a 
 little  harder,  in  a  battle  in  which  Mahomet  was  dunned  with 
 a  blow  from  one,  would  have  given  a  different  turn  to  the 
 hiftory  of  all  the  eaft  ;  and  that  a  pair  of  gloves  of  a  particular 
 falhion,  which  theDuchefs  of  Marlborough  refufed  Queen  Ann, 
 and  a  glafs  of  water  which,  by  an  affedled  miftake,  (he  let  fall 
 in  her  prefence  upon  Lady  Mafham's  gown,  changed  the  face  of 
 affairs  in  Europe.  And  it  is  certain,  notwithftanding  all  the 
 folid  reafons  which  are  given  for  the  rife  of  the  French,  and  the 
 declenfion  of  the  Spanilh  power  after  thedifcovery  of  America, 
 that  had  Henry  IV.  Richlieu,  and  Lewis  XIV.  been  Spaniards, 
 and  Philip  11.  and  his  fucceffors  been  French,  the  hiftory  of 
 thofe  two  nations,  as  Mr.  Hume  fays,  would  have  been  entirely 
 reverfed. 
 
 Voltaire,  juftly  ridiculing  the  manner  in  which  fome  poli- 
 ticians reafon  after  events,  fays,  that  "  if  Germany  in  the  time 
 •*  fucceeding  Charles  V.  had  fallen  to  decay  ;  had  the  Turks 
 *'  invaded  one  part  of  it ;  and  had  the  other  called  in  foreign 
 *'  mafters,  politicians  would  not  have  failed  to  declare,  that 
 *<  Germany,  already  torn  in  pieces  by  inteftine  divifions,  could 
 *'  not  have  fubfifted  any  longer ;  and  would  have  demonftrated 
 *'  from  the  peculiar  form  of  its  government,  that  the  great 
 "  number  of  its  princes,  and  a  plurality  of  religions,  had  ne- 
 "  ceffarily  prepared  the  way  for  its  ruin  and  inevitable  flavery. 
 "  And,  indeed,"  he  adds,  "  as  far  as  human  forefight  could 
 *'  reach,  the  caufes  of  the  decline  of  the  Roman  empire  were 
 *'  not  fo  obvious." 
 
 An  opinion  of  the  profound  policy  of  particular  perfons  is 
 often  the  occafion  of  great  miftakes  with  refpe6l  to  the  caufes 
 of  important  events.  How  many  extravagant  things  afcribed 
 to  the  intelligence  and  fchemes  of  Cromwell ;  and  how  abfurd 
 is  the  opinion  which  was  common  in  France,  that  Richlieu  was 
 the  only  perfon  whocaufed  Guftavus  the  Great  to  turn  his  arms 
 againft  Germany. 
 
 It  is  very  poffible  that  the  affairs  of  empires  are  in  fad 
 conduced  with  no  deeper  policy,  or  greater  reach  of  thought 
 
 than 
 
Lect.XXXIII.        history.  211 
 
 than  mankind  in  general  exert  in  the  management  of  their  own 
 private  affairs  ;  only  the  things  themfelves  are  more  important, 
 and  therefore  make  a  greater  figure  in  the  eye  of  the  world. 
 Voltaire  well  obferves  that  it  is  not  a  fuperior  fhare  of  pene- 
 tration that  makes  ftateimen.  All  men  that  have  any  tolerable 
 degree  of  underftanding  can  nearly  difcern  what  is  their  intereft. 
 A  common  citizen  of  Amfterdam  or  Bern,  he  fays,  knows  as 
 much  on  this  head  as  Sejanus,  Ximenes,  Buckingham,  Richlieu, 
 or  Mazarine.  This  is  certain,  that  all  the  capital  events  in 
 this  world,  which  have  contributed  to  bring  about  a  better  ftate 
 of  things  in  general,  all  the  fituaiions  in  human  affairs  favour- 
 able to  liberty,  virtue,  and  happinefs,  were  brought  about  in  a 
 manner  independent  of  the  policy,  the  defigns,  or  even  the 
 wifhes,  of  all  human  beings,  and  muft  be  afcribed  wholly  to 
 the  good  providence  of  God,  wifely  »)ver-ruling  the  paiJions  and 
 powers  of  men  to  his  own  benevolent  purpofes. 
 
 L  L  C  1    U  R  E 
 
212  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 LECTURE       XXXIV. 
 
 General  Obfervaiions  on  political  Meafures.  When  perfonal  Con- 
 Jiderations  may  be  fuppofed  to  influence  public  Meafures^  and 
 when  not.  Difference  between  the  true^  and  the  declared 
 Motives  to  Tranfa^ionSy  Wars.,  &c.  All  jujl  reafoning  on  the 
 Connexion  of  Caufe  and  Effe£i  capable  of  being  reduced  to 
 PraSiice.  Periods  of  Hifiory  more  particularly  worthy  of 
 Attention,  The  Connexion  of  Sacred  and  Prophane  Hijlory. 
 The  Succeffion  of  the  four  Monarchies.  Hijlory  of  the  Grecian 
 Commonwealths.^  why  interejiingy  and  what  to  he  learned 
 from  it. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING  the  proprletyofafTignlng  politi- 
 cal reafons  for  political  meafures,  there  is  no  doubt  but 
 thiat  where  they  depend  upon  one  perfon,  or  a  few,  perfonal 
 confideratlons  enter  very  much  into  them.  Princes,  though 
 politicians,  are  ftill  men.  In  abfolute  monarchies,  and  par- 
 ticularly in  Eaftern  countries,  almoft  every  great  event  is  afcribcd 
 by  the  moft  judicious  hiftorians  to  the  efFe<fts  of  private  paflions  5 
 and  queen  Elizabeth,  though,  no  doubt,  ihe  had  political 
 reafons  for  the  unnatural  part  (he  aifted  towards  Mary  queen 
 of  Scots,  is  not  without  reafon  thought  to  have  been  determined 
 to  it  in  fome  meaiure,  by  her  envy  of  her  beauty  and  ac- 
 complifhments. 
 
 It  is  a  good  general  rule,  that  whatever  depends  upon  a  few 
 perfons  may  often  be  afcribed  to  unknown  caufes,  but  that 
 what  depends  upon  a  great  number  is  belt  accounted  for  by 
 determinate  and  known  caufes.  Individuals  may  efcape  the 
 influence  of  general  paflions,  but  multitudes  are  actuated  by 
 grofs  and  fenfible  motives.  Befides,  multitudes  are  not  afhamed 
 of  being  governed  by  a  regard  to  the  interefl  of  the  whole 
 body ;  whereas  fuch  motives  may  influence  the  conduct  of 
 particular  perfons,  as  they  will  not  avow,  and  which  there  are 
 no  means  of  difcovering. 
 
 We  find  in  Polybius  that  in  his  time  the  declared  reafons 
 of  the  condu6l  of  princes  and  ftates  were  different  from  the  true 
 motives  of  their  condu6l.     But  even  this  author  could  have  no 
 
 conception 
 
Lect.  XXXIV.      HISTORY,  213 
 
 conception  from  any  thing  he  had  feen,  of  the  great  refinement 
 of  modern  politics  in  this  refpedl.  To  fee  the  fpirit  of  be- 
 nevolence, tendernefs,  equity  and  honour,  that  appears  in  all 
 our  declarations  of  war,  and  the  manifefto's  which  are  pub- 
 lifhed  upon  entering  an  enemy's  country,  a  common  reader 
 would  think  that  the  princes  of  Europe  were  more  than  men  . 
 but  then  he  would  be  furprifed  that  when  all  princes  entertained 
 thofe  excellent  pacific  fentiments,  they  Ihould  be  obliged  to 
 have  recourfe  to  fanguinary  methods  in  order  to  terminate  their 
 differences.  He  would  think  that  when  all  parties  concerned 
 were  fo  happily  difpofed,  they  would  bear  every  thing  from 
 one  another  rather  than  go  to  war. 
 
 This  attention  to  the  connexion  of  caufe  and  effe£i  ought  by 
 no  means  to  be  confined  to  philofophers.  It  is  the  intereft  of 
 the  a(5tive  ftatefmen  clofely  to  ftudy  it.  For,  as  Bolingbroke 
 obferves,  the  great  benefit  we  ought  to  derive  from  the  ftudy  of 
 hiftory  cannot  be  reaped,  unlefs  we  accuftom  ourfelves  to  com- 
 pare the  conduct  of  difi^erent  governments,  and  to  obferve  the 
 methods  they  did  purfue,  and  the  meafures  they  might  have 
 purfued  \  with  the  a6lual  confequences  that  followed  the  one  j 
 and  the  probable  or  pollible  confequences  of  the  other. 
 
 Befides,  in  politics,  as  in  every  other  branch  of  ftudy,  all  juft 
 reafoning  on  the  connexion  of  caufe  and  efte<ft  is  capable  of 
 being  reduced  to  pradlice,  A  theory,  or  a  general  rule  of 
 conduct,  can  only  be  derived  from  the  obfervation  of  a  train 
 of  caufes  and  effects  in  real  life  ;  and  all  adling  is  at  random 
 without  regard  to  fome  theory.  Indeed,  it  is  impoifible  to 
 a61:  at  all  without  fome  vieiu^  and  that  view  diredled  by  fome 
 hypothefis^  to  which  the  event  is  expected  to  correfpond.  Is 
 it  not  then  better  to  form  to  ourfelves  the  beft  hypothefis  about 
 human  actions  that  we  can  collect  from  reading  and  obfervation, 
 than  to  a6tabrolutely  at  random  ;  and  is  it  not  better,  and  fafer, 
 to  follow  a  more  perfect  theory,  than  a  more  imperfect  one  ? 
 
 Thirdly,  there  are  certain  periods  in  the  hiftory  oi  power,  of 
 knowledge^  and  of  commerce,  which  are  more  deferving  of  a  clofe 
 attention  than  others,  which  I  ft>aH  endeavour  to  point  out  to  you. 
 
 The  firft  thing  deferving  in  an  efpecial  manner  the  notice 
 of  a  divine,  is  the  connexion  of  facred  and  profane  hijiory,   in  the 
 
 fucceftioa 
 
3ti4  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 fucceflion  of  the  four  great  monarchies,  the  Babylonian,  Per- 
 fian,  Grecian,  and  Roman  ;  in  order  to  fee  the  accomplifhment 
 of  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  and  John.  The  whole  of  this 
 fubje£l  is  treated  very  largely,  and  in  a  judicious  manner  by 
 Prideaux,  in  his  excellent  treatife  on  this  fubje^t.  Rollin,  and 
 BofTuet,  have  alfo  taken  particular  notice  of  it. 
 
 Pafling  by  ecclefiaftical  hiftory,  unlefs  where  it  is  particularly 
 connected  with  civil,  the  next  period  worthy  of  our  notice  is 
 that  which  contains  the  hiftory  of  the  Grecian  commonwealths  ; 
 every  ftage  of  whigh  we  have  fo  fine  an  opportunity  of  tracing 
 in  the  admirable  Grecian  hiftorians,  who  adorned  ihat  period; 
 by  means  of  which  the  hiftory  of  fo  Inconfiderable  a  people, 
 with  refpeca  to  numbers,  and  extent  of  territory,  has  attra^ed 
 the  attention  of  all  civilized  nations  and  ages,  and  will  be  the 
 fubjcfl:  of  difcourfe  and  of  writing  to  the  end  of  the  world,  or 
 fo  long  as  a  tafte  for  knowledge,  and  a  fpirit  of  liberty  and 
 magnanimity,  (hall  fubfift.  Here  we  have  an  opportunity  of 
 obferving  with  the  greateft  clearnefs,  and  with  every  variety  of 
 circumftancc,  all  the  advantages  and  difadvantages  of  a  popular 
 government,  both  in  their  ftruggles  for  common  liberty  with  a 
 foreign  power,  and  in  their  con  tells  for  fuperiorlty  am.ong  them- 
 
 felves. 
 
 This  period  is  the  more  worthy  of  our  notice  on  account  of  the 
 great  refemblance  it  bears,  though  in  miniature,  to  the  prefent 
 ftate  of  Europe.  The  power  both  of  the  Grecian  and  European 
 ftates  was  greatly  increafed  in  confequence  of  mutual  emulation, 
 and  domeftic  wars  ;  but  whereas  theirs  were  fo  obftinate  as 
 greatly  to  weaken  one  another,  and  give  a  foreign  power  an 
 opportunity  to  cru(h  them  all  ;  Europe  has  hitherto  only  been 
 exercifed  to  the  ufe  of  arms,  and  the  power  of  the  whole  has 
 been  increafed,  by  the  wars  which  the  feveral  ftates  of  it  have 
 maintained  with  one  another.  The  wars  between  the  Athenians 
 and  Lactdemonians,  particularly  the  great  Peloponnefian  war, 
 which  is  the  fubje^t  of  Thucydides*s  hiftory,  afford  an  excellent 
 lelfon  to  the  Englifli  in  their  wars  with  the  French,  exbib:ting 
 in  the  cleareft  light  all  the  advantages  of  a  maritime  force,  and 
 the  rifkthat  is  run  by  a  popular  government  (or  a  government 
 inclinin'J  to  that  form)  from  aiming  at  extenfive  conquefts. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XXXV.        HISTORY.  2,5 
 
 LECTURE      XXXV. 
 
 The  Rife  and  Declenfion  of  the  Roman  E?npire.  What  InJiruBion 
 it  affords.  The  Settlement  of  the  Northern  Nations  in  the  Dif 
 fnemhered  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire^  with  their  original 
 Laws  and  Cujhms^  as  the  Foundation  of  the  prefent  European 
 Governments,  What  circumfiances  contributed  to  render  the  Hif 
 tory  of  Europe  from  the  Clofe  of  the  fifteenth  Century  much  more  in^ 
 terejling^  and  more  deferving  of  Attention^  than  before.  The  Time 
 when  the  Hiftory  of  Spain  begins  to  be  inter efling  to  the  refl  of  Eu- 
 rope, The  fame  with  rejpe^  to  France,  The  Northern  Crowns, 
 Ruffiay  Pruffia,  Into  what  Parts  the  whole  Period^  from  the 
 Clofe  of  the  fifteenth  Century  to  the  prefent  Times^  may  be  divided. 
 What  are  the  mofiflriking  ObjeSfs  of  Attention  in  other  Parts  of 
 the  Worlds  in  the  Interval  between  the  Irruption  of  the  Northern 
 Barbarians  and  the  Clofe  of  the  fifteenth  Century.  The  Hijiorj 
 ofAfia\  and  of  Germany. 
 
 npHE  rife  and  declenfion  of  the  Roman  Empire  is  a  vaft  and 
 worthy  object  of  contemplation.  For  great  power  rifinp- 
 from  low  beginnings,  for  extent  of  empire,  and  the  duration  of 
 it,  will  probably  be  always  the  greateft  obje<51:  that  univerOJ 
 hiftory  can  exhibit.  Never  can  we  fee  more  clearly  demon- 
 ftrated  the  advantages  which  accrue  to  a  people  from  tem- 
 perance, valour,  difcipline,  juftice,  and  emulation,  in  the  ear- 
 lier part  of  their  hiftory  ;  and  never,  on  the  theatre  of  this 
 world,  did  luxury,  a  fpirit  of  faction,  violence,  and  lawlefs 
 power,  reign  more  uncontrouled  then  when  the  empire  was 
 fully  eftabliftied. 
 
 No  hiftory  furnifhes  fo  ftrilcing  an  example  how  incompa- 
 tible extenfive  empire  is  wich  political  liberty,  or  difplays 
 in  a  more  confpicuous  light  the  wifdom  of  Divine  Providence, 
 in  appointing  that  that  form  of  government  which  Is,  in  a 
 manner,  neceffary  for  extenfive  dominion,  (hould  be  the  happieft 
 for  the  fubjeds  of  it.  As  to  the  latter  part  of  the  Roman  hiftor)', 
 were  it  not  for  the  remains  of  the  Grecian  arts  and  fciznces 
 (which  never  entirely  quitted  Conftantinople,  till  the  final  dif- 
 
 fjlution 
 
2i6  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 folutioa  of  the  empire)  nohlftory  can  exhibit  a  more  difagreeable 
 fpeftacle,  though  it  is  not  an  ufelefs  one.  For  never  were  re- 
 volutions, attended  with  afls  of  the  bafeft  treachery,  and  the 
 mofl  iludied  cruelty  more  frequent ;  nor  did  any  nation  ever 
 fink  lower  into  the  moft  defpicable  fuperftition. 
 
 A  lefs  grand  obje6l  of  contemplation  indeed,  but  a  more 
 ufeful  and  interefting  one  to  the  northern  inhabitants  of  Europe, 
 is  the  invafion  of  the  Roman  empire  by  the  Goths,  Vandals, 
 Huns, 'Franks,  and  other  northern  nations,  and  their  fettle- 
 ment  in  thofe  parts  of  it  in  which  they  laid  the  foundations 
 of  the  prefent  European  monarchies,  with  their  laws  and  cuf- 
 toms  antecedent  to  their  migrations.  In  them  will  be  found 
 the  (lamina  of  the  conftitutions  of  the  feveral  European  govern- 
 ments, and  of  the  feveral  fyftems  of  laws  now  in  force.  From 
 that  period  every  kingdom  held  on  in  a  regular,  but  feparate 
 progrefs,  of  internal  changes  and  revolutions,  till  about  the  end 
 of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  the  power  of  the  greater  barons 
 (derived  from  the  feudal  inftitutions)  was  broken  in  different 
 manners,  and  with  different  confequences,  in  feveral  of  the 
 principal  ftates  of  Europe. 
 
 From  this  time,  domeftic  tranquillity  being  In  a  good  mca- 
 fure  fecured,  and  power  being  lodged  in  fev/er  hands,  the  am- 
 bition of  princes  began  to  awake,  and  confequently  fyftems  of 
 politics  began  to  extend  themfelves,  fo  that  the  moft  diftant  con- 
 nexions of  kingdoms  and  nations  took  place.  The  balance  of 
 power  was  then  more  attended  to,  and  nothing  which  could 
 throw  the  leaft  weight  into  the  fcale,  though  fituated  in  the  le- 
 moteft  part  of  Europe,  or  even  in  ftill  more  diftant  parts  of  the 
 world,  was  overlooked. 
 
 There  was  likewife  a  concurrence  of  a  variety  of  other  cir- 
 cumftances  which  contributed  to  render  this  part  of  hiftory 
 particularly  illuftrious,  and  more  diftinguiftiable,  as  a  pericdy 
 than  any  other  in  the  v^hole  courfe  of  hiftory  ;  according  to 
 the  ideas  of  Bolingbroke,  who  defines  a  period  in  hiftory  to  be 
 **  the  commencement  of  a  new  fituation,  new  interefts,  new 
 "  maxims,  and  new  manners.*' 
 
 Aboat 
 
Lect.  XXXV.      HISTORY.  217 
 
 About  this  time  the  invention  of  gun- powder  made  an  entire^ 
 but  gradual,  revolution  in  the  whole  fyftem  of  war;  which 
 made  it  more  complex  as  a  fcience  than  it  had  ever  been  before  ; 
 in  comparifon  of  which  former  battles  had  been  little  more  than 
 the  fighting  of  wild  beafts,  in  which  force  is  of  more  confe- 
 quence  than  (kill.  Commerce  became  vaftly  more  extenfive  ; 
 the  naval  power  of  Europe  greatly  increafed,  in  confequence  of 
 the  difcovery  of  a  paiTage  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  by  the 
 Portuguefe,  and  of  America  by  the  Spaniards,  with  the  plant- 
 ing of  European  colonies  in  thofe  new  difcovered  worlds.  About 
 this  time  alfo  happened  the  taking  of  Conftantinople  by  the 
 Turks,  which  was  attended  with  the  flight  of  feveral  men  ofieiirn- 
 ing  into  Italy,  who  promoted  the  revival  of  letters  in  Europe; 
 an  event  which  contributed  greatly  to  break  the  prodigious 
 power  of  the  pope,  and  to  haften  the  reformation.  Now  alfo 
 manufacSlures  began  to  be  multiplied,  the  arts  of  life  were 
 brought  to  a  greater  degree  of  perfection,  luxury  was  beyond 
 conception  encreafed ;  and  at  this  time  politencfs  and  humanity 
 are  improved  to  fuch  a  degree  as  diftinguifhes  thi;  prefentrace  of 
 Europeans  from  their  anceftors,  almoft  as  much  as  men  in  general 
 are  diftinguiflied  from  brute  beafts.  I  may  add,  that,  in  confe- 
 quence of  thefe  improvements,  happinefs  is  vaftly  increafed,  and 
 this  part  of  the  world  is  now  a  paradife  in  comparifon  with  what 
 it  was. 
 
 Every  circumftance  which  contributed  to  bring  about  this 
 remarkable  and  happy  change  certainly  deferves  the  attention  of 
 a  politician,  a  philofopher,  and  a  man.  For  the  events  of  this 
 period  are  of  more  ufe  than  any  thing  that  the  whole  field  of 
 hiftory  furnilhes,  to  account  for  prefent  appearances^  which  is 
 naturally  the  firft  thing  which  excites  our  curiofity,  and  engages 
 our  fpeculation.     Felix  qui  pstuit  rer urn  cognofcere  caufas. 
 
 Iftialljuft  mention  the  principal  of  thofe  ftates  which  have  fince 
 appeared  the  moft  formidable  to  the  liberties  of  Europe.  Spain, 
 which  firft  rofe  to  fo  dangerous  a  height,  made  no  figure  till 
 the  union  of  the  two  crowns  of  Caftile  arwi  Leon,  about  the  time 
 above-mentioned;  when  the  difcovery  of  America,  the  politics 
 of  Ferdinand,  and  Charles  V.  and  the  conqueft  of  Portugal, 
 advanced  that  nation  to  be  by  far  the  moft  confiderable  power 
 
 R  in 
 
2i8  LECTURES    ON  Part    V. 
 
 in  Europe  ;  but  which  the  abfur^  politics  of  Philip  II.  and  jhe 
 weaknefs  of  his  facceiTors,  reduced  to  its  former  infignificance. 
 
 France  had  no  opportunity  ofOiewingitfelf  tothe  reft  of  Europe 
 before  the  reign  of  Lewis  XI.  Till  that  time,  its  princes  were 
 wholly  employed  either  in  recovering  their  difmembered  country 
 from  the  Engliih,  or  in  their  ftruggles  with  their  own  nobles. 
 Alfo  the  fuperior  power  and  politics  of  Spain,  prevented  the 
 French  from  appearing  with  that  prodigious  luftre  with  which 
 they  were  diftinguiOied  in  the  reign  of  Lewis  XIV.  for  which 
 however  they  were  prepared  by  their  expeditions  into  Italy,  by 
 their  contells  with  Germany,  and  by  their  own  civil  wars. 
 Since  the  reign  of  Lewis  XIV.  the  affairs  of  France  have  been 
 ve^y  fenfibly  upon  the  decline. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  the  northern  crowns  likewife  deferves  little 
 attention  till  about  the  fame  period.  Before  Frederic  I.  was 
 eledled  to  the  crown  of  Denmark,  and  that  wonderful  revolu- 
 tion which  Guftavus  I.  brought  about  in  Sweden,  the  hiftory  of 
 thofe  crowns  is  nothing  more  than  a  confufed  rhapfody  of 
 events,  in  which  the  reft  of  Europe  had  little  concern. 
 
 Ruftia  was  hardly  fo  much  as  known  to  the  reft  of  Europe 
 till  the  important  reign  of  Peter  the  Great ;  and  Pruftia,  which 
 is  now  one  of  the  firft  powers  in  Europe,  had  no  being,  as  we 
 may  fay,  till  within  the  memory  of  man. 
 
 The  whole  of  this  period  Bolingbroke  fays  may  be  commo- 
 dioufly  divided  into  thrte  parts,  forming  three  lefler  periods  in 
 politics  ;  the  firft  from  the  fifteenth  to  the  fixteenth  century, 
 the  fecond  from  thence  to  the  Pyrenean  treaty,  and  the  third 
 from  thence  to  his  own  times.  The  ambition  of  Charles  V. 
 and  the  bigotry  of  Philip  II.  he  fays,  were  th.e  obje61:  of  the 
 firft;  the  ambition  of  Ferdinand  H.  and  III.  the  object  of  the 
 fecond  ;  and  the  oppofition  to  the  growing  power  of  France  was 
 the  obje61:  of  the  third.  For  by  the  Pyrenean  treaty  not  only 
 was  the  fuperiority  of  tlite  houfe  of  Bourbon  over  the  houfe  of 
 Aufl:ria  completed  and  confirmed,  but  the  great  defign  of  unit- 
 ing the  Spanilh  and  French  monarchies  under  the  former  was 
 laid. 
 
 During 
 
Lect.  XXXV.        HISTORY.  219 
 
 During  all  the  period  which  intervened  between  Charle- 
 magne (in  whofe  time  the  European  ftates  firft  began  to  f.ttle 
 into  fome  tolerable  form,  after  the  confufion  attending  the  mi- 
 grations of  the  northern  nations)  and  the  period  above-men- 
 tioned, namely,  about  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  Germany 
 (next  to  the  exorbitant  power  of  the  popes  in  temporal  as  well 
 as  ecclefiaftical  affairs)  would  make  the  greateft  figure  in  the  eye 
 of  a  perfon  unconnected  with  any  particular  country  of  Europe. 
 But  indeed  Europe  itfelf  during  all  that  period  would  Icarce  at- 
 traft  the  notice  of  a  fpe£lator  of  the  affairs  of  men,  who  had  no 
 European  connexions.  For  feveral  centuries  before  and  after  the 
 reign  of  Charlemagne,  Afia  exhibited  the  moft  inviting  fpeCtacle, 
 namely,  from  the  rife  of  the  Saracens  in  the  feventh  century,  to 
 the  eftablifliment  of  the  Turkifh  empire  by  the  taking  of  Con- 
 ftantinople.  For  rapid  and  extenfive  conquefts,  following  clofe 
 upon  one  another,  nothing  in  hiftory  can  be  compared  to  the 
 fucceflive  victories  of  the  Saracens,  under  their  firft  Caliphs, 
 thofe  of  the  Tartars  under  Jenghls  Khan  and  Timur  Bek, 
 commonly  called  Tamerlane,  and  of  the  Turks  till  they  were 
 checked  by  the  rife  of  the  European  powers  in  the  circum-= 
 ftances  above-mentioned. 
 
 R  z  LECTURE 
 
220  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  V, 
 
 LECTURE       XXXVI. 
 
 The  mojt  remarkable  Periods  in  the  Englijb  Htjlory.  When  the 
 fil/iory  of  Scotland  begins  to  be  inter efling.  The  mojl  inter ejling 
 Periods  in  the  Hijlory  of  Literature  and  the  Arts^  from  the 
 earlieft  Antiquity  to  the  prefent  Time. 
 
 TH  E  earlier  periods  in  the  EngUJJj  hij^ory^re  the  conqueft 
 of  the  ifland  by  the  Romans,  our  fubje(3:ion  to  the  Saxonr, 
 the  diffblution  of  the  heptarchy,  the  reign  of  Alfred,  and  the 
 Norman  conqueft,  by  which  the  feudal  tenures  were  eft:- 
 blifhed,  and  the  whole  fyftem  of  the  feudal  law  compleated. 
 Thence  our  attention  is  drawn  to  the  gradual  declenfion  of  that 
 fyftem  till  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  and  efpecially  the  more  ef- 
 fedual  blow  that  was  given  to  the  tottering  remains  of  it  in 
 that  and  the  following  reigns,  attended  with  the  extenfion  of 
 Our  commerce,  the  increafe  of  our  naval  force,  and  the  growing 
 power  of  the  commons,  who  availed  themfelves  of  every  alte- 
 ration in  the  laws  and  conftitution  of  the  country.  Thence  we 
 are  led  to  view  the  inefFedual  oppofition  which  our  imprudent 
 princes  of  the  family  of  Stewart  made  to  the  power  of  the 
 people,  till  it  ended  in  a  temporary  diflTolution  of  the  monarchy, 
 andabfolute  anarchy  and  confufion.  Monarchy,  however,  was 
 reftored  again  with  Charles  II.  in  whofe  reign  almoft  all  the 
 remains  of  the  feudal  fyftem,  except  the  forms  of  law,  were 
 aboliftied  by  aft  of  parliament. 
 
 But  the  moft  important  period  in  our  hiftory  is  that  of  the 
 revolution  under  King  William.  Then  it  was  that  our  con- 
 ftitutioa,  after  many  fiu6luations,  and  frequent  ftruggles  for  pow- 
 er by  the  different  members  of  it  (feveral  of  them  attended  with 
 vaflefTufion  of  blood)  was  finally  fettled.  A  revolution  fo  re- 
 fnarkable,  and  attended  with  fuch  happy  confequences,  has  per- 
 I  haps 
 
Lect.  XXXVI.        H    I     S     T    O    R     Y.  221 
 
 haps  no  parallel  in  the  hiftory  of  the  woild.  This  it  was,  as 
 Mr.  Hume  fays,  that  cutoff  all  pretenfions  to  power  founded 
 on  hereditary  right ;  when  a  prince  was  chofen  who  received 
 the  crown  on  exprefs  conditions,  and  found  his  authority  ef- 
 tablillied  on  the  fame  bottom  with  the  privileges  of  the  people; 
 fo  that  there  have  been  no  differences  between  our  Icings  and  par- 
 liament fince.  Indeed  all  the  danger  we  have  reafon  to  appre- 
 hend fmce  that  period  feems  to  be  from  the  aid  which  the  par- 
 liament itfelf  may  be  induced,  by  indirect  methods,  to  give  the 
 Court,    to  encroach  upon  the  liberties  of  tlie  people. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  Scotland  is  hardly  worth  the  notice  of  an 
 Englifhman  till  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,  the  period  which 
 is  excellently  treated  by  Dr.  Robei  tfon.  »' 
 
 The  remarkable  periods  in  the  hiftory  of  the  arts  and  fdences 
 are  firft  that  of  Greece,  which  was  in  its  greateft  glory  about  the 
 time  of  Alexander  the  Great.  His  age  excelled  in  archi- 
 te(5ture,  fculpture,  poetry,  eloquence,  and  mctaphyfical  philo- 
 fophy.  It  alfo  produced  a  great  many  excellent  writers,  whofe 
 works  have  greatly  contributed  to  civilize  and  polifh  all  ages 
 and  nations,  which  ever  after  arrived  at  any  degree  of  refine- 
 ment. 
 
 When  the  Grecian  orators  began  to  fail,  ihe  arts  and 
 fciences,  conducted  by  the  Grecian  mafters,  took  up  their  refi- 
 dence  for  a  (hort  fpace  of  time  at  Rome,  namely,  about  the  end 
 of  the  commonwealth,  and  till  a  little  after  the  reign  of  Auguftus  ; 
 though  arch itecSlure  and  llatuary  were  in  their  greateft  perfec- 
 tion during  the  reign  of  Traj.m.  The  Roman  arts  and  fciences 
 were  the  fame  that  had  flourifhed  in  Greece,  to  which  they 
 retired  again  after  the  expiration  of  the  Auguftan  age  ;  and  the 
 remains  of  this  kind  of  learning  at  length  took  up  their  refi- 
 dence  at  Conftantinople.  A  few  learned  men  being  obliged  to 
 fly  from  this  city  when  it  was  taken  by  the  Turks,  took  re- 
 fuge in  Italy,  about  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
 where  they  were  received,  protected,  and  encouraged  by  the 
 houfc  of  Medici,  and  contributed  greatly  to  revive  a  tafte  for 
 the  learning  and  fciences  they  brought  with  them  in  the  wef- 
 tern  parts  of  Europe. 
 
 While 
 
122  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 While  the  fmall  remains  of  the  arts  and  fciences  were 
 confined  within  the  walls  of  Conilantlnople,  all  the  reft  of 
 Europe  was  involved  in  the  moft  deplorable  ignorance  and 
 barbarity ;  except  that  faint  glimmerings  of  learning  were 
 fcill  to  be  found  in  the  cloifters  of  the  monks,  the  only  fafe 
 afylumit  bad  in  thofe  ages  of  violence  and  confufion. 
 
 But  while  fo  little  attention  was  given  to  matters  of  fciencc 
 jn  Europe,  their  former  feat,  they  were  cultivated  with  the 
 greateft  affiduity  and  confiderable  fuccefs  where  they  were  leait 
 expe6ted,  namely,  by  the  fucceiTors  of  the  eaftern  conquerors 
 above-mentioned.  The  Saracens,  by  their  conqueft  of  Egypt, 
 and  feveral  territories  of  the  Greek  empire  in  Afia,  became  at 
 length  enamoured  of  their  fciences,  and  tranflated  almoft  all 
 their  valuable  writings,  particularly  the  works  of  Ariftotle,  into 
 their  own  language. 
 
 The  later  Greeks  had  likewife  many  alchemical  writers, 
 from  whom  the  Saracens  acquired  a  tafte  for  that  fludy,  and 
 natural  philofophy.  From  the  people  of  India  it  is  fuppofed 
 they  borrowed  the  nine  digits  in  arithmetic.  However  they 
 applied  diligently  to  the  mathematical  fciences  and  allronomy. 
 They  compofed  tables  for  the  purpofe  of  calculation,  and  the 
 rudiments  of  algebra  were  their  own  invention.  They  alib 
 made  confiderable  proficiency  in  medicine,  and  anatomy;  and 
 their  poets  and  hiftorians  were  numerous  and  excellent  in  their 
 kinds. 
 
 Thefe  fciences,  as  has  been  the  fate  of  fcience  almoft  uni- 
 verfally,  were  both  extended  with  their  conquefts,  and  adopted 
 by  their  conquerors.  The  Tartars,  a  barbarous  and  untra6lable 
 people,  adopted  both  their  religion  and  their  learning,  in  which, 
 fo  long  as  their  empire  continued,  they  diftinguiihed  them- 
 felves,  though  not  fo  much  as  the  people  whom  they  had  fub- 
 dued,  and  who  had  inftru<5led  them. 
 
 But  what  is  moft  memorable  in  the  learning  of  the  Saracens 
 is,  that  it  was  brought  by  them  (by  the  way  of  Spain)  into 
 Chriftendom,  and  excited  a  thirft  for  knowledge,  and  particu- 
 larly  a    confiderable  application  to   medicine,  chimiftry,    and 
 
 natural 
 
Lect.  XXXVI.         HISTORY.  223 
 
 natural  philofophy,  long  before  the   Greek  fugitives  from  Con- 
 ilantinople  promoted  a  taile  for  eloquence  and  the  belles  letters. 
 
 The  Saracens  occafioned  the  revival  of  the  Arlilotelian  philo- 
 fophy  in  Europe,  which  no  perfon  had  the  courage  to  controvert 
 before  Defcartes,  who  died  about  the  tiine  that  Newton  was 
 born.  In  his  time,  however,  the  foundations  of  the  true  philo- 
 fophy  were  laid  by  Lord  Bacon,  the  work  was  profecuted  with 
 ciuch  alFiduity  by  Bayle»  and  carried  by  Newton  to  a  great  de- 
 gree of  perfection. 
 
 The  chief  reafon  why  knowledge  is  prodigioufly  more  dif- 
 fufed  among  all  ranks  of  men  in  the  prefent  age,  as  well  as 
 carried  to  a  much  greater  height  than  it  ever  was  in  any  former, 
 is  the  invention  of  printingy  which  firft  appeared  in  Germany 
 about  the  year  1450,  a  little  before  the  taking  of  Conftantino- 
 pie  by  the  Turks.  This  art  multiplies  books  to  a  degree  of 
 which  the  ancients  could  have  foimed  no  idea,  and  at  very 
 little  expence;  whereas,  in  former  ages,  learning  v/as  necefTa- 
 rily  confined  to  the  wealthy.  This  circumftance  accounts 
 for  the  greater  proportion  of  authors  among  the  higher  ranks 
 of  life  among  the  ancients  than  among  the  moderns  ;  but  then 
 it  was  a  much  greater  chance  with  them  than  with  us,  that  a 
 genius  for  learning  might  arife  Vv'ho  would  never  have  it  in 
 his  power  to  come  at  the  necefTary  materials  for  improvement 
 in  fcience. 
 
 The  firft  dawning  of  a  polite  tafte  in  compofition  appeared  in 
 Provence,  about  the  time  of  the  crufades,  which  expeditions 
 furniflied  a  fine  fubjecSl  for  poetry.  From  Provence  it  pafTed 
 into  Italy,  where  it  flouriflied  under  the  protection  of  the  Ita- 
 lian princes  and  ftates,  more  efpecially  ihe  Florentines,  an  - 
 induftrious,  rich,  enterprizing,  and  free  people,  a  confiderable 
 time  before  the  taking  of  Conftantinople,  as  is  evident  from 
 the  hiftory  and  writings  of  Petrarch.  Together  with  the  belle^ 
 lettresj  the  Italians  excelled  in  mufic,  painting,  and  architecture. 
 From  them  thefe  arts  and  fciences  pafTed  into  France.  This 
 nation,  however,  was  much  behind  the  Englifh  in  poetry  and 
 the  belles  lettres  in  the  age  of  Shakefpeare  and  Milton,  but  far 
 outftripped  us  in  the  reign  of  Lewis  XIV.     1  hey  were  however 
 
 far 
 
224  LECTURESON  Part  V» 
 
 far  behind  us  in  the  more  manly  ftudies  of  the  mathematics  and 
 phiiofophy.  Of  the  prefent  times  I  fay  nothing.  The  generous 
 emulation  by  which  we  are  actuated  can  only  produce  good 
 effecSls. 
 
 It  is  neediefs,  indeed,  to  fay  any  thing  more  of  the  progrefs 
 which  the  arts  and  fciences  have  made  in  the  iaft  age,  when  I  pro- 
 pofe  no  more,  in  this  place,  than  juft  to  point  out  the  greater  pe- 
 riods in  which  particular  attention  hath  been  paid  to  them.  It 
 may  not  be  improper,  however,  before  I  clofe  this  fubje(5l  juft  to 
 mention  the  Chinefe  ;  who  from  the  earlieft  antiquity  attained 
 to  a  mediocrity  in  almoft  all  the  fciences,  beyond  which  they 
 feem  incapable  of  advancing.  Being  fo  remote  from  us,  they 
 contributed  nothing  to  enlighten  tbefe  parts  of  the  world,  and 
 their  attachment  to  their  own  claffical  books,  cuftoms,  and 
 the  honour  of  their  own  nation  is  fo  great,  that  it  is  not  proba- 
 ble they  will  ever  receive  much  advantage  from  European  dif- 
 cQveries. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XXXVII.       HISTORY.  125 
 
 LECTURE      XXXVII. 
 
 The  mojl  important  Periods  in  the  Hijiory   of  Manufa^ures  and 
 Commerce  pointed  out, 
 
 IF  we  would  mark  the  feveral  periods,  and  countries,  >n  which 
 manura6lures  and  commerce  have  flouriflied,  we  muO  follow 
 rhe  courfe  of  the  arts^  which  commerce  has  always  accom- 
 panit  d,  and  in  a  great  meafure  that  of  power,  which  fel  lorn  fails 
 to  attend  it ;  and  the  progrefs  of  all  the  three  has  been  from 
 eaft  to  wed:,  bejrinninf];  near  the  land  of  Paleftine. 
 
 The  firn-  people  who  were  induced  by  their  fjcuation  to  apply 
 to  arts  and  commerce  were  thofe  who  inhabited  the  coafts  of 
 the  Red  Sea  and  the  Arabic  Gulph,  fo  convenient  for  tranf- 
 porting  goods  from  the  Indies;  though  it  is  moft  probable 
 that  goods  were  firft  carried  by  land  on  camels.  Thefe  people 
 were  the  Arabians  or  Ifhmaelites,  and  efpecially  the  Edomites. 
 Their  trade  was  chiefly  with  Egypt,  which  by  that  means  grew 
 rich  and  populous. 
 
 Upon  the  conqueft  of  Idumea  by  David,  the  fcattered  remains 
 of  thatinduftrious  people  fled  to  the  coafts  of  the  Mediterranean 
 Tea,  where,  as  Sir  Ifaac  Newton  conjectures,  they  took  Sidon,  the 
 inhabitants  of  which  built  Tyre,  which  being  found  more  com- 
 modioufly  fituated  for  traffic,  prefently  became  more  famous 
 than  its  mother  country.  The  Tyrians  finding  an  immenle 
 vent  for  their  commodities  along  all  the  coafts  of  the  Mediterra- 
 nean fea,  among  people  who  had  juft  begun  to  be  civilized  (and 
 whom  their  intercourfe  with  them,  more  than  any  other  cir- 
 cumftance,  contributed  to  civilize)  grew  rich,  populous  and 
 powerful  toan  incredible  degree  ;  and  noLwithftanding  they  were 
 fubdued  by  Nebuchadnezzar  they  were  only  driven  from  the  con- 
 tinent. For  they  built  a  city  equal,  or  fuperior,  to  the  former 
 on  an  ifland  oppofite  to  it,  where  they  continued  their  commerce 
 with  the  fame  advantages,  till  they  were  finally  fubdued  by 
 Alexander  the  Great. 
 
 Before  this  fiital  event,  the  Tyrians  had  founded  many  colo- 
 nies on  the  coafts  of  Europe  and  Africa,  particukrly  Cartha^^e^ 
 
 which 
 
226  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 which  by  the  intimate  connexion  it  always  kept  up  with  its 
 mother  country,  and  the  free  accefs  the  Carthaginians  had  to 
 the  remoter  parts  of  Europe,  grew  to  a  far  greater  height  of 
 opulence  and  pov/er  than  commerce  had  ever  advanced  any  na- 
 tion before  them. 
 
 The  takinij  of  Tyre  removed  the  feat  of  the  fame  commerce 
 to  Alexandria,  where  the  Ptolemys  were  great  encouragers  of 
 commerce,  and  found  their  advantage  in  it.  For  the  produce 
 of  the  cuftoms  of  Alexandria  is  faid  to  have  been  two  millions 
 of  our  money  annually.  Alexandria  maintained  the  fame  rank 
 in  point  of  trade  and  commerce  during  the  earlier  period  of  the 
 Roman  empire,  but  yielded  to  Conftantinople  on  the  removal 
 of  the  feat  of  government  to  that  place.  At  Conftantinople  the 
 riches  acquired  by  commerce  long  preferved  the  remains  of  that 
 power  which  had  a  very  difFerent  origin. 
 
 During  the  ravages  committed  by  the  northern  barbarians  in 
 their  invafion  of  the  Roman  empire,  two  rival  ftates,  Venice  and 
 Genoa,  rofe  from  themoft  inconfiderable  beginnings,  and  by  their 
 commerce  with  Conftantinople  and  Alexandria  on  the  one  hand, 
 and  the  weftern  ftates  of  Europe  on  the  other,  arrived  at  im« 
 menfc  riches  and  power  ;  fo  as  to  be  a  match  for  the  Turks 
 when  they  had  put  an  end  to  the  Conftantinopolitan  empire. 
 
 Within  this  period,  viz.  in  the  thirteenth  century,  the  bu- 
 finefs  of  exchange  and  banking  was  begun  by  the  Lombards 
 and  Jews  ;  an  invention  of  infinite  advantage  to  the  trading  part 
 of  the  world,  which  was  now  become  very  extenfive.  For  be- 
 fore this  time,  commerce  had  made  a  confiderable  progrefs  weft- 
 wards,  and  many  towns  in  Germany,  England,  the  low  countries, 
 and  France,  called  the  Hanfe  towns,  entered  into  a  league  for 
 carrying  on  a  very  extenfive  commerce,  which  they  did  with  vaft 
 advantage,  till  their  haughtinefs  and  warliicc  enterprizes  gave 
 umbrage  to  the  powers  of  Europe,  and  engaged  them  to  put  an 
 end  to  their  confederacy. 
 
 Venice  and  Genoa  were  ruined  in  part  by  their  mutual  jealoufy 
 and  wars  ;  but  what  diverted  almoft  the  whole  courfe  of  trade  out 
 of  its  former  channel,  and  which  makes  the  moft  remarkable  re- 
 volution in  the  whole  hiftory  of  commerce,  was  the  difcovery  of 
 a  paiiage  to  ihe  Eaft  Indies  round  the   cape  of  Good  Hope  by 
 
 the 
 
Lect.  XXXVII.      HISTORY.  227 
 
 the  Portugucfe,  and  of  America  by  the  Spaniards.  Thefe  dif- 
 coveries  they  were  enabled  to  make  by  means  of  the  compafsy 
 which  then  firft  began  to  be  applied  to  navigation  ;  though  ihat 
 property  of  the  loadftone,  on  which  the  ufe  of  it  depend*!,  had 
 been  known   a  confiderable  time  before. 
 
 For  about  a  century  and  a  half  thefe  were  the  only  confider- 
 able naval  powers  in  the  world  ;  bu^  the  arrogance  and  ambi- 
 tion of  the  Spaniards  after  the  conqucft  of  P'ortugaL  excited  the 
 hatred  and  induftry  of  the  Dutch  and  Englifb.  The  former 
 firft  became  a  f\tt^  then  a  commercial,  and  thfn,  in  a  remarkably 
 (hort  fpace  of  time,  a  rich  and  potent  ftate,  and  much  fnperior 
 to  their  former  mafters.  The  Englilh  in  the  reign  of  tlizabeth 
 began  to  follow  their  footfteps,  and  by  a  fteady  perfeverance,  and 
 the  help  of  many  natural  advantages,  they  have  been  continually 
 increafmg  their  commerce  and  naval  force,  till  it  is  at  this  day 
 far  fuperior  to  that  of  the  Dutch,  or  that  of  any  other  ftate  in 
 the  world. 
 
 The  fuccefs  of  the  Dutch  and  Englilh  has  excited  all  the 
 ftates  of  Europe,  in  proportion  to  their  abilities  and  opportunities, 
 to  engage  in  commerce.  This  emulation  has  raifed  fuch  a  fpirit 
 of  induftry,  promoted  fo  many  new  manufactures,  occafioned  the 
 eftablifhment  of  fo  many  new  colonies  in  all  parts  of  the  known 
 world,  and  brought  fuch  an  amazing  acceffion  of  riches  and 
 power  to  the  ftates  of  Europe  in  general,  as  muft  have  appeared 
 incredible  but  a  few  centuries  ago.  And  little  did  the  ancient 
 Greeks  and  Romans  imagine  that  the  Divift  toto  orhe  Britannia 
 and  the  poor  barbarous  and  ignorant  neighbouring  nations, 
 would  ever  make  the  figure  they  now  do,  and  go  fo  infinitely 
 beyond  whatever  they  had  attained  to  in  refpect  to  fcience, 
 commerce,  riches,  power  and  I  may  add  happinefs. 
 
 As  to  the  commerce  of  England,  though  it  was  by  no  means 
 inconfiderable  in  feveral  periods  of  the  more  early  part  of  our 
 hiftory,  that  were  particularly  favourable  to  it,  and  though  it  was 
 encouraged  by  feveral  of  our  wifer  princes  in  thofe  times  j  yet,  till 
 the  period  in  which  1  have  introduced  the  mention  of  it,  it  never 
 was  fo  confiderable  as  to  deferve  being  taken  notice  of  in  this 
 very  general  view  of  the  progrefs  and  revolutions  of  commerce. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
228  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 LECTURE         XXXVIII. 
 
 Every  Thing  worthy  of  Attention  in  Hijiory  tvhich  contributes  to 
 make  a  Nation  happy^  populous^  or  feeure*  Government  an  ef- 
 jential  Article.  Nature  and  Ohje^s  of  Civil  Government. 
 How  far  the  Provijions  of  Government  Jhculd  extend.  Liberty 
 of  fpeaking  and  writing.  Public  InftruSiion.  The  Power  of 
 Individuals  and  of  the  State  in  the  Difpofat  of  Property.  Pro- 
 vifton  for  the  Poor, 
 
 LASTLY,  every  thing  is  worthy  of  the  attention  both  of 
 a  philofophical  and  political  reader  of  hiftory  which  can 
 contribute  to  make  a  people  happy  at  home,  formidable  abroad, 
 or  incr^afe  their  numbers ;  becaufe  a  numerous.,  ?l  fecure^  and  a 
 happy  fociety  is  the  obje«5^  of  all  human  policy. 
 
 This  view  opens  a  new  field  of  the  moft  important  objects  of 
 attention  to  a  reader  of  hiftory,  which  it  cannot  be  expeded  that 
 i  (houldconfider  very  minutely.  I  think,  however,  that  I  fhall 
 not  fulfil  my  engagement  to  point  out  the  proper  objects  of  at- 
 /^K//<?w  to  a  reader  of  hiftory  (which  implies  that  I  fhould  de- 
 monftrate  the  things  I  point  out  to  be  proper  objects  of  attention) 
 unlefs  I  explain  the  great  leading  principles  of  wife  policy^  in  an 
 account  of  thofe  circumftances  which  contribute  to  the  flourifti- 
 ins  ftate  of  focieties,  and  the  mutual  connexions  and  influences 
 Of  thofe  circumftances.  Indeed,  the  bare  mention  of  them  will 
 in  fome  meuiure  anfwer  my  purpofe,  as  it  will  make  the  reader 
 attend  to  the  things  I  point  out,  as  of  principal  confequence  to 
 promote  the  happinefs  of  fociety,  and  obferve  their  effects  in  the 
 courfe  of  his  reading,  which  certainly  leads  to  the  beftpradlical 
 ufe  that  can  be  made  of  this  ftudy. 
 
 O^  all  the  things  which  contribute  to  the  domeftic  happinefs 
 and  fccurity  of  ftates,  Government,  with  the  various  forms 
 of  it,  is  the  firft  that  offers  itfelf  to  our  notice,  and  this  is  in 
 
 faa 
 
Lect.  XXXVIII.        HISTORY. 
 
 229 
 
 fa£l  the  moft  ftriking^  obje^El  in  every  hiftory.  To  this,  therefore, 
 and  to  every  circumftance  relating  to  it,  a  reader  of  hiftory 
 ought  particularly  to  attend. 
 
 Man  is  focial  beyond  any  other  animal,  and  the  connexions 
 which  men  are  difpofed  to  form  with  one  another  are  infinitely 
 more  various  and  extenfive  ;  becaufe  they  are  capable  of  doing 
 much  more  for  one  another  than  any  other  animals  are.  The 
 principle  which  leads  men  to  form  themfelves  into  thofe  larger 
 focieties  which  we  C2\\  Jiates,  is  trie  defire  of  fecuring  the 
 undifturbed  enjoyment  of  their  poiTeilions.  Without  this  the 
 weak  would  always  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  fl:rong,  and  the  ig- 
 norant of  the  crafty.  But  by  means  of  government  the  ftren^th 
 and  wifdom  of  the  whole  community  may  be  applied  to  redrefs 
 private  wrongs,  as  well  as  to  repel  a  foreign  invader. 
 
 it  cannot,  indeed,  be  faid  that  the  proper  ufe  of  fociety  (or 
 that  which  we  may  fuppofe  a  number  of  perfons,  at  firft  uncon- 
 nected together,  and  of  courfe  at  the  mercy  of  their  neighbours, 
 would  firft  think  of,  in  forming  a  fociety)  is  any  thing  mors 
 than  vn^TQ  fecurity.  But  as  they  would  foon  find,  when  thus 
 united,  that  it  was  in  their  power  to  derive  much  ^?/;//'y^  tf^/- 
 vantage  from  their  union,  this  may  alfo  be  confidered  as  a 
 juft  end  of  fociety.  1  he  danger,  and  it  is  a  very  great  one, 
 is,  left  by  aiming  at  too  much  pofitlve  advantage,  great  num- 
 bers may  be  deprived  even  of  that  negative  advantage  which 
 they  firft  propofed  to  themfelves,  viz.  fecurity  from  injury 
 and  opprefllon,  fo  that  they  fhall  be  more  incommoded  than 
 benefited  by  the  connexion.  It  may  even  happen  that  a  great 
 majority  of  the  community,  and  ultimately  the  whole  of  it, 
 may  make  fuch  regulations  as,  inftead  of  being  ufeful,  may 
 eventually  be  the  caufe  of  much  evil  to  them.  Societies  o^ 
 men,  as  wdl  as  individuals,  not  being  omnifcient,  may  not 
 confult  the  be  ft  for  themfelves,  but  mifs  of  the  very  advantage 
 they  aim  at,  and  by  the  very  means  by  which  they  think  to 
 gain  it. 
 
 It  would  be  well  if  the  power  of  government  was  confined 
 not  only  to  thofe  things  in  which  the  whole  fociety  are  in- 
 terefted,  but  to  thofe  in  which  the  power  of  the  whole  can  be 
 
 brought 
 
230  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 brought  to  a£l  to  the  moft  advantage,  as  in  defence  from  ex- 
 ternal injuries,  which  neceflarily  requires  union  ;  adminiflering 
 juftice,  which  requires  impartiality,  and  in  which  the  parties 
 ihemfclves  are  not  to  be  trulled,  as  alfo  in  erecting  fome  public 
 works,  and  forming  public  inftitutions,  ufeful  to  the  whole 
 and  to  pofterity. 
 
 Since  all  men  naturally  wifh  to  be  at  liberty  to  ferve  them- 
 felves  in  things  in  which  others  are  n  )t  concerned,  and  the 
 good  of  the  whole  is  the  treat  rule  by  which  every  thing  re- 
 lating to  fociety  ought  to  be  regulated,  it  is  evidently  defireable 
 that  recourfe  fhould  not  be  had  to  the  power  of  the  fociety,  ex- 
 cept where  it  can  be  applied  with  advantage;  and  fince  expe- 
 perience  is  our  beft  guide  in  things  of  fo  complex  a  nature  as  the 
 interefts  of  large  bodies  of  men,  it  is  moft  advifeable  to  leave 
 every  man  at  perfe»5t  liberty  to  ferve  himfelf,  till  fome  actual  in- 
 convenience be  found  to  rcfult  from  it. 
 
 As  there  are  cafes  in   which   numbers  can  eafily,  and  con- 
 veniently, a/lift  individuals^   fo  there  are  others  in  which  par- 
 ticular individuals  are  beft  qualified  to  affift  numbers.     In  the 
 former  cafes  there  is,  therefore,  a  propriety  in  the  interference 
 of  government,  but   certainly   not   in  the  latter  j   and  in  this 
 clafs  we  muft  rank  every  thing  that  relates  to  the  inveftigation 
 of  truth,  and  the  progrefs  of  knowledge,  as    medicine,  phi- 
 lofophy,  theology,  &c.   and  every  thing  in  pra(5tice  depending 
 upon  them,  in  which  any  number  of  the  fociety  may  voluntarily 
 ioin  without difturbing  others.     The    reafon  is,  that    in    every 
 thing  of  this  nature,  ingenious  and  fpeculative  individuals    will 
 always  be  the  firft  to  make  difcoveries,  and   it  will  require  time 
 to  communicate  them  to  the  reft.     Conftquenrly,  if  the  prefent 
 opinions  and  practices  of  the  majority  of  any  fociety  were   im- 
 pofed  upon  all  the  reft,  no  improvements  could  ever  take  place  ; 
 and  the  moft  ingenious  members  of  the  community,  thofe   who 
 would  be  the  beft  qualified  to  ferve  it,  by  adding  to  the  general 
 ftock  of  knowledge,  would   always    be   fubje(5l  to  be  diftrefted, 
 and  to  have  their  generous  endeavours  thwarted,  by  the  inter- 
 ference of  the    more    bigotted    part   of  the  community,  whofc 
 prejudices,  againft    what  would   ultimately    be   for    their  own 
 
 advantage, 
 
Lect.  XXXVIII.      history.  231 
 
 advantage,  might  in  time  be  overcome,  provided  that  perfe<5l 
 liberty  was  given  to  all  perfons  to  fpeculate,  and  to  a6l  as  they 
 fhould  judge  proper.  Different  fchemes  would  then  be  propofed 
 ^y  different  perfons,  the  fociety  would  have  the  benefit  of  all 
 the  experiments  they  would  make;  and  that  fcheme  would  at 
 length  be  generally  and  univerfally  adopted,  which  (hould  ap- 
 pear to  be  moft  conducive  to  the  good  of  the  vv'hole. 
 
 Indeed,  one  of  the  moil  valuable  rights  of  men,  as  individuals, 
 and  the  mofl  important  to  the  ftate  itfelf,  is  that  of  giving 
 their  opinions,  and  endeavouring  to  inform  others,  where  either 
 their  own  interefl  or  that  of  the  public,  is  concerned.  It  is 
 the  only  method  of  collecting  and  increaiing  the  wifdom  of  the 
 nation.  It  is  therefore  for  the  interelt  of  the  whole  that,  in  a 
 ftate  of  fociety,  every  man  retain  his  natural  powers  of  fpeak- 
 ing,  writing,  and  publifliing  his  fentinients  on  all  fubjeds, 
 efpecially  in  propofmg  new  forms  of  government,  and  cenfuring 
 thofe  who  abufe  any  public  trufl.  It  is  the  eafiefl  and  beft  me- 
 thod of  checking  abufes.  Perfons  may  certainly  do  mifchief 
 by  this,  as  well  as  by  every  other  power  of  doing  good  ;  but  it 
 will  be  fufHciently  checked  if  every  man  be  puniihed  for  any 
 injury  that  he  can  be  proved  to  have  done  to  others  in  his 
 property,  good  name.  Sec.  But  if  this  extend  to  his  public 
 character,  and  the  emoluments  of  public  offices,  the  great  ufe 
 of  liberty  of  fpeech  and  of  writing  will  be  prevented.  l(  any 
 officer  be  traduced  as  an  officer,  let  him  vindicate  himfelf  in 
 the  fame  way  in  which  he  was  injured,  or  employ  his  friends 
 to  do  it.  He  has  the  fame  accefs  to  the  public  opinion  that 
 other  perfons  have,  and  he  ought  to  be  contented  with  it. 
 
 Of  thofe  fervices  in  which  it  is  neceffary  for  numbers  to 
 give  their  aid  to  individuals,  it  is  not  neceffary  that  all  of  them 
 fhould  be  performed  by  the  whole  fociety,  fome  of  thofe  fervices 
 being  more  convenient'y  performed  by  a  particular  part  of  it. 
 Thus  a  public  road,  or  bridge,  may  be  moft  conveniently  made 
 by  the  diftrid  in  which  it  is  wanted  ;  but  the  power  of  the 
 ftate  may  be  neceffary  to  compel  the  inhabitants  of  that  diflrid^ 
 to  do  it,  or  to  dired  the  mode  in  which  it  fhould  be  done ; 
 whether,  for  example,  by  a  general  contribution,  or  by  tolls 
 
 upon 
 
232  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 upon  the  ufe  of  the  road  or  bridge.  Where  the  latter  can  be 
 done,  it  is  the  moft  reafonable,  becaufe  every  perfon  pays  in 
 proportion  to  the  benefit  he  receives. 
 
 Public  inftruction  is  an  object  in  which  the  whole  fociety  is 
 intereftcd.  It  may  therefore  be  proper  that  the  government  give 
 Tome  attention  to  it.  But  as  individuals  are  ftill  more  interetted 
 in  it,  it  may  be  beft  for  the  ftate  to  do  no  more  than  appoint 
 ichools  in  every  dittrivSl  or  dired  in  v/hdt  manner  the  teachers 
 may  be  induced,  by  fufficient  falaries,  or  the  ufe  of  proper 
 rooms,  Sec,  to  inftruct  all  that  offer  thcmfelves  ;  leaving  them  to 
 derive  the  chief  part  of  their  maintenance  from  their  fees  for 
 teaching.  As  the  arts  of  reading  and  writing  are  of  particular 
 importance  to  all  perfons,  it  (hould  feem  that  effe(Slual  provifion 
 ought  to  be  made,  either  by  rewards  or  punifhments,  that  all 
 ihould  be  in{lru£tcd  in  them. 
 
 In  a  very  improved  ftate  of  fociety,  the  occupation  of  each 
 perfon  is  fo  limited,  that  in  order  to  attain  perfection  in  it,  he 
 muft  in  a  manner  facrifice  every  thing  elfe.  Conftquently,  men 
 would  be  little  more  than  machines  without  fome  knowledge  of 
 letters,  and  an  opportunity  of  improving  themfelves  by  reading. 
 In  Scotland,  and  in  North  America,  th^  judicious  eflablifhment 
 of  pariih  fchools  has  enabled  all  the  common  people  to  read, 
 and  a  great  proportion  of  them  to  wnre  and  Caft  accompts. 
 
 The  provifions  of  govern njent  are  always  fuppofed  to  ex- 
 tend beyond  the  prefent  day,  the  laws  of  fociety  being  a  rule- 
 for  our  own  future  conduct  and  that  of  our  poilerity;  but  it 
 becomes  men,  as  knowing  themfelves  to  be  lliort  fighted,  net 
 to  pretend  to  look  very  far  into  futurity,  but  to  m^ke  provifion 
 for  rectifying  their  miltakes  whenever  they  fljall  be  dilcovered, 
 and  to  make  the  rectification  as  eafy  as  poilible.  For  when 
 mankind  find  themfelves  aggrieved  by  any  regulations  of  their 
 anceftors,  they  w;ll,  no  doubt,  relieve  themfelves  ;  but,  incon- 
 fequence  of  the  injudicious  provifions  of  pa(t  ages,  they  may 
 fuffer  extremely  before  they  can  do  this. 
 
 It  is  wife,  therefore,  in  focict.es,  if  not  exprefly  to  ap- 
 point a  formal  revifion  of  their  whole  confliiution  after  a 
 certain  time,  at  leaft   to    do   this   with   refpect   to  fubordinate 
 
 parts. 
 
LiCT.  XXXVIII.    GENERAL    POLICY.        233 
 
 parts,  and  by  all  means  to  prevent  individuals  from  making 
 fuch  a  d.fpofal  of  their  property  as  (liall  be  manifeftly  in- 
 jurious in  future  ages.  If  the  Enlifii  law  had  not  interfered 
 in  former  times,  fuch  was  the  fuperftition  of  the  people,  and 
 their  fubje(5lion  to  the  prieils,  that  trie  greateil  part  of  the 
 landed  property  of  this  kingdom  would  have  been  given  to  the 
 church,  and  the  prefent  generation  would  not  have  had  the 
 difpofal  of  any  part  of  it. 
 
 All  alienation  of  pioperty  to  thofe  who  have  not  the  power 
 of  alienating  it  again  fhould  be  carefully  watched  in  every 
 country,  whether  lands  appropriated  to  religious  or  charitable 
 ufes,  or  any  other  object  that  refpefls  fu;ure  time.  Otherwife, 
 the  beft  intentioned,  and  the  moft  enlightened  perfons  may  do 
 harm  when  they  mean  to  do  good.  For  want  of  proper  care 
 in  the  management  of  any^ww^for  future  ufe,  the  defign  of  it 
 is  liable  to  be  perverted,  thofe  who  fuperintend  it  not  having 
 the  {:xme  upright  views  with  thofe  who  appointed  them  ;  [o 
 that  a  very  fmall  advantage  may  be  procured  at  a  very  great 
 expence.  If  the  provifion  was  intended  to  remedy  any  evil, 
 the  evil  itfelfmay  ceafe,  and  the  fund  become  ufelefs.  The 
 Crufades  brought  the  leprofy  into  Europe,  and  charitable  per- 
 fons founded  a  great  number  of  lazarettos  for  the  reception  and 
 cure  of  lepers.  But  the  leprofy  is  not  fo  common  at  this  day 
 as  many  other  difeafes,  and  therefore  it  does  not  require  any 
 particular  provifion. 
 
 When  revenues  are  left  to  the  difpofal  of  truftees,  they  will, 
 diredlly  or  indirectly,  find  a  benefit  to  themfelves,  or  their 
 friends,  in  the  truft  ;  and  fo  many  perfons  will  become  interefted 
 in  the  continuance  of  it,  that,  let  the  abufe  of  property  be  ever 
 fo  great,  a  powerful  intereft  will  be  formed  againft  any  refor- 
 mation ;  and  fuch  inftitutions  may  do  much  harm,  before  it  be 
 difcovered  that  they  even  do  no  good. 
 
 In  moft  cafes  it  would  certainly  be  much  better  to  provide 
 temporary  remedies  for  inconveniences,  fuch  as  the  relief  of 
 the  poor,  the  maintenance  of  places  of  education,  &c.  If  they 
 be  fupported  by  the  voluntary  contributions  of  the  living,  they 
 will  be  properly  fuperintended,  and  they  will  not  bq>  continued 
 
 S  longer 
 
234  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part.  V, 
 
 longer  than  they  will  be  found  to  be  ufcful.  Why  fhould  wc 
 prefume  that  our  pofterity  will  not  be  as  wife  and  as  generous 
 as  ourfelves?  There  is  the  greateft  certainty  that  they  will  be 
 wifer,  and  therefore  the  faireft  prefumption  that  they  will  be 
 better  than  we  are.  But  all  perpetuities  go  upon  the  idea  of 
 there  being  a  want  of  wifdom,  or  of  generofity,  in  our  def- 
 cendants. 
 
 The  fafe  transferring^  as  well  as  the  fecure  poffejfion  of 
 property,  is  a  privilege  which  we  derive  from  fociety.  But  it 
 is  a  queftion  among  politicians,  how  far  this  privilege  fhould 
 extend  ?  That  all  perfons  fhould  have  the  abfolute  difpofal 
 of  their  property  during  their  own  lives,  and  while  they  have  the 
 ufe  of  their  underftanding,  was  never  difputed.  But  fome,  and 
 among  them  is  Mr.  Turgot,  fays  there  fhould  be  no  tejlamenty 
 a  man  fhould  have  no  power  of  difpofing  of  his  property  after 
 his  death,  but  it  fhould  be  diflributed  by  the  law,  according 
 to  the  degrees  of  confanguinity.  But  in  moft,  if  not  all  the 
 civilized  flates  of  Europe,  every  man  has  an  indefinite  power 
 over  his  property,  fo  that  he  can  dired  the  enjoyment  of  it  in 
 all  future  time. 
 
 Perhaps  a  medium  would  be  the  mod  convenient  in  this 
 cafe.  There  may  be  good  reafons  (of  which  private  perfons 
 are  the  beft  judges)  why,  in  particular  cafes,  their  property 
 fhould  not  defcend  to  their  children,  or  nearefl  relations.  But 
 as  no  man  can  look  into  futurity,  and  therefore  he  cannot  judge 
 what  would  be  the  befl  ufe  of  his  propei  y  in  generations  yet 
 unborn,  and  they  who  furvive  him  will  have  a  much  better 
 opportunity  of  judging,  there  is  the  fame  reafon  why  it  fhould 
 then  be  at  their  difpofal,  as  that  for  the  prefent  it  fhould  be  at 
 his.  Let  every  perfon,  therefore,  bequeath  his  property  to 
 thofe  perfons  in  whofe  wifdom  he  can  mofl  confide,  but  not 
 pretend  to  dire£l  them  in  circumftances  which  he  will  never 
 know,  and  therefore  cannot  judge  of.  Indeed  the  wifdom  of 
 all  {lates  is  frequently  obliged  to  interfere,  and  to  check  the  ca- 
 price of  individuals  in  the  difpofal  of  their  property. 
 
 A  difference  in  induflry  and  good  fortune  will  introduce  a 
 difference  in  the  conditions  of  men  in  fociety,  fo  that  in  time 
 
 fomc 
 
Lect.  XXXVIII.    GENERAL    POLICY.         235' 
 
 fome  will  become  rich,  and  others  poor  ;  and  in  cafe  of  extreme 
 old  age,  and  particular  accidents,  many  of  the  latter  muft  perifh 
 without  the  afTiftancc  of  the  formerr  On  this  account  wife 
 ftatefmen  will  take  the  ftate  of  the  poor  into  confideration.  But 
 in  this  refpe<5l  there  will  be  great  danger  of  their  attempting  too 
 much,  and  thereby  encumbering  themfelves  without  remedying 
 the  evil. 
 
 if  every  man  who  is  reduced  to  poverty,  by  whatever  means,  be 
 allowed  to  have  a  claim  upon  the  common  flock  for  fubiirtence, 
 great  numbers,  who  are  indifferent  about  any  thing  beyond  a 
 mere  fubfiflence,  wjH  be  improvident,  fpending  every  thing  they 
 get  in  the  moft  extravagant  manner,  as  knowing  that  they  have 
 a  certain  refource  in  the  provifion  which  the  law  makes  for 
 them  ;  and  the  greater  is  the  provifion  that  is  made  for  the  poor, 
 the  more  poor  there  will  be  to  avail  themfelves  of  it  j  as,  in 
 general,  men  will  not  fubmit  to  labour  if  they  can  live  without  it. 
 By  this  means  man,  inflead  of  being  the  mofl  provident  of  ani- 
 mals, as  he  naturally  would  be,  is  the  mofl  improvident  of 
 them  all.  Having  no  occafion  for  forefight,  he  thinks  of  no- 
 thing beyond  the  prefent  moment,  and  thus  is  reduced  to  a  con- 
 dition lower  than  that  of  the  beafls. 
 
 This  is  now  become  very  much  the  cafe  in  this  country, 
 and  the  evil  is  fo  great  and  inveterate,  that  it  is  not  eafy  to  find 
 a  remedy.  Better,  certainly,  would  it  have  been  if  government 
 had  not  interfered  in  the  cafe  of  the  poor  at  all,  except  to 
 relieve  thofe  who  are  reduced  to  poverty,  or  were  become 
 difabled,  in  the  fervice  of  their  country,  as  foldiers,  feamen, 
 &c.  In  this  cafe  there  would,  no  doubt,  be  inftances  of  great 
 diflrefsj  but  fo  there  are  at  prefent,  and  generally  of  the  mofl 
 defcrving,  who  decline  the  relief  of  the  parifh;  while  the  idle, 
 the  impudent,  and  the  clamorous  will  have  it.  In  general, 
 if  no  provifion  was  made  for  the  poor  by  law,  thofe  who  are  the 
 mofl  truly  deferving  of  relief  would  find  it  fooner  than  they 
 now  do,  in  the  charity  of  the  wcU-difpofed.  In  this  cafe  many 
 no  doubt  would  give  nothing  to  the  poor.  But  in  urgent  cafes 
 fomething  would  be  got  even  from  them  by  fhame  ;  and  by  no 
 means  can  all  men  be  made  to  bear  an  equal  ihare    of  any 
 
 S  a  burthen 
 
236  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 burthen  whatever.  The  truly  well- difpofed  would  not  complain 
 of  the  opportunity  of  doing  more  good  than  others,  being  con- 
 tent with  looking  for  their  reward  in  a  future  ftate. 
 
 The  heft  method  would  perhaps  be  to  oblige  the  poor  to 
 provide  for  themfelves,  by  appropriating  a  certain  proportion 
 of  their  wages  to  that  ufe,  as  is  done  in  the  cafe  of  foldiers 
 and  feamen.  As  they  muft  have  a  prefent  fubfillence,  this 
 would  only  be  giving  the  poorer  fort  of  them  a  better  price  for 
 their  labour,  and  would  ultimately  be  a  tax  on  the  produce 
 of  that  labour.  But  it  would  be  a  much  better  tax,  and  far 
 lefs  expenfive,  than  the  prefent  poor  rates.  If  this  was  not 
 done  by  a  general  law,  but  left  to  the  difcretion  of  particular 
 towns,  &c.  it  might  be  regulated  fo  as  to  enforce  greater  in- 
 duftry,  the  appropriation  being  varied  according  to  the  gains  of 
 workmen. 
 
 The  idea  of  not  having  a  perfe£t  command  of  their  own  money 
 would,  no  doubt,  at  firft  give  labourers  and  manufacturers  much 
 difguft,  and  might  prevent  fome  from  engaging  in  manafa£lures. 
 But  when  the  regulation  was  fully  eftablifted,  that  averfion 
 might  vanifli.  At  all  events  we  muft,  out  of  a  number  of  evils, 
 choofe  the  lead. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
LicT.XXXIX.     GENERAL    POLICY.  237 
 
 LECTURE      XXXIX. 
 
 Of  Political  and  Civil  Liberty*  Particular  OhjeSls  of  particular 
 Governments,  Forms  of  Government y  fimple  or  complex.  Its 
 conjlituent  Parts* 
 
 AS  it  is  always  convenient  to  have  different  terms  to  exprefs 
 different  things^  it  may  not  be  amifs  to  diftinguifli  the 
 different  kinds  of  power,  or  privileges,  that  men  in  a  flate  of 
 fociety  enjoy  in  the  following  manner.  The  power  which  the 
 community  leaves  him  poffeffed  of  with  refpedt  to  his  own  con- 
 du£t,  may  be  called  his  civil  liberty,  whereas  the  fhare  that  he 
 may  have  in  diredling  the  affairs  of  the  fociety  may  be  called 
 his  political  liberty.  Botli  the  terms  being  in  the  language,  it 
 will  be  better  to  affign  them  thefe  diftin(5t  fignifications  than  to 
 ufe  them  promifcuoufly,  as  is  commonly  done.  In  a  flate  of 
 civil  liberty  a  man  retains  the  mofl  important  of  his  natural 
 rights.  In  a  ftate  of  political  liberty,  he  moreover  acquires  a 
 controul  over  the  conduct  of  others.  It  is  for  his  advantage, 
 therefore,  to  lofe  as  little  of  the  former,  and  to  gain  as  much  of 
 the  latter  as  he  can. 
 
 There  may  be  ftates  In  which  all  the  members  of  the  com- 
 munity fhall  be  politically  free,  or  have  an  equal  power  of  mak- 
 ing laws  (or  of  appointing  thofe  who  (hall  make  them)  and  yet 
 thofe  laws  may  be  very  opprellive,  leaving  individuals  little 
 power  over  their  own  acSlions.  As,  on  the  other  hand,  men 
 may  enjoy  much  civil  liberty,  being  left  in  the  undifturbed  ufe 
 of  their  faculties  to  think  and  ad  for  themfelves,  and  yet  be 
 excluded  from  all  (hare  in  the  government.  But  in  this  cafe 
 their  civil  liberties,  or  private  rights^  will  be  precarious,  being 
 at  the  mercy  of  others.  Political  liberty  is  therefore  the  only 
 fure  guard  of  civil  liberty,  and  it  is  chiefly  valuable  on  that 
 account. 
 
 It 
 
138  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 It  may  appear,  at  firft  fight,  to  be  of  little  confequence 
 whether  perfons  in  common  ranks  of  life  enjoy  any  {hare 
 of  political  liberty  or  not.  But  without  this  there  cannot  be 
 that  perfuafion  of  fecurity  and  independence,  which  alone  can 
 encourage  a  man  to  make  great  exertions.  A  man  who  is 
 fenfible  that  he  is  at  the  difpofal  of  others,  over  whofe  condu6t 
 he  has  no  fort  of  controul,  has  always  fome  unknown  evil  to 
 dread.  He  will  be  afraid  of  attrading  the  notice  of  his  fupe- 
 riors,  and  muft  feel  himfeJf  a  mean  and  degraded  being.  But 
 a  fenfe  of  liberty,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  laws  by  which  his 
 condud  muft  be  governed,  with  fome  degree  of  controul  over 
 thofe  who  make  and  adminifter  the  laws,  gives  him  a  conftant 
 feeling  of  his  own  importance,  and  leads  him  to  indulge  a  free 
 and  manly  turn  of  thinking,  which  will  make  him  greatly  fu- 
 perior  to  what  he  would  have  been  under  an  arbitrary  torm  of 
 government. 
 
 Under  every  form  of  .'government  we  find  men  united  for  their 
 common  advantage,  and  fubniitting  to  fuch  reftraints  upon  their 
 natural  liberty  as  their  common  good  requires.  But  though 
 this  be  the  general  and  ultimate  obje6l  of  every  government, 
 yet,  the  whole  form  of  particular  governments  has  fome  more 
 immediate  objevSl:,  to  which  the  principal  parts  of  it  are  more 
 particularly  adapted,  and  this  ought  to  be  attended  to  in  reading 
 the  hiftories  of  all  ftates.  Thus,  according  to  Montefquieu,  war, 
 but  rather  confined  to  felf  defence,  was  the  object  of  the  Spar- 
 tan government ;  conqueft  that  of  ancient  Rome,  religion  that  of 
 the  Jews,  commerce  that.of  Marfeilles,  tranquillity  that  of  China, 
 &c.  The  reafon  is  that  different  nations  have  formed  different 
 notions  of  happinefs,  or  have  been  led  by  their  fituations  to  pur- 
 fue  it  in  different  ways. 
 
 Governments,  and  fyflems  of  laws  adapted  to  them,  are  more 
 fimple  or  complex^  according  to  the  variety  and  connexion  of  the 
 interefts  of  the  members  of  the  community.  Thus  fince  the 
 members  of  a  foe iety  which  fubfifts  by  hunting  interfere  but 
 little  with  one  another,  few  regulations  are  fuilicient  for  them. 
 A  paftoral  life  brings  mankind  nearer  toget).er,  agriculture 
 nearer  ftiil,  and  in.a  fl:ate  addided  to  commerce,  the  connexions  of 
 
 individuals 
 
Lect.  XXXIX.    GENERAL    POLICY.  239 
 
 individuals  are  the  moft  intimate  and  extenfive,  and  confequently 
 their  interefts  the  moft  involved  that  any  fituation  of  human  affairs 
 can  make  them.  Whereas,  therefore,  in  the  former  circumftances 
 of  mankind,  government  is  of  lefs  confequence,  and  for  that 
 reafon  there  is  lefs  occafion  for  accuracy  in  adjufting  the  feveral 
 parts  of  it,  in  the  latter,  the  fmalleft  part  of  fo  complex  a  ma- 
 chine, as  their  government  muft  neceflarily  be,  has  a  variety  of 
 connexions,  and  the  moft  important  effedls,  and  therefore  re- 
 quires to  be  adjufted  with  the  utmoft  care. 
 
 In  the  (lighter  connexions  of  mankind,  the  parts  of  their 
 forms  of  government  are  fcarcely  diftinguifliable  ;  whereas 
 when  government  is  grown  to  its  full  fize  and  dimeniions,  in 
 circumftances  which  require  it  in  its  maturity,  its  parts  are 
 cafily  and  diftindlly  perceived.  They  are  then  plainly  feen  to 
 be  the  following;  a  power  of  making  the  neceflary  regulations, 
 or  laws,  /.  e.  t\\Q  legijlative  authority;  a  power  of  determining 
 when  thofe  laws  are  violated,  or  of  taking  cognizance  concern- 
 ing crimes  ;  /.  e.  the  judicial  power,  and  a  power  of  enforcing 
 the  fan6lions  of  the  laws,  or  the  executive  power  of  the  ftate. 
 
 If  we  confider  the  vaft  variety  of  ways  in  which  it  is  poflible 
 to  difpofe  of  thefe  eflential  parts  of  government,  both  with 
 refpe(3:  to  the  number  of  hands  In  which  the  feveral  powers 
 may  be  lodged,  the  fubdivlfion  of  thefe  powers,  and  the  feveral 
 powers  which  may  be  trufted  in  the  fame  hands,  we  {hall  not  be 
 furprlzed  at  the  prodigious  diverfity  of  the  forms  under  which 
 government  has  appeared,  and  that  no  two,  which  ever  exifted 
 in  any  part  of  the  world,  fhould  have  been  the  fame  ;  though 
 fome  of  them  may  have  borne  confiderable  refemblance  to  one 
 another.  Our  furprize  will  ftill  be  leffened  if  we  confider  the 
 diverfity  that  will  be  occafioned  in  forms  of  government  by 
 individuals  retaining  more  or  fewer  of  their  natural  and  per- 
 fonal  rights  under  each  of  them ;  that  is  the  more  or  fewer 
 reftrldions  men  are  put  under  by  the  legiflative  power,  in  what- 
 ever hands  it  be  lodged. 
 
 Befide  the  number  of  hands  in  which   the  fupreme  power  is 
 lodged,  it  will  be  of  great  confequence  that,  in  reading  hiilory,  we 
 attend  to  the  diftribution  of  the  powers  among   all  thofe  mem- 
 bers 
 
240  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 bers  of  the  ftate  who  have  the  common  name  of  magijlrates. 
 I  ihall  juft  mention  a  few  particulars,  to  (liew  that  this  objedt 
 is  of  importance. 
 
 No  fmgle  hiftory  (hoTws  the  importance  of  this  remark  more 
 clearly  than  the  Roman,  in  ivhofe  conftitution  theie  were  the 
 mod  capital  defe6ts.  What,  for  inftance,  could  be  a  greater 
 contradiction  than  thi^^,  that  the  people  could,  in  latter  times, 
 make  laws  independent  of  the  fenate,  and  without  the  inter- 
 vention of  any  patrician;  and  yet  that  the  fenate  could  create  a 
 disStator,  who  was  abfolute  mailer  of  the  whole  ftate.  The  people, 
 by  their  tribunes,  could  put  a  negative  upon  the  proceedings  of 
 the  fenate,  but  that  fenate  bad  no  negative  on  the  votes  of  the 
 people  ;  which,  Montefquieu  fays,  was  the  caufe  of  a  change 
 of  government  in  Rome  ;  and  not  only  could  the  tribunes  put 
 a  ftop  to  the  legiflative  power,  but  to  the  executive  alfo,  which 
 produced  the  greateft  evils. 
 
 Nothing  could  have  preferved  that  {late  in  the  form  of  a  re- 
 public fo  long,  but  that  the  power  v/as  lodged  in  the  hands  of 
 fo  many  perfons,  who  with  the  fame  authority,  had  different 
 views,  and  who  checked  one  another.  It  was  likewife  happy  for 
 the  Romans  that  the  people  did  not  generally  interfere  in  mili- 
 tary affairs,  but  allowed  the  fenate  to  have  the  fupreme  direc- 
 tion of  all  things  relating  to  peace  and  war;  whereas,  at  Car- 
 thage, the  people  would  do  every  thing  themfelves. 
 
 It  is  a  capital  difference  between  ancient  and  modern  mo- 
 narchies, that  the  kings  of  the  heroical  ages  had  the  executive 
 power  and  alfo  the  power  o{ judging^  and  the  people  the  legifla- 
 tive power;  whereas  in  the  prcfent  monarchies,  though  the 
 prince  has  the  executive,  and  a  fharc  in  the  legiflative  power, 
 he  is  no  judge.  Such  a  difpofition  of  power  as  the  former 
 will  make  the  government  tyrannical,  whatever  be  the  form  of 
 it.  For,  as  Montefquieu  fays,  there  can  be  no  liberty  unlefs 
 the  power  of  judging  be  feparate  from  the  legiflative  and  execu- 
 tive power.  In  Italy,  where  they  are  united,  there  is  lefs  li- 
 berty than  in  monarchies. 
 
 It  is  alio  an  ellential  maxim  in   every  gov.^rnmcnt  (in  order  to 
 prevent  the  executive  power  from  en-groffing  the  whole  autho- 
 rity 
 
Lect.  XXXIX.    GENERAL    POLICY.  241 
 
 rity  of  the  ftate)  that  the  forces  they  are  entrufted  with  the 
 command  of,  be  of  the  body  of  the  people,  or  have  the  fame 
 intereft  with  the  people,  as  it  was  in  Rome  till  the  time  of 
 Marius. 
 
 The  legiflative  is  properly  the  fupreme  authority  in  the  ftate. 
 For  to  make  and  alter  laws  is  to  model  the  conftitution.  But 
 if  the  perfons  deputed  to  make  laws  have  no  power  of  execut- 
 ing them,  they  will  be  careful  to  make  none  but  fuch  as  they 
 believe  will  be  generally  approved,  and  fuch  as  they  are  willing 
 to  fubmit  to  themfelves.  But  the  greateft  danger  would  arife 
 from  the  fame  perfons  having  the  power  of  making  laws,  of 
 applying  them  to  particular  cafes,  and  of  executing  the  fentence 
 of  the  law.  This  it  is,  as  I  have  obferved,  that  conftitutes  ab- 
 folute  tyranny^  whether  it  be  lodged  in  more,  or  in  fewer  hands. 
 
 If  the  executive  power,  without  having  the  controul  of  the 
 legiflative,  fliould  only  interfere  in  the  judicial  office,  indivi- 
 duals would  live  in  continual  dread  of  the  caprice  of  the  court ; 
 fince  the  befl:  laws  may  be  tortured  to  favour  fome  and  injure 
 others.  But  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  England,  who 
 efFeiftually  controul  the  legillatlve  power,  and  who  will  not 
 fufFer  their  property  to  be  fported  with  at  the  pleafure  of  the 
 crown,  apply  the  fame  means  to  preferve  the  judicature  uncor- 
 rupt.  It  is  a  common  concern,  and  no  man  would  wifh  to 
 cftablifh  afyftem  of  adminiftration  by  which  himfelf  might  ulti- 
 mately be  a  fufFerer.  Confequently,  every  man's  perfonal  intereft 
 leads  him  to  provide  for  that  kind  of  adminiftration  by  which 
 the  general  good  will  be  more  efFeclually  fecured. 
 
 The  various  ferms  of  government  have  generally  received 
 their  denominations  from  the  number  of  perfons  to  whom  the 
 leglHative  power,  and  confequently  the  regulation  of  every  part 
 of  the  conftitution  (which  us  the  moil  flriking  circumftance 
 in  every  government)  has  been  intrufted.  If  it  be  in  one  per- 
 fon,  it  is  commonly  called  a  monarchy^  efpecially  if  the  chief 
 magiftrate  lie  under  confiderable  reflriclions ;  whereas  if  he 
 lie  under  fewer,  the  government  is  called  defpotic.  If  the  fu- 
 p.eme  powtr  be  loclged  in  a  limited  number  of  pe;  fens,  the 
 government  is  called   an  oligarchy^   or  an  arijiocracy -^  and  if  ail 
 
 the 
 
242  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 the  citizens  have  an  equal  vote  in  making  laws  and  appointing 
 
 magiftrates,  it  is  called  a  democracy. 
 
 From  this  method  of  defining  the  various  forms  of  govern- 
 ment, it  is  obvious  to  remark,  that  the  diftindtions  muft  run 
 into  one  another  5  but  it  is  not  material  to  have  terms  appro- 
 priated to  anymore  accurate  divifion.  I  fhalljuft  mention  fo 
 much  of  the  peculiar  advantages  and  difadvantages  of  each  of 
 tbefe  forms  of  government,  as  I  think  will  be  fufficient  to 
 excite  the  attention  of  a  reader  of  hiftory  to  the  fubjedl^,  and 
 make  him  confider  their  effects  in  the   courfe  of  his  reading. 
 
 To  enable  you  to  form  fome  idea  of  the  low  ftate  of  this 
 fcience  of  government  in  ancient  times,  only  confider  how  ira- 
 perfed  Ariftotle's  ideas  muft  have  been  of  the  conftitution  of 
 ftates,  when  as  Montefquieu  obferves,  he  clafTes  Perfia  and 
 Sparta  under  the  fame  head  of  monarchy.  In  fa(5l,  the  ancients 
 can  hardly  be  faid  to  have  an  idea  of  what  we  now  mean  by  the 
 word  monarchy,  Arribas  king  of  Epirus,  in  order  to  temper  the 
 government  of  one  pcrfon,  could  hit  upon  nothing  but  a  repub- 
 lic»  and  the  Moloili,  to  bound  the  f^me  power,  made  two  kings. 
 It  is  a  known  fad  that  the  ancient  ftates,  though  founded  many 
 of  them  by  philofophers,  did  not  contain  that  provifion  for  the 
 freedom  and  happinefs  of  the  fubjecSls  of  them  which  has  been 
 tiie  natural  refult  of  the  random  governments  of  fome  of  the 
 northern  natioiiS. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.XL.       general   policy.  i43 
 
 LECTURE       XL. 
 
 Reafons  for  the  Prevalence  of  Defpotifm  in  early  Times.  Ad- 
 vantages of  Monarchy.  Difadvanta^es  of  it.  What  Circum- 
 Jlances  make  the  Situation  of  a  People  inojl  happy  in  Defpotit 
 States.  What  Circumjiances  always  more  or  lefs  controid 
 Defpotifm.  Attachment  offome  Nation. ^  to  Defpotifm,  Danger 
 of  Libels.  Importance  of  a  fixed  Laiv  cf  ficcejfion.  Profligacy 
 9f  Morals  in  arbitrary  Governments,  True  Seat  of  Power 
 in  them 
 
 THE  moft  fimple  of  all  governments  is  ahfolute  monarchy  : 
 and  this  is  the  reafon  why  it  has  generally  been  the  iirft 
 form  of  government  in  all  countries.  It  requires  great  ikill 
 and  experience  to  balance  the  feveral  powers  of  a  free  ftate. 
 
 The  great  advantage  of  a  monarchy  is,  that  refolutions  majr 
 be  taken  with  fecrecy,  and  executed  with  difpatch  :  a  thing  of 
 the  utmoft  confequence,  particularly  in  time  of  war,  and  for 
 this  reafon  this  form  of  government  is  almoft  neceflary  to  ex- 
 tenlive  empire.  But  the  great  difadvantage  of  this  government 
 is,  that  property  is  fo  precarious,  that  no  body  has  any  fpirit  to 
 apj)ly  to  commerce,  or  dare  afFe6t  any  appearance  of  riches  and 
 fplendor.  Alfo  the  high  intereft  of  money,  which  neceflarily 
 rifes  with  the  hazard  that  is  run  in  lending  or  pofie/fing  it, 
 is  an  additional  difcouragement  to  traffic.  No  perfon  there- 
 fore, in  countries  fubjedt  to  defpotic  government,  lays  him- 
 felf  out  in  proje<5ls  which  woitld  benefit  pofterity,  but,  every 
 perfon  being  intent  upon  enjoying  the  prefent  hour,  a  rapacious 
 mercenary  fpirit  prevails  among  all  ranks  and  degrees  of  men. 
 
 Another  great  unhappinefs  in  countries  whofe  government 
 is  ftri(^ly  defpotic  is,  that,  there  being  no  fundamental  laws, 
 ihe  order  of  fuccelTion    is  not  always    accurately  fixed.     Con- 
 
 iequentlvj 
 
244-  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 fequently,  every  branch  of  the  royal  family  being  equally 
 capable  of  being  defied  klng^  it  occafions  frequent  civil  wars, 
 and  bloody  revolutions.  This  is  the  reafon  why  in  Turkey, 
 and  many  other  Eaftern  ftates,  the  emperor,  immediately  upon 
 liis  accefiion  to  the  throne,  either  puts  to  death,  imprifons  for 
 life,  or  puts  out  the  eyes  of,  all  his  brothers  and  near  relations. 
 Clovis  alfo,  king  of  France,  though  the  government  was  not 
 defpotic,  exterminated  all  his  family,  left  any  of  them  fhould 
 be  chofen  king.     His  children  and  fucceflbrs  did  the  fame. 
 
 Thofe  countries  v/hich  are  fo  unhappy  as  to  be  governed  in 
 a  defpotic  manner,  Mr.  Montefquieu  fays,  are  the  happieft  that 
 their  condition  will  admit  of,  when  all  ranks  of  men  ftand  moft 
 in  fear  of  their  fuperiors  ;  and  a  wife  prince,  in  fuch  a  ftate,  will 
 incline  rather  to  feverity  than  lenity.  In  Perfia  he  fays  Mereveis 
 faw  the  ftate  perifh  becaufe  he  had  not  flied  blood  enough  ; 
 and  the  Roman  empire  enjoyed  the  moft  happinefs  under 
 Tiberius,  Nero,  and  Domitian.  For  this  reafon  it  is  confiftent 
 with  fuch  governments  that  all  decrees  fhould  be  irrevocable. 
 Thus  Ahafuerus  could  not  revoke  the  edidl:  he  had  once  paflTed 
 for  exterminating  the  Jews.  To  render  it  of  no  effe6t  they 
 were  allowed  to  ftand  upon  their  defence. 
 
 Even  that  law,  of  cuftom,  which  obliges  every  perfon 
 to  continue  in  the  profeflion  to  which  he  was  born  fuits  very 
 well  with  defpotic  governments,  where  every  fpark  of  emu- 
 lation is  dangerous,  and  where  the  moft  watchful  eye  ought 
 to  be  kept  over  every  thing  that  may  pollibly  difturb  the  public 
 tranquillity.  In  no  ftate  whatever  is  tranquillity  more  effectually 
 preferved,  by  every  thing  being  invariable,  than  in  China. 
 Their  manners,  morals,  and  laws  are  equally  fixed  ;  and  youth 
 are  inftruded  in  thue  forms  of  falutation,  and  all  the  common 
 rules  of  life,  in  the  fame  regular  manner  as  in  the  moft 
 important  fciences. 
 
 In  fome  defpotic  governments,  not  only  is  the  life  of  the 
 prince  in  continual  danger,  either  from  competitors  to  power, 
 or  the  difcontents  of  ipjured  fubje6ls,  but  the  country  itfelf  is 
 more  expofed  to  invafion.  I'he  princes  are  jealous  of  fortified 
 places,  and   will  noi,    except  in  cafes  of  the  greateft  neceftity, 
 
 admit 
 
Lect.  XL.         GENERAL    POLICY.  245 
 
 admit  of  them;   fo  as  to  be  obliged  to  truft  any  p^rfon  Vv'Ith  the 
 government  of  them. 
 
 Notwithftanding  the  opinion  of  a  right  to  power  be  very 
 common,  this  prepolTellion  has  generally  given  way  to  fuch  an 
 abhorrence  of  thefe  tyrannical  governments,  that  -the  very 
 names  which  have  been  ufed  toexprefs  them  have  grown  in  the 
 higheft  degree  odious;  as  Tyrant  among  the  Greek?,  and  Rex 
 among  the  Romans ;  infomuch  that  it  has  frequently  been  more 
 fafe  to  ufurp  the  power  itfelf  than  to  afiume  the  title  of  it. 
 It  was  reckoned  virtuous  in  Greece  and  Rome  to  kill  kings 
 and  tyrants,   though  in  the  latter  emperors  were  refpecSled. 
 
 We  are  not,  however,  to  conclude  that  becaufe  there  are  no 
 regular  laws  in  defpotic  governments,  and  no  perfon  invefted 
 with  power  to  controul  the  fovereign,  every  man's  life  and 
 property  are  abfolutely  unfafe.  Manners,  cuftoms,  prevailing 
 fentiments,  and  efpecially  religion,  are  great  and  often  efFe6lual 
 reftraints  upon  the  exercife  of  feemingly  unlimited  power. 
 The  Grand  Seignior  can  neither  touch  the  public  treafure, 
 break  the  Janizaries,  interfere  with  the  Seraglios  of  any  of  his 
 fubjedts,  nor  impofe  a  new  tax. 
 
 Notwithftanding  the  abhorrence  we  have  entertained  of  def- 
 potic governments,  fromftudying  the  republican  claiTical  writers 
 of  antiquity,  and  from  our  living  under  a  more  happy  con- 
 ftitution,  there  are  not  wanting  examples  of  people  being 
 ftrongly  attached  to  defpotifm.  The  Cappadocians  are  faid  to 
 have  refu fed  their  freedom  when  the  Romans  would  have  given 
 it  them.  In  the  Eaft  there  is  no  idea  of  the  poflibility  of  any- 
 other  kind  of  government.  A  Venetian  being  introduced  to 
 the  king  of  Pegu,  and  faying  that  there  was  no  king  at  Venice 
 the  prince  burft  into  a  fit  of  laughter. 
 
 As  the  profpe6l  of  honour  is  a  great  inftrument  of  govern- 
 ment, the  fear  of  (hame  is  no  lefs  powerful.  No  man  can  bear 
 univerfal  or  very  general  cenfure,  efpecially  if  he  has  necef- 
 fary  intercourfe  with  thofe  who  diflike  his  condud^.  On  this 
 account,  no  country  can  fuffer  much,  or  long,  whatever  be  its 
 form  of  government,  if  the  people  have  the  liberty  of  fpeaking 
 and  writing,  and  have  an  unreftrained  right  of  petitioning  and 
 
 rem  on- 
 
246  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 remonftrating.  In  this  cafe  juftice  and  truth,  being  often 
 prcfented  to  view,  will  at  length  be  heard  and  attended  to. 
 This  is  a  great  fecurity  in  the  Englifh  government,  and  prevents 
 manyabufes   which  would  otherwife  take  place  in  it. 
 
 Arbitrary  governors,  aware  of  this,  take  the  greateft  care 
 to  prevent  the  people  from  publifhlng  their  thoughts  on  mat- 
 ters of  government,  and  fometimes  even  forbid  their  meeting 
 together.  But  this  is  running  the  rifk  of  a  greater  evil  in  order 
 to  avoid  a  lefs.  The  people,  not  having  the  liberty  of  fpeech, 
 by  which  they  might  give  vent  to,  and  footh  their  complaints, 
 fmother  their  refentment  for  a  time,  and  then  break  out  into 
 the  o^reateft  outrages.  Tyrants  who  would  not  bear  to  be 
 cenfured  have  often  been  fuddenly  dragged  to  death. 
 
 The  capital  advantages  of  monarchy,  with  refpe£b  to  internal 
 quiet,  is  that,  when  the  law  of  fucceflion  is  fixed,  and  univerfally 
 refpecled,  and  when  the  executive  power  is  lodged  in  the 
 hands  of  the  fovereign,  no  fubje£t  can  have  the  leaft  profpedt 
 of  transferring  it  to  himfelf.  It  will  therefore  be  the  intereft 
 of  all  to  keep  within  due  bounds,  that  power  in  which  they 
 can  never  (hare,  and  to  fee  that  it  be  employed  for  the  public 
 good.  This  is  the  capital  advantage  attending  the  conftitution 
 of  this  country,  as  it  is  explained  at  large  by  Mr.  De  Lolme. 
 All  watch  the  monarch,  but  none  endeavour  to  fupplant  him. 
 In  confequence  of  this,  all  ftruggles  between  the  prince  and 
 the  people  have  terminated  in  fome  advantage,  which  has  been 
 common  to  all  the  fubje£ts,  and  not  to  any  one  clafs  of  them 
 in  particular.  The  executive  power  being  fo  great,  the  aflift- 
 ance  of  all  ranks  has  been  necefTary  to   curb  it. 
 
 Many  of  the  eftabliftied  maxims  of  politicians  the  moft 
 celebrated  for  their  fagacity,  are  exceedingly  fallacious,  in 
 confequence  of  being  drawn  from  a  few  fa6is  only.  Machia- 
 vel,  one  of  the  moft  famed  of  them  fays,  that  if  ever  a  prince 
 confides  in  one  able  minifter,  he  will  be  dethroned  by  him. 
 But,  as  Mr.  Hume  juftly  replies,  would  Fleury,  one  of  the 
 moft  abfolute  minifters  in  France,  though  ever  fo  ambitious, 
 while  in  his  fenfes,  entertain  the  leaft  hope  of  difpoffeffing 
 the  Bourbons  ?   Nor,  we  may  add,  is  it  poftible  that  the  moft 
 
 sibie. 
 
Lect.  XL.         GENERAL     POLICY.  247 
 
 able,  the  mod  ambitious,  and  the  moft  abfoluteof  our  minifters 
 of  ftate,  {hould  fupplant  the  houfe  of  Hanover.  But  becaufc 
 the  contrary  had  happened  in  ancient  times,  when  the  rule 
 of  hereditary  right  was  not  fo  firmly  eftabliftied,  it  was  con- 
 cluded that  it  would  always  happen. 
 
 The  only  danger  arifmg  to  a  people  from  the  executive 
 power  being  lodged  in  one  hand,  is  that  of  its  becoming 
 independent  of  the  people.  But' this  is  happily  guarded  againS 
 in  the  Englifti  conftitution,  in  which  the  king  is  entirely 
 dependant  upon  the  people  for  all  his  fupplies.  He  is  therefore 
 obliged  to  refpe£t  the  privileges  of  the  people,  and  he  cannot 
 involve  them  in  a  war  in  which  they  are  unwilling  to  fuppoit 
 him.  This,  at  leaft,  would  be  the  cafe,  if  the  houfe  of  com- 
 mons was  the  true  reprefentative  of  the  people.  But  as  things 
 aiSlually  are,  the  influence  of  the  court  on  the  members  of  this 
 houfe  is  fo  great,  that  they  are  often  induced  to  give  their 
 fan<5tion  to  meafures  which  their  conftituents  would  not  approve- 
 
 If  the  monarch  be  wholly  dependant  upon  the  people  for  his 
 fupplies,  it  is  of  the  greateft  importance  that  thofe  be  granted 
 by  them  m  one  great  body^  as  in  England.  If  the  fupplies  be 
 voted  by  feparate  diftrids,  they  will  have  jealoufies  am.ong 
 themfelves.  Some  will  give  more,  and  others  lefs,  than  their 
 due  proportion ;  and  it  will  be  in  the  power  of  the  court  Co 
 gain  their  ends  with  them  all,  by  playing  one  againft  another* 
 On  this  circumftance  iVIr.  De  Lolme  lays  great  ftrefs. 
 
 One  of  the  greateft  evils  attending  monarchy,  is  the  diflb- 
 lutenefs  of  morals  almoft  neceflarily  incident  to  a  fplendid  court. 
 A  family  poflefled  of  great  power  will,  on  fome  pretence  or 
 other,  amafs  great  wealth  ;  and  the  young  princes  being  brought 
 up  with  an  idea  of  their  own  importance,  they  will  indulge 
 themfelves  at  the  expence  of  the  public.  They  will  alfo  have 
 many  dependants,  whofe  intereft  it  will  be  to  enlarge  their 
 power,  and  increafe  their  wealth,  that  they  may  be  benefited 
 by  the  difperfion  of  it.  The  perfons  next  in  power  will  imitate 
 the  manners  of  the  princes,  and  they  will  be  envied  and 
 imitated  by  others.  And  as  the  means  to  gain  their  end, 
 will    be    recommending    themfelves    to  their   fupcriors  (and 
 
 not 
 
248  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 not  their  inferiors)  they  will  ftudy  the  gratification  of  their 
 wiihes,  that  is,  they  will  adminifter  to  the.r  vices  ;  and  thus  a 
 general  profligacy  of  manners  will  be  the  confequence.  Perfons 
 educated  monarchs,  and  whofhould  have  virtue  enough  both  to 
 fet  a  good  example  themfelves,  and  to  difcourage  vice  in  others, 
 would  be  prodigies.  It  cannot  be  expedled  but  that  monarchs 
 in  general  will  have  fome  objects  befides  the  public  good,  and 
 that  they  will  employ  thofe  perfons  whom  they  deem  the  beft 
 qualified  to  ferve  them,  whether  they  be  men  of  private  virtue 
 or   not. 
 
 7'he  real  power  of  a  country  is  feldom  in  thofe  hands  in 
 which  the  conftitution  feems  to  have  placed  it ;  (o  that  if  thofe 
 v/ho  have  bufmefs  to  do  with  any  ftate  apply  in  the  firft  inftance 
 to  thiife  whofe  office  it  is  to  receive  them,  they  will  feldom 
 gain  their  point.  They  muft  apply  to  thofe  who  by  their 
 talents  or  afliduity,  have  recommended  themfelves  to  the  govern- 
 ing powers,  fo  as  to  eafe  them  of  the  burthen  of  public  affairs. 
 This  is  more  particularly  the  cafe  in  defpotic  governments,  in 
 which  princes  are  fo  educated  as  to  be  feldom  capable  of  bufinefs. 
 It  will  therefore  be  done  by  thofe  who  are.  about  them,  and 
 who  have  infinuated  themfelves  into  their  favour  ;  and  thefe, 
 being  chiefly  actuated  by  their  private  pailions,  and  efpecially 
 their  affe(5lion  or  diflike  to  particular  perfons,  the  intereft  of  the 
 ftate  will  be  little  confulted  by  them.  Hov/ often  have  generals 
 been  appointed,  and  evens  wars  engaged  in,  at  the  caprice  of 
 women. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XLI.        GENERAL    POLICY.  249 
 
 LECTURE      XLL 
 
 Advantages  of  Democracy,  Connexion  of  Liberty  and  Science, 
 Situation  of  Republics  with  refpe5l  to  defence.  Severity  of 
 Manners  in  Republics,  Severe  Punijhments  dangerous.  The 
 true  Supports  of  Republican  Government,  Danger  of  Luxury, 
 Equality  of  Fortunes.  Exorbitant  Power  in  Magifirates  dan- 
 gerous. Number  of  Vottrs,  Rotation  of  Offices,  Uncertain 
 Refolution  of  Multitudes,     life  of  Reprefentatives, 
 
 A  Perfect  democracy  is  an  extreme  diredlly  oppoflte  to  abfo- 
 lute  monarchy,  and,  next  to  it,  is  the  eafieft  to  be  fallen 
 into,  particularly  by  fmall  ftates.  Hence  all  the  petty  ftates 
 of  Greece,  without  exception,  when  they  put  down  their  ty- 
 rants, fell  into  fome  kind  of  democracy,  though  no  two  of  their 
 forms  of  government  were  exactly  the  fame. 
 
 The  capital  advantage  of  this  form  of  government  is,  that  as 
 there  is  the  fame  free  accefs  to  honour  and  employments  to 
 every  member  of  the  ftate,  free  fcope  is  given  to  the  exertion 
 of  every  man's  abilities.  Here,  therefore,  we  may  naturally 
 expedt  the  utmoft  efforts  of  the  human  faculties,  efpecially  in 
 thofe  talents  which  are  moft  calculated  to  ftrike  the  vulgar,  and 
 acquire  general  applaufe. 
 
 The  art  of  haranguing  is  above  all  others  a  neceflary  qualifi- 
 cation, being  almoft  the  only  road  to  preferment.  Hence  arifes 
 eloquence^  and  thofe  other  branches  of  the  belles  lettres  and 
 politer  arts  which  are  connected  with  it,  and  are  not  of  the 
 effeminate  and  unmanly  kind.  For  the  eloquence  of  a  free 
 flate  mufl  be  adapted  to  zffeS.  the  pafTions  and  imaginations  of 
 men  of  a  natural  and  uncorrupted  tafte.  Otherwife  it  would 
 have  noefFe<5i:. 
 
 Befides,  in  a  republic  thenecefTityof  reflraining  the  magifirates 
 muft  give  rife  to  general  laws^  and  from  law  arifes  fecurity, 
 from  fecurity  curiofitYj  and  from  curiofity  knowledge,  as  Mr. 
 
 T  Hume 
 
*p  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 Hume  (who  Teems  particularly  fond  of  this  kind  of  government) 
 marks  the  gradation.  But  a  commonwealth  is  certainly  un- 
 favourable to  poUtenefsy  and  fofrnefs  of  manners.  This  kind  of 
 refinement  grows  more  naturally  from  that  fpirit  of  fervility 
 which  is  the  effecSt  of  defpotic  government. 
 
 With  refpccl:  to  defence,  we  fee,  in  the  hiftory  of  the  earlier 
 period  of  Greece,  that  an  enthufiaftic  love  of  liberty,  in  anunion 
 of  feveral  free  flates,  has  fome  advantages  which  may  compenfate 
 for  any  inconvenience  that  may  attend  the  want  of  an  abfolute 
 commander  ;  though  we  can  hardly  fay  with  Montefquieu,  that 
 republics  in  a  league  enjoy  all  the  advantages  of  a  common- 
 wealth within  themfelves,  and  the  advantages  of  a  monarchy 
 with  refpecl:  to  defence. 
 
 It  will  be  a  great  miflake  to  conclude  that  where  there  is  no 
 defpotic  fovereign,  the  people,  being  free  from  that  reflraint  up- 
 on their  conduit,  may  fafely  indulge  themfelves  in  greater  liberty. 
 For  in  no  form  of  governmctu  whatever  is  a  perfect  fubjevSbion 
 more  necefTary.  All  the  members  of  a  republic  muft  live  in 
 the  ftri6i:eft  obedience  ;  but  then  it  is  to  their  equals,  and  to  the 
 laws.  Xenophon  obferves  a  great  difference  between  the  re- 
 verence and  obfervance  of  the  laws  in  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
 Athenians,  to  the  difadvantage  of  the  latter. 
 
 When  the  lawsceafe  to  be  executed  in  a  republic,  Montef- 
 quieu fays  all  is  loft.  This  can  only  happen  from  the  corruption 
 of  the  republic,  and  there  is  no  power  to  remedy  the  evil, 
 as  in  monarchy.  Hence,  in  all  republics,  pardon  is  with  diffi- 
 culty obtained,  if  at  all.  In  moft  of  them,  if  this  power  fub- 
 fifts  at  all,  it  is  fo  reftrained,  and  fo  difficultly  exerted,  as  almoft 
 to  make  good  the  complaint  of  the  young  man  in  Livy,  that  a 
 man  ma^  fola  innocentia  'uiverc.  In  Holland,  without  a  Stadt* 
 holder,  there  is  nofuch  power  as  pardoning,  notwithftanding  it  be 
 eiTential  to  policy,  and  in  fome  cafes  as  necefTary  as  juftice  itfelf. 
 
 A  love  of  power  produces  more  inconveniences  in  republics 
 than  in  monarchies,  becaufe  places  of  power  and  truft  are  within 
 the  reach  of  greater  numbers,  they  are  to  be  obtained  by  making 
 interefl  with  the  common  people,  and  their  refolutions,  having 
 no  controul,  are  apt  to  be  fudden  and  violent.  The  Gre- 
 cian 
 
Lect.  XLI.        general   policy.  251 
 
 cian  ftates,  and  alfo  the  republics  of  Italy  in  later  times,  were 
 expofed  to  perpetual  diftra6lions  and  revolutions  in  confequence 
 of  it;  there  being  always  aconfiderable  number  of  baniihed  per- 
 fons,  their  friends  and  partifans,  who  threatened  an  invafion. 
 
 Virtue  and  public  fpirit  are  the  neceflary  fup ports  of  all  re- 
 publican governments.  Hence  it  was  morally  impoffible  that 
 Romeftiould  have  continued  free  in  the  tinieof  Csefar  ;  and  the 
 oppofition  to  monarchical  power  by  a  (ew  of  the  better  citizens 
 only  made  the  dying  ftruggles  of  liberty  more  violent,  and  more 
 deftru6tive  to  the  ftate.  Public  fpirit  makes  the  riches  of  in- 
 dividuals to  become  the  riches  of  the  public  :  but  when  public 
 fpirit  is  \o^^  the  ricries  of  the  public  become  the  riches  of  indi- 
 viduals ;  and  in  this  cafe,  an  increafe  of  numbers,  and  of  wealth, 
 may  be  attended  with  a  diminution  of  power.  if\thens  had  as 
 many  citizens  when  Demetrius  Phalereus  numbered  them  a$ 
 they  had  in  their  mod  flouriiliing  ftate,  and  it  is  certain  they 
 were  not  lefs  rich  ;  but  public  fpirit  was  gone,  and  with  that 
 all  their  former  power  and  importance,  and  yet  that  policy  is 
 violent  which  aggrandizes  the  public  by  the  poverty  and  diftrefs 
 of  individuals. 
 
 From  the  neceflity  of  virtue  and  public  fpirit  in  repub- 
 lics arlfes  the  extreme  caution  of  all  wife  legiflators  to  keep 
 luxury  out  of  them,  and  to  preferve  as  great  an  equality  in  the 
 riches  and  the  power  of  all  the  members  of  the  ftate  as  pof- 
 fible  ;  and  hence,  indeed,  the  precarious  fituation  of  all  popular 
 governments,  and  their  neceflary  diflblution,  whenever  conqueft, 
 or  commerce,  and  arts  fhall  have  taken  away  that  equality. 
 The  Roman  commonwealth  was  ruined  by  the  excelTive  riches 
 and  powerof  individuals,  and  the  wealth  ot  the  Medici  made  them 
 mafters  of  Florence.  Moreover,  when  the  members  of  republics 
 become  indolent  and  luxurious,  they  will  make  ufe  of  the  public 
 treafure  for  improper  purpofes  ;  fo  that  the  nearer  they  feem  to 
 be  to  derive  the  greateft  advantages  from  their  liberty,  the  nearer 
 they  fometimes  are  to  ruin.  Witnefs  Athens  in  the  time  of  De- 
 mofthenes.  Commerce  therefore,  which  never  fails  tc  introduce 
 luxury  and  inequality  into  men's  circumftances,  does  not  per- 
 fg-^y  fuit  with  the  trucipirit  of  2.  ccmmonweakh. 
 
 T  a  If 
 
252  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 If  the  republic  be  a  trading  one,  it  is  an  excellent  law,  that 
 every  fon  fhould  be  alike  fharer  in  his  father's  inheritance;  and 
 a  boundlefs  permiffion  to  difpofe  of  eftates  by  will,  deftroys  by 
 degrees  that  equality  which  is  neceflary  to  a  republic. 
 
 Hence  alfo  the  neceflity  of  having  methods  of  difpcrfing  im- 
 menfe  eftates  in  republics.  In  the  beft  Grecian  republics,  the 
 rich  were  under  a  neceflity  of  fpending  their  money  in  feflivals, 
 choirs  of  mufic,  chariot  and  horfe-races,  expenfive  magiftracies, 
 and  building  (hips  ;  and  at  Rome  the  great  people  bore  all  the 
 expenfive  offices,  and  the  poor  paid  nothing. 
 
 Nothing  can  give  us  a  clearer  idea  of  the  ftate  of  things  at 
 Athens  in  this  refpe£l  than  a  paflage  in  the  banque't  of  Xeno- 
 phon,  in  which  Charmidas  is  introduced  making  the  following 
 fpeech,  "  I  am  content  with  my  poverty.  When  I  was  rich,  I 
 "  was  obliged  to  make  my  court  to  informers,  the  ftate  was 
 *'  always  laying  fome  new  burthen  upon  me,  and  I  could  not 
 '*  abfent  myfelf  from  it  :  fince  I  am  become  poor,  I  have  ac- 
 *'  quired  authority  ;  nobody  threatens  me,  I  threaten  others,  and 
 *'  I  go  where  I  pleafe ;  the  rich  rife  and  give  place  to  me.  I  am 
 "  king,  I  was  a  flave.  I  paid  tribute  to  the  republic,  now  it 
 "  nouriflies  me." 
 
 Great  rewards  for  fervices,  even  in  monarchies,  much  more 
 in  democracies,  are  figns  of  their  decline.  It  (hews  that  men 
 are  not  fufficiently  a61:uated  by  a  fenfe  of  virtue  and  honour. 
 Demofthenes,  ^fchines,  and  eight  more  ambafladors  to  the 
 king  of  Macedon,  received  lefs  than  a  drachma  a  day,  though  a 
 common  foldier  received  one  and  fometimes  two  drachmas  a  day  ; 
 and  yet  Demofthenes  calls  this  a  confiderable  fum.  Caligula 
 and  Nero  gave  the  moft,  and  the  Antonines  the  leaft,  of  all  the 
 Roman  emperors. 
 
 Exorbitant  power  is  ftill  more  immediately  threatening  to  a 
 republic  than  exorbitant  riches.  The  perfons  poffefled  of  it  are 
 far  more  dangerous  than  in  lawful  monarchies,  becaufe  there 
 is  no  law  to  controul  them.  Confidering  this,  we  fhall  not 
 wonder  at  the  oppofition  made  by  Hanno  to  Hannibal.  In  what 
 dano-er  would  the  republic  of  Carthage  have  been  if  Hannibal 
 had  taken  Rou.e,  when  he  made  fo  many  alterations  in  its  con- 
 
 ftitution 
 
Lect.  XLI.        general    POLICY.  253 
 
 ftltutlon  after  his  defeat  ?  At  Ragufa,  the  chief  maglftrate  of 
 the  republic  is  changed  every  month.  This  is  proper  only  in  a 
 fmall  ftate,  furrounded  by  enemies  who  might  corrupt  their 
 chiefs.  The  keeping  of  the  public  treafure  at  Athens  was  in- 
 trufted  with  no  perfon  for  more  than  a  Tingle  day. 
 
 It  is  of  great  confequence  that  the  number  of  voters  In  a 
 republic  be  fixed.  At  Rome,  fometimes  all  the  citizens  were 
 out  of  the  walls,  at  other  times  almoft  all  Italy  was  within 
 them;  which  was  one  principal  caufe  of  the  fall  of  the  repub- 
 lic. For  by  that  means  men  of  power  and  ambition  were  never 
 at  a  lofs  for  the  means  of  palling  any  lav/,  or  gaining  any  parti- 
 cular point,  that  they  had  occalion  for.  Secret  fuffr ages  are 
 alfo  faid  by  Montei'quieu  to  have  been  one  means  of  the  ruin 
 of  Rome  :  for  the  comtnon  people,  then  very  corrupt,  were 
 then  under  no  reliraint  from  fhame.  The  diflblution  of  a  re- 
 public by  luxury  and  refinement,  he  fays,  is  the  true  euthanafta 
 of  that  form  of  government.  For  thofe  manners  prepare  them 
 to  fubmit  to  monarchy  with  lefs  relu6i:ance  ;  but  the  convulfions 
 of  dying  liberty  \vi  2l  rough,  a  brave,  and  an  enterprizing 
 people,  are  dreadful. 
 
 For  this  reafon,  and  becaufe  the  clergy  are  not  powerful 
 enough  to  reftrain  arbitrary  pov/er  in  England,  it  is  laid  by  him 
 that  if  ever  the  bJngli{h  be  flaves,  they  will  be  the  greateff,  and 
 moftmiferable  of  all  fiaves. 
 
 The  prefervation  of  republican  forms  of  government  requires 
 that  no  important  offices  continue  long  in  the  fame  hands. 
 In  general,  men  are  lovers  of  power ^  as  well  as  of  wealthy 
 becaafe  they  can  make  the  power  of  which  they  are  pofTcfied 
 fubfervient  to  mod  of  their  purpofes,  and  thev  will  purfue  their 
 own  gratification  at  the  expence  of  that  of  others.  In  the  dif- 
 tribution  of  power,  therefore,  care  fhould  be  taken  that  no  per- 
 fons  have  an  opportunity  of  poffcfling  it  any  longer  than  it  may 
 be  for  the  advantage  of  the  whole,  and  that  all  powers  be  eafily 
 revocable,  whenever  it  fhall  be  perceived  that  they  areabufcd. 
 For  this  purpofe  it  feems  moft  convenient  that  all  offices  of 
 great  truft  and  power  be  held  by  rotation,  Becaufe  it  will  not 
 be  for  the  intereft  of  any  man  to  add  to  the  power  of  an  office, 
 
 to 
 
:I54  LECTURES    ON  Part  V, 
 
 to  which  he  muft  himfelf  foon  become  fubje6^.  While  he 
 enjoys  it  he  will  confider  not  fo  much  his  condition  for  a  (hort 
 time,  as  for  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  and  that  of  his  children 
 and  pofterity  after  him.  Whereas,  if  any  power,  or  honour  be 
 hereditary^  it  will  be  his  intereft  to  take  every  opportunity  of 
 enlarging  it,  at  the  expenceofthe  reft  of  the  community. 
 
 It  is  very  poflible,  however,  that  the  prejudices  of  fome 
 people  in  favour  of  monarchical  government,  and  of  the  rights 
 of  certain  families  to  kingly  power,  may  be  fo  ftrong,  as  that  it 
 will  be  better  to  rifk  every  thing,  than  change  the  form  of  go- 
 vernment ;  becaufe  civil  wars,  the  grcateft  of  all  evils,  might 
 be  the  confequence  of  it.  When  almoft  the  whole  power  of 
 the  ftate  is  lodged  in  one  hand  (as  in  thofe  governments  which 
 are  termed  defpotic^  or  which  approach  to  it)  there  is  the  greateft 
 probability  that,  educated  as  fuch  princes  will  be,  they  will  make 
 a  very  abfurd  ufe  of  their  power,  fuch  as  will  by  no  means  be 
 for  the  intereft  of  the  community;  and  if  a  fuccefTion  confifts 
 of  able  men,  their  power  will  continually  grew  more  Exorbitant. 
 But  whilft  the  people  choofe  to  be  governed  in  that  mode,  and 
 conceive,  for  whatever  reafon,  that  a  certain  family  has  aright 
 fo  to  govern  them,  it  would  be  wrong  to  attenpt  a  change  in 
 the  government,  and  ftill  more  fo  to  deprive  any  particular 
 perfon,  or  family,  of  thofe  rights,  of  which,  with  the  confent 
 of  the  people,  they  have  been  long  poflefTed.  All  that  can  be 
 done  in  fuch  a  cafe  is  to  define  with  the  greateft  accuracy  the 
 law  of  fucceflion  to  power,  that  there  may  be  no  difpute  about 
 the  perfon  entitled  to  it,  and  to  prevent  as  far  as  poifible  all 
 incrcafe  of  it. 
 
 All  perfons  who  are  acquainted  with  any  kind  of  public 
 bufinefs,  in  which  numbers  of  people  give  their  opiriions  and 
 decide  upon  the  fpot,  well  know  with  what  diiiiculty  it  is  con- 
 dueled,  and  how  uncertain  the  decifions  are.  Few  think  before- 
 hand, many  are  fond  of  diftinguilliing  thtmfeives,  and  numbers 
 never  confider  the  queftion  before  them,  but  who  are  for  it,  and 
 who  againft  it.  If  a  number  of  the  more  intelligent  of  the 
 people  prepare  matters  before-hand,  bufmefs  may  be  done  with 
 tolerable  eafe  ^  but  then  it  is  in  reality  tranfa6ted  by  thofe  few, 
 
 and 
 
Lect.  XLI.        GENERAL    FDLICY.  5^5 
 
 and  the  reft  are  taken  by  furprize.  For  in  the  fame  manner 
 they  might  have  been  induced  to  adopt  any  meafures,  not  mani- 
 feftly  contrary  to  their  intereft. 
 
 Where  great  numbers  of  perfonsare  concerned,  it  is  of  infinite 
 advantage  that  they  do  not  deliberate  and  decide  ihemfelves^  but 
 chufe  a  fev/  to  a6l  for  them.  Thefe  having  a  truji^  and  knov/-  , 
 ing  that  the  eyes  of  the  whole  community  are  upon  them,  will 
 be  deiirous  of  difcharging  their  truft  v^ith  reputation  to  them- 
 fclves,  and  confequently  with  advantage  to  their  conftituents. 
 It  will  be  their  bufmefs  to  confider  all  public  meafures,  and  to 
 fettle  a  regular  method  of  doing  bufinefs.  A  crown,  or  a 
 court,  having  to  treat  with  thefe  reprefentatives,  chofen  out  of  the 
 people  for  their  wifdom  and  refpevSlability,  will  find  that  they 
 have  to  do  with  their  equals,  and  will  not  expe£l  to  cajole  and 
 deceive  them,  as  they  might  have  done  the  colledive  body  of 
 the  people.  It  is  abfolutely  necefTary,  however,  that  thefe  re- 
 prefentatives of  the  people  be  confined  to  that  office,  and  always 
 feel  themfelves  to  be  a  part  of  the  community  which  they  repre- 
 fent.  Otherwife,  the  people,  in  chufing  them,  will  chufe  their 
 own  mafters.  If,  in  confequence  of  reprefenting  the  people,  they 
 have  an  opportunity  of  acquiring  advantages  to  which  the  reft 
 of  the  community  have  no  accefs,  they  will  have  a  different  in- 
 tereft  from  that  of  their  conftituents,  and  will,  no  doubt,  con- 
 fult  it. 
 
 In  a  ftate  of  political  liberty,  the  people  muft  have  a  con- 
 troul  over  the  government,  by  themfelves  or  their  reprefentatives. 
 In  large  ftates  this  can  only  be  done  in  the  latter  method,  and 
 then  it  comes  to  be  confidered  who  are  proper  to  reprefent  the 
 nation,  in  order  t®  make  laws  for  their  countrymen  and  to  dif- 
 pofe  of  their  property.  I  own  I  fee  no  occafion  for  any  re- 
 ftridion  whatever,  as  it  cannot  be  fuppofed  that,  if  people  be 
 left  to  themfelves,  they  will  chufe  improper  reprefentatives.  If 
 they  do,  it  is  fit  that  they  (hould  learn  by  experience  to  make 
 a  better  choice  on  a  future  occafion.  If  the  reprefentative  body 
 be  large,  like  our  Houfe  of  Commons,  the  worft  choice  of  a 
 few  members  can  be  but  of  little  confequence. 
 
 Leaft 
 
256  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 Lead  of  all  fhould  people  be  limited  in  their  choice  by  a 
 regard  to  fortune.  For  they  may  have  the  jufteft  reafons  to  put 
 the  greateft  confidence  in  perfons  who  have  little  or  no  pro- 
 perty ;  and  in  general  they  will  of  themfelves  be  fufficiently 
 influenced  by  this  confideration,  without  any  interference  of 
 the  law.  If  a  regard  to  wealth  be  any  rule,  it  Ihould  not  ex- 
 tend to  very  great  fortunes.  For  in  general  perfons  of  moderate 
 fortunes  are  better  educated,  have  fewer  artificial  wants,  and  arc 
 more  independent  than  thofe  who  are  born  to  great  eftates* 
 Befides,  they  are  more  natural  reprefentatives  of  the  middle 
 clafs  of  people,  they  are  more  likely  to  feel  for  them,  and  to 
 confult  their  interelh 
 
 It  is  of  the  greateil:  importance  that  thofe  who  reprefent  any 
 nation  be  of  the  fame  clafs  and  rank  in  life,  with  thofe  by  whom 
 they  are  appointed,  and  that  they  have  frequent  intercourfe  with 
 them.  By  this  means  they  will  catch  their  fpirit,  and  enter 
 into  their  views.  They  will  alfo  be  reftrained  by  a  fenfe  of 
 {hame  from  propofing,  or  confentlng  to,  any  thing  that  they  know 
 tiieir  electors  v/ould  not  approve.  They  could  not  Ihew  them- 
 felves in  public  company  after  any  conducl  of  this  kind.  On 
 the  other  hand,  the  members  of  an  ariftocracy,  fufficiently 
 numerous  to  have  fociety  among  themfelves,  would  feel  only 
 for  themfelves,  and  would  have  no  reilraint  on  their  meafures 
 refpecling  the  lower  ranks  of  the*  community.  They  might 
 even  make  it  a  point  of  honour  to  preferve  and  enlarge  their 
 privileges,  at  the  expence  of  thofe  beneath  them. 
 
 It  is  alfo  of  great  importance  that,  in  an  alTembly  of  re- 
 prefentatives, property  only,  or  reputed  underjianding^  be  con- 
 fidered,  and  not  ciojfes^  or  denominations  of  men.  If  the  clergy 
 be  admitted  as  clergy,  lawyers  as  lawyers,  foldiers  as  foldiers,  &c. 
 they  will  have  what  the  French  call  the  efprit  de  corps.  T'hey 
 will  unite  to  confult  their  own  intereft,  and  fome  of  the  bodies 
 will  make  conceilions  to  others,  at  the  expence  of  the  reft  of  the 
 community.  Whereas  when  they  are  chofen  merely  becaufe  the 
 people  at  large  think  them  the  beft  qualified  to  provide  for  their 
 fj^eneral  interefts,    they  will  confult   the  wifties  of  thofe   who 
 
 appoint 
 
Lect.  XLL      GENERAL    POLICY.  257 
 
 appoint  them,  and  the  intereft  of  each  part  will  be  attended  tm 
 in  proportion  to  its  importance  to  the  whole. 
 
 From  the  remains  of  fuperftition  the  clergy  are  ftill  confidered 
 as  a  diftindt  order  of  men  in  this  country,  and  they  are  in  a  man- 
 ner reprefen  ted  in  parliament,  by  the  bilhops  having  feats  in  the 
 houfe  of  lords.  It  is  alleged  that  this  is  nccefTary  in  order  to 
 take  care  of  their  interefts.  But  on  the  fame  principle 
 phyficians,  lawyers,  diflenters,  and  all  other  dafles  of  men, 
 ought  to  have  feats  in  parliament.  If  the  clergy  recommend 
 themfelves  to  the  people  by  making  their  office  ufeful,  they  will 
 have  fufficient  influence,  without  any  of  their  body  having 
 feats  in  parliament  ;  and  if  they  come  to  be  coniidered  in  an 
 offenfive  light,  the  number  of  the  biiliops  by  whom  they  arc 
 reprefented  is  too  fmall  to  prevent  the  pailing  of  any  law,  even 
 to  exclude  them.  If  they  had  a  juft  fenfe  of  the  nature  of  their 
 office,  and  confultexl  their  true  dignity,  they  would  reiire  of 
 their  own  accord.  At  prefent,  their  feat  in  the  houfe  only  flat- 
 ters their  pride,  and  gives  the  minifter  fo  many  more  votes^ 
 
 LECTURE       LXn. 
 
 Arijiocracy  how  different  from  Defpotifm.  What  depends  upon 
 the  Number  of  its  Members.  Libds  peculiarly  obnoxious  in 
 this  Government.  In  tvhat  RefpeSis  the  prefent  European 
 Monarchies  differ  from  the.  ancient  Monarchies.  Their  Rife. 
 Peculiar  advantage  of  them.  Nobility.  Thefe  Governments 
 promife  to  be  lajUng.  Different  Situation  of  the  Female  Sex  in 
 thefe  Governments  and  thofe  ivhich  are  Dcfpotic.  The  Nature 
 of  the  Roman  Government.  The  Happitiefs  of  having  the  Order 
 of  Succeffion  in  Monarchies  fxed.  European  Monarchies  not 
 proper  for  extenftve  Empire. 
 
 IT  is  eafy  to  fee  that  all  other  forms  of  government  mufi:  be 
 foijiewhere  in  a  medium  between  the  extremes  oi  defpotifm 
 and  democracy .,  and  that   they  muil,  confequently,    partake  of 
 
 the 
 
258  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  V. 
 
 the  advantages  and  difadvantages  of  both;  according  as  thej? 
 approach  towards  them.  The  moft  diftinguifhed  mediums  in 
 the  difpofition  of  power  are  in  the  arijhcracies  of  fome  ancient 
 and  modern  ftates,  and  the  prefent  European  monarchies. 
 
 An  ariftocracy,  however,  differs  nothing  from  a  defpotifm, 
 except  that  the  fame  abfolute  power  is  lodged  in  a  few  more 
 hands.  All  the  reft  of  the  people  are  as  much  at  their  mercy ; 
 and  as  the  people  have  more  mafters,  they  are  generally  more 
 oppreffed. 
 
 The  more  are  the  members  of  an  ariftocracy,  the  lefs  is  their 
 power,  and  the  greater  their  fafety  ;  the  fewer  they  are,  the 
 greater  is  their  power,  and  the  lefs  their  fafety,  till  we  come  to 
 pure  defpotifm,  where  there  is  the  greateft  power  and  the  leaft 
 fafety.  If  the  members  of  the  ariftocracy  enter  into  trade,  and 
 confequently  the  riches,  as  well  as  the  power,  of  the  ftate  center 
 in  themfelves,  they  will  opprcfs  the  poor,  to  the  difcourage- 
 ment  of  all  induftry.  For  the  fame  reafon,  it  is  ftill  worfe 
 when  an  arbitrary  fovereign  applies  to  trade  ;  for  trade,  of  all 
 things,  requires  to  be  conducted  by  perfons  who  are  upon  terms 
 of  equality. 
 
 In  proportion  X.0  the  numbers  of  the  ariftocracy,  they  ought 
 to  relax  of  the  rigour  of  defpotifm;  and  when  they  are  pretty 
 numerous,  the  greateft  moderation  ought  to  be  their  principle. 
 They  ought  to  affecl  no  unnecefTary  diftin6tions,  leaft  of  all 
 thofe  which  are  honourable  to  themfelves  in  proportion  as  they 
 are  difgraceful  to  the  common  people ;  as  the  patricians  of 
 Rome  did  when  they  reftrained  themfelves  from  marrying  with 
 the  Plebeians. 
 
 Perfonal  privileges  and  immunities,  which  are  not  neceftary 
 for  the  good  of  the  whole,  are  always  juftly  offenfive.  To  a 
 perfon  in  an  office  which  has  for  its  object  the  public  good, 
 deference  will  eafily  be  paid  ;  but  in  all  other  cafes  a  diftin<fcion 
 of  rank  naturally  excites  jealoufy.  It  creates  pride  in  the  one, 
 and  fervility  in  the  other,  which  debafcs  the  charadlers  of  both. 
 It  is  well  obferved  by  Mr.  Turgot,  that  all- hereditary  dif- 
 ^in£lions,  if  they  have  any  civil  effe<£l,  and  confer  any  right, 
 and  all  perfonal  prerogatives,  if  they  are  not  the  neceflary  con- 
 
 fequencc 
 
Lect.  LXII.     general    POLICY.  159 
 
 fequence  of  exercifing  a  public  fun6tion,  are  a  diminution  of 
 the  natural  rights  of  other  men,  a  proceeding  contrary  to  the 
 primitive  end  of  fociety,  and  of  confequence  a  real  injuftice  *. 
 
 In  the  eaftern  monarchies  there  are  no  hereditary  nobles^ 
 In  China  the  grand-children  of  the  grcateft  mandrians  are 
 generally  on  a  level  with  the  common  people,  f 
 
 How  galling  the  power  of  the  nobility  is  to  the  common 
 people,  we  fee  in  the  preference  which  fome  nations  have  given 
 to  pure  monarchy,  or  defpotifm,  to  thofe  forms  of  government 
 in  which  the  nobility  had  the  chief  power.  This  was  con- 
 fpicuous  in  the  late  revolutions  in  Denmark,  and  Sweden  ;  in 
 which,  with  the  hearty  concurrence  of  the  people,  the  power 
 of  the  nobility  was  transferred  to  the  king.  It  was  alfo  con- 
 fpicuous  in  the  part  which  the  commons  of  England  took,  in 
 concurrence  with  the  king,  to  lelTen  the  power  of  the  ancient 
 barons. 
 
 From  the  diftribution  of  power  into  fo  many  hands,  lilels 
 are  moft  liable  to  be  retrained  in  this  kind  of  governments ; 
 becaufe  the  magiftrates  are  neither  too  high,  nor  too  low,  to 
 be  hurt  by  them.  Contrary  to  the  maxims  of  a  republic,  all 
 the  fufFrages  in  an  ariftocracy,  fays  Montefquieu,  ought  to  be 
 fecret,  to  prevent  cabals. 
 
 Poland  is  the  worft  conftituted  ariftocracy,  where  the  people 
 are  (laves  to  their  nobility. 
 
 The  prefent  European  ?nonarchics  are  fyftems  of  government 
 totally  different  from  any  thing  of  which  the  ancients  could 
 form  an  idea.  Every  thing  they  fay  about  monarchies  is  every 
 day  contradided  in  thera.  They  were  formed  in  the  following 
 manner. 
 
 The  German  nations  were  in  general  free,  and  voted  every 
 thing  in  perfon.  When  they  were  difperfed  in  their  conqueft's 
 they  could  not  do  this,  but  fent  deputies,  and  hence  arofe  the 
 cultom  of  reprefeniation^  by  means  of  which  equal  political 
 liberty  may  be  made  confiflent  with  the  moft  extennve  govern- 
 nents. 
 
 *  Life  of  Mr.  Turgot,  p.  307, 
 
 •f  Mcmoires  fur  Ics  Chiaois,  vol.    iv,  p,   311. 
 
 The 
 
26o  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 The  common  people  were  originally  vajfals^  ovjlaves^  and  were 
 conildcred  as  belonging  to  the  lands  on  which  they  were  fettled, 
 and  they  were  transferred  with  them  from  one  proprietor  to 
 another,  which  is  the  cafe  in  many  parts  of  the  continent  to 
 this  day.  But  chriftianity,  and  feveral  other^ircumftances, 
 contributed  to  better  the  condition  of  flaves  in  the  wejft;ern  parts 
 of  Europe,  and  by  degrees  they  all  obtained  their  liberty.  Not 
 having  been  ufed  to  arms,  as  the  free  men  had  all  been,  they 
 became  addi6led  to  arts  and  trade,  by  which  they  acquired  con- 
 fiderable  property,  and  with  that  influence  and  power.  At 
 length,  and  by  degrees,  they  fent  their  reprefentatives  to  the 
 great  council  of  the  nation,  and  thus  the  civil  liberty  of  the 
 people,  the  prerogatives  of  the  nobility,  and  clergy,  together 
 with  the  power  of  the  king,  who  was  originally  nothing  more 
 than  their  general,  were  fo  tempered,  that  it  is  aftoniftiing  that 
 the  regulations  made  by  a  conquering  people,  fhould  have 
 terminated  in  a  better  form  of  government  than  any  thing  that 
 had  ever  been  devifed  by  man  before. 
 
 Thefe  governments  have  the  advantage  of  defpotifm  in  time 
 of  war,  and  property  is  as  fecure  in  them  as  it  can  be  in  any 
 republic.  The  ancients,  fays  Montefquieu,  could  never  have 
 imagined  what  we  now  fee  i  that  monarchy  is  capable  of  order, 
 method,  and  coiiftancy  to  fo  furprizing  a  degree,  property 
 fecured,  induftry  encouraged,  the  arts  flourifhing,  and  the 
 prince  living  fecure  among  his  fubje6ts,  like  a  father  among 
 his  childien. 
 
 The  nobility  being  the  defcendants  of  the  greater  barons,  or 
 freemen,  makes  adiftin61:  order  of  men  in  this  kind  of  monarchy, 
 and  having  been  accuftomed  to  arms,  and  not  to  trade,  a  fenfe 
 of  honour  is  the  grand  fpring  of  action  in  them.  If  commerce 
 decay  in  thefe  monarchies,  it  is  not  becaufe  property  is  iefs 
 fecure,  but  becaufe  the  profeflion   is  Iefs  honourable. 
 
 Thefe  governments  promife  to  be  the  moft  lafting  of  all 
 others ;  becaufe,  confifting  of  fo  many  parts,  each  of  which 
 has  a  negative  on  all  refolutions  of  confequence,  they  are  a 
 check  upon,  and  balance,  one  another  ;  and  every  public  meafure 
 has  the' opportunity  of  being  repeatedly  and  thoroughly  difcufled. 
 
 According 
 
Lect.XLII.      general    POLICY.  a6i 
 
 According  to  Montefquieu,  the  power  and  happinefs  of 
 monarchical  flates  is  in  a  great  meafure  Independent  both  of 
 public  fpirit,  and  of  a  principle  of  virtue.  Nay,  the  very  vices 
 of  the  members  of  them  (at  leaft  thofe  things  which  would  be 
 vices  in  a  republic)  are,  he  fays,  fubfervient  to  their  welfare. 
 In  a  monarchy  there  is  at  leaft  lefs  to  be  apprehended  from 
 luxury,  and  the  chief  promoter  of  it,  a  free  intercourfe  between 
 the  two  fexes.  The  Suions,  a  German  nation,  Tacitus^fays, 
 honoured  riches,  and  lived  under  the  government  of  one  perfon. 
 It  is  curious  to  fee,  in  Dio  Caflius,  with  what  art  Auguftus 
 evaded  the  requeft  of  the  fenators  to  ftop  the  progrefs  of  luxury, 
 which  was  become  necefiary  at  Rome,  when  a  monarchy.  In 
 a  republic  candidates  for  offices  look  downward,  and  ftudy  the 
 ufeful  arts  ;  but  in  a  monarchy  they  look  upwards,  and  ftudy  to 
 make  themfelves  agreeable.  Though,  therefore,  ftrong  fenfe 
 may  fucceed  beft  in  republics,  refinement  of  tafte  may  be  ex- 
 pected in  gieater  perfedion  in  monarchies. 
 
 Befides,  where  there  is  a  free  intercourfe  between  the  fexes, 
 the  mutual  defire  of  pleafmg  produces  a  continual  change  of 
 faftiions,  and  manners,  very  confiftent  with  monarchy,  but 
 incompatible  with  defpotifm.  Moreover,  whereas,  in  a  mon- 
 archy, women  are  the  promoters  of  luxury  ;  in  defpctic  govern- 
 ments they  are  merely  the  objects  of  it.  Were  women  to 
 behave  with  that  freedom  and  fpirit  of  intrigue  in  Afia,  that 
 they  are  remarkable  for  in  Europe,  and  particularly  in  France, 
 the  government  would  foon  be  obliged  to  take  notice  of  ic. 
 Republics  are  alfo  obliged  to  put  great  reftraints  upon  th» 
 mcontinence  of  women,  in  order  to  fecure  public  virtue  which 
 is  fo  eflential  to  them  ;  whereas,  in  monarchies,  though  thofc 
 vices  have  the  fame  ill  confequences  in  private  families,  the 
 mifchiefs  they  produce   are  lefs  extenfive. 
 
 The  Roman  government  never  was  properly  monarchical.  It 
 was  fometimes  chiefly  republican,  and,  in  fome  periods  of  the 
 empire,  in  fa£t,  a  military  republic.  Sometimes  it  was  arifto- 
 xratical,  and  fometimes  defpotic  ;  but  never  any  thing  like  an 
 European  monarchy.  And  the  true  fpirit  of  poiitenefs  and 
 I  gallantry^ 
 
%6%  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 gallantry,  which  took  their   rife  in  modern  monarchies,  was 
 unknown  amongj  them. 
 
 Stability  could  not  be  preferved  in  monarchical  governments, 
 anymore  than  in  djfpotic  ftates,  unlefs  the  fubje(Sts  of  them 
 hadapaflionate  regard  for  the  true  heir  of  the  royal  family;  and 
 ihe  great  happinefs  of  European  monarchies  arifes  from  the 
 order  of  fucceffion  being  abfolutely  fixed,  and  univerfally 
 known.  While,  in  the  progrefs  of  our  ideas,  in  this  northern 
 part  of  the  world,  we  were  fluctuating  between  the  right  of 
 reprefentation,  and  nearnefs  of  blood  ;  that  is,  whether,  for 
 inftance,  a  younger  fon,  or  a  minor  grandfon  by  an  elder  fon 
 {liould  fucceed  to  an  inheritance  (which  was  not  generally 
 fettled,  as  it  now  is,  in  favour  of  the  latter,  that  is  of 
 the  right  of  reprefentation,  as  it  is  called,  till  about  the 
 twelfth  century)  every  part  of  Europe  was  torn  to  pieces  by 
 civil  wars. 
 
 It  fhould  feem  that  monarchies,  fuch  as  fubfift  in  Eu- 
 rope, are  not  proper  for  very  extenfive  dominion,  though  they 
 admit  a  greater  extent  of  territory  than  republics.  Though 
 the  French  nobility,  fired  with  glory  and  emulation,  can 
 bear  the  fatigues  and  dangers  of  war,  they  would  hardly, 
 lays  Voltaire,  fubmit  to  languifli  in  the  garrifons  of  Hun- 
 gary or  Lithuania,  forgotten  at  court,  and  facrificed  to  the 
 intrigues  of  every  minion,  or  miftrefs,  who  approached  the 
 throne. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XLIII.        GENERAL    POLICY.  26^ 
 
 LECTURE      XLIII. 
 
 Of  the  Permanence  of  Governments.  The  Balance  of  Pow^r  im 
 States f  particularly  in  England.  Different  Caufes  of  Ciml 
 Wars.  Hazard  i»  Revolutions.  Right  of  Rejijlance.  ExUM 
 cf  States,     General  Chara^er  of  Statcfmen. 
 
 THE  prerervation  of  any  conflitution  of  goverment  muil 
 depend  upon  the  refpe£t  which  the  people  have  for  it; 
 and  It  cannotfbe  overturned  till  thofe  who  have  the  power  of 
 doing  it  are  both  difpofed  to  do  it,  and  have  an  opportunity  of 
 effedtino;  their  purpofe.  But  the  common  people,  who  have  other 
 objects  to  attend  to,  will,  in  general,  bear  a  great  deal  before 
 the)  feel  thcmfelvcs  difpofed  to  take  the  trouble,  and  run  the 
 rilk,  of  redreffing  public  wrongs  ;  and  if  they  were  fo  difpofed, 
 they  might  be  incapable  of  union.  Whereas  the  governors 
 of  a  country,  being  i^w^^  and  having  a  common  interefb,  can 
 readily  aflemble,  and  take  meafures  to  keepthemfelves  in  powf;r. 
 There  are,  therefore,  few  rebellions  that  fucceed  ;  and  whea 
 they  do,  thofe  who  have  felt  the  grievance  have  feldom  thought 
 of  the  proper  method  of  redrefs,  or  prevention  ;  fo  that  th« 
 chance  of  being  well  fettled  after  a  violent  revolution  is  very 
 fmall,  71ie  people  may  be  careful  enough  to  avoid  one  ex- 
 treme, but  they  will  be  in  great  danger  of  falling  into  another. 
 Thus  the  rebellions  againft  monarchy  in  Greece  ended  in  re- 
 publican forms  of  government,  fo  ill  conftrutSled,  that  they  (xxi- 
 fered  more  under  them  than  in  the  preceding  tyrannies.  The 
 fame  was  the  cafe  with  many  of  the  fmall  ftates  of  Italv,  when 
 they  emancipated  themfelves  from  the  authority  of  the  Germaa 
 etnperors.  On  the  contrary,  the  fubverfioji  of  republics  has 
 generally  produced  tyrannies. 
 
 When  a  ftate  cannot  be  preferved  by  the  univerfai,  or  very 
 general,  defire  of  the  people,  it  may  be  faved  by  the  balancijig 
 of  thofe  powers  which  would  tend  to  deftroy  it  \  and  as  all  the 
 different  orders  of  men  naturally  wifh  for  more  power,  and 
 
 ever  J 
 
264  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S    O  N  Part  V. 
 
 every  individual  wifhes  to  rife  above  his  neighbour,  all  govern- 
 ments may,  in  fa£l,  be  confidered  as  in  this  flate.  It  is  there- 
 fore of  importance  (o  to  arrange  the  different  parts  of  the  con- 
 ftitution,  as  that  a  ftruggle  for  power  may  be  prevented  from 
 having  any  dangerous  efFe<St.  And  perhaps  it  may  be  aflerted, 
 that  the  more  diftin£l  interefts  there  are  in  a  ftate,  the  eafier  it 
 will  be  to  preferve  the  balance  of  power  within  it.  For  when 
 there  are  only  two  interefts,  they  will  each  have  but  one  objedl, 
 and  any  advantage  they  fecure  will  not  only  be  permanent,  but  be 
 the  means  of  gaining  fome  farther  advantage,  till  the  whole  be 
 on  one  fide.  Whereas  a  third  intereft  may  preferve  the  balance, 
 if  no  one  of  the  three  be  able  to  overpower  the  other  two.  In 
 this  cafe  any  one  can  give  a  decided  fuperiority  to  either  of  the 
 other  two  parties,  and  yet  may  find  its  intereft  in  preferving  its 
 independence,  and  not  uniting  with  either  of  them. 
 
 Our  conftitution  is  faid  to  have  this  advantage,  as  the  power 
 of  the  ftate  is  lodged  in  the  king,  lords,  and  commons.  We 
 are  not,  however,  to  be  governed  by  na?nes^  but  by  things. 
 Real  pozvcr  depends  upon  opinion^  or  interejl.  Regal  power 
 depends  upon  both.  The  mere  refpe^  for  a  king^  in  confe- 
 quence  of  his  perfon  being  held  facred,  does  alone,  in  fome 
 countries,  render  his  perfon  and  his  power  inviolate,  whatever 
 cxceftes  he  be  guilty  of,  as  we  may  fee  in  the  hiftory  of  the  kings 
 of  Morocco.  Something  of  this  fuperftitious  refpeit  for  royalty 
 is  found  in  this  country,  though  there  is  much  more  of  it  in 
 France.  But  befides  this,  the  power  of  our  kings  depends  upon 
 the  power  they  have  of  attaching  perfons  to  them  by  the  dif- 
 pofal  of  honours  and  lucrative  offices,  as  well  as  by  the  wealth, 
 of  which,  as  individuals,  they  may  be  pofieffed.  Thefe  are 
 the  chief  fupports  of  the  power  of  the  crown  in  this  country. 
 If  the  king  had  nothing  but  his  nominal  right  of  a  negative  on 
 the  votes  of  both  houfes  of  parliament,  it  would  fignify  nothing. 
 He  would  not  be  a  king  one  day  after  he  (hould  infift  upon  it. 
 But  his  influence  is  fuch  by  other  means,  that  nothing  is  ever 
 prcfented  to  him  for  his  confirmation,  which  he  is  notprevioufly 
 acquainted  with,  and  approves. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  XLIII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  265 
 
 The  power  of  the  lords  is  better  founded,  as  they  have  more 
 real  property,  and  more  natural  dependants.  But  in  this 
 country  the  property  of  the  lords  is  now  but  little  compared 
 with  that  of  the  commons  ;  and  fhould  they  take  any  part  againft 
 the  people,  their  privileges  would  foon  be  aboliflicd.  But 
 their  influence  in  the  houfe  of  commons,  dire<5lly  or  indirectly, 
 on  the  one  hand,  and  with  the  king  on  the  other,  is  fuch,  that 
 there  is  no  great  danger  of  any  bill  being  brought  before  them 
 which  they  would  find  it  their  interefl:  violently  to  oppofe. 
 Befides,  bodies  of  men  will  always  concede  to  each  other  rather 
 than  ri{k  the  confequence  of  an  open  rupture. 
 
 The  people  in  general,  having  had  long  experience  of  the 
 benefit  of  this  form  of  government,  though  great  numbers  of 
 them  are  often  aggrieved,  and  complain  of  the  privileges  of  the 
 nobility,  or  of  the  power  of  the  crown  ;  yet  their  reprefentatives 
 being  by  no  means  unanimous,  and  the  majority  of  them  gene- 
 rally with  the  court,  nothing  can  eafily  be  effedled  in  their 
 favour. 
 
 As  fo  much  depends  upon  the  houfe  of  commons,  and  fo  great  a 
 part  of  the  real  power  of  the  crown  itfelf  depends  upon  its  influence 
 among  them,  it  might  feem  to  be  in  the  power  of  the  members 
 to  arrogate  more  to  themfelves,  and  to  exercifc  the  very  powers 
 that  they  beftow  on  others.  Had  they  the  power  of  perpetuat- 
 ing themfelves,  there  would  be  great  danger  of  their  attempting 
 fomething  of  this  kind.  But  befides  that  their  power  as  indi- 
 viduals would  be  fmal],  and  of  no  long  continuance,  they  are 
 only  the  deputies  of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  who  refpe61: 
 the  government  as  it  is  j  fo  that  however  willing  the  members 
 of  the  houfe  of  commons  might  be  to  take  more  power  into 
 their  own  hands,  they  could  not  do  it.  The  fenfe  of  the  people^ 
 as  we  call  it,  though  no  nominal  part  of  the  conftitution,  is 
 often  felt  to  be  a  real  check  upon  public  meafures  by  whom- 
 ibever  they  are  conducted  ;  and  though  it  is  only  cxprelTed  by 
 talking,  writing,  and  petitioning,  yet  tumults  and  infurreCtions 
 fo  often  arife  when  the  voice  of  the  people  is  loud,  that  the 
 moft  arbitrary  governments  dread  the  efFcdls  of  them. 
 
 U  When 
 
266  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 When  governments  arc  of  long  ftanding,  theacquiefccnce  in 
 them  is  Co  general,  that  abufes  in  them  may  rife  to  a  much 
 greater  height  without  endangering  the  conftitution,  than  in 
 new  ones,  which  can  have  acquired  no  refped  but  from  the 
 psrfuafion  of  their  utility ;  fo  ihat  when  forms  of  government 
 have  begun  to  change  they  have  often  gone  on  to  change,  and 
 the  country  has  been  a  long  time  in  an  unfettled  Hate,  till  the 
 people,  being  weary  of  changes  from  which  they  have  derived 
 no  benefit,  arc  difpofed  to  acquiefce  in  any  thing  that  is  to- 
 lerable. 
 
 A  great  means  of  preventing  abufes  of  government,  and 
 thereby  lefTening  the  danger  of  a  fubverfion  of  it,  is  the  liberty 
 of  fpeaking  and  writing.  By  this  means  the  public  opinion 
 being  known  in  good  time,  the  abufe  will  not  rife  fo  high  as  to 
 require  a  violent  remedy.  Governors  may  be  tcized  by  IMs  ; 
 out  this  is  better  than  to  be  liable  to  be  feized  and  ftrangled  be- 
 fore any  danger  be  apprehended,  which  is  the  cafe  in  Turky 
 3.nd  the  Eaft.     There  a<Slions  often  precede  words. 
 
 Contentions  for  power  may  be  as  diftreffing  to  a  country  as  at- 
 tempts to  change  its  form  of  government.  Such  are  all  civil 
 wars  in  the  Eaft,  and  fuch  were  thofe  between  the  houfes  of  York: 
 and  Lancafter  in  this  country,  by  which  it  fufFered  more  than  in 
 the  civil  wars  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.  the  obje£l  of  which  was 
 the  redrcfs  of  national  grievancei,  and  which  terminated  in  a 
 fubverfion  of  the  government  in  which  they  rofe. 
 
 In  the  former  cafe   it  is  the  ambition  of  individuals  that  is 
 the   fpring   of  action,  and  this  could  not  operate  unlcfs  there 
 were  fuch  ftations  of  wealth  and  power  in  a  country,  as  would 
 furnifh  an  objedt  for  fuch   ambition.     In  a  country,  therefore, 
 m  which  there  are  no  fuch  ftations  (in  which   a   man  can  enjoy 
 for  himfelf,  and  tranfmit    to   his   pofterity,  advantages    much 
 fuperior  to  thofe  of  the  reft  of  the  community)  the  only  obje6l 
 of  ambition  muft  be  to  create  fuch  fituations,  by  perfuading  the 
 people  of  the  neceftity,  or  the  ufe,  of  them.     For  even  force 
 implies   the    voluntary    concurrence  of  great  numbers,  who 
 muft  have  a  profpedl  of  being  gainers  by  a   change,  and  with 
 the  advantage  of  force  it  will  be  more  or  lefs  difficult,  in  pro- 
 portion 
 
 2 
 
Lect.  XLIII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  267 
 
 portion  to  the  general  prepofTefTion  in  fiivour  of  the  prefent  go- 
 vernment. 
 
 In  the  monarchical  ftates  of  Europe  It  is  highly  improbable 
 that  any  form  of  properly  equal  government  (hould  be  eftablifhed 
 for  many  ages  j  the  people  in  general,  and  cfpecially  in  France, 
 being  proud  of  their  monarchs,  even  when  they  are  opprefled 
 by  them.  On  the  contrary,  in  North  America,  there  feems  to 
 be  no  profpe£l  of  the  peaceable  eftablilhment  of  any  form  of 
 government,  befides  one  in  which  the  rights  of  all  (hall  be 
 equal.  The  attachment  of  that  country  to  the  houfe  of  Han- 
 over was  formerly  much  ftronger  than  that  of  this  country  in 
 general.  But  the  kn^t  of  the  whole  country  is  now  ftrongly 
 againft  monarchy  in  any  form.  They  will  hardly  receive  a 
 ftrangcr  in  the  charaaer  of  king,  and  there  are  no  families  of 
 fufficient  diftiniStion  among  themfelves. 
 
 A  fuificient  degree  of  reverence  for  any  form  of  government 
 in  the  body  of  the  people  will  fecure  the  continuance  of  it. 
 For  a  few  could  never  overpower  the  many,  and  make  any 
 change  which  the  great  body  of  the  people  fhould  difapprove 
 of.  But  a  government  ought  to  be  formed  in  fuch  a  manner  as 
 fliould  be  moft  likely  to  gain,  and  to  preferve,  that  degree  of 
 refpecSt  which  will  infure  its  continuance.  It  fhould  provide 
 againft  any  man  gaining  that  degree  of  power  or  influence, 
 which  would  enable  him  to  leflcn  the  refped  for  the  confti- 
 tution  in  the  minds  of  his  countrymen,  and  induce  any  confi- 
 derable  number  of  them,  from  a  regard  to  their  perfonal  intereft-^ 
 to  favour  his  fchemes  of  innovation.  For  whenever  any  perfon 
 Ihall  be  in  a  fituation  in  which  he  can  make  it  the  intereft  of 
 others  to  encreafe  his  power,  at  the  expence  of  the  reft  of  the 
 community,  we  may  prefume  that  he  will  fucceed  ;  fincc  the 
 generality  of  mankind  will  prefer  their  private  intereft  to  the 
 public  good.  No  government,  therefore,  can  be  expeded  to 
 (land,  the  conftitution  of  which  does  not  make  it  the  intereft  of 
 the  great  body  of  the  people  to  preferve  it,  and  even  to  watch 
 over  it,  in  order  to  prevent  any  encroachment  upon  it. 
 
 So  much  does  the  ftability  of  government  depend  upon  opt- 
 niony  and  fo  many  are  the  elements,  as  we  may  fay,  that  enter 
 
 U  2  into 
 
268  LECTURES    ON  Part.  V. 
 
 into  the  compofition  of  fuch  opinions  as  thcfe,  that  no  wi-fe 
 man  will  pretend  toforefee  the  confequences  of  any  great  change 
 in  a  complex  form  of  government ;  becaufc  he  could  not  tell 
 how  far  the  minds  of  great  numbers  of  people  would  go  along 
 with  his  own  in  their  approbation  of  it.  This  makes  it  pru- 
 dent, when  any  great  changes  are  made,  to  retain  at  leaft  the 
 ancient  formsy  and  names  of  offices.  For  to  thefe  it  is,  in  a  great 
 meafure,  that  the  public  opinion  is  attached.  Though  Caefar 
 and  Auguftus  could  fafely  aflume  the  title  of  emperor,  with  the 
 moft  defpotic  power,  they  did  not  dare  to  take  that  of  king  ; 
 and  in  this  country  Oliver  Cromwell  was  contented  with  the 
 ftile  of  proteiior.  In  the  Roman  empire  all  the  forms  of  the 
 ancient  free  government  were  kept  up,  and  it  was  always  called 
 a  republic. 
 
 So  much  attached  does  the  body  of  a  people  get  to  the  forms 
 of  government,  to  which  they  have  been  long  accuftomed,  that 
 it  will  be  impoflible  for  them  all  at  once  to  exchange  a  worfe 
 for  a  better,  and  even  which  by  its  eiFe£ls  fhould  be  acknoNy-  . 
 ledged  to  be  a  better. 
 
 Though  the  governments  of  France  and  England  were  ori- 
 ginally the  fame,  or  very  nearly  fo,  they  are  now  become  (o 
 different,  and  have  been  fo  long  fo,  that  it  would  be  abfolutely 
 impoilible  for  the  Englifh  conftitution  to  be  received  in  France^ 
 or  the  French  in  England.  If  the  experiment  could  be  made, 
 the  two  nations  would  feel  as  aukwardly  as  would  t\^o  men  c^^ 
 a  different  make  of  body  on  exchanging  clothes.  If  the  change 
 extended  to  the  jninutia  of  things,  the  new  officers  would  not 
 be  able  to  a6i  their  parts  without  conftant  prompting;  and  to- 
 teach  the  people  in  general  a  knowledge  of  their  new  laws, 
 would  be  noiefs  difficult  than  teaching  them  a  new  language. 
 
 It  is  of  the  greateil  confequence,  therefore,  that  no  change  of 
 importance  be  attempted  in  any  long  eftabliflied  government, 
 till  the  minds  of  the  people  be  prepared  for  it  by  the  expe- 
 rience of  fome  inconvenience  in  the  old  one  ;  fo  as  to  have 
 produced  a  general  wifh  for  a  change  j  and,  if  poflible,  it 
 Ihould  be  mad<i  partially,  and  for  a  time,  before  it  be  finally 
 eftabliOied. 
 
 An 
 
Lect.XLIII.      general    policy.  269 
 
 An  old  and  complex  conftitution  of  government  may  be  com" 
 pared  to  a  part  of  the  conftitution  of  nature;  fince  thofe  who 
 are  moft  converfant  with  it  may  n©t  fully  underftand  it.  As 
 the  oldeft  phyfician  is  not  always  able  to  prefcribe  for  himfelf,  fo 
 the  whole  legiflative  body  of  any  country  are  not  to  be  trufted 
 in  their  fchemes  of  improvement.  How  many  Tingle  laws, 
 pafTed  with  univerfal  approbation^  are  obliged  to  be  repealed, 
 and  in  a  very  fliort  time,  on  account  of  inconveniences  which  the 
 wifeft  men  could  not  forefee  ?  The  operation  of  particular 
 laws,  and  much  more  the  influence  of  a  whole  fyftem  of  go- 
 vernment, depends  upon  the  principles  of  human  nature,  which 
 are  as  yet  but  imperfedly  underftood. 
 
 There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  but  that  every  nation  has  a 
 right  to  make  whatever  changes  they  pleafe  in  the  conftitution 
 of  their  government,  and  therefore  to  difplace,  and  even  fo 
 puni{h  any  governors,  who  are  only  their  fervants^  for  their 
 abufes  of  power,  in  whatever  manner  they  may  have  been  ap- 
 pointed. There  cannot  be  a  greater  abfurdity  than  to  fuppo/c 
 that  thehappinefs  of  a  whole  nation  ftiould  be  facrificed  to  that 
 of  any  individuals.  It  only  behoves  them,  as  thev  muft  necef- 
 farily  be  judges  in  their  own  caufe,  and  as  they  would  ponfult  their 
 own  future  advantage,  to  proceed  with  great  caution  in  any  at- 
 tempts to  change  their  mode  of  government,  or  to  punifh  their 
 governors.  The  notion  that  kings  reign  by  a  divine  rights  in- 
 dependently of  the  defignation  of  the  people,  and  therefore  that 
 they  are  not  accountable  to  them  for  the  exercife  of  their  power, 
 is  nowuniverfally  and  defervedly  exploded. 
 
 Provided  ftates  be  well  conftituted,  and  wjfely  governed,  i( 
 does  not  feem  to  be  of  much  importance  whether  they  be  of 
 great  or  fmall  extent ;  but  if  they  be  ill  conftituted,  a  country 
 divided  into  fmall  ones  will  in  general  be  a  fcene  of  the  greateft 
 mifery.  As  it  requires  no  more  hands  to  dired:  the  affairs  of 
 large  ftates  than  thofe  of  fmall  ones,  and  great  bodies  of  men 
 are  not  eafily  put  in  motion,  there  is  but  little  room  for  am- 
 bition in  great  empires.  Confequently  individuals  apply  them- 
 felvcs  to  their  own  affairs,  and  confult  their  own  happinefs, 
 and  never  think  of  taking  any  part  in  public  meafures  but  on 
 
27©  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 great  emergencies,  fuch  as  may  not  occur  in  any  one  country 
 in  feveral  centuries.  But  when  flates  are  fmall,  many  more 
 pcrfons  are  with-ln  the  ipfluence  of  ambition,  factions  arc  formed, 
 animofity  is  inflamed,  and  one  party  is  feldom  content,  v/ithout 
 the  deftru£tion  or  banifhment  of  the  other  i  as  is  abundantly 
 exemplified  in  the  hiftory  of  the  fmall  ilates  of  Greece  and  Italy, 
 If  a  great  empire  be  tolerably  well  governed,  private  perfons 
 have  long  intervals  of  peace,  it  being  not  fo  eafy  for  ambi- 
 tious and  interefled  perfons  to  make  a  commotion,  or  a  civil 
 war,  as  in  a  fmall  ftate. 
 
 If  men  underftood  their  real  intereli,  and  confequently  faw  it 
 to  confift  in  living  on  good  terms  with  their  neighbours,  fmall 
 ftates  might  find  no  inconvenience  even  with  refpecSt  to  great 
 undertakings.  For  where  the  wealth  of  one  ftate  was  not  equal 
 to  any  public  work,  in  which  a  number  was  interefted,  they 
 might  all  join  to  defray  the  expcnce.  But  while  mankind  arc 
 difpofed  to  national  jcaloufy  and  hoftility,  it  is  fometimes  of  con- 
 fequence  to  extend  the  bounds  of  a  ftate ;  as  for  inftance  that  of 
 England  over  the  whole  ifland,  including  Wales  and  Scqtland  ; 
 becaufe  it  brings  an  jncreafe  of  ftrength,  apd,  what  is  more,  cuts 
 ofF  occafions  of  war. 
 
 In  all  governments,  the  largeft  as  well  as  the  fmalleft,  public 
 biifinefs,  as  has  been  obfcrved,  will  be  done  by  a  few,  who  have, 
 either  nominally  the  power  of  the  ftate  in  their  hands,  or  who 
 have  gained  the  confidence  of  thofe  who  have.  The  real  effec- 
 tive perfons  in  the  vaft  empire  of  Perfia,  or  of  Rome,  were  not 
 more  in  number  than  thofe  who  tranfacl  the  fame  kind  of  bufi- 
 nefs  in  Holland  or  Venice,  or  even  in  fmall  towns  and  corpora- 
 tions ;  and  thofe  who  do  this  bufinefsare  not  always  thofe  who 
 are  efteemed  to  be  the  wifeft,  or  the  moft  upright,  but  generally 
 the  moft  ambitious  and  buftling.  Intelligent  and  well  difpofed 
 perfons  \yill  not  always  give  themfelyes  the  trouble  which  fla- 
 tions  of  public  truft  neceffarily  require,  apd  therefore  eafily  give 
 way  to  thofe  who  are  willing  to  take  it  \ipon  them,  and  vvhofc 
 jntereft  or  ambition  puflies  them  on  to  do  it. 
 
 Confidering  how  much  ir.tereji  and  ambition  are  gratified  \>y 
 directing  the  affairs  of  nations,  and  how  much  more  violently 
 
 and 
 
Lect.  XLIII.       GENERAL    POLICY.  271 
 
 and  fteadily  mankind  in  general  are  impelled  by  thefe  principles 
 than  by  any  other,  wc  cannot  be  furprized  to  find  hardly  any 
 other  than  men  of  thefe  characters  in  places  of  truft  and  power; 
 and  of  the  two,  ambition  certainly  makes  a  better  ftatefman  than 
 avarice.  The  views  of  the  former  muft  have  a  connexion  with 
 the  good  of  his  country,  though  it  be  not  his  proper  obje<^  j  but 
 the  views  of  the  latter  may  be  the  very  reverfe  of  it.  No 
 country,  therefore,  ought  to  complain  if  they  have  nothing  to 
 lay  to  the  charge  of  their  governors  befides  ambition,  or  the 
 delire  of  diftinguifhing  themfelvcs  and  their  families,  and  efta- 
 blifhing  a  name  with  diftant  nations  and  pofterity,  provided 
 the  rights  of  individuals  be  not  facrificed  to  it. 
 
 L'KCT  U  R  L 
 
j^2  LECTURES    ON  Pa*t  V. 
 
 LECTURE       XLIV. 
 
 How  much    Government  under    any    Form    is   preferable   to  a 
 State  of  Barbarifm,     Refinement   in  Mens  Ideas  keeping  Paa 
 with   Improvements  in    Government.     7 he   European   Govern- 
 ments (and  particularly  the   Englijh)    traced  from    their  firji 
 Rife  in  Germany   to  their  prefent  Fortn,     The   Conjlitution  of 
 the  ancient  German  States.     State  of  their  Armies.  Divifion  of 
 the  conquered  Lands,     Upon   luhat  Terms  held.     How   Feuds 
 became  hereditary.     How  the  Clergy  became  an  effential  Part 
 of  the  State.     Upon   what   Terms  the. great   Lords   difpofed  of 
 their  Lands.     Taxes   of  the  feudal  Times.     Power  of  a    Lord 
 9uer   his  Vajfals,     Why  allodial  EJiat&s  became    converted  into 
 Feudal.     When  this  took  place  in  England.     The  Method  of  ad- 
 tninijlering  Jujiice.     Where  the  fupreme  Power  was  lodged^ 
 
 THERE  ran  be  no  doubt  but  t\\2it  government  under  any  of 
 the  before-mentioned  forms  is  infinitely  preferable  to  a 
 ftate  of  barbarifm  and  anarchy.     Idlenefs,  treachery  and  cruelty 
 are  predominant  in  all  uncivilized  countries  ;  notwithftanding 
 the  boafts  which  the  poets  make  of  the  golden  age  of  mankind, 
 before  the  erection  of  empires:  and   their  vices  and  bad  habits 
 lofe  o-round  in  proportion  as  mankind  arrive  at  fettled  and  regu- 
 lar forms  of  government.     There  is  no  borrowing  in  barbarous 
 countries,  fays  Montefquieu,  but  upon   pledges  j  fo    little  in- 
 fluence have  ideas  of  property,  and  a  fenfe  of  honour,  over  un- 
 civilfzed  people.     Never  were  treachery  and  cruelty  more  fla- 
 grant than  in  thofe  unfettled  times  of  the  Saxon  government  in 
 Ent^land,  during  the  ravages  of  the  Danes,  and  particularly  in 
 the  long  reign    of  Ethelred.     Whatever    civilized    countries 
 may  abound  in,  there  is  no  man,  fays  Voltaire,  who  would  think 
 his  life  and  property   fo  fecure  in  the  hands  of  a  Moor,  or  a 
 Tartar,  as  in  thofe  of  a  French  or  Englifh  gentleman. 
 
 That  mankind  have  not  naturally  any  high  ideas  of  the  formi 
 of  Jujiice  is  evident,  fays  Montefquieu,  from  many  facts  in  hif- 
 tory.     Nothing  was  more  infupportable  to  the  Germans  than 
 
 the 
 
Iect.XLIV.      general    policy.  273 
 
 the  tribunal  of  Varus-,  and  Mithridates,  haranguing  again  ft  the 
 Romans,  reproached  them  with  the  formalities  of  their  law. 
 As  to  idlenefs,  all  uncivilized  nations  are  notorious  for  it.  The 
 barbarous  troops  which  the  Romans  hired  could  not  without  great 
 difficulty  be  brought  to  fubmit  to  the  Roman  difcipline  and  fa- 
 tigue. Till  about  the  time  of  the  reformation,  the  Scotch,  as 
 they  were  the  moft  uncivilized,  were  the  moft  indolent  people 
 in  Europe,  and  thofe  people  that  are  called  the  wild  Lifh  are  to 
 this  day  extremely  averfe  to  all  kinds  of  labour.  Hence  it  ts 
 that  in  all  uncivilized  countries,  cattle,  which  propagate  of 
 themfelves,  bear  a  much  lower  price  than  corn,  which  requires 
 more  art,  labour,  and  ftock  to  raife  it  than  fuch  people  are  pcf- 
 fefTed  of. 
 
 We  are  not,  however,  to  confider  all  countries  as  harharcus^ 
 that  are  not  policied  as  ours,  and  other  great  nations,  are. 
 Where  there  are  no  regular  laws,  eftablidied  cujioms  may  have 
 the  fame  effe6t,  and  be  as  much  refpecl:ed.  And  in  countries 
 where  there  is  but  little  property,  the  inconvenience  of  this 
 more  free  mode  of  life  is  very  flight.  As  the  neceflary  attendant 
 on  having  little  property  is  little  labour,  many  perfons  are  par- 
 ticularly  pleafed  with  it. 
 
 The  North  American  Indians  are  remarkably  fond  of  their 
 roving  way  of  life,  in  which,  though  they  occafionally  make 
 the  greateft  exertions,  they  are  not  obliged  to  conftant  labour. 
 *'  Nor  can  we  fay,"  fays  Mr.  Charlevoix,  <'  that  this  is  owinj> 
 *'  to  their  not  being  acquainted  with  our  modes  of  life.  Many 
 "  Frenchmen  have  tried  their  way  of  life,  and  were  ib  pleafed 
 *'  with  it,  that  feveral  of  them,  though  they  could  have  lived 
 "  very  comfortably  in  the  colonies,  could  never  be  prevailed 
 *'  upon  to  return  to  it.  On  the  contrary,  there  never  was  fo 
 *'  much  as  a  fingle  Indian  that  could  be  brought  to  relifh  our 
 "  way  of  living.  Children  have  been  taken,  and  have  been 
 **  brought  up  with  a  great  deal  of  care,  nothing  had  been 
 "  omitted  to  hinder  them  from  having  any  knowledge  of  their 
 *'  parents;  yet  the  moment  they  have  found  themfelves  ,  at 
 *''  liberty,  they  have  torn  their  cloaths  to  pieces,  and  have  gone 
 **  acrofs  the  woods  in  queft  of  their  countrymen.  An  Iroquois 
 "  was  even  a  lieutenant   in  our  army,  yet  he  returned  to  his 
 
 **  own 
 
a74  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 **  own  nation,  carrying  with  him  only  our  vices,  without  cor- 
 ••  renting  any  of  thofe  which  he  brought  along  with  him  *." 
 The  roving  life  of  the  Tartars  is  peculiarly  pleafing  to  them. 
 It  is  entertaining,  fays  Mr.  Bell  f,  to  hear  them  commiferatc 
 thofe  who  were  confined  to  one  place  of  abode,  and  obliged  to 
 fupport  themfelves  by  labour. 
 
 There  can  hardly  be  a  more  entertaining  object  to  a  fpecu- 
 lative  mind  than  to  mark  the  frogrefs  of  refinement  in  the  ideas 
 of  a  people  emerging  from  a  ftate  of  barbarifm,  and  advancing 
 by  degrees  to  a  regular  form  of  government.  There  is,  in  par- 
 ticular, a  natural  connexion  between  government  and  ideas  of 
 property.  From  the  weak  and  infantine  ftate  in  which  both 
 arc  originally  found,  both  of  them  have  arrived,  by  equal  de- 
 grees of  improvement,  at  the  ftabiiity  and  perfe6tion  which  they 
 enjoy  at  prefent. 
 
 A  knowledge  of  this  fubje6l  enables  us  to  account  for  many 
 fa6ts  in  ancient  hiftory.  In  ancient  times,  the  property  of  land 
 was  not  fo  valuable  a  right  as  it  is  at  prefent.  It  was  little 
 better  than  a  right  of  ufufru^^  or  a  power  of  ufing  the  fruits 
 for  the  fupport  of  the  poflefTor  and  his  family.  And  as  the 
 manner  of  living  in  ancient  times  was  much  more  fimple  than 
 it  is  now,  the  accounts  we  read  of  the  divifion  of  lands  by 
 Lycurgus,  and  other  ancient  legiflators,  are  more  credible  than 
 they  would  appear  from  judging  according  to  the  prefent  ideas 
 of  mankind.  Timoleon,  when  he  fettled  the  affairs  of  the 
 Syracufans  and  Selinuntians,  whofe  country  was  greatly  de- 
 populated, invited  over  forty  thoufand  men  from  Greece,  and 
 dillributed  fo  many  lots  of  land  among  them,  to  the  great  fa* 
 tisfadlion  of  the  old  inhabitants. 
 
 Whenever  we  read  of  great  fimplicity  in  the  manner  of  tranf- 
 mitting  land  property,  we  may  pronounce  with  certainty,  that 
 the  people  are  not  far  advanced  in  the  arts  of  life.  A  more 
 particular  account  will  be  given  of  the  progrefs  of  men's  ideas 
 and  cuftoms  with  rcfpecl  both  to  this  fubje6t  and  fome  others, 
 when  we  come  to  treat  of  laws,.     In  this  account  of  the  ftate 
 
 ♦  Cha.lcvoix,  vol    ii.  p,  rop.  -f-  Travels^  voL  i   p,  450. 
 
 of 
 
Lect.  XLIV.  GENERAL    POLICY.         275 
 
 of  barbarous  nations  we  muft  not  omit  obrerving,  that  it  is  a 
 ftrong  indication  of  the  approach  of  the  northern  nations  towards 
 humanity  and  politenefs,  that  their  compofitions  for  injuries 
 done  to  women  were  generally  double. 
 
 The  progrefs  and  revolutions  of  government  itfelf,  after  it  is 
 onceeftablifhed,  is  an  object  very  defcrving  of  the  clofeft  atten- 
 tion. No  government  ever  underwent  more  revolutions  than 
 the  Roman,  and  hiftory  affords  the  faireft  opportunity  of  tracing 
 them  in  all  their  caufes  and  effects  ;  as  has  been  done  in  ah 
 excellent  manner  by  Montefquieu,  in  his  treatife  on  the  rife 
 and   declenfion  of  the  Romans. 
 
 It  is  no  Icfs  entertaining  to  trace  the  European  monarchies, 
 particularly  the  Englifli,  from  their  firft  rudiments  in  the 
 woods  of  Germany,  to  their  prefent  ftate.  But  hiflory  affords 
 little  light  for  this  purpofe,  and  therefore  learned  men  have 
 adopted  different  hypothefes  about  feveral  particulars  relating 
 to  it ;  and  the  reigning  party  prejudices  have  made  them  enter 
 with  too  much  keennefs  and  animofity  into  a  fubjc6t  which 
 exhibits  a  mofl  agreeable  profpedt  to  a  philofopher  living  under 
 thofe  governments. 
 
 As  an  example  of  the  progrefs  of  government,  I  (hall  trace 
 2S  briefly  as  pollible  all  the  capital  changes  in  the  conflitution 
 of  the  principal  European  governments,  and  particularly  the 
 Englifhj  beginning  with  their  firfl  rude  ftate  in  their  native 
 country,  and  comprehending  the  rife,  progrefs,  and  decline  of 
 the  feudal  fyjiem^  which  prevailed  wherever  thofe  barbarous 
 invaders  fettled.  I  fhall  net  flop  to  prove,  or  to  refute,  any 
 particular  hypothefis,  but  proceed  without  interruption  in  that 
 account  which  to  me  appears  the  mofl  probable. 
 
 Germany  was  formerly  divided  into  nations^  and  the  nations 
 into  pagi^  each  of  which  had  its  own  prince,  judge,  or  general. 
 The  power  of  each  of  the  pagi  was  lodged  in  the  affembly  of 
 all  the  freemen  of  the  pagus,  and  the  power  of  the  whole  na- 
 tion in  the  general  affembly  of  that  nation. 
 
 Every  man's  own  family  and  flaves  were  entirely  fubject  to 
 him.  All  the  lands  were  annually  divided  among  all  the  free- 
 men, who  parcelled  it  out  to  their  flaves  and  dependants  upon 
 
 certain 
 
276  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 certain  conditions,  always    refcrving  enough  of  the  yearly  pro- 
 duce to  maintain  their  own  families  in  abundance. 
 
 Each  prince  was  attended  by  an  indefinite  number  of  freemen 
 volunteers,  who  were  maintained  at  his  expence,  and  fought 
 with  him  in  battle.  The  fons  alfo  of  thofe  who  had  diftinguifhed 
 themfclves  by  acfts  of  valour  had  the  like  attendants.  They 
 were  called  companions^  or  amhaSit\  in  the  fouthern  parts  of  Gaul 
 Solduriiy  and  afterwards  in  England  Thanes^  and  they  lived 
 fcattered  up  and  down  the  country.  When  they  went  to  war, 
 the  troops  of  every  tribe  and  province  fought  under  the  fame 
 ftandard,  divided,  probably,  into  thoufands,  hundreds,  fifties, 
 and  tens,  each  of  which  companies  had  its  own  commander. 
 
 The  prince,  where  there  was  one,  had  a  larger  divifion  of 
 land,  and  a  greater  proportion  o^  all  fines,  which  wereimpofed 
 for  ail  crimes  except  treafon  and  adultery.  His  office  was  for 
 life. 
 
 At  the  general  afTembly,  every  freeman  had  an  equal  vote. 
 Upon  ordinary  oceafions  the  pagi  might  fend  their  leaders,  but 
 upon  extraordinary  occafions  every  freeman  was  obliged  to  be 
 prefent  under  the  fevereft  penalties.  Then  peace  and  war  were 
 proclaimed,  ambafTadors  fent,  and  the  common  general  chofen, 
 and  to  this  affembly  all  inferior  officers  were  accountable  for 
 their  behaviour.  No  perfon  could  bear  arms  for  the  public 
 till  he  had  been  prefented  here.  The  princes  of  each  diftridt 
 prepared  matters  for  this  afiembly,  as  a  ftanding  council  of 
 ftate,  and  to  them  all  ambafTadors,  &c.  applied.  The  Druids, 
 who  were  the  only  priefts,  and  the  chief  nobility,  in  thecountry, 
 and  who  were  exempt  from  all  fee ular  incumbrances,  and  main- 
 tained at  the  common  charge,  prefided  in  the  afiembly. 
 
 All  the  freemen  ferved  in  the  army  without  pay,  and  the 
 general  was  not  quite  abfolute,  being  often  reftrained  by  his 
 council,  and  by  his  companions. 
 
 When  a  conqueft  was  made,  the  general  and  council  divided 
 the  land  into  as  many  parts  as  there  were  pagi  in  the  armyJ 
 Thefc  again  were  divided  by  their  proper  chiefs  among  the 
 leveral  families,  according  to  their  rank  and  efteem.  Some 
 fuppofe   that  the  lands  of  the   pagi  became  counties^   the  Ihare 
 
 of 
 
Lect.  XLIV.       <5ENERAL    POLICY.  277 
 
 of  a  thoufand  ztrything,  the  (hare  of  one  hundred  an  hundred^ 
 and  that  of  ten  a  iything  ;  each  under  its  own  eoldonnan.  But 
 Mr.  Millar  feems  to  have  proved  that  a  tything  was  the  fame 
 thing  with  2l  village^  and  did  not  comprehend  any  precifc  num- 
 ber of  perfons  or  families.  This  however  might  come  to  be 
 the  cafe  in  a  courfe  of  time,  though  the  original  diftribution 
 might  be  according  to  the  number  of  perfons  or  families. 
 
 So  long  as  their  conquefts  were  in  the  lead  infecure,  and  con- 
 fequently  they  had  occafion  for  the  continual  exercife  of  arms, 
 the  whole  body  of  the  migrating  people  preferved  the  idea  of 
 the  encampment  of  a  large  army.  The  office  of  general,  from 
 being  occafional,  became  of  courfe  perpetual,  that  is,  he  was 
 a  king^  but  eledive,  as  before.  Every  freeman  was  ready  at 
 the  military  call,  and  every  grant  of  lands  was  upon  condition 
 of  military  fervice. 
 
 Land  thus  diftributed  was  called  thane  land^  or  bock  land,  the 
 poflefTors,  Thanes ;  and  every  particular  inheritance,  a  feoh  or 
 feudy  in  Latin  beneficium. 
 
 As  long  as  the  moft  diftant  view  to  their  native  country  re- 
 mained tothefe  Germans,  in  thefe  foreign  fettlements,  poflfeflions 
 could  not  regularly  defcend  to  a  man's  heirs,  who  might  not 
 be  able  to  defend  them  ;  but  by  degrees,  as  valour  ceafed  to  be 
 neceflary,  from  the  fecurity  of  their  conquefts,  feuds  became 
 hereditary.  Then  thofe  who  held  immediately  of  the  king  were 
 called  tenants  in  capites  and  were  obliged  to  attend  the  king's 
 court?,  in  the  fame  manner  as  every  perfon  who  held  land  of 
 another  attended  the  court  of  his   immediate  fuperior. 
 
 When  chriftianity  was  introduced  among  thefe  nations,  grants 
 of  land  were  made  to  the  church,  and  the  bifliops  held  them 
 as  all  other  tenants  did,  upon  condition  of  military  fervice. 
 But  afterwards  they  held  lands  in  what  was  called  frankal 
 moigney  when  only  alms  to  the  poor,  and  prayers,  were  required 
 of  them.  Thofe  of  the  fuperior  clergy  who  held  lands  imme- 
 diately of  the  king  were  tenants  in  copitey  and  obliged,  as  fuch, 
 to  give  attendance  in  the  king's   courts. 
 
 The  greater  Thanes  granted  lands  out  of  their  divifion  to  their 
 
 immediate  friends  and  followers,  in  the   fame   manner  as   they 
 
 I  reoeived 
 
278  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 received  them,  and  their  beneficiaries  were  called  vajfals.  Of 
 thefc,  however,  only  fome  received  grants  upon  condition  of  mi- 
 litary fervice,  others  (though  thefe  were  probably  fuch  as  had 
 been  in  a  ftate  of  fcrvitude)  chofe  to  follow  hulbandry,  and 
 were  called  fockmen,  Thefe  held  their  lands  upon  condition  of 
 aflilting  their  lord  in  his  ploughing  and  reaping.  But 
 afterwards,  inftead  of  the  a<5lual  fcrvice  of  the  plough,  they 
 fupplied  lord  with  corn,  cattle,  and  clothes,  and  laftly 
 money^   as  an  equivalent  for  them. 
 
 The  ground  which  lay  neareft  to  the  habitation  of  every  free- 
 man was  given  to  the  care  of  his  own  flaves»  who  tilled  the 
 ground  for  him.  Thefe  were  called  villeins^  and  went  with  the 
 foil,  having  no  liberty  either  to  leave  their  maflers,  or  quit 
 the  place. 
 
 All  the  taxes  which  the  feudal  laws  obliged  vaflals  to  pay  to 
 their  fuperiors,  Thanes  to  the  king,  and  their  vaflals  to  them, 
 were  upon  the  three  following  occaiions  ;  when  his  eldeft  fon 
 was  made  a  knight,  when  his  eldeft  daughter  was  married,  and 
 to  ranfom  him  when  he  was  taken  prifoncr. 
 
 Every  lord  was  fupreme  judge  of  his  own  vaflals,  and  always 
 their  general  in  time  of  war.  When  his  power  of  judge  was 
 abufed,all  capital  cafes  were  referred  tofuperior  jurifdi6lion,  or  to 
 fuch  perfons  as  the  king  feat  from  time  to  time  to  aflift  the 
 great  men  in  the  difl:ribution  of  juftice,  and  to  fee  that  he  was 
 not  wronged  in  his  fhare  of  the  fines,  which  was  generally  one 
 third. 
 
 Lands  which  were  not  diftributed  to  the  free  foldiers,  but 
 which  were  left  in  the  hands  of  the  old  inhabitants,  or  were 
 occupied  by  new  comers,  were  called  allodial^  oi  folk  lands^  and 
 the  occupiers  were  governed  by  the  king  who  fent  a  rive^  or 
 eoldorman^  who  was  always  to  be  a  proprietor  of  bock  land,  to 
 prcfide  over  them.  To  him  was  afterwards  added  another  ftand- 
 ing  magi  ft  rate,  called  the  heterocky  whofe  office  refembled  that  of 
 lord  lieutenant  in  the  county;  whereas  the  office  of  our  prefent 
 ft)eriff's  was  derived  from  the  other.  This  rive^  or  Jhtriffy  held 
 the  rivi  mote^  fcyre  motCy  oi  folk  m^te^  and  thane  land  is  fome- 
 times  called   rive  land. 
 
 Both 
 
Lect.  XLI V.        GENERAL    POLICY.  279 
 
 Both  the  king's  vafTals,  and  thofe  of  the  greater  lords  had 
 greater  privileges  than  the  poiTefTors  of  allodial  eftates.  Among 
 others,  their  lives  were  rated  higher.  Wherefore  thofe  perfons 
 who  poffefTed  allodial  eftates  Often  chofe,  for  their  greater  fe- 
 curity,  to  put  themfelvcs  under  the  proteftion  of  fome  powerful 
 lord.  When  this  was  done  univerfally,  the  feudal  fyjlem  may 
 be  faid  to  be  fully  cftablillied  j  which  was  not  the  cafe  in 
 England  till  the  time  of  William  the  Conqueror.  Then,  too, 
 eftates  firft  defcended  entire  to  the  cldeft  fon,  whereas  before 
 they  had  been  equally  divided  among  all  the  fons.  An  equjii 
 divifion  did  not  fuit  the  intereft  of  the  great  fcudatorial  lords 
 who  were  more  efFecSlually  and  expeditioufly  ferved  by  one  pov/er- 
 ful  vaflal,  or  a  fewfach,  than  by  many  weak  ones,  dependine- 
 immediately  upon  themfelves. 
 
 In  the  Saxon  times,  the  landholders  of  every  province  met  at 
 leaft  twice  every  year  in  the  fcyre  mote.  In  this  court  caufcs 
 of  religion  were  firft  heard,  then  pleas  of  the  crown,  and  laftly 
 private  caufes  ;  and  fentence  was  given  by  the  prefidentts,  who 
 were  the  earl,  the  bifhop,   and  the  king's  deputy. 
 
 In  the  time  of  Alfred  juries  were  introduced  into  the  En^liib 
 courts.  He  alfo  completed  the  divifion  of  the  country  imo 
 counties,  tythings,  and  hundreds,  and  made  other  excclltnt 
 regulations  for  the  more  eftedtual  adminiftration  of  juftice. 
 
 The  legiflative  power  o^  the  whole  community,  and  alfo  the 
 power  of  peace  and  war  was,  in  the  Saxon  times,  lodged  in  the 
 aflembly  of  the  whole  nation,  called  the  folktnois^  or  my^elgtmoie^ 
 in  which  every  proprietor  of  land,  at  leaft  to  the  amount  of 
 iive  hides,  had  a  power  of  voting.  To  this  there  was  a  wit- 
 tenagemoie,  confifting  of  the  king's  companions,  or  thanes,  the 
 governors  of  the  feveral  counties,  and  after  the  introduction 
 of  chriftianity,  bifhops,  and  others  of  the  fuperior  clergy. 
 
 Probably,  hov/ever,  the  mycelgemoie  and  wittenagemote  ml^ht 
 confilt  of  the  fame  perfons  ;  the  former  being  the  regular  ailembly 
 of  the  whole  body  at  ftated  times,  and  the  latter  thofe  who 
 ufualiy  attended  on  any  particular  call  j  and  thofe  would  be  fuch 
 as  were  neareft  the  king,  perfons  in  whofe  wifdom  and  ex- 
 perience 
 
28o  LECTURES    ON  Part.  V. 
 
 perience  the  greateft  truft  was  repofed,  by  himfelf,  and  the 
 nation  at  large. 
 
 The  change  of  allodial  into  feudal  eftates  made  a  change  in 
 the  great  council  of  the  nation.  In  the  former  cafe  the  land- 
 holders aflembled  in  their  own  right,  in  the  latter  as  the  depen- 
 dants on  the  crown.  But  the  change  having  been  gradual,  and 
 thofe  who  alFembled  by  different  rights  probably  meeting  at 
 the  fame  time  and  place,  it  is  not  particularly  noticed  by  hif- 
 torians. 
 
 The  mycelgemote,  it  is  faid,  fometimes  altered  the  fucccflion 
 to  the  crown.  It  is  certain  that  the  Saxon  kings  had  not  the 
 fame  power  that  was  afterwards  acquired  by  our  princes.  7'heir 
 lives  were  rated  no  higher  than  thofe  of  any  other  freeman. 
 The  king  affembled  the  mycelgemote  upon  extraordinary  occa- 
 fions,  and  ordinarily  that  ailembly  met  in  the  fpring.  The  moft 
 confiderable  branch  of  the  royal  ofHce  was  the  appointing  the 
 chief  offices  of  church  and  ftate,  as  governors  of  counties, 
 bifhops,  abbots,  &c. 
 
 It  is  alfo  laid  by  fome,  that,  upon  particular  occafions,  there 
 was  alfo  2i  fananglicum  in  the  Saxon  heptarchy,  when  comman- 
 ders in  chief  on  the  whole  nation  were  chqlen. 
 
 LECTOR  E 
 
Lect.XLV.        general    POLICY.  281 
 
 LECTURE      XLV. 
 
 In  what  CircumJ}ances  the  Feudal  Syjiem  acquired  Strength,  The 
 Violence  and  Infeciirity  of  thofe  Times.  Inconft/lent  with  Com- 
 merce, Balance  of  Power  of  thofe  Times.  Wager  of  Battle. 
 Privatt  Confederacies.  Knight  Errantry.  Caufes  of  the  De^ 
 dine  of  the  Feudal  Syfiem,  Expenfive  Wars,  Progrefs  of  the 
 Arts,     Improvements  in  the  Art  of  War, 
 
 IN  countries  which  were  perpetually  in  a  fiate  of  war,  the 
 feudal  fyftem  acquired  ftrength,  and  become  more  analogous 
 to  itfelf  in  all  its  parts.  Thus,  in  England,  during  the  Saxon 
 times,  we  fee  only  the  general  outlines  of  it,  but  in  Normandy, 
 about  the  time  of  William  the  Conqueror,  it  was  in  its  per- 
 fe6tion,  and  that  ftate  it  was  by  him  introduced  into  England. 
 Then,  when  the  intereft  of  the  lord  was  the  flrongeft  in  his 
 fief  (except  that  it  was  hereditary,  and  he  could  not  refufe  en- 
 trance to  the  proper  heir)  it  could  not  be  alienated  without  his 
 confent ;  becaufe  it  was  unreafonable  that  he  fhould  have  a 
 vafTal  who  was  difagreeable  to  him  obtruded  upon  him.  The 
 heirefs  could  not  marry  without  his  confent  for  the  fame  rea- 
 fon.  Upon  thefe,  and  a  variety  of  other  occafions,  the  fuperior 
 lord  (who  is  generally  called  lord  paramount)  infifted  upon  large 
 fines  from  his  vaflals,  which  kept  the  common  people  in  a  ftate 
 of  the  moft  abje6l:  dependence  upon  a  few  great  land-holders. 
 
 It  is  not  to  be  wondered,  therefore,  that  no  flourifhing  cities^ 
 no  extenfive  commerce,  no  encouragement  for  the  polite  arts 
 was  ever  found  under  governments  purely  feudal.  Indeed,  the 
 whole  fcene  of  the  feudal  times  was  too  full  of  war  and  confufion 
 to  admit  of  thefe  improvements.  The  different  orders  of  vaf- 
 falage  gave  rife  to  numberlefs  quarrels  and  proceffes,  which 
 could  only  be  decided  by  force  of  arms. 
 
 Every  lord  in  thofe  days,  having  independent  jurifdi£lion, 
 and  his  own  vaffals  immediately  devoted  to  him,  was  in  fa6t  a 
 
 X  petty 
 
282  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 petty  fovercign  ;  and  a  few  of  thefe  in  a  country  were  gene- 
 rally an  over-match  for  the  king,  and  often  occafioned  the 
 greateft  diforders.  Perhaps  never  was  there  a  worfe  govern- 
 ment, or  a  government  in  which  there  was  lefs  provifion  for 
 the  fecurity  and  h.^ppinefs  of  the  bulk  of  people,  than  in  this. 
 Had  not  religion,  or  rather  fuperftition,  provided  an  afylum  to  a 
 few,  thofe  times  in  which  the  feudal  fyftem  v/as  at  its  height, 
 would  have  been  nothing  more  than  perfect  anarchy  and  confu- 
 fion.  Thefts,  rapine,  murders  and  diforders  of  all  kinds,  pre- 
 vailed in  every  kingdom  of  Europe  to  a  degree  almoft  incre- 
 dible, and  fcarce  compatible  with  the  fubfiftence  of  civil  fo- 
 ciety.  Every  offender  ftieltered  himfelf  under  fome  chieftain, 
 who  fcreened  him  from  juftice*. 
 
 Many  of  the  moft  renowned  commanders  in  the  reign  of 
 Edward  III.  and  the  following  reigns,  had  been  leaders  of  ban- 
 ditti ;  and  it  was  ufual  for  princes  who  could  notfubdue  them) 
 to  enter  into  treaties  with  them,  and  to  be  fupplied  by  them 
 with  many  thoufands  of  men.  A  great  part  of  the  Englifli 
 forces  in  France  w^ere  generally  this  kind  of  men.  When 
 Edward  III.  commanded  an  army  of  an  hundred  thoufand 
 men  in  Flanders,  they  were  faid  to  have  been  chiefly  foreign- 
 ers. 
 
 Voltaire  fays  that  about  the  time  of  Otho,  every  caftle  was  a 
 capital  of  a  fmall  ftate  of  Banditti,  and  every  monaftery  an 
 armed  garrifon  j  the  harvefts  were  either  burnt,  cut  down  be- 
 fore the  time,  or  defended  fword  in  hand  ;  the  cities  were  re- 
 duced in  a  manner  todeferts,  and  the  country  depopulated  by 
 frequent  and  long  famines. 
 
 ♦  The  power  of  the  great  feudal  lords  arofe  from  the  great  numbers  of  perfons 
 who  were  attached  to  them;  and  this  attachment  arofe  from  their  being  v/holly 
 dependent  upon  them.  They  were  either  their  tenants,  or  were  kept  without  labour 
 by  their  liberality.  An  ancient  baron  could  make  no  other  uf«  of  his  fuperriuity. 
 At  prefeiit  an  Engli{h  nobleman  may  be  richer  than  any  ancient  baron,  being  able 
 lo  command  the  labour  of  more  perfons,  by  paying  them  wages-,  but  at,  the  e  per- 
 fons are  only  employed  by  him  occafionally,  and  they  all  fcrve  others  as  well  as 
 him,  they  have  no  attachment  to  him  in  particular.  If  he  did  not  employ  them, 
 they  would  not  flarve,  and  therefore  they  feel  themfelves  as  independent  of  him,  as 
 he  is  of  them.  In  fafl,  r.o  perfons  are  more  independent  than  thofe  who  are  willing 
 io  labour,  and  fare  of  finding  employment, 
 
 A  circum-' 
 
Lect.  XLV.        general    policy.  183 
 
 A  clrcumftance  which  kept  things  tolerably  well  balanced, 
 with  refpecft  to  public  liberty,  and  which  prevented  the  power  of 
 any  one  from  oppreffing  the  reft,  was  the  number  of  powers  and 
 interefts  which  were  perpetually  ftruggling  for  fuperiority.  The 
 king  conducted  himrelf  by  one  fet  of  principles,  the  barons  by 
 another,  the  clergy  by  a  third,  and  the  commons  by  a  fourth. 
 All  their  views  were  incompatible,  and  each  prevailed  accord- 
 ing as  incidents  were  favourable  to  it.  The  clergy  in  general 
 held  a  very  ufeful  middle  place,  checking  the  power  of  the  king, 
 or  of  the  barons,  according  as  either  of  them  prevailed  too  much, 
 and  threatened  their  privileges,  and  the  general  liberty  of  the 
 ftate;  though  it  was  the  former  only  that  they  were  concerned 
 about. 
 
 When  the  feudal  fyftem  had  taken  place,  and  not  before  ;  and 
 confequently  when  (there  being  nc  effedual  provifionto  reftraia 
 violence)  it  had  been  fo  cuftomary  for  people  to  terminate  their 
 differences  by  the  fword,  and  even  law  fuits  had  fo  often  ter- 
 minated in  this,  which,  according  to  the  barbarous  notions  of 
 thofe  times,  was  deemed  the  m oft  honourable  way  of  deciding 
 them,  that  the  laws  themfelves  were  obliged  to  adopt  that  me- 
 thod of  decifion.  It  came  into  England  with  William  the 
 Conqueror,  and  prevailed  for  feveral  centuries  in  all  parts  of 
 Europe  ;  and  it  was  certainly  better  to  reftrain,  and  fubje<Sl  to 
 the  rules  of  a  court,  that  fword  which  would  have  raged,  and 
 have  committed  trreater  devaftation  elfewhere. 
 
 The  civil  union  in  thefe  feudal  times  being  weak,  private 
 confederacies  were  entered  into,  to  fupply  its  place.  At  length 
 knight  errantry  arofe  in  thofe  days  of  univerfal  danger.  When 
 all  travelling  was  unfafe,  and  particularly  no  women  could  ap- 
 pear abroad  without  being  ravifhed  or  murdered,  fome  perfons 
 of  fpirit  and  humanity,  and  deeply  tindured  with  the  reli- 
 gion of  the  limes,  devoted  themfelves  to  the  public  good,  and 
 particularly  to  the  fervicc  of  the  ladies.  This  profelTion  foon 
 becoming  honourable,  and  great  numbers  engaged  in  ::,  which 
 contributed  greatly  to  foften  the  rigour  of  the  times. 
 
 As  the  moft  remarkable  inftances  of  hofpitality  ar^  feen  in  the 
 moft  inhofpitable  and  barbarous  countries,  fo  thofvi  times  of  uni- 
 
 X   2  verfal 
 
284  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 verfal  anarchy  produced  the  greateft  excefles  of  heroifm,  fuch, 
 indeed,  as  could  only  exift  in  thofe  circumftances.  For  thefe 
 flights  of  heroifm  are  ufelefs,  and  therefore  checked,  in  well 
 regulated  governments. 
 
 The  practice  of  tilts  and  tournaments,  which  gave  a  dignity 
 to  the  order  of  knighthood,  and  afforded  the  fineft  field  for  the 
 exercife  of  valour,  was  introduced  from  the  gallant  courts  of 
 the  Moorifh  kings  in  Spain. 
 
 So  deep  rooted  was  the  paflion  for  chivalry,  that  it  infe<fled 
 the  writings,  converfation,  and  behaviour  of  men  for  fome  ages; 
 and  when  the  ideas  belonging  to  it  vanifhed,  as  government 
 grew  more  perfect,  and  learning  and  true  tafte  revived,  it  left 
 modern  gallantry  and  the  point  of  honour,  which  ftill  main- 
 tain their  influence,  and  are  the  genuine  offspring  of  thofe 
 cuftoms.  The  fuperflition  and  valour  of  the  knights  errant 
 were  of  excellent  fervice  in  the  wars  of  the  Holy  Land,  and 
 againft  the  Saracens  in  Spain. 
 
 We  have  now  advanced  to  the  full  growth  of  the  feudal 
 fyflem.  Let  us  from  hence  mark  the  feveral  fteps  by  which 
 it  declined,  and  fee  how  order  rofe  out  of  this  chaos  and  confu- 
 iion.  And  here  the  principal  clrcumftance  to  be  attended  to  is 
 the  diminution  of  the  pov/er  of  the  ariftccratical  feudal  lords,  by 
 the  difmembering  of  their  eftates,  and  the  more  equal  diftribu- 
 tion  of  property  among  the  lower  orders  of  the  people,  with 
 the  gradual  acquifition  of  power  by  the  feveral  fovereigns  of 
 Europe. 
 
 One  confiderable  means  of  bringing  about  this  great  event 
 was  the  expenfive  wars  which  were  carried  on  in  thofe  days, 
 particularly  the  expeditions  to  the  Holy  Land,  which  made  the 
 great  lords  and  land^holders  willing  to  fell  their  lands  for  large 
 fums  of  ready  money  ;  and  by  degrees  they  obtained  features 
 to  favour  thcfe  alienations. 
 
 Moreover,  when,  in  confequence  of  the  progrefs  of  arts,  in- 
 duftry,  and  manufactures,  the  feudal  maiuiers  gave  way  to  fome 
 degree  of  luxury,    fupcriors  were  willing  to  give  lands  at  very 
 low  rents,  in  confideration  of  large  fums  delivered  at  one  pay- 
 ment. 
 
Lect.  XLV.        GENERAL   POLICY.  285 
 
 ment,     Thefe  rents  became  lower  and  lower,  till  at  laft  nothing 
 but  a  fimple  acknowledgment  was  made  for  them. 
 
 Improvements  in  the  art  of  war  made  the  whole  fyftem  of 
 the  feudal  government,  as  adapted  to  military  affairs,  entirely 
 ufelefs.  The  hereditary  lords  were  not  always  found  to  be  the 
 moft  proper  commanders,  nor  their  vaflals  the  beft  difciplined 
 troops.  It  was  therefore  eafily  agreed  on  both  fides,  to  fend 
 deputies  inftead  of  perfonal  fervice,  and  at  laft  to  commute  for 
 a  fum  of  money.  This  practice  gave  rife  to  Jianding  armies^ 
 which  threw  a  vaft  weight  of  power  into  the  hands  of  the  fove- 
 reign,  which  was  before  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  lords. 
 Lewis  XIV.  once  in  his  reign  fummoned  the  nobility  to  ap- 
 pear in  arms,  according  to  the  feudal  fyftem,  but  the  troops 
 they  brought  were  fo  ignorant  of  difcipline,  that  the  cuftom 
 was  forever  after  laid  afide  in  France.  By  this  means  tenures 
 by  knights  fervice  finking,  and,  in  confequence  of  the  progrcfs 
 of  arts  and  induftry,  that  of  villeinage  rifmg ;  both  came  gra- 
 dually to  the  medium  of  fockage  tenures,  which  extended 
 themfelves  continually  over  landed  property  in  Great  Britain, 
 
 L  £  C  T  U  R  i: 
 
a86  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V 
 
 LECTURE        XLVI. 
 
 Rife  of  Corporations,  Greater  and  leffer  Barons,  State  of  Land 
 Property  and  the  Alienation  of  it.  When^  and  by  what  Means, 
 the  great  Blow  was  given  to  the  Feudal  Syfiem  by  the  Diminu- 
 tion  of  the  Power  of  the  greater  Barons  in  different  Parts  of 
 Europe.  The  Rife  of  the  Englijh  Commons,  The  Declerfion  of 
 the  Syfiem  not  equal  in  all  Parts  of  Europe.  Not  the  fame  in 
 Scotland  as  in  England.  The  rcafons  for  it.  The  Remains  of 
 it  at  prefent  in  different  Parts  of  Europe,  and  with  us.  Gene- 
 ral Obfervations  on  the  Progrefs  and  Termination  of  the  Feudal 
 Syfiem, 
 
 IN  procefs  of  time,  focieties  of  artifans,  which  originally 
 were  confidercd  as  belonging  to  the  lord  of  the  foil  on  which 
 they  lived,  taking  advantage  of  the  neceflity  of  the  times,  and 
 their  own  increafmg  riches,  gained  certain  privileges  and  im- 
 munities from  their  lords,  till  at  length  they  became  inde- 
 pendent of  them.  Thefe  corporations  are  faid  to  have  been  the 
 invention  of  Lewis  le  Gros,  to  free  the  people  from  the  flavery 
 to  their  lords,  and  to  give  them  protection  by  means  of  cer- 
 tain privileges,  and  a  feparate  jurifdicSlion. 
 
 Philip  Le  Bt\,  king  of  France,  was  the  firft  who  in  1301, 
 admitted  with  great  policy  the  inhabitants  of  cities  to  have 
 a  feat  in  the  ftates  of  the  kingdom,  after  the  clergy  and 
 nobility.  His  view  was  to  facilitate  the  jurifdidion  which  he 
 wanted  to  eftablifli  over  thofe  cities,  and  to  engage  them  to 
 confent  to  the  impofition  of  a  tax  for  carrying  on  his  wars  in 
 Flanders  and  for  oppofing  the  ambitious  views  of  Boniface 
 VIIL  Accordingly,  Sir  Jam.  Stewart  fays  *,  the  people  begari 
 to  pay  willingly,  when  they  found  they  had  a  vote  in  what 
 concerned  them. 
 
 *  Vol.  ii,  p.  355. 
 
 In 
 
Lect.  XLVL       general    policy.  287 
 
 In  England  thefe  corporations  grew  to  great  confideration, 
 and  many  of  them  coming  to  hold  lands  of  the  king  by  a  tenure 
 called  burgage^  became  of  courfe  tenants  in  capitey  and,  as  fuch, 
 were  fummoned  to  appear  by  their  deputies  at  the  great  council 
 of  the  nation,  along  with  the  reprefentatives  of  the  lefler 
 barons  ;  that  is,  thofe  perfons  who  had  purchafed  parts  of  ba- 
 ronies, but  were  not  able  to  bear  the  expence  of  attending  the 
 king's  courts.  The  greater  barons  were  perfons  of  ancient  fa- 
 milies, who  kept  their  original  fiefs  in  great  meafure  undivided. 
 The  titles  which  thefe  greater  barons  obtained,  as  of  dukes, 
 earls,  vifcounts,  and  marquifles  were  introduced  by  degrees, 
 and  were  all  originally  official  and  territorial,  though  afterwards 
 they  became  perfonal,  and,  like  the  feuds,  hereditary;  even  the 
 term  baron  itfelf,  came  at  length  to  be  merely  honorary. 
 
 In  the  ftruggle  between  the  crown  and  the  barons,  the  con- 
 ftitutional  rights  of  the  commons  feem  to  have  received  a  tem- 
 porary interruption  ;  jtiieir  aflembling  in  parliament  being  lefs 
 frequent  and  lefs  efFe6tual,  and  at  length  altogether  fufpended. 
 Under  our  king  John  and  Henry  III.  their  privileges  were  re- 
 vived, and  the  forty-ninth  of  Henry  III.  and  the  twenty- 
 third  of  Edward  I.  which  have  been  confidered  as  asras  of  tho- 
 cftablifhment  of  the  commons.  Dr.  Stewart  fays  f ,  were  only 
 memorable  epochas  in  their  hiftory. 
 
 It  was  among  the  corporations  above  mentioned  that  focial 
 and  civil  connexions  firft  extended  themfelves  in  the  feudal 
 times.  The  people  who  were  members  of  thefe  communities, 
 being  the  moft  remote  from  a  military  life  and  military  notions, 
 firft  found  the  advantage  of  a  more  extenfive  power  over  their 
 property  than  the  feudal  cuftoms  admitted.  It  was  confequently 
 with  them  that  alienation  of  property,  both  in  lands  and  goods, 
 in  all  its  varieties  and  forms,  both  during  the  life,  and  after 
 the  death  of  the  proprietor,  firft  took  place;  and  other  laws 
 adapted  to  a  more  perfect  flate  of  fociety  were  firft  enacled  for 
 their  ufe,  long  before  the  reft  of  the  nation  had  the  benefit  of 
 them;  though,  at  length,  after  their  example,   they  prevailed. 
 
 -f-  Eflay  on  the  Coaftitution  of  England,  p.  17, 
 
 univer- 
 
288  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 univerfally.  But  through  the  whole  ftatc,  the  intereft  of 
 the  fuperior  lord  in  the  fief  grew  gradually  lefs  and  lefs.  For 
 whereas,  at  firft,  fiefs  reverted  to  their  lord  after  the  death  of 
 the  proprietor,  then,  after  that  of  his  fon,  and  then  of  his 
 grandfon  ;  by  pradice,  without  public  ordinance,  it  crept  into 
 the  law  of  all  nations,  that  in  all  fiefs  a  man's  collateral  rela- 
 tions, as  well  as  his  direct  defcendants,  ad  infinitum^  {hould  fuc- 
 cecd  him  ;  and  though  the  progrefs  of  alienation  was  fometimes 
 checked  by  laws  relating  to  entails y  yet  methods  were  ftill  found 
 out,  and  connived  at,  to  elude  thofe  ftatutes  ;  and  all  attempts 
 to  prevent  the  progrefs  of  the  free  alienation  of  landed  property 
 was  driving  again  ft  the  torrent. 
 
 In  this  train  things  continued  for  fcveral  centuries,  till  to- 
 wards [he  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  the  beginning  of  the 
 fixteenth,  almoft  all  the  princes  in  Europe,  as  if  by  confent,  at- 
 tacked the  power  of  the  nobles.  Lewis  XL  of  France  added 
 to  the  crown  what  he  wrefted  from  the  lords,  but  Henry  V^IL 
 threw  it  into  the  hands  of  the  commons  of  England. 
 
 Some  of  the  means  which  Henry  ufed  were  palFmg  an  a£t 
 which  allowed  lords  to  fell  or  mortgage  their  lands,  without 
 paving  any  fines  for  alienation,  and  the  reftraining  thrm  from 
 keeping  a  great  number  of  idle  retainers  about  them,  who  were 
 men  who  lived  at  their  expence,  were  entirely  devoted  to  them, 
 and  ready  to  engage  in  all  their  quarrels. 
 
 But  little  of  the  merit  of  thefe  lav>^s  is  ,due  to  him.  He 
 meant  only  to  lefTen  the  exorbitant  power  of  the  barons,  which 
 was  formidable  to  the  crown  :  and  the  circumftances  of  the 
 times  were  quite  ripe  for  every  alteration  which  he  made  for 
 that  purpofe.  The  barons  themfelves  wanted  to  difpofe  of 
 their  lands  for  money,  to  enable  fhcm  to  live  with  more  ele- 
 gance, and  to  enjoy  more  of  the  conveniences  of  life,  which 
 were  then  firft  introduced  ;  and  their  idle  retarners  were  become 
 a  burthen  to  them,  while  the  country  ftood  in  great  need  of 
 their  labour,    when  agriculture  began  to  be  attended  to. 
 
 The  benefit  of  thcfc  ftatutes  was  not  (eiiubly  perceived  in 
 England  till  (he  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,  though  the  commons 
 had  availed  themfelves  greatly  of  the  fale  of  thofe  lands  which 
 
 had 
 
Lect.  XLVI.      GENERAL   POLICY.  289 
 
 had  belonged  to  the  monafteries  in  the  preceding  reign.  But 
 it  was  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  that  the  commons  hrft  ventured 
 to  approach  the  throne  of  their  own  motion,  and  give  advice  to 
 the  cr^wn.  Unhappily,  the  attempts  of  our  princes  to  opprefs 
 this  rifing  power  occafioned  fuch  a  fi^ruggle  between  them  and 
 the  people  as  ended  in  a  temporary  anarchy.  At  the  refloration 
 king  Charles  was  induced  to  remit  fome  of  his  feudal  claims, 
 but  the  conftitution  was  not  fettled  •,  and  perhaps  it  never  would 
 have  been  done  effe<Slually,  had  not  the  bigotry  of  James  II. 
 engaged  him  in  the  fruitlefs  attempt  to  fubverc  the  religion  and 
 liberty  of  his  country.  This  happily  ended  in  his  abdication, 
 and  the  fettlement  c^  the  crown  on  the  more  diflant  branches  of 
 the  family  upon  new  and  furer  principles,  as  was  taken  notice 
 of  before. 
 
 The  feudal  fyftem  did  not,  however,  decline  equally  fad  in 
 all  parts  of  Europe.  It  generally  loft  ground  in  time  of  peace, 
 and  fometimes  rather  gained  in  time  of  war  5  though  in  fome 
 cafes  the  fovereigns,  prelfed  by  the  neceility  of  foreign  wars, 
 were  induced,  in  confideration  of  prefenc  fupplies,  to  grant  im- 
 portant privileges  to  the  people,  and  particularly  to  the  bo- 
 roughs. Thefe  neceffities  of  the  princes  were  the  occafion  of 
 many  equitable   laws  and   popular  conceflions. 
 
 The  feudal  fyftem  did  not  decline  fo  faft  in  Scotland  as  in 
 England,  nor,  while  it  was  a  feparate  kingdom,  did  their  com- 
 mons ever  acquire  the  fame  power.  The  reafcns  of  this  were, 
 that  the  Scots  had  little  commerce,  induftry,  and  arts.  All 
 their  members  met  in  the  fame  houfe,  and  the  kings  vaflals  were 
 not  increafed  upon  the  difmembering  a  royal  fief,  as  was  the 
 ruftom  in  England.  Befides  none  could  vote  but  thofe  who 
 had  much  more  fortune  than  was  required  in  England,  and  the 
 election  of  reprefentatives  was  in  the  common  council,  and  not 
 in  the  whole  body  of  the  burgefTes.  Heritable  jurifdictions 
 were  not  entirely  abolifhed  in  Scotland  till  the  end  of  the  jai^ 
 rebellion. 
 
 There  are  confiderable  remains  of  the  feudal  fyftem  at  this 
 day  in  Europe,  In  Germany  it  fubfifts,  in  many  refpccls,  as 
 n-juch  as  ever.     The  hufbandmen  of  Poland  are  confined  to  the 
 
 glebe  s 
 
igo  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 glebe  ;  as  they  are  alfo  in  Bohemia,  in  Suabia,  and  in  other  parts 
 of  Germany  ;  and  even  in  France,  in  fome  provinces  remote  from 
 the  capital,  wc  fee,  fays  Voltaire,  fome  remains  of  this  flavery. 
 There  are  fome  chapters  and  monks  who  claim  a  right  to  all 
 the  goods  of  the  deceafed  peafants,  and  the  barbarous  right  of 
 aubeine^  by  which  a  (tranger  beholds  his  father's  eflate  go  to 
 the  king's  treafury  ftill  fubfifts  in  fome  chriftian  ftates,  unlefs 
 where  it  is  otherwife  provided  for  by  private  conventions. 
 
 The  moft  vifible  traces  of  this  fyftcm  in  England  are  in  the 
 forms  of  law.  The  feudal  law  carried  with  it  a  fyftem  of  private 
 rif^hts,  which  fwallowed  up  all  others  wherever  it  came,  and 
 involved  likewife,  in  giving  efFeii:  to  thefe  rights,  a  fyftem  of 
 forms^  which  remain  even  when  the  original  rights  are  no 
 more. 
 
 What  is  particularly  worthy  of  our  notice,  with  refpe6l  to 
 the  feudal  fyftcrn,  is  that  a  form  of  government  fo  uniform  in  its 
 principles  fliould  have  branched  out,  as  it  were,  under  different 
 circumftances,  into  other  forms  fo  totally  different  from  one 
 another  as  are  the  conititutions  of  the  I'everal  European  ftates  ; 
 which  were  almoft  all  origmally  equally  feudal,  and  therefore 
 neccfiarily  fimilar  to  one  another. 
 
 That  the  kings  of  Arragon  were  originally  little  more  than 
 members  of  an  equal  ariftocracy,  is  evident  from  the  very  form 
 of  their  inauguration,  which  was  this,  "  We,"  (viz.  the  lords) 
 "  who  arc  equal  with  yourfelf,  do  conftitute  you  our  king,  on 
 **  condition  that  you  maintain  our  privileges."  The  French 
 government,  it  is  certain,  diff'ered  in  nothing  material  from  the 
 En-^lifli  during  the  whole  period  of  our  ancient  wars  with  that 
 nation,  and  their  ajfemhly  of  the  Jiatcs^  as  it  was  called,  had  as 
 much  power  as  our  parliament.  The  laft  aflembly  of  this  kind 
 in  France  was  held  fo  late  as  the  year  1614.  On  the  other 
 hand,  the  Polilh  lords  have  rather  gained  than  loft  any  power  \ 
 and  in  this  country,  were  it  not  that  neighbouring  nations  are 
 more  improved,  and  that  the  progrcfs  of  fcience  has  fuftened  the 
 manners  and  cuftoms  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  we  fhould 
 fee  all  the  mifery  and  diftradion    of  the  feudal    times.     Still 
 
 they 
 
Lect.  XLVI.    GENERAL    POLICY.  291 
 
 they  often  fight  over  their  deliberations;  and  the  ele<Slion  of  a 
 king  frequently woccafions  both  civil  and  foreign  wars. 
 
 But  vi^hat  is  moft  of  all  remarkable  vi'ith  refpedl  to  the  feudal 
 fyftcm  is,  that  a  form  of  government  fo  ill  calculated  to  fecure 
 the  moft  valuable  ends  of  fociety  ;  aconftitution  fo  totally  incon- 
 fiftent  with  fecurity  and  liberty,  and  fo  unfriendly  to  cc«nmerce 
 and  fcience,  fhould,  in  feveral  inftances,  have  terminated,  by 
 the  natural  courfe  of  things,  in  governments  in  which  men  enjoy 
 the  greateft  fecurity,  together  with  all  defirable  liberty  ;  and 
 where  the  utmoft  fcope  is  given  to  the  genius  of  man  in  the 
 extenfion  of  arts,  manufa6lures,  commerce,  and  fcience. 
 
 LECTURES 
 
29*  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 LECTURE       XLVIL 
 
 Of  Laws,  Muluplic'ity  of  them.  Uniformity  of  them.  Force 
 of  CuJio?n.  Criminal  Law.  Difference  in  Crimes.  Liberty 
 fometimes  unfavourable  to  perfonal  Security.  Punljhments.  Speedy 
 Executions.  Prevention  of  Crimes.  Lenity  and  Severity.  Pro- 
 per  Ohjelts  of  criminal  Law.  Profecutors.  Judges.  Evidence, 
 IFager  of  Battle.     Falfe  Accufatlon. 
 
 IN  confidering  what  contributes  to  the  happinefs  of  a  focicty 
 at  home,  the  fubjedt  oi  laws  oiight  principally  to  be  attended 
 toby  an  hiftorian;  as  being  certainly  next,  in  point  of  im- 
 portance, to  the  form  and  conftitution  of  government,  which 
 may  be  faid  to  comprize  the  greater  laws  of  the  ftate. 
 
 The  great  difference  between  a  country  governed  by  laws^ 
 and  one  governed  by  men.,  is  that  in  the  former  every  man  knows 
 what  he  has  to  expe£l.  Laws  bear  a  fixed  and  definite  fenfe,  fo 
 that  all  men  are  punifhed  or  rewarded  alike  in  the  fame  circum- 
 flances  ;  but  men  are  fubjecl  to  caprice,  fo  that  it  cannot  be 
 known  before  hand  how  the  fame  judge  will  be  difpofed  to 
 decide,  and  much  lefs  will  one  man's  conduct  be  a  rule  for 
 that  of  another. 
 
 A  multiplicity  of  laws  is  a  certain  attendant  upon  an  im- 
 proved ftate  of  focicty.  For  the  more  multiplied  and  intimate 
 arc  the  connexions  of  men  with  one  another,  the  more  laws  are 
 neceftary  to  regulate  their  mutual  tranfacSlions.  When  men's 
 interefls  frequejitly  interfere,  difputes  muft  frequently  happen; 
 and  if  the  fubje(Sl:s  of  the  difputes  be  various,  the  laws  which 
 are  introduced  to  adjuft  them  muft  be  various  too.  Nor  is 
 there  any  method  of  obviating  this  but  the  arbitrary  and  fpeedy 
 deciiion  of  all  differences  by  defpotic  power,  as  in  Perfia,  and 
 other  parts  of  Afia,  where  juftice  has  ever  been  adminiftered 
 jij  the  moft  expeditious  manner.  But  this,  as  was  fliewn  be- 
 fore, is  a  very  unhappy  and  imperfeiSt  ftate  of  fociety.  It  is  a 
 fimous   obfervation  of  Montefquieu,  that   the  tedioufnefs  and 
 
 cxpence 
 
Lect.  XLVIL    GENERAL    POLICY.  293 
 
 cxpence  of  law  fuits  are  the  price  of  liberty.  He  adds,  that 
 whenever  any  perfon  makes  himfelf  abfolute,  he  begins  to  fim- 
 plify   the  laws. 
 
 It  is  poffible,  however,  that  this  price  of  liberty  itfclf  may 
 be  too  dear ;  for  when  law  fuits  are  very  expcnfive,  they  are 
 inefFe6tuai.  In  that  cafe  differences  muft  be  decided  at  random, 
 men.  being  not  able  to  know  what  rhe  law  is  ;  or  both  parties 
 may  be  ruined  while  they  are  examining  it  :  and  what  is  this 
 better  than  a  fociety  without  law,  or  a  perfect  anarchy  f 
 
 It  is  hardly  necefTary  to  obferve,  that  the  laws  of  every  coun- 
 try fhould  be  free  from  the  leaft  contradiction  or  uncertainty, 
 and  that  both  the  practice  and  the  theory  of  them  fhould  be 
 uniform.  The  ufe  of  law  depends  fo  much  upon  the  unifor- 
 mity of  them,  in  order  that  juftice  be  adminiftered  to  all  perfoKS 
 alike,  that  it  is  highly  convenient  that  the  fume  forms  be  kept 
 up  as  much  as  poffible  in  all  courts  of  juftice.  Lord  Kaims 
 has  largely  demonftrated  the  inconvenience  attending  the  intro- 
 duction of  fome  parts  of  the  civil  law  into  the  old  feudal  law 
 of  Scotland  5  whereas  the  £ngli{h  are  remarkably  tenacious  of 
 their  cuftoms,  and  have  prefer ved  their  forms  entire,  with  little 
 or  no  variation,  from  the  earlieft  times.  This  is  certainly, 
 upon  the  whole,  very  laudable  ;  yet  there  feems  to  be  an  ab- 
 furdity  in  the  theory,  how  ufeful  foever  the  general  rule  may 
 be  in  pra£tice,  to  adhere  to  ancient  forms,  when  the  very  ideas 
 and  maxims  of  law  on  which  they  are  founded  are   vauifhed. 
 
 There  are  many  fignal  inftances  of  this  in  the  Engliih  law. 
 Thus  in  England,  land,  generally  fpeaking,  is  abfolutely  under 
 the  power  of  the  proprietor,  and  yet  the  ancient  practice  ftili 
 fubfifts,  which  confines  the  execution  to  one  half,  preciiely  as 
 in  the  early  feudal  times,  when  the  debtor  could  difpofe  of  no 
 more  than  half  his  land.  Me^ns,  however,  have  been  con- 
 trived, indirect.  Indeed,  to  fupply  this  palpable  defeCt.  Any 
 other  creditor  Is  authorized  to  feize  another  half  of  the  land 
 left  out  of  the  firft  execution,  and  fo  on  without  end.  But  the 
 worft  confequences  of  thefe  practices  are,  that  by  thus  ftritftly 
 adhering  to  the  form  without  regarding  the  fubOanre,  law, 
 inftead  of  a  rational   fcience,  becomes   a  heap  of  fubtcrfuges, 
 
 which 
 
294  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 which  tend   infenfibly  to  corrupt  the  morals  of  thofe  perfons 
 who  make  it  their  profelTion. 
 
 I  fhall  conclude  this  fubjed  of  laws  with  juft  obfcrving,  that 
 cujiom  \r^s  in  all  countries  the  force  of  law;  and  indeed  it  is 
 cullom  that  gives  to  all  laws  their  greateft  force.  An  attempt  to 
 change  a  mere  cuftom,  though  in  fa6l  an  inconvenient  one, 
 and  at  leaft  a  very  infignificant  one,  has  frequently  met  with 
 the  greateft  oppofition.  There  was  nothing  in  all  the  alterations 
 which  Peter  the  Great  made  in  the  conftitution  of  Ruffia  more 
 diflilccd,  and  which  met  with  more  violent,  and  general  op- 
 pofition, than  his  orders  to  all  the  people  who  came  to  town 
 to  cut  ofF  their  beards,  and  wear  ftiort  garments. 
 
 After  thefe  obfervations  concerning  laws  In  general,  I  fhall 
 recite  the  more  important  maxims  o^  criminal  law  in  particular, 
 as  a  moft  important  objefl:  of  attention  in  ftudying  the  confti- 
 tution and  police  of  different  countries. 
 
 The  object  of  criminal  lav/  is  to  leflen  the  number  of  crimes 
 in  future,  and  thereby  to  give  every  man  a  fenfe  of  his  perfonal 
 fccurity  ;  and  if  this  could  be  done  without  the  adual  punifli- 
 ment  of  any  criminal,  fo  much  evil  would  be  prevented  as  his 
 puniOiment  implies.  Confequently,  puniftiment  has  no  re- 
 ference to  the  degree  of  moral  turpitude  in  the  criminal.  It 
 has  been  juftly  obferved  that,  properly  fpeaking,  a  man  is  not 
 hang^cd  for  ftealing  a  flieep  in  this  country,  but  that  by  the 
 terror  of  his  puniftiment  fheep  may  not  be  ftolen  ;  and  that, 
 without  any  anxiety,  perfons  may  leave  their  iheep  in  the  fields 
 unguarded. 
 
 Crimes  committed  by  violence,  and  alfo  by  night,  ought  to 
 be  pvinifned  with  more  feverity  than  thofe  committed  by  ftealth, 
 or  in  the  day  ;  becaufe  the  apprehenfion  of  the  former  fubjedts 
 men  to  greater  dread,  and  their  greater  vigilance  avails  them  but 
 little  ;  whereas  in  cafes  in  which  their  own  care  can  fecure 
 them  from  injury,  the  ftate  has  lefs  occafion  to  interfere. 
 
 Very  ftri6l  notions  of  liberty  may  be  unfavourable  to  a  great 
 degree  of  fecunty.  It  is,  no  doubt,  a  capital  advantage  to  this 
 country,  that  our  lives,  our  liberties,  and  our  properties,  are 
 
 not 
 
Lect.  XLVII.     general     POLICY.  295 
 
 not  at  the  mercy  of  men^  and  that  we  cannot  be  deprived  of 
 them  but  by  exprefs  law^  rigoroufly  conflrued.  But  this  cir- 
 cumftance  makes  the  proof  of  a  crime  fo  difficult,  that  many 
 criminals  efcape  for  one  who  fufFers  the  punifliment  which  the 
 laws  infli(51:.  In  this  cafe,  the  chance  of  impunity  being  To 
 very  great,  there  is  tbo  much  encouragement  to  crime.",  it  is 
 commonly  faid  with  us,  that  it  is  better  that  a  hundred  crimi- 
 nals fhould  efcape,  than  that  one  innocent  perfon  Hiould  fuffer.. 
 But  what  the  innocent  daily  fuffer  by  the  hundred  criminals 
 who  efcape  fhould  be  taken  into  the  account,  as  we'.l  as  the 
 chance  of  an  innocent  man  fuffering  as  a  criminal.  In  this 
 cafe  he  ought  to  confider  his  life  as  facrificed  to  the  Rcurity 
 of  the  reft  of  his  countrymen.  However,  the  chance  of  lofmg 
 truly  upright  and  worthy  charaders  by  feverity  in  the  ad- 
 miniftration  of  juftice  is  very  little.  With  us  fome,  no  doubt, 
 do  fuffer  for  crimes  which  they  did  not  commit;  but  they  are 
 generally  fuch  as  have  committed  other  crimes,  and  who, 
 on  that  account,  have  no  character  to  make  their  innocence 
 probable. 
 
 In  order  to  prevent  the  commiiTion  of  crimes,  punifhments, 
 at  the  fame  time  that  they  ought  to  be  adequate  to  the  offences 
 fhould  be  fuch  as  infpire  the  greateflr  f^rr^r ;  fo  that  if  fiavcry 
 be  more  dreadful  than  prefent  death,  as  it  is  to  many,  the  lives 
 of  criminals  fhould  be  fpared,  and  they  fhould  be  conhned  ta 
 hcird  labour,  either  at  home,  or  abroad.  In  this  cafe  fome 
 advantage  might  be  derived  from  them,  in  compenfation  for  the 
 injury  they  had  done  to  fociety.  In  this  country,  however, 
 there  would  be  great  danger  of  erimi/ials  efcaping  from  their 
 confinement  to  labour,  and  the  lofs  to  ftciety  by  the  dtfrruction 
 of  criminals  is  foon  made  up  by  the  produ6lion  of  better  fub- 
 jeits.  How  itv^  die  by  the  hand  of  the  executioner  compared 
 with  thofe  who  die  in  confequence  of  war.  Is  there,  then, 
 any  mercy  in  fparing  criminals,  when  the  lives  of  foldiers  are  in 
 a  manner  fported  with  ?  The  only  inconvenience  from  fevcre 
 punifhment  IS,  left  criminals,  having  no  hope  of  efcaping  if  they 
 (hould  be  apprehended,  {hould  be  guilty  of  greater  violences  ia 
 order  to  prevent  detedion. 
 
296  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 In  order  to  infpire  terror,  it  is  of  particular  confequencethat 
 puni(hmcnt  (hould  immediately  follow  convi6lion,  which  was 
 the  cafe  with  all  the  ancient  nations.  Thus,  our  Saviour,  after 
 being  condemned,  was  immediately  led  to  execution.  Our 
 mode  of  refpiting  for  the  fake  of  benefiting  the  fouls  of  the 
 ciiminals  has  arifen  from  .1  notion  that  fuch  repentance  as  that 
 of  a  condemned  criminal  may  be  of  fome  avail  to  him  with 
 rcfpccl  to  his  future  flate  ;  a  notion  falfe  and  dangerous  in  the 
 extreme,  as  it  encourages  the  whole  community  to  perfift  in 
 evil  courfes  ;  thinking  that  a  few  days,  or  hours,  of  repentance, 
 uiay  cancel  all  their  guilt,  and  prepare  them  for  future  happi- 
 acls. 
 
 A  wife  and  prudent  legiflature  will  endeavour  to  prevent  the 
 commiffiun  of  crimes,  as  well  as  to  fee  to  the  punishment  of 
 them  when  they  are  committed.  For  this  purpofe,  it  is  of 
 great  confequence  that  tvery  incentive  to  profligacy  and  vice  be 
 removed  as  far  as  poffible.  The  profpefi:  of  improving  men's 
 fortunes  by  lotteries  diverts  them  from  the  purfuit  of  honef^ 
 gain,  and  is  the  caufe  of  making  great  numbers  defpcrate.  A 
 multitude  of  aUhoufe^^  and  other  places  of  entertainment,  which^ 
 tempt  men  to  fpend  their  money,  when  their  families  are  in  want 
 of  it,  is  another  great  nuifance  in  this  country.  And  the  long 
 confinement  of  criminals  together,  and  in  fome  cafes  of  debtors 
 uiid  criminals  prognifcuoufly,  with  every  means  which  they 
 c«n  command  of  riot  and  debauch,  while  they  are  in  prifon, 
 makes  it  a  perfcȣl  fchool  of  vice.  They  teach  and  harden  one 
 another,  and  as  nine  out  of  ten  efcape  execution,  they  come 
 into  the  world  better  taught  in  the  arts  of  villany  than  before. 
 Common  fenfe,  one  would  think,  fhould  have  taught  us  long 
 ago  what  the  excellent  Mr.  Howard  has  taken  fo  much  pains  to 
 inculcate,  viz.  that  every  criminal  fliould  be  confined  <7/i?«f,  and 
 be  limited  to  the  bare  neceffaries  of  life.  Perfedl  folitude  gives 
 room  for  reflcdion,  and  will  often  reclaim  when  nothing  elfe 
 would  do  it. 
 
 Great  feverity,  as  well  as  great  lenity,  ought  to  be  avoided 
 in  the  fan61:ions  of  laws.  The  feverity  of  laws  hinders  the 
 execution  of  them.     Perfons  of  humanity  would  rather   let  a 
 
 criminal 
 
Lect.XLVII.     general    POLICY.  297 
 
 criminal  efcape  than  fee  him  fufFer  more  than  they  think  he 
 deferves.  When  punifhment  bears"  no  proportion  to  the  nature 
 of  the  crime,  men  are  punifhed  under  the  idea  of  their  being 
 more  wicked  than  they  really  are,  which  is  contrary  to  the 
 fpirit  of  a  moderate  government.  Befides,  when  punifhments 
 are  very  fevere,  there  can  be  little  room  for  a  difference  in  the 
 animadverfions  upon  offences.  Hence  perfons  who  are  once 
 criminal  in  any  degree  have  nothing  left  to  reftrain  them  from 
 greater  exceffes.  Thus  in  countries,  where  the  punifhments 
 of  robbery  and  murder  are  the  fame,  robbers  always  commit 
 murder.  This  inconvenience  muft  happen  unlefs,  as  It  is  often 
 the  cafe,  and  particularly  in  England,  the  gentlenefs  of  the 
 adminiftration  foften  the  rigour  of  the  law.  But  this  evidently 
 tends  to  introduce  the  moft  lawlefs  proceedings.  When  the 
 Voconian  law  at  Rome  appeared  too  harfh,  every  prastor  decided 
 according  to  his  own  ideas  of  equity,  that  is,  without  law.  Of 
 all  governments  the  Japanefe  is  the  moft  fevere.  In  Japan  the 
 whole  diftricl  is  punifhed  where  the  crime  was  committed  ; 
 and  thus  Alfred  was  obliged  to  ena£l  with  refpcil  to  England. 
 
 So  rigorous  are  the  foreft  laws  in  France,  that,  as  the  writer 
 of  the  life  of  Mr.  Turgot  informs  us,  a  peafant  being  accufed  of 
 killing  a  wild  boar,  alledged  in  his  excufe  that  he  took  it  to  be  a 
 man.  But  as  exceffive  feverity  in  laws  is  apt  to  beget  relaxation 
 in  their  execution,  fo,  on  the  other  hand,  their  exceffive  lenity, 
 befides  giving  too  much  Indulgence,  and  confequently  encourage- 
 ment to  offenders,  is  often  the  caufe  of  lawlefs  cruelty  and  bar- 
 barity. Where  there  are  no  legal  methods  of  putting  perfons  to 
 death,  as  in  the  cafe  of  Sylla,  men  will  have  recourfe  to  illegal 
 ones  to  get  rid  of  their  enemies,  as  he  did  by  profcription. 
 
 It  feems  at  firft  fight  that  it  would  be  better  to  define  every 
 crime,  and  to  fix  every  punifhment  with  the  greateft  precifion, 
 in  order  that  every  man  may  know  with  certainty  what  will  be 
 the  confequence  of  his  conviction.  But  fince  no  crimes  can 
 be  defined  with  fuch  precifion,  but  that  the  degrees  both  of 
 guilt,  and  of  danger  to  the  community,  will  be  very  different  in 
 crimes  of  the  fame  denomination,  fome  think  it  more  convenient, 
 in  countries  governed  by  flriot    law,  to  appoint  heavy  punifh- 
 
 Y  ments 
 
298  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 ments  for  fmall  offences,  with  a  power  of  pardon,  or  of  nriiti- 
 aatino-  the  punifhment.  In  ordinary  cafes,  and  of  executing  the 
 fentencc  of  the  law  in  cafes  of  a  more  atrocious  nature.  This 
 at  leafl:  is  the  practice  in  England. 
 
 (^ne  reafon  why  robbers  feldom  commit  murder  in  England, 
 is  that  no  mercy  is  expected  in  this  cafe.  But  another  is 
 thought  to  be  the  horror  which  people  of  this  country  have  for 
 dead  bodies,  which  is  fuppofed  to  be  owing  to  their  very  feldom 
 feeing  them  ;  whereas  the  Italians  are  faid  to  be  lefs  (hocked  at 
 this  fight,  becaufe  It  is  the  cuftom  of  the  country  to  carry  their 
 dead  to  the  grave  with  their  faces  uncovered. 
 
 Neither  crimes  nor  punifhments  ihould  be  eftimated  by 
 money ^  but  rather,  if  it  be  polTible,  by  commoditiesy  unlefs 
 the  nominal  fum  be  frequently  changed  ;  otherwife  great  incon- 
 veniences will  follow.  Thus  in  England,  a  man  is  liable  to  be 
 hanged,  according  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  if  he  fteal  any  thing 
 above  the  value  of  ten- pence.  A  fellow  at  Rome  is  faiJ  to  have 
 given  a  box  on  the  ear  to  all  he  met,  giving  them  a  fmall  piece 
 of  money,  according  to  the  law  of  the  twelve  tables. 
 
 Shame  is  no  punifhment  except  upon  perfons  of  ingenuous 
 difpofitlons ;  and  if  it  extinguifli  a  fenfe  of  fliame,  as  it  tends  to 
 do,  a  man  is  thereby  made  defperate  J  at  leaft  he  has  one  im- 
 portant reftraint  from  the  commiflion  of  crimes  taken  from  him. 
 There  are  few  cafes,  therefore,  in  which  it  is  wife  to  have 
 recourfe  to  it. 
 
 It  has  been  a  fault  in  fome  governments  to  make  fome  things 
 the  object  of  law  of  which  cognizance  cannot  be  taken,  for  want 
 of  proper  evidence.  Thus  the  Perfians  abfurdly  made  ingrati- 
 tude a  crime  to  which  a  puniiliment  was  annexed  i  whereas  no- 
 thing of  the  nature  of  tnanners^  ought  to  be  comprifed  in  a 
 code  of  civil  laws. 
 
 Still  more  abfurd  is  it  to  introduce  fuch  principles  into  the  ad- 
 miniftration  of  judice  amoii:/  impcrfecl  men  as  are  only  adapted 
 to  the  all-perfecl:  government  of  God.  Thus  the  tribunal  of 
 inquifition  is  founded  upon  the  idea  of  repentance,  as  a  religious 
 act.  Confequently,  no  perfo^i  has  any  chance  of  being  abfolved 
 unlefs  he  confcfs,  and  be  his  own  accufer  :  and  he   who   denies 
 
 a  crime 
 
Lect.XLVII.     general    policy.  299 
 
 a  crime  of  which  the  inquifitors  think  him  guilty  is  always 
 condemned.  The  Spaniards  hardly  a6ted  more  abfurdly  than 
 this  when  they  condemned,  and  executed,  the  Incha  Athualpa 
 for  having  had  feveral  wives,  which  was  not  contrary  to  the 
 Peruvian  laws,  and  for  killing  fome  of  his  fubje6ts. 
 
 As  laws  fhould  not  contradict  themfelves,  fo  neither  ought 
 they  to  have  any  tendency  to  leflenthe  obligation  of  moral  duties. 
 They  ought  rather  to  enforce  them.  Thus  it  was  fundamentally 
 wrong,  fays  Montefquieu,  in  Gondebald  king  of  the  Burgun- 
 dians,  to  order  that  the  wife,  or  a  fon,  of  a  thief  fhould  be 
 made  flavcs  if  they  did  not  reveal  the  theft. 
 
 Nothing  depending  upon  a  man's  felf  fliould  be  admitted  as 
 an  excufe  for  a  crime,  not  drunkennefs  for  inftance,  though 
 madnefs  ought.  The  North  American  Indians,  however,  think 
 differently.  Should  one  of  them,  fays  Mr.  Charlevoix*,  kill 
 another  when  he  is  drunk  (which  they  often  pretend  to  be  when 
 they  harbour  any  fuch  defign)  they  content  themfelves  with 
 bewailing  the  dead.  It  was  a  great  misfortune,  fay  they,  but 
 as  for  the  murderer,  he  knew  not  what  he  did. 
 
 If  a  murder  be  committed  in  cold  blood  among  the  North 
 American  Indians,  thofe  of  his  own  cabin  only,  fays  Mr.  Char- 
 levoix f ,  have  the  power  of  puniftiing  him  with  death.  But 
 this  they  very  rarely  do,  and  then  without  any  form  of  juftice  ; 
 fo  that  his  death  looks  not  like  a  legal  punifhment,  but  rather 
 the  revenge  of  fome  individual  ;  and  fometimes  the  chief  is  glad 
 of  this  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  a  bad  fubje6t.  In  a  word, 
 crimes  are  punilhed  in  fuch  a  manner  as  neither  to  fatistyjuftice, 
 floreftablifli  the  public  tranquillity  and  fecurity. 
 
 All  trials  fhould  be  as  public  as  polTible,  that  the  fenfe  of 
 the  country  may  be  a  check  upon  the  proceedings  of  the 
 court. 
 
 The  good  or  bad  ufe  which  is  made  of  laws  depends  very 
 much  on  the  perfons  who  are  the  profecutors^  and  thoie  who 
 adminifter  them.  In  Rome  there  was  no  calumniator  puhlUui-i 
 no  advocate  or  attorney  general^  every  perfon  was  allowed  to  p|Xi*. 
 
 ♦  Vol.  li,    p    31.  t  VoL  ii    p    31. • 
 
 Y-  2  *  fecutc 
 
300  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 fcciite  for  crimes  which  had  a  public  bad  tendency.  This,  fays 
 Montefquieu,  was  a  faulty  inftitution,  becaufe  fuch  a  privilege 
 o;iven  to  individuals  could  not  but  be  frequently  made  the  in- 
 lirumciit  of  venting  private  ill-will  and  revenge.  In  modern 
 governments,  the  privilege  of  proftcuting  public  crimes  belongs 
 to  the  chief  magiftrate.  In  England,  no  criminal  trial,  in  the 
 name  of  the  crown,  can  proceed  till  the  cafe  has  firft  been 
 examined  by  the  grand  jury  of  the  county,  and  their  authority 
 interpofed  for  the  profecution. 
 
 In  Turky,  fays  Lady  Wortley  Montague*,  murder  is  never 
 purfued  by  the  king's  officers,  as  with  us.  It  is  the  bufinefs 
 of  the  next  relations  to  revenge  the  dead  perfon,  and  if  they 
 chufe  rather  to  compound  the  matter  for  money,  there  is  no 
 more  faid  of  it. 
 
 It  is  of  the  greatefr  confequence  that  the  judges  be  perfons 
 who  have  no  intereft  in  the  event  of  the  profecution.  They 
 ought  therefore,  if  pofiible,  to  have  no  part  either  in  the  legif- 
 lative  or  executive  pov;er  of  a  ftate,  or  any  profpe6t  of  ar- 
 riving at  greater  preferment;  and  they  fliould  alfo  be  chofen 
 out  of  the  body  of  the  people.  We  fee  the  admirable 
 wifdom  of  the  Englifh  conftitution,  both  in  the  appointment 
 of  juries,  and  the  fituation  of  the  judges.  Claudius,  fays  Taci- 
 tus, byjudging  himfclf  in  all  affairs,  gave  occafion  to  all  kinds 
 of  injuftice;  and  Nero  when  he  began  his  reign,  to  ingratiate 
 himfelf  with  the  people,  promiftd  to  have  no  concern  in  it. 
 Lewis  XIV.  often  decided  the  ciiufcs  of  his  fubje^ls,  and  (o  did 
 all  the  ancient  feudal  princes.  In  England  Edward  III.  was 
 the  lall  of  our  kings  who  pieAdcd  in  a  court  of  juftice. 
 
 Much  of  the  effedl  of  criminal  law  depends  upon  the  rules  of 
 evidence^  which  are  very  different  in  different  countries.  In 
 England  we  require  the  llrI6teft  evidence,  and  it  muft  in  all 
 cafes  be  given  in  open  court,  and  in  the  preftnce  of  the  accufed. 
 With  u«,  alfo,  probabilities  arc  little  regarded.  But  it  is  not  fo 
 in  lome  other  countries.  The  parliament  of  Touloufe,,fays  the 
 author  of  the  Commentaries   on  Crimes  and  Pttnijhments  f,    has  a 
 
 *  Letters  vol.  iij..  p.  34.  f  Page  77. 
 
 very 
 
Lect.  XLVIL    general    POLICY.  301 
 
 very  fingular  cuftom  with  refpedt  to  evidence.  In  other  places 
 demy^  proofs  are  admitted,  but  at  Tholoufe  they  admit  a  quarter, 
 and  even  an  eighth  of  a  proof.  For  inftance,  a  hearfay  may  be 
 confidered  as  a  quarter ;  and  another  hearfay,  more  vague  than 
 the  former,  an  eighth  ;  fothat  eight  hearfays,  which  in  fad  maybe 
 no  more  than  the  echo  of  a  groundlefs  report,  conftitute  a  full 
 proof.  On  this  principle  it  v^^as  that  the  unfortunate  Calas  v\ras 
 condemned  to  the  wheel. 
 
 A  criminal  action  may  be  afcertained  either  by  the  pofitivc 
 tejiimony  of  perfons  who  faw  it  committed,  or  by  other 
 circumflances  ;  and  in  general  the  former  is  much  preferred  ; 
 but  it  is  upon  the  fuppofition  that  the  witnelFes  will  not  be 
 deceived  themfelves,  or  contribute  to  deceive  others  ;  and  as 
 th^re  are  many  cafes  in  which  one,  or  both  of  thefe  may 
 be  fuppofed,  fuch  teftimony  comes  under  the  defcription 
 of  a  circu7nfta7icei  by  which  we  are  enabled  to  judge  whe- 
 ther the  fa£l  took  place  or  not  :  and  there  are  many 
 cafes  in  which  it  may  have  lefs  weight  than  other  circum- 
 flances. 
 
 In  no  country  do  more  crimes  go  unpunimed  than  in  Italy, 
 chiefly  on  account  of  the  fancfuaries^  and  alfo  on  account 
 of  their  cuftom  of  confining  the  witnelVes  along  with  the 
 criminals.  The  moft  atrocious  parricides,  fays  Mr.  Sharp  *, 
 are  feldom  punifhed  at  Naples.  U  a  murderer  touch  a 
 church  wall  (and  many  walls  are  church  walls  in  this  city) 
 before  he  is  feized  by  the  officers,  holy  church  will  not  fufter 
 him  to  be  hanged,  and  if  one  ftabs  another  in  the  fight  of 
 ten  witnefles,  they  all  decamp,  and  leave  the  coaft  clear  to  the 
 aUaliin. 
 
 One  method  of  compelling  perfons  to  give  a  true  evi- 
 dence is  torture^  and  m  fome  cafes,  no  doubt,  it  will  fuc- 
 ceed  J  but  in  many  more  a  man  ma  y  be  made  to  fay 
 any    thing    to  relieve    himfelf   from     extreme     pain.       The 
 
 *  Travels,  p,  136. 
 
 •  only 
 
302  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 only  proper  ufe  of  torture  is  that  of  punifhment  for  atroci- 
 ous crimes  ;  and  it  would  certainly  ftrike  more  terror^ 
 which  is  the  end  of  all  punifhment,  if  in  certain  cafes  re- 
 courfs  was  had  to  it.  It  has  been  fuggefted  that  there  would 
 be  no  impropriety  in  condemning  murderers  lo  be  thrown  to 
 wild  beafts. 
 
 One  of  the  mofl:  abfurd  methods  of  afcertaining  the  juftice 
 of  a  caufe  in  the  feudal  times  v^-as  that  o^  fightings  either  in 
 perfon  or  by  champions.  This  was  called  wager  of  battle^  or 
 trial  by  God^  of  which  our  criminals  have  nominally  the  option, 
 it  having  been  imagined  that  Divine  Providence  would  favour 
 the  righteous  caufe. 
 
 Some  thing  fimilar  to  the  wager  of  battle  was  praclifed  by 
 chrirtians,  and  termed  tht  judgment  of  the  crofs.  In  1775  a 
 conteft"  arofe  between  the  Bifhop  of  Paris,  and  the  Abbot  of 
 St.  Denys,  concerning  the  property  of  a  fmall  abbey.  Each  of 
 them  exhibited  deeds  and  records.  But  inftead  of  trying  the 
 authenticity,  or  confidering  the  import,  of  thefe,  the  point 
 was  referred  to  the  judicium  crucis.  Each  produced  a  perfon, 
 V/ho,  during  the  celebration  of  mafs,  flood  before  the  crofs 
 with  his  arms  expanded,  and  he  whofe  reprefentative  firfl  be- 
 came weary,  and  altered  his  poflure,  loft  his  caufe.  The  Ab- 
 bot gained  it.  *. 
 
 As  no  perfon  fhould  be  confidercd  as  guilty  till  he  is  proved 
 to  be  fo,  no  perfon  (hould  be  deprived  of  liberty,  or  con- 
 fined, except  the  crime  of  which  he  is  accufed  would  be  pu- 
 nilbed  more  feverely  than  by  banifhment  and  confifcation  of 
 goods.  Becaufe  in  this  cafe,  if  he  was  guilty,  it  would  be  in 
 his  power  to  efcape  puniiliment.  71ie  reafon  for  imprifoning 
 a;i  'accufed  perfon  is  only  to  fecure  his  appearance  to  take 
 his  trial  ;  and  he  ought  to  be  indemnified  for  his  confinement, 
 eitiier  by  the  profecutor,  or  the  country,  if  it  appear  that  he 
 was  innocent. 
 
 *  Rot>ertfon':  Charjes  V.  vol.  1,  p,  igo. 
 
 If 
 
Lect.  XLVII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  303 
 
 If  an  innocent  man  be  charged  with  a  crime,  it  is  reafon- 
 able  that  he  fhould  have  Tome  compenfation,  and  in  Eng- 
 land an  action  lies  for  falfe  imprifonment.  In  France, 
 on  the  contrary,  an  innocent  perfon,  who  has  had  the  mis- 
 fortune to  be  thrown  into  a  dungeon,  and  tortured  al- 
 moft  to  death,  has  no  confolation,  no  advantage  to  hope 
 for,  no  a6lion  againft  any  one  ;  and  to  add  to  his  misfor- 
 tune, he  has  for  ever  loft  his  reputation,  becaufe  his  joints 
 have  been  diilocated,  which  ought  to  have  entitled  him  to 
 compaflion  *. 
 
 *  IJeccaria  on  Crimes  and  Punifhments,  p,  73. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
^(^4  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Far  r  V. 
 
 LECTURE        XLVIIL 
 
 The  Theory  of  the  Progrefs  of  LaWy  exemplified  in  the  Hijlorj  of 
 the  Criminal  law^  and  in  the  Progrefs  of  Men  5  Ideas  and  of 
 Laws  concerning  Property,  Hijlory  of  Laws,  Profejfion  of 
 Law. 
 
 THE  theory  of  the  progrefs  of  laws  is  a  fine  fubje(5l  of  fpe- 
 culation  for  a  philofopher  and  metaphyfician,  demonftrat- 
 ing  how  men's  ideas  enlarge,  and  grow  refined,  in  proportion  to 
 the  improvements  of  fociety.  As  a  fpecimen  of  this,  I  fhall 
 fele£t  t\iQ  progrefs  of  the  criminal  laws ^  and  of  the  laws  relating 
 to  property^  abridged  from  the  ingenious  £«zf  TraSis  of  Lord 
 Kaims. 
 
 The  neceffity  of  a])p]ying  to  a  judge  where  any  doubt  arofe 
 about  the  author  of  a  crime,  was  probably,  in  all  countries,  the 
 firftinftance  of  the  legiflature*s  interpofing  in  matters  of  punifli- 
 ment.  In  the  next  place,  the  injured  perfon  was  not  to  punifia 
 at  plcafure.  In  Abyilinia  it  was  only  when  a  perfon  was  ad- 
 judged to  die  that  he  was  put  into  the  power  of  the  injured. 
 
 Pecuniary  compofitions  were  probably  firft  eflabliftied  by 
 common  confent.  It  was  next  made  unlawful  to  profecute  re- 
 fentments,  without  firft  demanding  fatisfadtion  from  the  delin- 
 quent ;  and  the  laft  ftep  was  to  compel  the  delinquent  to  pay, 
 and  the  injured  to  accept  of,   a  proper  fatisfadion. 
 
 When  compofitions  firft  came  into  ufe,  it  is  probable  they 
 were  authorized  in  flight  deHnquencies  only,  and  he  only  who 
 was  injured  had  a  right  to  the  compofition.  But  if  a  man  was 
 killed,  any  one  of  his  relations  was  entitled  to  a  fliare,  bccaufe 
 they  were  all  fufferers  by  his  death;  and  in  all  atrocious  crimes 
 it  was  foon  perceived  that  the  public  was  injured.  A  fine  mull 
 therefore  be  paid  to  the  fife,  over  and  above  what  the  perfons 
 injured  had  a  right  to  claim.  The  magiftrate,  having  thus  ac- 
 quired fuch  influence)  even  in   private  punifiiments,    proceeded 
 
 naturally 
 
Lect.  XLVIII.     GENERAL    POLICY.  305 
 
 naturally  to  affume  the  privilege  of  avenging  wrongs  done  to  the 
 public  merely,  when  no  individual  was  hurt.  In  this  manner 
 was  the  power  of  puniflling  crimes  againft  the  ftate  eftabUfhed 
 in  the  civil  magiftrate. 
 
 Compofitions  eftablifhed  in  days  of  poverty  bore  no  propor- 
 tion to  crimes,  after  nations  became  rich.  Here,  then,  was  a  fair 
 opportunity  for  the  king,  or  chief  magiftrate,  to  interpofe,  and 
 decree  an  adequate  puniftiment.  The  firft  inftance  of  this 
 kind,  it  is  probable,  had  the  confent  of  the  perfons  injured, 
 and  it  could  not  be  difficult  to  perfuade  any  man  of  fpirit,  that 
 it  was  more  for  his  honour  to  fee  his  enemy  condignly  pu- 
 nifhed,  than  put  up  with  a  trifling  compenfation  in  monev. 
 And  then,  if  a  punifhment  was  infiicled  adequate  to  the  crime, 
 there  could  be  no  claim  for  a  compofition.  And  thus,  thouc^h 
 indirectly,  an  entire  end  was  put  to  the  right  of  private  punifb- 
 ment  in  all  matters  of  importance.  Theft  probably  afforded 
 the  firft  inltance  of  this  kind  of  puniihment.  The  option  of 
 inflidting  capital  puniftiments,  or  leaving  the  criminal  to  com- 
 mon lav/,  was  imperceptibly  converted  into  an  arbitrary  power 
 of  pardoning,  even  after  fentence  ;  but  then  the  perfon  injured 
 had  a  right  to  the  compofition. 
 
 The  trial  by  baUle^f  introduced  by  Dagobert,  king  of  Bur- 
 gundy, being  more  agreeable  to  the  genius  of  a  warlike  people, 
 was  retained  much  longer  than  the  ufe  of  Jire  and  water^ 
 another  artificial  means  of  difcovering  truth,  l^hey  were  both 
 confidered  as  an  appeal  to  the  Almighty. 
 
 l^\\t  oath  of  purgation  was  fubfriiuted  in  the  place  of  battle, 
 the  defendant  bringing  along  with  him  into  the  court  certain 
 perfons  called  compurgators^  who,  after  he  had  fworn  to  his  own 
 innocence,  all  fwore  that  his  oath  was  true.  This  gave  the  de- 
 fendant a  choice  of  a  zuag^r  by  battle^  or  a  wager  by  iatv^  as  the 
 compurgation  was  called. 
 
 Laltly,  the  oath  of  compurgation  gave  place  to  juries.  The 
 tranfition  was  eafy,  there  being  no  variation  in  the  cultom,  ex- 
 cept that  the  twelve  co.npargators,  formerly  named  by  the  de- 
 fcndiint,  were  now  named  by  th- judge.     The  oath  of  purgation 
 
 ai;id 
 
3o6  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 and  juries  were  in  ufe  at  the  fame  time,  but  the   two  methods 
 could  not  long  fubfift  together. 
 
 I  now  proceed  to  mark  the  feveral  fteps  in  the  progrefs  of 
 men's   ideas  concerning  property. 
 
 In  the  original  conceptions  of  m«tnkind  concerning  property, 
 pojjejfton  vy^as  an  eflential  circumftance.  It  was  however  a  rule 
 that  though  property  is  loft  by  theft,   it  is  not  acquired  by  theft. 
 
 Of  all  the  fubje61:s  of  property,  land  is  that  which  engages 
 our  afFe<5tions  the  moft,  and  for  this  reafon  the  relation  of  pro- 
 perty refpe6ting  land  grew  much  fooner  to  its  prefent  firm- 
 nefs  and  ftability  than  the  relation  of  property  refpe6ling  move- 
 ables. But  moveable  property  led  the  way  in  the  power  of 
 aiienat'iJig, 
 
 In  order  to  take  pofTeflion  of  land,  fome  overt  adl  was  necef- 
 fary,  which  was  conceived  to  reprefent  pofleffion,  and  was 
 termed  fymboUcal  poffejfton. 
 
 Property  originally  limited,  beftowing  no  power  of  alienation, 
 carries  the  mind  naturally  to  the  chain  of  pofleflbrs,  who  con- 
 tinue the  occupant's  pofTeflion  after  his  death,  and  who  muft  fuc- 
 ceed  if  he  cannot  alienate. 
 
 Donations  were  of  flower  growth,  being  at  firft:  fmall,  and 
 upon  plaufible  pretexts.  It  then  grew  to  be  a  law  that  the  father 
 without  the  confent  of  his  heirs,  might  give  part  of  his  land  to 
 religious  ufes,  in  marriage  with  his  daughter,  or  in  recompence 
 for  fervices. 
 
 Donations  inter  vivos  paved  way  for  donations  mortis  caufa. 
 The  power  of  tejiing  was  tirft  introduced  by  Solon,  who  gave 
 power  to  every  proprietor  who  had  no  children  to  regulate  his 
 fuccefUon  by  teftament. 
 
 When  a  man  died  without  children,  his  land  originally,  fefl 
 back  to  the  common.  Vt^  degrees,  the  idea  of  property  began  to 
 fubfift  after  death  \  and  the  perfon  might  claim  who  derived 
 right  from  the  deceafed.  This  right  was,  probably,  firft  com- 
 municated to  the  children  forts  familia^  efpecially  If  all  the  chil- 
 dren were  in  that  Situation.  Children  failing,  the  eftate  went 
 to  a  brother,  and  fo  gradually  to  more  diftant  collateral  rela- 
 tions. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  XLVIII.    GENERAL    POLICY.  307 
 
 The  fucceilion  of  collaterals  failing,  defcend ants  produced  a 
 new  legal  idea,  for  as  they  had  no  pretext  of  right,  irtdependent 
 of  the  former  proprietor,  their  privilege  of  fucceeding  could 
 ftand  on  no  other  ground  than  the  prefumed  will  of  the  de- 
 ccafed.  But  the  privilege  of  defcendants,  being  gradually  re- 
 ftrained  within  narrower  and  narrower  bounds,  was  confounded 
 in  the  hope  of  fucceffion  with  collaterals. 
 
 A  man  who  has  am  a  fled  great  wealth  cannot  think  of  quitting 
 his  hold.  To  colour  the  difmal  profpevSl,  he  makes  a  deed  arreft- 
 ing  fleeting  property,  fecuring  his  eftate  to  himfelf,  and  to  thofe 
 who  reprefent  him,  in  an  endlefs  train  of  fucceilion.  Hiseftare 
 and  his  heirs  mufl:  for  ever  bear  his  name,  every  thing  being 
 contrived  to  perpetuate  his  name  and  his  wealth.  This  y;avc 
 rife  to  entails.  Entails  in  England,  favoured  by  the  feudal 
 fyftem,  and  authoiifedby  ftatutes,  fpread  every  where  with  great 
 rapidity,  till,  becoming  a  public  nuifance,  they  were  checked  and 
 defeated  by  the  authority  of  the  judges,  without  a  ftatute  That 
 entails  are  fubverfive  of  commerce  and  induftry  is  not  the  worft 
 that  can  juftly  be  faid  of  them.  They  are  a  fnare  to  the  thought- 
 lefs  proprietor,  who,  by  a  fmgle  a6l,  may  be  entangled  paft 
 hope  of  recovery.  To  the  cautious  again,  they  are  a  perpetual 
 caufe  of  difcontent,  by  fubverting  that  liberty  and  independence 
 to  which  all  men  afpire,  with  refpe61:  to  their  polTeilions  as  well 
 as  their  perfons. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  laws,  in  their  progrefs  from  ftate  to  ftate,  is 
 well  worthy  of  the  attention  of  an  hiflorian.  Some  of  the  moil 
 important  changes  in  human  afFairs  are  owing  to  fa6ts  neccf- 
 farily  connccSled  with  this  fubjechh  No  event  tended  to  improve 
 the  weilern  part  of  the  world  more  than  the  accidental  findinc^  of 
 a  copy  of  ynjlinians  Panders  in  1 130  at  Amalphi  in  Italy. 
 
 Many  things  in  thcprefent  ftate  of  any  law  are  unintelligible 
 wirhout  the  knowledge  of  the  hiiiory  and  progrefs  of  it.  I'hus 
 it  may  well  puzzle  a  perl'on  to  account  for  tlie  late  Engliih 
 practice  of  cruihing  a  perfon  to  death  who  will  not  plead.  But 
 the  reafon  is,  that  the  Englifti  adhered  to  the  original  notion, 
 that  a  procef-^  of  law  implies  a  judicial  contra ff^  and  that  there 
 can  be  nO  proccfs  unlefs   the  defendant  fubmits  to  have  his  caufe 
 
 tried. 
 
3o8  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 tried.  Formerly  it  was  actually  at  their  option,  to  accept  of 
 the  wager  of  cG?nbat,  or  wager  of  law^  as  it  was  called.  In  many 
 parts  of  Europe  no  perfon  can  be  executed  till  he  has  confefied 
 his  crime.     In  this  cafe  they  have  recourfe  to  torture. 
 
 The  profejfton  of  law  has  always  been  reckoned  honourable  in 
 civilized  countries.  All  the  youth  of  diftinflion  at  Rome 
 fludied  the  law,  and  the  pleading  of  caufes  was  the  conftant  and 
 well-known  road  to  popularity  and  preferment;  though  perhaps 
 a  regard  for  eloquence^  as  much  as  for  law,  might  be  the  reafon  of 
 it.  Barbarous  nations  have  ever  entertained  an  averfion  to  forms 
 ©f  law,  and  it  is  certainly  an  argument  of  the  barbarity  of  thefe 
 northern  nations,  that  the  profefiion  of  law  was  fo  long  regarded 
 as  a  mea.T  employment.  Fiance  is  the  only  country  in  Europe 
 where  the  ancient  nobility  have  often  put  on  the  long  robe; 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  XLIX.      GENERAL   POLICY.  309 
 
 LECTURE         XLIX. 
 
 Neceffity  of  an  Attention  to  Agriculture,  Hovj  bej}  e7iconraged. 
 Bounties,  Public  Granaries.  Mutual  Infinejues  of  Agriculture 
 and  Commerce.  Circumjlances  attending  the  ImperfeBion  of 
 Agriculture.  Imperfe£i  State  of  it  in  England  a  few  Centuries 
 ago.  The  Progrefs  of  Improvements  in  Society.  Diviftan  of 
 Labour,     Great  Ufes  of  the  common  Arts. 
 
 SUPPOSING  the  things  which  have  the  greatefl  influence  on 
 human  affairs,  viz.  government  and  laws^  to  be  properly 
 adjufted,  the  only  ftable  foundation  ofmoftof  the  improvements 
 in  focial  life  is  Agriculture^  confidered  as  including  the  culti- 
 vation of  all  the  produ(Slions  of  the  earth.  It  is  therefore  a  fub- 
 jecSt  that  deferves  very  particular  attention.  I  even  confider  the 
 breeding  of  cattle  as  a  part  of  this  fubjeft,  becaufe  that  employ- 
 ment (except  when  it  is  followed  by  people  who  frequently  fhift 
 their  habitations,  as  the  wandering  Tartars)  neceflarily  implies 
 the  cultivation  of  grafs,  if  not  of  other  vegetables. 
 
 From  the  earth  it  is,  ultimately,  that  all  animal  life  is  main- 
 tained ;  and  from  the  earth  we  fetch  all  the  materials  for  thofe 
 manufactures  and  arts,  which  improve  and  embelHfh  human 
 life;  fo  that  were  agriculture,  in  this  extenfive  fenfe,  not  at- 
 tended to,  thofe  manufactures  and  conveniencies  could  notexift. 
 At  leaft  the  continuance  of  them  muft  be  very  preCcirious,  as 
 they  mufl:  then  be  brought  from  other  countries.  And  if  the 
 produce  of  the  foil  of  any  country  be  not  fufficient  to  fupport  the 
 inhabitants,  their  very  fubfiftence  muft  neceflarily  be  very  pre- 
 carious. The  free  intercourfe  among  nations  in  modern  times 
 makes  fuch  a  fituation  fufficiently  fife  ;  but  in  many  times  oi 
 antiquity  no  fuch  a  llate  as  that  of  Holland  could  have  exilled. 
 There  was  no  city  in  Greece  but  what  was  maintained  by  the 
 produce  of  its  own  adjacent  lands,  except  Athens^  which,  by  its 
 I  commerce. 
 
310  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 commerce,  and    fuperior  nava!  force,  commanded  fupplies  from 
 all  the  neighbouring   countries. 
 
 The  only  way  to  encourage  agriculture  is  to  excite  other  kinds 
 of  induftry,  affording  a  ready  market  for  the  exchange  of  corn 
 ior  commodities  j  that  is,  to  make  it  fubf.rvient  to  com- 
 merce. If  the  inhabitants  of  any  country  have  no  motive  to  raife 
 more  corn  that  what  will  be  fufficient  for  their  own  confump- 
 tion,  they  will  often  not  raife  even  that  ;  and  a  bad  feed  time,  or 
 harvefl,  will  be  necefiarily  followed  by  a  famine.  This  was 
 frequently  the  cafe  in  England  before  the  bounty  was  granted 
 for  the  exportation  of  corn  ;  fince  which  time,  viz.  in  the  year 
 1689,  we  have  had  no  fuch  thing  as  a  famine.  And  what  is 
 very  remarkable,  notwithflanding  the  incrcafe  of  the  proportion 
 between  money  and  commodities,  the  price  of  corn  has  rather 
 fallen  fince  that  time.  For  whereas,  for  forty-three  years  be- 
 fore the  bounty  was  granted,  the  mean  price  of  a  quarter  of 
 wheat  was  two  pounds  ten  (hillings  and  two  pence  ;  by  an  exa£t 
 calculation  of  the  price  of  wheat  from  the  year  1689  to  the 
 year  1752,  it  appeared  to  be  no  more  than  two  pounds  two  (hil- 
 lings and  eight- pence.  It  does  not  follow  from  this  that  boun- 
 ties are  wife  meafures.  They  may  be  uftful  for  a  time.  But 
 if  any  commodity  cannot  be  raifed,  or  exported,  v/ithout  a 
 bnunty,  it  (hould  be  confidered  whether  more  is  not  given  in  the 
 bounty   than  is  gained  by  raifing  or  exporting,  the  commodity. 
 
 That  the  defire  of  procuring  more  fubfiftv  ncc,  without  any 
 view  to  fuperfluity,  is  not,  in  all  places,  a  fufHcicnt  motive  to 
 perfevSl  the  culture  of  the  earth,  feems  evident  from  a  compari- 
 fon  of  the  improvement  and  populoufnefs  of  countries  with,  and 
 without,  good  roads,  or  canals.  When  the  produce  of  hmd  can 
 be  eafily  exported  and  exchanged,  there  is  a  great  additional 
 motive,  to  cultivation,  though  it  would  yield  as  much  of  the 
 mere  neceiTaries  of  life  (which  did  not  require  to  be  removed 
 from  the  fpot)  whether  they  could  be  conveyed  to  a  di fiance  or 
 not.  It  muft  be  obferved,  however,  that  in  fome  fituations  the 
 tools,  and  manure,  proper  for  the  foil,  mud  be  fetched  fiom  a 
 di(tance. 
 
 Both 
 
Lect.  XLIX.      GENERAL    POLICY.  311 
 
 Both  Florence  and  Naples  are  fo  far  from  adopting  our  prin- 
 ciples of  encouraging  agriculture  by  granting  a  bounty  on  the 
 exportation  of  corn,  that  they  lay  a  duty  on  all  exported  corn. 
 So  wedded  are  they  to  the  ancient  opinion  of  preventing  the 
 dearnefs  of  bread,  by  keeping  the  whole  growth  at  home.  Some 
 years  ago  there  was  an  amazing  harvell  through  the  whole 
 kingdom  of  Naples.  They  had  upon  their  lands  a  quantity  to 
 the  amount  of  two  or  three  hundred  thoufand  pounds  in  value, 
 which  they  could  not  confume.  There  was  at  that  time  an 
 application  made  for  an  exemption  from  the  duty  on  exporta- 
 tion, without  which  the  merchant  could  not  find  his  account  in 
 fending  it  abroad.  But  though  the  minifter  was  informed  by 
 feveral  pcrfons  that  the  revenue  would  certainly  feel  the  good 
 efFedls  of  fo  much  more  money  being  brought  into  the  country, 
 as  fully  as  in  the  fhape  of  a  duty  on  exports,  he  was  deaf  to  all 
 their  reafonings,  and  would  not  eftablifh  fo  dangerous  a  prece- 
 dent as  he  thought  it.  The  confequence  was,  that  the  corn 
 grew  mouldy  and  periftied,  the  next  harveft  failed,  and  a 
 dreadful  dearth  enfued  *. 
 
 Another  advantage  attending  the  ralfmg  an  extraordinary 
 quantity  of  corn  is,  that  by  keeping  bread  at  a  reafonable 
 price,  workmen's  wages  are  kept  lower,  and  more  fixed  ;  a 
 thing  of  the  greateft  confequence  in  manufadures.  And  it  is 
 certain,  that  neither  agriculture,  nor  trade,  can  flour ifh  where 
 the  general  eafe  does  not  begin  with  the  clafs  of  labourers. 
 This,  indeed,  would  be  ftill  more  efFedually  done  by  puh/ic 
 granaries;  but  the  large  flocks  of  merchants  who  export  corn 
 ferve  inftead  of  granaries,  when  upon  the  apprchenfion  of  a 
 dearth,  the  bounty  ..is  taken  off,  or  an  embargo  laid  upon  ex- 
 portation. 
 
 The  advantages  of  agriculture  and  conmierce  are  reciprocaL 
 For,  as  Poftlethwaite  obferves,  whatever  hurts  trade  is  in  fa6t 
 deftrudive  of  culture,  and  confequently  the  interefts  of  both 
 land  and  trade  are  beft  promoted  by  cultivating  fuch  things  as 
 commerce  points  out  to  be  the  moft  benelicial.     It  is  his  great 
 
 *  Sir  James  Stuart's  Oblervations,  vol.  i.  p.  3. 
 
312  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 maxim,  that  the  only  method  of  increafing  our  trade,  and 
 thereby  of  augmenting  our  wealth,  is  to  increafe  our  Lnd  cul- 
 tivations, and  enc'ofe  the  wafte  grounds  in  the  kingdom. 
 
 Wiieie  there  is  an  uncommon  tendency  to  population  In  a 
 country,  neceffity  will  be  a  ftronger  fpur  to  apply  to  agriculture 
 thari  the  advantages  expected  from  commerce.  This  is  the 
 reafon  why  hufoandry  has  been  carried  to  greater  perfection  in 
 China  than  in  any  part  of  Europe,  or  of  the  world.  The  en- 
 couragement of  agriculture  is  there  a  juft  and  neceffary  obje6t:  of 
 attention  to  the  ftate.  The  emperor  of  China,  every  year,  makes 
 the  befl:  farmer  of  the  empire  a  mandarin  c,f  the  eighth  order. 
 It  v/as  with  the  fame  view  that  among  the  ancient  Perfians, 
 the  king  quitted  his  ftate,  and  lived  with  the  farmers  eight  days 
 in  one  particular  monrh  of  the  year.  Switzerland  too,  a  popu- 
 lous and  barren  country,  abounds  with  excellent  huibandmen. 
 
 Where  agriculture  is  reckoned  a  merely  laborious,  and  con- 
 fequently  a  mean  and  ignoble  employment,  it  is  certain  not  to 
 be  underilood,  nor  much  pra6lifed.  Every  man,  fays  Xeno- 
 phon,  m^iy  be  a  farmer  ;  a  ftrong  proof,  as  even  Columella 
 hints,  that  acrricuhure  was  but  little  known  in  the  age  oi 
 Xenophon.  Agriculture  is  yet  far  from  being  brought  to  the 
 :,perfe(5lion  of  which  it  is  capable  ;  and  nothing  but  the  ftrongeft 
 inducements  from  commerce,  or  abfolute  necelTity,  the  mother  - 
 of  moft  inventions,  will  enable  lis  to  judge  of  what  perfection 
 it  is  capable. 
 
 It  was  but  lately  that  agriculture  was  applied  to  in  England. 
 Before  we  became  a  conliderable  commercial  ilate,  all  the 
 country  was  pofieffed  by  graziers,  and  the  little  agriculture 
 that  was  underftood,  or  pja^Lifcd,  among  us  was  confined  to 
 the  article  of  Corn  only,  it  is  but  fince  queen  Elizabeth's 
 time  that  we  have  had  anv  fettled  notions  about  a2;riculture. 
 Mr.  Hartlib,  to  whom  Milton  dedicated  his  Treatife  on  Edu- 
 cation, fays,  that  old  men  in  his  days  remembered  the  firft 
 gardeners  who  came  over  to  Surry,  and  fold  turnips,  car- 
 rots, parfnips,  early  peas,  and  rape,  which  were  then  a  great 
 rarity,  being  imported  from  Holland.  They  introduced,  at 
 that  time,  the  planting  of  cabbages,  and  cauliflowers,  and  dig- 
 
Lect.  XLIX.     GENERAL    POLICY.  3x3 
 
 ging  the  ground  for  garden  ftuff.  We  alfo  find  that  cherries 
 and  hops  were  firft  planted  in  the  rei^n  of  Henry  VllL  Arti- 
 chokes firft  made  their  appearance  in  the  time  of  queen  Eliza- 
 beth ;  and  we  ftill  had  cherries  from  Flanders,  apples  from 
 France,  onions,  faffron,  and  liquorice  from  Spain,  and  hops 
 from  the  low  countries. 
 
 Before  we  pafs  from  agriculture  to  commerce^  wc  mult  confider 
 the  influences  and  connexioivs  of  the  arts,  manufactures,  and 
 fciences,  things  nearly  connected,  and  highly  ufeful  in  convert- 
 ing the  produ6lions  of  the  earth  into  proper  fubjects  of  com- 
 merce. But  1  fhall  firft  give  a  general  view  of  the  progrefs  of 
 men  towards  w^^ahh,  and  the  clafles  into  which  they  became 
 diftributcd  by  tliis  means.  The  progrefs  of  fcdctyy  and  the 
 fteps  by  which  nations  advance  to  opulence  and  power,  is  one 
 Qk  the  moft  pleafmg  and  ufeful  objcvSts  of  ipeculation. 
 
 The  only  original  fource  of  wealth,  and  every  other  advan- 
 tage is  labour.  By  this  men  are  enabled  to  get  from  the  earth, 
 or  the  fea,  their  provifions,  materials  for  their  cloathing  and 
 habitations,  and  their  comfortable  fubfiftence  in  all  other  ref- 
 pe6ts.  B/  this  they  make  themfelves  tools  and  engines,  which 
 Ihorten  labour,  and  divide  it,  fo  as  to  enable  a  few  to  make 
 fufticient  provifion  for  a  great  number. 
 
 They  wno  by  their  induftry  have  acquired  property,  and  who 
 have  by  the  rules  of  fociety  the  power  of  difpofing  of  it,  tranf- 
 mit  the  whole  ftock  of  it  to  their  defccndants,  fo  as  to  exempt 
 them  from  labour.  For  the  advantage  of  cultivating  their  land, 
 living  in  their  houfes,  or  making  ufe  of  their  money,  others 
 are  willing  to  maintain  them  without  labour,  fo  that  they  can 
 live  upon  tiieir  rents*  They  who,  by  their  own  labour,  or  that  of 
 others,  are  pollefTed  of  transferable  commodities,  can  fell  them 
 to  thofe  who  want  them,  and  with  the  price  they  get  buy 
 .  others,  gaining  fomething  by  every  transfer  ;  and  thus,  without 
 any  proper  labour,  they  live  by  the  profits  of  their  trade. 
 
 Thofe  who  by  their  labour,  their  rents,  or  the  profits  of 
 trade,  -have  acquired. wealth,  and  want  other  things,  as  perlbnal 
 fecurity,  perfonal  fervices,  inftruction,  or  amufement,  will  give 
 their  fuperfluity  to  others,  whofe  bufmefs  it  will  be,  without 
 any  produ^ive  labour   (or  fuch    as  will   add  to  the  flock  and 
 
 Z  wealth 
 
314  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 wealth  of  the  nation)  to  wait  upon  them,  to  fight  for  them, 
 to  inftru(5l  them,  to  amufe  them,  and  even  to  govern  them. 
 All  thofe  who  are  employed  in  this  manner  may  be  called 
 the  fervants  of  the  public^  and  are  an  article  of  national  ex- 
 pence. 
 
 Thus  we  have  got  four  clalTes  of  men,  the  labourert  (com- 
 prizing farmers,  and  manufadurers,  whofe  employment  alone 
 is  properly  produSlive^  adding  to  the  wealth  of  the  nation) 
 landholders^  or  moneyholders^  who  live  by  giving  the  ufc  of  their 
 land,  or  money  to  others,  traders^  who  live  by  the  exchanf^e 
 of  commodities,  and  laftly  fervants^  fuch  as  magiftrates, 
 teachers  of  religion  and  fcience,  phyficians,  lawyers,  foldiers, 
 players,  &c. 
 
 As  the  product  of  labour,  without  greater  folly  and  extrava- 
 gance than  mankind  in  general  arc  difpoied  to  give  into,  will 
 in  time  of  peace  accumulate,  the  clafs  of  unprodudllve  la- 
 bourers, or  fervants  of  all  kinds,  vi^ill  increafe;  becaufe  the 
 Inbour  of  a  few  will  be  able  to  fupport  them,  and  thofe  who 
 have  wealth  will  derive  as  much  advajitage  from  it  as  they 
 can. 
 
 In  thefe  circumftanccs,  knowledge  will  alfo  increafe  and  accu- 
 mulate, and  will  difFufe  itfelf  to  the  lower  ranks  of  fociety,  who 
 by  degrees  will  find  leifure  for  fpeculation  ;  and  looking  beyond 
 their  immediate  employment,  they  will  confider  the  complex- 
 machine  of  fociety,  and  in  time  underftand  it  better  thanthofe 
 who  now  write  about  it.  And  when  mankind  in  general  Ihall  be 
 enlig^htened  with  refpe6lto  the  ufe  and  fubordination  of  all  the 
 parts  of  which  fociety  confift,  they  will  make  the  beft  regulations 
 for  the  good  of  the  whole.  Having  a  great  furplus,  they  will 
 employ  it  in  the  beft  manner,  procuring  real  conveniences,  and 
 retrenching  ufelefs  expences.  \{  they  find  they  have  paid  too 
 much  for  their  government,  their  defence,  their  religion,  the 
 care  of  their  health,  or  property,  &c.  they  will  retrench  that 
 expence,  and  employ  it  in  cultivation,  to  fupport  greater  num- 
 bers, who  will  continually  want  more  means  of  fubfiftence, 
 in  ma:tura6lures,  building  bridges,  making  roads  and  canals, 
 &:c.     More  particularly,  it  may  be  hoped  that  focieties,  fully 
 
 inftru6led 
 
Lect.  XLIX.     GENERAL    POLICY,  315 
 
 inftru£led  by  experience,  will  with  the  utmoft  care  avoid  the 
 ruinous  expences  and  devaitation  of  war^  which  may  diffipate 
 in  one  year  more  than  they  can  accumulate  in  an  hundred. 
 
 The  thriving  ftate  of  a  nation  may  be  judged  of  by  the  en- 
 creafeof  its  ftock,  the  cultivation  of  its  land,  the  value  of  its 
 manufa<£tures,  and  the  extent  of  its  commerce.  If  thefe  en- 
 creafe,  the  nation  is  wife  and  frugal,  and  does  not  fpend  more 
 than  it  can  afford.  Individuals,  when  left  to  themfelves,  are 
 in  general  fufficiently  provident,  and  will  daily  better  their 
 circumftances  ;  and  as  it  may  be  prefumed  that,  in  confequencc 
 of  giving  conftant  attention  to  their  intereft,  they  will  under- 
 ftand  it,  it  is  feldom  wife  in  governors  to  pretend  to  direct  them. 
 Of  all  the  clafles  of  men  above-mentioned,  the  g£>vernors  are, 
 in  general,  and  of  necelfity  muft  be,  the  mod  ignorant  of  their 
 own  bufinefs,  becaufe  it  is  exceedingly  complex,  and  requires 
 more  knowledge  and  ability  than  they  are  poflefied  of.  The 
 wade  of  public  wealth  by  them  is  by  far  the  moft  confiderable. 
 By  the  foolifti  wars  in  which  they  involve  nations,  and  the 
 endlefs  taxes  theyimpofe  upon  them,  governors  are  continually 
 pulling  down  what  individuals  are  building  up ;  fo  that,  as 
 Dr.  Smith  juftly  obferves  *,  "  it  is  the  higheft  impertinence 
 t'  and  prefumption  in  kings,  and  minifters,  to  pretend  to  watch 
 *'  over  the  gcconomy  of  private  people,  and  to  reftrain  their 
 *'  expences,  either  by  fumptuary  laws,  or  by  prohibiting 
 *'  the  importation  of  foreign  luxuries.  They  are  themfelves 
 "  always,  and  without  any  exception,  the  greateft  fpendthrifts 
 *'  in  the  fociety.  Let  them  look  well  after  their  own  expence, 
 *'  and  they  may  fafely  truft  private  people  with  theirs,  if  their 
 '*  own  extravagance  does  not  ruin  the  ftate,  that  of  their  fub- 
 **  jecEls  never  will." 
 
 The  great  advantage  of  an  improved  ftate  of  the  arts  arifes 
 from  t.\\Q  divifion  of  labour^  by  which  means  one  man,  confining 
 his  attention  to  one  thing,  or  one  operation,  does  it  in  greater 
 perfedion,  and  with  much  greater  difpatch.  Dr.  Smith  ob- 
 ferves that,  in  the  prefent  improved  ftate  of  the  manufacture 
 
 ♦  Wealth  of  Nations,  vol.  ii.  p.  27. 
 
 Z  i  of 
 
p6  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 of  pins,  ten  men  will  make  upwards  of  forty-eight  tho  ufand 
 pins  in  a  day  ;  but  that  if  they  had  all  worked  feparately,  and 
 without  any  of  them  having  been  educated  to  that  particular 
 bufmefs,  they  could  not,  each  of  them,  have  made  twenty,  or 
 perhaps  not  one  pin,  in  a  day. 
 
 The  advantage  we  derive,  from  the  moft  common  of  our 
 arts,  in  furnifiiing  us  with  tools  to  facilitate  labour,  as  well 
 as  the  great  ufe  of  iron,  we  fee  ftrikingly  illultrated  in  the 
 account  which  Mr.  Charlevoix  gives  of  the  method  which  the 
 North  American  Indians  took  to  make  a  hatchet.  Before  they 
 were  provided  with  hatchets,  and  other  inftruments,  they  were 
 very  much  at  a  lofs  in  felling  their  trees,  and  making  them  tit 
 for  the  ufes  for  which  they  intended  them.  They  burned  them 
 ftear  the  root  ;  and  in  order  to  fplit,  and  cut  them  into  proper 
 lengths,  they  made  ufe  of  hatchets  made  of  flint,  which  never 
 broke,  but  which  required  a  prodigious  time  to  fliarpen.  In 
 order  to  fix  them  in  a  (haft,  they  cut  off  the  top  of  a  young  tree, 
 making  a  flit  in  it,  as  if  they  were  going  to  graft  it,  into  which 
 flit  they  inferted  the  head  of  the  axe.  The  parts  of  the  tree 
 growing  together  again,  in  length  of  time,  held  the  head  of 
 the  hatchet  fo  ifirm,  that  it  was  impoflSible  for  it  to  get  looie. 
 Then  they  cut  the  tree  of  the  length  tht^y  judged  iufficient  fot 
 the  handle  *. 
 
 4  Ti.Vti''   iA 
 
 C*riidi,    i/ol.  rt.   p,    iJi.. 
 
 1,  £  (J  ']    U  R  E 
 
Lect.L.  general    policy.  3i; 
 
 LECTURE      L. 
 
 Encouragement  of  ArtSy  &c.  by  Government,  Securities  necejfary 
 to  ManufaSfures.  i^c,  Jpprenticejhips.  Servitude.  In  what 
 Manner  Arts  and  Manuf azures  increaft  the  Power  of  a  State, 
 Importance  of  encouraging  Labour,  Vaji  Advantage  of  Manu- 
 faSiureSy  particularly  to  England.  The  Society  for  the  Encou* 
 ragement  of  ArtSy  ManufaSlures^  and  Commerce.  The  Con- 
 nexion  between  Science  and  the  Arts.  On  what  Circumjiancef 
 a.  Tafie  for  Science  depends.  The  Confequences  of  Interruption^ 
 in  Science,  The  ufual  Decline  of  the  Arts  after  they  Jyave  been 
 brought  pretty  near  Perfe^ion,  JVhy  Science  is  not  fo  apt  tQ 
 decline,  Superior  Happinefs  of  the  prefent^  compared  with  paji 
 AgeSy  in  confequence  of  Improvements  in  Arts, 
 
 THE  advantages  which  men  and  focietics  derive  from  the 
 arts  being  fo  great,  it  behoves  a  wife  government  to  do 
 every  thing  they  can  to  facilitate  their  progrefs.  But  there  is 
 the  greateft  danger  of  their  attempting  too  much,  and  being 
 deceived  by  appearances. 
 
 It  has  been  a  pretty  common  practice  to  encourage  particular 
 manufactures,  and  lilcewife  particular  kinds  of  produce,  by 
 giving  bounties  on  the  exportation  of  them.  But  the  wifdom 
 of  this  policy  may  be  queftioned. 
 
 If  the  whole  property  of  the  nation  was  in  the  hand  of  one 
 perfon,  he  would  never  export  any  thing  that  could  not  find  a 
 gainful  market.  Though  the  merchant,  therefore,  who  exports 
 goods  with  a  bounty  may  gain  by  fuch  a  trade,  the  nation 
 evidently  cannot.  \v\  order  to  favour  any  particular  manufac- 
 ture, or  produce,  a  bounty  muft  either  be  given  for  theraifingi 
 or  exporting  it,  or  the  importation  of  the  fame  muft  be  pro- 
 hibited. But  in  both  cafes  it  is  evident  that  the  intereft  of  the 
 confumer  is  facrificed  to  that  of  the  ralfer  of  the  produce,  or  the 
 manufailiirer.  But  thefeare  few,  and  the  confumers  many.   The 
 
 only 
 
3i8  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 only  good  reafon  therefore  why  any  particular  produce,  or  manu- 
 fa£lure,  is  encouraged,  is  the  accommodation  of  the  confumer. 
 What  then  can  be  a  greater  abfurdity  than  for  the  confumersto 
 tax  themfelves  in  the  firft  place  to  pay  the  bounty,  and  then  to 
 pay  the  greater  price  for  the  commodity,  which  the  raifer  of  the 
 produce,  or  the  manufadlurer,  who  have  no  competitors  in  the 
 market,  will  naturally  lay  upon  his  goods. 
 
 There  is  a  poflibility,  indeed,  that  favouring  a  particular 
 produce,  or  manufacture,  in  its  infancy,  may  be  a  means  of 
 making  it  beneficial  to  the  community  at  large  in  fome  future 
 time.  But  this  infancy  muft  have  a  period.  If  a  man  be  at  the 
 expence  of  rearing  a  calf,  or  a  colt,  it  is  with  a  view  to  its 
 being  ufeful  to  him  fome  time  or  another.  If  a  manufacture 
 cannot  be  continued  without  the  fupportof  government,  it  is 
 a  proof  that  it  is  never  worth  while  to  fupport  it.  The  fituation 
 of  the  country  is  fuch  as  that  the  induftry  of  its  inhabitants 
 will  be  better  employed  fome  other  way;  and  when  this  i$  dif- 
 covered,  the  fooner  the  bounty  is  difcontinued,  the  fooner  will 
 they  fall  into  a  more  proper  mode  of  induftry. 
 
 Manufactures  cannot  fubfift  without  a  confiderable  degree  of 
 fecurity ziid  independence.  Men  will  not  exert  themfelves  to  acquire 
 much  more  than   a  bare  fubfiftence  without  a  perfuafion  of  the 
 fecurity  of  their  property.     In  Turkey  there  is  very  little  motive 
 to  induftry,  becaufe  there  is  no   fecure  pofteflion  of  any  thing. 
 The  inhabitants  of  Servia,  fays  Lady  Wortley  Montague  *,  arc 
 induftrious,  but  the  opprefllon  of  the  peafants  is  fo  great,  that 
 they  are  forced  to  abandon  their  houfes,  and   negleCt  their  til- 
 lage. Sicily,  fays  Mr.  Brydone  f ,  is  immenfely  rich  J)oth  in  a  fine 
 foil,   and  in  minerals,   but  the  people  are  grievoufly  opprefled  by 
 government.     *'  To  what  end,"  fay  they,  "  ftiould  we  explore 
 *'  the  mines.     It  is  not  we  thatfliould  reap  the  profit.   Nay,  the 
 '*  difcoveryof  anything  very  rich  might  polFibly  prove  the  ruin 
 '*  of  its  pofteftbr.  Were  we  happy  enough  to  enjoy  the  bleilings 
 '*  of  your  conftitution,  you  might  call  us  rich  indeed." 
 
 •  Travels*    vol.  1.  p.  u-;.  -f   Vol.  ii.   p.  Hj. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  L.         GENERAL    POLICY.  319 
 
 The  law  relating  to  apprenticejhips  in  this  country  is  an 
 impediment  to  the  improvement  of  the  arts.  According  to  ir, 
 no  perfon  can  exerclfe  a  trade  which  exifted  at  the  time  when 
 the  ftatute  was  made,  or  be  employed  as  a  journeyman,  till  he 
 has  ferved  feven  years  to  a  mafter  in  it.  In  general,  much  lefs 
 time  is  neceflary  for  the  purpofe,  and  many  perfons  rind  them- 
 felves  better  qualified  to  conduct  a  bufinefs  to  which  they  have 
 not  been  brought  up.  The  inconvenience  of  this  reftri(5tion 
 is  leflened  by  methods  that  are  generally  praclifed  to  evade  it. 
 
 Mankind,  naturally  averfe  to  labour,  have  in  all  ages  endea- 
 voured to  compel  others  to  labour  for  them,  and  in  Greece  and 
 Rome  the  manufacturers  were  generally  Haves.  In  modern 
 times,  though  an  end  has  been  put  to  fervitude  in  the  chriftian 
 countries  of  Europe,  it  has  been  greatly  extended  in  our  colo- 
 nies, flaves  being  purchafed  in  Africa  and  tranfported  in  order 
 to  their  being  employed  in  America.  But  both  the  injuftice 
 and  ill-policy  of  this  fyftem  are  now  pretty  generally  acknow- 
 ledged. 
 
 Servitude  is  the  moft  wretched  condition  of  human  nature,  be- 
 caufe  man  is  capable,  in  a  high  degree,  of  enjoying  a  ftate  of  liberty 
 and  felf  command,  and  is  therefore  more  miferable  in  a  ftate  of 
 fervitude  than  other  animals,  many  of  whom  are  more  happy  in 
 that  ftate  than  in  any  other.  It  is  alfo  an  argument  againft 
 flav€ry,  that  men,  ill  brooking  that  condition,  and  being  often 
 refra«Slory,  are  expofed  to  very  cruel  treatment,  and  that  the  moft 
 dreadful  precautions  are  thought  neceflary  to  prevent  their 
 efcape,  or  to  punifti  their  revolt.  It  is  another  argument 
 againft  this  pradice,  that  no  methods  can  make  flaves  work 
 with  the  fame  fpirit  and  effect  as  freemen.  Indeed  it  appears, 
 fays  Dr.  Smith  *,  from  the  experience  of  all  ages  and  nations, 
 that  the  work  done  by  freemen  comes  cheaper  in  the  end  than 
 that  performed  by  flaves.  It  is  found  to  do  fo  even  at  Bofton, 
 New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  v.^here  the  wages  of  cornmon 
 labour  are  fo  very  high. 
 
 The  pra6tife  of  flavery  promotes  war,  and  every  method  of 
 violence  and  ijijaftice  by  which   one   man  can  be  brought  in:o 
 
 *  Wealth  of  N«lioo6,   voJ.   i    u     173. 
 
 the 
 
320  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 the  power  of  another,  in  countries  where  flaves  are  bought. 
 The  negroes,  no  doubt,  propagate  fafter  on  account  of  this  traf- 
 fic. For  whatever  drain  be  made  for  men,  it  will  be  fupplied 
 by  the  greater  encouragement  to  marry ;  but  they  propagate 
 only  for  flavery. 
 
 Were  all  thole  who  arc  concerned  'in  the  purchafe,  or  em- 
 ployment, of  flaves,  and  without  whofe  concurrence  the  traffic 
 could  not  be  carried  on,  apprized  of  the  mifery  it  is  the  occa- 
 fion  of,  efpecially  in  Africa,  where  princes  fell  their  fubjetSls, 
 parents  their  children,  and  individuals  any  perfon  whom  they 
 can  trepan  or  overpower,  to  fay  nothing  of  what  the  poor 
 wretches  (fewof  whom  can  be  fuppofed  to  have  done  any  thing 
 to  forfeit  their  liberty)  fuiFer  at  fea,  and  in  America,  their 
 humanity  would  revolt  at  the  fcene,  and  they  would  as  foon  as 
 poifible  employ  their  capitals  in  fome  other  way,  though  their 
 gains  fhould   be  lefs. 
 
 It  is  to  be  hoped  that  thefe,  and  other  confiderations,  will  in 
 time  put  an  end  to  this  abominable  traffic.  We  fee  fome  ten- 
 dency towards  it  in  the  condu6t  of  the  North  American  ftates, 
 and  in  this  country  the  humanity  of  the  Quakers  is  exerting 
 itfelf  greatly  for  the  fame  excellent  purpofe. 
 
 The  manner  in  which  arts  and  manufactures  operate  to  in- 
 creafe  the  power  of  a  ftate,  is  by  making  a  provifion  of  a  fund 
 of  labour  (or  the  ufe  of  the  ftate.  For  fince  the  labour  which 
 is  beftowcd  on  arts  and  manufatElures  only  contributes  to  the 
 greater  convenience  and  ornament  of  life,  it  may  be  fpared  in 
 cafe  of  exigence,  and  converted,  in  a  variety  of  ways,  to  the 
 ferviceof  the  ftate.  Perfons  are  not  eafily  brought  to  labour 
 who  have  not  been  accuftbmed  to  it ;  and  where  all  the  labour 
 in  the  ftate  is  employed  about  the  neceiTaries  of  life,  there  can 
 be  no  refource  in  time  of  war,  there  being  no  fuperfluity  of  la- 
 bour in  the  country,  fufficient  to  maintain  an  army  to  fight  in 
 their  defence.  The  only  advantage  of  fuch  a  people  is,  that 
 where  there  are  few  fuperfluities,  there  can  be  but  little  to 
 tempt  an  invader. 
 
 Of  fuch  importance  is  labour  to  a  ftate,  that  it  would  be 
 better  to  have  mines,  which  require  much  labour  to  extract  the 
 metal  from  the  ore,  than  to  find  the  precious  metal  formed  by 
 
 nature 
 
Lect.  L.  GENERAL    POLICY.  321 
 
 nature  to  our  hands.  In  the  former  cafe,  it  has  all  the  advan- 
 tages of  a  manufadlure,  in  the  latter  it  only  raifes  the  general 
 proportion  of  money  to  commodities,  and  in  fuch  a  manner  as 
 to  make  it  a  mere   incumbrance. 
 
 Innumerable  fa6ts  in  hiftory  exhibit,  in  the  ftrongeft  light, 
 the  vaft  advantage  accruing  to  a  people  from  manufactures,  in 
 conjundion  with  commerce,  which  are  in  a  great  meafure  in- 
 feparable.  But  the  moft  ftriking  example,  and  the  earlieft  that 
 appeared  in  Europe,  is  furniihed  by  the  Flemings,  who  Jed  the 
 way  in  improvements  of  all  kinds  to  this  part  of  the  world. 
 They  were  the  firft  people  in  thefe  northern  parts  who  cul- 
 tivated the  arts  and  manufa6lures.  And,  in  confequence  of 
 it,  the  lower  ranks  of  men  in  Flanders  had  rifen  to  a  decree 
 of  riches  unknown  elfewhere  to  perfons  of  their  ftation,  in  that 
 barbarous  age.  They  had  acquired,  in  the  time  of  our  Edward 
 III.  many  privileges,  and  a  great  degree  of  independence, 
 and  had  begun  to  emerge  from  that  ftate  of  vafTalage,  in  which 
 the  common  people  had  been  univerfally  held  by  the  feudal 
 conftitutions. 
 
 In  this  cafe,  we  fee,  that  the  arts  of  luxury  are,  to  a  certain 
 degree,  favourable  to  liberty.  When  men,  by  the  pradife  of 
 the  arts,  acquire  property,  they  covet  equal  laws  to  fecure  that 
 property.  The  Houfe  of  Commons  is  the  fupport  of  our  po- 
 pular government,  and  it  owed  its'chief  influence  to  the  increafe 
 of  arts  and  commerce,  which  threw  fuch  a  balance  of  property 
 into  the  hands  of  their  conftituents. 
 
 To  form  fome  idea  of  the  advantages  refulting  to  this  nation 
 from  arts  and  manufactures,  let  us  confider  the  numbers  of  men 
 who  are  employed  about,  artd  maintained  by,  our  home  commo- 
 dities ;  fuch  as  wool,  corn,  coals,  metals,  rags,  horns,  and  many 
 other  article? ;  together  with  the  carriage  of  goods  by  land  and 
 water.  Confider,  alfo,  the  numbers  who  are  employed  in  ma- 
 nufacturing goods  imported,  as  ravz-filks,  cotton,  kid-Ikins, 
 elephants  teeth,  hemp,  Swedifh  iron,  Spaniih  wool,  dvino- 
 fluffs,  oil,  fulphur,  faltpetre,  and  many  more  articles. 
 
 The  number  of  thefe  latter  articles  is  every  day  growing  lefs, 
 bv  the   encouragement    that  is  given  to  raife  the  materials  for 
 
 manufactures 
 
322  LECTURES    ON  Part.  V. 
 
 manufactures  among  ourfelves  ;  that  is,  either  at  home,  or  in 
 our  plantations.  In  confequence  of  the  excellent  methods 
 which  have  been  taken  by  different  focieties  inftituted  for  this 
 purpofe,  fuch  a  fpirit  of  emulation  has  been  raifed  among  ma- 
 nufacturers of  all  kinds,  as  has  already  put  many  of  our  arts 
 and  trades  upon  a  much  better  footing  than  they  were  before, 
 and  promifes  a  far  fuperior,  and  almoft  a  new  ftate  of  things 
 in  future  time. 
 
 The  connexion  between  arts  and  fcience  hardly  needs  to  be 
 pointed  out.  It  is  the  fame  that  holds  univerfally  between 
 theory  and  practice.  The  great  improvements  in  the  arts  in 
 modern  times  have  certainly  arifen  from  the  late  improvements  in 
 fcience.  The  fciences  which  have  the  moft  immediate  con- 
 nexion with  the  ufeful  arts  are  natural  philofophy  and  chy- 
 miftry  ;  but  even  the  more  abftracSt  fciences  have  ever  been,  in- 
 dire6lly,  of  great  ufe  to  promote  a  tafte  for  the  finer  arts  ;  and, 
 in  fa(St,  the  fame  ages  which  have  abounded  v^ith  philofophers, 
 have  ufually  abounded  with  good  artifts.  The  arts,  in  return, 
 promote  fociety  and  humanity,  which  is  fo  favourable  to  the 
 progrefs  of  fcience  in  all  its  branches.  Mathematical  know- 
 ledge is  of  principal  ufe  in  the  conftru(Stion  of  engines,  which 
 fave  labour  ;  and  to  chymiftry,  we  owe  the  fire  engine,  our  fkill 
 in  dying,  and  many   other  arts. 
 
 It  is  often,  however,  a  long  time  before  difcoveries  in  natural 
 philofophy  or  chymiftry  are  applied  to  any  confiderable  ufe. 
 The  Chinefe  were,  for  many  ages,  acquainted  with  the  proper- 
 ties of  the  load-ftone,  and  the  compofition  and  efFe6ts  of 
 gunpowder,  but  never  made  any  ufe  of  the  one  in  navigation, 
 or  of  the  other  in  war. 
 
 Few  obfervations  remain  to  be  made  on  the  fubjc£l  of 
 fcience,  as  an  object  of  attention  to  an  hiftorian,  after  the  account 
 which  has  already  been  given  of  the  progrefs  and  revolutions  of 
 it.  An  hiftorian  will  foon  obferve  that,  a  genius  for  fcience  by 
 no  means  depends  upon  climate  :  witnefs  the  difference  between 
 the  ancient  and  prefent  ftate  of  Greece.  It  will,  however,  ap- 
 pear that  nothing  is  fo  favourable  to  the  rife  and  progrefs  of 
 learning  and  the  arts,  as  a  number  of  neij>hbouring  indepen- 
 dent 
 
Lect.  L.  GENERAL    POLICY.  323 
 
 dent  ftates,  conne£led  by  commerce  and  policy.  This  was  the 
 condition  of  ancient  Greece,  and  it  is  that  of  Europe  at  prefcnt. 
 
 The  devaftations  of  barbarians,  or  the  perfecution  of  particu- 
 lar perfons,  whofe  intereftsare  incompatible  with  thofe  of  know- 
 ledge, may  deftroy  records  and  particular  monuments,  but  do 
 not  eafily  deftroy  the  fciences.  Hoangto  was  not  able  to  deftroy 
 learning  in  China  by  ordering  ail  the  books  to  be  burned. 
 They  were  prefervcd  with  more  care,  and  appeared  after  he  was 
 dead.  Nay  even  long  interruptions  in  the  progrefs  of  learning 
 are  favourable  to  knowledge,  by  breaking  the  progrefs  oi  autho- 
 rity. Thus  upon  the  revival  of  learning  in  the  Weft,  the  an- 
 cient Grecian  fe6ls  of  philofophy  could  gain  no  credit. 
 
 An  hiftorian  will  likewife  obferve,  that  when  arts  have  ar- 
 rived at  a  confiderable  degree  of  perfedion  in  any  place,  they 
 have  generally  begun  from  that  period  to  decline;  one  reafon 
 of  which  may  be,  that  when  the  general  eftecm  is  engao^ed, 
 there  is  little  room  for  emulation.  The  paintings  of  Italy  l«ft 
 no  room  for  the  ambition  of  England,  'i  he  fame  was  nearly  the 
 cafe  with  Rome  with  refped  to  Greece ;  and  the  finiihed  pro- 
 du«5lions  of  the  French  language  long  prevented  the  German 
 nation  from  attending  to  the  cultivation  of  their  own. 
 
 However,  the  extent  of  fcience  is  a  re-medy  for  this  incon- 
 venience. So  wide  a  field  is  now  open  to  the  genius  of  man,  that 
 let  fome  excel  ever  fo  much  in  one  province,  there  will  ftili  be 
 room  for  others  to  fhine  in  others.  And  befides,  though  the 
 arts^  as  mufic,  painting,  and  poetry,  have  perceivable  limits,  be- 
 yond which  it  is  almoft  impoftible  to  advance  :  this  is  far 
 from  being  the  cafe  with  fcience^  of  which  the  human  faculties 
 cannot  conceive  the  poflibility  of  any  bounds  :  the  djfcoveries 
 of  Newton  in  natural  philofophy,  fo  far  from  difcoura<*in'j^  other 
 philofophers,  only  ferve  as  an  incentive  to  them  in  their  fearch 
 after  new  difcoveries.  And  admitting  that  the  reputation  of 
 Pope,  and  a  few  others,  (hould  check  the  ambition  of  fucceedintr 
 poets,  it  is  only  after  fuch  a  quantity  of  valuable  poems  have 
 been  produced,  that  more  are  hardly  defirable.  Few  people 
 have  leifure  to  read,  much  lels  to  read  with  care,  or  to  ftudy,  ail 
 
 that 
 
324  LECTURES    ON  Part  V . 
 
 that  is  really  excellent  of  this  kind  of  the  productions  of  the 
 laft  age. 
 
 I  cannot  conclude  this  fubje(5t  without  turning  your  reflec- 
 tions on  the  advantages  mankind  derive  from  improvements  in 
 fcience  and  the  arts,  compared  with  the  ftate  of  things  in  thofe 
 ages  in  which  men  were  deftitute  of  them  j  particularly  in  thofe 
 which  relate  to  the  food,  the  drefs,  and  the  habitations  of  the 
 human  fpecies.  Indeed,  nothing  can  give  us  a  juft  idea,  and  a 
 lively  fenfe,  of  our  happinefs  in  the  conveniencics  we  enjoy,  but 
 a  knowledge  of  the  very  great  difadvantages  which  mankind  in 
 former  ages  have  laboured  under. 
 
 Not  to  mention  the  moft  credible  accounts  we  have  of  the 
 ftate  of  mankind  in  the  earlieft  ages,  in  almoft  all  parts  of  the 
 world  ;  when  they  lived  in  caves,  or  huts  made  of  the  branches 
 of  trees  and  earth,  when  they  had  no  cloathing  but  leaves,  or 
 the  raw  hides  of  animals,  and  no  food  but  the  fruits  and  roots 
 which  the  earth  produced  of  itfelfj  or  fometimes  the  fleih  of 
 animals  which  they  might  happen  to  furprize,  eaten  raw,  or 
 with  very  little  preparation  :  I  (ay,  not  to  mention  tl^is  con- 
 dition of  mankind  (which  yet  is  fcarce  inferior  to  that  of  many 
 tribes  of  the  human  fpecies  now  exifting)  if  we  only  for  a  mo- 
 ment imagine  ourfelves  in  the  place  of  our  anceilors,  who  lived 
 but  a  few  centuries  ago,  we  cannot  help  fancying  it  to  be  almoft 
 impoilible  for  us  to  have  lived  with  any  comfort ;  and  could 
 the  alteration  take  place,  it  would  certainly  afFe6l  us  very  fen- 
 fibly,  and  would  no  doubt  be  fatal  to  many  of  the  more  delicate 
 among  us;  though  itmuft  be  allowed  that  this  is  no  fair  method 
 of  judging  of  the  condition  of  thofe  who  never  knew  a  better 
 ftate,  but  who  were  from  their  infancy  inured  to  all  the  hardships 
 they  wereexpofed  to.  But,  admitting  this,  it  is  evident  the  beft 
 method  of  making  ourfelves  fully  fenfible  of  the  real  value  of 
 any  of  the  arts  of  life,  is  to  endeavour  to  form  clear  ideas  of  the 
 condition  of  mankind  before  the  knowledge  of  fuch  arts.  A 
 few  examples  will  beft  illuftrate  and  enforce  this  obfervation. 
 
 Linen,  of  which  we  are  now  fo  fond,  and  without  which 
 we  Ihould  think  ourfelves  fo  uncomfortabe,  was  not  ufed  ex- 
 cept  by  the   Egyptians,  and  a  ftw  people  in  the  Eaft,  till  a 
 
 confiderablc 
 
Lect.  L.  general    policy.  325 
 
 confiderable  time  after  the  reign  of  Auguftus.  The  only  g,arb 
 of  the  ancients,  by  whcm  we  mean  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  in 
 the  limes  of  their  greateft  riches  and  luxury,  feems  to  have 
 been  a  kind  of  flannel,  which  they  wore  commonly  white  or 
 grey,  and  which  they  fcoured  as  often  as  it  grew  dirty. 
 
 We  think  ourfelves  very  happy  when  we  have  a  comfortable 
 fire  in  a  private  fitting-room,  or  bed  chamber  ;  but  we  (hould 
 think  ourfelves  much  more  fo,  if  we  confidered  how  lately  it  is 
 that  any  fuch  convenience  could  be  had,  and  thiit  in  all  the 
 times  of  antiquity  there  was  only  one  hearth  belonging  to  any 
 houfe,  placed  in  the  middle  of  a  large  hal),  from  which  the 
 fmokc,  afcendii)^  in  the  middle,  went  out  at  a  hole  iir  the  top 
 of  the  room  ;  and  particularly  if  we  confidered  that  all  the  ha- 
 bitations  of  the  Knglifh  were  formerly  nothing  better  than  the 
 huts  of  the  Highlanders  and  the  wild  Irifti  at  this  day.  Chim- 
 neys were  not  general  till  about  the  time  of  Elizabeth. 
 
 By  the  ufe  of  glafs  ia  our  windows,  we  enjoy  the  light  and 
 exclude  the  weather,  but  the  wealthieft  of  the  ancients  had  no 
 fuch  advantage.  To  how  many  ufes  does  paper  now  ferve  for 
 which  nothing  elfe  would  be  nearly  fo  convenient  ?  and^et  the 
 ancients  were  obliged  to  do  without  it. 
 
 Before  the  fixteenth  century  Voltaire  fays  that  above  one  half 
 of  the  globe  were  ignorant  of  the  ufe  of  bread  and  wine,  which 
 is  ftill  unknown  to  a  great  part  of  America,  and  the  eaftern 
 parts  of  Africa.  In  the  fourteenth  century  wine  was  fo  fcarce 
 in  England,  that  it  was  fold  only  by  the  apothecaries  as  a  cor- 
 dial  ;  at  the  fame  time  candles  were  reckoned  an  article  of 
 luxury,  ihirts  were  made  of  ferge,  linen  worn  only  by  perfons 
 of  diftinclion,  and  there  was  no  fuch  thing  as  either  chimneys 
 or   ftoves. 
 
 All  the  conveniencics  we  derive  from  a  knowledge  of  the 
 mechanical  powers  ;  as  mills,  clocks,  watches,  <ScC.  are  compa- 
 ratively of  vtry  modern  invention,  to  fay  nothing  of  printing, 
 and  other  arts,  which  are  more  remote  from  the  confideration 
 of  necejfarles  \  though  many  things,  from  being  articles  of  high 
 luxury,  have  afterwards  come  to  be  generally  confidered  almoft 
 as  neceiraries,  as  tea  is  zx  prefent.     I  ihall  juft  add  that  the  firft 
 
 coach 
 
326  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 coach  was  fccn  in  England  in  the  reign  of  queen  Mary,  that 
 the  great  convenience  of  a  kitchen  garden  can  hardly  be  faid  to 
 have  been  know^n  before  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  that  even  pota- 
 toes, which  is  fo  confiderable  an  article  even  of  the  neceflary  food 
 of  the  poor  in  many  counties,  were  only  imported  fmce  the 
 difcovery  of  America,  and  that  there  was  little  or  no  fugar  in 
 all  this  weftern  part  of  the  world  till  the  fugar  cane  was  culti- 
 vated in  our  American  plantations. 
 
 It  is  a  pleafure  to  trace  the  feveral  articles  of  food  and  drefs 
 from  the  countries  where  they  were  firft  produced,  and  to  go 
 over  the  feveral  ftages  by  which  they  have  made  their  progrefs 
 to  us.  This  pleafure  we  receive  in  tracing  the  cherry  from 
 Pontus,  linen  from  Egypt,  and  filk  from  China.  In  (hort 
 nothing  that  refpedis  human  nature,  and  the  accommodations 
 of  mankind  upon  this  globe  is  unworthy  the  notice  of  a  philo- 
 fopher.  Every  thing  belonging  to  this  fubje6l  is  interefting  to 
 him,  and  will  yield  him  matter  of  en tertiilnment  and  inftruc- 
 tion.  With  the  old  man  in  Terence,  he  fays,  hdmo  fumy  humani 
 nihil  a  tne  aVanum  puto^ 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.LL  general    policy.  327 
 
 LECTURE       LL 
 
 the  Advantage  of  Commerce  to  a  State.  Its  EffeSis  upon  thi 
 Minds  of  Men.  A6live  and  pajjive  Commerce.  What  is  the 
 mofi  advantageous  Kind  of  Commerce,  Of  Fijhcries.  'The  Im- 
 portation of  unwr ought  Materials.  The  Gain  of  the  Merchants 
 and  that  of  the  Country  compared.  Balance  of  trade.  In^ 
 fiuence  of  Commerce  on  the  Value  of  Land^  and  vice  verfa, 
 Intefering  of  the  Legijlature  in  Commerce,  The  Navigation 
 Adl.  KeJiriSiions  upon  Commerce.  Companies,  Alienation  of 
 hand.  Lofs  of  Commerce  by  Perfecution,  Uniformity  of  Weights 
 and  Meafures,     FluSiuations  in  Commerce,     fealoufy  of  Trade, 
 
 NO  fooner  do  men  find  that  they  can  fubfift,  than  they 
 difcover  a  defire  to  improve  their  fituation,  and  increafe 
 their  accommodations.  If  the  prefent  defideratum  be  not  to  be 
 found  at  home,  they  will  look  for  it  abroad ;  and  there  is  no 
 fituation  man  ever  yet  arrived  at,  or  probably  ever  will  arrive  at, 
 in  which  he  can  entirely  acquiefce,  fo  as  to  look  out  for  no 
 farther  improvements.  This  endlefs  craving,  to  which  the 
 nature  of  man  is  fubje6l,  together  with  the  activity  of  the  hu- 
 man genius,  gave  rife  to  commerce^  by  which  mankind  are  fup- 
 plled  from  abroad  with  the  conveniences  which  they  could  not 
 find  at  home. 
 
 By  commerce  we  enlarge  our  acquaintance  with  the  terra- 
 queous globe  and  its  inhabitants,  which  tends  greatly  to  expand 
 the  mind,  and  to  cure  us  of  many  hurtful  prejudices,  which  we 
 unavoidably  contra6l  in  a  confined  fituation  ai  home.  The 
 exercife  of  commerce  brings  us  into  clofer  and  more  extenfive 
 connexions  with  our  own  fpecies,  which  muft,  upon  the  whole, 
 have  a  favourable  influence  upon  benevolence  ;  and  no  perfon 
 can  taftc  the  fweets  of  commerce,  which  abfolutely  depends 
 upon  a  free  and  undifturbed  intercourfe  of  different  and  remote 
 
 nations. 
 
328  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V, 
 
 nations,  but  muft  grow  fond  of  peace^  in  which  alone  the  ad- 
 vantages he  enjoys  can  be  had. 
 
 The  pun61:uality  effential  to  all  commercial  dealings  muft  in- 
 culcate upon  the  minds  of  all  concerned  in  it  the  principles  of 
 flricSl  juflice  and  honour.  The  only  inconvenience  is,  left  a 
 conftant  attention  to  gain  fhould  eftrange  the  mind  from  the 
 fentimcnts  of  generofity,  and  lead  to  a  fordid  avarice.  But  they 
 are  perfons  who  deal  in  fmall  gains,  and  who  are  perfonally  con- 
 cerned in  buying  and  felling,  that  are  moft  liable  to  this  incon- 
 venience ;  whereas  the  large  dealings  of  merchants  have  often 
 a  remarkably  contrary  effect:.  By  commerce  numbers  acquire 
 both  the  wealth  and  the  fpirir,  of  princes. 
 
 Trade  and  commerce  were  fo  long  confined  to  the  lower  orders 
 of  fociety,  while  all  the  free  and  the  noble  were  employed  in 
 hunting  or  in  war,  that  the  idea  of  the  former  being  mean  and 
 illiberal  is  ftill  annexed  to  it  in  many  parts  of  Europe,  and  ef- 
 pecially  in  France.  But  the  wealth  and  generofity  of  merchants 
 have  a  tendency  to  change  thefe  ideas,  and  the  fentiments  of  the 
 majority  will  always  influence  the  minority.  Where  the  greater 
 n'imber  of  rich  people  are  in  buflnefs,  the  reft  will  be  afhamed 
 of  being  idle  ;  as  they  fay  is  the  cafe  in  Holland  ;  and  in  time 
 the  bufinefs  of  a  foldier  may  come  to  be  as  difreputable  as  th^t 
 of  a  public  executioner. 
 
 The  capital,  the  proper  and  immediate,  advantage  of  com- 
 merce is,  that  it  excites  induftry,  and  increafes  labour,  by  the 
 fruits  of  which  a  nation  may  procure  themfelves  the  conve- 
 niences they  want,  and  thus  human  life  be  rendered  much 
 happier. 
 
 The  benefit  of  commerce  arifes  from  the  exchange  of  what 
 can  be  fparcd  for  what  is  wanted,  efpecially  that  of  provifions, 
 or  unwrought  materials,  raifed  by  the  farmer,  living  in  the 
 country,  for  manufactures  produced  by  thofe  who  live  in  towns, 
 and  the  Icfs  trouble  there  is  in  making  this  exchange  the  better, 
 if  every  thing  I  want  is  to  be  had  Within  the  ifland,  it  is  not  my 
 advantage  to  go  abroad  for  it;  and  if  the  exchange  could  be 
 made  without  money,  it  would  be  better  ftill.  For  money  is 
 only  a  convenience  in  making  exchanges, 
 
 I  The 
 
Lect.  LI.  GENERAL    POLICY.  329 
 
 The  foreign  confumption  of  any  commodity  occafions  the 
 increafe  of  it,  by  the  encouragement  given  to  induftry  at  home, 
 fo  that  the  more  there  is  exported  of  any  commodity,  the  more 
 will  be  raifed  of  it  at  home,  which  abundantly  confirms  the 
 maxim  of  Sir  William  Decker  that,  //  is  exportation  which  en-* 
 riches  a  nation^  and  demonftrates,  more  efpecially,  the  wifdom 
 of  encouraging,  as  much  as  pofTible,  the  exportation  of  necejfa- 
 ries.  While  the  EngliQi  raife  corn  fufficient  to  fupply  other 
 countries,  we  can  never  be  in  danger  of  a  famine  at  home. 
 But  before  this  hiftory  informs  us  that  we  had  frequent  fa- 
 mines. 
 
 The  abundance  which  the  fcriptures  inform  us  king  Solomon 
 introduced  into  the  kingdom  of  Ifrael  of  filver,  and  of  all  things 
 requifite  to  form  the  conveniences  and  elegancies  of  life,  by 
 means  of  his  fleets,  both  on  the  Red  Sea  and  on  the  Mediterra- 
 nean, is  a  fadl  fimilar  to  innumerable  others  which  hiftory  can 
 exhibit  in  favour  of  commerce.  Many  of  thefe  were  mentioned 
 in  the  fuccinct  account  which  has  been  given  of  the  hiftory  of 
 commerce  j  from  which  we  may  conclude  univerfally,  that  com- 
 merce never  fails  to  make  a  people  wealthy,  populous,  and 
 powerful. 
 
 Thefe  advantages  never  fail  to  attend  commerce  in  a  greater 
 or  lefs  degree,  whether  it  be  of  that  kind  which  is  denominated 
 a^ive^  or  whether  it  be  pajfive  ;  that  is,  whether  a  nation  export 
 their  own  commodities  and  manufadures,  or  the  exchange  be 
 made  by  the  fhipping  of  thofe  countries  with  which  they  have 
 dealings.  But  an  adive  commerce  is  by  far  the  moft  ad- 
 vantageous. The  very  articles  of  making  and  managing  the 
 fhips  themfelves  employs  a  great  number  of  hands ;  the  gain 
 arifmg  from  the  freight  is  confiderable,  and  the  naval  force  it 
 brings  to  a  ftate  is  a  vaft  acceftion  of  power,  and  a  great  fecurity 
 to  it. 
 
 On  the  other  hand,  a  paftive  commerce  may  be  of  fuch  a 
 kind  as  to  be  of  manifeft  prejudice  to  a  ftate;  juftas  a  private 
 perfon  may  fpend  his  fortune  in  a  foolifh  and  extravagant 
 manner, 
 
 A  a  That 
 
330  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 That  commerce  only  can  be  gainful  to  a  nation  which  pro- 
 motes induftry,  io  as  to  enable  the  people  to  live  in  affluence 
 without  exhaufting  their  revenues.  The  moft  gainful  commerce 
 to  aftate,  therefore,  is,  of  all  others,  that  in  v*/hich  we  export 
 our  own  manufacStures  made  from  home  materials.  For  this 
 employs  the  labour  which  is  neceiTary  to  the  cultivation  of  the 
 unwrought  materials,  the  manufacturing  of  thofe  materials,  and 
 the  exportation  of  the  commodities  which  are  made  from  them. 
 
 In  this  view,  alfo  {liberies  are  peculiarly  valuable  ;  as,  by 
 means  of  them,  it  requires  nothir.g  but  labour  to  enable  us  to 
 open  a  very  gainful  market.  Fifiieries  alfo  promote  navigation, 
 fo  as  to  employ  a  great  number  of  feamen ;  and  in  fa6t,  it  is 
 evident  from  the  hiftory  of  trade,  and  of  all  maritime  powers, 
 not  one  excepted,  that  great  filheries  have  always  been  epochas 
 of  a  great  trade  and  navigation. 
 
 Next  to  the  exportation  of  home  manufadlures,  and  fifheries, 
 the  importation  of  unwrought  materials  for  manufa6lures  is 
 valuable  to  a  nation.  It  is  better  than  the  importation  of  money. 
 Becaufe  the  manufaclure  of  thofe  foreigri  materials  employs 
 many  of  our  hands  at  home,  and  the  goods  that  are  made  from 
 them  are  fure  to  bring  in,  at  the  leiilt,  much  more  than  the 
 price  of  the  raw  materials. 
 
 The  t^ain  of  the  merchants,  It  is  faid,  is  not  always  the  gain 
 of  the  country  In  general.  ](,  fur  inftance,  a  merchant  import 
 foreign  <:^oods,  by  which  the  confumption  of  national  manufac- 
 tures is  hurt,  though  the  merchant  fhould  be  a  gainer  by  thofe 
 '^oods,  the  ftate  is  a  lofer.  As,  on  the  ether  hand,  a  merchant 
 may  export  the  manufactures  of  his  own  country,  to  his  own 
 lofs,  and  the  nation's  gain.  But  if  the  merchants  be  gainers, 
 the  confumers,  that  is,  thofe  for  whofe  ufe  manufadures  are 
 eftablifticd,  having  a  power  of  purchafing  or  not,  at  pleafure, 
 muft  be  fo  too.  And  if,  after  fufHcient  trial,  it  be  found  that 
 merchants  importing  foreign  goods  can  fell  thefe  cheaper  than 
 the  manufactures  can  be  bought  at  home,  it  is  an  indication 
 that  it  is  not  for  the  intereft  of  the  nation  at  large  to  encourage 
 fuch  manufA(5turcs. 
 
 Though 
 
Lect.LI.  general    policy.  331 
 
 Though  exportation  makes  a  nation  rich,  we  are  not  to  judge- 
 of  the  quantity  of  riches  which  a  nation  gains  by  trade  from 
 exportation  only,  but  the  importation  mufi:  alfo  be  confidered. 
 If  thefe  exadly  balance  one  another,  nothing  can  be  faid  to  be 
 gained  or  loft,  juft  as  a  perfon  is  not  the  richer  for  felling  a 
 quantity  of  goods,  if  he  buy  to  the  fame  amount.  Nay,  though 
 the  exportation  be  lefTened,  if  the  importation  be  leflened  more 
 than  in  proportion,  it  proves  an  increafe  of  gainful  trade,  not- 
 withftanding  the  decreafe  of  exportation.  This,  however,  is 
 eftimating  the  value  of  commerce  by  the  mere  increafe  of  money. 
 But  a  nation  may  flourifh  by  internal  commerce  only,  and  what 
 is  ^A-/^rW  commerce  between  two  nations  not  united  in  govern- 
 ment, would  be  internal^  if  they  ihould  come  under  the  fame 
 government.  In  every  fair  bargain  the  buyer  and  the  feller 
 are  equally  gainers,  whether  money  be  accumulated  by  either  of 
 the  parties  or  not. 
 
 It  is  a  great  miftake  to  confound  the  king's  revenue  with  the 
 gain  a  nation  makes  by  its  trade.  No  man  would  pre  fume  ta 
 fay  it  is  more  for  the  public  benefit  that  the  nation  ihould 
 expend  a  million  or  more  evey  year  with  foreigners,  in  order  to 
 raife  a  hundred  thoufand  pounds  to  the  revenue,  by  the  cuftoms, 
 than  to  fave  that  million  or  more  within  ourfelves,  and  to  raife 
 only  the  hundred  thoufand  pounds  fome  other  way.  But  minif- 
 ters  of  ftate  are  apt  to  eftimate  the  value  of  every  thing  to  the 
 country  by  the  gain  it  brings,  and  that  immediately,  to  themfelves. 
 
 As  commerce  increafes  the  wealth  and  populoufnefs  of  a 
 nation,  it  cannot  fail  to  raife  the  value  of  lands  ;  fo  that  what 
 is  called  the  landed  interej}  is  nearly  concerned  in  the  fupport 
 of  commerce.  And  it  may  eafily  be  fhown  that  a  decreafe  of 
 commerce  would  more  fenfibly  affed  the  landed  intereft  than 
 even  the  merchants,  traders,  and  manufa£l:ures  themfelves;  as 
 thefe  could  more  eafily  tranfport  themfelves  and  their  fortunes 
 into  other  countries,  than  perfons  who  had  eftates  in  land. 
 
 It  is  true,  however,  that  trade  may  increafe  the  value  of  land, 
 till  the  value  of  land  become  an  obftruilion  to  the  farther 
 increafe  of  trade.  For  certainly,  in  a  country  where  the  trade 
 arifes   chiefly   from   its  own   produ»5t;ions,  as  is    very  much  the 
 
 A  a  2  cafe 
 
332  LECTURES    ON  Part.  V. 
 
 cafe  with  England,  it  cannot  exift  if  the  price  of  land  be 
 exorbitant ;  becaufe  that  will  raife  the  price  of  all  commodities, 
 fo  that  they  will  not  have  the  fame  advantage  as  before  in  foreign 
 markets.  The  commerce  of  Holland  is  of  a  different  kind,  as 
 the  price  of  their  commodities  is  more  independent  of  their 
 lands  ;  but  then  that  kind  of  commerce  is  very  flu(fluating  and 
 uncertain,  as  the  materials  of  their  manufactures  muft  be  fup- 
 plied  by  other  nations  ;  who,  in  procefs  of  time,  maychufeto 
 manufacture  them  themfelves. 
 
 The  legillature  of  any  country  has  feldom  interfered  in  the 
 affairs  of  commerce,  but  commerce  has  fufFered  in  confequence 
 of  it,  owing  to  the  ignorance  of  ftatefmen,  and  even  of  mer- 
 chants themfelves,  concerning  the  nature  of  trade.  And  indeed 
 the  principles  of  commerce  are  very  complicated,  and  require 
 long  experience  and  deep  reflection  before  they  can  be  well 
 underftood.  But  the  famous  Englifli  navigation  a5l^  pafled  in 
 the  time  of  the  commonwealth,  is  an  exception  to  this  remark. 
 The  purport  of  that  aCl  is,  that  no  nation  fhall  be  permitted  to 
 import  into  this  kingdom  any  commodities  but  fuch  as  are  the 
 growth  of  the  country  which  imports  them.  This  aCl  was 
 chiefly  levelled  againft  the  Dutch,  who  before  fupplied  us  with 
 materials  for  moft  of  our  manufactures,  but  fmce  that  time  we 
 have  fetched  them  ourfelves  ;  and  the  confequence  has  been 
 fuch  an  increafe  of  the  fhipping  and  commerce  of  this  nation, 
 as  has  far  exceeded  the  moft  fanguine  expectations  of  thofe 
 perfons  who  projected  that  aCt.  But  to  make  fuch  a  regulation 
 as  this  beneficial  to  a  nation,  it  muft  be  the  intereft  of  other 
 nations  to  trade  with  us  on  our  own  terms,  and  we  muft  take 
 advantage  of  their  neceflitics.  The  time  may  come  in  which  it 
 will  be  as  politic  to  repeal  this  aCt,  as  it  was  to  make  it. 
 
 Moft  politicians  have  injured  commerce  by  rcftriCting,  con- 
 fining, or  burthening  it  too  much  ;  the  confequence  of  which 
 has  been,  that  by  aiming  at  great  immediate  advantage,  they 
 have  cut  off"  the  very  fprings  of  all  future  advantage.  The  in- 
 conveniencies  which  have  arifen  to  a  nation  from  leaving  trade 
 quite  open  are  few,  and  very  problematical,  in  comparifon  of  the 
 manifelt  injury  it  receives  from  being  cramped  in  almoft  any 
 
 form 
 
Lect.  LI.        G  E  N  E  R  A  L   P  O  L  I  C  Y.  333 
 
 form  whatfoever.  It  may  perhaps  be  admitted  as  a  good  general 
 rule,  that  no  reftricStlons  upon  commerce  are  ufeful  but  fuch  as 
 oblige  the  people  to  increafe  their  own  labour,  and  extend  and 
 improve  their  own  manufa6lures.  When  Lewis  XIV.  was  im- 
 portuned to  admit  the  Englifh  and  Dutch  herring  boats,  he  faid, 
 No,  by  no  means,  if  my  people  will  have  herrings,  why  do 
 they  not  catch  them,  as  the  Englifli  and  Dutch  do  ? 
 
 Mr.  Colbert,  a  man  of  great  probity,  knowledge,  and  induf- 
 try,  was  not  only  difpofed,  like  other  European  minifters,  to 
 encourage  the  induftry  of  the  towns,  more  than  that  of  the 
 country  ;  but,  in  order  to  it,  he  was  willing  even  to  deprefs  and 
 keep  down  that  of  the  country.  In  order  to  render  provifions 
 cheap  to  the  inhabitants  of  towns,  and  thereby  to  encourage 
 manufadlures  and  commerce,  he  prohibited  the  exportation  of 
 corn,  and  thus  excluded  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  from 
 every  foreign  market  for  the  mod  important  part  of  the  produce 
 of  their  induftry  *.  He  would  have  done  better  to  have  liftened 
 to  the  advice  of  an  old  merchant,  who  being  confulted  by  him 
 about  what  he  ihould  do  in  favour  of  trade  faid,  laijfez  ncusfaire^ 
 leave  us  to  ourfelves. 
 
 Great  concerns,  which  require  large  flocks,  and  unanimity 
 in  the  condu6l  of  them,  muft  neceflarily  be  managed  by  com- 
 paniesy  with  exclufive  privileges.  Companies  have  doubtlefs 
 baen  greatly  ferviceable  for  the  advancement  of  national  com- 
 merce in  early  tim.es.  It  feems  agreed  on  all  hands,  that  if  the 
 Eaft-India  and  African  trades  had  not  been  in  companies,  they 
 could  not  have  been  eftablifhed.  But,  notwithftanding  thefe  ef- 
 fe61s,  in  procefs  of  time,  commerce  is  generally  able  to  do  better 
 without  them  ;  and  the  continuance  of  them  often  becomes  a 
 great  obftru(5lion  to  the  trade  being  carried  on  in  its  full  ex- 
 tent. Private  or  feparate  traders  are  univerfally  known  to 
 take  more  pains,  and  to  manage  more  frugally,  than  com- 
 panies can,  or  ever  will  be  able  to  do.  It  may,  hov/ever, 
 be  proper  to  obferve,  in  order  to  prevent  miiUkes,  that  re- 
 gulated companies  have  not  always  one  joint  ftock  ;  hut 
 in  many  of   them  every   member   trades  upon    his   ov.-n    bot- 
 
 *  Smith's  Wealth  of  Nations^  vo!.  iil.  p.  3. 
 
 tom, 
 
334  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V  . 
 
 torn,    under  fuch   regulations  as  their  charters  empov/er  them 
 to  make. 
 
 The  reafon  why  companies  are  often  continued  mcch 
 longer  than  the  interefl  of  the  trade  requires,  is  that,  growing 
 wealthy,  they,  by  lending  money,  or  other  means,  become 
 of  confequence  to  the  government,  which  cannot  well  do  with- 
 out them. 
 
 Exclufive  and  coercive  powers  veiled  in  towns  corporate, 
 and  fubordinate  focicties,  have  all  likewife  been  highly  ufeful 
 in  the  infancy  of  trade.  In  the  turbulent  times  of  the  feudal 
 fy llem  there  could  have  been  no  fecurity  for  handicraftfmen 
 and  traders  but  in  privileged  places,  in  which  they  were  pro- 
 teded  by  the  lord  of  the  foil,  and  in  confideration  of  the 
 fervice  they  did  him.  But  they  are  now  generally  efteemed  aa 
 ob(lru61:ion  to  it,  by  enabling  the  members  of  thofe  corpo- 
 rations toimpofe  upon  their  fellow  fubjedts,  and  by  difcouraging 
 induftry. 
 
 As  commerce  confifts  in  the  exchange  of  one  thing  for  ano- 
 ther, all  the  laws  which  impede  the  alienation  of  land,  or  of 
 any  other  commodity,  obftrudt  commerce  ;  belides,  that  they 
 ftnk  the  value  of  land.  Commerce  never  ftouriflied  in  Eng- 
 land, till  the  alienation  of  land  was  made  eafy,  by  the  difufe 
 or  abolition  of  the  feudal  laws  and  cufi-oms,  which  confined  it 
 to  the  defcendancs  of  the  original  pofleflbrs. 
 
 All  laws  which  make  the  naturalization  of  foreigners  difficult, 
 are  a  difcouragement  to  commerce.  l"o  foreigners  England  is 
 Itidebted  for  all  its  manufacture?,  and  for  all  its  wealth.  And 
 as  it  is  by  no  means  fully  peopled,  naturalization  ought  cer- 
 tainly to  be  made  as  eafy  as  poffible. 
 
 No  prince  can  take  a  more  eiFecSlual  method  to  ruin  the  trade 
 of  his  dominions  in  a  very  fhort  time,  than  by  perfecution  on 
 account  of  religion.  Philip  II.  of  Spain  abfolutely  ruined  the 
 hne  trade  of  P'landers,  and  enriched  the  Dutch  and  the  Englifh, 
 by  introducing  the  inquifition  into  thofe  provinces  of  his  empire. 
 The  Protefrant  religion  is,  on  many  accounts,  more  favourable 
 to  commerce  than  the  Catholic.  In  Proteftant  countries  no 
 perfons  are  confined   to    convents,  and   a  fingle   life  ;   and  the 
 
 manufacturers 
 
Lect.  LI.      GENERAL    POLICY.  335 
 
 manufadurers  have  not  their  hands  io  much  tied  up  by  holidays. 
 The  Japanefe  are  great  iufferers  by  confining  their  trade  to  the 
 Chinele  and  the  Dutch,  occafioned  by  the  averfion  they  have 
 conceived  for  the  Jeluits.  The  Chinefe  are  faid  to  gain  a 
 thoufand  per  cent,  in  their  trade  with  Japan,  and  the  Dutch 
 nearly  the  fame. 
 
 In  enumerating  the  things  and  circumftances,  which  are,  or 
 would  be,  favourable  or  unfavourable  to  commerce,  it  is  not 
 improper  to  mention,  that  the  uniformity  of  weights  and  mea- 
 fures,  as  well  as  of  coins,  would  greatly  facilitate  general  com- 
 merce.  It  feems  impofTible  to  effect  this  throughout  the  world, 
 or  throughout  Europe  ;  but  one  would  think,  there  could  be 
 no  very  great  difficulty  to  effect:  it  in  any  particular  kingdom. 
 The  uniformity  of  weights  and  meafures  would  greatly  facilitate 
 the  internal  comnierce  of  Great-Britain,  and  this  of  itfclf  is 
 certainly  an  object  of  confiderable  importance. 
 
 As  an  admonition  to  the  Englifh  to  preferve  and  cultivate 
 their  commerce  with  the  utmoft  attention,  it  may  not  be  im- 
 proper to  give,  from  Anderfon,  a  brief  account  of  the  princi-. 
 pal  fluctuations  of  commerce,  in  modern  times.  '^  Who  would 
 *'  have  dreamed  tiiree  hundred  years  ago,  that  thofe  ports  of  the 
 *'  Levant,  from  whence,  by  means  of  the  Venetian^,  England, 
 **  and  almolt  all  the  reft  of  chriftendom  was  fupplied  with  the 
 *'  fpices,  drugs,  Szc,  of  India  and  China,  fhould  one  day  come 
 "  themfelves  to  be  fupplied  therewith  by  the  remote  countries 
 *'  p(  England  and  Holland,  at  an  eafier  rate  than  they  were 
 *'  wont  to  have  them  diredtly  from  the  Eaft,  or  that  Venice 
 *'  ihould  afterwards  lofe  to  Lifbon  the  lucrative  trade  of  fup- 
 **  Ply'og  t'^*^  ft^ft  of  Europe  with  them  ?  Or  laftly,  that  Lifbon 
 **  fliould  afterwards  lofe  the  fame  to  Amfterdam,  or  that  Amfter- 
 M  dam  and  Haerlem  fhould  gradually  lofe  (as  in  part  has  already 
 *'  happened,  and  is  likely  more  and  moe  to  happen)  their 
 f  famous  and  fine  linen  manufa6tures  to  Scotland  and  Ireland  ? 
 "  We  need  not  add  the  various  removes  of  the  ftaple  for  the 
 ^'  woollen  ma^iufacture,  which  was  firft  at  Venice,  Florence, 
 *'  Pifa,  and  Lucca,  upon  the  early  revival  of  commerce,  after 
 '*  the  fall  of  the  weftern  empire,  from  whence  the  bulk  of  it 
 
 '*  removed 
 
356  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 *'  removed  about  eight  hundred  years  ago  to  the  Netherlands, 
 *'  and  from  the  Netherlands  about  two  hundred  years  ago  into 
 <*  England  j  or  that  the  great  fupply  of  fugars  to  all  Europe 
 *'  (hould  go  from  Lifbon  to  London,  and  fincc,  in  too  great 
 «'  a  degree,  from  London  to  the  ports  of  France.  Fine  toys, 
 "  haberdaftiery,  jewels,  watches,  hardware,  hats,  ftockings, 
 *'  Sic,  from  France  and  Germany  into  England,  l^he  various 
 **  removes  of  the  herring  fifhery  alfo  are  very  remarkable. 
 *'  Thefe  inftances,"  as  Anderfon  juftly  fubjoins,  "  render 
 *'  feveral  of  the  axioms  of  our  older  writers  upon  commerce, 
 ''  unfafe  to  be  relied  on.  Even  that  excellent  treatife  of  Sir 
 "  Jofiah  Child  is  already  fomewhat  liable  to  this  caution,  ef- 
 ^'  pecially  when  he  is  writing  on  the  Dutch  commerce,  which 
 "  was  then  in  its  full  perfection,  though  it  has  been  fmce  con- 
 "  fiderably  eclipfed." 
 
 Let  us  not  be  difcouraged  by  unfuccefsful  attempts  to  extend 
 our  commerce  into  countries  yet  unknown.  Even  the  abor- 
 tive attempts  of  the  Englifli,  French,  Dutch,  and  Danes  for  the 
 hitherto  impradlicable  north-weft,  and  north-eaft  paflages  to 
 China  and  India  have,  neverthelefs,  been  produdtive  of  feveral 
 new  and  confiderable  fources  of  commerce,  and  of  the  increafe 
 of  navigation  to  thofe  northern  countries,  and  to  the;  no  fmall 
 benefit  of  all  the  reft  of  Europe.  For  to  thofe  attempts  are 
 owing  the  Greenland  fiftiery,  the  Hudfon's-Bay  trade,  and  the 
 trade  to  Ruflia  and  Lapland. 
 
 Many  of  the  received  maxims  of  commerce  have  for  their  ob- 
 je£lthe  enriching  of  one  nation  at  theexpence  of  others,  arifing 
 from  national  jealoufy,  as  if  the  gain  of  one  muft  neceflarily  be 
 the  lofs  of  the  other.  But  the  maxim  is  by  no  means  true, 
 and  on  the  fame  principle  every  town  in  the  fame  country  might 
 be  as  jealous  of  its  neighbouring  towns,  as  nations  are  of  their 
 neighbours. 
 
 In  reality,  as  I  have  obferved  before,  every  fair  bargain  is  a 
 gainful  tranfa£lion  to  both  the  parties,  and  confequently  all 
 nations  are  benefited  by  their  commercial  intercourfe.  And  of 
 the  two,  the  poor  are  greater  gainers  than  the  rich,  becaufe  the 
 wants  of  the  poor  are  of  a  more  ferious  nature  than  thofe  of 
 2  the 
 
Lect.  LI.         GENERAL    POLICY.  337 
 
 the  rich.  The  more  wealthy  any  nation  is,  the  greater  power 
 it  will  have  to  purchafe  the  commodities  of  other  nations,  and 
 no  country  has  (o  many  refources  within  itfelf,  as  not  to  ftand 
 in  need  of  others,  at  leaft  for  fuperfluities. 
 
 The  happinefs  of  all  nations,  therefore,  as  one  great  com- 
 munity, will  be  beft  promoted  by  laying  afide  rill  national 
 jealoufy  of  trade^  and  by  each  country  cultivating  thofe  pro- 
 duiSlions  or  manufactures  which  they  can  do  to  the  moft  advan- 
 tage ;  and  experience,  in  a  flate  of  perfed  liberty,  v/ill  foon 
 teach  them  what  thofe  are.  In  this  ftate  of  things,  the  only 
 advantage  will  be  on  the  fide  of  induftry  and  ingenuity,  and  no 
 man,  or  nation,  ought  to  wifh  it  to  be  any  where  elfe. 
 
 In  this  natural  courfe  of  things,  the  connexions  of  man- 
 kind, in  confequence  of  being  found  advantageous,  would  be 
 fo  multiplied,  that  they  would  find  a  common  intereft  in  being  at 
 feace  with  one  another,  and  a  common  lofs  in  hoftility.  When 
 differences  arofe  they  would  find  fome  other  method  of  deciding 
 them  than  by  force,  and  the  world  would  in  time  recover  its 
 priftlne  paradifaical  ftate.  The  prefent  commercial  treaties  be^ 
 tween  England  and  France,  and  between  other  nations  formerly 
 hoftile  to  each  other,  feem  to  (hew  that  mankind  begin  to  be 
 fenfible  of  the  folly  of  war,  and  promife  a  new  and  moft  im* 
 portant  aera  in  the  ftate  of  the  world  in  general,  at  leaft  in 
 Europe.  Our  jealoufy  of  trade  operates  to  make  other  nations 
 poor  at  our  own  expencc.  For  if  it  be  the  wifti  of  any  people 
 to  trade  with  another  nation,  it  is  a  proof  that  they  find  them- 
 felves  benefited  by  that  trade. 
 
 If  any  reftridion  on  commerce  was  ever  for  the  intereft  of  a 
 nation,  it  was,  as  I  have  obferved,  that  which  was  in  part  pro- 
 cured for  this  country  by  the  a£i  of  navigation.  It  made  it  ne- 
 ceflary  for  us  to  encreafe  our  navy,  and  thereby  made  us  more 
 formidable  in  time  of  war.  But  this  was  neceflarily  at  the  ex- 
 pence  of  the  nation  in  other  refpeCls.  For  it  is  evident  that  we 
 were  apprehenfive  of  being  ferved  with  many  commodities  by 
 foreigners  cheaper  than  we  could  be  by  our  own  people  ia  the 
 natural  courfe  of  things.  It  was  therefore  only  another  mode 
 of  taxing  ourfelves  for  our  defence. 
 
 Dr. 
 
338  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 Dr.  Smith  juftly  obfv-Tves  *  that  no  regulation  of  commerce 
 can  increalb  the  quantity  of  induftry,  and  confequently  the 
 wealth  of  any  fociety,  beyond  what  its  capital  can  maintain. 
 It  can  only  divert  a  part  of  it  into  a  direction  into  which  it 
 might  not  otherwife  have  gone;  and  it  is  by  no  means  certain 
 rhat  this  artificial  direction  will  be  more  advantageous  to  fo- 
 ciety than  that  to  which  it  would  have  gone  of  its  own  ac- 
 cord. 
 
 *   Wealth  of  Nation*,  vol.  li.  p.  177. 
 
 L  £  C  1   U  R  E 
 
Lect.  LII.  GENERAL    POLICY.  339 
 
 LECTURE        LIL 
 
 JJfe  of  Colonies  to  a  commercial  State.  Differ- ence  between  ancient 
 and  modern  Colonies,  hnportance  of  our  American  Colonies, 
 The  Subferviency  of  a  Colony  to  the  Mother  Country,  The  Situa- 
 tion of  Ireland.  Unreafonable  fealoufy  of  it,  Jldaxi?Jis  ivith  re^ 
 fpe£i  to  Money.  Of  the  Nature  of  Exchange,  In  what  Cafes  a 
 great  ^antity  of  Money  is  ufeful  or  hurtful  to  a  State^  and 
 how  the  hicreafe  of  it  operates  to  produce  an  improved  State  of 
 Society,      The  Coinage  of  Englift)  Money  free. 
 
 A  Great  means  of  the  amazing  increafe  of  {hipping  and  com- 
 merce in  modern  times  is  our  foreign  Colonies,  of  theef 
 tabliftiment  of  which  the  ancients  had  no  idea.  They  only  formed 
 colonies,  when  they  were  overftocked  with  people  at  home  ; 
 whereas  we  almoft  depopulate  ourfelves  to  form  them.  They 
 had  the  advantage  of  the  fettlers  only  on  view ;  we  the  advan- 
 tage of  the  mother-countrv  chiefly.  With  the  ancients  colonies 
 prefently  became  independent  of  their  mother-country;  with 
 us,  the  connexion  with  their  mother-country  is  ftridly  kept  up 
 The  ancients  defended  their  colonies  from  their  afFedtion  and 
 friendfhip  for  their  former  countrymen  j  we  fight  for  them,  a^ 
 for  our  property. 
 
 It  was  the  poffefHon  of  colonies,  which  gave  the  princes  of 
 Europe  an  idea  of  the  importance  of  trade.  Our  wars  are  now 
 chiefly  commercial  wars  ;  whereas  commerce  was  never  made  ai. 
 affair  of  ftate,  before  the  planting  of  colonies  in  the  ladcer.turv. 
 In  fa(£^,  colonies,  conducted  according  to  the  modern  maxima, 
 of  their  entire  lubferviency  to  the  mother-country,  are  diflant 
 nations,  fupplied  with  every  commodity  they  want,  by  their 
 mother-coujitry,  if  (he  can  fupply  them  with  it.  Accord- 
 ing to  thefe  maxims,  in  which  the  liberty  and  happinefs 
 of  colonics,  are  not  confidered,  a  colony  mufl  never  interfere 
 with  the  manufactures  of  its  mother-country,  and  all  its  com- 
 I  merce 
 
349  LECTURES     ON  Part  V, 
 
 merce  muft  be  carried  on  by  the  (hipping  of  its  mother-country. 
 The  inhabitants  of  colonies  muft  not  even  fifti  upon  their  own 
 coafts.  In  fhort,  according  to  thefe  maxims,  colonies  can  only 
 be  for  culture. 
 
 Confidering  how  induftrious  the  people  of  our  colonies  are, 
 it  is  no  wonder,  if  we  confidcr  this  their  fituation,  that,  as  the 
 fagacious  Sir  Jofiah  Child  many  years  ago  obferved,  every  white 
 man  in  our  colonies  finds  employment  for  four  at  home.  Now 
 fuppofing,  that  fince  his  time,  there  may  be  two  hundred  and 
 fifty  thoufand  white  men  in  all  our  colonies  (exclufive  of  wo- 
 men and  children,  and  alfo  of  negroe  flaves,  and  including  about 
 twelve  thoufand  eight  hundred  failors  employed  as  well  in  their 
 own  fiflieries  as  in  the  coafting  trade,  and  in  that  alfo  about  the 
 continent  and  illand  colonies  in  two  thoufand  veflels  of  their  own 
 great  and  fmall)  then  is  employment  given  to  no  fewer  than  one 
 million  of  our  own  people  at  home.  And  as  all  our  commerce 
 with  America,  including  the  negro  trade,  may  probably  em- 
 ploy one  thoufand  two  hundred  fail  more  of  our  own  Britifh 
 fhipping,  and  twenty  thoufand  failors,  it  is  eafy  to  conceive  how 
 vaftly  profitable  thefe  our  plantations  are  to  us  in  every  view, 
 whether  by  fettingon  work  fuch  immenfe  numbers  of  our  ma- 
 nufadurers  and  artificers  of  all  kinds  or  by  finding  employment 
 for  our  failors,  fhip-builders,  and  all  the  trades  depending 
 thereon  *. 
 
 Whether  the  maxims  of  the  abfolute  fubferviencyof  colonies 
 to  their  mother-country  be  equitable  or  not,  I  do  not  here  con- 
 fider.  But  that  being  allowed,  the  English  are  juftly  charged 
 with  fctting  the  example  of  feveral  wrong  fteps  with  regard  to 
 colonies  j  as  they  firit  began  to  refine  fugars  at  St.  Chriflophers, 
 It  is  however  pretty  manifef?,  that  a  mother-country  may  injure 
 itfelf  by  an  extreme  jeaioufy  of  its  colonies.  This  feems  to  be 
 clearly  the  cafe  with  refpc6l  to  Ireland,  a  kingdom  dependent 
 on  England,  and  therefore  in  fa61:,  much  the  fame  as  a  colony 
 to  it.     Ireland  (hould  certainly  be  indulged  in  thofe  branches  of 
 
 *  Thefe  paragraphs  were  written  long  before  the  late  American  war,  and  were 
 ccpied,  I  believe,  from  Poftlethwaite,  Since  that  war  the  ftaic  of  thing's  in  thefe 
 itlped^s  is  much  changed^ 
 
 trade. 
 
Lect.  LIL  GENERAL   POLICY.  341 
 
 trade,  in  which  we  cannot  underfcll  the  French,  and  they  can. 
 For  the  Irifh,  it  is  faid,  can  underfcll  all  the  world.  Jtfeems 
 likewife  to  be  equally  fliort  fighted  policy,  to  prohibit  the  impor- 
 tation of  any  Irifh  commodities,  as  fkins,  tallow,  butter,  &:c.  on 
 pretence  that  the  permiinon  to  do  it  would  hurt  the  landed  intereft 
 in  England  ;  whereas  the  confequence  would  plainly  be,  to 
 lefTen  the  price  of  our  manufactures;  which  would  increafe  our 
 exportations,  commerce  and  wealth,  and  confequently  raife  the 
 value  of  land,  fo  as  to  be  a  much  greater  advantage  in  the  end, 
 than  any  thing  that  could  accrue  from  the  prefent  fah  of  part 
 of  its  produce  at  a  little  higher  price.  So  that  Mr.  Poftle- 
 thwaite  feemed  with  reafon  to  fay,  that  preventing  the  exporta- 
 tion of  cattle  from  Ireland,  in  order  to  encourage  home  con- 
 fumption,  arifes  from  miftaking  the  nature  of  trade ;  that  this 
 monopoly  of  cattle  in  the  hands  of  the  landholders  is  both  un- 
 juft  with  refpedl  to  the  reft  of  the  people,  and  its  benefit  to  the 
 landholders  them felves  only  imaginary. 
 
 Little  did  Great-Britain  think  of  the  price  they  were  to  pay 
 for  their  foreign  colonies  in  North  America.  For  to  this  ac- 
 count we  muft  put,  befides  the  expence  of  planting  them 
 (which  indeed  was  fo  fmall  as  to  give  this  country  very  little 
 original  claim  upon  them)  both  the  expence  of  defending  them, 
 and  that  of  the  war  in  which  we  loft  them.  The  war  before 
 the  laft,  which  was  undertaken  on  account  of  the  colonies,  coft 
 Great-Britain  upwards  of  ninety  millions.  The  Spanifh  wi\r 
 of  1739  was  principally  undertaken  on  their  account,  in  which 
 Great-Britain  fpent  upwards  of  forty  millions.  If  we  call  the 
 whole  only  a  hundred  millions,  and  add  to  it  the  expence  of  the 
 laft  war  with  the  colonies  and  t-heir  allies,  we  may  fay  that  they 
 have  been  the  caufe  of  our  expending  no  lefs  than  two  hundred 
 and  fifty  millions.  Such  is  the  forefight  and  wildom  of  great 
 nations ! 
 
 Money^  as  a  commodity,  which  is  a  convenient  fubftitute  for 
 other  commodities,    is  of  eminent  ufe  in  commerce ;  and  a  va- 
 riety of  circumftances  relating  to  it  deferve  the  attention  both 
 of  the  hiftprian,  who  takes  notice  of  the  ftate  of  trade  and  com- 
 merce 
 
342  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 merce  in  different  countries,  and  of  the   politician,   who  would 
 favour  commerce. 
 
 If  all  men  could  conveniently  exchange  what  they  have  for 
 what  they  want,  there  would  he  no  occafion  for  money.  But 
 they  fometimes  want  to  purchafe  a  little  more,  and  fometimes 
 a  little  lefs  than  any  particular  quantity  that  they  can  conve- 
 niently part  with.  Alfo,  fometimes  they  have  a  fuperfluity, 
 which  would  pcrifh  in  their  hands,  and  they  do  not  care  to  give 
 it  without  feme  equivalent. 
 
 In  this  cafe  it  was  very  defirable  to  find  fomething  that  was 
 not  perilhable,  and  of  eafy  conveyance,  which  might  be  con- 
 fidercd  as  the  reprefentative  of  value  in  general.  But  nothing 
 would  have  been  chofen  for  this  purpofe  at  firft  but  what  had 
 fomeintrinfic  value  to  recommend  it,  afubftance  which  had  ufes 
 of  its  own.  Several  things  have  been  applied  to  this  purpofe 
 in  different  countries,  and  at  different  times.  But  the  metals 
 have  been  generally  found  preferable  to  every  thing  elfe,  efpe- 
 cially  copper,  filver,  and  gold.  To  fave  the  trouble  of  weighing 
 the  quantity,  and  examining  the  purity,  of  thefe  metals,  the 
 generality  of  nations  have  fallen  into  the  method  of  flamping 
 them  ;    but  the  Chinefe  ftill  take  them  by  weight. 
 
 As  the  price  of  things  cannot  rife  where  there  is  no  defire  to 
 purchafe,  fo  let  that  defire  be  ever  fo  great,  the  price  cannot 
 exceed  what  thofe  who  want  can  afford  to  pay.  The  price  of 
 the  neceffaries  of  life,  therefore,  as  Mr.  Stewart  fays  *,  mufl 
 depend  upon  the  faculties  of  the  buyer,  that  is,  of  the  loweft 
 clafs  of  the  people.  In  the  greateft  famine,  even  bread  can 
 never  rife  above  that  price.  For  then  the  commoO  people  mufl 
 actually  die. 
 
 The  price  of  things  does  not  always  depend  upon  the  labour 
 beftowed  upon  them.  For  fometiines  a  manufadure  is  raifed 
 by  thofe  who  only  amufe  themfelves  with  it,  or  who  have  no 
 other  ufe  for  their  time.  Hence  the  cheapnefs  of  all  forts  of 
 country  work  in  former  times,  and  of  the  work  of  nuns  at 
 prcfcnt. 
 
 *  Political  OEconomy,    vol.  i.  p.  597. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  LII.  general     POLICY.  343 
 
 The  price  of  any  thing  in  money,  or  goods,  depends  upon 
 competition,  or  the  demand  there  is  for  it.  When  anything 
 is  much  wanted,  a  great  price  v/ill  be  given  for  it;  but  when 
 few  want  it,  and  the  owner  muft  part  with  it,  he  will  be 
 willing  to  fell  it  for  little. 
 
 Price,  however,  fuppofes  alienation  ;  and  a  common  ftandard 
 of  value  fuppofes  a  frequent  and  familiar  alienation.  What 
 anfwer,  fays  Sir  James  Stewart*,  would  a  Scotch  Highlander 
 have  given  fifty  years  ago,  if  he  had  been  afked  for  how  much 
 he  fold  a  quart  of  his  milk,  a  dozen  of  his  eggs,  or  a  load  of 
 his  turf?  They  bore  no  determinate  price,  becaufe  they  were 
 not  fold.  Where  the  inhabitants  are  fed  almoft  diredly  from  the 
 earth,  the  demand  for  grain  in  the  public  market  will  be  little, 
 and  confequently  the  price  low,  whether  there  be  little  money 
 in  the  country,  as  in  Scotland  formerly,  or  much,  as  in  the 
 Indies. 
 
 Let  the  fpecie  of  a  country  be  ever  fo  much  augmented  or 
 diminifhed,  commodities  will  ftill  rife  and  fall  according  to  the 
 principles  of  demand  and  competition  ;  and  thefe  will  con- 
 fequently depend  upon  the  inclinations  of  thofe  who  have 
 property,  or  any  kind  of  equivalent,  to  give,  but  ndver  upon 
 the  quantity  of  coin  they  are  poiTefTed  of.  At  a  time  when  the 
 Greeks  and  Romans  abounded  in  wealth,  when  every  rarity 
 and  the  works  of  thechoiceft  artifts,  was  carried  to  anexceHive 
 price,  an  ox  was  bought  for  a  mere  trifle,  and  grain  was  cheaper 
 perhaps  than  it  was  ever  in  Scotland  f. 
 
 If  money  be  above  the  proportion  of  induftry,  it  will  have 
 no  efFecl  in  raifing  prices,  nor  will  it  enter  into  circulation.  It 
 will  be  hoarded  up  in  treafure,  where  it  muft  wait  not  only  the 
 defire  of  the  proprietor  to  confume,  but  of  the  induftrious  to 
 fatisfy  that  defire.  There  never  can  therefore  remain  in  circu- 
 lation more  than  a  quantity  nearly  proportionate  to  the  con- 
 fijmption  of  the  rich,   and  the  induftry  of  the  poor  ^:. 
 
 The  firft  maxim  with  refpe£i:  to  money,  the  ftandard  of  all 
 commodities,  is,  that  the  nominal  fpecies  of  it  fhould  be  fubject 
 
 ♦political  OEconoroy,   vol.  i.  p.  36^.  -f-  Ibid.  p.  403.  X  '^i^i  p.  407. 
 
 to 
 
344  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 to  as  little  variation  as  poiTible.  To  raife  the  nominal  value  of 
 money  may  ferve  a  particular  emergence,  within  a  ftate^becaufe 
 people  will  fell  their  commodities  for  the  fame  words,  as  it 
 were,  without  regard  to  the  meaning  of  them,  at  leaft  for  fome 
 time.  Thus,  it  was  obferved  in  the  laft  year  of  Lewis  XIV. 
 that  when  the  money  was  raifed  three- fevenths,  the  prices  of 
 things  augmented  only  one-feventh.  But  with  regard  to  foreign 
 connexions,  a  prince  only  cheats  himfelf,  by  that  means. 
 Foreigners  will  take  advantage  of  the  illufion,  whilft  it  lafts, 
 and  buy  their  goods  with  their  own  bad  money  ;  and  the  par  of 
 exchange,  which  regulates  the  commerce  of  different  countries, 
 depends  entirely  upon  the  relative  intrinfic  value  of  the  coins 
 of  different  nations,  without  any  regard  to  their  currency  where 
 they  are  coined. 
 
 France  robs  her  fubje<5ls  by  debafmg  the  ffandard  of  the 
 coin,  and  then  pays  her  debts,  and  afterwards  fometimes  raifes 
 the  ftandard  again.  But,  fays  Sir  James  Stewart  *,  three  incon- 
 'veniencies  follow  on  this,  firft,  it  difturbs  the  ideas  of  the  whole 
 nation  with  refpe6t  to  value,  and  gives  an  advantage  in  all 
 baro-ains  to  thofe  who  can  calculate  over  thofe  who  cannot. 
 Secondly,  it  robs  the  whole  clafs  of  debtors  when  the  ftandard 
 is  raifed,  and  it  robs  the  whole  clafs  of  creditors  when  it  is 
 debafed.  Thirdly,  it  ruins  credit,  becaufe  no  man  will  borrow, 
 or  lend,  in  a  country  when  he  cannot  be  fure  of  receiving  back 
 the  value  of  his  loan,  or  of  being  in  a  capacity  of  clearing 
 himfelf,  by  paying  back  the  value  he  had  borrowed. 
 
 It  has  been  a  falfe  maxim  of  many  princes  and  politicians,  to 
 endeavour  to  keep  all  the  coin  within  their  own  territories. 
 The  attempt  is  abfolutely  fruitlefs,  and  if  it  could  fucceed, 
 would  really  be  prejudicial  to  commerce,  and  the  true  intereft 
 of  the  ftate.  Where  there  is  money,  and  commodities  are 
 wanted,  it  will  be  exchanged  for  them,  and  there  are  fo  many 
 ways  of  conveying  it,  that  no  power  on  earth  can  prevent 
 the  circulation.  Befides,  money  can  never  abandon  a  nation, 
 where    there    are   people    and  induftry.       Induftry  will    raife 
 
 *  Pulitical  OEconoray,  vol.  ii.  p.  6'j,. 
 
 manu- 
 
Lect.  LII.        GENERAL    POLICY.  345 
 
 manufactures,  and  manufactures  will  command  money.  Nay, 
 fmce  a  great  accumulation  of  money,  which  is  the  univerfal  con- 
 fequence  of  an  encreafe  of  induftry  and  manufactures,  necefTarily 
 checks  the  growth  of  manufactures,  by  encreafing  the  price  of 
 labour,  it  ought  rather  to  be  the  aim  of  good  policy,  to  diminifh 
 the  quantity  of  current  money  in  the  kingdom,  fmce  otherwife, 
 our  poorer  neighbours   will  always  be  able  to  underfell  us. 
 
 The  only  inconvenience  attending  a  fmall  quantity  of  current 
 money  in  a  ftate  will  be  felt  in  wars,  or  travelling  abroad, 
 where  money  muft  be  raifed  at  home  to  be  expended  abroad. 
 For  it  is  certain,  that  were  a  nation  ever  fo  rich  in  commodities, 
 it  could  not  carry  on  a  foreign  war  without  money :  for  men 
 cannot  carry  commodities  for  their  fubfiftence  along  with  them. 
 In  this  cafe,  therefore,  the  more  money  they  can  raife  at  home, 
 and  carry  along  with  them,  with  which  to  purchafe  thofc 
 neceflaries,    the  more  advantage  they  will  have. 
 
 In  this  view,  therefore,  only,  viz.  in  cafe  of  neceflary  ex- 
 fences  abroad,  is  it  of  confequence,  that  what  is  generally 
 called  the  balance  of  trade  {hould  be  in  favour  of  a  nation.  For 
 certainly  that  nation,  which  faves  the  moft  money  bv  its  trade 
 will  always  be  the  moft  powerful.  It  will  have  what  fome  call, 
 the  moft  conventional  riches  ;  and  hence  riches  are  called  the 
 fmews  of  war.  Otherwife  a  nation  might  be  much  happier  at 
 hom.e  if  they  received  no  money  but  only  the  commodities  they 
 wanted,  in  return  for  thofe  they  raifed  and  exported  thcmfelves. 
 
 On  the  contrary,  where  there  is  no  induftry  and  manufac- 
 tures, it  isimpoftible  to  retain  money.  For  above  one  thoufand 
 years,  the  money  of  Europe  has  been  flowing  to  Rome  by  open 
 and  fenfible  currents  ;  but  it  has  been  emptied  by  many  lecret 
 and  infenfible  ones;  and  the  want  of  induftry  and  commerce 
 renders  the  papal  territories  at  prefent  the  pooreft  in  all  Italy. 
 Again,  v*'hat  immenfe  treafures  have  been  expended  by  (o  many 
 nations  in  Flanders  fmce  the  revolution  ?  More  money  perhaps 
 than  the  half  of  what  is  at  prefent  in  Europe  But  what  is 
 now  become  of  it  ? 
 
 It  is  by  the  encreafe  or  decreafe  of  the  quantity  of  money  in 
 a  ftate,  that  the  balance  of  its  trade,  or  its  gain  or  lofs  by  trade, 
 
 B  b  '  i. 
 
346  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 is  generally  elli mated  j  and  as  fuperior  induftry  will  draw  a 
 Superior  quantity  of  money,  there  feems  to  be  fome  foundation 
 for  the  maxim.  But  then,  it  only  fhews  the  balance,  when 
 left  to  its  natural  courfe.  The  Spanish  princes,  by  prohibiting 
 the  exportation  of  coin,  in  fa6l  impoveriflied  their  country. 
 As  the  Spaniards  could  not  exchange  it  for  comhiodities,  it  was 
 to  them  an  ufelcfs  incumbrance.  Nay,  it  was  worfe  than  an 
 incumbrance ;  for  as  it  raifed  the  price  of  all  things  at  home, 
 it  made  it  impoflible  for  them  to  eftablifh  any  manufadlures, 
 which  could  be  fold  in  a  foreign  market. 
 
 The  encreafe  of  money  in  a  country  has  a  favourable  operation 
 for  a  time,  becaufe  it  firft  comes  into  the  hands  of  thofe  who 
 are  thereby  enabled  to  purchafe  the  produce  of  the  ground,  or 
 manufa6lures,  at  a  higher  price  than  had  been  given  for  them 
 before  i  and  this  enables  the  farmer  and  manufacturer  to  encreafe 
 their  ftock.  But  when  the  price  of  every  thing  is  again  fixed, 
 the  encreafed  quantity  of  coin  only  adds  to  the  load  of  every 
 man  who  carries  it  to  market;  and  if  it  was  a  thoufand  times 
 more  than  it  is,  it  would  be  only  fo  much  the  greater  burthen, 
 unlefs  it  could  be  exported  for  fomething  of  intrinfic  value. 
 
 When  money  begins  to  leave  any  country,  the  preceding 
 operation  is  reverfed.  The  farmer  and  manufacturer,  not  being 
 able  to  get  the  ufual  prices  for  their  commodities,  are  difcou- 
 raged  from  raifmg  them,  and  improvement  and  population  will 
 for  a  time  go  backwards. 
 
 The  great  advantage  which  accrued  to  Europe  from  the 
 difcovery  of  America,  arofe  not  from  the  greater  quantity  of 
 gold  and  filver  with  which  it  fupplied  us,  but  from  new  articles 
 of  confumption  and  manufacture,  and  ftill  more  from  the 
 fpirit  of  induftry  which  it  excited  among  the  different  European 
 nations,  by  fupplying  them  with  a  new  market  for  their  com- 
 modities. 
 
 It  is  peculiar  to  this  country  to  charge  nothing  for  the 
 coinage  of  money,  whereas  in  France  it  pays  eight  per  cent, 
 T  his  is  a  means  of  prefcrving  the  French  coin  more  than  the 
 Englifh.     Nobody,  I  believe,  fays  Mr.  Stewart  *,  ever  imports 
 
 *  Pelitical  OEconomy,  vol.  ii,  p,  58. 
 
 louis 
 
Lect.  LII.  GENERAL    POLICY.  347 
 
 louis  d'ors  to  be  coined  in  the  Englifli  mint,  notwithflarwding 
 the  benefit  there  is  in  importing  gold  into  England  from  France, 
 where  the  proportion  of  the  metals  is  lower  ;  yet  nothing  is 
 more  common  than  to  carry  guineas  to  every  foreign  mint  at 
 the  bare  price  of  bullion.  This  is  the  reafon  why  fo  little 
 Englifh  coin,  and  fo  much  French  coin,  is  found  in  circulation, 
 in  the  countries  foreign  to  both  nations.  Louis  d'ors,  he  fays,  in 
 confequence  of  the  price  of  coinage,  pafs  current  almoft  every 
 where,  for  more  than  their  intrinfic  value,  even  when  compared 
 with  the  coin  of  the  very  nation  where  they  circulate  without 
 the  fandion  of  the  public  authority.  Thus  no  French  coin 
 is  melted  down,  and  when  the  balance  of  foreign  trade  is  fa- 
 vourable,  it  returns  home. 
 
 It  is  no  manner  of  difference  to  France,  he  fays*,  to  receive 
 for  the  balance  of  her  trade  a  hundred  pounds  of  her  own  louis 
 d'ors,  or  a  hundred  pounds  of  (tandard  gold  bullion,  at  fuch 
 time  as  bullion  is  commonly  carried  to  the  mint,  becaufe  the 
 one  and  the  other  will  anfwer  the  fame  occafions,  both  in  the 
 Paris  market  and  in  moft  trading  towns  in  Europe. 
 
 •  Political  OEconomy,  vol.  u.  p.  6 1. 
 
 B  b  2  L  K  C  T  U  R  E- 
 
348  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 LECTURE      LIII. 
 
 0/  the  Inter e/?  of  Money :  how  its  rife  or  fall  is  influenced  by  tht 
 State  of  Commerce,  Of  fixing  the  Rate  of  Inter  ejl.  Of  Paper - 
 money.  Paper-credit,  State  of  the  North- American  Coloni*4 
 in  this  Refpeof.      Of  Exchange. 
 
 ^  I  ^O  perfons  in  trade,  money  yields  as  proper  a  produce,  as 
 -*■  lands  do  to  hufbandmen.  Hence,  the  ufe  of  it  bears 
 a  price,  as  well  as  the  ufe  of  land.  And  interej}^  which  is  the 
 price  of  money,  the  univerfal  reprefentative  of  commodities,  is 
 juftly  called  the  barometer  of  a  ftate,  {hewing  very  nearly  the 
 comparative  ftate  of  the  commerce  and  riches  of  the  nation. 
 
 The  lownefs  of  intereft  is  almoft  an  infallible  fign  of  the 
 flouriftiing  ftate  of  a  people.  It  proves  the  encreafe  of  induftry, 
 and  a  good  circulation  through  the  whole  ftate,  to  little  lefs 
 than  demonftration.  And  though  a  fudden  check  to  commerce 
 may  have  a  temporary  efFe6l  of  the  fame  kind,  it  is  eafily 
 diftinguiftied  from  the  former.  Almoft  all  other  means  of 
 afcertaining  the  quantity  of  trade  in  a  nation  are  very  fallacious. 
 The  number  of  tons  of  fiiipping,  which  fome  have  recourfe  lo 
 for  that  purpofc,  aff'ords  a  very  impei fe61:  rule  to  judge  of  the 
 real  riches,  or  trade,  of  two  nations ;  for  a  great  deal  depends 
 on  the  difference  of  bulk  and  intrinfic  value  in  commodities. 
 
 High  intereft  of  money  arifes  from  three  circumftances  ;  a 
 great  demand  for  borrowing  ;  little  riches  to  fupply  that 
 demand  ;  and  great  profits  arifing  from  commerce.  All  thofc 
 circumftances  are  marks  of  a  fmall  advance  in  commerce  and 
 induftry.  In  a  ftate  where  there  is  nothing  but  a  landed  intereft 
 there  is  little  frugality,  and  therefore  borrowers  muft  be  very 
 numerous*,  whereas  traders,  having  gain  always  before  their: 
 eyes,  arj  faving.  In  a  monied  intereft,  therefore,  there  is  a 
 great  number  of  lenders,  wiiich  finks  the  rate  of  intereft.  It 
 is  needlefs   to  enquire,  with  refpedt   to  the  third  circumftance, 
 
 whether 
 
Lect.LIII.  general    POLICY.  349 
 
 whether  low  intereft  and  low  profits,  be  the  caufe,  or  which 
 the  efFedl.  They  both  arifc  from  an  extenfive  commerce,  and 
 mutually  forward  each  other. 
 
 This  circumftance  clearly  (hews  the  low  flate  of  commerce  in 
 ancient  times.  We  read  in  Lyfias  of  one  thou fand  per  cent, 
 profit  being  made  on  a  cargo  of  two  talents  fent  to  no  greater 
 adiftanee  than  from  Athens  to  the  Adriatic  ;  nor  is  it  mentioned 
 as  an  inftance  of  exorbitant  profit.  Agreeably  to  this,  the 
 intereft  of  money  was  high  in  ancient  rime*,  generally  ten  or 
 twelve  per  cent.  Where  there  is  an  extenfive  trade,  merchants 
 will  endeavour  to  underfell  one  another,  and  manage  every 
 thing  in  the  cheapeft  manner  poiTible,  fo  as  to  get  handfome 
 fortunes  by  fmall  profits,  and  large  dealings. 
 
 In  China  the  legal  intereft  of  money  is  thirty  per  cent  *. 
 This  is  faid  to  be  the  medium  between  the  rent  of  good  lands, 
 and  the  gainsof  commerce  f.  But  the  fame  authority  fays,  that 
 money  laid  out  on  lands  or  houfes,  brings  a't  the  moft  ten  per 
 cent|.  Fifty  per  cent,  therefore,  muft  be  the  medium  profit 
 of  commerce  in  that  country. 
 
 Though  an  extraordinary  quantity  of  money  unemployed 
 and^  particularly  a  fudden  acquifition  of  money,  may  for  a  time 
 produce  a  lownefs  of  intereft,  as  was  the  cafe  in  Spain  upon 
 the  diiSiovery  of  America,  it  does  not  therefore  follow,  that 
 where  there  is  miich  money,  intereft  will  be  lov/.  The  circum- 
 ftances  mentioned  above  muft  be  taken  into  confideration. 
 Intereft  at  Batavia  is  ten  per  cent,  and  in  Jamaica  fix  per  cent., 
 though  thofe  places  abound  more  in  coin  than  London  or 
 Amfterdam. 
 
 Whatever  eccafions  the  hoarding  of  money  tends  to  lefien 
 the  rate  of  intereft.  General  frugality  has  the  fame  effect.  In 
 this  ftate  of  things,  many  will  be  able  to  lend,  and  few  will 
 be  difpofed  to  borrow. 
 
 There  does  not  feem  to  be  any  more  reafon  why  government 
 fhould  fix  the  intereft  of  money,  than  the  price  of  any  other 
 commodity.  The  real  value  of  this,  as  well  as  of  every  thing 
 clfe,  is  beft  found  by  the  want  of  it ;  and  to  this  government 
 itfelf  muft  conform.     For,  by   one    means  or  other,  the   ftate 
 
 *  Meraoires  fur  les  Chinois,  vol.  iv.  p.  335,       f  lb,  p.  341.        t  ^-  3^5- 
 
 muft 
 
350  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 muft  always  give  the  price  at  which  the  money  holder  is  willing 
 to  part  with    it.     England,  towards    the  clofe  of  the  laft  war, 
 borrowed  at  much  more  than   legal  intereft,  though   it  was  no- 
 minally at  lefs  ;  for  the  minifters  gave  various  advantages  to  thofe 
 who  were  willing  to    lend  them  money.     There  may  be  a  con- 
 venience in  having  a  determinate  meaning  to  the   term  interejiy 
 where  ic   is   not   defined   by    the    parties  themfelves;  but  this 
 {hould  be  as  nearly  as   pofTible  its  actual  value,  and  vary  with 
 it.     When  perfons  want  money,  and  the  rate  of  intereft  is  low, 
 they  muft  not  only  pay  the  real  value  of  it,  but  they  muft  likewifc 
 indemnify  the  lenders  for  the  rifk  they  run   in  breaking  the  law. 
 As  money  is  a  reprefentative  of  commodities,  fo  bills  are  a 
 reprefentative   of  money  ;  and   as   money    is  of  no   ufe  when  it 
 cannot  be  exchanged   for   commodities,  fo  are  bills   of  no  ufe, 
 when  they  cannot  be  exchanged  for  money.     But  fince  the  va- 
 lue of  bills  with  refpedt  to  money  is  fixed,   every  bill  reprefents 
 a  certain  abfolute  fum,  and  the  proportion  between  money  and 
 bills  is  not  variable,  like  the  proportion  between  money  and  com- 
 modities.    There   is  no  danger  of  a  country  being  overftocked 
 with  bills,  when  there  is  no   fraud  in  drav/ing  them  -,   fince  no 
 bill  is  drawn    unlefs   thf  value  expreiled    in  it    be  forthcoming. 
 The  only  danger,  arifes  from  perfons  promifing,  in  the  form  of 
 a  bill  or  note,  more  than  they   may    be  able   to  pay  at  the  time 
 promifed.     And  while    a   man's  credit,  or    that  of  a  bank,  is 
 2:ood,  their  promiflbry    notes  will    circulate    exadly  like  cafh, 
 without   any  thing  being  reprefented  by  them.     But,   provided 
 paper  credit,  public  or  private,  be  kept  within  tolerable  bounds, 
 and   the   public    or    private    funds   be  able   to   anfwer  any  de- 
 mands that  may  be  made  upon  them,  it  is  fo  far  from  being  an 
 obftruc^ion  to  commerce,  that  it  is  a  great  advantage  to   it.     It 
 operates  in  the  fame  manner  as  the  increafe  of  money,  and  hath  the 
 fame  effeds,  in  promoting   induftry,  and   bringing  about  a  more 
 fiourifhing  ftate   of  the  people.     But  then  this  can  never  be  the 
 cafe  for  any  confiderable  time,  and    in  any  eminent  degree,   ex- 
 cept in  opulent  and  commercial  countries,  and  in  thofe  only  in 
 which  the  liberty  of  tiie  whole  people  is  inviolably  eftabliftied. 
 
 Voltaire 
 
Lect.  LIIL     GENERAL    POLICY.  351 
 
 Voltaire  acknowledges  the  importance  of  paper  credit,  when 
 he  fays,  we  (viz..  the  French)  begin  to  form  funds  of  mortgage, 
 as  among  the  Englifh  ;  and  if  in  a  ftate  purely  monarchicalj 
 thefe  circulatory  notes  could  be  introduced,  which  at  leaft 
 double  the  wealth  of  England,  the  adminiftration  of  France 
 would  acquire  its  lail  degree  of  perfection. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  the  MilTifippi  fcheme  in  France,  and  that  of 
 the  South  Sea  Company  in  England,  demonftrate  the  ill  confe- 
 quencesofthc  too  great  ejttenfion  of  paper  credit.  It  is  not, 
 however,  abfolutelv  neceflary,  though  it  be  inconvenient,  that  there 
 be  actual  cafh  in  every  country,  fufficient  to  anfwer  the  paper 
 credit  of  it.  If  there  be  commodities  to  anfwer  it,  it  is  the  fame 
 thing  in  fact.  In  that  cafe  notes  are  only  a  more  perifhable 
 kind  of  money.  They  reprefent  commodities  immediately 
 without  the  intervention  of  real  coin.  The  ftate  of  our  colo- 
 nies in  North  America  demonftrates  this. 
 
 It  is  faid  that  all  the  money,  which  our  North  American 
 colonies  can  pofTibly  get  centers  in  England  ;  fo  that  fcarce 
 they,  or  any  of  our  American  colonies,  know  the  ufe  of  gold 
 and  filver  palfing  in  current  payment.  They  have  been  obliged 
 to  invent  a  nominal  medium  of  exchange,  viz.  bills  ilFued  by 
 public  authority,  which  go  as  low  as  fixpence.  This  paper 
 money  ferves  all  the  common  ufes  of  gold  and  filver  money  ; 
 and  notwithftanding  this  feeming  inconvenience,  thefe  people 
 increafe  moft  aftonifhingly  in  numbers  and  riches,  being  fur- 
 niflied  with  all  the  conveniencies  of  life,  capable  of  fitting  out 
 fleets,  furniftiing  and  feeding  armies,  and  all  without  gold  or 
 filver  *.  The  Portuguefe  have  gold  and  diamonds  in  great 
 quantities  in  Brafil,  but  the  people  are  few,  ill  fed,  and  ill 
 cloathed,  nor  are  they  capable  of  fitting  out  fleets,  furnifhing  or 
 maintaining  armies. 
 
 It  may  not  be  improper  in  this  place,  though  I  b^  writing 
 for  the  ufe  of  the  hiftorian,  and  not  of  the  merchant,  to  give 
 an  idea  of  the  general  nature  of  exchange^  as   the  knowledge  of 
 
 ♦  Thefe  paragraphs  were  written  before  the  American  war  ;  but  relating  to 
 a  real  ftate  of  things  formerly  exifting,  they  are  of  the  lame  ufe  for  the  purpofe  of 
 thefe  left^res, 
 
 it 
 
35t  LECTURES    OK  Part  V. 
 
 it  is  neceflary  to  underftand  what  writers,  even  in  an  hiftorlcal 
 view,  fay  upon  the  fubje£t. 
 
 When  two  countries  have  equal  demands  upon  one  another, 
 th»t  is,  when  neither  country  receives  more  goods  from  the 
 o^her  than  what  it  returns  to  the  amount  of  in  its  own  com- 
 modities, the  exchange  is  faid  to  be  at  par.  There  is  no  occa- 
 iion  for  cafli  in  fuch  a  commerce  ;  a  perfon  who  wants  to  remit 
 a  fum  of  money,  can  eafily  find  a  perfon  at  home  who  owes 
 that  fum  abroad;  and  his  correfpondent  abroad  may  draw  upon 
 him  payable  to  his  neighbour.  The  coin  of  each  country  in 
 this  cafe  only  ferves  as  the  medium  of  computation  in  adjuft- 
 ing  the  value  of  commodities,  and  nothing  can  be  gained  or 
 lofl  by  the  different  price  of  money  in  either  country.  For 
 in  that  cafe,  the  value  of  every  piece  of  money  is  determined  by 
 its  own  intrinfic  goodnefs  only. 
 
 Suppofing  thefe  two  places  to  be  London  and  Amfterdam, 
 and  the  circumftances  of  their  trade  to  change,  fo  that  the  mer- 
 chants of  one  of  thefe  places,  e.  g.  London,  import  more  com- 
 modities from  Amfterdam  than  they  export  to  it,  a  balance  of  cafti 
 will  be  due  to  Amilerdam,  which  it  may  not  be  eafy  to  convey  j 
 and  there  will  always  be  more  merchants  in  London  who  have 
 money  to  pay  at  Amfterdam,  than  there  will  be  who  have 
 money  to  receive  there.  Confequently  a  merchant  at  Amfter- 
 d^m,  where  there  are  many  bills  upon  London,  muft  pay  a  pre- 
 mium to  have  thofe  bills  difcounted  ;  whereas  the  hvf  bills  at 
 London  upon  Amllerdam  will  bear  a  higher  price  than  their 
 real  value,  on  account  of  the  number  of  perfons  who  want  fuch 
 b'lls  having  money  to  pay  in  Amfterdam.  In  this  cafe,  the 
 exchange  is  faid  to  be  below  par  at  London,  and  above  par  at 
 Amfterdam. 
 
 It  is  plain  from  thefe  principles,  that  when  the  exchange  is 
 below  par,  in  any  ilate,  that  liate  lofes  as  debtor  or  buyer,  and 
 gains  as  creditor  and  feller.  There  is  therefore  an  additional  en- 
 couragement to  exportation,  where  importation  has  been  ex- 
 ceiiive,  and  th&refore   a  conftant    tendency  to  a   balance  of  the 
 
 importation 
 
Lect.  LIII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  353 
 
 importation  and  exportation  in  the  feveral  commercial  countries 
 of  the  world. 
 
 Lending  money,  as  well  as  paying  of  debts,  equally  turns 
 the  exchange  againft  a  country,  which  (hews  that  the  exchange 
 is  no  rule  forjudging  of  the  profperity  of  trade  *. 
 
 It  muft  be  underftood  that  this  account  of  exchange  has 
 nothing  to  do  with  the  profit  of  the  bankers.  They  only  aflift 
 merchants  in  negociating  their  bills,  and  muft  be  paid  for  their 
 afliftance,  whether  the  perfons  who  employ  them  be  gainers  or 
 lofers  by  their  dealings. 
 
 *  Sir  James  Stuart's  Obfervation?,  vol.  i.  p.  3^. 
 
 L  E  C  T  U  H  E 
 
354  LECTURES    ON  Part.  V. 
 
 LECTURE      LIV. 
 
 The  Confequenees  of  a  flourijhtng  State  of  Society  deduced.  What 
 Kinds  of  Luxury  are  hurtful.  How  far  the  Country  in  which 
 Luxury  prevails  is  thereby  rendered  incapable  of  Self-defence  or 
 the  contrary.  The  Temper  of  Mind  in  luxurious  and  barbarous 
 Ages  compared.  The  Mi  [chiefs  of  Idlenefs.  The  State  of  Fir- 
 tue  in  the  earlier  and  later  Periods  of  mofi  Hiflories,  EffeSfs  of 
 large  capital  Cities,  The  dreadful  Confequence  of  a  total  de- 
 pravity of  Manners,     Gaming,     Education, 
 
 AFTER  confidering  the  attention  that  an  hiftorian  ought 
 to  give  to  agriculture,  commerce,  and  the  arts ,  which  are 
 univerfally  confidered  as  the  principal  means  of  ratiing  all  ftates 
 to  their  greateft  perfeflion,  in  the  pofTeflion  of  all  theneceflaries 
 and  conveniences  of  life,  that  is,  of  riches,  in  the  only  proper 
 fenfc  of  the  word  j  we  are  naturally  led  to  turn  our  attention 
 to  the  confequenees  of  this  happy  ftate,  at  which  all  mankind, 
 and  all  nations,  are  aiming,  in  the  influence  it  has  on  the  tem- 
 pers and  manners  of  men  with  refpe£l  to  virtue  and  vice,  and 
 the  reciprocal  influence  of  thefe  affe(3;ions  of  the  mind  upon  the 
 outward  circumftances  of  a  people.  It  is  only  the  obfervation 
 of  hiftorical  fa£ts  that  can  authorize  us  to  advance  any  thing 
 with  certainty  upon  this  fubjed. 
 
 As  a  rich  and  flourilhing  ftate  of  fociety  is  the  obje£l  of  all 
 wife  policy,  it  were  abfurd  to  fuppofe  that  the  proper  ufe  of 
 riches  was  ncceflTarily,  and  upon  the  whole,  hurtful  to  the  mem- 
 bers of  it.  The  more  conveniences  men  are  able  to  procure  to 
 themfelves,  the  more  they  have  it  in  their  power  to  enjoy  life, 
 and  make  themfelves  and  others  happy.  The  only  danger  to 
 their  virtue,  and  their  intereft  (which  always  coincide)  is,  left 
 through  an  immoderate  indulgence  of  their  appetites,  men 
 contract  difeafes,  enfeeble  their  conftitutions,  and  Ihorten  their 
 lives.  The  gratification  of  their  tafte  for  mere  ornamejit  in 
 drefs,  equipage,  &c,  can  do  no  rca!  harm.     Wants  of  this  kind, 
 
 more. 
 
Lect.  LIV.     GENERAL    POLICY.  355 
 
 more  than  all  our  wants,  promote  induftry,  and  are  a  moft 
 cfFc6tual  means  of  circulating  wealth.  The  vanity  of  the 
 French  makes  them  induftrious,  whereas  the  pride  of  the 
 Spaniards  makes  them  idle.  It  is  but  a  little  in  comparifon 
 that  any  man  could  expend  in  the  indulgence  of  his  appetite 
 only.  For  from  this  account  we  ought  to  exclude  thofe  expen- 
 five  dilhes,  which  vanity,  and  a  tafte  for  elegance  have'intro- 
 duced. 
 
 It  is  faid  that  the  French  baubles,  modes  and  follies  coft 
 England,  in  the  time  of  Colbert,  little  lefs  than  eight  hundred 
 thoufand  pounds  a  year,  and  other  nations  in  proportion.  But 
 if  the  people  who  bought  thefe  fuperfluities  had  money  to  fpare 
 for  the  purchafe  of  them,  what  harm  could  there  be  in  indulu;ing 
 their  fancy  ?  Let  the  people  who  complain  of  fuch  trifles  make 
 them  themfelves,  and  enjoy  the  profits  of  the  fale«  It  was  very 
 abfurd  in  Philip  IV.  of  Spain,  to  forbid  his  fubjeils  the  ufeof 
 gold  and  filver  ornaments,  as  if  Spain  had  been  an  indigent  re- 
 public. It  is  perhaps  proper  to  reftrain  luxury  in  China,  be- 
 caufe  the  lands  are  barely  fufficient  to  maintain  their  inhabi- 
 tants. But  it  were  better  to  have  fewer  people,  and  thofe  better 
 accommodated. 
 
 It  is  faid  that  living  in  luxury  tends  to  make  men  effeminate 
 and  cowardly.  But  on  the  other  hand  a  very  low  and  meagre 
 diet,  is  incapable  of  giving  that  ftrength  of  body,  confequently 
 that  firmnefs  of  mind,  which  is  derived  from  what  is  called 
 better  living.  Inclemency  of  weather,  extremity  of  heat  and 
 coid,  &c.  will  certainly  be  befl  borne  by  thofe  who  have  been 
 moil  ufed  to  bear  them.  But  as  natural  courage  depends  on 
 bodily  ftrength,  and  the  motive  which  men  have  to  exert  it, 
 furely  more  fpirit  and  courage  may  be  expected  from  a  man  who 
 has  had  good  nourifhment,  and  who  has  fomething  to  defend, 
 than  from  one  who  is  almofl  ftarved,  and  who  has  littic  or  no- 
 thing to  fight  for.  The  Englifli  common  people  may  be 
 termed  rich  and  luxurious  in  comparifon  with  thofe  of  the 
 fame  rank  in  France;  and  it  is  thought  that  in  general,  they 
 have  both  more  ftrength  of  body,  and  more  true  courage,  than 
 they. 
 
 Befides, 
 
356  LECTURES    ON  PartV. 
 
 Befides,  in  a  country  where  there  are  more  riches,  there 
 may  generally  be  expedled  more  improvements  of  all  kinds, 
 and  confequently  more  knowledge.  And  knowledge  employed 
 in  defence  of  the  ftatc  is,  in  cfFed^,  an  addition  of  power. 
 Thus  the  Romans,  by  their  difcipline  and  (kill  in  war,  held  out 
 many  centuries  againft  the  hardy,  but  ignorant  favages  of  the 
 North. 
 
 High  living,  indeed,  certainly  enfeebles  the  body,  and  it  is 
 the  fource  of  many  other  evils.  But  it  is  far  preferable  to  a 
 iiate  of  idlenefs,  and  barbarity,  which  is  generally  the  alter- 
 native of  it.  In  a  people  of  the  greateft  wealth  and  luxury  there 
 is  never  found  that  treachery,  and  cruelty,  which  chara6lerize 
 almoft  all  uncivilized  and  barbarous  ftates  ;  but  commonly  a 
 higher  and  juller  fenfe  of  honour,  and  a  greater  humanity  of 
 temper.  Between  the  firft  and  fecond  Punic  wars,  when  the 
 conftitution  of  Rome  was  moftperfed,  thepractife  of  poifoning 
 •was  fo  common,  that  during  one  feafon,  it  is  faid,  the  praetor 
 puniftied  capitally  for  this  crime  about  three  thoufand  perfons  in 
 one  part  of  Italy. 
 
 As  to  the  fondnefs  for  money,  which  is  one  great  caufe 
 of  rapacious  and  unjuft  methods  of  obtaining  it,  and  confe- 
 quently of  much  vice  and  wickednefs,  that  muft  be  equal, 
 where  there  are  equal  opportunities  of  knowing  the  ufe  of 
 it.  A  porter,  fays  Mr.  Hume,  is  not  lefs  greedy  of  money, 
 which  he  fpends  on  bacon  and  brandy,  than  a  courtier,  who  pur- 
 chafes  champaign  and  ortolans.  Nothing  can  reftrain  a  love  of 
 »noney  but  a  fenfe  of  honour  and  virtue,  which  may  reafonably 
 be  expected  to  abound  moft  in  an  age  of  luxury  and  knowledge. 
 In  Poland,  where  there  are  the  feweft  arts  and  improvements  of 
 any  kind,  venality  and  corruption  prevail  to  the  greateft  degree 
 imaginable  ;  and  in  England  the  electors  are  more  corrupt  than 
 the  elected. 
 
 With  refpecl  even  to  a  taftc  for  ornament,  that  innocent  and 
 really  ufeful  branch  of  luxury,  it  appears  to  be  every  Vv^here  equal 
 to  its  power  of  (hewing  itfelf.  The  Hottentot  is  as  proud  of  his 
 bladder  faftened  to  his  hair,  as  the  European  of  any  ornament 
 he  can  put  on.  The  native  Americans  carry  their  tafte  for  orna- 
 ment 
 
Lect.  LIV.         GENERAL    POLICY.  357 
 
 ment  to  the  moft  ridiculous  contrivances.  Both  their  women, 
 and  even  their  men,  were  found  with  plates  of  gold  hano;in» 
 from  their  nofes  upon  their  upper  lips. 
 
 Idlenefs  is  the  great  inlet  to  the  moft  deftrudive  vices.  It 
 has  therefore  been  the  objedt  of  every  good  ftatefman  to  keep 
 the  bulk  of  the  people  as  much  as  poiTible  fully  employed. 
 The  Romans  always  feverely  felt  theefFedtsof  adil'banded  army  i 
 and  the  prodigious  increafe  of  robberies,  and  public  violence  of 
 all  kinds,  is  always  the  confequence  of  the  like  event  with  us. 
 For  the  famereafon,  a  great  number  of  livery-fcrvants,  who  are 
 both  idle  and  vicious,  and  have  little  to  do,  are  a  great  nuifance 
 to  fociety.  The  unbounded  violence  of  the  feudal  times  was 
 committed  by  men  who  had  hardly  any  thing  elfe  to  do, 
 Almoft  all  the  diforders  of  the  Roman  ftate,  towards  the  decline 
 of  the  republic,  may  alfo  be  afcribed  to  the  abfolute  idlenefs 
 of  moft  of  the  inhabitants  of  Rome.  They  were  maintained 
 by  diftributions  of  corn,  for  which  they  paid  nothing.  Con- 
 fequently  all  tillage  and  hufbandry  was  negleded,  and  they 
 were  at  liberty  for  any  a6t  of  violence  they  could  be  inlligated 
 to.  For  the  fame  reafon  many  holidays  are  very  hurtful  to 
 the  ftate,  and  it  was  an  excellent  law  at  Athens,  that  ex- 
 cufed  a  man  from  maintaining  his  father  if  he  had  taught  him 
 no  trade. 
 
 Many  ftates  in  the  early  period  of  their  hiftory  have  been  re- 
 markable for  their  frugality  and  virtue,  which,  in  confequence 
 of  becoming  rich,  have  become  abandoned  to  vices  of  all  kinds. 
 The  difference  may  chiefly  be  afcribed  to  their  conftant  employ- 
 ment, and  an  equality  of  rank  and  fortune,  in  the  former  cafe. 
 This  latter  circumftance  is  of  confiderable  confequence.  Where 
 there  are  no  perfons  of  over-grown  fortunes,  there  is  nothing 
 greatly  to  excite  a  fpirit  of  envy,  and  emulation,  of  ambition, 
 and  rapacioufnefs,  through  the  influence  of  which  men  over- 
 come their  natural  averfion  to  other  vices.  In  the  early  times 
 of  the  Roman  commonwealth  an  helrefs  might  fafely  be  trufted 
 with  her  neareft  relation  ;  but  when  the  manners  of  the  Romans 
 were  changed,  they  were  obliged  to  alter  that  Jaw.  In  the 
 former,  comparatively  happy  period,  the   people  did  not  even 
 
 make 
 
358  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 make  ufe  of  the  power  they  had  contended  for,  of  chufing  their 
 klianftrates  from  their  own  body  j  but  afterwards  they  abufed 
 that,  and  every  power. 
 
 Obfervations  fimilar  to  thefe  may  be  made  concerning  the 
 fuccelTion  of  princes  in  moft  empires.  The  kings  of  all  the 
 twenty- two  dynafties  in  China,  began  with  a  vigorous  appli- 
 cation to  bufinefs  ;  but  their  fucceflbrs  grew  daily  more  and 
 more  effeminate,  till  at  laft  they  were  dethroned  by  fome  enter- 
 prifing  ufurper. 
 
 The  largenefs  of  capital  cities  is  alfo  a  great  means  of  pro- 
 moting the  moft  deftrudive  luxury.  In  fhort,  luxury  may  be 
 faid  to  be  in  proportion  to  this  circumftance,  together  with 
 the  inequality  of  fortunes  and  the  riches  of  a  ftate.  When 
 perfons  who  have  v/ealth  at  their  command  live  near  together, 
 they  are  conftantly  and  unavoidably  actuated  by  a  fpirit  of 
 emulation  to  go  beyond  one  another,  in  every  article  of  extra- 
 vagance and  expence.  And  confidering  how  many  prudent 
 methods  there  are  of  diftributing  money,  without  encouraging 
 idlenefs,  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  fo  much  of  it  fhould  be 
 fquandered  away  to  fo  little  purpofe.  The  fame  care  and  toil 
 which  would  raife  a  difti  of  peas  at  Chriftmas,  would  give  bread 
 to  a  whole  family  during  fix  months. 
 
 The  confequence  of  abfolute  corruption  and  profligacy  of 
 manners  is  dreadful  indeed.  It  is  inconfiftent  with  the  very 
 being  of  civil  fociety,  Wheie  the  paflion  for  wealth,  as  the 
 means  of  luxury,  is  fuperior  to  every  other  affection,  it  is  no 
 wonder  if  a  man  fhould  fometimes  think  it  his  intereft  to  facri- 
 fice  his  country,  and  every  principle  of  honour  and  confcience, 
 to  it. 
 
 Above  all  other  methods,  the  pradice  of  gaming  is  the 
 greateft  incentive  of  avarice,  profufion,  and  profligacy  of  every 
 kmd.  A  man  who  has  gained  an  eftate  by  the  turn  of  a  die 
 cannot  be  fuppofed  to  ufe  it  with  the  fame  moderation  and 
 prudence,  as  if  he  had  acquired  it  by  his  own  induflry  j  and  a 
 man  who  lofes  an  eftate  by  the  fame  means  feldom  finds  himfelf 
 difpofed  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  it  by  any  other  j  at  leaft, 
 anymore  honouraMe.     His  mind  is  then  ready  to  catch  at  any 
 
 method 
 
Lect.LIV.      general    POLICY.  359 
 
 method  which  will  enable  him  to  repair  his  fortune  as  expedi- 
 tioufly  as  he  loft  it :  and  if  bribery  and  corruption  be  neceffary, 
 it  is  to  be  feared,  he  will  not  make  much  fcruple  of  them. 
 
 There  is  no  effectual  method  of  reftraining  vice  of  all  kinds  but 
 by  early  and  deeply  inculcating  the  principles  of  integrity,  ho- 
 nour, and  religion,  on  the  minds  of  youth  in  a  fevere  and  virtu- 
 ous education.  After  this  they  will  hardly  be  feducedvery  foon  ; 
 and  when  fobriety  and  virtue  are  become  habitual  to  them, 
 they  will  both  find  their  greateft  fatisfa£l:ion  in  fuch  a  life  here, 
 and  conceive  the  nobleft  and  beft  founded  hopes  of  happinefs 
 from  it  hereafter.  And  (notwithftanding  the  advantages  which 
 indirectly  accrue  from  vice  and  folly)  men  of  wealth  and  in- 
 fluence, who  a6t  upon  the  principles  of  virtue  and  religion,  and 
 confcientioufly  make  their  power  fubfervient  to  the  good  of  their 
 country,  are  the  men  who  are  the  greateft  honour  to  human  na- 
 ture, and  thfi  greateft  blefling  to  human  focieties. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
36o  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 LECTURE        LV. 
 
 The  Importance  of  an  Attention  to  lejfer  Things  than  thofe  dif- 
 courfed  of  above.  Influence  of  Politenefs  in  a  State,  Man- 
 ners of  the  Ancients,  What  Form  of  Government  is  mojl  fa- 
 vourable to  Politenefs,  State  of  Diver fions  among  the  Greeks 
 and  Romans,  The  Influence  of  dome/lie  Slavery  on  the  Minds 
 of  the  Ancients.  Manners  of  the  Feudal  Times,  The  Rife 
 and  Progrefs  of  Politenefs  in  Europe.  The  Confequence  of  a 
 free  Intercourfe  between  the  Sexes.  The  Reafon  of  the  high  Dif" 
 iinSiion  with  which  the  Female  Sex  is  treated  in  Europe.  How 
 far  the  Laws  which  regulate  the  Treatment  of  Women  depend 
 upon  the  Climate  of  Countries.  Treatment  of  Women  in  the  Eafi^ 
 among  the  Greeks^  Romans^  and  barbarous  Nations. 
 
 TH  E  fources  of  general  happinefs  in  a  ftate  muft  not  always 
 be  looked  for  in  fuch  ftriking  circumftances,  as  govern- 
 ment, religion,  laws,  arts,  and  commerce,  though  an  attention 
 to  thefe  be  allowed  to  be  the  moft  eflential  in  a  well  regulated 
 ftate.  Allowing  thefe  requifites  to  profperity  to  be  in  the  beft 
 condition  imaginable,  we  muft  wait  till  we  have  taken  a  nearer 
 •view  of  a  people,  in  private  and  domeftic  life,  before  we  can 
 juftly  pronounce  whether  they  really  enjoy  their  fituation,  or 
 not.  We  muft  not  infer  that,  becaufe  men's  liberty  and  property 
 are  fecure,  and  in  a  way  of  being  advanced,  they  therefore 
 are  happy.  We  muft  alfo  infpeft  their  prevailing  manners  and 
 cuftom^,  confider  the  terms  upon  which  common  acquaintance 
 live  and  converfe  together,  and  particularly  in  what  manner 
 the  two  fexes  behave  to  one  another.  Other  objeds  of  attention 
 are  fuch  as  may  more  properly  be  faid  to  guard  againft  unhap- 
 pinefs.  Thefe  are  the  things  which  adtually  impart  the  chief 
 pk'afures  that  fweeten  the  cup  of  life,  which  difFufe  a  fplrit  of 
 chcarfulnefs  over  fociety,  and  give  a  relifh  to  all  the  advantages 
 of  it. 
 
 Both 
 
Lect.lv.      general    policy.  361 
 
 Both  hiftory  and  experience  informs  us,  that  mankind  are 
 naturally  felfifh,  fenfual,  haughty,  overbearing,  and  f^ivage ; 
 and  yet  without  a  fpirit  of  moderation,  humanity,  and  con- 
 defcenfion  there  can  be  no  good  harmony  and  confidence  in 
 fociety.  Society,  therefore,  can  never  arrive  at  perfe^ftion  till 
 thofe  vices  to  vi^hich  men  are  mod  prone  be  either  eradicated,  or 
 difguifed,  and  the  oppofite  virtues  either  acquired,  or  counter- 
 feited. Abfolutely  to  eradicate  vices,  and  acquire  virtues,  is 
 not  to  be  expected  from  the  bulk  of  mankind.  It  is  happy, 
 therefore,  when,  from  a  fenfe  of  decency  and  honour,  they 
 learn  the  art  of  preferving  the  appearance  of  virtue.  For  if 
 that  appearance  be  habitual,  and  uniform,  it  will  have  nearly 
 the  fame  efFe£l  in  fociety  ;  though  the  virtues  themfelves 
 would  enable  a  perfon  to  contribute  to  the  happinefs  of  others 
 wnth  far  lefs  pain,  and  mortification  to  himfelf. 
 
 True  poUtenefs  is  the  art  of  feeming  to  be  habitually  influenced 
 by  thofe  virtues,  and  good  difpofitions  of  mind,  which  moft 
 contribute  to  the  eafe  and  the  pleafure  of  thofe  we  converfe 
 with.  And  wherever  nature  has  given  the  mind  a  propenfity 
 to  any  vice,  or  any  quality  difagreeable  to  others,  refined  good 
 breeding  has  taught  them  to  throw  the  bias  on  the  oppofite  fide, 
 and  to  preferve  the  appearance  of  fentiments  quite  contrary  to 
 thofe   they  are  naturally  inclined  to. 
 
 The  ancients  knew  little  or  nothing  comparatively  of  true 
 politenefs,  and  hence  we  may  conclude  they  had  but  little 
 enjoyment  of  fociety.  The  fcurrility,  and  obfcenity,  which 
 appears  in  the  moft  admired  Greek  and  Latin  writers  is 
 abominable.  That  they  had  no  idea  of  politenefs  properly  fo 
 called,  may  be  feen  by  another  circumftance.  When  any  thing 
 is  cultivated,  whether  it  be  an  art,  a  fcience,  or  a  branch  of 
 virtue,  its  minute  diftin6tions  and  fubdivifions  open  themfelves 
 to  view,  and  are  univerfally  obferved.  Thus  with  us,  a  fenfe 
 of  honour  and  virtue  are  two  things;  with  the  ancients  they 
 v/ere  the  fame:  whence  we  may  conclude,  that  with  them 
 they  were  little  cultivated  or  underftood  ;  and  that  politenefs, 
 which  depends  very  much  on  a  nice  fenfe  of  honour,  as  diftin6t 
 from  virtue,  could  hardly  be  known  to  them.  Ail  the  polite- 
 nefs and  civility  which  the  ancients  arrived  at  was  derived  from 
 
 C  c  books 
 
362  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V, 
 
 books  and  ftudy.  It  was  a  faying  of  Menander,  that  it  was 
 not  in  the  power  of  the  gods  to  make  a  foldier  polite.  So 
 different   were  their  notions  of  politenefs  from  ours. 
 
 Indeed,  the  cqiiaUty  of  popular  flates  is  very  unfavourable  to 
 politenefs.  7^he  haughty  republican  who  is  conftantly  engaged 
 in  a  fierce  contention  for  his  own  prerogatives,  is  not  likely 
 to  acquire  a  habit  of  condtfcenfion  to  others  j  whereas  in 
 monarchies,  where  all  the  members  of  the  ftate  are  more  de- 
 pendent on  one  another,  and  efpeciaily  in  European  monarchies, 
 vv'hcre  even  the  prince  himfelf  is  dependent  on  the  people,  an 
 habitual  defire  of  pleafmg  is  naturally  generated,  in  which  all 
 appearance  of  felfifhnefs,  and  every  unfociabledifpofition  entirely 
 vanifhes,  and  every  one  feems  to  have  no  other  objedl  than  the 
 eafe  and  pleafure  of  others. 
 
 The  perfc^ion  of  complaifance  (though  perhaps  not  proper 
 politenefs)  is  no  where  to  be  feen  but  in  China.  There,  far  from 
 being  confined  to  the  higher  ranks  of  men,  even  the  lowefl 
 orders  of  the  people  are  aduated  by  it.  The  many  forms  which 
 mufl  be  obferved  in  the  common  intercourfe  of  life,  and  which 
 muft  be  all  broken  through  before  perftfns  can  quarrel  with  one 
 another,  contribute  not  a  little  to  preferve  the  profound  tran^ 
 quillity  which  reigns  through  the  whole  of  that  vaft  empire. 
 The  epocha  of  all  the  politenefs  the  Romans  ever  had  was  the 
 fame  with  that  of  the  eflablifliment  of  arbitrary  pov/er. 
 
 Since,  however,  the  members  of  every  republic  are,  in  fail, 
 clofely  connected  with,  and  dependent  upon,  one  another,  and 
 it  is  peculiarly  fhc  interell  of  all  who  are  candidates  for  office 
 and  power  to  court  the  good  opinion  of  the  lowefl  vulgar,  1  do 
 not  clearly  fee  why  complaifance  Ihould  not  gain  ground,  and 
 become  habitual,  in  a  popular  ftate  ;  though  it  mult  be  acknow- 
 ledged, that  that  kind  of  complaifance  which  is  acquired  by 
 courting,  and  adapting  one's  felftothe  tafte  of  the  populace, 
 is  very  different  from  that  complaifance  which  is  acquired  by 
 a  man's  fludying  to  recommend  himfelf  to  his  fuperiors.  It  is 
 cerrain,  however,  that  it  was  not  the  form  of  their  government 
 only  that  kept  the  Romans  fo  long  flrangers  to  true  politenefs, 
 
 'Ihe  Romans  had  none  of  thofe  diveifions  and  amufements, 
 which,  though  they  contribute    to  the  diffipation  of  our   time, 
 
 \  do 
 
Lect.lv.         general    policy.  363 
 
 do  greatly  promote  the  humanization  of  our  manners.  They 
 had  no  vifiting  days,  no  balls,  no  aflemblies  of  noblemen  and 
 perfons  of  diftindion  at  ladies'  houfes.  The  women  fa w  each 
 other  only  at  the  fhews,  the  theatres,  and  the  entertainments 
 begun  by  Nero.  Even  plays  were  feldom  exhibited  at  Rome 
 in  comparifon  of  what  they  are  with  us.  They  were  more 
 frequent  indeed  at  Athens,  where  gentlemen  were  not  afhamed 
 to  dance,  or  even  to  appear  upon  the  ftage  themfelves  ;  and 
 where  the  manners  of  the  people  were  infinitely  more  agreeable 
 than  the  manners  of  the  Romans,  who  were  afhamed  of  dancing, 
 and  who  took  pleafure  in  nothing  but  manly  exercifes,  fhews 
 of  gladiators,   and  wild  beafts. 
 
 Thepradice  of  domeftic  llavery  could  not  fail  to  give  a 
 favage  turn  to  the  difpofition  of  the  free-born  antients,  and 
 particularly  of  the  Romans  in  their  later  times,  when  they 
 made  fo  much  ufe  of  Haves.  What  humanity  and  delicacy  of 
 fentiment  could  be  expected  from  a  people  who  were  not 
 alhamed  to  fufFer  their  old  and  ufelefs  flaves,  when  worn  out 
 in  their  fervice,  to  ftarve  on  an  ifland  in  the  Tiber,  as  was 
 the  common  pradice  at  Rame  ?  It  was  a  profefTed  maxim  of 
 the  elder  Cato  to  fell  his  fuper-annuated  flaves  at  any  price, 
 rather  than  maintain  what  he  efleemed  an  ufelefs  burden.  A 
 chained  flave  for  a  porter  was  a  common  fight  at  Rome.  Vidius 
 PolJio  ufed  to  throw  his  flaves  who  had  difobliged  him  into  his 
 fifh-ponds,  to  be  preyed  upon  by  the  mullets.  In  the  Roman 
 laws  flaves  were  always  confidered,  not  as  men,  having  any 
 rights  of  their  own,  but  as  res,  the  mere  property  of  their 
 mafters. 
 
 The  feudal  times,  which  fucceeded  the  Roman  empire,  were 
 as  little  favourable  to  politenefs,  and  the  true  enjoyment  of 
 fociety.  7'he  firfl  dawnings  of  politenefs  in  later  times  ap- 
 peared at  Florence,  about  the  age  of  Petrarch.  It  was  more 
 confpicuous  in  the  family  of  the  Medici,  and  at  Rome  in  the 
 age  of  Pope  Leo.  It  then  made  fome  figure  at  the  court  of 
 Spain,  during  the  flourifhing  flate  of  that  monarchy  j  but 
 received  its  laft  improvements  in  France,  in  the  middle  and 
 latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Lewis  XIV.  and  the  French  are  now 
 thought  to  have  in  a  great  meafure  perfe<5led  rhat  art,  the  molt 
 
 C  c  2,  32:reeabie 
 
364  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 agreeable  of  all  others,  /*  art  de  vivre,  the  art  of  fociety  and 
 converfation  ;  and  they  have  the  fatisfadion  of  feeing  their 
 tafte  for  politenefs,  luxury,  and  entertainments,  followed  in 
 all  parts  of  Europe,  which  they  may  look  upon  as  their  own 
 forming. 
 
 In  the  reign  of  Lewis  XIII.  Voltaire  fays,  the  minds  of  men 
 were  generally  grofs  and  uncultivated  ;  a  favage  pedantry  foured 
 the  minds  of  all  the  public  bodies  appointed  for  the  education 
 of  youth,  and  even  thofe  of  the  magiftracy.  It  was  only  under 
 the  adminiftration  of  Richlieu  that  the  French  began  to  make 
 themfelves  cftcemed  every  where  by  their  agreeable  and  polite 
 manners,  though  that  great  minifter  himfelf  lived  to  fee  but 
 little  more  than  the  dawnings  of  the  prefent  fplendor  of  his 
 nation.  He  had  given  balls,  fays  the  fame  writer,  but  they 
 were  without  tafte,  as  were  all  the  entertainments  before  his 
 time.  The  French,  who  have  fince  carried  the  art  of  dancing 
 to  perfe(5lion,  had  only  a  few  Spanifh  dances  in  the  minority  of 
 Lewis  XIV.  as  the  faraband,  the  courante,  &c.  though  the 
 French  vivacity,  and  regard  for  the  fair  fex,  were  taken  notice  of 
 in  a  much  earlier  period.  And  one  may  almoft  judge  of  the 
 politenefs  of  a  people,  and  of  all  refinements  in  their  behaviour, 
 from  this  fingle  circumftance,  vizT.  the  treatment  of  women 
 among  them. 
 
 V/here  the  intercourfc  between  the  fexes  is  open,  it  is  im- 
 pofTible  but  that  there  fhould  be  a  mutual  defire  to  pleafe,  which 
 will  give  the  male  fex  a  foftnefs  ©f  temper,  and  tendernefs  of 
 fentiment,  which  they  could  never  have  acquired  by  converfing 
 with  their  own  fex  only,  and  without  which,  the  temper  and 
 manners  even  of  the  females  could  not  have  been  the  moft 
 lovely  and  engaging.  And,  indeed,  the  feeds  of  politenefs, 
 though  they  were  long  buried  in  the  barbarity  of  the  feudal  cuftoms 
 (when  a  woman  might  be  fcen  waiting  whole  days  in  a  church 
 till  the  vad'al,  to  whom  the  feudal  lord  had  prefented  her,  either 
 married  her,  or  compounded)  may  be  difcovered  in  the  earlieft 
 cufloms  and  laws  of  the  northern  nations.  The  Scythians  and 
 the  Goths  never  thought   of  depriving   women  of  their  liberty, 
 
 but 
 
Lect.lv.         general    policy.  365 
 
 but  made  them  equal  with  themfelves.     A  fine  for  injuring  a 
 woman  was  double  for  the  fame  injury  done  to  a  man. 
 
 Some,  however,  fay  that  the  very  high  diftin£tion  with  which 
 the  fex  is  treated  in  Europe  is  to  be  looked  for  from  another 
 quarter.  They  fay,  that  a  notion  of  African  extra6tion  got 
 footing  in  Spain,  that  women,  being  the  ornaments  of  the 
 world,  were  to  be  adoredy  and  that  the  fchools  of  regulated 
 gallantry,  which  among  the  Arabs  and  Moors  were  conne6led 
 with  their  original  inftitutions,  found  a  ready  reception  among 
 the  Spaniards,  who  even  improved  its  forms  and  ceremonies, 
 and  communicated  them  to  all  Europe.  It  is  certain  that  the 
 embellilhments  of  the  Arabian  compofitions  are  adventures, 
 feftivals  and  heroic  feafts,  in  the  caule  of  love. 
 
 The  laws  which  regulate  and  direct  the  treatment  of  women 
 depend  very  much  upon  the  climate  of  a  country,  fo  that  fome 
 nations  are  deprived  by  nature  of  the  very  means  of  politenefs. 
 In  warm  climates  men*s  pailions  are  certainly  more  violent  than 
 in  thoie  which  are  cold  or  temperate.  This  is  very  evident 
 with  refpe£l  to  Spain,  and  moft  of  the  fouthern  parts  of  Afia. 
 The  clafTical  books  of  China  confider  it  as  a  miracle  that  a  man 
 fhould  find  a  woman  alone  in  a  remote  apartment  of  a  houfe, 
 and  not  offer  violence  to  her.  And  when  love  goes  beyond  a 
 certain  pitch  it  renders  men  jealous,  and  cuts  off  the  free 
 intercourfe  between  the  fexes,  on  which  the  politenefs  of  a 
 nation  will  always  depend,  fo  that  nations  in  temperate  climates 
 ftand  the  faireft  chance  for  this,  as  well  as  for  moft  other  kinds 
 of  improvement. 
 
 It  muft  likewife  be  confidered,  that  In  hot  countries  women 
 are  marriageable  at  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age,  which  is  before 
 their  underftandings  can  have  ripened,  and  confequently  before 
 they  can  have  acquired  any  influence,  and  that  they  arc  generally 
 paft  child-bearing,  and  have  out-lived  all  their  charms,  about 
 thirty,  when  their  underftandings  are  in  perfection.  The  confe- 
 quence  of  this  is,  that  women  are  only  confidered  as  the  objects  of 
 pleafure  and  luxury,  and  not  as  the  partakers  and  promoters  of  it. 
 
 In  the  Eaft,  women,  being  born  flaves,  have  feldom  any 
 education.  They  never  appear  at  entertainments,  they  impart 
 no  cheerful nefs  to  their  mafter's  heart,  nor  introduce  gaiety  into 
 
 the 
 
366  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 the  public  manners,  but  arc  always  ftri6lly  guarded  by  eunuchs 
 as  the  mere  property  of  the  men.  In  Perfia,  fays  Mr.  Chardin, 
 they  give  the  women  their  cloaths,  as  if  they  were  children. 
 Jndeed,  it  were  highly  imprudent  in  thofe  countries  to  confider 
 the  women  in  any  other  light,  or  to  give  them  more  liberty.  In 
 Turkey,  Perfia,  Indoftan,  China,  and  Japan,  where  the  women 
 are  flridly  confined,  their  morals  are  admirable  j  whereas  in  the 
 Indies,  and  other  places  where  the  civil  government  is  not  (q 
 regular,  men  cannot  attend  to  the  morals  of  their  wives,  their 
 irregularities  are  faid  to  be  very  great. 
 
 It  is  a  happinefs,  fays  Montefquieu,  to  live  in  a  country  where 
 the  charms  of  tlie  fair  fex  polifh  fociety,  and  where  the  women, 
 preferving  themfelves  for  their  hufbands,  ferve  for  the  amufe- 
 ment  of  alL 
 
 The  Athenians  derived  confiderable  advantage  even  from  their 
 courtezans  who  had  had  a  good  education.  7  heir  houfes  were 
 reforted  to  by  the  firft  men  in  the  commonwealth,  and  fome  of 
 their  greateft  ftatefmen,  and  beft  orators,  are  faid  to  have  derived 
 their  fined  accomplifliments  from  their  converfation.  The 
 hiftory  of  Pericles  and  Afpafia  is  well  known.  Hie  like  advan- 
 tages could  not  be  derived  from  the  company  of  the  free-born 
 Athenians.  No  woman  of  character  among  the  Greeks  ever 
 converfed  with  any  perfons  but  thofe  of  her  own  family,  and 
 in  that  they  were  confined  to  the  moft  remote  apartment  of  the 
 houfe,  where  the  men  had  no  accefs.  As  for  the  Romans, 
 what  delicacy  could  we  expe6t  from  them,  when  divorces  were 
 fo  eafy  and  cuftomary  amongft  them,  as  almofl  amounted  to  a 
 lending  and  exchanging  of  their  wives  ;  as  Cato  is  faid  to  have 
 parted  with  his  to  Mortenfms.  As  well  almoft  might  we  expert 
 delicacy  or  politenefs  from  our  anceftors  the  Britons,  with 
 whom  it  is  faid  to  have  been  cuftomary  for  ten  or  a  dozen  men 
 to  live  together,  having  their  wives  and  children  in  common. 
 
 In  all  ancient  nations,  and  early  times,  we  read  of  men  giving 
 money  for  their  wives,  inftead  of  receiving  portions  with  them  j 
 a  plain  mark  in  how  unfavourable  a  light,  with  refped  to 
 politenefs,  they  were  confidcred.  They  were  not  treated  as  the 
 companions,  but  as  the  property,  and  ferving  for  the  convenience, 
 of  their  hufbands. 
 
 L  E  C  1   U  R  E 
 
Lect.  LVI.        GENERALPOLICY.  367 
 
 LECTURE       LVI. 
 
 ^e  Influence  of  Religion  on  Civil  Society.  In   what  Circumflances 
 it  has  the  greateji  Force.     The  life  of  it  in  States.       Advantages 
 
 refulting  from  Chrijiianity  in  Europe.  Jbufes  of  Religion.     Of 
 
 Oaths.       Toleration   afid   Perfectttion.  In  what  Circumflances 
 
 mofi   violent.       EffeSis  of  Superflition^  efpecially  in  uncivHi7.ed 
 
 Countries.       Human  Sacrifices.       The  Connexion  of  Modes  of 
 Religion  with  Forms  of  Government. 
 
 NEXT  to  the  forms  of  government^  and  the  rubje6t  of  laws.^ 
 the  influence  of  religion  on  civil  fociety  cannot  fail  to 
 engage  the  attention  of  a  reader  of  hiftory  ;  and  legiflators,  and 
 minifters  of  ilate  have  too  often  found  it  one  of  the  moft 
 powerful  inftruments  of  civil  policy  ;  the  hiftory  of  almoft  every 
 country  affording  inftances  of  its  being  either  an  excellent  ally 
 to  the  power  of  the  civil  magiftrate,  or  the  moft  dangerous  rival 
 he  can  have.  By  religion  I  here  mean,  in  general,  that  principle 
 by  which  men  are  influenced  by  the  dread  of  evil,  or  the  hope 
 of  reward,  from  unknown  and  invifible  caufes  ;  whether  the 
 good  or  the  evil  be  expected  to  take  place  in  this  world,  or  in 
 another;  which  comprehends enthufiafm,  fuperftition,  and  every 
 other  fpecies   of  falfe  religion,   as  well  as  the  true. 
 
 Hiftory  exhibits  the  moil  frequent  and  the  moft  flriking 
 inftances  of  the  power  of  this  principle  in  barbarous  nations  • 
 and  therefore,  if  properly  applied,  it  comes  moft  feafonably  in 
 aid  of  the  imperfect  ftate  of  government  in  thofe  countries. 
 The  notion  which  prevailed  in  the  barbarous  times  of  Greece, 
 that  the  ghofts  of  deceafed  perfons  haunted  their  murderers, 
 muft  have  had  a  confiderable  effe£l:  to  prevent  thofe  violences. 
 The  fuperftition  with  v/hich  the  rights  of  hofpitality  are  ob- 
 ferved  in  uncivilized  countries,  is  of  the  fame  nature.  The 
 ftrong  propenfity  to  fuperftition  in  the  early  ages  of  Rome  was 
 a  great  means  of  keeping  the  boifterous  fpirits  of  the  Romans  in 
 
 tolerable 
 
368  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 tolerable  order,  in  (o  ill  balanced  a  conftitution  as  theirs  was. 
 Of  this  there  are  upon  record  feveral  remarkable  inftances. 
 When  the  tribunes  oppofed  Q^  Cincinnatus  in  raifing  an  army, 
 contrary  to  the  inclinations  of  the  body  of  the  people,  and 
 with  views  which  were  known  to  be  oppofite  to  the  intereft  of 
 the  people  ;  the  old  general  cried  out,  "  Let  all  thofe  who  took 
 '*  the  oath  to  the  conful  the  preceding  year  march  immediately 
 '«  under  my  ftandard,"  and  they  inflantly  obeyed.  It  was  not 
 even  in  the  power  of  the  tribunes  to  perfuade  them  they  were 
 not  bound  by  that  oath. 
 
 With  the  Romans,  and  many  other  nations  in  a  ftate  equally 
 barbarous,  the  obligation  of  religion  was  generally  much 
 ftronger  than  that  of  the  plaineft  di6tates  of  morals.  When  the 
 Roman  commons  at  one  time  formed  a  defign  to  retire  to  the 
 facred  mount,  in  oppofuion  to  the  fenate  and  confuls,  they 
 ferioufly  propofed  to  kill  one  of  the  confuls,  becaufe  they 
 imagined  that  otherwife  they  fhould  be  bound  by  the  oath  they 
 had  taken  to  him.  The  reaion  why  people  in  barbarous  countries, 
 and  unformed  governments,  are  more  liable  than  others  to  the 
 influence  of  religion  or  fuperftition,  equally  affe6ls  all  people 
 who  have  little  knowledge  of  nature,  and  are  fubjedt  to  a  great 
 variety  of  fortune  and  unforefeen  ill  accidents,  depending  upon 
 unknown  and  uncertain  caufes.  This  may  eafily  be  obferved 
 even  in  gamefters,  though  the  greateft  free-thinkers,  and  the 
 moft  irreligious  of  all  mankind  in  moll:  refpe6ls.  What  is  curfing 
 their  ill  luck,  fo  emphatically  and  earneftly  as  they  often  do, 
 but  a  fpecies  of   fuperftition  ? 
 
 The  ufe  of  religion  to  a  ftate  is  moft  clearly  feen  in  the 
 courage  of  the  firft  Saracens,  who  knew  not  what  it  was  to  fear 
 death,  nay  exalted  in  the  very  face  of  it,  from  the  belief  that 
 the  joys  of  paradife  were  the  certain  and  immediate  reward  of 
 all  who  died  in  battle.  The  fuperftition  of  the  Lacedemonians 
 and  Romans  often  checked  and  reftrained  their  martial  coura2:e 
 for  a  time,  but  it  made  it  regular  and  firm  when  it  was  exerted. 
 The  Lacedemonians  would  never  march  till  after  the  full  moon, 
 nor  would  they  fight  at  the  battle  of  Platiea  till  the  facrificcs 
 were   favourable,  though   they  were  drawn  up    iu   their  ranks 
 
 ready 
 
Lect.  LVI.        GENERAL    POLICY.  369 
 
 ready  for  the  engagement,  and  the  enemy  were  ready  to  cut 
 them  to  pieces.  But  no  fooner  did  the  priefts  allow  them  the 
 ufe  of  their  arms,  than  their  fhock  was  irrefiftible.  In  Turkey 
 it  is  from  religion  that  the  people  derive  their  greateft  reverence 
 for  the  prince,  which  cuts  off  all  hopes  from  every  other  family 
 of  fucceeding  to  the  crown,  and  is  a  great  means  of  preferving 
 tranquillity  in  that  vaft  and  ill-governed  empire. 
 
 Thefe  happy  efFe<Sl:s  of  religion  coincide  with,  and  fecond, 
 the  views  of  the  civil  magiftrate.  But  religion  has  often 
 operated  powerfully  in  favour  of  the  beft  interefts  of  mankind, 
 independently  of,  and  in  contradiiSlion  to,  the  views  of  the 
 civil  magiftrate.  It  has  been  of  excellent  ufe  to  redrain 
 the  extravagance  of  defpotic  power  in  all  ages  and  all  coun- 
 tries of  the  world.  What  would  have  become  of  Spain  and 
 Portugal,  fays  Montefquieu,  if  it  had  not  been  for  religion? 
 And  for  this  reafon,  he  fays  (what  was  mentioned  before  in 
 another  view)  that  if  the  Englilh  ever  be  Haves,  they  will  be 
 the  greateft  flaves.  It  is  an  obfervation  of  Mr.  Hume's,  that 
 the  precious  fparks  of  liberty  were  kindled  and  preferved  by  the 
 puritans  in  England,  and  that  "  it  is  tothisfe6t,  whofe  principles 
 "  appear  fo  frivolous,  and  whofe  habits  fo  ridiculous,  that  the 
 *'  Engl ifh  owe  the  whole  freedom  of  their  conftitution,''  We 
 (hall  take  the  compliment,  and  defpife  the  reflection. 
 
 The  capital  advantage  derived  froinchriftianity  in  this  weftern 
 part  of  the  world  is  the  total  abolition  of  flavery,  in  confe-^ 
 quenceof  its  raifmg  men's  ideas  of  the  importance  of  the  human 
 fpecies.  After  the  introduction  of  chriftianity  into  the  Roman 
 empire,  every  law  which  was  made  relating  to  flaves  was  in 
 favour  of  them,  till  at  laft  all  the  fubjedls  of  the  empire  were 
 reckoned  equally  free. 
 
 Indeed,  chriftianity  is  almoft  incompatible  with  abfolute 
 defpotic  power,  both  in  fovereigns  and  private  perfons.  It 
 has,  fays  Montefquieu,  prevented  defpotifm  from  being  efta- 
 bliflied  in  Ethiopia,  notwithftanding  the  heat  of  the  climate, 
 the  largenefs  of  the  empire,  and  its  fituation  in  the  midft  of 
 African  defpotic  ftates. 
 
 We 
 
370  LECTURESON  Part  V, 
 
 We  may,  moreover,  fee  in  the  conquefts  of  Jenghis  Khan, 
 and  Timur  Bek,  what  we  owe  to  the  equitable  rights  of  nations, 
 eftabhfhed  by  chriftianity,  which  leave  to  the  conquered  life, 
 liberty,  laws,  pofleflions,  and  generally  religion. 
 
 Some  advantages  have  indire61:Iy  arifen  from  thegreateft  cor- 
 ruptions of  chriftianity,  from  the  exorbitant  power  of  the  pope, 
 and  the  fu perdition  of  thepopifh  worfhip.  The  union  of  all 
 the  weftern  churches  under  one  fupreme  pontiff  facilitated  the 
 intercourfe  of  nations  in  barbarous  ages,  and  tended  to  bind  ail 
 the  parts  of  Europe  into  a  clofer  connexion  with  each  other  ;  and 
 thus  prevented  the  feveral  governments  of  it  from  falling,  upon 
 thediffolution  of  the  Roman  empire,  into  that  disjointed  ftate 
 in  which  they  were  found  before  the  eftablifhment  of  it.  And 
 the  pomp  of  the  popifti  worfhip  contributed  greatly  to  prevent 
 the  fine  arts  from  being  totally  loft  in  the  barbarifm  of  Europe, 
 and  to  their  revival,  antecedent  to  the  revival  of  learning  in 
 this  weftern  part  of  the  world. 
 
 I  would  be  far,  however,  from  afTerting  that  religion,  ac- 
 cording to  the  general  definition  I  have  given  of  it,  has  been 
 univerfally  ufeful  in  fociety.  It  has  often  been  greatly  and 
 evidently  hurtful,  both  in  the  hands  of  the  civil  magiftrate, 
 and  out  of  his  hands.  The  Jewifti  ftridtnefs  in  keeping  their 
 fabbath  was  very  near  being  fatal  to  them  in  the  beginning  of 
 their  wars  under  the  Maccabees  ;  as  the  fuperftition  of  the 
 Egyptians  was  to  them  when  they  were  invaded  by  Cambyfes, 
 who  entirely  defeated  them,  by  placing  in  the  front  of  his 
 army  thofe  animals  which  the  Egyptians  thought  it  impiety  to 
 injure.  The  religion  of  the  Egyptians  was  alfo  in  other  refpe6ts 
 extremely  prejudicial  to  them.  It  made  them  averfe  to  all 
 intercourfe  with  ftrangers,  and  confequently  withheld  from 
 them  all  the  advantages  of  commerce.  The  ancient  Perfians 
 were  fufferers  by  their  religion  in  the  fame  refpe61:.  It  made 
 them  to  look  upon  it  as  a  ciimc  to  navigate  the  rivers,  for  fear 
 of  difturbing  the  elements.  Even  to  this  day  the  Perfees 
 confider  thofe  pcrfons  as  atheifts  v/ho  make  long  voyages. 
 
 Ignorance,  and    fuperftition  (which   always  proceeds    from  a 
 want  of  knov/ledge,   putting   imaginary  caufes  in   the  place  of 
 
 true 
 
Lect.  LVI.      GENERAL   POLICY.  371 
 
 true  ones)  have  been  the  occafion  of  the  mod  lamentable  evils 
 in  the  government  of  ftates.  Beccaria  fays  *,  that  there  has 
 been  above  an  hundred  thoufand  witches  condemned  to  die  by 
 chriftian  tribunals. 
 
 The  fubftitution  of  ceremonial  for  moral  duties  is  one  of  the 
 greateft  abufes  of  religion.  Things  of  this  kind,  fo  contrary, 
 one  would  think,  to  common  (enCe^  would  not  be  credible  at 
 this  day,  but  that  they  arc  too  well  authenticat-.d.  But  wc 
 fee  it  abundantly  exemplified  in  all  religions,  and  as  much  in 
 the  abufes  of  chriftianity  as  in  any  other.  The  Mahometans 
 lay  the  greateft  ftrefs  imaginable  on  things  which  have  no  con- 
 nexion whatever  with  moral  virtue.  Sir  James  Porter  fays  f , 
 there  is  no  command  in  the  Koran  more  energetic,  or  held  in 
 greater  refpe6l  by  Mil ITul men,  than  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca, 
 The  pilgrim  is  always  reckoned  regenerate.  He  who  has  not 
 been  there  deplores  his  own  fituation  in  life,  which  has  not 
 permitted  him  to  perform  this  duty,  and  is  anxious  for  the 
 (late  of  his  foul. 
 
 Falfe  principles  of  religion  have  encouraged  men  to  commit  the 
 moft  horrid    crimes.       Jaurigny   and  Balthazar  Gerard,  who 
 afTallinated  the   prince  of  Orange,  Clement  the    Dominican 
 Chatel,  Ravaillac,   and  all  the  other  parricides  of  thofe   times 
 went  toconfemon  before  tiiey  committed  their  crimes  J. 
 
 The  oppofition  between  ecclefiailical  and  civil  law  has  been 
 the  occafion  of  ftrange  jnconfiiiencies  in  the  rule  of  human  duty. 
 
 The  flavery  of  rii.nkind  to  their  priefts  in  barbarous  ages  is 
 hardly  credible.  Vinegas  in  his  hiftory  of  California,  iays  §,  that 
 the  people  of  that  country  bring  their  priefts  the  beft  of  the  fruits 
 they  gather,  and  of  what  they  catch  in  fiftiing  and  hunting  ;  diefe 
 priefts  tsrrifjingthem  with  threatenings,  officknefs,  difafterand 
 failure  of  harveft  j  at  other  times  giving  them  the  moft  fanguine 
 hopes  of  afHuence.  For  they  pretend  to  be  poflefTed  of  know- 
 ledge and  power  fufficient  to  accompHih  all  this,  by  means  of  their 
 intercourfe  with  invifible  fpirits.    What  ftrengthens  their  autho- 
 
 *  Eflfay  on  Crimes  and  Punifhments,  p.  35, 
 •f  Obfervations  on  the  Turks,  vol.  i.  p.  19, 
 %  Beccaria  on  Crimes,  p.  54.  §  Vol.  i.  p.   97, 
 
 ritv 
 
372  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 rity  is  their  being  the  only  phyficians,  and  all  their  medicines 
 being  adminiftered  with  great  oftentation  and  folemnity. 
 
 I'he  hardfhips  that  fuperftition  leads  men  to  infli£l  upon 
 themfelves  are  fometimes  very  extraordinary.  Charlevoix  fays*, 
 the  invitation  to  hunt  the  bear  by  the  nations  of  Canada  is  made 
 with  great  ceremony,  and  followed  by  a  faft  of  ten  days  con- 
 tinuance ;  during  which  it  is  unlawful  to  tafte  fo  much  as  a 
 drop  of  water  ;  yet  they  fing  the  whole  day  through.  The 
 reafon  of  this  faft  is  to  induce  the  fpirit  to  difcover  the  place 
 where  a  great  number  of  bears  may  be  found.  At  their  return 
 from  the  hunting,  the  firft  difti  ferved  up  is  the  largeft  bear  that 
 has  been  killed,  and  that  whole,  and  with  all  his  entrails.  He 
 is  not  fo  much  as  flayed,  they  being  fatisfied  with  having 
 finged  off  the  hair.  This  feaft  is  facred  to  fome  genius, 
 whofe  indignation  they  apprehend  fhould  they  leave  a  morfel 
 uneaten.  They  muft  not  fo  much  as  leave  any  of  the  broth  in 
 which  the  meat  has  been  boiled,  which  is  nothing  but  a  quan- 
 tity of  liquid  fat;  and  there  never  happens  a  feaft  of  this  fort, 
 but  fome  eat  themfelves  to  death,  and  feveral  fufFer  feverely. 
 
 The  tortures  which  falfe  religion  makes  men  inflict  upon 
 themfelves  and  others  are  dreadful  to  think  of.  To  this  ac- 
 count we  muft  put  all  the  human  facrifices,  and  efpccially 
 the  burning  of  children  alive  in  ancient  times,  and  of  women 
 with  their  dead  hufbands  in  Indoftan  at  prefent.  In  this  country 
 there  is  an  order  of  men  called  Faquirs' s  or  Johgies  who  make 
 vows  of  poverty  and  celibacy,  and  in  order  to  obtain  favour  of 
 their  god  Brama,  fufFer  the  moft  dreadful  tortures.  Some  ftand  for 
 years  on  one  foot,  with  their  arms  tied  to  the  beam  of  ahoufe,  or 
 the  branch  of  a  tree,  till  their  arms  fettle  in  that  pofture,  and 
 ever  after  become  ufelefs  ;  and  fome  fit  in  the  fun  with  their 
 faces  looking  upwards  till  they  are  incapable  of  altering  the 
 pofition  of  their  heads.  Others,  it  is  faid,  make  a  vow  never 
 to  fit  or  lie  down,  but  either  walk  or  lean.  AccordinglVi  a 
 rope  being  tied  from  one  bough  of  a  tree  to  another,  a  pillow, 
 or  quilt  is  laid  upon  it,  on  which  they  lean.     But  thefe  are  faid 
 
 *  Travels,  vol.   i.  p.   i8t, 
 
 to 
 
Lect.  LVI.  GENERAL    POLICY.  373 
 
 to  alter  their  pofture  when  they  pray,  being  drawn  up  by  their 
 heels  to  the  bough  of  a  tree,  their  head  hanging  down  towards 
 the  earth,  as  unworthy  to  look  up  to  heaven.  The  people,  in  all 
 thefe  cafes,  make  a  merit  of  feeding  them.  Mr.  Grofe  fays*, 
 that  a  Gentoo  was  near  perilhing  with  thirft,  though  there  was 
 water  enough  on  board,  becaufe  he  would  not  tafte  that  which 
 belonged  to  a  perfon  of  another  religion. 
 
 The  cruelties  of  the  Mexicans  to  their  prifoners,  and  alfo  their 
 feverities  to  themfelves,  exceed  all  that  we  know  of  in  modern 
 times.  At  the  dedication  of  the  great  temple  at  Mexico  Clavi- 
 gerofays  f,  there  were  fixty  or  feventy  thoufand  human  facri- 
 iices.  The  ufual  annual  amount  of  them  was  about  twenty 
 thoufand. 
 
 The  Mexicans,  being  accuftomed  to  the  bloody  facrifices  of 
 their  prifoners,  fhed  alfo  much  of  their  own  blood.  It  makes 
 one  fhuddcr,  fays  this  writer,  to  read  of  the  aufterlties  they 
 cxercifed  on  themfelves,  either  in  atonement  for  their  offences, 
 or  in  preparation  for  their  feftivals.  Among  other  feverities, 
 their  priefts  ufcd  to  thruft  fharp  inftruments  through  their 
 tongues.  Among  the  Tlafcalans  few  could  bear  the  feverities 
 of  their  dreadful  annual  faft  |. 
 
 How  dreadful  the  power  of  religion  may  be  when  condutEled 
 by  improper  hands,  may  be  feen  in  the  horrid  excefles  of  the 
 Anabaptifts  in  Germany  about  the  time  of  the  reformation,  of 
 the  levellers  in  England  during  the  civil  wars,  and  the  defpe- 
 rate  courage  and  fhocking  cruelties  of  that  people  in  Alia,  from 
 whom  we  borrow  the  term  ajfajfin.  Thefe  people  were  fo 
 devoted  td  their  chief,  that  they  efteemed  it  glorious  to  die  at 
 his  command,  and  would  chearfully  engage  in  any  undertaking 
 which  he  enjoined  them,  though  they  were  fure  to  fuffer  the 
 mod  cruel  death  in  confequence  of  it.  By  the  hands  of  thefe 
 alFaffins  fell  many  princes  and  chiefs  of  the  chriftian  crufaders  in 
 the  holy  wars  ;  and  no  precautions  could  be  efFedual  aoainft 
 their  attacks.  For  aimoft  any  man  may  command  the  life  of 
 another,  if  he  make  no  diiHculty  of  facrificing  his  own. 
 
 ♦  Travels  vol.  I.  p.  i88. 
 
 f  Hiftory  of  Mexico,  vol.  i.  p.  i8i,  J  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  288 
 
 The 
 
374  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 The  evils  which  countries  have  fufFered  in  confequence  of 
 the  mad  fuperftition  of  their  magiftrates  are  endlefs  to  enumerate 
 and  horrible  to  think  of.  Above  eight  hundred  perfons  were 
 burned  in  England  for  their  adherence  to  the  proteftant  religion 
 in  queen  Mary's  reign  ;  and  in  the  feveral  perfecutions  promoted 
 by  Philip  II.  no  lefs  than  a  hundred  thoufand  perfons  are  faid 
 to  have  periflied  by  the  hand  of  the  executioner.  Philip  III. 
 from  the  fame  principle,  drove  more  than  nine  hundred  thoufand 
 Morifcoesout  of  his  dominions  by  one  edii5l,  with  fuchcircum- 
 ftances  of  inhumanity  in  the  execution  of  it,  as  Spaniards  alone 
 could  exercife,  and  the  inquifition  alone  approve.  This  inqui- 
 fition,  as  Sir  Jofiah  Child  obferves,  has  contributed  more  to 
 depopulate  Spain  than  all  its  vaft  fettlements  in  the  Indies. 
 
 Voltaire  fays,  that  no  lefs  than  fifty  thoufand  families  quitted 
 France  in  the  fpace  of  three  years  after  the  revocation  of  the 
 edict  of  Nantes,  and  were  afterwards  followed  by  others  who 
 carried  their  arts,  manufactures,  and  riches  with  them  into 
 foreign  countries.  Thus  France  loft  about  five  hundred  thou- 
 fand  inhabitants,  an  immenfe  quantity  of  fpecie,  and,  what  is  flill 
 more,  the  arts,  with  which  their  enemies  enriched  themfelves. 
 Holland  gained  officers  and  foldiers.  •  The  prince  of  Orange, 
 and  the  duke  of  Savoy,  had  three  regiments  of  French  refugees. 
 
 No  ftate  ever  fuftered  more  in  its  conftitutlon  and  adminif- 
 tration  by  the  influence  of  religion  than  the  empire  of  Con- 
 ftantinople,  for  fome  centuries  before  its  final  diflblution.  The 
 monks  interfered  with  all  public  bufinefs,  and  public  bufinefs 
 was  often  fhamefully  negleded  for  the  fake  of  religion.  The 
 emperors  would  be  prefiding  in  councils  where  the  idicll  of 
 all  controverfies  were  difcuffed,  inftead  of  confulting  abou*. 
 aflTairs  of  ftate  in  their  cabinet,  or  being  at  the  head  of  their 
 armies  in  the  field.  They  were  at  one  time  fo  far  funk  in 
 fuperftition,  that  Conftantine  Le  Barbu  took  his  two  brothers 
 to  reign  along  with  him,   in  imitation  of  the  Trinity. 
 
 Theie  evils,  and  particularly  thofe  arifing  from  perfecution, 
 ouo^ht  certainly  to  be  taken  into  the  account  v*'hen  we  make  an 
 eiHmate  of  the  benefits  accruing  to  the  world  from  chriftianity. 
 The  nioft  illuftrious  examples  of  toleration  are  certainly  not  to 
 
 be 
 
Lect.  LVI.        GENERAL   POLICY.  375 
 
 be  found  among  chrlflians.  Mahometans  in  general  are  much 
 more  generous  in  their  fentiments  on  that  head,  notwithftanding 
 their  religion  was  indebted,  for  its  firft  propagation  and  ex- 
 tenfive  fpread,  chiefly  to  the  fword.  But  this  difference  is 
 owing  to  the  greater  attachment  which  chriflians  have  to  their 
 religion,  and  their  belief  of  the  importance  of  the  tenets  of  it. 
 If  Jenghis  Khan,  and  Timur  Bek  tolerated  all  religions  by  pub- 
 lic edicts,  which  is  certainly  much  to  their  honour  j  it  mufl  be 
 confidered,  that  they  were  men  who  payed  little  regard  to  re- 
 ligion themfelves,  and  thought  the  various  modes  of  it  to  be  a 
 matter  of  very  little  importance  to  the  world.  All  the  people 
 in  the  eaft,  except  the  Mahometans,  believe  all  religions  to  be 
 in  themfelves  indifferent. 
 
 The  religion  of  the  Gentoos  is  the  moft  tolerant  of  any. 
 They  think  that  a  diverfityof  worftiip  is  agreeable  to  the  God 
 of  the  univerfe,  and  they  refufe  to  admit  or  make  any  converts. 
 With  all  their  religious  horror  at  the  killing  of  an  ox,  they 
 have  no  averlion  to  others  who  do  it. 
 
 The  Mahometans,  though  thev  do  not  perfecute  to  death, 
 yet  conceive  the  greateft  abhorrence  of  other  religions.  It  is 
 early  inculcated  on  their  children,  who  are  taught  to  call  unbe- 
 lievers by  the  moft  opprobrious  names.  Take  the  moft  miferable 
 Turk,  fays  Sir  James  Porter*,  dependent  on  a  chriftian,  one 
 who  lives  by  him,  and  ftarves  without  him;  let  the  chriftian 
 require  of  him  t\\&  falutation  of  Peace ^  or  peace  be  with  you ^  he 
 would  fooner  die  than  give  it.  He  would  think  himfelf  abomi- 
 nated by  God.  The  moft  they  dare  fay,  and  many  think  it  faying 
 too  much,   is  good  be  vjith  you. 
 
 It  is  not,  however,  doing  this  argument  juftice  to  fuppofe 
 that  there  was  nothing  like  perfecution  among  the  ancients. 
 Laws  againft  external  fuperftition  were  of  old  ftanding,  and 
 very  fevere  among  the  Romans,  though,  in  general,  they  were 
 not  r.goroully  executed.  Immediately  after  the  conqueft  of 
 Gaul,  they  forbad  any  of  the  natives,  under  pain  of  death,  to 
 be  initiated  in  the  religion  of  the  Druids.  In  Greece  too  a 
 conformity  to  the  eftabliftied  religion,  and  even  refpe6t  for  the 
 
 Obfervations,  vol.  i.  p.  15. 
 
 moil 
 
376  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 mofl-  ridiculous  traditions  belonging  to  it  (fuch  as  the  magif- 
 irates  them  (elves,  in  the  enlightened  ages  of  Greece,  cannot  be 
 fuppofed  to  believe)  were  eiiforced  by  fevere  civil  penalties. 
 StiJpo  v^'as  banifhed  by  the  council  of  A  eopagus  for  affirming 
 that  the  Mtaerva  in  the  citadel  u'as  not  a  divinity,  but  the  work- 
 manihip  of  Phidias  the  fculptor. 
 
 It  is  obfervable  in  the  hiftory  of  perfecution,  that  it  is  alvt^ays 
 the  moft  violent  between  fe6ts  which  are  the  moft  nearly  related. 
 The  greater  is  their  agreement,  the  more  itriking  are  the  few 
 points  in  which  diey  diflter ;  and  the  more  do  thofe  parties  which 
 approach  near,  and  yet  cannot  unite,  interfere  with  one  another. 
 In  Perfia,  all  religions  are  tolerateJ  except  the  fe6l  of  Omar. 
 The  Jews  were  fpaed  in  queen  Mary's  perfecution  of  the 
 proteflants,  and  are  to  this  day  tolerated  in  Rome,  and  many 
 popifh  countries. 
 
 A  perfecution  that  is  tolerably  moderate,  either  in  time  or 
 degree,  is  certainly  favourable  to  the  growth  of  any  religion  » 
 according  to  the  old  maxim,  that  "  the  blood  of  the  martyrs 
 "  is  the  feed  of  the  church  ;"  but  the  fmall  number  of  protef- 
 tants  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  fince  the  ereition  of  the  inquifition, 
 proves  beyond  all  doubt,  that  long  and  great  hardfhips  are 
 capable  of  exterminating  a  religion.  However,  in  general,  as 
 Voltaire  fays,  politicians  would  find  that  the  fureft  method  of 
 exterminating  religion  is  by  rewards,  and  not  by  punishments, 
 to  make  men  forget  it,  and  not  to  think  of  it. 
 
 In  all  governments,  I  believe,  advantage  has  been  taken  of 
 the  general  regard  to  religion,  to  enforce  the  obligation  of  truth  ; 
 men  being  required  to  make  a  folemn  appeal  to  God^  or  other 
 invifible  powers,  with  an  implied  imprecation  upon  themfelves 
 if  they  falfihed.  This  prad^ice  may  have  fuited  pretty  well  with 
 a  barbarous  and  fuperflitious  age,  but  it  is  now  found  to  be 
 attended  with  many  inconveniences.  Oaths  are  fo  mulfipied 
 in  fome  countries,  and  required  in  cafes  in  which  the  temptation 
 to  violate  them  is  fo  great,  that  the  reverence  duo  to  them  is 
 much  declined,  and  with  that  a  refped  for  religion  and  morality 
 in  general,  which  makes  the  oath  itfelf  of  little  effecfi  ;  fo  that 
 the  intcrcfts,  both  of  religion  and  of  gavernme;U,  ate  injured 
 by  this  connexion. 
 
 Much 
 
Lect.  LVI.        GENERAL    POLICY.  377 
 
 Much  better  were  it  for  civil  governments  to  content  them- 
 felves  with  enforcing  the  obligation  of  truth  by  fuch  penalties 
 as  are  ufed  on  other  occafions,  and  to  punifh  all  falfe  affirmations 
 before  a  magiftrate  as  they  now  do  perjury.  But,  in  many 
 cafes,  there  can  be  no  occafion  to  compel  any  perfon  to  make  a 
 declaration  refpeding  himfelf,  or  his  condud,  as  it  might  be 
 fufficient  to  puniOi  him  when  it  could  be  proved  that  he  was 
 guilty  of  any  violation  of  the  laws.  Oaths  of  allegiance  are  un- 
 neceflary  when  the  punifliment  of  treafon  is  fevere,  and  the 
 courts  of  juftice  are  open  to  accufations. 
 
 In  this  country  we  lofe  the  benefit  of  the  folemn  affirmation 
 of  the  Quakers  in  criminal  cafes,  when  no  man  would  doubt 
 the  value  of  it. 
 
 The  oaths  taken  by  kings  at  their  inauguration  are  as  incon- 
 venient, and  therefore  as  improper,  as  thofe  that  are  ad- 
 miniftered  to  the  fubjedts  ;  and,  like  other  perfons,  fovereigns 
 have  had  recourfe  to  very  lame  expedients  in  order  to  evade 
 them.  The  kings  of  France,  at  their  coronation,  fwear  to 
 exterminate  heretics.  But  though  Lewis  XIII.  and  XIV.  took 
 this  oath,  they  declared  that  it  did  not  include  the  proteftants,- 
 though  they  were  the  only  heretics  in  the  kingdom  *. 
 
 In  confidering  the  advantages  or  difadvantages  of  religion  in 
 a  ftate,  the  fuitablenefs  of  the  mode  of  religion  to  the  form  of 
 government  fhould  be  attended  to.  A  religion  which  iias  no 
 vifible  head  agrees  bed  with  that  fpirit  of  liberty  and  indepen- 
 dence which  prevails  in  the  north  of  Europe ;  though  the 
 maxim  of  king  James,  No  Bijhop  no  King,  i^  by  no  means 
 univerfally  true.  Superftition  is  rather  favourable  to  monar- 
 chical power.  But  enthufiafm  is  obferved  to  be  an  enemy  to  all 
 power  in  the  hands  either  of  civil  magiftrates,  or  ecclefiaftical 
 perfons.  The  independents  joined  the  dcifts  in  favour  of  a 
 republic  during  the  civil  wars  in  England  ;  and  the  Quakers, 
 the  moft  enthufiaftic  of  all  the  fe£ts  that  ever  arofe  among 
 chriftians,  have  no  priefts  at  all,  and  are  likewife  thought  to 
 favour  an  equal  republic. 
 
 *  Life  of  Mr  Turgor,   p,   i&a. 
 
 D  d  The 
 
378  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 The  enormous  rife  of  the  papal  power  is  an  amazing  ex- 
 ample of  the  encroachment  of  the  ecclefiaftical  upon  the  civil 
 authority,  and  furniilies  a  warning  to  all  civil  magiftrates  to 
 keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  fo  infidious  and  dangerous  a  rival.  The 
 rife,  progrefs,  and  declenfion  of  this  power  make  a  moft  im- 
 portant and  interefting  objedl  of  attention  for  many  centuries. 
 And  this  is  {o  far  from  being  foreign  to  civil  hiftory,  that  it  is 
 the  principal  and  almoft  the  only  fubjedl:  of  it.  A  little  before 
 the  reformation,  the  clergy  had  engrolTed  a  very  large  proportion 
 of  the  lands  of  all  chriftian  countries  ;  and  the  popes,  chiefly 
 by  means  of  the  various  fraternities  of  monks  in  every  kingdom, 
 who  were  immediately  dependent  upon  themfelves,  had  often 
 equal  power,  even  in  temporal  things,  with  the  lawful  fovereign, 
 and  fometimes  fuperior. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  LVII.     GENERAL    POLICY.  379 
 
 LECTURE      LVJh 
 
 Of  civil  Eftablijhmenis  of  Religion.  Tythes.  Statutes  of  Mort- 
 main, The  Influence  of  Philofophy  on  civil  J  fairs.  The  In- 
 fluence of  the  different  Sedfs  of  the  Qreek  Philofophy  upon  Statef- 
 men  and  their  Meafures  in  ancient  Hijlory, 
 
 THE  care  which  civil  governors  have  thought  themfelves 
 bound  to  take  of  the  intereft  of  religion,  though  it  has 
 been  productive  of  fome  good,  has  been  the  fource  of  much  and 
 lafting  evil  in  ftates.  Naturally  there  can  be  no  more  connexion 
 between  civil  government  and  religion^  than  between  the  former 
 and  any  thing  elfe  that  depends  upon  opinion^  lefs  than  the 
 bufmefs  of  philofophy,  or  medicine.  Bccaufe  thefe  refpe6l  the 
 prefent  life,  with  which  civil  governors  have  to  do ;  whereas 
 religion  refpe£ls  the  life  to  come,  with  which  they  have  nothing 
 to  do. 
 
 Civil  governors  in  general  are  fo  educated,  that  it  cannot  be 
 fuppofed  they  are  able  to  decide  concerning  religious  truth,  or 
 be  the  beft  judges  who  are  qualified  to  decide  concerning  it*. 
 But  the  principal  fufFerer  by  this  alliance  between  the  church 
 and  the  fiiate  is  religion  itfelf,  that  is,  the  members  of  fociety,  as 
 profeiTors  of  religion,  and  deriving  advantages  from  it.  For 
 when  it  is  thus  guarded  by  the  ftate,  if  it  be  faulty,  or  wants 
 reformation,  it  muft  long  continue  fo.  The  profeflbrs  of  it, 
 being  interefted  in  its  fupport,  will   do   every  thing    in    their 
 
 *  It  may  be  faid  that,  though  the  king,  and  the  members  of  parliament, 
 be  not  themfelves  theologians,  they  can  call  in  the  aflllance  of  thofe  who  are. 
 But  by  what  lights  muft  they  judge,  who  are  the  moft  proper  to  advife  them  ? 
 *'  The  fcience  of  another,"  fays  the  ingenious  author  of  the  life  of  Mr.  Turgot, 
 "  may  aflift  our  knowledge  ;  but  can  never  fupply  the  want  of  it.  For  it  is  im- 
 "  poffible  to  judge  rightly  through  another,  of  that  which  we  cannot  judge  by  our- 
 **  felves  "  If  any  religion  be  already  eftabliflied,  the  governors  of  a  country  will  of 
 courfe  advife  with  the  friends  of  it,  and  others  who  are  interefted  in  its  fupport. 
 JBut  they  will  never  in  this  way  be  led  t)  reform  any  great  abufes. 
 
 D  d  2  power 
 
380  LECTURESON  Part  V, 
 
 power  to  prevent  any  alteration,  though  it  fhould   be  ever  fo 
 much  vi^anted. 
 
 Accordingly,  it  v^^as  never  known  that  any  reformation  of 
 chriftian  eftabliftiments  arofe  from  the  body  of  the  clergy,  but 
 their  whole  weight  was  always  oppofed  to  it.  Single  perfons 
 having  conceived  ideas  of  reformation,  have  recommended  their 
 opinions  to  others,  and  thus  by  degrees  the  great  body  of  the 
 common  people  have  been  gained  over,  and  at  length  the  civil 
 governors  have  found  the  call  for  reformation  fo  loud,  that  they 
 have  thought  it  prudent  to  comply  with  it.  The  clergy  have 
 then  turned  with  the  court,  and  have  become  (as  from  their 
 intereft  it  might  be  expeded  they  would)  as  zealous  for  the  new 
 ftate  of  things,  as  they  had  been  for  the  old. 
 
 Thefefadts  are  too  evident  to  be  denied  j  and  yet  the  intereft 
 of  the  clergy,  arifmg  from  their  emoluments,  and  that  of  the 
 magiftrate,  arifing  from  his  wifh  to  keep  things  quiet,  and  alfo 
 the  intereft  that  many  of  the  laity  have  in  the  fupport  of  ecclefi- 
 aftical  eftablifhments,  which  is  various  and  complicated,  ftill 
 blind  the  minds  of  many,  and  contribute  to  keep  things  as  they 
 are,  in  the  moft  enlightened  countries  in  Europe. 
 
 It  is  alleged  in  favour  of  thefe  eftablifhments,  that  religion 
 has  an  influence  on  the  condu6t  of  men  in  this  life.  No  doubt 
 it  has,  as  it  conneds  the  hopes  of  a  future  life  with  good 
 behaviour  in  this.  But  this  is  done  in  all  fedts  of  chriftians, 
 and  as  much  in  thofe  which  are  reprobated  by  the  ftate,  as  thofe 
 which  are  encouraged  by  it.  Befides,  if  this  was  the  true  caufe 
 of  attachment  to  chriftian  eftabliftiments,  the  friends  of  them 
 would  be  much  more  jealous  of  unbelievers  than  they  are  of 
 fedtaries,  which  does  not  appear  to  be  the  cafe. 
 
 It  is  alfo  faid,  that  the  fubjecSt  of  religion  is  fo  interefting 
 to  the  generality  of  mankind,  that  if  government  did  not  inter- 
 fere, the  contention  about  it  would  be  fo  violent,  that  the 
 public  peace  could  not  be  preferved.  But  thefe  contentions 
 are  much  encreafed  by  the  favour  ftiewn  to  one  mode  of  religion, 
 ^nd  the  opprobrium  which  is  confequently  thrown  on  the  reft; 
 and  where  temporal  intereft  is  not  concerned,  mere  opinions 
 will  not  occafion  any  differences  at  which  government  need  to 
 
 be 
 
Lect.  LVII.     GENERAL    POLICY.  381 
 
 be  alarmed.  Chriftianity  fubfifted  without  any  favour  from  the 
 governing  powers  for  about  three  hundred  years  3  and  there  is  no 
 place  where  there  are  more  forms  of  religion  openly  profefTed, 
 and  without  the  eftablilhment  of  any  of  them,  than  Pennfylvania, 
 and  other  provinces  of  North  America  at  this  day  ;  and  there  is 
 no  profpeclof  this  circumftance  being  attended  with  any  danger 
 to  the  ftate. 
 
 By  undertaking  the  care  of  religion,  the  ftate  has  taken  upon 
 itfelf  a  great,  a  dangerous,  and  an  unnecefTary  burthen,  and  from 
 its  jealoufy  of  fecStaries,  often  deprives  itfelf  of  the  fervices  of 
 its  befl:  and  ableft  fubjedls  ;  and  at  fome  times  it  has  been  in- 
 duced to  perfecute  and  deftroy  them,  becaufe  if  they  were  left 
 alive,  it  was  apprehended  their  principles  might  fpread,  to  the 
 endangering  of  the  eftablifhment. 
 
 The  good  Cen(e  of  modern  times,  though  it  has  not  proceeded 
 fo  far  as  to  produce  a  general  convidlion  of  the  inexpediency 
 of  church  eftabliftiments,  has  fhewn  the  folly  of  perfecutioriy 
 and  has  produced  a  toleration  of  religion,  more  or  lefs  complete. 
 It  is  more  imperfect  in  this  country  than  in  moft  others,  even 
 the  catholic  ones,  becaufe  in  them  proteftants  may  be  admitted 
 to  fuch  offices  of  truft  and  power  as  the  diflenters  are  excluded 
 from  in  this.  One  would  think  that  chriftian  governments  might 
 content  themfelves  with  eftablifliing  the  chriftian  religion  in 
 general,  without  confining  themfelves  to  any  particular  mode  of 
 it.  But  fo  far  is  this  from  being  the  cafe,  that  by  the  prefent 
 laws  of  this  country,  a  man  who  denies  the  docSlrine  of  the  Tri- 
 nity, which  has  no  more  imaginable  connexion  with  the  good  of 
 the  ftate  than  the  doctrine  of  Tranfubftantiation,  is  deemed  a 
 blafphemer,  and  fentenced  to  fufFer  confifcation  of  goods  and 
 imprifonment. 
 
 In  this  country  the  care  which  the  government  takes  of  re- 
 ligion extends  itfelf  to  the  bufmefs  of  education^  confinino;  the 
 univerfities,  which  are  fupported  by  the  national  funds,  to  the 
 education  of  the  members  of  the  church  of  England,  and 
 rigoroufly  excluding  all  fedaries,  either  by  requiring  fub- 
 fcription  to  the  thirty-nine  articles  at  the  time  of  matricu- 
 lation, or  obliging  the  ftudents  to  attend  the  fervice  of  the 
 
 eftablifhed 
 
382  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 cftabli (bed  church,  and  to  declare  that  they  arc  bona  fide  mem- 
 bers of  it. 
 
 In  all  other  countries,  the  efl-ablifhed  religion  is  that  of  the 
 majority  of  the  people,  and  the  writers  in  defence  of  it  vindicate 
 it  on  this  principle,  viz.  that  it  is  the  religion  of  the  majority, 
 whatever  that  be.  But  in  Ireland  we  have  a  moft  remarkable 
 exception  to  this  rule.  There  the  eftablifhed  religion  is  not 
 that  of  the  majority,  but  of  a  fmall  minority  of  the  people, 
 perhaps  not  more  than  that  of  one  in  ten  of  the  inhabitants. 
 That  fo  flagrant  an  abufe  of  power  ftiould  exift,  and  under  a 
 government  pretending  to  juftice,  and  even  to  liberality,  is 
 barely  credible.  Yet  ever  fmce  the  reformation  the  members 
 of  the  church  of  England  have  kept  poflelTion  of  the  tythes  of 
 the  whole  ifland,  when  they  have  long  defpaired  of  bringing  the 
 people  over  to  that  religion  for  which  they  pay  fo  dear. 
 
 The  moft  equitable  eftablilhment  of  chriftianity  (which  is 
 far  from  wanting  any  fuch  fupport)  would  be  to  oblige  every 
 perfonto  pay  a  certain  proportion  of  his  income  to  the  main- 
 tenance of  it,  but  leave  it  tohimfelf  to  determine  the  mode,  and 
 to  let  his  contribution  be  given  to  thatminifter  whom  he  approves. 
 This  has  long  been  the  cuftom  in  fome  parts  of  North  America, 
 and  no  inconvenience  whatever  has  arifen  from  it. 
 
 But  the  chief  inconvenience  which  is  to  be  expe61:ed  from 
 thefe  eftablifliments  of  chriftianity,  will  be  found  when  the 
 reformation  of  abufes  in  them  can  be  deferred  no  longer. 
 What  convulfions  in  ftates  were  produced  at  the  time  of  the 
 reformation,  from  the  obftinacy  of  the  court  of  Rome,  and  their 
 refufing  to  alter  any  thing,  though  the  abufes  were  ever  fo  ir.  iru- 
 fcft  ?  In  thefe  cafes  fo  many  interefts  are  involved,  that  thoagh 
 all  may  wifh  for  fome  change,  they  may  not  be  able  to  agree 
 where  to  begin.  Happy  would  a  fcnfibie  minifter  of  ftate  think 
 himfelf,  if  he  could  get  rid  of  fuch  an  incumbrance  j  but  he 
 may  not  know  how  to  do  it.  And  thus  the  evil  which  in  the 
 progrefs  of  knowledge  will  every  day  become  more  manifeft, 
 and  which  muft  in  the  end  be  redrefled,  is  continued  from  year 
 to  year,  till  that  vi'hich  might  have  been  done  by  degrees,  and 
 without  violence,  muft  be  done  at  once,  and  with  violence. 
 
 For 
 
Lect.LVII.      general    POLICY.  383 
 
 For  the  confequences  of  this  the  rigid  abettors  of  fuch  efta- 
 blifliments  are  anfwerable. 
 
 The  mode  by  which  chriftianity  is  fupported  in  this  and  feme 
 other  countries,  viz.  by  tythes^  or  a  tenth  part  of  the  fruits  oi 
 the  ground,  is  peculiarly  burthenfome  to  the  country,  and  in 
 other  refpecSls  highly  inexpedient,  Confidering  that  the  clergy 
 do  not  contribute  to  the  expence  of  laifing  the  produce,  the 
 tenth  is  in  fome  cafes  half  the  value  of  an  eftate.  The  far- 
 mer, or  the  proprietor  of  the  land,  knowing  that  he  muft 
 pay  fo  great  a  proportion  of  his  produce,  is  difcouraged  from 
 expenfive  culture,  naturally  grudging  the  benefit  which  another 
 muft  derive  from  it. 
 
 Upon  the  rents  of  rich  lands,  the  tythes,  Dr.  Smith  fays  *, 
 may  fometimes  be  a  tax  of  no  more  than  one-fifth  part,  or 
 four  {hillings  in  the  pound  j  whereas  upon  that  of  poorer  lands> 
 it  may  fometimes  be  a  tax  of  one-half,  or  of  ten  (hillings  in  the 
 pound. 
 
 We  are  told  in  the  life  of  M.  Turgot,  that  in  France 
 the  clergy  enjoy  near  one-fifth  part  of  the  property  of  the  king- 
 dom. 
 
 On  the  other  hand,  in  1755  the  whole  revenue  of  the 
 church  of  Scotland,  including  their  glebe,  or  church  lands, 
 and  the  rents  of  their  dwelling-houfes,  amounted  only  to 
 fixty  eight  thoufand  five  hundred  and  fourteen  pounds  j  fo 
 that,  Dr.  Smith  fays,  the  whole  expence  of  the  church,  in- 
 cluding occalional  buildings  and  repairs,  cannot  well  be 
 fuppofed  to  exceed  eighty  or  eighty-five  thoufand  pounds  a 
 year  5  and  he  fays  the  moft  opulent  church  in  chriftendom  does 
 not  better  maintain  the  uniformity  of  faith,  the  fervour  of  de- 
 votion, the  fpirit  of  order,  regularity,  and  auftere  morals,  in 
 the  great  body  of  the  people,  than  this  very  poorly  endowed 
 church.  He  likewife  fays,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  proteftant 
 churches  in  Switzerland,  which  in  general  are  not  better  endowed 
 than  the  church  of  Scotland,  produce  thefe  eiFeds  in  a  ftill 
 higher  degree  f.     I  will  venture,    however,  to  add,   that  all 
 
 •  Wealth  of  Nations,  vol.  iii.  p.  275.  f  Vol.  iii.  p.  236. 
 
 thefe 
 
384  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 thefe  efFe6ls,  as  far  as  they  are  dcfirable,  are  produced  in  a  yet 
 higher  degree  In  the  congregations  of  DifTenters  in  this  country, 
 who  have  no  eftablifhment  at  all,  befides  being  attended  with 
 other  advantages  which  arc  neceflarily  excluded  by  eftablifti- 
 ments.  I  mean  particularly  the  gradual  and  eafy  progrefs  of 
 truth,  and  the  fpread  of  rational  religion. 
 
 To  the  whole  ftare,  tythes  might  be  a  kind  of  tax  not  ex- 
 tremely inconvenient,  as,  together  with  having  an  iDtereft  in 
 the  improvement  of  the  country,  it  would  be  able  to  give  ef- 
 fcftual  attention  to  the  bufmefs,  and  promote  it ;  whereas 
 clergymen,  though  interefted  in  the  payment  of  the  tythes, 
 can  feldom  do  any  thing  towards  promoting  the  raifing  of  the 
 produce  that  muft  fupply  them. 
 
 Alfo,  differences  between  the  clergy  and  the  people  are  the 
 unavoidable  confequence  of  this  mode  of  fupporting  religion, 
 and  this  muft  greatly  leflen  the  influence  of  their  inflrudions. 
 In  Holland  the  minivers  are  paid  from  the  funds  of  the  ftate. 
 This  the  Englifh  clergy  object  to,  as  liable  to  become  of  lefs 
 value,  by  the  finking  of  the  value  of  money.  But  if  this  fhould 
 be  found  infufficient,  their  falaries  may  from  time  to  time  be 
 augmented  ;  and  what  greater  fecurity  for  their  maintenance 
 ought  the  clergy  to  require,  than  that  of  thofe  taxes,  from  which 
 a}l  other  ofBcers,  civil  and  military,  receive  their  wages. 
 
 As  the  clergy  are  a  body  that  never  dies,  their  accumulation 
 of  wealth  ought  to  be  checked  by  ftatutes  of  mortmain.  In 
 Caftile  the  clergy  have  feized  every  thing,  but  in  Arragon, 
 where  there  is  fomething  like  an  ad:  of  mortmain,  they  have 
 acquired  little,  and  in  France  lefs  flill. 
 
 Rich  ellablifhments  of  religion  are  by  no  means  peculiar  to 
 chriftianity.  There  are  more  bonzes  of  Tao-fee,  and  of  Lama,  in 
 Peking,  than  there  are  ecclefiaflics  and  monks  in  Paris.  There 
 are  more  than  fix  thoufand  bonzeries  in  the  city  and  diflridi:  of 
 Peking  alone,  and  many  of  thefe  buildings  in  China  are  richer, 
 and  more  magnificent,  than  the  mofl  celebrated  abbeys  in 
 Europe  *.  There  could  not  be  lefs  than  a  million  of  priefts  in 
 the  empire  of  Mexico  f. 
 
 *  Memoircs  fur  les  Chinols,  vol.  iv,  p.  3 17.         "f  Clavigero,  vol.  i.  p.  170. 
 
 Philofophyy 
 
Lect.  LVII.    GENERAL    POLICY.  3S5 
 
 PhUofophy^  and  the  various  modes  and  tenets  of  it,  are  not  to  be 
 wholly  overlooked,  vt^hile  we  are  attending  to  thofe  thin2;s  which 
 have  an  influence  upon  the  happinefs  of  fociety.  7^he  power  of 
 philofophy,  though  by  no  means  equal  to  chat  of  religion,  has 
 yet,  in  many  inftances,  appeared  to  be  very  confiderable.  The 
 Indian  philofophers  chufing  to  throu'  then'Teives  inio  the  lire 
 as  the  univerfal  purifier,  inftead  of  dying  a  natural  death,  and 
 Calanus,  agreeable  to  their  cuftoms,  burning  himfclf  with  great 
 compofure  in  the  prefence  of  Alexander  the  Great,  may  perhaps, 
 beafcribed  to  religious  confiderations,  and  certain  expe<5i:ations 
 after  death.  The  fame  may  perhaps  alfo  be  faid  of  the  eiFecis 
 of  the  dodrine  of  Metempfychofis,  which  is  given  by  Mon- 
 tefquieu  as  the  reafon  why  there  are  few  murders  in  India,  and 
 alfo  for  the  remarkable  care  which  is  obiervable  in  the  fame 
 people  for  the  ox,  a  creature  very  necelTary  in  that  country, 
 and  which  multiplies  very  flowly  there. 
 
 But  nothing  can  be  more  certain  than  that  a  tafle  for  phi- 
 lofophy and  fcience  of  any  kind  tends  to  foften  and  humanize 
 the  temper,  by  providing  the  mind  with  other  and  more  agree- 
 able objects  of  purfuit  than  the  gratification  of  the  o-roiler 
 appetites.  It  is  this  which  in  all  ages  has  diflinguiflied  ci- 
 vilized  nations  from  thofe  which  are  uncivilized,  and  m\xi\  cer- 
 tainly be  allowed  to  put  in  a  juft  claim,  along  with  the  chriftian 
 religion,  for  a  fhare  in  producing  the  fu per ior  humanity  of 
 modern  times.  In  China  it  had  for  many  ages  produced  nearly 
 the  fame  efFe6l,  without  any  foreign  aid.  Ail  the  ancients, 
 Plato,  Ariftotle,  Theophraflus,  Plutarch,  and  Polybius,  repre- 
 fent  mufic  as  abfolutely  neceflary  in  a  ftate.  I  he  dates  of 
 Greece,  difdaining  mechanic  arts,  and  employed  in  wreftlino- 
 and  martial  exercifes,  would  have  been  abfolutely  fierce  and  bru- 
 tal, without  fomething  of  that  nature  to  fofien  the  mind.  The 
 fine  arts  ferve  as  a  medium  between  fcientifical  fpeculation  and 
 bodily  exercifes  and  gratifications. 
 
 Philofophy  entered  not  a  little  into  the  fecret  fprings  and 
 caufes  of  adion  in  fome  very  critical  periods  of  the  Grecian, 
 and  particularly  of  the  Roman  Hiftory,  by  influencing  the  temper 
 and  condu(St  of  fome  oi  the  principal  adors  in  thofe  times.     It 
 
 is 
 
386  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 is  probable  that  if  Brutus  had  not  been  a  Stoick,  he  wotild  not 
 have  entered  fo  unfeelingly  into  the  confpiracy  againft  Caefar 
 his  bencfacflor.  The  Stoiclc  philofophy  made  men  defpife  life, 
 and  difpofed  them  to  kill  themfelves.  The  difgrace  of  being 
 triumphed  over  made  Cato  and  Brutus  eafily  prefer  death  to  it, 
 as  more  confiftent  with  their  dignity  and  honour. 
 
 By  this  philofophy,  fays  Montefquieu,  are  made  excellent 
 citizens,  great  men,  and  great  emperors.  Where,  fays  he, 
 (hall  we  find  fuch  men  as  the  Antonines  ?  In  their  time  the 
 Stoick  philofophy  prevailed  much  at  Rome.  On  the  contrary, 
 the  Epicurean  philofophy  contributed  much  to  corrupt  the  mo« 
 rals,  and  break  the  manly  fpirit  of  the  Romans.  Fabricius  hear- 
 ing Cyneas  difcourfmg  about  this  philofophy  at  the  table  of 
 king  Pyrrhus,  cried  out.  May  our  enemies  have  thofe  no- 
 tions. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  LVIIL       GENERAL    POLICY.  387 
 
 LECTURE       LVIIL 
 
 Of  the  Populoufnefs  of  Nations,  The  Influence  of  good  Lawi  and 
 Government,  Eafy  Naturalization.  IVkat  Ufe  of  Land  vuiil 
 enable  the  People  to  fubfift  in  the  great efl  Numbers  upon  it» 
 Circumflances  by  which  to  judge  of  the  populoifnefs  of  ancient 
 Nations,  Hoiu  trade  and  Commerce  make  a  Nation  populous. 
 Equal  Divifton  of  Lands,  Ufe  of  Machines,  Of  large  and 
 fmall  Farms^  and  inclofing  Commons, 
 
 WE  have  now  been  taking  a  view  of  the  principal  circum- 
 ftances  which  contribute  to  the  flourifhing  and  happy  Itate 
 of  fociety,  I  come  in  the  next  place  to  direct  your  attention  to 
 thofe  objects  which  tend  to  make  a  nation  populous. 
 
 The  mod  important  obfervation  upon  this  fubje^fl  is,  that  the 
 ftate  the  moft  favourable  to  populoufnefs,  is  that  in  which  there 
 is  a  concurrence  of  thofe  circumftances  which  render  a  nation 
 happy.  All  living  creatures  abound  moft  in  thofe  places  in 
 which  they  can  find  the  moft  plentiful  and  eafy  fubfiftence. 
 And,  for  the  fame  reafon,  where  men  are  governed  by  good  and 
 equal  laws,  in  which  agriculture,  commerce  and  the  arts,  are 
 favoured,  and  by  the  exercife  of  which  they  can  get  an  eafy 
 fubfiftence,  they  are  encouraged  to  enter  into  thofe  connexions 
 which  are  favourable  to  the  propagation  of  their  fpecies.  This 
 is  the  reafon  why  infant  colonies  generally  increafe  fo  much 
 fafter  than  their  mother  country. 
 
 Befides,  foreigners,  and  particularly  ingenious  foreigners, 
 will  flock  to  thofe  countries  which  are  well  governed,  and 
 where  they  can  eafily  maintain  themfelves  and  their  families- 
 And  this  inlet  to  a  multitude  of  inhabitants  ought  by  no  means 
 to  be  flighted  by  a  wife  magiftracy,  but  ought  to  be  encouraged, 
 
 by 
 
388  LECTURES     ON  I'art.  V. 
 
 by  making  naturalization  as  eafy  as  poflible ;  though  it  be 
 acknowledged  to  be  more  defirable  to  fee  a  people  increafe  from 
 themfelves,  by  the  fole  influence  of  a  good  internal  conftitution, 
 without  the  aid  of  foreign  refources.  The  attachment  of  natives 
 to  a  country  may  be  more  depended  upon  than  that  of  foreigners, 
 who  may  be  as  eafily  induced  to  leave  us,  as  they  were  to  come 
 amono;  us. 
 
 1{  a  people  live  upon  the  produce  of  their  own  foil  (and  it  is 
 not  perhaps  defirable  for  a  country  to  be  more  populous  than 
 that  would  admit  of)  they  will  be  able  to  fubfift  in  greater 
 numbers  if  they  confume  the  produce  themfelves,  than  if  they 
 live  upon  cattle,  which  confume  the  produce  firft  ;  that  is, 
 more  will  fubfift  by  mere  agriculture,  than  by  grazing  :  And 
 more  will  fubfift  by  grazing  (that  is,  by  promoting  the  growth 
 of  vegetables,  in  order  to  feed  tame  cattle)  than  could  fubfift 
 upon  wild  cattle  roaming  at  large,  in  a  country  upon  which  no 
 cultivation  is  beftowed.  Accordingly  w^e  find,  that  thofe  parts 
 of  North  America  in  which  the  inhabitants  live  chiefly  by 
 hunting  are  very  thinly  peopled. 
 
 Thefe  circumftances  may  be  fo  much  depended  upon,  that 
 if  Vv'e  only  know  the  manner  of  life  of  any  ancient  or  modern 
 people,  we  cannot  be  very  far  impofed  upon  by  accounts  of 
 their  populoufnefs.  Thus  we  can  never  think  that  the  northern 
 parts  of  Germany  were  near  fo  populous  in  ancient  times  as  they 
 are  at  prefent,  though  they  no  longer  fend  forth  thofe  fwarms 
 cf  people  upon  the  fouthern  parts  of  Europe,  which  made  them 
 be  called  the  northern  hive-,  when  we  have  the  teftimony  of  sU 
 antiquity,  that  the  country  was  almoft  one  continued  wood,  and 
 that  the  people  lived  chiefly  by  feeding  cattle  ;  or  if  they  did 
 live  in  part  upon  vegetables,  it  is  allowed  that  the  know- 
 ledge of  agriculture  was  very  low,  and  therefore  they  could 
 raife  but  little  from  the  ground  in  comparifon  of  what  the 
 inhabitants  do  now.  Nor  is  it  poftible  to  believe  there  ever 
 {hould  have  been  four  millions  of  people  in  Cuba,  the  greateft 
 part  of  whom  the  Spaniards  are  faid  to  have  mafi'acred,  when 
 the  face  cf  the  country  never  had  the  appearance  of  being  fuf- 
 ficiently  cultivated  for  that  purpofe. 
 
 In 
 
Lect.LVIII.      general    POLICY.  389 
 
 In  a  country  fully  peopled,  as  few  horfes,  or  other  beafts  of 
 burden,  will  be  ufed  as  poflible,  becaufe  if  the  labour  can  be 
 done  by  men,  there  will  be  fo  many,  that  it  will  be  worth  their 
 while  to  do  it  rather  than  want  fubliftence.  By  this  means  the 
 population  of  any  country  may  be  prodigioufly  increafed,  as 
 more  land  is  wanted  to  maintain  a  horfe  than  a  man.  In  China 
 men  maybe  faid  to  have  almoft  eaten  out  the  horfes,  fo  that  it  is 
 cuflomary  to  be  carried  along  the  high  roads  to  the  greateft 
 diftances  by  men.  The  ingenuity  of  men  alfo  enables  them  to 
 do  more  labour  by  machines,  and  lefs  by  horfes,  continually. 
 
 Of  vegetables,  the  cultivation  of  rice  feems  to  be  the  mod 
 favourable  to  population.  It  employs  a  great  number  of  men, 
 and  hardly  any  part  of  the  work  can  be  done  by  horfes.  It  is 
 faid,  however,  that  more  ftill  may  fubfift  on  potatoes.  Hume 
 fays,  that  a  country  whofe  foil  and  climate  are  fitted  for  vines 
 will  be  more  populous  than  one  which  produces  only  corn  ;  but 
 then  it  ought  to  be  confidered,  that  the  people  cannot  live  upon 
 their  vines.  This  cafe,  therefore,  ought  to  be  regarded  in  the 
 fame  light  as  that  in  which  manufactures,  trade,  and  com- 
 merce, tend  to  make  a  country  populous.  They  draw  a  great 
 number  of  people  together,  to  live  in  one  place,  but  their  fub- 
 fiftence  muft  be  brought  from  other  places,  and  confequently 
 be  fomewhat  precarious  ;  as  being  dependent  upon  thofe  places. 
 While  both  thofe  places  are  under  the  fame  government,  the 
 inconvenience  is  nothing,  as  that  Middlefex  fhould  be  more 
 populous  than  any  other  county  in  England,  and  not  able  to 
 maintain  its  inhabitants ;  but  when  they  are  under  different 
 governments,  it  is  poflible  the  inconvenience  may  fome  time  or 
 other  be  felt.  Where  the  fea  fupplies  people  with  food,  they 
 may  fubfift  in  the  greateft  numbers  in  any  given  fpace. 
 
 A  nearly  equal  divifion  of  lands,  and  thofe  divifions  fmall, 
 greatly  favours  population.  In  this  cafe,  a  family  will  raife 
 only  necefTaries,  being  obliged  to  make  the  moft  of  their  little 
 fpot  of  ground  for  their  immediate  fubfiftence.  This  circurh- 
 ilance  contributed  greatly  to  the  extreme  populoufnefs  of  feveral 
 of  the  Grecian  republics,  and  of  Rome  in  the  earlieft   times. 
 
 Where 
 
390  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 Where  large  portions  of  land  are  in  the  pofTeffion  of  a  few,  no 
 more  hands  will  be  kept  upon  them  than  are  fufHcient  to  reap 
 the  produce.  Moreover,  that  produce  will  confift  very  muCfh  of 
 fuperfluities,  which  contribute  little  to  real  nourifhment;  or 
 which  is  much  worfe  will  be  exchanged  for  fuperfluities  raifed 
 in  other  countries. 
 
 This  is  the  only  cafe  in  which  machines,  as  mills,  ploughs, 
 and  all  contrivances  to  facilitate  the  pradice  ofhufbandry,  (o 
 as  to  get  the  fame  labour  performed  by  fewer  hands,  are  hurtful 
 to  population.  For  by  thefe  helps  a  perfon  of  a  large  eftate 
 will  be  able  to  reap  the  full  produce  of  his  lands,  with  the 
 expence  of  few  men   upon  them. 
 
 But  thefe  machines,  and  this  more  perfe6*c  method  of  huf- 
 bandry,  is  no  evil  to  be  complained  of,  if  the  produce  of  the 
 lands,  thus  eafily  reaped,  be  difpofed  of  to  purchafe  fuper- 
 fluities raifed  at  home  ;  efpecially  if  thofe  fuperfluities  confift 
 not  of  eatables.  For  then,  the  lands  yield  their  full  produce 
 in  the  necefTaries  of  life,  and  all  who  fubfift  upon  them  live  within 
 the  country.  The  only  difference  is,  that  whereas,  in  the 
 former  cafe,  they  were  all  hulbandmen,  and  could  not  be  fully 
 employed  (much  fewer  men  than  the  produce  is  able  to  main- 
 tain being  fuflicient  to  reap  it)  they  are  now  only  in  part  huf- 
 b-;ndmen,  and  the  reft  artifans. 
 
 Befides,  the  fewer  hulbandmen  are  necefTary,  the  more  men 
 may  be  fpared  for  the  arts  and  manufactures,  and  confequently 
 the  more  may  be  fpared,  and  with  lefs  inconvenience,  for  the 
 defence  of  the  ftate,  in  cafe  of  a  necefTary  war.  Not  to  fay  that 
 the  profpe6l  of  purchafing  manufactures  \^ill  be  a  motive  with 
 the  huft)andmen  to  exert  themfelves  to  the  utmoft,  to  raife  the 
 greateft  crops,  the  fale  of  which  will  farther  promote  the  manu- 
 fatStures,  and  increafe  the  number  of  manufacturers.  In  France, 
 England,  and  moft  parts  of  Europe,  half  of  the  inhabitants 
 live  in  cities  or  pretty  large  towns,  and  perhaps  above  one-third 
 of  thofe  v.'ho  live  in  the  country  are  artifans. 
 
 If  thefe  artifans,  cr  manufacturers,  can  make  more  goods 
 than    the  home  confumption  requires  5  that  is,  more  than  the 
 
 produce 
 
Lect.  LVIII.       GENERAL    POLICY.  391 
 
 produce  of  their  own  country  can  purchafe,  and  they  find  a 
 vent  for  thefe  goods  abroad,  they  will  have  wherewith  to  pur- 
 chafe the  produce  of  other  countries,  and  confequently  their 
 own  country  will  be  able  to  contain  more  inhabitants  than  it 
 would  otherwife  have  been.  But  then,  for  the  reafon  given 
 above,  it  may  not  perhaps  be  defirable  for  a  country  to  grow  fo 
 populous;  though  it  is  probable,  that  no  country  in  the  world 
 was  ever  in  danger  of  being  too  populous  on  thit  account, 
 except  Holland ;  and  China  is  perhaps  more  populous  on  other 
 accounts. 
 
 Confidering  that  the  greater  proportionable  populoufnefs  of 
 moft  modern  ftates  is  owing  to  manufa61:ures  and  trade,  it  is 
 evident  that  countries  may  be  expected  to  be  populous  in  pro- 
 portion to  the  induflry  of  the  inhabitants,  and  therefore  that 
 without  an  increafe  of  induftry  it  will  be  impoflible  to  make  a 
 nation  populous>  Indeed,  this  maxim  is  equally  true  in  a  country 
 where  there  are  no  manufadlures,  where  the  people  live  by 
 agriculture  only. 
 
 All  ancient  authors  tell  us  that  there  was  a  perpetual  and  pro- 
 digious conflux  of  flaves,  and  indeed  of  people  of  all  ranks,  to 
 Italy,  from  the  remoter  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire;  par- 
 ticularly from  Syria,  Cilicia,  Cappadocia,  the  leifer  Afia,  Thrace, 
 and  Egypt,  and  yet  the  number  of  people  did  not  increafe  in 
 Italy,  but  was  continually  diminifhing  ;  and  writers  account 
 for  it  by  their  continual  complaints  of  the  decay  of  induftry  and 
 agriculture.  It  is  remarked  by  Don  Geronimo  De  Uftariz, 
 that  the  provinces  of  Spain  which  fend  moft  people  to  the  Indies 
 are  the  moft  populous,  on  account   of  their  induftry  and  riches. 
 
 When  great  quantities  of  land  are  in  few  hands,  grazing, 
 and  inclofing  the  grounds  for  that  purpofe,  is  peculiarly  preju- 
 dicial to  a  country,  in  which  there  are  no  manufactures.  For 
 then  a  very  few  perfons  are  fufticient  to  tend  all  the  cattle  that 
 can  live  upon  it,  and  confequently,  if  the  produce  of  the  land 
 in  cattle  be  not  expended  in  purchafing  manufacSlures  raifed  at 
 home,  the  country  would  be  in  a  m.anner  depopulated.  To 
 prevent  the  depopulation  of  England  from  this  caufe,  frequent 
 
 ftatutes 
 
392  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 ftatutes  were  obliged    to  be  made  to  prevent   the  inclofing  of 
 lands,  in  the  former  periods  of  the  Englifh  hiftory. 
 
 Much  has  been  written  on  the  fubjed  of  large  and fmall farms ^ 
 with  refpeift  to  their  being  more  or  lefs  favourable  to  population. 
 In  this  country  great  numbers  have  been  advocates  for  dividing 
 farms,  whereas,  the  ceconomifts  in  France  contend  for  uniting 
 them.  The  queftion  (hould  be  decided  by  confidering  which 
 method  is  beft  adapted  to  raife  the  greateft  quantity  of  food  for 
 men.  Becaufe  if  that  food  be  not  exported,  it  muft  be  con- 
 fumed  in  the  country,  which  implies,  if  it  does  not  dire6lly 
 produce,  a  great  number  of  pcrfons  to  confume  it,  whether  they 
 be   employed  in  agriculture,  or  not. 
 
 Ifthefiirms  be  fo  faiall,  as  that  the  occupiers  can  only  get  a 
 fcanty  fubfiftence  from  them,  both  themfelves  and  their  farms 
 will  be  impoveriihed,  they  will  not  be  able  to  cultivate  them  to 
 advantage,  and  of  courfe  they  will  yield  lefs.  Whereas  the 
 farmer  who  is  at  his  eafe,  and  has  always  fomething  to  fpare, 
 will  lay  it  out  in  the  higher  cultivation  of  his  farm,  and  thereby 
 enable  it  to  yield  more  every  year.  If,  however,  the  confequence 
 of  enlarging  farms  be  not  the  raifing  food  for  men,  but  for  cattle, 
 more  than  are  neceflary  to  cultivate  the  ground  to  the  moft 
 advantage  ;  or  if,  not  wanting  fubfiftence  himfelf,  the  proprietor 
 leaves  it  waftc,  or  ufes  it  only  for  his  amufement  in  the  form  of 
 a  park  or  a  foreft,  it  had  better  be  divided,  becaufe  then  a  greater 
 number  of  men  v/ill  be  fubfifted  by  it. 
 
 When  corn,  or  provifions  of  any  kind,  which  are  raifed  within 
 a  country  are  exported,  it  is  evident  that  there  are  not  mouths  at 
 home  to  confume  it,  that  the  goods  which  are  purchafed  by  that 
 corn  are  made  elfewhere,  and  that  if  the  materials  and  convenien- 
 cies  for  thofe  manufailures  could  be  found  at  home,  the  manu- 
 fa£turer  might  live  there.  In  this  cafe  fufficient  fkill  and  induf- 
 UY  would  increafe  the  population   of  the  country. 
 
 Many  per  Tons  are  alarmed  for  the  population  of  a  country  in 
 confequence  of  inclofmg  its  common  lands,  as  well  as  of  the 
 enlarging  of  farms  in  it.  But  if  by  this,  or  any  other  means, 
 the  ground    is    made  more    produdive,    and    the  produce    be 
 
 not 
 
Lect.  LVIII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  393 
 
 not  exported,  it  muft  be  confumed  at  home.  Common  rights 
 to  large  parcels  of  land  are  very  injurious  to  culture,  and  confe- 
 quently  to  population.  The  proprietors  not  being  able  to 
 agree  in  any  method  of  improving  their  common  eftate,  prefer  a 
 fmall  prefent  advantage  to  the  trouble  and  rifk  of  aiming  at  more. 
 The  population  of  England  fufFers  extremely  from  this  fource, 
 great  trails  of  the  beft  land  lying  uncultivated  in  rude  paftures, 
 virhich  it  is  no  perfon's  intereft  even  to  clear  from  brambles  and 
 furze.  An  eafy  method  of  dividing  this  kind  of  property,  and 
 thereby  encouraging  the  cultivation  of  wafte  Jand,  would  greatly 
 cncreafe  the  population  of  the  country. 
 
 K  e  L  E  C  T  U  R  2 
 
394  LECTURES     ON  Part  V, 
 
 LECTURE        LIX. 
 
 Frugality  favonrahle   to  Population,     Polygamy,     Temporary  De- 
 populations.     Influence   of  Religion*       Populoufnefs    of  ancient 
 Nations.       Confequences   of    extreme    Population,       Rules  for 
 .  ejiimating  the  populoufnefs  of  Places, 
 
 ALONG  with  induftry,  we  may  juftly  reckon  frugality  to 
 be  another  means  of  making  a  nation  populous.  When 
 people  have  acquired  a  tafte  for  expenfive  living,  they  will  not 
 chufe  to  take  upon  them  the  charge  of  a  family,  till  they  have 
 acquired  a  fortune  fufficient  to  maintain  it  in  what  they 
 think  a  genteel  manner.  While  this  is  the  cafe  only  with  a  few, 
 the  evil  is  inconfiderable,  but  the  fame  tafte  for  expenfive  living 
 will  naturally  fpread  to  the  lower  ranks  of  the  community,  and 
 produce  a  general  difinclination  to  matrimony.  This  was  the 
 reafon  why  there  were  fo  few  marriages  at  Rome  in  the  reign 
 of  Auguftus,  when  there  were  comparatively  but  few  perfons 
 of  fortune  married,  notwithftanding  married  perfons  had  great 
 privileges,  and  thofe  that  were  unmarried  were  fubjed  to  many 
 civil  difadvantages ;  and  notwithftanding  the  emperor  took 
 every  method  he  could  think  of  to  promote  matrimony.  This 
 caufe  of  depopulation  begins  very  fenfibly  tonffQS:  this  country, 
 though  the  lower  ranks  of  people,  who  by  their  fituation  in 
 life  have  not  been  led  to  conceive  a  tafte  for  expenfive  living, 
 ftill  multiply  very  faft.  It  is  obfervable  that  opulent  families, 
 and  efpecially  thofe  of  the  nobility,  often  become  extin6t. 
 
 A  country  will  maintain  more  or  fewer  inhabitants  according 
 to  their  mode  of  living;  one  man  being  able  to  confume  the 
 produce  of  vaftly  more  land  and  labour  by  living  on  food  difficult 
 to  be  raifed,  or  by  eating  and  drinking  more  than  is  neceflary. 
 Sir  James  Stuart  fays,  he  believes  that  no  annual  produce  of 
 grain  ever  was  fo  great  in  England,  as  to  fupply  its  inhabitants 
 fifteen  months,  in  that  abundance   with  which  they  feed  them- 
 
 felves 
 
Lect.  LIX.        general    POLICY.  395 
 
 felres  in  ye^i  s  of  plenty ;  and  that  there  never  was  a  year  of 
 fuch  fcarcity,  as  that  the  lauds  oF  England  did  not  produce 
 greatly  more  than  fix  months  fublirtence,  fuch  as  people  are 
 ufed  to  take  in  years  of  fcarcity*. 
 
 The  inequality  of  the  ranks  and  fortunes  of  men  tends  to 
 check  population,  and  in  fome  countries  may  for  ever  prevent 
 its  being  confiderable,  provided  the  upper  ranks  have  it  in  their 
 power  to  prevent  the  combination  of  the  lower,  which  might 
 terminate  in  reducing  the  inequality.  In  this  cafe,  the  demand 
 for  animal  food,  and  other  things  which  require  a  great  quantity 
 of  land  to  raife  it,  m.ay  be  fo  great,  as  to  be  made  to  encroach 
 very  much  upon  that  which  is  appropriated  to  the  maintenance 
 of  the  poor.  In  fuch  a  country,  therefore,  there  maybe  the 
 extreme  of  luxury  and  the  extreme  of  indigence  at  the  fame 
 time.  Some  may  not  know  how  to  fpend  their  money,  while 
 others  may  not  know  how  to  get  any. 
 
 It  was  the  inequality  of  ranks,  and  luxury  the  confequence  of 
 it,  that  in  a  great  meafure  occafioned  the  depopulation  of  Italy 
 in  the  time  of  the  Roman  empire.  It  was  the  number  of 
 country  feats  with  which  thefe  mafters  of  the  world  covered 
 their  fertile  lands,  and  their  changing  them  into  unproductive 
 deferts,  \n  the  fame  manner  William  11.  converted  a  large  and 
 a  populous  part  of  this  country  into  a  foreft. 
 
 There  have  been  many  reafons  given  for  the  extreme  popu-> 
 loufnefs  of  China,  but  it  feems  chitfly  to  arife  from  this  one 
 circumftance,  that  the  expences  attending  a  married  ftate  are 
 very  inconhderable.  A  wife  can  put  her  hufband  but  to  a  very 
 moderate  expence.  He  is  to  allow  her  a  certain  quantity  of 
 rice  for  food,  and  fome  raw  cotton,  or  other  materials,  which 
 fhe  muft  work  up  for  her  cloathing ;  while  a  mat  to  fit  on  is 
 almoft  all  the  furniture  of  the  houfe.  Thus  no  perfon  is  dif- 
 couraged  from  marrying,  and  the  confequence  is  a  moil  amazing- 
 population. 
 
 Where  matrimony,  in  oppofition  to  the'promifcuous  ufe  of 
 women,  is  not  encouraged,  it  is  evident,    from   the   mod  un- 
 
 *  Political  OEconomy,  vol.  ;.  p.  no,  u  i, 
 
 ^  ^  2  doubted 
 
396  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 doubted  facets,  that  neither  a  numerous,  a  healthy,  or  in  any 
 refpedls  a  valuable  offspring  can  be  expecS^ed.  Polygamy  is 
 likewife  unfavourable  to  populoufnefs.  If  one  man  have  feveral 
 wives,  feveral  men  muft  be  without  wives,  and  if  that  man  be 
 impotent,  the  offspring  of  feveral  men  is  loft  to  the  nation. 
 
 Suppofe  2  country,  by  its  ficuation,  and  the  induftry  of  its 
 inhabitants,  to  be  capable  of  maintaining  a  certain  number  of 
 people;  if,  by  any  accident,  that  number  be  diminifliedj  as 
 this  diminution  leaves  a  greater  encouragement  to  population, 
 their  numbers  will  foon  be  fupplied.  Thus  plagues  and 
 devaftations  of  all  kinds  are  never  known  to  have  more  than 
 a  temporary  effect,  unlefs  they  leave  a  country  altered  with 
 refpedl  to  a  fpirit  of  induftry,  or  fome  other  circumftance  necef^ 
 fary  to  the  fupport  of  their  numbers.  For  this  reafon,  the 
 number  of  men  taken  off  by  war  does  not  make  a  nation  lefs 
 populous  than  they  would  have  been  without  war,  if  war  did  not 
 in  other  refpe<5ls  affe6t  the  populoufnefs  of  nations.  The  nations 
 of  Africa,  from  which  fuch  a  number  of  (laves  are  fent  annually 
 to  America,  are  not  lefs  populous  for  that  vent;  and  were  that 
 drain  to  be  cut  off,  in  a  few  years,  the  internal  ftate  of  the 
 country  remaining  the  fame  in  other  refpecls,  it  would  likewife 
 be  the  fame  with  refpeiSl  to  the  number  of  inhabitants.  They 
 would  no  more  find  themfclves  incommoded  by  being  over- 
 ftocked  than  they  had  done  before.  In  ihort,  mankind,  like  any 
 other  commodity,  will  increafe,  or  decreafe,  in  proportion  to 
 the  demand  there  is  for  them. 
 
 Monafteries  and  nunneries  might  be  confidered  exa<Slly  in  the 
 fame  light,  were  it  not  that  they  conO'me  thofe  produ6ls  of  the 
 ground  which  might  have  maintained  the  fame,  or  a  greater 
 number  of  ufeful  members  of  fociety.  But  as  the  cafe  is, 
 perhaps  thofe  countries  in  which  they  abound  would  not  be  any 
 gainers  by  fuppreffmg  them,  unlefs  that  event  (hould  contribute 
 to  the  increafe  of  the  national  induftry  ;  for  a  nobleman  upon 
 the  fame  eftate  would  have  kept  as  many  menial  fervants,  who 
 are  likewife  a  burden  upon  fociety,  and  whofe  labour  contri- 
 butes little  to  the  good  of  it. 
 
 Th(^ 
 I 
 
Lect.  LIX.         GENERAL    POLICY.  397 
 
 The  religious  fentiments  of  a  people  are  far  from  being  a 
 circumftance  of  indifference  with  refpe6t  to  thepopuloufnefs  of  a 
 country.  No  wonder  the  Jews  always  multiplied,  and  ftill  do 
 multiply  very  faft  ;  when,  befides  the  reproach  and,  as  they 
 believe,  the  curfe,  of  being  childlefs  among  them,  they  think  that, 
 for  any  thing  they  can  tell,  the  Meffiah  may  be  born  of  them. 
 
 The  religion  of  the  Ghebres,  Chinefe,  and  Mahometans  favour 
 marriage.  The  facred  books  of  the  ancient  Perfians  declare  that 
 children  make  a  bridge  at  the  day  of  judgment,  and  that  thofe 
 who  have  none  cannot  pafs  to  the  (late  of  the  blefled.  Even 
 the  opinion  of  the  lawfulnefs  of  expofmg  children  feems  to 
 favour  the  populoufnefs  of  China.  For  many  perfons  may  be 
 induced  to  enter  into  marriage  with  a  profpe6t  of  expofmg  their 
 children,  which  yet  natural  afFevStion  (the  ftrength  of  which 
 they  were  not  aware  of)  will  not  allow  them  to  do,  while  there 
 is  any  poilibility  of  maintaining  them,  for  which  they  will 
 exert  their  induftry  to  the  utmoft. 
 
 It  is  peculiarly  unfortunate  when  religious  and  philofophical 
 fentiments  difcourage  matrimony.  Philofophy  firft  annexed 
 the  idea  of  perfeSiion  to  a  fingle  life,  miftaken  notions  of 
 chriftianity  confirmed  that  opinion,  and  the  great  Juftinian 
 was  fo  far  mified  by  it,  that  inrtead  of  giving  rewards  to  thofe 
 who  had  a  great  number  of  children  (which  had  ever  been  the 
 wife  policy  of  his  predeceiTors  in  the  empire)  he  granted  privi- 
 leges to  thofe  who  never  married.  The  fame  notion  prevailing 
 in  catholic  countries  is,  no  doubt,  one  rcafon  why  they  are  not 
 fo  populous  as  proteftant  ones.  For,  befides  the  monks  and 
 nuns,  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  live  unmarried. 
 
 Mr.  Hume  has  writted  a  very  elaborate  and  ingenious  diiTer- 
 tation  upon  the  populoufnefs  of  ancient  nations,  endeavouring 
 to  prove  that  there  are  few  parts  of  the  world  which  are  not 
 more  populous  now  than  they  were  formerly.  It  would  feem, 
 by  applying  the  maxims  above  laid  down,  that  Paleftine,  Afia 
 Minor,  and  Greece,  were  much  more  populous  than  they 
 are  now;  but  hardly  any  other  country:  and  it  is  certain  that 
 all  the  weftern  parts  of  Europe  had  few  inhabitants  in  ancient 
 times  in  comparifon  of  what  they  have  at   prefent.     Upon  the 
 
 whole. 
 
398  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 whole,  it  cannot  be  doubted  but  that  the  world  is  growing 
 ftill  more  populous  than  ever  j  efpecially  confidering  the  increafe 
 of  induftry  and  arts,  the  improvements  in  agriculture,  and  the 
 increafe  of  the  European  colonies  in  America. 
 
 The  extreme  of  population  is  far  from  being  defirable.     Sub- 
 fiftcnce  being  fcarce,    the  competition  for   it  m  the  lower  ranks 
 of  the  people  will    be  exceflive.     They  will   work  for  a  trifle, 
 and  live  upon  any  thing  that  will  afford  nouriihment,  and  though 
 they  propagate,  their  offspring  muft  ftarve  and   perifh.     The 
 accounts  of  all  travellers  agree,  fays  Dr.  Smith*,    in  the  low 
 wages  of  labour,   and  in  the  difficulty  which  a  labourer  finds  in 
 bringing  up  a  family,   in  China.     If  by  digging  the   ground    a 
 whole    day  he   can  get  what  will  purchafe  a  fmall  quantity  of 
 rice   in  the  evening,  he  is  contented.     The  condition  of  arti- 
 ficers is,    if  poffible,    ftill  worfe.     Inftead  of  waiting  indolently 
 in  the  work-houfes   for    the  calls  of  their  cuftomcrs,    as  in 
 Europe,  they  are  continually  running  about  the  ftreets  with  the 
 tools  of  their  refpecStive  trades,  offering  their  fervice  and  as  it 
 were  begging  employment.     The  j)overty  of  the  lower  ranks  of 
 the  people  in  China  far  furpaffes  that  of  the  moft  beggarly  nations 
 in  Europe.     In  the  neighbourhood  of  Canton   many  hundreds, 
 it  is  commonly  faic,  many  thoufand  families,  have  no  habitation 
 on  the  land,  but  live  conftantly  in  little  fifhing  boats  upon  the 
 rivers  and  canals.     The  fubfiftence  which  they  find   there  is  fo 
 fcanty,  that  they  are  eager  to  hfii  up  the  naftieft  garbage  thrown 
 overboard  from  any  European  fliip.  Any  carrion,  the  carcafe  of  a 
 dead  dog,  or  cat,  for  example,  though  half  putrid,  and  ftinking, 
 is  as  welcome  to  them  as  the  moft  wholefome  food  to  the  people  of 
 other  countries.     Marr:age  is   encouraged  in  China,  not  by  the 
 prof^tablenefs  of  children,  but  hy  tije  liberty  of  dellroying  them. 
 In  all  great  towns,  feveral  are  every  night  expofed  in  the  ftreets, 
 or  drowned   like  puppies   in    the  water.     The  performance   of 
 this  horrid  office  is  even  faid  to  be  the  avowed  bufinefs  by  which 
 fome  people  earn  their  fubfiftence. 
 
 •  Weiilh  of    Nations,  vol.  i.  p.  io8. 
 
 Oxic 
 
Lect.  LIX.        GENERALPOLICY.  399 
 
 Our  manufacturing  poor  do  not  in  many  places  rear  many 
 children,  and  Dr.  Smith  fays  *,  that  he  has  been  told  it  is  not 
 uncommon  in  the  highlands  of  Scotland  for  a  mother  who  has 
 born  twenty  children  not  to  have  two  alive.  The  induftrious 
 poor  exhauft  thcmlelves  by  extreme  labour,  and  like  over- 
 wrought cattle  bring  on  untimely  old  age.  A  carpenter  in 
 London,  and  in  fome  other  places,  fays  Dr.  Smith  f,  is  not 
 ^uppofed  to  laft  in  his  utmort  vigour  above  eight  years. 
 
 The  population  of  China  is  fo  great,  that  the  fuperftitious 
 refpe£l  for  anceftors  has  been  obliged  to  give  way  to  it.  The 
 ordinary  fepulchres  are  levelled,  and  the  ground  cultivated. 
 The  rich  bury  in  mountains  and  barren  lands.  This  excefllve 
 population,  the  inconveniences  of  which  modern  philofophers 
 in  I  uropehave  no  idea  of,  increafes  the  demand  for  agriculture 
 fo  much,  as  to  make  a  famine  the  fudden  and  inevitable  confe- 
 quence  of  the  fmalleft  negleds,  and  to  compel  the  Chinefe  to 
 live  without  oxen,  (heep,  or  horfes.  Without  mountains  and 
 marfhes,  China  would  be  without  wood,  or  game.  For  want 
 of  manure,  the  fields  require  much  more  labour  J.  The  greateft 
 attention  is  requifite  on  the  part  of  government  to  provide  for 
 the  equal  diftribution  of  corn,  and  to  make  one  province  and 
 one  year  relieve  another. 
 
 It  may  not  be  improper,  in  order  to  afiift  you  in  your  compu- 
 tations on  this  fubje6l,  juft  to  mention  two  fa6ts  which,  I 
 believe,  may  be  pretty  nearly  depended  upon.  The  firft  is, 
 that  there  are  more  men  than  women  born  in  almoft  every 
 country,  in  the  proportion  of  fourteen  to  chirteen,  or  of  fifteen 
 to  fourteen  ;  allowance,  as  it  were,  being  made  by  divine 
 providence  for  a  greater  confumption  of  men  by  war  and  otiier 
 accidents  to  which  women  are  not  expofed  ;  alfo  that  the  number 
 of  men  capable  of  bearing  arms  are  about  one  fourth  of  all  the  in- 
 habitants. The  fecond  is,  that  we  (hall  come  very  near  the  num- 
 ber of  the  inhabitants  of  any  town,  if  we  multiply  the  annual 
 number  of  their  dead  taken  at  a  medium  by  thirty  ;   or  as  fome 
 
 *  Wealth  of  Nations,   vol.  i.  p.  no.  "f-  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  124. 
 
 X  Memoires  fur  les  Cbinois,  vol.  iv.  p.  311. 
 
 fav 
 
400  LECTURESONT  Part  V. 
 
 fay,  the  number  of  births  by  thirty-four  (but  I  think  it  ought 
 to  be  larger  in  proportion)  and  the  number  of  houfes  by  five. 
 
 The  number  of  deaths  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  in- 
 habitants differs  exceedingly  in  different  places.  Dr.  Price^ 
 after  giving  irore  attention  to  this  fubje^l  than  perhaps  any  other 
 perfon  ever  did,  thinks  that,  in  great  towns,  it  is  from  one- 
 nineteenth  or  one-twentieth  to  one  twenty-third  or  a  twenty- 
 fourth,  in  moderate  towns  from  one  twenty-third  to  one  twenty- 
 eighth,  but  in  the  country  from  one  thirty-fifth,  or  one  fortieth 
 io  a  fiftieth  or  a  fixtieth  f, 
 
 "I*  Obfervalions  on  rcverfionary  payments*  vol,  i,  p.  302* 
 
 L  K  C  T  V  R  E 
 
Lect.  XL.        GENERAL    POLICY.  401 
 
 LECTURE        LX. 
 
 Jf^hat  makes  a  Nation  Secure.  Natural  Ramparts,  Advantage 
 of  an  IJJand.  Importance  of  IVeapon^.  The  Alteration  whiJy 
 the  Invention  of  Gunpowder  has  made  in  the  Art  of  IVar, 
 Reafon  why  the  firjl  Effedis  of  it  were  not  more  fenfible  in 
 Europe^  Difference  in  the  Aiethods  of  Fortification^  and 
 fighting  at  Sea,  of  the  Ancients  and  Moderns,  The  Importance 
 of  Difcipline,  Inconvenience  of  the  Feudal  Syflem,  What 
 Mode  of  Subf/lence  makes  a  Nation  formidable.  Standijig 
 ArmieSy  a7id  Militia,  The  Rife  of  Jiandi)i^  Armies  in  Europe. 
 Why  a  Nation  is  formidable  after  a  Civil  War.  The  great 
 military  Power  of  ancient  P^aiions  accounted  for.  In  ^uhat 
 Senfe  Populoufnefs  contribute  to  make  a  Nation  firong  and 
 fecure, 
 
 AFTER  confidering  thoCe  things  andcircumftances  which 
 tend  to  make  a  nation  rich^  ^^ppy-i  and  populous^  we  are 
 naturally  led  to  attend  to  thofe  things  which  make  it  fecure^ 
 Indeed,  without  the  perfuafion  of  our  fecurity,  it  is  impoilible 
 to  derive  any  advantage  from  the  moft  favourable  concurrence 
 of  thofe  circumftances  which  tend  to  render  a  nation  rich,  po- 
 pulous, and  happy. 
 
 A  reafonable  fecurity  can  only  arife  from  a  confcioufnefs  of 
 being  able  effedually  to  defend  ourfelves  in  cafe  of  any  attack 
 from  a  foreign  ftate,  or  to  make  any  nation  repent  of  the  infults 
 they  (hall  offer  us.  This  power  in  a  people  of  defending  them- 
 felves,  or  of  annoying  others,  muft  depend  principally  upon 
 three  things  ;  a  natural  fituation,  which  may  be  of  great  confe« 
 quence  either  for  defending  ourfelves,  or  attackin^j-  others  j 
 /kill  in  the  art  of  wa;-  ,  and  courage  to  exert  that  fkiil   to  ad- 
 
 A  natural 
 
402  LECTURES     ON  Pa^t  V. 
 
 A  natural  rampart  is  either  the  Tea,  or  a  chain  of  mountains, 
 the  pafTes  of  which  require  but  fev/  troops  to  defend  them 
 againft  a  multitude.  Barrier  towns  and  fortifications  are  artifi- 
 cial ramparts,  and  require  a  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war  to 
 be  ferviceable.  Iflands  afford  the  mod  effedlual  fecurity  that 
 nature  can  provide  for  a  people.,  if  they  be  fkilled  in  navigation 
 and  lea  engagements,  which,  from  their  conftant  and  necefTary 
 ufe  of  the  fea,  they  have  the  greateft  chance  and  opportunity 
 of  excelling  in,  provided  they  keep  up  any  intercourfe  with 
 neighbouring  nations,  and  particularly  if  they  carry  on  any 
 foreign  commerce.  Had  Tyre  been  fituated  on  an  ifland  far- 
 ther from  the  {hore,  it  is  probable  it  would  never  have  been 
 finally  conquered  by  Alexander  the  Great',  and  had  there  been 
 any  pafTage  from  France  to  England  by  land,  we  might  have 
 been  much  more  diftrefled  in  fome  of  our  wars  with  the  French, 
 in  which  they  appeared  to  be  fuperior  to  us  by  land. 
 
 The  Swifs  have  been  more  than  once  indebted  to  their 
 mountains  for  the  fecurity  and  liberty  which  they  enjoy. 
 Holland  was  delivered  from  the  invafion  of  Lewis  XIV. 
 by  nothing  but  the  opportunity  which  their  fituation  gave 
 them  of  deluging  their  country  ;  and  the  natural  divifion  of 
 Europe  into  trails  of  a  moderate  extent,  both  marks  out,  as 
 it  were,  the  limits  of  empires,  and  is  a  means  of  keeping  them 
 within  reafonable  bounds  ;  thereby  giving  us  a  kind  of  fecurity 
 againft  the  eftablifhment  of  any  large  empire  in  this  part  of  the 
 world  ;  whereas  in  Afia,  which  abounds  in  extenfive  plains, 
 nothing  but  a  fuperior  military  force  can  prevent  an  army  which 
 has  fubdued  a  part  from  taking  pofleilion  of  the  whole. 
 Afia  is  therefore  thought  to  be  favourable  for  extenfive  mo- 
 narchy. Even  Taitary  affords  no  place  of  retreat  to  a  van- 
 quiflied  army. 
 
 If  the  fituation  of  a  people  will  not  afford  them  a  fufficient  fe- 
 curity (and  it  can  hardly  ever  be  quite  fufiicient  of  itfelf )  they 
 muft  have  recourfe  to  tiiofe  methods  of  defence  and  attack  which 
 are  either  equal  or  fuperior  to  thofe  of  the  enemy. 
 
 The  fingle  article  of  weapo7is  is  of  prodigious  confequence  in 
 war,  and  has  decided  the  fate  of  many  important  battles.     The 
 
 Romans 
 
Lect.  LX.      general    policy,  403 
 
 -Romans  acknowledged  themfelves  to  be  inferior  to  the  Cimbri 
 in  courage  and  martial  heroiim,  and  that  even  their  fuperior 
 difcipline  would  have  been  no  fecurity  againil:  ihc  dreadful 
 impetuofity  of  their  attacks,  but  that  the  Ivvords  of  the  Cimbri 
 were  of  bad  temper.  They  often  bent  at  the  firft  ftjoke,  and 
 the  perfon  who  ufed  one  of  them  was  obliged  to  wait  till  he 
 could  ftraighten  it  with  his  foot  before  he  could  make  a  fecond 
 ftroke.  The  expertnefs  of  the  Englifh  in  the  ufe  of  their  long 
 and  crofs  bows  gave  them  a  great  advantage  both  over  the  Scotch 
 and  the  French  before  the  invention  of  artillery.  Tiie  cavalry 
 of  the  Romans  and  Huns  were  fl;illed  in  tlie  ufe  of  the  bow, 
 while  thofe  of  the  Goths  and  Vandals  ufed  che  fword  and  lance. 
 To  this  difference  Belifarius  attributed  part  of  his  fuccefs. 
 
 It  was  a  great  advantage  to  the  Romans  that  they  were  ne- 
 ver bigottedly  attached  to  their  own  weapons,  and  manner  of 
 fighting,  but  eafily  changed  them  when  they  faw  any  advan-tage 
 in  thofe  of  other  nations.  Thus  Romuius  exchanged  tne 
 Argive  buckler  for  the  large  fnield  cf  the  Sabines  ;  and  the 
 Romans  changed  their  method  of  arming  their  horfs  when  they 
 conquered  Greece.  The  fame  juif  fentiments  taught  them  the 
 proper  ufe  of  their  auxiliaries,  whom  they  employed  according 
 to  their  chafa^ter.  It  was  the  Numidlan  cavalry  that  gained  the 
 battle  of  Zama.  Hannibal  too  had  the  good  fenfe  to  arm  his 
 troops  after  the  Roman  manner,  when  he  found  it  was  preferable 
 to  the  armour  of  his  own  country.  And  it  was  no  inconfi- 
 derable  caufe  of  the  decline  of  the  Roman  power,  that  they 
 quitted  their  ancient  armour.  Under  Gratian  the  Romans  laid 
 afide  the  ufe  of  their  heavy  armour,  their  coats  of  mail  and 
 helmet.     They  likewife  ceafed  to  fortify  their  camp. 
 
 The  fingle  difcovery  of  the  compofition  and  force  of  gun^ 
 powder  has  made  a  total  alteration  in  the  whole  fyftem  of  war, 
 and  has  contributed  to  make  battles  both  lefs  bloody,  and  more 
 quickly  decided  than  before.  Formerly  armies  were  drav/n  up 
 generally  fixteen  or  twenty,  fome  times  fifty  men  deep,  with  a 
 narrow  front,  becaufe  their  ranks  would  have  been  too  apt  to 
 have  been  thrown  into  diforder  by  fightmg  hand  to  hand.  But 
 the  confequence  of  this  was,  that   the  troops  which  gave  way 
 
 were 
 
404  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 were  entangled  with  one  another,  and  had  little  power  of  mak- 
 ing their  efcape.  Befides,  their  conquerors  were  necelfarily  clofe 
 behind  them,  and  maflacred  them  at  pleafure,  as  they  were 
 incapable  of  making  any  refiftance  the  moment  after  they  had 
 turned  their  backs.  Whereas  thin  and  extended  ranks  are 
 able  to  keep  their  order  in  the  prefent  method  of  fighting  ;  and, 
 as  the  oppofite  armies  are  at  fome  diftance,  the  party  which 
 begins  to  be  worfted  is  able  to  make  its  retreat  in  good  order, 
 with  lefs  help  from  a  body  of  referve,  to  keep  the  enemy  in  play, 
 or  overawed,  which  was  the  only  method  by  which  the  ancients 
 could  fecure  an  orderly  retreat.  In  iliort,  as  Hume  well 
 oberves,  nations,  by  the  ufe  of  artillery,  have  been  brought 
 more  upon  a  level,  conquefts  have  become  Icfs  frequent  and 
 rapid,  fuccefs  in  war  has  been  reduced  merely  to  a  matter  of 
 calculation  -,  and  a  nation  over-matched  by  its  enemies  either 
 yields  to  their  demands,  or  fccures  itfelf  by  alliances  againft 
 their  violence  and  invafion. 
 
 When  we  read  of  the  aftoniihing  fuccefs  of  a  few  Spaniards  in 
 America,  where  five  hundred  men  ujider  Cortezfubdued  the  vaft 
 empire  of  Mexico,  by  the  help  of  gunpowder  only  ;  we  are  apt 
 to  wonder  that  the  a^ra  of  its  invention,  and  its  ufe  in  war, 
 Ihould  not  have  been  noted  by  contemporary  hiftorians,  and  that 
 tbe  Germans  who  inveiued  it  Ihouid  not  have  derived  fome  fignal 
 advantage  from  it.  But  the  reafon  was,  that  the  difcovery  doth 
 jiot  appear  to  have  bitn  any  fecreti  The  compofition  itfelf, 
 and  its  more  innocent  etfecb,  were  probably  well  known,  and 
 its  pofTibie  ufes  in  war  generally  talked  of,  before  it  was  actually 
 applied  to  that  deftru^tive  purpole  ;  which  would  tend  greatly  to 
 take  off  the  furprize  Vv'hich  would  otherwife  have  been  tclt  upon 
 the  firft  introdudtion  of  it.  Befides,  the  firil  artillery  was  fo 
 clumfy,  and  of  fuch  ditficult  management,  that  mankind  were 
 not  immediately  fenfiblc  of  its  ufe  and  efficacy  ;  and  confidering 
 how  many  ari'ows  might  be  drawn  before  one  piece  could  have 
 been  loaded  and  difcharged,  efpecially  before  the  invention  of 
 ffun  locks  J  it  is  rather  to  be  wondered  that  guns  and  cannons 
 Ihould  ever  have  come  into  ufe  at  all.  The  Chinefe  were 
 acquainted  with    the    compofition    of    gunpowder,    but  never 
 
 thought 
 
Lect.  LX.  GENERAL    POLICY.  405 
 
 thought  of  making  any  ufe  of  it  in  war.  Matchlocks  wereufed 
 fo  late  as  in  the  civil  wars  in  England,  above  three  centuries 
 after  the  invention  of  gunpowder.  Before  the  time  of  Lewis 
 XIV.  little  ufe  was  made  of  cannon  in  befieging  or  defending 
 places,  fortification  was  in  its  infancy,  and  fpears  and  (hort 
 guns  were  then  in  ufe  as  well  as  fwords,  which  are  now  en- 
 tirely laid  afide  ;  and  fome  time  before  that  period,  viz.  at  the 
 battle  of  Lepanto,  in  the  year  15 17,  they  fought  promifcuoully 
 with  arrows,  long  javelins,  grenadoes,  grappling-irons,  can- 
 nons,  mufquets,  fpears,  and  fabres. 
 
 The  alteration  of  the  methods  o^  fortification,  and  the  manner 
 of  attacking  and  defending  fortified  places,  in  confequence  of 
 the  difcovery  of  gunpowder,  is  even  more  confiderable  than  the 
 alteration  it  has  introduced  into  the  methods  of  fighting  in  the 
 open  field.  Sea  engagements  are  likewife  now  quite  a  different 
 thing  from  what  they  were  before  this  great  difcuvery.  Inftead 
 of  the  (hips  of  war  themfelves  being  the  principal  weapons  of 
 offence,  and  being  puflied  againll  one  another  by  their  beaks  - 
 and  inftead  of  the  men  fighting  heavy  armed  as  on  land,  when- 
 ever they  had  an  opportunity  of  grappling  ;  the  fhip  is  now  no- 
 thing but  a  fortified  place  of  fecurity,  which  the  men  aflail 
 with  their  artillery,  as  if  It  were  a  caftle  at  land. 
 
 Superiority  of  difcipline  is  an  excellent  fecond  to  fuperiority 
 in  point  of  weapons.  Exac5l  difcipline  makes  a  multitude  ad: 
 as  one  man,  and  gives  each  man  the  courage  of  a  multitude. 
 For  every  fingle  fold ier,  who  helps  to  compofe  a  body  whofe 
 motions  are  fo  uniform  and  regular,  has  the  fame  entire  confi- 
 dence in  the  ftrength  of  the  whole,  as  if  he  himfelf  had  the  fole 
 diredlion  of  that  ftrength,  Difcipline  chiefly  rendered  the 
 Greeks  fo  much  better  foldiers  than  the  Perfians,  and  the 
 Romans  than  the  Greeks,  the  Carthaginians,  and  the  fierce 
 barbarous  nations  of  the  north.  Some  of  the  foldiers  of  Niger, 
 driven  by  the  profcriptions  of  Sever  us  among  the  Parthians, 
 taught  them  the  Roman  difcipline,  which,  it  is  faid,  ever  after 
 gave  them  an  advantage  over  the  Romans.  "  The  Parthians 
 "  have  not  more  courage  than  we  have,'*  faid   Belifarius,  in  a 
 
 fpeech 
 
4o6  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 fpecch  to  his  men.  ''  They  are  only  better  difciplined  than  wc 
 '*  are." 
 
 It  IS  diTcipline  only  which  gives  the  Europeans  the  fuperiority 
 they  as  yet  retain  over  the  Afiatics,  and  the  American  nations, 
 now  that  we  have  communicated  to  them  the  uTe  of  our  ar- 
 tillery ;  a  conduct,  the  reverfe  of  the  wife  policy  of  Charle- 
 magne, who  forbade,  under^  the  fevereft  penalties,  that  any 
 perfon  fhouid  ft  11  arms  to  the  Saxons,  with  whom  he  was  fre- 
 quently at  war. 
 
 So  much  fuperioris  the  military  (kill  of  civilized  and  wealthy 
 nations  at  this  day,  that  they  have  nothing  to  apprehend,  as 
 they  formerly  had,  from  the  ferocity  of  their  barbarous  neigh- 
 bours. On  the  contrary,  if  they  were  fo  difpofed,  they  might 
 fubduethem  and  extirpate  them,  with  as  much  eafe  as  they  could 
 clear  any  country  of  lions,  and  other  wild  beads. 
 
 We  ought  not  to  forget  the  maxim,  verified  by  all  hiftory, 
 that  a  nation  which  has  often  been  conquered,  and  confequently 
 which  has  often  feen  what  it  was  that  gave  their  enemies  the 
 advantage  they  had  over  them,  have  at  length  acquired  know- 
 ledge, difcipline,  and  courage,  fuliicient  to  beat  their  conquerors. 
 Thus  Peter  the  Great  was  at  length  able  to  beat  the  Swedes, 
 though  he  had  no  other  mafters  in  the  art  of  war  befides  the 
 Sv/edes  themfelves  ;  and  the  leflons  he  received  from  them  were 
 io  many  dreadful  defeats,  in  the  beginning  of  the  war  he  had 
 v.'ith  them. 
 
 I^he  difcipline  of  the  European  armies  is  prodigioufly  im- 
 proved fince  the  difufe  of  the  feudal  militia,  when  all  armies 
 were  railed  by  the  prince's  fummoning  his  vaflals  to  appear  in 
 the  field,  at  the  head  of  their  dependants,  who  were  maintained 
 acerta;n  nun^ber  of  days  at  his  expence  ;  and  when  this  vafTal 
 was  th^^ir  commander  of  courfe,  whether  he  was  properly  qua- 
 lified for  the  connnand,  or  not. 
 
 In  thofe  times,  too,  the  kings,  who  were  originally  nothing 
 more  than  generals,  always  headed  their  armies  in  perfon. 
 Charles,  the  Ion  of  icing  John  of  France,  feems  to  have  fixed  it 
 z'^  a  maxim,  never  to  appear  at  the  head  of  his  army  j  and   he 
 
 was 
 
Lect.  LX.        GENERAL   POLICY.  407 
 
 was  the  firft  king  in  Europe  who  fhewed  the  advantage  of  po- 
 licy, forefight,  and  judgment,  above  a  rafh  and  precipitate 
 valour.  The  inconvenience  of  kinjs  commanding  in  perfon 
 had  often  been  feverely  felt  by  the  nation  before  the  cuftom  was 
 difufed.  To  pay  for  the  king's  ranfom  was  one  of  the  three 
 occafions  on  which  only  it  was  lawful  to  impofe  a  tax  in  the 
 feudal  times. 
 
 Nations  are  powerful  and  formidable  in  proportion  as  their 
 mode  of  fubfiftence  enables  them  to  maintain  difcipline  in  the 
 army,  and  keep  them  in  the  field.  People  wtio  live  by  hunting, 
 as  the  North  American  Indians,  can  never  fubfift  in  great 
 numbers.  They  therefore  fight  in  fmall  parties,  and  endeavour 
 to  attack  their  enemies  by  furprize.  Nations  that  live  by 
 pafturage,  as  the  Tartars,  can  drive  their  cattle  along  with 
 them  if  they  march  into  a  fertile  country,  and  every  man  can 
 appear  in  the  field,  and  feme  times  even  the  women  can  join 
 them.  Thefc,  therefore,  are  the  mofl  formidable  invaders. 
 But  in  the  cafe  of  a  defeat,  they  have  no  refourcs,  th:ir  all  is  at 
 ftake,  and  being  incumbered  with  much  baggage  they  muft  be 
 open  to  attacks. 
 
 Nations  which  live  in  towns,  by  manufactures  and  commerce, 
 are  in  general  unqu;:lificd  to  fight  themfelves  ;  but  being  rich, 
 they  can  afford  to  pay  thofe  who  are  able,  either  of  their  own 
 country,  or  of  other  nations  ;  and  thofe  who  have  no  other 
 bufinefs  befides  that  of  fighting,  will  improve  in  the  art  of 
 it.  Their  armies  will  feldom  be  very  large,  but  they  will  be 
 lefs  incumbered,  and  upon  the  whole  far  more  efFe<5tual  for 
 defence  or  offence.  But  experience  will  teach  them  that, 
 though  able  to  make  conquefts,  thefe  v.'ill  never  repay  them  the 
 expences  they  are  at  in  acquiring  and  maintaining  them.  For 
 of  all  luxuries  (as  every  thing  which  is  not  necejfary  for  life  may 
 be  called)  war  is  the  deareft. 
 
 If  a  wealthy  nation  does  not  keep  a  (landing  army,  fuch  as 
 is  defcribed  above,  but  oblige  every  citizen  to  learn  the  ufe  of 
 arms,  and  appear  in  the  field  whenever  he  is  called  upon,  it 
 is  faid  to  have  a  militia.     On   fuch   a  plan  the   liberties   of  a 
 
 country 
 
4o8  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 country  are  certainly  fafer,  but  the  fighting  men,  not  making 
 war  their  whole  bufmefs,  will  not  be  very  expert  in  it,  and 
 confequently  will  not  ha«e  that  confidence  in  themfelves  that  a 
 ftanding  army  ha?.  Though,  fighting  for  their  liberties,  they 
 will   be  {Simulated  to  acft  with  more  vigour. 
 
 The  firit  (landing  army  we  read  of  was  that  of  Philip  of 
 Macedon,  and  by  this  means  chiefly  he  was  fuperior  to  the  ftates 
 of  Greece,  whofe  armies  confifted  of  militia,  and  ftill  more  to 
 the  Perfians.  In  the  beginning  of  the  fecond  Punic  war,  Hanni- 
 bal had  a  proper  ftanding  army,  and  the  Romans  only  a  militia ; 
 but  it  was  otherwife  before  the  end  of  that  war. 
 
 The   o-reateft   care    fliould    be  taken    that    the    officers    in 
 
 o 
 
 ftanding  armies  be  of  the  body  of  the  people,  fo  as  to  have  the 
 fameintereft  with  them,  and  that  their  civil  privileges  (hould 
 be  more  valuable  to  them  than  any  thing  that  they  could  get  as 
 foldiers. 
 
 A  militia  has  the  advantage  of  training  more  men  to  the  ufe 
 of  arms,  and  of  preferving  the  people  independent ;  but  if 
 thefe  ends  could  be  fecured  by  any  other  means,  the  country 
 would  be  defended  at  lefs  expence  by  a  {landing  army.  For 
 the  fame  reafons  that  we  have  our  fhoes  and  cloaths  made 
 at  >efs  expence  by  employing  fhoe-makers,  and  laylors,  whofe 
 fole  bufiiiefs  it  is  to  make  flioes  and  cloaths,  than  for  every  man 
 to  be  taught  to  make  them  himfelf.  If  it  was  a  man's  whole 
 bufinefs  to  learn  the  ufe  of  arms,  he  would  certainly  be  more 
 perfed  in  the  ufe  of  them  ;  and  though  this  foldier  would  be 
 idle  and  ufeLfs  to  any  other  purpofe,  the  occafional  practice  of 
 arms  by  the  whole  community  would  produce  a  greater  fum  of 
 idienefs,  and  on  the  whole  would  not  take  fo  much  from  the 
 mafs  of  ufeful  labour. 
 
 Since  the  increafe  of  induftry,  and  the  impofition  of  taxes, 
 in  lieu  of  the  ancient  feudal  fervices,  {landing  armies,  con- 
 ftantly  exercifcd,  and  commanded  by  officers  of  the  king's  no- 
 mination, have  been  kept  up  by  all  the  princes  in  Europe  : 
 and  as  there  is  a  provifion  in  the  flate  for  the  conftant  pay 
 of    thefe   troops,  the    difference  betvveen   the   expences    of    a 
 
 time 
 
X.PCT.  LX.        GENERAL   POLICY.  409 
 
 time  of  war  and  9  time  of  peace  is  not  fo  great  as  formerly  ; 
 though  our  armies  are  infinitely  more  expcnfive.  It  is  the 
 price  of  artillery,  fortification,  &:c.  which  exhaufts  the  reve- 
 nwes  of  the  prefent  belligerent  powers.  The  neceflary  expences 
 of  war,  as  it  is  condu6led  at  prefent,  has  given  rife  to 
 a  maxirn  unknown  to  antiquity,  that  riches  are  the  ftnews  cf 
 war, 
 
 Lewis  XIV,  was  the  firft  who  kept  on  foot  numerous  armies. 
 His  example  excited  other  princes  to  do  the  fame  ;  fo  that  after 
 the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  the  chriftian  powers  of  Europe 
 had  about  a  million  of  men  under  arms.  The  inconvenience  of 
 ftanding  armies  commanded  by  officers  of  the  king's  nomi- 
 nation, is  that  too  much  power  is  thrown  into  the  hands  of  the 
 fovereign. 
 
 It  is  owing  to  the  great  improvements  in  exercife  and  difci- 
 pline  that  a  nation  makes  fo  great  a  figure  in  arms,  and  appears  fo 
 formidable  to  its  neighbours  immediately  after  the  conclufion  of 
 a  civil  war.  Though  it  leaves  the  nation  exhau(ted  in  other  ref- 
 peds,  it  leaves  a  great  number  of  men  trained  to  the  ufe  of 
 arms,  and  averfe  to  any  other  method  of  getting  fubfiftence. 
 The  Romans  were  extending  their  conquefts  on  all  fides  even 
 in  the  fierceft  of  their  civil  wars.  Thofe  in  the  minority  of 
 Lewis  XIV.  formed  a  number  of  generals,  who  railed  the 
 glory  of  that  reign  to  the  higheft  pitch,  and  England  had  npver 
 appeared  fo  formidable  to  the  reft  of  Europe  as  it  did  under 
 the  commonwealth,  immediately  after  the  conclufion  of  the 
 laft  civil  war.  There  are  undoubtedly  more  men  in  a  natiofi 
 before  the  commencement  of  a  civil  war,  but  the  ftrength  of 
 a  nation  is  not  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  its  inhabitants, 
 but  to  the  number  of  the  fighting  men  it  contains,  vyhich  arp 
 much  increafed  by  a  war,  which  depopulates  the  country  in 
 general. 
 
 7'his  accounts  ^for  the  great  military  power  of  ancient 
 nations.  An  European  prince  who  has  a  million  of  fubje6ts, 
 cannot  maintain  more  than  ten  thoufand  troops  ;  whereas  the 
 fighting  men  in  ancient  republics  were  nearly  as  one  to  eight 
 
 F  f  of 
 
410  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 of  all  the  inhabitants.  Hence,  in  all  ancient  hiftory,  we  read 
 of  the  fmallcfl  republics  raifing,  and  maintaining,  greater  ar- 
 mies than  Itates  confifting  of  many  times  the  number  of  in- 
 habitants are  able  to  fupport  at  prefent.  It  is  generally  faid  that, 
 in  the  prelent  ftate  of  things,  even  wealthy  focieties  cannot  keep 
 more  than  an  hundredth  part  of  their  fighting  men  in  the  field, 
 and  maintain  them  in  the  character  of  foldiers. 
 
 In  ancient  times  few  artifans  were  maintained  by  the  labour 
 of  the  farmer,  and  therefore  more  foldiers  might  be  fupported 
 by  the  produce  of  the  lands.  Livy  fays,  it  would  be  difficult, 
 in  his  days,  to  raife  fo  large  an  army  as  the  Roman  ftate  for- 
 merly fent  out  againft  the  Gauls  and  Latins.  The  numbers 
 and  private  riches  of  the  Athenians  are  faid,  by  all  ancient 
 writers,  to  have  been  no  greater  at  the  beginning  of  the  Pelo- 
 ponefian  than  they  were  at  the  beginning  of  the  Macedonian 
 war;  but  in  the  latter  period  they  were  grown  more  luxurious, 
 and  more  people  were  employed  about  the  arts.  The  Dutch  are, 
 no  doubt,  richer  now  than  they  were  in  the  time  of  our  wars 
 with  them,  but  thev  have  not  the  tenth  part  of  the  power 
 they  had  then.  With  them,  indeed,  this  is  not  perhaps  fo 
 much  owing  to  the  increafe  of  luxury,  as  to  a  want  of  that 
 public  fpirit,  which  converts  private  riches  into  public  riches, 
 and  national  power. 
 
 This,  too,  accounts  for  the  large  armies  of  the  ancient 
 Gauls  artd  Germans.  With  them,  and  all  people  of  the  north- 
 weftern  •  parts  of  Europe,  no  profeiTion  was  honourable  but 
 that  of  armsi  Agriculture,  and  the  arts,  were  ever  accounted 
 ignoble  and  bafe,  unworthy  of  a  man  free  born.  Of  courfe, 
 every  man  ftudied  the  ufe  of  arms,  ajid  the  confequence  was  a 
 ftate  of  perpetual  war,  and  a  body  of  people  full  of  courage  and 
 experience  in  it. 
 
 A  nation  may  be  very  populous,  and  either  be  very  weak,  or 
 very  ftrong,  in  confequence  of  that  populoufnefs.  If  the 
 greateft  part  of  the  number  of  people  be  employed  in  raifing 
 the  neceflaries  of  life,  no  tnen  can  be  fpared  ;  and  they  cannot 
 bear  the  expence  of  a  long  war.     But  if  the  full  produce  of  the 
 
 lands 
 
Lect.  LX.      GENERAL    POLICY.  411 
 
 lands  be  reaped  with  eafe,  and  the  bullc  of  the  people  be  artifans,  ^ 
 thefe  being  employed  about  fuperfluities,  may  be  fpared  upon 
 any  emergence  ;  and  while  hands  enow  are  left  to  follow 
 hufbandry  ;  the  country,  yielding  as  much  as  before,  will  foon 
 recruit  itfelf  for  the  lofles  it  fuftained  in  war.  But  when  the 
 ambition  of  a  prince  takes  men  from  their  farms,  and  the  lands 
 are  left  uncultivated,  the  very  finews  of  riches  and  ftrength  are 
 cut.  After  this  neglecSt  of  hufbandry,  the  land  will  not  main- 
 tain the  fame  number  of  inhabitants,  and  the  country  will  re- 
 quire a  long  courfe  of  time  before  it  grow  as  populous  and 
 powerful  as  it  was  before. 
 
 Ff2  I^ECTURE 
 
412  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 LECTURE       LXL 
 
 Of  Confederacies.  The  Balance  of  Power  in  ancient  and  modern 
 Times,  The  Condu^  of  different  Nations  in  extendi?ig  and 
 fecuring  their  conquefis.  The  Roman  Policy  in  IVar  particularly 
 noticed.  The  Necefftty  of  perfonal  Courage,  Influence  of  Liberty, 
 The  reafon  of  fome  Infiances  of  defperate  Valour  in  ancient 
 Tiimes,  The  Difference  between  the  Proportion  of  Officers  and 
 their  Pay  in  ancient  and  modern  Times  explained.  The  Danger 
 of  employing  Mercenaries.     Of  buying  off  Wars, 
 
 IT  is  at  this  day  not  only  a  confidence  in  the  number  of  their 
 own  warlike  inhabitants  that  gives  a  people  the  idea  of  fecurity. 
 A  fenfe  of  common  advantage  has  conne6^ed  all  the  ftates  of  Eu- 
 rope in  alliances  with  one  another  j  fo  that  the  weakeft  cannot  be 
 attacked  but  fome  of  the  ftronger  powers  fee  it  their  intereft  to 
 enter  either  as  allies,  or  as  principals,  into  the  war ;  and  for  a 
 century  or  two,  there  has  hardly  been  a  particular  war  in 
 ICurope  (wherever,  or  upon  whatever  occafion,  it  might  happen 
 to  arife)  which  has  not  very  foon  become  general :  whereas,  in 
 ancient  times,  a  nation  might  almofl:  be  fubdued  before  its  next 
 neighbours  knew  any  thing  of  the  matter.  The  Greeks  and 
 Perfians  feem  to  have  underftood  what  we  call  the  balance  of 
 power,  but  the  Romans  never  met  with  any  general  combi- 
 nations againft  them.  The  confederacies  in  Gaul  and  Britain 
 were  very  partial. 
 
 It  has  been  the  rivalfhip  and  oppofition  between  the  two 
 houfesof  Bourbon  and  Auftria  which  has  made  this  fubje<5l  fo 
 much  attended  to  in  Europe;  it  being  apparently  the  intereft  of 
 all  neighbouring  ft.ites  to  oppofe  the  ftronger,  and  more  enter- 
 prizing  of  the  two,  by  joining  themfelvesas  allies  to  the  weaker. 
 The  quicknefs  with  which  an  alarm  is  taken  at  the  ambitious 
 jenterprizes  of  any  European  monarch  would  have  been  incredible 
 ?n ancient  times.     Lewis  XIV.  fays  Voltaire,  entered  Holland 
 
 I  only 
 
Lect.  LXI.       GENERAL     POLICY.  413 
 
 only  in  May,  and  by  the  month  of  July  all  Europe   was  in  a 
 confederacy  againft  him. 
 
 It  may  not  be  amifs  in  this  place  juft  to  mention  the  conduft 
 and  policy  of  different  nations  in  extending  and  fecuring  their 
 conqmjls.  It  was  the  cuftom  of  the  kings  of  Affyria,  of  Babylon, 
 and  all  the  ancient  empires  in  the  Eaft  (for  preventing  the 
 rebellion  of  people  newly  conquered)  to  captivate  and  tranfplant 
 the  people  of  different  countries  into  one  another's  lands,  and  to 
 intermix  them  varioufly.  The  Romans  obferved  a  policy  fome- 
 thing  like  it ;  the  troops  which  guarded  one  province  being 
 always  raifed  in  another  and  a  diftant  one,  fo  that  noperfon  was 
 permitted  to  bear  arms  in  his  own  country. 
 
 A  few  more  particulars  of  the  Roman  policy  in  war  deferve 
 our  notice.     In  early  times  the  command  of  every  general  ex- 
 pired with  his  confular  or  pro-confular  year;  fo  that  they  were 
 obliged    to  exert   themfelves    greatly,    in   order  to  diftinguifti 
 themfelves  in  the  fhort  period  of  their  command ;  and   thereby 
 the   foldiers    alfo,    who  were   then    perfons  of  property,    got 
 no  attachment   to    the  general,  but  to  the  ftate.       Afterwards 
 when,  on  account  of  diftant  wars,  it  was  found  inconvenient  to 
 change  the  general,  the  foldiers  (who  were  then  more  needy,  and 
 received  their  pay  from  the  general)  were  always  at  his  devotion, 
 whoever  he  was,  and  were  ready  to  fecond  his  ambitious  views 
 in  all  the  civil   wars  with  which  they  were  harraiFed.     Under 
 the  emperors,  the  generals  were  afraid  of  giving  umbrage   by 
 diftinguifhing  themfelves,  and  therefore  we  are  not  to  be  fur- 
 prifed  that  the  Roman   empire  received  fo  little   addition  after 
 the  end  of  the  commonwealth. 
 
 Another  maxim  of  their  policy  in  war  was  to  deprive  all 
 conquered  nations  of  power,  making  them  deliver  up  their  arms 
 and  fhips,  and  forbidding  them  to  make  war  upon  any  of  their 
 allies.  They  took  hoflages  of  their  princes'  children,  and 
 fecured  their  conquefts  by  not  feeming  to  take  pofTeflion  of  the 
 conquered  countries  at  firft,  but  leaving  the  people  their  own 
 laws,  cuftoms,  and  government.  But  thereby  their  kings,  or 
 chiefs,  and  confequently  the  whole  people,  were  in  facS  more 
 at  their  devotion  than  if  they  had  been  nominally  the  fubje^fis 
 
 of 
 
414  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 of  the  empire.  They  alfo  ftrcngthened  their  own  power  by 
 eafily  granting  the  freedom  of  their  city  to  particular  perfons, 
 towns,  and  ftates,  thereby  incorporating  the  conquered  nations 
 into  their  own  body,  and  making  them  confider  the  intereft  of 
 Rome  as  their  own.  By  this  policy  they  encreafed  in  numbers 
 and  ftrenj,th  by  their  conquefts.  Whereas  the  ftates  of  Greece 
 (in  which  the  freedom  of  cities  was  difficult  to  be  obtained) 
 were  necelTarily  diminilhed  in  numbers  and  ftrength  by  the  wars 
 in  which  they  were  engaged. 
 
 Though  the  Romans  exacted  very  little  under  the  form  of 
 tribute  from  the  conquered  nations,  they  arc  faid  to  have  been 
 the  only  people  in  the  world  who  grew  rich  by  their  conquefts, 
 fo  that  every  war  made  them  more  able  to  undertake  a  fecond. 
 Pompey  encreafed  the  revenues  of  the  ftate  one-third. 
 
 The  beft  difcipline,  and  the  belt  maxims  of  war,  will  avail 
 but  little  without  bodily  ftrength  and  p.rfonal  courage.  I  (hall 
 therefore  make  a  few  obfcrvations  upon  the  different  fources  of 
 it.  It  is  obvious  to  remark,  in  the  firft  place,  that  men  will 
 always  exert  their  ftrength  in  proportion  to  the  motives  they 
 have  to  exert  it.  We  may,  therefore,  expect  more  courage  in 
 free-men,  fighting  for  their  liberty,  than  in  the  fubjeds  of  an 
 arbitrary  monarch,  fighting  for  the  honour  of  their  mafter.  It 
 was  an  enthufiaftic  love  of  liberty  that  infpired  the  Greeks  in 
 their  wars  with  the  Perfians,  and  that  enabled  the  Dutch  to 
 refcue  themfelves  from  the  power  of  Spain,  when  they  were  the 
 moft  inconfiderable,  and  the  Spaniards  the  moft  formidable^ 
 power  in  Europe. 
 
 If  we  read  of  more  inftances  of  defperate  valour  among  the 
 ancients;  as  of  men  killing  themfelves,  their  wives,  and  their 
 children,  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  an  enemy;  as  the 
 Saguntines,  the  Numantines,  the  people  of  Smyrna,  and 
 many  others  arc  faid  to  have  done  i  Vi^e  muft  confider,  that 
 more  was  loft  by  being  conquered  in  former  times  than  is  loft 
 at  prefent.  In  thofe  times  a  conquered  people  loft  their  civil 
 liberty,  good>,  wives,  children,  and  often  even  the  rights 
 of  burial  ;  whereas  modern  conquefts  generally  terminate  in 
 leaving   the  conquered    to    live   according  to  their  ov^n  laws, 
 
 and 
 
 • 
 
Lect.LXL       general    POLICY.  415 
 
 and  the  private  property  of  individuals  is  untouched.  In  fliort, 
 the  only  difference  to  moft  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  conquered 
 country  is,  that  they  are  obliged  to  fwear  allegiance  to  another 
 fovereign  ;  a  great  argument  of  the  fuperiority  of  modern  times 
 in  reafon,  religion,   philofophy,  and  manners. 
 
 There  was  a  capital  diiFerence  in  the  regulation  of  armies  in 
 ancient  and  modern  times,  which  could  not  be  a  matter  of 
 indifference  with  refpect  to  the  motives  the  foldiers  had  to  exert 
 themfelves.  With  us  the  pay  of  an  officer  is  prodigioufly  greater 
 than  that  of  a  common  foldier  ;  whereas,  in  ancient  times,  if 
 the  generals  had  any  pay,  it  was  lirtle  more  than  what  the 
 meaneft  pcrfon  in  the  army  received.  When  Xenophon  returned 
 from  his  famous  expedition,  he  hired  himfelf  and  fix  thoufand 
 of  his  Greeks  into  the  fervice  of  Seuthes,  a  prince  of  Thrace, 
 upon  thefe  terms,  that  each  foldier  fliould  receive  a  daric  a 
 month,  each  captain  two  darics,  and  he  himfelf,  as  general,  four. 
 The  commander  in  chief  of  a  Roman  army,  at  leaft  during 
 the  commonwealth,  had  no  regular  pay-  All  the  advantage  he 
 received  was  the  honour,  the  power,  and  the  influence,  which 
 his  command  gave  him  at  home.  What  we  may  call  the 
 perquifites  of  his  office,  when  any  fpoils  were  taken,  could  not 
 regularly  be  confiderable,  for  the  Qiieftor  took  an  account  of  the 
 whole,  in  order  to  its  being  lodged  in  the  public  treafury. 
 There  were  fewer  officers  in  the  Roman  armies  than  in  ours, 
 and  thefe  officers  had  very  fmall  pay.  A  centurion  had  only 
 double  the  pay  of  a  common  foldier  ;  and  it  muft  be  remembered 
 that  the  Rorrian  foldiers  bought  their  own  cloath*^,  arms,  tents, 
 and  baggage.  Caefar,  however,  gave  the  centurions  ten  times 
 the  gratuity  that  he  gave  the  common  foldiers. 
 
 The  reafon  of  this  conduct  in  the  Romans  feems  to  have 
 been,  that  in  the  early  times,  the  body  of  the  people,  fighting 
 their  own  battles,  either  in  their  own  defence,  or  with  a  view 
 to  enrich  themfelves  with  the  plunder  of  other  people,  had  no 
 pretence  to  claim  any  pay.  Bcfides,  as  they  ferved  in  their 
 turns,  it  would  have  made  no  fort  of  difference,  whether  they 
 provided  themfelves  with  neceffaries  for  war,  or  were  fupplied 
 out  of  a  common  ftock,  formed  by  their  joint  contributions. 
 
 After- 
 
4i6  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 Afterwards,  when  it  became  inconvenient  for  the  greater  part  of 
 the  people  to  ferve  in  the  army,  on  account  of  their  being 
 engaged  in  the  arts  and  in  agriculture;  and  confequently  thofe 
 were  enlifted  chiefly  who  had  little  or  no  employment,  and  were 
 therefore  very  poor,  it  appeared  unreafonable  that  they  (hould 
 /ight  for  the  common  advantage,  at  their  own  expence,  which 
 they  were  fo  little  able  to  afford.  Upon  this  they  were  allowed 
 fome  pay,  bilt  at  firft  it  was  extremely  fmall  ;  as  may  be  imagined 
 after  bcin^  ufed  to  ferve  for  nothins  at  all.  Still  the  officers 
 ferved  without  pay,  and  never  received  any  thing  confiderable  till 
 it  became  the  intereft  of  their  commanders  to  court  their  favour 
 byencreafmg  their  allowance.  Till  Julius  Caefar  doubled  the 
 legionary  pay,  a  common  foot  foldier  received  only  two  oboli  a 
 day,  the  inferior  officers  and  centurions  four  oboli,  and  ahorfe- 
 man  a  drachm. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  the  pay  of  European  foldiers,  and  particularly 
 of  the  Englifh  is  very  difFsrent  from  that  of  thefe  ancients.  In 
 the  early  feudal  times,  as  all  lands  were  held  by  military  tenurCj 
 every  vaflal  fent  horfe  and  foot  in  proportion  to  the  lands  he  heldi 
 snd  none  bore  arms  but  freemen,  who  muft  have  been  handfomely 
 provided  for  if  they  were  retained  in  the  fervice  beyond  the  ftipu- 
 Idted  time.  Alfo  they  did  not  fight  their  own  battles,  as  the  Ro- 
 man foldiers  did  in  the  early  times  of  the  commonwealth.  What- 
 ever advantage  was  gained  by  the  war,  it  was  entirely  at  the  dif- 
 pofal  of  the  chief  in  the  expedition.  Indeed,  before  the  eflablifli- 
 ment  of  the  flri6l  feudal  fyflem,  the  foldiers  had  no  pay  ;  but 
 then  they  fought  for  lands  to  be  divided  equally  among  them  all^ 
 and  there  was  no  fuperiority  of  one  man  to  another  but  what  was 
 temporary,  and  ceafed  with  the  war.  But  when  this  army  of 
 freemen  became  fixed  in  a  conquered  country,  the  inhabitants  of 
 which  were  vaffly  more  numerous  than  themfelves,  and  they  were 
 obliged  to  keep  up  the  form  and  order  of  a  perpetual  army^ 
 the  fuperiority  of  the  commanders,  both  fupreme  and  fubordlnate, 
 became  f.xed,  and  the  ordinary  freemen  were  as  much  under 
 the  command  of  their  fuperiors  as  they  had  been  when  they 
 Wt;ie  their  officers,  in  the  time  of  adtual  fervice. 
 
 Befidcs, 
 
Lfcct.  LXI.      GENERAL    f'O  Lie  V.    ^  417 
 
 Befides,  wh^n  the  great  vafHils  grewah-ndft  indepehflefit,  fhcir 
 fervlces  muft  have  been  bought  at  a  confidefable  price  j  dnd  they 
 often  ftipulated  not  only  for  a  handfome  reward  for  theftlfelVes, 
 but  alfo  for  each  of  their  followers.  h\  the  time  of  Edward  III. 
 i  knight,  who  ferved  on  horfeback,  had  two  {hillings  a  day,  which 
 was  equivalent  to  one  pound  at  prefent;  and  an  archer  lix-pence^ 
 which  was  equal  iri  value  to  a  crown  with  us. 
 
 The  reduction  of  the  value  of  money,  and  the  rddu(Sl:ion  df 
 the  rank  of  the  common  foldiers,  was  a  very  f  iitablecoincidence» 
 as  uridfcr  th^  fame  name  they  always  received  pay  in  proportion 
 to  their  rank  and  the  value  of  their  fervices.  At  the  prefent 
 time,  foldiers  are  the  very  loweft,  and  worft  provided  for,  of  all 
 the  people  J  generally  thofe  Who  are  too  idle  to  provider  better 
 fubfiftence  for  themfelves  by  their  labour,  and  their  pay  is  ac- 
 cording to  it. 
 
 More  officers  are  necefTary  in  modern  armies,  becaufe  the 
 method  of  fighting,  fince  the  invention  of  gunpowder,  is  more 
 complex  and  more  fcientifical.  And  the  commanders  mull  have 
 better  pay,  to  make  it  worth  the  while  of  perfons  of  proper 
 rank  and  fortune  (who  have  the  greatefl:  intereft  in  the  welfare 
 of  their  country)  to  take  it  upon  them.  It  is  true,  that  the 
 low  rank,  and  the  low  pay,  of  our  common  foldiers  allow 
 them  to  be  little  more  than  mercenaries.  Common  foldiers 
 have  certainly  very  little  at  flake  in  the  country  ;  but  the  very 
 profeflion  of  arms  tends  to  infpire  a  fenfe  of  honour,  and  at- 
 tachment to  their  country,  though  they  have  little  or  no  inte- 
 reft in  it*  This  is  remarkably  the  cafe  with  the  Englifh  foldi- 
 ers and  feamen. 
 
 Profefl'ed  mercenaries,  it  is  certain,  can  have  no  motive 
 to  fight  for  one  fide,  but  what  may  be  converted  to  engage 
 them  in  the  ferviceof  the  others  and  the  hiftory  of  all  nations 
 demonftrates  how  impolitic  it  is  to  depend  upon  them.  Thus 
 the  Perfians  depended  upon  the  mercenary  Greeks,  their  natural 
 enemies,  till  they  had  no  other  troops  capable  of  doing  them 
 any  fervice  ;  and  the  Carthaginians  were  brought  to  the  very 
 brink  of  deflrucftion  by  the  rebellion  of  their  mercenaries, 
 between   the  firft  and   fecond  Punic  wars.      At  prefent,   while 
 
 all 
 
4i8  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 all  the  ftatcs  of  Europe  keep  up  a  confiderablc  body  of  native 
 troops,  the  inconvenience  is  lefs  fenfible.  Thofe  who  are  the 
 moft  remarkable  for  ferving  as  mercenaries  at  prcfent  are  the 
 Swifs,    and  the  petty  princes  of  Germany. 
 
 But  even  depending  upon  mercenaries  is  a  better  expedient 
 than  buying  off  a  war.  For  that  is,  in  fa6t,  to  confide  in  the 
 honour  of  an  enemy  confeffedly  fuperior.  The  Romans  were 
 not  long  able  to  withftand  the  ravages  of  the  barbarous  nations, 
 after  they  began  to  bribe  them  to  quit  their  territories.  And 
 the  money  which  the  Danes  received  from  the  Englifti  on  the 
 fame  account  only  induced  them  to  rife  continually  in  their 
 demands,  and  bring  over  new  bodies  of  adventurers,  with  the 
 fame  expevStation  of  raifing  fortunes  without  fighting. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  LXII.       GENERAL    POLICY.  419 
 
 LECTURE      LXIL 
 
 A  Capacity  of  hearing  the  Fatigues  of  War :  more  requijlte  in  the 
 ancient  Manner  of  fighting.  The  Advantage  of  poor  Nations 
 over  the  rich.  Why  Invaders  have  generally  more  Courage  than 
 the  Invaded.  The  Influence  of  Opinion  upon  Courage.  The 
 Influence  of  religious  Sentiments.  Effeuls  of  violent  perjonal 
 Hatred.  Civil  Wars  peculiarly  bloody.  Caufes  of  Fadions^ 
 Duration  of  them^  eafily  propagated  in  free  Governments^ 
 Dreadful  EfllSis  of  FaSiion.  The  unfortunate  Situation  of  the 
 Greek  Empire.  Obfervations  on  the  different  Durations  of  Em- 
 pires. Folly  of  Conqueji,  What  Wars  are  juflifiahle.  Laws 
 of  War.     Duelling, 
 
 SKILL  in  the  art  of  war  will  avail  little  without  a  foldiery 
 capable  of  bearing  the  necefiary  fatigues  of  it.  The 
 Roman  difcipline  was  admirable  in  this  refpecl.  The  Roman 
 foldiers  were  kept  in  conftant  exercife.  The  Lacedaemonian 
 foidiers  had  lefs  fatigue  in  the  field  than  they  had  at  home  ; 
 whereas  ours  pafs  from  comparative  indolence  to  extreme  exercife, 
 Diftenipers  in  armies  are  for  this  reafon  more  common,  and 
 more  fatal  with  us  than  we  ever  hear  of  their  being  with  them. 
 Few  Roman  foldiers  died  of  diftempers.  The  military  pace 
 was  twenty  miles  in  five  hours,  carrying  fixty  pounds-  The 
 foldiers  were  alfo  exercifed  in  running  and  leaping  in  their  arms. 
 Indeed,  as  the  nature  of  the  modern  fervice,  in  which  artillery 
 is  principally  ufed,  is  lefs  laborious,  and  therefore  kfs  depends 
 upon  ttrength  of  body,  fuch  fevere  exercife  feems  not  to  be 
 necefiary. 
 
 It  is  this  circumftance,  of  hardinefs  and  capacity  of  bearing 
 fatigue,  which  gives  poor  nations  the  advantage  they  fome- 
 times  have  over  the  rich.  Befides,  the  profpecl  they  have  of 
 bettering  their  circumftances,  a(Sts  more  forcibly  upon  them 
 than  even  the  fear  of  a   rcvcrfe  of  fortune  does  upon  the  rich. 
 
 Thefe 
 
426  LECTURES     ON  Part,  V. 
 
 Thefc  circumftances,  in  concurrence  with  the  more  robuft 
 make  of  body  in  the  northern  nations,  have  generally  directed 
 the  courfe  of  victory  fouihwards.  Perfia,  it  is  faid,  has  been 
 conquered  thirteen  times  from  the  north;  and  the  Saracens  arc 
 the  only  nation  fituated  confiderably  to  the  fouth,  who  have 
 made  extenfive  conquefts  northwards.  At  the  time  that  the 
 Romans  made  their  conquefts  northwards,  they  were  as  hardy 
 as  the  Gau's  and  Germans  themfelves,  with  the  advantage  of 
 fuperior  difcipline  and  better  weapons. 
 
 Invaders  are  generally  obferved  to  have  more  courage  than 
 the  pe6ple  invaded  :  it  being  fuppofed,  that  no  nation  would 
 take  up  a  refolution  to  invade  another,  without  great  confi- 
 dence, and  therefore  great  probability  of  fuccefs.  This  ap- 
 prehenfion  cannot  but  make  the  people  invaded  diffident  of 
 themfelves,  which  muft  give  their  enemies  a  confiderable  ad- 
 vantage. The  Romans  feldom  gave  their  enemies  an  opportu- 
 nity of  attacking  them,  but  generally  carried  the  war  into 
 their  country  ;  and  Hannibal's  great  maxim  was,  that  that 
 people  were  no  where  vulneral)le  but  at  home. 
 
 Mere  current  opinion^  without  any  foundation  in  the  world, 
 is  of  great  moment  with  refpecSl  to  courage.  The  tenth  legion 
 of  Caefar,  and  the  regiment  of  Picardy  in  France,  imagined 
 themfelves,  and  really  were,  the  beft  troops  in  the  fervice. 
 The  Dorians  were  ever  reputed  better  fdldiers  than  the  lonians 
 and  actually  were  io  in  confequence  of  it.  Indeed,  when  oiice 
 a  character  has  been  acquired,  men  will  exert  themfelves  uncom- 
 monly to  fupport  it. 
 
 The  five  nations  of  North- America  think  themfelves  by  far 
 fuperior  to  the  reft  of  mankind,  and  have  taken  fuch  care  to 
 imprefs  the  fame  opinion  on  all  their  neighbours,  that  they,  on 
 all  occafions,  yield  the  moft  fubmiffive  obedience  to  them. 
 When  one  of  a  different  tribe  cries  out  a  mohawk^  they  will  fly 
 like  ftieep  before  wolves,  without  making  any  refiftance,  what- 
 ever advantage  there  was  on  their  fide  *. 
 
 *  Colden's  Hiftorj  of  five  Nations,  p.  3. 
 
 Of 
 
Lect.  LXII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  421 
 
 Of  what  moment  religious  fentiments  are  in  war,  has  been 
 Aown  under  the  article  of  religion,  I  (liall  only  add,  in  this 
 place,  that  the  knights  errant,  who  did  fuch  excellent  fervice 
 in  the  war  with  the  Moors  in  Spain,  had  iheir  valor,  no  doubt 
 greatly  enflamed  by  watching  their  arms  a  whole  night  before  the 
 fhrine  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  in  the  ceremony  of  receiving  knight- 
 hood ;  and  that  tb€  foldiers  will  be  more  eafily  kept  in  good 
 <lifcipline  when  notions  of  religion  attach  them  to  their  general 
 ^nd  their  caufe,  efpecially  if  their  religion  oblige  them  to  great 
 (ftridlnefs  and  feverity  of  manners  in  private  life.  The  fuper- 
 ilitious  regard  which  the  Romans  had  for  the  authority  of  their 
 generals  was  extreme.  Several  times  they  fuffered  themfelves  to 
 be  decimated  by  them;  whereas  the  Carthaginian  foldiers  more 
 than  once  crucified  their  generals.  It  was  the  excellent  difci- 
 pline  which  the  ferioufnefs  of  the  parliamentary  army  in  this 
 country  enured  them  to,  that  gave  them  fo  great  an  advantao^e 
 over  the  king's  troops,  whofe  diflblutenefs  of  morals  as  jnen 
 greatly  relaxed  their  difcipline  as  foldiers. 
 
 Violent  perfonal  hatred  has  always  produced  the  greateft,  and 
 moft  dreadful  efFe6ts  in  war.  This  principle  accounts  for  the 
 peculiar  favagenefs  with  which  civil  wars  are  often  conducted, 
 Refentment  is  inflamed  in  proportion  to  the  nearnefs  of  the 
 caufe,  and  the  frequency  of  impreflions  from  it.  For  this  reafon 
 but  little  hatred  is  excited  againft  a  public  and  diftant  enemy, 
 and  therefore  thofe  wars  are  conducted  with  more  generofity  and 
 humanity.  But  civil  and  religious  parties  have  this  in  common 
 that  their  antipathy  to  one  another  is  always  the  greater,  the 
 more  things  there  are  in  which  they  agree.  For  this  makes  the 
 contrail  of  the  few  things  in  which  they  differ,  the  more  fenfible 
 and  ftriking.  A  remarkable  inftance  of  the  efFefts  of  this 
 animofity  is  mentioned  by  Voltaire :  A  cavalier  commanded  a 
 regiment  of  French  refugees  at  the  battle  of  Almanza,  where 
 they  met  with  another  French  regiment  in  the  oppofite  armv ; 
 as  foon  as  they  faw  one  another  ihey  began  a  bloody  fight  with 
 their  bayonets,  without  firing  a  fmgle  mufquet,  and  there  were 
 not  above  three  hundred  men  left  alive  out  of  the  two  regiments. 
 Civil  wars   are  alfo  peculiarly  bloody,  becaufe   lefs  quarter   is 
 
 expe^^ed 
 
422  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 expected  in  them.  Ail  prifoners  are  fure  to  be  treated  as  rebels  \ 
 whereas  in  open  wars,  at  leaii-  in  modern  times,  all  prilojiers 
 are  mutually  exchanged. 
 
 Factions,  which  are  the  foundation  of  civil  wars,  talce  their 
 rife  from  very  different  fources.  Their  real  caufes  are  interejl 
 or  aff'dollon^  though  thefe  are  feldom  avowed  j  principle  being 
 the  pretence  in  almoft  all  cafes.  The  favSlions  in  the  Roman 
 commonwealth  were  a  ftruggle  for  power  between  the  two 
 orders  of  the  ftate  ;  and  they  were  a  great  means  of  contributing 
 to  its  aggrandizement.  For  the  fenate  had  no  method  of 
 fdencing  the  clamours  of  the  common  people  but  by  leading 
 them  out  to  war,  which  was  a  bait  that  was  almoft  always  fure 
 to  take  with  them. 
 
 AfFe6tion  divided  England  between  the  houfes  of  York  and 
 Lancafter,  as  alfo  Scotland  between  Bruce  and  Baliol.  But 
 this  affection,  as  Hume  well  obfcrves,  is  only  in  the  lower 
 people,  who  fee  not  the  princes.  The  great  partifans  are  led 
 by  intereft  chiefly.  They  fee  the  weaknefs  of  princes  and 
 defpife  them.  Thefe  motives,  however,  for  entering  into 
 fadions,  different  as  they  may  be  in  their  own  nature,  eafdy 
 introduce  one  another.  The  attachment  of  a  court  party  to  the 
 monarch  naturally  becomes  their  attachment  to  monarchy,  and 
 vice  verfa. 
 
 Fa6tions  fubfifl:  long  after  the  original  motives  have  ceafed  to 
 actuate  both  parties.  The  real  difference  between  the  Guelf, 
 and  the  Ghibeline  factions  was  long  over  in  Italy  before  the 
 factions  themfelves  were  extind. 
 
 Factions  are  obferved  to  rife  more  eafiiy,  and  propagate  falter 
 in  free  governments,  where  they  always  alfetSt  the  legiflature 
 fifelf.  The  reafon  is,  that  the  people  have  more  influence  in 
 free  governments,  and  are  therefore  more  jealous  of  the  conduit 
 of  their  governor^. 
 
 Upon  thq^ whole,  the  greateft  number  of  fa£tion'^  are  probably 
 owino-  to  perfunal  or  local  reafons.  All  the  fadions  in  defpoiic 
 ftates  are  necelfarily  perfonal,  as  the  people  are  fure  to  be 
 governed  in  the  very  fame  manner,  whoever  be  their  prince. 
 1  n  feverai  of  the  civil  wars  of  the  Romans,  the  foldiers  fought 
 
 more 
 
Lect.  LXII.       general    policy.  423 
 
 more  for  their  commander  than  for  the  caufe.  Such  wars  are 
 generally  terminated  by  the  death  of  the  commander.  In  more 
 modern  times,  and  even  in  freer  governments,  we  find  that  the 
 Neri  and  the  Bianchi  of  Florence,  the  Fregofi  and  Adorni  of 
 Genoa,  the  Colonefi  and  Orfmi  at  modern  Rome,  were  all 
 chiefly  perfonal  fadtlons. 
 
 From  whatever  caufe  factions  arife,  their  efFeds  are  often 
 lafting  and  dreadful.  The  tribe  Pollia  and  Papiria  always  voted 
 'on  oppofite  fides  for  near  three  hundred  years.  The  Prafmi  and 
 Veneti,  founded  on  the  difference  of  colour  in  the  livery  of  the 
 combatants  at  the  public  games,  never  ceafed  their  animofities  till 
 they  had  nearly  ruined  the  Greek  empire.  In  the  year  1327, 
 moft  of  the  great  houfes  in  Ireland  were  divided  one  againft 
 another;  the  Giraldines,  the  Butlers,  and  Breminghams  on 
 one  fide,  and  the  Bourcs,  and  Poers  on  the  other.  The  ground 
 of  the  quarrel  was  no  other,  but  that  the  lord  Arnold  Poer  had 
 called  the  earl  of  Kildare  a  rimer.  This  quarrel  was  profecuted 
 with  fuch  malice,  that  the  counties  of  Waterford  and  Kilkenny 
 were  deftroyed  with  fire  and  fword. 
 
 But  never  was  a  ftate  fo  unfortunate  with  refpe6l  to  fa£tion$ 
 as  the  Greek  empire.  The  feveral  parties  at  Conftantinople, 
 whenever  they  invited  the  Turks  to  come  and  affift  them,  always 
 flipulated,  that  they  (hould  take  into  captivity  all  they  (hould 
 meet  with  of  the  oppofite  party.  Indeed,  it  was  religion  which 
 gave  the  chief  ftimulus  to  their  mutual  animofity.  No  people 
 had  ever  a  greater  averfion  to  heretics  than  the  Greeks.  Several 
 of  their  lawftil  emperors  were  perfe£^iy  odious  on  that  account; 
 and  the  imperial  family  itfelf  was  often  divided  in  their  fentl- 
 ments.  Thus  when  Juftinian  perfecuted  thofe  who  did  not 
 favour  the  council  ofChalcedon,  the  emprefs  oppofed  it. 
 
 It  is  obferved  that  nations,  which  have  arrived  at  great  power, 
 and  extenfive  empire,  by  flow  degrees,  have  not  often  fallen, 
 but  by  the  fame  flow  degrees  ;  whereas  conquefls  made  with 
 rapidity,  have  generally  been  loft  as  quickly  as  they  were  gained. 
 Thus  the  Theban  power  was  born  and  died  with  one  man, 
 Epaminondas  ;  and  the  Macedonian  power  with  two  men,  Philip 
 and  Alexander.     Whereas   the  Roman  empire,  which  required 
 
 feven 
 
424  LECTURES    ON  Part.  V. 
 
 fcven  hundred  years  to  eftablllh  it,  required  as  m^ny  to  deftrpy 
 it.  There  are,  however,  many  exceptions  to  this  obferyatipn. 
 If  there  be  any  truth  in  it,  it  feems  to  be  owing  to  this,  th^t 
 wh^n  conquefts  are  made  gradually,  tlie  .CQiiquerprs  have  tifne 
 tt)  fall  upon  the  beft  methods  of  fecuring  them,  and  alfo 
 becaufe,  before  the  laft  conquefts  are  made,  the  people  who 
 were  fiift  conquered,  confrder  themfelves  as  the  conquerors  of 
 thjereft,  being  intimately  incorporated  with  thofe  whp  fubdue^ 
 them.  Whereas  v/hen  large  jconquefts  are  made  at  once,  the 
 empire  becomes  unwieldy  by  its  own  greatnefs,  the  conquerors 
 do  not  immediately  hit  upon  the  beft  methods  of  fecufing  their 
 conquefts,  and  all  the  conquered  ftates,  feeing  themfelyes  ^p 
 once  in  the  fame  fituation,  perceiving  their  intereft  tp  be  the 
 fame,  an^d  at  the  fame  tinrue,  perceiving  their  own  ftrength,  and 
 the  comparative  weaknefs  of  their  conquerors,  eafily  join  t(> 
 aflert  their  liberty. 
 
 In  the  rude  and  ferocious  ftate  of  mankind  in  former  ages, 
 fome  nations  enriched  themfelves  by  conquering  others  ;  as  by 
 this  means  they  came  at  once  into  the  pofTeflion  of  all  their 
 iiock  of  wealth,  and  made  flaves  of  their  perfons.  But  with 
 lefs  labour,  and  far  lefs  ri/k,  though  with  a  little  more  paticDce, 
 they  might  have  got  richer  at  home,  without  the  trouble  of 
 acquiring  and  watching  fo  many  flaves.  There  was,  however, 
 a  prefent  advantage  in  the  fyftem,  when  it  was  fuccefsful,  and 
 it  <jratificd  the  pride  of  a  nation  to  have  at  their  mercy  other 
 great  and  diftant  nations. 
 
 This  laft  advantage,  if  it  be  any,  is  ftill  gained  by  foreign 
 conquefts,  but  perhaps  hardly  any  other.  As  the  humanity  of 
 modern  manners  lea v<is  the  inhabitants  of  a  conquered  qountry 
 in  the  poffe/rion  of  their  private  property,  the  only  advantage 
 that  can  accrue  from  conquering  a  nation  is  the  dire(5iion  of  its 
 force,  for  the  purpofe  of  other  conquefts,  the  appropriation  of 
 its  taxes,  and  the  controul  of  its  commerce.  As  the  taxes 
 will  feldom  do  much  more  than  defray  the  expences  of  govern- 
 ment, the  direction  of  its  commerce  is  now  confidered  as 
 the  chief  article  of  emolument.  But  when  the  expence  of 
 roiiquerirg  and  keeping  fuch  .diftant  countries  is  taken  into  the 
 
 account. 
 
LiCT.LXir.        GENERAL    POLICY.  425 
 
 account,  the  greater  cheapnefs  of  the  commodities  of  fuch 
 countries  and  the  monopoly  of  their  commerce  will  go  but  a 
 little  way  to  pay  the  balance. 
 
 It  may  be  faid  that  a  nation  muft  be  ftronger  by  the  addition 
 of  the  power  of  foreign  dominions.  But  in  proportion  as 
 any  nation  becomes  powerful,  it  excites  the  jealoufy  of  other 
 nations,  and  thereby  has  much  more  powerful  enemies  to  con- 
 tend with  ;  and  if  the  liberty  of  commerce  can  be  obtained 
 (which  docs  not  feem  to  be  difficult  in  the  prefent  ftate  of  the 
 world)  and  the  flock  of  a  nation  confequently  encreafe,  without 
 the  expence  of  conquering  and  keeping  foreign  dominions,  that 
 great  furplus  of  wealth  will  purchafe  more  affiftance  in  war  than 
 could  in  general  be  furnifhed  by  any  conquered  nation  or 
 colony  ;  and  it  might  be  better  applied  for  the  purpofe  oi felf- 
 defence^  which  is  the  only  juftifiable  ufe  of  arms.  Had  England 
 nothing  to  do  with  the  Eaft  or  Weft  Indies,  America,  or 
 Gibraltar,  it  would  have  fewer  wars,  and  would,  no  doubt,  be 
 much  more  wealthy  (as  its  induftry  would,  by  one  means  or 
 other,  find  a  market)  and  if  it  was  invaded,  would  have  much 
 greater  refources  for  defending  itfelf.  Alfo,  if  it  was  thought 
 proper  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  other  nations,  in  order  to 
 fupport  a  common  army  or  navy,  it  would  find  greater  refources 
 for  that  purpofe,  as  well  as  for  others. 
 
 No  war  is  juftifiable  except  that  which  is  neceflary  to  the 
 prefervation  of  a  ftate,  that  is,  a  defenfive  war.  Motives  of 
 honour  and  dignity  are  never  fufficient.  Good  condu6l  and 
 generofity  alone  can  aflert  the  true  honour  of  men  and  of  nations. 
 And  it  no  more  becomes  a  great  nation,  than  it  does  a  great  and 
 good  man,  to  revenge  a  mere  affront.  If  motives  of  honour  and 
 dignity  be  attended  to  by  ftatcfmen,  they  will  involve  nations  in 
 as  many  foolifh  and  deftrudtive  quarrels  as  the  fame  notions 
 involve  thofe  individuals  who  are  addi6led  to  duelling. 
 
 The  obje6t  of  war  is  the  deftrudion  of  the  enemy,  at  leaft 
 of  his  power,  fo  as  to  difable  him  from  doing  that  mifchief  to 
 prevent  which  the  war  was  engaged  in.  But  every  method  of 
 diftreiTing  an  enemy  is  not  deemed  honourable,  or  right.  A 
 regard  to  public  opinion,  therefore,  ought  to  regulate  the  ravages 
 
 G  g  of 
 
426  L  E  C  T  U  RE  SON  Part  V. 
 
 of  war  J  bccaufe  it  is  for  the  common  intercft  of  mankind  that 
 laws  of  war  fhould  be  obferved.  As  the  world  advances  in  civil- 
 ization, and  national  animofity  abates,  war  becomes  lefs  diftref- 
 fing  to  peaceable  individuals  who  do  not  bear  arms.  It  would  not 
 be  extended  much  more,  if,  in  time  of  war,  commerce  was 
 permitted  to  pafs  free,  fo  that  no  privateers  (hould  be  allowed, 
 and  only  fliips  of  war  by  fea,  and  fortrefles  on  land,  fhould  be 
 expofed  to  danger.  Next  to  having  no  wars  at  all,  this  rule 
 would  be  the  greatert  common  benefir. 
 
 One  of  the  moft  barbarous  and  abfurd  cuftoms  which  has 
 arifen  fiom  the  pra61ice  of  war,  joined  to  ancient  fuperftition,  is 
 the  modern  duellings  which  is  fo  fafhionable  in  many  parts  of 
 Europe.  For  it  is  hardly  known  elfewhere,  and  was  unknown 
 to  the  ancients.  It  is  a  remarkable  inftance  of  the  continuance 
 of  an  effeSf  after  the  caufe  hath  ceafed  to  operate.  Nobody  at 
 this  day  imagines  that  fmgle  combat  is  a  proper  appeal  to  God^ 
 or  that  he  who  is  in  the  right  has  any  advantage  in  the  combat 
 over  him  that  is  in  the  wrong;  yet  a  man  thinking  himfelf 
 innocent  and  injured,  and  perhaps  having  a  wife  and  family, 
 will  voluntarily  expofe  his  life  to  an  equal  ri(k  with  that  of  ^ 
 man  whom  he  defpifes  as  a  nuifancc  to  fociety,  becaufe  he  h^s 
 been  infulted  by  him.  Good  fenfe  will  furely  teach  the  world 
 at  laft,  that  infolence  is  beft  anfwered  by  contempt,  and  real 
 injuries  beft  redreffed  by  public  juftice.  The  man  who  hath 
 offended  againft  the  rules  of  good  breeding,  will  find  a  fufficient 
 puniOiment  in  the  neglect  and  difgrace  which  his  behaviour 
 will  naturally  bring  upon  him. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Xect.LXIIL      general    POLICY.  ^^y 
 
 LECTURE       LXIIL 
 
 The  Expences  of  Gover7iment,  How  moderate  Taxes  opsrate. 
 Exorbitant  Taxes.  Taxes  upon  PoJJeJJions  or  Confumptions, 
 Their  different  Advantages  and  Difadvantages.  A  F oil-tax , 
 in  what  Circumjiances  mojl  tolerable.  By  whom  a  Tax  upon 
 Confumptions  Jhould  be  paid.  Cujloms.  Manufactures  no  proper 
 Subje^  of  Taxation.  Land-taxes.  The  French  Taille.  Taxes 
 on  Luxuries  or  Necejfaries  ;  on  Importation.     Farmers  of  T( 
 
 axes* 
 
 AN  hiftorian  (hould  give  particular  attention  to  the  manner  in 
 which  the  expences  of  government  are  dtfrayed.  For  very 
 much  of  the  public  happinefs  and  tranquillity  depends  upon  it, 
 and  many  governments  have  been  ruined  by  v^rong  methods  of 
 doing  it.  Either  the  taxes  have  been  too  great,  have  been  laid 
 upon  improper  things,  or  have  been  collected  in  an  improper 
 manner.  And  innumerable  events  fhov/  that  the  minuteil:  things 
 of  this  nature  are  of  great  importance. 
 
 Moderate  taxes  operate  like  a  conftant  fpur  and  obligation  to 
 labour,  and  thereby  greatly  contribute  to  the  flcurifhing  ftate 
 of  a  people,  particularly  if  they  be  laid  on  gradually.  Then, 
 the  only  confequence  of  taxes  is,  that  the  poor  increafe  their 
 induftry,  perform  more  work,  and  live  as  well  as  before,  without 
 demanding  more  for  their  labour.  This  is  agreeable  to  what  is 
 conflantly  obferved,  that  in  years  of  fcarcity,  if  it  be  not 
 extreme,  the  poor  labour  more,  and  live  better  than  in  years  or 
 plenty.  Any  other  material  difadvantage  v/hich  is  an  equal 
 Ipur  to  labour  hath  the  like  elFe6l. 
 
 Tyre,  Athens,  Carthage,  Rhodes,  Genoa,  Venice,  and  Hol- 
 land, all  laboured  under  great  natural  difadvantages.  It  feems 
 more  reafonable  to  afcribe  the  indolence  of  mankind  in  hot 
 countries  to  the  general  goodnefs  of  the  foil  in  thofe' countries, 
 which,  without  labour,  fupplies  them  with  the  few  things  which 
 are  neceffary  to  their  fubfiftence,  than  to  the  heat  of  Lhe  climate. 
 
 G  g  2  Ear 
 
428  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 For  wherever  people  can  live  without  labour  they  are  equally 
 idle.  No  nation  under  the  fun  can  be  more  indolent  than  the 
 Irifli  have  been,  or  than  many  of  them  are  to  this  day,  and  Sir 
 William  Temple  attributes  it  to  the  goodnefs  of  the  foil  in 
 Ireland  5  as  he  afcribes  the  riches  of  the  Dutch  to  the  badnefs  of 
 theirs. 
 
 On  the  other  hand,  exorbitant  taxes,  like  extreme  neceflity> 
 deftroy  induftry,  by  engendering  defpair,  and  even  before  they 
 reach  that  pitch  they  raife  theprice  of  labour  and  manufadures 
 in  commodities  of  all  kinds.  But  a  free  ftate,  in  which 
 there  is  every  encouragement  to  induftry,  will  better  bear 
 heavy  taxes  than  a  defpotic  government.  Flow  would  the 
 Turks  bear  the  taxes  which  the  Dutch  pay  ?  In  England  mer- 
 chants in  fa6t  lend  great  fums  to  the  ftate  on  the  importation 
 of  their  goods.     Who  would  venture  to  do  this  in  Turkey  ? 
 
 Taxes  may  be  laid  either  upon  what  is  pojfejfed^  or  upon  what 
 is  confumed.  Taxes  upon  pofieftions  are  levied  with  little  ex- 
 pence,  but  they  have  this  difadvantage,  that  they  require  that 
 every  man's  property  be  known.  If  the  owners  regulated  it 
 themfelves,  they  would  do  it  falfely;  and  if  it  was  done  by  the 
 infpedlion  of  officers,  there  would  be  a  door  open  to  all  kinds 
 o^  opprefTion  and  cruelty.  In  this  cafe,  however,  it  were 
 unjuft  to  tax  a  perfon  according  to  his  property.  It  ought  to  be 
 according  to  his  fuperfiwiy^  or  what  he  can  fpare  from  the 
 cxpences  which  his  ftation  of  life  neceflarily  obliges  him  to, 
 
 The  produce  of  no  tax  can  be  fo  eafily  afcertained  as  that  of 
 a  poll-tax^  and  therefore  in  arbitrary  governments  recourfe  is 
 often  had  to  it.  But  in  order  to  render  it,  in  any  tolerable 
 degree,  equal,  and,  if  the  amount  be  great,  fupportable,  the 
 people  muft  be  clafled,  and  their  circumttances  known. 
 
 Taxes  on  confumption  are,  upon  the  whole,  the  nioft  eligible, 
 becaufe  in  this  cafe  no  man  pays  more  than  he  chufes  ;  and  the 
 conveniences  he  enjoys,  are  an  equivalent  for  what  he  pays. 
 Taxes  of  this  kind  regulate  and  check  themfelves.  For 
 the  increafe  of  the  impofition  is  not  always  found  to  be  an 
 incrcafe  of  the   revenue,  fince  the  dearnefs  of    a  commodity 
 
 leftens 
 
Lect.  LXIII.     GENERALPOLICY.  429 
 
 lefTens  the  confumption.  In  this  cafe  it  is  of  vaft  confequence 
 that  the  feller  pay  the  tax.  He  will  make  nothing  of  the 
 expence,  becaufe  he  makes  that  addition  to  the  price  of  his 
 goods,  and  with  the  buyer,  particularly  after  fome  time  has 
 elapfed  fmce  the  impofition,  it  is  confounded  with  the  price 
 of  the  commodity,  and  confidered  as  part  of  it.  Befides,  if 
 the  buyer  pay  the  tax,  he  is  liable  to  be  fearched,  which  would 
 be  intolerable  in  a  free  ftate.  This  method,  however,  only 
 deceives  the  people,  making  them  ignorant  of  what  they  con- 
 tribute to  the  expences  of  government.  As  the  price  of  living 
 is  increafed  by  all  taxes  on  confumption,  men  muft  have  more 
 for  their  labour,  and  confequently  thofe  n^nufa^tures  will  come 
 dearer  to  a  foreign  market. 
 
 Sir  James  Stuart  fuppofes  *,  that  the  beft  poflible  tax  would 
 be  upon  the  fa le  of  every  commodity.  But  this  would  be  a 
 check  on  the  transferring  of  property,  which,  in  a  commercial 
 ftate,  ought  to  be  made  as  cafy  as  poflible  ;  fo  that  it  feems 
 better  to  have  refpe6t  either  to  the  pojfejfton^  or  the  confumption^ 
 of  commodities,  in  the  levying  of  all  taxes. 
 
 The  fewer  particulars  are  liable  to  be  infpe£ted  in  a  free  ftate 
 the  better.  This  makes  the  excife  laws  feverely  felt  in  England. 
 When  duties  arc  paid  upon  importation  only,  it  is  much  the 
 cafieft  for  the  country.  With  us,  thefe  taxes  are  called  cujloms^ 
 and  as  they  are  levied,  are  the  moft  injudicious  of  all  our  taxes. 
 They  are  a  great  temptation  to  fmuggling,  and  frauds  of  all 
 kinds.  The  ftate  never  receives  what  it  ought  j  and  yet  the  fair 
 trader,  befides  infinite  trouble  and  vexation,  pays  more,  in  fees, 
 to  expedite  his  bufinefs,  than  the  ftate  requires^ 
 
 If  the  wealth  and  ftrength  of  a  nation  depend  chiefly  upon  its 
 manufaSiures^  it  is  impolitic  to  fubjed  them  to  any  tax.  It 
 ought  to  be  laid  upon  the  property  acquired  by  them  ;  becaufe 
 a  tax  on  the  manufaciiure  itfelf  difcourages  induftry,  and  prevents 
 the  acquifition  of  that  wealth  which  alone  can  pay  the  tax.  If 
 the  tax  be  laid  on  any  inftrument  employed  in  the  manufacture, 
 
 •  Politic tl  OE«onom/,  vd.  i.  p.  J93. 
 
 the 
 
43^  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 the  martufatflurcr  will  be  embarrafled  In  his  art,  and  be  reduced 
 to  inconvenient  methods  of  avoiding  it.  And,  in  general,  if 
 he  cannot  go  to  work  without  thinking  of  the  tax,  and  knowing 
 that  he  pays  it  as  a  rnanufa£lurer^  he  will  often  chufe  to  avoid 
 a  prefent  certain  lofs  by  abandoning  the  profpe<5t  of  great  future 
 gain.  Whereas,  when  property,  acquired  by  m a nu failures  as 
 well  as  in  any  other  way,  is  taxed,  the  grievance  is  remote, 
 and  he  knows  that  if  ever  he  be  fubje6l  to  pay,  he  will  be 
 proportionably  able  to  do  it. 
 
 Many  perfons  are  of  opinion  that  any  country  would  beft 
 fupport  the  expencesof  government  by  laying  all  taxes  on  fome 
 one  vifible  object,  as  land,  or  land  and  houfes.  The  tax  could 
 not  then  be  evaded,  and  though  it  might  feem  to  afFe6l  only  one 
 obje6l,  it  might  in  reality  affe6l  every  article  of  confumption, 
 becaufe  they  would  all,  in  fome  way  or  other,  depend  upon  it. 
 If  the  land  alone  be  taxed,  it  muft  proportionably  raife  the 
 price  of  every  produce  of  the  foil,  as  corn,  cattle,  materials  for 
 manufa6lures,  &c.  and  confequentlyof /^/(cwr  in  general  \  becaufe 
 the  labourer  muft  be  fed  and  cloathed  from  the  produce  of  the 
 grotjndj  and  the  proprietor  and  farmer,  by  raifmg  the  price  of 
 their  commodity  in  proportion,  would  feel  no  particular  burthen. 
 In  this,  as  in  every  other  cafe,  the  tax  would  ultimately  be 
 paid  by  the  confumer^  who  would,  of  courfe,  be  the  moft  able 
 to  pay,  and  would  enjoy  the  value  of  it. 
 
 If  all  the  taxes  were  hiid  on  houfes,  or  habitations  of  any 
 kind,  it  would-  not  be  very  difficult  to  make  it  affedl  all  the 
 inhabitants  according  to  their  property,  becaufe  all  perfons  muft 
 have  houfes,  and  in  general  v/ould  have  them  in  proportion  to" 
 their  fortunes.  If  a  few  perfons  fliould  content  themfclves  with 
 living  in  a  difreputable  manner,  in  order  to  avoid  the  tax,  the 
 loTs  to  the  f!:ate  would  not  be  very  great.  They  muft  at  leaft 
 eat,  drink,  and  be  cloathed,  and  the  price  of  thofe  neceflaries 
 will  be  rai fed  by  every  polTible  mode  of  taxation. 
 
 To  raife  all  taxes  upon  the  landy  or  rather  the  nett  produce  ' 
 of  it,  after  the  expences  of  culture  are  dedu^Sted,  is  the  great 
 maxim  of  the  French  oeconomifts.      They  fay  that  the  nett 
 
 produce 
 
Lect.  LXIII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  431 
 
 produce  is  the  only  real  wealth  that  is  annually  produced,  and 
 that  the  only  pofTible  way  of  taxing  this,  in  any  regular  pro- 
 portion, is  to  levy  the  tax  dire<5lly  upon  the  produce.  But 
 the  produce  of  land  is  fo  various,  that  this  would  make  a 
 very  complex  fyftem,  if  it  was  made  to  afFe6l  all  who  ihould 
 ufe  the  produce,  and  if  any  regard  was  paid  to  its  being  a 
 neceflary,  or  a  fuperfluity  ;  fo  that  it  will  be  found  more 
 expedient  to  lay  the  tax  upon  the  property,  of  which  a 
 man  is  pofTeffed.  And  perhaps  the  only  prafticable  method  of 
 doing  this  is,  to  tax  his  expenditure^  always  laying  the  greateft 
 burthen  on  articles  that  are  leaft  neceirar)^.  As  to  the  wealth 
 which  perfons  hoard,  it  does  not  feem  pofliible  to  come  at  it 
 without  great  oppreffion  ;  and  it  may  be  prefumed  that  whatever 
 is  hoarded  by  one   generation,  wit!  be  difiipated  in  the  next. 
 
 All  the  taxes  in  China  are  laid  upon  the  land.  Nothing  is 
 demanded  of  the  artifans  or  merchants  *. 
 
 All  taxes  fhould  afFe6l  men  in  proportion  to  their  property^ 
 and  not  their  rank^  becaufe  it  is  their  property  only  that  enables 
 them  to  pay  taxes.  To  exempt  certain  clafTes  of  men,  evidently 
 more  able  to  pay  the  tax  than  thofe  who  do  pay  it,  fixes  a  mark 
 of  ignominy  on  thofe  who  pay.  It  gives  them  a  conftant  feeling 
 of  their  degradation,  and  excites  envy  towards  their  fuperiors, 
 which  cannot  be  produ6live  of  any  good. 
 
 In  England  the  nobility  and  the  members  of  the  houfe  of 
 commons  have  fome  perfonal  privileges,  but  the  taxes  afFe<St 
 them  as  much  as  others.  They  have,  indeed,  the  privilege 
 of  being  exempt  from  the  poftage  of  letters;  but  it  is  on  the  idea 
 of  their  correfpondence  having  for  its  obje6l  the  concerns  of  the 
 public.  If  the  members  of  parliament  fhould  venture  to  exempt 
 themfelves  from  any  confiderable  tax,  the  country  at  large  would 
 not  bear  it. 
 
 Nothing  can  well  be  imagined  more  oppreflive  than  the  taille 
 in  France.  It  is  levied  diredly  upon  men  who,  having  nothing 
 but  their  wages  for  their  fubfiftence,  without  property,   and 
 
 *  Memoires  fur  ies  Chinois,  vol.  iv.  p.  305. 
 
 without 
 
431  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 without  furniture,  beyond  their  necefiary  utenfils,  cannnoteven 
 by  violence  itfelf  be  compelled  to  pay.  Every  colle6tor  (who  is 
 himfelf  conftrained  to  undertake  to  levy  the  tax)  had  a  right  to 
 call  upon  the  four  perfons  in  the  diftri<5l,  whofe  proportion  of 
 the  taille  was  the  greateft,  to  fill  up  all  deficiencies.  Though 
 they  might  already  have  difcharged  their  own  (hare  of  the  tax, 
 they  were  compelled,  by  the  fale  of  their  efFeds,  or  even  by 
 imprifonment,  to  expiate  the  negligence  of  the  colledor,  or  the 
 poverty  of  their  countrymen  *. 
 
 The  eafe  of  the  country  has  been  too  little  the  object  of  thofe 
 who  have  impofed  taxes.  They  have  not  ftudied  in  what  man- 
 ner to  proportion  the  burden  of  them  to  the  capacity  of  the 
 people  to  bear  it,  but  have  only  endeavoured  to  get  as  much  as 
 they  could  without  exciting  any  dangerous  commotions,  or  fuch 
 a  clamour  as  would  make  it  impoffible  for  them  to  keep  their 
 places.  They  have,  therefore,  too  often  fpared  the  rich,  whofe 
 union  was  eafy  and  formidable,  and  have  opprelTed  the  poor, 
 who  were  too  numerous,  and  too  much  difperfed,  to  unite  in 
 great  bodies,    and  whofe  complaints  the  prince  feldom  hears  of. 
 
 When  great  numbers  of  perfons  are  fupported  by  the  revenues 
 of  a  country,  and  are  of  courfe  interefted  in  the  continuance  of 
 its  burdens,  the  moft  upright  minifters  will  find  it  difficult  to 
 afFord  it  any  relief.  This  was  fully  experienced  by  Mr.  Turgot. 
 All  the  indire£^  grants  of  former  minifters  were  confidered  as 
 fo  many  rights^  and  many  had  transferred  them  as  real  proper- 
 ty. The  united  claims  of  thcfe  perfons,  and  intrigues,  over- 
 powered that  great  man  *. 
 
 It  is  always  preferable  to  tax  luxuries,  becaufe  this  will 
 not  tend  to  raife  the  price  of  neceiTaries,  and  therefore  will 
 only  aiFe£l:  thofe  who  can  beft  afFord  to  pay.  But  ftiil,  fince 
 many  will  be  lefs  able  to  pay  the  poor,  whofe  labour  fupplied 
 their  luxury,  thefe  muft  lofe  their  employment,  or  at  leaft  changf 
 it  for  one  that  may  be  lefs  advantageous  to  them. 
 
 *  Life  of  Mr.  Turgot,  p.  ixS,  f  Ufe  of  Mr  Turgot,   p.  189. 
 
 It 
 
Lect.  LXIII.     general    policy.  433 
 
 It  is  a  maxim  in  all  commercial  dates,  that  taxes  be  laid  Oy 
 as  to  favour  the  exports  as  much  as  poflible,  and  to  lay  the  chief 
 burden  upon  what  is  imported.  This  encourages  an  application 
 to  home-manufa6lures,  and  navigation.  Taxes  upon  foreign 
 commodities  oblige  a  people  to  apply  to  them  themfdves.  This 
 has  been  the  happy  €fFe(5t  of  many  taxes  upon  foreign  manufac- 
 tures in  England,  particularly  upon  German  and  Flemifli  linens  j 
 and  the  tax  on  French  brandy  has  encreafed  the  fale  of  rum, 
 and  contributed  to  the  fupport  of  our  fouthern  colonies.  But  jc 
 fhould  be  confidered  that  this  is  taxing  the  whole  community  for 
 the  advantage  of  a  part  of  it  j  and  unlefs  that  part  be  neceifary 
 to  the  whole,  their  benefit  may  be  purchafed  at  too  great  a 
 price.  If  more  money  be  given  for  Weft-India  commodities, 
 in  the  price  that  individuals  pay  for  them  to  our  planters,  than 
 would  be  if  the  importation  of  them  was  free  to  all  the  wodd, 
 it  had  been  better  for  the  country  at  large  if  no  fuch  colonics 
 had  been  known,  except  they  fhould  in  fome  other  manner  add 
 to  the  ftrength  and  wealth  of  the  nation  ;  and  the  expence  of 
 one  war  on  their  account  will  much  more  than  overbalance  any 
 advantage  of  that  kind. 
 
 Taxes  are  raifed  with  the  leaft  trouble  to  the  government  by 
 means  of  farmers^  who  advance  the  money  as  it  is  wanted. 
 But  as  the  farmers  muft  neceffarily  have  an  opportunity  of  doino- 
 more  than  barely  refunding  themfelves,  and  certainly  will  not 
 do  lefs,  it  is  generally  the  moft  expenfive  method  in  the  end, 
 and  fooneft  exhaufts  the  people.  Befides,  it  is  always  an  odious 
 method  of  taxation.  The  people  cannot  with  any  patience  fee 
 the  farmers  growing  rich  at  their  expence.  The  eilablilhment 
 of  farmers  of  the  taxes  was  a  great  hurt  to  Rome.  In  a  defpotic 
 ftate,  where  the  taxes  are  paid  to  the  king's  officers,  the  people 
 are  infinitely  more  happy  j  witnefs  Perfia  and  China.  The  great 
 abufes  which  arife  from  the  fyftem  of  taxation  in  France  proceed 
 not  from  the  number,  or  the  weight,  of  the  taxes,  but  from  the 
 expenfive,  unequal,  arbitrary,  and   intricate  method  of  levyino- 
 
 them 
 
4:^4  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 them  ;   by  which  induftry  is  difcouraged,   and  agriculture   ren- 
 dered a  beggarly  and  llavifh  employment. 
 
 In  France,  fays  Sir  James  Stewart*,  the  collection  of  taxes 
 cofts  the  ftate  no  lefs  than  ten  per  cent,  whereas  in  England  the 
 cxpence  of  collecting  the  excife,  adminiftei  ed  by  commiffioners, 
 who  aCt  for  the  public,  and  not  by  farmers  who  aft  for  them- 
 felves,  does  not  coft  more  than  five  pounds,  twelve  (hillings,  and 
 fix-pence  in  the  hundred. 
 
 ♦  Political  OEconomy,  vol.  i,  p.  511. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.LXIV.      general    policy.  4J5 
 
 LECTURE        LXIV. 
 
 Of  National  Debts.      Origin  of  them.  Want  of  Credit  in  ancient 
 
 States,    and   in  feme    Countries    at  prefent.     Advantages    and 
 
 D  if  advantages  of  National  Debts,  Great  Da7iger  from  them* 
 Sinking  Funds* 
 
 TO  augment  the  national  fupplies  upon  any  particular 
 emergency  beyond  their  annual  produce,  it  has  been  the 
 pra^lice  of  Tome  ftates  to  anticipate  their  revenues,  by  borrowing 
 Turns  of  money  on  the  credit  of  them.  This  paper  credit,  as  it 
 is  called  (from  the  circulation  of  the  government  fecuritics  up- 
 on paper,  borrov^^ed  from  the  practice  of  merchants)  is  faid  to 
 have  had  its  origin  in  Florence,  in  the  year  1324,  and  to  have 
 been  brought  into  France  from  Italy  after  it  had  been  fuppreffed 
 by  Henry  IV. 
 
 Sir  James  Stewart  gives  the  following  more  particular  account 
 of  the  origin  and  progrefs  of  national  debts  *.  The  Jews,  ba- 
 nished from  France  on  account  of  their  extortion  in  the  holy 
 wars,  fled  into  Lombardy,  and  there  invented  the  ufe  of 
 hills  of  exchange,  in  order  to  draw  their  riches  from  countries  to 
 which  they  durit  notrefort  to  bring  them  off.  l^hus  bills,  and 
 promiiTory  notes,  in  various  forms,  came  to  be  ufed  by  all  per- 
 fons,  and  even  kings. 
 
 At  firft  princes  mortgaged  their  lands  and  principalities,  in 
 order  to  obtain  a  fum  of  money ;  ailing  upon  the  principle  of 
 private  credit,  before  government  acquired  that  ftability  which 
 is  necefiary  to  eftablifh  a  firm  confidence.  The  fecond  ftep  was 
 to  raife  money  upon  branches  of  the  taxes  affigned  to  the  lender. 
 But  this  method  was  attended  with  great  abufe  and  oppreffion, 
 and  at  length  public   credit  afTumed  its  prefent  form.     Money 
 
 *  Political  OEconorojr,  vol  i.  p.  353. 
 
 was 
 
436  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 was  borrowed  upon  determinate  or  perpetual  annuities,  a  fund 
 was  provided  for  that  purpofe,  and  the  refunding  of  the  capital 
 was  in  many  cafes  left  in  the  option  of  government,  but  was 
 never  to  be  demandable  by  the  creditor.  Francis  I.  was  the 
 iiril  who  contra6ted  a  regular  debt  on  a  perpetual  intereft  upon 
 the  town-houfe  of  Paris,  at  about  eight  per  cent,  when  legal  in- 
 tereft in  England  at  the  fame  time  was  ten  per  cent*.  Vol- 
 taire fay^,  that  Lewis  XIV.  left  a  debt  of  about  a  hundred  and 
 eighty  millions  fterling. 
 
 This  cuftom  of  contracting  national  debts  Is  quite  contrary  to 
 the  practice  of  antiquity,  in  which  almoft  all  ftates  made  pro- 
 vifion  of  a  public  treafure  in  time  of  peace  againft  the  necefTities 
 of  war  ;  for  want  of  which  war  is  now  attended  with  the  in- 
 creafe  of  taxes,  and  the  decay  of  commerce.  But  the  ancients 
 had  it  not  in  their  power  to  make  ufe  of  expedients  which 
 nothing  tnit  the  far  greater  fecurity  of  prop.^rty,  and  greater  fi- 
 delity and  honour,  both  in  Individuals,  and  in  public  and  private 
 focieties,  than  they  ever  knew,  could  make  pradicable.  They 
 either  could  not  have  borrowed  at  all,  or  upon  fuch  intereft,  that 
 the  remedy  would  have  inftantly  been  intolerable.  Whereas 
 with  us,  though  the  future  evils  of  borrowing  may  be  great, 
 they  come  on  gradually  and  imperceptibly,  fo  long  as  the  in* 
 tereft  of  the  borrowed  money  can  be  paid  without  much  diffi- 
 culty. 
 
 Credit  was  fo  low  in  France,  and  intereft  fo  high,  that  (twta 
 millions  borrowed  by  the  late  king  became  a  debt  of  thirty-two 
 millions  to  the  ftate  f.  While  the  king  of  France  paid  exor- 
 bitant  intereft  for  the  money  advanced  him,  and  Maximilian 
 was  known  by  the  name  of  Moneylefsy  the  Venetians  raifed 
 whatever  fums  they  plcafed  at  the  moderate  premium  of  five 
 per  cent  §. 
 
 Itfeems  not  very  difficult  briefly  to  point  out  the  principal 
 advantao^es   and   difadvantagcs  attending  thefe  national  debts. 
 
 •  Stewards  Political  OEconomy,  vol.  I.  p,  377.  f  Ibid.   47*. 
 
 %  Robertioa's  Charles  V.  voL  i.  p.  1 35. 
 
 The 
 
Lect.  LXIV.     GENERALPOLICY,  437 
 
 The  capital  advantage  of  them  is,  that  they  afford  relief  in  great 
 emergencies,  and  may  thereby  give  a  greater  permanency  to 
 flates,  which  in  former  times,  for  want  of  fuch  great  occafional 
 refources,  were  liable  to  be  overturned  without  remedy.  And 
 if  the  taxes  necelTary  to  pay  the  intercft  of  thefe  debts  be  not 
 immoderate,  they  are,  as  was  obferved  before,  of  no  diflervice 
 to  a  nation  upon  the  whole. 
 
 Some  have  reprefented  the  national  debt  as  having  the  fame 
 operation  with  the  addition  of  fo  much  capital  {lock  to  the 
 nation,  encouraging  the  induf^ry  of  it,  &c.  But  whatever  moneys 
 is  iffued  in  the  form  of  paper  by  the  government,  it  is  firft  de- 
 pofited  in  the  form  of  cafh  by  the  individual.  The  man  who 
 pays  the  tax  gives  up  fomuch  of  his  property,  fo  that  it  ceafes  to 
 be  produ£live  to  him,  and  it  is  generally  expended  by  government 
 in  army  and  navy  expences,  revenue  of  officers,  gratuities,  &c. 
 which  yield  no  return.  It  is  like  a  man  giving  his  fon  a  fum  of 
 money  which  he  expends  in  eating  and  drinking.  The  money, 
 ^o  doubt,  is  employed,  and  thereby  induftry  is  encouraged  ;  but 
 it  is  only  that  kind  of  induftry  which  raifes  the  price  of  con- 
 fumablc  goods.  If  any  man,  or  any  nation,  fhou'd  give  all 
 their  property  in  this  manner,  they  would  certainly  be  im- 
 poveriftied,  though  thofe  to  whom  their  money  wis  transferred 
 would  be  gainers. 
 
 Some  pcrfons  have  paradoxically  maintained  that  there  can  be 
 no  inconvenience  whatever  attending  any  national  debtj  that 
 by  this  means  the  price  of  every  thing  is  indeed  raifed,  but  that 
 this  afFe£ling  all  perfons  alike,  they  will  be  as  well  able  to  pay 
 the  advanced  prices,  as  they  were  the  lower  ones.  The  fallacy 
 of  this  reafoning  may  perhaps  be  moft  eafily  expofed  by  the  fol- 
 lowing ftate  of  the  cafe. 
 
 Let  us  fuppofe  a  fociety  to  confift  of  a  thoufand  labourers, 
 and  a  thoufand  perfons  juft  able  to  employ  them.  If  this  fo- 
 ciety be  loaded  with  any  debt,  and  confequentlv  be  obliged  to  pay 
 a  tax  ;  fmce  all  the  labourers  muft  ftill  fubfift,  and  their  em- 
 ployers can  give  them  no  more  than  they  do,  fome  of  thefe 
 muft  become  labourers  themfeJves,  fo  that  the  price  of  this 
 
 additional 
 
438  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 additional  labour  fhall  be  equal  to  the  amount  of  the  tax. 
 It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  whole  power  of  the  fo- 
 ciety  will  be  exhauftcd  when  the  thoufand,  who  firft  em- 
 ployed the  labourers,  fhall  be  all  brought  into  the  fame  ftate 
 with  them;  and  when  the  price  of  their  labour  (hall  be  li- 
 mited by  the  market  to  which  it  is  brought.  The  tendency  of 
 a  public  debt,  therefore,  is  to  encreafe  the  quantity  of  labour 
 in  a  country ;  and  to  a  certain  degree  this  may  be  favourable, 
 by  promoting  induftry,  but  when  carried  to  an  extreme,  the 
 country  muft  be  diftreffed. 
 
 So  long  as  the  labourers  can  raife  the  price  of  their  la- 
 bour, no  tax  can  hurt  them.  If,  for  inftance,  each  of  them 
 be  obliged  to  pay  one  fliilling  a  week,  and  their  wages  have 
 been  twelve,  they  muft  demand  thirteen  (hillings  ;  for  their  wages 
 muft  be  fufRcient  to  fubfift  them.  But  when  the  wages  they 
 muft  abfolutely  have,  in  order  to  pay  all  the  demands  upon 
 them,  cannot  be  given,  the  procefs  muft  ceafe. 
 
 We  fhall  always  deceive  ourfelves  when  we  imagine  that 
 the  cafe  of  a  country  is,  in  this  refpe<Sl,  at  all  different  from 
 that  of  an  individual,  or  of  a  number  of  individuals,  and 
 that  though  debts  may  ruin  the  latter,  they  will  not  hurt  the 
 former.  The  only  difference  is,  that  a  fliate  cannot  be  com- 
 pelled to  pay  its  debts.  But  when  its  credit  is  exhaufted, 
 it  will  not  only  be  unable  to  contra6t  any  more  debts,  but 
 may  not  have  it  fn  its  power  even  to  pay  the  intereft  of  thofe  al- 
 ready contraded  ;  and  in  that  cafe  muft  neceflarily  be  expofed 
 to  all  the  inconveniences  attending  the  numerous  infolvencies 
 which  muft  be  occafioned  by  its  own.  And  if  the  infol- 
 vency  of  one  great  merchant,  or  banker,  produce  great  diftrefs 
 ill  a  country,  how  dreadful  muft  be  the  confequence  attend- 
 ing the  infolvency  of  fuch  a  nation  as  England.  It  muft  be  fo 
 iextenfive  and  complicated  as  no  politician  can  pretend  todefcribe 
 a  priori. 
 
 The  inconvenience  of  fuch  a  debt  as  the  Englifh  have  nov^ 
 contracted,  and  which  they  rather  feem  difpofed  to  increafe 
 than  diminifh,  is  great,  and  may  be  fatal.  If  foreigners  fhould 
 become  pofTefTors  of  the  greateft  fhare  of  our  funds,  we  are  in 
 
 faa 
 
Lect.  XLIV.      general    POLICY,  439 
 
 fa(Sb  tributary  to  them,  and  the  difference  is  very  little  if  they  be 
 natives.  For  flill  the  people  are  debtors  to  another  body  than 
 themfelves,  though  they  may,  in  fome  refpecSts,  have  the  fame 
 intereft.  But  the  moft  we  have  to  fear  from  the  accumu- 
 lation of  the  national  debt  will  begin  to  be  felt  when  the  in- 
 tereft of  it  comes  to  be  fo  great,  that  it  cannot  be  de- 
 frayed by  the  taxes  which  the  country  is  able  to  raife,  and 
 when,  confequently,  the  monied  people,  notwithftanding  their 
 intereft  in  keeping  up  the  national  credit,  will  not  venture 
 to  lend  any  more.  Then  one  of  thefe  two  confequences  muft 
 follow,  which  I  ftiall  introduce  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Hume. 
 "  When  the  new  created  funds  for  the  expences  of  the 
 "  year  are  not  fubfcribed  to,  or  raife  not  the  money  projedcd ; 
 "  at  the  fame  time  that  the  nation  is  diftrefled  by  a  foreign  in- 
 "  vafion,  or  the  like,  and  the  money  is  lying  in  the  Exche- 
 *'  quer  to  difcharge  the  intereft  of  the  old  debt ;  the  money 
 '^  muft  either  be  feized  for  the  current  fervice,  and  the  debt  be 
 **  cancelled,  by  the  violation  of  all  national  credit;  or,  for 
 *'  want  of  that  money,  the  nation  beenflaved." 
 
 What  we  have  moft  to  fear  from  the  accumulation  of  our 
 national   debt    is   not  perhaps  a   fudden    bankruptcy,  but  the 
 gradual  diminution  of  the  power  of  the  ftate,  in  confequence 
 of  the  increafe  of  taxes,  which  difcourage  induftry,  and  make 
 it  difficult  to  vend  our   manufadures  abroad.      The    private 
 revenue  of  the  inhabitants  of  Great-Britain,  Dr.  Smith  hys^* 
 is  at  prefent  as  much  incumbered  in  time  of  peace,  and   their 
 ability  to  accumulate  as  much  impaired,  as  it  would  have  been 
 in  the  time  of  the  moft  expenfive  war,  had  the  pernicious  fyf« 
 tern  of  funding  never  been  adopted.     The  pradice  of  fundino- 
 he  fays,  has  gradually  enfeebled  every  ftate  which  has  adopted  it. 
 The  Italian  republics  fecm  to  have  begun  it.  Genoa  and  Venice 
 the  only  two  remaining   which  can  pretend   to  an  independent 
 exiftence,  have  both  been  enfeebled  by  it.     Spain  feenis  to  have 
 
 *  Wealth  of  Nations,  vol.  Hi.  p.  gz** 
 
 learned 
 
44d  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 learned  the  pra£^ice  from  the  Italian  republics;  and  (Its  taxes 
 being  probably  lefs  judicious  than  theirs)  it  has  in  proportion 
 toits  natural  ftrength  been  dill  more  enfeebled.  The  debts  of 
 Spain  are  of  very  old  (landing.  It  was  deeply  in  debt  before 
 the  end  of  the  fixteenth  century,  about  an  hundred  years  be- 
 fore England  owed  a  (hilling.  France,  notwithftanding  its 
 natural  refources,  languifties  under  an  oppreflive  load  of  the 
 fame  kind.  The  republic  of  the  United  Provinces  is  as 
 much  enfeebled  by  its  debts  as  either  Genoa  or  Venice. 
 Is  it  likely  then,  he  adds,  that  in  Great-Britain  alone 
 a  practice,  which  has  either  brought  weaknefs  or  defo- 
 Jation  into  every  other  country,  fhould  prove  altogether  in- 
 nocent ? 
 
 When  debts  have  been  contracted,  and  a.  fund  ap- 
 pointed for  paying  the  intereft  of  them,  it  is  generally 
 contrived  to  be  fo  ample,  as  to  do  fomething  more  than 
 this,  and  the  furplus  is  made  a  fund  for  finking^  or  pay- 
 ing off,  the  debt ;  and  is  therefore  called  a  finking  fund, 
 And  as  difcharging  the  debt  difcharges  the  intereft  of  the 
 debt  at  the  fame  time,  it  neceflarily  operates  in  the  man- 
 ner of  compound  intereft,  and  therefore  will  in  time  annihi- 
 late the  debt.  But  the  temptation  to  apply  this  finking  fund 
 to  other  purpofes  is  fo  great,  that  it  has  been  of  little  ufe  in 
 this  country. 
 
 To  facilitate  the  payment  of  thefe  debts,  it  is  cuftomary  with 
 fome  nations  to  borrovirupon  lives,  viz.  either  to  give  the  lender 
 an  annuity  for  his  own  life,  or  an  annual  fum  to  a  number  of 
 perfons  to  expire  with  the  laft  life.  This  laft  method  is  called  a 
 tontine.  Both  thefe  methods  have  fucceeded  better  in  France 
 than  with  us. 
 
 Mr.  Poftlethwaite  makes  an  eftimate  of  what  taxes  thefe 
 kingdoms  may  be  fuppofed  to  bear,  in  the  following  man- 
 ner. People  who  live  in  plenty,  as  in  England,  may  part  with 
 a  tenth  of  their  income  ;  but  fo  poor  as  Scotland  and  Ire- 
 land in  general  are,  a  twentieth  to  them  would  be  as  much  as 
 a  tenth  to  the  Englifh.     By  which,  confidering  the  number 
 
 of 
 
Lect.  LXIV.    GENERAL    POLICY.  441 
 
 of  the  people,  and  their  incomes,  computed  at  a  medium,  he 
 puts  the  amount  of  all  that  can  be  drawn  from  the  three  king- 
 doms annually  at  eight  millions,  three  hundred  and  feventy- 
 five  thoufand  pounds. 
 
 Experience  has  taught  us  that  we  are  able  to  bear  a  much 
 greater  burden  than  this,  or  than  aiiy  pe.fon,  even  the  moil 
 fanguine  among  us,  had  imagined  we  ever  could  bear;  ojt 
 national  debt  at  prefent  being  about  two  hundred  and  forty 
 millions,  the  intereft  of  which  is  twelve  millions.  How- 
 ever, without  naming  any  particular  fum,  if  the  national 
 debt  (hould  be  raifed  fo  high  that  the  taxes  will  not  pay  the 
 intereft  of  it,  and  at  the  fame  time  defray  the  ordinary  ex- 
 pences  of  government,  one  or  other  of  the  confequences 
 above-mentioned  muft  enfue.  And  in  the  mean  time  our  ma- 
 nufadlures  muft  be  burdened,  and  confequently  our  ability 
 to  pay  taxes  muft  be  diminifhed,  by  every  addition  to  the  na- 
 tional debt. 
 
 Inftead  of  paying  off  any  part  of  the  national  debt,  fomc 
 think  it  would  be  better,  as  foon  as  the  produce  of  any 
 tax  would  enable  the  ftate  to  do  it,  to  take  off  fome  of 
 the  other  more  burthenfome  taxes,  efpecially  fuch  as  tend 
 to  check  manufadlures,  and  thereby  to  diminifli  the  power 
 of  acquiring  wealth.  For  if  the  country  grow  more  weal- 
 thy, the  debt,  though  nominally  the  fame,  becomes  in 
 reality  lefs,  in  proportion  to  the  greater  ability  to  difcharge 
 it.  Thus  a  perfon  in  a  good  way  of  trade  does  not  always 
 find  it  his  intereft  to  pay  his  debts,  becaufe  he  can  employ 
 that  furplus  by  which  he  could  difcharge  them,  to  a  better 
 account.  For  it  is  poifible  that  with  an  hundred  pounds,  by 
 which  he  might  have  diminiftied  his  debts,  he  may  acquire  a 
 thoufand. 
 
 It  can  hardly  be  expe61:^d,  however,  that  minifters  of  ilatc 
 will  have  the  magnanimity,  or  the  judgment,  to  act  upon  this 
 plan,  Otherwife,  by  adding  to  fome  taxes,  as  thofe  on  land 
 and  houfes,  acquired  by  wealth,  and  dimintfhing  thofe  on 
 nianufadlures,  by    which  wealth  is   acquired,  a  nation    might 
 
 H  h  becoTT.e 
 
441  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 become  (o  wealthy,  as  that  its  debts  would  be  of  little  confe- 
 quence  to  it.  But  till  mankind  are  cured  of  the  expenfive 
 folly  of  going  to  war,  it  is  not  even  defirable  that  nations 
 {hould  have  any  large  furplus  of  wealth  at  the  difpofal  of 
 their  governors ;  as  it  would  be  fure  to  be  fquandered  in 
 fome  mifchievous  proje£^.  Wife  nations  therefore,  not  be- 
 ing fure  of  a  fucceflion  of  wife  governors,  will  be  content 
 to  bejuftable  to  pay  the  intereft  of  their  debts,  as  the  only 
 fecurity  for  peace,  and  indeed  the  only  guard  againft  de- 
 ftruftion. 
 
 L  K  C  T  U  RE 
 
Lect.LXV.     general    policy.  443 
 
 LECTURE       LXV. 
 
 The  Hijiorian  dire^ed  to  attend  to  whatever  contributes  to  the 
 Improvement  of  ufeful  Science.  Changes  in  the  Face  of  the 
 Earth,  The  Abbe  de  Bos's  Obfervation  on  the  Air  of  Italy. 
 Changes  with  refpeSl  to  the  Fertility  of  fever al  Countries  ;  to 
 what  they  are  owing.  Rivers  which  have  changed  their  Courfe. 
 IVhatever  tends  to  make  us  better  acquainted  with  Human 
 Nature  to  be  particularly  attended  to.  In  what  RefpeSl 
 Hijlory  may  ajjiji  us  to  correSi  the  Errors  of  a  Theory  drawn 
 from  Experience.  Of  National  CharaSiers^  whether  depending 
 upon  Climate,  or  other  Caufes.  Varieties  among  Mankind^  in 
 their  Moral  Sentiments^  in  the  Make  of  the  Human  Body,  and 
 the  different  Difeafes  to  which  Men  have  been  Subje£l,  The 
 different  Vices  which  have  prevailed  in  different  ages.  An 
 Attention  to  Language  recommended, 
 
 T  HAVE  now  held  forth  to  your  view  the  grand  obje6ls  of 
 -^  attention  to  every  wife  politician,  and  every  fenfible  reader  of 
 hiflory  ;  namely  thofe  things  which  tend  to  make  a  nation  happy ^ 
 populous,  2ii\dfecure',  together  with  what  relates  to  the  expences 
 of  government,  and  have  endeavoured,  for  your  further  afli  fiance, 
 to  point  out  the  principal  of  their  mutual  connexions  and 
 influences.  It  would  be  endlef^  to  point  out  every  ufeful 
 obje£l:  of  attention  to  a  reader  of  hiftory,  as  there  is  no  branch 
 of  ufeful  knowledge  which  hiftory  will  not  furnifti  materials 
 for  illuilrating  and   extending. 
 
 Modern  mechanics  have  been  improved  by  an  acquaintance 
 with  what  the  ancients  had  executed  in  that  way.  Natural 
 philofophy  may  yet  receive  great  light  from  the  accounts  which 
 many  hiftorians  give  of  the  natural  hiftory  of  different  countries. 
 The  principles  of  aftronomical  calculation  may  be  farther  af- 
 certained,  and  perfe£led,  by  means  of  the  hiflory  of  celeftial 
 appearances,  fuch  as  eclipfes  and  comets.     And  hints  may  with 
 
 H  hi  advantage 
 
444  LECTURES     ON  Part  V, 
 
 advantage  betaken,  from  the  accounts  ofdifeafes  mentioned  in 
 hiftory,  to  improve  the  fcience  of  medicine. 
 
 Some  changes  which  have  taken  place  in  the  face  of  the  earth 
 juftly  challenge  the  attention  of  natural  philofophers,  par- 
 ticularly fuch  as  the  Abbe  de  Bos  has  made  his  obfervations 
 upon.  He  is  of  opinion,  that  Italy  is  warmer  at  prcfent  than 
 it  was  in  the  times  of  the  ancients  ;  a  remark  which  may  be 
 extended  to  other  European  climates,  owing  probably  to  the 
 lands  being  cleared  of  wood,  to  the  marfhes  being  drained,  and 
 the  country  better  peopled  and  cultivated.  On  the  other  hand, 
 the  northern  parts  of  Europe  appear  to  be  colder  than  they 
 were  fome  centuries  ago,  andfeas  which  were  open  formerly  are 
 not  navigable  now,  on  account  of  their  being  obPtruded  by  ice. 
 
 It  is  worthy  of  notice,  in  this  view,  that  when  the  form  of 
 government  has  deftroyed  a  fpirit  of  induftry,  the  foil  itfelf^ 
 feems  to  become  barren.  Who,  for  inftance,  from  feeing  the 
 prefent  flate  of  Egypt,  Paleftine,  Afia  Minor,  fome  parts  of 
 Greece,  Africa,  or  Sicily,  would  ever  imagine  that  they  had 
 formerly  been  (o  fruitful  as  all  hiftory  demonftrates  them  to 
 have  been*  Time  has  alfo  made  a  conliderable  alteration  in  the 
 courfe  of  many  great  rivers.  The  courfe  of  the  Khine  is  quite 
 changed  from  what  it  was  formerly.  The  river  Oxus  no  longer 
 runs  into  the  Cafpian  fea.  The  fea  has  in  many  places  gained 
 upon  the  land,  and  in  other  places  towns  which  were  formerly 
 fca-ports  have  now  no  advantage  of  that  kind,  the  fea  having 
 removed  to  fuch  a  diftance  from  them. 
 
 The  hands  of  men  have  made  many  confiderable  alterations  in 
 the  face  of  the  earth.  The  Nile,  it  is  faid,  once  loft  itfelf  in  the 
 lands  of  Lybia,  the  laxartee,  which  formerly  feparated  the  barba- 
 rous from  the  civilized  nations  of  Afia,  no  mere  empties  itfelf 
 into  any  fea.  Its  waters  have  been  divided  anddiiiipated  by  the 
 Tartars.  The  draining  of  marfhes,  the  clearing  of  woods,  and 
 the  multitude  of  canals  in  many  countries,  make  the  face  of  the 
 earth  alTume  a  very  different  appearance  ;  and  the  fpirit  for 
 improvements  of  all  kinds,  which  now  prevails  in  many  parts  of 
 the  world,  will,  no  doubt,  in  time  produce  farther  changes,  of 
 
 which 
 
Lficr.  LXV.      GENERAL    POLICY.  445 
 
 which   we  have  no  idea;  and  the  confequences  of  thofe  changes 
 may  be  what  thofe   who  make  them  may  leaft  of  all  think  of. 
 
 The  only  objecSt  of  attention  I  (hall  endeavour  to  point  out 
 more  particularly  is  the  knowledge  of  human  jiaturey  which  may 
 be  viewed  in  a  variety  of  lights,  and  to  confiderable  advantage 
 in  the  glafs  of  hiftorv* 
 
 Experience  and  felf-examinatlon  may  afHft  us  in  adjufling 
 the  general  theory  of  the  human  mind.  But  it  is  in  hiftory  alone 
 that  we  can  fee  thi  ftrength  of  its  powers,  the  connexion  of  its 
 principles,  and  the  variety  to  which  individuals  of  the  fpecies 
 are  fubjecl,  together  with  many  other  particulars^  equally  curious 
 and  ufeful  to  be  known,  by  a  perfon  who  is  defirous  thoroughly 
 to  underftand  this  very  important  and  interefting  fubjeci:.' 
 
 An  European  would  allow  too  little  to  the  ftrength  of  imagi- 
 nation, and  the  influence  of  the  mind  upon  the  body,  if  he 
 formed  his  judgment  from  facSls  within  the  compafs  of  his  own 
 obfervation  only.  If  he  cannot  travel,  he  muft  read  oriental 
 hiftory,  before  he  can  be  a  competent  judge  of  it.  In  the  Eaft, 
 even  convulfions  are  frequent  at  the  bare  recital  of  aftory,  or  the 
 delivery  of  a  piece  of  eloquence.  The  utmoft  vehemence  in 
 action  is  quite  natural  to  them.  They  exprefs  their  fenfations  by 
 cries,  lifting  up  their  arms,  and  the  agitation  of  their  whole 
 bodies.  And  geftures  which  outgo  every  pofiible  natural 
 impulfe,  to  a  degree  which  with  us  would  pafs  for  ridiculous 
 and  mad,  are  not,  with  them,  accounted  extravagant.  The 
 Mahometan  monks  and  dervifes  whirl  themfelves  round  in  their 
 extafies  with  inconceivable  rapidity  :  they  even  receive  their 
 fultans  with  thefe  convulfions.  Alfo  the  tendernefs  of  the 
 orientals  for  the  living  exceeds  our  benevolencej  and  we  are  as 
 f-ir  fhort  of  them  in  our  regards  to  the  dead. 
 
 In  this  age  of  reafon  and  philofophy  we  fliould  be  abfolutely 
 ignorant  without  the  help  of  hiftory,  how  deplorably  the  beft 
 faculties  of  the  human  mind  may  be  funk  and  fettered  by  fuper- 
 ftition.  The  minds  of  almoft  all  the  ancients  were  enflaved  by 
 it  to  a  degree  of  which  very  few  of  the  moderns  have  any  juft 
 conception.     All  the  religion  of  the  ancients,  that  of  the  learned 
 
 Greeks 
 
446  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 Greeks  and    Romans  leaft  of  all   excepted,  was  fuperftition  of 
 the  moft  abfurd  kind. 
 
 Some  fpecies  of  fuperftition  rofe  even  to  a  great  height 
 under  the  (lielter  of  chrillianity  in  barbarous  ages.  Never 
 was  the  folly  of  witchcraft  in  fo  much  credit  as  in  the  reign 
 of  Henry  III.  of  France.  A  magician  condemned  to  be  burned 
 declared  on  his  examination,  that  there  were  above  thirty 
 thoufand  of  the  fame  profeffion  in  France.  In  the  year 
 1609,  fix  hundred,  focerers  were  condemned  in  thejurifdI£tion  of 
 the  parliament  of  Bourdeaux,  and  moft:  of  them  burned.  The 
 famous  curate  Lewis  GuafFred  i,  burned  at  Aix  in  the  year  1 6 1 1 ,  had 
 publicly  owned  that  he  was  a  forcerer,  and  the  judges  believed  him. 
 
 In  fome  refpe6ls,  hift:ory  bids  fairer  for  determining  the  con- 
 nexion between  different  principles,  difpofitions,  and  fituations 
 of  the  human  mind,  than  any  reafoning  a  priori.  Such  is  the 
 obfcrvation  of  iVlontefquieu,  whether  it  be  true  or  not,  that 
 perfons  very  happy,  or  very  miferable,  are  equally  inclined  to 
 fe verity  ;  witnefs  monks  and  conquerors. 
 
 Hiftory  alfo  furnifhes  all  that  can  be  faid  upon  tke  curious 
 fubje£l  of  national  chara£lers^  whatever  hypothecs  we  adopt 
 with  refpe6t  to  them ;  whether  we  plead  for  the  prevailing 
 influence  of  climate,  or  the  infection  of  example,  and  the  force 
 of  habits  of  long  ftanding. 
 
 Thofe  who  plead  for  the  influence  of  phyfical  caufes,  allege 
 the  indolence,  the  langour  of  body,  and  the  fpeculative  turn  of 
 mind  which  are  generally  obferved  in  people  of  fouthern  climates, 
 together  with  the  firmnefs  of  bodily  texture,  and  the  groflhefs  of 
 intellects  in  people  fituated  far  to  the  north.  They  fay  with 
 Montefquieu,  that  drunkennefs  prevails  over  the  whole  earth 
 in  proportion  to  the  coldnefs  and  moifture  of  the  climate,  and 
 that  people  who  inhabit  a  windy  country  are  generally  wild  and 
 fickle,  as  the  Gafcons  and  Thracians  \  whereas  a  calm  fituation 
 fettles  and  tranquillizes  the  mind. 
 
 On  the  other  hand,  thofe  who  endeavour  to  account  for  the 
 variety  which  is  obfervable  in  national  characters  from  fixed 
 moral  caufes,  or  from  particular  accidents  (which  might  give 
 'i  turn  to  the  difpofitions  of  the   founders  of  a  ftate,  and  be 
 
 afterwards 
 
Lect.LXV.      general    POLICY.  447 
 
 afterwards  propagated  by  example,  as  language  is),  allege  other 
 hiftorical  fad:s,  as  that  Athens  and  Thebes  were  fituated  near 
 together,  yet  the  inhabitants  of  thofe  towns  differed  much  in  their 
 national  character  ;  as  do  the  ancient  and  modern  Greeks,  though 
 inhabiting  the  fame  climate.  Travellers,  however,  do  fay,  that 
 many  of  the  Greeks,  particularly  the  Athenians,  (how  a  great  deal 
 of  natural  quicknefs  of  apprehenfion,  notwithftanding  the  civil 
 difadvantages  they  labour  under,  difadvantages  enow  to  damp  the 
 brighteft  genius  that  ever  appeared  among  men.  They  fay,  that 
 the  people  of  Languedoc  and  Gafcony  are  the  gayeft  people  in 
 France,  whereas  the  Spaniards,  who  are  feparated  from  them 
 only  by  the  Pyrenees,  are  as  remarkably  heavy  ;  that  the  Jews  in 
 Europe,  and  the  Armenians  in  the  Eaft,  have  the  fame  peculiar 
 characler  in  all  places,  as  well  as  the  Jefuits,  and  the  Quakers  ; 
 and  that  the  Spanifh,  Dutch,  and  French  colonies,  though 
 fituated  in  the  fame  or  fimilar  climates,  retain  the  peculiarities 
 of  their  refpe6live  mother  countries. 
 
 Even  habits  which  depend  very  much  upon  the  conftitutlon 
 of  the  body,  which  is  univerfaliy  acknowledged  to  be  greatly 
 influenced  by  the  climate,  do  by  no  means  correfpond  to  it. 
 Both  the  ancient  and  modern  Germans,  indeed,  were  remarkable 
 for  their  addidlednefs  to  drinking ;  but  the  Perfians,  who  are 
 now  the  mod  abftemious  people  in  the  world,  were,  in  ancient 
 times,  as  much  the  contrary.  Artaxerxes  reckoned  himfelf 
 fuperior  to  his  brother  Cyrus,  becaufe  he  was  a  better  drinker. 
 Darius  Hyftafpes  caufed  it  to  be  infcribed  upon  his  tomb,  that  no 
 perfon  could  bear  a  greater  quantity  of  liquor,  and  Alexander 
 the  Great  was  obliged  to  drink  hard  in  order  to  recommend 
 himfelf  to  the  fame  people.  The  Mofcovites,  a  very  northern 
 nation,  were  as  jealous  as  any  people  in  the  fouth,  before  their 
 communication  wiih  the  reft  of  Europe.  The  Englifh,  they  fay, 
 have  leaft  of  an  uniform  national  character,  on  account  of  their 
 liberty  and  independence,  which  enables  every  man  to  follow 
 his  own  humour. 
 
 Thefe,  and  all  the  varieties  obfervable  in  the  human  fpecies, 
 furnifh  a  moft  pleafing  objed  of  attention  to  a  reader  ofhiftory. 
 
 A  moralift 
 
448  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 A  n^oralifl,  without  the  aid  of  hiftory,  which  furniflies  him 
 with  more  extcnfive  ohdrvations  than  his  own  experience  could 
 reach  to,  would  be  too  apt  to  grow  bigotted  to  arbitrary  and 
 fanciful  hypotbefes  about  the  divifion  of  the  faculties  of  the 
 human  mind,  about  the  proper  office  of  each  faculty,  and  the 
 uniformity  of  its  operations.  Several  varieties  in  what  is  called 
 the  moral  fenfe,  were  noted  in  the  ledure  upon  the  moral  ufes 
 of  hiftory.  To  thefe  I  fhall  now  add,  in  order  to  lead  the 
 attention  of  a  reader  of  hiftory  to  other  varieties  of  a  fimilar 
 nature,  which  afte^l  the  theory  of  the  human  mind  and  its 
 faculties,  that  the  Japancfe  think  fuicide  virtuous  when  not 
 injurious  to  fociety,  and  the  Chinefe  certainly  think  it  no  fin 
 to  cxpofe  the  child, en  they  cannot  maintain.  Thtfe,  and  the 
 different  degrees  of  value  fet  upon  particular  virtues,  and  the 
 different  degrees  of  horror  conceived  againft  particular  vices,  in 
 different  nations  and  ages,  are  well  worth  the  attention  of  a 
 phllofopher  and  moral ift:. 
 
 It  is  not  beneath  him  to  confider  even  the  varieties  there  are 
 in  the  outward  form  of  the  human  fpecies;  fince  it  is  evident 
 there  are  fome  things  very  remarkable  in  the  make  of  the  body 
 and  turii  of  the  features,  which  we  learn  from  hiftory  has  ever 
 bc^en  peculiar  to  certain  nation?,  and  by  which  one  may  be 
 «rreatly  afTifted  in  tracing  the  origin  and  migration  of  people.  I 
 (liall  mention  a  few  of  ihefo  differences,  with  a  view  to  excite 
 you  to  invciligatc  this  fubjecl  more  thoroughly  than  it  has  yet 
 b<en  done. 
 
 The  African  blacks  are  well  known  to  be  different  from  the 
 Europeans,  and  not  more  in  the  colour  of  their  fkin,  than  in 
 the  form  of  their  lips  and  nofcp,  the  hair  of  their  heads,  and  the 
 fnnpe  of  their  legs.  Lapland  produces  no  men  taller  than  three 
 cubits,  their  eyes,  ears,  and  nofcs  arc  different  from  thofe  of  all 
 other  people  who  furround  them.  As  Voltaire  fays,  they  feem  to 
 he  formed  purpofely  for  the  climate  they  inhabit.  The  people  of 
 Caffraria  are  of  an  olive  colour;  the  people  of  Sophila,  Mont- 
 baza,  and  Mclinda  are  black,  but  of  a  different  fpecies  from 
 thofe  of  Ni'iritia,     In    the    middle  of    Africa  are  little  men. 
 
 as 
 
LecT  .  LXV.      GENERAL    POLICY. 
 
 449 
 
 as  white  as  fnow,  with  faces  like  thofe  of  the  negroes,  and 
 round  eyes  like  thofe  of  a  partridge.  The  Tartars  and  native 
 American*^,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Kamtfchatka,  have  thin 
 beards.  Du  Halde  fay?,  the  very  make  of  the  Chinefe  mouth 
 PS  very  different  from  that  of  the  Kuropeans,  their  teeth  areplaced 
 in  a  diiterent  manner  from  ours,  the  under  rov/  ftands  out,  and 
 fometimes  as  far  as  the  upper  lip,  or,  at  leaft  on  the  gum^^ 
 of  the  under  row,  which  lies  inwards,  io  that  the  two  gums 
 fcarce  ever  meet  together,  like  thofe  of  Europeans. 
 
 Even  the  difeafes  to  which  mankind  have  been  fubjed  in 
 different  ages,  and  to  which  they  are  incident  in  different  parts 
 of  the  world,  are  a  ftriking  object  of  attention  to  an  hiftorian. 
 Difeafes  are  mentioned  in  antiquity  which  are  almoft  unknown 
 to  modern  medicine,  and  new  difeaft-s  have  arifen,  and  propa^ 
 gated  themfeU'es,  of  which  there  are  no  traces  in  ancient  hiftory. 
 The  fmall  and  the  great  pox,  which  are  not  fo  much  as 
 mentioned  by  any  ancient  author,  deftroy,  it  is  thought,  ten 
 or  twelve  parts  of  mankind  every  generation.  The  origin  of 
 thefe  difeafes  has  been  the  fubjed:  of  much  controverfy,  and  it 
 can  only  be  decided  byhiflory.  The  leprofy  was  hardly  known 
 in  Europe  till  it  was  imported  in  the  time  of  the  Crufades, 
 and  the  prevalence  of  that  diforder  in  thofe  times  is  now  hardly 
 credible.  Philip  Auguftus  of  France  bequeathed  one  hundred 
 fols  to  each  of  the  two  ihoufand  Lazarettoes  in  his  kingdom. 
 
 Matter  of  ufeful  philofophical  fpeculation  may  arife  even  from 
 the  confiderationofthewV^j  to  which  mankind  have  been  addicted, 
 particularly  to  the  prevalence  of  particular  vices  in  certain  coun- 
 tries and  the  fucceffion  of  vices  in  different  ages.  Two  centuries 
 ago  (as  the  progrefs  of  revenge  is  ingenioufly  traced  in  the  Law 
 Tradis)  affaffmation  was  the  crime  in  fafliion  in  Europe,  but  it 
 wore  out  by  degrees,  and  made  way  for  a  more  covered,  but  more 
 deteftable  method  of  deftrudtion  by  poifon.  This  horrid  crime 
 was  extremely  falhionable  in  France  and  Italy.  It  vanifhed, 
 however,  imperceptibly,  and  was  fucceeded  by  a  lefs  difho- 
 nourable  method  of  exercifing  revenge,  viz.  by  duelling. 
 
 Laftly, 
 
450  LECTURESON  Part  V. 
 
 Laftly,  no  philofopher,  in  reading  hiftory,  can  pafs  without 
 particular  obfcrvation  whatever  occurs  with  refpedl  to  the 
 language  of  different  ages  and  nations.  Every  thing  relating 
 to  their  rile,  progrefs,  and  revolutions,  will  demand  his  attention, 
 being  ufeful  both  in  tracing  the  migrations  of  people,,  as  was 
 obferved  before,  and  in  throwing  light  upon  the  fentiments  and 
 feelings  of  the  human  mind,  to  which  language  correfponds, 
 and  being  thereby  fubfervient,  in  a  variety  of  ways,  to  many 
 philofophical  fpeculations. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
Lect.  LXVI.     GENERAL    POLICY.  451 
 
 LECTURE         LXVL 
 
 An  Attention  to  Divine  Providence  in  the  ConduSi  of  Human 
 Affairs  recommended.  The  life  of  thefe  Ohjervations  in  demon- 
 firating  the  Divine  Attributes,  Ccmparifon  of  this  Proof  with 
 that  from  the  Works  of  Nature,  Thefe  R<fearches  cleared  from 
 the  Charge  of  Prefumption,  Great  Caution  recommended. 
 Methods  and  Maxims  of  proceeding  in  thefe  Inquiries.  Evi- 
 dence of  the  State  of  the  World  having  been  improved^  and 
 Marks  of  its  being  in  a  Progrefs  towards  farther  Improvement : 
 confulered  here  only  with  RefpeSi  to  ptrfonal  Security  and  perfonal 
 Liberty.  The^  State  of  perfonal  Security  in  Greece^  Ro?ne,  and 
 the  Feudal  Times  of  Europe^  compared  with  the  State  of  Things 
 at  prefent.  Number  of  Slaves  in  ancient  Times ^  and  during  the 
 Prevalence  of  the  Feudal  Syflem. 
 
 TH  E  nobleft  objed  of  attention  to  an  hiftorian,  and  to 
 every  perfon  who  confiders  himfelf  as  a  fubje6t  of  the 
 moral  government  of  God,  I  have  referved  for  the  laft  place  ; 
 and  th.  t  is,  the  condu6i  of  Divine  Providence  in  the  direction 
 of  human  afrairs.  This  is  the  moll  fublime  fubject  of  con- 
 templation that  can  employ  the  mind  of  man.  And,  as  was 
 fhewn  in  the  firft  part  of  this  courfe,  has  the  happieft  tendency 
 to  inlpire  our  hearts  with  the  fentiments  of  piety  and  vir- 
 tue. 
 
 Confufcd   and   perplexed  as  is    the    profpedl,  which   hiftory 
 
 exhibits  to  our  view,  it  is,  in  reality,  an  exhibition  of  the 
 ways  of  God,  and  jointly  with  the  works  of  nature  (which 
 at  firft  fight,  prefent  a  prcrpe6l  equally  confufed  and  per- 
 plexed) leads  us  to  the  knowledge  of  his  perfection?,  and  of  his 
 will. 
 
 Hiih.rto, 
 
452  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 Hitherto,  indeed,  next  to  the  fcriptures,  we  have  been 
 chiefly  indebted  to  the  latter  of  thefe  inftru6^ors  for  what  we 
 kjiowof  God.  But  the  time  may  come  when  we  fhall  have  as 
 frequent  recourfe  to  the  former.  The  principles  of  the  former 
 are,  no  doubt,  as  yet,  far  better  uiiderftood  ;  fince  by  the 
 fucccfTive  obfervations  of  fome  ages  of  mankind,  much  more  of 
 uniformity  has  been  difcovered  amidll  their  feeming  irregu- 
 Jarity.  The  chief  reafon  of  this  is,  that  the  operations  of 
 nature  are  more  fully  expofed  to  our  view.  Every  obfer- 
 vation  and  experiment  may  be  repeated  as  often  as  we  pleafe, 
 and  to  as  much  advantage  as  we  can  poflibly  devife ;  whereas 
 the  events  which  take  place  in  confequence  of  the  views  of 
 Divine  Providence  happen  but  once,  and  our  knowledge  of 
 them,  and  of  all  the  circumltances  which  attended  them  (from 
 which  only  we  can  judge  either  of  their  efficient  or  final  caufes) 
 are  but  imperfc6t:ly  tranfmitted  to  us  by  hiftory  ;  for  which  rea- 
 fon we  fee  little  more  as  yet  than  a  chaos,  and  heap  of  con- 
 fufion,  in  the  fcene. 
 
 But  let  not  this  difcourage  us  in  our  refearches.  What  ie 
 truly  valuable  in  the  hiftory  of  paft  ages  is  every  day  cleared 
 from  more  and  more  of  the  obfcurity  in  which  it  has  been 
 involved.  In  confequence  of  which,  the  feries  and  connexion 
 of  events  may  be  more  ftridtly  traced,  fo  that  we  may  fay,  the 
 plan  of  this  divine  drama  is  opening  more  and  more,  and 
 the  grand  cataftrophe  growing  nearer  and  nearer  perpetually. 
 As,  therefore,  this  moft  interefting  fubje(51:  may  now  be  ftudied 
 lo  more  advantage  than  it  could  hithtrto  have  been  done,  we 
 ought  to  give  more  attention  to  it  than  has  hitherto  been  given, 
 and  endeavour  to  afcertain  and  enlarge  our  knowledge  of  the 
 divine  perfedtions,  from  confiderations  and  topics  of  argu- 
 ment, of  which  little  ufe  has  hitherto  been  made  for  this  pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 It  may,  by  fome,  be  thought  prefumptuous  in  man  to  attempt 
 to  fcan  the  ways  of  God  in  the  conduct  of  human  affairs.     But 
 the  fame  objection  might    with  equal  juftice    be  made  to  the 
 fcudy  of  the  works  of  God  in  the  frame  of  nature.     Both  me- 
 thods 
 
Lect.  LXVI.      GENERAL    POLICY-  453 
 
 thods  are  equally  attempts  to  trace  out  the  perfe*ftions  and  pro- 
 vidence of  God,  by  means  of  different  footileps  which  he  has 
 left  us  of  them,  differing  only  in  this,  that  the  one  are  much 
 more  diftindl  than  the  other.  What  is  the  whole  fcitnce  of 
 phyfiology,  but  an  attempt  to  inveftigate  the  reafons,  or  final 
 caufes,  of  the  flru6ture  of  the  feveral  parts  of  nature,  with 
 a  view  to  fee  farther  into  the  wifdom  and  goodnefs  of  th:; 
 Divine  Being  manifefled  in  his  works  ?  And  in  hc\y  (o  hr 
 is  this  conduct,  in  either  cafe,  from  impiety,  that  it  is  the 
 proper  and  the  noblefl  ufe  we  can  make  of  our  intelleftual  fa- 
 culties, which  is  to  attain  to  the  knowledge  of  God  our  maker, 
 by  means  of  obfervations  on  every  part  of  his  work?,  or  con- 
 duct, which  he  has  thought  proper  to  exhibit  to  our  view, 
 and  as  it  were  to  fubje£t  to  our  examination,  no  doubt  for  this 
 very  purpofe. 
 
 The  greatefl  caution  is,  certainly,  requifite  in  our  rcfearches 
 into  this  fubjedl ;  and  very  ra(h,  and  unbecoming,  would  it  be 
 in  us  to  pronounce,  in  a  peremptory  manner,  what  was  the 
 intention  of  the  Deity  in  any  of  the  events  of  this  lower  world, 
 becaufe  we  are  able  to  fee,  and  to  compare,  fo  very  fev/  of  the 
 circumflances  with  which  they  are  conne(fted.  But  taking  for 
 granted  what  we  already  do  know  of  God,  both  from  his  v/orks 
 and  from  his  word,  we  cannot  err  far  in  any  conclufions  we  draw 
 from  the  obfervation  of  his  providence.  And  it  cannot  but  be 
 a  very  great  fatisfa<£tion  to  a  pious  mind  to  fee  his  faith  in  the 
 divine  power  and  wifdom,  which  was  firft  eftablifned  upon  the 
 preceding  foundation,  corroborated  by  obfervations  on  other 
 appearances. 
 
 To  proceed,  therefore,  in  the  furefl:  m;inner  in  our  en- 
 quiries into  the  condu<St  of  Divine  Providence,  we  ought 
 to  take  for  granted,  the  do»Slrines  of  the  wifdom  and  good- 
 nefs of  God,  as  fuggefted  from  his  works  and  his  word,  and 
 look  upon  it  as  a  fair  prefumption  that  we  are  not  far  wron^  in 
 our  conjciSlures,  when  we  fee  a  courfe  of  events  in  the  hif- 
 lory  of  the  world  terminating  in  the  fame  benevolent  purpofes. 
 And  we  ought  to  hcfitate  and  fufp.-nd  our  judgment  upon  thi: 
 
 ^jevv 
 
454  LECTURESON  Part  V, 
 
 view  of  any  feemlngly  contrary  appearances,  waiting  the  refult 
 of  farther  obiiervations. 
 
 This  is  ftriclly  analogous  to  the  moft  approved  methods  of 
 reafoning,  ai)d  the  ftricSlefl:  philofophical  inveftigation  ;  and 
 purfuing  an  univerfally  allowed  maxim  in  the  conduct  of 
 our  underflanding  in  other  fimilar  cafes.  In  examining  even 
 the  works  of  men,  if  we  have  any  reafon  to  fuppofe  uni- 
 formity and  confiftency  of  defign  in  them,  we  are  guided 
 in  our  enquiries  into  the  ftrutture  of  their  parts  by  a  view 
 to  this  confiftency,  and  never  conclude  againft  that  confiftency 
 which  the  greater  number  of  appearances  fuggeft  to  us,  from 
 the  firft  view  of  circumftances  not  eafily  reconcileable  with 
 it. 
 
 In  like  manner,-  fincc,  in  the  greateft  part  of  the  works  of 
 God,  we  fee  plain  marks  of  wife  and  kind  intention,  we  never 
 think  we  ought  to  give  up  our  belief  of  the  wifdom  and  goodnefs 
 cf  God,  becaufe  we  are  not  able  to  fee  how  every  appearance  in 
 nature  is  reconcileable  with  them  ;  and  if  this  be  our  maxim  in 
 the  inveftigation  of  the  works  of  nature,  much  more  ought  it 
 to  be  fo  in  fcanningthe  ways  of  God  in  the  courfe  of  his  provi- 
 dence ;  this  being  a  fubje6l  in  itfelf  much  more  obfcure,  and  to 
 which  our  faculties,  for  the  reafons  given  above,  are  much 
 more  unequal.  Let  an  hiftorian,  therefore,  attend  to  every 
 inftance  of  improvement,  and  a  better  ftate  of  things  being 
 brought  about,  by  the  events  which  are  prefented  to  him  in 
 hiftory,  and  let  him  afcribe  thofe  events  to  an  intention  in  the 
 Divine  Being  to  bring  about  that  belter  ftate  of  things  by  means 
 of  thofc  events  ;  and  if  he  cannot  fee  the  fame  benevolent  ten- 
 dency in  all  other  api)earance3  let  him  remain  in  fufpenfe  with 
 regard  lo  them. 
 
 Let  the  perfon,  then,  v.7ho  would  trace  the  conduct  of  Di- 
 vine Providence,  attend  to  every  advantage  which  the  prefcnt 
 3gc  enjoys  above  ancient  times,  and  fee  whether  he  cannot  per- 
 ceive marks  of  things  being  in  a  progrefs  towards  a  ftate  of 
 greater  perfection.  Let  him  particularly  attend  to  every  event 
 which  contributes  to  the  propagation  of  religious  knowledge ; 
 
 and 
 
Lect.  LXVL       GENERAL    POLICY.  455 
 
 and  laftly,  let  him  carefully  obferve  all  the  evils  which  mankind 
 complain  of,  and  confider  whether  they  be  not  either  remedies 
 of  greater  evils,  or,  fuppofingthe  general  conftitution  of  things 
 unalterable,  the  neceffary  means  of  introducing  a  greater  degree 
 of  happinefs  than  could  have  been  brought  about  by  any  other 
 means;  at  lead,  whether  they  be  not,  in  fact,  fubfervient  to  a 
 ftate  of  greater  happinefs.  I  fhall  make  a  few  obfervations  up- 
 on each  of  thefe  heads,  in  order  to  aflift  you  in  your  farther 
 enquiries  into  this  important  fubje6t. 
 
 That  the  ftate  of  the  world  at  prefent,  and  particularly  the 
 ftate  of  Europe,  is  vaftly  preferable  to  what  it  was  in  any  former 
 period,  is  evident  from  the  very  lirft  view  of  things.  A  thou- 
 fand  circumftances  fliew  how  inferior  the  ancients  were  to  the 
 moderns  in  religious  knowledge,  in  fcience  in  general,  in  go- 
 vernment, in  laws,  both  the  lav/s  of  nations,  and  thofe  of  par- 
 ticular ftates,  in  arts,  in  commerce,  in  the  conveniences  of  life, 
 in  manners,  and  in  confequence  of  all  thefe,  mhappimfs,  Al- 
 moft  all  thefe  particulars  have  been  demonftrated  in  the  courfe 
 of  thefe  lectures,  I  fliall,  therefore,  confine  myfelf,  in  this 
 place,  to  two  particulars,  comprehended  under  the  general  fub- 
 je6l  of  laws  and  government,  in  which  the  fuperiority  of  the 
 internal  conftitution  of  modern  ftates  above  thofe  of  the  ancients 
 will  appear  to  great  advantage,  and  thofe  are,  perjonal  fecurity 
 and  perfonal  liberty. 
 
 Perfonal  fecurity,  or  a  freedom  from  violence  ar^d  infult,  is 
 certainly  the  moft  important  obje6t  of  all  civil  government  ; 
 and  it  cannot  be  defirable  to  live,  where  that  is  not  firmJy  efta- 
 blifhed  ;  and  a  very  few  inftances  will  fhew  the  extreme  in- 
 fecurity  of  ancient  times  in  comparifon  of  the  modern,  and 
 particularly  the  prefent  ftate  of  England. 
 
 Wemayjudgeof  the  ftate  of  Greece  in  this  refpecl  by  that 
 paflage  in  a  dialogue  of  Xenophon  quoted  before,  m  which  he 
 humouroufly  ftiews  the  advantages  of  poverty,  and  the  incon- 
 venience of  riches,  and  by  what  Tacitus  fays,  that  their  tem- 
 ples were  full  of  debtors  and  criminals,  as  churches  and  monaf- 
 teries  ufed  formerly  to  be  in  Popifc  countries, 
 
 Rome, 
 
456  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 Romp,  and  the  neighbourhood  of  it,  in  the  moll  interefting 
 period  of  its  hiftory,  viz.  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  abounded  with 
 robbers.  Sailuft  fays,  that  Catiline's  army  was  much  aug- 
 mented by  the  acceflion  of  highwaymen  about  Rome.  Cicero 
 obferved,  that  had  Milo  way-laid  Clodius  by  night,  it  might 
 have  been  imagined  he  had  been  killed  by  highwaymen,  and  that 
 the  frequency  of  fuch  accidents  would  have  favoured  the  fup- 
 pofition,  though  he  had  thirty  flaves  with  him  compleatly 
 armed,  and  accuftomed  to  blood  and  danger.  By  the  law  of 
 the  twelve  tables,  poiTeilion  for  two  years  formed  a  prefcription 
 for  land,  and  of  one  year  for  moveables  ;  an  evident  mark  of 
 frequent  violences,  when  fach  a  law  was  necelTary  to  fecure  a 
 title  to  property. 
 
 Barbarous  nations  appear  to  have  been  in  no  better  a  fituation, 
 in  proportion  to  the  property  they  had.  Hirtius  fays,  that  in 
 Caefar's  time  every  man  in  Spain  was  obliged  to  live  in  a 
 csille,  or  walled  town,  for  his  fecurity.  There  are  a  thoufand 
 evidences  of  the  violence  and  infecurity  of  the  feudal  times  in 
 all  parts  of  Europe.  Every  retainer  to  a  powerful  lord  might 
 do  whatever  he  pleafed  with  impunity.  It  was  no  uncommon 
 thing  for  a  parcel  of  defperate  fellows,  fuch  as  Robin  Hood 
 and  his  companions,  independently  of  any  lord,  to  live  in 
 defiance  of  all  the  laws  and  adminiftration  in  being,  without 
 ever  being  brought  to  punifhment.  Nay,  fuch  bands  of  rob- 
 bers often  acquiied  a  confiderable  degree  of  reputation.  Kings 
 entered  into  treaties  with  them,  and  bought  their  fervice  at  a 
 confiderable  p»  ice.  The  ai  mies  of  1  dward  lU.  confifted  chiefly 
 of  fuch  banditti,  and  they  formed  tlie  beH:  part  of  all  the 
 armies  then  rniployed  in  Europe.  In  thofe  times  ^y^ry  per- 
 ibn  of  any  eflate  or  pioperty  lived  in  a  kind  of  caftle  j  the 
 moats,  the  ftrong  enclofuies,  and  the  battlenients  about  all 
 old  country  feat?,  together  v/Ith  many  other  circumftances,  fhew 
 that  they  w^re  built  more  for  fecurity,  than  for  convenience, 
 or  pleafurs. 
 
 As  inftantes  enow  were  given  of  the  wretchednefs  of  thofe 
 times   in  the  lociure  upon   the    feudal  fyftem,  I  (hall  content 
 
 myfelf, 
 
Lect.  LXVI.     G  E  N  E  R  a  L    P  O  L  I  C  Y.  45; 
 
 myfelf,  in  this  place,  with  an  extra6l  from  Voltaire,  /hewing  the 
 ftate  of  Italy  fo  late  as  in  the  fixteenth  century,  which  was  a 
 pretty  juft  picture  of  a  great  part  of  the  reft  of  Europe.  "  Italy, 
 *'  furrounded  by  the  arts,  and  in  the  very  bofom  of  peace,  was 
 **  deficient  in  refpeit  of  general  police,  and  had  a  long  time  been 
 *'  infefted  with  public  robber?,  like  ancient  Greece  in  the  moft 
 *'  barbarous  times.  Whole  troops  of  armed  banditti  marauded 
 ''  from  one  province  to  another,  from  the  frontiers  of  Milan  to 
 *'  the  farther  end  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  either  purchafing 
 "  a  protection  of  the  petty  princes,  or  obliging  them  to  v/ink 
 *'  at  their  rapines.  The  papal  fee  could  not  clear  its  dominions 
 *'  of  them  till  the  time  of  Sixtus  V.  Even  after  his  pontificate 
 **  they  appeared  fome  times.  The  example  of  thefe  free-booters 
 ''  encouraged  private  perfons  to  put  in  practice  the  fhocking 
 "  cuftom  of  alTalli nation.  The  ufe  of  the  ftiletto  was  but  too 
 "  common  in  the  towns,  while  the  country  was  over-run  with 
 '*  banditti.  Theftudents  of  Padua  ufed  to  knock  people  on 
 "  the  head,  as  they  were  palling  under  the  piazzas  which  run 
 *'  along  each  fide  of  the  ftreet." 
 
 The  greater  fecurity  of  the  prefent  times,  above  that  of  the  ftate 
 i)f  Europe  during  the  prevalence  of  the  feudal  fyitem,  is  evident 
 from  this  circumftance.  That  which  we  call  treafure  trove,  or  the 
 difcovery  of  concealed  money,  &c,  was  in  former  times  a  con- 
 fiderable  part  of  the  revenues  of  the  lords  to  whom  the  land  be« 
 longed  ;  which  (hews  that  it  had  been  much  the  cuftom  to  hide 
 things  of  value,  for  fear  of  being  plundered  of  them,  and  thatthofc 
 who  hid  them  had  been  fo  often  obliged  to  abandon  them,  that  no 
 body  knew  where  they  were.  At  prefent  fuch  a  fource  of  revenue 
 would  never  be  thought  of,  but  every  thing  that  w^s  foun^y  un- 
 claimed by  any  body,  would  be  the  property  of  the  finder. 
 
 So  little  was  the  fecurity  of  property  in  the  feudal  times,  that 
 men  were  often  gainers  by  diverting  themfclves  of  it,  and  giving 
 it  to  the  church,  of  which  they  held  it  in  fee.  Methods  fimilar 
 to  :his  are  at  this  day  taken  in  Tuikey. 
 
 The  hiftory  of  fairs  furnifties  another  argument  for  the  im- 
 proved ftate  of  Europe.  They  were  inftituted  when  travelling 
 was  unfafe,  and   all   property  expofed  to  plunder.     However, 
 
 I  i  needy 
 
458  LECTURESON  Part    V. 
 
 needy  lords  and  needy  foverelgns  confented  that,  upon  certain 
 terms,  traders  might  meet  and  exchange  their  commodities, 
 without  the  rifque  of  their  being  feized,  and  with  the  privilege 
 of  going  and  returning  unmolefted.  A  commerce  thus  reftridled 
 was  better  than  no  commerce  at  all.  At  prefent,  however, 
 thofe  great  fairs  have  little  advantage,  except  what  they  derive 
 from  cuftom  ;  and  in  countries  perfectly  civilized  they  are 
 almoft  fallen  into  difufe.  Individuals  travel  with  eafe  and 
 fafety,  and  do  bufmefs  in  a  manner  more  advantageous  to  them- 
 felves. 
 
 That  there  is  lefs  domeftic  flavery  in  the  world  than  formerly 
 is  very  evident,  notwithftanding  the  late  revival  of  that  (hocking 
 pradtice  in  the  Weft- Indies.  And  domeftic  flavery  is  far  more 
 cruel  and  oppreffive  than  any  civil  fubjecSlion  whatever  ;  juft 
 as  it  is  more  grievous  to  fabmit  to  a  petty  prince,  whofe  do- 
 minions extend  not  beyond  a  fingle  city,  than  to  obey  a  great 
 monarch  j  the  fubje6ls  of  a  petty  prince,  and  the  fiaves  of  a 
 private  perfon,  being  more  immediately  under  the  eye  of  their 
 oiafter. 
 
 The  number  of  flaves  in  ancient  times  is  almoft  incredible  at 
 this  day.  Strabo  fays,  that  ten  thoufand  flaves  have  been  often 
 fold  in  a  day  for  the  uie  of  the  Romans,  only  in  one  particular 
 place,  viz.  Delas  in  Cilicia.  Eunus  and  Athenio  gave  liberty 
 to  fixty  thoufand  flaves  in  Sicily,  and  other  immenfe  armies 
 were  frequently  raifed  out  of  them.  At  Athens,  and  all  the 
 conhderabie  cities  in  Greece,  flaves  were  generally  four  times, 
 or  even  in  a  greater  proportion,  more  numerous  than  the  free- 
 men. 
 
 The  petty  tyrannies  into  which  almoft  all  ancient  nations  in 
 early  times  were  divided,  could  differ  very  little  from  a  large 
 family,  in  v/hich  one  was  mafter,  and  the  reft  flaves.  Indeed, 
 the  univerlal  odium  into  which  every  name  of  kingly  power  fell 
 in  Greece  and  Italy,  fhews  the  cafe  to  have  been  as  it  is  here 
 reprefented. 
 
 In  the  feudal  times  in  Europe,  in  v/hich  opprefllons  of  all 
 kmds  prevailed,  this  was  not  the  Jeaft  evil  ;  the  labouring 
 p'^ople,  and  the  aitifans  were  as  much  the  propety  of  the  great 
 
 landholders 
 
Lect.  LXVI.     GENERAL    POLICY.  459 
 
 landholders  as  the  foil  itf:lf,  and  the  cafe  is  nearly  the  fame  at 
 this  day  in  Poland.  That  mankind  are  happier  in  this  refped: 
 than  formerly,  and  there  is  a  prof^iechl  of  the  farther  increafe  of 
 perfonal  fccurity,  and  ptrfonal  liberty,  in  confequence  of  any 
 courfe  of  events,  and  efpecially  thofe  v/hich  favour  the  pro- 
 pagation of  knowledge  in  general,  and  of  the  chriftian  re- 
 ligion in  particular,  muft  be  afcribed  to  the  wifdom  and  good- 
 n,efs  of  God»  who  made,  and   who  governs  the  world. 
 
 ii2  LECl'URE 
 
46d  LECTURES    ON  Part  V, 
 
 LECTURE       LXVIL 
 
 The  gradual  Advancement  of  Religious  Knowledge  to  be  attended  to^ 
 particularly  in  the  Propagation  of  Chrijlianity^  and  the  Circum^ 
 fiances  attending  the  Reformation,  ObjeSiion  to  the  Goodnefs 
 of  God  from  the  State  of  War  Mankind  have  generally  been 
 in.  War  has  always  home  a  very  great  Proportion  to  Peace, 
 Refections  upon  the  Slain  in  Battle.  How  far  the  Calamities 
 of  War  extend.  The  Benefit  accruing  to  Mankind  from  their 
 Difpofition  to  hoJiiUty.  The  particular  Ufe  of  War  Jhown  in 
 feveral  Cafes.  Religion^  Liberty.^  and  the  Sciences  have  often 
 been  promoted  by  War. 
 
 TH  E  order  of  the  divine  difpenfations,  or  the  gradual 
 advancement  of  religious  knowledge,  and  thofe  circum- 
 ftances  in  the  hiftory  of  the  vi'orld  vi^hich  have  contributed  to 
 its  advancement,  are  very  important  objcdls  of  attention  to  an 
 hiftorian  and  divine,  but  it  is  what  would  be  departing  out  of  my 
 province  to  dwell  upon  in  this  place.  This  fubje6t  has  been 
 excellently  treated  by  the  late  Biihop  of  Carlifle,  in  his  Con- 
 fideratiofis  on  the  Theory  of  Religion  ;  in  which  performance  he 
 has  fiiown,  from  the  unte  of  the  world,  as  colleded  from  hiftory, 
 that  Chrif:  came  in  the  fulnefs  of  time^  both  when  the  chriftian 
 doctrines  were  the  moft  wanted,  and  when  everything  wasmoft 
 favourable  to  their  evidence  and  propagation. 
 
 The  circum.ftances  of  the,  reformation  ought  alfo  to  be  at- 
 tended to  with  the  fame  view,  and  it  ought  to  be  confidered 
 that  the  benefit  of  the  reformation  is  by  no  means  to  be  re- 
 garded as  confined  to  the  reformed  party.  The  reformation 
 was  but  like  a  little  leaven,  which  leavened  the  whole  lumo. 
 The  ftate  of  the  catholic  church  is  prodigioufly  better  than  it  was 
 before  the  exiftence  of  proteftantifm.     There  are  fewer  abufes 
 
 in 
 
Lect.LXVII.     general    POLICY.  461 
 
 in  the  papal  conftitutlon  than  formerly  ;  and  popifii  princes, 
 though  they  remain  attached  to  the  rites  of  the  Romifti  church, 
 have,  in  fa6f,  thrown  off  all  fubje6tion  to  the  pope.  A  hmilar 
 fervice  has  been  done  to  the  church  of  England  by  the  old  puri- 
 tans, and  the  prefent  diflenters. 
 
 Our  greateft  difficulty  in  tracing  she  condu6l  of  Divine  Pro- 
 vidence in  the  government  of  the  world  arifes  from  the  ftate  of 
 war^  in  which,  upon  the  firft  reading  of  hiftory,  mankind  feem 
 to  have  been  almoft  perpetually  engaged. 
 
 This  is  fo  ftriking  a  circumftance  to  the  generality  of  readers 
 of  hiftory,  that  it  has  been  aiTerted,  that  hiftory  contains  no- 
 thing but  a  view  of  the  vices  and  the  mifery  of  mankind. 
 To  me,  however,  and,  I  believe,  to  many  others,  this  fubjecl 
 appears  in  a  very  different  light.  Times  of  peace  and  tran- 
 quillity are  pafied  over  in  filence  by  all  hiftorians,  and  for  this 
 reafon  the  face  of  hiftory  prefents  fo  horrid  an  afpe6l.  But  if 
 any  perfon  will  take  the  trouble  to  calculate  accurately,  he  will 
 probably  find,  that  war  has  borne  no  greater  a  proportion  to 
 peace  than  ficknefs  has  borne  to  health,  in  the  ordinary  courfe 
 of  human  life.  If,  therefore,  the  difeafes  we  are  fubjecft  to 
 (theconftitution  of  our  nature  confidered)  be  upon  the  whole 
 falutary,  or  if  that  conftitution  whereby  we  are  expofed  to  them 
 be  the  beft  upon  the  whole,  fo  that  we  fhould  rather  chufe  to 
 be  expofed  to  them  than  not,  no  particular  objedtion  will  lie  to 
 the  conduft  of  Providence  on  account  of  the  evils   of  war. 
 
 If,  moreover,  we  confider  that  the  numbers  flain  in  battle 
 are  abfolutely  inconfiderable  in  comparison  of  thofe  who  die 
 a  natural  death,  even  in  very  deftrudtive  wars,  and  that  the 
 plague,  the  fmall-pox,  and  many  other  diforders,  do  vaftly 
 more  execution  than  the  fword  ;  and  befides,  that,  with  refpe(5l 
 to  the  greateft  part  of  thofe  who  actually  perifh  in  war,  the  courfe 
 of  nature  may  poffibly  have  been  but  little  anticipated  ;  we  ftiajl 
 fee  reafon  to  conclude,  that,  provided  pollerity  be  in  any  refpedl 
 better  for  the  war,  the  lives  loft  in  it  were  very  well  loft.  Con- 
 fidering  what  kind  of  perfons  compofe  the  bulk  of  our  modern 
 armies,  it  may,  without  any  hefitation,  be  faid,  that  It  is  more 
 than  probable,  in  no  other  way  could  they  have  done  their  coun- 
 try fo  much  fervice. 
 
 In 
 
462  LECTURES     ON  Part.  V. 
 
 In  all  fpeculatlons  of  this  nature,  war  ought  to  be  confidered 
 as  confined  to  thofe  who  are  fufFerers  by  it.  For  certainly, 
 it  would  be  very  abfurd  to  conlider  all  the  people  of  England,  or 
 France,  as  in  a  ftate  of  war  during  the  period  of  their  late  mutual 
 hoftilities,  when  the  far  greater  part  of  them  were  very  incon- 
 fiderably  affected  by  it,  paying  only  a  few  taxes  extraordinary  on 
 that  account,  '1  his  inconvenience  (to  recur  to  our  former  allu- 
 fion)  is  like  nothing  more  than  a  flight  cold,  a  temporary  head- 
 ach,  or  fuch   pains   as  pafs  every  day  without  any  attention. 
 
 The  nature  and  necellity  of  evils  In  general^  I  fhall  not  under- 
 take to  difcufs,  as  it  belongs  wholly  to  another  fubje6t.  I  (hall 
 only  in  this  place,  confider  whether,  allowing  the  neceiTity 
 of  human  nature  being  what  it  is  in  other  refpecls,  the  dif- 
 pofition  to  hollilityhas  not,  upon  the  whole,  been  ferviceable 
 to  mankind,  and  whether  they  would  not  have  been  in  a  worfe 
 fituation  without  that   difpofiiion. 
 
 Now  it  appears  to  me,  that,  in  early  ages,  before  mankind 
 had  acquired  a  tafte  for  intellectual  pleafures,  when  they  ftudied 
 nothmg  but  the  gratification  of  their  lov/er  appetites,  they 
 would  have  funk  into  aftate  of  fuch  grofs  beftiaiity,  and  have 
 abufed  their  bodies  to  fuch  a  degree,  as  would  have  been  almoft 
 inconfiftent  with  the  continuance  of  the  fpecies,  had  it  not 
 been  for  the  falutary  alarms  of  war,  wiiich  roufed  the  activity, 
 and  excited  the  ingenuity,   of  men. 
 
 It  is  nothing  but  difficulty  that  can  call  forth  the  utmoft 
 efforts  of  our  faculties  ;  and  without  a  dread  of  the  greatefl 
 impending  evils,  nothing  belonging  to  fcience,  or  whatever 
 requires  the  exertion  of  our  intelle6lual  faculties,  could  have 
 been  carried  on.  Many  of  the  moft  ufeful  arts  in  civil  life, 
 owe  their  origin  to  contrivances  for  defence  or  offence  in  war. 
 "  Men's  wars  and  treaties,  their  mutual  jealoufy,  and  the  efta- 
 "  blifhments  which  theydevife  with  a  view  toeach  other,"  fays 
 Mr.  Charlevoix,  "cor.ftitute  more  than  half  the  occupations  of 
 "  mankind,  and  furnifti  materials  for  the  greateft  and  moft 
 "  improving  exertions*.'* 
 
 •    Voyage  to  Canada.. 
 
 Mankind 
 
Lect.  LXVII.      GENERAL    POLICY.  463 
 
 Mankind  feem  to  have  required  a  greater  fpur  to  ingenuity 
 than  merely  the  profpedt  of  providing  themielves  with  the 
 conveniencies  of  life,  or  they  would  never  have  procured  thofe 
 conveniencies.  It  is  not  even  the  better  living  of  the  Englifh 
 that  can  induce  the  wild  Irifh  to  quit  his  native  fluggifh- 
 nefs,  Co  long  as  he  can  live  in  his  own  poor  way.  Whit 
 then  could  reafonably  have  been  expe(Sted  of  mankind,  when 
 the  greateft  part  of  them  were  habituated  to  the  fame  way 
 of  life?  What  arts,  fcicnces,  or  improvements  of  any  kind, 
 could  have  been  expedled  from  them  ?  It  is  analogous  to  this> 
 that,  in  common  life,  we  fee  the  fearofhtll  operating  more 
 powerfully  upon  the  fenfual  part  of  mankind,  than  the  profpect 
 of  all  the  pleafures  of  virtue,  or  the  hope  of  Heaven. 
 
 With  refpe6l  to  thofe  things  with  which  the  happinefs  of 
 mankind,  either  in  a  private  or  focial  capacity,  are  moft  clofely 
 conne(5ted,  as  religion,  liberty,  and  the  fciences  ;  it  is  an  unds- 
 hiable  fact,  that  they  have  been  chiefly  promoted  by  events 
 which,  at  firft   fight,  appeared   the  moft  difaftrous. 
 
 There  is  nothing  which  chrillians  of  all  profelTions  dread 
 more,  and  more  conftantly  pray  to  be  delivered  from  (and  all 
 this  juftly)  than  perfecutlon^  though  all  hiftory  informs  us,  that, 
 in  general,  nothing  has  been  more  favourable  to  the  fpread  of 
 the  tenets  of  the  perfecuted  party.  Perfecution  inflames  the 
 zeal  of  thofe  who  are  perfecuted,  and  this  fpreads  as  it  were  by 
 infection.  By  dying  in  any  caufe,  a  man  gives  a  ftronger  proof 
 than  he  could  in  any  other  way  give,  of  his  own  attachment  to 
 it^  and  his  fteady  faith  in  its  principles  and  importance;  a 
 circumftance  which  operates  powerfully  on  the  faith  of  others, 
 Perfecution  alfo  difperfed  the  profeirors  of  chriftianity  in  primi- 
 tive times,  whereby  their  doctrines  were  fpread  into  countries 
 whither  they  would  otherwife  have  hardly  reached  at  all,  or  not 
 till  after  a  much  longer  time. 
 
 Martyrs,  likewife,  in  the  caufe  of  liberty  have  given  the 
 firmeft  eftablifhment  to  it  in  any  country.  This  was  the  cafe  in 
 many  of  the  ftates  of  Greece.  How  much  did  the  tragical  end^ 
 of  Lucretia  and  Virginia  operate  towards  the  liberty  of  Pome  r 
 Numberlefs  friends   to  the  fame  glorious  caufe   were   made  in 
 
 Holland 
 
464  LECTURES     ON  Part  V. 
 
 Holland  by  the  death  of  the  prince  of  Orange,  who  died  fighting 
 for  it,  and  in  England  by  that  of  the  famous  Algernon  Sydney, 
 who  equally  died  a  martyr  to  it,  though  under  the  pretence 
 of  law. 
 
 There  is  another  view  in  which  we  may  fee  the  benefit 
 indire«5tly  refulting  from  the  wars  in  which  bigotted  princes 
 have  been  engaged,  as  they  have  prevented  their  employing  all 
 their  power  to  the  extirpation  of  what  they  thought  to  be  herefy\ 
 and  by  this  means  the  propagation  of  truth  has  been  greatly 
 favoured.  The  bifhop  of  Ofmo,  confefTor  to  Charles  V.  advifed 
 him  to  beha\e  with  generofity  to  his  prifoner  Francis  I.  as  the 
 only  means  of  flopping  the  progrefs  of  the  Turk^,  and  ex- 
 tlnguifhing  the  Lutheran  herefy,  Vr  hich  he  faid  encreafed  every 
 day,  and  would  increafe  more,  if  their  differences  continued, 
 but  might  eafiiy  be  deftroyed  if  the  princes  were  united  among 
 themfelves  *.  His  brother  Ferdinand  was  obliged  to  defer  his  per- 
 fecuting  meafures  by  his  wars  with  the  Turks.  And,  to  mention 
 one  inftance  more,  Henry  IL  of  France  acknowledged  to  the 
 prince  of  Orange,  that,  after  the  peace  concluded  between  him 
 and  Philip  IL  of  Spain,  it  was  the  defign  of  that  king  to  extin- 
 guifh  the  fmalleft  fparkof  herefy  in  the  low  countries,  and  tojoin 
 his  arms  to  thofe  of  France,  to  attack  the  new  fe6laries  with 
 their  joint  forces  f.  How  thefe  projects  were  providentially 
 defeated,  thehifloryof  the  fuccceding  times  will  fhew. 
 
 Though  the  fciences  feem  to  be  utterly  repugnant  to  war, 
 and,  in  general,  certainly  fuftc-r  by  it,  the  caufe  of  learning 
 hath  cften  been  remarkably  fcrved  by  it.  Learned  men  flee 
 from  the  feat  of  war,  and  thereby  their  knowledge  becomes 
 difperfed  into  countries  into  which  they  would  never  have  been 
 induced  to  carry  it,  by  any  motive  whatever.  This  happened 
 at  the  taking  of  Conllantinople  by  the  Turks,  when  the  learned 
 men,  who  had  no  favour  foown    them  by   their  new  mafters, 
 
 *  Heaufobre's  Killoire  de  la  Reiormation,  vol.  iii.  p.  146. 
 t  Thuiini  Hift  Lib.  zz- 
 
 fled 
 
Lect.  LXV^II.       GENERAL    POLICY,  465 
 
 fled  into  Italy,  and  eftabliihed  fchools,  in  which  they  taught 
 their  own  literature  for  a  lubfiftence.  Barbarous  nations  gene- 
 rally gain  arts,  fciences,  religion,  and  a  better  form  of  govern- 
 ment, by  being  conquered  by  a  civilized  nation,  and  they 
 have  like  wife  often  acquired  them  by  conquering  the  nation 
 which  was  poiTcfred  of  them,  inftances  of  which  will  appear 
 in  the  fubTequent  obfervations  on  the  effeds  of  conqueji^  which 
 is  generally  confidcred  as  the  laft  and  the  worfl  evil  that  can  be 
 fufFered  by  war. 
 
 LECTURE 
 
4^  LECTURES    ON  Part  V. 
 
 LECTURE      LXVIII. 
 
 Beneficial  EffeSis  of  Conquejis  :  made  tvlth  the  mojl  Eafe  where 
 they  are  the  mojl  wanted.  Benefits  accruing  to  barbarous  Nations 
 from  conquering  civilized  ones^  or  from  being  conquered  by  them, 
 *The  World  a  gainer  by  the  Roman  Conquejis^  exemplified  in 
 feveral  Countries.  Examples  of  Men  doing  more  Good  by  their 
 Deaths  than  by  th^ir  Lives.  Advantages  refulting  from  the 
 Feudal  Wars^  and frointhe  Abufes  of  Popery.  Moral  Maxims 
 of  Condu^  deduced  from  cur  Obfervation  of  the  Divine  Being 
 producing  Good  by  Aleans  of  Evil. 
 
 THE  efFe£^s  of  conquefts  have  often  been  remarkably  happy 
 and  not  lefs  fo  to  the  conquered  than  the  conquering 
 people.  It  doth  not  appear,  from  the  hiftory  of  the  early  ages 
 of  the  world,  that  commerce  alone  (if  the  induftry  of  men  could 
 have  been  fo  far  rouftd  as  to  enable  them  to  carry  it  on  without 
 war)  vi^ould  have  promoted  fuch  an  intercourfe  between  different 
 nations,  and  have  brought  them  fo  far  acquainted  with  one 
 another,  as  was  requifite  for  curing  their  mutual  prejudices,  for 
 improving  their  genius  and  tempers,  and  thereby  laying  a 
 foundation  for  afufficiently  extenfive  benevolence. 
 
 Hiftory  informs  us,  that  it  was  war,  and  war  only,  which, 
 makin^T  it  impoiTible  for  the  Edomites,  and  other  inhabitants  of 
 Paleftine  to  ftay  at.  home,  Forced  them  to  feek  fettlements  on  the 
 coafts  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  promoted  the  intercourfe  of 
 that  part  of  the  world  with  Greece  ;  the  confequence  of  which 
 was,  the  amazing  improvement  of  that  country,  and  its  making 
 
 a  figure 
 
Lect.  LXVIII.     GENERAL    POLICY.  467 
 
 a  figure  which  will,  to  the  end  of  the  world,  attra6l  the  admi- 
 ration of  mankind. 
 
 Conquefts  have,  in  general,  been  made  with  the  moft  eafe, 
 when  the  government  of  the  conquered  people  was  grown  very 
 corrupt,  and  a  change  of  mafters  was  neceilary  for  the  good  of 
 the  country.  This  was  remarkably  the  cafe  of  the  Greek 
 empire.  The  feveral  provinces  of  it  were  opprefTed  with  exceffive 
 taxes,  which  made  them  glad  to  take  fhelter,  as  it  were,  from 
 greater  evils  under  the  government  of  the  Saracens  and 
 Turks,  who  had  not  the  luxury,  or  the  wants  of  their  former 
 mafters. 
 
 We  fee  the  benefit  accruing  to  a  barbarous  nation  from  their 
 conqueft  of  a  civilized  one  in  the  conquefts  which  the  Saracens 
 made  upon  the  provinces  of  the  Greek  empire,  whereby  they  came 
 into  pofTeilion  of  their  fciences;  in  the  conqueft  of  Perfia,  and 
 the  feat  of  the  Saracen  empire,  by  the  Tartars  j  who  immediately 
 adopted  the  religion,  and  foon  became  enamoured  of  the  fciences, 
 of  the  people  they  had  conquered.  And  no  nation  ever  fubdued 
 the  Chinefe,  without  conforming  to  their  wife  laws,  cuftcms, 
 and  manners,  in  every  rerp€6t.  The  conqueft  of  Greece  by  the 
 Romans  extended  the  knowledge  of  the  Grecian  arts,  and 
 made  the  Romans  learned  and  polite ;  and  their  conquefts  of 
 other  nations  contributed  to  civilize  them  as  much. 
 
 There  was  not  perhaps  a  country  conquered  by  the  Romans, 
 but  mav  be  clearly  ftiewn  to  have  been  a  confiderable  gainer  by 
 its  fubjecSlion,  and  by  being  incorporated  into  that  vaft  and 
 wonderfully  compa61:ed  fyftem.  All  Europe  was  in  a  moft 
 difordered  uncivilized  ftate  before  the  Roman  conquefts  ;  nor 
 doth  it  appear  that  any  other  more  expeditious,  or  more  efFedtual, 
 method  could  have  been  found  to  civilize  them. 
 
 Gaul  manifeftly  found  its  account  in  being  conquered  by 
 the  Romans.  Before  that  event,  there  were  no  arts  or  commerce 
 in  Gaul,  except  at  Marfeilles,  a  colony  of  Greeks;  but  after- 
 wards, Aries,  Autun,  Lyons,  and  Triers  became  flouriftiing 
 cities.  They  peaceably  enjoyed  their  municipal  laws,  in 
 fubordination  to  the    regulations    of    the   Romans,    and  they 
 
 were 
 
468  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 were  animated  by  a  very  extenfive  commerce.  The  like  was 
 the  cafe  with  Biitain,  ^pain,  and  all  the  northern  nations 
 conquered  by  the  Romans. 
 
 Polybius  fuppofes  that  Greece  became  more  populous  and 
 flourifhing  after  the  eftabiifhing  of  the  Roman  empire  in  that 
 country.  Syria  was  certainly  never  fo  happ)  as  under  the 
 Romans;  and  Strabo  praifes  the  fuperior  policy  of  the  Romans 
 with  regard  to  the  finances  of  Egypt,  above  that  of  their  former 
 monarchs ;  and  no  part  of  adminiftration  is  fo  eiTendal  to  the 
 happinefs  of  a  people. 
 
 Theeafy  communication  which  the  uniformity  of  government 
 cftablifhed  through  that  vaft  empire,  favoured  the  propagation  of 
 the  gofpel  through  all  the  countries  of  which  it  confifted. 
 And,  to  conclude,  there  may  perhaps  be  fomething  in  what  an 
 ingenious  author  has  advanced,  that  large  empires  extend  the 
 genius  of  mankind.  I  fuppofe  he  means  by  fugi^efting  great 
 projects  ;  in  many  rerpe6i:s5  giving  a  greater  Icope  to  the  faculties 
 of  men's  minds,  and  fupplying  a  great  objedt  to  the  imagination. 
 And  there  is  certainly  more  of  grandeur,  and  what  we  may  call 
 the  fublime,  in  the  Roman  hiftory,  than  the  Grecian,  notwith- 
 llanding,  in  almoft  every  other  refpec^,  the  latter  be  the  more 
 agreeable  object. 
 
 It  juftly  ihocks  our  humanity  to  read  of  thoufands  of  brave 
 men  being  cut  ofF  in  the  field  of  battle,  and  to  go  over  in  our 
 imagination  all  the  defolation  and  dirtrcfs  of  every  kind  which 
 warfpreads  through  a  country  ;  but  we  ought  to  confider,  what  a 
 foundation  for  future  and  general  happinefs  thofe  temporary 
 evils  may,  for  any  thing  we  know  to  the  contrary,  be  laying. 
 We  cannot,  indeed,  always  fee  the  particular  advantages  accruing 
 to  a  country  from  thofe  (hocks  that  are  given  to  it ;  but,  in  fome 
 cafes,  as  in  thofe  mentioned  above,  it  requiies  no  great  pene- 
 tration to  perceive  them  pretty  di{lin61:)y.' 
 
 To  mention  a  recent  and  ftriking  inftance  of  this  kind,  but  of  a 
 more  private  nature.  Can  we  conceive  it  poiTible  that  Jean  Galas 
 of  Thouloufe  could  have  done  .a  tenth  part  of  the  fervice  to  his 
 
 country 
 
Lect.  LXVIII.     GENERAL    POLICY.  469 
 
 country  by  his  life,  which  it  is  probable  he  has  done  by  his  death, 
 in  the  abhorrence  of  bigotry,  which  his  unjuft  and  tragical  end 
 has  raifed  in  a  great  part  of  the  French  nation,  and  in  af- 
 fording a  fubje6l  for  a  book  which  is  likely  to  be  of  To 
 much  fervice  to  the  caufe  of  religious  liberty  as  that  of  Vol- 
 taire's upon  toleration,  and  other  writings  of  a  fimilar  ten- 
 dency ?  i  fhall  now  return  to  examples  of  a  more  general 
 nature. 
 
 It  has  been  obferved  before,  that  the  conftant  wars  of  the 
 feudal  princes  laid  a  foundation  for  the  civil  liberty  we  now 
 enjoy,  by  obliging  thofe  princes  to  grant  the  people  great 
 privileges,  in  return  for  the  fupplies  neceflary  for  carrying  on 
 their  wars.  And  thus  evils  of  all  kinds,  in  this  and  many 
 other  cafes,  have  been  feen,  under  the  government  of  God, 
 to  have  been  the  oecafion  of  greater  happinefs  than 
 could,  in  the  common  courfe  of  things,  have  taken  place 
 without  them. 
 
 The-  intolerable  abufes  of  popery  were  the  means  of  exciting 
 fuch  an  attention  to  the  fubjedl:  of  thofe  abufes,  as  brought  on 
 a  quicker  and  more  extenfive  fpread  of  religious  knowledge  than 
 would,  probably^  have  taken  place  without  thofe  abufes.  Had 
 not  two  or  three  of  the  popes  immediately  before  the  reformation, 
 and  particularly  Alexander  VI.  been  fo  abominably  wicked; 
 had  not  Julius  II.  been  ambitious  ;  had  not  Leo  X.  been 
 profufe  and  extortionate  ;  had  not  the  abufe  of  indulgences 
 been  fo  fnamelefs,  this  part  of  Europe  might  h.ive  been  but 
 little  improved  in  religious  knowledge,  notwithftanding  the 
 revival  of  letters,  and   the  invention  of  printing. 
 
 Popery,  during  the  prevalence  of  it,  was  attended  with 
 feveral  accidental  advantages.  The  monks  Vv'ere  fond  of  de(ert 
 places,  which  occafioned  the  cultivation  of  many  of  them,  by 
 dratving  a  concourfe  of  people  after  them  ;  fo  that  many 
 fiourifhing  towns  were  built,  in  places  where  we  (hould  leafl:  of 
 all  expect  them.  A  remarkable  example  of  this  is  Halifax  in 
 Yorkftiire. 
 
 cpery 
 
470  L  E  C  T  U  R  E  S     O  N  Part  V. 
 
 Popery  connected  the  feveral  parts  of  Europe,  which  was 
 in  danger  of  being  disjoined  by  the  difiiiembering  of 
 the  Roman  empire.  The  fuperftition  of  that  fyflcm  pro- 
 vided an  afylum  for  the  remains  of  learning  in  thofe  bar- 
 barous ages,  and  by  loofening  men's  attachment  to  the 
 Grecian  fech  of  philofophy,  broke  the  progrefs  of  authority 
 in  matters  of  fcience  j  thereby  leaving  men  at  liberty  to  fol- 
 low their  own  genius,  without  depriving  them  of  any  benefit 
 they  could  receive  from  the  labours  of  thofe  who  had  gone 
 before    them. 
 
 There  was  hardly  any  event  In  hiftory  fo  calamitous  to 
 Europe  in  general  as  the  Crufades^  and  befides  the  numbers 
 who  loft  their  lives  in  thofe  mad  expeditions,  they  brought 
 back  the  leprofy,  which  deftroyed,  and  made  wretched, 
 greater  numbers  at  home.  But  it  fhould  be  confidered  that 
 it  was  a  great  means  of  eftablifhing  the  liberties  of  the  lower 
 orders  of  men,  dlfperfing  the  wealth,  and  breaking  the  power 
 of  the  great  barons,  of  bringing  Europe  acquainted  with  the 
 eaftern  world,  and  of  introducing  much  ufeful  knowledge, 
 in   which  this   part  of  the  world  was  then    greatly  deficient. 
 
 Upon  the  whole,  fo  evident  is  the  tendency  of  the  moft 
 difrilrrous  events  which  disfigure  the  face  of  hiftory,  upon 
 our  lirft  looking  on  it,  to  bring  about  the  moft  happy 
 and  defirable  ftate  of  things,  and  fo  fuperlatively  efficacious  is 
 their  operation  for  this  purpofe  (or  at  leaft  fo  clofe  is  the  con- 
 nexion they  have  with  what  appears,  even  to  us,  to  be  the 
 beft  part  of  the  conftitution  of  things)  that  the  more  we  ftudy 
 the  works  of  Providence,  as  well  as  thofe  of  nature,  the  more 
 reafon  ftiall  we  fee  to  be  fatisfied  with,  and  to  rejoice  in,  all 
 liid  fair  conclufions  we  can  draw  from  them.  The  more  we 
 ftudy  hiftory  in  this  view,  the  more  thoroughly  ftiall  we  be 
 fatisfied  with  our  fituation  and  connexions,  the  more  will  our 
 gratitude  to  the  wife  and  kind  author  of  the  univerfe  be  in- 
 flamed, and  the  more  defirous  ftiall  we  be  to  promote,  by  our 
 conduit,  and  by  methods  of  operation  of  which  we  are  able  to 
 judge,  that  end,  which  we  perceive  the  Divine  Being  is  pur- 
 
 fuin 
 
 o 
 
Lect.  LXVIII.    GENERAL    POLICY.  471 
 
 fuing,  though  by  methods  of  operation  of  which  we  are  not 
 always  competent  judges,  and  which,  therefore,  we  ought  not 
 to  attempt  to  imitate. 
 
 Let  the  plain  duties  of  morality  be  our  rule  of  life.  We  fee 
 and  experience  their  happy  effects.  But  let  us  acquiefce  in 
 the  Divine  conduct,  when  we  fee  him  producing  the  fame  good 
 and  glorious  ends,  by  means  which  are  apt  at  firft  to  alarm  our 
 narrow  apprehenfions,  on  account  of  their  feeming  to  have  a 
 contrary  tendency. 
 
 INDEX 
 
INDEX. 
 
 /I  CTS  of  Parliament,  give  hints  cf 
 •^-^     manners  and  cufl:orr>,  p.  191. 
 
 proclaimed    openly 
 
 in  every  county  till  the  reign  of 
 Henry  VII.  191. 
 JddtJon\  treatife  on  medals  recom- 
 mended, 52.  ^ 
 JEra^  the  Chriftian,  began  to  be  ufed 
 about  360  years  after  the  birth  of 
 Chrift,  roi.  The  Greeks  for  a  long 
 time  had  no  fixed  sera,  57,  loa- 
 The  sera  of  Nabanafl'-.r,  ihid.  Of  the 
 Seleucids,  ibid.  Of  the  Hegyra,  ibtd. 
 That  which  was  ufed  formerly  in 
 Spain,  103.  Of  the  battle  of  Aflium, 
 ibid.  Of  Dioclefian,  and  of  Yef- 
 digerd,  ibtd.  Cautions  in  comparing 
 the  sras  wiih  one  another,  ibid. 
 
 .<^^a/^/aj's  Hiftory  of  Juftinian,    155. 
 
 Agriculture.^  deferves  particular  atten- 
 tion, 309.  How  bert  encouraged,  310. 
 "Whether  bounties  are  proper,  ibid. 
 Advantages  of  agriculture  and  com- 
 merce reciprocal,  311. 
 
 . much  promoted  in  China  and 
 
 Switzerland,  317.  Impeifeft  (late 
 of,  in  England  formerly,  312,  313. 
 Labour  the  fource  of  wealth  and  of 
 every  advantage,  513,  314. 
 
 Alcibiades.,  ill'treatment  of,  advan- 
 tageous to  his  country,  27. 
 
 Alehoufes.,  and  other  places  of  enter- 
 tainment, a  great  nuifance,  296. 
 
 Ambition  mikes  a  better  llatefman  than 
 avarice,  27  1. 
 
 American  Indians,  fond  of  their  roving 
 way  of  life,  273.  Their  method  of 
 making  hatchets,  316. 
 
 Ammianus  Marcel/ittiis''s  Hiftory,   155. 
 
 Ancient  nations,  military  power  of,  ac- 
 counted for,  405,  41C. 
 
 Ander fof! .,  exinS^^  frowf  335.  His  ge- 
 nealogies, the  largeft  and  moft  com- 
 pi.-'.e  body  of,    127, 
 
 Anniusot  Viterbo,  hispretended  ancient 
 writings  impofitions,  62. 
 
 Anfon':,  Voyage,  f-nteitaining,   5. 
 
 Antiquities^  Greek  and  Roman,  collefl- 
 ed  by  Grcevits  and  Gronovius,  an  im- 
 menfe  work,  157. 
 
 — Greek,  Potter's  ccmmended, 
 
 »57- 
 
 Roman,  Kennel's,  157. 
 
 Appian''^  Hiftory,    14c;. 
 Apprentices.,  law   relating    to,   an  im- 
 pediment to  rhe  improvement  of  the 
 arts,   319. 
 
 Artjlccracy^  bow  different  from  Def- 
 potifm,  257.  What  depends  on  the 
 number  of  its  members,  258.  Libels 
 peculiarly  obnoxious  in  this  govern- 
 ment, 259. 
 
 Artfliile\  idea  oT  the  ccnftitution  of 
 fiates  very  imperfect,  242. 
 
 Armies.,  Randing,  ard  militias,  407,  410. 
 Regulation  and  pay  of,  in  ancient 
 and  modern  time?,  415,  417.  Mer- 
 cenaries dangerou'^,  41  7.  iBuyingofF 
 a  war  more  dangerous,  418. 
 
 Arrian\  Hiftory  znc^  Enchiridion.,  com- 
 m.ended,  139. 
 
 Arts  and  Sciences.,  periods  in  the  hiftory 
 of,  221—223.  Connexion  between, 
 322,  323.  By  the  knowledge  of, 
 happinefs  increafed  in  modern  times> 
 3-4,  ^-J?- 
 
 Arts  an  ■  JUTcnufaSlures^  encouraged  by 
 govern:..ent,  317,  318.  How  they 
 increafe  the  power  of  a  ftate,  320. 
 Nurribers  of  perfons  employed  in 
 them,  321. 
 
 ArunJeliarrmarbk:\3.\uih]e,  47.  When 
 compofed,  57. 
 
 K  k  AJia, 
 
I 
 
 N 
 
 E 
 
 X. 
 
 Ajia^  at  what  time  it  e5:hibits  in  hiftory 
 
 the  moft  inviting  fpedacle,  214. 
 Afferius^  his  Life  of  Alfred,  164. 
 Augiijlan     Hiflory,     the    writers    of, 
 
 '53- 
 
 AuguJIus  admonifhed  his  officers  by  paf- 
 
 lages  of  hiftorians,  7. 
 Aure/tusy    M.     pleafing   anecdote   of, 
 
 19. 
 Aureliut  Vicltr^i  chara£ler  and  hiftory, 
 
 '53- 
 
 B 
 
 Bacov's.y    Sir    Fran-cis^  Life   of   Henry 
 
 VII.  commended,    179, 
 ■  [.ord,  remark  of,    8. 
 
 Bak&r,  Rich,  his  chronicle,    174. 
 
 Balance  of  power,  in  ftates,  particu- 
 larly in  England,  261?  2<?5,  412. 
 
 Baroniy  greater  and  iefs,  287. 
 
 Beccaria^  on  crimes,  3|ii. 
 
 BeJe's  Hiftory,    160. 
 
 Be/ffarius,   18, 
 
 BeU\  Travels  quoted,  274. 
 
 Bttijoriy  Dr.  mentioned,  ix. 
 
 Bextti'vogli0\     Hiftory     commended, 
 
 101. 
 
 Bersngton'*^  Life  of  Abelard  com- 
 mended, 103. 
 
 Bills  a  reprefentative  of  money,  350. 
 
 Biograpbki  Britannica  commended, 
 106. 
 
 BodUian  library,    190. 
 
 Bird's  Life  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
 180. 
 
 Bla(kJ}one\  Commentaries,  VL  187. 
 
 Bk:r\  Chronology,  125. 
 
 Bolingbrokcy  Lord,  extracts  from,  5,  6, 
 9,  59,  209,  213,  216,  2 1 8. 
 
 BoSy  Abhe  de^  his  remark,  444. 
 
 Bounties   on     exportation    of     corn, 
 
 31-0. 
 
 BraBon'^  Code  of  Common  Law, 
 183. 
 
 Brady\  Old  Englifh  Hifl:ory  and  Glof- 
 fary,    187. 
 
 Brydene'^.  Travels,  extract  from,  3 1 8. 
 
 Brittjh  ConftUutioTty  the  excellence  of, 
 acknowledged  by  Montelquieu  and 
 Vol.taire,    10. 
 
 Britijb  hiftorians,  and  thtir  characters, 
 f6o,    561. 
 
 Briterr,  an  excellent  French  manual  of 
 our  laws,    184 
 
 Rrcmpton\  (John)  Chronicle  com- 
 mended,   170. 
 
 Eurneff,  Hiftory,  of  his  own  times, 
 E75.      01  the  Reform^atis^n,   i»2. 
 
 Ca[fat''s   CommentaricF,  charader   of, 
 
 147- 
 
 Calasy  condemned  to  the  wheel,  301. 
 His  death  of  great  fervice  to  his 
 country,  468. 
 
 Camden^s  Life  of  Qu^een  Elizabeth, 
 179. 
 
 Cantacuzenus  (Jcbti).,  his  Hiftory  com- 
 mended,  156. 
 
 Capitoline  marbles  valuable,  47. 
 
 Caradecus\  Hiftory  of  the  petty  Kings 
 of  Wales,   s6i. 
 
 Cato\  chaiader  in  Sal'uft,  18. 
 
 Caxton''9y  Wvi.  Hiftory  begun  by  the 
 Monks  of  St.  Alban's,   172. 
 
 Chalcordiles^  Laonicus^    his   Hiftory, 
 
 Chancery    Records^    where    kept,    193. 
 
 Moft  of  them  deftroyed  by  the  rebels 
 
 under  Wat  Tyler,  ibid. 
 Chambers  and  order  of  the  Greek  an^ 
 
 Roman  hiftorians,  234—157. 
 Ckarle'votx''    Travels,  extrafls  and  ob- 
 
 fervations  from?  concerning  the  Ame- 
 
 5,  473,  %^^y  315, 
 
 ncan     Indians,       473,     299, 
 
 37' 
 
 29,  130. 
 
 Chart  of  Biography, 
 
 ^— of  Hiftory,    128,    ixg. 
 
 Ch:/d''s  (Sir  Je/sahJ  Obfervation  on  Co- 
 lonies, 340. 
 
 ChinOy  perfeclion  of  complaifance  in, 
 362.       Extremely    populous,    395, 
 
 399 
 
 Chronology,  Ancient,  dtfe£live,  57 — 60. 
 
 Corrected  by  Sir  Ifaac  Newton,  71 — • 
 
 78. 
 Chrofroiogical  lih\eSy    114. 
 Cicero*s  paflion  for  fame,    j8. 
 Letters,   the  hillorical  ufe  of. 
 
 <53- 
 
 Clarendon's 
 
 Hiftory,     chara£ler 
 
 Claudius*^  expedition  to  Britain,  remaik 
 on,  19. 
 
 Clo'vigcro^s  Hiftory  of  Mexico,  373, 
 384. 
 
 Clergy^  from  fuperftition  are  confidered 
 a  diftiniSl  order  of  men,  257, 
 
 Godrusy   20. 
 
 Coinage^  nothing  charged  for  it  in  Eng- 
 land,  346. 
 
 Coins  and  MedaJs,  their  origin,  and 
 their  ufe  in  hiftory,  48,  &c.  Pro- 
 gress of  the  manner  of  writing 
 traced  by  them,  51.  Ancient  and 
 n-.odem  compared,  52,  53. 
 
 Cj/;//,  Englifti,    114,    116.      Table  of, 
 
 i\6.     Gold  firft  coined  by  Edw.  HI. 
 
 and 
 
I 
 
 N       D 
 
 E 
 
 X. 
 
 and  no  copper,  by  authority,  before 
 James  I.  115.  The  proportion  money 
 has  borne  to  connmodities  from  time 
 to  time,  117 — 119.  Account  of 
 French  money  from  Voltaire,  i  lo- 
 ll 1. 
 
 CwJf's  Inftitutes,  and  complete  Copy- 
 holder,  186. 
 
 Colbert^  willing  to  deprefs  the  indudry 
 of   the  ceimtry^  333. 
 
 Cclden''s  HiRory  of  the  Five  Nations, 
 420. 
 
 Ca/sBies,  ufe  of,  to  a  commercial  ftate, 
 339.  Difference  between  ancient  and 
 modern,  ihiJ. 
 
 Comiiies^  FhiUp  Dc,  an  excellent  hif- 
 torian,   102. 
 
 Ctmvierce  and  Manufadlures,  Hiftory  of, 
 225 — 227. 
 
 Commerce^  its  rife,  327.  Its  efFetls  on 
 the  minds  of  men,  327,  318.  Its 
 immediate  and  principal  advantage  to 
 a  Hate,  3^8—330.  What  exportations 
 and  importations  peculiarly  valu- 
 able, 330,  331.  Commerce  pro- 
 motes the  landed  interejly  331.  It  is 
 fometime*  hurt  by  the  interference  of 
 the  legiflature,  332.  In  fome  cafes 
 companies  ferviceable  to  it,  333,  334. 
 Obflruftions  to  it,  334,  335.  Uni- 
 formity of  weights  and  meafures  faci- 
 litates it,  33^.  Account  of  the  fluc- 
 tuation of  commerce,  from  Anderfon, 
 335.  Nationr.l  jealoufy  of  trade  in- 
 jurious, 337.  Money  of  eminent  ufe 
 in  commerce,  341.  Whether  paper- 
 money  ufeful,  350,  351. 
 
 Common-place  book,  how    to    be   made, 
 
 Compendtums^  ufeful  in  ftudying  hiftory, 
 121 — 114.    Several  mentioned.  124. 
 
 Compenjjticn  fhould  be  made  to  an  in- 
 nocent man  charged   with  a  crime, 
 
 Condemned  criminal?,  the  notion  that 
 their  repentance  prepares  them  for  fu- 
 ture happinefs  falfe  and  dangeroas, 
 295. 
 
 Confinement  of  criminals  together,  a 
 fch-^ol  of  vice,  295, 
 
 Conquefts^  conduiil  of  nations  with  ref- 
 pect  to,  413.  Their  beneficial  ef- 
 fects, 466,  4^)7.  Romans  faid  to  be 
 the  only  people  enriched  by  conquefts, 
 414.     Ccmp.  424,    425. 
 
 Conjieilations  firft  invented  at  the  time 
 of  the  Argonautic  expedition,    82. 
 
 Orwf //'a's  juft  turn  of  thinking,   17. 
 
 Corporations^  Rife  of,  286. 
 
 Certezy  an  inftance  of  the  revprfe  of 
 fortune,   28. 
 
 Cotton^  (Sit  John)  I'lbrzry^  190,  1.91, 
 
 Cotton\  (Sir  Robert)  Abridgemcntof  the 
 Parliamentary  Records,  publifhed  by 
 Prynne,  191, 
 
 Covetous  perfons,  the  large  fortunes  thjey 
 leave  foon  diflipated,  31. 
 
 Ceuragey  nectfTary  in  war,  414.  Sources 
 and  reafons  of,  414,  420,  421.  In- 
 vaders have  generally  more  than  the 
 invaded,    420. 
 
 Ccujiumier  de  Normandy^  an  ancient  law 
 book,  182. 
 
 Crimes^  a  prudent  legiflature  will  en- 
 deavour to  prevent,  296. 
 
 Crcefus^  the  tirft  prince  mentioned  who 
 coined  m.oney,  49. 
 
 Curtius,  20. 
 
 Cufiom  has  the  force  of  law,   294. 
 
 C);./^/ explained,  96,   97. 
 
 Dalrympk^  on  feudal  property,    187. 
 
 Danijb  period  of  our  hiftory,  how  to  be 
 learned,    165,  166. 
 
 Darics,    49. 
 
 Davila's  Hiftory  of  the  Civil  Wars  in 
 France  commended,  41,  201.  Whjt 
 the  Duke  d'Epernon  faid  of  it,  41, 
 
 Decern  Scriptores^  178, 
 
 Decker''&^  Sir  William^  maxim,  329. 
 
 Decretals^  are  acknowledged  to  be  for- 
 geries,  62. 
 
 De  Lolme^   referred  to,  246,    247. 
 
 Democracy,    its  advantages  149. 
 
 Defpotijm^  fome  nations  attached  to, 
 245. 
 
 Dtceto^  Ralph  de^  an  Englifh  hift>rian, 
 who  was  admired  by  Selden,    109. 
 
 Dig^s^  Complete  Ambaflador.  189. 
 
 D/?  Cfl^«x's  Hiftory,  149,    150. 
 
 Diodorus  Siculus,  h's  hiftory,    138. 
 
 Dicnyfius  Haltcamajf.njis^  an  excellent 
 hiftorian,    141,    142. 
 
 Divine  trovidence^  over-rules  the  paf- 
 fions  and  powers  of  men  to  benevolent 
 purnofes,  2i  I,  461 — 464.  In  the  di- 
 rection of  human  affairs,  the  noblefl 
 obje<i\  of  attention  to  an  hiftoiian, 
 22—27,  4? I— 454-  By  this  ftudy  the 
 marks  of  proerefs  towards  a  ftate  of 
 greater  knowledge,  fecurity  and  hap- 
 pinefs  may  be  obferved,  4^4— .^eg, 
 xviii. 
 
 Dodor  and  Student,   186. 
 
 Doomfday  book,    195, 
 
 Doree^  reply  to  Charles  IX.   20. 
 
 Duellings  a  barbarous  and  abfurd  cuftom, 
 425. 
 
 K  k   Z 
 
 Eadmerus^ 
 
N 
 
 D 
 
 X. 
 
 Ea^mrruSy  his  Hiflory  publiflied  by  Sel- 
 den,    commended   by    NichoHon, 
 
 168. 
 Ealrecl\  Genealogy  of  our  Kmgs    to 
 
 Henry  II.  168. 
 EccleJiaJitceJ I  wr'ners  throw  light  on  ci- 
 vil hillory,   181. 
 Eclipfesy  of  ufe    to   afcertain    the  time 
 
 of  events  in   hiftoiy,   78.     Principal 
 
 eclipfes  taken  notice  of  by  hiftorians, 
 
 quoted  from  Fergufou,  79,  80. 
 Education    of    youth,     its    importance, 
 
 3<9.   EfTay  on,  xvii — xxxvii. 
 Edivard  II.  his  lite  accurately   written 
 
 by   Sir   Thomas    De    la    More.     His 
 
 hiftory   alfo     written   by    Sir    Henry 
 
 Cary,   179- 
 EdivarJWl.    his  Diary,  written   by   bis 
 
 own    hand,    publifhed    by     Burnet, 
 
 179. 
 Epitomes  oi^  hiflory  commended,  114. 
 Eratofthenes   and   Jpoliodorus  h  ftorians 
 
 followeH  by  u\\  chronologers,  58. 
 Ethelward^  or  £iward  Patritius,  a  Saxon 
 
 hiRorian,    164 
 Evidence,  its  value  computed  in  ancient 
 
 and  modern  hillory,    37 — 3H,   60. 
 mm in  the  trial  of  criminals,    300, 
 
 301. 
 Europe^  Hiftory  of,  much  mere  intereft- 
 
 ing  from  the  end  of  the  15th  century, 
 
 ^\6 — 219. 
 Euttopius^s  Roman  hiftory,  a  pretty  good 
 
 epitome,  1  54. 
 Exchange,  general  nature  of,   351,  352. 
 Examples,  good  and  bad,  reprelented  in 
 
 hiftj^y,  tend   to    Itrengthen   virtuous 
 
 fentiments,   i6- — ii. 
 
 Fahian,  Robert,  his  UiJ}ot iarum  Ccn- 
 cordanti/e,    173. 
 
 Fabius  Maximus,  inflance  of  his  ho- 
 nourable conduft,   19. 
 
 Fa&ions,  their  rife,  duration,  and  ef- 
 feas,   422,    423. 
 
 Feneltn,  the  ingenious  and  excellent ; 
 inftance  of  his  weakntf ,   21. 
 
 Feudal  fyftem,  not  fully  eUabliflied  in 
 England  till  the  lime  of  William  the 
 Conqueror,  279.  In  what  circum- 
 Hances  it  acquired  ftrength,  281. 
 Violence  and  infecuray  in  tiiole 
 times,  2b2.  The  number  of  powers 
 andinterefts  ftrugglicg  for  fuperiority 
 keft  things  tolerably  v/ell  balanced, 
 
 183.  Private  confed..racies  fupplied 
 the  place  of  civil  union,  283,  and 
 knight-errantry  arofe  and  prevailed, 
 283,  284  Caufe  of  the  decline  of 
 the  feudal  l)flem,  284,  185,  289. 
 Seme  trace?  of  it  ftill,  and  general 
 obfervationson  its  progrefs  and  termi- 
 nation, 289,  290.  Manners  of  feudal 
 time-,  363,    364. 
 
 Fijheries    valuable  to  a  ftate,    330. 
 
 Ftt2>kerbert,  Sir  Anthony,  author  of  the 
 new  Natiira  Bra'vtum,    1  86. 
 
 Fltmings,  led  the  way  in  the  Improve- 
 ment of  arts  and  manufaiStures,    321. 
 
 Fleta,  a  methodical  and  learned  trea- 
 tile,    183. 
 
 Fleury,  Cardinal,  a  fuccefsful  fratcfman 
 to  a  very  advanced  age,  29. 
 
 Florentinus  Bratontus,  an  Englifh  hifto- 
 rian  in  the  12th  century,    168, 
 
 For  eft  laias,  rigorous  in  France,  297. 
 
 Fortejcue,  Sir  John,  author  of  De  LaU' 
 dibus  Legum  Anglia,    185. 
 
 France,  hittory  of,  when  it  began  to  be 
 interefting,   2!  8, 
 
 French  baubles  and  modes,  in  the  time 
 of  Colbert,  colt  England  little  lefs 
 than  800,000  pounds  a  year,  355. 
 
 Froijfart,  Sir  John,  an  hiltorian  in  the 
 15th  century,    171, 
 
 Frugality,  favourable  to  population, 
 394,  395. 
 
 Gain  of  a  merchant,  not  always  the  gain 
 of  ihe  country  in  general,   330. 
 
 Gaming,  ihe  greatell  incentive  to  pro- 
 fligacy or    every  kind,    358. 
 
 General  B  ographical  Diftioniry,  206. 
 
 Ganerattons  of  men,  or  intervals  trom 
 father    to    fon,    their   mean    length, 
 
 73. 
 German  flates,  their  ancient  form,  275, 
 
 276.  Divifion     of    their  conquered 
 lands,  276.      Taxes    of  thofe    times, 
 
 277.  Allodial   knds   converted  into 
 feudal,   279. 
 
 Germany,    when  it  made  a  great  figure, 
 
 Gervafe,  an  antiquary  ^d  hillorian  in 
 the  i2th  century,    169. 
 
 Gtannone''^  hiftory  of  Naples  commend- 
 ed, 201. 
 
 Gildas,  a  Saxon,  wrote  the  hi'^ory  of 
 the  Englilh  nation,    160. 
 
 Glawville,  chief  juftice  in  the  reign  of 
 Henry  II.  author  of  Tradatus  de  le^ 
 gibus,  &iC,  183. 
 
 Gsvernmentj 
 
I       N 
 
 D 
 
 X. 
 
 Gdvernment^  the  fcience  of,  the  mcft 
 important  of  all  fciences,  ii,  228. 
 Still  in  its  infancy,  11.  The  well- 
 being  of  fociety,  or  the  happinefs  of 
 the  people,  its  only  proper  and  gene- 
 ral objeO,  I  r,  12.  The  nature  and 
 particular  objetls  and  forms  of  civil 
 government,   229. 
 
 Goiernment^  mcnarchical,  its  advan- 
 tages and  difadvantages,  with  various 
 circumftances  attending  't,  243 — 248, 
 True  feat  of  power  in  luch  govern- 
 ments, 149 — 270. 
 
 Government^  democratical.  its  advan- 
 tages, with  various  circumftances, 
 249—257. 
 
 Government^  ariftccratical,  vanoHS  cir- 
 cumftances of,   257 — -62. 
 
 Gevernments,  permanent,  263.  Pre- 
 lerv.ed  by  the  balance  of  power,  and 
 liberty  of  fpeaking  and  writing,  26^ — 
 z66,  and  reverence  fcr  the  form,  in 
 the  body  of  the  ptople,  256 — 26d. 
 
 GcTfr«wf»/,  under  any  form,  preferable 
 to  anarchy  or  barbarifm,  272.  Refine- 
 ment in  the  ideas  of  a  people  keeps 
 pace  with  their  improvement  in  go- 
 vernment, 174-  The  European 
 governments,  and  particularly  the 
 Englilh,  traced  from  their  Hrft  rudi- 
 ments to  their  prefent  form,  275,  &c. 
 The  expence  of  government  fupport- 
 ed   by  taxes,  427 — 434. 
 
 Gravius  and  Grcncvius^  authcrs  of  a 
 colle£tion  of  a  compleat  body  of 
 Greek  and  Roman  antiquities,  157. 
 
 Green  cloth^  a  repofitory  of  court  re- 
 cords, i9«. 
 
 Grey''^  Memon'a  Technica^  13  I, 
 
 Grcje\   Antiquities,-    a    paffage    from, 
 
 44®- 
 
 Guicciardinrs  hiftory  of  Italy  com- 
 mended, 20 1 >   202. 
 
 Gunponuder^  the  invention  of,  has  made 
 a  total  alteration  in  the  whole  fyfteni 
 of  war,   217,   403. 
 
 H 
 
 Haddingfcn\  Life  of  Edward  IV.  179. 
 
 Hale\  (Ld.  Ch.  J  )  oh  ervationson  a  law 
 of   King  Canute,  69. 
 
 //a//,  Ednuard^  wrote  on  the  wars  be- 
 tween the  Houfes  of  York  and  Lan- 
 c  after,   173. 
 
 Hanntbal\  power  in  Italy  dreaded  at 
 Carthage,  27. 
 
 Bstrringt^nh  Oceana,  11. 
 
 Harris''^  hiftory  of  James  I.   Charles  T. 
 
 and    Oliver  Cromwell,    commended, 
 
 180, 
 Harrifon't,  and  HolIingJhead*>.  Chromtle^ 
 
 treatly  efteemed,  174. 
 JiarU''^  Life  of  Guftavus  Adolphus  com- 
 mended,  201. 
 Hartleys  dodVrine  of  aftbciation  of  ideas, 
 
 commended,  ix. 
 Hegyra^  and  method  of  computing  frona 
 
 it,  102. 
 Hemingfordh   (IV )     Chronicle,    from 
 
 1066  to  1308,    171. 
 HenauWs  abridgment  of  French  hiftory 
 
 coiDmended,  200. 
 Hengham^  Sir  Ralph  de,  chief  juftice  in 
 
 the    reign   of    Edw.    i.    bis  Summa\ 
 
 184. 
 Henrietta^  Qncen  of  Charles  I   remark 
 
 on  her  reverfe  of  fortune,  28. 
 Henry  V.    his    life  by    Titus    LIviut, 
 
 '79- 
 Henryy    archdeacon  of  Huntirvgton,    hiy 
 
 hiftory  concluding  with   the   reign  cf 
 
 King  Stephen,    168. 
 Henry's {Di.)  Hiftory  of  Great-Britain, 
 
 Vi. 
 Heraldry^  its  origin  and  ufe,   54,   C5. 
 Herbert^  f  Lord;  Hiftory  of  Henry  VIII. 
 
 •  7  9- 
 Hereditary  diftin<5tions  in  a  ftate  unjuft, 
 
 258. 
 
 Herodian'i,  Hiftory  commended^  '153. 
 
 Hercdotuiy  his  Hiftory  commended,  5. 
 Its  charader,  134.  He  derived  his 
 information  principally  from  oral  tra- 
 dition, id. 
 
 Htgden\  (Ralph)  Polychronicon,  17  r. 
 
 History,  the  employment  of  all  per- 
 lons,    I,    i. 
 
 ui'es    of;  it    amufcs    the  imagi- 
 
 nati.  n  and  interefts  the  paftion',  3,  5. 
 It  improves  the  underllanding,  5  — 13. 
 It  tendt-  lo  iLengthen  the  lentiments 
 of  virtue,  14 — 22,  el^Jecially  as  it  ex- 
 hibits the  conduct  of  Divine  Provi- 
 dence in  human  affairs,  ^3,  Sec. 
 
 — — —  the  Iburces  of,    3:, — 87. 
 
 »  "  ■  ■  uleful  to  young  perfons  without 
 previous  qualification;,  89.  Requi- 
 fues  necefl'ary  or  uleful  for  thole 
 who  have  fcientific  views  in  the  ftudy 
 of  it,   88 — 122*. 
 
 dire<3ions   for    facilitating    t!.e 
 
 ftudy  cf,   12  I — 203. 
 
 . '-  Greek    and    Roman,  with    the 
 
 chaiader  of  the  writers  in  order  of 
 time,  134 — 156. 
 
 Hljiery 
 
I 
 
 N 
 
 D 
 
 166. 
 
 Bijiarjy  Britifli,  wiih  the  charatfler  of 
 the  writers,  160,  \6i.  Roman  wri- 
 ters  of  afFaiis  on  th  s  idiiiul,     i6z. 
 
 • Say.on>    ot     thic     ifland,    163, 
 
 164. 
 
 DaniHi,     of   ihib    idaud,     165, 
 
 Englifh,  pimcipal  authors  of, 
 from  the  conqueli  to  the  end  of  the 
 i^th  century,  167  — 172.  from  the 
 beginning  of  the  16th  century  to  the 
 prelent  time,  173 — 177.  Particular 
 iives  and  reigns,  •78 — »8o,  and  other 
 means  of  iniormaiion,   1 8 1  — i  pvj. 
 
 of  other  nations;,  with  the  cha- 
 
 rade r  of  the  v/viurs,   2.0c — 203. 
 
 the  moll,    iir.poitar>t  objecls    oi 
 
 attention  to  a  reader  of,  104 — ^27. 
 Every  thing  is  woithy  of  attention 
 ■which  contributeb  to  make  a  nation 
 hsppy,  288 — 393;  populous,  394—" 
 430  ;  and  lecuie,  401 — 40Z.  Some 
 other  objefts  wcrthy  of  attention, 
 443—471. 
 
 the  firfl:,   of  onr    own   coiintry, 
 
 we  have  from  'he  Romans,   59. 
 JJijIorians^  to  be  preferred  who  write  of 
 
 the  events    of  their  own  times,  59. 
 
 Mcdein    hiftcry     bed    underftood    a 
 
 confideiable   time   after    the   events, 
 
 60. 
 ,_ Greek  and  Roman,   in  order  of 
 
 time,   with    their   charafters,    134— f 
 
 Hoil  ^ka'*^  laws,  enatSled   in  the  tenth 
 
 century,    \6\. 
 BMingjhead\    Chronicle,     greatly     ef- 
 
 leenied,  174. 
 Homc-iS  poeins  founded  on  faiSl,  42. 
 Honour^    Unfc     of,  exemplified  by    the 
 
 EaiTof  Peterborough,    20. 
 llooke''%  R<iman  hiftcry  commended,  158. 
 
 his  obllrvation  on  the  kin^^  of  Rome, 
 
 Horace^  his  refined  prailes  of  the  charac- 
 ter of   Auguitu-,  7. 
 
 Born^  Ahdre^iv^  author  of  the  Mivjclr 
 dejujhce,  184. 
 
 Ho^jeiien^  Roger  jf,  author  of  a  hillory 
 of  EngKind,  to  the  year   120.',  569. 
 
 Hczi'arJ,  Mr.  commended,  296. 
 
 Burner  hiftory,  its  character,  176". 
 His  faults  well  pointed  out  by  Dr. 
 Towers,  176.  Q^iottd,  208,  210, 
 22  J,  250,  389,  3S7.  Juft  obfer- 
 vations  from,  11,  15,  4r,  65,  209, 
 246,  369,  404.  His  diiTtrtation  up- 
 on the  populoufnc.b  of  ancient  nations 
 voramtnded,  397. 
 
 Jacobin   Law    Dictionary    cominended, 
 
 .87. 
 Idlenefs^  the  great  inlet  to  the  mod  de^ 
 
 ttriittive  vices,   357. 
 Jcalculy  of  trade,  huw  it  operates,  337. 
 J<'ff^''y     of    Monmouth,     his     hiftory, 
 
 161. 
 Imprifonment^   not  defigned  for  punifh- 
 
 ment,  302. 
 hdians  in  North  America,  their  native 
 
 flrength  of  mind,   21. 
 Ingulphus  of  Croyjand,  fiifl  Englifh  hif- 
 
 torian  after  the  conqueft,    167. 
 Inquifuion,  tribunal  o',    298. 
 Intereji  ot  money,  348,  Caufesof  high, 
 
 il):d.     On  fixing  the  rate  of,   349. 
 J-.^fi,  vicar   of  Tinmouth,  colledlor  of 
 
 Engliih  hiftory  in    the    14th  cenivry, 
 
 '7'- 
 
 'yornandes''i,  Hiflory  of  the  Goths,  1  55, 
 
 Journals  of  the  Lords  and  Commons^ 
 lately  printed,    igt. 
 
 Ififinus  Jojeph,  author  of  a  poem  en- 
 titled Antiocheis,    178. 
 
 Judges  fliould  have  no  part  in  the  legif- 
 lative  or  executive  power,   300. 
 
 Julian^   peiiod,  too.      Year,    98. 
 
 Juries  introduced  into  the  Englifh 
 courts  in  the  time  of  Alfred,  279. 
 
 Jujiinianh  InftituteSy  157.  Pandeds, 
 307  = 
 
 Ka:ms\  (Lord)    law  trads,    187,     293,, 
 
 commended,    304. 
 K:/,pis,   Dr.  mentioned,  viii. 
 Knight  errantry,   riio  of,    283. 
 Knightoiiy  Henry,   wrote  a  chronicle    in 
 
 the  i4(,h  ceiitury,    171. 
 Knoivledge,   feveral     branches  of,   very 
 
 ufeful,  as  preparatory  to  the  accurate 
 
 lludy  of  hiitory,  89 — 93,    104. 
 
 Labour^   the   fource   of  wealth    and    of 
 
 eveiy     advantage,    313,     320.     Di- 
 
 vifion  of,  315. 
 extreme^  brings  on  untimely  oI»J 
 
 age,  399. 
 Ladies  iDltru(Sted  by  hidory,  1 1. 
 Lands,  alienation  of  allowed,    288. 
 Language')    ufe    of,   a    guide  to  an  hif- 
 
 tgrian,   63 — 66. 
 
 Latins^ 
 
N        D 
 
 X. 
 
 Latins^  firft    money    coined    by    them, 
 
 49- 
 Lata^  Dr.  Bidiop    of  Carlifle,   his  corfi- 
 
 derations  on  the  theory    of  re'igion, 
 
 460. 
 L.aio  bocks,  ufeful  for  the  mod  valuable 
 
 purpoies  of  hiftory,    iS'z — 187. 
 Lew,  the  profefiion  of,  always  reckoned 
 
 honourable  in  civilized  -.MuntiifS,  30S. 
 Latus,  concerning  property,  a  fource  of 
 
 hifiorical  knowledee,  304 — 307. 
 Lavas,    their    multiplicity  in  nee  itates, 
 
 292.     Should  be  uniform,  2,93.     Ob- 
 
 jeft  of  criminal  law,  294,    298.    Lcr- 
 
 nity  andfeverity  of  laws,  296,  297. 
 LcFius  and  cullomo,  a  fource  of  biftoi  ical 
 
 knowledge,  66 — 70. 
 L''Enfant\   Hiftory  of  the  counJlt;    of 
 
 Pifa,  ConRance  and  Bafil,    203 
 Leprojy    brought  into     Eu4ope   by    the 
 
 Crufade?,  23^. 
 Leti\   Life   of  Sixtus   V.   commended, 
 
 40 1. 
 Letters,  a'phabetical,   when    introduced 
 
 into  ftveral  countries,    59. 
 Lezuis  XI.  inftance  of  his  weaknefs,  22. 
 Le'wts  XII    a  reply  of,  19. 
 Leivis  XIV,  Voltaire's  account    o*^,   29. 
 Liberty,    civil   and    political,     defined, 
 
 Liberty  of  fpeaking  and  writing,  impor- 
 tant to  the  ftat€  and  to  individuals, 
 231,  266. 
 
 Lyttleton\  (Lord)  Hiftory  of  Henry  11, 
 commended,    178. 
 
 -'  (Sir  Thomas)  book  of  tenures, 
 
 commended,    186. 
 
 Lives  of  Englifh  writers  by  feveral  au- 
 thors,   I  99. 
 
 X./i'^'s  Roman  hiftory,  character  of,  143. 
 
 Lotteries  very  hurtful,   256. 
 
 Luxury,  what  kinds  of,  are  hurtful,  354 
 — 3:;7.  Promoted  by  the  largenefs  of 
 capital  cities,    358. 
 
 M 
 
 J\/[fcauly\  (Mrs.)  mafterly  Hiftory,  176. 
 
 ilfcf/'/rtTf/'s  Hiftory  o."^  Florence,  1:;. 
 
 Machines  for  facilitating  labour,  whether 
 hurtful  to  population,   3vO. 
 
 Maddox\  Formulare  Anglicanum,  197. 
 
 Mailros,  Chronicle  of,    170. 
 
 Males^  more  born  than  females,    399. 
 
 Mankind  are  naturally  lelfifh,  I'enlual, 
 and  favage,   361. 
 
 Manners  o\  {he  ancients,  361.  and  of 
 the  t'eudal  times,    363,    364. 
 
 M'Onufadures  and  comm.erce,  the  hif- 
 tory of,  225 — 227. 
 
 M>::rianus  Scctus,  an  hlllorian  in  the 
 eleventh  cinuiry,    \^i 
 
 Mary,  Queen,  in  her  reign  above  ?oo 
 Pioteftai  t-  burned,  374.  Jews  were 
 fp;;red,  37fi. 
 
 Matthcuj  ot  Wcftminfter,  KnglHli  hif- 
 torian  to  1307,  171. 
 
 Medallions,  50. 
 
 Memoir cs  fur  les  Chinois,  431, 
 
 Mica,  inftance  of  h  s  braving  death,  20« 
 
 Middktsn's  lAfeof    Cic*.  ro,    5, 
 
 Miliar,  Mr.  on  the  F.ngiiih  conllituiioa, 
 cmrr  ended,   176. 
 
 Monarchy,  its  advantages  and  difad'vatj- 
 ta|;ei-,  243 — 248. 
 
 Monarchies,  European,  very  difrerent 
 from  the  ancient,  259.  Thtir  rife, 
 ibid.  Their  nobihty,  260.  Thele  go- 
 vernments permanent,  ibid.  Favour 
 the  female  fex,  261.  Not  proper  foj 
 very  extenfne  dominion,  262. 
 
 Mcnajiiccn  Jnglicanutn,  in  3  vols,  folio, 
 by  Sir  Wiliiam  Dugdale  aad  Mr. 
 Dcdiwotth,  commended,  198. 
 
 Money,  a  reprefentative  of  fhe  commwfi- 
 ties  which  may  be  purchafed  with  it, 
 105,  Two  things  may  make  an  al- 
 teration in  its  rcpiefentative  power  ; 
 the  change  of  the  idea  annexed  to  any 
 common  name  or  fum,  105 — 107. 
 and  the  alteration  of  the  proportion 
 between  the  quantity  of  money^  and 
 the  commodities  reprefented  bv  it, 
 108.  Its  proportion  to  com.modities, 
 109 — 113.  The  only  inconvenience 
 attending  a  imall  quantity  of  current 
 money  in  a  ffate,  341:. 
 
 Money,  value  of,  among  the  Gretk« 
 and  R(/mans,  taken  from  Arbuthnot, 
 108,  100.  When  firft  ftamped  by  the 
 Romans,    ic8.     SieCctns. 
 
 Money  iti  quantify  in  circulation,  343^ 
 Maxin.i-with  reiped  to  it,  343 — 3^^, 
 Interelr  or,  348— 3£;o.  P:  per-m.oney, 
 350,351       Exchange  of,  ;  5  I,  352. 
 
 Mcnt.>gue\  (Lady  Wortley)  letters  and 
 travels,  3C0,   318. 
 
 Montejqiiicu,  commended,  2o,  c;o8. 
 Qiiotcd,  20.9,  23.%  24c,  142,  244., 
 250,  753,  2^1,366,  3-^.9,  386.. 
 
 Months,  iunar  and  fo)ar,  94. 
 
 Monuments,  a  means  of  prefervir-g  tfji- 
 dition;^^,  45. 
 
 Moors,  one  of  ttieir  preiudices,  10. 
 
 Morals,  piofiigacy  of,  in  arbitrary  go- 
 vernments, 247,  248. 
 
 More''s  Utopia,  would  not  bear  to  be 
 reduced  to  praftice,  1  i. 
 
 More\  Hilfory  of  Edward  V.  eJe^-anlly 
 defcribed,  179, 
 
 Alctii'es,u\ie,  of  condtufV,  different  from 
 the  declared  reafon?,  ^\^,  213. 
 
 Nan?t 
 
N 
 
 I) 
 
 X. 
 
 N 
 
 Ntt-mes  pcrpetnate  ihe  memory  of  per- 
 fons  Hnd  favS\s,  &6. 
 
 National  debts,  thvir  oilgin  and  progrefs, 
 43;,  436.  Their  advantaees  and  dil- 
 advantages,  436 — 439.  Sinking  Funds 
 for  paying  ihem  off,  440,  441. 
 
 Na-vigaticn  a^,  332,  337. 
 
 Nennius,  a  Rrilirti  hiltorian;  i5i. 
 
 Nepos^  Cornelius^  commended,    140. 
 
 Nen.vton'^  ^Sir  Ij'aac)  maxim  concerning 
 oral  tradition,  37.  His  iagacity  in 
 tracing  events  by  circumftances,  63. 
 his  Chronology  commended,  71.  The 
 ufe  he  made  of  obfeivations  of  the 
 precf£ion  of  the  equinoxes,  8i. 
 
 yirephorui  Gregoras,  an  hiftorian  in 
 ;h-^  fourteenth  century,  156. 
 
 Nicetas  ylcominatus^  begins  his  hiftory 
 whcie  Zonaras  ends.  1155. 
 
 Nicholfa}i\  Englilh"  Hiftorical  Library 
 commanded,  159.  Referred  to,  181, 
 iSq,  19c;. 
 
 Nubility,  not  hereditary  in  the  eaflern 
 monarchies,  159. 
 
 iV^TT'^  Narrationrs,  publilTied  in  the  reign 
 of  Edward  III.  185. 
 
 O 
 
 Oath,    376,   377.  
 
 Odertcus  Fitalis^  a  writer  of  church  hif- 
 tory in  the  twelfth  century,  78. 
 
 Old  Teftament  hiftory,  credible,  78.  Of 
 ufe  to  Sir  I.  Newton  in  redif}  ing  the 
 heathen  chronology,  86. 
 
 Oral  tradition,  a  vehicle  of  hiftorical 
 knowledge,  35,  36 
 
 Ot  dcr  of  time,  of  the  Greek  and  Roman 
 h'rtlory,  134—155. 
 
 Painting!  of  the   Mexicans  contained  a 
 
 hiliory  of  the  nation,  37, 
 Faper-cffice,     a    repi-tiiory     of    records, 
 
 I  89. 
 Papers^  belonging  to  the  office  of  Ord- 
 nance, v  here  kept.  196. 
 P:jris^    Mattheiv^    a    renowned   Englifh 
 
 hillorian  in  the  13th  century,  i6q. 
 Paical^  an  inftanceof  his  weaknefs,  21. 
 
 The  fame  kind  of  weaknefs  in  his  {i{- 
 
 ter,  ibid. 
 PauTf.^  Ffither,  Hiftory  of  the  Council 
 
 of  Trent,  commended,  203. 
 Faulus  Dtaconus^    afl  hiltorian  in  the  9th 
 
 centttry,  155. 
 
 Pehpsnnefian  war,  aiTords  a  leftbn  to  the 
 Englifh,  214. 
 
 Periods  in  hiftory  worthy  of  contem- 
 plation, zi 5 — 227. 
 
 Perfecution^  ruinous  to  trade  and  com- 
 merce, 334.  Benefits  rel'ulting  from 
 it,  463,   464. 
 
 Peterharough^  Earl  of,  an  inftance  of  his 
 fenfe  of  honour,   ao, 
 
 Pttrarch^  Memoirsof,  commended,  202» 
 
 Philip  of  Macedon,  maxim  of.  18,  19. 
 
 Philofophy  has  an  influence  on  the  hap- 
 pinefs  of  fociety,  38c,  386.  The 
 knowledge  of  it  ufeful  in  ftudying 
 hilfory)  90. 
 
 PlutarcFt  Lives,  commended,   140. 
 
 Poems,  hiftorical,  42.  of  Homer  founded 
 on  fafV,  ibid. 
 
 Poland,  the  worft  conftituted  ariftocracy, 
 
 ^59- 
 
 Pohtenefs,   what  ^  361,   362. 
 
 jPf//7f»^/},  in  a  ftate,  361.  The  ancients 
 defeilive  in,  361,  362,  366.  Rife 
 and  proi^rels  of  modern  politenefs, 
 363—36^. 
 
 Pcdyhius\  Hiftory  commended,  144,  I4g. 
 
 Poor,  public  maintenance  of,   435,    236. 
 
 Popery,  attended  with  accidental  advan- 
 tages, 469. 
 
 Pope''s  remark  on  learning,  15. 
 
 Population,  circumftances  favourable  to, 
 387 — 394.  Increafe  or  decreafe  of 
 mankind  in  proportion  to  the  demand, 
 395.  How  to  compute  the  number 
 ©t  irhibitants,  399.  Extreme  popu- 
 lation, 398. 
 
 Porter''^,  Sir  James,  obfervations  on  the 
 Turks  quoted,  37  i>  375. 
 
 Poftletlivatte,  quoted,  311,  340. 
 
 Po'wer,    legiflative,  of  the  Saxons,  279. 
 
 — - — —  of  judging,  muft  be  feparate 
 from  the  kgiflative  and  executive 
 power,  240. 
 
 -.  of  the  King,  Lords,  and  Com- 
 
 mons, 264,  265. 
 Prece(fion  of  the  equinoxes,  of  ufe  to  Sir 
 
 Ifaac  Newicn   in   correfling   ancient 
 
 chionology,  82 — 87. 
 Price,  Dr.  on  the  number,  of  deaths,  400. 
 of  commodities,  on   what   it   de- 
 pends, 342,  343-. 
 Printing,  the  invention  of,  the  means  of 
 
 diffufing  knowledge,  223. 
 Prior,   Richard,  of  Hexham,   colle£led 
 
 King  Stcplien's  memoirs,   178. 
 Pieclamatiov^,    Roviil,  preftrTved    in  the 
 
 library  of  the  antiquarian  fociety,  188. 
 Proceptus,  ao  hiftorian,  flcurifhed  A.  D. 
 
 501,  155. 
 Property,  on  difpofing  of,  233,  234- 
 P/s/ffu/^rj  of  criminals,   299,  300. 
 
 Prev-mces^ 
 
I 
 
 N        D 
 
 X, 
 
 ProvinceSy  Roman,  not  much  lefs  happy 
 under  Tiberius  and  Nero,  than  under 
 Trajan  and  the  Antonine?,  27. 
 
 Pry»«tf's  abridgment  of  the  flatutes,  191 . 
 
 Public  inftrudion,  the  whole  fociety  in- 
 terefted  in,  132. 
 
 Punijhments  fiiould  be  fuch  as  iufpire 
 terror,  495. 
 
 Pyrr^w/'s  coorerfation  withCyneas,  30. 
 
 ^intus  Curit'uff   the   chara£ter   of  his 
 biftory,  139. 
 
 R 
 
 Randolf\  Sir  Thomas,  erabafly  to  the 
 emperor  of  Ruflia,  1  89. 
 
 Rapines  Hiftory  of  England^  commend- 
 ed,  175. 
 
 Rq/ial\  William,  colleaion  of  the  fta- 
 tutes,  with  the  continuation)  191. 
 
 Receipt  office,  1 90. 
 
 Records^  Englifh,  where  preferved,  1 88— 
 ipz,  of  the  court  of  chancery,  193, 
 194. 
 
 ■  "•  of  the  court  of  exchequer, 
 
 ibiJ.    Of  the  courts  of  king^s- bench 
 and  common-pleas^  19a. 
 
 Re/ormatiottj  from  popery,  of  extenfive 
 advantage,  460. 
 
 Religion^  its  influence  on  civil  fociety, 
 367—369.  Advantages  derived  from 
 chriftianity  in  Europe,  369.  Abufes 
 of  religion,  370 — 377.  Connexion 
 of  modes  of  religion  with  forms  of 
 government,  377,  378.  Civil  efta- 
 blifliraents  of  religion^  379—384. 
 
 — — —  eftabliflied,  in  Ireland,  that  of 
 the  minority,  38a. 
 
 Reprefentatives  in  ftates,  their  qualifi- 
 cations, 255,  456. 
 
 Republican  governments,  virtue  and  pub- 
 lic fpirit  their  neceflary  fupports,  151, 
 t$i.  In  them  exorbitant  riches  and 
 power  dangerous,  a 5 4.  Offices  of 
 cruft  and  power  (hould  be  held  by  ro- 
 tation, 453.  Where  great  numbers 
 are  concerned,  reprefentatives  fhould 
 be  chofen,  255.  who  fhould  be  men 
 of  property  and  reputed  underftand- 
 ing,  256. 
 
 Regards  for  fervices,  great,  figns  of  the 
 decline  of  the  ftate,  252. 
 
 Ricey  cultivation  of,  favourable  to  po- 
 pulation, 389. 
 
 Robertfon\y  Dr,  Hiftory  of  Scotland 
 •ommended,  177,  221.  His  Hiftory 
 of  Charles  V.  toi,  30^ 
 
 Roger  Cejlrenfisy  an  Englifh  hiltorian  in 
 
 the  14th  century,  170. 
 Roman  empire,  a  worthy  objedV  of  con- 
 
 templaton,  215.     Capital    defeds  in 
 
 its  coniiitution,  240.     Never  a  pro^ 
 
 per  monarchy,   261. 
 Roman   hiftory,  old    chronology  of^76, 
 
 Roman  and  Greek   hiftorians  in  order  of 
 
 time,  134,   157. 
 Reman  policy  in  war,  413,  414.     Their 
 
 difcipline  admirable,  419, 
 Roman  writers  of  the  affairs  of  Britain^ 
 
 l6z. 
 R^fii   Joln^  Englifli  hiftorian,  172. 
 Rymer\  Foedera,    an    immeute    work, 
 
 190. 
 
 SaUuJi''%    character   and     hiftory^    14'?^ 
 
 148. 
 SamoedeSy  their  ignorance^  9. 
 SanSiuaries  for  criminals  in  Italy,  301. 
 Saxo  Grammaticusy   a  Danifli  hiftorians 
 
 166. 
 #f»j:o»  Chronicle,  163. 
 
 laws  and  coins,   163. 
 — —  times   in   our    ifland,    biftory    ofj 
 
 163—165. 
 Security^   the     proper  ufe    of    fociety^ 
 
 229. 
 Security  of  a  nation  ;    by    natural  ram- 
 parts, 402.     Skill  in  the  art   of  War, 
 
 402—^414.     Courage,  414. 
 Senfe  of  the  people,   a   real    check  on 
 
 public  meafurei,  265,  266. 
 ShatHe^  the  fear  of,  a  powerful    inftru= 
 
 ment  of  government,  245. 
 Sharps  Travels  in  Italy  quoted,  301. 
 Shepherd''^  treatife  of  corporations^  fra- 
 ternities, and  guilds,  189. 
 Bheringkam''&  treatife  D^  Angloi-utn  gert" 
 
 tis  originCy    1 64. 
 Siairty  King  of,  ignorant  of  hiftOry,    13, 
 Simeon  Dune IhienftSy  an  Englifli  hillorian, 
 
 in  the  12th  century,  168 
 Sixtus  V.  rofe  from   a  low    beginning, 
 
 18. 
 Slave-tradey  319,  320. 
 <Jot//<6's  Wealth  of    Nations,    viii,  333. 
 
 381,   398.     Extrads   from   it,   315, 
 
 3»9- 
 
 Society^  confequences  of  its  flourifliing 
 ftate,  354—359.  Other  objeds  ot 
 attention  in  fociety,  befides  govern» 
 mcnt,  religion,  laws,  arts  and  com- 
 merce, 360,  &c. 
 
 SorcererSy  fix  hundred  condemned  in 
 France  in  the  year  1609,  446. 
 
 L  1  Spain^ 
 
N        D 
 
 E        X. 
 
 Spaitt^  Hiftory  of,   whea  it  began  to  be 
 
 inierefting,  217. 
 Speed''^  Chronicle  coraraended,  1  74. 
 Sf>elma/i\  treatile  of  lands  and   tenures 
 
 by  knights  lervice  in  England,    186. 
 coUeaion  of  the  laws  before 
 
 Magna  Charta,  190. 
 SpJ^ert^  the  tirtt,    probably   invented  for 
 
 the  ufe  of  the  Argonauts,  83. 
 Utatejrnen,  their  general  tharailer,  271. 
 
 Public  bulinels   recilly  done  by  a  ,ew, 
 
 270. 
 Siathanty  Nicholas^  the  firfl:  who  abridg- 
 ed the  Reports^  185. 
 Sieivarih^  Sir  jfames,  E<Tay  on   the  ccn- 
 
 rtiiuti.>n  of  England,   286. 
 f't.litical  Oeconomy,  34^>  343» 
 
 344»  395>  434,  4j6. 
 Stciu,    y^^iiy   torreded    Reyne   Wolf's 
 
 Chronicle,  174. 
 Sturt\  chronological  tables,  125. 
 Suaejpoii^  a  fixed  law  of,   in  monarchies 
 
 important,  246,  262, 
 Suaontus\  Lives  of  the  twelve  Csefars, 
 
 151. 
 Sullivan  ^  Law  Lectures,  vi.  176,   187. 
 Superjlttion^  found  in  both  good  and  bad 
 
 men,  22. 
 Siueno  JgutitSy  a  Danilh  hillorian,  v66. 
 
 Toleration    and   perfecution,  374,   376, 
 
 38.. 
 Torture,  the  only  proper  ufe  of,  302. 
 Toiver\,    repofitory     for     records,     191, 
 
 Teiveriy  Dr.  has  well  pointed  out  fome 
 
 great  faults  in  Hume*s  Hiflory,  176. 
 TraJittcnsy    preferved    by    Poeois,   42, 
 
 Monuments,    43.     Inkriptions,     44. 
 
 Names,  ibiJ.     National  councils,  ib. 
 
 Symbols,  46. 
 Treaties,  recited  beTore  large  afTemblies, 
 
 37.     How  the  Iniiian*.  in  North  Ame- 
 
 rita  retain  the  articles  of  treaties,  ib. 
 Trials  of  caufes  fliould  be  public,  299. 
 Trivet^  Nicholas^  an    hillorian   in    the 
 
 I4'h  Century,    170. 
 Tttrenney  Maifha!,   honourable  inftance 
 
 of,    19. 
 Turgoty  Mr.   quoted,    234,    259.     His 
 
 Life  qu.  tod,   377,   379,  3S1,   432.^ 
 Tyranny,  ablblute,  where  the  legiflative 
 
 and  executive  power  are  united  in  the 
 
 fame  perfons,  240. 
 Tythes    bunhenforae   and   inexpedient, 
 
 383—384. 
 
 Tacitus^s  Annals  and  Hiftory  commend- 
 ed, 151,  152. 
 Talkati'uenefs  of  old    age    favourable  to 
 
 the  propagation  of  knowledge,    36. 
 Tanner's,  Notitia  Monaftica  co;nmend- 
 
 ed,  198. 
 Tartars,  fupeiftitious,  22. 
 Taxei,    hov/   they  *  operate,    427.      On 
 
 what  they  fliouid  be  laid,   428 — 43/.. 
 
 The  taille  in  France  very  oppieflive. 
 
 431.     Farmers  of  taxes,    433. 
 Temple's,  Sir    PV.  account   of   William 
 
 the    Conqueror's  reign    and     policy 
 
 commended,  178. 
 Temporary   remedies  for  inconveniences 
 
 better  than  perpetuities,  233. 
 Tkuanus's,   Hilloiy    of    his    own    times 
 
 commended,   201,  202. 
 Tkucydides\    Hiftory     commended,    5, 
 
 136. 
 Tiberius,    flattered    by    Velleius  Pater- 
 
 culuF,  7. 
 Tmdal's    note^    to    Rapin,    and  conti- 
 
 riuation  of  it  to  the  reign   of  Geo.  H. 
 ..'7?. 
 Tilts  and  Tournaments,  284. 
 Tttui,  the  emperor,  an  inftance  of  his 
 
 greatnef^.  of  mind,    19. 
 
 Faillant,  Mr.  by  means  of  medals  has 
 given  us  an  entire  chronicle  of  the 
 kings  of  Syria,  49. 
 
 yelleius  Paterculus's  epitome  of  the 
 Roman  hiltory,  7,   151. 
 
 yerjiegan^a  reltitution  of  decayed  in- 
 telligence in  antiquities,  1^4. 
 
 yertot  makes  hiftory  entertaining, 
 201, 
 
 ViBor  Amadeus,  an  inftance  of  his  dif- 
 gurt  at  having  changed  his  fituation, 
 29. 
 
 Vtnegas'i  Hiftory  of  California  quoted, 
 371. 
 
 yirgil^  refined  praifes  of  Auguftus, 
 7- 
 
 Virgil,  Polydore,  his  Hiftory  of  Eng- 
 land,  173. 
 
 yirtuous  impieflions  how  they  are  made 
 upon  the  mind,    14. 
 
 Uni'verfal  Hiftory,    157. 
 
 yoltaire,  partial  to  Lewis  XIV.  and  the 
 glory  of  Fiance,  7,  lO.  Extracts 
 from,  210,  282,  325,  351,  364,  374> 
 4^1. 
 
 yoltaire''^  General  Hiftory  entertaining, 
 201. 
 
 Voyages  of  AnfoD  and  Cook  interefting, 
 
 201. 
 
 ^Viif 
 
N        D 
 
 X. 
 
 w 
 
 Wager  of  battle,  283. 
 
 Waljingham^  Thomas^  Englifh  hiflorlan, 
 in  the  15th  century,  17Z. 
 
 Warsy  civil,  often  conduiled  with  pe- 
 culiar favagenefs,  and  the  reafon  of 
 it,   4ZI. 
 
 — — ,  none  juftifiable  but  defenfive,  415. 
 
 — —  and  perfecutions  ordered  by  Divine 
 Providence  to  promote  the  good  of 
 mankind,  461 — 471, 
 
 fVatfon\  Dr.  Hiaory  of  Philip  II.  and 
 
 III.    20Z. 
 
 Weaknejs  of  human  nature,  inftances  of 
 it  in  Pafcal,  zi  ;  and  others,  zz. 
 
 /^/'c'ar.f  on  hiftory,    133,  200. 
 
 JVtkeSy  Thomas^  Englifh  hiftorian  in  the 
 14th  century,   170. 
 
 William  the  Conqueror,  had  a  very 
 great  revenue,  12.1*.  His  Life,  by 
 William  of  Poidiers,  178. 
 
 Wtlliam  of  Malmfbury's  De  gejlii  regum 
 Anglorum  commended,   168. 
 
 Willtam  of  Newberry,  an  Englifli  hif- 
 torian in  the  nth  century*   169. 
 
 Witchcraft^  formerly  in  credit  in 
 France,  446. 
 
 Witches^  above  a  hundred  thoufand  con- 
 demned to  die  by  chriftian  tribunals, 
 
 371. 
 
 Women,  hovi^  treated,  354—365. 
 
 Weod'i.y  Anthony^  Hiftory  and  Antiqui- 
 ties of  the  Univerfity  of  Oxford,  \^^% 
 
 Worntius\    Olaus,  Literatura  Runica, 
 and  Monumenta  Danica,  166. 
 
 X 
 
 Xentphon''?,  Hiftory,  its  chara£ter,  137-, 
 
 138. 
 Ximenesy  Cardinal,  rofe  from  a  low  be* 
 
 ginning,  18, 
 
 Teatt  Julian,  98.    Amended  by  Pope 
 
 Gregory,  XIII.  ibid. 
 ,  Mahometan,  99. 
 Tear   books,  ten   volumes    of,  prioted 
 
 by  fubfcription    io  the  year  1679, 
 
 185. 
 Tearsy  different  people  made  to  begia 
 
 at  different  times,  94. 
 —  about  A.  D.  360,    began   to  be 
 
 reckoned  from   the  birth  of  Chrift, 
 
 9S. 
 
 ZonaraSf  an  hiftorian  in  the  izth  cen- 
 tury, 154. 
 
 Zo/musy  an  hiftorian  ia  the  6th  ceo* 
 tury,  154. 
 
 I  N 
 
 s. 
 
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