DELIVERED ON
THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1848,
BEFORE
THE CINCINNATI SOCIETY
AND
110%. JOHI L. MANNING
A MEMBER OF THE CINCINNATI.
PUBLISHED BY REQUEST OF THE '76 ASSOCIATION AND CINCINNATI.
CHARLESTON, S. 0.
PRINTED BY MILLER & BROWNE,
AN
ORATION)
DELIVERED ON
THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1848,
BEFORE
THE CINCINNATI SOCIETY,
AND
'76 ASSOCIATION,
BY
HON. JOHN Ij. MANNING,
A MEMBER OF THE CINCINNATI.
PUBLISHED BY REQUEST OF THE '76 ASSOCIATION AND CINCINNATI.
CHARLESTON, S. G.
PRINTED BY MILLER & BROWNE,
1848,
"OHHOnNSJAEH."
ST. ANDREW'S HALL, I
July 4th, 1848. £
Extract from the Minutes.
"Messrs. H. L. Pinckney, Jun., C. B. Cochran, and
James W. May, a Committee from the '76 Association,
waited on the Society, to tender the congratulations of the
'76 Association on the recurrence of this day; and to ask
for a copy of the elegant, chaste, manly, and patriotic Ora-
tion delivered before the two Societies, by the Hon. John
L. Manning, in order that the same might be published."
" On motion of Mr. Henry A. Desaussure, the follow-
ing gentlemen were appointed a Committee to apply to Col.
Manning for a copy of his Oration, to be published in ac-
cordance with the request of the '76 Association: Messrs.
H. A. Desaussure, J. Harleston Read, Senior, and H.
W. Peronneau."
" This Committee communicated with Col. Manning,
and reported to the Society that that gentleman had con-
sented to place the manuscript at the disposal of the So-
ciety."
ORATIOX.
Citizens of Charleston—
I am deeply impressed with the solemnity of this occa-
sion—with this imposing civic and military display—with
this large assembly of men from every pursuit of life, and
with the kindness which has called me from a remote sec-
tion, to address you upon the seventy-third anniversary of
American Independence.
I have never so much regretted as now, that my pursuits
have so little fitted me for performing my part in the exhi-
bitions of to-day. A desultory life, amidst the bustle and
confusion of men in their business pursuits, does not best
prepare the mind for excellence in forensic display. One
whose time has been employed in the cultivation of letters,
or in the study of the learned professions, would have been
more appropriately designated to appear before an audi-
ence at once intelligent and refined, which is moreover
accustomed. to listen to the highest efforts of intellect, that
have ever adorned the bar or the counsels of the State.
And yet the pain which I naturally feel in contemplating
my own deficiences, is mingled with something like a sense
of gratification that I, too, have been invited to appear as
the representative of this time-honored Society, before the
inhabitants of this city, around both of which are so closely
entwined a large portion of those associations of pride and
affection connected with the history of South-Carolina. It
is therefore with many a pious recollection of the past, and
full many an ardent wish for blessings upon the future ca-
6
reer of our common country, that I shall proceed to ad-
dress you, very briefly, upon matters which interest the
present generation of Americans, and of events which are
now in progress around them.
There is no State more distinctly characterized by a
sound and healthy tone of public sentiment, and purer, and
more lofty moral attributes, than that which we can proudly
call our own. The sum of individual integrity is public
virtue; and no State can claim a larger share. Unques-
tionably, a relaxation in *morals, an invariable attendant
upon great prosperity, and the sudden influx of riches, has
but little, if at all, affected this constituent portion of the
Republic. Perhaps it may be owing, in part, to its secluded
position; remote from the corrupting influences of place
and power, and the absence of any great intercommunica-
tion with foreign nations ; and in part to those examples of
patriotism and virtue, left us by our ancestors,, which are
not so obliterated by time, as to have lost their influence
upon the present generation. Their political dispositions
and habits have been more or less affected by these illustri-
ous examples; and in this respect, as in matters of taste
and refinement, they present a higher standard than is else-
where met with. This has always been a law-loving and
law-abiding people, with whom the more licentious doc-
trines directed by fanaticism, or by a baser principle of ac-
tion, a deliberate purpose to resolve society and govern-
ment into their original elements, have ever found but little
favour. With them, the great principles of republican gov-
ernment, and constitutional law, are still regarded as the
only sure basis upon which to rest social, political, and reli-
gious happiness. It is to this temper, therefore, that I now
address myself.—A disposition which is constantly endea-
voring, with all human earnestness and ability, to preserve
this government in the purity with which it came fresh from
the hands of its framers; to obviate its abuses, correct its
7
errors, and to guard the Constitution from innovation and
perversion, as Old Mortality among the tombs of the Cove-
nanters, sought with his mallet and chisel to remove the
moss and lichen from the tablets, and by deciphering the
characters, to preserve the inscriptions as a perpetual me-
morial among men.
Each succeeding year brings with it, at this period, a re-
capitulation of the prominent events of the American Re-
volution, which are therefore as familiar to all, as the every
day incidents of life. The causes which lead, remotely
and immediately, to the great consummation of trans-atlan-
tic civil and religious liberty, belongs to, and is more philo-
sophically treated by, the history of the latter part of the
eighteenth to the present period of the nineteenth century ;
a space of time, politically speaking, which embraces more,
perhaps, that concerns human improvement, than any pre-
vious age, and which has already become the source,
whence most frequent examples are drawn, for regulating
the minds, directing the pursuits, and controlling the p.oliti-
cal affairs of men. This is emphatically the age of consti-
tutional representative governments—of free investigation
into truth, disregardful of dogmas, in religion, law, and po-
litics—of the diffusion of knowledge among all classes of
men—and of new, and more rapid, and improved systems
of intercourse among communities and nations. Its spirit
is abroad every where. All previous prejudice is insensibly
yielding to its influence. Every State in both hemispheres
has already felt its approach, and foremost among nations,
monstrare digito, is the Republic of America.
We live in times which are indeed unusual in the annals
of the world ; in which no previous experience can be es-
teemed with safety a rule for conducting and controlling
public affairs. We live in the midst of revolutions of every
kind. No form of government, hitherto regarded as most
8
firm, has been able to resist, effectually, that tide of refor-
mation which, under our observation to-day, is rolling on-
ward with resistless impetuosity. The government which
is now least liable to change, is the American Republic,
where the power has always existed with the people. Al-
ready have the nations of Europe imbibed its principles,
and are, to a great extent, influenced by its example. The
wisdom of free representative governments is acknow-
ledged, and the minds of the coming generation, imbued by
education and example with liberal political views, are des-
tined, at no distant day, entirely to repudiate the doctrine of
the divine right of Kings; and the other scarcely more libe-
ral one, of "Original Contract" between the rulers and the
people. New circumstances require corresponding changes
to meet them, and those changes must more frequently oc-
cur, with the constantly increasing population of the world.
Food and occupation are the great necessities of the age ;
and these cannot be supplied during the existences of gov-
ernment monopolies, confining in the possession of a few,
the wealth, elegancies, and refinements of life, and repress-
ing continually the disposition to enterprize, and industry
among the masses of mankind. But however great the te-
nacity with which institutions, securing so much of the
wealth, pleasure, and influence of life, may be adhered to,.
by the favoured few who enjoy them, the tide of popular
will is slowly, but steadily, sweeping them from their grasp.
We see it to-day in France, Austria, and Prussia. The
empire of Russia is not secure from its approach. Spain is
in a state of anarchy. Popular rights have achieved signal
triumphs in Belgium, Sicily, in the Italian States, and even
in the Papal Dominions, where popular opinions have hith-
erto been most completely controlled, from the union of the
ecclesiastical and temporal power in one head. In En-
gland, the happiest government save our own in the world,
9
concessions from the government to the people have been
more gradual; but even in England they are so great, so
radical in their character, that, twenty years ago, they
would have been regarded as bordering upon complete re-
volution in the entire affairs of the kingdom. As I have
said before, the spirit of liberty is abroad in all lands. It
is conducted upon the wires of the telegraph, and is borne
along with the steamer and the rail-way. It will breathe
the breath of life into Poland, so long dead, and raise her
up to her accustomed place among her sister nations. It
will go to Ireland, and infuse health and industry among
that people, so that their land will teem with abundance.
The laugh, the jest, and song, will not then be tokens of the
crushed spirits within, which they vainly strive to conceal;
and her fields will be covered with a busy and contented
population, and send back a sweeter echo than ever rever-
berated among the hills of Killarney, the sounds of glad-
ness which emanate from a people who are free and
happy.
Hitherto, the thoughts of the rapidly growing and enter-
prizing American people have been continually directed to
their own improvement—to felling the forests, from the de-
cayed limbs and fallen foliage of which were to be repro-
duced, in profusion, the golden grain and rich staples for the
use of man—to the extension of their commerce—to build-
ing cities—to the dissemination of knowledge—to the form-
ation of new States, and enacting laws to govern them—
and to all, indeed, that appertains to the establishment of a
well constituted government. Under the virtue of our peo-
pie, the wisdom of our laws, and the blessings of Provi-
dence, the nation has grown into unparalleled strength,
prosperity, and happiness. Whilst other nations are chang-
ing their forms of government, it is our part, fellow-citi-
zens, by our practical example, to teach them a form which
is preferable to those which they are setting aside. That
2
10
is now the great duty which this people are called uponto
discharge. Let me, therefore, more in warning than admor
nition, refer to a few instances, in which we too miay run
into excesses, that may hereafter require correction and re-
proof; and I trust that in what I shall say, you will not
deem me presumptuous.
The first great duty which we owe our country, is, un~
doubtedly, obedience to law. It is the beginning of the
duties of citizenship, as it is also the end. As reasoning
beings, it is one of our highest attributes; and as social be-
ings, it is one of the most marked evidences of civilization.
Surely they are more savage than civilized, who are willing
to submit their lives, property, and occupations, to the law-
less passions and violent prejudices of disorganized masses
of men; or are content to follow the blind instincts, ungor
verned and unregulated, of their own passions. Although
this is true, more or less, with regard to men of every State,
yet obedience to law should be more characteristic of Ame-
rican citizens, who have organized for themselves the mild-
est, most beneficent, and wisest system of jurisprudence,
that has ever been devised for the government of any peo-
pie; and which, moreover, is so ameliorated and modified
continually by themselves, through their constituted law-
making power, as to suit every new want and change which
their growing condition would seem to require. There is a
high degree of moral sublimity in a cheerful and ready ac-
quiescence to the mandates of law—the yielding of an im*
plicit obedience to it, on the part of a people, who are other*
wise impatient of control; and who acknowledge no other
submission, except to their Maker. Not less to be admired
is that feeling which constitutes every man, from the law-
giver to the very humblest labourer, as in some sort, a
guardian and protector of the law, which secures to him, as
well as his affluent neighbour, the fruits of his labour and
enterprize, or the enjoyment of his leisure.
11
But beyond the borders of our own State, these whole-
some sentiments are not so strongly entertained. In other
sections, are sometimes heard the mutterings of a spirit
which is utterly subversive of law and order. There are
instances where men, under strong excitement, and impa-
tient under what they esteemed a tardy action of the law,
have violently assumed its power into their own hands, and
directing the fury of an angry crowd against the evil to be
redressed, in the name of justice, have committed the most
frightful excesses; at which justice herself, and virtue, and
humanity shudder. There are evidences abroad of a spirit
which, in the name of humanity, but contrary to the letter
and spirit of the law, which seeks to deprive men by vio-
lence of their rights and property—setting aside established
usage, and constitutional guarantees, and by inflaming fa-
natical tendencies, fiope to excite a tumult which shall be
as resistless, as it is wild and insubordinate. It is in this
wise that the sacredness of a man's house will be invaded,
his fields ravaged, and his property destroyed. No result,
however beneficial immediately, and just in itself, can ex-
cuse a proceeding which is executed without the sanction
of the law. It only warrants farther excess, until both law,
justice, and good, are alike forgotten; and the passions of
what then becomes a mob, progresses to licentiousness, and
ends in anarchy. Every one will admit that large masses
of men are incapable of deliberation. Their feelings are
too easily excited, and the most violent men lead and con-
trol them, whilst the moderate and just have no other
course left them, but to move on with the power of the an-
gry tide. How often is it in this wise that the most admi-
rable social and political organizations are overthrown, and
leave behind them violence, confusion and dismay. No!
the law should have no terrors to an American citizen. It
should be loved and honored, not hated and feared. It
should be cherished by the rich, for it secures to them the
12
enjoyment of their abundance; it should be equally che-
rished by the poor, for it secures to them their all, arid
shields them from the graspings and aggressions of the
strong. It protects all. It guards all in the hours of the
night, and enables them to pursue, unmolested, their respec-
tive occupations during the day. " It saves the merchant
against ruinous hazards, provides security for the wages of
the mechanic and labourer, and enables the husbandman to
reap his harvest without fear of plunder. The sanctity of
the marriage tie—the purity of virgin modesty—the leisure
of the student—the repose of the aged—the enterprize of
the active—the support of the indigent—and the decencies
of divine worship, are all under its guardian care. It
makes every man's house his castle, and keeps watch and
ward over his life, his name, his family and his property.
It travels with him b}r land and sea, and arrays in his de-
fence the physical strength of the entire State. Surely
then it is worthy of our reverence—our gratitude—and our
love. Surely obedience to its mandates is among the high-
est of our duties. Surely its service is not incompatible
with perfect freedom !" Under institutions like our own,
where the freedom of opinion and of speech is every where
conceded, and every question of law, politics, and religion
may be freely examined and discussed, a decent regard to
the opposing opinions of others should at all times be ob-
served. Perfect liberty cannot exist where intolerance is
extended to men and their motiyes. If this rule of con-
duct is not adhered to, truth would oftentimes be passed
unheeded by, or be wantonly despised, and it would be
more fearful to encounter the opposition of the many than
a despotic government. "Show intolerance" says Mr.
Coleridge, " to erroneous principles and opinions, because
they are repugnant to truth and virtue: but be tolerant of
men, be tolerant of motives ; for no one knows but that he
13
may have mistaken positive opinion for certainty and clear
insight. Conscienciously tolerate each other's intolerance."
This is a wise injunction, to be observed in our relations
with those who are placed in responsible positions, both
public and private, where the correctness of principles and
purity of character, are large elements in the success of
measures which they advocate, and in which are involved
advantage or injury to communities, or the public whom
they represent. From the too frequent use of unmerited
terms of reproach, many persons, eminent in character and
acquirements, have never been rightly appreciated by the
public, and their usefulness curtailed, who are admirably
fitted to give a noble direction .to public sentiment; whilst,
on the contrary, many worthless persons have been, and
are daily praised into power, who only use it to their own,
or the advancement of their party or adherents. They who
are removed at a distance, can have but little opportunity of
themselves deciding upon the motives of public men, and
are apt to form erroneous opinions of their merit, from that
which is injuriously said of them in the heat of debate, or
in the columns of an intemperate party press. The majo-
rity of mankind are, at any rate, more prone to give ere-
dence to that which is unfavourable of individuals; and
this conviction drives daily from the public councils, and
from an active agency in public affairs, many of those mo-
derate and excellent men, who, versed in all knowledge
that is graceful and useful, are, nevertheless, unwilling to
leave their calm pursuits and temperate mode of thinking
and acting, to be rudely jostled by jarring factions, where
their motives may be prejudged and condemned on the
one side, or blindly advocated to subserve bad and factious
ends on the other. The public do themselves a grievous
wrong by judging such public men through the medium of
party prejudice, or from a single act of their lives ; and it
too frequently happens that ability intended tp confer last-
14
ing benefit upon society, is thus forced into a retirement
where all their power and influence is gradually wasted
and eventually lost to all; and whose places are supplied
by men, who, frequently gifted indeed with great intellects,
are too much under the ambition of controlling, to be either
honest or just, and lend themselves to destroy those whom
they regal d as rivals, no matter how lofty their genius, pure
their patriotism, or unsullied their characters. No ! fellow-
citizens, let not such things be said truly of us, in this age
of civilization and self-government. God has bestowed
upon us great intellects, to lead us aright in our career of
freedom. Judge of them calmly, deliberately; and without
prejudice, and let them be to their countrymen and to each
other shining and useful lights : as the celestial bodies illu-
mine each other, but from them emanate no consuming
fires.
Perhaps, in republican governments, there is no agent
more powerful to elucidate truth in politics, as free discus-
sion of public measures in the representative and primary
assemblies of the people. Properly conducted, calmly,
fairly, and dispassionately it explains complicated ques-
tions of public policy, so as to be comprehended by all
classes of men, whether ignorant or enlightened—reforms
abuses in the legislative, executive, and ministerial depart-
ments of the government, and disseminates that information
which is necessary to freedom. It is powerful not only to
disseminate information, but to control generally the pub-
lie mind, and to direct its passions. Whilst therefore its be-
nefits are great, the evils growing out of its improper use
may be greater. There is no more pernicious thing in a re-
public, than the orator who panders to the passions, vices,
and follies of his fellow men, which always remain open-*
mouthed for the vile food which is furnished them, by
" The faction's monster-horn to vex the State
"V^pth rankling talents, form'd for foul debate."
15
Unless the noble gift of eloquence is restrained by a sense
of reason, truth, and decorum, it becomes the means of ere-
ating discontent-—of sowing the seeds of discord—of exci-
ting envyings and jealousies, and of arraying one section
against another in violent contention ; until the popular mind
lashed into fury, and blind alike to truth and justice, rushes
madly to the accomplishment of some wild and lawless
purpose, unmindful of the rights of States or individuals.
The only restraints which can be imposed upon its impro-
per use, must be the intelligence and virtue of the mass of
the people themselves—that degree of intelligence and vir-
tue which appreciates and respects the rights, interests, and
feelings of others, which they cannot be incited to violate
by any solicitations, however passionate, artful, or subtle.
If the voice of the great Athenian orator was powerful to
arrest, for a time, the declining virtue of his countrymen,
and to rekindle in their breasts the recollections of their
past glory; his less virtuous rivals, soon after, were equally
successful in bartering away their liberty for the gold of the
Macedonian king.
To those who are observant of the course of public opin-
ion, there seems to be growing up in the republic an inordi-
nate desire for the acquisition of territory; and views of this
sort are frequently avowed by public men, which would
seem preposterous, did they not emanate from such high
sources. An eminent citizen lately nominated to the high-
est honours of his country, leaves us to infer that he thought it
desirable to extend our laws and institutions to some remote
region bordering upon the Arctic circle; whilst another, a
Senator, has gravely desired the absurdity of annexing one
or all of the West-India Islands. It is not so much, the
want of moderation and wisdom in these opinions, which
astonish and alarm us, as the public feeling to which they
are addressed, and which they are doubtless intended to
flatter. Every sensible man must deprecate th§ encourage-
16
ment of such extravagant opinions among a people, alr$$dy
too strongly imbued with an immoderate avidity in the pur-
suit of gain and power. It is one of the evils incident to toft
great prosperity, that it brings demoralization along with
it. The most dangerous appetite to encourage in repub-
lies, as indeed in all other governments, is a lust of domi-
nion. It is the cause of public as well as private corrup-
tion, which commences with the pursuit of the greatness of
riches, and is consummated by the possession of theih.
The continued acquisition of new territory is injurious to
the whole country, because it will involve us in foreign
wars and intestine discord—but to the South, in addition «fco
these, it will eventually bring ruin. It is enough, that the
present extent of the Union cannot be filled up with a mo-
derate population of fifty to the square mile in five hundred
years, and that already a sufficiently broad channel is
opened westward, for the superabundant energy and enter-
prize of our people to vent itself, until it shall have estab-
lished a free intercourse with the great East; and modern
science, government, and religion, uniting themselves with
cient letters and philosophy, in their course through centuries,
shall complete the circle of the universe, and find a resting
place on the spot where they had their birth.
Not the least important element for the preservation and
advancement of American institutions, and in the formation
of national character, is the diffusion of knowledge among
all classes of citizens. If it is useful in other governments,
it is more so in this, where every man, to a certain extent,
exercises a control over public affairs, and has a direct in-
terest in all that appertains to them. 1 do not refer to that
education only, which qualifies one for an efficient prosecu-
tion of his business pursuits, whether of agriculture, com-
merce,or the mechanic arts; but the acquisition also of those
higher branches 'of learning, which give a finish and polish
to the mind,-and which will ultimately progress to the form-
17
ation of a noble national literature. Where each man of a
community may be called upon, for the time at least, to oc-
cupy the position of a statesman, it is but an act of justice
to himself, and to the State in whdse counsels he is, to pre-
pare himself thoroughly for his responsible duties. He
should not only be instructed in those things appertaining
to the enterprize and industrial occupations of the country,
but he should also be familiar with that whole range of
knowledge which is common to the enlightened of all na-
tions. Attainments in literature, combined with science
and general intelligence, not only gives their possessors emi-
nence and influence among those with whom they may be
called upon to act, but enlarges their views in debate, and
gives them new power and facilities in analogy and illustra-
tion.
Although I am fully aware that, in this utilitarian age,
classical learning is regarded by many as almost useless,
and certainly affected ; yet, in the constitution of this gov-
ernment, we are .told that its influence was greatly felt, and
was at the time generally conceded. Those distinguished
men who had the largest agency in that great work, were
possessed of more than an ordinary share of the advantage
of an accomplished education. Virginia, Massachusetts,
and South-Carolina were represented, in the early period
of the republic, by men of more undoubted attainments
than any other of the thirteen States ; which may be mainly
attributable to the fact that, in the absence of established se-
minaries of learning at that early period in this country, an
education in the universities abroad were more common in
them, than in their sister States; and in each of them, in-
dependent of their effect in a political point of view, is felt
to this day, the lingering influences of their knowledge and
scholastic tastes. The lessons on an enlightened and ra-
tional liberty are not of less force when 'pointed by the
learning of Pinckney, Laurens, or Rutledge ; or at a
3
18
later period by the richness and classic elegance of Web-
ster or Legare.
Independent of these considerations, the cultivation of
letters exercises a softening influence upon society, and im-
bues it with a new grace and dignity. In their companion-
ship follow harmony of tastes and delicacy in feeling and
intercourse. The ruder elements of social relations are far
removed from their sphere, and obligations and associations
are formed under their benign influence which sweeten the
ties of life, and draw us more tenderly towards home,
friends and country. There can be no employment combi-
ning so much innocence, happiness and benefit. The la-
bour which is expended in their acquisition brings pleasure
with it, and posterity rewards it with fame and honour.—
Under their magic touch, the events of to-day become his-
tory to-morrow, a warning to avoid, and an example to imi-
tate—and each stream and lake, each mountain and val-
ley, each hillock and " bosky dell," becomes wrapt with
some new charm from association; and around them me-
mory and the affections will love to assemble, and kindle
afresh with each succeeding change, and from age to age,
the love we bear our native land. It was thus that the ge-
nius of Scott and Burns was warmed, who, gathering up
the traditions and lore of Scotland, and weaving them up
with their own glowing thoughts and conceptions, have
given to each spot of earth, and each plant that grows upon
its surface, such additional charms, that none of her chil-
dren, however divided by seas or distance, but send back
their thoughts continually as pilgrims to the land of legend,
romance and song.
A strong feature in the character of the American people,
is the facility with which they adapt themselves to the exi-
gencies of the country, and are transformed from the peace-
ful and industrious citizen into the bold, intelligent, and
well disciplined soldier. The sagacity and practical sense
19
which characterizes him in the ordinary occupations of life,
he exhibits both in the camp and on the battle-field. Of
late it has been curiously inquired abroad, what system of
military organization is adopted here, which makes newly
enlisted soldiers and the volunteer branch of the service to
exhibit, at once, that degree of perfection in the military
art, which is only attained in Europe by long training or
active service. It is readily explained by the sense of in-
dividuality which exists among our people, their quickness
of perception and general intelligence, and their familiarity
from early youth with most of the implements of warfare.
He strongly feels that no barriers exist to the attainment of
honors and distinction; and that whilst he is representing
his country in war, and sustaining her honour, the eyes of
his neighbours and countrymen are resting upon him, ready
to reward his gallantry and good conduct by elevating him
at home by their praise, or to consign him to perpetual de-
gradation by their condemnation and reproaches. The
public opinion which meets him upon his return from the
scenes of a campaign, is more omnipotent to reward or de-
grade than the power of an Emperor. Pride is the predo-
minant feature of the American soldier—pride in his coun-
try—pride in the achievement of success—pride in himself
—his friends, and his children. This can never be the case
with men whose aspirations are repressed from childhood ;
who are accustomed to toil and labour as a piece of ingeni-
ous mechanism—and to whom the doors of honour and
fame are closed, except to the adventitious advantages of
birth, fortune, or favour.
Such are the characteristics of that noble soldiery whose
pathway among the hills, and through the vales of Mexico,
has been illuminated by a blaze of victory and glory. Ne-
ver in the history of modern warfare, have new troops ex-
hibited so much patience under suffering, so much obedi-
ence to discipline, so much heroism in battle. Wasted by
20
disease, and thinned by death; whether in the deserts of
the North, weak from hunger, or perishing from thirst—or
in the Tropics with a burning sun above them, or scorching
sands beneath,—whether surrounded by concealed dangers
and treacherous enemies, or in the open battle-fields with
their banners waving above them, and amidst the havoc of
artillery-?—they are the same laborious—patient—all-end ur-
ing—resistless—triumphant army. Scarcely was the tu-
mult and shout of one battle borne to our ears—ere tho
gale came laden with others ; and victory upon victory fol-,
lowed each other in such successive and rapid flashes, a$
to dazzle the gaze of their own countrymen and the world#
But not the greatest merit of the Mexican war is the lus-
tre which it has shed upon American arms. Although its
result has increased the reputation and dignity of the Re-
public both at home and abroad, good men will admire it
most for the humanity with which it has been waged. No
burning towns or homesteads lighted that army on their
march. Neither murder, nbr outrage, nor pillage have fol-
lowed their wonderful progress. They respected the rights
of property and the repose of dwellings. They have been
humane to the vanquished. They have protected the weak
—defended innocence—and respected religion. Victorious
and generous Soldiery ! who having conquered at the com-
mand of their country, and discharged every duty which,
became them, are now leaving the land which they have
subdued, amid the smiles and blessings of its people ! Glo*
rious Soldiery! who have furnished an example of military
science and success for other nations to emulate; but what
is far, very far more deserving of emulation, an example of
humanity and mercy!
Peace is always welcome, welcome as sunshine after
storm, or as the breath of summer after the bleakness of
winter; but peace between Mexico and the United States
is thrice welcome, that it brings back to the bosom of home
21
the remnant of what was once the Palmetto Regiment.
War-worn and mutilated as the banner which you, fellow-
citizens, presented to them, they are returning to their own
beloved State to receive their dearest reward, its approval
and gratulations; but these will be mingled with deep sor-
row, that so few are left to resume their accustomed occu-
pations in our midst.
We all remember when, but little more than a twelve-
month' since, they were marshalled into the army of the Re-
public, with what impatience and enthusiasm they desired
to represent, upon the battle-fields of Mexico, the chivalry
of the Palmetto State. They had heard of a sarcasm
which had been passed upon its gallantry, and they burned
with a desire to wipe out the reproach. They departed,
not as " disjecta membra" cast off by their country, nor as
hirelings, to perish amid the vicissitudes of war and be for-
gotten; but as the honored children of the State, to whom
could be safely entrusted whatever of honour and glory his-
tory may have awarded her, or State pride have claimed.
They left us strong in numbers—strong in health and buoy-
ant with youth and hope. They are returning with but
little of their former selves, beside their love of country and
their indomitable spirit. They have done more than their
duty, high as was their conception of that duty. They
.have not only illustrated afresh the gallantry of South-Ca-
rolina, but have won for her additional renown, and for
themselves imperishable glory. There are but few left to
enjoy the peace which they have contributed to win; but,
like the Sybilline leaves, they should be more precious to
their countrymen that they are so few. Many of their com-
rades rest in strange earth, far away among the azure hills
of Mexico. We shall never behold them again. Their
manliness, courage, and generosity—their pride of charac-
ter, their friendships and affections—their glowing senti-
ments and hopefulness—flowers which we had fondly
22
hoped would always bloom around home, and bless it with
their sweet influences, have been prematurely gathered, for
a Wreath of victory, to deck the triumphant brows of their
country.
" Felices, non tiitarum tantum virtute, sed etiarn opportunitate
mortis." Alas ! their most ardent wish in death could not be
conceded to "all. The honored remains of some, indeed, have
been borne home to be mingled with their parent earth : but
all with whom one ray of life yet remained, prayed with
their latest breath to rest forever in the soil of South-Caro-
lina; as if it would rest more lightly upon hearts which
had throbbed for her with so devoted a love. Yes! they
lie far away, where no hands of friends will keep afresh,
as a memorial of them, the spot where they lie. But what
then? Nature, in that sunny clime, as if in remembrance
of their valour, will always coyer their graves with her
own perennial bloom, and an enduring monument will exist
in the remembrance and gratitude of their country.
But whilst every citizen rejoices in the military successes
of the country, all must admit that its general policy is to-
wards peace. It has been somewhere observed, that the
United States is omnipotent in wars of defence, but is not
correspondingly strong in waging wars of aggression. Con-
centrated governments are, generally, the most prompt and
energetic in the use of their power in warfare. In them
there are no intervening separate organizations, through
which orders from the supreme head are necessarily trans-
mitted. Upon that head rests all responsibility. Means,
both in men and money, are under its control; and there
is nothing wanting in proportion to the actual power of the
State, but the necessary ability in the supreme head to plan
and execute, as in the instance of the Russian Empire.—
But in a great Confederacy of separate and independent
States, like the American Republic, the case happily is al-
together different. The Executive depends upon Congress
23
for supplies in money, which are frequently tardily voted ;
and upon each State for men which, from necessity, are
equally tardily furnished—unless indeed these necessities
are obviated by a standing army, which is against the spirit
of our institutions, and would be dangerous to liberty.
Such are the geographical divisions of the countiy, more-
over, and so numerous the contrary interests," that except
for the vindication of national honour, or for purposes of na-
tional defence, no war could be declared, under circumstan-
ces most likely to arise, which would unite all sections and
interests cordially in its support. The interests of manu-
factures would direct the national councils to one course,
whilst the interests of the growers of the great staples would
indicate another. These are strong security for the preser-
vation of peace in a great country, where peace is necessa-
ry to develop its resources, increase its wealth, and promote
its prosperity. This government is scarcely newer than its
soil, and needs repose to give it cultivation, and to make it
useful in subserving the conveniences, and supplying the
wants of men. Time and peace, and the application of all
their influences, are necessary to the accomplishment of that
great destiny which is before it—a glorious destiny which
our fathers predicted—and which the good men of all the
earth pray to have fulfilled. But we cannot hope for these
desirable results, if a military spirit is engendered, so pow-
erful in its tendencies as to make men dissatisfied with the
ordinary quiet and useful pursuits of life, and restive under
the wholesome and necessary restraints of law and order.
If ever wrong is inflicted upon our country, Providence has
given us the hearts and the strength to redress them, and
to protect the soil from invasion or aggression. To do more
is contrary to the command of God, and is a moral, social,
and political evil. "War at last is the law of violence,
and peace the law of love." War is heralded by the
sounds of the iron heels, the clashing weapons, and angiy
24
tones of men. Peace is accompanied by gladsome faces,
kindly voices, and happy hearts. War destroys cities, de-
vastates the harvest field, and riots amid the ruins of home-
steads. Peace builds up cities—makes the fields to teem
with luxuriance and abundance, and brightens the light
which is shed around the hearthstone. War banishes reli-
gion, refinement, and letters—they spring up like flowers
under the footsteps of peace. War is the storm which lays
waste all nature in its path—but peace is the golden sun-
shine which rears her again into life and beauty. As in the
atmospheric world, wild commotions of the elements are
necessary to refresh and purify the airs with their electric
influences, so wars may sometimes.be necessary to purify
the political world by subverting tyranny, or reforming
grievous abuses. But it should be no more the pastime of
Constitutional Governments than of Kings. Far, very far
better for all mankind to follow the benign injunction of
" Peace on earth, and good will towards men."
Gentlemen of the Cincinnati
AND of THE '76 ASSOCIATION j
Nearly a century has elapsed since the illustrious found-
ers of this Republic first conceived the plan of that great
social and political reformation, which may be now charac-
terized as American liberty. The vast and comprehensive
scheme which they then foreshadowed, was regarded by
others as the dreamings of fanciful enthusiasts ; but Provi-
dence permitted them to behold, from that lofty eminence to
which he had elevated their understandings, through all the
uncertainties and prejudice which were like mists and roll-
ing clouds around them, the magnificent and glowing pano-
ram a of national happiness and greatness, which the Ame-
rican Confederacy now presents to the universe.
All this has been left as a heritage to us. It is a great
trust, which is to be watched and guarded with eternal vi-
25
gilance. Around it are gathered the noble associations of
pride in our ancestry, and love for our posterity. Both ad-
monish us of the great duty which devolve upon us, of che-
rishing and perpetuating institutions about which " the gifts
of God are strewn." How can you, as Americans and as
a Society, best discharge your responsible duties ? Could
your founders appear now before you they would tell you,
preserve inviolate the Constitution of your country—obey
the law, be tolerant, disseminate knowledge—repress fac-
tion—preserve moderation—and maintain peace—but above
all maintain virtue, for it is the soul of liberty. "Demora-
lized public sentiment is a mephitic gas in which freedom
dies." Do these, and you will have merited the blessings
of people of all ages to come. Parties and factions may
then rise and fall, wars and commotions may take place,
men with the talents and vices of the fallen angel may ap-
pear and disappear—but our country—our country will live
in " immortal youth." But if after the exercise of these
noble efforts, men shall prove the fallacy of the theory that
they are sufficiently wise and virtuous to govern themselves,
and this government shall pass away, a cheat and delu-
sion, (which God in his mercy forbid,) then let us cling
more fondly to our own beloved State, and save her from
the general ruin, though she be the only " rack" left of the
glorious vision which shall have faded away!
4