SUPPLEMENT TO THE NATIONAL BANNER.
NASHVILLE, NOV. 9, 1827.
/
RESOLUTIONS,
AND ACCOMPANYING ARGUMENT,
offered by
MR BROWN, OF THE SENATE,
IN FAVOR OF AMENDING THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION,
arraigning the
CONDUCT OF THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY OF STATE*
CONDEMNING THE MEASURES OF
THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION, '
and recommending «fo§ the presidency
GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON,
with
A PORTION OF THE DISCUSSION THEREON;
together with
THE RESOLUTION*
offered by mr, rogers. of the house of representatives,
in FAVOR OF AN
IMPEACHMENT OF THE PRESIDENT,
WITH A PORTION OF THE DEBATE THEREON'
RESOLUTIONS, &0
Resolved, by tlf^Gfy&ral Assembly of the state
of Tennessee, That the constitution of the Uni¬
ted States should be so amended, as to give
the election of President and Vice President
directly and conclusively to the people, pre¬
serving the present, relative weight of the
several states in the election.
Resolved, That many of the measures of the
present administration of the general govern¬
ment, are injurious to the interests and dan-
, gerous to the liberties of the country.
Resolved, That the surest remedy for these
evils, now in the power of the people, is the
election of Andrew Jackson to the chief ma¬
gistracy of this union.
The mode of appointing the President, as
now prescribed by the Federal Constitution,
has been the source of so. much inconveni¬
ence, and is the subject of such general dis
content, that a sufficient reason for recom¬
mending its amendment, need not be sought,
in the experimental nature of the instrument
itself. The evils inherent in the last elec¬
tion, and the anxieties connected with the
next, give it a claim to'public deliberation,
which'none but the selfish and the servile can
disregard. It cannot be fairly denied, that the
choice of our chief magistrate was intended
, to spring from the free and unobstructed
judgment of the people; and it must be ad¬
mitted, that in the late election, which was
conducted according to the forms of the con
stitution, that intention was disappointed. A
charter, the letter of which conflicts with its
spirit, the details of which counteract its
principles, is certainly defective. On (he oc¬
casion alluded to, the .candidate who, in the
primary election, obtained the highest num¬
ber of votes, and at the moment of final com
petition, bore incontestible evidence of being
the choice of a majority of the American peo-
ple-^evidence, which subsequent popular de¬
cisions have confirmed—:was superseded by
a combination that triumphed-only, because
the competition was'transferred to a small
pre existing body of electors, of which, one
party to the combination, was an influential
member. The crisis was calculated to a-
waken the worst designs of selfish ambition,
and if the motives cf men are to be determin¬
ed by their actions, seem9 to have had its si¬
nister opportunities fully employed, accord¬
ing to Mr Adams's declarations in his book
on the fisheries, as well as to recollections
and convictions resulting from the public ob¬
servation of public men; political hostility,
and personal estrangement had, for several
years, and on momentous subjects, separated
himself and Mr Clay. No approach to union,
no inclination for amity, was manifested by
either, until it was ascertained that as long
as they obeyed the principles and supported
the opinions which had formed their respec¬
tive pretensions and produced their avowed
opposition, the power at which they grasped
was not to be gained—that continued disunion
would frustrate, and that instant combination
would gratify their mutual ambition. Then,
and not till then, long cherished distrust was
mutually forgotten; oft expressed opinions
were practically renounced, and adverse
principles openly,abandoned. Each became
the artificer of that man's promotion, whose
depression up to the moment, had been a chief
object of his exertions. The highest amount
of executive power was divided, and the clo¬
sest fraternity of political fortune, was esta¬
blished between ' them. What is enormous
need not be exaggerated, what is flagrant re¬
quires no demonstration. Mr Adams desired
the office of President; he went into the com¬
bination without it, and came out with it; Mr.
Clay desired that of Secretary of State; he
went into the combination without it, and
came out with it. Of this transaction, the
simplest history is the best analysis. Where
a change of political principles, or even of
private estimation, is the immediate cause of
personal gain, reciprocally to the agent and
the object of the change, impurity of motive
is necessarily concluded. Whoever expects
otherwise, must expect the laws of reason¬
ing, imprinted by the Deity on the human
mind, to be altered, It is equally certain,
that a dating ingratitude is displayed by the
citizen, who insults the majesty of the peo¬
ple, with the very power which their gene¬
rous confidence had placed in his hands. To
believe, when prcof is insufficient, is not
greater folly, than to doubt when it is con¬
vincing; and where circumstantial evidence
is conclusive, positive testiinouy, which is al¬
ways liable to a corrective collation with cir¬
cumstances, is rather curious than valuable.
It was but the other day that an atrocious
murder, in the enlightened state of New
York, was detected and punished upon cir¬
cumstantial evidence; and surely a process
of reasoning, which will sanction the destruc¬
tion of one man's life, is rigorous enough to'
determine the conduct of another. Those
who demand stronger evidence of an impro-
t <
per understanding between Mr Adams and
Mr Clay, than that afforded by their combi¬
nation itself, must be prepared to contend,
that it is not in the nature of things, for cir¬
cumstances evince guilt, and must be dis¬
posed to suspend their judgments until the
parties confess their crimes. It ought, how¬
ever, to be remembered, that all our know¬
ledge of motive and character, every decision
we form respecting mental occurrences, is
drawn from the consideration of circumstan¬
ces ; and that it is out of the ordinary course
of things, for the confession of the accused
to precede the sentence of the proper tribu¬
nal. The members of this assembly, there¬
fore, in protesting against the election of Mr
Adams as impure and anti-republican, are
sensible of no precipitancy of judgment, or
too great license of language. Unwilling to
assert what is doubtful, they are determined
to speak what is true. Nor do they deem it
necessary to fortify their protest by the nu
merous collateral proofs to be derived,either
from the contradictions contained in the stu¬
died vindication of the Secretary of State}
from the confession of his friend, his colleague
and his champion; or from the pertinent and
concurring reminiscences of respectable wit¬
nesses. The object of these resolutions be¬
ing remedial, not vindictive,- it remains, after
exemplifying the actual danger of the present
plan, to shew the probable advantage ot the
amendment proposed. In the first place, by
giving the election directly and conclusively
to the people, we should conform to the funda¬
mental principles of our government, which
was departed from in the formation of the
constitution, from apprehensions which expe¬
rience, as far as it has gone, proves not to
have been well founded. Another benefit
will be, that the dependence of the governor
on the governed, so desirable in a republic,
will be thus effectually secured. A conside¬
ration of equal moment, both as it regards
the theory and practice of our government,
is to be found in the fact, that an election
placed entirely in the hands of the people,
must result in the expression of their choice,
This will exclude the formidable evils of pre¬
vious cabals, concomitant corruption, and
Subsequent resentments. The people will be
satisfied with their own work, and at succeed¬
ing elections, will deliberately confirm, or
prudently correct their former preference.
Nor is it probable that, thereby, purity of
elections would be obtained, at the expense of
public tranquillity. The turbulence appre¬
hended by the fratners of the constitution is
less likely to be excited by the process of a
fair and open election, than by the contentions
eureto arisen under the present narrow sys-
■ 1
tem, between parties inclining to practice,
and parties endeavoring to defeat corruption.
Beside, the people of the United States are
further advanced in thg^tnowledge of self-
government, than they ^gre^hen the consti¬
tution was adopted; more capable of forming
a prudent choice, and of avoiding those con¬
vulsions, to which a less informed community
might be exposed, by the immediate exercise
of a right so important. The division of the
union into states, and the consequent modifi¬
cation of the elective process, will have a
tendency to limit, within moderate bounds,
the effect of any agitating impulse. And it
should never be forgotten, that when any fa¬
culty of government is susceptible of salutary
exertion by the people, to lodge it with a body
of-trustees for their benefit is an odious and
a pernicious departure from the cardinal
principles of free government. These are
some of the reasons which may be assigned
in favor of the first resolution. As experi¬
ence proves that the present system has a
tendency to destroy the purity of elections,
it also shows that a bad administration is like¬
ly to spring from, and re-produce an impure
election. When a President gets into power
with so small an "approach to unanimityas
to be indebted for an office to the rewarded
support and obvious tergiversation of his
most inimical competitor; the motive which
reduced him to this abasement, will natural,
ly prompt him to administer the govern¬
ment, not with a view to the public welfare,
but with an eye to his own popularity.
Hence those branches of policy which
time has sanctioned, and the fruits of
which, though nutritious and substanial, are
neither captivating by novelty, nor daz¬
zling by splendor, will be neglected for
visionary and ambitious schemes, devised to
amuse the imagination of the public, and to
reflect 011 their authors the credit of superior
patriotism, invention and sagacity; with this
delusive machinery, will be combined the in¬
fluence of executive patronage which, in most
countries, is mighty, and even in our own, is
powerful. This great engine will be per¬
verted from its rightful use, to the purchase
of praise for the executive, and aspersions of
its adversary's; and should eminent services
and virtue render any citizen a dangerous
competitor for the presidency, slanders, pro¬
portioned to his merit, will be fabricated by
interest and imposed on Credulity. Such is
the natural history of power unjustly acquir¬
ed in a free country. Since the last election
accordingly, the attention of the general go¬
vernment averted from the salutary relations,
which, for a series of years, had secured for
us the enjoyment of a productive commerce,
ias been devoted to the formation of chimer¬
ical and intrusive alliances, the avowed ob¬
ject of which was an outrage upon the spirit
and independence of the nation, whose reli¬
gion and laws,Jit w|s, proposed to subject^ to
our kind control and superscilious care. The
mischief of this ambassadorial crusade; of this
egregious departure from that modesty and
reserve (the dictates of dignity and prudence)
which had exalted us in the family ,of civili¬
zed nations, promises to equal the absurdity
of its conception. Besides the unnecessary
and enormous amount of public money expen¬
ded, and the ridicule and censure of foreign
nations, to which this strange embassy has ex¬
posed us, it will be well for our country if it
involve us in no other and greater calamities.
To suit his theory to his practice, the Presi¬
dent claims almost, boundless authority for
the executive—-ejects the Senate from all
participation in the institution of embassies,
and the commissioning envoys—compares the
influence of the constituent on the represen¬
tatives, to the effect of paralysis on the human
®>ody—rin the true spirit of arbitrary conde-'
•scension, he displays to the nation fantastical
projects of benefaction and improvement, be¬
fitting the gracious king of star-gazing sub¬
jects, rather than the responsible agent of a
free people. Nor is the prolusion with
Which' public money is expended, and the
mismanagement of the government abroad,
greater than its profligacy at home. The
chief member of the cabinet, whose duties
require his greatest sagacity, and most in¬
tense application, annually deserts his depart-,
tnent, and displays himself as an itinerant
rhetor at electioneering feasts, exceeding
Some ofhis colleagues in this official degra¬
dation, only as far as he exceeds them in a-
bility. In the days of Washington and Jeffer¬
son it was not in this manner that the great offi¬
cers of state were employed. Neither Hamil¬
ton nor Madison was seen traversing various
states at seasons of election, to rise before ca¬
rousing multitudes, and pour forth praises on
the president in office, whilst the flood-gates
of defamation were opened against his expec¬
ted competitor. ► Those great men never
dealt in boisterous harrangues, unbecoming
the gravity of statesmen—in banquet brava¬
does, consistent neither with decency nor
courage: nor in bold assertions, bearing no
comparison with facts. One was devotedly
engaged in the definition of otir rights a.t
home, and in the expansion and security of
our interests abroad, how violated and neg¬
lected. - The other was sedulously employed
in the creation of a system of economy and
credit, now impaired and abandoned; whilst
both had exerted their mighty intellects in
the formation of that bond of national anion,
which it is the earnest and ardent desire of
this general assembly to maintain and per¬
petuate. They have made this brief, but, in
their opinion, impartial reference to the con¬
duct of the present administration, in support
of their second resolution. In regard to the
third resolution, it will be sufficient to say,
that the acknowledged popularity, the estab¬
lished fame, and well-tried patriotism of AN-'
DREW JACKSON, designate him as the
candidate most capable of, and most deserv¬
ing a successful competition with Mr Adams,
Here he has been known from the dawn of
manhood, through the vicissitudes of life and
fortune, in peace and in war, and we speak
the sentiments bf our constituents, as well as
our own, when we declare, that the fire of
youth never impelled him beyond the bounds
of honor, and that the coldness of age has not
made him deaf to the voice of patriotism. As
q man, he has always enjoyed our peculiar
esteem, and as a public agent, our highest '
confidence. The force and fitness of his in¬
tellect, we have never found inferior to the „
grandeur of his character, or the lustre of his
fame; conspicuous for the charities of.private,
life, and alone doubtful of his public abilities;
he has seldom left its sacred retreats, with¬
out earning renown for himself and glory for
his countiy But the retreats of private life
are no longer sacred. This beloved citizen,
this genuine republican, venerable for his
age, illustrious for his services, and still more
illustrious for his inflexible" patriotism, has
seen, riot only his conduct distorted by slan¬
der, and his glory tarnished by calumny, but
the partner of his bosom traduced and expo¬
sed for the sport pf the idle, and the malice
of the infamous. ,That couch which has been
so ofteri forsaken, that others might sleep in
safety and peace; that breast that has so of¬
ten braved danger, that others might not even
feel its alarms; which felt,a stain• on the
honor of the country, like a,stab into its own
vitals,has been invaded and cruelly outraged.
That some of the members bfthe present ad¬
ministration of the federal government, are
accountable for the slander and persecution '
of Gen Jackson and his wife, is reluctantly,
though solemnly asserted. No moral dis¬
tinction can be drawn between the act of hir¬
ing a man to commit a crime, and that of re¬
warding him after he has committed it: and'
it is notorious,that the prostituted miscreants,
who invent and circulate these slanders, are
the continued objects of ministerial favor,pat¬
ronage and pay—hired with the money of the
very people whose willing gratitude and just
admiration are the real causes of this defa¬
mation and rancor. This fpul injustice not
[
only aggravates the demerit of its procurers,
but should endear to his country the hero
who sustains it. As citizens of Tennessee,we
feel it our especial duty to denounce it; and
to proclaim our proud, our fervent, and our
increased attachment to the candidate and
the cause of the people.
Resolved, That the Governor cause to be
furnished to each of the Senators Represen¬
tatives in Congress, a copy of the foregoing
resolutions, and of the remarks accompanying
the same.
Mr Huntsman offered the following addi¬
tional resolution:
Resolved, That our senators in congress be
instructed, and our representatives requested,
to use all fair and honorable means to pro¬
mote the election of Andrew Jackson to the
chief magistracy of the United States, and to
carry into effect the foregoing resolutions.
Which resolution was rejected. Yeas,
Messrs. Bradford, Garrett, Greene of F.,
Huntsman and Williams.
Mr Bradford offered the following, in lieu
of the original resolutions:
Resolved, That our senators in congress be
instructed, and our representatives requested,
to continue their best exertions to procure
such an amendment to the constitution of the
United States, as that the election of Presi¬
dent andVice President, in no event whatever,
devolve upon congress, but that the same be
oonfided alone in the people of the United
States, the legitimate source of all power.
Resolved, That the entire confidence of this
General Assembly, in the integrity and patri¬
otism of general Andrew Jackson, remains
unimpaired, and that a confident hope and
belief is entertained that he will be selected
to the highest office within the gift ot the Ame¬
rican people.
Mr. Bradford's remarks.
Mr Speaker—If I entertain a correct view of
the duties of the members of this General As¬
sembly, they were required to assemble togeth¬
er for the purpose of passing such laws as the
necessities of the community mighf require, and
the redress of such private grievances as might
exist in, the country, and should not be uselessly
diverted from those important objects to bestow
attention on subjects not immediately connected
with them. A departure from this rule, howev¬
er, has been Sometimes indulged on the gronnd
that, as the members of the legislature of the dif¬
ferent states are the agents of their constituents,
it becomes necessary, when great political ques¬
tions agitate the nation; or when, in the accom¬
plishment of some important object, in which
the whole people of the United States may be
deeply interested, a union of strength is desi¬
rable for them to express their opinion in rela¬
tion to the subject, and thus indirectly the opini¬
ons of those they represent. Upon some former
ircasigns I have felt myself authorized to do this
i J
much, but at the present time, and upon the sub*
ject now presented to us, I am willing to admit,
that I cannot see the necessity of a departure
from this rule. Indeed, so far from it being ne¬
cessary, and without intending to censure the
course of other gentlemen, f may be permitted
to say, that the adoption of the measure now
under consideration, in my opinion, would be
both improper and impolitic. When these reso¬
lutions, and the postamblc attached to them, was
first read in this housfe, I was insensibly directed
to believe, that the propriety of nie measure had
not been sufficiently considered. I have thought
much upon the subject since, and that reflection
has fplly confirmed my first impression; and I
cannot but now express a deep regret that they
have been introduced. Had I been apprised
that such a measure was in contemplation, I
should have considered it my duty, as a friend to
the cause intended to be advanced, to have ask¬
ed those instrumental in producing it, to have
withheld it altogether; or, at least, to have pre¬
sented it in another form not so objectionable,
without, however, consulting previously the
members of this body; and without the least
knowledge on the part of some of them, an im¬
portant measure has been presented to us, and
we are hastily called upon to sanction it with our
votes. For one, Mr Speaker, under my present
impressions, I cannot; but williDg, at the same
time, to join in any effort, necessary and proper,
touching the subjects embraced in the paper
presented by the gentleman from Giles. I have
submitted the resolutions just read, as a substi¬
tute for those submitted by him, entertaining a
belief, that if we wish to aid, in reality, the
accomplishment of that object, which we all
profess to be in favor of, they should be a-
dopted by the senate. It will be recollect¬
ed, that at the last session of the General As¬
sembly, the subject of amending the constitution
of the United States was inquired into and ex¬
amined with great care by gentlemen belonging
to that body—and a resolution adopted proposing
an amendment to that instrument, by which, in
no event, whatever, was the election of the Prcs-
identand Vice President of the United States
to devolve on Congress, but was to be confided
entirely to the sound discretion and good sense
of the American people. rThat resolution met
my warmest support, for I considered, that al¬
though great and virtuous men presided in the de¬
liberations that framed it—and although 1 vene¬
rated their wisdom and patriotism, and almost
considered myself as treading -on consecrated
earth, wfien I moved in this matter, yet I was
forced to admit, that like all the other efforts of
the human mind, it might be defective, and I
believed it so in this instance. Nor was it to be
wondered at, or considered in the remotest de¬
gree as arraigning the motives, or bringing in
question the abilities of those lovers of mankind
and signal benefactors of the human race who
were engaged in its formation; indeed, so far
from this being the consequence, our admiration
should be increased when we reflect that no grea¬
ter defects do exist than those now suggested,
and that forty years experience has • not shewn
to uS many other amendments as necessary,
Theoffice ofPresident of the United States is an
m
important one—is the highest trust known to /honorable stations, the faithful servant, the hod
our government and laws, indeed I am bold to
6ay that it is the proudest gift iti the hands of free
men. A king may boast of his throne, but he
who has a throne in the hearts of his countrymen,
is placed upon a much loftier eminence—he stands
pre-eminently distinguished. ""
In proportion then to the great responsibility
of this trust should "be our concern in the selec¬
tion of distinguished men to discharge its duties,
and in placing, that selection directly in the
hands of the people themselves; the people should
always elect their president; that power should
never be placed any where else. - Confided to a
few;it may. be abused, but confided to the great
mass of the people, it never Can. No one having a
direct agency on his elevation except the people
themselves, malice could not then charge the sue
est man. He was a republican of the old school,
one who believed that the expenses of the gov*
ernment should be lessened so as to avoid the
taxation of the people, or the necessity of bor¬
rowing money to discharge the debts of the gov¬
ernment. He advocated a plain, a prudent and
an economical government—and I wanted him,
therefore, elevated to the presidency. But there
were those then in Tennessee who desired his
defeat, and the only way to effect this object was
to produce a division in the republican ranks—a
diversion to effect this was made in the Tennes¬
see legislature,and a fourth candidate presented
to the American people—I saw in this the cer¬
tain elevation, as 1 thought, of Mr Adams—and I
regret that I have authority for saying, that this
was the object secretly intended by some who
cessful candidate with corruption, or with barter- were most instrumental in producing this state
ing for office. In a government like ours, existing | of affairs—I speak advisedly when I say, that this
only on public opinion, how desirable must this
be to the patriot and statesman. Such is thede-
' pravity of the human heart when disappointed in
our fond expectations and desires, how often do
we impute, to those who were in opposition to us,
improper motives and Criminal designs; such,
too i often, is the morbid state of the human
. heart, that it indulges itself in uncharitable-
ness towards others, delights in tales of suspi¬
cion and, in that way, the fairest reputation
of the most distinguished men is often tarnished.
I want the presidential election placed, not on¬
ly upon a footing that no temptations can be
held out to influence any one to act improperly,
but I wish it also so arranged that even jealousy
itself could not impute to others impure motives.
The reputation of distinguished men is public
property, a part of the treasure of the nation,
and pur political institutions should not place
them in a situation that their honor would be li¬
able to impeachment.' These reasons influent^
ed mp at the last session of the .General Assem¬
bly to recommend to Congress and our sihter
states, an amendment, to this effect, of the con¬
stitution of the United States. The subject was
taken up in that body, .but not finally acted upon.
By the resolution now submitted, it is made
still the duty of our members,'to press "the sub¬
ject, &l I hope,too, that they will do itwith success.
It will be seen by the reading of the other re¬
solution submitted, that it is. my ^ish also to
shew to the people of the United States, that our
confidence in the patriotism and integrity ofGen.
Jackson remains unimpaired, and.that a confi¬
dent hope and belief is entertained by this Gen¬
eral Assembly, that he will be elevated to the
presidential chair. In relation to this resolution,
Mr Speaker, it may not be unnecessary for me
to say something. Indefed I must ,beg the indul¬
gence of the" senate, whilst I state the course
which 1 have hitherto taken, and the views which
have heretofore influenced me upon this subject;
this may be the more desirable, as my feelings
have been either misunderstood or misrepresen¬
ted) not only here, but elsewhere, in respect to
it. At the last presidential election, I was the
friend of William H. Crawford of Georgia. I
was one of his earliest admirers. I recognized
in his political views, the patriot and statesman.
1 saw in the discharge of his official duties, in
was the secret object of some of those engaged in
the politics of those times—to produce a division
amongst the republicans and thereby secure the
election of Mr Adams, was secretly avowed, and
industriously pursued—I was in favor of Wm.
Crawford—I was opposed to Mr-Adams. The
political opinions avowed by Mr Adams' friends
in congress and elsewhere, was at war with
southern and western interests; they were ur¬
ging on the nation a tariff law, the operation of
which would take a portion of the proceeds of the "
labor of the farmer from him, and transfer it to
themanufacturerof the north; a law which would
lessen our commerce with foreign nations and
thereby lessen the revenue of the government,
and which was calculated to make the treasury
of the United. States poor and pennyless. I did
believe that many of (he politicians of the nation,
who were most active in the cause of Mr Adams,
entertained views inconsistent with republican¬
ism and the fundamental principles of our gov¬
ernment—and believing that Mr Adams partook
of those feelings, I was, therefore, opposed to his?'
elevation; but, at the same time, I am willing to
admit,that the prejudices of early education might
in some measure,have strengthened those feelings
of opposition to mr Adams which I then entertain¬
ed. Be this as it may, Mr Crawford was my first
choice, mrAdams mylast. The election took place
—no candidate having a majority of the electoral •
votes, it was transferred to congress—by whom
Mr Adamsj according Jto the constitution, was
made president of the United States. * I regret¬
ted the result, and some of the first stcts of my
political life afterwards, evidenced my feelings—
a resolution nominating Gen.* Jackson was sub- -
mitted to the legislature in 1825, of which I had
the honor of being a member. I voted for if
then, and I am willingto reiterate the same $en- -
timent now, and have done so by the resolution
just submitted. Although, upon the subject of
the tariff and other important political Questions/
there has not heretofore been any difference of
opinion between the two persons now cont end¬
ing for the presidency, yet I.am induced to go *
for the citizen of my own- state, from a belief,
that if he is elevated to this distinguished trust,
he will be governed by that policy, which whilst
it extends to the manufacturing parts of the .
United States all due protection, will not permit
[I
%he farmer to be indirectly taxed by tariff laws
or any such other measures, and a part of ins labor
thereby indirectly bestowed upon others. These
arc the views which have influenced me in pro¬
posing the resolutions submitted, and which will
govern my vote in their support; I was even de¬
sirous for the adoption of the resolutions just re¬
jected, directing our members in congress to use
(heir best exertions to secuie the elevation of
Gen* Jackson to the Presidency—and I was
much astonished when it was voted dowo> How
gentlemen can reconcile this vote with a friendly
Reeling for Gen. Jackson, 1 am at a loss to deter¬
mine. They are desirous for his success, it would
sfeem, yet decline to instruct their members in
congress to assist in this work. I hope gentle¬
men will account for this apparent inconsistency
*n-this difference between professions and acts.
Having, in this hasty manner, Mr Speaker,
Stated the reasons which will influence me
in voting for the resolutions submitted by
myself, I will now endeavor to shew why
J cannot support, with my vote, the re
marks accompanying those submitted by the
gentleman from Giles. In the first place, facts
are assumed as true of which we have no know¬
ledge, and conclusions drawn from those suppos¬
ed tacts which we are asked, under the solemnity
of an oath, to pronounce as correct; a direct
charge of corruption and fraud is preferred a-
gainst two distinguished individuals, and without
a knowledge of its truth we are required to sanc¬
tion the allegation with our vote; according to
<ny view of the subject it would be a violation of
a sacred moral obligation for me to pronounce
facts as correct, which I have no certain know¬
ledge are true. But we have been told by gen¬
tlemen, that the circumstance of Mr Clay being
appointed secretary of state by Mr Adams, is
evidence Of his corruption. I am not the politi¬
cal admirer of Mr Adams or Mr Clay. The po¬
litical opinions avowed by them both are, in
many respects, in direct opposition to those en¬
tertained by myself, but 1 must pause before 1
can pronounce sentence of moral depravity
against them upon this bare circumstance. And
who, let me ask, is Henry Clay I—Passing, sir,
ever the early incidents of his public life, we find
him in the congress of the United States, at a
difficult and gloomy period of our national exis¬
tence—resisting, with all the power of his match¬
less eloquence, the aggressions of our rival. He,
Mr Speaker, was the main advocate of the war
with Great Britain, and when it was afterwards
^deemed essential to put an end to that war, which
has been appropriately called the second war of
Jtmerican independence, he was selected as one
of the ministers of peace. To him, with others,
was confided this arduous and important trust,
and if the approbation of his countrymen is to
be takeoas evidence, he returned to the United
States full of fame and of honor—at many other
and trying times he was found faithful to his
country, and has often led the democracy of the
United States through many perilous conflicts;
and who, when this nation was agitated to the
centre, upon the Missouri question, interposed
his kind and soothing office, and snatched the
cation from an awful convulsion. Who, standing
*8 fbe piaacta of fame itself, could say; to this
»]
proud eminence, my own exertions and the kind
partialities ol my confiding countrymen have
raised me. Can u, 1 ask, be possible for the hu¬
man mind, whiCh is not watped by prejudice, or
which is not ltd estray by intemperate zeal to
believe that, ioi the contemp lole sum attached
as a salary to the office ue uow holds, he would,
at one fell moment, have forgotten his high des¬
tiny and sold himself to a hated rival? Let us
rather in charity say it was an error of the head
and not a guilty act of the heart.
Secondly—the language used is intemperate,
audi must be pardoned in saying, is abusive and
is well calculated to produce excitement without
any beneficial results. Shall we descend to the
level of every dirty scribler in the newspapers,
who choose, in the gratification of their passions,
to speak disrespectful of those we admire? I be¬
lieve Gen. Jackson has been unjustly assailed,
as has been some of those who oppose him—
bqt shall we make his assailants conspicuous by
noticing them in legislative resolves? W e have
higher duties to perform—the good sense of the
American people will administer the corrective-
Let us not then lose sight of that self respect
which we should maintain by mingling unneces¬
sarily in the strife. A complaint is set up in one
part of these remarks, that Mr Clay makes un¬
warrantable attacks upon General Jackson, in
speeches delivered at public dinners, whilst, in
the same paper, the darkest charges of corruption
are pronounced against Mr Adams and Mr Clay;
and thus we censure in others a course which we
adopt ourselves in the very resolutions conveying,
that censurq. How inconsistent—how absurd.
I say again, Mr Speaker, I am not the advocate
of Mr Clay's political opinions. His views of
national policy I cannot subscribe to. Some of
the measures advocated by him, I have consider¬
ed wild and visionary. Yet I cannot permit my¬
self, in my Isgislative capacity, under the solemn
obligations of an oath, to say that his voting for
Mr Adams, at the last presidential election, is
evidence of corruption. 1 will not say it, sir,
without evidence. It is true, that previous to
that election, Mr Adams and Mr Clay were said
to be unfriendly—that they had differed in their
statements about certain proceedings at Ghent,
is admitted—but it was such adifference as might
have been satisfactorily explained; and I cannot,
therefore, without some knowledge of the cir¬
cumstances, pronounce this evidence of corrup¬
tion, At the time of that election, Mr Speaker,
1 was induced to draw conclusions unfavorable
to Borne distinguished men concerned in it. 'I he
letter published by a creditable citizen of Lex¬
ington, showing Mr Clay's determination, previ¬
ous to his leaving home, to support Mr Adams,
and the recent disclosures of Mr Buchanan, the
friend of General Jackson, has, however, dis¬
pelled those suspicions from my mind. Yet
I must still regret the vote that Mr Clay and
others gave upon that occasion. The friends of
General Jackson should not rest his claims to
the presidency, qn the supposed corruption of
any one, 1 advocate them, Mr Speaker, upon
different and higher grounds; not the want of
merit in others, but upon a hope that if he suc¬
ceeds, his administration will be marked by
prudence and economy. Uentlemen should b*~
m.
ware how they impute corruption to any one
upon the bare circumstance that they were un¬
friendly to those whom they might afterwards
support tor distinguished trusts; for I ain gratified
to say, that animosities which existed between
our own distinguished citizen and other indivi¬
duals of high standing elsewhere, have been re?-
couciled, and that they are now found his deci¬
ded friends and admirers, and the sincerity of
whose acts, malevolence itself Would not dare
to whisper & suspicion. If, then, General Jack¬
son's enemies have become reconciled to him,
and are now his friends, might not the reconcil¬
iation of Mr Clay to Mr Adams been' possible
without presuming their corruption!1 It is pos¬
sible,. We should be cautious, Mr Speaker,
how we draw conclusions unfavorable to; the
character of private individuals,/and we should
he equally cautious in pronouncing distinguished
public citizens as guilty of high crimes! The
awful responsibility of such Verdict beford' it is
recorded, should be deliberately weighed. The
solemn act of a legislature, when once adopted,
cannot be recalled--and we should hesitatelobg
before we consign to infamy, by pur votes, those
whd have been considered once' worthy of our
confidence. . I cannot, upon my oath, pronounce
the sentence without evidence and • Without
proof. , I know, Mr Speaker, that there are in-'
dividuals, in this country, who, destitute of merit
themselves, depend upon the merits of others for
promotion and support,' Demagogues, sir, have
existed in alt countries and' in all, ages, and we
too have them. It was said of old, that it was!
not those who cried Lord, Lord, >that always:
done the will of their blaster,' Nor is it those
who are always crying the hero, the hero, who ard
his best friends and firmest supporters. ,
Id political matters, I judge of the conduct 6f
mankind by the same'standard that.I form my
estimate of them in private affairs; and when I
hear individuals always making showy declara¬
tions of their own honesty, and impeaching the
motives of others, I distrust their sincerity and
guard myself against; them, ', So it is in politics;
when I find men arrogating tb themselves the
entire control of every' thiDg touching General
Jackson's election, and distrusting the sincerity
of others, I am prepared to look Upon them with
suspicion and distrust; and I would ask my coun¬
trymen to beware of them. ' I make no allusion
to gentlemen on the floor, as I hope all here are
influenced by better' feelings-i-but that., such
things do exist, many of the people' of this state
can testify. ' ' '*i lV7
There is another view of this subject, which
should not be overlooked.-—it is'one, it seems to
me, of much consequence! I mean the attitude
we assume in these resolutions, to the competitor
of Gen. Jackson, we certainly stand in the light
of accusers. A position which, I think, we should
avoid. We are the immediate neighbors of Gen.
Jackson, and propriety1 would, therefore, forbid
our becoming the accuser? of his opponent, no
matter bow reprehensible he maybe in our esti-1
mation—let the people of other states move in
it, and let us withhold from the friends of Mr
Adams, an opportunity of saying that we are his
persecutors. Depend upon it, sir, more harm
than good will grow out of a different tjoiirie. . I
hope, therefore, that the resolutions submitted
by me will be adopted. They propose an amend¬
ment to the constitution of the United States-
such as we all desire; they declare our unim¬
paired confidence m Gen. Jackson, abd express
a confident hope and belief, that he will be elect-
ed to the presidency—and there they stop.
They charge not his competitor with crime; ■
they arraign the motives of no one; they comport
with the dignity of the state, and with that re¬
spect which we should feel for ourselves, as mem¬
bers of this body aud the people we have the
honor to represent.
Mr Bradford's resolutions were rejected, 16 -
to 4—yeas, Messrs Bradford, Garrett, Huntsman
and Williams.
■ . • V *
Remarks of Mr Williams* in the Senate, on
v ; Mr Brown's Resolutions.
Mr Speaker: The paperjust read contains a proposition
to amend the constitution of the U. S. and also treats of o-
ther grave subjects. It has been the custom-heretofore,
wheiKSttch important subjects were submitted to the con¬
sideration of the legislature,to have them printed, and to
afford some time to members to consider oi them. This
custom is,now departed froth. Gentlemen who have the
guardianship of this measure, have declined having it
printed, and have refused time' for consideration. To
pass a decision oh such asubject, the day after its in¬
troduction,, and without printing, has" no example (as I
suppose,) in the history of legislation, in a country claim-
ing to, be free. >, At a former period, I was one among
those who objected to gag laws, but the present course
is an improvement on'those laws. It is manifest, that
this document is to be forced down our throats without
letting us know what it contains, except whatis collected
from reading it at the clerk's table^midst the noise and
bustle incidentto a legislative chamber. .This legislature
has, at two or three former sessions, recommended Gen¬
eral Jackson to the people of the U. S. for the office of
President; but gentlemen say, that a report has gone a-
broad, that the people of Tennessee have turned against
the General, and that, therefore, it has become necessa¬
ry, that these resolutions and preamble should be passed,
and at the same time, express an ardent desire that there
should be unanimity in this body. In order to test the sin¬
cerity of gentlemen;! will now repeat a proposition
which I made this morning, that l will unite with them in
a proper manner, and proclaim to the world that, in our-
opiuicm, amajority of the people in Tennessee are in fa-
vor,of General Jackson for the office of President. The
refusal to accept of this proposition, is evidence to me,
that something more is intended than what has been ex- ■
pressed. I take this occasion to assure gentlemen, that
I never will consent to the adoption of any measure, the
tendency of which has not been fully explained.Iffair play
was intended,whynot permit.it tube printed & afford time '
to consider the propositionllfunanimity was desired,why
notaccept of my offer? If any thing personal to myself
is intended by this movement, 1 have only to say, that
I hoist the fag of defiance. With a very imperfect knowl¬
edge of what js contained in this state paper, I will pro¬
ceed; to mention some of the reasons which induce me to
| vote against it. .More from curiosity than any thing else,
I should be gratified to know, from the mover or some o-
ther person, who is the author of this paper. It contains
a mixture of matters, and an assumption of facts, which
seem to have no connexion. J should like to know
whether it is of domestic or foreign, manufacture. The
first resolution proposes an amendment to the constitu¬
tion, which, in principle, meets my approbation. In the
formation of dur government, it was impossible for human
wisdom to foreseej the future * exigencies of the na¬
tion: And hence a duty devolves on each generation, of
adapting thefundamental law, to the condition of human
affairs. Our government is based upon the will of the
people. All public agents should derive their power, as
far as practicable, directly from the people. Whenever
the detai Is of a plan xr« shewn to me,wbich will insure the
11
collecting of all the votes of the freemen in their states,
I will most heartily agree, that the constitution shall be
so amended, that the people shall vote directly tor the
President, instead of voting, as they do at present, for e-
fectors to vote for the President. I prefer this amend¬
ment to the present plan, because it is the
roost democratic. As to the suggestion, that many mea¬
sures of the administration are ruinous to the best interests
of the country, this charge is too general. If there are
many measures of this character.it is a duty which we
owe to our constituents to point them out, and shew their
ruinous tendency: And in this way arrest the progress of
the ruin which awaits us, by raising the indignation Of
the people against the authors ot those measures. And
We tall far short of our duty if we do not take this course.
I will most cheerfully unite with gentlemen in exhib¬
iting to public scorn, any, or all of our public agents, who
maybe wickedly concerned in sacrificing the best in¬
terests of the community. If one of our fellpwcitizens is
charged with the commission of a crime against the mu¬
nicipal laws, in order to bring him to punishment, you
must specify in the charge, whether he has been guilty
joi a breach of the peace, or larceny, or a homicide. It
will not do to charge an individual with having commit¬
ted many, or all sorts of crimes—-If you do, the people
will say that the man is innocent, and you are caluninia-
tor9—So it is with our public agents. If we charge them
with many, or all sorts of crimes, and do not specify, the
people will say, this is a mode of proceeding, contrary to
the letter and spirit of our free institutions. That our
legislature, instead of attending to the business we want-
ecf them to transact, have become the false accusers of o-
ther public agents, and for their false clamor, we will
pronounce against them the sentence of condemnation,
which they desire us to pronounce upon others. I beg
gentlemen to unite with me in preferring specific char¬
ges, and adducing proof, if to be had, in support of them,
and if they will not consent to take this course I cannot
go with them. Having been absent, t know but very lit¬
tle of the history of the politics of the country for some
time past. Since my return, I have heard of one measure
which is called an administration measure: I refer to the
woollens bill, before the last -congress. I am decidedly
opposed to that measure; and if gentlemen will so modi¬
fy this resolution and specify that measure, as hostile, in
our opinions, to the interest of Tennessee, and clothe the
argument in strong but respectful language,! will vote
with them. I am not willing to impute to those who dif¬
fer with me on political subjects, dishonest motives, un¬
less I have some evidence of the fact. I am and always
have been opposed to high duties on foreign goods, or in
other words an anti-tariff man. Whilst I know that I am
sincereand honest in this opinion, I am willing to be¬
lieve, thatothers who think differently, are influenced by
similar considerations. It fa illiberal to suppose otherwise
in the absence of testimony. The rate of duties to be im¬
posed on foreign goods, presents an important question
n our political economy. That distinguished man at the
head of the State Department, and many others of our
most enlightened statesmen, are in favor of high dutie
or of what is called the American system. t Although*,
Jiave heard Mr Clay advocate this System with poweftul
arguments, and with a matchless eloquence, yet my earl} :
opinions remain the same. I have no information as to the
opinions of Mb Adams on this subject. But I know that
a part of his cabinet is opposed to the tariff? and an in
discriminatecharge against the administration, that they
were in favorof the tariff', would bedoinggreat injustice,
and I will not consent to it. Gentlemen are treading on
ticklish ground, in attempting to consign to infamy all
those who are, or were in favorof the tariff. I beg them
to remember that Gen. Jackson voted for the tariff and
internal improvement also. And the last tariff'bill pas¬
sed both houses of congress by the votes of Tennessee
members. I cannot but bestow a passing notice on the
changes in Tennessee, on this subject. I ask pardon for
introducing myself in this portrait. Wheh I was in the
Senate of the United States, I was denounoed as a radical
and an ti-tariff man. It was objected to me, that I was by
birth, education, in feelings and in politics, a southern
man; and for these reasons, was thrown overboard in
my political voyage. Gen Jackson was my successor-
He was up to the hub a tariff man, and fog internal iro-
t ]
provementby the general government, and was therefore
much better suited to represent a western state than t was
I would not surrender the convictions of my best judg¬
ment to a momentary and artificial excitement—1 met
my fate with composure. The tariff bill passed by the
votes ofGen Jackson and his colleague, Mr baton. And
I have lived to see a total revolution in Tennessee, on
the subject of the tariff. Almost every one is now on my
side. We areall anti-tariff; and I rejoice to see so ma¬
ny of my countrymen- converted, to what I consider, tha
true faith. It seems to me just, that they should now give
me absolution for my political heresies, as most ot them
have embraced my creed. There is no other authority in
Tennessee which can exert that power,except themselves.
Mr Eaton, with whom I got along, whilst he was my col¬
league, with much harmony, I feel assured, has been
thoroughly converted on the subject of the tariff, as well
as in relation to the great principles of militpr} law,
which divided the President and Senate, in the last reduc¬
tion of the army. Perhaps I have gone top far. I have
no certaid evidence that Gen Jackson has changed, ei¬
ther as regards the tariff or internal improvement. There
is much discussion in the country,and various statements
on this subject, but what is the truth of the matter, I have
no information. Whatever may be his opinions, he has
aright to those opinions} and if his mind has undergone
any change, there can he no question but it is the resu't
of the convictions of his best judgment, and I, for one,
shall rejoice to learn that he is a convert, to what I con¬
sider the true doctrine. W hatever notions Gen Jackson,
Mr Adam3, or Mr Clay may have entertained op this,
and other important subjects, I am disposed to believe,
were honest, and were founded with the single eye to the
public good. I deprecate intolerance in politics, as well
as in religion; and it is my maxim to apply the rule of the
common law, (that all men are innocent until the contrary
isproveffjto the motives and actionsof public men. I
regret exceedingly, that the legislature of Tennessee is
called upon to substantiate the charge of high crimes and
misdemeanors, preferred against high officers of the gov¬
ernment. Is there not some doubt, as to this being the,
proper forum? Would it not have been better, that the
charge of bribery and corruption should have been estab,
lished before our national representatives, where, on the
fact being proved, suitable punishment could have been
inflicted? But waving the question of jurisdiction, I am
willing, as a member of the Tennessee legislature, to de¬
nounce the accused on proof of the facts charged. It is
•one thing to make charges, and another to prove them.
I will not ask for what is called, in our courts, the best
evidence or legal proof; but Task for some proof, which
will create a presumption, before I will pronounce guilt
on any of the human family. On this occasion, we are
called upon to render a verdict of guilt, and not a sylla¬
ble of proof is adduced: Not even a newspaper. These
charges, if true, are serious accusations, and if false, they
are outrageous Calumnies. This state paper has been
drawn up by some one unknown to me. The author, and
perhaps the mover, and others have seen the testimony ;
hut they refuse to shew it to me, and others, and still re¬
quire of us to say on our oaths, that the facts charged are
true. I will not submit to this requirement.
In 2d Chitty's criminal law, page 282, in treating of per¬
jury at common law he says,"the oath must be false."
By this is intended, that the party must believe that what
he is swearing is ficticious; for if intending to decieve, he
asserts that which may happen to be true, without anj
knowledge of the fact—he is equally criminal, and theac
cidental truth of his evidence will not excuse him. I in¬
troduce this authority, to explain to the Senate the rule
which governs me. If the crimes charged, be true, and I
were to say so on oath, without any knowledge of tha
fact, Ishould, according to this authority, be guilty of
perjury. But gentlemen say, legislative bodies are not
bound down by those rigid rules of testimony, which gov¬
ern courts ofjustice. I agree to this; but contend that
the legislature cannot assert any fact without some testi¬
mony. They can receive parol, instead of documentary
evidence. They can receive the statement of an honora¬
ble member from his place, in lien of other testimony in
many cases'. Perhaps the house of representatives would
be well justified in exhibiting articles of impeachment a-
gainst one of our judges, upon less testimony than the
£ n I
s-ina'e would require to find him guilty. The relaxation
in the legislature of the rules of evidence* which obtain
,jn courts ofjustice, does not authorize the legislature'to
assert an important fact, without any testimony. No pa¬
rol or documentary 'evidence, has been offered.—No
member has risen in his place and said, that the i facts
charged are true.—No individual, not of the legislature,,
has stept forward and told us they were true. And yet
we, acting under the solemn sanction of an oath, are
gravely called upon to publish to the world, that they are
true. I speak alone for myself, that I cannot comply
with this requirement. Others who have seen the testi¬
mony,can do so. Upon this subject, I have been referred
to the publications of Messrs Buchanan1, Eaton, and I-
saacs, and the conversations of Markley &c. I have looked
into all this, with a desire of ascertaining the truth of these
charges. Upon a careful perusal of this testimony, I dis¬
cover, that these gentlemen were all the,friends of Gen
Jackson. That they were no donbt laudably engaged in
devising the .ways and means of securing his election.
That some of them supposed the succor of Mr Clay
would effectuate their wishes,—and that this could be ob¬
tained, by leaving the door of the state department open. .
But there is no testimony, that Mr Clay knew what these
persons were thinking of. On the. contrary, it is mani-'
fest, that whilst -ome gentlemen were making arrange¬
ments to open the door, and set a hook-and line, baited
with the State Department, and which they, .judging., by
some standard, supposed would certainly produce a nib¬
ble or a bite, the trout, from any thing which appears,was
asleep. And Is it possible, that this legislatureyvill assert
1 the facts differently from what they ire-made out by the
friends of the General, and the. adversaries of Mr Clay.
I have a solemn warning not to convict a man without
evidence. Many of you will remember that Aaron Burr,
some years ago, was figuring through the- western coun¬
try. . That he was in the states of Ohio,. Kentucky, and
Tennessee, fitting out an armed expedition. That suspi¬
cion was alive as to his ulterior objects. That he was at
■length arrested" by the order of the' President, Jefferson,"
and arraigned in "Richmond on a-charge of treason.* This
charge was no sooner made, than there Was a general-
burst of indignation against him, and bis associates. The
general cry was, hang the traitors.'' It was the duty of
chief justice Marshall to preside on these trial?. He did,
so, and Burr was acquitted. This fact was lio sooner
known, than the current of popular indignation tumeda-
gainst the judge, and heat once became an object of pub-
lic.odium. This torrent, perhaps, beat with more fury,
because his politics were not fashionable. And the cry
.was, that the judge ought, to be hung in the traitor's
place. I partook "of the general excitement, and„fre
- -quently spoke of the judge iii terms of reproach., Not
long afterwards,, when the storm had in some degree sub¬
sided, I procured a volume entitled Burr's Trial. I com¬
menced reading it with the confident belief, that I should
find certain evidence of his judicial depravity.1 rBut the
result was very different. If he had convicted Burr on
. the testimony, he would have merited the reproach,which
was cast on him for the acquittal. I have never Seen, or
thought of.that illustrious man since,but I felt.self-con^
victed of having done him great "injustice, by yielding to
an honest, but misguided excitement; and my consola¬
tion now is, that I have madlg all the atonement in my
power, and I have a fixed determination, never to com¬
mit a like error. In reading that trial, and recollecting
the state of things which then existed, I amforced to ad-
' mire the moral courage displayed in the performance of
his duty, more than the legal research, which has ■ only
been equalled by himself in other cases, among the many
men who have adorned the judicial tribunalsof our coun¬
try. The grand jury, who found the -bill of indictment
Vs Burr, were, many of them, the first lawyers in Virgin¬
ia. They ought not to have found the indictment,a true
bill; if they did not discover the defect in the.- evidence,
this proves as lawyers, they were inferior to the judge;'
and if they did, this proves they had less pioral courage
than he. and were willing, at a high price, to avoid res¬
ponsibility themselves, by throwing it on the legal,fler-
cules of the age. I state this incident, Mr Speaker, in
order to show that we ought to be cautious in fixing guilt
on any one, without some proof * When gentlemen are
driven from the position, that evidence of guilt is to be
iound in the statements of Buchanan, Eaton, &c. some
of them say, that the feet of Clay's having voted for Ad¬
ams, and the latter appointing the former to the Depart¬
ment of State, is, ot itself, satisfactory evidence of bribe¬
ry and corruption. I beg gentlemen to pause, before
they come to this conclusion. This argument will in¬
volve ourselves in guilt, and likewise some of the best
patriots and ablest statesmen. What is our daily prac-<
tice? In bestowing our little patronage almost daily, do
we not, where the qualifications of the candidates are e-
qual, prefer our friends to our enemies'? I answer, we do.
And for doing this, would we not indignantly repel a
charge of bribery or corruption? We certainly would.'
Will we practise on a rule, and exclude others from the
use of it? Society will not grant us such an ■ immunity,
and prohibit,it to others. This argument will prohibit
all public men from conferring favors on their friends
and force' them to bestow all offices On their enemies Is
this to be the rule in the next administration? If it is,
then indeed, in the janguage of one member, it will be
like Gsesar's wifei above suspicion., Let us recur to a
former pteriod,in the history of our government. In 1810,
Mr Jeffersou and Mr Burr,had an equal number of votes,
for President, and the election devolved on the House of
Representatives, as it did at the last election. After
many balfotings, by the magnanimous conduct of a dis¬
tinguished member from Delaware, Mr Jefferson was e-
lected. Gov Claiborne, was then the only member from
Tennessee, He voted for JVlr Jefferson, and by his vote
Mr Jefferson was made-president of the United States.
Shortly afterwards,Mr Jefferson appointed Mr .Claiborne
Governor of the Mississippi Territory-. The newspapers
hostile to Mr Jeffersdn, seized on this, and charged him
wjth bribery and corruption. But I have no recollec¬
tion, that anyone ef the legislatures of the states were at
that time called on, to make good the charge withouttes-
timony. ■■ Mr Jefferson did not act upon the modern 're-,
finements in bestovvingoffices,on his enemies instead of
his friends. He was an old fashioned republic air. He
preferred hisfriendsto his enemies: and now, that he has
lived and died in the hearts of his countrymen, arguments
are made to prove, that he was guilty of bribery and cor¬
ruption. .All this proves the miserable shifts to which
gentlemen may be driven, when they are fatally bent on
a purpose. I warn them,lest the course they are now ta¬
king should recoil on themselves. It is of great impor¬
tance,phat a state should preserve that respect for its as-„
Sertions. to which it is entitled by usageand public law. ,
In the compact of 1506, between the United States and '
, Tennessee, the former surrendered to the: latter, all the
vacant land north and east of a certain line, forthesatis-
factionpf the floating land warrants, with a stipulation,
that if there should- not be sufficient land within those
bounds to satisfy all the warrants, the limits should be
extended. Some years ago, Tennessee, through the pro-
er organ, said to the United States, that ,the land within
the limits assigned,was insufficient, and asked an exten-j
sion.' When a proposition was before the -Senate of the
United States for thatpurpose, it was objected, that Ten¬
nessee was interested, some other testimony1 should be _
offered besides her declaration. This objection,at first,'
was likely to be fatal to the measure; when a venerable ,
and accomplished senator from New York answered, that
Tennessee was a sovereign, and independent State: end
having asserted a fact,by usageand public law,she was en- .
titled to credit, and it would be indecorous to dispute it. '■*
On this suggestion, proceeding from such high authority,
the measure was adopted, and has added much to our
wealth and population. The period has arrived, when
another measure connected with this subject, has be- '
come important: the doing of. which by congress, will
depend on-the representations of our legislature. Ought
we not to hesitate, in asserting facts without testimony,
test by doing so, -we should deprive ourselves of-credit, «
when speaking what we know to be true? Let us not put
to hazard the best interest of our State,by embarking in
political speculations,of doubtful utility to the end propo-
posed.- When a state asserts a fact to be true, by public
law, she is entitled to credit,. Friendly intercourse be¬
tween nations, cannot be maintained on any other princi¬
ple. . If the legislatures of the states of this union, should
commence preferring charges of corruption against the
distinguished citizens of other states, who may be suppos¬
ed to be in the way of their favorites, are we not to ex¬
pect retaliation? &ntl if unfortunately, these -chaigeg
n
should be made without evidence, they will Dot be cred¬
ited beyotii the sphere whe-e th.,3 j re made. A general
loss ofclmt -tcter will take place. Crimination and recrim¬
ination will follow. All the malignant passions which tm-
bitler human life, will be engendered. The country will
be cot op into sectional strife. One part will be in hostile
array against another. Wars follow strife; and this fair
fabrick of freedom, the world's first and last hope, will be
ingulphed in ruin, I beg gentlemen not to commit the
first fault in this riot of states.
From what I could hear of this state paper, some allu¬
sion is made to the colonial trade, and a charge preferred
that that trade has been lost by Some fault of the execu¬
tive. Neither proof nor argument Offered in support
ofthis specification, yet we must fina the accused guilty.
England has been engaged in commercial wars with all
the nations of Christendom—and for many years, since
she has had a superiority of force on the high seas, she
has felt power and forgot right. I may be influenced by
prejudice, butin my opinion, she has been in the wrong
in ail, or nearly all of those wars. She has been restrain¬
ed by nothing but her own pleasure in impressing the
seamen and in capturing the vessels of all other nations.
For many years she impressed our seamen, plundered
our property, captured and burnt our vessels, and insulted
Our government These outrages forced us into a declar¬
ation of war in 1812. I approved of that declaration in
common with a majority of my countrymen—yet a por¬
tion of our citizens insisted that England was right and
We were wrong. In the progress of the war,some of them
afforded aid and comfort to the enemy, and others assem¬
bled at Hartford, to give influence and effect to their »-
pinions. This conduct met our severe reprobation. We
questioned the patriotism of those who would not aid us
in the war, and denounced, as traitors to the country,the
blue lights and conventionists. Wonders will never
cease. Is it possible that old England is now finding ad¬
vocates in the patriotic st-tte of Tennessee? And that we
must renounce our former opinions and make a legisla¬
tive declaration to the world, that England is right and
our own country is wrong in that long contested contro¬
versy in relation to the British Colomal trade. We have
a treaty regulating the direct trade between, the United
States and England, founded on perfect reciprocity. This
treaty followed the late war. We have always been de¬
sirous of trading with the British colonies on the same
terms—but this has been denied us. In negotiating a-
bout <his trade, she has always insisted on terms which I
consider degrading to us. And as far as I am concerned,
I never will consent to trade with any country or its co¬
lonies upon any terms except those of perfect reciprocity.
And if in insisting on this principle of equality, which 1
-consider essential to our national character, some of our
seaport towns lose a partofa trade which has been carried
on upon unequal terms, it must be charged to England.
Upon inquiring, perhaps, it would be found that the dis-
, content on this subject, mainly originated with a few
prominent politicians* who reside about our comparative¬
ly small sea-port towns, who desire the West India trade
now, ss they did some years ago, even at the expense of
national honor. Let us in Tennessee, guard against hasty
committals on this difficult subject, particularly when we
are required to act without argument qr documents.
Opinions formed and expressed by us, under such circum¬
stances, will not have much weight in other parts of the
union—and their only effect perhaps will be, to embar¬
rass, by seeming to take side with England against our
own country .The sentiment of the lamented & gallant De¬
catur, "For my country, tight or Wrong," is a safe gene¬
ral rule. Something is said in the paper read at the table,
about intrusive alliances. As I progress in noticing the
topics trea*el of, my curiosity is increased, to learn where
this paper fame from, and who is its author* The docu¬
ment is so precious in the opinions of some, that we must
take it in the taste and style in which it i(r presented. In¬
trusive alliances is an expression I do not comprehend.
Its meaning or application has not been explained. A
gentleman near me, says it refers to the Panama mission.
I thank him for this explanation—for without it, I could
not understand what was meant. This is the first intelli¬
gence I have had, that our agents to Panama had conclu¬
ded a treaty of any sort—and before I will say On oath,
that it is either a good or bad treaty, I must be permitted
-{o see and read it myself. I cannot vote on faith instead
» 1
of testimony. But another gentleman says bo treaty is
alltged to have been inaue—and it is only intended to
condemn tde Panama mission. As regards this- mission,
1 know very little I was not in a situation to hear the
discussion, nor hfrtre 1 read the debate. Upon this sub¬
ject, being called upon to act without information,! must
act negatively. It is a rule witn me in the legisiaiurer
never to a lopt any measure unless I see my way clear.
Andwbeiever there is a want oi information, or tun
proposition is doubtful, to vote in the negative. And be¬
fore I will condemn an acceptance ot the invitation to
send ministers to Panama, to attend as the friends and
Counsellors of the agents from our pniant sister Repub¬
lics—I must see thai someevil, has, oi Is likely to glow
out ol it. It is admitted that no treaty has been cmclu-
ded, and the newspapejs say our minister has returned.
This would seeiq to prove that we have experienced no
injury from the measure—and none can grow out oi it
for the luture, as the mission is over. W by then, is this
legislature called upon to condemn a measure which haq
gone by, and which experience has proved was perfectly
harmlf ss? It has been said that the Panama congress
originated with Bolivar,—he has lately sustained agieat
loss of character with republicans. 11 he intended, by
this congress, to procure a union (by a lederul league) ot
the Spanish American States, and to place himselt at the
head with kingly powers, it was our dutj to prevent the
creation of such a power in our neighborhood. If the
President had received information that Bolivar had turn¬
ed traitor to free government, he owed it to the U lined
States, to keep sentinels on him, and resist by all lawful
and peaceable means, all such jftemots. Perhaps the
late disturbances in Colombia diverted the attention of
that great military commander, and maj, in the end, s ob¬
serve the cause of freedom on this continent. Would any
of us stand bv and witness w.th composure, the creation
of an imperial government out of our neighboring sister
republics? No friend of freedom would. Until w- are
advisidof the information possessed by the President
on every subject connected with the Panama mission, we
have not the means of judging of the correctness ot his
conduct. In the absence of full information, I a£k if gen¬
tlemen are prepared to give legislative sanction to the po¬
litical Speculations of the unknown author of the docu¬
ment ou your table? If you are, I am not. The Presi¬
dent, Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States have had this mission under consideration, and ap¬
proved of it—and for the legislature of Tennessee, at tins
distance of time, on the suggestion of an unknown indi¬
vidual, and without documents before us, to reverse that
decision,will be a little! out of the usual course of things.
Another specification of the charges is, that Mr Clay
stands convicted of high crimes on the confession of his
friend and colleague. We are about to incorporate a
new principle in our criminal code of laws. The rule
from the earliest ages of English law, down to this time,
has been, that a confession made under proper circum¬
stances, may be given m evidence against the person ma¬
king it, but against no otherjperson. But in order to effect
the objects in view, this ancient rule must be changed, At
a new one established, which each of us would object to
in our o wn case.Itis suggested thatMrTrimble is the friend
and colleague alluded to. A short time since I saw in a
newspaper that Mr Trimble had denounced as a calumny
the statement imputed to him. I ask gentlemen if they
are prepared to become responsible for the truth of such
newspaper slang. In another specification of the charges,
it is alleged that Mr Clay had behaved improperly at a
public dinner given him. It is supposed the Lexington
dinner is the one alluded to. In what this misbehavior
Consisted, is not described, if I understood the reading of
the paper. Neither the author of this paper, nor any
other person, has told us that he was present and witness¬
ed the misconduct. Until this information is given, or
a fac simile is furnishedef his deportment on that occa¬
sion, I am not prepared to pass judgment on it. Whence
do we derive tne right of assuming to ourselves the office
of deciding on good manners in others. This is exercis¬
ing mew legislative functions—and our neighbors may
object to our jurisdiction.' And until some standard of
good manners is furnished, 1 protest against giving any
judgment on the matter. I should like, however, to know,
whether the main exception is to the matter or manner ol
the speech at the Lexington feast, Wa.are treading On
11
delicate ground, if we eoiisiga to infamy ail our public
men who accept of invitations to dine with their friends.'
A few days ago most of this legislature attended a public
dinner given our senator elect. Is he or you any the
worse011 that account'? Gen. Jackson has attended ma¬
ny public dinners, and it is said he will go to New-Or-
-• leans to dine with his friends next January. If the legis-
• latnre of Kentucky should find fault with this, we would
say to them,gentlemen, please mind your own business.
We live in a free country—our distinguished citizens have
a right to go where they choose & dine with their friends,
and you have no right to ask a question on the subject.
I wish not to be understood as advocating these public
dinners, which are so common of late years. Last spring
I was forcibly struck with the newspaper account of a
dinner offered to Mr Macon, of North Carolina. This
republican patriarch declined the invitation on principle.
Whatever falls from this virtuous and wise man, never
fails to make a lasting impression on me. I have derived
much benefit, both fromnis precepts and examples. The
high authority of his opinion has induced me to question
the policy of these dinners." But I am not prepared in
my legislative capacity, to denounce a qitizen of my own,
or of any state, for attending one. The argument that
corruption is established by the fact that a difference
once existed between the President and Secretary? ot
State, proves too much. According to this reasoning,
Gen. Jackson would be condemned for having made
peace with some of his former enemies. ' "Blessed be the
Eeace maker" is a precept inculcated from high authority,
et us not array ourselves against the laws, both human
and divine, to effect any purpose. As to the^ charge that
the Secretaries traverse their respective states, election¬
eering, the author- may have seen the evidence to prove-
this fact, but none has been submitted to us. Would it,
not be more charitable to suppose that these men occa-;
sionally visit their own homes, to regulate their domes¬
tic concerns? If the allegations contained in this paper-
are true, our delegation in congress wilt'fall short of.
their duty if they do not prefer .articles of impeachment
for high crimes and misdemeanors against the President
and Mr Clay. I am aware that every thing I say or do'
' will be misunderstood. This has no' influence with me.
It is my pride, but political misfortune, to have preferred
Wm H. Crawford tor the Presidency, in the late contest.
If he had the same faculties now, he had some years ago,
*T would at this moment prefer him to any of the candid¬
ates. It is said he has been smitten by tne hand of prov¬
idence, and politically he is hors ds combat. For this
sincere and honest preference, I have been pursued to
the borders of persecution. Perhaps no person in tfae
United States has been proscribed to the same extent as
-myself, for opinions which I know to be , honest.. Let
others say as they may about them, I will never profess
that which I do notbelieve. I never have, and never will,
fall into a current because it is popular. My creed in
politics always has, and ever shall be, principles and not
men - In my youth I was1 taught to worship none but the
true and living God. I detest man idolatry in every shape
' in which it is manifested—and when I am proscribed tor
being unf ashionable, I submit to my fhte with composure.
In the progress of human affairs* public men must ex-,
pect such a doom, to a greater or less degree, unless they
will set their sails to every breeze. I preferred Mr Craw¬
ford to Gen. Jackson or Mr Adams,upon what I Consid¬
ered principle. The former, for some time after the cam¬
paign was opened, was considered by many a more prom¬
inent candidate than Mr Adams. About ,this period a
leading member of this legislature, from the county of
• Knox, introduced, or causedto be introduced, resolutions
(as I understood at the time,) recommending Gen. Jack¬
son for the Presidency. That gentleman said to several
persons about that time, and in August 1823, admitted in
my presence and others, that the object in nominating
Gen. Jackson was not with any expectation that he would
be elected, but to cripple Mr Crawford in the south, and
thereby secure the election of Mr Adams. This gentle¬
man at that period was supposed to be in the conhdence
of Gen. Jackson. From tne-complimentary toasts* given
Mr Adams at Jackson dinners, and other circumstances,
I supposed an intimate, personal and political friendship
existed between those gentlemen,*—and I gave credit to
the statements of the representative from Knox county,
who acquired much credit among thq common friends of
3]
those distinguished men,for the movement, I have since
heard that a member .roiu Davidson county claimed a
part Of this honor. Whether this claim is well founded,
I cannot decide. But train circumstances, I believe the
Knox member is best entitled to the credit of this
movement. Gen. Jackson add Mr Aaauis run fq con¬
cert, in some of the states. This aided, in some degrees
to prostrate their competitors. When this was done,
and the choice was to be made between them, I expected
what has happened, a difference would arise, During
the canvass, it was alleged that their politics were the
same—whether that is the case now, I ym unable to de¬
termine. Principles and not men, is my creed. I will
commit myself to support no system of politics which my
judgment does not approve. Ifthereisa new political
creed-it has not been published, and the people have a
right to know in what it consists. One thing is certain,,
that Mr Crawford's character was violently assailed—he
was represented to be dishonest—-that he had robbed the
Treasury of a Vast amount, and his political friends were
denounced for their attachment to so vile a wretch. So
soon,however, as he was destroyed, some' of those who
were concerned in this work of iniquity, began to say
that he was a high-minded, capable and honorable man-
But they declined to pardon those who had been sacrific¬
ed in hit cause. I have sir, presented my views relative
to this state paper of unknown origin, (to me at least) ia
a very desultory manner. I could not do otherwise, hav¬
ing been forced into the.debate unexpectedly.
.. Mr, Garrett moved to divide the question, so
as to vote for the resolutions and accouipanjusg
arguments separately, which motion was oppt,.,t*di
at considerable Fength by Mr Rucker 'rspit Mr
Brown; in reply Mr Bradford remarked—
Mr Speaker; It is to me* individually, but a
matter.of small concern,in what way 'thedectsfou
may be made on this question. I am prepared
to vote either upon tke resolutions separate and
^distinct from the remarks, or at once upou the
whole measure presented. The resolutions,r&fa
willing to sustain, but the remarks and assump¬
tion of facts contained in this paper, I cannot
Vote for, nor do I believe it ghould be adopted r>y
.this General Assembly. Separate them, tnire-
fore, and I will then consider it ,my duty to ^vole
for the resolutions and against the remarks. '»he
difficulty into which some gentlemen have pre¬
cipitated themselves can, however, be readily
seen; they Consider it essential to the success el*
General Jackson's cause that all his friends-'
should express the belief, that not only his imme¬
diate competitor is corrupt, but that others ar^
also corrupt. They have, therefore, in introduc¬
ing these resolutions, thought proper to accom-.
pany them with certain allegations of impure mo¬
tives, both against mr Clay and mr Adams, If a
division is made,and the resolutions voted for se¬
parate and distinct, from the remarks, the vote
will in all probability be unanimous for them; anil
upon the remarks, there, may be considerable
'division. the yote is taken upon the whole
document, it is probable .that some members,
although .they may be opposed to the re¬
marks and would vote against them, yet, rather
than be found in opposition to the resolutions,,
might be induced, consequently, to support the
whole paper as presented. A difficultyis,therefore,
presented. . An old established rule, yes, sir, one
coeval'With this body, authorizes any member
of the senate to call for a division of any ques¬
tion presented when it is divisible; this question is
devisable,.and that call has been made. Is this
rule, sir,laid down by mr Jefferson in his book tip-
on parliamentaryusages as correct,to be departed
from and forgotten 1 Is a right, secured to every
11
member on this floor since the foundation of the
government, to oe set at nought and derided ?
Are members to be forced Co adopt a doutuiul
measure^ because it is connected with one which
they do not wish lo see fait—one that is popu-
ular—one Which they not only wish themselves
to sustain, but Which tfaeir constituents aiso
want them to support I I ask, sir, is this couise
to be adopted ? I tear it is. The gentleman from
Rutherford, (mrRucker,) was for a division of
the question "yesterday, as he now tells us, but
he is against it to-day. This view of the subject
had not presented itself to his mind then*, it is
presumed—it has, no doubt, occurred to him
since, and hence, the change of his opinion. As
to myself, mr Speaker, 1 again gay 1 am prepar¬
ed to act, place the subject in what light you
may. I dread no consequences flowing ironi L;
no considerations shall deter me from doing*
what I think is right on this boor. 1 have never
yet appealed to trie people 1 have the honor to
represent, but what they have sustained me even
on doubtful questions, for it is my pride, sir, to"
think tiiey have confidence in my integrity ; and,
on a question, so glaringly impolitic, i know the
coarse 1 have taken will he approved oy them.
The gentleman trom Rutherford,(mr Rucker,)
following the example of the gentleman from
Giles^ io his great zeal and animation, for he
certainly gave us wnat might be called a. warm
speech, asserted that there were individuals in
this 6tate who, although tney sometimes fought
under Jackson coloirs, were nevertheless, in re-1
ality, administration merit But, at the same
time-, they were kind enough to say,that they nad
no allusions to gentlemen on this floor. The asser¬
tion may be true, hir Speaker, as far as I know>
but another position 1 know is equally cor¬
rect, that we have individuals in our state who,
(as 1 remarked on yesterday,) destitute of
substantial merit themselves, are obliged, in
order to become conspicuous, to seize upon
some popular excitement, And hoist them¬
selves into office upon it; and many there are,
who have seized upon the presidential election
to effect this object. The mere creatures of fe¬
verish excitement, when that excitement which)
gave them birth passes away, they will ne¬
cessarily retut-n to that state of obscurity,
from which they emerged, neglected and con¬
temned by the wise and the just. And I, too,!
mr Speaker, with asi much sincerity, no doubt, as
those gentlemen feels, can assert that I have no
allusions to any member on this floor. As* one
of them said, so say I, with equal truth, God
forbid that I should allude to any gentleman now
present. The gentleman from Rutherford, (mr
R.) tells us that power acquired by fraud must
be supported by fraud. So say 1, mr Speaker—
and I say further, sir—power acquired in the
phrenzy of popular feelings, must be sustained
by ministering to the excitement that produced
them and by keeping that excitement alive, and
many there are in the state of Tennessee, who
are ministering at this altar—some Who,moun
ted on the tempest, wishes to guide the whirl-,
wind and direct the storm. A calm must come,
sir, & in that calm they will sink, to rise no more.
1 will inquire again, Mr Speaker, as I did!
when this subject was under discussion before,
a 1
what is the history of human nature? and I will
answer, as l uid then, that it is the same in
public as in private life. If individuals make
a great profession of honesty, fall out and
rail at others because they are not as upright as
themselves—we are insensibly induced to sus¬
pect the purity of their motives, and the idea in¬
stantly presents itself to the mind, that they are
desirous, by professions, to acquire that credit
which should only be bestowed on real honesty.
So in politics. When we see men manifesting
an over-weaning zeal for a popular cause, inces¬
santly pouring forth professions of great devo¬
tion to it, and making dark insinuations about
the sincerity of others, we should suspect the pu¬
rity of their motives also. In private life, men
should manifest and prove their honesty by their
acts, and not by their own declarations. In po-
liticsrthey should evince it by a firm, digni¬
fied and unbending course of devotion to their
country and its cause. The greatest sinners
sometimes, in order to cover their wicked de¬
signs, make the greatest professions of sanctity.
So the most violent demagogue is always foremost
in arrogating tq himself exclusive patriotism and
denouncing others. Such men we have in our
state, sir. I have seen them, even tiefore the
people, seeking in this way their confidence and
friendship. In short, sir, I have felt the weight
and force of this kind of political manceuvreing,
and cannot bnt therefore protest against it.
I warn gentlemen against hasty conclusions.
They reiterate the assertion again, that the re¬
conciliation of Mr Clay to Mr Adams, and his
voting for him, is evidence of corruption; & may
I not be permitted again to ask if they would insi¬
nuate by this,that if individuals once become un¬
friendly, that no reconciliation should take place
between them? That where a difference of opin¬
ion existed in relation to certain matters of fact
or otherwise, it would be impossible for satisfac¬
tory explanations to be made between the par¬
ties differing? And if this was done^ it would
be evidence of corruption; I would ask them
to pause before they come to such an incon¬
siderate aud unreasonable conclusion. Let
them remember that some of the most devoted
friends ofGeneral Jackson now, were formerly
his bitterest foes. Even, sir, the distinguished
senator in Congress from Missouri, (Mr Benton,)
whom many of us know, and who, wherever
known, is recognized as a high minded and an
honorable statesman, and whom we now pee the
Zealous advocate of General Jackson's cause,
was once arrayed against him, not only in violent
dendnciations published to the world, but in
scenes of a much more serious character—in
mortal combat. Many years passed away, and
yet the same bitterness of feeling existed be¬
tween them. Mr Benton was a member of
congress—General Jackson was elected to that
body? they met in the Senate of the U. Slates
foes—they came outfriends. Is there any here
who will dare to ascribe to General Jackson or
Mr Benton impure motives? I fancy there is not.
All will say that there was a reconciliation hon¬
orable to both of the distinguished individuals
concerned; and yet the charge of corruption
is pronounced against Mr Clay and Mr Adams,
because the former voted for the latter, between
[ 15 J
J whom there had been previously sohie difference
of opinion. The gentleman from ' Rutherford
9hould siand admonished by his 'pwn acts. On
ye*teiday,he believed it was right that a divis¬
ion of the question, now before the senate, should
be made—*>ut to-day, he comes out in opposition
to it. He would think it unkind indeed, lor any
member on this floor, without evidence, to in¬
sinuate that impure motives influenced him in
coming to this change—or that any feelings ex¬
cept those dictated by a high sense of the duty he
was called upon to perform, Controlled his. decis
ion on this question ; and yet he attaches crime,
to Mr Clay for changing his opinion of Mr Adams.
Indeed,sir,the additional fact,that at the time the
presidential election was thrown into Congress,
(much unfriendly feeling existed between Gen.
J ackson and mr Crawford and their reconcilia-
! tion before its termination, honorable no doubt
to both, should warn us from conclusions unfavor
able to others similarly situated.
I must repeat what I have before remained,
that we should hesitate long beforfe we join in the
denunciation of men once high in the confidence
.of the country. ' We should remember that our
judgments may be led estray by the false clamors
of designing men. Without recurring to thehis-
tory of Our nation, I haye, myself, thad sufficient
reasons to warn me against believing the asser¬
tion^ of professed politicians and, heated, parti¬
sans. Mr Crawford was once regarded by the
people of Tennessee as a virtuous statesman of
pre-eminent Acquirements. Itbecame necessary,,
as some politicians believed', to carry into effect'
their profligate views, that his fair fame fehonld,
* be sullied, and that every possible means should
be adopted to sow far and wide the seeds of sus¬
picion and distrust--and. that the people of the
U. States should be induced, by these means^ to
t pronounce bins unworthy of their confidence; the
abominable work was commenced,presses Were
subsidized,our public agents lent them aid in
the work, and a System of the vilest calumny re¬
sorted to and prosecuted, that ever disgraced the
records of any nation i and I blush for my coun¬
trymen, when I say that they became the dupe
of desperate men, in a desperate game, and gave
a willing ear to these vile slanders. Mr Craw¬
ford's name was covered in the eyes of many of
the people of this state, with infamy and disgrace.
Time has, however,' showed the wickedness of
his persecutors, and he not? stands a monument
of virtue and patriotism, a beacon to warn, us„df
similar errors.
1 shall vote, Mr Speaker, foe a division of the
question. A rule of this house authorizes a call
for it, and all parliamentary usage intheUnb
ted States,for the last forty years,has sanctioned
the correctness of that rule; and .I. cannot but(
hope that no attempt to withhold this privilege
from any member, will be sanctioned by this
house. » " 'T v * k * '" „ ■
I have done—but I cannot close "without ask¬
ing gentlemen to deliberate upon the measure
they are about to adopt? to think "well "of it be¬
fore it is too late ; to stop in their mad career—
and remember that the indiscretion of friends
often does more mischief than the direct efforts
of enemies. * " .. , ",
Thp motion to diyide was lost, 14 to 6. Yeas,
J a ♦ *
messrs. Bradford, Garrett, Greene of F. Hunts5
man, Smith and Williams.,
The question was then taken on the adoption
of the resolutions and argument together, and
decided in the affirmative, 18 to2. Nays,Messrs
Bradford and Williams.
, The resolutions, &c. were then taken to the
house of representatives; the rule of the bouse
for laying resolutions on the table one day was
dispensed with, and the resolutions were adopt¬
ed unanimously—-Whereupon Mr Rogers submit¬
ted the following as an additional resolution >
■ Resolved, That the representatives in the Congress of
the United States from the state of Tennessee, be; and
they hereby are, requested to prefer charges against John
Quincy Adams, now President of the United States, set¬
ting forth the charges and arguments contained in the.
'foregoing preamble, and use their endeavors, to have the
said John Quincy Adams, President as aforesaid, im¬
peached and dismissed from the Presidency of the United
.States. • „ . ; '
Mr Rogers said—Mr Speaker, I am now com¬
pelled by ihe decision of the house, (requiring
the ''resolution to be disposed of immediate¬
ly) notwithstanding my extreme indisposition,
to perform a painful duty—a duty that never
perhaps devolved On any. other person in -this
nation—that of urging the impeachment of the
chief magistrate of the United States.* I regret
extremely the necessity thus imposed . upon me,,
but,sir? 1 am not in the habit of. shrinking from
the performance of any task, however* difficult
or unpleasant, when impelled to it by a sense of
duty to my country. The resolutions which
were sent to* us from the senate, and which, with
a long strtojj of arguments, were unanimously a-
dopted here,, seem to me to require a persevering
and decisive course on our part. Wq owe it
sir, at once to the nation, and to the individual
implicated,-not to stop short in our career, but
to march resolutely forward, and insist on an in¬
vestigation before the competent tribunal. The
resolutions themselves, independent of the argu¬
ment, which ip defiance of all parliamentary
usage, was annexed to them, were not in my o~
pinion objectionable. I came here with a full'
conviction of the propriety of such resolutions,
and was pledged to my constituents to support
"them if offered, and to present them myself if not
introduced by some other gentleman- The ar¬
gument, however, I Was not prepared to sanction
with my vote. Until a few days before these
resolutions wqre offered,-I. had no intimation'
that such a ,measure was in contemplation.
Recently indeed, I had some Suspicion that a
political movement qf some kind was about to be
made. I noticed the manoeuvres of some busy-
characters about our loby,>and was well satisfied
• that they, (who are always informed of the jug¬
gling that is going oil in the cotintry) Were anti¬
cipating something interesting to the active po¬
litical partisans who haunt our hall. At length
I was informed that the resolutions had been
introduced in the senate. Still I had no oppor¬
tunity to examine them, while pending there*.
I called on an honorable senator three several
times after they had *been adopted by that body,
in order to see them or get a copy. I went sev¬
eral times to the senate chamber with the same
view,but I could not learn their contents, or even
hear them read, When therefore, they were
introduced here on Monday, I wished a little
[10]
time to deliberate tipod them, to examine them
more minutely, and especially to consider the
document appendant to the resolutions. I asked
but a single day to deliberate upon a document
ef so much importance. Contrary to all par¬
liamentary usage, this trifling delay was most
obstinately refused. Why, mr Speaker,was this
unprecedented haste! why this illiberal course!
Why were gentlemen resolved to push a measure
of so much importance so precipitately through
the house? I wished to act discreetly and delib¬
erately on this subject. Bui the privilege of
examination has been denied me, and I submit,
although I have never before known this humble
privilege refused to any gentleman, who solicit¬
ed it on this floor. There is, however, some¬
thing mysterious in the management of this busi¬
ness. Other gentlemen perhaps, were prepared
to vote thus hastily. Tbey had been favored
with opportunities for previous examination and
deliberation They had been taken by the arm,
led off, and consulted in private. But I, sir,
enjoyed no such privilege. No gentleman
intimated to me the nature of the document, or
shewed me a copy of it before it was introduced.
There are in this state some persons who claim
to be exclusive friends of General Jackson, or
at least the only leading supporteriofhis cause,
and who are unwilling that aOy others should be
active or conspicuous in his behalf. Those who
will not cringe and bovy to them, are excluded
from the list of the orthodox, and not allowed
the privileges extended to such as are of the true
faith. If the sycophant alone can h® admitted
to the confidence of these gentlemen, I am con¬
tent to be excluded. But sir, I should expect
courtesy and liberality from every member of
this house, and 1 thought myself entitled to, at
least, the humble privilege of a single day for
deliberation, after this long document wa§ read
by the clerk. Being denied it however, and be¬
ing compelled to vote thus precipitately, I re¬
ceived the statement as true, on the faith of gen-
tlemea in whom I had confidence, and gave it
the sanction of my Vote. But, Mr Speaker, 1
could not stop here. I instantly sat down at my
table in the house, and drew up the resolution
niow under consideration. I consulted n6 one,
was prompted'by no one. I was myself the Sole
author of the measure. Nor did I lay it by for
weeks and keep it concealed from all but a cho¬
sen few, who might be considered of the true
faith. I offered it immediately to the house.
It has of late become fashionable for gentlemen
to give a history of their political course, and an
outline of their political creed. Iq conformity
to this custom, permit me also to give my expe¬
rience. I have never made it my object to float
along with the popular current, I have spoken
and acted at all times, according to my real sen¬
timents,and not according to the declarations of
others. Duriog the late war, I was honored
with ad appointment in the army, and although
I was not so situated as to render any important
service to the country, I did all that circumstan¬
ces required of me. At the close of the war, J
had considerable business to settle at Washing¬
ton, where I spent part of two winters, in 1815,
1816, and 1817. During those visits at Washing-
fen I became well acquainted with William H.
Crawford, who was at one time Secretary or
War, and afterwards at the head of the Treasury
Department. I had an opportunity also to view
the movements of many of the officers of govern¬
ment,and to learn their true characters and politi¬
cal principles. AmoDgthem mr Crawford was
decidedly the man of my choice. I saw in him
no guile,no duplicity, no disposition to manoeuvre
or intrigue. I found him honest, prompt, intel¬
ligent, and magnanimous, with political views
more in cohformity with my own, and with those
prevailing in the section of country which gave
me birth, and reared me to manhood, than any
other of the candidates then before the Ameri¬
can people, and I was satisfied he would adminis¬
ter the government with greater prudence and
more to the satisfaction of the people than any
other man. Some time after mr Crawford was
before the nation as a candidate, General Jack¬
son was announced. I knew the source and
origin of the last nomination, and I had no idea
that its promoters or advocates expected to suc¬
ceed. The object undoubtedly was, to injure Mr
Crawford and to aid the elevation of Mr Adams.
The result was as I feared and anticipated. Mr
Adams was elected, much to my dissatisfaction
and to that of a large portion of the people. Still
I felt it to be my duty, as it is the duty of every
good citizen, to submit with tranquility and pa¬
tience to the constituted authorities ofthe nation,
and not to coodemn without ample cause. I sat
down quietly, made no Doise, but calmly watch¬
ed the progress of events. I had no disposition
to throw difficulties in the way of the administra¬
tion of the government. Mr Adams, it is true,
was never a favorite of mine. I had no confi¬
dence in kim when he apostatized from the fede¬
ral party. I considered him the same man still
that he was in 1798. But I did not wish to con¬
demn him as president, till he had been fairly
tried. His first poessage however confirmed-all
my fears and disappointed my hopes. It assum¬
ed powers and advanced doctrines directly at
war with my feelings and sentiments, which I
have freely expressed and never concealed. I
have not yielded implicit faith to all the news¬
paper slander and ungenerous abuse heaped
upon him. I have been willing to make charit¬
able allowances, and to believe the President
and Secretary of State less degraded than they
have been represented by some. But I have
perceived their imperfections, and could not
hesitate, when eighteen gentlemen, selected
from different parts of this state for their supe¬
rior intelligence, condemned them, to believe
the charges well founded and to sanction them
by my vote. Those gentlemen, enlightened,
Candid, judicious and hanorable, have under the
solemn sanction of an official oath, presented
charges and pronounced them guilty. Can I
any longer hesitate!
There are notio the state eighteen gentlemen,
in whom, from my acquaintance with them, I
would repose more unlimited confidence than in
those members of the senate, who had by their
vote, given their sanction to the charges in those
resolutions, before they Were submitted to us for
adoption. They are men of intelligence and
integrity. It was in consequence of their vote
alone that I gave my sanction to the resolutions
tin
fifld accompanying argument. Haying, then,
pronounced Mr Adams guilty, we cannot con¬
sistently stop here. Having been the first legis¬
lative body to bring forward charges against the
President, let us not shrink from the perform¬
ance of our duty, but urge upon our Representa¬
tives in congress,an investigation before the pro¬
per tribunal. If the President be innocent, let
us afford him an opportunity for his vindication.
As magnanimous men, let us be willing to do him
justice. If we have, from a" mistake, and in
consequence of false testimony,indicted a wound
on the reputation of a distinguished individual,
Jet us be prompt to redress tbe injury, and to res¬
tore him to the confidence of which our accusa¬
tion may havg deprived him. Never let it be
said, that the representatives of the brave and
patriotic people of Tennessee, preferred charges
against any individual and were then afraid to
urge an investigation, and undertake their de¬
fence. Never, mr Speaker, let a stigma of this
kind rest on the head of this legislature. Let us
inarch forward as united Tor the adoption of the
resolution now before us, as we were for prefer¬
ring tbe charges. Let not the enemies of our
favorite candidate say,that we preferred charges
iagainst the President of the United States, and
' shrunk from their investigation. The man of
our choice would not want such friends in the
hour of trial and danger—friends who had not
the bravery to meet any charge made against an
individual whom they had, on their .oaths, pro¬
nounced guilty of crimes of tbe darkest dye. I(
this man is the monster that we charge him to be,
Jiave him removed, and shew to the world that
corruption shallno longer pollute, the sanctuary
. of the people of the United States. Let poster¬
ity know that there lived in the 19th century,
sparks of tbe same virtue that inspired the
"breasts of their fathers of the 18th, who stepped
forward and gave us the liberty and independence
We now enjoy. Let it bp said, sir, that the peo¬
ple of this country were now determined to pre- <
serve, in their purity, those principles for which
their ancestors fought and died; let us teach
those that Come hither to take our place, to
drive from their counsels and from the head of
their oatipa every corrupt being who may get
there by corruption and intrigue. Let us teach
' them that tbe power of tbis nation is in the peo¬
ple, and if they attempt to trample upon their
rights, that there are means to remove them., I
have heard it whispered, and I doubt not the sen¬
timent will be reiterated, that if we adopt the
resolution how before us., the enemies of Gen
Jackson will say, we have become the persecu¬
tors of Mr Adams, and will thereby excite the
sympathies of tbe people and do great injury to
the cause of" our favorite candidate, and promote
, the prospects of Mr Adams. This is the first
t time, sir, that I have ever heard it stated, that a
man was persecuted who was guilty of crime. If
it be true that he is guilty, why be reluctant to
'go with tbe measures proposed] Truth will pre¬
vail. Let the guilty fall and the innocent be
, sustained. »
It is stated by some,that the resolution ema¬
nated from some person unfriendly, to Gen Jack-'
son. [ can say, sir, to those that make this'
statement, that it« totally untrue, and suoha
G * 4
declaration only comes from tbdse who arc
ed to measure others r,y themselves; 1 tiave
no political jugglers here to consult* nor do I act
the sycophani or tool of any set of men. I am
governed by that mind and that heart, directed*
I hope, by the influence of a different being than
those that haunt the bar of this house.
It is also whispered, by some knowing gentle¬
men of this house, as i arh informed, that 1 am not
honest nor acting in good faith, when I say I wish
the success of Gen J ackson to the presidency;
I know of no shorter way* to aniwer that
statement, than to say it is absolutely untrue.
Mr Speaker, I have been from my infancy*
taught to respect and reverence this useful and
venerable citizen. He dandled me, sir, on hW
knee when a child. From that time to the pres¬
ent, I have had personal respect for him, 1 still
retain it. I before stated that mr CraWfoid was
my choice during the last presidential canvass,
as he had been, at the previous election, in pref¬
erence to mr Monroe. It was not because of
any dislike to Gen Jackson, or want of confi¬
dence in him, I did, as I before stated, think that
mr Crawford would (all things considered,) give
more general satisfaction than any other man,
and therefore wished his success. I acted open¬
ly and honestly. I did not go with the popular
current, nor did I wish, sir, to ride on the smiles
or frowns of any man, into public preferments >
The people of the respectable and intelligent
county of Hawkins, which I have the honor td
represent, knew my sentiments. They confided
in me, to do and speak their will, and I will; sir*
fearless of any threats or persuasions, front the '
pretended friends of Gen Jackson, purshe my
own course. I will do all in my power; as one
of the representatives of this state, to promote
tbe election of Gen J ackson. From my present
feeling I will vote for an elector that pledges
himself to vote for him, under a belief that he
will pursue the course best calculated to promote
the interest of the western and Southern states;
because too, I now have more confidence in his
purity Ihan iu that of any other candidate be¬
fore tbe American people, and because 1 have
always entertained a belief, that it should be
one of tbe fundamental principles of all repub»
lies, to change these executive officers frequent¬
ly. It was one handed down to us by the father
of'ouf country, and one which! will, I hope,
cherish while I live; Continue no man as pres¬
ident, longer than four years. It is dangerous to
continue any one in office too long, with the
power vested in the president of the United
States. If the present incumbent is found guilty
of the charges alleged, out with him, and clear
the way for our favorite candidate. If not, let
him retire with tbe applause and confidence of a
grateful people. '■
I must,mr Speaker in, conclusion say, that
this house has acted Btrangely, in calling up the
resolution to day, and resolving to decide its
fate, when it was well known that I, who was the
introducer of it, was scarcely able to take my
seat from indisposition. I am sir, of opinion,
that when a course of this kind goes to the
world", the people will say, there was something
not right. I shall insist, that this matter be
spread en our journal, that the world may
[ 18 J
who had the firmness to follow tip those charges,
and who, when tested, sbruuk from the investi¬
gation. 1 call for the question by yeas and nays.
Mr. Hope's Remarks.
Mr Hope said, he felt it due to himself to make
a fe v remarks on this subject, as there had been
some allusions, in the course of the debate, to his
haviug had the hardihood and audacity, to main¬
tain the propriety of postponing the discussion,
uttul tomorrow morning, through courtesy to the
gdn^leman who had submitted the resolution,and
whose health would not permit him to do it jus¬
tice at this time. I, said mr Hope, have not
ha^ the advantage of any previous consultation,
but I make no complaint on that account. If
gentlemen do not think proper to admit me into
their private counsels, and thus to place me up¬
on the footing of other memoers, who have had
previous notice, and time for preparation, 1 am
still content. But, sir, I will assert my rights
on this floor. I will claim the privilege of being
heard in debate, and I will give my sentiments
freely and fearlessly, whatever may be the views
of other gentlemen. I hold myself responsible
to my constituents for the vote I may give on this
occasion, as on every other—but to no one else. |
The resolution and accompanying document,
introduced herefrom the senate on Monday last,
not only recommended Gen Jackson for the pres¬
idency, as had been repeatedly done by the leg-
islature of this state heretofore, but contained |
serious charges against the president of the Uni¬
ted States; and, sir, although I was not person¬
ally acquainted with the facts stated, and no evi¬
dence >vas produced to this house in their support
.1 took them as true, upon the faith ofothergen-
tlemen, in whom 1 had confidence,and swallowed
the whole dose, precisely as it had been prepared
and presented to me. I joined in the cry against
the chief magistrate of the Union, and accused
him, before the nation, ofhigh crimes and misde¬
meanors in office. We all took upon ourselves
this solemn responsibility. We not only declared
him guilty of bribery and corruption,in acquiring
his present elevated station, but we accused I
him of having taken the public money, confided
to his care since he came into office for the pro¬
motion of the public interests, and having basely
applied it to the purposes of procuring and re-
Warding slanderers of his-expected competitor.
This latter charge, sir, is of itself, if substantia¬
ted, amply sufficient, m my estimation, to sustain
an impeachment, and to remove from office a
public servant, who has so grossly abused and
perverted the confidence of the people. Shall
we then,mrSpeaker,after having thus deliberate¬
ly and confidently made this charge, under the
sanction of our official oaths, and with all the im
posing forms of legislative enactment—after
having stepped aside from the ordinary and reg¬
ular discharge of our duty, as legislators for the
state of Tennessee, in order to arraign the con¬
duct of the highest officer in the nation—:sball we
shrink from the further responsibility of urging
an investigation by the competent constitutional
tribunal, of meeting the accused before the na¬
tion, and of thus affording him the privilege,
guarantied *o the humblest individual in our
laud, of maintaining his innocence and repelling
the charges brought against him! I do not see, j
upon what principle gentlemen, who urged the
adoption of the resolutions on Monday, cao con¬
sistently oppose ihat now under consideration.
The object of the present resolution, is only to
urge the proper tri unal to investigate facts,
which we have already pronounced to exist, and
then to discharge the duty resulting from the
establishment of those facts. 1 had no ha d, Mr
Speaker, in bringing forward here, the serious
charges made against the President. Other
gentlemen felt it to be Iheir duty to bring them
forward, and to spread them on the journals of
this assembly, whence they will go forth to the
world in an imposing form, and where they will
remain an indelible stigma upon the character
of a man, once thought worthy bf confidence by
a large portion of the American people. Having,
Sir, from respect to those genilemen, who, after
much consultation and deliberation, brought
them forward and pronounced them true, given
my sanction to them by my vote, I am not dispos¬
ed to shrink from the responsibility I have thus
assumed. I will not stop short in my career of
duty. I will not march boastingly forth to meet
the enemy, and skulk or fly uhcn trnught to the
charge. I will not make accusations, md hide
my head when called to sustain them. I will not
pronounce aman guillv, and refuse to meet him
before the competent tribunal, in order to fro ic
him so. Where is the patriotic American \ ho
can say that such charges are true, as we have
made against the president, and not feel a wish
to see thetn followed up till the guilty individu¬
al is punished and deprived of his illgotten
station? Where is the man who can believe
them true, and not feel it to be his duty, as a
good citizen, to exert all his influence, and to
resort to all the means in his power, to vindicate
the character of his country, and to ensure the
punishment of the guilty? Let us not be precip¬
itate on this occasion. Let uscousidei maturely
the consequences of rejecting this resolution.
The friends of the administration will say to us,
you are afraid to meet the man you have accused
—they will say, we are ready to meet and repel
the accusations, and you dare not undertake to
support them. We have placed ourselves, mr
Speaker, in this dilemma by adopting the res¬
olutions on Monday. If those resolutions are
true—and we have said tliey are so—it is our
duty, as good citizens and as representatives of
the people of Tennessee, especially after We
have taken up the subject in our legislative char¬
acter—to assert the purity of ourgovernment.and
to cry aloyd for the impeachment and punishment
of those who have sullied tbeir high stations, and
abused the confidence of the people. Others
may hereafter appeal to this case as a precedent,
and may consider it an insufficient ground for
impeachment, that the president has been guilty
of the high crimes which yte have laid to the
charge of the present incdmbent. Mr Adams,
they will say,was charged without being pui fish¬
ed: he was deliberately pronounced guilty by a
legislative body, and yet he still retained his
elevated and responsible station. Nay, an
impeachment was opposed, and it was publicly
declared, by the very body which had accused
him,that he must nevertheless retain his illgotten
power. If, on the contrary? the charges which
[19 ]
Lave been made against the president cannot be
su istantiated, it is due to him that the matter
sh <uld be set right, and the error corrected. It
is not only due to him, that his innocence should
be made manifest, if he is not guilty, but it is dui
to the American people, who must ever rejoice
at tbe acquittal of the innocent,and the condem¬
nation and punishment of the guilty: and ltmus.
not be forgotten, that it is the boast aud pride
of every republican whose birth and fortune
have allied him to his country, that he is blessed
with a government of free and equal privileges
that he is entitled to shear justice, no matter
what his popularity, fortune, or station in
society may be. No matter whether his name is
clothed in obscurity, or enrolled on history's
page, and known to the nations of tne earth, his
character is not to be traduced wrongfully, or
his rights trampled upon with impunity.
We are told, mr Speaker, that we should not
pursue this matter any further, because we are
Tennesseans, the friends and neighbors of Gen
Jackson, and should therefore most cautiously
avoid furnishing any ground for the suspicion or
accusation against us, of a persecuting spirit
towards the administration. But, sir, does not
this argument apply,with equal-nay with greater
-—force, against the adoption of the .original
resolutions] Which exhibits most, strongly, an
illiberal and persecuting disposition-—to make a
charge in positive terms, and publish it to the
world as true, without affording the accused an
opportunity to be heard in his own defence—or
to present the accusation before the proper
tribunal and challenge the accused to meet and
repel it! If the facts were not so, we ought not
to have made the charges—if they are so, we
ought fearlessly to perform our duty. If we now
stop short,we shall have done worse than nothing.
The administration party will exult over us—
they will cry out, we are ready for investigation,
and you are afraid to meet us.
We are told indeed, that there are two modes
of impeachment—one before the tribupal of the
nation,at the expiration of the term of office,and
the ottier before the Senate of the United States.
This may be true to a certain extent, but it does
not relieve us from responsibility.
The failure to re-elect is not proof of guilt,and
the delay necessarily resulting from waiting till
the uext election is a sufficient objection to a
reliance on that mode of impeachment, if such
it can be called. The country might be ruined
jay the profligacy of the incumbent, before-an
opportunity could be afforded for his removal by
the vote of the people at the next election.
Corruption in the highest officers of our govern¬
ment, was anticipated and provided against by
the framers of the constitution, they provided
for impeachment, not only of subordinate offi¬
cers of the different departments of government,
but of the president of the United States. Not¬
withstanding all this, we are indebted to the
learning of the gentleman from Maury, for the
information, that the provision of the constitu¬
tion, providing for impeachment, is perfectly
useless, and ought not to be enforced. He has
pointed out and portrayed to this bouse the dark¬
est deeds of corruption done by the president of
the United States* and yet he says he ought not
to be impeached and removed from office, until
his term of service expires. This doctrine, al¬
though comiDg from one who professes to be t.ie
bosom friend of Gen Jacksou, and w ho claims
the right to direct his interest, cannot be palmed
upou any intelligent American. Where is (be
man that Can be found, who has a regard for po¬
litical honesty, that will say the president of ffie
United States is guilty of gross corruption in
office, and that too, susceptible of proof, aud yet
he ought to hold his high and dignified station for
four years, although tbe constitution has wisely,
fer the safety of the nation, provided for his tri¬
al and removal! Sir, the very arguments made
use of by tne gentleman, against the adoption of
this resolution, furnishes the strongest reasons
for its adoption. Darker accusations of corrup¬
tion scarcely could be made against any public
officer, than that gentleman has made and asser¬
ted against the chief magistrate of the union,and
yet we are told by him that an investigation ought
not to be had. ' '■*
If gentlemen make charges, surely it is their
duty to be ready to defend and support them. It
is no proof of bravery to make charges and then
shrink from their investigation.' The gentle¬
man from Maury,(mr Egnew) tells us that no ,
real friend of the election of Gen Jackson would
undertake to support this resolution. That gen¬
tleman surely pays no compliment to the friends
ofGen Jackson, when he presumes them to be
forward in exhibiting charges against his com¬
petitor, enforcing those charges by the produc¬
tion of a long argument in writing, and yet afraid
to undertake their defence before the compe¬
tent tribunal for their investigation. The
course already taken, appears to me conclusive
in favor of the resolution novfr before us. If the
charges made by this legislature be true, it is
our duty to act further; otherwise we shall man¬
ifest a disposition to bring forward charges, and
then to recoil from their support. I agree with
my friend from Marion, that the gentleman from
Maury was unfortunate in alluding to the execu¬
tion of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. That subject
should never be brought into view by a friend of
Gen Jackson, when the object is, to assail Mr
Adams; for the inquiry wili naturally be made,
who defended Gen Jackson for that act, at'a
time when a multitude of accusers rose up against
him for its commission] Have we forgotten, Mr
Speaker, the zeal aDd ability with whicb Mr Ad¬
ams stepped forth in vindication,' not only of the
patriotic intentions, but of thejusfice, discretion
and correct discipline manifested by Gen Jack¬
son.on that occasion] How then, can gentle¬
men consistently avow themselves the warm and
exclusive friends of General Jackson, and yet
condemn Mr Adams who stood forth in bis behalf?
How can they allude to the defence of the for-
mer,so opportunely made by the latter,while they
are endeavoring to enlist all our feelings in favor
of the one and against the other? No, sir, Mr
Adams, whatever may be his offences, ought not
to be hurled from office for defending the con¬
duct of Gen. Jackson. The gentleman from
Maury ought to be as anxious to suppress that
part ofhis speech which brings this subject into
view, as he was to expunge from the records of
this house, the resolution which has called forth
!»]
this discussion. It is unfortunate too, mr Speak¬
er, that the gentleman has alluded to the sub¬
ject of domestic manufactures and internal im¬
provement. Surely, sir, tnat gentleman has for¬
gotten the former proceedings of this legislature.
He should refresh his memory, by a recurience
to the journals of the state legislature of 1825,
and not forget the journals of the Senate of the
United States for 1823 and 182 i. He should cad
to mind what was said aod done at those times,
in relation to the subject he has now referred to.
The gentiemao, ifhe has regard to consistency,
had better suppress this part of his speech like¬
wise. Ii"ic is let out before the world, it will
inevitably do harm to the cause of Gen Jackson.
Would the gentleman excite all the feelings aud
prejudices of the numerous friends of internal
improvement and domestic manufactures against
the success of our favorite candidate!
The gentleman from Maury is anxious to
Convince us, that he ought not to be blamed for
Jhurrying on the discussion of this subject, not-
witnstandmg the indisposition of the member
who offered the resolution. I confess, sir, when
J consider the character of the gentleman's
Speech, I am disposed to make great allowances
for his extreme haste and anxiety. .Relating as
jit did, almost exclusively, to the resolutions long
since adopted, it is evident the speech was pre¬
pared, and not having been delivered at the time
it was intended, the gentleman mightconsider it
dangerous to attempt to withhold it any longer.
No sir, the speech must come out, and to no sub¬
ject could it be adapted more conveniently, thab
o that now under consideration. Although
therefore, there did seem, at first view, to be
some want of courtesy in thus pressing tiie con¬
sideration of an important subject upon a gen¬
tleman in ill health, yet the peculiar circumstan¬
ces in which 1 find the gentleman from Maury,
furnish something like an apology,so far at least as
he is concerned. The gentleman, in the Course
of his elaborate argument, has referred to a
declaration, which, he says, was made by mr
Trimble of Kentucky. It is true, mr Trimble
himself denies ever having made such a declara¬
tion, but surely I must not hesitate to believe a
Tennessean in preference to a Kentuckian,
especially when the former is an honorable mem¬
ber of tuis house. If then, as I am bound to be¬
lieve from the assertion of the gentleman on this
floor, mr Trimble did make the declaration at
tribut<°d to him, that circumstance furnishes a
litrong argument in favor of the adoption of this
resolution, for it assures us where we can find
evidence to sustain our charges. We can direct
our representatives in congress to call on mr
Trimble, or at least to cite bis declaration to
which the gentleman has referred.
There is one other topic, connected with this
debate, to which I cannot avoid referring before
% sit down. Gentlemen surely never should talk
about corruption, when they are advancing doc
trines at war with the Ijoerty of the press.
Fault is found with the publication of this reso
lution in a newspaper, although it is known to be
universally the custom to publish all the pro¬
ceedings of every legislative t,odyin our coun¬
try for the information of the people. Wbal,
sir, are not (he acts of this general assembly to
fee given to the people! Are we to suppress our
proceedings!? A threat has even been tbrowa
out, tuat the edilor, who has bad the audacity
to tell the peppie ot the introduction of this reso¬
lution, before the ultimate disposition of it, shall
be no iongej" indulged with the valuable privi¬
lege ofsittiug ai the clerk's table and taking note
of our proceedings for the information of our
constituents. Really, sir,this can only tie e*
quailed in .he most despotic governments, where
the press is subjected lothe inspection and con¬
trol of a board oi censors. Our constitution pro¬
vides that all legislative proceedings shall be
public and that the press shall be free and un¬
controlled. How then, can any gentleman con¬
sistently find fault with an editor for informing
the people at a distance of the introduction of a
resolution? The citizens of Nashville might
obtain the information by coming into our hall
and hearing the resolution read when offered.
Could not any gentleman inform bis distant
friend by letter, and has not an editor the right
'to inform his readeis of what passes in thi9 house?
NotODlythe introduction uf a resolution, but
the remarks made by members are legitimate
topics for the columns of a newspaper, and iu
every state in this union it is customary to pub¬
lish, forthwith, all the proceedings of the legisla¬
ture as they go on. Did any one ever hear of
keeping oack a resolution till it was finally dis¬
posed of? The people are anxkus to know, not
only what has oeen done by their representatives,
but what they are likely to do, what they have
in contemplation, what measures are under dis¬
cussion The presentirg of every petition, the
introduction of every bill, the offering of every
resolution, is interesting to some portion of the
people, and should be made known to them
immediately. If nothing were to be noticed in
the paper but measures finally disposed of, it
would be as well to publish nothing till the end
of the session, and then give the whole to the
people in the volumes of acts and journals. This
is the first time, mr Speaker, that I have heard,
on this floor, a threat uttered against the liberty
of the press—the first time I have ever heard it
intimated that an editor must nut tell the people
what is going on in this house. The doctrine is
monstrous. I am truly astonished to hear it
uttered. We are engagedin discussing the con¬
duct of our national administiation: we are cry¬
ing out horror! and threatening them with de¬
vastation, and et gentlbmen would trammel the
press and conceal oar proceedings! Really, mr
Speaker, this is a poor way tp support any cause.
If I had a political friend, Who advanced such
sentiments in my behalf, ! wpuld wish to shake
him off as soon as possible, Some gentlemen
even go so far astotalkof expunging the reso¬
lution from the j< uncials? They forget surely,
the privilege secured by the constitution to every
member, ofhavi »g his acts fairly recorded in the
journal. Fortunately, sir, there are certain
constitutional rights secbred to me which I defy
gentlemen to march over. Why are gentlemen
thus anxious to conceal the proceedings of this
house? If whit we do is fight, we surely need
not hide it from public view. Why then do we
hear it said, that the prints and journals should
not shew facts as they occur? This doctrine is
unparalleled in a free government. It is equalled
pnly by the principles of despotism* Yet gen*
[ 21 ]
llemen who avow such sentiments claim to be 1 which is intended to charge the highest ofli-
exciusive republicans, and will not allow others jeers of these United States, with high crimes
to travel the same road with them. I am aware and misdemeanors. GRAY GARRETT,
that some persons are very anxious to work iD
the lead,but it ha3 appeared to me a little strange I
that they will not letme follow. Indeed, sir, I J*™ Huntsman s reasons for his vote oh J\Ir Brown s
have no disposition to follownn support of such | resolutions.
horrid doctrines aslhave heard expressed today, J The reasons why I feel it my duty not to
for restraining the liberty of thd press, and give my assent to the whole of the argument
concealing and suppressing the proceedings of jappended to the resolutions, although 1 feel
this honse. If gentlemen who advance such a cheerfulness in voting for the resolutions
doctrines, are really friends of the favorite of themselves,-are,
Tennessee, 1 am sorry to see them clog and) mi . ff ,
embarrass bis course by Buch despotic sentiments. . That there are some assumptions offsets
They cannot succeed, in this country, in their ia sai4 argument, which are tounded upon
efforts to control the press. The newspapers j newspaper criminations, and re criminations,
will speak just as they please, notwithstanding and controversies, which originated in great
the threats ana denunciations of gentlemen on political excitement, and which I do not know
this floor. Nor is it possible to mar and mutilate to be true or ,untrue; therefore the oath,
the journals. AH our proceedings must be U ave taken, as a senator in thiS general as-
recorded, facts must appear on record. Let us ,, . .. a. .
then fearlessly avow pur sentiments and defy the sembly, mmy own estimation, requires me to
censure of the world. Let us act freely,publicly, | be satisfied ot thetruthof every proposition,
and without disguise. Letus march resolutely before I assent to it. Knowing that Gen.
forward, and not shrink from the responsibility Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Crawford,,
we have voluntarily assumed. Let us not dread chief Justice Marshall, and, in a more emi
the consequence of our own deliberate acts. Lent degree. Gen. Andrew Jackson, have all
I have thus, concluded mr Hope, taken the . ,.D .• . c i-c j i j a
view of this subject which I think it deserves. been the subjects of unqualified slander and
Since the matter has been brought before me, I abuse, * cannot, with any species Ol informa-
and I am compelled to vote either for or against tion I possess, undertake to give a vote of
it, I choose to act deliberately and consistently, condemnation upon the highest characters
regardless of consequences. I am not prepared n0w in the country, because it is possible
one minute to say, that our elevated and impor- the jf guilty, are so, in a much less degree
tant public officer is guilty of high crimes and than aggerted . tfa ment Nor do {be
misdemeanors in his office, and the next minute .. ° T i
to declare that his conduct ought not to be in- ^eve cause of Gen Jackson requires a
vestigated, or he interrupted in his reckless ca- vote of censure or condemnation upon oth
Mr. Rogers' resolution was rejected, 34 to 3.
Yeas—Messrs. Hope, Lindsay and Rogers.
efs; he stands pre eminently conspicuous for
talents, firmness, a thorough knowledge of
the human character, with a patriotism and
love of country, seldom equaled, never sur-
Gray Garrett, [by permmion of the Senate) enter-1P388^' ?»ge">er with a long list of meritori-
ed thefollowing explanation of'his vote on Mr, ows services, which present his claims upon
Brown's resolutions and remarks, on the Jour- much higher ground than a legislative reit-
nal. jeration of newspaper charges. His own
Since these resolutions were introduced, claims are all powerful and will prevail with-
he has been in favor of their adoption, be- out condescending to notice the weakness of
cause he was in favor of the election of Gen. his adversaries. His cause requires no such
Jackson to the Presidency, and because he sacrifice of magnanimity and independence;
believed such to be the wishes of his constit-jl shall therefore speak evil of none. My own
uents. But he could not vote for the adop- j opinion is, that without the adoption of the
tion of said remarks, because he believes that J resolution offered by myself, the balance are
every vote he gives in this house is under the too weak and effeminate—they do not carry
sanction of an oath, and in voting for the re- the sense of the people of this State in favor
marks or observations opon said resolutions, of Gen. Jackson, to the world in that ener-
he believes it would have been an expression getic and masculine tone of character which
upon oath that said remarks were true—he the people of this State really feel for him.
Could not vote for the adoption of the rea- And it is not only within the pale of consti-
sons, (not because they were not true,) hut tutional liberty to instruct all our political
because he did not know them to be true. j functionaries, so far as respects subjects of
He begs leave to state that he is friendly policy and expedience, but the time has ar-
to the election of Gen. Jackson, but he will rived when the people believe that that pow-
not consent (by his vote upon oath) to say any er should be exerted in favor of General
fihipg which he does not know to be true, and > Jackson.