Was Richard Allen Great?
♦ SERMON DOL1UERED BY*
Rev. John ID. Palmer
RICHARD ALLEN.
Alien Chapel A. M. E. Church,
Lombard Street, above Nineteenth, Philadelphia,
Sunday Evening, February 20, '98.
Weekly Astonisher Print, 103 West Duval St., "G'1 Philadelphia
3-8-' 98.
Was Richard Allen Great?
This is a question that the present generation will be able to an¬
swer, in proportion as its answer as sought in the relative worth,
merit and ability, of the man are discovered. There is also a
class upon whom this work will fa 11, and who will be expected
to discover these facts as contained in the history of the man, and
who will be inspired to greater zeal and effort in the work in
which they will engage. They are, we trust, the rising generation
of the African M. E. Church, not only in these United States but
throughout the world.
Burns has said that "some men were born great; others acquire
greatness, while still others have greatness thrust upon them."
The Rt. Rev. Richard Allen may be considered as enjoying that
of which few men can boast: i. e. 1st. "He was born great." 2nd
"He acquired greatness." But we must remerfiber that the first
distinction here "that he was born great,"—is not to be consider¬
ed in the sense that Richard Allen was clothed with ancestral
title, wealth, power, dignity and influence; nor are we to suppose
that in his birth he represented what popular, intelligent or in¬
fluential ancestry could contribute toward his greatness nor yet
what the great boon and privilege of civil, social and religious free¬
dom and liberty could contribute toward the development of his
individual greatness.
No! Richard Allen had none of these great advantages, and
was also denied the privilege of being born a freeman as far as
human laws and institutions were concerned.
We can account for the greatness of Charlemagne when we re¬
member the persistent and irrepressible Franks. We can account
for the greatness of Ceasar when we think of the memorable Rom¬
ans, and that history and ancestry which antedated even Ceasar
himself. We can account for the greatness of a Napoleon when
we think of the centuries of growth, development and power
which existed before the advent of Napoleon.
And so we can account for the forensic skill, the genius and
greatness of a Washington when we think of theMayflower's preci¬
ous cargo; the first families of Virginia, if not, indeed, old Eng¬
land herself, and her contribution to Saxon greatness in the new
world.
3
But how to account for the individual greatness of this man
Richard Allen is a problem we will be unable to solve in this gen¬
eration at least. This man born in slavery, cradled in oppres¬
sion and reared in the narrow limit of caste, of prejudice, cruel¬
ty, injustice and outrage; how he could exhibit such characteris¬
tics of individual greatness, I repeat, is a problem we submit to
the incoming generations rather than the out going.
But despite all of this, the question will present itself to some in
the form we have already stated
viz:— "Was Richard Allen Great?
And here we desire to say, this must be determined by a fair, true
and just estimate of true and individual greatness.
If true greatness consists in that self sacrificing heroism and de¬
votion which makes a man insensible and indifferent to his own
personal welfare, interest, comfort, and advantages; and to deny
himself of all for the sake of others, and for the elevation and
advancement of others without a single promise of reward—we
say, if these constitutes greatness, the Richard Allen, the first
Bishop of the A. M. JS. church was great.
If again, greatness consists in that manifest patriotism which
yearns to strike the blow which will result in bringing freedom
and liberty to an oppressed people, race, or nation; whether that
bondage or oppression be civil, social or religious, then was Rich¬
ard Allen great. But to prove this we must take the facts in the
case; and these are best gleaned from the man himself.
He says "I was born in the year of our Lord 1760 on Feb. 14h''
mark ye, "A slave to Benjamin Chew of Philadelphia. My moth¬
er and father and four children were sold into Delaware State near
Dover."
These facts, to-night, with others that it is our intention to name
makes Richard Allen to have been a man of problems; the first
of which was his having been "born a slave," and as to how he
treated this first great problem of his earthly career, may prove in
some measure the greatness of the man.
Slavery, however, never degraded Richard Allen as it was known
to degrade many of his fellows. It did not degrade him because
he would not allow it to degrade him. Richard Allen always kept
his spirit about him, and his head above the waves of oppression.
He never, never went down even in the severest. He held his
spirit and his head was up. He resolved, however distasteful and
cruel the system that bound him, however much he despised it,
4
there was one policy upon which he resolved to deal with the
problem of Slavery, and that was, 1st. "To prove a good slave."
There associated with this resolve and that strong will power
which he possessed, Richard Allen was converted when a young
man. He is not supposed to have been out of his teens when he
became awakened and brought to God. He experienced a prob
lem, perhaps problem No. 2, in his conversion after the first five
days of his spiritual joy upon experiencing the light. He was
plunged into doubt and darkness, but again he rises out of this
as he himself says, after a fearful period of doubt, burden, and
darkness, "My soul was filled." And here is the solution to the
problem of his salvation.
It was this heavenly bestowal of the gift of God that made
Richard Allen the good slave that he proved himself to be. Rich¬
ard Allen however enthusiastic over religions meetings and the
means of grace never neglected his duties to his master. Howev¬
er much he loved the old Class Meeting in Benjamin Wells' house
in the forest of Delaware State, he first discharged his duties as a
slave. He speaks of a council he held with his brother who was
older than he, when they resolved that they would ' 'attend more
faithfully to our master's business, so that it should not be said,
that religion made us worse servants.''
He says: "We frequently went to meeting on every other
Thursday; bnt if we were likely to be backward with our crops
we would refrain from going to meeting. When our master
found we were making no preparation to go to meeting he would
frequently ask us if it was not our meeting day, and if we were
not going. We would frequently tell him, 'No Sir, we would
rather stay at home and get our work done.' He would tell us:
'Boys, I would rather you go to your meeting; if I am not good
myself, I like to see you striving yourselves to bfe good.' We
would say, 'thank you sir, but we would rather stay and get our
crops forward.' At length our master said he was convinced that
religion made slaves better, not worse."
We may add here that it was Richard Allen's good fortune to
have had a very humane man in this Delawere master, and that
humaneness found its counterpart in the fidelity and dutifulness
of the two Allen boys; and for this upon the appeal of Richard
Allen his master suffered him to secure preachers to come and
preach in his house, and through the preaching of Freeborn
Gabrsison, whom Richard Allen invited, his master was led to
5
the cross, and from that time he could not be satisfied to hold his
slaves an}' longer.
The greatness of the individual character shows itself here in
the interest Richard Allen had in his old master in Dover, and a-
gain in the manner that he speaks of him in subsequent times.
He says in his biography: (page 7) "We left our master's house,
and I may truly say it was like leaving our father's house; for he
was a kind, affectionate and tender-hearted master."
This is the manner in which Bishop Allen speaks of the man
whose slave he was, and whom he must call his master, and who
in the event of his salvation through the kindly office of Richard
Allen and the preaching of Freeborn Garrisson, proposed that
Richard Allen and ?his brother should have their freedom by buy¬
ing their 'time at £60 gold arid silver or $2,000 Continental money
which they complied with. »
The purchase of their freedom constituted the, Third great
problem in the career of Richard Allen, and one which he solves
through the same characteristic tact, genius and skill as all the
others, and in this he shows the greatness of individual ability,
the greatness of his love for -freedom and the value that he put
upon it. His master had told him that he might continue his
home with him, yet there does not seem a consideration so dear
and so sacred, to Allen, as freedom and liberty. If this counts
for greatness, then "GREAT WAS HE."
Let us see what Allen says about it himself: "I had it often im¬
pressed upon my mind that I should one day enjoy my freedom.
For slavery is a, bitter pill notwithstanding we had a good master."
Nine hundred and ninety-nine other men out of a thousand,
under similar circumstances would have taken the opposite view.
But dispite all, Richard Allen, as the true patriot, .longs for free¬
dom. To further illustrate this love and longing for freedom he
tells us that after leaving his master's home, in order to pay him
for his freedom, he resorted to chopping cord wood; a thing to
which he was unused. He tells us how blistered and sore were
his hands next day, and how, only with great difficulty he could
open and shut them. How after spending some time at chopping
wood he went into a brick yard and worked for $50.00 per month
(Continental money.) Then from the brick yard to day's work;
then driving a wagon in the time of the Continental War, drawing
salt from Rehobar, Sussex County, Delaware. And with it all,
he says he had his regular stops and preaching places on the road.
6
And so we see him master this third problem in his career.
Another very remarkable thing noted in the life of Richard Al¬
len, and we think an evidence of greatness in the man, was his
consideration for others, whether friends or foes; whether he was
for them or against them; favorable or unfavorable.
How, under such conditions as were imposed upon him, he
could be the large and conservative man that we find him, is the
most remarkable thing to us. Only praise for his slave master?
and the most kindly comment and criticism for those who in af¬
ter time would deny him his just desert. His popularity and
ability as a preacher can best be judged by the class of men with
whom he stood identified, and with whom he was in great de¬
mand. To illustrate this we refer to an incident which happened
between Richard Allen, as he then was, and Bishop Asbury, of
the Methodist Episcopal Church. The point illustrates the great¬
ness of the man.
Bishop Asbury sent for Richard Allen to meet him at Henry
Gaff's, which he did. Bishop Asbury informed "him that he de¬
sired to have him (Allen) to travel with him, ; (Asbury) at the
same time informing father Allen that in the slave counties, Car¬
olina and other places he must intermix with the slaves, and that
he would frequently have to sleep in his (Asbury's) carriage, and
that he would allow him his victuals and clothes. Richard Allen
told him that he would not travel wiih him on those conditions,
and Stated his reasons. Said he, "If I am take)i sick who will
support me?" And that he thought that people ought to lay up
something while they were able, for sickness and old age. Rich¬
ard Allen never accepted the proposal. ;j
He eventually came to Pennsylvania. He m,<ft with great suc¬
cess in his preaching in Baltimore and also in Jersey and Penn¬
sylvania. But the great battle yet to be foughfl was reserved for
Pennsylvania and the City Oil Philadelphia |ji particular. In
this connection we wish to state here that Richard Allen so far as
he was concerned was neither a burden nor a bone of contention
to the Methodist Episcopal Church. |
He says: "My usual method was, when I .^ould get bare of
clothes to stop travelling and go to work BO&hat no man could
say I was chargeable to the connection. My-H^nds administered
to my necessities.'5 _ ^
In coming to Philadelphia he seems to havt; specially turned
his attention to his brethren in the most' especial and particular
7
way. He says: "I established prayer meetings; I raised a society
in 1786 of forty-two members. I saw the necessity of erecting a
place of worship for the colored people. I proposed it to the
most respectable people of color in this City, but here I met with
opposition."
Here, we meet the Fourth great problem in father Allen's ca¬
reer; leaving the manner in which he deals with the situation to
suggest the merits of the man. He says furthermore that when
the colored people began to get numerous in St. George's „M. E.
Church, this City, they moved them from the seats they usually
sat on and placed "us" around the wall. On a given or follow¬
ing Sunday the sexton was stationed at the door and told the col¬
ored people to go to the gallery. It was in that gallery the strug¬
gle took place during prayer when an attempt was made to pull
the Rev. Absalom Jones from his knees, in an endeaver to get the
colored ones further back in the gallery. Mr. Jones crying to the
man endeavoring to pull him-from his knees, "Wait until prayer
is over and I'll go." But this would not do. At the conclusion
of that prayer, Richard Allen, Absalom Jones, and the rest of the
colored contingent left St. George's Church never to return.
Was this act justifiable? Let religion, reason and love answer;
or let the splendid achievements of Allen and Jones testify; or let
the voice of justice be heard.
These people, despite their poverty and oppression had stood
by that church and congregation, and had assisted in the repair,
which had just been completed, and had made payment and
subscription upon the work, taxing their own limited means and
all seemed to have been repaid by this unfortunate and unchris¬
tian act, which might be expected any where else than the church
of God.
And yet, a large class of citizens of the opposite race were not
in sympathy with this inhuman act, and perhaps members in the
church itself. But they never dampened the ardor of father Al¬
len. He must now meet the situation, not by anathematizing the
officers and members of St. George's Church, but spending his en¬
ergies and zeal in securing a place where the African Methodists
of Philadelphia, and elsewhere might enjoy religious liberty with¬
out let or hindrance.
This became the problem of Richard Allen's whole life, and
was calculatad to give him national and world wide distinction;
and stamp him as one of the greatest religious reformers of the
8
Nineteenth Century. His first move was to hire a store-room and
they worshipped there. Dr. Rush and Mr. Robert Ralston were
eftlisted as their friends. Dr. Rush doing much in public for
them. Here the movement was attended by threats of exposure
and expulsion by the Pastor and members of St. George's Church
and not so much, as one might suppose, because of the spiritual
loss of these people to the church, as for the financial considera¬
tion involved. Degrading and insulting language was used to
prevent them from going ahead. The Elder forbade their going
ahead. "But," says father Allen, "we pitched upon a lot at the
corner of Lombard and Sixth streets." Here, he experienced a
little difficulty with his own men in the new enterprise. His
committee with whom he was acting, and in connection with
whom he had drawn up and signed an agreement on the Sixth
street property find as they think, a more commodious site on
Fifth street, and the Sixth street property is thrown upon his
hands. He states his objection to the change, enters his protest,
and rather than break faith with Mr. Wilcox, from whom they
had purchased the property, he agrees to take it himself, and
does so.
Father Allen never allowed this transaction to turn him from
the course upon which he had resolved. So in this phase of the
situation the element of Individual greatness shows itself in a
marked degree.
The day was appointed to dig the cellar. "I arose," he says,
"and put the first spade in the ground." He says the Elder sta¬
tioned here would neither preach for them, nor have anything to
do with them. Then comes the problem, the election problem;
No. "5;" to determine the religious denomination they should
unite with. "Two were in favor of the Methodist; Rev. Absalom
Jones and myself; but a large majority were in favor of the
Church of England. The majority carried. So for a period we
had, in form at least, the Church of England.gThe purpose
of this however must have been to ward off the opposing forces."
There follows a series of intrigues and impositions, and in the
whole course of events it is remarkable to note with what fidelity
father Allen held on to the Methodist connection; when inde¬
pendence came, in the way of an African Methodist Society. It
was the outrage perpetrated upon them that founded the A. M. E.
church as it now is. Even after they had set up their banner as
African Methodists the people of St George's would still declare
9 /
that they had jurisdiction over them, and demanded from Allen's
little society $600.00 per year for the maintenance of their
minister. This was denied and refused. Then Four hundred
dollars, then Two hundred dollars for five sermons per year, or
of course Forty dollars a sermon. (They should have been good.)
Then One hundred dollars, or twenty dollars per sermon. All
were refused. This was problem No. "6." The Academy M. E.
took hold of them because the others refused. Same results,
One hundred and Fifty dollars; ministers having been changed
he says in succession.
What has he left behind in his flight to the upper and better re¬
gions? And how have his successors maintained his heritage?
Hear the showing of the minutes of the General Conference of '96
Quadrennial address, page 54.
Year. Churches. Value of Property.
1794 -.1 $ 2,500
1816 7 15,000
1826....... 33 75,000
1836 86 - 125,000
1846 198 225,000
1856 210 425,000
1866 286 825,000
1876 1833 3,164,911
1886 „.3394 5,341,889
1888 4009.. 6,391,577
1890 4069 7,772,284
1896 4,575 8,650,155
Raised for education in ten years, 1884-94 79,669.81