KELLY MILLER'S
MONOGRAPHIC
MAGAZINE
NO. 3
"Social and Industrial
r'
Capacities of Negroes"
BY |1II
Thomas Babington MaCaulay
PART I.
Published, say, once a month, by Kelly Miller, Washington, D.C.
Single Copy 10c £X'1&£0°$1
A Book You Must Have.
The most important document growing out of the fiftieth anniver¬
sary of the Emancipation Proclamation.
The September issue of the Annals of the Academy of Political and
Social Sciences.
"The Negro's Progress in Fifty Years."
CONTENTS:
PART I.
STATISTICAL.
Negro Population in the United States.
Thomas Jesse Jones, Ph. D., Bureau of
Education, Washington, D. C.
PART II.
BUSINESS ACTIVITIES AND LABOR
CONDITIONS.
Professional and Skilled Occupations.
Kelly Miller, LL-D., Dean, Howard Uni¬
versity, Washington, D. C.
Unskilled Labor Conditions.
R. R. Wright, Jr., A. M. E. Book Con¬
cern, Philadelphia, Pa.
Development in the Tidewater Counties of
Virginia.
T. C. Walker, Gloucester Courthouse, Va.
The Negro and the Immigrant in the Two
Americas.
James B. Clarke, New York.
The Tenant System and Some Changes Since
the Emancipation.
Thomas J. Edwards, Dadeville, Ala.
PART III.
SOCIAL CONDITIONS AND PROBLEMS.
Work of the Commission of Southern Univer¬
sities on the Race Question.
Charles Hillman Brough, Ph. D., Professor
of Economics and Sociology, University
of Arkansas.
Fifty Years of Freedom: Conditions in the
Seacoast Regions.
Niels Christensen, Editor and Proprietor
"The Beaufort Gazette," Beaufort, S. C.
Fifty Years of Negro Public Health.
S. B. Jones, M. D., Resident Physician
Agricultural and Mechanical College,
Greensboro, N. C.
Conditions Among Negroes in the Cities.
George Edmund Haynes, Ph. D.( Director,
National League on Urban Conditions
Among Negroes.
The Movement for the Betterment of the
Negro in Philadelphia.
John T. Emlen, Secretary and Treasurer
of the Armstrong Association of Phila¬
delphia, Pa.
Problems of Citizenship.
Ray Stannard Baker, Amherst, Mass.
Negro Criminality in the South.
Monroe N. Work, Tuskegee Normal and
Industrial Institute.
Churches and Religious Conditions.
J. J. Watson, Ph. D., Mercer University,
Macon, Ga.
The White Man's Debt to the Negro.
Mrs. J. D. Hammond, Paine College, Au¬
gusta, Ga.
Negro Home Life and Standards of Living.
Robert E. Park, Woliaston, Mass.
Relations of White and Black in the South.
W. D. Weatherford, Ph. D., Nashville,
Tenn.
The Work of the Jeanes and Slater Funds.
B. C. Caldwell, The John F. Slater Fund,
New York.
Negro Organizations.
B. F. Lee, Jr., Field Secretary, Arm¬
strong Association of Philadelphia, Pa.
PART IV.
EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS AND NEED.
Illiteracy in the United States.
J. P. Lichtenberger, Ph.D., Assistant Pro¬
fessor of Sociology, University of Penn¬
sylvania.
Higher Education of Negroes in the United
States.
Edward T. Ware, Ph. D., President, At¬
lanta University, Atlanta, Ga.
Negro Children in the Public Schools of
Philadelphia.
Howard W. Odum, University of Georgia,
Athens, Ga.
Industrial Education and the Public Schools.
Booker T. Washington, LL. D., President,
Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute.
Negro Literature and Art. '
W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, New York.
Cloth $1.00; Paper $1.50. Send order to Kelly Miller's Magazine,
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f^elly Miller's
Monographic Magazine
Copyright, 1913, by Kelly Miller, Washington, D. C.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C. No. 3
Each issue will contain a comprehensive essay on some
phase of the race question
"Social and Industrial
Capacities of Negroes"
BY
Thomas Babington MaCaulay
PART I.
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KELLY MILLER
Howard University Washington, D. C.
Social and Industrial Capacities of
Negroes.*
PART I.
(Edinburgh Review, March, 1827.)
It was not till a short time back that we entertained the
slightest intention of criticizing the speculations of Major
Moody. We had supposed that they would of course pass in
their infancy to that Limbo which is ordained for Laureate
Odes, old Court Kalendars, and Sermons printed at the request
of Congregations. That a Commissioner should write a dull
Report, and that the Government should give him a place for
it, are events by no means so rare as to call for notice. Of
late, however, we have with great surprise discovered, that
the books of the Major had been added to the political canon
of Downing Street, and that it has become quite a fashion
among statesmen who are still in their novitiate, to talk
about physical causes and the philosophy of labor. As the
doctrines which, from some inexplicable cause, have acquired
so much popularity, appear to us both false and pernicious,
we shall attempt, with as much brevity as possible, to expose
their absurdity.
There are stars, it is said, of which the light has not yet
travelled through the space that separates them from the eye
of man; and it is possible that the blaze of glory which daz¬
zles all the young politicians between Charing-Cross and
Westminster Hall may not yet have reached our more remote
readers. In order, therefore, that our remarks on the Report
of Major Moody may be clearly understood, we shall give
a short account of the circumstances under which it appeared.
By the Act which abolished the trade in slaves, the King
* Art. VI. i. Papers relating to Captured Negroes. No. I. Tortola Schedules.
Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, 16th March, 1825.
2. Further Papers relating to Captured Negroes. No. II. Separate Report of
John Dougan, Esq. No. III. Separate Report of Major Thomas Moody Ordered
by the House of Commons to be printed, 16th March, 1825.
3. Second Part of Major Moody's Report. Ordered by the House of Commons to
be printed, 24th February, 1826.
4 Kixur Miller's Monographic Magazine
was empowered to make regulations for the employment and
support of Negroes, who, under the provisions of that Act,
9r in the course of hostilities with foreign States, might be
rescued from their kidnappers. ' Some of these liberated
Africans were, in consequence, admitted into the army and
the navy. Others were bound apprentices in the colonies:
and of these last many were settled at Tortola.
In the year 1821, the House of Commons presented an
address to the King, requesting that commissioners might
be sent to ascertain the condition of these people, and to
report it to the Government. Major Moody was selected
for this purpose by the Colonial Office. Mr. Dougan^ a
gentleman to whose talents and integrity the Major bears
the highest testimony, was joined with him in the commis¬
sion. But Mr. Dougan, whatever his good qualities may
h^ve been, was under the influence of some unhappy prej¬
udices, from which his colleague appears to have been wholly
free. He had been led to adopt the extravagant notion that
the Africans were his fellow creatures; and this delusion
betrayed him into errors which Major Moody, to his eternal
honor, endeavors to palliate, but which a less candid and
amiable censor would have stigmatized with the severest
reprehension. Our readers will be shocked to hear that an
English gentleman actually desired a black apprentice, during
a long examination, to take a seat, and they will be touched
by the delicacy and generosity of the Major, who mentions
this disgraceful occurrence "only," as he says, "to show the
bias on the mind of his colleague when one of the African
race was concerned with a white person." *
At length some female Africans in the service of a person
named Maclean, were brought before the Commissioners. By
their statement, and by the confession of the master himself,
it appeared that they had been cruelly treated. Maclean,
too, it appeared, had no legal right to them: for they had been
originally apprenticed to another person, and the indentures
had never been transferred. Mr. Dougan thought it desirable
to take advantage of this circumstance, and at once to place
them in a more comfortable situation; and he prevailed on his
colleague to concur with him in recommending the case to
the particular consideration of the collector. In the mean
* First Part of Major Moody's Report, page 103.
Keixy Mili^r's Monographic Magazine 5
time, however, Maclean wrote to the Commissioners, request¬
ing them to revise their proceedings, and most impudently-
telling them, at the same time, that he had whipped the
apprentices with tamarind switches for daring to bear evidence
against him! Mr. Dougan seems to have imagined that such
conduct was grossly insulting to the Commissioners, and
to the government which employed them. He probably
thought, too, that to reexamine persons who had been flogged
for what they had stated on a former examination, would
be to violate every principle of equity and reason. On this
point, it appears that Major Moody was of a different opinion;
and conceived that truth was likely enough to be obtained
from a witness who had just learned that if his evidence be
disagreeable to the accused party, he will undergo severe
chastisement. A rupture took place. The apprentices, we
should perhaps say the slaves, remained with Maclean; and
Mr. Dougan returned to England.
But we really cannot continue to speak ironically on a
subject so serious. We do earnestly and gravely assure
Major Moody, that we think his conduct, on this occasion,
most unjust and unreasonable. Lord Bathurst seems to have
entertained the same opinion: for in consequence of orders
sent out from England, the wretched women were taken from.
Maclean and apprenticed to another master.
Mr. Dougan now returned to the West Indies; and the
disputes between him and his colleague recommenced. At
length both were recalled. Mr. Dougan drew up a report
of the proceedings under the commission. The Major re¬
fused to concur in it, and presented a separate statement in
answer to it. Mr. Dougan, while laboring under a fatal
malady, prepared a reply. This document has, since his
death, been transmitted to the Colonial Office, and will, of
course, be published with all expedition.
Mr. Dougan thought it sufficient to perform the duty with
which he was charged. His report is therefore, what it pro¬
fesses to be, an account of the condition of the' liberated
Africans. But the genius of the Major was not to be confined
within limits so narrow. He had command, without stint, of
the public paper and the public type. He conceived that
the opportunity was not to be lost—that now or never was
the time to be a philosopher like his neighbors, and to have
Keixy Miner's Monographic Magazine
a system of his own, which might be called after his name.
The history of the liberated Africans forms, therefore, a mere
episode in his plan. His report is, in substance, a defence
of West Indian slavery, on certain new principles, which
constitute what he is pleased to call the Philosophy of Labor.
His theory has met with a very flattering reception from
those who are favorably inclined to the Colonial system,
because they dread innovation, because they hate the saints,
or because they have mortgages on West Indian plantations.
Unable themselves to defend their opinion, but obstinately
determined not to renounce it, they are pleased with a writer
who abounds with phrases which sound as if they meant
something, and which, in the chat of a drawing-room, or in
the leading article of a newspaper, supply the place of a
reason very creditably.
We come to the consideration of the Report with no such
'bias upon our minds, and we have, therefore, formed a very
■different estimate of it. We think that it is, in matter and
manner, the worst state-paper that we ever saw. The style
as the jargon of a tenth-rate novelist, engrafted on that of a
.tenth-rate pamphleteer. It abounds with that vague diction
which the political writers of France have invented, and by
which they often contrive to keep up appearances in spite of
the most abject mental poverty. At certain distances, and
in certain lights, this paste and pinchbeck logic serves its
purpose respectably; and to this, unquestionably, the Major
owes the greater part of his reputation. The highest com¬
pliment which we can, with any sincerity, pay to him, is to
say, that he has some faults in common with Montesquieu—■
,a writer whom he evidently regards with great admiration.
He calls one of the silliest remarks of the lively president
profound—an epithet which would have amazed us if we
had not recollected that the terms in which we described
magnitudes, whether material or intellectual, are only rela¬
tive—that the Grildrig of Brobdignag may be the Quinbus
Flestrin of Lilliput. The theories of Montesquieu are gone
where the theories of the Major will soon go. But though
Montesquieu could not keep his doctrines alive, he under¬
stood how to embalm them. Their mummies are beyond
all price. The mouldering remains are valued, for the sake
of the intricate folds in which they are swathed up, the
Kexly Miller's Monographic Magazine 7
iweet and pungent sp" ; with which they are seasoned, and
he gilded hieroglyphics with which they are emblazoned.
The Major has no such skill. Abundance of italics, and oc-
:asional flowers of speech from the Emmelines and Adelines
)f the Minerva Press, are the only ornaments which set off
lis speculations. If our object were to render him ridicu-
ous, we could easily fill our pages with solecisms, with af-
:ected phrases, with sentences of which the obscurity would
eave the most sagacious interpreter at a fault. But this is
lot our intention. We shall direct our attacks against the
jreat principles of his theory. To find these out, indeed, is
10 easy task. For the work has neither beginning nor end.
The author, instead of taking the trouble to state his propo¬
sitions, and class his arguments for himself, has left the whole
3f that task to his opponents, and has made it as difficult as
possible by the most elaborte artifice of disorder. We shall
io our best, however, to perform it faithfully, and to sepa¬
rate the most important passages from much curious matter
concerning the feudal system—the chisel of Phidias—the
marriage in Cana of Galilee—the difference between Theory
and Practice—the choice of Hercules—the peace and happi¬
ness of rural life—the rape of the Sabines—the Supreme
Being—and Major Moody himself.
The first great principle, then, which the Major professes
to have discovered is this, that there exists between the
White and Black races an instinctive and unconquerable
aversion, which must forever frustrate all hopes of seeing
them unite in one society on equal terms. We shall con¬
sider in succession the facts, from which he draws this bold
conclusion.
By the constitution of Hayti, it seems, no white man of
any nation can be a master or proprietor in that island.
From this circumstance the Major deduces the following
inference.
"It seems as if each party, when in power,' acts as if it was mutually thought
the two races could not exist together, in the same community, with equal political
powers, from the operation of some powerful causes, which do not appear to have
been felt in England in former ages, when her inhabitants were composed of freemen
and slaves, or when the national distinctions among people living in the same country
formed a political barrier between Britons and Romans, or Saxons and Normans." *
Moreover, a young Haytian, named Moyse, about thirty
years ago, complained of the attention which Toussaint
* Major Moody's Second Report, page 29.
8 Kelly Miller's Monographic Magazine
Louverture paid to the interests of the Europeans, and de¬
clared that he should never like the whites till they should
restore 'to him the eye which he had lost in battle with them!
This last important anecdote the Major prints in italics, as
quite decisive.* The poor Haytian must have been best
acquainted with the origin of his own feelings; and, as he
ascribed them to a cause which might well account for them,
it is difficult to divine why any other should be assigned.
The liberality of Toussaint, also, is at least as strong an ar¬
gument against the hypothesis of Major Moody, as the ani¬
mosity of Moyse can be in its favor.
From the law which declares white men incapable of be¬
coming proprietors in Hayti, nothing can be inferred. Such
prohibitions are exceedingly foolish; but they have existed,
as every person knows who knows anything of history, in
cases where no natural antipathy can be supposed to have
produced them. We need not refer to the measures which
the Kings of Spain adopted against their Moorish subjects—
to that tyranny of nation over nation which has, in every
age, been the curse of Asia—or to the jealous policy which
excludes strangers, of all races, from the interior of China
and Japan. Our own country will furnish an example
strictly in point. By the common law of England, no alien
whatever can hold land, even as a tenant. The natives of
Scotland remained under this incapacity, till the two
divisions of the island were united under James the First:
and even then, the national prejudice was strong against the
removal of the disability. The House of Commons was de-
cidely averse to it. The Court, in consequence, had re¬
course to a measure grossly unconstitutional. The Judges
were persuaded to declare that to be law which the Parlia¬
ment could not be persuaded to make law; and even thus
it was found impossible to remove the restriction from
Scotchman born before the Union of the Crowns.
The Major ought to be well acquainted with these pro¬
ceedings. For Lord Bacon, of whom he professes himself
a disciple, appeared as counsel for the post-nati. It is amus¬
ing to consider what the feelings of that illustrious man
would have been, if some half-taught smatterer of his phi¬
losophy had risen to oppose him with such arguments as
* Major Moody's Second Report, page 45.
Keu,y Miner's Monographic Magazine 9
these. "The English can never amalgamate with any for¬
eign nation. The existence and the popularity of such a
law as this sufficiently prove that some powerful cause op¬
erates upon our countrymen, which does not act elsewhere.
Our ancestors always felt that, although in other countries
foreigners may be permitted and even encouraged by the
natives to settle among them, no such mixture could take
place here. I have been credibly informed, also, that a
Scotchman whose eye was struck out in a fray forty years
back, swore that he never could bear the sight of a Southern
after." With what a look would Sir Francis have risen to
annihilate such an argument! What mirth would have
shone in his eyes! What unsavory similitudes would have
risen to his lips! With what confusion would the dabbler
in experimental science have shrunk from a conflict with
that all-embracing and all-penetrating mind, which fancy
had elevated but not inebriated, which professional study
had rendered subtle, but could not render narrow. As the
Major seems very willing to be an experimental philosopher,
if he knew how to set about it, we will give him one general
rule, of which he seems never to have heard. It is this.
When the phenomena can be explained by circumstances
which, on grounds distinct from those phenomena, we know
to exist, we must not resort to hypothetical solutions. We
are not entitled to attribute the hatred which the Haytian
Blacks may have felt towards the Whites to any latent phys¬
ical cause, till we have shown that the ordinary principles
of human nature will not explain it. It is not natural, then,
that men should hate those by whom they have been held
in slavery, and to whom they have subsequently been op¬
posed in a war of peculiar ferocity? Is it not also perfectly
agreeable to that law of association, from which so large a
portion of our pains and pleasures is derived, that what
we have long regarded as a distiguishing badge of those
whom we hate should itself become hateful to us? If these
questions be answered in the affirmative, the aversion which
the Haytian Negroes are said to entertain towards the Whites
is at once explained.
The same remark applies to all that the Major has said
respecting the state of public feeling in North America.
The facts of the case he has stated quite correctly. It is true
) Kelly Miller's Monographic Magazine
lat, even in those States of the Union which have abolished
avery, the free Blacks are still regarded with disgust and
Dntempt. The most benevolent inhabitants of New Eng-
tnd and New York, conceive that liberty itself will scarcely
e a blessing to the African, unless measures be taken for
smoving him to some country where he may not be reminded
f his inferiority by daily insults and privations. Hence Major
loody thought himself, as he tells us,
—"justified in the inference, that some powerful causes must be in action, and
lat those of a physical nature had not been overcome by mere legal exactments." *
It cannot be doubted that some powerful cause has been
ti action. But that it is a physical cause, is not quite so
lear. The old laws have no doubt produced a state of public
eeling, which their repeal cannot at once correct. In all the
States the Negro color has been the livery of servitude. In
ome it still is so. The connection between the different
.-ommonwealths of the confederation is so close, that the state
>f feeling in one place must be influenced by the state of the
aws in another. This consideration is surely sufficient to
explain all the circumstances to which the Major refers. It
s for him to show, that an aversion for which slavery alone
will sufficiently account is really the effect of blackness. He
would, we believe, find it as easy to prove that there is some¬
thing naturally and universally loathsome in the cut and color
Df a prison uniform.
That the complexion of the free African renders his condi¬
tion more unfortunate, we acknowledge. But why does it
produce this effect? Not, surely, because it is the degrading
circumstance, but because it is clear, instantaneous, and irre¬
fragable evidence of the degrading circumstance. It is the
only brand which cannot be counterfeited, and which cannot
be effaced. It is borne by slaves and their descendants; and
it is borne by no others. Let the Major prove, that, in any
society where personal bondage has never existed, the whites
and blacks have felt this mutual dislike. Till he can show
this, he does nothing.
But, it seems, an anonymous writer in South America, some
years ago, declared, that the blacks never could amalgamate
with the whites.f That a man who had passed his life among
Negro slaves should transfer to their color the feelings of
* Second Part of Major Moddy's Report, page 27.
t Ibid, page 23.
Ke;u,y Miller's Monographic Magazine 11
contempt with which he regarded their condition, and the
mean vices to which that condition necessarily gave birth,
was perfectly natural. That he should suppose a feeling, of
which he could not remember the origin, to be instinctive, was
also natural. The most profound thinkers have fallen into
similar errors. But that a man in England should believe all
this, only because a man at Bogota chose to write it, argues
a strange degree of credulity. Such vague authority is not
sufficient to establish a fact. To quote it in support of a gen¬
eral proposition, is an insult to common sense. The expres¬
sions of this Columbian prove only, what the refusal of the
Major to let a Negro sit in his presence proves as satisfac¬
torily, that there are very weak and very prejudiced people
in the world.
Feelings exactly similar to those which are unhappily so
common among the whites of the United States, have often
existed in cases where it is impossible to attribute them to
physical causes. From a time beyond the researches of his¬
torians, an impassable gulf has separated the Brahmin from
the Paria. The Jews were long regarded by the Spaniards
and Portuguese with as much contempt and hatred as the
white North American feels for the man of color. The cases,
indeed, are strikingly similar. The national features and rites
of the Hebrews, like the black skin and woolly hair of the
Africans, visibly distinguished them from the rest of the
community. Every individual of the race bore about him
the badges of the synagogue. Baptism itself could not wash
away the distinction. Conversion might save him from the
flames; but the stigma was indelible—he bore it to the grave—
he bequeathed it to his children—his descendants, as long as
their genealogy could be traced, were objects of scorn to the
poorest Castilian peasant, who gloried in the name of an
old Christian.
But we will not multiply examples in a case so plain. We
hasten to another argument, on which Major Moody dwells
with peculiar complacency. At this, indeed, we do not much
wonder. It is entirely his own. He is the first writer who
ever used it, and we venture to prophesy that he will be the
last. We speak of his remarks on the influence of the sexual
passion. We will give his own words:—
"In such committees as i have referred to, an observer will not fail to discover
the want of a certain class of sympathies, which are daily seen in action when men
12 Kei^y Miller's Monographic Magazine
of the same race live together, even in republics, like the United States of America,
although a portion of the community consisted of men of different nations and habits,
but yet resembling each other in external form, color, features, &c.
"I allude to the extraordinary rarity of virtuous unions having taken place between
the males and females of the pure Negroes and the pure whites in America. I cer¬
tainly have heard of such unions as in certain classes of society are seen in London;
but in America, they were considered rather as very extraordinary occurrences, par¬
ticularly if the male should be a pure Negro, and the female a pure white. On the
other hand, when the female is an African, lust, aided by fear or avarice, has often
led to an illicit union between the sexes. * * *
"In the New World of America, virtuous unions between the extreme colors of
black and white are always considered something in violation of the ordinary sympa¬
thies which spring from a pure affection, and therefore derogatory to the feelings of
-caste; for even the free colored females, I understand, would have a reluctance, if
advanced in civilization, to form a virtuous union with a pure Negro. * * *
"Some of the intelligent free Negroes of the United States, with whom I often
conversed, for the express purpose of personal observation, felt the ban under which
they were put, by the influence of prejudice, as they considered it, after the laws of
the country had declared them free, and equal to any other citizen of the State; and,
in the confidence inspired by my inquiries about their situation, I was often asked if,
in England, white women did not marry black men? And with apparent simplicity, it
was inquired why the American white women were so prejudiced against black
men? * * *
"Those who merely refer the degraded state of the free Africans or blacks to their
having been formerly slaves, and leave out of their consideration the consequences
arising from physical differences in form, color, feature, and smell, influencing those
general ideas of beauty, creating that passion of love that most commonly leads to a
virtuous union of the sexes of different nations, must be considered as having taken
a very narrow view of the question, from the prevalent custom of merely referring to
moral causes alone, and omitting all references to those of a physical nature, though
still more powerful in their effect." *
This extraordinary argument is concluded by a touching
representation of the refinement which modesty gives to
pleasure, and of the happiness of being cherished and beloved,
which,' we hope, will edify the young gentlemen of the
Colonial Office, but which has, we think, little to do with the
question. This, therefore, we omit, as well as the pious ap¬
peal to the God of Truth, which follows it.
Is it possible that the Major does not perceive how directly
all his statement leads towards a conclusion diametrically
opposite to that at which, by some inconceivable process, he
has managed to arrive? We will give him an answer. But
we really hope that he is the only one of our readers who
will need it.
The passion of the sexes is a natural appetite. Marriage
is a civil and religious institution. Where, therefore, between
two classes of people, the passion exists, but marriage is not
practiced, it is evident that nature impels them to unite, and
that acquired feelings only keep them asunder.
* Second Part of Major Moody's Report, pages 19 and 20.
KeXly Miixer's Monographic Magazine 13
Now, Major Moody just reverses this mode of reasoning.
Because the Whites form with the Blacks those illicit unions
to which the motive is physical, but do not form those legiti¬
mate unions to which the motive is moral, he actually infers
that the cause which separates the races is not moral, but
physical! In the same manner, we presume, he would main¬
tain, that a man who dines heartily without saying grace, is
deficient, not in devotion, but in appetite.
The story which he tells respecting the free blacks, with
whom he conversed in the United States, is alone sufficient
to show the absurdity of his hypothesis. From his own ac¬
count, it is plain that these blacks had no antipathy to white
women. The repugnance was all on one side. And on which
side? On that of the privileged class, of those whose superi¬
ority was till lately recognized by law, and is still established
by custom. Is this a phenomenon so extraordinary that we
must have recourse to a new instinct to account for it? Or
may it not be explained into the same causes which in England
prevent a lady from marrying a tinker, though the tinker
would gladly marry the lady ?
In the last century, the dissipated nobles of France lavished
their wealth with the wildest profusion on actresses and opera
girls. The favor of a distinguished heroine of this class, was
thought to be cheaply purchased at the price of jewels, gilded
coaches, palaces blazing with mirrors, or even of some drops
of aristocratic blood. Yet the poorest gentleman in the king¬
dom would not have married Clarion. This, Major Moody
would say, proves that men who wear swords, feathers, and
red-heeled shoes, entertain a natural aversion to women who
recite verses out of Andromaque and Tartuffe. We think that
we could hit on a different explanation.
It happens, indeed, rather unluckily, that, of the phenomena
which the Major recounts, there is none which cannot be satis¬
factorily explained into moral causes, and none which can
possibly be explained into physical causes. White women,
says he, much more rarely form licentious connections with
black men, than white men with black women. And this is a
proof that the aversion of the two races is natural. Why, if
it were natural, does it not influence both sexes alike? The
principles to which these facts must be referred, are principles
which we see in daily operation among ourselves. Men of the
14 Kelly Millar's Monographic Magazine
highest rank in our country are frequently engaged in low
amours. The wife or daughter of an English gentleman very
seldom forgets herself so far. But whoever thought of at¬
tributing this to physical causes?
The Major, however, is resolved not to leave himself un-
refuted in any point. "Even the free colored females," says
he, "would have a reluctance, if advanced in civilization, to
form a virtuous union with a pure Negro." He cannot pre¬
tend to believe that any physical cause operates here: and,
indeed, distinctly attributes the reluctance of the colored
female to her advancement in civilization. That is to say, he
distinctly acknowledges that certain acquired habits, and
certain advantages of rank and education, are alone sufficient
to produce those effects which, according to his own theory
laid down in the same page, can only result from natural
organization.
The Major tells us, the color, the features, and the other
peculiarities of the black race, excite the disgust of Europeans.
Here his testimony is at variance with that of almost all the
writers on the subject with whom we are acquainted. Travel¬
ers and historians innumerable, have asserted, that white men,
in the Torrid Zone, generally prefer black females to those of
their own country. Raynal, if we remember rightly, gives a
very rational explanation of the circumstance. It is needless^
however, to attack the Major with authorities from other
writers. He may easily be refuted out of his own mouth.
How can the physical peculiarities of the African race be more
offensive in the wife than in the concubine? It is quite need¬
less to inquire into the origin of the different opinions which
people, in different situations, form on the subject of beauty.
It is quite enough for us at present to discover, that if a man
does not think a woman too ugly to make her his mistress, it
cannot, surely, be on account of her ugliness that he does not
make her his wife.
In England white women not unfrequently marry black
men. We have ourselves known several such instances. Yet
if the external appearance of the Negro were such as naturally
to inspire aversion, that feeling would be more strongly ex¬
cited in a country of which the inhabitants are not familiarized
by use to the revolting spectacle. This consideration alone
would satisfy us that the real cause of the horror with which
Kelly Millar's Monographic Magazine IS
the whites in some other countries shrink from the thought
of marriage with an African is to be found, not in physical, but
in political and moral circumstances. We entertain little
doubt, that when the laws which create a distinction between
the races shall be completely abolished, a very few genera¬
tions will mitigate the prejudices which those laws have cre¬
ated, and which they still maintain. At that time, the black
girl, who, as a slave, would have attracted a white lover, will,
when her father has given her a good education, and can
leave her a hundred thousand dollars, find no difficulty in
procuring a white husband.
We have perhaps dwelt too long on the feeble and in¬
consistent arguments which the Major has urged in support
of his hypothesis. But we were desirous, before we entered
on that part of his work which relates to questions of more
difficulty, to furnish our readers with a specimen of his logical
powers. They will perhaps be inclined to suspect, that a man
who reasons thus on one subject, is not very likely to reason
justly on any.
We now come to the second great principle which Major
Moody conceives himself to have established. It may be
stated thus. The inhabitants of countries lying within the
Torrid Zone can be induced to engage in steady agricultural
labor only by necessity. The barrenness of the soil, or the
density of the population, may create that necessity. In
Hindostan, for example, the peasant must work or starve. But
where a few inhabitants are thinly scattered over a fertile
country, they will be able to procure a subsistence with very
little exertion. With a subsistence they will be content. The
heat renders agricultural labor so painful that those who are
their own masters will prefer the enjoyment of repose to any
of the comforts which they might be able to procure by regu¬
lar industry. For this evil the only remedy is coercion, or, in
other words, slavery. Such are the elements of the new
philosophy of labor.
It may be doubted whether these doctrines, if admitted,
would amount to a vindication of slavery. It does not appear
to us quite certain that we are justified' in compelling our
fellow-creatures to engage in a particular employment, merely
because that employment gives them exquisite pain. If a
large portion of the human race be really placed in regions
16 Kelly Miller's Monographic Magazine
where rest and shade are the most delightful luxuries which
they can enjoy, a benevolent man may perhaps be of opinion
that they ought to be suffered to doze in their huts, except
when necessity may drive them to employ an occasional hour
in angling, gathering berries, or scattering a little rice in the
marshes. We are entitled to demand that this point shall be
saved to us; but we do not foresee that we shall need it. We
assert, and will prove, that Major Moody has not established
his theory; that he has not even raised a presumption in its
favor; and that the facts on which he relies are either such as
have no relation to the questioiji, or such as occur daily in
every climate of the globe.
We will begin with the case with which Major Moody
would have done well both to begin and end—the case of the
liberated Africans who were placed in Tortola. We must
premise, that no experiment was ever made under circum¬
stances less favorable. The Negroes, when received from the
holds of the slave ships, were in a state of extreme weakness
and disease. Of six hundred and seventeen blacks who were
taken from the Venus and the Manuella, two hundred and
twenty-two died before they could be settled as apprentices.*
The constitutions of many who survived were completely
broken. By the masters to whom they were apprenticed, they
were frequently treated with inhumanity. The laws and in¬
stitutions of Tortola, framed for a society made up of masters
and slaves, were, as the Major himself states, by no means
fitted for the regulation of such a class of persons as the ap¬
prenticed Africans. The poorer freemen of every color felt
an enmity towards people who were about to intrude them¬
selves into those trades of which they possessed a monopoly.
The planters were not inclined to look with favor on the first
fruits of the abolition. Apprentices are, in every part of the
world, noted for idleness. The degree of that idleness is in
general proportioned to the length of the term for which they
are bound to an unrequited service. The man who expects
soon to be his own master, may exert himself to acquire skill
in the business by which he is to subsist. He, on the other
hand, who expects to waste half of his life in labor without
remuneration, will generally do as little as he possibly can.
The liberated Africans were most injudiciously apprenticed
* Mr. Dougan's Report, page 7.
KexIvY Miner's Monographic Magazine 17
for fourteen years, and some even for a longer time. They
had neither the motive of the freeman, nor that of the slave.
They could not legally demand wages. They could not legally
be subjected to the driver. Under these disadvantages was
the trial made. And what was the result?
Major Moody examined into the conduct of sixty-one ap¬
prenticed Negroes who had been rescued from the Manuella.
The masters and mistresses were carefully interrogated. It
appears from the schedules signed by the Major himself, that
good characters were given to forty. Nine only appeared to
be idle and disorderly. With respect to twelve, no decisive
information was obtained. A similar inquiry took place re¬
specting fifty-five apprentices who had formed part of the
cargo of the Venus. Good accounts were received of forty.
Only six were described as idle and disorderly.
Among sixty-five Negroes who had been taken from the
Candelario, there was not a single instance of grossly bad
conduct. Fifty-seven received fair characters for honesty and
industry.
Lastly, of one hundred and ten Negroes who had been on
board of the Atrevido, only four are characterized as decidedly
worthless. Nine may be considered as doubtful. A favorable
report is given of the remaining ninety-seven.
These facts, as we have said, we find in the papers signed
by the Major himself. He has not, it is true, thought it
necessary to give us the result of his inquiries in the report
so compendiously as we now exhibit it. He dwells at great
length on particular cases which prove nothing. He fills page
after page with the nonsense of planters who had no appren¬
tices, who evidently knew nothing about the apprentices, and
who, in general terms, proving nothing but their own folly
and malevolence, characterized the whole race as idle, dis¬
orderly, quarrelsome, drunken, greedy. But, from the begin¬
ning to the end of the report, he has not been able to spare
three lines for the simple fact, that four-fifths of these vilified
people receive excellent characters from their actual employ¬
ers, from those who must have been best acquainted with
their disposition, and who would have lost most by their idle¬
ness. Whoever wishes to know how Daniel Onabott broke
his wife's 'nose—how Penelope Whan whipped a slave who
had the yaws, how the Major, seventeen years ago, went with-
18 Kelly Miller's Monographic Magazine
out his supper in Guiana—how the arts and sciences proceeded
northward from Carthage till they were stopped by the frozen
zone, may find in the report all this interesting information,
and much more of the same kind. But those who wish to
know that which Major Moody was commissioned to ascer¬
tain, and which it was his peculiar duty to state, must turn
over three hundred folio pages of schedules. The report does
not, as far as we have been able to discover, give the most
distant hint of the discoveries which they will make there.
We have no idea of charging the Major with intentional
unfairness. But his prejudices really seem to have blinded
him as to the effect of the evidence which he had himself col¬
lected. He hints that his colleague had privately prepared the
apprentices for the examination. Of the justice of this charge
we shall be better able to judge when the answer of Mr. Dou-
gan shall make its appearance. But be it well founded or not,
it cannot affect our argument. The Major does not pretend
to insinuate, that any arts were practiced with the masters,
and it is on the testimony of the masters alone that we are
willing to rest our case. Indeed, the evidence which was
collected by the Major in the absence of his colleague, and
which we must therefore suppose to be perfectly pure, tends
to the same effect, and would alone be sufficient to show that
the apprentices have, as a body, conducted themselves in a
manner which, under any circumstances, would have been
most satisfactory.
It is perfectly true that a knot of slave-owners, forming the
legislature of Tortola, petitioned the Government to remove
these apprentices from the island. From internal evidence,
from the peculiar cant in which the petition abounds, and
from the sprinkling of bad grammar which adorns it, we are
half inclined to suspect that it is the Major's own handiwork.
At all events, it is curious to see how he reasons on it. It is
curious,to see how the Major reasons on this fact:—
"Doubtless, the legislature of Tortola may be mistaken in their opinions; but the
mere fact of their agreeing to sign such a petition, shows they really did think that
the labor of the African apprentices, when free, would not be useful to them or the
colonists generally.
"And this fact alone, my Lord, is calculated to excite important reflections, as to
the character of the free Africans, for industry in West Indian agriculture.
"Is it probable, that mere prejudice against the color of a man's skin could ever
induce any body of people, like the Tortola petitioners, to make a request so appar¬
ently absurd, as that of removing from their colony a numerous body of Africans, con¬
sisting of able-bodied men and women, if they were as willing as they were capable
Keixy MiixEr's Monographic Magazine: 19
of working, and increasing the value of the land now given to pasturage, for want of
cultivators to be employed therein?" *
We earnestly request our readers to observe the consist¬
ency of Major Moody. When his object is to prove, that
whites and blacks cannot amalgamate on equal terms, in one
political society, he exaggerates every circumstances which
tends to keep them asunder. The physical differences be¬
tween the races, he tells us, practically defeat benevolent laws.
No act of Parliment, no order in Council, can surmount the
difficulty.f Where these differences exist, the principles of
republican equality are forgotten by the strongest republican.
Marriage becomes an unnatural prostitution. The Haytian
refuses to admit the white to possess property within the
sphere of Negro domination. The most humane and enlight¬
ened citizen of the United States, can discover no means of
benefiting the free African, but by sending him to a distance
from men of European blood. "I should ill-perform my duty,"
says the Major, "if I suppressed all mention of a physical
cause like this, which in practice is found to have an effect
so powerful, however the philanthropist or the philosopher
may regret it, and however it may be beyond their power to
remove it by legislative means." * But, when it is desirable
to prove the idleness of the free African, this omnipotent
physical cause, this instinct against which the best and
wisest men struggle in vain, which counteracts the attraction
of sex, and defies the authority of law, sinks into a "mere
prejudice against the color of a man's skin," an idle fancy,
which never could induce any body of people to remove
able-bodied men and women from their country, if those
men and women were willing to work. Are all the free
Negroes of North America infirm, or are they all unwilling
to work? They live in a temperate climate, and to them the
Major's theory does not apply. Yet the whites are subscrib¬
ing to transport them to another country. Why should we
suppose the planters of Tortola to be superior to feelings
which some of the most respectable men in the world are dis¬
posed to gratify, by sending thousands of people, at a great
expense, from a country greatly understocked with hands?
It is true that the apprenticed Africans were not employed
* First Part of Major Moody's Report, page 125.
t Second Part of Major Moody's Report, pages 20 and 21.
* Second Part of Major Moody's Report, page 21.
20 Kelly Miller's Monographic Magazine
in the cultivation of the soil. The cause is evident. They
could not legally be so employed. The order in Council
under the authority of which they were put out to service,
provided that no woman should be employed in tillage. The
blank form of indenture sent out by the government con¬
tained a similar restriction with regard to the males.
We are, however, inclined to believe with the Major, that
these people, if they had been left to take their own course,
would not have employed themselves in agriculture. Those
who have become masters of their time, rarely do so employ
themselves. We will go further. We allow that very few
of the free blacks in our West Indian Island will undergo
the drudgery of cultivating the ground. Major Moody seems
to think that, when this is granted, all his principles follow
of course. But we can by no means agree with him. In
order to prove that the natives of tropical countries enter¬
tain a peculiar aversion to agricultural labor, it is by no means
sufficient to show that certain freemen, living in the torrid
zone, do not choose to engage in agricultural labor. It is,
we humbly conceive, necessary also to show, that the
wages of agricultural labor are, at the place and time in
question, at least as high as those which can be obtained by
industry of another description. It by no means follows,
that a man feels an insurmountable dislike to the business
of setting canes, because he will not set canes for sixpence
a day, when he can earn a shilling by making baskets. We
might as well say, that the English people dislike agricultural
labor, because Major Moody prefers making systems to mak¬
ing ditches.
Obvious as these considerations are, it is perfectly clear
that Major Moody has overlooked them. From the Appen¬
dix to his own report it appears, that in every West Indian
island the wages of the artisan are much greater than those
of the cultivator. In Tortola, for example, a carpenter
earns three shillings sterling a day, a cartwright or a cooper
four shillings and sixpence, a sawyer six shillings; an able-
bodied field Negro, under the most advantageous circum¬
stances, nine pounds a year, about seven pence a day, allow¬
ing for holidays. And because a free African prefers six
shillings to seven pence, we are told that he has a natural
and invincible aversion to agriculture!—because he prefers
Ksixy Miner's Monographic Magazine 21
wealth to poverty, we are to conclude that he prefers repose
to wealth. Such is the mode of reasoning which the Major
designates as the philosophy of labor.
But, says the Major, all employments, excepting those of
the cultivator and the domestic servant, are only occasional.
There is little demand for the labor of the carpenter, the
cooper, and the sawyer. Let us suppose the demand to be
so incredibly small, that the carpenter can obtain work only
one day in six, the cooper one day in nine, and the sawyer
one day in twelve; still the amount of their earnings will be
greater than if they broke clods almost daily through the
whole year. Of two employments which yield equal wages,
the inhabitants of all countries, both within an without the
tropics, will chose that which requires the least labor.
Major Moody seems throughout his report to imagine, that
people in the temperate zone work for the sake of working;
that they consider labor, not as an evil to be endured for the
sake of a good produced by it, but as a blessing, from which
the wages are a sort of drawback; that they would rather
work three days for a shilling, than one day for half a crown.
The case, he may be assured, is by no means such as he sup¬
poses. If he will make proper inquiries he will learn, that,
even where the thermometer stands at the lowest, no man
will choose a laborious employment, when he can obtain
equal remuneration with less trouble in another line. But
it is unnecessary to resort to this argument; for it is perfectly
clear, on Major Moody's own showing, that the demand for
mechanical industry, though occasional and small, is still
sufficient to render the business of an artisan much more
lucrative than that of a field laborer.
"i have .shown," says he, "that the sugar-planter himself, obtaining 287 days labor
on the very cheapest terms, could not have afforded to give more than about £9
per annum for laborers, and therefore, that he never could hope to induce any lib¬
erated African to work steadily for such wages, when the liberated African could
obtain from £15 to £21 per annum by the irregular labor of occasionally cutting
firewood, grass, or catching fish, &c. * * *
"This is the most favorable view of the case; for the fact is, the sugar-planter, on
the very best soils in Tortola, could only afford to give £9 per annum; but in soils
of average fertility, he could only afford £6 15s. per annum to the laborer, even if
the planter gave up all profits on his stock, consisting of lands, buildings, and
machinery. If the liberated Negro would not labor steadily for £9 per annuifc, it is
clear he would be less likely to work for £6 15s. per annum; but if he did not work
for less than that sum, the planter in Tortola could obtain no profit on stock, and
consequently could have no motive for employing any person to work for sueh wages.
The white race, being unable to work, must in this, as in all similar cases, perish, or
abandon their country and property to the blacks, who can work, but who, as i
22 Kelly Miller's Monographic Magazine
have shown, are not likely to make use of more voluntary steady exertion than will
afford the means of subsistence in the lowlands of the torrid zone, where the pleasure
of repose forms so great an ingredient in the happiness of mankind, whether whites,
blacks, or Indians." *
We really stand aghast at the extravagance of a writer
who supposes that the principle which leads a man to pre¬
fer light labor and twenty-one pounds, to hard labor and
six pounds fifteen shillings, is a principle of which the
operation is confined to the torrid zone! But the matter
may be put on a very short issue. Let Major Moody find
any tropical country in which the inhabitants prefer mechan¬
ical trades to field labor when higher advantages are offered
to the field laborer than to the mechanic. He will then
have done what he has not done hitherto. He will have
adduced one fact bearing on the question.
If the circumstances which we have been considering
prove any thing, they appear to prove the inexpendency of
the coerciv.e system. The effect of that system in the West
Indies has been to produce a glut of agricultural labor, and
a scarcity of mechanical dexterity. The discipline of a
plantation may stimulate a sluggish body; but it has no
tendency to stimulate a sluggish mind. It calls forth a cer¬
tain quantity of muscular exertion; but it does not encourage
that ingenuity which is necessary to the artisan. This is
the only explanation which at present occurs to us of the
enormous price which skilled labor fetches in a country in
which the cultivator can barely obtain a subsistence. We
offer it, however, with diffidence, as the result of a very hasty
consideration of the subject. But it is with no feeling of
diffidence that we pronounce the whole argument of the
Major absurd. That he has convinced himself we do not
doubt. Indeed he has given the best proof of sincerity: for
he has acted up to his theory; and left us, we must confess,
in some doubt whether to admire him more as an active or
as a speculative politician.
* Second Part of Major Moody's Report, page 72.
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