GORNELL UNIVERSITY
LIBRARIES
ITHACA. N. Y. 14853

f

 

JOHN M. OLIN
LIBRARY
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
NOTES

ON

UNCLE TOM’S CABIN:

BEING

A LOGICAL ANSWER

TO ITS .
ALLEGATIONS AND INFERENCES
AGAINST

SLAVERY AS AN INSTITUTION.

WITH A SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON THE KEY, AND
AN APPENDIX OF AUTHORITIES.

BY THE

REV. E.J.STEARNS, A.M.

LATE PROFESSOR IN ST. JOHN’S COLLEGE, ANNAPOLIS, MD.

Ree
“ Libertate opus est: non hac quam ut quisque Velina
Publius emeruit, scabiosum tesserula far
Possidet. Heu! steriles veri! Quibus una Quiritem
Vertigo facit!” Persivs, Sat. 5, 1. 73.

“Men are always seeking to begin their reforms with the owtward and physical. Christ
begins his in the heart.”—Key To Uncue Tom’s Canin, p. 33.

 

PHILADELPHIA:
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBEO & COQ.

No. 14 NORTH FOURTH STREET.
1853.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.

in the Office of the Clerk of the District Court for the Eastern District of
Pennsylvania,

Store & Mooney,

Stereotypers.
CONTENTS.

  

 

 

; PAGE
Preliminary .......sseerssecsees sresecsoe tovsvees o seneeenes dan enceee eeseenees senees 7
Note 1. Object of Uncle Tom’s Cabin.............c00008 aed couesoneisigces 13°

Qs Bleeding: Alricay csedscay siviasssseaseeovaevsdsadvoatanteiesastenceeve 15
Be The Slave-Trade i ssovsescnsseansisdiicancieeestesssnses otis eeteuvees 17
4. The Slave-Code—Whut Slavery is.... 19
5. The Slave-Code—Abuses of Slavery. ...ccccseeecseseveeee seez 27
6. The Scripture Doctrine of Slavery .........sssccesceceseeeneeee 61
7. Effect of Slavery on the Negro........csssssseeseeeeveee cesses 68
8. The Laboring Classes........ccccsseeseseerceseseeseeeeneecee teeeee 78
9. Emancipation—Its Results. .........cccsse cesses censenece sonesenee 97

10. The Internal Slave-Trade........cc.ssceeesseeeenes eiesudestadievs 112

11. The Fugitive Law, and the Higher Law...........ceeseeeeeee 118

12. Patriots and Politicians........... cc... ceseseeececnee ceeeeeeca ene 127

18. Extension of Slave Territory. ...... secs sesseseeecsnssreee eee 137

14. Southern Emancipators.........ccccccseeecseeeceeeseven eneece sonore 140

15. Yankee Overseers......... eee 141

16. Characters of the Work...........s::ccseessereeeeeeneees ape aanais 142

17. Inconsistencies and Improbabilities of the Story............ 145

18. Irreligious Tendency of the Work........sccccseceee essere veeees 154

19. Key to Uncle Tom’s Cabin............... sieuesebnesteaseus 157

APPENDIX.
A. Abolition Literature........ccccesssesceeeceeeenseeceereseaeeeesaners 211
B. Condition of the Negro in Africa.........1.cccsscsseceeerecreeee 216
C. The Slave-Trade.........ccssessceeeeees
D. Negro Communicants.. .

 
iv

. Worn-out Lands......... ween ee

CONTENTS.

 

 

 

Legare on Slavery..

PAGE
E. The Slave-Code........00 Jasdind dad suecaeenavaveensennss 1eeteneeee™ 234
F. Pauper System of Massachusetts. .......ssscceeesereeee seen
G. Jamaica and Hayti.....ccccccccecseecneteseenen creeeneee eee sees
H. Flogging as a Means of Discipline...
J. Infidel Testimony... ...cccccscssseeeee ceneeaee coseeenen eeeere teaeseens
K. European Laboring Classes.....-cessecessnseesee seneerens trees eae 268
L. Mrs. Stowe in England. 3800
M. Statistics of Slavery. .......:1ssscceseecenseceeeseseneseeesersertae 806
N. Extract from Persius, Satire 5th......... ankeee Seas Gane tented 808
P. Theodore Parker........sccssscsssece cesscscee saceceteeccecesees senses 3808
Q. we 811
R

de seeecercesaseceree 318
PREFATORY.

Tue Work to which this is in reply has called forth already a
good many answers tn Aind,* but none of them, I believe, occupy-
ing the ground I have here taken. Throughout the preparation
of these Notes, ] have kept the promise of my Title Page con-
stantly in view, and have endeavoured to fulfil it; how successfully,
must be left to others to determine. For myself, I can only say
that, so far as the logic of the work is concerned, I can see no
flaw in it. As to the style, should any be disposed to censure in
it an occasional departure from the gravity they might think be-
fitting such a theme, my answer is, That in this I have but fol-
lowed the example set me by the author of the original work, and
that her lucubrations and argumentations have, at times, been
irresistible provocatives to it. I have throughout endeavoured to
treat her with the respect due to a woman, but I confess that I
have occasionally found it hard work, especially in the Note on
the Key, and where her course in England has come under re-
view. If she would but consider where she stood, and where ‘the
Professors of Lane Seminary’’ stood, twenty years ago, (and if
she cannot remember so far back, Mr. Stanton and his fellow-
students eould give her memory a jog,) she would be more chary
of her reflections upon others who stand where she stood then—
where they have always stood, and who are, therefore, probably,

* Among these is one entitled, “The Planter: or, Thirteey Years
in the South. By a Northern Man, Philadelphia, H. Hooker & Co.,”
which, I am surprised to learn, has had, as yet, a comparatively lim-
ited circulation. It is one of the most readable books I have met with
on the subject.

a‘ ( v )
vi PREFATORY.

as good as she, seeing they have had the grace to preserve their

consistency.
In the course of the following Notes I have had frequent occa-

sion to refer, in no very flattering terms, to a class of Abolition
leaders. In this class are not included such men as Charles
Sumner and Salmon P. Chase, each of whom, in spite of his posi-
tion on this subject, is every inch a gentleman. In this class are
included such epicene characters as Garrison, Abby Folsom, The-
odore Parker, Lucy Stone, Henry C. Wright, Abby Kelly Foster,
and, last, not least, Horace Mann, Vir gregis, who, ‘like the
bulls of Borrowdale, run mad with their own bellowing.” They
may be “very estimable characters in private life,” for aught I
know; some of them, I am told, are: but it is as public charac-
ters that I have to do with them, and, as such, feeling no respect
for them, I have accordingly expressed none.

In conclusion, as I have had to follow the obliquities and sin-
uosities of the original work, treading in the footsteps and on the
heels of ‘my illustrious predecessor,” and have, therefore, been
unable to make my work a systematic one, I haye to request the
reader, after going through the Introduction, to turn to pages
110, 111, 122-125, and 139, and read them carefully before com-
mencing the work in course: he will then understand the ground
I occupy, and will come, I think, to the conclusion, before he gets
through, that it is the only tenable one.
PRELIMINARY.

A KENTUCKIAN, dining at the Astor House in New
York, took up the “ Bill of Fare,” and began devouring its
contents, but falling foul of such jaw-breakers as “ Huitres
au gratin,” “Paté de foie gras,” ““Pieds de cochon de lait,”
&e., &e., he at last gave up in despair, and called out,
“Here! waiter! give me some bacon and greens! I'll go
back to first principles.”

If the author of ‘‘ Uncle Tom’s Cabin” had followed the
Kentuckian’s example, and, when she found herself getting
beyond her depth, gone back to first principles, she would
have saved herself the trouble of- writing the book, and me
that of refuting it. To be sure, she might have been some
twenty, or thirty, or perhaps fifty thousand dollars poorer
for it, but her loss would have been the country’s gain. I
do not mean merely that the purchasers of the book would
have saved their half-dollar, or dollar, or dollar-and-a-half,
as the case might be; this would have been a small consid-
eration: they would have saved much more than this; they
would have saved themselves so lavish an expenditure of
‘righteous indignation,” and the country a great deal of
useless, nay, mischievous excitement.

The object of the following “ Notes,” is to answer a
question that has been put to me ad nauseam. During my
last summer’s annual trip to the North, wherever I went,
the first question was, How do you do? and the second,

: (7)
8 PRELIMINARY.

What do you think of Uncle Tom’s Cabin? and this latter
question asked, too, more than once, with an air of triumph,
as though the book were, to use its author's ea preppiva
epithet, a “settler.” For my part, I think it is a riler: it
has stirred up more bad bile in twelve months, than can be
settled in as many years.

It is evidently a live book. This is proved by the run it
has had. Several months ago, its circulation had reached
100,000 in this country, and 150,000 in England, in which
latter country an Abridgment has also been issued for
children, (!) entitled, “A Peep into Uncle Tom’s Cabin.”
(See London Guardian, of Jan. 26.) Moreover, it has been
translated into several modern languages, French, German,
Danish, and even Welsh; the latter, under the euphonious
title of ‘“‘Caban F’ Ewythr Twm!’’ The next thing will
be to translate it into Grebo, for the benefit of Quashy at
home, to show him how much better a Christian his canni-
bal master in Africa is, than his brother Quashy’s Christian
master in America!

To crown the whole, the story (her story, not history, as
some one has very aptly remarked,) has been dramatized
and brought out on the London boards; and in Paris, on
the night of the 18th of January, it was produced in eight
acts (!) to an overflowing house, who “didn’t go home till”
after “morning,” sitting it out till half past one, A. IL
Shades of the Puritans! A descendant of yours, the
daughter of one Theological Professor, and wife of another,
catering for the Parisian Theatre, and “taking the shine
off (deslustrer) of’ Moliere and Eugene Scribe! Verily,
truth ¢s strange—stranger than fiction; than any other
fiction, that is, than Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

The book, then, is a dive one. But in what does its life
reside? Not in its plot, for it has none; probably for the
same reason that Coleridge gave for women having no
PRELIMINARY. 9

souls :* it is itself a plot;—a plot against the peace of
society. (I am speaking of the character of the work, not
of the author’s motives.) Isay, it is a plot against the peace
of society. But of this more hereafter. My present busi-
ness with it is, as a work of art; and viewing it as such, I
must say, that of all the works of fiction I remember to
have met with, it, so far as unity of action is concerned, is
the most slovenly put together : its only bond of unity is an
external one—the thread and paste of the binder.

The life of the work, then, is not in its organism: we
must seek it elsewhere. Luckily, we have not far to seek.
Like an old cheese, its life is in its dramatis persone. Such
characters as Topsy, Miss Ophelia, and Black Sam, might
carry on their backs all the dead of all the novels of the
present generation, with a fair prospect, still, of floating
down to posterity. Of all the characters in the book, there
is but one that is a fadlure; and the reason is, that in that
one, the author had no original to draw from: Legree is
neither man nor devil, but a tertzwm quid, and such as none
but a guidnune could swallow.

In one respect, Uncle Tom’s Cabin is like General Har-
rison’s: its proprietor has left the ‘‘latch-string out,” in
sign of invitation; or rather, she has left the Cabin itself
open, and she must not, therefore, take it ill, if, in Western
parlance, I “walk into it.”

But first, while standing on the threshold, or rather,
before the threshold, (pre limen,) I wish to “define my
position,” that there may be no mistake about it.

I start, then, with the Christian doctrine of human bro-
therhood. I say, the Christian doctrine, for I am writing

* Nay, dearest Anna, why so grave?
I said you have no soul, ’tis true ;
For what you are, you cannot have :—
’Tis I that have one, since I first have you.
10 PRELIMINARY.

for Christians, not for Theodore Parker and his coterie:
they cannot appreciate the argument; it takes common
sense and common honesty to do that.

I start, then, with the Christian doctrine of human bro-
therhood; and by brotherhood, I mean what any plain man
would nnderatund me to mean; not mere resemblance, but
relationship ; in other words, identity of origin.

For instance, I claim relationship with the new-found
Bourbon’s reputed brothers, the descendants of Eunice Wil-
liams: I trace my pedigree through five generations, and
hers through two, and find them meeting in one and the
same person, Samuel Williams, son of Robert, freeman of”
Roxbury, Mass., 1638. .

Again, I admit (not claim) relationship with the coterie
above-mentioned, through our common ancestor, Noah: a
‘rather remote relationship, to be sure, but near enough for
practical purposes. Of the two relationships, I consider my-
self infinitely more honoured by the former than by the latter.

I trust, I have made clear what I mean by human
brotherhood. I mean by it what Holy Scripture means.
St. Paul declares that God “hath made of one blood all
nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth,”
(Acts xvii. 26,) and I believe it because he has declared it.
Even if he had not declared it explicitly, I should still believe
it, for it is implied in the doctrine of the incarnation,
the cardinal doctrine of Christianity. Certainly, they who
have no relation to the first Adam, have none to the second;
and if there are any such, then Christ did not die for the
whole world, and will not by his death draw all men unto
him. Thus the doctrine of certain modern savans, that the
brotherhood of the human races is one of resemblance, and
not of relationship, is a doctrine that strikes at the founda-

tion of Christianity, and no Christian, therefore, can have
any sympathy with it.
PRELIMINARY 11

Having thus laid down, as my starting point, the doctrine
of human brotherhood, I join to it that other Scripture
doctrine, that, under certain circumstances, we are our
brother’s keeper, and from the two I draw the inference
that, under certain circumstances, it is not only justifiable,
but our bounden duty, to hold our brother in bondage.

Of course, the coterte will cry out against this, and ‘curse
up hill and down,” as St. Clare has it, (vol. 2, p. 12,) spite
of “ Northern folks” being ‘ coldblooded,’’—spite of their
being “cool in every thing.”

St. Clare never made a greater mistake, so far as “ cursing
up hill and down,” is concerned, “as I can testify from
personal knowledge. The Southern fanatics ‘can’t begin to
curse” like the Northern ones; partly, probably, because
they have not the talent for it, (for it requires talent of a
peculiar order,) and partly, because there are not enough of:
them to keep each other in countenance.

Well, let the railers rail on: truth can afford to be railed
at; better, at least, than they can afford to rail at her, as
they may one day find to their cost. Leaving them to
rail it out, I address myself to quite a different class of
people,—to the truth-loving men of the North, and especially
to the honest rank and file of the Free-Soil Party, whose
only fault is, that they have let their heart run away with
their head; in which, as in many other points, they are the
reverse of their leaders, who have let their head run away
with their heart, if, indeed, they ever had one.

To come back to my subject. We hear a great deal about
“slavery in the abstract,” and Mrs. Stowe makes St. Clare
say, (vol. 2, p. 10,) “On this abstract question of slavery,
there can, as I think, be but one opinion.”’ On this abstract
question of slavery, there can, as J think, be no opinion at
all, simply because the abstract question is no question at all.
Slavery in the abstract, (admitting for the sake of the
12 PRELIMINARY.

argument that there can be such a thing,) means slavery
considered in its essence, irrespective of its accidents, just
as the abstract triangle signifies a figure with three sides
and three angles, irrespective of the comparative magnitude
of those sides and those angles. But what is true of the
abstract triangle, is true of all triangles, and in the same
manner what is true of slavery in the abstract, (admitting
that there is such a thing,) is true of all slavery. To say,
therefore, that slavery in the abstract is wrong, and slavery
in the concrete, right, is to talk nonsense. The truth is,
slavery in the abstract is a non-entity, and nothing, there-
fore, can be predicatedef it, or inferred from it:

“ Nothing can come of nothing; speak again!”

Slavery, then, is right or wrong, according to circum-
stances. Slavery, as a means, may be right; slavery, as
an end, is always and everywhere wrong; slavery, as a
transition state (of a race), may be right; slavery, as a
permanent condition (of a race), is wrong; the subjection of
an inferior race to a superior one, may be right; the sub-
jection of a superior to an inferior, is always wrong.

The simple test of the right or wrong of its continuance,
in any given case, is its effect upon both races: if its
continuance would elevate the subject race in the scale of
being, then it is not only right, but the duty of the superior
race, to continue them in bondage; if, on the contrary, the
discontinuance of servitude would elevate the subject race,
without depressing the dominant one, then it ought to be
discontinued at once. These are the principles with which
I start, and they are such, I think, as must commend
themselves to every unbiassed mind. With these preliminary

observations, I proceed at once to the examination of the
work. :
NOTES

ON

UNCLE TOM’S CABIN.

 

Note 1.—Opsect or Uncriz Tom’s Caprn.

Tuts shall be given in the author’s own words: “The
object of these sketches is to awaken sympathy and feeling
for the African race, as they exist among us; to show their
wrongs and sorrows, under a system so necessarily cruel
and unjust as to defeat and do away the good effects of all
that can be attempted for them, by their best friends, under
it.” (Preface, p. 6.) Such.is the author’s declaration of
her object, and we are bound to believe it; but had she
avowed her object to be to awaken in the North antipathy
to the Southern people, as a people, to show their cold-blooded
indifference to, nay, positive sanction of, a system of heartless
and mercenary oppression, we should have said the whole inter-
nal evidence of the book was in accordance with such anavowal.

But let us take her declaration as we have it, and let us
examine into it a little. Had it occurred as an incidental
observation in some exciting part of the narrative, we might
have considered it as rhetorical exaggeration ; but standing,
as it does, in the preface, (which is expected to be a plain,
unvarnished, matter-of-fact sort of thing,) and being, as it
is, a declaration of the author’s object, where, if anywhere,
we should expect that she would weigh her words, I see not

how I can give it any other than a literal interpretation.
5 (18 )
14 NOTES ON

And yet, in doing this, I am puzzled by the very mex
paragraph, in which the author tells us that she “ al ne
cerely disclaim any invidious feeling towards those Andivid-
uals who, often without any fault of their own, are involved
in the trials and embarrassments of the legal relations of
slavery. Experience has shown her that some of the noblest
of minds and hearts are often thus involved ;”’ for how “some
of the noblest of minds and hearts can often be,” (i. e.
continue, for that is the meaning here of the verb ‘be,”’)
involved in “a system so necessarily cruel and unjust as to
defeat and do away the good effects of all that can be
attempted for them,” (the negroes,) ‘by their best friends,
under it,” passes my comprehension. They cannot thus
continue, ignorantly, for if the system be, what it is here
represented to be, a system of necessary cruelty and injus-
tice, always and everywhere, without one redeeming trait,
so that, in point of fact, they have never, in any instance
in which they have attempted it, succeeded in doing any
good to any of their slaves, but have, always, and under all
circumstances, done them evil and only evil, (for such is the
literal meaning of the author’s language); I say, if all
this be so, they cannot but know it, and knowing it, and
still continuing connected with the system, they can be
neither “noble minds,” nor ‘noble hearts.”

Before God, as I am a Christian, nay, as I am a man, if
I believed the system were what, in the literal meaning of the
language, it is here represented to be, I would renounce, at
once and forever, all social intercourse with the people of
the South; nay, I would not even preach the gospel to them,
for the gospel is for men, and not devils, and none but a devil
incarnate could uphold such a system, or have anything to
do with it, except to execrate it, and to spurn it from God’s
earth, which it pollutes and dishonours.

But, as I said, Tam in doubt about the meaning of the
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 15

paragraph. If it stood by itself, I should have no difficulty
with it; but, as it is, I know not whether it is to be taken
as a literal statement of fact, or aga rhetorical exaggeration.
One or the other it must be. I would be glad if our author
would tell us which.

If she says it is to be taken as a literal statement of fact,
then she ought to expunge the two paragraphs that follow
it. Nay, more; she ought to join at once the crusade of
Garrison, and Philips, and Wright, against the slaveholder,
as a monster to be hunted from the face of the earth. (See
Appendix, A.)

If, on the other hand, she says that it is to be taken as
rhetorical exaggeration, then all I have to say is, if such be
the exaggeration of the sober preface, what are we to look
for in the body of the work? What but a tissue of exag-
geration from beginning to end? And such (so far as the
evils of slavery are concerned,) we shall actually find it to
be when we get to it.

Nott 2.—BLerEpine AFRICA.

But I have not yet done with the preface. Here is
another rhetorical specimen: “In this general movement,
unhappy Africa at last is remembered ; Africa, who began
the race of civilization and human progress in the dim, gray
dawn of early time, but who, for centuries, has lain bound
and bleeding at the foot of civilized and Christianized
humanity, imploring compassion in vain.” (p. 6.)

Now if this means anything to the purpose, it means
that that Africa, which “began the race of civilization and
human progress in the dim, gray dawn of early time,” ‘“ has
for centuries Jain bound and bleeding at the foot of civilized
and Christianized humanity.” But history tells us that that
16 NOTES ON

Africa is Northern and Eastern Africa ; and the same history
tells us that that Africa has “for centuries lain’ (whether
“bound and bleeding,” or otherwise,) at the foot, not of
“civilized and Christianized humanity,” but of fanatical,
Mussulman barbarism. And the same history tells us
further, that the only Africa that has anything to do with
Uncle Tom’s Cabin is that Africa which for the last three
or four centuries has furnished America with slaves, and
that that Africa, so far from having been reduced to its
present degraded condition by European and American
Christendom, (which is what the author means, if she means
anything to the purpose,) is, to say the least, no lower in
the scale of degradation now, than when discovered by the
Portuguese four centuries ago.

But perhaps the Africa of our author is, not the Africa
beyond the ocean, but the African race here; for she tells:
us (vol. 2, p. 802,) that they ‘“‘have more (the italics are her
own) than the rights of common men” here; that they
“have the claim of an injured race for reparation.” And
again (p. 818,) she puts the question, “‘Does not every
American Christian owe to the African race some effort at
reparation for the wrongs that the American nation has
brought upon them?” And again, she says, (p. 821,) “If
this persecuted race,” &c. ~

Well, let it be so. But, observe, it is Africa, not here
and there an African,—it is “ this persecuted race,” not
here and there a persecuted individual; for one hundred,
or one thousand, or even ten thousand, bleeding negroes, do
not make “bleeding Africa,” any more than one swallow
makes a summer.

According to our author, then, the African has been
deteriorated by his bondage here. She means this,
language is mere declamation.

But is this so? Let us look into it a little. Are there

or her
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 17

any Uncle Tom’s in Africa, or even any Black Sam’s? Are
there any B "s, (see vol. 2, p. 820,) or C ’s, or
K ’3, or G ’s, or W. ’s, or G. D ’s, there?
Nay, rather, are not ninety-nine in every one hundred of
the negroes here, ages in advance of ninety-nine in every
one hundred there, in the onward march of humanity. (See
Appendix, B.)

And to what is all this owing? To what but to American
slavery, and to the humanizing influences with which, as a
race, they have been brought into contact under it? But
for American slavery, they had been now as degraded as
“the African in his native ranges,” or had not been at all.

Say I thie of myself? Nay, our author says the very
same. ‘When an enlightened and Christianized com-
munity shall have, on the shores of Africa, laws, language
and literature, drawn from among us, may then the scenes
of the house of bondage be to them like the remembrance
of Egypt to the Israelite,—a motive of thankfulness to Him
who hath redeemed them!” (Preface, p. 8.)

This is genuine good sense, and it is refreshing to meet
with it; but then it puzzles me about the other paragraph,
for it follows from it that the Africa of the preface is not the
African race here. What, then, in the name of wonder, is
it? Icannot tell. Reader, can you? Nay, can the author
herself ?—And this, too, is in the sober preface !

 

 

 

 

 

 

Notr. 3.—THE SLAVE-TRADE.

But I have not yet done with the preface. Here is another
‘choice bit of rhetoric: ‘Thanks be to God, the world has at
last outlived the slave-trade.”

I would to God that this thanksgiving were not prema-
ture; but when I see, by almost every arrival from the
African coast, that the accursed traffic is still carried on, as

38 Be
18 NOTES ON

vigorously almost as ever, and under circumstances of even
greater cruelty, I cannot join our author in her rejoicing.

The truth is, all the efforts of France and England to
suppress the trade have only aggravated it. Their interven-
tion was prompted, I am willing to believe, by a good
motive, but it has been a signal and notorious failure, from
the beginning.

Ass far back as 1826, in the ninth report of the American
Colonization Society, (p. 23,) I find the following: “The
extent and atrocity of the slave-trade remains, it is believed,
undiminished, and in more than one instance during the
year, has the flag of our country been seen to wave over
vessels employed beyond all doubt in this traffic?”

In the following year, Mr. Clay, in a speech before the
society at its annual meeting, uses this language: “ Not-
withstanding the vigilance of the powers now engaged to
suppress the slave-trade, I have received information that in
a single year, in the single island of Cuba, slaves equal in
amount to one half of the above number of 52,000, have
been illicitly introduced.”’

How it was with the other great slave-market on this side
of the Atlantic, we learn from Mr. Walsh’s notices of
Brazil in 1828-9: ‘It should appear, then,” says he, “that
notwithstanding the benevolent and persevering exertions
of England, this horrid traffic in human flesh is nearly as
extensively carried on as ever, and under circumstances,
perhaps, of a more revolting character.’’ He then adds,
that from June, 1819, to July, 1828, only 13,281 Africans
were recaptured from the slavers by the British cruisers,
being an average of less than 1500 annually, while the
annual shipments, during that period, were 100,000, and
from 15 to 20 per cent of these were lost or thrown over-
board, to elude those cruisers; being a far greater annual
sacrifice of life than had ever before accompanied the traffic.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 19

In 1833 came West-India Emancipation, giving a fresh
stimulus to the trade in Cuba, to make up for the falling off
in the other West-India islands; large numbers being
imported into it annually, notwithstanding the Spanish
treaty, and the importation winked at, it is said, by the
local authorities, for a consideration. =

This trade is still going on. Even while I write, the
Post brings information of the arrival of the Baltic, with
Liverpool dates to the 17th inst., (November,) and the very
first paragraph of English intelligence is the following :

“In the House of Lords, on the 16th, Lord Brougham
presented a petition from Jamaica, praying for more active
measures on the part of Government for the suppression of
the slave trade. Lord Palmerston moved to demand a
return of the slaves imported to Cuba and Brazil. Mr.
Hume complained of the infraction of the slave treaty by
Spain and Portugal.”

And yet we are told, in the face of all this, that the world
has outlived the slave-trade. If so, then it has outlived
slavery also, and “ Uncle Tom” is a work of supererogation.
(See Appendix, C.)

But enough of the preface: let us come to the body of
the work.

Notre 4.—THE SLAVE CoDE -—Wuat Siavery Is.

This is not the first subject in the order of the narrative, but
it is the first in logical order, in the body of the work, and
so I take it up first. Here is our author’s view of what
slavery is: “This cursed business, accursed of God and
man, what is it? ‘Strip it of all its ornament, run it down
to the root and nucleus of the whole, and what is it? Why,
because my brother Quashy is ignorant and weak, and Iam
intelligent and strong,—because I know how, and can do
20 NOTES ON

it,—therefore, I may stcal all he has, keep it, and give him
only such and so much as suits my fancy. Whatever is too
hard, too dirty, too disagreeable for me, I may set Quashy
to doing. Because I don’t like work, Quashy shall work.
Because the sun burns me, Quashy shall stay in the sun.
Quashy shall earn the money, and I will spendit. Quashy
shall lie down in every puddle, that I may walk over dry-
shod. Quashy shall do my will, and not his, all the days
of his mortal life, and have such chance of getting to
heaven, at last, as I find convenient. This I take to be
about what slavery zs. I defy anybody on earth to read our
slave-code, as it stands in our law-books, and make anything
else of it.” (Vol. ii. p. 11.)

Well, if this be so, then I have two observations to make ;
first, that slavery is not confined to the Southern States,
but is coextensive with Christendom, not to say Heathen-
dom; and second, that if this be ‘“‘about what slavery ¢s,”
then it is not so very bad, after all.

No doubt it strikes at the opening paragraph of the
Declaration of Independence ; but then, it is because that
paragraph strikes at common sense, and common observa-
vation; unless, indeed, it be considered a rhetorical flourish;
in either of which cases, it is sadly out of place, the
American Revolution needing no such false philosophy to
justify it. Men are not born free and equal in any practi-
cal sense of the terms; neither have they any such inalienable
rights as are here asserted. No man has an inalienable
right to life, or to liberty, (for men may, and often do,
forfeit them both,) or even to the pursuit of happiness,
except so far as it is involved in the pursuit of virtue. No.
Man’s inalienable-rights, (for inalienable rights he has,) are
of an altogether different class; as, for instance: Every
man has an inalienable right to love the Lord, his God, with
all his heart, and soul, and mind, and strength, and his
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 21

neighbour as himself. Every man has an inalienable right to
do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with his God. Every
man has an inalienable right to keep himself unspotted from
the world. Every man has an inalienable right to love his
enemies, to bless them that curse him, to do good to them
that hate him, and to pray for them that despitefully use him
and persecutehim. These, and suchas these, areman’sinalien-
able rights, and if every man would assert them, by acting
upon them, the world would be a great deal better than it
is. These, and such as these, I say, are man’s inalienable
rights; if there is any inalienable right of another class, it
is that so ably set forth by Carlyle,—the right of every man
to be compelled to do what he is fit for, if he won’t do it
voluntarily ; and this brings us back to Quashy, who 7s doing
here in the United States, just what Quashy is fit for—
Quashy himself being judge. But on this point, Aunt
Chloe shall speak for us:

“Yer mind dat ar great chicken pie I made when we guv
de dinner to General Knox? I and Missis, we come pretty
near quarreling about dat ar crust. What does get into
ladies sometimes, I don’t know; but, sometimes, when a
body has de heaviest kind o’ ’sponsibility on ’em, as ye may
say, and is all kinder ‘serzs’ and taken up, dey takes dat ar
time to be hangin’ round and kinder interferin’! Now,
Missis, she wanted me to do dis way, and she wanted me to
do dat way; and, finally, I got kinder sarcy, and, says I,
“Now, Misses, do jist look at dem beautiful white hands 0’
yourn, with long fingers, and all a sparkiing with rings, like
my white lilies when de dew’s on em; and look at my great
black stumpin hands. Now, don’t ye think dat de Lord
must have meant me to make de pie-crust, and you to stay
in de parlour ? Dar! I was jist so sarcy, Mas’r George.”
(Vol. i. p. 45.) And if Auguste St. Clare, in the passage
before us,-had been “jist so” sensible, he would have given
us a little less rhetoric, and a good deal more logic.
22 NOTES ON

Aunt Chloe evidently understands Quashy’s capabilities.
She sees clearly his inferiority to his white brother, and she
speaks out what she sees. Witness her observation on
“Mas’r George,” (vol. ii. p. 41): “How easy white folks
al’us does things!” And again, (vol. ii. p. 58): “I wouldn’t
hear to Missis givin’ lessons nor nothin’. Mas’r’s quite
right in dat ar; ’twouldn’t do, no ways. I hope none our
family ever be brought to dat ar, while I’s got hands.”
Witness also the way she addresses her own sable offspring,
(vol. i, p. 42): “Here you Mose and Pete! get out de
way, you niggers !’’—a mode of address, not, by any means,
peculiar to her; for we have it again, with an additional
epithet, in Andy’s address to black Sam, (vol. i. p. 71):
“¢So she would,’ said Andy; ‘but can’t ye see through a
ladder, ye black nigger ?’”’ And any one who is familiar with
the negroes at the South, knows that their standing compel-
lation of disparagement is, “ you nigger!’ and, when they
would be particularly disparaging, ‘“‘you black nigger;”
showing thereby their own sense of their inferiority to the
whites, and of their adaptedness to the work that is put upon
them. And in this I have no doubt that they are in the
right of it.

Certain it is that there is a good deal of “hard,” and
“ dirty,” and ‘disagreeable’? work to be done, and that
somebody must do it; and certain it is, too, that there is a
good deal of work that is neither hard, nor dirty, nor disa-
greeable, and that somebody must do zt. Now it so happens
that the work that is hard, and dirty, and disagreeable,
requires little skill and less brains; and it so happens, too,
(unfortunately for Quashy,) that the work which is neither
hard, nor dirty, nor disagreeable, requires a modicum of both.

Now, then, comes the question: Shall Quashy be set, or
rather, set himself, to do the work which requires brains,
and for which he has no brains, and Quashy’s master have
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 23

to throw away /zs brains upon the work that has no need
of brains, and which Quashy could do just as well as he, and,
it may be, a little better ?

But perhaps it may be said; If Quashy has uo brains,
then go to work and give him brains. Well, this is just
what we are doing, and have been doing for the last two
hundred years, and with encouraging indications, too, of
eventual success. Quashy is already, as I said above,
(Note 2,) undeniably several generations in advance of his
black brother in Africa, but he is, no less undeniably, several
generations behind his white brother in Hurope and America;
and, therefore, he must not think to put himself on a level
with him, but must e’en content himself with being in
process of melioration, however slow the process be. Even
should it take four hundred years in all, as did the disciplin-
ing of the Israelites in Egypt, it will be time well spent.

Meanwhile, so long asso many of Quashy’s white brethren
in America, and so many more in Europe, have to do work, to
the full, as hard, and as dirty, and as disagreeable, as
Quashy himself, I do not see that Quashy’s case calls for
any peculiar sympathy, so far as the hardness, and the
dirtiness, and the disagreeableness of his work is concerned ;
and therefore, all about the said hardness, and dirtiness,
and disagreeableness, in the paragraph aforesaid, may go
for so much rhetoric, thrown in for effect upon the undis-
criminating, who, unhappily, in those cases where the
sympathies are enlisted, form the majority even of educated
people.

So much for the hardness, and the dirtiness, and the
disagreeableness, of Quashy’s work ; at least, for the pre-
sent ; I shall have more to say on it, by and by, when we
come to the subject of the European labouring classes.

But there is another assertion in the paragraph quoted at
the commencement of this note, that requires notice :
24 NOTES ON

“Because my brother Quashy is ignorant and weak, and J
am intelligent and strong,—because I know how and can do
it,—therefore, I may steal all he has, keep it, and give him
only such and so much as suits my fancy.”

This, if true, is a very serious matter ; neither more nor
less than a deliberate and wanton violation of the eighth
commandment. But is it true? Is it a fact that Quashy
does not receive a fair return for his labour? Let us make
a calculation. For the first fourteen years of his life, Quashy
is a bill of expense to his master, costing him, on the
average, here in Maryland, twenty-five dollars a year, which,
for fourteen years, amounts to three hundred and fifty dolla
To this must be added the average interest, which would be
six per cent. for seven years, if the earlier years of the four-
teen were as expensive as the latter ; but as they are not, we
will put it at six per cent for five years, or one hundred and
five dollars in all; which added to the three hundred and
fifty makes four hundred and fifty-five dollars for the cost of
Quashy to his master, at fourteen years of age. From
fourteen to twenty-one, he barely pays his keeping, so that
to his cost at fourteen must be added seven years’ compound
interest at six per cent, making his cost to his master, at
twenty-one, omitting fractions, six hundred and eighty-four
dollars. This is supposing him to live till twenty-one;
but as, according to the census returns for 1850, thirty
in every one hundred die before that age, and the average
time of their death is at seven years old, the expense
of raising thirty for seven years, or, which is the same,
say twelve for fourteen years, (it would be, fifteen for
fourteen years, if the expense of the last seven years were
no greater than the first seven,) must be added to the cost of
seventy in every one-hundred ; that is to say, to the above
six-hundred and eighty-four Aliana must be added twelve-
seventieths of itself, to get at the actual cost of Quashy to
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 25

his master, at twenty-one ; which gives, in round numbers,
eight-hundred dollars.

Now, if Quashy is not to bea bill of expense to his master,
he must pay six per cent. interest on his cost, and an addi-
tional one and three-quarters per cent. life-insurance; in all,
seven and three-quarters per cent., or sixty-two dollars per
annum, which is a little over five dollars a month. This,
then, is Quashy’s wages, already paid him, in advance, in the
shape of food and clothing, &c., during his minority.*

If now we add to this, (what every New-Englander who has
lived at the South Anows,) that Quashy does not do more
than one-third, or, at the very utmost, one-half as much
work as an able-bodied labourer on a farm at the North,
(see Note 15,) and that for this he receives, besides the five
dollars above mentioned, his food, clothing and shelter, with
medical attendance and nursing when sick, and no deduction
for lost time, even though he should be sick for years, while
the ‘“farm-hand” at the North gets only ten or twelve
dollars, and has to clothe himself out of it, and pay his own
doctor’s and nurse’s bill in sickness, to say nothing of lost
time, I think we shall come to the conclusion that if there
has been stealing anywhere, it has not been from Quashy.

But it will be said, Quashy’s master gets rich on Quashy’s
labour. Well! what is the inference from this ?—that
Quashy’s master isa thief? If so, then Jonathan is a bigger
thief, for he gets rich faster on the labour of his “hired
man.”’ For my part, I do not think that either of them isa
thief, though Jonathan certainly comes the nearer to it of
the two.

* Should it be said that the free labourer at the North does not pay
his father for the expense he has been at in rearing him in childhood,
and therefore Quashy ought not to be required to pay interest on that
item, I answer, He does pay him, though ina different way; he pays
him in rearing his own children,—an expense that Quashy is free

from.
Cc
26 NOTES ON

There is one other thing in the quotation requiring
notice :—“ Quashy shall do my will, and not his, all the
days of his mortal life, and have such chance of getting to
heaven, at last, as I find convenient.” Now, if it were true
that slavery diminished Quashy’s chance of getting to
heaven, that, of itself, would be sufficient to condemn it.
But the truth is, Quashy’s chance is better in slavery, than
it would be out of it; just as a poor orphan boy’s chance
of getting to heaven would be better as an apprentice, even
under an exacting master, than as a truant and a vagabond;
for a truant and a vagabond, out of slavery, Quashy would
be. He cannot take care of himself; he has never been
used to it. In his native land, he was uncared for, and ran -
wild; here, he has been taken good care of, and has im-
proved; but he must improve a good deal more, before he
will be capable of self-government, either socially or indi-
vidually.

To use an expressive epithet of Miss Ophelia’s, Quashy is
a shiftless creature ;—shiftless, in the figurative sense of the
term, and would be so, very soon, in the literal, if left to
himself. He 2s so, in his native land; he is very nearly so,
in Jamaica, and the other British dependencies in that
quarter, as I shall show in a subsequent note. (See
Note 9.)

But that Quashy’s chance for heaven, in slavery, is not
quite so hopeless, after all, is shown by the fact that about
one-tenth of the Methodist communicants in the United
States, are slaves, which is almost the proportion of the
slaves to the whites throughout the whole country. (See Ap-
pendix, D.) But even if the proportion of the negro commu-
nicants to the whites were not one-half, or even one-fourth,
as large as it is, it would still have to be. shown, (which it
never could be,) that it would be larger, were they set free,
before Quashy’s chance for getting to heaven could be said
to be diminished by slavery.
UNCLE TOMS CABIN. 27

Note 5.—THE SLAVE-coDE—ABUSES OF SLAVERY.

“Talk of the abuses of slavery! Humbug! The thing
itself is the essence of all abuse! And the only reason why
the land don’t sink under it, like Sodom and Gomorrah, is

_ because it is used in a way infinitely better than it is. For
pity’s sake, for shame’s sake, because we are men born of
women, and not savage beasts, many of us do not and dare
not,—we would scorn to use the full power which our
savage laws put into our hands. And he who goes the fur-
thest, and does the worst, only uses within limits, the power
that the law gives him.” (Vol. il. p. 11.)

In our author’s eye, the slave-code is evidently a raw-head
and bloody-bones—a monster of injustice,—and she can
hardly say enough against it. Iwill here set down what
she does say, and then, after some general observations on
the subject, take up each point in detail. The quotations
that follow, are in the order of the narrative.

(1.) ‘‘ Whoever visits some estates there,” (in Kentucky,)
“and witnesses the good-humoured indulgence of some
masters and mistresses, and the affectionate loyalty of some
slaves, might be tempted to dream the oft-fabled poetic
legend of a patriarchal institution, and all that; but over
and above the scene there broods a portentous shadow—the
shadow of Zaw. So long as the law considers all these
human beings, with beating hearts and living affections,
only as so many things belonging to a master,—so long as
the failure, or misfortune, or imprudence, or death of the
kindest owner, may cause them any day to exchange a life
of kind protection and indulgence for one of hopeless misery
and toil,—so long it is impossible to make anything beauti-
ful or desirable in the best regulated administration of sla-
very.” (Vol. i. p. 28.)
+

28 NOTES OW

(2.) “Nevertheless; as this young man was, in the eye of
the law, not a man, but a thing, all these superior qualifica,
tions were subject to the control of a vulgar, narrow-minded,
tyrannical master.” (p. 28.)

(3.) “It’s a free country, sir; the man’s mine, and I do
what I please with him,—that’s it!” (p. 31.)

(4.) “Don’t you know a slave can’t be married? There
is no law in this country for that; I can’t hold you for my
wife, if he chooses to part us.” (p. 36.)

(5.) “And she was whipped, sir, for wanting to live a
decent Christian life, such as your laws give no slave girl a
right to live.” (p. 166.)

(6.) “But now what? Why, now comes my master, takes
me right away from my work, and my friends, and all I
like, and grinds me down into the very dirt! And why?
Because, he says, I forgot who I was; he says, to teach me
that I am only a nigger! After all, and last of all, he
comes between me and my wife, and says I shall give her
up, and live with another woman. And all this your laws
give him power to do in spite of God or man.”’ (p. 166.)

(7.) “‘Kind families get in debt, and the laws of our
country allow them to sell the child out of its mother’s
bosom to pay its master’s debts.” (p. 167.)

(8.) “The feeling, living, bleeding, yet immortal thing,
which American State law coolly classes with the bundles,
and bales, and boxes, among which she is lying.” (p. 191.)

(9.) “It is commonly supposed that the property interest
is a sufficient guard in these cases.” (Vol. ii. p. 7.)

(10.) “Here is a whole class,—debased, uneducated,
indolent, provoking,—put, without any sort of terms or
conditions, entirely into the hands of such people as the
majority in our world are; people who have neither con-
sideration nor self-control, who have n’t even an enlightened

regard to their own interest,—for that’s the case with the
largest half of mankind.” (p. 7.)
UNCLE TOMS CABIN. 29

(11.) “All government includes some necessary hardness.
General rules will bear hard on particular cases. This last
maxim my father seemed to consider a settler in most alleged
cases of cruelty.” (p. 17.)

(12.) “Miss Ophelia well knew that it was the universal
custom to send women and young girls to whipping-houses,
to the hands of the lowest of men,—men vile enough to
make this their profession,—there to be subjected to brutal
exposure and shameful correction.” (p. 147.)

(13.) “And that soul immortal, once bought with blood
and anguish by the Son of God, * * * can be sold, leased,
mortgaged, exchanged for groceries or dry goods, to suit
the phases of trade, or the fancy of the purchaser.” (154.)

(14.) “Here, a worn old negress, whose thin arms and
callous fingers tell of hard toil, waiting to be sold to-morrow,
as a cast-off article, for what can be got for her.’’ (p. 158.)

(15.) “*You must not take that fellow to be any specimen
of Southern planters,’ said he. ‘I should hope not,’ said the
young gentleman, with emphasis. ‘He is a mean, low,
brutal fellow,’ said the other. ‘And yet your laws allow him
to hold any number of human beings subject to his absolute
will, without even a shadow of protection; and, low as he
is, you cannot say that there are not many such.’”’ (p. 173.)

(16.) “Ye say that the interest of the master is a sufficient
safe-guard for the slave. In the fury of man’s mad will, he
will wittingly, and with open eye, sell his own soul to the
devil to gain his ends; and will he be more careful of his
neighbour’s body?” (p. 269.)

(17.) “Do! said Legree, snapping his fingers scornfully.
“I'd like to see you doing it. Where you going to get wit-
nesses? How you going to prove it? Come now! George
saw at once the force of this defiance.” (p. 282.)

(18.) “That the tragical fate of Tom, also, has too many

times had its parallel, there are living witnesses, all over
o*
30 NOTES ON

our land, to testify. Let it be remembered that in all
Southern States it is a principle of jurisprudence that no per-
son of colored lineage can testify in a suit against a white,
and it will be easy to see that such a case may occur, where-
ever there is a man whose passions outweigh his interests,
and a slave who has manhood or principle enough to resist
his will. There is, actually, nothing to protect the slave's
life, but the character of the master. Facts too shocking to
be contemplated occasionally force their way to the public
ear, and the comment that one often hears made on them is
more shocking than the thing itself.. It is said, ‘ Very likely
such cases may now and then occur, but they are no sample
of general practice.’ If the laws of New England were so
arranged that a master could now and then torture an ap-
prentice to death, without a possibility of being brought to
justice, would it be received with equal composure? Would
it be said, ‘These cases are rare, and no samples of general
practice?’ This injustice is an inherent one in the slave
system. It cannot exist. without it.’ (p. 311.)

(19.) “I beseech you, pity the mother who has all your
affections, and not one legal right to protect, guide or edu-
cate the child of her bosom!” (p. 316.)

A formidable array of charges, but evincing on the part
of our author a strange forgetfulness of the very nature and
object of human law. Verily, if laws are to be held respon-
sible for the wrongs which they passively permit, the slave-
code will find plenty of other codes to keep it company, even
in the Northern States, to say nothing of European Christen-
dom. Nay, under the scalpel of our author, the Mosaic
code itself will not escape. Witness the following enact-
ments: “If aman smite his servant, or his maid, with a
rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be surely punished.
Notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not
be punished: for he is his money.” (Exod. xxi. 20, 21.)
UNCLE TOM 5S CABIN. 31

Now, what is the inference from this enactment? Recol-
lect that the Mosaic law, viewed even as a national code,
is from God. I know this is denied by some, but I am
speaking to Christians. The Mosaic law, I say, viewed
even as a national code, is from God, and its provisions,
therefore, the very best that the nature of such a code will
admit of; in other words, perfect adaptations of means to
ends, and, as such, applicable not only to the Jewish people,
but, in analogous circumstances, to every other people.

What, then, I say, is the inference from the above enact-
ment? Not that a man may flog his slave to within an ace
of his life, and still be a good man. God forbid! But that
the prohibition of his doing it, by legal enactment, would,
under the circumstances, all things considered, be a greater
evil than the passive permission of it.

Here we have the vindication of the slave-code in a nut-
shell; nine-tenths, if not ninety nine-hundredths of its pro-
visions—those of them, I mean, that are more usually
objected to—will come under a similar category. They may
seem to bear hard, in individual instances, but their opera-
tion as a whole is benignant. Even the slave himself, to say
nothing of the rest of the community, is, all things considered,
better off for them, and would be worse off for their repeal,
or material modification.

This consideration seems to be entirely lost sight of by
those who are so horrified at the enactments of the slave-
code. Our author herself, loses sight of it; or rather, she
gives it an implied denial in one of the foregoing quotations,
(11): ‘“‘General rules will bear hard on particular cases.
This last maxim my father seemed to consider a settler in
most alleged cases of cruelty.” This maxim our author, it
would seem, does not consider a settler; and yet the common
sense of mankind has embodied it in a proverb :—

Summum jus, summa injuria:
32 NOTES ON

The rigor of the law is the extreme of injustice. And that this
is really so, might easily be shown in instances almost Innum-
erable. To mention but one or two: The laws of most civil-
ized nations recognize the principle. of prescription ;—that
where, for instance, a man has been in undisputed possession,
for a certain number of years, (twenty is the usual number,)
of a piece of land, the law will not disturb his possession; and
the provision is a wise one, for it operates to quiet titles and
prevent litigation. But suppose a landed proprietor, who is
wallowing in wealth, takes advantage of the provision to
keep possession of a few acres which he knows belong in
justice to his poor neighbour, who has been prevented by
some cause beyond his control, (shipwreck, for instance, and
detention in an enemy’s territory, or among a barbarous
people,) from asserting his title within the limited time,
would not every honourable man cry out against such con-
duct as worthy of universal execration ?

Or again; take the statute of limitations, which is de-
signed as a safeguard against fraudulent claims, trumped up
against a man, when, from lapse of time, he could not easily
find testimony to disprove them, and suppose a just debt,
by some fault or mischance of the creditor, barred, or, as
the popular term is, outlawed, by the statute; if the debtor
takes any other advantage of the fact than to keep himself
out of the clutches of the law till he can obtain the means to
pay the debt, he can lay no claim to thé*character of an
honest man.

The law of bankruptcy is another instance in point; and
I might go on to mention several others, but as many of
them will come in more appropriately when I come to take
up the author’s specific charges, already quoted, I shall defer
them till then.

A word upon the police regulations of the slave-code.
Our author has said little or nothing about them, either
because she consideréd them of little consequence, or becaust
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 33

she thought they were, on the whole, neither oppressive nor
unjust.

These regulations are founded in necessity, and are there-
fore the more rigorous in the more southern of the slave-
holding States. No doubt they are often irksome to the
slave, but so are parental restraints often very irksome to
the child; and yet parental restraint, properly applied, is a
good thing ; and so are the police restraints of the slave-code.

At any rate, that they are necessary, we may fairly infer
from the fact that the masters, by enacting them, subject
themselves, in most cases, to great trouble and incanve-
nience, which they certainly would not be disposed to do
unnecessarily ; and the same may be said of most of the
other provisions of the slave-code. Indeed, our author her-
self, not only admits, but even maintains their necessity to
the continuance of the system, and that, too, in some cases
where, in fact, they are not necessary; but instead of draw-
ing from this fact the inference of their justice, she draws
from it the inference of the injustice of the system which
requires such enactments. This inference I shall have occa-
sion to controvert in the sequel; I might, therefore, fairly
pass over the specific objections before-mentioned: but as
some of them are palpable misrepresentations of fact, and
others lie with equal weight against recognised laws and
customs in all free civilized communities, I prefer to take
them up, and dispose of them one by one.

In the Appendix will be found a collection of extracts
from the statutes and decisions of several of the slavehold-
ing States. I would not be understood as maintaining that
they are all to be found in the code of each State: I do not
say this, for it is not true; but I do say that I see no reason
why they should not all be introduced into each State, and
that if they were, they would, it seems to me, leave little to
be desired in the way either of alteration or of addition.

5
34 NOTES ON

Be that, however, as it may, the extracts‘are to my pur-
pose, as much as though their provisions were, each and all
of them, to be found in the code of every slave State. For
Iam not undertaking, be it observed, to defend every pro-
vision of the slave-code in every State: the nature and
design of the work I am sifting does not require it of me.
The object of Mrs. Stowe in writing Uncle Tom’s Cabin was
not to bring about the melioration of the slave-code, by
showing that several of its provisions, some in one State,
and some in another, bore unnecessarily hard upon the slave,
and ought therefore to be repealed or modified. Had that
been her object, many of her allegations against the slave-
code would have been in point, and I, certainly, should not
have controverted her application of them. But her object
was quite a different one. It was, as is clear from her
declaration of it in the preface, and from the whole tenor
_ of the narrative, to strike at the system of slavery, by show-
ing its necessary cruelty and injustice, and therefore no
provision of the slave-code, however “ cruel’ and “ unjust,”
_ that is not inseparable from the system, in other words, that

is not found on the statute-book of every slave State, has
any business in Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

Now, leave out all these unnecessary provisions, which, if
they prove anything, prove, not that the system is wrong, but
that in the code of Kentucky, for instance, as also in that
of several of the other States, there is room for improve-
ment, which, I presume, no Kentuckian would deny,—I
say, leave out all these unnecessary provisions, and the

. parts of the stary founded upon them,—leave out, also, all
those provisions which, though necessary, are not peculiar
to the slave system, being found, substantially, on the
statute books of the free States,—leave out, further, all
those portions of the book that are inconsistent with them-
selves, and with each other,—finally, leave out all the false
UNCLE TOM’S. CABIN. 85

premises, and all the inconsequent conclusions, all the se-
quences turned into consequences, and the rhetoric turned
into logic, with all, in the story, that is built upon them, and
what would be left of Uncle T'om’s Cabin might be put in a
nutshell, “‘ay, and leave room for the kernel.”

So much by way of general observation ; I now proceed
to take up each point in detail. ‘The figures in parenthesis
refer to the same figures on pages 27 to 30.

The first charge of our author against the slave-code is,
that it makes the slave a thing and not a person. This
seems to be a favourite accusation with her, to judge from the
frequency with which she introduces it, for it is found, either
express or implied, in (1,) (2,) (3,) (8,) (10,) and (13.) And
yet, if the reader will turn to Appendix, HE. 1, and the
passages in ¢talics in H. 2, he will see that the charge has no
foundation in fact, but is the creature of the author’s teem-
ing fancy. Undoubtedly the slave is a chattel for certain
purposes ; but as undoubtedly, for certain other purposes, he
is not a chattel. A chattel is a thing which its owner may
use as he pleases, so he do not injure his neighbour, or
society, in the using of it. A farmer’s sheep, for instance, are
chattels, and he may shear them when he pleases, and as
often as he pleases ; and when he has done shearing them,
he may kill them, and cut them up for mutton. But can the
planter serve his slave ‘‘ such scurvy sauce?’ When he can,
and shall, with the sanction of the Jaw, then Mrs. Stowe shall
be welcome to call the slave a mere- chattel, for a chattel,
then, he will indeed be, witha vengeance. Such a chattel he
was in ancient Rome, prior to the civil law; such a chattel
he is in modern Africa; his negro master may work him
when he pleases, and kill and eat him when he pleases; and
he does it, too. (See Appendix, B.) The old Roman did
not directly eat his slave, but he fed his Jampreys on him,
and ate them, and so ate him at second hand. But, as Judge
36° NOTES ON

Henderson says, (Stats vs. Rep, Appendix, E. 2,) “ these
are not the laws of our country, nor the model from which
they are taken.”

As to the other allegation in quotation (1,) I answer it by
a slight change of language, the substituted words being put
in italics: ‘So long as the failure, or misfortune, or
imprudence, or death of the kindest husband and father,
may cause his wife and children, any day, to exchange a
life of kind protection and indulgence for one of hopeless
misery and toil, so long it is impossible to make anything
beautiful or desirable in the best regulated administration
of the social system.”

If the argument is good in the one case, it is in the other,
Indeed in the latter, it is the stronger of the two; for, in
exchanging masters, the slave may get as good a one, or he
may get a better one, or he may get a worse one; and
therefore,,on the doctrine of chances, not more than one
time in three will he get a worse one; and as even in this
case, the new master may be only a little worse, or, consi-
derably worse, or, a good deal worse in every shade and
degree of comparison, the chances of his getting a very bad
one, are very small; whereas, in nine cases out of ten, if
not in ninety-nine out of a hundred, the husband and father
who dies bankrupt, leaves his wife and children an inheritance
of “‘misery and toil.” And yet the present social system
has continued for some time past, and seems likely to con-
tinue for some time to come, spite of the evils incident to it.

Should it be said that the reference, in the case of the
“misery” spoken of in the quotation, is not to the change of
masters, but to the breaking up of slave families, then I
answer, that these separations are very rare, and that the
aggregate of suffering from this source in free families left
destitute, is incomparably greater than that aggregate in
slave families. But of this, more by and by.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 3T

“Nevertheless, as this young man,” &c. (2.)

Let us make a slight change in the sentence :—‘ Never-
theless, as this young man was, in the eye of the law, not a
man, but an infant,* all these superior qualifications were
subject to the control of a vulgar, narrow-minded, tyrannical
father.”

That there are such fathers, cannot be denied; and that
they are far more nuinerous in proportion to the whole
number, than are the masters of the like character, will be
readily believed, when we consider that the master is neces-
sarily a man of some property, and therefore, presumably,
of some standing in the community, and consequently, with
a character to maintain among his fellow masters, and with
his neighbours in general; while large numbers of fathers are
of the offscourings of society. Yet no one proposes to take
the child from the father,—even the “ vulgar, narrow-
minded, tyrannical” father,—except in cases of cruelty ; and
the cruelty must be manifest and marked, for the law will not
weigh the conduct of the father, any more than that of the
master, ‘‘in golden scales.” (See Appendix, EH. 2, State vs.
Reep. Marginal note.) Should it be said that the father
has the control of the child only till he is twenty-one, while
the master, ordinarily, has the perpetual control of the slave,
I answer, He who shapes the character of the child, during
the first twenty-one years of his life, shapes, nine times out
of ten, his after destiny. The child of a “ vulgar, narrow-
minded, tyrannical’ father, may grow up to be a good citizen,
but, ten to one, he will be worse than his father before him.

“It’s a free country, sir; the man’s mine, and I do what
I please with him,—that’s it!’ (3.)

Well, then, suppose you kill him and eat him, as the
master does his slave in Africa. In that case, I rather

*In law, a man is an infant, so long as he is under twenty-one

years of age.
D e
38 NOTES ON

think we should soon see whether “that’s it.” As, however,
you are not likely to do that in a hurry, if the reader will
turn meanwhile to Appendix, E. 2, and read the authorities
there cited, he will find that there is a limit to your autho-
rity, and a pretty definite limit, too; that, while, on the one
hand, your slave is yours for certain purposes, viz., to
labour for you, “not with eye service, as a man-pleaser, but
in singleness of heart, fearing God;? and, on the other
hand, you are his, for certain other purposes, viz., to supply
his physical and moral necessities, yet, aside from these
purposes, neither he has any claim upon you, nor you upon
him, but that you are, both of you, the servants of a higher
Master, and the subjects of a higher law. (See Note 11.)

“Don’t you know a slave can’t be married? There is no
law in this country for that; I can’t hold you for my wife
if he chooses to part us.” (4.)

Here are two assertions, the first of which & unirue, if
Maryland gnd Louisiana are a part of “this country,” for
in the former, the marriage of slaves is expressly recog-
nized by statute, (see Appendix, E. 7,) and the courts of the
latter have decided in regard to slaves, (Grrop vs. Lewis, 6
Martin’s Rep. 559,) that, ‘With the consent ‘of their
master, they may marry, and their moral power to agree to
such a contract or connection as that of marriage, cannot
be doubted; but whilst in a state of slavery, it cannot
produce any civil effect, because slaves are deprived. of all
civilrights. Emancipation gives to the slave his civil rights ;
and a contract of marriage, legal and valid, by the consent
of the master, and moral assent of the slave, from the
moment of freedom, although dormant during the slavery,
produces all the effects which result from such contract
among free persons.”’

There is, moreover, a law of Maryland, (1777, chap. xii.
sec. 11,) and I suppose, of course, though I have not exam-
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 389°

ined, that there is a similar law in all the slave-holding
States, prohibiting any minister from celebrating the marriage
of aslave, without leave of the master or mistress, on penalty
of fifty pounds, a prohibition which would be ridiculous, did
the marriage produce no legal effect upon the status of the
slave.

The other assertion, “I can’t hold you for my wife, if he
chooses to part us,” is true, if by “‘hold’” be meant “live
with ;” but then the pauper in Massachusetts is in the same
predicament, or was, twenty years ago, (see Appendix, F.,
Boston and Roxzury,) and I presume is still. He was so
in Cambridge, some years after this, to my certain knowledge;
and I have no reason to suppose that there has been any
change since. And the separation in this latter case is
worse than in the former, because more tantalizing, and
because it comes at a time when the man can least nerve
himself to bear it,—at a time when he is suffering under
that affliction, to a freeman the most trying of all, the
helplessness of utter poverty.

But “two wrongs do not make a right,” and I do not,
therefore, bring forward the latter to justify the former—it
must be justified, if it all, on very different grounds. That
it can be justified, occasionally, I have no doubt; but that the
occasions are very rare, I have just as little. The law of
the land separates husband and wife on the conviction of
either party for crime, and if the crime be a very heinous
one, it separates them for life. Now the greatest crime that
a slave, as such, can be guilty of, is insurrection, and next
to it, and hardly less heinous, is that of continued insubordi-
nation. Of the former of these, the law of the land takes
cognizance; the latter is left, wisely, I think, to the discretion
of the master ; and if, when milder means have failed, he sells
the slave, at length, into a more rigorous bondage, what law
of God or man shall say him nay ?
40 NOTES ON

Will it be said that the master has no right to the labour
of the slave, and that therefore the slave is not to be blamed
for his insubordination ? I answer, That is the very point
in dispute, and it must not be so quietly assumed. I affirm
that the system of slavery in this country is right; and I
am endeavouring to show it by taking up and answering,
one by one, the strongest objections that have been, or can
be, brought against it. It will not do, then, to say that
slavery is wrong because it separates husband and wife, and
then turn round and say that husband and wife must not be
separated for insubordination because slavery is wrong, and
insubordination, therefore, no crime.’ If you say that
husband and wife are sometimes separated without any fault
of their own, then I answer that, in the first place, it is very
rarely done, and, in the second place, when it is done, it is ordi-
narily the fault, not of the system, but of the individual
slave-holder. _

I say, it is very rarely done: I have a right to infer this
from the fact that during a ten years’ residence in Maryland,
(a State in which slavery is fast becoming unprofitable, and
from which, therefore, large numbers are annually “sold
south,”’) the first instance has never come to my personal
knowledge. I have'a right to infer it, also, from the fact,
that, as a general thing, husband and wife sell better together
than apart. This we might suppose beforehand, for where
there is anything like a strong attachment between them,
they will be more effective if kept together, than if sepa-
rated ; it is notin human nature to render as faithful service,
where the ties of affection have been rudely snapt in twain,
as where those ties have been recognized and respected. It
is clear, then, that in this matter, interest and humanity
usually work together, and where that is the case, they may
be safely trusted to carry the day: men will not ordinarily
be cruel even gratuitously, still less when it is against their
own interest.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 41

But suppose worse comes to worst, and husband and wife
are separated without any fault of either party. Whose
fault is it? Not, ordinarily, that of the system, whose ever
else it may be. True, the law permits it, but then it is as
it permits so many other things that still ought not, ordina-
rily, to be done,—because, namely, the prohibition would
bring with it another and a greater evil. That such would
be the case in the present instance, needs little argument to
show.

It is well known that it is a common thing for the slaves
of adjoining plantations to intermarry, and it is a benefit to
them in more ways than one. It benefits the individual,
and it benefits the race. It benefits the individual by en-
larging the sphere of his associations and his sympathies,
and giving him more of a character to support: it benefits
the race by invigorating it physically and mentally, it being
a well-established physiological law, that where families and
petty clans marry “in and in,” for several generations, they
are deteriorated, sinking rapidly into imbecility, physical
and mental,—an imbecility issuing often in insanity, oftener
still in drivelling idiocy.

Now, suppose the separation of husband and wife, under
any and all circumstances, prohibited by law, how many of
these intermarriages, think you, would take place? How
many masters would consent thus ‘to tie their own hands?
for a tying of them it would be, since where the husband
and wife belonged to different estates, neither owner could
sell, except within definite limits, without the co-operation
of the other; and these limits, to be of any practical effect,
must be very narrow; for a separation of fifty miles would,
in most cases, be as effective a separation, practically, as
one of five hundred, or five thousand. The restriction of the
sale, therefore, would have to be to the neighbouring plan-
tations, some eight or ten at the outside, and thus the

6 De
42 / NOTES ON

number of competitors being limited, the marketable value
of the slave would be lowered; for though, as I said above,
husband and wife sell better, as a general thing, where they
are to be kept together, than when they are to be parted,
in the case supposed, the restricted competition would have
a preponderating -effect the other way. Besides, it might
well happen, that, of the eight or ten, not one would be
both able and willing to purchase; and, in that case, the
sale would be impossible. :

I ask again, then, Would the master be willing thus to tie
his own hands? I trow not. On the contrary, though
having no intention of selling his slaves, but designing and
expecting to keep them, I think he would still be very apt
to say with the Irishman in the play, “I won’t be forced to
do as I’ve a mind to.’’ The consequence would be, a total
cessation of the intermarriages referred to. But, as love is
not confined within plantation limits, there would still be as
many instances as ever of mutual attachment between slaves
of neighbouring estates, with this difference, that the attach-
ment could not find its natural termination in marriage; and
the aggregate of suffering from this source would, I verily
believe, be tenfold greater than the aggregate of suffering
from the few, the very few, separations that take place under
the present system.

But it will be said, The master ought not to withhold his
consent to an intermarriage of a slave of his with a slave
from a neighbouring estate, for any such reasons as those
above referred to. I answer, That may be, or it may not
be. It isa point that Iam not called upon to determine,
for it is aside from the question at issue, which is, not what
men ought to be, but what they are; for the law has to do
with men as they are: men as they ought to be need no law,
being a law unto themselves.

I think I have, then, clearly proved that the prohibition
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 43

in question would occasion more suffering than it would
prevent, and that, therefore, the law is right in not enact-
ing it.

But it is said, the law not only does not prohibit it, but
actually does, itself, the very thing; as, for instance, in sales
under execution, or for the division of an estate; well, if it
does, it is very bad; almost as bad as the law that separates
husband and wife for being unfortunately in debt, and with-
out the means to pay, and leaves the wife and children to
starve,—an outrage against justice which; I am happy to
say, has been wiped from the statute book of Maryland, but
which still lingers, and I fear will continue to linger for
some time to come, in that of several of the free States, the
“Model Commonwealth” included. I say almost as bad;
but if the goodness or badness of laws is to be measured by
the aggregate of human suffering occasioned or prevented
by them, it is not almost as bad, and does not come nigh
being so. It is true we have not the statistics, but if they
could be got at, I have no doubt they would show that there
are one hundred separations of husband and wife for debt in
the free States, to one under execution or other civil process
in the slave States; for custom requires, and law sometimes,
as in Alabama, (see Appendix, E. 8,) sanctions the requisi-
tion, that in sales under civil process, they shall be offered,
and, if practicable, sold in families; and it only needs now
that the law should be made imperative in all such cases, as
I am satisfied it might safely be; for I agree with the author
of “Slavery in the Southern States, by a Carolinian,”’ (un-
derstood to be Mr. Pringle) :—‘“ In slavery we know that it,

"[the destruction of family ties,] exists as yet more than is
necessary to the system.’ But, as he adds in thé next
period, “Every day, however, greater efforts are made
among us to lessen the evil,” and if the North would only
mind its own business, and let the South alone, I have no
44 NOTES ON

doubt the melioration would go on much more rapidly. Let
Northern men consider this, and act accordingly.

“ Kind families get in debt, and the laws of our country
allow them to sell the child out of its mother’s bosom to pay
its master’s debts.” (7).

This accusation does not come next in the order of the
narrative, but I take it up next because of its connection
with the foregoing. Iam sorry to say that in most of the
slave States it is too true; andI am sorry, too, to be obliged
to add, that it is equally true that such works as Uncle
Tom’s Cabin, do more than all other causes put together, to
perpetuate the wrong. Moreover, its admission into the
work is gratuitous, for the object of the work is, as I have
before remarked, to show the necessary cruelty and injustice
of the system of slavery, and this has no necessary connec-
tion with the systeni, as is proved by the fact that it has
been prohibited in Lousiana for more than twenty years,
under the severest penalties, and that in the other States,
the Courts of Equity will not countenance it. (See Appendix,
E. 8.)

‘‘ And she was whipped, sir, for wanting to live a decent
Christian life, such as your laws give no slave girl a'right to
live.” (5.) .

If this means that the law does not prohibit the crime
referred to, it is untrue. (See Appendix, HE. 9.) But if it means
that the law is not omniscient and omnipresent, and therefore
not omnipotent, that is an imperfection which it labours under,
in common with all things human. Besides, the proper
question is, not whether certain things happen (in spite of
the laws) under the system of slavery, but whether they
would cease to happen, or happen less frequently in a state
of freedom ; and this question has heen answered for us in
Jamaica (see Appendix, G. 1,) and recollect that the statement
there given is made by one of the Editors of the New York
Evening Post, a thorough-going Free-Soil paper,) and the
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 45

answer applies not only to the paragraph quoted above, but
to what is said elsewhere about the sale of “ beautiful Quad-
roon girls,” and it is a ful? answer to it.

“But now what? Why, now comes my master, takes me
right away from my work, and my friends, and all I like,
and grinds me down into the very dirt! And why? Because,
he says, I forgot who I was ; he says, to teach me that I am
only a nigger! After all, and last of all; he comes between
me and my wife, and says I shall give her up, and live with
another woman. And all this your laws give him power to
do in spite of God or man.” (6.)

As to the first part of this charge, if the cruelty is of a
definite and tangible kind, the laws of Kentucky, as well as
the other slave States, provide a remedy, (see Appendix, E.
4;) and if it is not, it comes under the remarks on extract (2).
As to the last charge, it is simply untrue: the laws in ques-
tion give the master no such power.

“The feeling, living, bleeding, yet immortal thing, which
American State law coolly classes with the bundles, and bales,
and boxes, among which she is lying.’’ (8.)

Tf this means that the classification is, in the eye of the law,
an exhaustive one, in other words, that this is the only cate-
gory under which the law puts the slave, it is not true, and
if it does not mean this, it is aside from the purpose. Let
us make a slight change in the language :—“‘ The feeling,
living, immortal things which the Northern farmer coolly
classes with the implements they wield, calling “them his
hands.” Does he mean thereby that they have no souls,
and no heads? So our author’s logic (!) would infer; but
so does not the logic of common sense. For certain purposes,
man isa thing, as really as for certain other purposes, he is a
person: the powers of nature,—fire and frost, the ocean and
the tempest treat him asa thing, “coolly classing him with
the bundles, and bales, and boxes among which he is lying ;”
46 NOTES ON

they pay no respect to his personal endowments. The law
treats him as a person and as a thing, classing him under
both categories ; but were he not a thing, were there no ex-
changeable value in him, the law might call him one, all day,
it would not make him one. “ Father,” said one of the rising
generation to his paternal progenitor, “if I should call this
cow’s tail a leg, how many legs would she have?” ‘* Why
five, to be sure.” ‘Why, no, father; would calling it a
leg make it one ?”

Apropos of names, one of our author’s French transla-
tors calls her ‘‘ Madame Stove ;” probably because he thought
there was more heat than light in Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

“Tt is commonly supposed that the property interest isa
sufficient guard in these cases.’ (9.)

Change the p8sition of the adverb in this sentence, so
that it shall come after the second ‘‘is,’’ and it will then
assert a truth: it zs not only supposed, but known that the
property interest is commonly a sufficient guard in these
cases. As to the exceptions, I will notice them under (18.)

‘** Here is a whole class,—debased, uneducated, indolent,
provoking,—put, without any sort of terms or conditions,
entirely into the hands of such people as the majority in
our world are; people who have neither consideration nor
self-control, who haven’t even an enlightened regard to their
own interest,—for that’s the case with the largest half of
mankind.” (10.)

Our author here asserts that al/ the slave-holders are
“such people as the majority in our world are,” and then
tells us that that majority are without “consideration or
self-control, or even an enlightened regard to their own
interest ;’ and yet in her preface she puts some slave-
holders in a very different category. Jam therefore bound,
in charity to her, to suppose, that she has here misrepresented
herself, and that she meant to say that the majority of
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 47

slave-holders are such people as the majority of the world
at large, in regard to consideration and self control, &c.
But even this is not true; for the slave-holders generally
are the elite of society,—the picked men; and if I may
judge of them from a pretty extensive acquaintance with
them in Maryland, and a more limited one in Virginia,
during a two years’ residence there, I should say that three-
fourths at least, if not seven-eighths of them are far, very
far, in advance of “the majority in our world,” in both
“consideration” and “self-control.” As to “an enlightened
regard to their own interest,” if by that is meant, minding
the main chance, i. e. looking out for the greatest good of
the greatest number, meaning thereby, as Thelwell has it,
“number one,” I am very much afraid that they would have
to yield the palm to us Yankees; I say, us Yankees,
because being a Yankee by birth, and a Southerner by resi-
dence, I put myself in either class, as occasion requires.

There is another assertion, that the slaves are all “ put,
without any sort of terms or conditions, into the hands of
such people as,” &c. It would seem from this, that in the
absence of any acquaintance with the facts, our author had
given carte blanche to her imagination. Tow wide of the
mark she is, may be seen by turning to Appendix, E. 2.

There is yet one other thing requiring notice, and that is
the admission of our author that the slaves as a class are
“debased, uneducated, indolent, provoking.” I wish the
reader to note this admission, as I shall have occasion to
make use of it by and by.

“Miss Ophelia well knew that it was the universal custom
ta send women and young girls to whipping-houses, to the
hands of the lowest of men,—men vile enough to make this
their profession,—there to be subjected to brutal exposure
and shameful correction.” (12.)

A universal custom is one that is followed by all, and a
48 ~ NOTES ON

general custom is one that is followed by most; and the
custom in question is neither universal nor general. My
opinion is, (and it ought to be worth as much as Mrs. Stowe’s,
considering our respective means of forming one,) my opinion
is, that not one in ten of slave men, and not one in one
hundred of slave women, are ever thus punished, and when
they are, it is for crimes and misdemeanors, such as are
punished in the free States by fine or imprisonment, or both;
but to fine a slave would be absurd, and to imprison him,
would be wholly ineffective, while it would be a great incon-
venience and loss to the master. Whipping, then, seems to
be the only thing left. If Mrs. Stowe knows of any other
equally effective and less unpleasant mode of discipline, and
will make it known, I will answer for it, every Southern
Legislature will adopt it at once. Men do not whip for the
mere love of whipping; I have heard of amateur hangmen,
but of an amateur whipper, never. It is as a necessary
punishment that it is resorted to. Mrs. Stowe admits its
necessity, or, at any rate, its utility, in the training of chil-
dren, for she tells us that it.made part of that training in
New England one hundred years ago, and that “‘it is an
undisputed fact that our grandmothers raised some tolerably
fair men and women under this regime.” (Vol. ii. p. 38.)
In this she is undoubtedly right, andI am glad to see that
she does not set herself up, like so many at the present day,
for a wiser than Solomon. ‘The truth is, they who make
such an outcry against whipping are novices not only in
theology, but in physiology. When a child is angry, whip-
ping acts as a counter irritation, and thus as a sedative,
soothing the nerves, and allaying the excitement of the
passions. I have known many a boy who could not be made
to listen to reason, till you had given him a sound whipping,
and then he would be as rational as you could wish.

But, it will be said, the objection’is to the whipping of
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 49

adults, not of children. Well, if the adult in body, is a child
in mind, with passions dominant, and reason undeveloped,
why should not the same mode of discipline be appropriate
to him? And such in the present instance is the fact ; what
the poet says of men in general, is literally true of the
slaves of the South—they are but children of a larger
growth, with all the faults and many of the excellencies of
childhood, and requiring a similar discipline. To attempt to
govern them as you would the whites would be absurd; and
yet even the whites cannot always be controlled without the
lash. It is but yesterday that flogging was abolished in the
navy and the commercial marine, and already a movement
is making to restore it; and that not merely by the officers,
but by the men. They never sought its abolition, and it was
anything but popular with them. They know that if the bad
may shirk with impunity, the good will have to do double
duty, and they do not relish the prospect. If indeed the
crews of our vessels were composed of picked men, or even
of the average of labouring men on shore, it might do; but
made up, as they are, to a very great extent, of the riff-raff
of society,—men of all nations, and no character,—to talk
of managing them without flogging, may sound very fine in
theory, but won’t do in practice; this is not merely my
opinion, but that of one whose sound judgment and freedom
from prejudice Mrs. Stowe, at least, will not question. (See
Appendix, H.)

But in the paragraph under consideration, it is the whip-
ping of females that is objected to. Well, if they will unsex
themselves, they must expect to be treated accordingly. I
am not aware that the free States make any distinction in
the punishment of a male and female thief or murderer. If
any distinction were made, it ought to be in favour of the
former, for on the principle, Corruptio optimt pessima,

women when they are bad, are bad: they are
1 E
50 NOTES ON

“ Like Jeremiah’s figs,
The good are very good, the bad
Too sour to give the pigs.”

As to the alleged custom of sending women and young
girls to whipping-houses for slight faults, they who know
most of slavery will give least credence to the allegation.
That the thing is sometimes done is as true, probably, as
that good children are sometimes treated cruelly by bad
‘parents,—as true, and no truer. Indeed, the instances of
the latter are, probably, far more numerous than of the
former, for Tom, Dick, and Harry may be parents, but Tom,
Dick, and Harry cannot be slaveholders. Now and then a
vulgar man who has amassed wealth may become one; butit
must be recollected that there are ten vulgar rich men at the
- North to one at the South; ordinarily, in the slave States,
wealth and refinement go together; ordinarily, therefore,
the slaveholder must be, as I have before remarked, a man
of character and standing in society.

‘And that soul immortal, once bought with blood and
anguish by the Son of God, * * * can be sold, leased,
mortgaged, exchanged for groceries or dry goods, to suit the
phases of trade, or the fancy of the purchaser.” (13.)

This is a roundabout way, the author has, of saying,
(what might be much better said in plain and simple lan-
guage,) that the labour of the slave can be sold, leased,
mortgaged, &e. This I take to be her meaning, for I have
too much charity for her intellect to suppose that she could
have intended, for one moment, that her language should
be taken literally. If she means that the master has a
tremendous influence over the soul of the slave, she is right;
but then so has the parent over the soul of the child. If
she means anything more than this, she is wrong: so far is
the soul of the slave from being purchased, that not even
the body can be; you cannot, when your slave is past
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 51

labour, cut him up for beef, as you can your ox, or flay
him, and sell his hide for leather, as you can your horse’s,
or your mule’s. His wool (luckily for him) is too coarse to
find a market, or I would not be certain that his Yankee
owner would not shear him, for there is no statute, so far
as Tam aware, against it, any more than against shearing
the wolf, and the common law would hardly farnish an ana-
logy to settle the point. :

It is the labour of the slave, then, that is purchased ; and
what there is so wonderful in this, I cannot comprehend,
for labour is a marketable commodity the world over,—the
labour of the freeman, as well as of the slave; the only dif-
ference being that the labour of the free man commands a
higher price, as being more productive. If there is any-
thing else the master purchases, beside the labour of the
slave, it is the means of enforcing it; and this is what the
Northern master equally does, in taking an apprentice, and
the means known to the law are the same in the two cases,
and the legal remedy for abuse of power the same, with the
single exception of testimony, which shall be considered in
its place.

Of course, I do not maintain that there is no difference
between the condition of the slave and that of the appren-
tice: but what I do say is this:—that so far as the simple
selling, apart from its adjuncts and accompaniments, is con-
cerned, they are on a par; and it is this simple selling,
leasing, &c., that Mrs. Stowe, in the paragraph before us,
seems so shocked at, as though it were, in ¢tself, a degrada-
tion. -Elsewhere, it is true, she speaks of its accompani-
ments ; “actually buying a man up like a horse,—looking at
his teeth, cracking his joints, (what that means, I, not being
versed in the horse-jockey dialect, do not exactly under-
stand,) trying his paces, and then paying down for him.”
(Vol ii. p. 21.) In another place (p. 165) she tells us that
52 NOTES ON

Legree “seized Tom by the jaw, and pulled open his mouth
to inspect his teeth; made him strip up his sleeve, to show
his muscle ; turned him round, made him jump and spring,
to show his paces;” i. e., I suppose, how he could trot, rack,
canter, and gallop. Now, if he had wanted Tom for a race-
norse, or even for a saddle-horse, I can imagine how he
should want to “put him through his paces;’’ but what
those same “paces” had fo do with his capacity for labour,
T can’t exactly make out. As to the other part of the ex-
amination, it is not peculiar to the condition of slavery.
Every candidate for admission to the U. S. Military Acad-
emy at West Point, or the U. 8. Naval Academy at Anna-
polis, is subjected to a minute personal examination, being
required to submit himself, stark naked, to the inspection
of the Medical Board. The object is the same in both
cases, viz. to ascertain the capacity of the several subjects
of it, for the service that will be required of them; and if
there is nothing degrading in the one case, (as most cer-
tainly there is not,) why should there be in the other?
Undoubtedly, the examination of young girls, as described
p- 165, if it exist, and so far as it exists, is an evil, but is
it a greater evil, nay, is it anything like as great an evil, as
“to live with a white person on any terms, rather than be
married to a negro,” which is the case with the Quadroons
of Jamaica, (see Appendix, G. 1,) and would be the case
with the Quadroons of the South, were slavery abolished.

“ Here, a worn old negress, whose thin arms and callous
fingers tell of hard toil, waiting to be sold to-morrow, as a
cast-off article, for what can be got for her.” (14.)

And who, I pray, is going to buy her. A cast-off gar-
ment may find a purchaser, for it costs nothing to keep it;
but a cast-off slave will eat as much asa hale and hearty
one,—often more; and who, I ask again, is going to buy
such an one? Why, the allegation is absurd on the face
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 53

of it! and the wonder is that the author did not see its
absurdity ; but her perceptions were too much obfuscated by
her eagerness to fasten one more charge upon the South. No!
if you would see this sort of cast-off article set up to sale,
you must go North,—to the good old commonwealth of
Massachusetts, for instance. There you may see (at least,
you might twenty years ago, and I have no doubt you
may still,) worn-out men and women sold at auction, not to
the highest, but to the lowest bidder,—i. e. to the one who
will feed and clothe them for the lowest sum,——of course,
therefore, ordinarily, to the one who will feed and clothe
them worst ; and it is stated that in one instance at least,
(see Appendix, F., WEst-SPRINGFIELD,) they were neither
well clothed nor well fed. How could they be at such star-
vation prices ?

But you see nothing of all this at the South. Nine out
of every ten, aye, ninety-nine out of every hundred, of the
“worn old negresses,” spend the evening of their life in
quiet, on the estate where they have grown old, nursed in
sickness, and kindly cared for, often by the mistress in
person, always by some of the family. The few whose
masters become unable to support them, are cared for at the
public expense,—kindly cared for, not set to sale to the
lowest bidder:

‘You must not take that fellow to be any specimen of
Southern planters,’ said he.

“JT should hope not,’ said the young gentleman, with
emphasis. :

“¢He is a mean, low, brutal fellow,’ said the other.

“¢And yet your laws allow him to hold any number of
human beings subject to his absolute will, without even a
shadow of protection; and, low as he is, you cannot say that
there are not many such.’” (15.)

There is nothing here but what has been already remarked

EX

.
54 NOTES ON

upon under (1.) or will be under (18.), with the single excep-
tion of the last sentence, ‘‘ Low as he is, you cannot say
that there are not many such.”

Yes! That is just what I can say: there certainly are
not many such; were it not that I did not like to contradict
a lady, I should say there was not one such; as it is, I
suppose I must admit the existence of one, though I think
that one has about as much to do with “flesh and blood,”
as the “chimera bombinans in vacuo’’ of the Schoolmen.
But more of Legree, by and by. (See Note 17.)

“Ye say that the interest of the master is a sufficient
safeguard for the slave. In the fury of man’s mad will, he
will wittingly, and with open eye, sell his own soul to the
devil to gain his ends; and will he be more careful of his
neighbour’s body ?”’ (16.)

What was said under (9.) will apply here, I will merely
add that if a farmer will not ordinarily pay one hundred
dollars for a horse or a yoke of oxen and then turn round and
beat them to death, a fortzorz will not a planter, ordinarily, pay
one thousand dollars for a slave, and then destroy his own
property. Isay, ordinarily: the extraordinary cases the
law takes care of, to the extent of its power.

**Do!” said Legree, snapping his fingers scornfully.
‘Td like to see you doing it. Where you going to get wit-
nesses ‘—how you going to prove it ?—-Come now’ George
saw at once the force of this defiance.” (17.)

Then George must have had a very short memory, for
Legree had just before confessed the deed to him: “TI gave
him the cussedest flogging I ever gave nigger yet. I believe
he’s trying to die; but I don’t know as he’ll make it out.”
(P. 278.) Now if Mrs. Stowe does not know it, I will
inform her that George had only to testify to this confession
of Legree’s and to the condition in which he found Uncle
Tom, and any Southern jury would haye brought in a verdict

s
“UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 55

of Guilty, so far as testimony was concerned, almost without
leaving the jury-box; for Southern juries, in these cases,
bring in a verdict according to the law and evidence, as they
are sworn to do: I wish I could say as much for ald Northern
juries.

“That the tragical fate of Tom, also, has too many times
had its parallel, there are living witnesses, all over our land,
to testify.” (18.)

If it has “had its parallel’ once, it has been “too many
times ;” but the author evidently means that there have been
a good many instances, for she says that “there are living
witnesses, all over our land, to testify.” Why, then, has
she not brought them forward? She has brought forward a
witness to prove the business capabilities of the colored
people of Cincinnati, the city of her former residence, and
where, therefore, she might be supposed to have some
personal knowledge of the matter; but, here is a large
number of alleged facts of which she pretends to no personal
knowledge; and yet'she has not attempted to substantiate
them by testimony, though she tells us “there are living
witnesses all over the land’’ to prove them. Are we, then,
to understand that the fact that szx colored people in
Cincinnati, (see p. 820. vol. ii.) have made themselves compar-
atively rich by their own energy, is so incredible in itself,
that the author must bring forward a witness,—and that,
too, a theological professor,—to back it, while these other
alleged facts are, in themselves, so credible, that though she
pretends to no personal knowledge of them, she may safely
rest them on her zpse—I beg her pardon,—zpsa dixit ?
If so, then, it speaks poorly for the fitness of the colored
people, generally, for freedom.

No! Jet us have the witnesses; let her give the particu-
lars,—the time and the place. Possibly she may be able
to produce half a dozen instances, on the outskirts ‘of civili
56 NOTES ON

zation, (not “all over our land,”’) though I doubt it; but,
with the same file of Newspapers before me, I think I might
venture to produce, for every instance she brought forward,
of cruelty to blacks, two instances at least, if not three, of
equal or greater cruelty to whites. But, then, as has been
well remarked, a black skin is a great blessing in this
nineteenth century: it creates a world of sympathy.

“ Let it be remembered that in all Southern States it isa
principle of jurisprudence that no person of colored lineage
can testify in a suit against a white, and it will be easy,”
&e. (18.)

This principle, as usual, is stated too broadly, as will be
seen by turning to Appendix, EH. 10. It is not true that no
person of colored lineage can testify in a suit against a white,
if by persons of colored lineage be meant a person some one
of whose ancestors, near or remote, was a negro. The
disqualification attaches, not to the lineage, but to the visible
admixture of negro blood; and this is a question to be
determined by the jury by ocular inspection. Where there
is not this visible admixture, the clearest and most undoubted
proof of pedigree will not disqualify.

In the Spanish and French West-Indies, a more definite
rule obtains, the following grades being distinguished.
“The first grade is that of the mulattoes, which is the inter-
mixture of a white person with a negro; the second are the
tercerones, which are the production of a white person anda
mulatto; the third grade are the quarterones, being the
issue of a white person and a tercerone; and the last one
the quénterones, being the issue of a white person and a
quarterone. Beyond this there is no degradation of colour,
[they] not being distinguishable from white persons, either
by color or feature. Edwards, W. I. B. 4, ch. 1. Stephens’
Sl. of the W. I. Colonies Delineated, p. 27.” Wheeler’s

Law of Slavery, p.5. Still the general rule is as our author
has stated it.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 57

She goes on: ‘Facts too shocking to be contemplated
occasionally force their way to the public ear, and the com-
ment that one often hears made on them is more shocking
than the thing itself. It is said, ‘ Very likely such cases
may now and then occur, but they are no sample of general
practice.’ If the laws of New England were so arranged
that a master could now and then torture an apprentice to
death, without a possibility of being brought to justice,
would it be received with equal composure?” (18.) From
this it appears that the author is ignorant of the laws of the
very State she resides in, let alone those of the slave States.
Her allegation against the latter is, that they are so arranged
that a master can, now and then, torture a slave to death
without a possibility of being brought to justice. This alle-
gation has exclusive reference to the disqualification of
witnesses, and so far as that is concerned, it is true; but
then, so far as that is concerned, it is true, also, of the laws
of New England. They are so arranged that a master can
now and then torture an apprentice to death without the
possibility, so far as testimony is concerned, of being brought
to justice. He may do it in the presence of an infidel. It
is but a few days ago that “‘the trial of Loring Prince, of
Douglass, charged with the manslaughter of John L. Howard,
was suddenly terminated at Worcester, Mass., by the ruling
out of the dying declarations of the deceased, on the ground
that be was an infidel.” (See Appendix, I.) In Massachu-
setts the dying declaration of the infidel is ruled out, not
because he may not tell the truth, but because he belongs to
a class whose testimony it is not safe to trust. For precisely
the same reason, in Louisiana, the dying declaration of Uncle
‘Tom is ruled out.

But the infidel is not the only one in whose presence the
master may torture his apprentice to death without a
possibility of being brought to justice ; he may do it in the
58 NOTES ON

presence of the convict who has served out his time in the
penitentiary, of which class of persons, I take it, there are
some in New England. Nay more; he may do it in the
presence of his own wife; she can testify neither for him
nor against him.

I remember being present at a lecture delivered before the
Lyceum in Billerica, Massachusetts, some fifteen years ago,
by John C. Park, Esq., of Boston, in which, speaking on
this subject, he brought forward a supposed case, by way of
illustration. -A man had been murdered, and two brothers,
A. and B. were arrested on the charge and brought to trial.
The evidence, which was circumstantial, was very strong
against them, but they undertook to prove an alébi. A. had
been married but the week before, and B. was to be married
the week after, to a sister of A’s wife. B’s betrothed was
brought into court, and testified that on the evening in
question B. was with her at her house, and he was accordingly
acquitted. A’s wife was ready to testify similarly in behalf

-of her husband, but her testimony could not be received,
and as there was no other rebutting evidence, he was
convicted and executed.

Here was a hard case, resulting from the bad working, in
a particular instance, of a general rule, which the experience
of ages and the collective wisdom of all Christendom have
pronounced good. Yet I have not heard that any effort has
been made to banish it from New England jurisprudence.

Ihave said that the wife can testify neither for her hus-
band, nor against him. It is the same with the colored
man ; he can no more testify for the white man than against
him. One white man may murder another in the presence
of any number of colored men, provided there be no white
man present, without the possibility, so far as the testimony
of eye-witnesses is concerned, of being brought to justice.
The rule, therefore, operating not unfrequently to the pre-
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 59

judice of the whites, we cannot for a moment suppose that
it would have been adopted but on the most undoubting
conviction of its necessity.

But suppose the rule were repealed and the testimony of
the colored man admitted against the white; what weight
would it have, think you, with the jury? What weight has
the testimony of seamen with a Northern jury? Read the
remarks on this subject in ®ppendix, H., and compare the
sailor with the colored man, and the shipmaster in the mer-
chant service with the slave-holder, and then say whether
the repeal of the rule would be of any service to the negro?
I trow not.

“T beseech you, pity the mother who has all your
affections, and not one legal right to protect, guide, or
educate the child of her bosom!” (19.)

Yes, pity her, but remember that in pitying her, you are
pitying Mrs. Stowe, for she “has all your affections, and not
one leyal right to protect, guide, or educate the child of her
bosom. Her husband has the power, by law, and if he were
the man to do it,—I beg his pardon for the supposition, for
I know him, and there is not a kinder-hearted man living.
But if he were the man to do it, he might take from her the
child of her bosom and send it away where she would never
see it again, at least while he was living; he has the legal
right to do it, and it is the legal right that we are consider-
ing. As to the moral right, no one claims it on either side,
that I'am aware of, except in those cases where the mother
is manifestly incompetent, from insanity, or other equally
incapacitating cause, to have the charge of it.

I have now, I believe, gone through the whole list of the
author’s objections to the slave-code; I have taken up her
allegations, one by one, and have shown that some of them
have no foundation in fact; that others are against enact-
ments which prevent wore suffering than they cause; and
60. NOTES ON

that the rest, with one exception, lie with equal weight against.
established laws and recognized principles of jurisprudence
in the freest and most enlightened communities ;—laws and
principles objected to by none but the most ultra radical
reformers,—the Garrisons, and Wrights, and Theodore Park-
ers, et id omne genus.

I say, with one exception. I refer to the separation of
families; in regard to which® have, as I have already
remarked, the authority of Mr. Pringle for saying that “it
exists as yet more than is necessary to the system.” (Slavery
in the Southern States by a Carolinian, p. 82.) I know not
whether he would agree with me, but, for my own part, I
am fully convinced—and I have thought a good deal on the
subject, and endeavoured to consider it in all its bearings,—
I say, I am fully convinced that, while for reasons already
stated, (4.) the law should not prohibit the owner of slave
families from separating them, except, as in Louisiana, in
the case of mother and young child, still it ought not itself,
by its own act, to separate them, except for crime; for there
is a wide difference between doing the thing itself, and pas-
sively permitting it to be done, on the ground that interfering
to prevent it would do more harm than good.

In Alabama, the law already requires, (see Appendix, E.
8,) that in all sales of slaves under civil process, they shall
be “offered, and, if practicable, sold, in families; unless,”
&c. Now, the “if practicable’? and the “unless,” &.,
should be left out, and the sale in families, (so far as the
members belonged to the same owner,) be made imperative,
including in the term “family,” father and mother, unmarried
sons under twenty-one years of age, and all unmarried
daughters. If this were done by all the slave-holding
States, as Iam persuaded it might be, without any more
serious inconvenience resulting from it, in the long run, than
from the homestead-exemption law,—a law which has its
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 61

inconveniences, but which is nevertheless demanded by
humanity and sound policy, and is fast getting to be uni-
versal,—I say, if this were done by all the slave-holding
States, it would take off the odium of the unjust separation
of families from the law, and leave it, (where it ought to
rest,) on the shoulders of the. individual slave-holder, who
would in that case, soon find it a burden too heavy for him
comfortably to bear.

Note 6.—THE Scripture Docrrine oF SLAVERY.

Mrs. Stowe brings forward but two passages, I believe,
that have, or are supposed by her to have, any bearing on
the subject. The one, “ Cursed be Canaan,” &c., which she
puts into the mouth of a pro-slavery clergyman, whom she
represents as saying, (vol. i. p. 181,) “It is undoubtedly the
intention of Providence that the African race should be
servants,” &c. But as I do not rest my justification of
slavery on that passage, I do not feel called on to make any
observations upon it. The other passage is, “ All things
whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even
so to them ;” and this passage she puts into the mouth of
an anti-slavery clergyman: but what it has to do with the
subject I can’t exactly make out. Most men would like to
be let off without punishment, if they had committed a
crime; does it follow, therefore, that they should let off
others? Such an interpretation of the text would strike at
the foundation of all law. The passage, then, is not to be
taken without limits, but is to have a common-sense appli-
cation ; and thus applied, I find a great deal in it against
bad masters, (as against other bad men,) but nothing at all
against masters simply so considered.

And it is the same with the entire New Testament. Not

EF
62 NOTES ON

a hint can be found in it, from beginning to end, that the
Master was wrong in holding his slave in bondage,—that
such holding was incompatible with the Christian character ;
on the contrary, its compatibility is expressly recognized,
as we shall presently see; and yet our Saviour and his
Apostles came continually in contact with slavery in its
most aggravated form. In proof of this, if proof is needed,
read the following admissions of the Rev. Albert Barnes, in
his work against slavery, (p. 250.)

“ All that the argument does require, whatever conclusion
we may reach as to the manner in which the apostles treated
the subject, is, the admission of the fact that slavery every-
where abounded; that it existed in forms of great severity
and cruelty ; that it involved all the essential claims that
are now made by masters to the services or persons of
slaves ; that it was protected by civil laws; that the master
had the right of transferring his slaves by sale, donation, or
testament; that in general he had every right which was
supposed to be necessary to perpetuate the system ; and that
it was impossible that the early preachers of Christianity
should not encounter this system, and be constrained to
adopt principles in regard to the proper treatment of it.”

And, again, page 251: “It is fair that the advocates of
this system should have all the advantage which can be
derived from the fact, that the apostles found it én its most
odious forms, and in such ctreumstances as to make it proper
that they should regard, and treat tt as an evil, if Chris-
tianity regards tt as such at all.”

And, again, pages 259, 260: “I am persuaded that no-

‘thing can be gained to the cause of anti-slavery by attempt-
ing to deny that the apostles found slavery in existence in
the regions where they founded churches, and that those
sustaining the relation of master and slave were admitted to
the churches, if they gave real evidence of regeneration,
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 63

and were regarded by the apostles as entitled to the common
participation of the privileges of Christianity.” (Rev. Albert
Barnes, as quoted in Fletcher’s Studies on Slavery, pp. 117,
118.)

With these facts staring us in the face, the silence of
Holy Scripture, so far as any expression of disapprobation
of the system of slavery is concerned, is very expressive.
This silenee is usually attempted to be got over by the alle-
gation (see Paley’s Moral Philosophy, Bk. 8, Pt. 2, ch. 3,)
that ‘ Christianity, soliciting admission into all nations of
the world, abstained, as behooved it, from intermeddling
with the civil institutions of any.’’ But, with all due defer-
ence to Dr. Paley, there was no need of interfering with
civil institutions. In the time of our Saviour, polygamy
was a civil institution, and yet Christianity prohibited it to
its converts; nor did it thereby come in collision with the
civil government; for the civil government did not compel
the practice of polygamy, it only allowed it.* Just so with
slavery. Had it been incompatible with Christianity for
Christians to hold slaves, they could have been prohibited
from it, without any conflict with the civil government; for
the holding of slaves was optional with: the citizen; there
was no compulsion about it, Quakerism does prohibit
slavery; in this, as in so many other points, wiser than
God: the Quakers in Alexandria, Virginia, will not hold
slaves, and yet, though formerly a resident in that city, I
never heard that they were looked upon as thereby coming
into conflict with the civil power. Quakerism thus does
what Christianity did not do: if, then, Paley and his fol-
lowers be right, Christianity has less moral courage than
Quakerism. But is it indeed so? God forbid that it
should be. The silence of Holy Scripture, then, as to the

* Had it compelled it, Christianity would undoubtedly have thrown
down the gauntlet to it, for its Founder was no temporizer.
64 NOTES ON

incompatibility of slaveholding with Christianity, is an ex-
pressive one. But its silence is not all: there is an express
recognition of the compatibility of slaveholding with Chris-
tianity: “Let as many servants as are under the yoke
count their own masters worthy of all honour, that the name
of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed. And they that
have believing masters, let them not despise them, because
they are brethren; but rather do them service, because they
are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit.” (1 Tim:
vi. 1, 2.)

The word here rendered servant means, literally, slave;
it is never used for a Azred servant. It is sometimes, how-
ever, employed metaphorically: thus bad men are called
servants (dove) of the devil, and good men, servants (doia0)
of God; but in both these cases it is an absolute service that
is designated. So St. Paul calls himself a servant (doin0s)
of Jesus Christ, and some men, not having the fear of rhe-
toric before their eyes, have inferred from this that the
word, even in its literal application, could not always mean
a slave; but this is a palpable non sequitur, as I will show
by two unexceptionable witnesses, Mr. Senator Sumner and
Mrs. Stowe herself.

Mr, Sumner, in his speech in the United States Senate
last August, (a copy of which he was so benevolent as to
send me under his official frank, and for which I am much
obliged to him, as it has furnished me with this illustration,)
holds the following language:—‘‘ Sir, I have never been a
politician. The slave of principles, I call no party master”
(p. 5); and Mrs. Stowe tells us, (vol. i. p. 230,) that ‘ Miss
Ophelia was the absolute bond-slave of the ‘ought’.” Now
if Mr. Senator Sumner could be the slave of principles, and
Miss Ophelia the slave of duty, I see not why St. Paul could
not be the slave of Him who is the incarnation and embodi-
ment of both. :
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 65

But even if there could be any doubt about the meaning
of the word, the apostle himself has explained it: “Let as
many servants as are under the yoke count their own
masters worthy of all honour.” Now I challenge any one
to find a single instance in the whole range of Greek litera-
ture in which the phrase “servants under the yoke” means

_ hired servants, or any other servants than slaves.

And these servants are here exhorted to count their own
masters worthy of all honour, that the name of God and his
doctrine be not blasphemed.

But it will be said, This is an inculcation of duty on the
slaves, and it does not follow that their masters are right in
holding them in bondage, any more than it follows from the
command to us, if any man smite us on the one cheek, to
turn to him the other, that he is right in smiting us.

Granted, for the argument’s sake ; but what says the next
verse? ‘‘And they that have believing masters, let them
not despise them, because they are brethren ; but rather do
them service, because they are faithful and beloved, par-
takers of the benefit.”

There were, then, at the time the apostle wrote these
words, Christians who were “faithful and beloved,” and
who, yet, held even their Christian brethren in bondage.

But, it will be said, these Christians were, as yet, imper-
fectly instructed in their duties, or they would not have
done such a deed. Let us see how this is. The epistle
from which the passage before us is taken, is addressed by
St. Paul to St. Timothy, the first bishop of Ephesus,—made
so by the laying on of the apostle’s own hands,—and the
Christians here referred to were members of the church of
Ephesus. Now this church was favoured beyond all others
with the apostle’s personal presence and ministrations. This
we learn from his farewell address to them at Miletus, (Acts

* xx. 17-38) :—“‘ Ye know from the first day that I came into

9 r
66 NOTES ON

Asia, after what manner I have been with you at all seasons.
* * * And how I kept back nothing that was profitable unto
you, but have showed you, and have taught you publicly,
and from house to house. * * * * And now, behold, I
know that ye all, among whom I have gone preaching the
kingdom of God, shall see my face no more. Wherefore I
take you to record this day that I am pure from the blood:
of all men. For I have not shunned to declare unto you
all the counsel of God. * * * Therefore watch, and remem-
ber that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn
every one night and day with tears. * * * * T have showed
you all things, how that so laboring ye ought to support
the weak ; and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus,
how he said, It ts more blessed to give than to receive.”
This address of the apostle was five years earlier, be it
observed, than his first epistle to St. Timothy. our years
after this address, and one year prior, therefore, to the first
epistle to Timothy, he addressed an epistle to the Ephesian
Christians themselves, and though with all the other churches
to whom he wrote epistles he has some fault to find, with the
church of Ephesus, he has none. Among the Romans, there
were those that “caused divisions and offences contrary to
the doctrine they had learned, and served not the Lord Jesus
Christ, but their own belly; (Rom. xvi. 17, 18.) The
Corinthians were “carnal,” and “incestuous ;” (1. Cor. iii.
1, and v. 1.) Of the Galatians the apostle ‘stood in
doubt ;” (Gal. iv. 20.) The Colossians, though professing to
be ‘‘dead to the world,” were still, ‘as though living in the
world, subject to ordinances,” “after the commandments
and doctrines of men ;”’ (Col. ii. 20-23.) Among the Thes-
salonians, there were those that walked disorderly, working
not at all, but being busy-bodies; (2 Thess. iii. 11.) The
Cretans (who, to be sure, were not directly addressed by St.
Paul, but only indirectly, through St. Titus, their first
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 67

bishop,) were “always lars, evil beasts, slow bellies ;”
(Tit. 1. 12, 13.) Even to the Philippians, the apostle speaks '
of their “‘lack of service” to him; (Phil. ii. 80.) But with
the Ephesian Christians, slaveholders as some of them were,
he finds no fault at all. Nay he even gives them directions
“how to exercise their authority over their slaves, without even
once hinting that the having authority over them was wrong.

So much for the apostle’s teaching in the passage before
us; I have dwelt the longer upon it, because one passage,
clearly understood, is as good as a hundred. I close this
note with two inferences.

First: When the apostle exhorts the Colossian masters to
give unto their servants “that which is just and equal,”
(Col. iv. 1,) he means what any man of plain common
sense would suppose him to mean,—that they should treat
them kindly and endeavour to promote their welfare; and
he does not mean, what none but drowning men that catch
at straws, and the shadows of straws, would ever suppose
him to mean,—that they should set them at liberty.

Second: If the apostle could preach to the Ephesians
“publicly and from house to house,” ‘night and day with
tears,” teaching them all the while to ‘‘ support the weak,”
and they, notwithstanding continue slaveholders, and five
years after, be recognized by him as “ faithful and beloved,”
and he could still ‘‘ take them to record” that he was “ pure
from the blood of all men,” having ‘‘ not shunned to declare
unto them the whole counsel of God,’’ then, if the ministers
of Christ at the South cannot take the/r people to record that
they are pure from the blood of all men, it will be because
they have not been equally faithful with the apostle to the
spiritual interests of master and servant, and not because
they have not denounced the master as a man-stealer, but
have maintained that it was his right, and, under the circum-
stances, his bounden duty, to keep his brother in bondage.
68 NOTES ON

Nore 7.-Errects of SLAVERY oN THE Necro.

I have already remarked, in the introduction, that the
simple test of the right or wrong of the continuance of
slavery, in any given case, is, its effect upon both parties. It
becomes important, therefore, to inquire what has been,
thus far, its effect, here in the United States, upon the
negro. I have already alluded to the subject, (Note 2,) but
something more than an allusion is needed, especially as the
matter is very generally misapprehended.

Mrs. Stowe charges slavery with having “ barbarized” the
negro: ‘To fill up Liberia with an ignorant, inexperienced,
half-barbarized race, just escaped from the chains of slavery,
would be only to prolong, for ages, the period of struggle
and conflict which attends the inception of new enterprises.”
(Vol. ii. p. 818.) And again: ‘On the shores of our free
States are emerging the poor, shattered, broken remnants of
families,—men and women, éscaped, by miraculous provi-
dences, from the surges of slavery,—fecble in knowledge,
and, in many cases, infirm in moral constitution, from a
system which confounds and confuses every principle of
Christianity and morality.” (p. 317.)

And the London Examiner, in a review of her work,
chimes in with her: ‘‘ We are for our own parts disposed to
regard as the chief evil the fact which is sometimes adduced
in extenuation of the whole crime against human rights—
that under the slave system the negroes have been plunged
into such depths of ignorance and brutishness, that they
have acquired not only the brute’s vices, but in a great
measure even the brute’s habit of unquestioning content
with his position. * * *° Not more than two negroesin
five thousand yearly have the spirit to attempt to escape.
They go to their cabins as the oxen to their stalls. And
that by deliberate denial of education, by a long course of
UNCLE TOM’S ‘CABIN. 69

e

debasing treatment, human beings should have been reduced
to this—is in our opinion a more horrible result of slavery
than even the tearing of the child from the slave parent, or
the selling of a husband by auction out of his wife’s arms.”
And again: “The complete acceptance of the slave’s
position indicated by Aunt Chloe in this last extract, the
contempt of their own skin which negroes acquire from the
habitual tone adopted by their white oppressors, that element
of degradation upon which we have already dwelt, is happily
touched in many portions of the book.” (See Littell’s Living
Age, No. 439, pp. 102 and 105.)

The charge here is, that American Slavery has caused
the negro to degenerate. In refutation of this charge, I
appeal ‘from Philip drunk, to Philip sober,” from Mrs.
Stowe the Advocate, seeking to bolster up a bad cause with
worse argument, to Mrs. Stowe the Judge, giving, in the
person of George Harris, an odzter (and, therefore, unpreju-
diced) dictum :

“The desire and yearning of my soul is for an African
nationality. I want a people that shall have a tangible,
separate existence of its own; and where am I to look for
it? Not.in Hayti; for in Hayti they had nothing to start
with. A stream cannot rise above its fountain. The race
that formed the character of the Haytiens was a worn-out,
effeminate one; and, of course, the subject race will be cen-
turies in rising to anything.

“Where, then, shall I look? On the shores of Africa I
see a republic,—a republic formed of picked men, who, by
energy and self-educating force, have, in many cases, indi-
vidually, raised themselves above a condition of slavery.”
(Vol. ii. p. 800.)

Now the meaning of all this is very plain; it means that
as the feeble character of the Haytiens was formed in
slavery to a ‘worn-out, efferhinate race,’ so the energetic
70 NOTES ON

character of the ‘picked men’”’ on the shores of Liberia Was
formed in slavery to a race composed of ‘ stern, inflexible,
energetic elements,’ to which had ‘* been entrusted the des-
tinies of the world, during its pioneer period of struggle and
conflict.” (p. 802.) And this is undoubtedly true. Yet it
is a truth entirely lost sight of by the opponents of slavery,
if, indeed, they were ever aware of it. They speak of the
poor African as
“Forced from home and all its pleasures,”

just as if he ever had a home, or even the ¢dea of one.
They seem to look on Africa as a paradise, with the golden
age of pastoral innocence and simplicity still lingering
among its inhabitants, though long since gone from the rest
of the earth. If the reader has heretofore indulged in such
a dream, let him turn to Appendix, B., and he will there
find what will dissipate it forever.

Hobbes, in his Leviathan, (Pt. i. ch. 18,) thus describes
the condition of Europe in the Middle Ages :—‘“ No arts,
no letters, no society,—and which is worst of all, continual
fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man soli-
tary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” And it must be
owned that there is too much truth in the description. Yet
Europe in the Middle Ages was paradise, compared with
Western Africa in all ages that we have any knowledge of
her, the present included. She is the darkest of those
“dark places of the earth” which, the Psalmist tells us,
“are full of the habitations of cruelty.”’

I have spoken of the slave traffic as an accursed trafic,
(Note 38,) but it is because of the cruelty with which it is
carried on. ‘To stow human beings “‘in a sitting posture,
wedged in between each others’ legs, in a space between
decks only three feet and a quarter high, with no air but
what is admitted through the grated hatchways, through
which their food is passed to them,” and to keep them thus
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 71

cramped up for weeks, and even months, together, is a deed
that one would suppose none but a devil would be guilty of;
and they who do it, deserve the same treatment in return:
hanging is too good for them. Why! even the Guinea pigs
are not thus stowed away; if they were, they would die ou
the voyage.

But if the slave traffic were carried on without cruelty,—
if the negroes were as comfortably accommodated on board
the slave ships, as the Irish and the Germans are in our
emigrant vessels, then the slave traffic, so far from being
accursed, would be a positive blessing to them.* The slave,
thus brought under the control of a Christian master, would
be as much better off than he was under his savage master
in Africa, as the German or Irish peasant in this country is
better off than Ire was in his native land. Nay, taking into
consideration his own improvement and that of his pos-
terity,—their gradual civilization and Christianization,—and
he would be far the greater gainer of the two.

As to the slave trade severing family ties, it is all, to use
St. Clare’s expression, ‘‘humbug:” there are no family ties,
among the Western Africans, that are at all regarded by
themselves. Parents sell their own children, and husbands
their wives, without compunction. (See Appendix, B.) In-
deed, properly speaking, there are no husbands and wives ;
the marriage relation, as we understand it, is unknown
among them: its place is supplied by a temporary concu-
binage ; the man can put away the woman at any time, for
any reason, or for no reason at all.

‘As to the slave trade reducing free men to slavery, ordi-
narily, it is not true; most of the natives of Africa are born

* Or rather, it would be a blessing to them, put for the fact that
where there is a fresh supply from Africa at a low rate, the owner can
afford to work up his hands, and, in some cases, does actually work

them up.
72 NOTES ON

in slavery ;* and even where they are free, their freedom is
a curse to them, and nota blessing. Those slaves at the
South who belong to the hardest masters, and are most
rigorously treated, are far better off than the freest native
inhabitants of Western Africa; and the average condition
of the Southern slaves is infinitely preferable to the average
condition of the West-African negro, bond or free.

All this, no doubt, will sound very strange to Northern
ears: it would have sounded so to mine twenty years ago.
It is not the teaching of New England school-books. The
children there grow up under the impression that the slaves
at the South go regularly to their work under the lash, with
every nerve of endurance strained to its utmost tension.
They have read the words of Cowper,—what schoolboy has
not read them ?—those glowing words :—

“Thus man devotes his brother, and destroys ;
And worse than all, and most to be deplored
As human nature’s broadest, foulest blot,
Chains him, and tasks him, and exacts his sweat
With stripes, that mercy, with a bleeding heart,
Weeps when she sees inflicted on a beast :’—

and they have taken them for gospel, and thought them
literally applicable to the southern slaveholder. True, they
have learned better as they have grown up, but their early
impression still clings to them and exercises a powerful
influence over them. It is with them very much as it was
with a class-mate of mine whom I recollect to have met in
Virginia, the year after we graduated. ‘Why,’ said he,
“when I was at Cambridge, I always felt as though the
Unitarians were the majority, not only there, but every-
where. True, when I reflected, I knew it was not so, but,
then, I did not realize it. And now, I have come here in

* Of the fifty millions that inhabit that continent, forty millions are
slaves to the other ten.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. + 3

Virginia, and they hardly think a Unitarian a human being.”
This shows how early impressions tyrannize over us, even
when we know them to be false. The Northern people know
that their early impression of the physical condition of the
negro is unfounded, and yet they can’t rid themselves of it.
I say, they know i is unfounded. Now and then, some
greenhorn revives some old exploded fable, but only they
believe it who are as green as he. The anti-slavery orators
have dropped the physical condition of the negro from their
list of topics: it no longer makes up the staple of their
harangues. They know, if they know anything about the
matter, that the negro is, as-a general thing, far better off,
physically, than the English day-labourer ;—that he works
less, is fed better, and has more relaxation. Mr. Senator
Sumner, in the speech already quoted, speaks of slavery
(p. T,) as a power, ‘which, amidst a plausible physical com-
fort, deprates man, created in the divine ee to the level
of a beast.”

Mr. Horace Mann, in his speech before the House of
Representatives last August, when asked by Mr. Mason,
(p. T,) Are not our slaves better off, both mentally and physi-
cally, than any three millions of negroes ever were in Africa?
instead of speaking out lke a man, squirms and wriggles
through a whole column of circumlocution, because he could
not answer the question in the negative, and would not
answer it in the affirmative.

The London Times, of September Ist, with commendable
straight-forwardness, speaks thusupon the point: “‘ The efforts
made in the South to improve the condition of the slave show
at least that humanity is not dead in the bosoms of the pro-
prietors. Mrs. Stowe has certainly not done justice to this
branch of the subject. Horrors in connection with slavery
—itself a horror—unquestionably exist ; but all accounts—
save her own, and those of writers actuated by her extreme

10 ©
74 = NOTES ON

views—concur in describing the general condition of the South-
ern slave as one of comparative happiness and comfort, such as
many a free man in the United Kingdom might regard with
envy. One authority on this point is too important to be
overlooked. In the year 1842 a Scotch weaver, named
William Thomson, travelled through the Southern States.
He supported himself on the way by manual labour; he
mixed with the humblest classes, black and white, and on
his return home he published an account of his journeyings.
He had quitted Scotland a sworn hater of slave proprietors,
but he confessed that experience had modified his views on
this subject to a considerable degree. He had witnessed
slavery in most of the slaveholding States, he had lived for
weeks among negroes in cotton plantations, and he asserted
that he had never beheld one-fifth of the real suffering that
he had seen among the labouring poor in England. Nay
more, he declared—

‘“«¢ That the members of the same family of negroes are not
so much scattered as are those of working men in Scotland,
whose necessities compel them to separate at an age when
the American slave is running about gathering health and
strength.’

“Ten years have not increased the hardships of the
Southern slave. During that period colonization has come to
his relief—education has, legally or illegally, found its way
to his cabin, and Christianity has added spiritual consola-
tions to his allowed, admitted physical enjoyments.”

Such are the admissions of the opponents of slavery.
But it is said the negroes on the sugar estates are excep-
tions, especially in the “sugar season;’’ that they are then
worked beyond their strength without regard to consequences.

Now so far is this from being the case, that the negroes
themselves look forward to the time with pleasurable antici-
pation; it is to them a harvest-home, a frolic, like our
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 75

>

Northern “huskings.’”’ True the work goes on through the
whole twenty-four hours; it must or the sugar could not be
made, but the negroes work by relays, and so far are they
from being overworked, that they come out from it, at the
end of the season, ‘fat and well- “liking. =

The truth is, this story is of a piece with a good many
others invented by the Abolitionists, and which they have
told so long that they have at last come to believe them
without stopping to consider how incredible they might be:
Credo, quia impossibile est, being apparently their motto.
Let one example serve for all:

“The following amusing scene,” says the Holly Springs,
Miss., correspondent of the Memphis Eagle and Inquirer,
“actually occurred last summer between a citizen of our
town and a Yankee on board one of the Northern steam-
boats :—

“Our Southern friend discovered a disposition in a very
gentle looking man on board the boat to open a chat with
him, and nothing loth to hear what his friend wished to say,
indicated by his manner that he was approachable, where-
upon the following dialogue ensued:

_ « Vankee.—Well, sir, I wish to ask you a question; I
hope it will be no offence. :

“ Southerner.—Certainly not; I will hear you with plea-
sure.

“ Yankee.—Well, sir, is it true, that they work negroes
in the plough at the South ?

“ Southerner.—I will answer you in the favourite method
of your own countrymen, by asking you a question or two.

“© Vankee.—I admit the right, sir.

“ Southerner.—How many negro fellows do you suppose
it would require to draw a good large one-horse plough ¢

“ Vankee.—Well, I suppose six or seven—say seven.

“ Southerner.—What are they worth per head?
76 NOTES ON

“ Vankee.—Well, I suppose $800.

“ Southerner.—That would be $5,600. Now what would
one large, strong horse cost ?

“ Vankee.—I guess about $100.

“Upon this the Southerner looked a little quizzically at
his neighbour, who, without waiting to hear the conclusion,
stuttered and stammered— .

“Well, I-I-I knew it was ad d lie!”

The physical comfort of the negro, then, is admitted. How
is it with his intellect? Has slavery deteriorated it, or has
it improved it? Let those who have seen the Guinea negro
side by side with the descendants of the original stock
imported into this country two-hundred years ago, answer the
questicn ; they will all answer it one way, for it-admits of
but one answer.

The same may be said of their moral condition, only here
the contrast is still more striking. Of all the inhabitants of
the earth, I suppose it would be difficult to find any others
so low in the scale of morality as the West African negroes.
Certainly none lower can be found, for they are at the bottom
of the scale. Says Mr. Fletcher in his “Studies on Slavery,”
(a work that should be read by all who would thoroughly
understand the subject,) in answer to the allegation of Dr.
Wayland that slavery “ tends to abolish all moral distinc-
tions in the slave, and fosters in him lying, deceit, hypocrisy,”
&c. If the doctor had seen the native African and slave in
the wild, frantic joy of his savage worship, tendered to his
chief idol-god, the embodiment of concupiscence ; if he had
seen all the power of the Christian master centered to effect
the eradication of this heathen belief, and the habits it
engendered ; had he witnessed the anxiety of the master for
the substitution of the precepts of Christianity; if he had
seen the untiring efforts of the masters, sometimes for several
generations, before this great object could be accomplished,

 
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. U7

and the absolute necessity of its accomplishment before the
labour of the slave could ordinarily become to him an article
of full and desirable profit,—he would probably never have
written the paragraph we have quoted!” (p. 26.) And
“again; “ The African negro has no idea of marriage as a
saa ordinance of God. Many of the tribes worship a
Fetish, which is a personification of their gross ‘notions of
procreation ; but it inculcates no idea like that of marriage ;
and we have known the posterity of that people, four or five
generations removed from the African native, as firmly
attached to those-strange habits as if they had been consti-
tutional.” (p. 38.) Of course, the moral elevation of such a
people must be more than ordinarily an uphill work ; yet
slavery has effected it to a considerable degree. Of the
three millions of slaves in this country, there are, I suppose,
at least one hundred thousand exemplary Christians. These
stand at the head of the scale. At the foot of it, is, of
course, a very different class ; yet take ten thousand of the
dregs of the slave population, and place them alongside of
ten thousand of the elzte of West-African negroes, and the
comparison will be greatly to the advantage of the former.
But take the average moral condition of the American and
the African negro, and the fofmer will be found incompa-
rably superior to the latter in every element of moral worth.

Say I this, of myself? Nay, every one that has the
means of forming an opinion says the same; he cannot say
otherwise.

But it will be said, admitting that it is so,—admitting
that slavery has elevated the negro, freedom would have
elevated hini still more. This allegation requires considera-
tion. Before considering it, however, and as a help to the
solution of the problem involved in it, let us glance at the
condition of the laboring classes at the North and in

Europe. In a subsequent note I will recur to this subject.
qQ*
78 NOTES ON

Nore 8.—Tur LABouRING CLASSES.

On this subject, my remarks will be confined principally
to the laboring classes of England, both because it is to
them, chiefly, that Mrs. Stowe alludes, and because I have
not equal means of information in regard to the European
continent. As to our own country, it is too new, as yet,
to groan under so heavy a burden of social evils as the old
world; though we shall see, before we get through, that even
it has its full share, ay, and more than its share, considering
its extent of territory and comparatively recent settlement.

I shall confine myself, I say, principally to the laboring
classes of England. I wish it, however, to be distinctly
understood, that what I have to say, is not said by way of
recrimination; there has been enough of that already.
Besides, I do not think it Christian; if I did, I could easily
find plenty of provocation to it, and that not merely in the
English partizan press, but in other quarters, where least it
would be looked for. Only a few days ago, I purchsed of a

‘ travelling book-vender a stray copy of a little volume enti-
tled, ‘The Clouds and Peace of Aristophanes, translated
into English prose, by a graduate of the University of
Oxford. Oxford: Henry Slatter, 1840,” and on cutting the
leaves I found on the first page of the translation, on the
passage, “‘ Out upon you, O war! on account of many evils,
and because you prohibit me from chastising my servants,”
the following note: “ For the alleviation of evil which the
Peloponnesian war brought to the Grecian slaves, (sce
Mitford, v. 9.) In amodern Republic, which exhibits all the
vices, cruelty, and tyranny of the Athenians, without one
particle of their genius or refinement, it is to be hoped that
war, if it should again occur, may enforce the lesson which
humanity has failed to inculcate ; and that the Transatlantic
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 79

Strepsiades will be taught, to his amazement, that he can no
longer ‘ flog his nigger’ with impunity.”

Now as to the “genius” of the “modern Republic,” I
shall not stop to argue the question, though I think it might
easily be shown that we are not altogether destitute of the
commodity; but on the score of “refinement,” if the above
note is to be taken as a fair specimen of what passes under
the name, at the most ancient and venerable seat of learn-
ing in England, sure I am, that our scholars,—and we have
some,—some whose scholarship England herself is ready
enough to appropriate, with or without credit, though she
does not always make the best selection, at least, in the
classical line,—I say, if the above note is to be taken as a
fair specimen of what passes for refinement among the gra-
duates of the University aforesaid, sure I am that our
scholars will not envy them the possession of it.

Seriously, the above note is a.disgrace to the Republic of
Letters, and the only apology I can frame for its author is,
that he was a tyro, and had not yet cut his wisdom teeth.
The translation is a very respectable one; not, however,
above the capacity of the better half of our undergraduates
of two years standing; and as to the Notes,—the few of
them, I mean, that are original,—there is not one that
might not have been written by the aforesaid undergradu-
ates,—the above-quoted note about the “genius,” the ‘re-
finement,” &c., of course, always excepted: not one of our
undergraduates, certainly not one of our scholars, could
have written such a note: he would have felt the burning
blush of conscious degradation tingling his cheek while
writing it, and would have stopped short in mid-way, for
very shame.

And such is the state of feeling towards us in the quiet
cloisters of England’s oldest University! What then must
it be in the nation at large! And can we wonder that such
80 NOTES ON

malignant and wanton abuse should provoke the bitterest
recrimination? No! it ig human nature, and however
much we may regret it, we cannot wonder at it. Says An
American in London, (said to be Col. Mayne Reid,) ina
Letter to the Editor of the Times, under date of Dec. 14,
1852, and first published in the New York Journal of Com-
merce, the Times having refused to publish it: ‘“ Travel
where he will, an American finds but abuse of his country
on the most frivolous grounds, in all journals. I left it in
England, to find it fresh where I was so inconsiderate as
not to expect it, in the petty press of Germany; I have
come back, and the first thing that greets me is not a wel-
come from those I still like, still esteem, still love, though
they do everything to make me dislike, disesteem, and hate .
them—not a welcome—no, not a welcome—witness your
columns of this day! * * * If we do not grow fonder of the
country of our ancestors and our commercial competition,
we can point to such writings as this latter, and say she will
not let us. * * * If I have written warmly—and I do not
deny it, for I have felt warmly—it is from that indignant
sense of wrong which Americans are everywhere made to
-feel on subjects that concern their country, sometimes (as in
the case of a young Carolinian whom I met with recently,)
without a grain of that liking which, with me, where Eng-
land is concerned, must, even despite myself, always qualify
its bitterness.” And he adds in a note, “ This gentleman
(the Carolinian) carried his resentment so far as to be indig-
nant that I should say anything in favor of your country-
men, while his ardent aspiration, though he was really a
man of sense, well informed, well educated, and who had the
advantages of foreign travel, was for another war with Eng-
land! ‘but one more!’ which he significantly said ‘ would be
the last.’ I mention this for the benefit of the Times,
whose Philippics have helped to make such cordial haters,
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 81

not less perhaps than has the dishonest meddling with other
men’s property, of the anti-slavery propagandists, who put
their hands without scruple into the pockets of the planters,
and sow without remorse the seed of dissensions that have
nearly fructified with a harvest of blood between drothers.
For myself, I hope that, if this writing should meet the eyes
of the young Southerner above alluded to, he will now be-
lieve, though he may not even yet comprehend ‘how it can
be,’ that I can ‘reconcile’ my love and esteem for what is
English, with my sense of duty and a paramount affection
for my own country.” s

To all that the writer says, in the above, of attachment to
“what is English,” I say, Amen, with all my heart. I love
England, as the land of my fathers,—the noblest land, that
side the water, that the sun ever shone upon, spite of social
evils and abuses: I love her Church,—the Pillar and the
Ground of the Truth,—the fairest representative, in the
Old World, of the Virgin Spouse of Christ, spite of certain
practices that have an ugly look of simony,—-spite of certain
excrescences and accretions, that her truest sons must, I
think, find it hard to submit to. And shall I seek to foment
discord and ill-will between my countrymen and such a
people? When I do it, may I forfeit all the untold bless-
ings which I have inherited from her glorious free Constitu-
tion and her more glorious Church!

In bringing forward the condition of the English Jabour-
ing classes, then, I do it from no vile motive of recrimina-
tion. Ido it, because the subject is introduced into the
work Iam commenting on, and because my argument re-
quires it.

The author of “ Friends in Council” in his “‘ Letter upon
Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” takes exception to its representations
of the labouring classes of England, and in place of them
gives us a creation of his own, a genyine Arcadian picture

11
82 on NOTES ON

of rural content; fine poetry, no doubt, but contrasting
oddly with the prose reality, as exhibited in the extracts I
have given in Appendix, K., from Parliamentary and other
documents, and the police reports of the newspaper press.
Most of these extracts speak for themselves, and little need
therefore be said upon them.

The first is from the Rejoinder of the American ladies to
the Stafford House Remonstrance against slavery in America.
I give it as I find it in the London Guardian of January
19th, 1853. On another page of that paper is the following
comment:

“¢The Women of America,’ we with confusion admit, are
more than a match in fluent and pugnacious rhetoric for
‘the women of England.’ Crushed under a prodigious
rejoinder, which seems to have been hurled across the At-
lantic by some strong-minded coterie at Boston, lies the
crow-quill ‘appeal’ from Stafford House. Possibly it
deserved its fate—certainly it provoked it; yet the reply, we
submit, is a parody rather than a retort. No real parallel
can be drawn between a bad institution, which is defended
and upheld, and the ignorance, misery, and vice which grow
up in every old and densely peopled country, and which, if
we do not our very best to conquer them, we at least unani-
mously deplore. To the allegation that the law in Virginia
makes the marriage of slaves a kind of concubinage, and
permits women to be sold openly for the purpose of prosti-
tution, it is no answer to say that there is a great deal of
vice in London streets. There is plenty of it also in the
streets of New York. Show us how to eradicate it, and we
will try. No, this is no answer; yet it may help us to lay
more seriously to heart the things we are reproached with—
to be more earnest with ourselves (and O, what resolution it
needs to realize the duty to its full extent!) in making the
soc.ety we live in mere like a Christian community than
it is.”
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 83

Now in answer to the above, I have one or two remarks
to make. In the first place, I challenge the Guardian to
bring forward the “law in Virginia,” or any other slave
State of the American Union, that “ makes the marfiage of
slaves a kind of concubinage,”’ or ‘‘ permits women to be sold
openly for the purpose of prostitution.”’ On the contrary,
against this latter, herein Maryland, there is, and has been
for more than one hundred years, a stringent enactment
(see Appendix, E. 9); and everywhere in the slave States,
public opinion frowns upon it. Can as much be said in
regard to the whites and the quadroons of Jamaiga? (See
Appendix, G. 1.) In the second place, that ‘no real paral-
lel can be drawn between a bad institution,” or any INSTI-
TUTION, and “ignorance, misery, and vice,” I grant, for an
“institution” and “ignorance, misery, and vice,’’ differ in
kind, and things that differ in kind do not admit of compari-
son: but between the consequences of one institution and
the consequences of another institution a real parallel may
be drawn; and that is what I propose doing. The editor
of the Guardian seems, somehow or other, to have got the
idea that the “ignorance, misery, and vice” of the slave
States are the results of an institution, but that the “igno-
rance, misery, and vice” of England are not the results of
an institution; and Punch, in his Poetical Epistle to Mrs.
ex-President Tyler, has the same notion. Can it be that
the editor of the Guardian writes for Punch? or did Punch
borrow the idea from him? Surely, two sane men could not
have chanced, independently of each other, on so original
an idea.

The editor of the London Times understands this matter
better. In his paper of December 1st, 1852, in an article
on the “Stafford House Appeal,” he has the following :—
“We will not anticipate the American rejoinders on the
mere question of slavery itself, its physical distresses, and
84 NOTES ON

moral degradation. ‘These must have occurred to the aristo-
cratic and not less philanthropic circle at Stafford-house,
who know too well the fragile materials of their own social
system “not to fear the damaging reply they are bringing on
themselves.”’

The ‘social system,” I take it, is an ‘institution,”
wherever existing ; certainly, the English social system.
What though it be the product of circumstances, and you
can find no law establishing it? So is the institution of
slavery. Let the editor of the Guardian look into the
books, and examine for himself: laws recognizing the insti-
tution and regulating its working, he will find in abundance,
just as he will, laws recognizing the social system and
regulating tts working ; but any law establishing either, he
will look in vain for. I know the Judges in England and in
this country,—some, even in the slave States,—tell us that
slavery is the creature of positive law; but they speak
without book. Slavery existed in ‘“ the colonies,” years
before any statute-law even regulating it, much less estab-
lishing it. Why, it is only the other day, as it were, that
Maryland enacted the following law :—

“An Act declaring Domestic Slavery to be lawful in this
State. 1839. chap. 338.

‘* Whereas, the courts in some of the non-slaveholding
States require the owners of fugitive slaves to prove that
slavery exists in this State, and it is right to provide a con-
venient mode of enabling such owners to procure a certified
copy of a law, proving that slavery exists by law in this
State; therefore,

“Be it enacted by the General Assembly of‘ Maryland,
That negroes and mulattoes have been held in slavery in
this State as the property of their owners from the earliest
settlement of this State, and are, and may be hereafter held

in slavery as the property of their owners, and that every
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 85

owner of such negro or mulatto is entitled to the service and
labour of such negro or mulatto for the life of such negro
or mulatto, except in cases where such negro or mulatto can
show, that by the grant or devise of the owner or some
former owner of such negro or mulatto, orshis or her
maternal ancestor, a shorter period of service has been
prescribed.”

Slavery, then, in the United States, is an institution, in
the same sense that the social system in England is an
institution, and in no other sense.

“ Ay, but slavery is a dad institution.”

Nay, Mr. Guardian! not so fast. How do you know it
is a bad institution ?

‘ Because it produces bad results.”

, So does the social system of England.

“Not so! the ignorance, misery, and vice which exist in
England, are such as grow up in every old and densely
peopled country.”

Aye, but the question is, not what they grow up zn, but
what they grow up from. A dense population is only the
soil in which they- thrive : the social system, as it exists in
England,—the competitive, or demand-and-supply system,—
is the seed from which they spring. *

“ That ignorance, misery, and vice, if we do not our very
best to conquer, we at least unanimously deplore.’

So do we, the comparatively trifling amount of misery
and vice resulting from slavery. As to the ignorance, I
have a few words to say in explanation. I have not the
statistics of Europe at hand, but in the little island of Sar-
dinia, I learn from official sources, that of the 548,000, and

* If the editor of the Guardian wants further proof of this, I will
refer him to “The Slave Trade Domestic and Foreign, by H. C. Carey,
Philadelphia,” published since the above was written, in which he
will find my position demonstrated.

H
86 NOTES ON

odd, of its inhabitants, over 512,000 are unable either to
read or write. I doubt if anything like that proportion
could have been found among the slaves of the last genera-
tion. With the present generation it is different ; as a gen-
eral thing, they are not permitted to be taught to read.
That it should be so, we “ unanimously deplore,” but there
is no help for it: a hard necessity is upon us ;—a necessity,
of life and death. Let the abolitionists cease to flood the
South with incendiary publications reeking with the fires of
hell,—let the inculcation of such devilish doctrines be given
over forever, and let the South be assured of this, and, my
word for it, our Legislatures will repeal forthwith the laws
against the education of the slaves.

But, it will be said, the very fact that such laws are ne-
cessary, proves that the institution of slavery is a bad one..
Nay, it proves no such thing: it only proves that plausible
falsehood is dangerous to those who receive it for gospel.
If all the slaves could be made to see, (as some fugitives
have seen, and gone back to tell their masters,) how much
better ‘off they are than the free negroes at the North,—
nay, how much better off they are than the great majority
of the Kuropean peasantry,—abolitionists might come
among us, and preach insurrection, to their heart’s content,
and no harm come of it: so far from the negroes being ex-
cited to bloodshed by it, they would be content with their
condition, and heartily thank God for having called them to
such a ‘‘state of salvation” from the miseries of +the peas-
antry of Europe.

A real parallel, then, with the Guardian’s leave, can be
drawn, not between “a bad institution” and “ignorance,
misery, and vice ;’’ but between the results of two institu-
tions good or bad; and this is what I propose doing, or
rather, setting the reader to do for himself; for if he
will turn to Appendix, K., and read the documents there
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN, 87

cited, he will need few words of mine, in the way of com-
ment.

What would ‘be said, if the statements there made (and
they are only a specimen of what might be made,) could be
made, with equal truth, of the slaves of the South? The
“laboring classes” working for less than one dollar and
three quarters a week, (see Appendix, K., 2, [5],) and out
of that, feeding and clothing a family, and paying for fuel
and rent, and unable to get constant employment, even at
that! One hundred thousand persons, in the city of Lon-
don alone, “rising in the morning without the certainty of
a meal during the day!” “prowling about the thorough-
fares,” existing “‘ partly by petty pilfering,” and lodging at
night, “seventy or eighty persons huddled together, in a
small eight-roomed house in a foetid alley, built up close at
the back, so that the circulation of even the smallest cur-
rent of air is rendered impossible !’”’ (Appendix, K., 2, [1].)
Misery so abject that, in the words of the London Morning
Herald, (see Appendix, K., 2, [2],) “‘we may venture to
set against all the degradation of human nature that prevails
over ten thousand square miles of the most savage district
upon earth, the utter abasement of our fellow-creatures,
which is, at the very hour when we write, contained within
the limits of the metropolis of great and Christian Eng-
land!” ‘White slaves,’ in the words of the London
Times, (Appendix, K., 2, [3],) “of a sex and age least
qualified to struggle with the hardships of their lot—young
women, for the most part, between sixteen and thirty years
of age, worked in gangs in ill-ventilated rooms, or rooms
that are not ventilated at all,’ lest particles of soot and
smoke, coming in with the air, should soil and damage the
work on which they are employed ; sewing “from morning
till night, and night till morning—stitch, stitch, without
pause—without speech—without a smile—without a sigh !”
88 NOTES ON

At work “in the gray of the morning,” with “‘a quarter of
an hour allowed for breaking their fast ;”’ their food “ scanty
and miserable enough.” ‘From six o'clock till eleven,”
“stitch, stitch ;” “at eleven, a small piece of dry bread,”
compelled still to “stitch on ;” “at one, twenty minutes for
dinner—a slice of meat and a potatoe, with a glass of toast
and water;’’ “then again to work—stitch, stitch—until
five;’’ “fifteen minutes’ ‘‘for tea;” “once more, stitch,
stitch, until nine ;” “fifteen minutes” “‘for supper—a piece
of dry bread and cheese, and a glass of beer.”- “From
nine o'clock at night until one, two, and three o’clock in the
morning, stitch, stitch; the only break in this long period
being a minute or two—just time enough to swallow a cup
of strong tea, which is supplied lest the young people should
‘feel sleepy. At three o'clock, A. M., to bed; at six
o'clock, A. M., out of.it again to resume the duties of the
following day.’’ Even this, not all! ‘During the few
hours allotted to sleep’ —“ rather say, to a feverish cessa-
tion from toil”—no relief from their miseries; “cooped up
in sleeping-pens, ten in a room which would perhaps be suf-
ficient for the accommodation of two persons.” ‘Not a
word of remonstrance allowed, or possible.” The only
alternative, “ prostitution,” or “ starvation’!!! Why, the
cotton-picking on Legree’s plantation,—caricature, ay, out-
rageous caricature, as it is, (see vol. ii. p. 183,) is a paradise
in the comparison.

And who are they who, in their refinement of cruelty,
thus shame the devil himself? Who, indeed? ‘The wil-
liners and dressmakers of the metropolis,” who “ will not
employ hands enough to do the work ;” who “dnerease their
profits from the blood and life of the wretched creatures in
their employ.” ;

And have these “milliners and dressmakers” no souls,
that they thus fatten on the miseries of their fellow-crea-
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 89

tures? Souls! To be sure they have. Why, they claim
to be Christians! But will Christ own them for his ?—will
he allow any such to pass the narrow gate? No, never!
His words to all such, individually, will be, “‘ Remember,’”—
and a bitter memory it will be,— Remember that thou, in
thy life-time, receivedst thy good things, and likewise, thy
poor workwomen evil things; but now, they are comforted,
and thou art tormented.” Eternal punishment seems to
some too terrible to be true; but I confess, I can conceive
of no punishment too severe, or too long-continued, for
those who thus drain out the life-blood of their fellow-crea-
tures, to pamper their own pride or avarice. One would
almost feel towards them what I once heard one man say
of another: ‘I wish I could be devil for one half-hour, to
have the handling of him;” and that, not from any feeling
of vengeance,—certainly not, in the bad sense of the term,—
but from a sentiment of simple justice. The human mind
is so constituted that it aches at injustice: it feels that the
fitness of things is outraged when the guilty are suffered to
go clear; and though with man, as with God, mercy re-
joiceth against judgment, there are cases when mercy has
exhausted itself, and can plead no longer: ‘He shall have
judgment without mercy, that hath showed no mercy,” is
the voice of God, and it is a voice that finds an echo in every
unsophisticated human breast. zi

And these things are done in “ merry England!” Ay,
and not these alone. The milliners and dressmakers are
not the only ones who thrive on the miseries of their fellows ;
the keepers of ‘‘furnishing” shops are in the same cate-
gory,—witness the “song of the shirt ;” and so are the
“ fashionable tailors,” as many an Alton Locke could testify.
Nor are the employers generally, altogether clear in this
matter; they are, almost all of them, more or less guilty of
their brother’s blood.

12 a
90 NOTES ON

Nor is this misery confined to England, though it is more
aggravated there: there is plenty of it in New York, (see
Appendix, K. 6. (1.), (2.) and (8.),) and in all our Northern
eB worst of all, is the frequent inability to procure work
at all, even at the starvation prices; see Appendix, K. 2.
(2.) and (4.), and 6. (8.),). If any one can read the “ Lay
of the Laborer” and the comments immediately following it,
(Appendix, K. 2. (4.),), with a dry eye, I do not envy him
his feelings.

And this state of things is working out, or rather, has
already worked out, its legitimate results in the moral and
intellectual condition of the people. I say, its legzt¢mate
results: the author of the letter to the London Times, of
Dec. 14th, 1852, before referred to, speaks of “those
creature comforts, which, after all the stuff that is uttered
by such dirty birds* as Mrs. Beecher Stowe, and such whole-
sale libellers as Mr. Charles Dickens, are the mainsprings
not only of human happiness, but of human order and of the
commonest morality : and the editor of the London Guar-
dian, (Appendix, K. 2. (1.),) tells us,—and tells us ¢ruly,—
that ‘although, aaTortimatelys moral improvement does not
necessarily keep pace with physical comforts, one’ thing is
certain, that if any set of human beings be lodged and
treated materially as beasts, or worse than beasts, their
moral and intellectual natures will soon undergo an analo-
gous degradation.”

And such is actually the case with large numbers of the
laboring classes of England :—* Poor pale-looking creatures,
wearing out their existence in the cellars of damp ware-

* Alluding, no doubt, to the proverb, “It’s an ill bird that fouls its
own nest,”—a proverb which has had a fresh exemplification, in the
speech of Prof. Stowe at Liverpool two or three weeks since. (See
Appendix, L.)

t
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 91

houses, with bleached cheeks and sunken eyes, and sharp
pointed red noses, chuckling to themselves—laugh they
cannot; they have forgotten how to do it; they used to
laugh when they were children, but that was a long time
_ago, and there have been many changes since ;” (Appendix,
K. 3. (1.),)—‘“* More than twenty instances, occurring
within two months, in London alone, of the most foul and
savage attacks, committed mostly by men, on women and
defenceless children. The old chivalry of common life, which
held it base to lift a hand against a woman, seeming to be
extinct,” (Appendix, K. 8. (2.),). Children of less than
seven years old, trained by their fathers as pickpockets,
that they may be imprisoned and maintained at the public
charge, (Appendix, K. 3. (3.),). Of the “ couples living
together,’ among the costermongers, only one in ten,
(Appendix, K. 1.), and among the chimney-sweepers, only
one in, fifty, (Appendix, K. 8. (5.),), married; the sin of
impurity “no less unhappily prevalent among the country
population than in the manufacturing districts,” (Appendix,
K. 38«(6.),); and as the consequence, in part, of this, and
in part, of abject poverty, ¢nfanticzde, frightfully prevalent,
(Appendix, K. 38. (7.),). To sum up all, according to a
statement in the National Temperance Chronicle, (rather a
suspicious authority, by the way; for these ‘papers of one
idea’ are prone to exaggeration,) sixteen thousand children,
in London, trained to crime; five thousand persons, receivers
of stolen goods; fifteen thousand gamblers by profession ;
twenty-five thousand beggars; thirty thousand drunkards ;
one hundred and eighty thousand habitual drinkers (to
excess ?); one hundred and fifty thousand persons subsisting
on profligacy; fifty thousand thieves; making a grand
total of crime, of four hundred and seventy-one thousand, or
one in every five of the entire population, in the city of
London alone !
92 NOTES ON

And such is the moral condition of the English laboring
classes !

After this we are prepared for the following statement of
their intellectual condition :—More than two-thirds of the
entire population, (see Appendix, K. 1.,) and of course,
therefore, more than three-fourths of the laboring classes,
with no ‘‘education”’ at all, or, the little they have, gained
at the Sunday School, and by its meagerness forcibly exem-
plifying the truth of the remark of Mrs. Stowe, (vol. ii. p. 22,)
that “a mind stupefied and animalized by every bad influence
from the hour of birth, spending the whole of every week-day
in unreflecting toil, cannot be done much: with by a few
hours on Sunday.” If ‘reading and writing” be necessary
to salvation, as one would imagine from the outcry that iy
made against a certain modern provision of the slave-code,
(considered a few pages back,) alas for the laboring classes
of England! How few of them will ever find the strait gate,
and the narrow way! Even of the few who are “educated,”
how few are the better for it! In very many cases, their
education serves only to make them clever devils.* °

After all this, what becomes of the fancy sketch contained
in the following paragraph from the “letter,” before adverted
to, by the author of “‘ Friends in Council?” ‘There is,
however, even in our poorest districts and in the worst of
times,” “between the condition of the English laborer and
that of the American slave,” “all the difference that exists
between humanity and barbarism; between the dignified
suffering of a man oppressed by untoward circumstances and
the abject wretchedness of another driven about like a
beast;—in short, between manhood and brutehood.”

“¢ Dignified suffering,” forsooth! There must be a good
deal of dignity in living, as do “a very large number” of

* If the Yankee reader cannot see how a devil can be clever, let him
go to the Dictionary, and get his eyes open.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 93

the “agricultural population”? of England, (see Appendix,
k. 1.), “in filthy and crowded cottages, where the sexes
are in close and perilous contact night and day, where
decency is difficult and comfort~impossible; the effect of
which is to break down the barriers of morality, to obliterate
all the sweet and saving attractions of a home, to weaken
and desecrate all domestic ties, and to brutalise the manners
and debase every natural feeling ;”—with the “tone of
morality” so “low,” as to draw from the Worth British
Review, of May, 1852, the following ; (see Appendix, K.
1.) :—“* There are few things more remarkable in the sight
of observant residents in many country villages than the
small number of marriages solemnised in the course of the
year. Among these few things, we are afraid, must be
mentioned the number of dlegitimate children that are born
into the world. Jn some villages, indeed, these events are
of such frequent occurrence as to excite neither surprise nor
indignation, * * * * There is something in this kind of
insensibility which is very chilling and disheartening. This
obtuseness of the moral senses, this deadness to shame, makes
one almost despair over it. When the standard of public
opinion ts so low, there is little hope of practical improve-
ment.” Very “ dignified” this!

“Oppressed by untoward circumstances.” Untoward
circumstances? Ay, a very untoward “circumstance” is
the remorseless ‘“‘ Demand-and-Supply System” of modern
Civilization,—the system of “unregulated, stimulated, and
universal competition,’—the ‘“ keep-what-you’ve-gat-and-
get-what-you-can”’ system, which the Guardian would have us
believe is not an “institution.” Let him beat that into the
heads of the laboring classes if he can. I think he will
have hard work, judging from the following, which I take
from “The Address of the Metropolitan Trades’ Delegates
to their Fellow-Countrymen, on the Interests and Present
94 NOTES ON

Position of the Laboring Classes of the Empire ;” “Signed
on behalf of the Delegates,—John Segrave, President;
Augustus E. Delaforce, Secretary, 10, North Square, Port-
man-place, Globe-road Mile-end. Committee-room, St.
Andrew’s Coffee-House, 82, High Holborn, London, April
11th, 1850 :’— We have it thus announced to us that it
is under the operation of unregulated, stimulated, and uni-
versal competition, we are henceforth to live. Cheapness
is proclaimed to be the one great and desirable attainment.
* * * * Bad and appalling, however, as is the existing
condition of so many whose only means of supporting them-
selves and their families is the exercise of their daily labour,
yet we maintain that the prospect before us is still more
dark and gloomy. We declare to you our conviction, that a
far greater degree of suffering and of destitution impends
over the laboring class and their families, both of this and
of all other nations, unless the falseness of the free or com-
petitive system be thoroughly penetrated. * * * * The
predominating influence and power of aristocratic govern-
ment having prevailed for a lengthened period, are now
passed away. The aristocratic part having raised the struc-
ture of its government upon the ancient constitutional prin-
ciples, departed from these principles, introduced corruption,
and is now deposed. The predominating influence and
power of the middle classes of the nation are acknowledged
and accepted at the present time. This party having intro-
duced, as principles of general social action, the meanest
incentives and motives that can animate the human mind,
namely, the free and full action of unenlightened self-inte-
rest—the unqualified love of wealth and the gratification of
this love—the accumulative principle of social action instead
of the distributive—their political philosophy being of a cha-
racter wholly mercantile—is now impaired and degraded by
the conflicting operation of those courses which it sets in
motion and stimulates.”
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 95

So say the ‘Trades’ Delegates.”” What the London
Times says, I have already given, but it may not be amiss
to repeat it: “We will not anticipate the American re-
joinders on the mere question of slavery itself, its physical
distresses, and moral degradations. These must have oc-
curred to the aristocratic and not less philanthropic circle
at Stafford-house, who know too well the fragile materials
of their own social system not to fear the damaging reply
they are bringing on themselves.’ (Appendix, K. 7.)

So much for the Times. And what says the London
Morning Herald? Read the following :—‘‘Let men prate
as they will about our progress, we do not believe that
scenes like these existed in the olden time. Discomfort
there may have been—distress, and hard and pinching
times—but we do not believe that any generation but our
own has ever witnessed so hideous a congregation of squalid,
abject, and hopeless destitution as is to be found in these
loathsome receptacles to which our busy civilization drives
its cast-off and rejected victims to rot.” (Appendix, K. 2,
(2),)

“Our busy civilization!” Pregnant words, as its “ cast-
off and rejected victims” can testify.

And what are to be the results of this. “stimulated and
universal competition?” What have been those results
already? We have seen no small number of them, physical,
moral, and intellectual ; but there is one that I have not yet
adverted to, and a frightful one it is, as witness the follow-
ing from the London Guardian of Feb. 9th, 1853 :—

“ The Lancet states that insanity is on the increase among
the working classes in the parish of St. Marylebone, and
that none but those whose duties bring them in contact with
the sufferers can form an idea of its fearful spread. There
are no less than four hundred and ninety-four chargeable
to the parish. In St. Pancras, insanity also prevails to an
96 NOTES ON

unusual amount, especially among the humbler classes.”
Can we wonder at it?

And this is the condition to which the Abolitionists would
reduce the slave of the South! Well may the latter say,
“Save me from my friends, and I will take care of my
enemies !””

There is another point that remains to be adverted to,
In the Appendix (K. 8, (7),) are two instances of cruelty
to young children, and here is another instance, of oppres-
sion of a “ poor girl;’’ I give it as I find it in the London
Guardian, of Jan. 26th, 1853 :— ;

“The National Guardian Institution for Hiring Servants,
at 40, Bedford-row, has obtained a bad name from circum-
stances mentioned by a poor girl, named Green, at the
Clerkenwell Police-office last week. Having applied for the
purpose of becoming a member, her name was taken down,
and she paid 5s. Her mistress was applied to for a char-
acter, and she forwarded a letter to the institution speaking
highly of her. She, (applicant,) however, procured a situa-
tion herself at Hanwell, and, on applying to the institution
for her character, they refused to give it to her, and the
lady declining to write another, she lost the situation. Mr.
Tyrwhitt, the magistrate, sent an officer to the institution,
but all to no purpose, and the magistrate was obliged to
content himself by saying that the ‘National Guardian
Institution’ exhibited anything but a respectacle figure in
the affair. He would bear it in mind. ‘The young woman
left the court convulsed with grief.”

Now, if I were to say that these instances of cruelty and
oppression were the natural and legitimate results of the
English Social System, I should think I was telling a lie;
yet I should only be doing as Mrs. Stowe and her English
endorsers do, in the case of the instances of cruelty and
oppression which “now and then occur,” (vol. ii. p. 811),
in which Southern slaves are the victims.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 97

Having said thus much of the social evils of England, it
is fair to say further that the English people are awaking,
at length, to’ the necessity of doing something, and that
something has already been done; witness the ‘‘ Model
Lodging-Houses” lately erected in London: but having
made this admission, candor compels me to add that what
has yet been accomplished by the English employer for the
benefit of the working-man, is but as a drop in the bucket
compared with what the Southern Planter has done and is
doing for the comfort and improvement of the slave, physi-
cal and moral. (See Appendix, MM.)

Here, then, there is ample room and verge for generous
national rivalry ; and if all Christian nations, instead of
intermeddling with each other’s domestic arrangements,
would enter heartily into this noble competition who should
do most to mitigate the evils incident to all social systems,
and peculiar to none, humanity would be largely the gainer
by it.

Notr 9.—EMANCIPATION—ITs RESULTS.

In the foregoing Note, I stated that in bringing forward
certain facts in regard to the condition of the laboring
classes of England, I did it, not for the sake of recrimina-
tion, but because my argument required it. The bearing
those facts have on the argument, I now proceed to point
out.

I take it for granted, in the first place, that the slaves
ought not to be emancipated, unless their condition, as a
class, would be thereby improved, or, at any rate, not dete-
riorated. I say, I take it for granted, for it seems to me
an axiom of common sense. And yet, I am not sure that
the Abolition orators will grant it; for to do so would be
fatal to their argument. They seem to have a wonderful

13 I
98 NOTES ON

fancy for the name of freedom, forgetting that names are
not always things, and that calling a man a freeman, will
not make him one. :

“ He is the freeman whom the truth makes free,
And all are slaves beside.” CowPrer,

“ The sensual and the dark rebel in vain :—
Slaves by their own compulsion, in mad game
They burst their manacles, to wear the name _
Of freedom, graven on a heavier chain.” CoLeRincE,

Strange that men should be so fascinated with a name!
They should read the motto on my title page, and, indeed,
the whole satire from which it is taken, and which contains
more good sense on this subject than all the Abolition
speeches and writings I have ever fallen in with ;—and they
are not few. (see Appendix, N.)

But to come to the subject in hand. If the negroes of
the South are to be emancipated on the soil, (which is what
the Abolitionists are seeking,) one of two things must fol-
low:—either they must remain in the condition of the free
negroes, (see Appendix, M,) north and south, scattered about
among the white population, and in competition with them
for their daily bread, or they must become, as in Hayti and
Jamaica, lords of the soil, to the dispossession of the pre-
sent owners.

Let us consider the first alternative,—that of unrestricted
competition of labor for daily bread.

How is the negro to ‘“‘hoe his row’ with the Anglo-
Saxon, or the Celt ? We have seen, in the preceding Note,
how the Anglo-Saxon hoes Azs row with his brother Anglo-
Saxon, and the Celt, with his brother Celt, and each with
the other ; and a hard hoeing they have of it,—and a short
row, when it is hoed; but the negro would have a harder
and a shorter: he cannot do more than one-third, or, at the
outside, one-half, as much work as the Yankee, or the Irish-
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 99

*

man, and under the system of competition he would soon,
therefore, have to give place to his betters. As it is, he
has a monopoly of labor, and is certain, therefore, of a
comfortable support; posztively comfortable, in most cases ;
comparatively so, in all; comparatively, I mean, with the
laboring poor of England.

It may be thought that the climate will protect the negro
from competition; but this is a mistake: the tobacco and
grain-growing region of the South, containing one-third of
the entire colored population, is as inhabitable for the white
laborer as the black; the whole colored population, there-
fore, would be crowded into the cotton-growing States; and
even here, they would be wanted only as plantation hands;
the in-door work could be done as well, and much more
economically, by the whites. One-half the negroes would
thus be thrown out of employment, and the wages of the
other half brought down to ruinous rates. Then would be
re-enacted here, that scene so familiar to England and
Treland,—a universal scramble for a bare subsistence: those
in employment would work harder and fare worse than
they do now as slaves ; and those out of it, betaking them-
selves to the swamps, (see Note 19,) would live on the
spontaneous productions of the earth, and by plunder, till
the whites, driven to it by a hard necessity, should turn out
en masse and exterminate them.

And is this what the Abolitionists are seeking to bring
on their colored brethren? Probably not. There is another
alternative—that of their becoming lords of the soil to the
dispossession of the present owners.

And what would be the consequences of such a change?
It would not, I think, be hard to conjecture them: but
with the Abolitionists, our conjectures would go for nothing.
Luckily we have something more tangible and trustworthy.
The experiment has been tricd,—tried more than once,—
_109 NOTES ON

and the results are before us, and in a shape that Aboli-
tionists themselves will find it hard to get round.

In Hayti, for half a century, the negroes have been lords
of the soil. And how have they exercised their lordship?
Read the official correspondence of Mr. Walsh, in the
Appendix (G. 2,), and the following comments upon it in
the Washington Union of Dec. 21st, 1852 :—

“ Waytr.—Necro GOVERNMENT.—The recent encroach-
ments of the French on a portion of this island have awak-
ened throughout the country a lively interest respecting its
political and social condition. Indeed, this interest prevailed
to a considerable extent before the usurpations of the French
arrested the attention of the country.

“Of that cluster of islands which repose in the mingled
waters of the Mexican gulf, the Caribbean sea, and the
Atlantic ocean, to which early navigators gave the name of
the West Indies, Hayti is most remarkable for the fertility
and beauty of its natural resources. When the adventurous
followers of Columbus first beheld it, clothed in the wild
luxuriance of that virgin beauty which has since been so
sadly desecrated by the passions of man, they fancied they
had discovered the lovely Atlantis of ancient fable. Colum-
bus was so attracted by its beauty that he gave it the name
of Espanola, (little Spain,) and made it the scene of the first
experiment in European colonization in the New World.
By the treaty of Ryswick, 1691, Spain ceded to France the
western half of the island; which, after the introduction of
African slaves, 1688, first began to be successfully cultiva-
ted. The period of most signal prosperity in the island,
extended from 1776 to 1789. Its productions were im:
mense and valuable, and its commerce in the most flourishing
state. Sugar-cane, cotton, cocoa, indigo, the plantain,
vanilla, potatoe, manioc, mahogany, satin-wood, iron-wood,
and every variety of fruit and vegetable, were produced in
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 101

the greatest abundance, and almost by spontaneous growth.
Its population exceeded 600,000. Its export of coffee was
68,151,180 lbs. ; of sugar, 163,405,220 Ibs. Owing to the
inequalities of its surface, the climate varied from the intense
heat of the plains to the refreshing coolness of the mountain
summits, and the sea-beaten coasts. An abundance of pure
water was found in every portion of the island; and it was
exempt, comparatively, from those terrific hurricanes which
desolated the other Antilles.

“Such was the condition of the island of Hayti, when in
1791 the doctrines and machinations of the apostles of
Liberté, Egalité, and Fraternité incited the negroes to insur-
rections. From that time to 1804, the island was ravaged
by that most terrible curse, a servile revolt. The scenes
and acts of the bloody tragedy of St. Domingo, are unfolded
with transcendent power of description in the pages of Alli-
son’s History of Europe. At last, exhausted and devastated
by all the horrors of civil and servile strife, the island found
the relief and repose of slumber under the despotism of
Dessalines. The whites were subjugated or expelled; the
African race was undisputed master of at least the principal
portion of Hayti. Then began that experiment in the result
of which the civilized world is so much concerned—then was
presented to the eye of philosophy a new phase of social
development. In full possession of a civilization imparted
to him by a superior race, with the éc/at of successful prowess
and triumphant patriotism, in the bright morning of the
nineteenth century, and standing in the great highway of
the commerce of the world, the negro began the untried
experiment of freedom and self-government. As the theatre
of this unexampled and momentous experiment, Hayti
became an object of additional interest. The ethnographer,
puzzled with questions touching the equality of races; the
philanthropist, doubting the practicability of his benevolent

y*
102 NOTES ON

purposes; the man of science, the politician, and the
moralist all looked to Hayti for lessons of wisdom.

The result of the experiment of negro freedom and negro
government in the island of Hayti has long since been
ascertained. Whether we look to.its social, industrial, or
political condition, we find the same evidences of degrada-
tion and degeneracy. The dominion of the African is a
bligbt under which religion, commerce, liberty, and law,
wither and perish. No longer elevated and guided by the
influences of a superior race, and compelled to work out
their own destiny, the negroes of Hayti have relapsed from
the semi-civilized condition of 1800 into a state of compara-
tive barbarism. The mild subjection of slavery has been
succeeded by the wild riot and unbridled license of savage
passion; enlightenment has been quenched in ignorance;
religion has degenerated into superstition; poverty and
want reign where once were only abundance and content-
ment. In a word, the experiment of freedom and self-goy-
ernment among the negroes of Hayti has been a signal and
disastrous failure.”

But “in Hayti they had nothing to start with. A stream
cannot rise above its fountain. The race that formed the
character of the Haytiens was a worn-out, effeminate one;
and, of course, the subject race will be centuries in rising
to anything.” (Vol. ii. p. 800.)

Well, then, let us take the other experiment,—that of a
people trained under very different auspices,—a people
whose character was formed by the Anglo-Saxon race,—
that race of “stern, inflexible, energetic elements,” to
which “has been entrusted the destinies of the world,
during its pioneer period of struggle and conflict.” (Vol. i.
p- 302.)

For nearly twenty years, the negroes of Jamaica have
been “ free;”’ and how have they used that freedom? Read
UNCLE TOM’S CARIN. 103

the statements in the Appendix (G. 1), and recollect that
they are made by a Free-Soiler, one of the editors of the
New York Evening Post,—and then read the following
from the London Times of December Ist, 1852, (Appendix,
K. 7):—‘ At the present moment, indeed, if there is one
thing in the world that the British public do not like to
talk about, or even to think about, it is the condition of the
race for whom this “great effort was made.” And the fol-
lowing, from the same paper, as copied by the Washington
Union, of December 23d, 1852 :—

“Tue BLacks In THE West Inprzs.—In an article in
the London Times, we find the following passage relating to
the result of emancipation in the English West Indies. The
picture drawn is indeed a distressing one, but its correctness
is confirmed by accounts from various quarters :

‘Our legislation has been dictated by the presumed neces-
sities of the African slave. After the emancipation act, a
large charge was assessed upon the colony in aid of civil and
religious institutions for the benefit of the enfranchised
negro, and it was hoped that these colored subjects of the
British Crown would soon be assimilated to their fellow-
citizens. From all the information which reaches us, no less
than from the visible probabilities of the case, we are con-
strained to believe that these hopes have been falsified. The
negro has not acquired with his freedom any habits of
industry or morality. His independence is little better than
that of an uncaptured brute. Having accepted few of the
restraints of civilization, he is amenable to few of its neces-
sities; and the wants of his nature so easily satisfied, that
at the current rate of wages he is called upon for nothing
but fitful and desultory exertion. The blacks, therefore,
instead of becoming intelligent husbandmen, have become
vagrants and squatters, and it is now apprehended that with
the failure of cultivation in the island, will come the failure
104 NOTES ON

of its resources for instructing or controlling its population.
So imminent does this consummation appear that memorials
have been signed by classes of colonial society hitherto
standing aloof from politics, and not only the bench and the
bar, but the bishop, clergy, and ministers of all denomina-
tions in the island, without exception, have recorded their
conviction that, in absence of timely relief, the religious and
educational institutions of the island “must be abandoned,
and the masses of the population retrograde to barbarism.’ ”

No wonder the Reverend Theodore Parker said, in his
speech at Framingham Grove, last summer, “In America,
we have been steadfastly kept from knowing the truth of
emancipation in the West Indies by our newspapers, [Abo-
ition newspapers, he means, of course,] which have taken
great pains to conceal the real facts. Even the people of
New England are but illy informed of the actual condition
of those islands.” (See his speech, in the Weekly Common-
wealth of August 7th, 1852.)

And yet, in the faee of all this, Garrison, Parker, & Co.,
keep up their annual powow over West-India emancipation,
and go frantic over its results, as if the negro had actually
been benefitted, and not ruined by it.

At the “celebration,” last August, Mr. Parker, in the
speech above referred to, said :—“ It might be, as was often
asserted, that there was not so great an exportation of pro-
ducts as before the act of emancipation. The circumstance
of the condition of the workers might account for such a
variation. If but two hours’ labor per day were necessary
for the support of each colored man, he knew not why he
should toil longer.”

In a similar strain spoke Charles C. Burleigh :—“ Ile
would not argue whether the planters of the West-India
islands exported the same quantity of sugar or rum as before
the liberation; it was sufficient for him to know that beasts
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 105

had been turned into men. How many barrels of sugar, he
would like to know, were the equivalent for the freedom of a
single immortal being? Let those who were disposed enter
upon the statistics of the products of those islands before and
since the act of emancipation. It was enough for him to
know that thousands had been set free, raised from degrada-
tion, made glad in the light of liberty, and compared with
such a fact, no calculation of mercantile success weighed the
least iota.”’

So, Mr. Parker, you don’t see why the colored man should

work more than two hours a day, if that amount of labor is
sufficient for his support. So I suppose: that is just what
Ishould expect of a “baptized infidel.” (See Appendix, P.)
But you will excuse me if I prefer St. Paul’s teaching to
yours :—
_ “Ye yourselves know, that these hands have ministered
unto my necessities, and to them that were with.me. I have
showed you all things, how that so labouring ye ought to
support the weak ; and to remember the words of the Lord
Jesus, how he said, It is more blessed to give than to receive.”
(Acts xx. 34, 35.) “Let him that stole steal no more; but
rather let him labour, working with his hands the thing which
is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth. (Eph.
iv. 28.)

There! there is something manly there: no shirking in
that !

But you do not feel “at all bound to believe what the
church says is true, nor what any writer in the Old or New
‘Testament declares true.’ (See Littell’s Living Age, No.
459, p. 437.) Well, then! Listen to Dr. Channing: you
used to believe him:

“T have faith in labor, and I see the goodness of God in
placing us in a world where labor alone can keep us alive.
I would not change, if I could, our subjection to physical

14
106 NOTES ON

laws, our exposure to hunger and cold, and the necessity of
constant conflicts with the material world. I would not, ifI
could, so temper the elements that they should infuse into us
only grateful sensations ; that they should make vegetation
so exuberant as to anticipate every want, and the minerals
so ductile as to offer no resistance to our strength and skill.
Such a world would make a contemptible race. Man owes his
growth, his energy, chiefly to that striving of the will, that
conflict with difficulty, which we call effort. Easy, pleasant
work does not make robust minds, does not give men a con-
sciousness of their powers, does not train them to endurance,
to perseverance, to steady force of will, that force without
which all other acquisitions avail nothing. Manual labor is
a school in which men are placed to get energy of purpose
and character, a vastly more important endowment than all
the learning of all other schools. They are placed, indeed,
under hard masters,—physical sufferings and want, the
power of fearful elements, and the vicissitudes of all human
things; but these stern teachers do a work which no com-
passionate, indulgent friend could do for us, and true wisdom
will bless Providence for their sharp ministry. I have great
faith in hard work. The material world does much for the
mind by its beauty and order; but it does more for our
“minds by the pains it inflicts, by its obstinate resistance,
which nothing but patient toil can overcome, by its vast
forces, which nothing but unremitting skill and effort can
turn to our use, by its perils, which demand continual vigi-
lance, and by its tendencies to decay. I believe that
difficulties are more important to the human mind than what
we call assistances. Work weall must, if we mean to bring
out and perfect our nature.” Dr. Channing as quoted by
“A Carolinian ;” “Slavery in the Southern States ;” (pp.
51, 52.)
There! there is good sense in that, though it comes from
an emancipationist. O si ste omnia!
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 107

But what do you care whether the negro “brings out and
perfects his nature,” or “relapses into barbarism,” so you
can “curse up hill and down,” (you must have sat to Mrs.
Stowe for thaé portrait,) and spit “the venom of your
spleen” on Christians and Christianity. It is lucky for you
that you live in a country where you can spit it out, for if
you were obliged to “ digest” it, it would certainly “split
you.”

And you, Mr. Burleigh! you will not argue whether
West-India exports have fallen off: it is enough for you to
know that ‘beasts have been turned into men.’ So? It is
a pity that some of the Abolition Leaders could not be
emancipated, then.—You ‘‘would like to know how many
barrels of sugar are the equivalent for the freedom of a
single immortal being ?” “Freedom,” say you? ‘The free-
dom of the savage in his native wilds: a vagabond freedom
that no man has a right to, on God’s earth.— You sneer at
any “calculation of mercantile success ;’’ and you are not
alone in this: your brother abolitionists—the leaders, I
mean,—have, all of them, an ugly trick of doing the same
thing. You forget that commerce is the great civilizer, and
that without the cultivation of the soil there can be no com-
merce, and, consequently, no civilization. I wonder you
were not ashamed of such twaddle. I should have thought
you would have felt, as Miss Lucy (Lucius?) Stone, who
preceded you, did, “like sinking into the remotest corner.”
Why did n’t you doit? It would have been more to your
credit.

As to Miss Stone, that remark of hers shows that there
is hope of her: if she could only be got out of “bad com-
pany,” she might be made a woman of yet. Bear that in
mind, and don’t “take your time, Miss Lucy,” or you may

be too late.
But to return from the West-Indies to the Southern
108 NOTES ON

States. ‘We have seen the results of negro domination in
Hayti: we have seen the results of negro domination in
Jamaica. Reader, do you wish to see them here? Have
you reflected what they would be? First and foremost a
falling off in the cotton crop: for just so sure as the coffee
crop, in Jamaica, fell off to one-fourth, and the sugar crop
to less than one-third, and just so sure as like causes pro-
duce like effects, just so sure would the cotton crop fall off
from 8,000,000 bales to less than 1,000,000. And what
would be the consequences of this falling off? According
to the Jast census returns, the number of hands employed
in the cotton manufacture in the United States for the year
ending the Ist of June, 1850, was 92,286, of whom 61,893,
—more than two-thirds,—were employed in the New-Eng-
land States: the amount of cotton consumed in the same
period was 641,240 bales, (averaging 400 pounds each,) of
which 480,603 bales,—more than two-thirds,—were con-
sumed in New-England, and 228,607, or more than one-
third, in the single State of Massachusetts. This was when
the whole cotton crop of the Southern States was 2,484,531
bales. Last year the crop was over 3,000,000 bales, of
which, if I recollect right,* (for I have not the authority
at hand,) a trifle over 2,000,000 were exported to Eng-
land. More than 500,000 annually are exported to other
countries.

According to De Bow’s Review, as quoted by the Balti-
more Sun of May 14th, 1852, “In the year 1849 there
were, in Great Britain, Europe, and the United States,
3,323,365 bales of cotton consumed, and 878,634 operatives

* According to the New York Weekly Times of April 30th, the
exports, to Great Britain, of the present crop, have been, thus far,
1,266,000 bales, and they are still going on, at the rate of nearly 50,
000 bales a week.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 109

employed, and $671,000,000 invested in the manufacture
of cotton.” This was four years ago: at the present time,
the number of “operatives” must be at least 900,000. Of
these, at least two-thirds, or 600,000, by the falling off in
the cotton crops consequent upon emancipation, would be
thrown out of employment; and if we take into the account
those dependent upon them for their daily bread, we shall
have, at the lowest calculation, 3,000,000 human beings re-
duced to destitution. To these must be added the brokers,
factors, commercial agents, ship owners, seamen, &c., with
their families and dependents, that would be affected by the
change. JBesides this, there would be a revulsion in the
trade of Christendom, to which that of 1837 was but “a
circumstance,’—a revulsion, bringing with it untold misery
to hundreds of thousands. To crown the whole, millions
upon millions of human beings, whose only clothing is the
fabric manufactured from this cotton, would be left without
a rag to cover their nakedness. (See Appendix, Q.)

And all this for what? To give the negro freedom.
Freedom! Ay, a vagabond freedom ;—the freedom of a
savage ;—a freedom which, as sure as God’s law makes
degradation, physical and moral, consequent upon idleness,
would fast hurry him back to his original barbarism.

Out upon such philanthropy, and those who teach it! In
this category, are not included the rank and file of the
Free-Soil party, who have been led away by their feelings, .
not having investigated the subject, and, as a general. thing,
not having had the means of investigating it. In this cate-
gory are included the Abolition Orators who figure at Eman-
cipation Powows on the first of August. These men know
what they are doing: they do it with their eyes open, and
with the most unblushing hypocrisy. If any one is so “ ver-
dant” as to suppose that they are sincere, he must have a

comfortable share of the commodity.
K
110 NOTES ON

But to come back to the negro. Is there no redemption
for him? Must he toil on in hopeless bondage? No!
thank God! a brighter destiny awaits him ; but it is ina
distant land, and in the distant future. And he must
work it out, too, for himself: it cannot be worked out for
him.

He must work it out for himself, under the leadings .of
God’s providence, and in accordance with the laws that
govern the moral world: gradually, therefore, and slowly.
He will be wanted here for several generations to come, to
clear up and subdue the soil, and make it healthy where
now it is unhealthy, thus serving as the pioneer of the white
laborer. At the same time his own melioration will be
going on part passu with that of the soil, so that by the
time the latter is ready for the white laborer, he (the negro)
will be ready for his exodus.

Meanwhile, that exodus is preparing. ‘On the shores
of Africa I see a republic,—a republic formed of picked
men, who, by energy and self-educating force, have, in
many cases, individually, raised themselves above a condi-
tion of slavery.” (Vol. ii. p. 800.) These are the men to
lay the foundations of a great empire.

That there are such men, I know, for I have seen them.
I could mention three such, at least, in Annapolis,—two of
them jet black; and they are to be found seattered “all
over our land.” But they are not common; not more than
one in a thousand.

If Liberia has been filled up with such, (and I have reason
to believe it has been, in a good degree,) it is to be ascribed
to an interposition of Providence.

Twenty years ago, the American Coluention. Society
was in the full tide of successful experiment: money was
pouring into its treasury, and emigrants were offering them-
selves in great numbers. God saw that there was danger
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 111

that those who were sent out would not all be “picked
men,” and that it was necessary, therefore, that a tempo-
rary check should be put to the emigration. Accordingly,
He raised up Garrison, as he had raised up Pharaoh before
him, to work out unconsciously His purposes, and as He
raised up Theodore Parker after him, to bring about a re-
vulsion of feeling, which he is fast doing in the breasts of
all the honest men of the party. I say, He raised up Gar-
rison for this very purpose, and well did he “do his dirty
work,” as Pharaoh had done his before him. He knew not
what he was doing: he meant it for evil, but God meant it
for good: He makes the wrath of man praise Him, and the
remainder thereof,—that is, all that will not praise Him,—
He restrains. Why do the infidels so furiously rage to-
gether? Why do they imagine a vain thing? He that sitteth
in the heavens shall laugh: the Lord shall have them in
derision.

To come back to Liberia. I said, I had reason to believe
that it had been filled up, in a good degree, with ‘ picked
men;” time will show whether this is so, and it will also
show the success or the failure of the Liberian experiment.
If it succeeds, as I firmly believe it will, then the colored
man is provided for.

As to the alleged impossibility of transporting him to
Africa, it is all moonshine: the race may go on multiplying
at their present rate of increase, till the year 1900, at
which time they would number about 13,500,000, and then
an annual transportation, less than double the actual emi-
gration from Ireland last year, would carry them all over,
long before the year 2000; and when Liberia shall have
become a great commercial empire, as it will in less than
fifty years, if it succeeds, such a transportation, with the
improved means of conveyance that will then be in common
use, will be a mere bagatelle. Let the negr, then, toil
112 NOTES ON

on, in faith, and thankfulness, and hope :—in faith that he
is fulfilling his mission, and preparing the way of the Lord;
in thankfulness that he has been taken from the lowest deep
of degradation,—a degradation to be found nowhere out of.
Africa,—and placed in a condition which has elevated him,
and is stil elevating him, in the scale of being; in hope
that a brighter destiny is in store, if not for him, for his
posterity.

Note 10.—THE INTERNAL SLAVE-TRADE.

On this subject Mrs. Stowe has expended, as usual, abun-
dance of rhetoric and very little logic. She sees the evils
of the traffic——who doesn’t see them ?—and she resolves
that it must be abolished, without stopping to ask (she never
does stop to ask,) whether its abolition would not bring with
it greater evils: she is im the frying pan, and she deter-
mines to jump out, without looking to see whether or not it
is into the fire that she is jumping. There is an old saying,
and it used to be thought a wise one, Look before you leap.
What would be the consequences of abolishing the trade?
A repletion of the slave population and consequent glut in
the labor market in the more Northern slave States, which
in less than ten years would render slavery, not only
unprofitable, but, so ruinous to the master that, from sheer
inability to support his slaves, he would have to turn them
loose, to shift for themselves,—in other words, to emanci-'
pate them. Then would be realized the first alternative
spoken of in.the preceding Note,—that of universal and
unrestricted competition between black and white for daily
bread; a struggle in which the former would be remorse-
lessly trampled under the iron heel of the latter, by the
inevitable operation of the ‘‘demand-and-supply-principle;”
—and the “horrors” and the “ heart-break” of thaé strug-
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 113

gle, who can tell? Why the horrors and the heart-break of
the domestic slave-trade, are joy and gladness in the com-
parison.

Note 11.—Txe Fuairive Law anp tHe Hicuer Law.

On this subject Mrs. Stowe makes a most astounding
confession. She tells us that after “the passage of the
legislative act of 1850,” she “heard with perfect surprise
and consternation, Christian and humane people actually
recommending the remanding escaped fugitives eA slavery,
as a duty binding on good citizens.’”’ (Vol. iis p. 814.)
And yet ‘‘ Christian and humane people” had oe not only
“actually recommending” it, but actually doing it, under
the act of 1793, for nearly fifty years, and during the last
ten of them, at least, she fnew that they were doing it, and
knew it, too, without any surprise or consternation. How
comes it, then, that the act of 1850 has so frightened her
from her propriety ?

The truth is, but for the doings of the Abolitionists, that
act would never have been needed: the act of 1793 would
have been sufficient. In the words of Mr. Webster, speak-
ing of this latter, ‘‘ It was thought wise at the time to leave
the execution of that law pretty much in the hands of State
tribunals ; State magistrates, and officers, and judges were
authorized to execute that law. It was so administered for
fifty years, and nobody complained of it. Things went on
until this new excitement of the slavery question, this
abolition question, was brought up, and then some of the
States, Massachusetts, Ohio, and others, enacted Jaws making
it penal to execute this law of Congress.

“Then the statute became a dead letter in this part of

-when, of course, it became a matter of necessity to.
a for the execution of this Constitutional enactment

15 K*
114 NOTES ON

by the authority of the Government of the United States,
or give it up altogether. Well, I made no question myself,
that if we meant to fulfil the contract of the statute, ¢f we
meant to be honest, it was our duty to make a provision,
which, by the authority of the Government itself, should
carry into execution the provisions of the Constitution.
And that is the origin of the present Fugitive Slave Law.”
(Speech at Syracuse, May, 1851, p. 30.)

Now what are the provisions of the Constitution? They
are the following :—‘‘ No person held to service or labor in
one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be
discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered
up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor
may be due.” (Article 4. Sec. 2.) All this would seem
very plain. And yet Mr. Senator Sumner tells us, in his
speech before referred to, that the act of 17938 and the act
of 1850 are both unconstitutional, and that for two rea-
sons: first and foremost, because the clause in the Consti-
tution is a ‘‘ naked compact’ between the several States,
without any grant of power to Congress, and that therefore
Cotigress have nothing to do with it. (p. 19.) And yethe
admits (p. 17.) that in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania,,
before the Supreme Court, (16 Peters, 539.)—Mr. Justice
Story delivering the opinion,—‘‘the power of Congress
over this matter is asserted.” This concludes the question,
so far as the citizen, or the United States executive officer
in his executive capacity, or judicial officer in his judicial
capacity, is concerned: they have no right to go behind it.
With the legislator, it is of course, different, and Mr. Sum-
ner is right in the position he takes, and President Jackson,
whom he quotes, (p. 18.) is right also, though the passage
from him in ¢talics is unguardedly expressed, and is liable
to be, and has in fact been, misunderstood: the two sen-
tencces, however, that follow it, make his meaning plain.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 115

T come now to Mr. Sumner’s other reason why the act is
unconstitutional, viz., its denial of trial by jury. (p. 21.)
And here he cites two provisions of the Constitution, one,
that ‘No person shall be deprived of life, Zéberty, or property,
without due process of law ;” (the italics are his own ;) the
other, that ‘“‘In suits at common law, where the value in
controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by
jury shall be preserved.” He then goes on to argue that the
“claim for a fugitive” is a “suit at common law,’’ wheréas,
it is not a suit at all. The case of Cohens vs. Virginia,
(6 Wheaton, 407.) cited by him, does not show thatitis. In
that case, ‘the court say: ‘ What isa suit? We under-
stand it to be the prosecution of some claim, demand, or
request.’ Of course, then,” says Mr. Sumner, “the ‘claim’
for a fugitive must be ‘a suit.’”” The court say, A suit is the
prosecution of a claim; Mr. Sumner says, Therefore the
prosecution of a claim is a suit. In the same way he might
prove that as a mare is a horse, therefore, a horse is a mare,

His second citation, then, will not serve him. How is it
with his first? ‘‘ No person shall be deprived of life, éberty,
or property, without due process of law ;” “that is,” says
Mr. Sumner, “without due proceedings at law, with trial by
jury.” But, to be deprived of liberty, a person must first
be in possession of it; and to be deprived of liberty within
the meaning of the above clause of the Constitution, he must
be in the Zawful possession of it ;—that is to say, in posses-
sion of it in accordance with the law of the land: if he is
in the unlawful possession of it, he may be deprived of it
“in a summary way.” For instance, if a convicted pirate,
or mail-robber, escapes from prison in a Southern State, and
flees into New York or Massachusetts, the Marshal, or his
deputy, may scize him and take him back, summarily ; even
Mr. Sumner himself would consider a trial by jury in such
a case absurd. And why? Because he was not in the
116 NOTES ON

lawful possession of his liberty, and therefore is not
“deprived of” it, within the meaning of the Constitution.

Just so with the fugitive slave: he is not in the lawful
possession of his liberty. Mr. Sumner admits that he is not,
for he says, (p. 29.) that by the provisions of the Constitution,
‘the States are prohibited from any ‘ law or regulation’ by
which the fugitive may be discharged,” and unless lawfully
discharged, he is unlawfully at liberty, and therefore the
clause of the Constitution in question does not apply to hin.

Another objection of Mr. Sumner’s to the Constitution-
ality of the law is, that it takes away the privilege of the
writ of habeas corpus ; but this is a mistake: the law does
no such thing. The writ may be issued and served ; and if
served, a “return” must be made to it, just as in any other
case. The law only provides what shall be a sufficient
return, viz., the production of the judge’s or commissioner’s
‘‘ certificate ;’’ and this is properly made sufficient, for the
object of the writ being to ascertain, not whether the person
in whose behalf it is issued, is rightfully (in a moral pomt of
view,) in custody, but whether he is legally so, as soon as
this has been shown, by the production of the certificate, the
writ has exhausted itself.

Mr. Mann, in his speech of August, 17th, (p. 16.) objects
that, under the law, a freeman may be sent into slavery; and
he says, (p. 15,) that it has actually been done in four cases.
He specifies, however, but one instance, (the only one, of
course, that he could specify,) that of Adam Gibson. And
what was the result? Why, to use Mr. Mann’s own words,
‘When the claimant’s agent brought Gibson to him, he
refused to receive him; for he knew, and he knew that all his
household and neighbors would know, that Gibson had never
been his slave.” The first of these reasons is the true and
sufficient one; the second (in ¢taltcs,) is, therefore, super
erogative, and is, moreover, a mean fling at the character of
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 117

the claimant, such as none but Horace Mann, antl his fellows,
would indulge in; they are common with him, and they are
as contemptible as the littleness from which they spring.

Again, Mr. Mann objects that the law decides “conclu-
sively {the ¢talies are his,) the question of a man’s liberty,
in what is to him a foreign State, and before what is to him
a foreign tribunal, without the possibility of his appearing
there to confront witnesses,’ &c. Now Mr. Mann knew
when he said this, that the law does no such thing ;—that
no law of Congress can decide conclusively the question of
the liberty of a fugitive from a slave State. The law in
question simply sends the fugitive back to the State from
which he fled, to have the trial of the question (if he claims
one,) where alone it can be tried, and the decision of it by
the laws by which alone it can be decided. And in this,
there is no more hardship than in the case of the fugitive
from justice, who, charged with the commission of crime in
one State, and escaping into another, is arrested and sent
back to take his trial where the crime is alleged to have been
committed ; and the one fugitive is as certain of a fair trial,
and a decision according to law and evidence,* as the other.
Since my residence in Maryland, there have been repeated
trials of “petitions for freedom,” and almost always result-
ing in favor of the petitioner.

Another of Mr. Mann’s objections to the law is, “its
fabrication of such a code of evidence as was never before
placed on the statute-book of any civilized nation.’’ (p. 16.)
Now if the reader will turn to Appendix, E. 11, he will find
an abstract of the law, taken from the American Almanac
for 1851, and I am willing “any civilized nation’? should

* Fora specimen of the kind of evidence required in suits for free-
dom, (see Appendix, E. 10.,) particularly the cases, “ Delphine vs.
Deveze,” © Oatfield vs. Waring,” “ Metayer vs. Metayer,” and “ Muho-

ney vs. Ashton.”
118 NOTES ON

read it, and then say whether the code above described isa
provision of the law, or the fabrication of the Hon. Horace
Mann.

But Mr. Senator Sumner objects to the law that “it
authorizes judgment on erparte evidence, by affidavitg, with-
out the sanction of cross-examination.” Ay, but affidavits
to what? Why, to the fact that Cuffy or Sambo has escaped
from service in Virginia, for instance, and fled into New
York. And where is this affidavit made? Not in New
York, where he who makes it is unknown, and where it
might therefore go for nothing, but in Virginia, in the State
and County of his residence, where he is well known, and
where the escape of his servant is well known too. And
how is this affidavit authenticated? By the certificate of
the County Clerk, wnder his official seal. This the law
expressly requires.

And now I would like to know of Mr. Sumner how such
an affidavit is to be any other than exparte? Is the fugitive to
go back, to cross-examine witnesses ?/—or send on counsel, to
do it for him? Really, it is hard to believe that a man of
Mr. Sumner’s intelligence can be serious in such an objection.

But to proceed :—Fortified with this affidavit the claimant
goes to New York, arrests the alleged fugitive, and takes
him before the judge or commissioner. And who are these
commissioners? ‘Petty magistrates,” says Mr. Sumner.
If by this he means they are subordinate to United States’
judges, he is right; if he means anything more than this,
he is wrong. So far are they from being, as he would seem
to imply, irresponsible men, they are, as is well known, men
of high standing in their profession (the legal) and in the
community. ‘Their office is not a new one: it was in exist-
ence years before the passage of the present fugitive law.
It was created for an entirely different purpose,—to hear,
in the vacation of the courts, cases arising on the high seas, in
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 119

order to prevent the necessity of detaining seamen in jail,
for months, as witnesses. No one objected to them, then, as
“petty magistrates,”’ and the objection comes with an ill
grace from the Free-Soilers now.

Well, the commissioner examines the affidavit, and finding
it properly drawn and vouched, admits it in evidence, as he
is bound to do by the Law and the Constitution, the latter
of which expressly declares (Article 4. Sect. 1.) that
‘Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the
public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other
State. 2nd the Congress may by general laws prescribe
the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings
shall be proved, and the effect thereof.’ Isay he receives
itin evidence. But to prove what? Why that Sambo has
run away. But now comes the question, Is the Sambo in
custody, the run-away Sambo? And this question is inves-
tigated, not on erparte evidence, but by counsel on both
sides, with cross-examination and rebutting testimony, if
any can be procured. The commissioner then decides the
question. If in his opinion, the identity is not made out,
he discharges the prisoner: if, on the contrary, he considers
it made out, he delivers a certificate to that effect to the
claimant, in virtue of which certificate, he (the claimant,)
takes the prisoner back to the State and County of his resi-
dence, there, (as I said before,) to have the trial (if he
claims one,) of his title to liberty; just as fugitives from
justice are taken back, almost every day, to the State
from which they escaped, there to take their trial for the
_ offence with which they stand charged.

And this is the famous Fugitive Slave Law, which Mrs.
_ Stowe has heard of ‘‘ with perfect surprise and consterna-
tion!” :

««_—_the head and front of its offending
Ilath this extent,—no more.”
120 NOTES ON

No more? I beg pardon. Mr. Sumner does bring forward
two other objections, but he surely cannot expect a serious
answer to them;—one, that the law ‘“‘sends the fugitive
back at the public expense,” and the other, that it “ bribes
the commissioner’ to ‘pronounce against freedom,” by
giving him a fee of five dollars for making out the “ certifi-
cate’! This last objection is unworthy of Mr. Sumner: he
should have left it-to Ilorace Mann, who would bring it
forward with a relish; for detraction is his ‘‘ fifth element :”
he enters into it, con amore, as if he had received from
“Protestant Jesuitism” an “indulgence” to break the ninth
commandment, ad libitum.

I have now, I believe, noticed all the objections that have
been brought forward, except one, and this one lies, not
merely against the law, but against the sending back the
fugitive in any case. Here we come at once on the domain
of the “Higher Law.”

And what ¢s this “higher law’? A “law,” says Mr.
Webster, ‘that exists somewhere between us and the third
heaven, I never knew exactly where.” (Speech at Albany,
May, 1851, p. 48.)—I can tell him where:—in nubdbus.
Sambo would say, not so high as that. Sambo met Cuffy
one day, in front of the seven-story “pagoda,” (corner of
Washington and State streets, Boston,) then just completed,
and the cock-loft of which was to be the office of the “Com-
monwealth” newspaper, the organ of the Free-Soilers. I
say, Sambo, says Cuffy, after having gazed for some time
in wonderment at the aforesaid cock-loft, what be dat ar?
Why, Cuffy! you no know dat, says Sambo; I’s ’stonished
you so ignorant; you be more ob a nignoramus dan de
white niggers! (meaning the abolitionists.) Dat ar? dat
be Mas’r Sumner’s Higher-Law office. The “higher law,”

then mounts only to the seventh story, not to the seventh
heaven.
‘

UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 121

Mr. Horace Mann charges Mr. Webster and others with
saying that there is no higher law than the Constitution;
yet he knows that they say no such thing, but only that the
“higher law” is not higher than the Constitution.* They
admit,—they maintain,—that the law of God is higher than
the Constitution,—than all Constitutions ; but the practical
question is, Does the Constitution conflict with that law?
This question was put to Mr. Mann, in the course of the
speech before referred to :—

“Mr. SUTHERLAND. I ask the gentleman if every Amer-
ican citizen does not obey the higher law of God when he
obeys every part of the Constitution? And can any good
result come from discussing these immaterial abstractions ?
Is not the spirit of the Constitution in accordance with the
higher law? Can you point to a clause in the Constitution
which, when fulfilling to the best of my ability, would make
me violate the higher law of God?

“Mr. Mann. That is not to the point.” (p. 11.)

Here we have him at his old tricks again; wriggling and
squirming, in order to shirk the question, because he dare
not answer it, either way: if he should say the Constitution
was against the law of God, then he would convict himself

* It may be well to place the three laws side by side :—

Hies Law.—“ No person held to service or labor in One State,
under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence
of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
service or labor may be due.”—U. S. Constitution, Article I V., See-
tion 2.

“Hicner Law.’—‘ Block the locomotives !—Tear up the rails !—
Law or no law, Constitution or no Constitution, resolve that this
law shall not be enforced.” — Wendell Philips’s Anti-Slavery Oration.

Hicusst Law.—“ The powers that be are ordained of God. Who-
soever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God:
and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.” —Holy

Writ.
16 i :
122 NOTES ON

of perjury in having taken a solemn oath to support it; if
he should say it was in accordance with that law, then his
occupation’s gone. What honest man can have any patoncs
with such a shuffler ?

But the “higher law’—what is it? Ay, sure enough!
what is it? The law of each man’s conscience, healthy or
diseased, enlightened or unenlightened,—that persecutes
the Church, and verily thinks with itself it is doing God
service,—that sets itself up above the teaching of the Bible,
and the practice of the holy Apostle! And is this religion,
‘which can bend and turn,” and be one thing here, and
another thing there, and therefore, nothing everywhere?
“No! When I look for a religion, I must look for some-
thing above me, and not something” merely within: (vol. ii.
p- 265.) I must have an objective reality, and not the
shifting fancies of this, that and the other individual !

But is a man to go counter to his own conscience? Of
course, not. But then, the gist of the matter lies here :—
aman ina Christian land has no business to have such a
conscience, and he will be held accountable for having it.

How, then, are we to ascertain our duty? I answer, By the
teaching of Holy Scripture. But how are we to get at that
teaching? One man interprets a passage this way, another,
that: which is right? Probably neither. Most men go to
work the wrong way to get at the truth. That ‘Spirit of
Truth,” which is givem to men to lead them into all truth,
ig given to them only in the Church, and he who is without
its pale has no right to be confident in his own interpreta-
tion of an obscure passage ; and by the Church, I mean, not
this, that, or the other sect claiming that appellation, but
that which zs the Church. Here, then, we get rid of ninety-
nine out of every hundred of the higher-law men: they are
without the pale of the Church, and therefore though they
may interpret a difficult and obscure passage correetly, the
chances are against them.
‘

UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 123

But the passages involved in the present inquiry are nei-
ther obscure nor difficult: there are some passages where
the meaning lies so on the face of Holy Scripture, that no
one need mistake it; and these are of the number.

To come, at once, to the point :—It cannot be denied that
St. Paul did send back a converted runaway slave to his
Christian master, for we have the Epistle that he sent with
him: there was, therefore, nothing wrong in his sending
him back ; it may not have been obligatory; I do not touch
that point ; it certainly was not wrong. But further: Holy
Scripture requires servants (SevA0%s) to be subject to their
masters, not only to the believing ones, but to the unbeliev-
ing,—not only to the good and gentle, but to the froward ;
(1 Tim. vi. 1; 1 Pet. ii. 18.) It follows, therefore, that
they who run away even from unbelieving and froward mas-
ters, sin against God; that sin they are bound, at once, to
repent of; and as repentance is good for nothing, unless it
brings forth fruits meet for repentance, they are equally
bound to return, at once, and submit themselves to their
masters. Now if it is their duty to return, it cannot be
wrong in us to put them in the way of duty,—that is, to
send them back: moreover, whatever the laws of our
country require us to do that is not wrong, we are bound
to do: it follows, therefore, that we are bound to send them
back.

But here we are met with a passage from the Old Testa-
ment; for the Abolitionists, so many of whom dislike that
“antiquated” volume, are very ready to quote it when they
find, or think they find, it on their side. The passage is as
follows :—“ Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the ser-
vant which is escaped from his master unto thee: He shall
dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he
shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best:
thou shalt not oppress him.” (Deut. xxiii. 15, 16.) This
124 NOTES ON

passage is quoted by Rev. Albert Barnes, and on it he says,
(page 140) :—“T am willing to admit that the command
probably relates only to the slaves which escaped to the
country of the Hebrews from surrounding nations; and that
in form it did not contemplate the runaway slaves of the
Hebrews in their own land.” (See Fletcher’s Studies on
Slavery, p. 119.) - :

Now what Mr. Barnes is ready to admit as the probable
interpretation, we may safely assume to be the true one;
especially when, as in the present case, the whole connec-
tion, and, indeed, the language itself, shows it to be so.
For, it will be observed, the language is, “the servant
which is escaped from his master unto thee ; he shall dwell
with thee, even among you, * * * * in one of thy gates.”
All the pronouns I have ‘talic/sed, refer not to one tribe,
but to the whole nation of Israel, as will be seen by the
preceding verses; the master, therefore, from whom the
slave escaped to the nation of Israel, must have been him-
self outside that nation ; in other words, a foreigner and a
heathen; this last circumstance was the reason why the
slave was not to be delivered up. But exceptio probdat
regulam, and the very exception, therefore, in the present
case, shows that in all other cases, he was to be delivered
up.
The direct argument from Holy Scripture having thus
failed the Abolitionists, they have recourse to the indirect:
they quote the passage, Whatsoever ye would that men
should do to you, &c., and try to work on our sympathies:
“Folks don’t run away,” they tell as, “when they are
happy.” Of course, they don’t, unless, indeed, they are
enticed off. But ‘‘ folks” are not always happy when they
ought to be: children are sometimes unhappy under the
benignant restraint of kind parents; apprentices are some-
times unhappy under the benignant restraint of kind enm-
UNCLE TOM’S CARIN. 125

ployers; idlers and vagabonds are sometimes unhappy
under the, benignant restraint of kind laws; and in the
same way, slaves are sometimes unhappy under the benig-
nant restraint of kind masters. The truth is, some “ folks”
don’t like work of any kind, and are never happy when
they are compelled to it. .

But, there are, no doubt, now and then cases,—possibly
one in ten, more probably, not one in twenty,*—where
‘slaves have run away on account of cruel treatment. What
are we to say of such cases ?

I think I could answer this question very easily ; luckily,
however, the Commonwealth, of May 2, 18538, has saved
me the trouble by answering it for me. The Post and the
Courier, it seems, had been advising the Free-Soilers instead
of wasting their resources in the Quixotic attempt to abolish
slavery, to apply those resources to the redemption of indi-
vidual slaves. Thereupon, the Commonwealth thus dis-
courseth :—‘ Following up this scheme, the very men who
have shown that they would favor ’the indefinite spread and
perpetuation of slavery, coolly bring subscription papers to
Abolitionists to ransom slaves, and evidently consider the
measure of our liberality as the test of sincerity in the
anti-slavery cause. It is time such hypocrisy was properly
met.

“In the first place itis time for the Courter, Post, and
people of that sort, to understand that we do not recognize
the right of man to hold property in man. And unless a
very strong case is made out, it is by no means a duty to

Ts one in twenty of the cases of runaway apprentices, that we
frequently see advertised in the newspapers, under the heading, “ A
basket of chips reward !”’ “One cent reward, and no charges paid !’”
a case of running away from cruel treatment? God help Northern
masters, if it is!

L*
126 NOTES ON

contribute for the purchase of slaves; beneficence to one
family may, and probably does, hinder the final exodus of

the race.
* * * * * *

“But if we are to break over this rather hard, though
just rule, and contribute to the relief of individual cases,
we further desire to choose for ourselves as to the objects
of our charity. ;

#e * * * * * *

“Tt is from no lack of objects of philanthropy that we
do so little. The difficulty is not in beginning; the
question is where shall we end? But when we are con-
scious that with our present means we could not ransom
half the natural inevitable zncrease of the slaves, and
further, that such occasional emaycipations and removals
only prune and invigorate the old Upas tree—giving it a
new lease of life, is it not enough to make us turn away—
however sorrowfully—and strike at the root of the whole
system, trusting that God in his good time will aid in its
overthrow ?”

Now for the application of the above “rather hard,
though just rule:’ ‘Unless a very strong case is made
out, it is by no means a duty” to help off the fugitive;
‘“‘beneficence to one’ may be, and probably, nay, certainly,
is, cruelty to a hundred that. remain behind on the same
plantation, and who are necessarily subjected to greater re-
straints and deprived of many of the indulgences to which
they have been accustomed, and which, but for the runaway,
they might still be enjoying. And “ when we are conscious
that’ a case, strong enough, cannot be “made out,” but
that, on the contrary, every time we help off one, we only
draw the chains the tighter on a hundred others, “is it not
enough to make us turn away—however sorrowfully’—from
the fugitive, and bend all our efforts to humanize and
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 127

Christianize those masters that need humanizing and Chris-
tianizing, so that there may be no fugitives, but of the idle
and vicious? (See Note 16.) So much for the appeal to our
sympathies, and the Commonwealth's answer to tt.

We arrive at the conclusion, then, that the Fugitive Slave
Act is not repugnant to the Constitution, nor to the law of
God, and that, consequently, the outcry against it has no
foundation in justice or equity.

Nore 12.—Partriots anp Pouitictans.

These @onstitute a class for which Mrs. Stowe seems to
have very little-respect, if we may judge from her repeated
flings at them: as, for instance, (vol. i. p. 190.) “The
trader, who, considering his advantages, was almost as hu-
mane as some of our politicians,’ &c.; and again, (p. 95.)
“So spoke this poor, heathenish Kentuckian, who had not
been instructed in his constitutional relations, and conse-
quently was betrayed into acting in a sort of Christianized
manner, which, if he had been better situated and more
enlightened, he would not have been left to do.’’ (See, also,
pp- 8, 70, 71, and 121; and vol. ii. pp. 10, and 17.)

All these observations seem general, but they are meant
to have a particular application. Mrs. Stowe mentions no
names, indeed, but every one understands the mark she aims
at,—‘‘one gray, Titanic head.” That head is now low in
the dust,—hastened there by the fiendish malice of Horace
Mann, and followed there by the hyzna, Theodore Parker,
who having no reverence for his God, (see Appendix, P.)
cannot be expected to have any respect for his fellow man.

And what are the charges that they thus bring against
one as much their superior in every element of intellectual
and moral worth, as he was in those physical qualities that
“sive the world assurance of aman?” I say, what are
128 NOTES ON

those charges? Some of them are contained in the follow-
ing extract from a Review in the London Guardian, of Jan.
26., of two works,—one, Lanman’s Life of Daniel Webster,
anfl the other, Theodore Parker’s Address on the same sub-
ject :—** That Webster may have appeared to Mr. Lanman
all that he would have others believe him is very likely, but
whén his biography is written there will be blacker shades
and more discreditable passages in the history than any of
which the secretary has even suggested the existence.

«« These darker lines are abundantly supplied by the honest,
hearty eloquence of Mr. Parker. His ‘ Address’ is a very
remarkable paper, and strikes us as the best and fairest
estimate we. have ever met of the whole character of Mr.
Webster. Full justice is done to his great qualities: hearty
admiration is rendered to the intellect and eloquence which
so often swayed the assemblies of his country. Yet the
truth is told. His unprincipled conduct on the Fugitive
Slave Law, is handled with a force and severity, all the
more telling because it is employed with evident reluctance,
and in the exercise only of judicial honesty. His want of
the higher qualities of the statesman is not concealed. His
loose, lax morality is fairly admitted. ‘No living man,’
says Mr. Parker, ‘has done so much to debauch the con-
science of the nation, to debauch the press, the pulpit, the
forum, and the bar.’ And again—‘He contracted debts
and did not settle; borrowed, and rendered not again.
Private money sometimes clove to his hands. I wish the
charges brought against his public administration may be
disproved, whereof the stain rests on him to this day.’ ”

Such are the charges. Perhaps the Editor of the Guar-
dian would have been slow to receive them on such autho-
rity, had he been aware that Theodore Parker is an Infidel,
and that his testimony, therefore, would not be received on
oath in any Court of Justice in his native Commonwealth.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 129

(See Appendix, P., and also the remarks on testimony, near
the end of Note 5.)

Were Theodore Parker the only authority for these charges,
I should pass them by with silent contempt; but they have
been endorsed by better men, and may, therefore, claim a
passing notice.

The last two sentences in the above extract are obscurely
worded, but I suppose they are designed as a repetition of
the charge that Mr. Webster received a bribe to accept the
post of Secretary of State, under President Fillmore, and
that his independence was therely compromited. This
charge has been disproved by Mr. Franklin Haven, the very
man through whom the “ bargain” was alleged to have been
proposed by Mr. Webster, and who, in the concluding para-
graph of his letter to the Editor of the Boston Transcript,
under date of May 17, 1851, thus disposes of the whole
matter :—‘‘ The gift so honorably offered by men of high
sense of honor in Boston to Mr. Webster, was not offered to
him until many weeks after he had become Secretary of
State. Not more than two of the persons who offered it to
him could, in any way, be regarded as of the class of bank-
ers, or concerned in banking; and so far from his ‘ position
of independence’ being affected by it, as Mr..Dana declares
it was and is, I have good reason to believe, that Mr. Web-
ster does not to this day know the name or position of one
of the individuals, who have thus nobly and unostenta-
tiously expressed to him their gratitude for his patriotic
services.”

The charge next preceding is in these words :—“ He
contracted debts, and did not settle; borrowed, and rendered
not again.”

“This charge has been well replied to by the Hon. Geo. T.
Davis, in his speech in Congress, Jan. 34, 1852, on the
Mexican Indemnity Bill :—“ It is an inevitable incident to

17
130 _ NOTES ON

greatness, that its pangs and struggles are as bare to the
public eye as its energies and achievements. There is not
a man who does not know that the great statesman of the
country is as indifferent to money as he is devoted to the
higher cares of the public weal. There is not a man, per-
haps, (except my colleague, and some of those who think
with him,) who does not wish that the order which reigns in
that vast understanding, and reduces to their elements the
most complicated national questions, were equally exempli-
fied in every detail of his personal expenditure. But it is
not so. His devotion to the public has left him neither
time nor disposition to take care of himself; and this well-
known fact leaves the question simply whether the public,
in exigent crises, shall be deprived of his services, or
whether friends shall aid him. Nor is this case, however
sad, a rare one. If the views of my colleague could prevail,
neither Burke, nor Pitt, nor Canning, in the Old World,
nor I think Jefferson, or Madison, or Monroe, in the New,
but would have been disqualified by their poverty, and that
very unthrift which devotion to great thoughts produces,
from lending their great powers to their country’s service.
* * * * Tf there is anything in my colleague’s position, it is
this: that the fact that Mr. Webster has been embarrassed
in his pecuniary affairs, and has received pecuniary favors,
would disqualify him from serving his country as a states-
man. Has my colleague been so much more fortunate than
most other men as to have utterly escaped such embarrass-
ments? Has the black ox never trode on his foot? If so,
I congratulate him that that bitterest drop has never been
added to his cup of misery.

“ But if it should be true, of which I know nothing, that
he, too, like perhaps the majority of mankind, has known
the agonies of the proud man subjected to the calls of the
imperious creditor—if he too has ‘served for a term in that
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 131

leprous -armada’ of debt, entanglement, and evasion—and
if in happier and more prosperous hours he forgets the suf-
ferings of éarlier years, and is prompt to urge against
others a state of embarrassment as a reason of disqualifica-
tion—why, what then? It is but a modern illustration of
the savage line of the Roman annalist, eo immitior quia
toleraverat, ‘all the more pitiless because he, too, had suf-
fered,’ and all that need be said is, that the people among
whom he lives have dealt and will deal with him more spar-
ingly and kindly than he is inclined to deal with others.’
(pp. 8 and 5.) I may add, that this is the last charge that
should be brought against another by such men as were
assembled at the late ‘‘ Hale dinner,” one of whom, at least,
and that one still high in the confidence of the rest, has
notoriously ‘‘served” for more than one “term in that
leprous armada of debt, entanglement and evasion.”

Another charge sometimes made, and’ probably meant to
be included in the phrase “loose, lax morality,” above
quoted, refers to Mr. Webster’s personal habits; but when
it is recollected that-most of those who bring this charge
profess to think it a sin to take a glass of wine on a festive
occasion, (and ought, therefore for consistency’s sake, to
turn Mahometans at once, instead of claiming to be Chris-
tians, and at the same-time reflecting on the character of
Christ himself,) and that they belong to a party who, but a
few days ago, gave a public dinner to the Hon. John P.
Hale, late U. S. Senator from New-Hampshire, the accusa-
tion may be safely left to pass for what it is worth.

The truth is, not one of these charges would have been
heard of but for the speech of March 7, 1850. And what
was there in that speech to call down such a storm of oblo-
quy on his devoted head? Nothing,—absolutely nothing.
In that speech, Mr. Webster is where he always was, (and,
I may add, where he continued to his death,) and Mr. Mann
132 NOTES ON

knew it, too, at the time he charged him with apostasy. And
on what did he ground the charge? What were his “ irre-
fragable and conclusive” proofs of it? . Read the following,
from his speech of Aug. 17, before referred to :—

“The Buffalo Convention of 1848, proclaimed its deter-
mination to ‘maintain the rights of free labor against the
aggressions of the slave power, and to secure free soil for a
free people.’

“It declared its ‘independence of the slave power, and
its fixed determination to rescue the Federal Government
from its control.’

“It declared that the proviso of Jefferson, to prohibit
slavery in all the territories, and the ordinance of 1787,
excluding slavery from the North-Western Territory, ‘clearly
show that it was the settled policy of the nation, not to
extend, nationalize, or encourage, but to limit, localize, and
discourage slavery; and to this policy, which should never
have been departed from, the government ought to return.’

“Tt declared ‘ that it is the duty of the Federal Govern-
ment to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence
or continuance of slavery wherever that Government pos-
sesses constitutional authority to legislate on that subject,
and is thus responsible for its existence.’

“Tt declared ‘that the only safe means of preventing the
extension of slavery into territory now free, is to prohibit its
existence in all such territory by an act of Congress.’

“Tt declared ‘that we accept the issue which the slave
power has forced upon us, and to their demand for more
slave territories, our calm but final answer is, no more slave
States—no more slave territory.’

“And what did Mr. Webster say of this platform, within
one month after it had been adopted? This is his lan-
guage :—

‘I have said, gentlemen, that in this Buffalo platform,
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 133

this collect of the new school, there is nothing new. There
is nothing in it that all the Whigs of the Northern and
Middle States may not adopt. Gentlemen, it is well known
that there is nothing in this Buffalo platform which, in
general, does not meet the approbation of all the Whigs of
the Middle and Northern States. Suppose, now, that all of
us who are Whigs should go and join the Free Soil party,
what would be the result? Why, so far, nothing would
happen, but that the Whig party would have changed its
name. That would be all. Instead of being the Whig
party, it would be the Free-Soil party. We should be all
there, exactly upon the.same principles upon which we have
always stood.’

“Now, contrast this full, explicit, comprehensive, and
apparently ingenuous subscription and adhesion to all the
doctrines and articles of the Buffalo platform, in 1848, with
the 7th of March speech in 1850, and with all that has since
followed it from the same source.”

Yes, contrast it, and find, if you can, a single principle in
the one, that is contradicted in the other. But Mr. Horace
Manr is too thick-headed to understand, or too fanatical to
acknowledge, (he may take which horn he pleases,) the
difference between principles and measures,—that while
these change, those remain. The truth is, Mr. Webster’s
career, ‘‘more forcibly than that of any other statesman of
the time, illustrates the saying that, in applying principles to
the changing affairs of life, the man who is true to his idea
must often submit to the risk of being deemed inconsistent
in his measures.” Try Mr. Webster by the most rigid test,
and see if you can detect, during the whole course of a long
public life, a single deviation from principle, and if you can-
not, then hold your tongues about apostasy, for very shame.

Apostasy, forsooth! The South knew better. They knew
that Mr. Webster’s hostility to the extension of slave terri-
tory was as uncompromising as ever, and it was on that
134 NOTES ON

account, and that only, that while they respected the man,
they could not give him their vote in Convention, (not even
in the way of compliment when it became certain he could
not be nominated,) lest they should be charged with endorsing
his doctrine on that point. Iregret that it was so: I regret
that his determination was so unalterable, for I believe most
fully that the extension of slave territory will be for the
benefit of the blacks as well as the whites, and that the best
interests of the country demand it, as soon as it can bo
honorably brought about. But that Mr. Webster did not
believe it, there can be no doubt, for if there is any one
thing that is certain, it is that the principles of the ‘“ Buffalo
Platform,” were those of his whole public career.

And yet, in the'face of all this, Mr. Horace Mann charac-
terizes the doctrines of the 7th of March speech as “ apostate
doctrines,” “ cold, relentless, and blaspheming,” and Mr.
Whittier, in reference to that same speech, wrote the
following :

ICHABOD.

So fallen! so lost! the light withdrawn
Which once he wore!

The glory from his gray hairs gone
For evermore!

Revile him not—the Tempter hath
A snare for all;

And pitying tears, not scorn and wrath,
Befit his fall!

Oh! dumb be passion’s stormy rage,
When he who might

Have lighted up and led his age,
Falls back in night.

Scorn! would the angels laugh, to mark
A bright soul driven

Fiend-goaded down the endless dark,
From hope and heaven!

x
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 185

Let not the land, once proud of him,
Insult him now,

Nor brand with deeper shame his dim,
Dishonored brow.

But let its humbled sons, instead,
From sea to Lake,

A long lament, as for the dead,
In sadness make.

Of all we loved and honored, nought ~
Save power remains—

A fallen angel’s pride of thought,
Still strong in chains,

All else is gone; from those great eyes
The soul has fled ;

When faith is lost, when honor dies,
The man is dead!

Then, pay the reverence of old days
To his dead fame;

Walk backward, with averted gaze,
And hide the shame!

Shame, sayest thou?
“ Blistered be thy tongue
For such a wish! He was not born to shame !
Upon his brow shame is ashamed to sit!
For ’tis a throne where honor might be crowned
Sole monarch of the universal earth.”

But even had the above lines been as true as they are
poetical, Mr. Whittier should have been the last person to
give utterance to them, as my readers will probably admit,
when they read the following, addressed by him some years
ago to the Hon. Henry Clay, a slaveholder, and one, thore-
over, who stood side by side with Mr. Webster, on the
“ Compromise Measures :’—

Not fallen! No! as well the tall

And pillared Alleghany fall!
As well Ohio’s giant tide!
136

NOTES ON

Roll backward on its mighty track
As he, Columbia’s hope and pride,
The slandered and the sorely tried,

In his triumphant course turn back.

He is not fallen! Seek to bind
The chainless and unbidden wind,
Oppose the torrent’s headlong course
And turn aside the whirlwind’s force,
But deem not that the mighty mind
Will cower before the blast of hate,
Or quail at dark and causeless ill,
For though all else be desolate
It stoops not from its high estate,
A Marius ’mid the ruins still.

He is not fallen! Every breeze

That wanders o’er Columbia’s bosom,
From wild Penobscot’s forest trees,
From ocean shore, from inland seas,

Or where the rich magnolia’s blossom
Floats, snow-like, on the sultry wind,

Is booming onward to his ear,
A homage to his lofty mind,
A meed the fallen never find,

A praise which none but patriots hear.

Star of the West! A million eyes
Are turning gladly unto him,
The shrine of old idolatries
Before his waning light grows dim ;
And men awake as from a dream
Of meteors dazzling to betray,
And bow before his purer beam,
The earnest of a better day.

All hail! the hour is hastening on,
When, vainly tried by slander’s flame,
Columbia shall behold her son
Unharmed, without a laurel gone,
As from the flames of Babylon
The angel-guarded Triad came ;
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 137

The slanderer shall be silent then,
His spell shall have the mind of men,
And higher glory wait upon
The Western Patriot’s future fame.

Such were formerly Mr. Whittier’s feelings towards a
leading slave-holder. Yet he was then as much a Quaker
as he is now; but he was not then an abolitionist, in any
other sense than that in which Daniel Webster always was
one; and, had his feelings at that time remained the same
to 1850, he would have cut off his right hand sooner than
have written the lines first above quoted.

Sed tempora mutantur ;—

Twenty years have made a wonderful change in him and his
associates. He and nine-tenths, ay, ninety-nine-hundredths,
of those who act with him, were then (those of them, I
mean, who were old enough to have an opinion,) as bitterly
opposed to Garrison as the sturdiest conservative Whig, or
Hunker Democrat, of them all, as Garrison, himself, could
testify. But time does not alter truth, and Mr. Whittier
must, therefore, excuse me, if, when he changes, I refuse to
“veer and turn” with him.

Note 13.—ExtTension oF SLAVE TERRITORY.

I have already remarked inethe preceding Note, that I
most fully believe that the extension of slave territory will
be for the benefit of the blacks as well as the whites, and
that the best interests of the country demand it, as soon as
it can be honorably brought about; and I am happy te
believe that I can find plenty to agree with me “all over
our land.’’ Certainly, there has been a wonderful change
in men’s minds on this subject within the last ten years, and
still more within the last fifty. A great deal of superfluous
evidence has lately been brought forward by Free-Soil

18 u*
188 NOTES ON

writers and speakers, to prove what nobody denies,—what,
indeed, is perfectly notorious,—that at-the time of the for-
mation of the Federal Constitution nobody dreamed of the
extension of slave territory, and very few, (hardly any,
indeed, out of South Carolina and Georgia,) even of the
extension of slavery, but that, men generally were looking
forward to its gradual and not very distant extinction. But
then, it is equally true that nobody dreamed of the exten-
sion of territory at all, whether slave or free; and hence
there is no provision for extension in the Constitution. And
yet, since its adoption, the extent of our territory has been
nearly tripled, and a considerable slice of the new portion,
—more than one-fourth, and that the best for agricultural
purposes,—is now slave territory. And still the cry is,
More! and that not merely at the South, but even louder
at the North, where it is fast becoming general. Witness
the following from the New York Times, (Weekly,) of May
14, 1853:

“The selection of Mr. Buchanan for St. James’, and Mr.
Soulé for the Escurial, if significant at-all, signifies that the
United States has an inextinguishable appetite for Cuba; a
fact-of which no evidence is wanted. Has it not infested
all our diplomacy; prevailed in all our Presidential messa-
ges; been inexhaustibly expressed in Congress and by the
press? The most conservagive of us admit that the absorp-
tion of the island ts only a question of time. The selection
is utterly devoid of other meaning.”

And the following from the Boston Journal, of May 23,
18538:

‘Whether the administration will be slow to take offence
at the folly of our Mexican neighbors remains to be seen;
but an important movement is. undoubtedly in contempla-
tion. Sooner or later the limits of our territory must and
will be extended further South. Its course is as plainly
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 189

marked out as the path of the sun in heaven; but it is only
blind enthusiasts, hot-headed politicians, and reckless dema-
gogues, that would precipitate matters before the time.
Enlightened Mexicans, like General Arista, foresee it, and
wish for such a result; but the true course for us to adopt
is to leave Mexico to herself. Her tyranny and anarchial
rule will alienate the northern provinces, which will shake
off her yoke, successively following the example of Texas,
and become independent States. The people of the United
States will emigrate thither and settle among them, carrying
civilization, the love of republican liberty, and the ability
of self-government; and when in this way they become
regenerated, and fit to be admitted, they will drop like
ripened fruit into the lap of the Union, becoming really
valuable acquisitions.”

As to the Sandwich Islands, it seems to be generally con-
ceded that we are to have them during the present adminis-
tration; probably, within the present year.

And this we call “‘ manifest destiny.” JI rather refer it
to the leadings of Providence,—that

“Divinity that shapes our ends,

Rough-hew them how we will ;”—
that leads us by a way we knew not, working out by our
(often unconscious) agency his purposes of wisdom and
love ; :

“From seeming evil still educing good,”
and carrying the world, slowly but surely, forward, to its
final redemption.

And what are to be the consequences of all this to the

“negro ?

First and foremost, increased value to his labor, and con-
sequent kinder treatment from his master :

Then, a more rapid elevation in the scale of being:

And finally, a speedier exodus to the land of his fathers.
140 NOTES ON

I say to the land of his fathers ; for that in that direction
lies his final exodus, I have no doubt. I do not believe, with
Mr. Secretary Walker, that it is to be through Texas into
Mexico. On the contrary, I believe that his mission is to
civilize and Christianize his native Africa, and that there-
fore Providence frowns upon every attempt of his to form a
free and independent community in this Western Hemis-
phere. Cuba may, perhaps, become eventually the home
of the Quadroon; for with his Anglo-Saxon energy, and
with just enough of African blood in his veins to make him
proof against tropical diseases, he would be admirably
adapted, in conjunction with the Anglo-Saxon, to develope
the inexhaustible resources of that magnificent island. But,
for the full-blooded negro there can be no home this side
the water: he must be again “ferried o’er the wave:”
Africa must be redeemed, and he only can work out its re-
demption.

Note 14.—SourHern EMANcIPATORS.

Mrs. Stowe speaks of a class of slaveholders who may be
appropriately designated by this title, and that there is such
a class, is undoubtedly true; but she seems to think them
numerous, and in this she is mistaken; they are but few,
and of those few, the greater part are in the border slave
States, principally in Northern Kentucky. These last look
across the river, and contrast the rapid growth of Ohio with
the comparatively slow growth of their own Commonvealth,
and then jump to the conclusion that slavery is at the bot-
tom of it. Now, undoubtedly, slavery is a cause of it, but
if it is the only cause, how happens it that Georgia is one
of the most flourishing States of the Union, and that her
resources are developing with such giant stride as to have
gained for her the cognomen of the ‘“‘ Empire State of the
South?’ How happens it, too, if slave labor is the only
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 141

kind of labor which exhausts the soil, that two-thirds of the
improved land of the State of ,.New York has become ex-
hausted to such a degree that “fully to renovate it would
cost at least an average of twelve dollars and a half per acre,
or an aggregate of one hundred millions of dollars?” (See
Appendix, R.)

The truth is, slave labor in a border State is necessarily
unprofitable, from the fact that it is constantly coming in-
creasingly into competition with free labor, and that, in
such a state of things, both operate to disadvantage. Such
is now the condition of things in Kentucky: she is pur-
chasing her redemption, and she is paying the price of it as
she goes along. I say her redemption, for a community
whose laborers are free, is better off, ceteris paribus, than
one whose laborers are slaves. Meanwhile, she has no
right,—no moral right, J mean,—to turn her slaves loose
on the community: she is bound to take care of them, or to
send them where they will be taken care of, till they become
fit for freedom.

This is a consideration which seems to be entirely lost
sight of by Southern Emancipators. I commend it to Cas-
sius M. Clay, and his coadjutors: they are too impatient by
half; they had a great deal better take things easy, and
wait for the slow but sure operation of natural causes to
place them on the vantage ground of the Ohio freeman.
Any attempt to hurry matters will only make bad worse.

Nore 15.—YANKEE OVERSEERS.

Mrs. Stowe has no good opinion of this class of persons,
for she tells us (vol. ii. p. 816,) that they are “ proverbially,
the hardest masters of slaves.’’ ‘This is, no doubt, true;
but it does not follow that they are, therefore, “‘ renegade
sons” (vol. ii. p. 15,) of New England. On the contrary, it
142 NOTES ON

is because they are genuine Yankees, that they are so hard
masters: they have been accustomed to see men do a day’s
work,—they have done it themselves,—and they cannot
understand how the negro can do only a half or a third
-of one.

I recollect the first time I saw Quashy at work in the
field, I was struck with the lazy, listless manner in which he
yaised his hoe. It reminded me of the working-beam of the
engine on the steamboat that I had just landed from—
fifteen strokes a minute; but there was this difference, that
whereas the working-beam kept steadily at it, Quashy, on
the contrary, would stop about every five strokes and lean
upon his hoe, and Jook around, apparently congratulating
himself on the amount of work he had accomplished.

Mrs. Stowe may well call Quashy “shiftless.’? One of
my father’s hired men, who was with him seven years, did
more work in that time than an average negro would do in
his whole life. Nay, I myself have done more work in a
day,—and followed it up too,—than I ever saw a negro do;
and yet I was considered remarkably lazy with the plough.
or the hoe: certainly, I had no great liking for it, for my
vocation did not seem to me to lie that way. Perhaps
similar reason was operating on Quashy.

Note 16.—CHARACTERS OF THE WORK.

I have remarked in the Introduction that the life of the
work is in its characters. Certainly the author has a won-
derful power of descriptive portrait-painting, and where she
has an original to sit to her, she invariably succeeds. She
can paint a New England old maid, or a Kentucky negro,
to the life, for she is at home among them. Equally suc-
cessful is she in sketching the Kentucky drover, for genuine
specimens of these are to be seen occasionally on the Ohio
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 143

side of the river. So, too, with the Quakers: her family
picture shows that she has been among them; there are
Phinehas Fletcher’s, and plenty of them too, in every
Quaker community, not only of those who have married into
the society, but such as have been “always born and brought
up” in it. And this must necessarily be so. Quakerism is
so unnatural, so contrary to human nature, not only unre-
generate, but regenerate, that you cannot screw men up to
it; or if you do, you cannot keep them screwed:

“ Naturam expelles furca, tamen usque recurret.”

Mrs. Stowe understands this, and she makes Simeon Halli-
day himself more than half acknowledge it.

But to proceed with the characters. Senator Bird and
his wife is a true sketch, real and life-like. So is Tom Lo-
ker: I myself have seen at least ‘a dozen of him’’—veri-
table flesh and blood—engaged in quite a different calling,
though, from that of negro-catcher. ;

In all these characters, and several others that might be
mentioned, Mrs. Stowe is at home; but when she comes to
the Southern gentleman or lady, she is evidently out of her
element. Her idea of the former, we have in Mr. Shelby,
“a well sketched average Kentucky gentleman,” as her
friend, the London Examiner, calls him: if he is, God help
the Kentuckians, for they are sadly in need of help! But
more of Mr. Shelby further on: let us turn to our author’s
idea of ladyship. This we have in Marie St. Clare! But
certainly no lady, not to say, no Southern lady, ever sat for
that portrait: not only is it a caricature,—that we might
put up with,—but there is in it an essential and ingrained
vulgarity. For proof of this, see both volumes passim, and
particularly vol. ii. pp. 98 and148. A lady might be cruel,
if it were simple cruelty, and still, possibly, remain within
the charmed circle of ladyship; but any one who could so
far forget herself as to use the language, ‘You good-for-
144 NOTES ON

nothing nigger! Get along off with you '” and could de-
liberately and systematically set about breaking down and
destroying all “delicacy and sense of shame’’ in one of her
own sex, would find herself out of that circle irrecoverably ;
or rather, such language and such conduct would show that
she was never in it.

Mrs. Stowe is more at home among the Kentucky negroes;
but, even here, she cannot help exaggerating. Uncle Tom
himself is an exaggeration, though not to such a degree as
the London Times would have us suppose: to judge from its
language, one would suppose that negro piety was an in-
credible, or, at any rate, a very questionable thing. The
Times goes as far to the one extreme, as Mrs. Stowe to the
other: the truth lies midway between them.

As to George Harris and Eliza, I am inclined to look
upon them as true representations: at any rate, they are
close approximations to them. But then they are few; not
more than one in ten thousand: and of them all, George
Harris and his wife a e, probably, the only ones that ever
got off into Canada. Certainly, most of the fugitives there:
are of a very different stamp. Says Prof. Ansted in his
first Letter to the London Times, “Nearly all those runaway
slaves who escaped into Canada—and the number is not
inconsiderable—are found to be idle, useless, and unimprov-
ing in every sense of the word. Their idea of liberty is
an escape from labour, and the indulgence of amere animal
existence with as little effort as possible. They are bad
servants and bad citizens, and rarely rise above the very
lowest position in the social scale. This cs matter perfectly
notorious, and we must not be surprised if before long the
people of Canada refuse to admit a population which has
no value, and frequently becomes a drag on the resources
of the country.”

Now why did not Mrs. Stowe take negroes of this stamp
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 145

for her runaways? Because they would not answer her
purpose. Wherever outrageous cruelties are to be enacted,
such as would excite our indignation even if inflicted on a
beast, there she introduces full-blooded negroes; but when
our sympathies are to be enlisted in behalf of fugitives, she
takes care to have them not negroes, nor even mulattoes,
but quadroons,—men and women all but white, and who,
therefore, according to the fitness of things, ought not to be
in slavery at all.

Had it been a strapping negro wench, black as a coal and.
ugly as sin, that had called with her boy at Senator Bird’s,
she might have got off as she could: certainly the Senator
never would have helped her off. This, Mrs. Stowe very well
knew, and therefore she took care to have her fugitives all
but white. True she has two black ones with them,—Jim
and his aged mother; but they are only accessory. She
tries indeed to make Jim out a hero, but with poor success.
Speaking of one who had run similar ventures, she asks,
(vol. ii. p. 298.), My good sir, is this man a hero or a
criminal? Not a hero, Mrs. Stowe; no, not a hero: you
yourself have settled that point. Uncle Tom is the hero.
But had he run away, instead of staying to suffer martyr-
dom, would he have been a hero, you yourself being judge ?
You know he would not, and therefore you made him a
martyr.

.

Nore 17.—INcoNSISTENCIES AND IMPROBABILITIES OF THE
STORY.

These lie at the foundation of the work: the very first
chapter is full of them. First we have Mr. Shelby, “an
average Kentucky gentleman,” entertaining at his own table
a professional slave-trader, “‘a short, thick-set man, with
coarse, commonplace features, and that swaggering air of

19
146 NOTES ON

pretension which marks a low man who is trying to elbow
his way upward in the world.” (Sce his description at large,
in the second paragraph of the chapter.) Now I can assure
Mrs. Stowe ‘that no Southern gentleman would ever invite
such a personage to his table; it is morally, I had almost
said, physically, impossible: I should as soon expect to see
the Duchess of Sutherland entertaining the public hangman
at Stafford House, or Mrs. Stowe marrying her children to
runaway negroes.

But even supposing Mr. Shelby could, by any ousibility,
have so far forgotten himself as to invite Haley to his table,
the utmost stretch of his complaisance could have gone no
farther than a cold and constrained civility. And yet we
have him, here, setting a favorite little quadroon slave-boy
to playing off ‘“‘monkey-shines” for the amusement of his
guest !

However, all this is nothing compared with the next im-
probability,—the sale of Uncle Tom; an improbability go
improbable that the allegation of it as a fact is simply ludi-
crous. I challenge Mrs. Stowe to bring forward a single
instance in which such a slave as Uncle ‘l'om is here repre-
sented to have been, was ever sold by his master to a slave-
dealer. Servants like Uncle Tom are known throughout
the community, (see vol. i. p. 148.), and valued, too; or
rather they are justly considered: invaluable; and Mr.
Shelby had only to let it be known that he was obliged to
part with Tom, to have had a dozen of his neighbors in
competition for the purchase, and at a higher price, too,
than any prudent dealer would be willing to offer ; for they
would know what they were purchasing, and the dealer,
whatever his own knowledge, would find it no easy matter to
transfer that knowledge to his customer.

But what need of selling Uncle Tom at all? There
were plenty of other negroes on the estate, if we may
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 147

believe Aunt Chloe :—“ Why, laws me, Missis! other folks
hires out their niggers and makes money on’em! Don’t
keep such a tribe eatin ‘em out of house and home.” (Vol.
li, p. 57.) Why not sell some of these?—Andy and Black
Sam, for instance, who would have gone off with their
hands in their pockets, whistling as they went, and con-
gratulating themselves on the chance they had of rising in
the world. But this would have spoiled the story.

Absurd as all this is, it is not the only absurdity: not
only must Uncle Tom go, but little Harry must go with
him ;—little Harry the only child of Mrs. Shelby’s favorite
waiting maid. Mr. Shelby deliberately agrees to sell the
child, though he knows it will spoil the value of the mother
as a servant. But then Mr. Shelby is not like other men:
other men take care of their own property; Mr. Shelby
deliberately sets about ruining his. I say, ruining; for he
must have known that it would ruin it: Eliza, we are told,
had lost “two infant children, to whom she was passion-
ately attached, and whom she mourned with a grief so
intense as to call for gentle remonstrance from her mistress,
who sought, with maternal anxiety, to.direct her naturally
passionate feelings within the bounds of reason and religion.
After the birth of little Harry, however, she had gradually
become tranquillized and settled; and every bleeding tie and
throbbing nerve, once more entwined with that little life,
seemed to become sound and healthful.’’ (Vol. i. p. 30.)—
Of course the loss of little Harry, in such a way,* would

* Those who are represented as separating mother and child, are
represented as doing it ordinarily as a business transaction, a simple
matter of dollars and cents: they are represented, moreover, as
shrewd business men, and must therefore know the effect of the sepa-
ration on the mother. Now, one of two things must be true: either
the separation injures the mother as property, or it does not ; in other
words, either the mother easily gets over the separation, or she does
148 NOTES ON

be tenfold worse than the death of the other two, and if
she was as she is here described, it would manifestly have
ruined her as property ; and Mr. Shelby knowing this, (and
he must have known it,) and still deliberately consummating
the bargain, whether ‘‘an average Kentucky gentleman,”
or not, had not certainly an average share of brains.

Ridiculous as all this is, the reason given for it is still
more ridiculous :—‘“ I’m sorry you feel so about it, Emily,—
indeed I am,” said Mr. Shelby; “and I respect your feel-
ings, too, though I don’t pretend to share them to their full
extent; but I tell you now, solemnly, it’s of no use—I
can’t help myself. J didn’t mean to tell you this, Emily ;
but, in plain words, there is no choice between selling these
two or selling everything. Hither they must go, or all
must. Haley has come into possession of a mortgage,
which, if I don’t clear off with him directly, will take
everything before it. I’ve raked, and scraped, and bor-
rowed, and all but begged,—and the price of these two
was needed to make up the balance, and I had to give them
up. Haley fancied the child; he agreed to settle the
matter that way, and no other. I was in his power,* and
had to do it. If you feel so to have them sold, would it be
any better to have al? sold?” (vol. i. p. 57.)

not: if she does, then the alleged strength of her maternal affections
is unfounded ; if she does not, then the trader who makes the separa-
tion, is not a shrewd business man. Mrs. Stowe may take which
horn of the dilemma she pleases.

* “Did his life, or that of any,or all his family, depend on his
submission to this ruthless tyrant?

“Oh, no.

“What then? Had he the planter so completely in his power that,
unless he submitted to his whim to have old Tom and little Henry, he
could so ruin him at once as to reduce himself and family to beggary?

“ Nothing of all this.

“ What then?
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN, 149

A queer mortgage this, that can be “cleared off” only
by the sale of one particular negro and one particular little
quadroon boy; that no other negro, or negroes,—no, nor
the hard cash itself, can cancel! A very queer mortgage,
isn’t it?

And this is gravely put forward as an adequate reason
for the sale of Uncle Tom and little Harry, and we are
expected to receive it as such! Archbishop Whately, we
are told, is among Mrs. Stowe’s English friends: what will
he say to such logic ?

And all this lies at the foundation of the story: that
being swept away, the superstructure falls, as a matter of
course. However, to show that the inconsistencies and
improbabilities of the story are not in the foundation alone,
but that there are plenty of them in the superstructure, I will
briefly notice two or three.

The first is on page one hundred twenty-fifth, volume
second. We have seen that it took a violent improbability,
or rather, several violent improbabilities, to get Tom off from
Kentucky to New Orleans. We see here that it takes
another and an equally violent one to transfer him from New
Orleans to Red River. We are told that there was one
thing that St. Clare did, soon after his return to New
Orleans, ‘‘ and that was to commence the legal steps neces-
sary to Tom’s emancipation, which was to be perfected as
soon as he could get through the necessary formalities :”
and again, (p. 151.), Miss Ophelia says to Marie St. Clare,
‘‘ Augustine promised Tom his liberty, and began the legal

“Why, he held a promissory note against him. And by the time that
the planter could grow two crops, he might force the payment of it. So
much; no more, is the planter in the trader’s power. Such is the
slight foundation on. which Mrs. Stowe has erected the main building
of her showy and admired edifice.” The Planter, or Thirteen years

in the South, p. 35.
n*
150 NOTES ON

forms necessary to it. I hope you will use your influence to
have it perfected.”

It would seem from this that the emancipation of a negro
in Louisiana is a very difficult and intricate matter,—
almost as much so as the formation of a new State Constitu-
tion in this second half of the nineteenth century. If s0,
why did n’t St. Clare make Tom over to Miss Ophelia, as he
did Topsy, (p. 131.)? that could have been done in a half-
hour’s time, and would have been tantamount to giving Tom
his hberty. Oh! but that would have prevented Tom’s
martyrdom, and so would have spoiled the story /

But ¢s the emancipation of a negro in Louisiana so difficult
a matter, after all? Ifso, how happens it that there are
seventeen thousand five hundred and thirty-seven free
negroes in that State,—nearly. two thousand more than in
all the other “coast planting” States put together,—and
that in the year ending June, Ist., 1850, there were one
hundred and fifty-nine manumitted, being forty-one more
than in all the other States south of Virginia and Kentucky,
and more than one-ninth of all the manumissions in the
United States during that year?

The truth is, this alleged difficulty is all “ humbug”:
there isn’t a State in the Union in which a solvent master
cannot manumit his slave at any time, provided he sends
him out of the State,—a restriction (in many of the more
Southern States) designed to prevent the accumulation of a
refuse population that might, and probably would become a
charge to the community, either as paupers or as criminals.
St. Clare had, therefore, only to give Tom his “ walking
papers,’ and he might have ‘“ made tracks’ for Kentucky at
once. And even when the master lay a dying, and his
thoughts were running on “ Tom! poor fellow!” (p. 142.),
he had only to make a parole declaration, in the presence of
the Doctor and Miss Ophelia, that he gave Tom. his liberty,

4
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 151

and all the Jaws of Louisiana could not have retained him in
bondage. So much for the inconsistencies and improbabil-
ities in the second stage of the story.

We come now to the third stage, and here we make the
acquaintance of Simon Legree, first at the slave warehouse,
then on the steamboat, and finally at his plantation on the
Red River. In the warehouse scene there are no inconsis-
tencies and improbabilities that call for particular observa-
tion, but the steamboat scene is full of them.

First we have Legree holding out his hand to a gentleman
for examination :—“ Just feel of my knuckles, now ; look at
my fist. Tell ye, sir, the flesh on ’t has come jest like a
stone, practising on niggers,—feel on it.” (p.172.) This
gentleman, we are told, (p. 311.), was the author’s brother,
“then collecting clerk to a large mercantile house, in New
Orleans.” Speaking of Legree, he says, ‘“‘He actually
made me feel of his fist, which was like a blacksmith’s ham-
mer, or a nodule of iron, telling me that it was ‘ calloused
with knocking down niggers.’ When I left the plantation, I
drew a long breath, and felt as if I had escaped from an
ogre’s den.”’

Now a coarse, brutal man might make such a boast in the
presence of negroes, or of men of his own sort, but the sup-
position that he could make it bona fide, and in sober earnest,
to a gentleman, is, really, too ridiculous for any but the
greenest of greenhorns to swallow. Without presuming to
eall in question the truth of Mr. Beecher’s statement, I
think I find an easy and natural explanation of it in the
following paragraph from the January number of the
Southern Quarterly Review: —‘‘The testimony of this
brother is the only one which she cites, except in the general
“all over the land’ style, which we have noticed; and we
think any one who has spent six months of his life in a
southern city will recognize the type of this her solitary
152 NOTES ON

authority. Who has not seen the green Yankee youth
opening his eyes and mouth for every piece of stray intel-
ligence ; eager for horrors; gulping the wildest tales, and
exaggerating even as he swallowed them? Why, this fellow
is to be met with in every shipload of candidates for clerk-
ships who come out like bees to suck our honey. ee x
Seriously, is it not easy here to perceive that a raw,
suspicious Yankee youth having “happened” (as he would
say) in contact with a rough overseer, a species of the genus
homo evidently quite new to him, has been half gulled by the
talk of the fellow, who has plainly intended to quiz him, and
has half gulled himself with his own fears while in the
vicinity of this novel character, whom he, poor genile
specimen of Yankee humanity, has absolutely mistaken for
an ogre, because his hand is hard.” (p. 85.)

I was mentioning this explanation, a short time ago, to a
young lawyer of. my acquaintance in Baltimore. ‘ Why,”
said he, ‘‘I myself have done pretty much the same thing.
I recollect I was once on a visit to a cousin in Philadelphia,
and one day we started off in the stage-coach for Doylestown,
Bucks County, to call on some friends there. We were then
boys, and up to almost anything in the way of a joke. Our
only travelling companions were two ancient maidens,
apparently some years on the shady side of thirty. We
soon found they were abolitionists, ready to swallow anything
black, however monstrous, and I determined at once to have
some fun out of them. Accordingly, I set about relating to
my companion all sorts of horrible cruelties inflicted on
negroes, inventing the materials as I went along and making
myself the hero of the greater part of them ; my companion
putting leading questions to me, every now and then, to
draw me out. Such atrocities as I recounted! I presume
the like of them were never heard of, or even dreamed of
before. I told them all, however, with a grave face, as though
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 153

they were commonplace, every-day occurrences, giving to
my fair auditors the impression, all the while, that I thought
such inflictions all right where negroes were the subjects of
them. Thus I went on, pouring out horror after horror,
with a fertility of invention that I had never before imagined
myself possessed of, and which seems truly wonderful when
T look back upon it. The ancient maidens listened, all the
while, with open eyes and mouth, swallowing my inventions
easily, and with throats apparently capacious enough to
admit ‘a few more of the same sort;’ but, unluckily for our
sport, the coach brought me and my companion to our
journey’s end, and I had to break off in the midst of a
horror which, for that reason, has remained untold to this
day.”

Now all this was very naughty, no doubt, and the only
apology we can make for it is in Black Sam’s language,
(vol. 1. p. 118,) mutatis mutandis :— It was ugly on me,—
there’s no disputin’ that ar; and of course good people
wouldn’t encourage no such works. I’m sensible of dat ar;
but a wild fellow like me’s ‘mazin’ tempted to act ugly
sometimes, when ancient maidens and ‘collecting clerks’ will
be so green.”

So much for the “ fist and knuckles.” Now for another
inconsistency and improbability: ‘“‘‘I don’t go for savin’
niggers. Use up, and buy more, ’s my way;—makes you
less trouble, and I’m quite sure it comes cheaper in the end ;’
and Simon sipped his glass.

“¢And how long do they generally last?’ said the
stranger.

*¢¢Well, donno; ’cordin’ as their constitution is. Stout
fellers last six or seven years; trashy ones gets worked up
in two or three. I uséd to, when I fust begun, have con-
siderable trouble fussin’ with ‘em, and trying to make ’em
hold out,—doctorin’ on ’em up when they’s sick, and givin’

20
154 NOTES ON

on ’em clothes and blankets, and what not, tryin’ to keep
‘em all sort o’ decent and comfortable. Law, ’t was n’t no
sort o’ use; I lost money on em, and ’twas heaps o’ trouble.
Now, you see, I just put ‘em straight through, sick or well.
When one nigger’s dead, I buy another; and I find it comes
cheaper and easier, every way.’ (p. 173.) Now I chal-
lenge Mrs. Stowe to bring forward any authority, or shadow
of an authority, for such a representation. She cannot
find a single instance of the kind since the abolition of the
foreign slave-trade: before that time, there may have been
instances, for then it really was cheaper to “use up niggers,”
but now it is dearer, ‘every way;” and Mrs. Stowe herself
admits that it is dearer, for she makes Cassy say to Legree,
“‘T’ye saved you some thousands of dollars, at different
times, by taking care of your hands ;” so hard it is to be
consistent in fiction that professes to be founded on fact,
and whose whole aim and end is, to put the worst face pos-
sible upon things.

But enough of the inconsistencies and improbabilities of
the story: to expose the whole of them would require a
volume. Let these serve for a specimen.

Nots 18.—IRRELIGIOUS TENDENCY OF THE WORK.

At the “breakfast” given to Mrs. Stowe, the morning
after her arrival in Liverpool, Professor Stowe, in his after-
breakfast speech, is thus reported :—“ Speaking of the suc-
cess of his gifted lady’s book, he said—Incredible as it may
seem to those who are without prejudice, it is nevertheless
a fact, that this book was condemned by the leading religi-
ous newspaper in the United States as antichristian, and
its author associated with infidels and disorganizers.”

I have not seen the article referred to, but I find the fol-
lowing extract from it in ‘‘ The Planter: or, Thirteen Year
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 155

in the South :”"—* We have read the book, and regard it as
antichristian. We have marked numerous passages in which
religion is spoken of in terms of contempt, and in no case is
religion represented as making a master more humane;
while Mrs. Stowe is careful to represent the indulgent and
amiable masters as without religion. This taint pervades
the work, just as it does the writings of all the modern
school of philanthropy. It is certainly a non-religious, if
not anti-evangelical school. Mrs. Stowe labors through all
her book to render ministers odious and contemptible, by
attributing to them sentiments unworthy of men or Chris-
tians.” (p. 24.)

Now all this I fully concur with: I have myself ‘marked
numerous passages,’ and I presume they are the same with
those marked by the Editor of the Observer. They may be
found on pages 58, 139, 181, 191, 262, 264, 265, and 266,
of volume first, and on pages 10 and 127, of volume second.
In each of these passages there is an open or covert sneer
at the Church or the Clergy. As a set-off to all these,
there is but one redeeming passage in the book: it is to be
found on page 187 of volume second. How Mrs. Stowe
could reconcile it with the passages above referred to, or,
indeed, with the whole spirit of her Work, is past my com-
prehension. ,

I say, with the whole spirit of her work; for unless the
Church of Christ has, from the beginning, utterly misappre-
hended the character of Christianity, that spirit is an anti-
christian spirit ; it is the spirit of the so-called moral reforms
of the present day; the atheistic spirit of the old French
Revolution: its sympathies are not with Christ, but with
“the false prophet.” Even the temperance movement,—
the most plausible of them all,—is a Mahommedan, and not
a Christian movement: years ago, in one of the Congrega-
tional Churches in Lowell, Mass., (the third, I believe,) it
156 NOTES ON

substituted for wine, in the Lord’s Supper, molasses-and-
water; and recently, in the Unitarian Church in Bedford,
(the place of my nativity,) reversing the miracle of our
Lord, it has changed wine into water! Mrs. Stowe may
not: be ready yet to go to such a length, but her tendencies
are in that direction: the spirit of her work is the spirit of
the several ‘“‘movements;” her sympathies are not with
Christ, and with St. Paul, and St. Peter, and St. Jude, but
with Theodore Parker and Horace Mann. Like them, she
is “‘ presumptuous,” “‘ self-willed,’”’ “not afraid to speak evil
of dignities.”

It is painful to have to speak thus of a woman, but she
has left me no alternative. Who would have supposed that
a woman could deliberately pen so shockingly irreverent a
sentence as that at the end of the first paragraph on page
fifteenth of volume second? And what could we expect
from such an one but that she should be found, as she
actually is found, arraying herself in open hostility to the
laws of her country, and not merely encouraging passive
non-obedience for conscience sake—that we might vespect,
however much we thought the conscience misguided—but
actually inciting to active resistance to the execution of
those laws, even to the extent, if need be, of taking human
life ?

Alas for my country, when such a work, from such a
source, is read by such multitudes—thousands upon thou-
sands,—I had almost said, millions upon millions! I sol-
emnly believe that it has done more, considering its immense
circulation, to debauch public sentiment and sap the foun-
dations of social order, and lead men to infidelity and open
atheism, than any other publication, with the single exception
of the New York Tribune. The Independent, judging from
the little I have seen of it, is as bad, but its circulation is
comparatively limited. As+o the Herald, even in its worst
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 157

days, it was a good Christian, side by side with the Tribune,
and now it is an angel of light in the comparison. By its
ridicule of “ Philosopher Greely’? it has furnished the
young men of New York, and of the country, with an anti-
dote to the Tribune’s bane, and I should look upon its dis-
continuance,—the Tribune still continuing to be issued,—
as a public calamity.

Nore 19.—Kery to Uncite Tom’s Casin.

This the author evidently considers a “settler,” and it is
certainly ponderous enough to settle almost anything. Uncle
Tom’s Cabin is probably the first one of its kind that ever
had a key, and therefore it-seems to have been thought fit-
ting that it should have a large one,—larger, strange to say,
than the Cabin itself. It is evidently a permutation and
c»mbination key; it carries on the face of it the marks of
more than one person having been engaged in the manufac-
ture of it, and of there having been a shifting (not sifting)
of materials from time to time. The author, having made
a handsome speculation on the Cabin, has invested a part of
the proceeds in a new venture, and a paying one, too, for
there is no end to human gullibility :

‘‘ Doubtless the pleasure is as great
Of being cheated as to cheat,”

if not a little greater; and this innocent pleasure Mrs.
Stowe has very benevolently ministered to, and on a mag-
nificent scale. Having abundant resources at her command,
she has spread a drag-net from the Rio Grande to Cape Sable,
“which, when it was full,” with much ado and great flourish
of trumpets, she has succeeded in “drawing to land ;” but
instead of ‘“ gathering the good into vessels and casting the
bad away,” she has pretty nearly reversed the process,
having sayed only enough a good to keep up a show of
158 NOTES ON

candor: and now, all the enemies of freedom in the Old
World “sacrifice unto her net, and burn incense unto her
drag.” “Shall they therefore empty their net and not
spare continually to slay the nations ?’’ (Hab. i. 16, 17.),
No! thank God! it is too late in the day. Had Mrs.
Stowe written ten years earlicr, there is no telling to what
an indefinite period the oppression of the toiling millions
of Europe might have been prolonged by her gross, ay,
wholesale misrepresentations. But now, hundreds of thou-
sands of Irishmen escaped from the grinding oppression of
the English Commercial System, and. Germans and other
Europeans escaped from the hampering of outworn political
and social institutions are enjoying in this land, where

“The free spirit of mankind at length
Casts its last fetters off,”

a blessing on their honest toil, such as they, in their wildest
dreams, had never even imagined ; and every transatlantic
mail takes out hundreds and thousands of letters to their
friends, with remittances, to bring them over. And they
will come, spite of Uncle Tom’s Cabin and the Key into the
bargain.

But this Key! What is it for? To clench the story.
“At different times,” it seems, “doubt has been expressed
whether the representations of ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin’ are a
fair representation of slavery as it at present exists.” The
representations doubtful! Well, that is a good joke! One
might almost imagine the author were quizzing us! Doubt-
ful? Yes! doubtful, (as Coleridge would say,) in the same
sense in which it is doubtful whether the moon is made of
green cheese! When Mrs. Stowe has proved the one, she
may consider the other proved also.

Nothing daunted, however, she undertakes the proof: and
by what kind of evidence?

1. “ Personal observation.”
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 159

2. Formal testimony, written or oral.

3, Published documents, including newspaper paragraphs
and advertisements.

Well, these are all legitimate means of proof, provided
they are properly employed. But what does she mean by
“personal observation?” If we turn to part 1. chap. 2.,
we shall find, at the end of the first paragraph, the follow-
ing: “The author’s first personal observation of this class
of beings [the slave-traders] was somewhat as follows.”
She then goes on to relate how it was, and it turns out that
her “personal observation” of “this class of beings’ was
merely a “personal observation” of a letter handed to her,
or rather, ‘“‘ pushed towards her,”” by a ‘colored woman”
with a “surly, unpromising face,” and purporting to be
written by one of “this class of beings,’ and, the answer
of the aforesaid colored woman to the question, ‘‘ What sort
of a man is this?’ “Dunno, ma’am; great Christian, I
know,—member of the Methodist church, any how.” And
this the author calls “‘ personal observation’ And it is’nt
a slip of the pen, either. In chapter ii. p. 49., middle of
the second column, she tells us, “‘ An incident of this sort
{referring to the narrative just before quoted by her, from
Uncle Tom’s Cabin, of the sale of a mother from her child
because she fell asleep from exhaustion while nursing her
master, ] came under the author’s observation in the follow-
ing manner.” ‘The “ observation turns out to be the. testz-
mony of a ‘liberated quadroon slave family,” that the
mother of a “little quadroon boy” living with them, had
been so sold!

This is what the author understands by “ personal obser-
vation,” and I have called the reader’s attention to it for
two reasons: first, that he may not misunderstand her, and
think that, when she speaks of ‘personal observation,” she
means what other persons mean by it; and second, that he
160 NOTES ON

may be able to judge what are the qualifications of one who
can use language thus loosely, to comment on testimony,
and interpret legal documents, and may not therefore be
surprised, if he finds her, in the sequel, involved in the
most ludicrous blunders.

So much for the “personal observation: now for the
testimony. This, the reader, after what has been said:
above, will not be at all surprised to find, is, much of it,
the ex parte testimony of runaway slaves against their master
or mistress, given without the sanction of an oath and with-
out opportunity for cross-examination ; all which, neverthe-
less, the author is so “verdant,” (to use one of her own
expressions,) as to expect us to take for gospel!

Her first witness of this kind is Lewis Clark, her second,
Frederick Douglass, and her third, Josiah Henson; (see
chap. iv. pp. 18, 19.).  “ Now all these incidents that have
been given [in the pages here referred to,] are,” she tells
us, “‘real* incidents of slavery, related by those who know
slavery by the best of all tests—experience;” and she
naively adds, a few sentences after: ‘It is supposed by
many thatthe great outcry among those who are opposed
to slavery comes from a morbid reading of unauthenticated
accounts gotten up in Abolition papers, &c. This idea is a
very mistaken one. ‘The accounts which tell against the
slave-system are derived from the continual living testimony
of the poor slave himself; often from that of the fugitives
from slavery who are continually passing through our
Northern cities. As a specimen of some of the incidents
thus developed, is given the following fact of recent occur-
rence,” &., &e.; (p. 19.)

Now I am not going to deny the truth of their statements,
but I do say that the testimony of a runaway apprentice,—
and they do run away, sometimes, witness the advertise-

* The italics are hers.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 16]

ments so common in the Northern newspapers, headed, “ A
basket of chips reward!’ ‘‘One cent reward, and no
charges paid !’’—I say the testimony of a runaway appren-
tice against his master or mistress would be received cum
grano salis, with a grain,—ay, with a good many grains of
allowance, and I donot see why a colored skin should gain
more credence for its possessor than a white one.

I said I was not going to deny the truth of the state-
ments, but it may be well to give a specimen of them, that.
the reader may know what it is he is expected to gulp
doyn. So, here goes! ‘Gape, sinner, and swallow !”*—
“The slaves often say, when cut in the hand or foot, ‘ Plague
on the old foot’ or ‘the old hand! It is master’s,—let him
take care of it. Nigger don’t care if he never get well.”
(Testimony of Lewis Clark, last paragraph, p. 16.) St.
Paul says that “ No man ever yet hated his own flesh ; but
noufisheth and cherisheth it;’’ (Eph. v. 29,): but St. Paul
didn’t live in the nineteenth century. The same Apostle
says in the preceding verse, ‘So ought men to love their
wives as their own bodies;” but, if Lewis Clark and Mrs.
Stowe are both to be believed, Quashy has zmproved upon
the Apostle, for he loves his wife, ay, and his children, too,
better than his own body: otherwise, he would say, when
parted from them, “ Plague on de ole woman! Plague on
de little woolly-head! They are master’s,—let him take
care on ‘em. Nigger don’t care if he never see ’em again.”

So much for testimony.

The third kind of evidence is published documents, &c.,
and these, as I have not the means of authenticating them,
or testing the truth of their statements, I shall let pass for
what they are worth.

And what are they worth? What is the whole evidence
of the book, that from personal observation, that from testi-
* Meg Merrilies.

21 oO
162 NOTES ON

mony, and that’ from published documents—worth as a
justification of the representations of Uncle Tom’s Cabin?
Just nothing at all. ‘The alleged facts in the Key might,
every one of them, be real facts, without exception, and
without exaggeration, and Uncle Tom’s Cabin still bean
outrageous caricature: the fancy-sketch of Horace, half
woman and half fish, with a covering of parti-colored feath-
ers, is made up of constituent parts, each of which exists cn
verum natura, but the combination never has been seen,
and, I rather think, never will be. Some men are lascivi-
ous, and some are wantonly cruel, but the two characters
were never yet found united in the same person: there are
“disjunctive conjunctions” in rhetorical composition, but
not in the composition of human nature. Because there
is ‘‘coarse-fine’* salt in Northern warehouses, it does not
follow that there are coarse-fine ladies in Southern drawing-
rooms ; because “blackberries are always red when ‘they
are green,’ it does not follow that Quashy is always white
when he is yellow or brown. To father all the cruelties
to apprentices on one master, and all the cruelties to wives
on one husband, and then hold these up as specimens of a
class, and legitimate results of a system, would be to follow
in Mrs. Stowe’s footsteps, but it would be a poor excuse for
the foul libel, in the estimation of all honorable men, to say
that each of the alleged cruelties had been actually com-
mitted, somewhere, at some time, by some body, and that
very many of them had, through the imperfection of the
law, or the worse than imperfection of its administration,
gone unpunished.

But enough of preliminaries: I come now to the work
itself, and shall notice a few, and but a few, of its state-
ments and comments; to notice them all would require a
volume, and I can spare but a few pages. I shall follow, for
the most part, the order of the “ Key.”

* So the Liverpool salt is called in New-England.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN, 163

The first chapter of the work is introductory. The
second is entitled, “Mr. Haley.” and at the end of this
chapter, (p. 8.) Mrs. Stowe says, “If there is an ill-used
class of men in the world, it is certainly the slave-traders.”
“These men,’ she tells us, “ are exceedingly sensitive with
regard to what they consider the injustice of the world in
excluding them from good society,” &c.—Now when I shall
see Mrs. Stowe receiving at her table and in her drawing-
room public whippers (and we have these last in all our
prisons,—the prison discipline could not be maintained
without them,) or even horse-jockeys, I shall acknowledge
that she is sdncere, but not that she is right. She forgets
that Providence makes use of vile instruments to do things
necessary and proper to be done, but which are so repulsive
in the doing that none but vile instruments will do them ;—
that, in this world of sin, moral scavengers are as necessary
as physical ones: we may respect a constable, but not a
public whipper; a drover, but not a horse-jockey. It might
be difficult to assign a reason, a priori, why the profession
of a horse-jockey should make a man repulsive to a person
of refinement and a nice moral sense, but that it does, as
really, (if not to the same extent,) as that of a negro-trader,
is undeniable.

The third chapter presents ‘‘ the fairest side of slave-
life,” and as ‘‘there is,” in the author’s view, “no kind of
danger to the world in letting the very fairest side of
slavery be seen,’’ and she can therefore afford to be gene-
rous, she magnanimously devotes to it the very liberal
allowance of four pages and three-quarters, out of two
hundred and fifty-six!

The fourth chapter is devoted to “ intelligent’ negroes
and colored persons, and contains not a few improbabilities,
that speak for themselves: the advertisements at the end
of the chapter, I shall notice further on, under the head

of outlaws.
164 NOTES ON

The fifth chapter treats of quadroon girls and Ohio jus-
tices. The following is characteristic :—

«Last spring, while the author was in New York, a Pres.
byterian clergyman, of Ohio, came to her and said, ‘I
understand they dispute that fact about the woman’s cross-
ing the river. Now, I know all about that, for I got the
story from the very man that helped her up the bank. I
know it is true, for she is now living in Canada.”

Last spring, Mrs. Stowe swam across the Atlantic. I
know it is true, for she is now travelling in England! I
got the story from the man that didn’t see her swim.

As to “Justice D——,” if Professor Stowe and the
magistrate on whom he called knew the said Justice to be
such a rascal, why did not they bring him before the autho-
rities. It was their duty to do it as good citizens.

*“He’s the man that does all this kind of business, and
he’ll deliver her up, and there ’ll be an end to it.”

Rachel Parker was “delivered up,” but was there “an
end to it?’ On the contrary, she was delivered back again.
And so it would have been with the girl in question: if, “by
the laws of Ohio, she was entitled to her freedom, from the
fact of her having been brought into the State, and left
there, temporarily, by the consent of her mistress,” the
Courts in any of the slave States would have adjudged her
free, for these cases are always decided according to the
lea loct.

Professor Stowe, it seems, was the ‘‘ Senator Bird” of the
story; but instead of helping off a fugitive slave, as the
Senator is represented as having done, he merely helped
off a free woman, to save her from kidnappers; a praisewor-
thy deed in him, and one in which no Southerner would con-
sent to be left behind. °

The sixth chapter is devoted to ‘‘pious negroes.” The
following extract from the account of “ the venerable Josiah

 
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 165

Henson,” “now a clergyman in Canada,” is commended to
the consideration of those who oppose the “ Fugitive Law,”
and try to obstruct its execution :—

“Henson forthwith not only became a Christian, but
began to declare the news to those about him; and, being a
man of great natural force of mind and strength of charac-
ter, his earnest endeavors to enlighten his fellow-heathen
were so successful, that he was gradually led to assume the
station of a negro preacher; and though he could not read
a word of the Bible or hymn-book, his labors in this line
were much prospered. He became immediately a very valu-
able slave to his master, and was intrusted by the latter
with the oversight of his whole estate, which he managed
with great judgment and prudence. His master appears to
have been a very ordinary man in every respect,—to have
been entirely incapable of estimating him in any other light
than as exceedingly valuable property, and to have had no
other feeling excited by his extraordinary faithfulness than
the desire to make the most of him. When his affairs be-
came embarrassed, he formed the design of removing all his
negroes into Kentucky, and intrusted the operation entirely
to his overseer. Henson was to take them alone, without
any other attendant, from Maryland to Kentucky, a dis-
tance of some thousands of miles, giving only his promise
as a Christian that he would faithfully perform this under-
taking. On the way thither they passed through a portion
of Ohio, and there Henson was informed that he could now
secure his own freedom and that of all his fellows, and he
was strongly urged to do it. He was exceedingly tempted
and tried, but his Christian principle was invulnerable. No
inducements could lead him to feel that it was right for a
Christian to violate a pledge solemnly given, and his influ-
ence over the whole band was so great that he took them
all with him into Kentucky. Those casuists among us who
166 NOTES ON

lately seem to think and teach that it is right for us to vio-
late the plain commands of God whenever some great
national good can be secured by it, would do well to con-
template the inflexible principle of this poor slave, who,
without being able to read a letter of the Bible, was yet
enabled to perform this most sublime act of self-renunciation
in obedience to its commands.”

Now I do not wish to be understood as vouching for the
truth of the above; on the contrary, certain portions of it
seem to me to have a very apocryphal air, especially the
second, third, fourth and fifth sentences: but the last two
sentences are valuable as showing Mrs. Stowe’s opinion of
her friends, the ‘“ higher-law’’ men, and how, in her view,
the conduct of “this poor slave” puts them to the blush.
The advocates of the Fugitive Law could not desire a more
complete justification than Mrs. Stowe has here voluntecred
for them.

- The seventh chapter treats of the Northern prejudice
against negroes, and in what the author says of the unchris-
tian character of this prejudice, I go with her to the fullest
extent ; and I am happy to see that she admits—what in-
deed she could not help admitting—that there is no such
prejudice at the South. But she tells us further that this
prejudice at the North is a residuum of slavery, which,
although it “has been abolished in the New England
States,” has “left behind it” this its ‘‘most baneful feature.”
And herein, I think she is mistaken: I am satisfied, from
the testimony of those who lived under the old regime, and
can remember the state of society at that time, that there
was then no such prejudice. My grandfather had a slave, a
faithful body-servant, and there was certainly no such preju-
dice against him: on the contrary, all the children were as
much attached to “Black Peter,” as are the children of
Southern slave-owners, at the present day, to the slaves with
; UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 167

whom they have grown up from childhood; and I believe it
was so generally; and, indeed, if I were disposed to branch
off into a philosophical speculation on the subject, I think I
could find, in the nature of the relation that existed between
them, some reasons why it should be so. If, then, slavery
is to be abolished in the Southern States, and the negro
remain on the soil, either the Southerner must be a good
deal superior to his Northern brother in sympathy for what-
ever is human, or the same prejudice will develope itself
there that has borne so hard upon the negro here. I hope
I may never see the Southern negro reduced to such a con-
dition.

Chapter eighth is headed, ‘‘ Marie St. Clare,” and con-
tains a good deal of truth about certain northern ladies.
What is here said about whipping, requires no other remark
than has already been made on the subject.

Chapter ninth is entitled, ‘St. Clare,” and opens as fol-
lows :—

“Tt is with pleasure that we turn from the dark picture
just presented, to the character of the generous and noble-
hearted St. Clare, wherein the fairest picture of our South-
ern brother is presented.”

And what, in our author’s view, is this ‘‘ fairest picture ?”
That of a sneering sceptic, (vol. i. pp. 264-266,) who “had
only that kind of benevolence which consists in lying on a
sofa, and cursing the church and clergy for not being mar-
tyrs and confessors,” (vol. ii. p. 137,) who, according to his
own account of himself, (vol. ii. p. 24,) “instead of being
actor and regenerator in society,” was “‘a piece of drift-
wood,” “floating and eddying about,” and his life, ‘*a con-
temptible non-sequitur.””

Now I do not find fault with Mrs. Stowe for drawing the
picture of such an easy, good-for-nothing, “ opaceless dog,”
(vol. i. p. 264,) but I do protest, most emphatically, against
168 NOTES ON :

her calling it “ the fairest picture of our Southern brother.”
What! They the best men among the slaveholders who be-
lieve in their conscience that it is wrong to hold,slaves, and
yet continue to hold them? So, strange to say, Mrs. Stowe
teaches: ‘Such men,” she tells us, “‘are shocked to find
their spiritual teachers less conscientious than themselves;”
that is to say, those “spiritual teachers” (and, of course,
those of their flock who think and act with them,) who be-
lieve in their consciences that it is right to hold slaves, and
who act up to that belief, are, in Mrs. Stowe’s opinion, less
conscientious than the sneering and scoffing St. Clare’s, who,
believing: that it is wrong to hold slaves, do, nevertheless,
deliberately and systematically, violate their consciences by
continuing to hold them! This is the meaning of Mrs,
Stowe’s language: I defy her, or anybody else, to. make
anything else out of it.—A queer conscientiousness, reader,
this, of Mrs. Stowe’s, isn’t it?

“What a sorrowful thing it is that such men live an inglo-
rious life, drawn along by the general current of society,
when they ought to be its regenerators !”’ Its regenerators?
No! Mrs. Stowe! The regenerators of society are made of
sterner stuff: they are men of conscience, who, if you can
convince them+¢hat they are in the wrong, will at once set
about righting that wrong : men of nerve, however, who will
not be led away, by their sympathy with particular instances
of hardship, to save here and there an individual at the
expense of ruin to the race, and thus turn a sporadic disease
into an epidemic; men whose motto is, ‘“‘ Slow and sure;”
who go as fast and as far as they can see their way clear,
and no faster and no farther. Such men are the hope of
humanity, and when and where they go, society must perforce
go with them. There are plenty of such men at the South;
they know what they are about, and they are not to be
turned aside from it by false issues: “in quietness and in
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 169

confidence” they are regenerating the negro and helping on
his final redemption. They are “doing a great work,”
steadily, but noiselessly, as did the builders of the temple at
Jerusalem. They are not of the Jehu’s of society, who boast
and bluster and brag: they have no confidence in such
boasting and blustering and bragging; they know that it is
at the expense of the interests of humanity, and these
interests in their estimation outweigh everything earthly,
God speed them in their work of love! God speed those
Northern men, too, who are with them in heart and soul!
They are of the noblest of the sons of the North. Strong in
the might of truth, they can afford to be taunted and sneered
at by such men as John Randolph and “ Mr. Mitchell,’’—
men who, by their own confession, are deliberately and
.systematically violating their own consciences, and who,
therefore, if they had a particle of modesty, would be
ashamed to set themselves up as censors of the morals of
others. May God give them “repentance and a better
mind !”

There is one other thing requiring notice in the chapter
before us, and that is the “‘kind of preaching’ and the
“scriptural expositions” that St. Clare says “don’t edify
him.” Of this we have two specimens, one from the Rev. Mr.
Clapp, and to this I must take two exceptions ; the first, as
a matter of taste, to the epithet “fascinating,” which, as
here employed, seems to me to belittle the subject, the
second, as a matter of substance, to the word ‘‘every”’ in the
fourth sentence: I would not say “to every slave in the
United States” what Mr. Clapp says he would, but I would
say it to the slaves as a body—to ninety-nine out of every
hundred of them. With these two. qualifications, I endorse
every word of the extract, and if Mrs. Stowe objects to the
sentiment of the first three sentences, (as it would seem that
she does, from her calling the paragraph a “ specimen of

22 ¥
170 NOTES ON

a
ethics,’) she has yet to learn “which be the first principles
of the oracles of God.”

The other extract is from the Rev. Mr. Smylie, and if by
the first paragraph he means to imply merely that it is not
the “ legitimate tendency of the gospel” to make man free,
outwardly and inwardly if possible, but, at any rate, out-
wardly, which, I suppose is his meaning, then I go with
him ; but if he means to imply (which I cannot for a manag
believe) that it is not the “legitimate tendency of the
gospel” to make man free with an inward, and thereby,
eventually, with an outward freedom, then I want words to
express my utter dissent from his doctrine ; for I hold most
undoubtingly that it ds the legitimate tendency—the very
end and aim of Christianity to make man free inwardly, and
that where-a race has become thus free, it cannot longer be
continued in slavery by a Christian people.* And when the
colored race in this country shall become thus free, if I live
to see the day, (which I do not anticipate, for I believe it is
a long way off,) I will preach nothing but abolition to the
Southern people, or rather, I shall have no need to preach
it to them, for they will enter into it spontaneously, and by
acclamation.

The tenth chapter is entitled ‘ Legree,” and the author
discusses in it, amongst other things, the possibility of the
character: I shall have something to say upon that before
I get through, but at present I will take it for granted.
Here follow a few extracts :—

* Legree is introduced not for the sake of vilifying masters
as a class, but for the sake of bringing to the minds of
honorable Southern men, who are masters, a very important
feature in the system of slavery, upon which, perhaps, they

* The horror of “ White Slavery in the Barbary States” is, that it

subjects a people internally free, like St. Vincent de Paul, to a people
internally slaves.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 171 °

have never reflected. It is this: that no Southern law
requires any test of CHARACTER from the man to whom the
absolute power of master is granted.

* * * * *

‘Now it is respectfully submitted to men of this high
class, who are the law-makers, whether this awful power to
bind and to loose, to open and to shut the kingdom of
heaven, ought to be intrusted to every man in the community,
without any other qualification than that of property to buy.

* * 5 * *

“Now, in all the theory of government as it is managed
in our country, just in proportion to the extent of power is
the strictness with which qualification for the proper exercise
of itis demanded. The physician may not meddle with the
body, to prescribe-for its ailments, without a certificate that
he is properly qualified. The judge may not decide on the
laws which relate to property, without a long course of
training, and most abundant preparation. It is only this
office of MASTER, which contains the power to bind and to
loose, and to open and shut the kingdom of heaven, and
involves responsibility for the soul as well as the body, that
is thrown out to every hand, and committed without inquiry.
to any man of any character.

* Ke Ke * ok

“‘ Are there such men as Legree? Let any one’go into
the low districts and dens of New York, let them go into
some of the lanes and alleys of London, and will they not
there see many Legrees? Nay, take the purest district of
New England, and let people cast about in their memory
and see if there have not been men there, hard, coarse,
unfeeling, brutal, who, if they had possessed the absolute
power of Legree, would have used it in the same way ; and
that there should be Legrees i in the Southern States, is only
saying that human nature is the same there that it is every-
172 NOTES ON

where. The only difference is this,—that in free States
Legree is chained and restrained by law; in the slave States,
the law makes him an absolute, irresponsible despot.”

A word, now, upon these extracts.

As to the first one, I can assure Mrs. Stowe that the
“honorable Southern men, who are masters,’ are not the
unreflecting persons she seems to think them, but that they
have thought upon the subject of slavery more than she has,
and understands its practical working better than she does,
if she could only be persuaded to think so.

She tells us in this extract that no test of CHARACTER is
required in order to be a master, and yet she admits, in the
next extract, that the master must have sufficient property
to buy the slave, which, at the South, is, Praealy, a very
stringent test. ‘It is only this office-of MAsTER,” she con-
tinues, “that is thrown out to every hand, and committed
without inquiry to any man of any character,” and yet she
knows perfectly well that the office of father is ‘‘ committed
without inquiry” and without even the property test, “to
any man of any character ;”’ and she admits that there are
Legrees among fathers at the North: “the only difference,”
she tells us, “is this,—that in free States Legree is chained
and restrained by law; in the slave States, the law makes
him an absolute irresponsible despot.”

What! Legree chained in free States in any other sense
than he is in the slave States! Many a poor wife could tell
a different story, and so could many a poor child, the victim
of domestic tyranny. ~-

Oh, but the law! the law! Don’t you know that Legree
is chained by it, in free States, and that his wife or child is
thereby protected? Indeed! ‘“ What a charming fresh-
ness of nature is suggested by this assertion! A, thing
could not have happened in a certain State because there is
a law against it!” This is the way you dispose of a law
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 173

that “chains Legree” in Louisiana! It is a poor rule, Mrs.
Stowe, that won’t work both ways.

The truth is, Legree is chained as really in the slave
States as in the free, only his chain is a little longer,—a
disadvantage that is more than made up for by the compara-
tive rarity of the animal in these States and by the operation
of self-interest which protects the slave from the bad master
ten times as often, in proportion, as parental affection pro-
tects the child from the bad father. In proof of the com-
parative rarity of the animal at the South, I myself could
name at least half a dozen in my native village in Massa-
chusetts, (a village of less than a thousand inhabitants,)
now living, or that have been living within the last twenty
years, that never ought to have been parents, and if I were
to take my cue from Mrs. Stowe, I should seek to procure
the enactment of a law prohibiting men like them from
becoming such, or else, I should seek to take away from ail
parents that power which at least one in twenty of them
(a far greater proportion than among masters) use to so bad
purpose; but in doing this, I should be acting very foolishly,
for the restriction of the parent’s power would work mis-
chief, and only mischief to children as a class, however it
might protect now and then an individual; and what is
true in this respect of the power of the parent over the
child is equally true of the power of the master over the
slave, if Mrs. Stowe could only be brought to see it. +

I have gone thus far in these remarks upon the hypothesis
of the possibility of such a character as Legree; but, as
the reader is aware, I have already denied that possibility.
“But,” says Mrs. Stowe, “the reader will have too much
reason to know of the possibility of the existence of such
men as Legree, when he comes to read the records of the
trials and judicial decisions in Part II.” I have read those
records, and I find no instance of a Legree, or anything

approaching to one. Tnsignces of cruelty, I find,—ay,
174 NOTES ON

outrageous cruelty, though they are but few, notwithstand-
ing she has raked and scraped “all over’ the South. Itis
wonderful, the small number of the instances she has suc-
ceeded in finding.* Could any free State, at the North, or
in Europe, stand the sweep of such a drag-net, and come
out as free from scath ?

No one doubts that there are instances of cruelty,—
horrible cruelty,—at the South, as well as elsewhere. It
was not the cruelty that I had in mind when I denied the
possibility of such.a character as Legree; I had in mind,
amongst other things, the conversation on board the steam-
boat (vol. ii, pp. 172, 173.) and especially this portion
of it:—

“T used to, when I fust begun, have considerable trouble
fussin’ with ‘em, and trying to make ’em hold out,—doctorin’
on ’em up when they’s sick, and givin’ on ’em clothes, and
blankets, and what not, trying to keep ’em all sorts o
decent and comfortable. Law, ’t want no sort 0’ use; I lost
money on ’em, and ’t was heaps o’ trouble. Now, you see,’
I just put ’em straight through, sick or well. When one
nigger’s dead, I buy another; and I find it comes cheaper
and easier, every way.”

Now none but a madman ever uttered such superlative
nonsense, and from the madman the law takes away the
control of his slaves as well as his other property, and also,
of his children.

Mrs. Stowe tries to justify her putting such language into
the mouth of Legree, but she fails utterly. She quotes the
Report of the Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge, La.,
for 1829, as stating that the annual waste of life on well-
conducted sugar estates was two and a half per cent., over

* And among them all, is there one like that from the London’
Guardian, of February 2., (Appendix K. 3, (7.),) and was there ever
such a verdict returned in such a case at the South?
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 175

and above the natural increase. And she adds, “The late
Hon. Josiah 8. Johnson, member of Congress from Louisi-
ana, addressed a letter to the Secretary of the United
States’ Treasury, in 1830, containing a similar estimate,
apparently made with great care, and going into minute
details. Many items in this estimate differ from the pre-
ceding; but the estimate of the annual decrease of the
slaves on a plantation was the same,—TWO AND A HALF PER
cent. !”

This is, no doubt, a correct estimate,* but how does it
tally with the hearsay testimony of Mr. Blackwell, and Dr.
Demming, that the annual waste of life was 12} to 14 per
cent.,—in other words, that the master ‘could afford to
sacrifice a set of hands once in seven or eight years,” in-
stead of once in forty? And how does this latter tally
with the statement of Simon Leerce, that the waste was
from 15 to 50 pef cent.? Mrs. Stowe must excuse meif I
prefer the authentic official statement to the hearsay testi-
mony ; especially as I can demonstrate, from her own data,
the truth of the one, and the falsehood of the other; that
is to say, that the planter can afford to sacrifice a set of
hands once in forty years, and that he cannot afford to sac-
rifice a set of hands once in seven years: the former, she
will of course admit; the latter, I proceed to demonstrate.

Mrs. Stowe states, from Professor Ingraham, that the
negroes work during the season from eighteen to twenty
hours, the gang being divided, at night, ‘into two watches,

* Perhaps Mrs. Stowe will think it very awful to use up human life
even at the rate of two and a half per cent.: if so, then she must
think stone-cutting, glass-grinding, house-painting, and a good many
other trades that might be mentioned, very awful ones, for they use
up luman life at a much more rapid rate. As to the sugar culture,
more lives are lost in the transportation (by sea) than in the cultiva-
tion. Query: Did any Yankee abolitionist while eating his salt fish,
ever reflect how many lives were lost by the cod-fishery, annually?
176 NOTES ON

one taking the first and the other the last part of the night.”
Let us take the longest period,—twenty hours, and let us
suppose a planter starting an estate with a gang ‘‘of seven
hundred blacks,” a number just sufficient to work the estate,
working twenty hours a day during the season, and at the
ordinary rate the rest of the year; let us further suppose
the negroes to be fresh hands, just purchased from a Vir-
ginia trader, of the average age of twenty-five years, which
is a high average, judging from Mrs. Stowe’s advertisements
and comments, (pp. 183—150,) and at the average cost of
one thousand dollars, which is a low average in Louisiana,
as they are now bringing nearly that in Virginia. If the
planter were to purchase three hundred more negroes and
work the estate with a gang of one thousand at the rate of
fourteen hours a day during the season, and seven-tenths of
the ordinary rate the rest of the year, he would accomplish
the same amount of labor as with the seven hundred on the
other supposition, and Mrs. Stowe herself must admit that
they would not in that case be overworked nor their lives
shortened. According to the Baton Rouge Agricultural
Society Report, and the Hon. Mr. Johnson’s letter, the
estate could be worked with the seven hundred, working
twenty hours a day during the season, and a set be worked
up only once in forty years ; and this would be more prof-
table than to work it with one thousand. According to Mr.
Blackwell and Dr. Demming, the estate being worked with
seven hundred, a set would be worked up in seven years;
and this would be less profitable—far less profitable than to
work it with one thousand, as I am now to show.

In the following demonstration, the several examples have
been worked out to the nearest cent, and the results are
here set down to the nearest dollar.

According to “Mrs. Stowe, the expense of keeping a negro
in Lousiana,—“‘ two pairs of pantaloons and a pair of shoes
a year, with enough food and shelter to keep him in working
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 177

order,” (vol. i. p. 20,)—cannot be more than twenty dollars,
at the outside, as thus: Two pairs of (thin) pantaloons
and a pair of shoes, $5,00; a peck of corn a week, or thir-
teen bushels a year, at fifty cents a bushel, (Key, p. 45,)
$5,50; rent of shanties, such as are described in the Key,
(p. H,) per head, $6,00; (a shanty containing ten, would
thus rent for 860,00; high enough, in all conscience !) doc-
tor’s bill, $2,50 ;—in all, $20,00. We will put it, however,
at double that amount, viz. $40,00, which is $3,60 more
than it costs to “‘ board, nurse, clothe and doctor” a pauper
in the cold climate of Massachusetts, (see Appendix, F.,
LEOMINSTER,) and more than three times the sum ($12,00)
which the American missionaries in Ceylon required, thirty
years ago, for boarding, clothing and educating a Tamul
youth; (see Missionary Herald, of that period, passim.)
This item is to be charged against both systems,—the using
up, and the saving. To this latter is to be charged another
item,—that of life-insurance, as on this system the capital
is not to be sunk at all. The charge for this, at the age
of twenty-five, is $1,90 on the hundred; or, $19,00 per
head. .The debtor side of the account, then, will stand as
follows :—
1. On the saving system:
Compound interest on capital—1,000 negroes, at $1,000
each—%1,000,000, at 6 per cent., for 7 years, $507,630

Gost of keeping, at $40,00 each, per annum, for 7 years, 280,000
7 years’ comp'd interest on Ist year’s keeping, $20,305

 

6 " 2d " 16,741

5 a f 3d es 13,529

4 ee as 4th “ 10,499

: “ . Sth = 7,641

2 = e 6th fe 4,944
1 es 7th ee 2,400 76,059
. Life Insurance—7 years’ premium, at $19,000, 133,000
Interest on ditto, computed as on the keeping, 36,128
Total, $1,032,817

23
178 NOTES ON

2. On the using up system :

 

Capital sunk—700 negroes, at $1,000, - $700,000
Compound interest on it, for 7 years, 355,341
Cost of keeping, at $40,00, - 196,000
Interest on ditto, computed as above, - - 53,241
Total, - - $1,304,582

Deduct as above, - - - 1,032,817
Balance against the using up system, $271,765

Being a dead loss annually, on the average, of $38,824!
For every dollar that we diminish the estimated cost of
keeping, we increase the above loss by $381,49, and if we
put the keeping, as we ought to, at $20,00, according to
the estimate above from Mrs. Stowe’s data, it will bring the
annual dead loss up to $46,453. For every hundred dol-
lars, on the contrary, that we diminish the estimated value
of the negro, we diminish the annual dead loss by $5,408,-

30. If, therefore, we take the highest estimate of the
keeping, the negroes must not cost over $283,00 per head,
to make it more profitable to use wp seven hundred on an
estate every seven years, than to work the estate in perpe-
tuity with one thousand, and if we take the lowest estimate
of the keeping, they must not cost over $141,00! When,
therefore, Legree told the ‘collecting clerk to the large
mercantile house,” (if he ever did tell him,) that he worked
his estate on a system by which he suffered a dead loss of
$40,000 a year, he was plainly trying how much the raw
youth could swallow! Certainly, no man, of woman born,
ever told such a story in sober earnest; and if the ‘ collect-
ing clerk” took it in earnest, I, for one, ghall not doubt his
voracity.

T commend this “ NEW ARABIAN NIGHT’S ENTERTAINMENT”
(Key, p. 257) of Fraures vs. Fancy, to Mrs. Stowe’s espe
cial consideration, and hope she will go through the calcu-
lations for herself, or, (if, as I shrewdly suspect, her forte
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 179

does n’t lie that way, but rather in figures of RHETORIC,)
get some one of ‘those legal gentlemen who have given her
their assistance and support in the legal part of the discus-
sion,’’ (Preface to the Key,) to do it for her; and I should
not wonder if the result should be, the conclusion on her
part, ‘that these nomadic Arabs, the digits, are making a
very unfair use, among us, of the family reputation gotten
up during the palmy days of their innocence, when they
were a breezy, contemplatively unsophisticated race of
shepherds,” and never thought of tripping up a lady, even
though she would wrestle with them. Alas! the days of
chivalry are over; and now, “every one must look out for
his own toes, as the jackass said to the chickens:” if I
“step on” hers, let her “mention it.” (Vol. i. p. 239.) But
perhaps, after all, Mrs. Stowe, finding herself a sharer in
“the bewilderment of the few old-fashioned people’ she
refers to, and having a shrewd suspicion, if she “‘ does not
know with very great clearness,” “what ‘percentage’ * and
‘average’ mean,” may say that she meant Legree’s lan-
guage to be taken “in a Pickwickian sense:” “TI should n’t
wonder.” :

We come now to the “‘ peck of corn a week,” which Mrs.
Stowe tells us (Key, p. 45,) is the negro’s “usual allowance.”
And how much would she have him have? Is not a peck

* Mrs. Stowe’s (or her friend, ‘that most respectable female person,
Mrs. Partington’s”) idea of “ per-centage” seems to be about as lumi-
nous as that of the retailer out in Illinois, who “came,” as Mrs.
Stowe would say, “under my personal observation,’ some ten or
twelve years ago: at any rate, if he did not, the anecdote did; and
that, according to her, is all one. He was boasting that he made
“three per cent: in his business, and on some one’s expressing a
doubt whether he understood clearly the meaning of the term, ‘ Well,”
satd he, “I.don’t know anything about your ‘per cent.,’ but I know
this,—that every dollar I pay out, brings in three: that’s what J call
three per cent. !”
180 NOTES"-ON

enough? Can she eat more herself? A peck of corn a
week, is two pounds a day; and two pounds of corn will
make three pounds of bread, as every cook knows. ‘Now
her friend Dr. Hitchcock will tell her that a pound to a
pound-and-a-half, is an ample allowance, (see his ‘“ Dyspepsia
Forestalled and Resisted,”) and if he practises what he
preaches, he has given a twenty years’ proof of it. For my
part, though those who know me say I am “ death on corn-
cakes,” and I confess to their being “‘ my particular wanity,”
and would rather be confined to them, than to any other one
article of food, I am sure I would not eat three pounds a day;
and if Mrs. Stowe can, then I will admit her voracity, as
well as the “ collecting clerk’s,”’ and shall begin to think it
runs in the family !

But “ the slaves down the Mississippi,’ says Mrs. Stowe,
(Key, p. 46,) “are half-starved !” And the proof of it! Ay,
the proof of it! Open your eyes wide, reader :—“ The
boats, when they stop at night, are constantly boarded by
slaves, begging for something to eat.” Verily, “Mr. Tobias
Baudinot, St. Albans, Ohio, a member of the Methodist
Church,”’ (I trust it has some better timber,) “‘ who for some
years was a navigator” (by traverse sailing, no doubt) “on
the Mississippi,” must be a rare bird. Mothers! look out
for him, when he comes into your houses, and don’t let him
hear your children “ begging for bread,”’ or he’ll certainly
go away and report that they are half-starved !

And you, ye sturdy farmers of the North, who are gene-
rally supposed to have some common sense, read the state-
ment of “Mr. Asa A. Stone” (Query: Any relation to
Miss Lucy?) ‘‘a theological student, who resided near
Natchez, Miss., in 1834-5,” that “on almost every planta-
tion, the hands suffer more or less from hunger at some
seasons of almost every year. There is-always a good deal
of suffering from hunger. On many plantations, and par-
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 181

ticularly in Louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of almost
utter famishment, during a great portion of the year,” and
remembering that a slave costs ten times as much as a horse,
or a yoke of oxen, and considering with yourself how you treat
your horses and your oxen, and how you would almost as
soon suffer, yourself, as see even those dumb animals suffer,
then say what you think of 2 theological student who could
gravely tell such a story, and say further, how you would
like to hear such a one in the pulpit! For my part, I should
expect him

** At times to vend a rousing whid,

And nail ’t wi’ Scripture !””

And these are Mrs. Stowe’s proofs! She must excuse me,
but I cannot accept them. To all her allegations of short
fare, J have one all-sufficient answer to oppose,—the fact,
namely, that the negroes thrive upon their “ common
doings,” (even where they cannot get ‘‘ chicken fixins,”) and
prove that “the sleep of a laboring man is sweet, whether
he eat little or much, (Eccl. v. 12,) and that they “increase
and multiply” ten per cent. faster than their white brethren.
But I forget: Mrs. Stowe does n’t like “percentage.” This
is singular, considering the lessons she has taken in it, with
a certain publishing house in Boston during the past twelve
months. However, ‘‘there is no disputing about tastes.”’

There is one other allegation under this head, that I had
almost forgotten: ‘The negroes,” Mrs. Stowe tells us,
“have to grind their own corn.”’ Well, that is better than
to have no corn to grind. However, as she seems to think
it such a hardship, if she will read, in the N. Y. Daily Times,
of June 14, 1853, the twenty-fourth of a series of excellent
“Letters on the Productions, Industry, and Resources of
the Slave States,” by one who, though not an anti-slavery
propagandist, because he is a fair-minded man, has yet no
liking for slavery, she will learn, what, if she had ever lived
182 NOTES ON

at the South, she would have known without, ‘that the
negroes prefer to take their allowance of corn and ‘ crack’ it
for themselves, rather than to receive meal, because they
think the mill-ground meal does not make as sweet bread.”
Quashy, I am thinking, won’t thank Mrs. Stowe for wanting
to take away the sweetness from his “ peck of corn:” she
had better understand him, before she undertakes to cater
for him, or, in her ignorance, she may get him into “‘a peck
of trouble.”

In what I have said thus far on the food of the negro, I
have taken Mrs. Stowe’s representation of it. I must now
add that large numbers of them—nearly, or quite, all, in
Maryland, and probably full one half, in the South generally,
have their regular weekly allowance of animal food,* and
that there are very few who do not get it occasionally. But
even where they do not, they are‘ better off than the peasant
in Ireland or in Hindostan, the former of whom would gladly
exchange his potatoes, and the latter his rice,f for the

* “Oh, Missis, my husband,—he working now out on de farm,—so
he hab ’lowance four pounds bacon and one peck of meal ebery week.”
Letter to Mrs. Stowe, “from a friend,” (Key, p. 153.) According to
“Uncle Tom at Home,” (a work in defence of Uncle Tom’s Cabin,)
“Tn Alabama, the act of her Legislature provides « proper ration of
meat every day for the slave, establishing a penalty if the master
withholds it.’”? (p. 100.)

7 Tho Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, May 30, 1788,
says, “A single peck of corn, or the same measure of rice, is the
ordinary provision for a hard-working slave, to which a small quantity
of meat is occasionally, though rarely, added.”’ (Key, p. 45)

A tea-cupful of rice will make a pretty good-sized pudding, as a bach-
elor friend of mine in Virginia can testify. He once undertook to make,
one, and having tied the rice in a bag, 4n default of a pot, put it into
a tea-kettle, where it swelled so much that he could not gef it out whole.
Moreover, in tying it up, he had not left room enough for it to swell
in; accordingly, he had to dig it out, for it was nearly as hard as a
rice snuff-box ; I tried some of it, but my molars and bi-cuspids gaveit
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 183

negros “‘ peck of corn a week,” and both of whom would
gain by the bargain.

A word on the negro cabins. The description of them on
page 44, is not by any means a fair description of them nov,
though it may have been ten or fifteen years ago; but ten
or fifteen years ago, I could have shown Mrs. Stowe plenty
of such in Illinois, and those not always of the lowest class
of whites either, but of those who had seen better days.

As to the “ Cachexia Africana,” it is not a very fatal
disease, judging from the increase of the negro population,
and, though not by any means desirable, it is not so loathe-
some, by half, as a certain other disease, for some time past,
epidemic at the North, in certain “ localities,”— Worcester,
for instance, and Syracuse,—I mean, the Cacoethes Africana,
anglice, AFRICAN ITcH; a disease, of which, in my opinion,
the Old Seratch is at the bottom.

In chapter eleventh, Mrs. Stowe informs us that “ The
custom of unceremoniously separating the infant from its
mother, when the latter is about to be taken from a North-
ern toa Southern market, is a matter of every-day notoriety
in the trade. It is not done occasionally and sometimes,
but always, whenever there is occasion for it; and the
mother’s agonies are no more regarded than those of a cow
when her calf is separated from her.”

Will it be believed that the only shadow of evidence she
has given, throughout the whole chapter, of this ‘“ custom”
is, negro testimony to four isolated instances! Could she
not bring up, with her drag-net, a single white ‘witness to a
“custom” of “ every-day notoriety ?” After such absolute
failure to substantiate her assertion, what are we to think

up, as a bad job. Now if a tea-cupful will fill a tea-kettle, a peck
would swell to a pretty good week’s allowance : yet the negroes prefer
the peck of corn, and ‘‘ complain of being faint when fed on rice.”
(Key, p. 45.)
184 NOTES ON

of the last two sentences of the following, the dtalics of
which are her own ?

«An American gentleman from Italy, complaining of
the effect of ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin’ on the Italian mind,
states that images of fathers dragged from their families to
be sold into slavery, and of babes torn from the breasts of
weeping mothers, are constantly presented before the minds
of the people as scenes of every-day life in America. The
author can only say, sorrowfully, that it is only the truth
which is thus presented.

“These things ave, EVERY DAY, part and parcel of one of
the most thriving trades that ts carried on in America.”

What, I repeat, are we to think of such language?
Could it have been believed beforehand that one with an
American heart in her bosom, could, even if the allegation
were true, thus sully the fair fame of her country and pub-
lish its shame to the world? For my part, if I could hope
to make my voice heard by her, I would say to her, in such
case, in the noble language of Whittier already quoted—
noble but for his false application of it,—

“Then pay the reverence of old days
To tts dead fame:
Walk backward, with averted gaze,
And hide the shame!”

The path of filial irreverence, is a down-hill path: what
wonder then, if we find her in a foreign land, on a public
occasion, sitting under a mutilated flag of her country!

I have said that she has failed to substantiate her charge
by argument: she seems to be sensible of this, herself, and
accordingly when argument fails, she betakes herself to
philosophizing. Assuming that the children are custome
rily separated from the mother when she is to be taken “to
a Southern market,” she gives a reason why it must be,
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 185

viz: that “they detract from the value of the mother as a
field-hand ;” and yet she tells us, on the very next page,
that it is a “pitiful lie” which says “ that these unhappy
mothers” ‘do not feel when the most sacred ties are thus
severed.” Now one of two things is certain: either the
mother does not feel much, and therefore does soon get over
it, or else, the separation does not add to her value “as a
field-hand,” and therefore the “trader” has no such motive
to make it. If the cow, when separated from her calf,
instead of getting over it in a few days, did not get over it
at all, what should we think of the brains of the Northern
farmer who should gravely argue for the separation as a
means of increasing the cow’s value! Do, Mrs. Stowe,
forego your woman’s privilege, and for once, give us an
argument that shall be consistent with ztself, if you can;
and if you cannot, get some one of the “‘legal gentlemen,”
you speak of in the preface, to do it for you: it is alto-
gether too hard upon your reviewer to give him nothing
that he can’t answer,—nothing, even, that does not answer
itself. No wonder the London Athenzeum (June 4, 1853)
should say of Mr. William Goodell’s « American Slave Code
in Theory and Practice,’ ‘‘ It is the best commentary on
‘Uncle Tom’ that we have yet seen—not excepting the
‘Key’ by Mrs. Stowe herself, because it is more critical
and logical.” Verily Mr. Goodell must feel very much
beholden to the Atheneum for thus damning his work with
faint praise.*

*The Atheneum says, further, that itis “a startling contribution
to the Anti-Slave cause.” If, as I shrewdly suspect, Mr. Goodell is
one of the “legal gentlemen” of the preface, it must be a “ startling
contribution,’ so far as the comments are concerned. I recollect a
missionary subscription paper was carried round in my native village,
some five-and-twenty years ago, and among the subscriptions
obtained, was one of fifty cents, from “ A friend to the caws.” The

24 oF
186 NOTES ON

Mrs. Stowe affirms that it is a custom of the trade, also,
to part husband and wife; and to prove this custom she
brings forward two witnesses, (white ones, for a wonder,)
who testify each to one isolated instance ! That the thing
is occasionally done, no one doubts; but that it should be
done customarily I have shown (Note 5) to be contrary to
known principles of human action.

Chapter Twelfth treats of “the degradation of the
negro’s position,’ and contains a letter from the Rev. Dr.
Pennington, (formerly a slave in Maryland,) in which is the
following :—

“QO, Mrs. Stowe, slavery is an awful system! It takes
man as God made him: it demolishes him, and then mis-
creates him, or perhaps I should say mal-creates him !”

If Dr. Pennington means this of slavery as it exists in
Africa, it is true: if he means it of slavery as it exists in
America, it is false. American slavery takes the negro as
slavery in Africa has made him, a brute in human shape,*
(see Appendix, B.) and humanizes him, and Christianizes
him, and elevates him to a man; and of this, Dr. Penning-
ton is in his own person an illustrious example. He should
be the last one to speak ill of American slavery: it has
made him all he is, and all he hopes for. But for it, he
would have been a degraded creature in the land of his
ancestors, with Reason and Conscience, those glorious endow-
ments of humanity, undeveloped, and nothing but the
“human form divine’ to say to the beholder, This is a
man.—And there are hundreds of Dr. Pennington’s, and
hundreds of thousands, ay, millions, of approximations to

cmendation was considered rather doubtful at the time; but Iam
inclined to think it would now come in very pat: certainly we have
had plenty of contributions, within the last year or two, to the Anti-
Slavery Caws; plenty of iterations and reiterations.

* Or if it has not made him so, it has found him so, and left him so.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 187

him,—made so by their “position ;” and when, as a race,
they shall have attained his stature of humanity, American
slavery is doomed: it will fall to pieces by its own weight a
if it did not, the outraged sentiment of Christendom would
rise en masse to exterminate it.

The thirteenth chapter is devoted to the Quakers. I
have space to notice only two or three passages in it, which
are particularly noteworthy as partially letting us into the
author’s idea of Christianity, and showing that the Key, as
well as the original work, is anti-christian.

It seems that “a family, consisting of Samuel Hawkins,
a freeman, his wife Emeline, and six children, who were
afterwards proved slaves,” were arrested and committed as
such to Newcastle (Delaware) jail; and that, at the instance
of John Garret, a Quaker, who supposed not only the father,
but the mother and the “ four youngest children,” free, they
were brought by habeas corpus before Chief Justice Booth,
and by him set at liberty, on the ground of defect in the
commitment. The rest of the account, I give in Garret’s
own words :

“The day was wet and cold; one of the children, three
years old, was a cripple from white swelling, and could not
walk a step; another, eleven months old, at the breast;
and the parents being desirous of getting to Wilmington,
five miles distant, I asked the judge if there would be any
risk or impropriety in my hiring a conveyance for the mother
and four young children to Wilmington. His reply, in the
presence of the sheriff and my attorney, was there could
not be any. I then requested the sheriff to procure a hack
to take them over to Wilmington.”

The whole family escaped. Garret was brought to trial,
convicted and fined $5,400; $3,500 for hiring the “hack,”
and $1,900, as the value of the slaves. If this were the
whole story, it would be a hard case. But let us hear Mrs.
Stowe:
188 : NOTES ON

“After John Garret’s trial was over, and this heavy
judgment had been given against him, he calmly arose in
gbe court-room, and requested leave to address a few words
to the court and audience. .

* * * * * * *

‘¢ After showing conclusively that he had no reason to
suppose the family to be slaves, and that they had all. been
discharged by the judge, he nobly adds the following words: ~

‘ Had I believed every one of them to be slaves, I should
have done the same thing !’”

“Thus calmly and simply,” says Mrs. Stowe, “did this
Quaker confess Christ before men.” (!) And, speaking of
the result of the trial: ‘Our European friends will infer
from this that it costs something to obey Christ (!) in Ame-
rica, as well as in Europe.”

Now for another instance of ‘‘ obeying Christ,’’—that of
Richard Dillingham :

“Some unfortunate families among the colored people had
dear friends who were slaves in Nashville, Tennessee,
Richard was so interested in their story, that when he went
into Tennessee he was actually taken up and caught in the
very act of helping certain poor people to escape to their
friends.”

“For this,” says Mrs. Stowe, ‘he was seized and thrown
into prison. In the language of this world (!) he was im-
prisoned as a ‘negro-stealer.’ ”’

One more instance, in another part of the book, (p. 219,)
not of a Quaker: “Torrey, meekly patient, died ina prison,
saying, ‘If Iam a guilty man, I am a very guilty one, for
I have helped four hundred slaves to freedom, who but for
me would have died slaves ;’”’ and, four lines below, Mrs.
Stowe’s comment upon this: ‘‘ Jesus Christ has not wholly
deserted us yet.”

Now, in answer to all this, I have only to say, (and it is
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 189

all that need be said,) Picture to yourself, reader, if you
ean picture such a thing, St. Paul runniny off four hundred
slaves, and at the same time preaching, ‘“ Servants, be obe-
dient to them that are your masters according to the flesh!”
(Eph. vi. 5.) ‘‘ Let as many servants as are wnder the yoke
count their own masters worthy of all honour, that the name
of God and Hts pécrrinz be not blasphemed,”’ (1. Tim. vi. 1,)
and then say, where is his character asan Apostle? Gone irre-
trievably, even abolitionists themselves being judges. Gar-
rison and Theodore Parker would have no patience with
such shuffling; they abhor the doctrine now; they would
then abhor the man ; for whatever their faults, hypocrisy
is not one of them.

The fourteenth chapter is entitled, ‘‘The Spirit of St.
Clare,’ and contains several ‘‘testimonials from Southern
men” in favour of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, in the shape of
letters, some anonymous, and some authentic: the former,
of course, require no notice, as, for aught we know, they
may be, every one of them, from Northern abolitionists,—
“ancient maidens’ or “collecting clerks ;’’ of the latter, all
but one are from the class of ‘‘ Southern Emancipators”
(see Note 14.) in the border States, and that one, though
“hailing” from Charleston at the time of writing, has since
published a book entitled, ‘Uncle Tom at Home,” (designed
to prop up the Cabin,) on the title page of which he de-
scribes himself as “date of Charleston,’’ at which I am not
surprised, for I should suppose, after he had thus fouled his
own nest, he would want to be out of it as soon as possible.
The book is a literary curiosity, and I had marked some

‘sixty-seven “elegant extracts,’ wherewith to enliven my
own pages, as specimens of the author’s noble independence
of the King’s English, and to show how much reliance was
to be placed on the testimony of sucha muddle-head. But
I find I cannot afford the space for them; so I have con-
190 NOTES ON

cluded to spare “the harmless albatross.” I advise all my
readers, however, to get the book, and if they don’t find it
a rich treat, then they have no relish for Nick-Bottomism.

I have now gone through the whole of PART L., having,
I believe, noticed every chapter. I might go on in the
same way with the remaining “PARTS,” but I have not
the space for it: I must, therefore, confine myself to a few
of the more prominent points.

PART II. is devoted to the slave-code, and here it is that
the author is so beholden to the “legal gentlemen who have
given her their assistance and support.” (Preface to the
Key.) Who these “legal gentlemen” are, I have a great
curiosity to know, for they, or she, or all together, have
certainly given some queer interpretations. However, out
of respect‘for the gentlemen of the green bag, I am inclined
to hold them innocent of the interpretations aforesaid, and
to mother those interpretations upon her.

A story is told of a preacher who, while delivering a
sermon made up of shreds and patches from the old divines,
was very much annoyed by an old gentleman in the pew
below repeating in a semi-audible tone, as passage after
passage came out, the name of its author—‘ Barrow !”—
* Tillotson !”—“ Jeremy Taylor!” At last, provoked beyond
all endurance, he called out, Turn that man out! “That's
his own,” said the man.

Now, though the portion of the work before us is evi-
dently a hodge-podge, and jumbled together, too, in beauti-
ful confusion, I think I can put my finger on passage after
passage, and say, without fear of mistake, That’s her own!
and among these passages are certain odd misinterpretations,
to two or three of which I must now call the reader’s atten-
tion.

The first is on page 70. Mrs. Stowe cites the law of
South Carolina as enacting that ‘‘slaves shall be deemed
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 191

“sold, (?) taken, reputed and adjudged in law, to be chattels
personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and
their executors, administrators, and assigns, TO ALL INTENTS,
CONSTRUCTIONS AND PURPOSES WHATSOEVER,’ and then adds,
‘Let the reader reflect on the extent of the meaning in
this last clause ;” evidently showing that she understands
‘chattels personal’ to be here used in opposition to ‘per-
sons,” whereas, any lawyer, and one who is no lawyer, could
have told her that it is used simply in opposition to “ chattels
real ;” that in Maryland and Virginia, and, I believe, in
most of the Southern States, slaves are, for ordinary pur-
poses, chattels personal, but, for testamentary and adminis-
trative purposes, chattels real; whereas, in South Carolina,
and, perhaps, some other States, they are chattels personal,
for all purposes, and chattels real, for none. This is the
simple meaning of the South Carolina law, in which Mrs.
Stowe has. found such a mare’s nest.

Yet she will have it that, in Southern law, the negro is
not a person, or, at any rate, that it is a mooted point, and
accordingly she cites (p. 75,) the case of WirsELL vs. Ear-
NEST AND PARKER, which the reader will find in the Appen-
dix, (E. 3,) and‘on which she thus comments :

“Ip we consider the negro a person, says the Judge ; and,
from his decision in the case, he evidently intimates that he
has a strong leaning to this opinion, though it has been
contested by so many eminent legal authorities that he
puts forth his sentiment modestly, and in an hypothetical
form.” | :

Now to place in a strong light the logze of this comment,
let me request the reader’s attention, for a moment, to the
following ‘¢ Report of a Case not to be found in any of the
Books.” :

Professor Stowe, we will suppose, having lately been in
England, and seen how Englishmen flog their wives, and
192 NOTES ON

what good results follow from it, takes it into his head to
introduce the custom here; but his wife not being as sub-
missive as the English ladies, the case comes into court, and
the evidence being all in, and the lawyers having made their
speeches, the Judge charges the jury thus: ‘If we consider
Mrs. Stowe merely as a woman, plainly she is not liable to
chastisement at the hands of a private person; nor, if we
consider her as a wife, can the Professor be justified, for the
English law which allows a man to flog his wife is not in
force here.”

On this charge, taking my cue from Mrs. Stowe, I com-
ment on this wise: “Ir we consider Mrs. Stowe as a wife,
says she Judge; and, in his charge, he evidently intimates
that he has a strong leaning to this opinion, though he puts
it forth in a hypothetical form.”” Now I submit it to the
common sense of the reader, whether this logic is not as
good as Mrs. Stowe’s, and whether, according to her mode
of reasoning, it would not prove, in the case supposed, that
the Judge was at least in doubt whether she were a wife or
not!

Now turn to page 111, and read the following: “The
act regulating patrols, as quoted by the editor of Prince’s
[Georgia] Digest, empowers every justice of the peace to
disperse ANY assembly or meeting of slaves which may dis-
turb the peace, &c., of his majesty’s subjects.” Observe
the emphasis on the word “may,” (for the italics, &c., are
hers,) and the comment implied in it. She seems not to
have the remotest suspicion that the word means here, as
often elsewhere, the same as “shall.” Other languages
have a subjunctive mood to express such meaning unmis-
takeably, but the English language is the language of
common sense, and expects common sense in its inter-
preters.

The reader has now had a taste of Mrs. Stowe’s quality
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 193

asa commentator. The interpretations put forth are such,
that it is difficult to believe she could be in earnest in them.
They remind me of a passage between Judge P. and Mr. Q.,
of the Baltimore bar. Mr. Q. was pleading a case in court,
and had just laid down a very singlar proposition, when he
was interrupted by Judge P.: ‘Is it possible, Mr. Q., that
you can think that that is law?’ ‘Oh, no, your honor!
I didn’t think it was, but I didn’t know but the Court
might !”

I now pass to consider Mrs. Stowe’s positions and com-
ments generally; or rather, to touch upon them, for I have
not space to do more.

In chapter second, after some preliminary flourishes, she
lays down the following proposition : “‘ That the slave-code
is designed only for the security of the master, and not with
regard to the welfare of the slave.” If this proposition is
not very good English, it isn’t my fault: it was fitting that
the rhetoric of the proposition should be in keeping with the
logic of its proofs. Among these “proofs,” not one of
which proves the proposition, or even “begins” to prove it,
is one which completely upsets it. I refer to the “ opinion”
of Judge Ruffin, (pp. 77, 78,) in which, after recognizing
“the full dominion of the owner over the slave,” except in
‘particular instances of cruelty and deliberate barbarity,”
and “when the exercise of it is forbidden by statute,”—
pretty broad exceptions, (see Appendix, E., passim,) he adds,
in the concluding paragraph :

“ And this we do upon the ground that this dominion ts
essential to the value of slaves as property, to the security
of the master and the public tranquillity, greatly dependent
upon their subordination ; and, in fine, as most effectually
securing the general protection and comfort of the slaves
themselves.”

The italics are Mrs. Stowe’s, and if the reader will care-

25 i
194 NOTES ON

fully examine the last clause, he will be at no loss to per-
ceive why she left that “in roman: she thought it knocked
her proposition in the head, but then, like the Baltimore
lawyer, she didn’t know what “the court” might think,—
especially if she could draw off their attention to the first
part of the paragraph! It won’t do, Mrs. Stowe! The’
public are atleast as sharp as the Old Baltimore. Court.

As to the rest of Judge Ruffin’s opinion, if there is any-
thing in it inconsistent with the paragraph above, it is not
my fault. I have as great respect for him as Mrs. Stowe;
especially as he is a sound Churchman, as I gather from his
having been chosen delegate from the diocese of North
Carolina to the next General Convention. Possibly, Mrs.
Stowe would not have been so laudatory of him, had she
been aware that he “belonged to” a Church which “has
never done anything but comply, either North or South.”
In justice to the Judge, I should state that this opinion was
delivered more than twenty-three years ago, and was among
the first, perhaps the very first, delivered by him on the
bench of the Supreme Court.

Chapter: Third is entitled, ‘‘SournEeR vs. THE ComMon-
WEALTH.” The N. Y. Courter and Enquirer had correctly
stated the decision in this case to be, that “The killing of
‘a slave by his master and owner, by wilful and excessive
whipping, is murder zn the first degree: though it may not
have been the purpose and intention of the master and owner
to kill the slave.” Mrs. Stowe admits this, but then because
the jury in the court below, (not the judge,) decided the
crime to be murder in the second degree, and sentenced the
prisoncr to the penitentiary for five years, and the prisoner
could not, in Virginia, any more than in Massachusetts, or
any other civilized State, be tried again, she thinks the law
is at fault, or, as she elsewhere expresses it, (chap. xiii. p.
110,) that “the men are better than their laws.” And yet,
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 195

she would not have allowed him the benefit of a trial at all:
“One would think,” says she, “that * * * the community
would have risen by an universal sentiment, to shake out
the man, as Paul shook the viper from his hand. It seems,
however, that they were quite self=possessed ;~that lawyers
calmly sat, and examined, and cross-examined, * * * * and
that an American jury found that the offence was murder
in the second degree.”

Now what is this but the very spirit of lynch law—against
which Mrs. Stowe is, elsewhere, (p. 186,) so virtuously
indignant, when abolitionists are the victims! And this is
from one of the softer sex! “Tell me of. the lovely rule of
woman!” (vol. ii. p. 91.)

She goes on :—‘‘ Any one who reads the indictment will
certainly think that, if this be murder in the secovd degree,
in Virginia, one might earnestly pray to be murdered in the
first degree, to begin with.”

And she adds, speaking of this very case, (p. 106.)
“ Such extreme cases of bodily abuse from the despotic
power of slavery are comparatively rare. Perhaps they may
be paralleled by cases brought to light in the criminal juris-
prudence of other countries. They might, perhaps, have
happened anywhere; at any rate, we will concede that they
might. But where under the sun did such TRIALS, of such
cases, ever take place, in any nation professing to be free
and Christian ?”

I will tell you, Mrs. Stowe: In the good old Common-
wealth of Pennsylvania, which is, if I mistake not, “ under
the sun” (unless, indeed, you refer to the torrid zone,*) and
which, I believe, professes to be “free and Christian.”

I was in the city of Pittsburg, (now, the head-quarters of
Pennsylvania Abolitionism,) in June, 1842, and being

* Byen then, I won’t say i is n’t, judging from some specimens of
hot weather I have met with in it.
196 NOTES ON

detained there some days, and having nothing else to occupy
me, I attended a murder trial that was then going on in one

of the courts. I forget the names of the parties, but these,
as well as the particulars of the case will be found in the
newspapers of the day. The evidence was, that the prisoner,
after beating and abusing his wife, so that the neighbours
heard her cries and shrieks, tied her in a chair and set fire
to the house and burned her up in it, and the jury brought in
a verdict of murder in the second degree /* What sort of
laws must those be, under which such a verdict was possible ?
Very naughty, you will say. Ono! It wasn’t a black man
that was tortured to death; it was only a white woman!
only a wife! that’s all!

But why did not the neighbours interfere, as you think
the people of Raleigh should have interfered in the case of
Mima? Ah! Mrs. Stowe, it is very dangerous to come
between husband and wife. If the “ supposed case,” two or
three pages back, the “case not*to. be found in any of the
books,” were to become an actual one, I should be very loth
indeed to interfere, on the score of safety to my own skin;
for as Marks says, (vol. i. p. 282,) “It’s the best I’ve got,
and I don’t know why I should n’t save it.”

But this verdict was in “repudiating” Pennsylvania.
“‘ Was ever such a trial held in England as that in Virginia,
of SOUTHER V8. THE COMMONWEALTH ?” (p. 106.) O yes,
Mrs. Stowe, no longer ago than last February, as you will
see, if you turn to the extract from the London Guardian,
(Appendix, K. 8. (7.).) You will see by that, that while
according to a Virginia jury, torturing and burning a black
man to death is murder in the second degree, according to
an English jury, torturing and burning a white child to
death is only manslaughter! Verily, if the English jury

* Recollect that “ Legree is chained in free States.” Mrs. Stowe
says 80, (p. 40,) and she knows!
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 197

were in the right, Souther was n’t so far out of the way in
thinking that the verdict in his case ought to have been
“ manslaughter”’ too. :

We come now to the subject of the Gutlawry of negroes
in North Carolina. The following is the law on the subject,
as cited by Mrs. Stowe (Key, p. 83) from the Revised
Statutes, chap. cxi. sec, 22:

“‘ Whereas, MANY TIMES slaves run away and lie out, hid
and lurking in swamps, woods, and other obscure places,
killing cattle and hogs, and committing other injuries to the
inhabitants of this State ; in all such cases, upon intelligence
of any slave or slaves lying out as aforesaid, any two justices
of the peace for the county wherein such slave or slaves is
or are supposed to lurk or do mischief, shall, and they are
hereby empowered and required to issue proclamation
against such slave or slaves (reciting his or their names, and
the name. or names of the owner or owners, if known,)
thereby requiring him or them, and every of them, forthwith
to surrender him or themselves; and also to empower and
require the sheriff of the said county to take such power with
him as he shall think fit and necessary for going-in search
and pursuit of, and effectually apprehending, such outlyfhg
slave or slaves; which proclamation shall be published at
the door of the court-house, and at such other places as said
justices shall direct. And if any slave or slaves against
whom proclamation hath been thus issued stay out, and do
not immediately return home, it shall be lawful for any
person or persons whatsoever to kill and destroy such slave
or slaves by such ways and means as he shall think fit,
without accusation or impeachment of any crime for the
same.”

Now what sort of persons are these outlaws, and what is,
the reason that North Carolina alone has such a statute ?:
Read the following from Number Thirteen of the Letters on
the South, before referred ie and you will see:
198 NOTES ON

“The Dismal Swamps are noted places of refuge for runa-
way negroes. They were formerly peopled in this way much
more than at present; a systematic hunting of them with
dogs and guns having been made by individuals who took it
up as a business about ten years ago. Children were born,
bred, lived and died here. The negro, my guide, told me
he had seen skeletons, and had helped to bury bodies
recently dead. There are people in the swamps now, hé
thought, that are the children of fugitives, and fugitives
themselves all their lives. What a strange life it must be!

“There can be, though, but very few, if any, of ‘these
‘natives’ left. They cannot obtain the means of supporting °
life without coming often either to the outskirts to steal
from the plantations, or to the neighbourhdod of the camps
of the lumbermen. They live mainly upon the charity or
the wages given them by the latter. The poorer white men

‘ owning small tracts of the swamps will sometimes employ
them, and the negroes frequently. In the hands of either
they are liable to be betrayed to the ‘drivers,’ as the negro
hunters are called, or to their owners if they are known.
The negro told me that they had huts in ‘back places,’
hidden by bushes, and difficult of access, and had apparently
been himself quite intimate with them. He said when the
shingle negroes employed them, they made them get up logs
for them, and would give them enough to eat and some
clothes, and perhaps two dollars a month in money. But
some when they owed them money, would betray them
instead of paying them.

“ He said the ‘drivers’ sometimes shot them. When they
saw a fugitive, if he tried to run away from them, they
would call out to him, that if he did not stop they would
shoot, and if he did not, then they would shoot, and some-
times kill him. ‘But some of ’em would rather be shot than
be took, Sir,’ he added, simply. ‘A farmer living near the
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 199

swamp confirmed this account, and said he knew of three or
four being shot in one day. I suppose when the drivers
first commenced their business in a large way, they made a
practice of kiling those that would not surrender, without
mercy, that they might strike terror into those that remained,
and prevent others from continuing to join them. In this
purpose they have been in a great degree successful. I
judged that the drivers were looked upon with repugnance
by the community in general.”

Now I ask, as a Christian, which is best,—that these
pests of society should be rooted.out and their haunts broken
up,—or that they should be suffered to go on preying upon
the community, increasing in numbers, and sinking daily
deeper and deeper in barbarism? Is it not better that one
thousand should be exterminated, if need be, than that ten
thousand should be added to them, and thus ruined for time_
and eternity? The truth is, these men are at war with
society, and society has therefore an undoubted right to pro-
tect itself against them. If the sovereign State of North
Carolina has the right to call out the military to subdue,
and, if need be, exterminate them, as none will question
who admit that the magistrate “beareth not the sword in
vain,” then it has the right to make use of any other equally
effective and less burdensome way of accomplishing - the
object. If it were white men who were thus ‘‘lying out,”
no one would doubt this; but a black skin makes a won-
derful difference.

A word, now, upon the advertisements offering rewards
for the apprehension of runaways, DEAD or ALIVE, (p.
21.) The first of these advertisements is evidently of an
outlaw, and the second, probably so. In every one of them,
it is implied that the slave is to be killed legally, that is,
ONLY when resisting capture, and in three of them it is
expressly so stated. Moreover, in one of them no reward
200 NOTES ON

at all is offered for killing, and in another, only one-third
as much as for taking alive. ‘To the argument intended to
be drawn from these advertisements, it is a sufficient answer,
that under none of them could the pursuer kill the fugitive
unresisting, without finding himself liable to the owner for
the pecuniary value of the chattel, and to the State, for the
murder of the Man. So much for the advertisements at
which Mrs. Stowe is so shocked. '

Chapter Fifth is devoted to Protective Statutes. After
stating the penalty for killing a slave “on a sudden heat or
passion, or by undue correction,”’ she goes on:

“The next protective statute to be noticed, is the follow-
ing from the act of 1740, South Carolina.

‘In case any person shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out the
eye, * * _* or cruelly scald, burn, or deprive any slave of any
limb, or member, or shall inflict any other cruel punishment, other than
by whipping or beating with a horse-whip, cowskin, switch or small
stick, or by putting irons on, or confining or imprisoning such slave,
every such person shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one
hundred pounds, current a ’— Stroud, p. 40. 2 Brevard’s Digest,
241. S

“The language of this law, like many other of these
protective enactments, is exceedingly suggestive; the first
suggestion that occurs is, What sort of an institution, and
what sort of a state of society is it, that called out a law
worded like this ?”

I will tell you, Mrs. Stowe. An “institution”? anda
‘state of society” such as existed, less than eighty years
ago, ‘all over our land ;” such as your fathers, and mine,
were familiar with; a state of society in which Massachu-
setts men, and Rhode Island men, and Connecticut men,
could engage in the foreign slave-trade, and yet hold up
their heads in the community, like other Christians ; 3 a state,
however, happily, long since past away, never to return.
The “protective statutes” of this stamp, and also. this?
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 201

relating to food, amount of labour, &c., (p. 90,) date back,
all of them, to a period when the foreign slave-trade was in
full vigor, and the price of slaves was low, and masters,
therefore, cofild afford to abuse them.

It will be observed that they prohibit the use of improper
modes of punishment, not the abuse of proper ones,* the
exceptions introduced by the words, “‘ other than,” in the
act above quoted, being, every one of them, proper modes,
and those that are prohibited, every one of them, improper.
Mrs. Stowe calls this an ‘awful principle t of slave laws.”
(p. 81.) In answer, I have only to say that it is a princi-
ple recognized by God himself, by express enactment, (Ex.
xxl. 20, 21, 26, 27,) and if she chooses to charge God with
recognizing an “awful principle,” on her be the responsi-
bility: I would not have it on my soul, for worlds. The
“malicious, cruel and excessive beating’ of a slave is,
indeed, “‘awful’” wickedness, but there are a great many
awfully wicked things that the law cannot punish without,
on the whole, doing more harm than by leaving them
unpunished, and this is one of them, or we may be sure God
would never have given his people such an enactment.

Chapter Seventh is devoted to the case of Eliza Rowand,
and Chapter Ninth to that of James Castleman. They may
have been guilty, but according to Mrs. Stowe’s own show-
ing, there was no evidence against them, and a good deal for
them.

In Chapter Eleventh, Mrs. Stowe draws a comparison
between “the Roman law of slavery,” and “the American,”

* Unless that abuse result in death, or, in Louisiana, (Civil Code,
Art. 173,) “expose him” (the slave) “(to the danger of loss of life.”

+Mrs. Stowe draws a false “corollary” (p. 81, at the bottom,) from
this. Souther could have been indicted for the ‘ burning” and for
any other of the modes of punishment employed by him, not recog-
nized in the above act, even if they had not resulted in death.

26
202 NOTES ON

and after giving (p. 110,) the last item in Blair’s descrip-
tion of Roman slavery, adds:

‘To this alone, of all the atrocities of the slavery of old
heathen Rome, do we fail to find a parallel in*the slavery
of the United States of America.”

And yet, according to her own showing, the Ist, 3d, oth,
8th, 9th, 10th, 12th and 13th “ atrocities,” (more than half
the whole number,) of Roman slavery,—that is, slave-law,
for it is that of which she is speaking, (see the title of the
chapter, )—have no parallel in American.

Chapter Fourteenth compares the Hebrew with the Ameri-
can slave law. This chapter is fudd of blundering, or worse
than blundering, comments, and ludicrous misinterpretations,
—=so ludicrous, on their very face, as not to need examina-
tion, even had I room for it. I will just remark, however,
in passing, (what the reader, I fear, will hardly thank me
for, as it seems to imply his own shallowness,) that the
practices referred to in the first three items of Professor
Stowe’s “summary,” (p. 116,) are every one of them
expressly prohibited by Christianity, whereas slavery and
slave-holding Christians, “faithful and beloved,” are ex-
pressly recognized by it. As to the ‘cities of refuge,” the
provision would be a perfectly proper one now, if there
were any necessity for it. <A similar provision—the Truce
of God—did exist in the middle ages, and did immense
service to civilization. ‘‘ The Israelites,” says Professor
Stowe, “were commanded to exterminate the Canaanites,
men, women and children.”’ Well! when God shall com-
mand us to “ exterminate the Canaanites,’’ I will take hold
and do my part, and I trust the Professor will his.

One omission in this chapter is noteworthy, as showing
the authors prudence: in the passage cited by me two or
three paragraphs back, (Ex. xxi. 20, 21, 26, 27,) she cites
the 26th and 27th verses, and omits the other two! See
also an equally significant omission in Ley. xix. 20.
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 203

On pages 88 and 90, (chapters 5 and 6,) are provisions
of law requiring the accused master, in certain cases, to
purge himself by oath, or suffer punishment. On these
provisions the author tries to be facetious: she speaks of the
“virtuous solemnity and gravity” of one of the acts, and
shows herself, thereby, “to be in the enjoyment of an
amiable ignorance and unsophisticated innocence with regard
to the workings of human society generally, which is, on
the whole, rather refre8hing.” (p.92.) She thinks a master
who should neglect to allow his slave sufficient clothing,
covering or food, would necessarily be bad enough to perjure
himself for the sake of saving a “‘sum not exceeding twenty
pounds current money !’’ And, speaking of the act on page
86, she asks, ‘“ What was this law made for? Can any one
imagine?” Yes, Mrs. Stowe! J can imagine: and my
imagination is n’t half as fertile as yours, either. The law
was evidently made for this: If possible, to secure the
punishment of the offender here; or, failing that, to send
him into eternity with the awful guilt of perjury on his soul,
to receive a double punishment hereafter.

“Chapter Tenth: PRINCIPLES ESTABLISHED.

“From a review of all the legal cases which have hitherto
been presented, and of the principles established in the
judicial decisions upon them, the following facts must be
apparent to the reader:

“ First, That masters do, now and then, kill slaves by the
torture.” ‘

True! “But,” as Mrs. Stowe says, “the actual number
of them, compared with the whole number of masters, we
take pleasure in saying, is small. It is an injury to the
cause of freedom to ground the argument against slavery
upon the frequency with which such scenes as these occur.
It misleads the popular mind as to the real issue of the
subject.” (p. 106.)
204 NOTES ON

“ Second, That the fact of so killing a slave is not of
itself held presumption of murder, in slave, jurisprudence.”

False! see the closing paragraph of Judge Field’s opinion,
(p. 80,) and the slave-code passim.

“‘ Third, That the slave in the act of resistance to his
master may always be killed.”’

True! Per Contra: ‘If a slave, in defence of his life,*
and under circumstances strongly calculated to excite his
passions of terror and resentment, Kill his overseer or mas-
ter, the homicide is, by such circumstances, mitigated to
manslaughter.” State vs. Will, (Key, p. 105.)

‘From these things it will be seen to follow, that, if the
facts of the death of Tom had been fully proved by two
white witnesses, in open Court, Legree could not have been
held by any consistent interpreter of slave-law to be a mur-
derer; for Tom was in the act of resistance to the will of
his master.” (p. 105.)

True! But under the statute enacted by God himself, (Ex.
xxi. 20, 21,)it would have been the same: Legree could not
have been punished. The law of the Jand, even when
enacted by God himself, is not, and was not designed to be,
omnipotent. ‘A system of government which would raise
a barrier against every evil disposition in man, would be a
clog about his feet.” (Slavery in the 8. States, By a Caro-
linian, p. 12.) 2

“Tn conclusion, as the accounts of these various trials
contain so many shocking incidents and particulars, the
author desires to enter a caution against certain mistaken
uses which may be made of them, by well-intending persons.
The crimes themselves, which form the foundation of the
trials, are NOT to be considered and spoken of as specimens
of the common working of the slave system.” (Key, p. 106.)

I come now to PART III., on Public Opinion inthe slave
States, and this I shall dispatch in a single paragraph, for
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 205

it needs no more. It is made up, in good part, of adver-
tisements and comments, the spirit of which latter may be
gathered from the first paragraph on the second column of
page 140. The principal object of them, however, is to
show the frequency of the separation of families; and yet
each of these advertisements, separately, is consistent with
their being no separations at all, and all of them together,
with there being very few. Indeed, she seems to suspect
as much; for, after having given a long string of them,
(pp. 129—142,) she says, (p. 144,) ‘‘ We have shown in the
preceding chapters, the kind of advertisements which are
usual in those States; but, as we wish to produce on the
minds of our readers something of the impression which
has been produced on our own mind by their multiplicity and
abundance, we shall add a few more here ;” and then goes
on to give “a few more:” and of these ‘“‘ few more’ six are
repetitions, several of them word for word, and all of them,
substantially, of advertisements already given!!! McLen-
don’s, (p. 144,) being found also on page 139; Harker’s,
(p. 145,) on 142; McLean’s second one (p. 145,) on 140;
Bolton, Dickens & Co’s, (p. 145,) on 188; Griffin and Pul-.
lum’s, (p. 147,) on 189; and James’s, (p. 147, col. 1, on 138:
nay, she has even gone so far as to give John Mattingly’s
twice on the same column, (p. 146,) and with only one other
between them! It may be said that these advertisements
are often actually repeated in the same paper, on different
pages, to draw attention to them, and that she was, in this
way, misled by them; but this excuse will not serve her, for
she was perfectly aware of this custom of repetition, as is
shown by her comment on the first advertisement on page
140, and therefore her repetition of them shows, I will not
say deliberate misrepresentation, but, certainly, unpardo-
nable carelessness.

I come now to PART IV., and last, on the “Influence
s
206 NOTES ON

of the American Church on Slavery.” On this part of her
work I could say a great deal, but I have already consid-
erably exceeded my limits, and I must therefore be very
brief.

“Tf,”? says Mrs. Stowe, ‘the argument of Charles Sum-
ner be contemplated, it will be seen that the history of this
Presbyterian Church and the history of our United States
have strong points of singularity. In both, at the outset,
the strong influence was anti-slavery, even among slave-
holders. In both there was no difference of opinion as to
the desirableness of abolishing slavery ultimately; both
made a concession, the smallest which could possibly be im-
agined; both made the concession in all good faith, contem-
plating the speedy removal and extinction of the evil; and
the history of both is alike. The little point of concession
spread, and absorbed, and acquired, from year to year, till
the United States and the Presbyterian Church stand just
where they do. Worse has been the history of the Metho-
dist Church. The history of the Baptist Church shows the
same principle; and, as to the Episcopal Church, it has
never done anything but comply, either North or South. It
differs from all the rest in that it has never had any resist-
ing element, except now and then a protestant, like William
Jay, a worthy son of him who signed the Declaration of
Independence.”

I thank you, Mrs. Stowe, for this admission. It shows
that the Church understands her mission,—the “plan” of
her Divine Founder—too well, to mix herself up with the
institutions of society and the affairs of State. She receives
alike within her fold the Free-Soiler and the Pro-Slavery
man, asking no questions of either: she would as soon
think of asking her candidates for baptism or the communion,
whether they were whigs or democrats. Enough for her
that they are churchmen: as such she receives them; as
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 207

such they submit themselves to her. On this point her
members are all agreed: there is no difference of opinion
amongst us in regard to it. In our conventions we never
discuss Anti-Masonry, or Anti-Slavery, or any other anti,—
Teetotalism or Fourierism, or any other zsm: we ignore
their very existence. Outside the Church, indeed, in our
capacity of citizens and individuals, we have our opinion
upon each and all of these, and we do not hesitate to express
it, on all fitting occasions. But even here, we harmonize to
a far greater extent than most other religious bodies. No
sound churchman could go all lengths with the Free-Soil
party. Jam acquainted with one, and but one, who is a
prominent member of that party,—the one you quote from
on page 6, and that he does not go all lengths with them,
you have his own declaration in his speech at the Hale
dinner. There is a good deal in this book that he would not
agree with, but there is a good deal more that you would
not agree with, that he would. I have the best reason for
saying that he utterly disapproves of the proceedings of
Torrey and Chaplin, but you sympathize with those pro-
ceedings, and try to make your readers sympathize with
them. Again: you object to the Church that it “has done
nothing but comply.’” What you meam by this, viz., that it
has never taken any action at all, upon the subject, pro or
con, he and I agree in considering its glory.

Ihave mentioned two points in which you differ from
him and me: I am happy to say that there are two other
points in which we all three agree.

First, we agree in our estimate of the Smiths, the Southers
and the Castlemans et id omne genus. You, however, think
the law of the land should take hold of them for carrying a
proper kind of punishment to excess, even though it do not
result in death: I do not, and I very much doubt if he

does.
208 NOTES ON

Second, we agree in looking upon the slave as a man and
a brother; a sharer in that humanity in which the Lord of
Glory walked our earth; in which he suffered, was crucified,
dead and buried, rose again, ascended into heaven, sitteth
on the right hand of God the Father, and shall come to
judge the quick and the dead. But even here, you cannot
enter with us into the full meaning of all this, you cannot
look on the slave in the same light that we do, unless you are
far, very far, in advance of ninety-nine-hundredths of the
New England Congregationalists. So much for the course
of the Church on this subject.

The fourth and fifth chapters are full of paralogisms; I
can only notice a single one. I refer to the parallel you
draw at the end of the fifth chapter, which is, in truth, no
parallel, but a parody. Did you really think, when writing
the last paragraph, that the white man, at the South, had
taken anything from the negro !—that he had not, on the
contrary, given him all he has, and all he hopes for, for
time, and for eternity? If you did, then I have nothing
further to say: it would be a waste of breath to no purpose.

In Chapter Sixth is the following:

“There is an argument which has been much employed
on this subject, and which is specious. It is this. That
the apostles treated slavery as one of the lawful relations
of life, like that of parent and child, husband and wife.

‘« The argument is thus stated: The apostles found all the
relations of life much corrupted by various abuses.

“They did not attack the relations, but reformed the
abuses, and thus restored the relations to a healthy state.

“The mistake here lies in assuming that slavery is the
lawful relation. Slavery is the corruption of a lawful rela-
tion. The lawful relation is servitude, and slavery is the
corruption of servitude.

‘¢ When the apostles came, all the relations of life in the
UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. 209

Roman empire were thoroughly permeated with the principle
of slavery. The relation of child to parent was slavery.
The relation of wife to husband was slavery. The relation
of servant to master was slavery.”

The sophistry of this argument is transparent, and the
wonder is that you did not see through it yourself. If, as
you say, “the lawful relation is servitude, and slavery is the
corruption” of ‘that lawful relation,” why did not our Lord
require of all who would be his disciples that they should
manumit their slaves and turn them into hired servants.
This they could have done without coming into collision
with the civil power, as I have already shown (p. 68), and
as you yourself admit in the paragraph next following the
one last above quoted, in which you tell us that “by Roman
law,” (and the whole civilized world was then under Roman
law,) the son could be “formally liberated” only “by an
act of manumission three times repeated, while the slave
could be manumitted by performing the act only once;”’ and
it would have been, moreover, nothing strange, for hired
servants were not at all uncommon, as is shown by St. Luke
XV. 1%, and St. James v. 4. The fact, therefore, that while
our Lord did prohibit even the formal relation of polygamy
and concubinage, as being corruptions of the marriage rela-
tion (Matt. xix. 3—9, Luke xvi. 18, et al.) he did not pro-
hibit the formal relation of slavery, shows clearly that he
did not regard it as a “corruption of servitude.”

“What is to be done?’ ‘This is the title of your last
chapter. “What is to be done?” Nothing! Let the
whole subject alone! Every time you touch it, you make
things worse, not only for the slave but for the free colored
man. They understand this, if you don’t. Read the fol-
lowing resolutions, being the first and second of a series
adopted by a ‘Convention of the Free Colored People of

Maryland,” composed of Delegates from the several counties,
s*
210 NOTES ON UNCLE TOM’S CABIN.

and which assembled in Baltimore, July 26, 1852, and con-
tinued in session for several days.

Resolved, That while we appreciate and acknowledge the sincerity
of the motives and the activity of the zeal of those who, during an
agitation of twenty years, have honestly struggled to place us on a
footing of social and political equality with the white population of
this country, yet we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact that no
advance has been made towards a result to us so desirable; but that
on the contrary, our condition as a class is less desirable than it was
twenty years ago.

Resolved, That in the face of an immigration from Europe, which
is greater each year than it was the year before, and during the preva-
lence of a feeling in regard to us, which the very agitation intended
for good, has only served apparently to embitter, we cannot promise
ourselves that the future will do that which the past has failed to
accomplish.

Take their advice; the advice implied in these resolu-
tions. This, of all subjects, should be let alone by empirics.
No good can come of bungling:

Stat contra ratio, et secretam garrit in Gurenty
Ne liceat facere id, quod quis vitiabit agendo.

Bend all your efforts another way. Give your time, your
talents, and, let me add, your money, to help on the-success
of the Liberia experiment: it is the only atonement you can
make to the black man for the wrongs you have done him.
Engage your English friends in the work—and a great
work it is—of regenerating the Jamaica negro; and let your
and their efforts conspire together to build up a great Afri-
can Empire. In this way you may do something for “this
persecuted race,” and every real well-wisher to the colored
man will bid you God speed in the doing of it.
APPENDIX.

APPENDIX, A.

The following are a few of the many specimens that might be given
of Abolition Literature :

From the Boston Traveller, of June 1, 1850.

New-Eneranp Anti-Stavery Convention.
#

The meeting on Wednesday morning was fully attended. Calvin
Fairbanks addressed those in attendance—mostly in the gallery—who
were unwilling to listen patiently to the sentiments of the Convention.
He said he was ready to go even further than S. 8. Foster did yester-
day, in relation to the sanction of slavery by the Old Testament. He
believed that it did sanction oppression, and he was prepared to tram-
ple under foot all sentiments in it which were contrary tu known
natural truths. He said, perhaps this would be thought saying con-
siderable for a Methodist minister (cheers and hisses).

From the Boston Commonwealth.

Rev. Dr. Frrrer.—Wednesday’s Journal says “it is gratifying to
witness a Christian slaveholder welcomed to the hearts and pulpits of
his brethren here.” This.“ Christian slaveholder” is the Rev. Richard
Fuller. Ile was welcomed to the hearts and pulpits of the churches
in Rowe street and Charles street, as we have before mentioned. A
million of this Christian slaveholder’s sisters have no protection
against the lusts of a million of his brothers. Husband, father,
mother, brother, victim,—all equally powerless! With a knowledge
of this, the churches in Rowe street and Charles street welcome a
Rev. ‘‘Christian slaveholder,”’—one of those who hold the keys of
this vast brothel,—to their “ hearts and pulpits.”

(211)
212 ’ APPENDIX TO NOTES.

From the New York Herald, (Weekly,) of May 14, 1853.

American AnTI-SLAVERY SoctEeTy :—FANaTICISM RUN MAD.

The Chairman next introduced Mr. Wendell Phillips of Boston,
who addressed the assembly as follows :—I can say, with the utmost
sincerity, that so far as the Anti-Slavery Society is concerned, there
is no necessity that I should address this audience, and I think it
almost a waste of time that I should spread either facts or arguments
before an intelligent American audience, in the twenty-second year
of the Anti-slavery Society. The motto of our organ in this city is,
“Without concealment—without compromise.” I read with great
satisfaction some of the speeches with which our faithful friend Mr.
Hale was received in Boston; and yet it seems to me that the tone
with which that meeting addressed the American public should be
distinct from that which we should address it. They are full of hope
—we arenot. They can call this a glorious Union. May my tongue
cleave to the roof of my mouth before I call it a glorious Union.
(Applause and hisses.) Two adjectives distinguish them from us,
With them the Union is glorious—with us it isaccursed. With them
the character of Washington is heroic; and with me I dare not thank
God for giving him to us. (Great hisses.) Do you suppose that the
brutal slaveholders could ever have sustained slavery in this country
till the year 1853? Do you suppose that profligate priests could have
dragged slavery behind the altar? No. She would have sunk a
hissing and a shame were it not that she hid herself behind the great
proportions of Washington’s name. (Hisses.) It is because Ameri-
cans dare not call things by their right name; it is because we like
the great names of the present and the past; it is because that we
spread a beautiful mist before the Union—that idol which we worship
—that slavery still continues. It is to tear away the veil from,the
American eyes that the object of this society is. Our friends tell us
that the Union must be preserved ; it is a part of the soil—a part of
the blood—not to be spoken of, much less abjured. I do not deny
that it has some merits—but so had Nero. A rose bush was planted
on his tomb some months after his death—planted by some Roman to
whom his life was not an unmitigated tyranny. The pulpit, with
only here and there an exception, if it speaks freely, speaks itself out
of its pulpit. The press that lives on the popular voice and reflects
it, what is it? Pro-slavery. Free speech is only to be bought here
at the price of martyrdom. It is with pain I have asked the tenants
of country pulpits to preach an anti-slavery.sermon, knowing that if
they obeyed me they obeyed me at the sacrifice of the bread of their
children? You send your delegates to the June Anniversaries of
London—they will be hissed there. Our religion is ever a butt.
There is an American religion, distinct from Christianity. This isa
glorious Union! We cannot reprint an English book without expur-
gating it. Your Bible Society dare not offer a Bible to one having a
drop of black blood in his veins. ’Tisa glorious Union. Free speech!
Men walk about, and dare not tell their names, and that’s your glori-
ous Union, The man who stands under the shadow of the Union is
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 218

bound to think it a good establishment, but we wash our hands of it.
The only platform we stand on is this: our religion is this, where
there is neither male nor female, African or Anglo-Saxon, bond or
free. (Applause.) The Fugitive Slave Law in some sense has sue-
ceeded, because it has crushed in some pulpits the rising sense of
anti-slavery principles. 1t is no occasional, or temporary expedient ;
it is the foundation corner of this Union. When we picture the
Italian we do so with his fine arts. The Greek is described with his
severe and classic beauty ; and England comes to us in the names of
Hampden and Sydney; and when the European, eithér with his
pencil or his pen, wishes to picture America, how does he do it?—
with a slave onthe one side and the slaveholder and scourge on the other.
Over the world there is no other emblem for this glorious Union than
the slave whip. Can you object to the picture? Which of the last
seven Presidents can you admire? We have but one book that we
have contributed to the literature of the world, and every respectable
newspaper, and every conservative pulpit, declares it a libel. There
is many a man who weeps over Uncle ‘l’om and swears by the Hmratp.
(Laughter and cheers.) But you know, and I know, that the govery-
ing mind of this country is not in the pulpit nor in the editor’s chair
—it is in the counting house. We are a commercial people, and that
by the nobility which the possession of wealth creates. The counting
house is the real great representative of the sentiment of the country.
If we cannot play on a flute, we can say, with Pericles, we know how
to make a wilderness blossom with fertility. Do these merchant
princes report progress on Uncle Tom? Why, they sell their princi-
ples at the same time that they sell their goods; or rather they sell
their goods and- throw their principles in to swell the bargain.. (Ap-
plause.) We come up here on these anniversaries, not for argument,
but merely for a word. We come amid this Babel of piety in the
May week, and we write on your walls our old motto: ‘“ Immediate
and complete emancipation of the slave.” But what is slavery, and
how is it supported? Some men think it is supported by the New
Testament and the Bible. Nonsense. Dr. Spring will pray quietly
enough the moment pro-slavery becomes a losing question. (Hisses
and applause.) Find me a balance on the wrong side of the ledger,
and I will show you that scores of doctors of divinity will find out
that Onesimus was not a slave. (Laughter.) It is our duty to show
that the Christianity which the Puritans left us is a Christianity
which does not veil its crest before a hundred thousand slaveholders
and two hundred millions of dollars. ‘The Rev. Dr. Rogers, of our
city, published a sermon, in which he told us it was our duty to obey
. the Fugitive Slave law, right or wrong, and that in the first centuries
of Christianity they obeyed the laws. Thus then, you will find
according to Dr. Rogers, that our Divine Master and eleven of his
disciples died violent deaths for obeying the law. And this is the
ecclesiastical learning of Dr. Rogers! Point me to the page of his-
tory on which such a fact stands as that of three millions of slaves
kept in bondage by thirty thousand slgveholders. What keeps them
in slavery? The Union does. I would turn the Southern bankrupts
out from the shelter of the national roof. But we render it possible
214 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

for the South to keep three millions of ignorant toiling slaves in the
nineteenth century. Disunion would turn them out to pay their own
debts ; and 1 say that disunion is the slave’s best hope, planting the can-
non of self-interest on his side. Now, you may think that when we talk
of the Union being a curse we are talking fanaticism. No, we are
simply talking commercial truth. Could England have kept Ireland
where she is were it not that her people were kept in ignorance by
Catholicity? Slavery, intrenched in dollars and cents, must be
attacked by the same weapons and tools. You may ridicule our ideas
as mad now, but when the South has girdled the Gulf with slave
States—when she has bought or bullied Cuba into the Union—when
she thinks she can stand alone—then the proposition may come from
the other side. You know that it is idle to speak with the slave inte-
rest—you know there is neither public opinion or principle enough in
the Union to oppose the annexation of Mexicd and Cuba. I meta
gentleman the other day who asked me if there was no spirit in Now
England to oppose this, and I told him of Dr. Spring being afraid to
pray, and of Dr. Dewey wanting to get rid of his mother. (Applause
vand hisses.) For once I have the audience with me—some of you
afe applauding me, and the rest hissing Dr. Dewey. (Laughter.) It
is said that slavery will be gradually annihilated—that Kentucky
will abolish slavery, and that other States will follow its example ;
and if this were so, you will have slavery dying for centuries. But
it will still be spreading southward, and like the Dutchman’s coat,
what will be cut off the collar will be appended to the tail. (Laugh-
ter.) If we shall ever abolish slavery we owe it to the Hampdens and
the Sydneys, the Cromwells, and the men of the Mayflower. Your
system is to be gradual. Yes, and in the meantime your counting
houses will be just as servile, the pulpits just as timid, and the news-
papers just as pro-slavery. We live in a land where newspapers
m&ke Presidents. We live in a land where the Heratp makes the
law. (Cheers and laughter.) Now I would fain make it possible for
Daniel Webster to be an honest man. (Hlisses.) God gives us great
men, and we take and sacrifice them. I hate the Union because it does
not let us bury any of our greatest men except in tears. (Iisses.) Our
great men—l say it not reproachfally. Iam an Amcrican—oh, no!
thank God, Iam a Massachusetts man. (Llisses.) An American in
Murope is a walking apology. (Hisses.) It is easy to hiss it in the
city of New York, but it is hard to meet it in the streets of Europe.
It is nevertheless true that all over Europe an American has nothing
to do but to explain and apologize. O'Connell didn’t shake hands with
an American until ho told him what State he was from. This couniy
makes it almost the business of our lives to explain. And that’s your
glorious Union—none of mine. I would not acknowledge gloricus a
country which rendered it almost impossible for great men to lead
symmetrical lives. With us so flagrant are the evils of our great
men’s examples, that their epitaphs must be examples to those who
come after them. And that’s your Union. J would make the service
of the State privately honorable. The service of the State now is
private dishonor, private infamy. And yet how shall men stand
APPENDIX T0 NOTES. 215

before tir wives and children, and practise at home the lessons they
give from the forum. Call slavery somethin else—slavery, piracy,
adultery—and we will recognize its deformity. i would therefore break
up all these national arrangements. My problem is, that we want
men as disinterested as the apostles to put down slavery. We cannot
war against two thousand millions of dollars, and Gardner Spring in
the pulpit. It was not Daniel Webster’s fault that he acted as he did,
God made him as good as any of us, but he sunk before temptation ;
and you sunk as low as he when you worshipped and idolized him.
Every time I have alladed to Dr. Spring you have hissed me. The
existence of such a monster is not my fault, nor that of the Anti-
Slavery u\ssociation. It is the fault of your school and counting
houses; I say, given a Wall street committee and Dr. Gardner Spring
in the pulpit, and the problem is to make twenty millions of people
equal in honesty to the Apostles. How soon canitbe done? “These
be thy.gods, O Israel.” (Laughter.) Thatis your religion. (Ilisses.)
Hiss it, certainly. There was a Greek, who was not a Phidias nor
Praxiteles, and he painted something which he got a Greek slave by
his side to declare a horse. And so you describe a contemptible
timeserver as a Doctor of Divinity or a politician. (Laughter.) I
would move as my resolution this :—

Resolved, That we re-affirm our old principle, “Immediate and un-
conditioned emancipation of the slave ;’’ and we also reaffirm our
conviction that there is no probability for that except by the dissolu-
tion of the Union and the re-constitution of the Amrerican church.

An old lady here advanced to the foot of the platform, and in a
confidential tone assured Mr. Garrison that she had been listening to
sermons and speeches on the subject of slavery, for the last ten years,
but had never heard so fine a sermon as that just delivered by Mv.
Phillips.

From the Boston Weekly Commonwealth, of Aug. 7, 1852.

OnE oF oun Alasrers.

A Manrianp Firmer.—The Easton (Md.) Star says that Col.
Edward Lloyd, of that county, with his own servants—numbering
near four hundred—some nine or ten farms—about six thousand acres
of land, including timber land, raises annually between 30,000 and
40,000 bushels of wheat, and a much larger quantity of corn; besides
various other valuable products. Besides these extensive operations
ia Talbot, be has a plantation carried on in the State of Mississippi,
worth several hundred thousand dollars, and his annual income can-
not fall short of $150,000. Tis residence is one of the most splendid
in this country, and has been the homestead of the Lloyd family since
their first settlement in Maryland. :

Very grand and fine. And very convenient, and comfortable, and
agreeable, no doubt, to Col. Edward Lloyd, “of that county.” But
where’ does it all come from? Wrung by the whip, the chain, the
pistol, and the bowie-knife, out of the four hundred “ servants,” as the
216 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

Easton Star delicately phrases it, who cultivate the farms in Mary-
land, to say nothing of those who toil and sweat upon the plantation
in Mississippi “ worth several hundred thousand dollars.” This nabob
lives in a “splendid” residence, while his four hundred “ servants”
spend their days in the corn fields and their nights in wretched huts
—unpaid’ for their labor, or paid only as horses are paid, that is, fed
and sheltered well enough to keep them fit for work; uneducated,
nay, strictly debarred from education, even from enough to enable
them to read the Word of God; debarred also from‘all opportunities
to better their condition; and not sure from one moment to another
that their wives, or husbands, or children are their own, for they are
liable to be sold at any time, on the least whim or caprice of Col.
Edward Lloyd, or whenever that gentleman may wish for a little
more pocket money. No feudal lord, no nobleman in any country,
even the most absolute and most barbarous, holds his serfs in such
complete subjection as this Maryland slave driver. Yet every one of
them is a native born American, a citizen of this ‘“ free republic,”
and many of them may be and probably are greatly superior to their
“owner” in all that constitutes human worth or excellence. Ffederick
Douglass, as able a man as Maryland has produced, a man of
greater intellect and nobler character than any public man of that
State at this day, was born and held a slave for twenty years on one
of the plantations of this same Col. Edward Lloyd. No man can tell
how many more black Douglasses there may be withering in ignorance
and wretchedness on these plantations, that Col. Edward Lloyd may
live in aristocratic pomp and luxury.

Freemen of New England and the North, working men, mechanics,
laborers and ‘farmers, look again at this account of this Maryland
slave driver. You have a personal interest in it. We all have a per-
sonal interest init. Col. Edward Lloyd is one of our masters. He
is one of those who dictate the policy which is pursued at Washing-
ton—one of those who have extended their peculiar institution over
eg once free soil, so that they may hunt-their fugitives upon it—one
of those who declare that if we murmur or “agitate” about it, or
send representatives to Congress to speak about it, they will dissolve
the Union, and overthrow the Republic which our fathers founded by
their valor, and built up by their wisdom,

However, it is a consolation to remember, amid our degradation,
that if we are slaves, we have magnificent masters—that our owners
are not “common white men,” but gentlemen who live in splendid
residences, and have incomes of one hundred and fifty thousand
dollars. Let us be thankful at least for that.

APPENDIX, B.

CONDITION OF THE NEGRO IN AFRICA.

The following Extracts are taken from Fletcher’s Studies on
Slavery, pp. 138-155:

_So far as we have means, it may be well to examine the negro in
his native ranges.
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 217

About thirty oe ago, we had a knowledge of an African slave
the property of Mr. Bookter, of St. Helena Parish, La. Sedgjo was
apparently about sixty years of age—was esteemed to be unusually
intelligent for an African. We propose to give the substance of his
narrative, without regard to his language or manner. For a length
of time we made it an object to draw out his knowledge and notions ;
and on the subject of the Deity, his idea was that the power which
made him was prucreadion ; and that, as fur as regarded his existence,
he needed not to care for any other god. This deity was to be wor-
shipped by whatever act would represent him as procreator. It need
not be remarked that this worship was the extreme of indecency ; but
the more the act of worship was wounding to the feelings or sense of
delicacy, the more acceptable it was to the god. The displays of this
worship could not well be described.

Sedgjo’s account put us in mind of Maachah, the mother of Asa.
In this worship, it was not uncommon to kill, roast, and eat young
children, with the view to propitiate the god, and make its parents
prolific. So also the first-born of a mother was sometimes killed and
eaten, in thankfulness to the god for making them the instruments
of its procreation. The king was the owner and master of the whole
tribe. He might kill and do what else he pleased with them. The
avhole tribe was essentially his slaves. But he usually made use of
them as a sort of soldiers. Those who were put to death at feasts and
sacrifices were generally persons captured from other tribes. Persons
captured were also slaves, might be killed and eaten on days of sacri-
fice, or sold and carried away to unknown countries. If one was
killed in battle, and fell into the hands of those who slew him, they
feasted on him at night. If they captured one alive who had done
the tribe great injury, a day was set apart for all the tribe to revenge
themselves, and feast on him. The feet and palms of the hands
were the most delicious parts. When the king or master died, some
of his favourite wives and other slaves were put to death, so that he
yet should have their company and services. The king and the men
of the tribe seldom cultivated the land; but the women and captured
slaves are the cultivators. They never whip a slave, but strike him
with a club; sometimes break his bones or kill him: if they kill him,
they eat him. :

Sedgjo belonged to the king’s family; sometimes commanded as
head man; consequently, had he not been sold, would have been
killed and eaten. The idea of being killed and eaten was not very
dreadful to him; he had rather be eaten by men than to have the flies
eat him.

He once thought white men bought slaves to eat, as they did goats.
When he first saw the white man, he was afraid of his red lips; he
thought they were raw flesh and sore. It was more frightful to be
eaten by red than by black lips. : 2

On shipboard, many try to starve, or jump into the sea, to keep
themselves from being eaten by the red-lips. Did they but know
what was wanted of them, the most would be glad to come. Tle can-
not tell how long he was on the way to the ships, nor did he know
where he was going; thinks he was sold many times before he got

1
218 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

there; never saw the white man till he was near the sea; all the latter
part of his journey to the coast the people did not kill or eat their
slaves, but sold them. Their clothing is a small elet!: 2:out tne Loins.
The king and some others have a large cloth about the shoulders,
Many are entirely naked all their lives. Sedgjo has no wish to go
back; has better clothing here than the kings have there; if he does
more work, he has more meat. if he is whipped here, he is struck

with a club there, ‘rhere, always afraid of being killed ; jumped like

a deer, if, out of the village, he saw or met a stranger; is very glad he
came here ; here he is afraid of nobody:

' Such is the substance of what came from the negro’s own lips. It
was impossible to learn from him his distinct nation or tribe. Mr.
Bookter thought him an Eboe, which was probably a mistake.

The following is from Lander, p. 58: ‘‘ What makes us more desi-
rous to leave this abominable place, is the fact (as we have been told)
that a sacrifice of no less than three hundred human beings, of both
sexes and all ages, is shortly to take place. We often hear the cries
of many of these poor wretches; and the heart sickens with horror at
the bare contemplation of such a scene as awaits us, should we remain
here much longer.”

And page 74: “We have longed to discover a solitary virtue lin-
gering among the natives of this place, (Badagry,) but as yet our
search has been ineffectual.”

And page 77: “We have met with nothing but selfishness and
rapacity, from the chief to the meanest of his people. The religion
of Badagry is Mohammedanism, and the worst species of paganism;
that which sanctions and enjoins the sacrifice of human beings, and
other abominable practices, and the worship of imaginary demons
and fiends.”

Page 110: ‘It is the custom here, when a governor dies, for two
of his favourite wives to quit the world on the same day, in order that
he may have a little pleasant, social company in a future state.”

Page 111: “ The reason of our not meeting with a better reception
at Loatoo, when we slept there, was the want of a chief to that town
the last having followed the old governor to the eternal shades, for he
was his slave. Widows are burned in India, just as they are poisoned
or clubbed here; but in the former country, I believe no male victims
are destroyed on such occasions.”

“At Paoya, (page 124,) several chiefs in the road have asked us
the reason why the Portuguese do not purchase as many slaves as for-
merly; and make very sad complaints of the stagnation in this branch
of traffic.”

Page 158: ‘“ At Leograda, a man thinks as little of taking a wife as
cutting an ear of corn. Affection is altogether out of the question.”

Page 160: ‘At Eitcho, it will scarcely be believed, that not less
than one hundred and sixty governors of towns and villages between
this place and the seacoast, all belonging to Yariba, have died from
natural causes, or have been slain in war, since I was last here; and
that of the inhabited places through which we have passed, not more
than a half-dozen chiefs are alive at this moment, who received and
entertained me on my return to Badagry, three years ago.”
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 219

Page 176: “They seem to have no social tenderness; very few of
those amiable private virtues which would win our affection, and
none of those public qualities that claim respect or command admira-
tion. Their love of country is not strong enough in their bosoms to
incite them to defend it against the irregular incursions of a despica-
ble foe. -* * * Regardless of the past as reckless of the future;
the present alone influences their actions. In this respect, they ap-
proach nearer to the brute creation than perhaps any other people on
the face of the globe.”

Page 181: ‘‘In so large a place as this, where two-thirds of the
population are slaves.” * * * ;

Page 192: “The cause of it was soon explained by his informing
us that he would be doomed to die with two companions, (slaves,) as
soon as their governor’s dissolution should take place.”

Page 227: “In the forenoon we passed near a spot where our
guides informed us a party of Falatahs, a short time ago, murdered
twenty of their slaves, because they had not food sufficient,” &c.

Page 232: ‘“ At Coobly, he would rather have given us a boy (slave)
instead of the horse.”

Page 232: “Monday, June 1ith.—The governor’s old wife re-
turned from Boossa this morning, whither she had gone in quest of
three female slaves who had fled from her about a fortnight since.
She has brought her fugitives back with her, and they are now con-
fined in irons.”

Page 272: “Both these days the men have been entering the
city; and they have brought with them only between forty and fifty
slaves.”

Page 278: ‘The chief benefits resulting to Bello from the success
of the rebels, were a half-yearly tribute, which the magia agreed to
pay him in slaves.”

Page 282: “At Yaooris.—And many thousands of his men, fearing
no law, and having no ostensible employment, are scattered over, the
face of the whole country. They commit all sorts of crimes; they
plunder, they burn, they destroy, and even murder, and are not ac-
countable to any earthly tribunal for their actions.”

Page 312: “ At Boossa.—The manners of the Africans, too, are
hostile to the interest and advancement of woman, and she is very
rarely placed on an equality with her husband.”

Page 228: “ A man is at liberty to return his wife to her parents
at any time, and without adducing any reason.” .

Page 345: “The Sheikh of Bornou has recently issued a procla-
mation, that no slaves from the interior countries are to be sent for
sale farther west than Wowow,—so that none will be sent in future
from thence to the seaside. The greatest and most profitable market
for slaves is said to be at Timbuctoo, whither their owners at present
transport them to sell to the Arabs, who take them over the deserts
of Sahara and Libya to sell in the Barbary States. An Arab has
informed us that many of his countrymen trade as far as Turkey, in
Europe, with their slaves, where they dispose of them for two hun-
dred and fifty dollars each. * * * Perhaps it would be speaking
within compass to say that four-fifths of the whole population of this
country, (the Eboe,) likewise every other hercabouts, are slaves.
220 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

Vol. ii. page 208: “It may appear strange that I should dwell so
long on this subject, for it seems quite natural that every one, even
the most thoughtless barbarian, would feel at least some slight emo-
tion on beng exiled from his native land and enslaved; but so far is
this from being the case, that Africans, generally speaking, betray
the most perfect indifference on losing their liberty and being de-
prived of their relatives ; while love of country is seemingly as great
a stranger to their breasts as social tenderness and domestic affec-
tion. We have seen many thousands of slaves; some of them more
intelligent than others; but the poor little fat woman whom I have
mentioned,—the associate of beasts, and wallowing in filth,—whose
countenance would seem to indicate only listlessness, stupidity, and
perhaps idiotism, without the smallest symptom of intelligence—she
alone has shown anything like regret on gazing on her native land for
the last time.” ;

Page 218: “It has been told us by many that the Eboe people are
confirmed Anthropophagi ; and this opinion is more prevalent among
the tribes bordering on that kingdom than with the nations of more
remote districts.”

We shall close our extracts from Lander’s work, by the following,
noe that the Africans made slaves of the two Landers them-
selves,

Page 225: ‘“‘The king then said, with a serious countenance, that
there was no necessity for further discussion respecting the white
men, (the two brothers Lander,) his mind was already made up on
the subject; and, for thre first time, he briefly explained himself, to
this effect: That circumstances having thrown us in the way of bis
subjects, by the laws and usages of the country he was not only enti-
tled to our own persons, but had equal rights to those of our attend-
ants. That he should take no further advantage of his good fortune
than by exchanging us for as much English goods as would amount
in value to twenty slaves.” :

The following we transcribe from Stedman’s Narrative, vol. ii.
page 267: “I should not forget to mention that the Gingo negroes
are supposed to be Anthropophagi, or cannibals, like the Caribbee
Indians, instigated by habitual and implacable revenge. Among the
rebels of this tribe, after the taking of Boucore, some pots were found
on the fire, with human flesh, which one of the officers had the curi-
osity to taste; and declared that it was not inferior to some kinds of
beef or pork. I have since been informed, by a Mr. Vaugils, an
American, who, having travelled a great number of miles inland in
Africa, at last came to a place where human arms, legs, and thighs
hung upon wooden shambles, and were exposed to sale like butcher's
meat. And Captain John Keen, formerly of the Dolphin, but late of
the Vianbana schooner, in the Sierra Leone Company’s service, posi-
tively assured me that, a few years since, when he was on the coast
of Africa, in the brig Fame, from Bristol, Mr. Samuel Briggs, owner,
trading for wool, ivory, and gold-dust, a Captain Dunningen, with the
whole crew belonging to the Nassau schooner, were cut in pieces,
salted, and eaten by the negroes of Great Drewin.”

But this is nothing to what is related, on good authority, respecting
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 291

the Giagas, a race of cannibals who are said

part of africa. _ These monsters, it is said, ee ae
aAgows and Galia, who dwell in the southern extremity of Abyssinia
near the sources of the Nile. Impelled by necessity or the love of
plunder, they left their orizinal settlements, and extended their rav-
ages through the heart of -\frica, till they were stopped by the West-
ern Quean. They seized on the kingdom of Benguela, laying to the
south of Angola; and in this situation they were found by the
Romish missionaries, and by our countryman, Andrew Battel, whose
adventures may be found in Purchas's Pilgrim. Both he, and the
Capuchin Cayozzi, who resided long among them, and converted
several of them to Christianity, gave such an account of their manners
as is enough to chill the blood with horror. We shall spare our
readers the horrid detail, only observing that human flesh is one of
their delicacies, and that they devour it, not from a spirit of revenge,
or from any want of other foed, but as the most agreeable dainty.
Some of their commanders, when they went on an expedition, carried
numbers of young women along with them, some of whom were slain
almost every day, to gratify this unnatural appetite.’ See Modern
ae vol. xvi. p. 321; also Anzito; also Edin. Encyc.
vol. ii. p. 185.

In continuation of this subject, permit us to take a view of these
tribes, at a time just before the slave-trade commenced among them
with Christian nations. The Portuguese were first to attempt to
colonize portions of Africa, with the double view of extending com-
merce and of spreading the Christian faith. They commenced a
settlement of that kind in the regions of Congo, as early as 1578;
shortly after which, the Angolas, an adjoining nation, being at war
with each other, one party applied to Congo and the Portuguese
for aid, which was lent them. Soon a battle took place, in which
ee of the Angolas and Giagas were slain. See Lopez’s Hist. of

ongo. »

About the same time, we find in Dappus de V Afrique, the follow-
ing data:

“The natives of Angola are tall and strong; but, like the rest of
the Ethiopians, they are so very lazy and indolent, that, although
their soil is admirably adapted to the raising of cattle and the pro-
duction of grain, they allow both to be destroyed by the wild beasts
with which the country abounds. The advantages which they enjoy
from climate and soil are thus neglected. * * * We are told
that the people in some of the idolatrous provinces still feed on
human flesh, and prefer it to all other; so that a dead slave gives a
higher price in market than a living one. The cannibals are, in all
arobabality, descended from the barbarous race of the Giagas, by
whom the greater part of the eastern and south-eastern provinces
were peopled. One most inhuman custom still prevails in this part
of the kingdom, and that is, the sacrificing of a number of human
victims at the burial of their dead, in testimony of the respect in
which their memory is held. The number of these unhappy victims
is therefore always in proportion to the rank and wealth of the de-
ceased ; and their bodies are afterwards piled up in a heap upon their

T* :
222 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

tombs. * * * This prince (Angola Chilvagni) became a great
warrior, enlarged the Angolic dominions, and died much regretted ;
and was succeeded by his son, Dambi Angola. Unlike his father, he
is described as a monster of cruelty, and, happily for his subjects, his
reign was of short duration. Nevertheless, he was buried with great
magnificence ; and, according to the barbarous custom of the country,
a mound was erected over his grave, filled with the bones of human
victims, who had been sacrificed to his manes.””

“ He was succeeded by Ngola Chilvagni, a warlike and cruel prince,
who carried his victorious arms within a few leagues of Loando,
* # % Intoxicated with success, he fancied himself a god, and
claimed divine honours. * * * Ngingha was elected his suc-
cessor, a prince of so cruel a disposition that all his subjects wished
his death; which, happily for them, soon arrived. Nevertheless, he
was buried with the usual pomp, with the usual number of sacrifices,
His son and successor, Bandi Angola, discovered a disposition still
more cruel than his father’s. * * * To counteract these and
other idolatrous rites, and to soften that barbarity of manners which
so generally prevailed, the Portuguese, when they established them-
selves in the country, (1578,) were at great pains to introduce the
invaluable blessings of Christianity. * * * So that from the year
1580 to 1590, we are informed, no less a number than 20,000 were
converted, and publicly professed Christianity.” * * *

‘Her remains were no sooner deposited beside her sisters, in the
church which she had built, than Mona Zingha declared his abhor-
rence to Christianity, and revived the horrid Giagan rites. Five
women, of the first rank, were by his orders buried in the queen’s
grave, and upwards of forty persons of distinction were next sacri-
ficed. * * * He wrote the viceroy at Loando, that he had
abjured the Christian religion, which he said he had formerly em-
braced merely out of respect * * * to his queen, and that he
now returned to the ancient sect of the Giagas. That there might
remain no doubt of his sincerity in that declaration, he followed it
with the sacrifice of a great number of victims, in honour of their
bloody and idolatrous rites, with the destruction of all Christian
churches and chapels, and with the persecution of the Christians in
all parts of his kingdom.”

And we may here remark, that even the nations of the coast could
never be persuaded to abolish human sacrifice, nor to the introduc-
tion of Christianity, to any extent, until after the introduction of
the slave-trade with Christian nations. ~ See also Osborn’s Collection
of Travels, vol. ii. p. 537; Mod. Universal Hist. vol. 43; and Edin.
Encye, vol. ii. BP: 107, 109, 110, 113.

Over two hundred years ago, and during the reign of Charles I. of
England, Sir Thomas Herbert, (not Lord Edward Herbert, who wrote
a deistical book, entitled ‘ Truth,”) a gentleman of most elevated con-
nection, and a scholar devoted to science and general literature, with
a mind adorned by poetry, and influenced by the strongest impulses
of human sympathy; and one, of whom Lord Fairfax said,

“He travelled, not with lucre sotted,
But went for knowledge—and he got it!”
APPENDIX TO NOTES. ° 293

This author, in his Tour in Africa, writes thus: “The inhabitants
here along the Golden coast of Guinea, and Benin, bounded with
Tombotu, (Timbuctoo,) Gualata, and Mellis, and watered by the great
river Niger, but, especially in the Mediterranean (inland) parts,
know no God, nor are at all willing to be instructed by nature—
‘Scire nihil jucundissimum.’ Howbeit the Divel, who will not want
his ceremonie, has infused prodigious idolatry into their hearts,
enough to relish his pallet, and aggrandize their tortures, when he
gets power to fry their souls, as the raging sun has scorched their
cole-black carcasses. * * * Those countries are full of black-
skinned wretches, rich in earth, as abounding with the best minerals
and with elephants, but miserable in Demonomy. * * * Let
one character serve for all. For colour they resemble chimney-
sweepers ; unlike them in this, they are of no profession, except
rapine and villany make one; for here, Demonis omnia plena. * * *
But in Loango and the Anziqui the people are little other than divels
incarnate; not satisfied with nature’s treasures, as gold, precious
stones, flesh in variety, and the like; the destruction of men and
women neighbouring them, whose dead carcasses they devour with
a vulture relish and appetite; whom if they miss, they serve their
friends such scurvy sauce, butchering them, and thinking they excuse
all in a compliment that they know no better way to express love
than in making two bodies in one, by an inseparable union; yea,
some, as some report, proffering themselves to the shambles, accord-
ingly are disjointed, and set to sale upon the stalls. * * * The
natives of Africa being propagated from Cham, both in their visages
and natures, seem to inherit his malediction. * _* * They are
very brutes, A dog was of that value here that twenty salvages (slaves)
have been exchanged for one of them; but of late years the exchange
here made for negroes, to transport in the Cariba isles and continent
of America, is become a considerable trade.”

It will be rememberéd how great have been the exertions of the
British Government to abolish totally the slave-trade in Africa. A
great number of slave ships were captured, and the negroes found on
board sent to Sierra Leone. Strong hopes were entertained that
“poor, suffering Africa’ was about to be civilized.

We quote from the Hibernian Auxiliary Missionary Report, Chris-
tian Observer, 1820, pages 888 and 889:

“The slave-trade, which, like the (fabled) upas, blasts all that is
wholesome in its vicinity, has, in one important instance, been here
overruled for good. It has been made the means of assembling on
one spot, and that on a Christian soil, individuals from almost every
nation of the western coast of Africa. It has been made the means
of introducing to civilization and religion many hundreds from the
interior of that vast continent, who had never seen the face of a white
man, nor heard the name of Jesus. And it will be made the means,
under God, of sending to the nations beyond the Niger and the Zaire,
native missionaries who will preach the Redeemer in the utmost parts
of the country, and enable their countrymen to hear in their own
tongue the wonderful works of God. European avarice and native
profligacy leave no part of Africa unexplored for victims; and these
294 *° APPENDIX TO NOTES.

slaves, rescucd by our cruisers, and landed on the shores of our colony,
are received by our missionaries, and placed in their schools.”

* The sympathies of the world were excited on this subject, and every
civilized heart cried amen, in union with the impulsive feelings of
this Hibernian Report.

But let us remember to inquire a little into the facts, and examine
whether these hopes were well or ill founded. We quote from vol. xix.
of the Christian Observer, page 890:

“Myr. Johnson was appointed to the care of Regent’s Town, in the
month of June, 1816. On looking narrowly into the actual condition
of the people intrusted to his care, he felt great discouragement,
Natives of twenty-two different nations were there collected together.
A considerable number of them had been but recently liberated from
the holds of slave-vessels. ' They were greatly prejudiced against one
another, and in a state of continual hostility, with no common medium
of intercourse but a little broken English. When clothing was given
to them, they would sell it, or throw it away: it was difficult to induce
them to put it on; and it was not found practicable to introduce it
among them, until Jed to it by the example of Mr. Johnson’s servant-
girl. None of them, on their first arrival, seemed to live in a state
of marriage; some of them were soon afterwards married by the late
Mr. Butscher; but all the blessings of the marriage state and of
female purity appeared to be quite unknown. * * * Superstition,
in various forms, tyrannized over their minds; many devil’s houses
sprang up, and all placed their security in wearing gregrees. Scarcely
any desire of improvement was discernable. * * *. Some, who
wished to cultivate the soil, were deterred from doing so by the fear
of being plundered of the produce. Some would live in the woods,
apart from society; and others subsisted by thieving and plunder:
they would steal poultry and pigs from any who possessed them, and
would eat them raw; and not a few of them, particularly of the Eboe
nation, the most savage of them all, would prefer any kind of refuse
meat to the rations which they received from Government.”

Doubtless Mr. Johnson and his successors have done all that good
men could do, even under the protection of the British Government;
but have they, in the least, affected the slave-trade of Africa, other-
wise than to divert its direction, or have they diminished it to any
observable extent? True, its course has been changed, and its enor-
mities thereby increased tenfold. Instead of its subjects being
brought under the regenerating influences of Christianity, they are
sacrificed at the shrine of friends at home, or sent among pagans
ie Mohammedans! Let the Christian philosopher think of these
things.

While we recollect the proclamation of the Emperor of Bourno, let
us look at the slave-trade as now carried on with the Barbary States,
the Arab tribes, and Egypt and Asia, as well as Turkey in Europe.
We quote from “ Burckhart’s Travels in Nubia,” as reported in the
Ohristian Observer, vol. xix. p. 459:

_ The author had a most favourable opportunity of collecting intel-
ligence and making observations on this subject, (slavery,) as con-
nected with the northeastern parts of Africa by travelling with
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 295

companies of slaves and slave-merchants through the deserts of Nubia.
* * * The chief martin the Nubian mountains, for the Egyptian
and the Arabian slave-trade, is Shendy. * * * To this emporium

J P ,
slaves are brought from various: parts of the interior, and particularly
from the idolatrous * * * tribes in the vicinity of Darfour,
Bozgho, and Dar Saley.” 4

Our traveller calculated the number sold annually in the market of
Shendy at five thousand. ‘Far the larger part of these slaves are
under the age of fifteen.”

See page 460: “Few slaves are imported into Egypt without
changing masters several times. * * * A slave, for example,
purchased at Fertit, is transferred at least six times before he arrives
at Cairo. These rapid changes, as might be expected, are productive
of great hardship to the unfortunate individuals, especially in the
toilsome journey across the deserts. Burckhart saw on sale at
Shendy, many children of four or five years old, zithout their parents.
* *.-* Burckhart has entered into the details of cruelties of
another kind, practised on the slaves to raise their pecuniary value.
The particulars are not suitable for a work of miscellaneous perusal.
* * %* The great mart, however, for the supply of European and
Asiatic Turkey with the kind of slaves required as guardians for the
harem, Mr. Burckhart informs us, is not at Shendy, but at a village
near Siout, in Upper Egypt, inhabited chiefly by Christians.” (Abys-
sinians, we suppose.)

The mode of marching slaves is described as follows: “On the
journey, they are tied to a long pole, one end of which is tied to a
camel’s saddle, and the other, which is forked, is passed on each side
of the slave’s neck, and tied behind with a strong cord, so as to pre-
vent him drawing out his head: in addition to this, his right hand is
‘also fastened to the pole, at a short distance from the head, thus
leaving only his legs and left-arm at liberty. In this manner he
marches the whole day behind the camel: at night he is taken from
the pole and put in irons. While on the route to Souakim, I saw
several slaves carried along in this way. Their owners were afraid
of their escaping, or of becoming themselves the objects of their ven-
geance; and in this manner they would continue to be confined until
sold to a master, who, intending to keep them, would endeavour to
attach them to his person. In general, the traders seem greatly to
dread the effects of sudden resentment in their slaves ; and if a grown-
up boy is to be whipped, his master first puts him in irons.”

Page 333; ‘‘ Females with children on their backs follow the cara-
vans on foot; and if a camel breaks down, the owner generally loads
his slaves with the packages; and if a boy in the evening can only
obtain a little butter with his dhourra bread, and some grease every
two or three days to smear his body and hair, he is contented, and
never. complains of fatigue. Another cause which induces the
merchants to treat the slaves well (?) is their anxiety to dissipate
the horror which the negroes all entertain of Egypt and the white

eople. It is a common opinion in the black slave countries that the
Poede: Rif, or children of Rif, as the Egyptians are there called,
devour the slaves, who are transported thither for that purppose; of

=“
226 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

course, the traders do everything in their power to destroy this belief;
put, notwithstanding all their endeavours, it‘s never eradicated from
the mind of the slaves.” .

Page 462: “The manners of the people of Souakim are the same as
those I have already described in the interior, and I have reason to
believe that they are common to the whole of eastern Africa, including
Abyssinia, where the character of the inhabitants, as drawn by Bruce,
seems little different from that of these Nubians. I regret that Iam
compelled to represent all the nations of Africa, which I have yet
seen, in so bad a light.” :

We next quote from the Family Magazine, 1836, page 439, as fol-
lows: “Many of the Dayaks have a rough, scaly scurf on their skin,
like the Jacong of the Malay Peninsula. * * * The female
slaves of this race, which are found among the Malays, have no ap-
pearance of it. * * * With regard to their funeral ceremonies,
the corpse * * * remains in the house till the son, the father, or
the next of blood, can procure or purchase a slave, who is beheaded
at the time the corpse is burned, in order that he may become the
slave of the deceased in the next world. * * * Nobody can be
permitted to marry till he can present a human head of some other
tribe to his proposed bride. * * * The head-hunter proceeds in
the most cautious manner to the vicinity of the villages of another
tribe, and lies in ambush till he can surprise some heedless, unsus-

ecting wretch, who is instantly decapitated. * * * When the

Faw returns, the whole village is filled with joy, and old and young, °
men and women, hurry out to meet him, and conduct him, with the
sound of brazen cymbals, dancing, in long lines,-to the house of the
female he admires, whose family likewise come out to greet him with
dances, and provide him with a seat, and give him meat and drink.
He holds the bloody head still in his hand, and puts part of the food
into his mouth, after which the females of the family receive the head
from him, which they hang up to the ceiling over the door. Ifa
man’s wife die, he is not permitted to make proposals of marriage to
another, till he has procured another head of a different tribe. The
heads they procure in this manner, they preserve with great care,
and sometimes consult in divination. ‘he religious opinions con-
nected with this practice are by no means correctly understood: some
assert they believe that every person whom a man kills in this world
becomes his slave in the next. * * * ‘The practice of stealing
heads causes frequent wars among the tribes of the Idean. Many
persons never can obtain a head; in which case they are generally
despised by the warriors and the women. To such a height is it car-
ried, however, that a person who has obtained eleven heads has been
seen, and at the same time he pointed out his son, who, a young lad,
had procured three.”

James Edward Alexander, H. L. 8., during the years 1836 and
1837, made an excursion from the Cape of Good Hope into the inte-
rior of South Africa and the countries of the Namaquas, Boschmans,
and Hill Damaras, under the auspices of Ter Majesty’s Government,
and the Royal Geographical Society, which has been published in
two volumes ; from which we extract, vol. i. page 126: “I was anxious
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 927

to ascertain the extent of knowledge among the tribe (Damaras) with
which I now dwelt ; to learn what they naw of ear oe of
men and things in general; but I must say that they positively know
nothing beyond tracing game and breaking in jack-oxen. They did
not know one year from another; they only knew that at certain times
the trees and flowers bloom, and then Tain was expected. As to
their own asc. they knew m5 imo#e what it was than idiots. Some
oven had no names. Of numbers, of course, they were nearly or
quite ignorant; few could count above five; and he was a clever fel-
low who could count his ten fingers. Above all, they had not the
least idea of God or of a future state. They were, literally, like the
beasts which perish.”

Page 163, 164, and 165: “At Chubeeches the people were very
poor, * * * Standing in need of a shepherd, I observed here
two or three fine little Damara boys, as black as ebony. * * *
I said to the old woman to whom Saul belonged, ‘You have two
boys, and they are starving; you have nothing to give them.’ ‘This
is true,’ she replied. ‘Will you part with Saul?’ said I; ‘I want a
shepherd, and the boy wants to go with me.’ ‘You will find him
too cunning,’ returned the old dame. ‘I want a clever fellow,’ said
I. ‘Very well,’ she replied; ‘give me four cotton handkerchiefs,
and he is yours.’ ‘Suppose,’ said I, ‘you take two handkerchiefs
and two strings of glass beads? ‘Yes! that will do;’ and so the
bargain was closed; and thus a good specimen of Damara flesh and
blood was bought for the value of about four shillings, * * * IT
told him to go and bring his skins; on which he informed me that he
had none, saving what he stood in—and that was his own sable hide,
with the addition of the usual strap of leather around his waist, from
which hung a piece of jackal’s skin in front. Constant exposure to
the vicissitudes of the weather, without clothes, hardéns the skin of
the body like that of the face ; and still it is difficult to sleep at nights
without proper covering. In cold weather, the poor creatures of Na-
maqua Land, who may have no karosses, sit cowering over a fire all
night, and merely doze with their heads on their knees.”

Vol. ii. page 23: ‘Can any state of society be considered more
low and brutal than that in which promiscuous intercourse is viewed
with the most perfect indifference; where it is not only practised,
but spoken of without any shame or compunction? Some rare about
the glorious liberty of the savage state, and about the innocence of
the children of nature, and say that it is chiefly by the white men
that they become corrupt. The Boshmans of Ababres had never seen
white men before; they were far removed from the influence of the
Europeans.” oeee

Vol. i. page 102. “ Notwithstanding that some people maintain
that there is no nation on earth without religion in some form, how-
ever faintly it may be traced in their minds, yet, after much diligent
inguiry, I could not discover the slightest feeling of devotion towards
a higher and invisible power among the Hill Damaras.” :

In Mohammedan countries, the most unfavourable portions of the
slave’s existence, as such, is while in the hands of the geeleb, or
slave-merchant, and until he is sold to one who designs to keep him
228 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

‘permanently. In the first instance, if negroes, they suffer much in
the journey from the place of purchase to that of sale. For instance,
it has been known, in the journey from Sennaar and Darfour to the
slave-mart at Cairo, or even the intermediate one at Siout, the loss in
a slave caravan, of men, women, camels, and horses, amounted to not
less than 4000. The circumstances of the mart itself scarcely appear
in a more favourable aspect than those of the journey,—whether we
regard the miserable beings, as in the market at Cairo, crowded
together in enclosures like the sheep-pens in Smithfield market, amid
the abominable stench and uncleanness which result from their con-
finement; whether, as at another great mart at Muscat, we perceive
the dealer walking to and fro, with a stick in his hand, between two
lots of ill-clothed boys and girls, whom he is offering for sale, pro-
claiming aloud, as he passes, the price fixed on each ; or else leading
his string of slaves through the narrow and dirty streets, and calling
out their price as he exhibits them in this ambulatory auction.
* * * The slaves, variously exhibited, usually appear quite indif
ferent to the process, or only show an anxiety to be sold, from
knowing that as slaves, finally purchased, their condition will be much
ameliorated. * * * How little slavery is dreaded is also shown
by the fact that even Mohammedan parents or relatives are, in cases of
emergency, ready enough to offer their children for sale. During
the famine which a few years since drove the people of Mosul to
Bengal, one could not pass the streets without being annoyed by the
solicitations of parents to purchase their boys and girls for the merest
trifle; and even in Koordistan, where no constraining motive ap-
peared to exist, we have been sounded as to our willingness to pur-
chase young members of the family. Europeans in the East are
scarcely considered amenable to any general rules, but Christians
generally are not allowed to possess any other than negro slaves.”
London Penny Mag. 1834, pp. 243, 244; also, Sketches of’ Persia, and
Johnson's Journey from India.

APPENDIX, C.

From Havana.
The Cherokee—The Slave Trade—General News.

Correspondence of the New York Daily Times,
Havana, Wednesday, Dec. 15, 1852.

oJ * * * * co *

The mysterious working of the law is still retaining Capt. Grey
and his son under bonds, preventing their return to the United States.
There should be in all this month two barks cleared from the United
States, bound for the coast of Africa,—one from Baltimore and one
from New York, or an Eastern port. There are two fitting out in the
harbor of Havana, as I was informed by a friend interested in the
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 229

black “fleece” of this Spanish ‘“ Colchis,” schooners of light draught,
to get into good concealment up the rivers, and clipper built; at the
east end of the island there are two brigs now ready for sea, and one
or two to be ready very shortly on the south side—so*the work for
redemption from barbarism goes bravely on. The lighter vessels, if
it should prove expedient for security, are used between the coast and
the islands on the coast of Brazil, and they frequently pack into a
space where twenty or thirty men would be uncomfortable, from one
hundred and fifty to two hundred and fifty negroes—and often they
leave the coast with so many on board, that they have scarcely space
for provisions and water; and make sail for the Island of Cuba, where
they arrive with the numbers vastly diminished by the discount of death,
owing to the close and uncomfortable quarters to which they are con-
fined for the long voyage. Can this systematic and regular return
of notorious slavers, and their clearance from the ports of Cuba, be
accomplished without the knowledge and consent of the authorities ?
It is impossible; and this charity that covers a multitude of sins, I
am compelled to place to the credit of those who could restrain the
traffic, if they would exercise the power they possess. In the reign
of Alcoy, we had a remarkable instance, which shows the power, even
after pocketed compensation, of control over the introduction, when
there are found those bold enough to make denunciation in given
cases. A cargo had been introduced not far from Havana, within the
reach of the railroad, before breakfast, and regularly paid for. But
an officer in the infected district was to be removed to make place for
a parasite favorite, and before going out of office, he seized some two
hundred of the negroes, and they were brought within the reach of
the “ British and Spanish mixed Court of Justice,” and thus secured
their eventual freedom, unless they should happen to die, by report
and well authenticated documentary evidence, before the expiration
of seven years service, the term for covering the expenses incidental
to their liberation from life bondage, and protection of the two
Governments. The actuating motive was revenge upon the Captain
General, who had received the bonus—but his object was very far
from being accomplished. The parties called upon Alcoy, with great
delicacy, to refund the four or six ounces he had received, but it was
one of those cases where correction was impossible—they knew
nothing of any such transaction at the palace! The money was not
delivered ; but under the usage, the negroes were sold to the best bid-
ders for the service of seven years, and a good part of the price paid,
fell again into the all-absorbing purse of the Captain-General, which
he kept well bound with the clasps of charity.

From the Baltimore Sun, of Dec. 8, 1852.

Increase or THE Stave Trape 1x Cuna.—aAll accounts represent a
large increase of the slave trade in Cuba, at which, it is alleged, the
Spanish officials wink. A-lctter from Havana gives a list of nine
vessels, which have landed at different ports of Cuba, during the
present year, 4,170 slaves from Africa. ‘he letter referred to adds ;

U
230 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

“This is but the beginning. There is a tacit understanding for
the extension of this scheme until ten thousand more have been
brought hither, on each of which is paid to officials, for winking at
it, three ounées, or fifty-one dollars, making in the aggregate $910,000,

From the same paper, of Jan. 10, 1853.

Tuyen AYRICAN Stave TrapE.—Letters from the coast of Africa state
that the British government are about to withdraw their naval forces
from the coast, and, of course, by such an act, abandon its efforts in
that quarter for the suppression of the slave trade.

From the same paper, of Feb. 7, 1853.

A Conruict Between THE British anp Spanish AUTHORITIES
ABOUT A SLAVER.—A slaver, in possession of an English prize crow,
was ‘lately taken .possession of by a number of Spanish soldiers, at
Havana. The English captain (Hamilton) prepared for immediate
recapture, and manned his boats for that purpose, but the English
consul interfered, and advised waiting instructions from home. Thus
the matter remains, while it is said, the soldiers are busy in effacing
the evidence which would condemn her as aslaver. It is believed
the Queen-mother is the owner of the brig, and hence this bold meas-
ure of the Captain-General. Meanwhile, much ill-feeling is mani-
fested by the officials towards the English residents.

From the New York Weekly Times, of April, 30, 1853.
Suave TRADE: Irs ABoxition.

Clarkson, Wilberforce and Pitt advocated the abolition of the
slave-trade, upon the supposition that the abolition of slavery would
follow as the necessary result. It was the prevalent error of that
time. The idea prevailed in the Convention which framed the Con-
stitution of the Pnited States. It was imagined that the existing
negro stock must naturally disappear beneath the rigor of labor and
hard treatment. It was taken for granted that the cessation of the
former supply would burden the actual slaves with additional toils
and sufferings, in order to make up the requisite return, per annum,
of the mill or plantation.” Mortality was therefore set down asa
crescent quantity; while marriages and births, as always where the
conditions of lite are unfavorable, were assumed to be steadily de-
creasing. There would be nothing to repair the exhaustion; and the
period between the termination of the slave-trade,and the termination
of slavery was regarded as a question of time. It might be balf a
century ; possibly more; probably less. It never seems to have heen
thought of, that the legitimate effect of the slave-trade suppression
might be beneficial to the institution of Slavery, and calculated to
prolong it indefinitely.

But such is the evidence of facts. We have only to draw a com-
parison between Cuba and the Southern States of this Union, to
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 231

ascertain it. Cuba may be regarded as represénting the condition of
things where the slave population is still kept up by importations.
The slave-trade between Cuba and Africa has been very slightly
affected by the several conventions for its extinction. It has only
been rendered more hazardous. The negroes have been males; be-
cause males are better able to bear the terrors of the transit, pro-
longed and heightened as they were by the necessity of avoiding the
English cruisers; and because the planters have preferred them, as
field hands, to women, who were found, in other respects, expensive
and troublesome. ‘The prospect of the importations ceasing was too
indefinite to excite apprehensions of the stock perishing from this
short-sighted policy. 1t was only in 1834, when the remonstrances,
threats and redoubled vigilance of England gave the alarm, that the
demand for females became active, and the dealers were induced to
proportion their shipments more wisely. But there has been no
sensible falling off in the number and bulk of the cargoes. The
slave population, according to the census of the island, taken in 1819,
amounted to 195,145. The return made no separate returns for the
two sexes. The census of 1841 did so, however, showing the number
of males to be 281,250; of females, 155,245 ; in all, 436,495. Now
there is every reason to believe that previous to 1534, the proportion
of male to female slaves was as ten to one. It was notorious that
whole plantations, employing tio or three hundred hands, had not
one woman on them. ‘he partiality to the males was general. There
is no doubt that the gain of 241,350, which is noted between 1819
and 1841, is entirely the fruit of thé African trade. Nor is this all.
With such disparity between the sexes, the increase could not begin
to replace the annual mortality. Signor Tenaza, an intelligent Cuban,
who has just published a tract on the subject at Paris, estimates the
actual importations into the Island at 431,925 in the twenty-one years
ending in 1841, or about twenty thousand per annum. Thisis probably
the fact; and although we have no official returns of the population,
or the extent of the traffic since that date, we know that, although
the influx has diminished very considerably, it has not done so suffi-
ciently to render the breeding of negroes a profitable business. It
is still cheaper to buy men, than tobuy women and rear children.
And because the external supply still continues, the exaction of ex-
cessive labor and the infliction of the cruelties, which so harrowed
up the souls of Wilberforce and his followers, continue; only in-
creasing as the price of negroes diminishes. The Island planter
applies the “sweating” system to his serfs, because there is no
difficulty in replacing the wear and tear, from the cargoes of such
men as Captain Capo, whom our letters described the other day. The
natural effect of this inhuman system is plainly visible. England
protests against it. One measure has been taken to obyiate a portion
of the mischief, and the rest will presently yield to the influences
now brought to bear upon the Court of Madrid. Slavery will be
presently abolished in Cuba; and it will be abolished a century before
the advantages of free labor are understood at the South, and the
institution dispensed with.
232 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

For in spite of “Uncle Tom,” the treatment of the southern slay:
is not grossly inhuman, It is always fair to apply the principles of
natural increase to such questions; and the application to American
slavery shows a very large yearly increase, which could not possibly
have place, were labor excessive, fare meagre, and general treatment
unindulgent. All the evidence, including that of ourown correspondent
in Virginia, goes to prove that the planting interest is impoverished
because the labor exacted from the slave is so trifling and so totally in-
adequate to the cost of living. This moderation results from the cessa-
tion of the foreign slave traflic. The slaveis valuable in proportion to
his price. If he have cost the expense of rearing his value is great, and
he is treated accordingly. When free trade in negroes was the rule,
they cost little and were abused terribly. Since prohibition was
decreed they have. cost extensively and are treated considerately.
And while the institution retains this mild type, and domestic slave-
trade alone exists, transferring the chattel from the less to the more
profitable field of labor, but nowhere encouraging barbarity of treat-
ment, the indignation requisite to enforce abolition, will scarcel
reach the.proper pitch of intensity. If ever slavery at the South
attain the degree of mischief, direct or indirect, which it has else-
where occasioned, the public epinion of mankind will act upon it as
in Cuba: where slavery is, after all, attacked less for its own demerits
than for the encouragement it affords the man-stealer, he peculiar
influences we have referred to, make the continuance of slave labor
on the island, contingent upon the continuance of the slave trafic;
and the slave traffic can only be suppressed by the abandonment of
the island by the Spanish Government.

From the London Guardian, of Jan. 26. 1853,

In this state of things, when the Government of Madrid must be well
aware that the United States is only waiting for the favorable opportu-
nity, what is its conduct? It allows its officials in Cuba to involve
themselves in petty squabbles with the officers of American merchant
steamers touching at the island, and it does its best to get up a quar-
rel with its best ally, Great Britain, by its unblushing prosecution of
the slave-trade. In defiance-of the most solemn engagements, and
of assurances repeated usqgue ad nauseam, to our ambassador at
Madrid, slavers are daily leaving Cuba with the manifest connivance
of the authorities, and cargoes of slaves are regularly landed, anda
duty paid to the Government as if on ordinary merchandise. Already
the United States journals are chuckling over the prospect of a quarrel
between Spain and Great Britain, which they seem to consider would
greatly facilitate their own ulterior designs on the Island. ‘The
Spaniards have generally contrived to render it impossible for their
best friends to help them, and so it may perhaps be again. And,
dangerous as the proximity of the Americans in Cuba to our own
West Indian colonies might appear to ourselves, there is little doubt
that the interests of humanity in general would gain by the substitu-
pen xe the Anglo-Saxon for the Spanish race in that magnificent
island,
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 233

As a pendant to this, take the following, which tells its own story,
and needs no comment :—

Proctasation.—Whereas, Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co. of London,
contractors with Her Britannic Majesty’s government, to furnish
laborers from the African coast for the West Indies, haye sent some
of their ships to the coast of the republic, offering an advance of ten
dollars for every person who may be induced to emigrate; and
whereas, the extinction of thg slave trade has left large numbers of
predial and other laborers in the possession of the chiefs and princi-
pal men of the country, while the offer of ten dollars each is nearly
equivalent to the amount formerly paid for slaves, during the-preva-
lence of the slave trade, and which operated mainly in producing and
sustaining the wars, by which the country was distracted; and
whereas, certain refractory chiefs are reported to have engaged with
the agents of said Company to furnish a number of laborers, and are
further known to have in concealment, near Grand Cape Mount, a
number of the unhappy victims of their predatory excursions ; and
whereas, complaint has been made to the government that persons
are held to be sent off without their voluntary consent, or the consent
of their natural guardians; therefore, to prevent the abuses and evils
which might otherwise result from the enterprise:

Be it known by this proclamation, to all whom it may concern,
that the law regulating passports must be strictly observed—that ves-
sels carrying or intending to carry away emigrants must come to this
port with their emigrants on board, to obtain passports, in order that
an opportunity may be presented to the government to ascertain
whether the emigration be free or constrained. Every violation of the
law regulating passports will be visited with the utmost penalty of
the law in that case made and provided,

Done at Monrovia, this twenty-sixth day of February, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-three, and of the
republic the fifth. J. J. ROBERTS.
(L. 8.) By the President, H. TEAGE,

Secretary of State.

APPENDIX, D.

Necro CoymMuUNICANTS.

The Editor of the New York Observer, in an article introductory
to Miss M’Intosh’s letter, speaking of the descendants of the High-
landers and Germans, who were the first settlers of Georgia, says :—

“They inherit the religious principles of their fathers. They have
the Bible and love to read it. ‘They go to that blessed book, and not
to Northern men or Englishmen, to Northern ladies or English ladies,
to learn their duties to their slaves. They do not find in any part of
that book the doctrine of the immediate abolitionists. They find

30 u*
234 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

there that the slave is a man and a brother; that God made him;
that God loves him ; that Christ died for him ; and that God will not
bless, and Christ will not love, the master who does not love his slave,
or the slave who does not love and obey his master. With this simple
teaching, and withdrawing themselves, as the Apostle directs, from
those who teach otherwise, they have been laboring quietly and unos-
tentatiously, amidst all the discouragements caused by the’curse of
slavery on one side, and the agitations of abolitionists on the other,
to establish schools and churches, axel to fit the negro for the enjoy-
ment of all the happiness of which he is capable here and hereafter ;
and with such success, that they and their co-laborers count, as one
of the fruits of their toil, more than 300,000 negro members of evan-
gelical churches—a greater number, as has been frequently stated,
than the aggregate number in all the churches under Protestant
missionaries in all the countries of the heathen world.”

APPENDIX, E.

‘3
EXTRACTS FROM THE STATUTES AND DECISIONS OF SOME OF THE SLAVE
STATES.

1. Slaves are persons and not mere chattels. Devereaua’s N. C.
Reports, +. 340. Srare vs. Epwonp, A stave.—This was a trial for
concealing a slave on board a vessel with intent to convey her out of
the State and enable her to escape. On this charge the prisoner was
convicted, but varivus exceptions being taken to the ruling of the
Court below, it came up for a hearing before the Superior Court,
where it was contended, amongst other things, that the prisoner,
being a slave, was but. a chattc), a thing, and not to be considered a
“person” within the meaning of the Act of Assembly. Decided by
-the Court that, “The prisoner, although a slave, is a ‘ person’ in the
natural acceptation of that term.” ‘ A slave is a person capable of
committing crime, and subject to punishment.” “I think the pri-
soner is a person, within the words and meaning of the Act of As-
sembly.” (See also the passages in ¢alics below in the next citation.)
i 2. Power of the Master over his slave :—Does not extend to life or

imb.

Tue Srare or Mississtrri vs. Jones. Juné T. 1820. Walker's
Rep. 83. Per Cur. Clarke, J. i*The question in this case, arising
in arrest of judgment, transferred on doubts from Adams superior
court, is, whether, in this State, murder can be committed on a slave.
Because individuals may have been deprived cf many of their rights
by society, it does not follow, that they have been deprived of all their
rights. In some respecls, slaves may be considered as chattels, bud in
others, they are regarded as men. ‘The law views them as capable of
committing crimes. ‘This can only be upon the principle, that they
are men and rational beings. The Roman law has been much relied
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 235

on by the counsel of the defendant. That law was confined to the

Roman Empire, giving the power of life and death over captives in

war, as slaves, but- it no more extended here, than the similar power

given to parents over the lives of their children. Much stress has

also been laid by the defendant’s counsel, on the case cited from

Taylor’s Reports, decided in North Carolina; yet, in that case, two

judges against one were of opinion, that killing a slave was murder.,
Judge Hall, who delivered the dissenting opinion in the above case,

based his conclusions, as we conceive, upon erroneous principles, by

considering the laws of Rome applicable here. Ilis inference, also,

that a person cannot be condemned capitally, because he may he
liable in a civil action, is not sustained by reason or authority, but
appears to us to be in direct opposition to both. Ata very early
period in Virginia, the power of life over slaves was given by statute ;
-but Tucker observes, that as soon as these statutes were repealed, it
was at once considered by their courts, that the killing of a slave
might be murder. Commonwealth vs. Dolly Chapman; indictment
for maliciously stabbing a slave under a statute. It has been deter-
mined in Virginia that slaves are persons. In the Constitution of the
United States, slaves are expressly designated as ‘‘persons.” In this
State the legislature have considered slaves as reasonable and accoun-
table beings, and it would be a stigma upon the character of the State,

and a reproach to the administration of justice, if the life of a slave
coufd be taken with impunity, or if he could be murdered in cold
blood, without subjecting the offender to the highest penalty known
to the criminal jurisprudence of the country. Has the slave no rights,

because he is deprived of his frecdom? Ife is still a human being, and
possesses all those rights of which he is not deprived by the positive
provisions of the law; but in vain shall we look for any law passed
by the enlightened and philanthropic legislature of this State, giving
even to the master, much less to a stranger, power over the life of a
slave. Such a statute would be worthy the age of Draco or Caligula,
and would be condemned by ihe unanimous voice of the people of

this State, where cruelty to slaves, much less [more ?] the taking away
of life meets with universal reprobation.. By the provisions of our
law, a slave may commit murder, and be punished with death, why
then is it not murder to kill a slave? Can a@ mere chattel commit
murder, and be subject to punishment?

Villeins, in England, were more degraded than our slaves. It is
true, that formerly the murder of a villein was not punished with
death, but neither was the murder of a freeman. then so punished.
The only difference Letween the freeman and the slave was in the
magnitude of the fine. In Enyland, killing a yillein was as mueh
murder as killing « lord. Yetvilleins were then the most abject
slaves, and could be bought aul sold as chattels; but because slaves
can be bought and sold, it docs not follow that they can be deprived
of life. The right of the master exists, not by force of the law of
nature or nations, but by virtte only of the positive law of the state;
and although that gives to the master the right to command the ser-
vices of the slave, requiring the master to feed and clothe the slave
from infancy till death, yet it gives the master no right to take the
236 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

life of the slave; and if the offence be not murder, it is not a crime,
and subjects the offehder to no punishment. The taking away the
life of a reasonable creature, under the king’s peace, with malice
aforethought, express or implied, is murder at common law. Is not
a slave a reasonable creature ?—is be not a human being? And the
meaning of this phrase, reasonable creature, is a human being. For
the killing a lunatic, an idiot, or even a child unborn, is murder, as
much as the killing a philosopher; and has not the slave as much
reason a8 a lunatic, an idiot, or an unborn child? All are in the
king’s peace, except alien enemies flagrante belld. A distinction once
existed in England, between the killing a Dane and a Saxon; but
even in Coke’s time, the killing any rational being was murder. Jews
were then regarded in a light more odious than the most abject slave;

et to kill them was murder. So to kill one attainted, or an out

awed felon, or even an alien enemy, except in battle, might he
murder. The term, “king’s peace,” means the place where the crime
is committed, the actual venue, and not a particular class of human
beings. :

At one period of the Roman history, a history written in the blood
of vanquished nations, slaves were regarded as captives, whose lives
had been spared in battle, and the savage conqueror might take away
the life of the captive, and therefore he might take away the life of
the slave. But the civil law of Rome extirpated this barbarous privi-
lege, and rendered the killing a slave a capital offence. Wher? the
northern barbarians overran Southern Europe, they had no laws but
those of conqucrors and conquered, victors and captives; yet, even by
this savage people, no distinction was recognized between the killing,
in cold blood, a slave or a freeman. And shall this court, in the
nineteenth century, establish a principle too sanguinary for the code
even of the Goths and Vandals, and extend to the whole community,
the right to murder slaves with impunity ?

The motion to arrest the judgment must be overruled.”

State vs. Reed, June T. 1823, 2 Hawk’s N.C. Reports, 454. “ This
was an indictment for the murder of a slave, which concluded at
common law. The prisoner was found guilty, and moved in arrest,
because of the fannieienes of tho’indictment. The motion was over-
ruled, and sentence passed, from which the prisoner appealed.

Henderson, J. This record presents the question, Is the killing of
a slave, at this day, a statute or common law offence? And if a
common law offence, what punishment is affixed to the act charged in
this record? Homicide is the killing any reasonable creature, Murder
is the killing any reasonable creature, within the protection of the
law, with malice prepense, that is, with a design, and without excuse.
That a slave is a reasonable creature, or more properly, a human
being, is not, I suppose, denied. Tut it is said, that being property,
he is not within the protection of the law, and, therefore, the law re-
quires not the manner of his death; that the owner alone is interested,
and the state no more concefned, independently of the acts of the
legislature on that subject, than in the death of a horse. This is an
pl pean the force of which I cannot feel, and leads to consequences
abhorrent to my nature: yet if it be the law of the land, it must he #0
‘ APPENDIX TO NOTES. 237

pronounced, I disclaim all rules or laws in investigating this ques-
tion, but the common law of England, as brought to this country by
our forefathers, when they emigratet hither, and as adopted by them,
and as modified by various declarations of the legislature since, so as
to justify the foresoing deiinition. Lf, therefore, a slave is a reason-
able creature, within the protection of the law, the killing a slave
with malice prepense, is murder. by the commonlaw. With the ser-
vices and labors of the slave, the law has nothing to do; they are the
master’s, by the law; the government and control of them belong ex-

_clusively to him. Nor will the law interfere upon the ground that
the State’s rights, and not the mastor’s, have been violated.

In establishing slavery, thea, the law vested in the master the abso-
lute and uncontrolled right to the services of the slave, and the means
of enforcing these services, follow as necessary consequences; nor
will the law weigh with the most scrupulous nicety his acts in relation
thereto ;* but the life of a slave being noways necessary to be placed
in the power of the owner for the full enjoyment of his services, the
‘law takes care of that, and with me it has no weight, to show that by
the laws of Ancient Rome or Modern Turkey, an absolute power is
given to the master over the life of his slave. { answer, these are not
ine laws of our country, nor the model from which they were taken ;
it is abhorrent to the hearts of all those who have felt the influence
of the mild precepts of Christianity; and if it is said, that no law is
produced to‘show that such is the state of slavery in our land, I call
on them to show the law by which the life of a slave is placed at the
disposal of his master. In addition, I must say, that if it is not
murder, it is no offence, not even a bare trespass. Nor do I think
that anything should be drawn from the various acts of the legislature

_on the subject. Legislative exposition is good while the system of
law thus expounded is in force; but when the whole system is aban-
doned, as is done hy the act of 1817, exposition should be laid aside.
But if the legislative exposition is to have weight, the last should be
received, and the act last mentioned speaks the language of declara-
tion, and not that of enactment. But it is not admitted that the acts
prior to the act of 1817, are by any means a clear legislative declara-
tion, that it was no offence to killa slave anterior to any statutory
provision. The first enactment that we have on the subject, is a
simple declaration, that if any person shall maliciously kill a slave,

-he shall suffer imprisonment. From this we are not absolutely to
conclude, that the legislature thought that before that time it was no
offence ; it is quite possible that juries had not applied the principles
of the common law in their purity to the offence; for we see the spirit
of the times by the legislative act; but that spirit is happily no more.
I would mention as an additional argument, that if the contrary ex-
position of the law is correct, then the life of a slave is at the mercy

“ The samo is true in other and very different relations in life. Parents and
schoolmasters may correct a child: “ but the correction must be moderate, and
in 4 proper manner, and for the good of the child: but if the parent or master
have nol acted in yreat violation of justice and propriety, their conduct will nor
be weighed in yolien scales.” VGouvicr, Institutes of American Law, vol. 3. p.
497, and marsiaal references,
238 APPENDIX TO NOTES. -

of any one, even a vagabond; and I would ask, What law is it that
punishes, at this day, the most wanton and cruel dismemberment of a
slave, by severing a limb from his body, if life should be spared?
There is no statute on the subject; it is the common law cut down, it
is true, by statute or custom, so as to tolerate slavery, yielding to the
owner the services of the slave, and any right incident thereto, as
necessary for its full enjoyment, but protecting the life and limbs of the
human being; and in these particulars, it does not admit that he is
without the protection of the law. I think, therefore, that judgment
of death should be pronounced against the prisoner.”

The statute of Georgia, of Dec. 2, 1799, requires, (Sec. 2, marginal
title,) ‘‘ the same mode of prosecution and measure of punishment for
killing a slave as a white person.”

The statute of South Carolina, of 1740, P. L. 173, enacts that “if
any person shall on sudden heat of passion, or by undue correction,
kill Ais own slave, or the slave of any other person, he shall forfeit the
sum of three hundred pounds current money. 3

Strate vs. CuEatwoop.—Fall T. 1834. 2 Hill’s S.C. Rep. 459. Har-
per, J., held that the object of the act of 1821, relative to the murder
of slaves, was, to make the murder of a slave, of the same grade and
character as the murder of a white man or free man at common law,
and is to be made out by the same kind of proof.”

3. Not even when fleeing from his master.

Wirsewi vs. Earnest & Parxer.—Jan. T. 1818. 1 Nott & M’Cord’s
8. C. Rep. 182. Per. Cur. Coleock, J. “ By the statute of 1740, any
white man may apprehend, and moderately correct any slave who
may be found out of the plantation at which he is employed; and if
the slave assaults the white person, he may be killed; but a slave who
ts merely flying away cannot be killed. Nor can the defendants be jus-
tified by the common law, if we consider the negro as a person; for
they were not clothed with the authority of the law to apprehend him
as a felon, and without such authority he could not be killed.”

4. Nor to inflicting cruel punishment.

Maxkuam vs. CLose.—Sept. T. 1831. 2 Louisiana Rep. 581. Held
by the court, Porter, J., that the infliction of cruel punishment on
the slave, by his master, is a criminal offence, and must be punished
by a criminal prosecution, and not before a civil tribunal.

Laws of Georgia. Cobb’s Digest, Athens, Ga. 1851. p. 971. Act
of May 10, 1770. Preamble. ‘ Whereas, from the increasing num-
ber of slaves in this province, it is necessary as well to make proper
regulations for the future ordering and governing such slaves, and to
ascertain and prescribe the punishment of crimes by them committed,
as to settle and limit by positive laws, the extent of the power of the
owners of such slaves over them, so that they may be kept in due
subjection and obedience, and owners or persons having the care and
management of such slaves, may be restrained from excessive and:
unnecessary rigor or wanton cruelty over them: Therefore, be u
enacted,” dc.

Laws of Maryland, 1715. Chap. 44. Sec. 21. “ And be it further
enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any master or mistress of
any servant whatsoever, or overseer by order or consent of any such
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 239

master or mistress, shall deny, and not provide sufficient meat, drink,
lodging and clothing, or shall unreasonably burthen them beyond
their strength with labour, or debar them of their necessary rest and
sleep, or excessively beat and abuse them, or shall give them above
ten lashes for any one offence, the same being sufficiently proved
before the justices of the county courts, the said justices have hereby
full power and authority for the first and second offence, to levy such
fine upon such offender as to them shall seem meet, not exceeding one
thousand pounds of tobacco, to the use of his majesty, his heirs and
successors, for the support of government, and for the third offence, fo
set_such servant so wronged at liberty, and free from servitude.”

Laws of Kentucky. Morehead & Brown’s Digest. Frankfort,
1834. Act of Jan 28, 1830, Sec. 4.“ Be it further enacted, That if
any owner of a slave shall treat such slave cruelly and inhumanly,
so as in the opinion of the jury to endanger the life or limb of such
slave, or shall not supply his slave with sufficient food and raiment,
it shall and may be lawful for any person acquainted with the fact
or facts, to state and set forth in a petition to the circuit court, the
facts or any of them aforesaid of which the defendant hath been
guilty,.and pray that such slave or slaves may be taken from the pos-
session of the owner and sold for the benefit of such owner, agreeably
to the seventh article of the constitution.”

Sec. 5, Makes it obligatory on the court to inquire into the truth
of the allegations, and if they are fourd to be sustained, to grant the
petition, ‘

Civil] Code of Loutsiana. Article 192. ‘In like manner, no owner
shall be compelled to sell his slave, but in one of two cases, to wit:
the first, when * * *; the second, when the master shall be con-
victed of cruel treatment of his slave, and the judge shall deem pro-
per to pronounce, besides the penalty established for such cases, that
the slare shall be sold at public auction, in order to place him out of
the reach of the power which his master has abused.”

5. The Lord’s day, « day of rest to the slave.

Lawsof Maryland. 1723. Chap. 16, see. 10, enacts, “ That no one
having children, servants or slaves, shall command, or wittingly, or
willingly suffer any of them to do any manner of work or labor on
the Lord’s day, (works of necessity and charity always excepted,} on-
penalty of two hundred pounds of tobacco.”

Laws of Georgia. Cobb’s Digest, p. 971. Act of May 10, 1770,
sec. 41. ‘If any person shall on the Lord’s day, commonly called
Sunday, employ any slave in any work or labor, (work of absolute
necessity, and the necessary occasions of the family only excepted,)
every person so offending shall forfeit and pay the sum of ten shil-
lings for every slave he, she, or they shall so cause to work or labor.”

6. Provision for the old and infirm. ;

Laws of Georgia. Act of Dee. 24, 1832. “An act to establish an
Infirmary for the relief and protection of aged and afflicted negroes,
in the State of Georgia,” sec. 5, provides for receiving slaves, on pay.
ment by their masters of a sum to be determined by the Directors.
the paymeni to go to the support of the Institution.
240 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

The Act of Dee. 12, 1815, makes it the duty of the Inferior Courts
of the several Counties to relieve old or infirm slaves, neglected by
their masters, and empowers the said Courts to sue for, and recover
from the owner the amount expended. :

There is a similar provision in Maryland, and, I presume, in the
other slave States. *

7. Ulusband and wife.

Laws of Maryland. 1832, chap. 317, see. 8. “And be it enacted,
That in all cases where the wife ur the husband, or the male or female
auited ins wedlock with any slave held and owned in this State by
any citizen thereof shall bo a slave owned and possessed by an in-
habitant of any adjoining State, district or territory, it shall and
may be lawful fur the owner aforesaid of such wife or husband, or
person united in wedlock, to purchase, import, and bring into this
State, from such adjoining State, district or territory, the said wife,
husband or person; Provided, the solemnization of the marriage
ceremony between such slaves, according to the form of some one of
the churches or religious communities of this State, and by a minis-
ter of such church or religious community, be proved by the affidavit
in writing of the person so purchasing such slave, or by the affidavit
of some other creditable white person, aud left to be recorded,” ce.

8. Mother and child.

Laws of Louisiana, Act of Jan. 31, 1829, sec. 16. Be it further
enacted, That if any person: or persons shall sell the mother of any
slave child or children, under the age of ten years, separate from
said child or children, or shall, the mother living, sell any slave child or
children, of ten years of age, or under, separate from said mother,
[he] shall ineur the penalty of the sixth section of this act ;” thatis,
(see see. 6,) “suitor a fine not less than one thousand dollars, nor more
than two thousand dollars, an:l an imprisoument of not less than six
mouths, nor more than ono year, and shall morcover forfeit the slave or
slaves,”

In the Code of Alabama, p. 392, Title 5, chap. +. secs. 2056 and
2007, is a similar provision, when the sale is under legal process,

So too in the Devisions of the Courts:

Firzuveu et Ux. vs. Foor ot al. April T. 1801. 3 Call’s Va.
Rep. 18.

Ifeld ly the court, that an equal division of slaves, in number and
value, is net always possible, and sometimes improper, when it cannot
be exactly done without separating infant children from their mothers,
which humanity forbids, aud will not be countenanced in a court of
equily; so that a compensation for exeess must, in such cases, be
made and reevived in money.

9. Amalgamation.

Laws of Maryland. 1715, chap. 4-L see. 27.‘ Any white man
that shall beget any negro woman with child,” ‘shall become a ser
vant for and during the term of seven years.”

1728. Chap. 4. Preamble. ‘Whereas by the act of Assembly
relating to servants and slaves, there is no provision made * * *
for the punishment of free negro women, having bastard children by
APPENDIX TO NOTRS. 241

white men; and forasmuch as such copulations are as unnatural and
tordinate as between white women and negro men,” &e.

10, Testimony,

Srare vs. Sivs. Dee. T. 1830. 2 Bailey’s S. C. Rep. 29. The
defendant being convicted of being accessory:to a murder by a num-
ber of slaves, who had been tried, convicted, and executed, he moved
for a new trial, on the ground “that the declarations of the said
slives, as to their agency in the murder, and the mode in which they
perpetrated it, were received in evidence ; and the declaration of each
le was received, not only as to his own guilt, but as to the acts of
others.

The Court, Johnson, J., overruled the motion for a new trial, and
decided thgt the confession of a slave of his own guilt, as principal,
is admissible in evidence on the trial of a free white man as accessory
before the fact.

South Carolina. Cooper and McCord’s Statutes at large, vol. 7:
Charleston, 1840. Act of May 10, 1740, sec. 39. ‘And whereas, by
reason of the extent and distance of plantations in this Province, the
inhabitants are far removed from each other, and many cruclties may
be committed on slaves, because no white person may be present to
sive evidence of the same, unless some method be provided for the
better discovery of such offences; and as slaves are under the govern-
ment, so they ought to be under the protection of masters and man-
agers of plantations; Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That if any slave shall suffer in life, limb, or member, or shall be
maimed, beaten or abused, contrary to the directions and true intent
and meaning of this Act, when no white person shall be present, or
being present, shall neglect or refuse to give evidence, or be examined
upon oath, concerning the same, in every such case, the owner or
other person who shall have the care and government of such slave,
and in whose possession or power such slave shall be, shall be deemed
taken, reputed and adjudged to be guilty of such offence, and shall be
proceeded against accordingly, without further proof, unless such
owner or other person as aforesaid, can make the contrary appear by
good and sufficient evidence, or shall, by his own oath, clear and excul-
pate himself; which oath, every court where such offence shall be
tried, is hereby empowered to administer, and to acquit the offender
accordingly, if clear proof of the offence be not made by two wit-
nesses at least; any law, usage or,custom to the contrary notwith-
standing.” :

Disqualification as a witness does not extend to remote admixtures
of negro blood. :

Srate vs. Davis anp Wanna. Dee. T. 1831, 2 Bailey’s S.C. Rep.
558. ‘Harper, J., in delivering the opinion of the court, observed,
* ® * «Tt is certainly true, as laid down by the presiding judge,
that ‘every admixture of African blood with the European, or white, is
not to be referred to the degraded class.’ It would be dangerous and
cruel to subject to this disqualification a person bearing all the features
of a white, on account of some remote admisture of negro blood; nor
has the term mulatto, or person of color, I believe, been popularly
attributed to such person. The shades are infinite, and it is difficult

3l Vv
242 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

to fixa limit. Ido not: know that we can lay down any other-rule
than to give what appears to be the popular meaning of the word: to
wit, that where there is a distinct and visible admixture of negro
blood, the person is to be denominated a mulatto, or person of color.
It is a question for the jury. In determining it, they may have the
evidence of inspection as to color, and the peculiar negro features ;
the evidence of reputation; as to parentage ; and such evidence as was
offered in the present case, of the person having been received in
society, and exercised the privilege of a white man.”

In Lousiana and North Carolina, a presumption of slavery arises
from a black complexion, but none from that of a mulatto :—vide
Srate ys. Cecit, 2 Martin’s La. Rep. 208; Piniz vs. Lauanpe et al.
19 Martin’s La. Rep. 648; Goxu vs. Gosu, 1 Taylor’s N. G. Rep. 164;
Scort vs. Wittrams, 1 Devereaux’s N. C. Rep. 876; and others,

Prescription is never pleadable against a claim of freedom.

Dextpruine vs. Deveze, June T. 1824, 14 Martin’s La. Rep. 650.
Per. Cur. Porter, J. ‘‘The plaintiff urges, she ig descended from
one Marie Catherine, a negro woman now deceased, who was the
slave of a certain Marie Durse, and that the said Marie emancipated,
and set free, Catherine and her children, Florence, Luce, and Cathe-
rine, the mother of the petitioner. She complains that the defendant
illegally holds her in slavery, and prays that she may be decreed free,
and recover damages for the injury she has sustained by being held
in servitude. The defendant pleaded the general issue, and prescrip-
tion. We shall, before entering on the merits, dispose of the excep-
tion, which forms the second ground for defence in the defendant’s
answer. We do so by referring to the third Partida, title twenty-
nine, law twenty-four, in which we find it provided, that if a man be
free, no matter how long he may be held by another, as a slave, his
state or condition cannot be thereby changed, nor can he be reduced
to slavery, in any manner whatever, on account of the time he may
lh as held in servitude. The plaintiff is entitled to her free-

om. é

OarFieLp vs. Wartnc. May T.1817, 14 Johnson’s N. Y. Rep. 188.
Per Cur. Spencer. J. * * * “All presumptions in fayor of per-
sonal liberty ought to be made.”

Merayrr vs. Merayzr. Jan. T. 1819, 6 Martin’s La. Rep. 16.
Held by the court a slave who enjoyed her freedom in Hispaniola
during the late revolution, may reckon that time in establishing her
right to freedom by prescription:

In suits for freedom, hearsay evidence is admissible to prove pedi-
gree:—vide Jenxins vs. Tom et al. 1 Wash. Va. Rep. and Vavenan
vs. Pause, 1 Martin and Yerger’s Tenn. Rep. 1.

Mauonzy ys. Asuton. Oct. T, 1797, 4 Harris and M’Henry’s Md.
Rep. ‘On a trial for freedom, the deposition of Henry Davis was
read, in which he stated, that he had heard his uncle, David Davis,
(who is deceased,) say, that it was the report of the neighbourhood-
that if she, Joice, (meaning the ancestor of the petitioner,) had had
justice done her, she ought to have been free; and this be heard
sundry times from his uncle when talking the matter over, ‘The
counsel for the defendant objected to reading the evidence to the jury.
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 243

The court, Chase, Ch. J., overruled the objection, and determined it
shoult be given to the jury.”

ll. The Fugitive Slave Law.

No. 81! An Act to amend and supplementary to the Act entitled “An
Act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the ser-
vice of their masters,” approved February 12, 1793. Commissioners of
the Circuit Court of the United States, now, or hereafter to be, ap-
pointed under any act of Congress, and thereby authorized to exercise
powers given in section 33 of the act of September 24, 1789, are au-
thorized and required to perform the duties required by this act. The
Superior Courts of the organized Territorics may appoint commis-
sioners, who shall have the same powers as commissioners of the said
Circuit Courts, and the number of commissioners shall be from time
to time enlarged, with a view to afford reasonable facilities to reclaim
fugitives from labor, and promptly to discharge the duties imposed by
this act. They shall have concurrent jurisdiction with the judges of
the said courts in term time and vacation, and shall grant certificates
to claimants, upon satisfactory proof, with authority to take and
remove such fugitives, under the restrictions herein contained, to the
State or Territory from which such persons may have escaped or fled,
and shall receive in full for services a fee of $10, if a certificate is
granted, or of 55 where the proof does not allow the granting of a
certificate, in either case to be-paid by the claimant. -\nd the better
to enable the said commissioners to execute their duties faithfully and
efficiently, they are hereby empowered, within their.counties respec-
tively, to appoint, in writing, any suitable persons, from time to time,
to executé all such processes as may be issued by them in the lawful
performance of their respective dutics, with authority to sugh com-
missioners, or the persons to be appointed by them, to execute process
as aforesaid, to summon and call to their aid the bystanders or posse
comitatus of the proper county, when necessary, and the persons thus
appointed shall each receive from the claimant $5 for each person
arrested and taken before a commissioner, with other reasonable fees
for additional necessary services. All good citizens are hereby com-
manded to aid and assist in the prompt and efficient execution of this
law, whenever their services may be required, as aforesaid, for that
purpose, and said warrants shall run and be executed by said offivers
anywhere in the State within which they are issued. Ifany marshal
or deputy marshal shall refuse to receive any process, when tendered,
or to use all proper means diligently to execute the same, he shall, on
conviction thereof, be fined in the sum of $1000, to the use of such
claimant, on the motion of such claimant, by the Circuit or District
Court for the district of such marshal, and after arrest of such fugitive
hy such marshal or his deputy, or whilst at any time in his custody
under the provisions of this act, should such fugitive escape, whether
with or without the assent of such marshal or his deputy, the mar-
shal shall be Hable on his official bond to be prosecuted for the benefit
of such claimant, for the full value of the service or labor of said
fueitive in the State, Territory, or District whence he escaped. The
marshal, deputies, clerks, &:., shall be paid for their services like foes
as for similar services in like cases, to be paid wholly by the claim-
244 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

ant, if the services are rendered exclusively in the arrest, &e., of a
fugitive. . :

26, When a person held to service or labor in any State or Terri-
tory of the United States has heretofore or shall hereafter escape into
another State or Territory of the United States, the person or persons
to whom such service or labor may be due, or his, her, or their agent
or attorney, duly authorized, by power of attorney, in writing, acknow-
ledged and certified under the seal of some legal officer or court of the
State or Territory in which the same may be executed, may pursue
and reclaim such fugitive person, either by procuring a warrant from
some one of the courts, judges, or commissioners -aforesaid, of the
proper circuit, district, or county, for the apprehension of such fugi-
tive from service or labor, or by seizing and arresting such fugitive,
where the same can be done without process, and by taking, or causing
such person to be taken, forthwith before such court, judge, or com-
missioner, whose duty it shall be to hear and determine the case of such
claimant in a summary manner; and upon satisfactory proof being
made, by deposition or affidavit, in writing, to be taken and certified by
such court, judge, or commissioner, or by other satisfactory testimony,
duly taken and certified by some court, magistrate, justice of the peace,
or other legal officer authorized to administer an oath and take deposi-
tions under the laws of the State or Territory from which such person
owing service or labor may have escaped, with a certificate of such mag-
istrate or other authority, with the seal of the proper court or officer
thereto attached, which seal shall be sufficient to establish the com-
petency of the proof, and with proof, also by affidavit, of the identity
of the person whose service or labor is claimed to be due, that the
person so arrested does in fact owe service or labor to the person or
persons claiming him or her, in the State or Territory from which
such fugitive may have escaped, and that said person escaped, to
make out and deliver to such claimant, ‘his or her agent or attorney,
a certificate setting forth the substantial facts as to the service or
labor due from such fugitive to the claimant, and of his or her escape
from the State or Territory in which such service or labor was due, to
the State or Territory in which he or she was arrested, with authority
to such claimant, or his or her agent or attorney, to use such reason-
able force and restraint as may be necessary, under the circumstances
‘of the case, to take and remove such fugitive person back to the State
or Territory whence he or she may have.escaped. In no trial or
hearing under this act shall the testimony of such alleged fugitive be
admitted in evidence; and the certificates shall be conclusive of the
right of the person or persons in whose favor granted to remove such
fugitive to the State or Territory from which he escaped, and shall
prevent all molestation of such person or persons by any process
issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person whomsoever.

@7. Any person who shall knowingly and willingly obstruct, hinder,
or prevent such claimant, his agent or attorney,.or any person or per-
sons lawfully assisting him, her, or them, from arresting such fugi-
tive from service or labor, either with or without process as aforesaid;
or shall rescue, or attempt to rescue, such fugitive from service or
labor from the custody of such claimant, his or her agent or attorney,
APPENDIX TO NOTES... 245

or other person or persons lawfully assisting, when so arrested, pur-
suant to the authority herein given, or shall aid, abet, or assist such
person so owing service or labor, directly or indirectly, to escape from
such claimant, his agent or attorney, or other person or persons
legally authorized as aforesaid; or shall harbor or conceal such fugi-
tive, so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of such person, ifter
notice or knowledge of the fact that such person was a fugitive from
service or labor, shall, for either of said offences, be subject to a fine
not exceeding $1000, and imprisonment not exceeding six months,
by indictment and conviction before the District Court of the United
States for the district in which such offence may have been commit-
ted, or before the proper court of criminal jurisdiction, if committed
within any one of the organized Territories of the United States ; and
shall moreover forfeit and pay, by way of civil damages, to the party
injured by such illegal conduct, the sum of $1000 for each fugitive so
lost, to be recovered by action of debt, in any of the District or Terri-
torial Courts within whose jurisdiction the said offence may have been
committed.

39. Upon affidavit made by the claimant of such fugitive, his agent
or attorney, after such certificate has been issued, that he has reason
to apprehend that such fugitive will be rescued by force before he
can be taken beyond the limits of the State in which the arrest is
made, it shall be the duty of the officer making the arrest to retain
such fugitive in his custody, and to remove him to the State whence
he fled, and there to deliver him to said claimant, his agent or attor-
ney. And to this end, the officer is hereby authorized and required
to employ so many persons as he may deem necessary to overcome
such force, and to retain them in his service so long as circumstances
may require. The said officer and his assistants, while so employed,
to receive the same compensation, and to be allowed the same expen-
ses, as are now allowed by law for the transportation of criminals, to
be paid out of the treasury of the United States.

#10. When any person held to service or labor in any State or
Territory, or in the District of Columbia, shall escape therefrom, the
party to whom such service or labor shall be due, his, her, or their
agent or attorney, may apply to any court of record therein, or judge
thereof in vacation, and make satisfactory proof to such court, or
judge in vacation, of the escape aforesaid, and that the person escap-
ing owed service or labor to such party. Whereupon the court shall
cause a record to be made of the matters so proved, and also a general
description of the person so escaping, with such convenient certainty
as may be; and a transcript of such record, authenticated by the at-
testation of the clerk and of the seal of the said court, being pro-
duced in any other State, territory, or District in which the person so
escaping may be found, and being exhibited to any judge, commis-
sioner, or other officer authorized by the law of the United States to
cause persons escaping from service or labor to be delivered up, shall
be held and taken to be full and conclusive evidence of the fact of
escape, and that the service or labor of the person escaping 1s due to
the party in such record mentioned. And upon the production by
the said party of other and further evidence, if necessary, either oral

v
246 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

or by affidavit, in addition to what is contained in the said record of
the identity of the person escaping, he or she shall be delivered up
to the claimant. And the said court, commissioner, judge, or other
person authorized by this act to grant certificates to claimants of fu-
gitives, shall, upon the production of the record and other evidences
aforesaid, grant to such claimant a certificate of his right to take any
such person identified, and proved to be owing service or labor as afore-
said, which certificate shall authorize such claimant to seize or arrest
and transport such person to the State or territory from which he
escaped: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed
as requiring the production of a transcript of such record as evidence
as aforesaid. But in its absence the claim shall be heard and deter-
mined upon other satisfactory proofs competent in law. September
18, 1850.

APPENDIX F.

Pauper System or MassacHvuserts.

The following extracts are taken from the “ Report of the Commis-
sioners appointed by an order of the House of Representatives, Feb.
29, 1832, on the subject of the Pauper System of the Commonwealth
of Massachusetts.—Boston; Dutton & Wentworth, State Printers,
1833.” The Commissioners, Hon. William B. Calhoun, Hon. Henry
Shaw, Joseph Caldwell, Esq., George A. Tufts, Esq., and Rev. Joseph.
Tuckerman, under authority from the House of Representatives, ap-
pointed one of their number agent to visit various towns in the State
and collect statistics, and these statistics are appended to the report,
and published by order of the House.

The towns whose statistics are given are classified under two heads,—
those that have Alms-houses and land for the support of the poor,
and those that have not; of the former class are 438, and of the
latter, 26. .

In the quotations that follow, I have italicised certain passages, to
call particular attention to them, as showing that, twenty years ago,
certain practices, which are commonly spoken of as peculiar to the
slave States, such, for instance, as selling men and women at auction,
and separating husbands and wives, were not unknown in the “model
Commonwealth,” and therefore, a fortiori, it may be presumed, in the
other free States. I give them here, not to bring reproach upon my
native State, than which the sun does not shine upon a worthier, or a
happier, but to show that every social system has its evils,—evils that
are much more casily perceived than got rid off,—and that it does not
become the pot tocall the kettle black. Here follow the quotations :—
_ “Bosron. The House of Industry contains fifty-five lodging rooms
in the main house for the poor, and thirty-two in two out-houses.
* * * Husbands and wives are not allowed to live in the same room.”

“Lywn. The Alms-house was built in 1819. * * * Id does
not admit of a classification of the poor [that is, of a separation of thé
sexes]; and great evils result from this defect in the institution.”
APPENDIX TO NOTES. Q47

“Axpover. The Alms-house * * * has eleven lodging rooms
for the poor. Considerable evils result from the impracticability of sep-
arating and classifying its inmates.”

Rg This town is the place of Mrs. Stowe’s present residence, Mr.
S. being Professor Stuart’s successor in the Theological Seminary.
It is to be hoped, therefore, that, for the honour of her sex, she will
look into this matter, and see whether the above ‘“ impracticability”
has been got over, or whether the town is still too poor to take care
of the morals of its paupers.

“HaveRHILL. Great difficulties are experienced from the impracti-
cability of classifying the inmates.”

‘“Matpen. Lhe house does not admit of a classification of the
inmates ; and there is cause for the apprehension of evil from this cir-
cumstance.”

“Lexineton. There are eight lodging rooms for the inmates, and
from one to three sleep ina room. Great care is required for security
against immoralities.” :

““Westrorp. There are six lodging rooms for the poor, and from
two to six sleepin aroom. IJmmoralities have resulted from the im-
practicability of classifying the inmates.”

“Roxpury. The males live in one wing, and the females in the
other. Husbands and wives are not allowed to live together, and the
sexes are kept quite apart from each other. This circumstance has
brought the house into disfavor with some who would otherwise have
taken up their abode in it.”

The naiveté with which this last remark is made, is very amusing.

“ Worcester. There is a small out-building which contains two
lodging rooms for the blacks.”

his town, it should be recollected, is the Head-Quarters of Mas-
sachusetts Abolitionism.

“SprincGFIELD. It has nine lodging rooms for the poor, and from
four to eight sleep in a room. No classification can be made of the
inmates. Immoralities have resulted from this circumstance, but not
recently.”

The shows are from the first class, or those which have Alms-houses,
and they are only a specimen, as may be seen by turning to the Report.
The following are from the second class :—

“Sroucutoy. The poor of this town are annually sold at auction
to the lowest bidder. * * * Withtin twelve years past, the expense
of supporting the poor who were sold has varied from sixty-two cents
to one dollar a week for each of them.” <

“Leowryster. The present contractor has this class of the poor
[the permanent poor,] for seventy ecats per week.” For this sum they
are ‘‘ boarded, nursed, clothed, and attended by a physician, if neces-
sary.” ‘Small children are boarded out in families till they are
eight years old, at which average age they are bound out. The cost
for these is forty cents per week. * * * Only one man of the per-
manent poor is capable of half a day’s work.” .

“ Seventy cents per week,” each, for “boarding, nursing, and cloth-
ing,” through the rigors of a Northern winter, seventcen human beings,
(see Table [I., appended to the Report,) and only one of the seventeen
248 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

able to do anything towards earning his living, and he only ‘half a
day’s work.” A magnificent sum truly! Why, “a peck of corna
week” would swallow up one-third of it, and the other two-thirds
wouldn’t clothe a negro in the mild climate of Maryland and Virgi-
nia, to say nothing of nursing and the Doctor’s bill. And yet this is
by no means an unfair specimen ; indeed, it is considerably above the
average price, as shown by Tables II. and III.

“Brrurierp. Of the poor taken by the lowest bidder, the average
cost per week for adults is seventy-five cents. For children, thirty-five
cents. he children in charge of the overseers are bound out between
the ages of eigkt and twelve years, till they are sixteen years old.”

“ Monson. Of the poor taken by the lowest bidder, the average cost
for adults has been sixty cents per week. For children, ¢hirty cents
per week. The practice in regard to children is, to bind them out as
soon as possible.”

After this, we are prepared for the second sentence in the following
extract :— -

“West SprincrictD. Previous to the last six years, the poor were
separated into lots, and bid off at auction to those who would take them
for the lowest sum. They were then, however, neither well fed nor well
clothed, and a change was found necessary in the manner of disposing
of them.”

“Sanpisrietp. Poor children are bound out as soon as they are
capable of any service.”

“Ecremont. The poor of this town are put up at auction to the
lowest bidder.”

APPENDIX, G.
1. Emancipation 1n tHe Britisa West Inptes.

The following extracts are from a work entitled, “‘ Jamaica in 1850:
or, The Effects of Sixteen Years of Freedom on a Slave Colony. By
John Bigelow. Magnas inter opes inops——Horace. New York and
London: George P. Putnam. 1851.” Mr. Bigelow was, at the time
he published this, and, I believe, is still, a Free-Soiler, and one of the
Editors of the New York Evening Post; he will not, therefore, be sus-
pected of exaggerating.

“Before the ship had fairly stopped, we were surrounded with boats
filled with negroes, some dressed decently, and some indecently, and
some not at all.” (p. 7.)

“We had four colored oarsmen under command of Commodore
Brooks, himself a very black man, with very white linen, whose broad
pennant of red, with a white ball, swung at the masthead, to indicate
that he was senior officcr of the port. * * * * He was about
two hours in getting us over to Kingston, a distance of about five
miles.” (pp. 8, 9.)

“My largest trunk, which was handled by the coachman in New
York without difficulty, engaged the devoted exertions of four negroes
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 249

in the effort to draw it from the boat, which they effected by instal-
ments, after turning it over, as they did every article of luggage, sev-
eral times, and trying it in various ways, and from opposite sides, as
if to see if they could not in some way get the advantage of it. They
were two hours in transporting our luggage from* the boats to our
lodgings, not half a mile distant.” (p. 11.)

“They (the hotels) are all kept and served by colored people. * * *
They have no idea of doing anything within any specified period.
* * * Tf breakfast was ordered at 8 o’clock, it was sure not to be
ready till 10. If dinner was ordered at 3, we congratulated ourselves
if we got it by 5.” (p. 12.) a

* Rents are exceeding low, less than half a fair interest on the cost
of the building alone—while the vacant lots cannot be said to have
any market value, there being no sales.” (p. 14.) ;

“Though Kingston is the principal port of the Island, it has but
little of the air of a commercial city. One looks and listens in vain
for the noise of carts and the bustle of busy men; no one seems in a
hurry; but few are doing anything, while the mass of the population
are lounging about in idleness and rags.” (p. 15.)

“At the Surry Assize, there were two colored lawyers and nine
colored jurors. All the officers of the Court, except the clerk, were
colored.” (p. 23.

‘* Seven-tenths of the Police force on the Island, also, were colored.
Of the forty-eight or fifty members of the Legislative Assembly, ten
or a dozen were colored. The public printers, Jordan and Osborn,
who were also publishers of the Kingston Journal, were colored. One
or two of the regiments, and nine-tenths of the Penitentiary officers,
were black. The Island is eventually to be given up to them.” (pp. 24,
25.) In the above paragraphs, the terms “colored” and “black” are
to be carefully distinguished.

“While the entente cordiale between the whites and the colored
opulation is apparently strengthening daily, a very different state of
eeling exists between the negroes or Africans, and the browns. The

latter shun all connection by marriage with the former, and can ex-
perience no more unpardonable insult, than to be classified with them
in any way. They generally prefer that their daughters should live
with a white person upon any terms, than to be married to a negro.
Yew will need to be told that where such is the condition of public senti-
ment in a class, the standard of female virtue among them cannot be
very high. It is, perhaps, a trifle higher than among the slaves.”

SHO:
ace between the whites and “ browns” are constantly
oecurring. -(p. 20.) 2

The population of the Island is about 400,000. Of these about
16,000 are whites, 68,529, colored, and 293,128, black, (p. 40.)

“Tt is difficult to exaggerate, and yet more difficult to define, the
poverty and industrial prostration of Jamaica. The natural wealth
and spontaneous productiveness of the Island are so great that no
one can starve, and yet it seems as if the faculty of accumulation
were suspended. All the productive power of the soil is running to
waste; the finest land in the world may be had at any price, and

32
250 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

almost for the asking ; labour receives no compensation, and the pro-
duct of labour does not seem to know the way to market. J*amilies
accustomed to wealth and every luxury, have witnessed the decline
of their incomes, until now, with undiminished estates, they find
themselves ,wrestling with poverty for the commonest necessaries of
life. There are no public amusements here of any kind, for amuse-
ments are purchased with the surplus wealth of a people, and here
there is no surplus. * * * * But the Island abounds with more
palpable, if not more significant evidences of prostration than these,

“Since the year 1833, when the British Slavery Emancipation aet
was passed, the real estate of the Island has been rapidly depreciating
in value, and its produetiveness has been steadily diminishing to its
present comparatively ruinous standard, Whatever diversity of
views may exist respecting the influence which the abolition of' sla-
very may have had in producing this state of things, there is no
doubt, I believe, entertained by any, that the passage of the Emanci-_
pation Act of 1833, was followed by the disasters I have referred to,
as promptly as it could have been if it had been their cause, * *

“ Since 1832, out of the 653 sugar estates then in cultivation, more
than 150 have been abandoned and the works broken up. ‘This has
thrown out of cultivation over 200,000 acres uf rich land, which in
1832, gave employment to about 380,000 laborers, and yielded over
15,000 hogsheads of sugar, and over 6,000 puncheons of rum.

“During the same period, over 500 cottee plantations have been
abandoned, and their works broken up. This has thrown out of cul-
tivation over 200,000 acres more of land which in 1832, required the
labor of over 30,000 men.” (pp. 58, 54, 55.)

The depreciation of real estate between 1833, (the year of Emanci-
pation) and 1850, may be judged of by the following instances, which
are but a few of those given by the author, and which, he says, “ may
be relied on.”

The ‘Spring Valley” estate, containing 1,244 acres, together with
“ machinery, works, &e.” depreciated from £18,000 sterling to £1000.
The ‘* Tremoles” estate, of 1,450 acres, from £68,000 to £8,400, and,
in 1850, would not probably have sold for half that sum. The
“Golden Valley” estate, of 1200 acres, with machinery, &e., to £020,
“*Caen Wood,” from £18,000 to £1500. “ Fair Prospect.” (which at
one time produced 500 hogsheads of sugar,) from £40,000 to £4,000.
“Ginger Mall,” (which, prior to 1833, brought in-an annual income
of £1200,) to £1400. “Bunker Hill,” (which, at one time, was
mortgaged for £30,000,) to £2,500. (pp. 56, 57.)

In the other West lndia Colonies, there has been a similar falling
off in exports, and a similar depreciation in real estate.

In Demerara and Essequibo, “there were in 1838, 258 estates in
profitable cultivation. Of these, 71 have been abandoned, and 111,
sold under execution. (p. 58.

In Berbice, up to 1849, 3 cotton, 30 coffee, and 9 sugar estates had
been abandoned in one county alone, and were, at that time, ‘ relaps-
ing into a wilderness.”’ (p. 60.)

n British Guiana, in 1850, there were 27 estates under sequestra-
tion,—25 of them, sugar estates,—and the real estate valuation had
fallen from £20,000,000 sterling to £660,000! (p. 61.)
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 261

“Jamaica embraces about 4,000,000 acres of land, of which there
are not, probably, any ten lying adjacent to each other, which are not
susceptible of the highest cultivation, while not more than 500,000
acres have ever been reclaimed, or even appropriated.” (p. 64.)

“The richness of the soil may be inferred from a usage which has
existed since long previous to the abolition of slavery, of setting apart
to the negroes one day in seven for the cultivation of their own little
grounds from which they gathered nearly their entire support. On
Saturdays they are never expected to work for any one but them-
selves. They devote that day to tilling their grounds and marketing
their produce. This one day’s labor in each week is all they require
to keep up to the highest power of production, from three to five, and
sometimes ten acres of provision grounds.” (p. 65.) ;

“Very little of the soil has been manured, or requires to be, and
such a thing as an exhausted estate is hardly known.” (p. 64.)

The productions of the Island are rum, molasses, sugar, coffee,
pimento, ginger, copper and coal. (pp. 65—69.) :

“Such are some of the natural resources of this dilapidated and
poverty-stricken country. Capable as it is of producing almost every
thing, and actually producing nothing which might not become a
staple with a proper application of capital and skill, its inhabitants
are miserably poor, and daily sinking deeper and deeper into the
utter helplessness of abject want.

Magnas inter opes inops.

Shipping has deserted her ports; her magnificent plantations of
sugar and coffee are running to weeds; her private dwellings are
falling to decay; the comforts and luxuries which belong to indus-
trial prosperity have been cut off one by one, from her inhabitants ;
and the day, I think, is at hand when there will be none left to rep-
resent the wealth, intelligence and hospitality for which the Jamaica’
planter was once so distinguished.” (p. 70.)

The Planters’ reasons for this are the following :—

1. Price of free labour.

2. The small compensation they received for their slaves. The Com-
missioners appraised the slave-property of all the British West Indies
at £43,104,889 8s. 6d., and the government finally allowed the owners
only £16,638,937 8s. 1}d., or less than 50 per cent.

3. Reduction of the sugar duties in 1846, to the amount of some
£5,000,000, annually. (pp. 71, 72.)

The tuthor’s reasons, on the contrary, are these :—

1. Degradation of labour :—

“JT could not perceive that sixteen years of freedom had advanced
thé dignity of labour, or of the labouring classes one particle. That
fell legacy which slavery always leaves behind it, I found here, neither
wasted nor reduced. The operative occupies a decidedly lower soeial
position in Jamaica now, than he does in South Carolina.” (p. 77.)

2. Absenteeism. $3000 a year to Agents, &c.

3. Encumbered Estates. Mortgages paid off, in part, by the money
received from Government. (p. 89.)

“ But the question arises, why have not the properties been sold by
252 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

the necessitous, and purchased upon terms that would admit of careful
and temunerating cultivation; in other words, why have not the laws
of supply and demand dispossessed the absentee landlords, converted
the mortgagees into resident proprietors, and thus restored the equi-
librium between labor and capital?

“This is the Jamaica problem. Without presuming to be able to

ive it a scientific solution with the means at present within my reach,
T think I can indicate the direction in which such a solution is to be
found, by those who may choose to go in quest of it.” (pp. 103, 104.)

He then goes on to mention what he considers some of the principal
obstacles to the return of prosperity, and which therefore require to
be got rid of. Among these, are the employment of agents ata high
salary ; the expense of having sugar-works on each estate; and finally
the size of the estates themselves :—‘‘140, taken at random, averaged
over 1200 acres each.” (p. 105.) Tle then adds :—

“ Hence it happens that when a proprietor sells a property, whether
from necessity or choice, he insists upon selling the whole of it, and
the purchaser generally insists upon buying the whole. The residents
of the Island are, for the most part, tou poor to buy, and hence non-
residents have usually been the purchasers, when any sales were made.”
(p. 107.) In this way, he tells us, Absenteeism has been perpetuated,
And yet in another place, he says,

“s C was greatly surprised to find that the number of these colored
proprietors is already considerably over one hundred thousand, and
constantly increasing.” And again :—— ‘ .

“When one reflects that only sixteen years ago, there was scarcely
a colored landholder upon the Island, and that now there are a hun-
dred thousand, &c. * * * * Their properties average from
three to five acres.” (p. 116.)

After stating (p. 159) that the vacancies in the population created
-by emigration and death are not filled up by the births in the white
families, because their children are sent abroad for education and
have no inducement to return, he goes on:

“Of course, the loss of every white man is a loss of capital toa
greater or less extent; it strengthens the influences already operating
to depress the price of property, increases facilities for the colored
people to appropriate it, and is hastening that partition of the soil
which I have supposed necessary to arealization of its highest protec-
tive power. It is also hastening a result which I have reason to be-
lieve the home government anticipate and are prepared for—the
gradual occupation of the whole island by the blacks. They see and
know that the two races cannot prosper together, if both are free;
that the superior intelligence and advantages of the whites will pre-
vent the blacks from acquiring that independence and self-reliance
which are the sinews of enterprise and the basis of national pros-
perjty ; and as the blacks are so much the more numerous, and enjoy
80 great an advantage in their natural adaptedness to the climate of
the tropics, it has been wisely determined to surrender the Island to
them, as soon as it can be done consistently with the vested rights of
the white population.” (p. 160.

Nothing is more probable, in respect to the political fate of the
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 253
Island, twenty years hence, than that it will be one of the United
States of America.” (p. 161.)
2. Hartt.

The following Official Correspondence is from the Washington
Union, of Dec. 21, 1852.

Hayrt.
Mr. Walsh to Mr. Webster.
- Port av Prince, February 5, 1851.

Sir: Tembarked at Norfolk on the 25th of last month, the Saranac
haying been detained there until that date, and arrived here on the
afternoon of the 2d instant, after a pleasant but not very rapid passage,
of nearly eight days. The vessel, though an admirable one in many
respects, does not seem to be remarkable for speed. From the com-
modore and officers I received every courtesy, and immediately on our
arrival, Mr. Usher, the consular agent of the United States, came on
board and tendered me the hospitalities of his house, which I was
glad to accept, the warm welcome of an inn being a luxury not to be
had in this place.

* * x * x *

Faustin the First is stout and short, and very black, with an un-
pleasant expression, and u carriage that does not grace a throne. He
is ignorant in the extreme, but has begun to learn to read and write,
and is said to exhibit commendable diligence in his studies. Energy
and decision are his most important traits, and no soft feelings are
likely to interfere with their full display when occasion calls them
forth, as it frequently does. There has been considerable demand for
them of late, in consequence of a formidable conspiracy which was
discovered a short time since, the object of which was to restore the
republic.

¥ * * * * * * *
I have the honour to be, with great respect,
your obedient servant,
ROB’T. M. WALSH.
Hon. Danie, Wester, Secretary of State.

Mr. Walsh to Mr. Webster.

Porr au Prince, April 8, 1851.

Str: In my last I announced the opening of the Chambers, and
enclosed a copy of the Emperor’s speech. The ceremony was per-
formed with all possible parade, as you will perceive by the journal
which I have the honour to transmit. His Majesty and suite were
robed for the occasion in costumes just arrived from France, making
such a display as I never seen rivalled, except at ‘ Franconi’s,” in
Paris ; and certainly none but theatrical magnificoes would venture to
exhibit such glittering and variegated splendor in any other metro-
polis, however imperial. The toilet of Soulouque himself was quite
wonderful, especially the chapeau, with its numerous feathers tipped
with different hues.
% * * * * * *

W
254 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

You will see by the journal the correspondence which has taken
place between the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Chambers, in
regard to a request made hy my colleagues and myself to be present at
the discussion of the Dominican question. It seems to have embar-
rassed the legislators, and at last they determined to sit with closed
doors, so that we can obtain no satisfactory intelligence of their pro-
ceedings. .

With great respect, your obedient servant,
ROBERT M. WALSH.

Hon. DanieL Wessrer, Secretary of State.

Mr. Walsh to Mr. Webster.
Port av Princes, April 10, 1851.

Srr: Iam informed that the Chambers have appointed a joint com-
mittee to make a report upon the Dominican question, and that the
Emperor has added to it six generals, in order that the army may be
represented in the business. The town is now full of military person-
ages, all the principal officers of the empire having been summoned
here, to the number of nearly five hundred generals, and twice as
many colonels, for the double purpose of ascertaining their views con-
cerning the war, and of giving them the decorations, just arrived from
France, of the order of St. Faustin—an order instituted by the Em-
peror in honor of himself and the saint whom he has selected as his
pen I say selected, because his real name is Quassie, and not

austin; but there being no saint of the former appellation in the
calendar, he exchanged it for an epithet of more civilized and Chris-
tian sound. ‘The order is a strict imitation of similar institutions in
other monarchies, with all the different gradations of knighthood, and
ribands and crosses; and these are bestowed upon the ‘ princes,
dukes, counts, barons, and chevaliers of the empire,” in recompense
for their “zeal, patriotism, merit and talents,” as military worthies,
That the civilians also who ‘merit distinctions for the services which
they have rendered, and continue to render, to the country,” might be
duly rewarded, another order, the “Legion of Honor,” was established,
which already, in consequence of the quantity of meritorious and dis-
tinguished Hfaytiens, rejoices in nearly as many members as its
French namesake, originated by Napoleon.

A Haytien without a decoration is a yery rare as well as very up-
happy individual, at least among the inhabitants of the towns. In
the country, a banana is generally regarded with more interest and
admiration than even the Grand Cross of St. Faustin. Two other
orders, it is said, are soon to be instituted in honor of the empress
and the princess, and their patron saints St. Anne and St. Olive, for
which the insignia are now in course of preparation by Parisian
artists. Ladies of eminence are to be the amiable recipients of them
when they arrive ; and it is said that they will be almost as multitudi-
nous as those appertaining to the confraternities of cavaliers.

I trust, sir, you will pardon me if I sometimes wander from the
serious tone appropriate to a despatch ; but it is difficult to preserve
one’s gravity with so absurd a caricature of civilization before one’s
eyes, as is here exhibited in every shape.
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 255

Nothing saves these people from being infinitely ridiculous, but the
circumstance of their being often supremely disgusting by their fear-
ful atrocities. The change from a ludicrous farce to a bloody tragedy
is here as frequent as it is terrible; and the smiles which the former
irresistibly provoke can only be repressed by the sickening sensations
occasioned by the latter.

It is a conviction which has been forced upon me by what I have
learned here, that negroes only cease to be children when they degen-
erate into savages. As long as they happen to be in a genial mood,
it is the rattle and the straw by which they are tickled and pleased ;
and when their passions are once aroused, the most potent weapons
of subjugation can alone prevent the most horrible evils. A residence
here, however |\rief, must cause the most determined philanthropist
to entertain serious doubts of the possibility of their ever attaining
the full stature of intellectual and civilized manhood, unless some
miraculous interposition is vouchsafed in their behalf. In proportion
as the recollections and traditions of the old colonial civilization are
fading away, and the imitative propensity, which is so strong a char-
acteristic of the African, is losing its opportunities of exercise, the
black inhabitants of Hayti are reverting to the primitive state from
which they were elevated by contact with the whites—a race whose
innate superiority would seem to be abundantly proved by the mere
fact that it is approaching the goal of mental progress, while the
other has scarcely made a step in advance of the position in which it
was originally placed. It is among the mulattoes alone, as a general
rule, that intelligence and education are to be found; but they are
neither sufficiently numerous, nor virtuous, nor enlightened to do
more than diminish the rapidity of the nation’s descent, and every
day accelerates the inevitable catastrophe by lessening their influence
and strength.

The contrast between the picture which is now presented by this
country, and that which it exhibited when under the dominion of the
French, affords a melancholy confirmation of what I have said. It
was then, indeed, an “ exulting and abounding” land—a land literally
flowing with milk and honey; now it might be affirmed without ex-
travagance, that where it is not an arid and desolate waste, it is
flooded with the waters of bitterness, or covered with noisome and
poisonous weeds. ‘“ When I arrived here,” to quote the words of an
intelligent foreigner who has been in Hayti since the epoch of its
independence, “there was abundance of everything: now there is a
want of everything.” The cultivation of sugar, which was once the
main fountain of wealth, is now entirely abandoned, except for the
production of an intoxicating drink; and that of coffee has so much
decreased, that it would not in the least be a matter of surprise if, ere
long, the supply of that indispensable article for Haytien commerce
were to be insufficient for the ordinary consumption of the inhabitants
themselves. 2 . is

The government, in spite of its constitutional forms, is a despotism
of the most ignorant, corrupt, and vicious description, with a military
establishment so enormous that, while it absorbs the largest portion
of the revenue for its support, it dries up the very sources of national
256 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

prosperity, hy depriving the fields of their necessary laborers to fill
the town with pestilent hordes of depraved and irreclaimable idlers,
‘The treasury is bankrupt, and every species of profligate and ruinous
expedient is resorted to for the purpose of obtaming the means of
gratifying an insane passion for frivolous expenditure. A great por-
tion of the public revenue is wasted upon the personal vanities of the
Emperor, and his ridiculous efforts to surround himself with a splendor
which he fancies to be pre-eminently imperial. It is a fact that the
same legislature which voted him several hundreds of thousands of
francs for some absurd costume, refused an appropriation of twenty-
five thousand francs for public schools. The population, for the most
part, is immersed in Cimerian darkness that can never be pierced by
the few and feeble rays which emanate from the higher portions of
the social system, whilst there is a constant fermentation of jealousies
and antipathies between the great majority and the only class at all
capable of guiding the destinies of the land, which threatens at every
moment to shatter the political vessel in which they are so perilous]
working. As to the refining and elevating influences of civilized life
—the influences of religion, of literature, of science, of art—they do
not exert the least practical sway, even if they can be said to exist at
all. The priests of the altar set the worst examples of every kind of
vice, and are universally mere adventurers, disowned by the church,
who alone can come here in consequence of the assumption by the
Emperor of ecclesiastical authority, which militates with that of the
Roman pontiff. The press is shackled to such a degree as to prevent
the least freedom of opinion, and people are afraid to give utterance,
even in confidential conversation, to aught that may be tortured into
the slightest criticism upon the action of the government.

In short, the combination of evil and destructive elements is such,
that the ultimate regeneration of the Haytiens seems to me to be the
wildest of Utopian dreams. Dismal as this picture may appear, its
coloring is not exaggerated. It is as faithful a representation as I
can sketch of the general aspect of this miserable country—a country
where God has done everything to make his creature happy, and where
the creature is doing everything to mar the work of God.

Of the individual in whose hands the whole power of the nation is
lodged, I have already, in my previous despatches, endeavored to
convey some idea; and it may be easily inferred, that his character
offers little guarantee of prosperity or tranquillity from day to day.!
Even if he were animated by the purest intentions, he is utterly inca-
pable of grappling with the difficulties with which he is surrounded,
and ameliorating the condition of his subjects, It is not believed that
he can sustain himself for any length of time; and when he is over-
thrown, the beginning of the end may be anticipated. Universal con-
fusion will probably ensue, with all its possible horrors. It is the
dread of such a consequence of his fall which is perhaps the strongest
support of his throne. Beneath its ruins, in the apprehension of the
most intelligent, not only the empire but the nationality of Hayti may
be irretrievably buried—a result, however, which, deplorable as it
may be to individual interests and feelings, will not eventually be a
source of regret to enlightened philanthropy in its largest sense.
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 257

When a nation has proved itself utterly unfit to perform its duty for
its own benefit and that of mankind, its destruction can scarcely be
considered a cause of grief, and its epitaph will have no claim to be
written with a pen dipped in tears.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
ROBERT M. WALSH.
Hon. Dante. Wesster, Secretary of State.

APPENDIX, H.
Frogemnc as A Means or Drscrprinr.

The following extracts are from “ Two years before the Mast, by
Richard H. Dana, Jr.” I wish I had space for all relating to the
subject ; as I have not, Iam obliged to content myself with only a part.

“Now for you,’ said the captain, making up to John and taking
his irons off. As soon as he was loose, he ran forward to the fore-
castle. ‘Bring that man aft,’ shouted the captain. The second mate,
who had been a shipmate of John’s, stood still in the waist, and the
mate walked slowly forward; but our third officer, anxious to show
his zeal, sprang forward over the windlass, and laid hold of John; but
he soon threw him from him. At this moment I would have given
worlds for the power to help the poor fellow; but it was all in vain.
The captain stood on the quarter-deck, bareheaded, his eyes flashing
with rage, and his face as red as blood, swinging the rope, and call-
ing out to his officers, ‘Drag him aft!—Lay hold of him! TI] sweeten
him? &e., &e. The mate now went forward and told John quietly
to go aft; and he seeing resistance in vain, threw the blackguard
third mate from him; said he would go aft of himself; that they
should not drag him; and went up to the gangway and held out his
hands ; but as soon as the captain began to make him fast, the indig-
nity was too much, and he began to resist: but the mate and Russell
holding him, he was soon seized up. When he was made fast, he
turned to the captain, who stood turning up his sleeves and getting
ready for the blow, and asked him what he was to be flogged for.
“Have I ever refused my duty, sir? Have you ever known me to
hang back, or to be insolent, or not to know my work?’

“*No, said the captain, ‘it is not that that I flog you for; I flog
you for your interference—for asking questions.’

“*Can’t aman ask a question here without being flogged ?’

“¢No,’ shouted the captain; ‘nobody shall upen his mouth aboard
this vessel, but myself:’ and began laying the blows upon his back,
swinging half round between each blow, to give it full effect. As he
went on, his passion increased, and he danecd about the deck, ealling
out as he swung the rope,—‘ If you want to know what I dog you for,
Til tell you. It’s because Llike todo it! It suits me! That’s what
I do it for! : : .

“The man writhed under the paia, until he could endure it no
longer, when he called out, with an exclainv ion more common among
foreigners than with v;—‘Oh, Jesus Christ! Ob, Jesus Christ ?

 
258 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

“Don’t call on Jesus Christ,’ shouted the captain ; ‘he can’t help
you. Callon Captain T- He’s the man! He can help you!
Jesus Christ can’t help you now!’

“ At these words, which I never shall forget, my blood ran cold.
I could look on no longer. Disgusted, sick, and horror-struck, I
turned away and leaned over the rail, and looked down into the water.
A few rapid thoughts of my own situation, and of the prospect of
future revenge, crossed my mind; but the falling of the blows and
the cries of the man called me back at once. At length they ceased,
and turning round, I found that the mate, at a signal from the captain,
had cut him down. Almost doubled up with pain, the man walked
slowly forward, and went down into the forecastle. Every one else stood
still at his post, while the captain, swelling with rage and with the
importance of his achievement, walked the quarter-deck, and at each
turn, as he came forward, calling out to us,—‘ You see your condi-
tion! You see where I’ve got you all, and you know what to expect!’
‘“You’ve been mistaken in me—you didn’t know what I was! Now
you know what I am! Til make you toe the mark, every soul of
you, or I’ll flog you all, fore and aft, from the boy, up!’ You’ve got
a driver over you! Yes, a slave-driver—a negro driver! Ill see
who’ll tell me he isn’t a negro slave!’ With this and the like matter,
equally calculated to quiet us, and to allay any apprehensions of
future trouble, he entertained us for about ten minutes, when he went
below. Soon after, John came aft, with his bare back covered with
stripes and wales in every direction, and dreadfully swollen, and
asked the steward to ask the captain to let him have some salve, or
balsam, to put upon it. ‘No,’ said the captain, who heard him from
below ; ‘tell him to put his shirt on; that’s the best thing for him;
and pull me ashore in the boat. Nobody is going to lay-up on board
this vessel,’ Ile then called to Mr. Russell to take those two men and
two others in the boat, and pull him ashore. Iwent for one. The
two men could hardly bend their backs, and the captain called to them
to‘ give way,’ ‘give way!’ but finding they did their best, he let them
alone.” (pp. 126—129.)

“In the treatment of those under his authority, the captain is
amenable to the common law, like any other person. He is liable at
common law for murder, assault and battery, and other offences ; and
in addition to this, there is a special statute of the United States which
makes a captain or other officer liable to imprisonment for a term not
exceeding five years, and to a fine not exceediug a thousand dollars,
for inflicting any cruel punishment upon, withholding food from, or
in any other way maltreating a seaman., This is the state of the law
on the subject ; while the relation in which the parties stand, and the
peculiar necessities, excuses, and provocations arising from that re-
lation, are merely circumstances to be considered in each case. As
to the restraints upon the master’s exercise of power, the laws them-
selves seem, on the whole, to be sufficient. I do not see that we are
in need, at present, of more legislation on the subject. The difficulty
lies rather in the administration of the laws; and this is certainly a
matter that deserves great consideration, and one of no little embar-
rassment.

 
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 259

“In the first place, the courts have said that public policy requires
the power of the master and officers should be sustained. Many lives
and a great amount of property are constantly in their hands, for
which they are strictly responsible. To preserve these, and to deal
justly by the captain, and not lay upon him a really fearful responsi-
bility, and then tie up his hands, it is essential that discipline
should be supported. In the second place, there is always great al-
lowance to be made for false swearing and exaggeration by seamen,
and for combinations among them against their officers; and it is to
be remembered that the latter have often no one to testify on their
side. ‘These are weighty and true statements, and should not be lost
sight of by the friends of seamen.’’ (pp. 462, 463.)

“T could not do justice to this subject without noticing one part of
the discipline of a ship, which has been very much discussed of late,
and has brought out strong expressions of indignation from many,—
I mean the infliction of corporal punishment. Those who have fol-
lowed me in my narrative will remember that I was witness to an act
of great cruelty inflicted upon my own shipmates; and indeed I can
sincerely say that the simple mention of the word flogging, brings up
in me feelings which I can hardly control. Yet, when the proposition
is made to abolish it entirely and at once; to prohibit the captain
from ever, under any circumstances, inflicting corporal punishment; I
am obliged to pause, and, I must say, to doubt exceedingly the expedi-
ency of making any positive enactment which shall have that eifect.
If the design of those who are writing on this subject is merely to draw
public attention to it, and to discourage the practice of flogging, and
bring it into disrepute, it is well; and, indeed, whatever may be the
end they have in view, the mere agitation of the question will have
that effect, and, so far, must do good. Yet I should not wish to take
the command of a ship to-morrow, running my chance of a crew, as
most masters must, and know, and have my crew know, that I could
not, under any circumstances, inflict even moderate chastiscment. I
should trust that I might never have to resort to it, and, indeed, I
searcely know what risk I would not run, and to what inconvenience I
would not subject myself, rather than do so. Yet not to have the
power of holding it up in derrorem, and indeed of protecting myself,
and all under my charge, by it, if some extreme case should arise,
would be a situation I should not wish to be placed in myself, or to
take the responsibility of placing another in.

Indeed, the difficulties into which masters and officers are lable
to be thrown, are not sufficiently considered by many whose sympa-
thies are easily excited by storics, frequent enough, and true enough
of outrageous abuse of this power. It is to be remembered that more
than three-fourths of the seamen in our mervhant vessels are fureign-
ers. They are from all parts of the world. -\ great many from the
north of Europe, beside Frenchmen, Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians,
men from all parts of the Mediterranean, together with Lasears, Ne-
groes, and perhaps worst of all, the off-casts of British men-of-war,
and men from our own country who have gone to sea because they
could not be permitted to live on land. : i

“As things now are, many masters are oblige. to sail without
260 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

knowing anything of their crews, until they get out at sea. There
may be pirates or mutineers among them; and one bad man will often
infect all the rest ; and it is almost certain that some of them will be
ignorant foreigners, hardly understanding a word of our language,
accustomed all their lives to no influence but force, and perhaps
nearly as familiar with the use of the knife as with that of the mar-
line-spike. No prudent master, however peaceably inclined, would
go to sea without his pistols and handcuffs. Even with such a crew
as I have supposed, kindness and moderation would be the best policy,
and the duty of every conscientious man; and the administering of
corporal punishment might be dangerous, and of doubtful use. But
the question is not, what a captain ought generally to do, but whether
it shall be put out of the power of every captain, under any circum-
stances, to make use of even moderate chastisement. As the law
now stands, a parent may correct moderately his child, and the master
his apprentice; and the case of the shipmaster has been placed upon
the same principle. ‘The statutes, and the common law, as expounded
in the decisions of courts, and in the books of commentators, are ex-
press and unanimous to this point, that the captain may inflict mode-
rate corporal chastisement, for areasonable cause. If the punishment
is excessive, or the cause not sufficient to justify it, he is answerable;
and the jury are to determine, by their verdict in each case, whether,
under all the circumstances, the punishment was moderate, and fora
justifiable cause.

“This seems to me to be as good a position as the whole subject
can be left in. I mean to say, that no positive enactment, going
beyond this, is needed, or would be a benefit either to masters or men,
in the present state of things. This again would scem to be a case
which should be left to the gradual working of its own cure. As
seamen improve, punishment will become less necessary ; and as the
character of officers is raised, they will be less ready to inflict it; and,
still more, the infliction of it upon intelligent and respectable men,
will be an enormity which will not be tolerated by public opinion,
and-by juries, who are the pulse of the body politic. No one can
have a greater abhorrence of the infliction of such punishment than
I have, and_a stronger conviction that severity is bad policy with a
crew; yet I would ask every reasonable man whether he had not
better trust to the practice becoming unnecessary and disreputable;
to the measure of moderate chastisement and a justitiable cause being
better understood, and thus, the act becoming dangerous, and in the
course of time to be regarded as an unheard-of barbarity—than to
take the responsibility of prohibiting it, at once, in all cases, and in
whatever degree, by positive enactment?” (pp. 468-471.)

APPENDIX I.

Inripen Testimony.

From the Boston Post, of June 4th, 1853.

Extract from a memorial to the convention assembled to revise
the constitution of Massachusetts, asking “that the constitution be
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 261

so amended, that-the doctrines of no religion shall be established or
recommended therein, and that no religious or ecclesiastical inter-
ference with the laws of the State, its official institutions, or its public
schools, shall be hereafter possible in the Commonwealth :’—

“A large and rapidly increasing class of éitizens are by the consti-
tutional rulings of the courts of law in this Commonwealth, denied
the protection of the State, declared incompetent to give evidence in
any case whatever, or to hold any office, and positively proscribed as
unsafe members of society, because they cannot believe in the infal-
libility of certain religious doctrines. :

“Against such deprivation of political character and civil rights,
because of theological opinions, we most respectfully, but most firmly,

rotest.

< “We hold that the right to doubt underlies the right to believe ;
that a man has the same right to be an infidel or an atheist, that he
has to be a Christian; that the State, having to take cognizance of
men’s acts and not of their opinions, has no authority whatever to
make any religious faith a test of citizenship; that it has nothing to
do with the belief or the unbelief of any individual, nor with any
publication of sentiments; but that it is held, by the first principles
of republicanism, to conserve the entire freedom of all its people, to
know citizens, not sects, and to guarantee to all men an absolute
equality before the law.

“Your memorialists submit, that the ostracism of infidels by the
government is not only theoretically false and despotic, but that it is,
at every point, an injustice to society, and utterly incapable of effect-
ing the minutest good. If it be thought a cure to scepticism, we beg
leave to suggest that no surer method of increasing infidelity could be
adopted, inasmuch as proscription invariably creates sympathy for
the proscribed, and weakens confidence in the religion which needs
persecution to sustain it. Besides, it is the strictly conscientious man
who is made to suffer the application of the law. An individual may
say that he believes in the Christian religion, and his evidence is re-
ceived in court, though truth be a stranger to his lips. Buta man
who does not thus believe, and is honorable enough to avow his sin-
cere convictions, is met by the State with the preposterous charge of
moral imbecility, and the law excludes his testimony, reckless of any
wrong which follows. And this brand of legal incompetency affects
the infidel in every department of business, and condemns his trust-
worthiness, however unblemished may be-his integrity. Every con-
tract to which he is a party must be written or proven by others, else
it is worthless to him; and his accounts, except they be kept by a
Christian clerk, are invalid and uncollectable.

“ And it is not alone the infidel who is interested in this matter,
ut the safety of society also requires that credibility should be de-
termined by character and not by belief. An opportunity is now
given for defeating the ends of justice, of which advantage is often
taken to shield the guilty from conviction and punishment. Instances
wre constantly oceurring in your criminal courts, where the only per-
sons who cap give evidence In a case avoid appearing against their
triends or accomplices, by designedly stating, before witnesses, that
262 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

they do not believe in a God or in a future state. When called upon
to testify, the defence objects to their evidence, on the ground of
atheism; ibe disqualifying statement is proved to have been made,
the witness has leave to withdraw, and the guilty party escapes.
Moreover, it is to the dtrect personal interest of the Christian, that
his infidel neighbor should be possessed of the same civil ability aa
himself, inasmuch as when a transaction occurs, as any day it may,
the just settlement of which is of importance to the Christian, and
the essential evidence of which is the acquaintance of an infidel
friend with the facts, if his testimony be excluded, the rights and
interests of the Christian may be sacrificed beyond hope of relief. A
Christian may be foully wronged, within the knowledge of an infidel,
or he may be murdered in the presence of twenty infidels, all bonora-
ble and respected men, and yet the wronger and assassin cannot be
brought to justice, and need fear no law.

“A recent judicial decision in this Commonwealth presents the
injustice of excluding the testimony of infidels in the strongest light.
It having been shown, as it is known to you, that a murdered
man had been a sceptic upon certain points of ordinary belief, the
murderer, by the ruling of the court, walked out an innocent man and
worthy citizen—the court deciding, in effect, that to kill an infidel is
not a crime known to Massachusetts law!

“The relation of the infidel to the State is now identical to that of
a chattel. His humanity is disowned; his political existence denied.
His rights are violated with impunity; he is outraged in person and
possessions, and the law recognizes no oifence, unless, indeed, some
Christian may happen to know the facts. With only this reservation,
no matter how great an indignity is inflicted upon heretics, no matter
how unjust the act, or how atrocious the wrong, they have no protec-
tion, and no redress.

“Your memorialists believe it to be a fundamental maxim of com-
mon law, that when the State withdraws its protection from the
individual, then the obligations of the individual to support the Slate
become annulled, his responsibility to the laws of the State extinguished,
and he is thrown back upon his reserved right of self-protection hy
whatever means he may. Such of your memorialists as are now put
in this relation to the law, wishing no longer to hold such positicn,
and having no desire to be forced upon their last alternative in any
instance, because despoiled by the State of their civil or their social
rights, knock respectfully at the door of the convention for the recog-
nition of their citizenship, and the relief of their political disabilities.
And here we beg leave particularly to represent that we seek no favor,
nor ask any privilege, but that we claim at your hands, as our plain,
absolute and unqualified ricut, that constitutional protection against
injustice, and that constitutional equality before the law, to which, as
citizens of this Commonwealth, we are entitled, wholly irrespective
and independent cf whatever religious or anti-religious theories be
entertained.”
APPENDIX TO NOTES, 263

APPENDIX K.

ConpiTION oF THE “ Lapourrne Crasses” IN EnGLanp, AND OTHER
Non-sLAVEHOLDING CouNTRIES.

1. English labouring classes:—General statements.

From the London Guardian of Jan. 19, 1853.

“UNITED STATES—The New York Courier and Enquirer pub-
lishes a rejoinder from the American ladies to the Stafford-house re-
rnoonstrance against slavery in America. Itis entitled an ‘ Affectionate
and Christian Address of many Thousands of the Women of the United
States of America to their Sisters, the Women of England.’ They
will not dwell upon the ‘ flagitious and bloody modes’ by which Eng-
land extends her territories in Southern Africa, Southern Asia, and
the Southern Seas; the iniquitous Chinese war, or Ivish misrule; but
speak ‘of the ignorant and poverty-stricken, and the degraded popu-
Jation of your own land; and we shall do it swith faithfulness, yet
with kindness.’ ‘Sisters, your land is filled with slaves—slaves to
ignorance, slaves to penury, and slaves to vice.’ England has no sys-
tem of public instruction worthy of the name. In New York alone,
more is spent in education than the annual Parliament grant for the
same purpose in England. In New York one-third of the population
are at public schools, in England only one-eleventh :—

«You, whom we are addressing, live in all parts of England, but
everywhere, in the metropolis, in the manufacturing towns, and in the
country, you see about you the most pitiable destitution and degrada-
tion. In London there are, we understand, more than 1,000,000 of
immortal beings who are never seen in the house of God, and practi-
cally think the thoughts and live the lives of absolute heathens. The
condition of a large portion of the labouring population of that vast
city may be judged from the fact that of its 20,000 journeymen tailors,
14,000 can barely earn a miserable subsistence by working fourteen
hours a day, Sunday included; and that it contains 33,000 needlewo-
men, who earn on an average only 43d. a day, by working fourteen
hours. There are 50,000 people in London who obtain their living
in the streets, and Henry Mayhew, an authority whom you will not
venture to question, says of them, ‘When the religious, moral, and
intellectual degradation of the majority of these 50,000 people is im-
pressed upon us, it becomes positively appalling to contemplate the
yast amount of vice, ignorance, and want existing in the very heart of
our land.” There are 30,000 costermongers ; of these he says ‘only
one-tenth—at the outside one-tenth—of the couples living together and
carrying on their costermongering trade are married ;’ that ‘not three
in a hundred of them had ever been in the interior of a church or any
place of worship, or knew what was meant by Christianity, and only
one in ten of them is able to read.’ In your manufacturing towns the
case is no better. In Glasgow there are 60,000 women engaged in
factories or needlework, whose average earnings do not exceed 7s. or
264 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

*8s.a week. Dr. Patterson, whom you know and respect as one of the
most eminent divines in that city, stated, in a public speech not long
since, that in three wynds, constituting but a portion of his parish,
there were, in a population of 3,232, only 83 church sittings, or little

. more than an average of 23 to 100, and that in the whole locality there
were only 117 Bibles. ‘ Certain itis,’ he exclaims, ‘that nothing short
of a levy en masse of whatever there is of living Christianity in the
city, in all the branches of the Church of Christ, will suffice to make
head against the augmenting ignorance and ungodliness and infidelity
with which we have to deal. If wedo not destroy the evil, it will de-
stroy us.’ Out of 10,461 burials in that city in 1850, no less than
2,381, or nearly a fourth, were at the public expense. Glasgow, in
these particulars, is but a specimen of your manufacturing towns
generally. So, too,of your country population. A very large number of
your agricultural population live in filthy and crowded cottages, where
the sexes are in close and perilous contact night and day, where de-
cency is difficult and comfort impossible; the effect of which is to
break down the barriers of morality, to obliterate all the sweet and
saving attractions of a home, to weaken and desecrate all domestio
ties, and to brutalise the manners and debase every natural feeling,
The cottage accommodation of your villages is little or no better; and
the low tone of morality which this, in conjunction with other unfa-
vourable influences, has caused, may be inferred from the following
sad statement made last May in the North British Review :—‘There
are few things more remarkable in the sight of observant residents
in many country villages than the small number of marriages sol-
emnised in the course of the year. Among these few things, we are
afraid, must be mentioned the number of illegitimate children that are
born into the world. In some villages, indeed, these events are of such
frequent occurrence as to excite neither surprise nor indignation.

ods ca, oe There is something in this kind of insensibility which
is very chilling and disheartening. This obtuseness of the moral
senses, this deadness to shame, makes one almost despair over it.
When the standard of public opinion is so low, there is little hope of
practical improvement.’

“* But, sisters, we have said enoughs and we now appeal to you very
seriously to reflect, and to ask counsel of God how far such a state of
things is in accordance with his [oly Word, the inalienable rights of
immortal souls, and the pure and merciful spirit of the Christian
religion, . 2... :

“* Now, sisters, we do not shut our eyes to the difficulties that might
beset the sudden elevation of your degraded population to the rights
and the dignity of manhood. But, nevertheless, we cannot be silent on
those systems of your society which, in direct contravention of God’s
own law, deny in effect to the poor labourer the sanctity of marriage,
with all its joys, rights, and obligations; nor can we be silent on that
awful policy which, either by law, or by the absence of law precludes
any race of men, or any portion of the human family, from that edu-
cation which alone can enable them to understand the truths of the
Gospel and the ordinances of Christianity. We appeal to you as sisters,
as wives, and as muthers, to raise your voices to your fellow-citizens,
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 265

and your prayers to God, for the removal of England’s sh
the birlatian world,’ ” . Spann org are

*2. Physical Condition.
From the London Guardian of Jan. 19, 1853.
(1.) Tae Poor anp rue Potice.

“ The report of Capt. Hay, one of the Commissioners of the Metro-
olitan Police, on the operation of the Common Lodging-house Act,
just made to the Secretary of State of the Home Department, has
laid bare a state of things in reference to the habitations and mode of
living of the very poor which might, perhaps, have been suspected,
but could hardly be thoroughly rea lined by any of us until the
wretched details were thus published by authority. Have any of us
ever asked ourselves what becomes at nicht of those destitute creatures
who prowl about the thoroughfares of London and our other great
towns, who rise in the morning without the certainty of a meal during
the day,—who exist partly by petty pilfering, and whom not even the
efficiency of the modern system of police has hitherto appeared per-
ceptibly to affect. If we wish to see how a portion of our fellow-beings
are lodged, this official report will tell us. In a small eight-roomed
house in a feetid alley, built up close at the back, so that the circula-
tion of even the smallest current of air is rendered impossible, are to be
found seventy or eighty persons huddled together, several families ina
single small room, each occupying its respective corner. These places
are never white-washed, not even cleansed, and are utterly destitute of
the most ordinary appliances of decency. Not to dwell on these dis-
gusting details any longer, let us pass on to another feature of the
report.. We are told that great good has already been effected,—that
the inspecting police-sergeants walk several hundred miles every week
in the performance of their duties, and that by their exertions, aided
by the co-operation of the magistracy, numbers of these dens have
been cleaned out and white-washed, and the owners compelled to obey
the law by limiting the numbers of their lodgers. So far as it goes
this is well enough. It must be an unspeakable blessing to the better
part of a neighbourhood to get these hotbeds of filth, and its accom-
panying typhus and small pox, put in some sort of order; but how
came such a state of things ever to arise at all, and may we not be
quenching the evil in one part to reappear with increased malignity
in another?

““We ask—and we should like the attention of those to whom the
administration of the Common Lodging-house Act is intrusted, to turn
their attention to the point—how much of the evil is of comparatively
recent date, and whether it is not in great measure clearly attributa-
ple to the careless indifference of Parliament and the public? At the
time when New Oxford-street was being opened, and Victoria-street
in Westminster projected—vast improvements undoubtedly to the
surrounding property—it was asked by ourselves, in common with
some of our contemporaries, whether any one had considered for an
instant the inevitable fate of the people thus turned into the streets.

34 x
266 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

That portion of St. Giles’ traversed by New Oxford-street, and the
Almonry, now extinguished by Victoria-street, were, no doubt, two
of the vilest haunts in our great metropolis. But for all that, they
were then inhabited-by several thousands of human beings, who were
remorselessly turned out without a thought being given to their future
fate. Lodge somewhere they of necessity must, and where were they
to go, except to places already occupied by those ina like condition
with themselves? It was pointed ont at the time, that, as a conse-
quence of providing no substitute for the dwellings pulled down in
the course of the alterations, other haunts of wretchedness would
henceforth be doubly crowded, and that, while the shopkeepers of
Oxford-street, and the dwellers near the Houses of Parliament, might
with reason congratulate themselves on the removal from their neigh-
bourhood of a mass of dirt and crime, the evil would infallibly show
itself in an aggravated form in some other quarters. And so it has
come to pasa; thenceforth common lodging-houses have become the
most valuable description of property. The door of a room is let out
at so.much a foot—it might almost be said at so much an inch; and
where, some years ago, forty or fifty people might be found in one
small dwelling, seventy or cighty are now congregated.

“ And row that the evil is laid bare, are any steps being taken to
remedy it? None, or next to none, it would seem. A course of fining
and imprisoning may indeed compel the lodging-housekeepers of a,
particular quarter to clean out their houses, and admit no more than
a certain number ata time, but what has been done to house the
people displaced? Take the case of a house in which, prior to the
visits of the inspecting sergeant of police, eighty wretches were piled,
and suppose that, thanks to magisterial severity and an active police
supervision, the number is henceforth reduced to thirty, what has
become of the remaining fifty? The question is not difficult townswer.
Lodge they must somewhere. It appears by the reports that, accord-
ing to the calculations of the police, about half the, houses only,
subject to the operation of the act, have hitherto been visited. We
may feel quite sure that those who have been displaced from their old
quarters in the inspected half, have been driven to find shelter in that
portion which the visits of the police have not yet reached. It may
be fully expected that if the authorities continue these reports peri-
odically, the evil, though apparently narrowed in area, will increase
in intensity. In a class of houses where eighty people may now be
stowed, it must not surprise us if we read of a hundred or so on some
future occasion. But even let it be supposed, for the sake of argu-
ment, that every common lodging-house has been visited and set in
order, and its inmates reduced to the legal number, and that a strong
staff of police takes care that the law is not again infringed. It is
said that the houses already inspected amount to one-half of the total
number of those in existence in London, and that they form the habi-
tation of fifty thousand persons. So that it may be assumed there
‘are in London one hundred thousand persons or so who live in this
way. It is quite clear that the least the police can do is to clear out
at least one-half of the number from each house, and even then they
would be probably too crowded. Nevertheless, suppose one half are
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 267

allowed to remain, and then where are the other half to goto; What
is to hecome of the fifty thousand men, women, and children turned
out to sleep in the streets? Have our legislators ever given this view
of the question a single thought? The fact is, we are all of us apt to
be careless and indifferent except to what immediately affects us; and
it is only when the matter is forced on our notice, that we try to
realize the condition of those in a different sphere. It is not merely
in London that this blind sanitary zeal has manifested itself. Some
years ago it was found that there were numbers of people in Liverpool
living in damp, close, unwholesome cellars; the Corporation deter-
mined to make a clean sweep, a private Act of Parliament was ob-
tained without difficulty, and the cellars were cleared, but their
occupants had no where to go to. Legislation had not done anything
for their accommodation, and frightful scenes of misery were the
result of this indiscriminating reform. .

“The remedy, indeed, is simple enough. To turn people out of
their dwellings without providing places for them to go to, is mani-
festly beginning at the wrong end. Sanitary reform is an excellent
thing, but what right have the rich to throw its weight exclusively on
the poor? The rich man gets compensation when turned out of his
dwelling, not so the poor vagrant. So far as street improvements are
concerned, nothing can be simpler than the course which should inva-
riably be adopted. Dwellings for the poor as well as for the rich
should in every case be erected on a portion of the ground cleared for
the improvements, in numbers sufficient to accommodate properly the
poorer population displaced. It is no particular inconvenience to the
rich man who keeps his carriage, or even to him who can afford his
threepence for an omnibus, if he is obliged to live a little further from
his place of business ; but a large portion of-the poor are of necessity
obliged to live in the centre of the metropolis, and some accommoda-
tion ought to be provided for them. Nor have the richer inhabitants
of the neighbourhood any reason to fear, if, when a rookery is cleared
out, proper accommodation be provided in its stead, the upgrowth of
a new St. Giles’s or anew Almonry. The dwellings for the humbler
classes erected in St. Pancras—not a particularly healthy situation—
have proved that it is possible, and not very difficult, to keep the
mortality of poor families in London below that of the average mor-
tality of England. It is quite possible to make London a healthy
place for all of us; and although, unfortunately, moral improvement
does not necessarily keep pace with physical comforts, one thing is
certain, that if any set of human beings he lodged and treated mate-
rially as beasts, or worse than beasis, their moral and intellectual
natures will soon undergo an analogous degradation.”

From the London Morning Herald of March 30, 1853.

(2) “ConprTIon of THE Poor rv Lonpon.

“Not very far from the spot where we write, within no very great
distance of the residences of many of our aristocracy, lies one of those
dark and gloomy ‘courts’ which all over London are thronged by the
poor. It is not, we believe, worse than hundreds of others, but it has
268 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

been explored, and to the humanity of those who have visited its
dismal chambers, we are indebted for a description of the dwellings,
and the daily life of myriads of our swarming population. :

“The ‘court’ of which we write, Charlotte-buildings, off Gray’s-inn-
lane, contains 15 houses, and these 15 houses give, each containing
eight rooms, shelter, upon the very lowest. calculation, to a population
of very nearly 1000 persons! ! The description of one of these houses
js the description of all. Will our readers bear with us while we take
them dheonl its apartments, as they are described by an eye-witness.
We begin with the two rooms upon the ground floor:

“In the front room ‘there are no bedsteads, chairs, or tables; a few
ragged clothes are drying before a little fire in the grate; above the
mantel are a looking-glass about three inches high, and some torn
prints of the crucifixion, &c.; in the cupboards, without doors, are
pieces of broken crockery; a kind of bed in one corner, with children
asleep; the floor rotten in many parts, the walls and ceiling sadly
cracked. The rent is 2s. 3d. per week, which is called for every
Monday, and must be paid on Wednesday.’

“We are not told who are the inmates of this chamber, but the
room immediately behind it ‘presents a sad scene of distress—the
man, his wife, and some children, earn a living by chopping fire-wood ;
the man had been ill, and not able to rise for two days; he was lying
on a quantity of wood-shavings, and was covered with an old black
and ragged blanket; his skin did not appear as if it had been washed
for weeks ; he was very ill, and evidently in a state of fever ; his wife
was almost equally dirty. ‘ We have'no wood to chop,’ was the expres-
sion of their ultimate distress. This room was much dilapidated, and
they had suffered greatly during the late severe weather, owing to the
broken condition of the windows. The rent was 1s. 9d. per week;
the window overlooks a back yard, the condition of which was
shocking.’

‘These, it will be remembered, are not the haunts of the outcasts
of society, who live by plunder. This wretched back room is the
hiding-place of a miserable couple who, with their children, attempt
to earn their bread by an humble, an ill-requited, but an honest in-
ons The expression of their worst distress is, ‘We have no wood
to chop.’

* che first floor,’ continues the writer, ‘both back and front, was
crowded with inhabitants. The people acknowledged that fifteen
persons slept in the two little rooms last night ; the walls were cracked
and dirty, and the ceiling constantly falls upon the floor while the
inmates are taking their food. One woman said that a part of the
cracked hearthstone from above had fallen amongst the children, The
rent of the front room is 2s. 3d.; hack, 1s. 9d. Continuing our way
up stairs, we found the state of tho staircase of the rooms worse and
worse. In the front room two puir, when our eyes had become accus-
tomed to the Rembrandtish gloom, we found fiftcen persons!! Some had
been selling onions, &e., in the strects, some begging, one or two were
seemingly bricklayer’s laborers, and others had been working at the
carrion heaps in the neighborhood’ ="

“The others presented the same dismal picture, with the addition
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 269

of hohs in the roof, through which the winds, and rains, and snows,
made their way upon the inmates of this wretched tenement. For
these attics the rent was the same as for the lower apartments—an
anomaly accounted for by the fact that ‘the landlord removes to the
upper rooms those who may be a shilling or so in arrear of rent’ The
annual sum extorted from these miserable beings for the hire of this
one house amounts to upwards of £40!!—a rent infinitely greater, in
proportion, than is paid for the noblest palaces of the West-End.

“Tt is difficult to realize the appalling truth; that in one small court
of this great metropolis, one thousand human beings are at this mo-
ment thus existing. Multiply this number by that of the similar
receptacles of human misery that surround us, and we may venture
to set against all the degradation of human nature that prevails over ten
thousand - square miles of the most savage district upon earth, the utter
abasement of our fellow-creatures, which is, at the very hour when we
wrue, contained within the limits of the metropolis of great and Christian
England.

“ Let men prate as they will about our progress, we do not believe
that scenes like these existed in the olden time. Discomfort there
may have been—distress, and hard and pinching times, but we do not
beheve that any generation but our own has ever witnessed so hideous
a congregation of squalid, abject, and hopeless destitution as is to be
found in these loathsome receptacles to which our busy civilization
drives its cast off and rejected victims to rot.”

From the London Times, of March 30, 1853.
(3) “Tux Ware Staves or Encianp.

“What is slavery? ‘A slave,’ says Dr. Noah Webster, in his dic-
tionary published at New York, ‘is a person wholly subject to the
will of another; one who has no will of his own, but whose person
and services are wholly under the control of another.” The learned
lexicographer—and surely at New York men should be acquainted
with the rights of the subject—proceeds to inform us that, in the early
ages of the world, prisoners of war were considered and treated as
slaves. ‘The slaves of modern times,’ he adds, ‘are generally pur-
chased like horses or oxen.’ Our own Dr. Johnson defines a slave as
being one ‘mancipated to a master—not a freeman—a dependant—
one who has lost the power of resistance.’ Mr. Charles Richardson,
on the other hand, considers a slave as a person ‘who is reduced to
captivity—to servitude—to bondage; who is bound or compelled to
serve, labor, or toil for another.’ 3

‘There is always some little trouble about a definition, and proba-
bly it requires the eobbling and filing of more than one generation to
produce anything like a perfect one. There are, however, certain
conditions of life which any lexicographer would endeavor to include
in his dragnet, if he were attempting to give a definition of slavery.
We are all agreed about the Uncle Toms and colored population of
the Southern States of the American Union. They are slaves—not
only in name, but in fact—kindly treated, we believe, in the majority.
of instances—but still essentially slaves. When we endeavor to goa

x*¥
270 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

little further we find ourselves considerably embarrassed. A man is
the slave of his own bad passions,—of his lust after gain or power,
But this will scarcely do, for, by enlarging the definition too much,
the essence and reality of the thing to be defined is altogether lost,

“Tt may perhaps be better to begin, at the other end, and ascend
from particulars to generals. Granting that the negro gangs who
are worked on the cotton grounds of the Southern States of North
America, or in the sugar plantations of. Brazil, are slaves, in what
way should we speak of persons who are circumstanced in the manner
we are about to relate? Let us consider them as inhabitants of a
distant region—say of New Orleans—no matter about the color of
their skins, and then ask ourselves what should be our opinion of a
nation in which such things are tolerated. They are of a sex and age
the least qualified to struggle with the hardships of their lot—young
women, for the most part, between 16 and 30 years of age. As we
would not deal in exaggerations, we would premise that we take them
at their busy season, just as writers upon American slavery are care-
ful to select the season of cotton-picking and sugar-crushing as illus-
trations of their theories. The young female slaves, then, of whom
we speak, are worked in gangs in ill ventilated rooms, or rooms that
are not ventilated at all, for it is found by experience that, if air be
admitted, it brings with it ‘blacks’ of another kind, which damage
the work upon which the seamstresses are employed. Their occupa-
tion is to sew from morning till night, and night till morning—stitch,
stitch, without’ pause—without speech—without a smile—without a
sigh. In the gray of the morning they must be at work, say at six
o’clock, having a quarter of an hour allowed for breaking their fast,
The food served out to them is scanty and miserable enough, but still,
in all probability, more than their fevered system can digest.

“We do not, however, wish to make out a case of starvation; the
suffering is of another kind—equally dreadful of endurance. From
six o’clock, then, till eleven, it is stitch, stitch. At eleven, a small
piece of dry bread is served to each seamsttess, but still she must
stitch on. At one o’clock, twenty minutes are allowed for dinner—a
slice of meat and a potatoe, with a glass of toast‘and water to each
workwoman. Then again to work—stitch, stitch—until five o’clock,
when fifteen minutes are again allowed for tea. The needles are then
set in motion once more—stitch, stitch—until nine o’clock, when
fifteen minutes are allowed for supper—a piece of dry bread and
cheese, and a glass of beer. From nine o’clock at night until one,
two, and three o’clock in the morning, stitch, stitch; the only break
in this long period being a minute or two—just time enough to swal-
low a cup of strong tea, which is supplied lest the young people should
‘feel sleepy.’ At three o’clock, A. M., to bed; at six o’clock, A. M,,
out of it again to resume the duties of the following day. There must
be a good deal of monotony in the occupation.

“ But when we have said that for certain months of the year these
unfortunate young persons are worked in the manner we describe, we
have not said all. Even during the few hours allotted to sleep—
should we not rather say to a feverish cessation from toil ?—their
miseries continye. They are cooped up in sleeping-pens, ten in a
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 271

room which would perhaps be sufficient for the accommodation of two
persons. The alternation is from the treadmill—and what a tread-
mill!—to the Black Hole of Calcutta. Not a word of remonstrance is
allowed, or is possible. The seamstresses may leave the mill, no
doubt ;* but what awaits them on the other side of the door ?—starva-
tion, if they be honest—if not, in all probability, prostitution and its
consequences. They would scarcely escape from slavery that way.
Surely this is a very terrible state of things, and one which claims the
anxious consideration of the ladies of England, who have pronounced
themselves so loudly against the horrors of negro slavery in the United
States. Had this system of oppression against persons of their own
sex been really exercised in New Orleans, 1t would have elicited from
them many expressions of sympathy for the sufferers, and of abhor-
rence for the cruel taskmasters who could so cruelly overwork wretched
creatures so unfitted to the toil.

“Jt is idle to use any further mystification in the matter. The
scenes of misery we have described exist at our own doors, and in the
most fashionable quarters of luxurious London. It is in the dress-
making and millinery establishments of the ‘West End,’ that the
system is steadily pursued. The continuous labor is bestowed upon
the gay garments in which the ‘ladies of England’ love to adorn
themselves. It is to satisfy their whims and caprices, that their
wretched sisters undergo these days and nights of suffering and toil.
It is but right that we should confess the fault does not lie so much
at the door of the customers as with the principals of these establish-
ments. The milliners and dressmakers of the metropolis will not
employ hands enough to do the work. They increase their profits
from the blood and life of the wretched creatures in their employ.
Certainly the prices charged for articles of dress at any of the great
West End establishments are sufficiently high—as most English heads
of families know to their cost—to enable the proprietors to retain a
competent staff of workpeople, and at the same time to secure a very
handsome profit to themselves.

“Wherein, then, lies the remedy? Will the case of these poor
seamstresses be bettered if the ladies of England abstain partially, or
in great measure, from giving their usual orders to their usual houses?
In that case, it may be said, some of the seamstresses will be dis-
missed to starvation, and the remainder will be overworked as before.
We freely confess we do not see our way through the difficulty; for we
hold the most improbable event in our social arrangements to be the
fact, that a lady of fashion will employ a second-rate instead of 4 first-
rate house for the purchase of her annual finery. The leading milli-
ners and dressmakers of London have hold of English society at both
ends. They hold the ladies by their vanity and their love of fine
clothes, and the seamstresses by what appears to be their interest and
by their love of life. Now, love of fine clothes and love of life are two
yery strong motive-springs of human action. : :

“4 correspondent who has addressed us upon this subject, suggests
that the ladies of England—the censurers of American slavery, with
the Duchess of Sutherland at their head—should refuse to give their
patronage to any houses in which the twelye-hour system was not
272 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

strictly adhered to. We confess we see difficulties in the way, but
not greater than ‘woman’s wit’ might overcome, if fairly brought to
bear upon the question. The customers, the principals, the seam-
stresses, are all women. They are more competent to deal with each
other than men could by any possibility be. If the Sutherland-house
committee would fairly set the example, and carry out their design
with sufficient vigilance, we doubt not they could execute the task.
They did not shrink from the wholesale difficulty of emancipating the
3,000,000 or 4,000,000 negroes of the United States,—why hesitate at
grappling with the London mantuamakers, who are dependent for
their existence upon the good will and patronage of their customers?
No doubt their intelligence will find a way out of difficulties which
puzzle the masculine brain.

“We should be glad indeed to see any effective movement afoot,
which would compel the milliners of the metropolis to employ a suffi-
cient number of hands, and consequently to work only for a limited
number of hours. God knows, twelve hours of labor and confinement
are quite sufficient for any young woman to go through in the course
of aday. For ourselves, we can but point to other climates where
toil meets with its appropriate reward, and urge these unfortunates
to leave their native shores as soon as passage money can be scraped
together. Those who go will find a better England at the other side
of the globe, and those who remain will find the market in a more
wholesome condition. Almost every week we have to record a strike
for increase of wages among certain classes of male laborers—it is
time that the turn of the overworked women had come.”

From Hood’s “ Lay of the Laborer :”—

(4.) “*‘What matters? said a grey-headed man, in fustian, in
answer to a warning nudge and whisper from his neighbor. ‘If walls
has ears, they are welcome to what they can ketch—ay, and the
stranger to boot—if so be he don’t know all about us already—for it’s
all in print. What we yarn, and what we spend—what we eat, and
what we drink—what we wear, and the cost on it from top to'toe—
where we sleep, and how many on us lie in a bed—our consarns are
as common as waste land.’

“ «And as many geese and donkeys turned on to them, I do think!’
cried a young fellow in velveteens—‘ to hear how folk cackle and bray
about our states. And then the queer remedies as is prescribed, like,
for a starving man! A Bible, says one—a reading made easy, says
another—a temperance medal, says another—or maybe a hagricul-
tural prize. But what is he to eat, lax? Why, saystone, a Corkas-
sian Jew—says another, a cricket-ball—says another, a may-pole—
and says another, the Wenus bound for Iforsetrailye.’

“ «As if idle hands and empty pockets,’ said the grey-headed man,
‘did not make signs, of themsclves, for work and wages—and a hungry
belly for bread and cheese.’

««That’s true, any how,’ said one of the water-drinkers. ‘I only
wish that a doctor would come at this minute, and listen with his
telescope on my stomach, and he would hear it a-talking as plain as
our magpie, and saying, I wants wittles.’
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 273

“There was a general peal of mirth at this speech, but brief, and
ending abruptly, as laughter does, when extorted by the odd treat-
ment of a serious subject—a flash followed by deeper gloom. The
conversation then assumed a graver tone; each man in turn recount-
ing the trials, privations, and visitations, of himself, his wife, and
children, or his neighbor’s—not mentioned with fierceness, inter-
mingling oaths and threats, not with bitterness—some few allusions
excepted to harsh overseers or miserly masters—but as soldiers or
sailors describe the hardships and sufferings they have had to en-
counter in their rough vocation, and evidently endured in their own
persons with a manly fortitude. If the speaker's voice faltered, or his
eyes moistened, it was only when he painted the sharp bones showing
through the skin, the skin through the rags, of the wife of his bosom ;
or how the traditional wolf, no longer to be kept from the door, had
tushed in and fastened on his young ones. What a revelation it was!
Fathers, with more children than shillings per weeck—mothers trav-
ailing literally in the straw—infants starving before the parents’
eyes, with cold, and famishing for food! Human creatures, male and
female, old and young, not gnawed and torn by single woes, but wor-
ried at once by winter, disease and want, as by that triple-headed
dog, whelped in the realm of torments !

“My ears tingled, and my cheeks flushed with self-reproach, re-
membering my fretful impatience under my own inflictions, no light
ones either, till compared with the heavy complications of anguish,
moral and physical, experienced by those poormen. My heart swelled
with indignation, my soul sickened with disgust, to recall the sobs,
sighs, tears, and hysterics—the lamentations and imprecations be-
stowed by pampered selfishness on a sick bird or beast, a sore finger,
a swelled toe, a lost rubber, a missing luxury, an ill-made garment, a
culinary failure !—to think of the cold looks and harsh words cast by
the same eyes and lips, eloquent in self-indulgence, on nakedness,
starvation, and poverty. Wealth, with his own million of money,
peinting to the new half-farthings as fitting money to the million—
gluttony, gorged with dainties, washed down by iced champagne,
complacently commending his humble brethren to the. brook of
Elisha and the salads of Nebuchadnezzar; and fashion, in furs and
velvet, comfortably beholding her squalid sisters shivering in robes de
zephyr, woven by winter itself, with the warp of a north, and the
woof of an east wind! ; : ;

“<The job up at Bosely is finished,’ said one of the middle-aged
men. ‘I have enjoyed but three days’ work in the last fortnight, -
and God above knows where I shall get another, even at a shilling a
day. And nine mouths to feed, big and ,little—and nine backs to
elothe—with the winter a-setting in—and the rent behind-hand—and
never a bed to lie on, and my good woman, poor soul, ready to :
a choking sound and a hasty gulp of water smothered the rest of the
sentence, ‘There must be something done for us—there Must, he
added, with an emphatic slap of his-broad, brown, barky hand, that
made the glasses jingle and the idle pipes clatter on the board. And
every voice in the room echoed ‘there must,’ my own involuntarily
swelling the chorus.

35

 
274. APPENDIX TO NOTES.

“¢Ay, there must, and that full soon,’ said the gray-headed man
in fustian, with an upward appealing look, as if through the smoky
clouds of the ceiling to God himself for confirmation of the neces-
sity. ‘But come, lads, time’s up, so let’s have our chant, and then
squander,’

“The company immediately stood up; and one of the elders with a
deep bass voice, and to a slow, sad air, began a rude song, the compo-
sition, probably, of some provincial poet of his own class, the rest of
the party joining occasionally in a verse that served for the burden.

‘A spade! a rake! a hoe!

A pickaxe, or a bill!

A hook to reap, or a scythe to mow,
A flail, or what you will—

And here’s a ready hand
To ply the needful tool,

And skilled enough by lessons rough
In labor’s rugged school.

‘To hedge, or dig the ditch,

To lop or fell the tree,
To lay the swarth on the sultry field,

Or plough the stubborn lea,

The harvest stack to bind,
The wheaten rick to thatch ;

And never fear in my pouch to find
The tinder or the match.

‘To a flaming barn or farm

My fancies never roam;

The fire I yearn to kindle and burn
Is on the hearth of home;

Where children huddle and crouch
Through dark long winter days,

Where starving children huddle and crouch
To see the cheerful rays,

A-glowing on the haggard cheek,
And not in the haggard’s blaze!

‘To Him who sends a drought
To parch the fields forlorn,

The rain to flood the meadows with mud,
The blight to blast the corn—

To Him_I leave to guide
The bolt in its crooked path,

To strike the miser’s rick, and show

The skies blood-red with wrath.

‘A spade! arake! a hoe!
A pickaxe, or a bill!

A hook to reap, or a scythe to mow,
A flail, or what ye will—
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 275

The corn to thrash; or the hedge to plash,
The market team to drive,
‘Or mend the fence by the cover side,
And leave the game alive.

* Ay, only give me work,
And then you need rot fear
That I shall snare his worship’s hare,
Or kill his grace’s deer—
Break into his lordship’s house,
To steal the plate so rich,
Or leave the yeoman that had a purse
To welter in the ditch.

‘Wherever nature needs,

Wherever labor calls,

No job I’ll shirk of the hardest work,
To shun the workhouse walls ;

Where savage luws begrudge
The pauper babe its breath,

And doom a wife to a widow’s life
Before her partner's death.

‘My only claim is this,
With labor stiff and stark,
By lawful turn my living to earn,
Between the light and dark—
My daily bread and nightly bed,
My bacon and drop of beer—
But all from the hand that holds the land,
And none from the overseer!

«No parish money or loaf,

No pauper badges for me,

A son of the soil, by right of toil,
Entitled to my fee.

No alms I ask, give me my task:
Here are the arm, the leg,

The strength, the sinews of a man,
To work, and not to beg.

«Still one of Adam’s heirs,
Though doomed by chance of birth

To dress so mean, and eat the lean
Instead of the fat of the earth ;

To make such humble meals

As honest labor can,

A bone and a crust, with a grace to God,
And little thanks to man!

+A spade! arake! a hoe!
A pickaxe, or a bill!
A hook to reap, or a scythe to mow,
A flail, or what ye wil—
276 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

Whatever the tool to ply,
Here is a willing drudge,

With muscle and limb—and wo to him
Who does their pay begrudge.

‘Who every weekly score
Docks labor’s little mite,
Bestows on the poor at the temple-door,
But robbed them over-night.
The very shilling he hoped to save,
As health and morals fail, ‘
Shall visit me in the New Bastile,
The spital or the gaol!’

«Ag the last ominous word ceased ringing, the candle-wick suddenly
dropped into the neck of the stone bottle, and all was darkness and
silence.

* * te * * * * *

“ The vision is dispelled—the fiction is gone—but a fact and a figure
remain.

“ Some time since, a strong inward impulse moved me to paint the
destitution of an overtasked class of females, who work, work, work,
for wages almost nominal. But deplorable as is their condition, in
the low deep, there is, it seems, a lower still—below that gloomy
gulf a darker region of human misery—beneath that purgatory a
hell-——resounding with more doleful wailings and a sharper outery—
the voice of famishing wretches, pleading vainly for work! work!
work !—imploring as a blessing, what was laid upon man as a
curse—the labor that wrings sweat from the brow, and bread from
the soil! :

“As a matter of conscience, that wail touches me not. As my
works testify, I am of the working class myself, and in my humble
sphere furnish employment for many hands, including paper-makers,
draughtsmen, engravers, compositors, pressmen, binders, folders, and
stitchers—and crities—all receiving a fair day’s wages for a fair day’s
work. My gains consequently are limited—not nearly so enormous
as have been realized upon shirts, slops, shawls, &c.—curiously illus-
trating how a man or woman might be ‘clothed with curses as with
a garment.’ My fortune may be expressed without a long row of
those ciphers—those 0’s at once significant of hundreds of thousands
of pounds, and as many ejaculations of pain and sorrow from depend-
ent slaves. My wealth might all be hoarded, if I were miserly, ina
gallipot or a tin snuff-box. My guineas, placed edge to edge, instead
of extending from the Minories to Golden Square, would barely reach
from home to Bread Street. My riches would hardly allow me a roll
in them, even if turned into the new copper mites. But then, thank
God! no reproach clings to my coin. No tears or blood clog the
meshes, no hair, ee in desperation, is knitted with the silk of
my lean purse. 0 consumptive seamstress can point at me her
bony forefinger, and say, ‘For thee, sewing in forma pauperis, I am
become this living skeleton!’ or hold up to me her fatal needle, as
one through the eye of which the scriptural camel must pass ere 1
APPENDIX TO NOTES. QTT

may hope to enter heaven. No withered work-woman, shaking at me
her dripping suicidal locks, can cry, in a piercing voice, ‘ For thee,
and for six poor pence, I embroidered eighty flowers on this veil’—
literally a veil of tears. No famishing laborer, his joints racked with
toil, holds out to me in the palm of his broad, hard hand, seven mise-
rable shillings, and mutters, ‘For these, and « parish loaf, for six
long days, from dawn till dusk, through hot and cold, through wet
and dry, I tilled thy land!’ My short sleeps are peaceful; my dreams
untroubled. No ghastly phantoms with reproachful faces, and silence
more terrible than speech, haunt my quict pillow. No victims of
slow murder, ushered by the avenging fiends, beset my couch, and
make awful appointments with me to meet at the Divine bar on the
day of judgment. No deformed human creatures—men, women, and
children, smirched black as negroes, transfigured suddenly, as demons
of the pit, clutch at my heels to drag-me down, down, down, an un-
futhomable shaft, into a gaping Tartarus. And if sometimes in waking
visions I see throngs of little faces, with features preternaturally
sharp, and wrinkled brows, and dull, seared orbs—grouped .with
pitying clusters of the young-eyed cherubim—not for me, thank
Heaven! did those crippled children become prématurely old; and
precociously evaporate, like so much steam power, the ‘dew of their
youth.’

“For me, then, that doleful cry from the starving unemployed, has
no extrinsic horror; no peculiar pang, beyond that sympathetic one,
which must affect the species in general.”

In proof (if proof is needed,) of what is said above, ‘‘ Fathers, with
more children than shillings per week,” read the following from the
London Guardian of Feb. 9th, 1853, and recollect that a shilling, ster-
ling, is less than twenty-five cents, and that out of this pittance there
are “nine mouths to feed, big and little—and nine backs to clothe” —
and fuel to purchase, and rent to pay, besides,—and then say, is it to
be wondered at, that the men “declined to split the difference ?”

(5.) “The effects of emigration are being shown in a general de-
mand for higher wages; the carpenters and joiners of the city of
Bristol have publicly addressed a circular to their employers gene-
rally, in which they solicit an advance of 6d. per day on their present
rate of wages. The shipwrights of Davenport have memorialised the
Government for an increase; but the most determined demand has
been made by the laborers of South Wiltshire. At Barford, Codford,
and Fovant, they have struck for an advance of two shillings,—that
is, from seven shillings to nine; and a settlement on Friday evening.
The farmers resist ; the peasants go for nine shillings or nothing. On
Monday, nearly two hundred laborers marched from farm to farm
stating their case, and behaving with propriety and good sense. The
Reverend Mr. Waldegrave, Vicar of Barford, was called in to mediate ;
and he proposed to split the difference, urging the men to accept a
uniform rate of eight shillings a-week. The men declined.

Y
278 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

3. Moral Condition.
From the Boston Journal, of March 8, 1853.
‘«[ Foreign Correspondence of the Journal.]
(1.) “Lerrers rrom ENGuanp.

** Manchester and its Working Population—Their Amusements.
* ‘Mancuester, Feb. 17. 1853.

* Amid the excitement and bustle of this stirring place, one has little
time to collect his thoughts; and it is only at a late hour of the night,
the present time 12 o’clock—when all is still, that I can put a thought
of, or a remark upon, what one sees, on paper. In going through the
immense warehouses full of the products of skill and industry, we are
struck with the magnitude of Britain’s trade; we are lost in estima-
ting its extent and endless variety; we are dazzled with the glare of
wealth lying in heaps throughout them; we are amazed at the recital
of the fortunes of self-made men, in some cases outstripping eyen the
fortunes of Whittington and his feline friend. But then, going from
these to view the immense machinery which produced all this, our
amazement increases. Leaving this and viewing the human machines
which work the former, or at least a great many of them, our amaze-
ment continues to increase, and in looking at these overwrought, hard-
working, degraded-looking specimens of humanity, we ask the ques-
tion—are these the ones who produce this wealth; are they the pos-
sesors of immortal souls like their employers, and do these employers
know it? Where are they, and whither are they going? _I, of course,
speak now of the lower class of operatives here, and not all of them—but
still a very large proportion. I know of nothing which England should
first look to of more importance to her own interest, and to the inter-
ests of humanity, than this question—the condition of the working
classes. Wages here are so low that the comforts of a home can be
enjoyed by them in but few instances, and the desire for amusement
of some kind, which is the ruling passion, drives them into the sup-
port, with their little earnings, of a kind of it which is most perni-
cious and demoralizing. The great fault is, the want of early educa-
tion, both of the head and heart. The uneducated man, having nothing
in himself on which he can depend for the gratification of his desire
for amusement, seeks it in a way which is most congenial to his own
feelings. An entertainment of a superior character he has no sym-
pathy with. There is too much of the animal about him to relish the
intellectual, and therefore, if we wish to elevate these classes, educa-
tion must be the foundation—an education of the heart as well as the
head—and then we may hope to raise a structure in which the fair
proportions of true manhood may be developed. Mechanics’ Institu-
tions have been got up, and they have done much good, but they do
not reach the classes I refer to. They are for the men who have had
some education ; they are like Greek or Hebrew to the lowest classes
in English society. Ragged Schools are one of the means now re-
sorted to, and the working of these have been, so far, successful. But
the effort is not general enough, and until it be so we will [shall] not
have a better state of things.
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 279

‘These remarks are suggested by visits which, in company with a
friend, I made to the places of amusement, which are the nightly re-
sorts of thousands in this city. I went to four, for the purpose of seeing
for myself. In the first place, we paid fourpence admission, which
included a glass of ale or porter. The performances consisted of
dances of the most obscene kind—and partly by children of only
twelve or thirteen years of age—sones, &e., ke. The audience here
was composed principally of young clerks of the lower grade and their
female companions; little family parties, father, mother, and a
few young shoots of the parent tree; the old lady now and then re-
freshing herself in the “dreadful ot place” with a drop of gin and
some crackers which she generously assists her dear Joe and the little
Joes to. A suspicious looking gentleman, wearing garments of a seedy
black, but withal rather well informed and apparently anxious to impart
his information to ‘ green uns” like myself, who appeared to have the
“cut ofa fresh hand.” Then there are the operatives of a better class,
with their wives, and then again poor pale-looking creatures, wearing
out their existence in the cellars of damp warehouses, with bleached
cheeks and sunken eyes, and sharp-pointed, red noses, chuckling to
themselves—laugh they cannot; they have forgotten how to doit; they
used to laugh when they were children, but that was a long time ago,
and there have been many changes since.

‘But we go into another place; it is not so large, but the admis-
sion is the same. The performance is going on; it must be a good
piece; roars of laughter are heard, but it is only at low jokes, and
vulgar buffoonery, and burlesque imitations of an old Yorkshireman
to act the part of a negro. Ilere the audience are of a lower grade,
and in the dress circle the gentlemen are habited in moleskin jackets
and greasy caps, the ladies in corresponding attire, and the whole ap-
pearance of them as human beings is sickening; a dull, heavy stare, or
a sly, cunning, low look, or a heavy-breathing, wide-mouthed non-ex-
pressiveness, or a determined headstrong, heartless scowl, seémed to
be settled on them all, and it was in vain that [looked for some whom
I could look upon as something that might shed lustre upon the name
of man. There they were, mostly very young persons—the children
probably of those who were like the family in the former place—whose
only comforts were found in the gin-bottle, whose happiness was only
away from home, at such places, instead of at home, where only true
pleasures can be found. ‘This way of spending the evening is the fruit
of the parents’ example, and this fruit ripens until it is nipped by the
gallows or the hulks.

‘The other places are shades worse even; and in all, the induce-
ments ta giianllare held out in this way : prices are low, say two pence,
four pence and six pence, with a glass of ale or gin included. To
show you the trade of these places, my friend informed me that only
the week before, the lowest and poorest of them was taken by a man
who paid £700 for the good will of the business, besides a large yearly
rent, and it was thought quite a bargain. A visit to one of these
places, among other things, to me at least, taught one lesson more

owerfully than ever I heard the pulpit teach it—the duty of accepting
hristianity and living in it——were it even for no higher object than
280 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

that of its being the only means of preventing us from being the com.
panions of the frequenters of such places in another world. This ig
certainly a low motive, and one which should not induce any man to
embrace it, but still, when for ten minutes we could hardly hear the
horror of such a place with such a company, how can we think of
bearing with the companionship of such throughout an eternity,
where no ray of hope can enter, and where the vilest wretches will be
the leading powers. Oh! Britain, thou art a noble land, and the
inhabitants of all lands must respect thee for what thou hast been;
put, remove these leprous spots in your social system, or a disease
may creep in, which will destroy your greatness far more effectually
than any foreign invasion ; which will sink you lower in the scale of
nations than ever you have been high in this scale. I will return
to this subject in future letters.
‘Very truly yours, J.B”

From the Boston Courier, as copied by the National Agis, of
April 13th, 1853.

(2) “Uncitz Tox anp Unciz Jonny.

«A month or two since, in commenting on what was done by those
‘silly women,’ the Duchess of Sutherland and her associates, we took
occasion to advise them to ‘look at home.’ Our abolitionist friends
waxed very wroth at this, and intimated that things were well enough
in England, though Englishmen did now and then sell their wives at
auction, with halters round their necks, nothing being done and very
little said against it by their neighbours. John Bull, however—shall
we say it—begins to think it high time to follow our advice. The
London Morning Chronicle of March 12th has a leading article com-
mencing as follows:

«<The bill for the protection of women and children, introdueed by
Mr. Fitzroy on Thursday night, is conceived in the right spirit. It
will go far to redeem what is, we fear, a national disgrace. Whether
we are in any degree indebted for it to the somewhat vivacious and
personal reply which the ‘Women of America’ sent to a recent ad-
dress from their British sisters, it is superfluous to inquire. Anyhow,
the stern realities of our Police Courts equal, if they do not surpass,
the fictitious horrors of Mrs. Beecher Stowe. It is high time that we
begin to look at home. Whether the crime of trampling upon a wife,
beating her with a poker, kicking and lacerating her person, aro
peculiar to England or to our own times, we know not. It is always
difficult to register the origin or progress of crime—all we can do is
to detect and suppress it. We suspect that even when ‘England was
merry England,’ there was always a good deal of coarse brutality
about the boasted British character ; and savage domestic tyranny, at
least in the lower ranks of socicty, is, we fear, no new phenomenon
in ourannals. Still it can hardly be doubted that cruel outrages upon
women, chiefly perpetrated by their husbands and -paramours, are
largely increasing.’

“This, we think, is sufficient to show that the milk-and-water sen-
timontality of Stafford House is held at a cheap rate by sensible peo-
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 281

ple in England, and that the ridiculous aspect of the pseudo-philan-
thropy, which melts into tears over romance, while it shuts its eyes
and hardens its heart to the misery that lies weltering at its own door,
is beginning to strike every thinking and feeling individual in that
country. Some of the ‘stern realities’ above referred to are reca-
pitulated in the course of what follows in the Chronicle. They form
a catalogue of horrid brutalities too painful to quote. We will give
a few of the London editor’s comments.

“*Here then—including Mr. Fitzroy’s list—are more than twenty
instances, occurring within two months, in London alone, of the most
foul and savage attacks committed mostly by men, on women and
defenceless children. The old chivalry of eommon life, which held
it base to lifta hand against a woman, seems to be extinct; and
things have come to such a pass that a poor man’s wife only claims
from the law of England that measure of protection which is freely
awarded to a dog or an ox. :

“*It may be difficult to assign a special cause for this frightful
degradation of the national character—for such we fear itis. We
fully believe that this mass of misery, domestic hatred, cowardly
assaults and murder, may in numberless instances be traced back to
the miserable lodgings of the London poor, and to the moral disad-
vantages arising from the absence of those checks which society im-
poses. A London artisan, early and late at his work, is uninfluenced
by social opinion—he has no neighbours—and thus, in the midst of
a crowded population, he may relapse into a state akin to that of the
solitary and the savage.’

“Stafford House, it is reasonable to think, should keep quiet for a
while, at least on the subject of Uncle Tom. After the well-fed Duch-
ess has lachrymated her prettiest over the pages of Mrs. Stowe, let
her make a real step, with literal shots and stockingg, into one of
these stern realities—‘ the miserable lodgings of the London poor’—
and remember that London is her home, and not ours. When that is
set to right, let the Duchess and her tender-hearted associates re-com-
mence their denunciations of American slavery; but not till then.”

Sometime since, I cut from an English newspaper an article headed,
“History and Politics. Centralization and Local Self-Government.”
The name and date of the paper I did not preserve, and have forgot-
ten, but it could, perhaps, be ascertained by the following descrip-
tion :—The columms are a quarter of an inch narrower than those of
the London Guardian. On the reverse of the side containing the
above-mentioned article, is the following :—‘‘ Law Intelligence. Ad-
miralty Court. Wednesday. The Neptune. Salvage.”—And under
this, the following :—‘‘ Court of Bankruptcy. Wednesday. Before
William Lionel Felix Tollemache.—Lord Hunting—r’s [part of the
last syllable is cut off,] Bankruptcy.’ In the paragraph that follows,
the bankrupt is described as the eldest son of the Karl of Dysart,
At the foot of the next column, is « paragraph on the ‘ Railways
Abandonment Bill.”—I give the above as a clue to the name and date
of the paper.—In the column last mentioned, is the following :—

36 ¥*
282 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

‘

(3.) A Very Youne Picxpocker.

“Thomas Connor, not quite 7 years old, and whose head was
scarcely level with the front of the dock, was convicted of picking the
pocket of a lady named Linthwaite, of a purse containing a sovereign
and six shillings. The father of the boy was in Court, and in answer
to questions put by the learned Judge and several Magistrates upon
the Bench, stated that he was a straw bonnet presser, at which busi-
ness he earned a guinea per week. He had done what he could for
the prisoner, but he unfortunately paid no attention to anything but
thieving, and he was sorry to say that he had had another son, who
was a trifle older than the prisoner, convicted in that Court. His
children were unable either to read or write. The learned Judge
said it was deplorable to see the extent to which the present system
was carried. He meant the system by which such heartless and de-
praved creatures, as the father of this prisoner evidently was, sought
to remove the responsibility of their children from themselves to the
State, through the instrumentality of a trial and conviction. He had
got rid of one child by those means, and he was with another no doubt
hoping for a like result. The learned Judge then commented with
severity upon the conduct of the father in not bringing up his children
in honest habits, and said he sincerely regretted that he could not
send him to the House of Correction for six months instead of the
poor little creature then standing at the bar. Such a father wasa
disgrace to humanity, and he (the learned Judge) could only repeat
what he had often said before, that the only effectual remedy for the
evil would be a power vested in a criminal court to compel such pa-
rents to maintain their children whilst in prison. (To the father.) ‘I
suppose your other son was convicted of pocket-picking.’ The father
(sullenly)—‘ Well I suppose he was.’ The Judge—‘ And they brought
their plunder to you, didn’t they?? The Father—‘ No; they always
had it themselves.’ The Judge—‘I don’t believe you, but I do believe
that you gave them the first lessons in the art.’ The prisoner was
sentenced to six months’ hard labor, the learned Judge intimating
that that six months would be devoted to the moral and religious

instruction of the prisoner in the excellent school of Westminster
Bridewell.”

Further down in the same column, is the following :—
(4) “SURREY SESSIONS.
“Picking Pockets at THE Briguton Rainway TERMINUS.

“ WEDNESDAY.—James Helcock, 13, was indicted for stealing, at St.
Saviour’s, Southwark, a silk pocket handkerchief, from the person of
Henry Hasted. Prosecutor deposed that on the evening of the 13th
inst. he came up by train from Brighton, and after-he had left the
platform, and was looking out for an omnibus, he felt some person at
his pocket, and on turning round he perceived the prisoner behind
him, with two other lads. He directly missed his handkerchief, and
seized hold of the prisoner, when his companions commenced kicking
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 283

prosecutor's legs, and prisoner endeavored to get away. A constable
then came up and took the prisoner into custody with the handker-
chief in his possession. A constable of the M division stated, that
the prisoner was connected with a gang of young thieves who were a
complete terror to the inhabitants of the borough. They infested the
railway station, and it was a great difficulty to detect them, as they
managed their business so systematically. Verdict, Guilty; sentence,
three months, and to be once whipped.”

The following is from Henry Mayhew’s London Labor and the
London Poor, part 20, page 422, Harper’s Reprint; (the dalics are
the authors :—

(5.) “* The chimney-sweepers generally are regardless of the marriage
ceremony, and when they do live with a woman it is in a state of con-
cubinage. These women are always among the lowest of the street-
girls—such as lucifer-match and orange-girls, some of the very poorest
of the coster girls brought up among the sweepers. They are treated
badly by them, and often enough left without any remorse. The
women are equally as careless in these matters as the men, and exchange
one paramour for another with the same levity, so that there isa pro-
miscuous intercourse continually going on among them. I am in-
formed that among the worst class of sweepers living with women,
not one in 50 is married. To these couples very few children are
born; but I am not able to state the proportion as compared with
other classes.”

(6.) The following is from a Review, in the London Guardian, of
Feb. 9th, 1853, of a work entitled, ‘‘ The Vicissitudes of Commerce :—

“ Before leaving this hook, we cannot but express our regret that
so good a person as the writer appears to be, should seem by his lan-
guage to concur inthe term ‘unfortunate,’ as applied so often by the
parties themselves to a sin no less unhappily prevalent among our
country population than it is in the manufacturing districts. Let us
show as much kindness as we please in hopes of a better mind; but
let us avoid calling that a misfortune which is so undeniably a sin
against the God of purity.”

(7.) From the Baltimore Sun, of Nov. 17th, 1852.

“INFANTICIDE is reported in the London papers to have increased
fearfully among the factory operatives and agricultural laborers of
England, caused, it is said, by their abject poverty and dire necessi-
ties. Burial clubs, which are mutual assistance institutions, formed
among these poor persons for good objects, only increase the extent
of the crime ; as many are driven by want to murder their infants in
order to obtain from these societies the few pounds of funeral money
they give. In Leeds there. are, as nearly as can be estimated, about
three hundred infants murdered yearly, to avoid the consequences of
their living, and the Coroner states that the murderers are never de-

tected.”
284 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

From the London Guardian, of Jan. 26th, 1853.

“Two shocking cases of child murder are reported this week. In
the one case, at Agar town, the infant was found in a garden crushed
to » mummy, it is supposed by placing it between two boards, and
pressing it with heavy weights. No clue has been obtained to the
inhuman author of the deed. The other case is that of Eliza Pallin-
ger, a girl only 15, residing in the midst of a den of wretchedness, at
No. 3, Claren-place, Camberwell, who has been committed for the
murder of her new-born infant. On hearing of which, and having
its paternity disputed by another man, the reputed father James
Brown, aged 40, committed suicide by cutting his throat.”

From the London Guardian, of Feb. 2d, 1858.

“The jury have returned a verdict of manslaughter against Mary
Ann Oldham, the nurse at the Grenwich Union, who caused the death
of a child by compelling it to hold a hot burning coal.”

4, Ireland.
(1.) From the N. Y. Express, as copied by the Baltimore Sun, of Nov.
16, 1

“A Sap Prcrure or IRELAND.

“Treland is rapidly undergoing a revolution, in many parts, such as
does not attract much attention, but such, nevertheless, as is a great
revolution. In an English paper before us, we see it stated that the
county of Mayo is in a transition from the cottier state of socicty, in
which the land was thickly peopled, and held by tenants in very small
holdings, at very high rents, to the grazing system, in which itis
occupied merely by a very few herds and care-takers, and held either
by the landlord himself or by one or two great capitalist’s tenants,
The change is from being stocked with men, women, and children, to
being stocked with sheep and cattle. A writer in the London Times,
drawing the picture of the change, says :—

“«The whole population of a district many miles in extent are
simply turned out into the roads to go where they please, and live or
die as they can. Of course there are among them many old people
hardly able to get along, many sick persons, many little children,
many women in an advanced state of pregnancy—out they all go
together. There seems to be in the ejecting landlords a very happy
state of indifference to the question, what becomes of these people?
But I confess my weakness. I have not yet attained this indifference.
IT inquired anxiously where the people were gone, who, a few months
ago, inhabited one of these districts, lately thickly peopled, and now
a sheep walk. I was told by a gentleman, and agent, who stoutly
defended, upon the plea of necessity, the proceedings in question, that
some of them, who had some little property, were gone to America;
that many were in the Union workhouse; that some were in the
lower parts of the great towns of England, Scotland and Ireland, but
that, in his opinion, the greater part of them were dead.y
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 285

“A few years ago men, women and children were the most profita-
ble stock which a landlord in this country could encourage upon his
property; they lived upon the worst and least quantity of food, and
paid rents which (considering the quality of the land and the total
absence of any expenditure on the part of: the landlord, either in
fencing, draining, or the erection of tenements) would in any country
be considered exorbitant. When, however, the potatoe failed, the
human animal ceased to be a profitable rent paying stock ; and as the
Poor Laws had been co nearly at the same time it became an
expensive one. Here we have in one word the rationale of the change.

“The most noble Lord Marquis of Sligo seems to be the great ope-
rator in this changing the habitations of men to the haunts of cattle.
This writer in the Times, whence we quote, says :—

“*Near Westport, for several miles, the most noble the Lord Mar-
quis of Sligo is at this moment clearing away the whole population.
A few are already removed; in other cases their furniture is standing
outside the cottage door, and the whole family are evidently on the
point of plunging homeless, into the world. Meanwhile, a new and
well built wall is rising between the road and the land, which is still
the home of many lately happy families. It is sad to see that this
very wall, not yet completed, (for there are breaches in many places,
through which the tenants have to remove their all,) is built of the
materials of demolished homes. The observant eye will see stones
still stained with soot, which once formed the chimney of many a
cottage.

“«Beyond Westport the wall is complete, and the people are gone.
The most noble Marquis, I conceive, will see and hear no more of
them, in this world atleast. The remains of the cottages are here quite
enclosed within the encircling wall. The district was cleared a few
months ago.

““« As the traveller goes on he enters the territory of Sir Roger Pal-
mer, and then that of the Right Lon. the Earl of Lucan. Here
things are more advanced. A great part of the land is already in
large grass fields, fed by sheep; fine crops of turnips are in others,
and in some you may see the young grass among the fresh stubble.
All will very soon bear the appearance of a district which man has
never peopled.

“¢J cannot exactly state the extent of the district operated upon.
It ‘begins three or four miles from Westport, and extends (though not
without some considerable intervals of land belonging to other pro-
prietors,) almost to the town of Ballinrobe, a distance of perhaps 25
miles. On both sides of the road it stretches as far as the eye can
reach. I was informed and believe, (although I cannot state it of my
own knowledge,) that the Earl of Lucan alone bas lately laid down
on grass about 20,000 acres of densely inhabited land,’

“What a mournful picture! What a frightful spectacle it must he!
But it is from the country,—where this misery, if not this oppression
exists,—that we hear the loudest reproaches of our African slavery,
and where such books as Uncle Tom’s Cabin find the largest se

”
agement.
286 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

(2.) From the Baltimore Sun, of Sept. 14th, 1852.

“Tun Exciiso Commissioners oN EmiGRation report that the total
emigration from Ireland in 1851 was 257,372, and that this year it
will be considerably increased. Another remarkable fact is, that this
emigration is self-sustained ; in other words, it pays its own expenses,
at least so far as the United States and Canada are concerned. The
Commissioners state thatlast year there was either remitted from
America, or expended for prepaid passages to America, by Irish
settlers there, no less than £990,000 to enable their friends and rela-
tives to follow them to their adopted homes. The number of emi-
grants from Ireland to the United States and Canada in 1851 was
238,016; the whole cost of which, as steerage passengers, would-be
£892,931 4s. 6d., or nearly £100,000 less than the sum absolutely
remitted or paid, and which was retained, no doubt, for the use of
relatives remaining in Ireland. This is a very suggestive subject.
Treland diminished 1,659,330 in her population between 1841 and
1851, and the result of fair calculation is, that there was a further
decrease of 192,215 last year. Taking the United Kingdom as a
whole, the annual increase of births over deaths will do little
more than balance the annual emigration. Ireland will decrease this
year 215,183 ; Great Britain will increase 227,368. or the first time
upon record, without famine or plague, the population of the United
Kingdom has become stationary.”

From the Philadelphia North American and U. 8S. Gazette, of April
22d, 1853.

“Trish EMIGRATION,

“Every foreign mail brings us some fresh evidence of the unusual
degree of attention excited both in England and Ireland by the im-
mense emigration from the last named country to the United States.
We have frequently alluded to the subject, by way of chronicling the
unabated progress of what the British writers call the great exodus;
yet every successive arrival presents the same facts again in a new
light. Nothing appears to stem this mighty torrent. The cessation
of the potatoe rot, the diminution of paupérism, the improvement of
crops and prospects, the great demand for laborers, with wages rising
high, are of no effect. The events of late years seem to have destroyed
that love of home and devotion to the isle of his nativity for which
the ‘exile of Erin’ was once celebrated. His longings are now for
the land of promise in the far-off world of the West, to which his
friends, neighbors and relatives, who preceded him on the path, ever
beckon. The attractions of the Australian gold fields fail to turn him
aside from his purpose. There is but one bourne for him, and that is
America. The Dublin Daily Express, of the 5th inst., says that
almost all who possess the means of leaving the country are about
doing so. All the vessels offering for passengers are filled up without
delay. The Wexford Guardian says that the exodus in that locality
has ‘assumed a steady, increasing current, and emigration is the fre
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 287

quent topic of conversation in most parts of the country.’ But the
following extract from the Limerick Chronicle, of the 5th inst., pre-
sents the most striking picture :—

““«From the railway stations from Limerick to Clonmel, from Lime-
tick and Galway to Dublin, and elsewhere throughout the country,
the people are flying in crowds to the ports of Waterford and Liver-
pool, to take shipping for the New World; whilst in Limerick we
believe we are correct in stating that the ships already announced for
sailing are filled, and other ships are eagerly looked for by applicants °
every day. ‘The rural districts and the smaller towns are the destina-
.tion of remittances to an almost incredible amount from America; and
those remittances are sent to enable those to bear their voyage expen-
ses to whom they are directed. We have been informed by a respect-
able clergyman, within the last few days, that such is the scarcity
of men in his extensive parishes, that he is obliged to send to a neigh-
boring town for laborers to till his fields. Another clergyman in-
forms us that he is daily receiving remittances from persons in America
to pay passages for their relatives in his parish. It is apprehended in
the neighborhood of the slate quarries, that the enterprising proprie-
tor will be compelled to curtail the works, or to abandon them to some
extent, such is the rage for emigration among the laborers he has been
employing for some years. Altogether the exodus is alarming.’ ”

From the Boston Transcript, of April 20th, 1853.
“Exopus rrom IRELAND.

“ The emigration from Ireland, both to the United States and Aus-
tralia, continues without abatement, and as a consequence, wages are
advancing. A Cork paper: gives the following illustration pf what
promotes this great efflux of the Irish population :—

“« A poor woman residing in the North of this city, whose husband
emigrated to the United States about two years since, received yester-
day a check for £10 to convey herself and child to New York. Her
husband had on three previous occasions sent her £3 to assist her in
supporting herself until he could send, as he promised her, sufficient
to pay her passage out. This man was here one of the most wretched
laborers. He must have done well when such a man could be ina
position to forward £19 within one year and a half—a sum which, if
he had remained at home, he never could have put together during
his life.’ ”

5. The British West-Indies.
From the National ZZgis, of April 6th, 1853.

“The condition of the Coolies in the British West India Island of
Trinidad, is most deplorable, and certainly merits at least a share of
the gushing sympathies of the Duchess of Sutherland and her coterie.
A Martinique planter who visited the island, writes a letter, which we
subjoin and commend to the cofsideration of the friends of Uncle
Tom :—
288 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

“My soul has been deeply afflicted by all that I have seen? How
many human beings lost! So far as I can judge, in spite of their
wasting away, all are young, perishing under the weight of disease,
Most of them are dropsical, for want of nourishment. Groups of
children, the most interesting I have ever seen, scions of a race
doomed to misfortune, were remarkable for their small limbs, wrink-
led and reduced to the size of spindles—and not a rag to cover them!
And to think that all this misery, all this destruction of humanity,
all this waste of the stock of a ruined colony, might have been
avoided, but has not been! Great God! it is painful beyond ex-
pression, to think of such a neglect of duty and humanity on tha
part of the colonial authorities, as well of the metropolis as of the
colony.

* * * * * * ee *

“*T can prove a neglect to a great extent murderous; the victims
are Indian Coolies of Trinidad, (in less than one year, as is shown by
official documents, two thousand corpses of these unfortunate crea-
tures have furnished food to the crows of the island,) anda similar
system is pursued, not only without punishment, but without even
forming the subject of an official inquest. Strange and deplorable
contradiction! and yet the nation which gives us this example, boasts
of extending the xgis of its protection over all its subjeets, without
distinction! It is this nation, also, that complacently takes to itself
the credit of extending justice equally over all classes, over the lordl
peer and the humblest subject without fear, favor, or affection !’”

See also Appendix, C., near the end.

Of the laboring classes of the European Continent, I have not sufi-
ciently authentic information ; so I pass them over, and come at once
to our own country.

6. The ‘“‘ Northern States.”

(1.) From the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, as copied by the National
Aigis, of April 13th, 1853,

“Tue Raa Pickers anp Bone GatHEerers In New York.

“The deeper one descends in the gradations of social position in
this city, the more apparent does it become that ‘one-half of the world
don’t know how the other half live.’ The bone and rag-gatherers,—
answering to the ‘ Chiffonieres’ of Paris,—are almost exclusively Ger-
mans, and are mostly congregated on the eastern side of the city, and
from their clannish disposition, peculiarity of language and habits,
form communities or ‘colonies’ as distinct as though no others sur-
rounded them. Withdrawn from intercourse with their fellow men,
they only emerge with their hooks and pokers, to add to their filthy
accumulations. Under the escort of Capt. Squires, of the 11th police
district, we were favored with a glimpse of ‘real life,’ among these
degraded creatures.

“ For dwellings, they generally ‘select such as are constructed for
the accommodation of numerous families under a single roof, These
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 289

are put up very slightly, at a comparatively small expense, and the
revenues accruing to the owners, from rents, form a large per centage
on the capital invested. One structure on Third street, owned by a
late State Senator, is calculated to yield a monthly income of $168,
equal to $2,016 per annum. It is separated in the rear by a court
from another building of the same Recorntions yielding nearly the
same amount of revenue. Each floor forms twelve apartments, filled
by as many families, each of which pays $3 50, $4 50, or $5 per month,
according to location. There is no pecuniary motive of putting up
buildings of any other description in this locality. Though they are
often filthy in the extreme, new buildings of a better quality would be
filled by the same occupants with the same habits.

“There are many other houses of the same character, similarly
occupied. On Sheriff street, is a large rear building containing about
fifty families. The habitations of the rag-pickers may generally be
recognized by the long rows of rags swinging from lines, to dry, and
looking some like the brown wetted leaves in a tobacco shed.

“ About daylight the colonies are in motion, and the able bodied,
equipped with baskets and pokers, sally forth, each emulous to anti-
cipate the rest in reaching the field of gain. Sometimes the city is
partitioned off into districts, and it is as much a trespass to everstep
the boundaries assigned, as for a fire engine to run out of its district.
A few more favored than the rest, have carts with which to collect
the refuse and offal of kitchen and butcher shops; and the wife and a
dog, well harnessed, exert themselves in concert in urging it forward.
At the close of the day, when the circuit has been completed, the
baskets, bags and carts are emptied, and a pile formed of their contents.
The latter are then carefully sorted, and generally afford, aside from
the rags and bones, both food and fuel. The rags are sold to shops
adjacent, for two cents a pound for cotton and linen, and something
less for woollen, suitable for carpets. The bones are sold for thirty
cents a bushel, after having been well scraped and boiled, to secure
the nutritious portions for food. The bones from the gutter, after
being washed, suffice to provide for necessities for the family proper,
including the canine dependencies. The food and fuel thus secured,
are the emoluments thus received over and above the income from
bones and rags, and are incidental to the main purpose. The process
rendered necessary by the transaction of business so various, all con-
ducted in the apartment used as kitchen, bed-room, sitting and store
room—imparts a peculiar odor to the atmosphere, discernable at some
distance. It can easily be imagined that the melancholy mode of
living thus described, with unsuitable food, and contracted and ill
ventilated apartments, are not promotive of health. The cholera,
accordingly, in past years, made a fearful havoc among these people.

“ Notwithstanding the extreme degradation of the German rag pick-
ers, they appear happy, and exhibit no signs of discontemt. With many,
the Western States is the promised land, and every effort is made to
accumulate sufficient funds to enable them to emigrate. A colony of
three hundred persons is mentioned, which occupied a single base-
ment last year, living promiscuously together, with 2 common bone
heap, to whiqh all contributed, and from which was derived a portion

Z
290 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

of their sustenance. Though seeming to be in utter destitution, they
all started for the West last spring to settle on farms.

“ Snow storms are among the worse calamities that can befal the
rag picker, as his means of livelihood are placed beyond his, reach.
In such emergencies, the girls turn out en masse, to sweep the street-
crossings, asking each passenger for ‘a penny,’ and three or four
shillings per day are often thus realized. A mild winter like the
present is a blessing they can easily appreciate.

“The youth, both males and females, are marked by an unnatural
precocity, resulting partly from the early age at which they are com-
pelled to assist in gaining a livelihood, and partly from their addicted-
ness to vice. Though young in years, many of them are adepts in
vice. Destitution gives temptation an unwonted power, and they
early learn to yield to it.

“Tt is gratifying to know that some benevolent and philanthropic
individuals are interesting themselves in behalf of this wretched and
long neglected population. A mission established by the Mercer
Street Presbyterian Church has been for some time in operaticn, in
Avenue D., and other plans are on foot, having in view the intellec-
tual and moral benefit of these people, and others like them. Among
other things, a Sabbath School for boys has been established, at which
from 130 to 200 boys have been in attendance. Judge Mason super-
intends it personally, and there is much in the enterprise of an en-
couraging nature. .

“Capt. Squires is one of the few police officers who have interested
themselves in movements of this kind, though their peculiar duties
eminently qualify them in many respects to co-operate in missionary
efforts. It is now contemplated to establish a kind of workhouse, in
which boys may be kept from idleness, and healthful instruction and
discipline administered.”

(2.) From the Evangelical Catholic, as copied by the N. Y. Churchman,
of Oct. 25th, 1851.

“Report or THe Suirt-Sewer’s Co-operative Union.

‘When an association commences to carry out and put into prac-
tice any measure of reform, it seems prudent and necessary to lay
the subject before the public for their approval and sympathy, lest the
designs and intentions of its protectors might be impugned, or its ob-
jects be deemed speculative—designed to benefit the few at the ex-
pense of the many, and thus alienate the sympathy of those who,
when they should have a correct understanding of the purposes of the
proposed reform, would more fully appreciate the motives, and aid in
carrying forward the designs of the Association. In justice, then, to
the Union, we have convened this meeting for the purpose of laying
before the pttblic a simple statement of the circumstances which
induced us to form this Union, and to ask your friendly aid and co-
operation. Forced by direct necessity, through want of employment
and starvation wages, when we had work to do, some few of our pre-
sent numbers combined together in the month of April last, and

e
APPENDIX TO NOTES, 291

organized into an Association styled the Shirt Sowor's Co-operative
Union. Our aims and objects were, to work together for mutual benefit,
to share th» profits accruing from our industry, according to our indus-
try and willingness to do, instead of being, as furmerly, compelled to
give the lion's share of our Inhour toan employer. Briefly, it was an ex-
periment, and it has succeeded. We have demonstrated the fact to our
cast-down and suffering sisters, that full double the wages can be earned
hy less hours of toil, under our new plan of combination, than under the
oldarrangement. When our numbers were limited, and the work light,
we were unable to pay our way; but as our members increased with
the demand for labour, our profits increased, leaving us at present a
net profit of 10 per cent. over the prices paid to the members. A
statement of the prices of work given by employors, and that paid
by the Association, will serve to show the advantage we have already
gained by combination.

“Prices of shirts made for large shirt manufactories range from
5 to 50 cents ; while our lowest prices are 25 cents for cheap shirts,
and 75 cents for the best made article. Our prices range thus for
the same article, only that ours are well made, which cannot be said
of sale shirts:

Cheap Shirts, shop made, 8 to 10 cents.
Best Shirts, shop made,, Slto50 “
Cheap Shirts, Association made, 25 to 38 =
Best Shirts, Association made, i ioe OX
Collars, shop made, 1-2,-and.3 of
Collars, Association made, 8told *

“From these prices we are even now enabled to save 10 per cent.,
still to be divided or to be laid out in stock for the mutual advantage
_of all. Aside from these advantages, the members are not overtasked
as much as under the old system, and we are sure of our being
promptly paid, which very often was not the case in shopwork. We
therefore feel warranted in urging upon the public the necessity and
expediency of enlarging our sphere of usefulness, by increasing our
facilities for employing all who prefer working for themselves, and
those dependent upon them, to toiling for the pittance wages grudg-
ingly given by employers. Qur Association at present employs 40
females, among whom are 15 widows—but not steadily, as, until the
issue of the appeal for aid, (some three weeks since,) we had not full
employment. That appeal, we are grateful and happy to say, has
rallied around us many kind friends who have aided us very materially
in procuring work, and now stimulate us further to lay our cause
before the whole public. The time for such a movement seems to be now.
There is a general feeling of sympathy and a lively interest for the
6,000 defenceless and deeply wronged shirt-makers of our city. Nobly
are they striving to carn, in honesty and decent poverty, the bread
that poorly feeds, and the humble raiment that but poorly covers,
their wasted forms. They are patient sufferers, toiling unccasingly,
ever hopeful of a brighter future. Very many are widows, descended
by reverses to poverty; more of them are orphans,

‘Too early thrown
On the cold world, unloved, alone.’
292 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

“Others are compelled to aid in the support of families and widowed
mothers, and all have a pressing claim on society. Too long has this
been lightly treated or totally disregarded. Occasionally, as the
benevolent pass through our hospitals, their warmest sympathies are
aroused for those who, worn down with toil, weary of life, diseased
by sedentary habits, have come there to die. Not unoften the prison-
door and the mad-house close upon them, and oftener the house of shame
affords an asylum, denied to them by honest toil and a life of virtue.
These are the every-day histories of the seamstress. Few of them
enjoy the wholesome comforts of life, and more suffer for even the
common necessaries. This should not be, or need not, when society
begins to understand the duty of elevating the condition of her weak
and defenceless sisters. The initiatory step in this reform is the
associating together of the most depressed branches of industry for
mutual aid and protection. One such organization, established by
your aid and patronage, would be instrumental in accomplishing vast
good to other depressed branches of trade, by a successful example.
The advantages to accrue from a change in the uncertain tenure under
which the needlewomen now hold their right to exist, (not to say live,)
are apparent to every reflecting mind. All society would feel and
benefit by the change, by placing in a position of comparative security
and independence a large class of operatives, whose defenceless condi-
tion is now made to enure to the profit and aggrandizement of those
who profit by their ill-paid labour. The change would lessen the
numbers who at times are compelled to ask charity. It would rob the
living charnel houses of vice, in which our city so abounds, of num-
berless victims. It would give a stimulus to industry, by placing
thousands in positions to need and consume articles which their strait-
ened circumstances now deprive them of. We will not enlarge fur-
ther on the manifold advantages of so associating together, believing
the fact apparent to all. We are anxious to try the experiment. Upon
cur failure or success depends the future comfort or misery of thou-
sands in our city, who are even now ‘sewing at once, with a double
stitch, ashroud as well as a shirt.’

“The condition of the shirt-sewers of our city is lamentable, and
calls for your kindest and warmest sympathies. It is estimated that
their numbers at present exceed six thousand. Many of these are young
and friendless orphans, early left to struggle with poverty, and solely
dependent upon the precarious pittance of wages doled out by employ-
ers. Others are widows, depending upon the needle for the support
of helpless children, and with the pittance of some $2 or $2.50 per
week, trying to feed, clothe, and pay the rent of a family. We need
not tell you this cannot be done. They bear in silence sufferings and
trials that would chill the sternest hearts to recount. The defenceless
girl often wrestles with poverty, hunger, temptation, until dire neces
sity forces sad and fearful alternatives upon her. Is this Christian?
Is if human? ;

Oh, men, with sisters dear ;
.- Qh, men, with mothers and wives:
It is not linen you’re wearing out,
It’s human creatures’ lives.’
APPENDIX T® NOTES. 293

“But we will not.imrrmur: we are ready to make any personal
sacrifices to sustain and build up our Association. To this end we
appeal to a generous public.

“We need your assistance now. We need a store in which to dis-
pose of our stuck when made, and the patronage of those who have
employment to give. We need to be placed on a permanent basis,
where daily necessities and wants will not cireumscribe our useful-
ness and dampen our energies. Kind friends! Will you aid and
assist us?”

(3.) From the Worcester ( Mass.) Weekly Transcript, of Dec. 18, 1852.

“TERRIBLE Exposure AND Svurrertnc.—The Ogdensburg Sentinel
states that a Mrs. McCurdy was found in the woods near that place,
last week, in the last stages of exhaustion, produced by exposure and
starvation. It seems that on Wednesday, the day before Thanksgiving,
she had visited that village for the purpose of obtaining work for her
needle, and, failing in this, had started on foot for Morristown. She
was much exhausted and faint, and was compelled to sit down by the
roadside a number of times to rest—and observing the passers-by
sture at her, as she thought, as if they supposed her intoxicated, she
retired into the woods to escape observation, and sitting upon the
ground, between two trees, she fell asleep. When she awoke, she
found she could not use her hands and feet. In this state she laid
lll the ninth day, exposed to the snow, and frost, and rain, unable to
attract the attention of those who were passing near Rer, and till she
was accidentally discovered. When found, the circulation had nearly
ceased, and she could have survived but a short time.”

From the Baltimore Sun, of Jan. 20, 1853.

“Maw Frozen to DeatH.—A man named Daniel Griffiths, a black-
smith by trade, who has, for some time past, been wandering from place
to place in search of work, was found in some bushes by the roadside,
near Brooklyn, on Monday morning, frozen to death.”

7. International Interference.

This may seem inappropriate to the heading of the present Appen-
dix, (Appendix, K.,) but there is so much respecting the laboring
classes, interwoven with the following extracts, that I have thought
best to give them here.

“ From the London Times, Dec. 1.

“Tue Question or AmEeRICAN SnaverY—ADDREsS OF THE ENGLISH
Ladies.

In one point there is a very general agreement among the nations
of the earth. hey all believe that they understand their own diffi-
culties better than their neighbors do for them. We have had, and
still have, many social problems, which events, and the spontancous
changes of society, rather than legislation, are solving in one way or
another. But whether it be the condition of the Irish peasantry, or
the Irish Church Establishment, or English pauperism, or factory
labor, or the excess of our female population, we have never attached

Zz
204 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

much importance to the opinions of French or German writers on
these subjects. Indeed, if their remarks upon our social questions
are ever read in this country, it is rather in the hope of coming upon
some ridiculous misapprehension, or some queer intrusion of foreign
peculiarities, than for any valuable suggestion we are likely to meet
with. When we find this national jealousy so strong in ourselves, it
is reasonable to expect something of the kind in our neighbors, and
proper to make allowance for it. They all have their troubles, more
or less ancient and inherited—more or less mixed up with their social
and political institutions, so intimately at any rate as to defy the rude
hand of the abstract reformer, and still more the unfriendly criticism
of the foreign censor. Negro slavery, as it exists in the United States,
is just such a deep and apparently incurable sore, and such are
the feelings with which it is regarded in the Union. We, the great
British nation, having our own Slave Colonies some six or seven
thousand miles off, and having also more money and better credit
than any other nation in the world, indulged our benevolence and our
pride in abolishing slavery, and adding £20,000,000 .to the figure of
our national debt, with very little regard to the results either to the
planter or to the slave. At the present moment, indeed, if there is
one thing in the world that the British public do not like to talk
about, or even to think about, it is the condition of the race for whom
this great effort was made. We are not the less proud, however, of
our achievement and its cost, and think that, having done so much
ourselves, we rffay fairly impose the like sacrifice on our neighbors.
But the precept, ‘Go, and do thou likewise,’ seldom comes with much
force when the spokesman is urging his own example; and, as it hap-
pens in this case, the example does not apply quite so closely as it
might do. In the United States the evil is constitutional and incor-
orate. It is political and domestic. It is gigantic and household.
't is a question that affects families, institutions, States, and the whole
Union. It affects slaves and freemen, both of every possible shade.
Confessedly, and on the showing of the lady whose work has so spell-
bound every heart and every mind in this country, there are two great
negro difficulties to be dealt with in the United States—the difficulty
of the colored slave and that of the colored freeman ; and, of the two,
the latter is the worse. But, when England interferes in this matter,
what is to be the exact manner and particular object of the interfer-
ence? Are we to tell the Americans to love those whom they loathe,
and associate with those against whom they feel an actual repulsion?
If we do, we are dealing hard measure; if we do not, we are not
touching the greater of the two difficulties to be dealt with.

‘Of course, we are disposed to regard with every possible indul-
gence the proceedings of the select little convention of ladies that met
the other day at Stafford-house, Never did anything more defy criti-
cism; and it would really be breaking a butterfly on the wheel to
remark on the affair as we should on the rough tustle of opinion in
the House of Commons, or the tempestuous rhetoric of Excter-hall.
We may be permitted, however, to doubt whether women of the
calibre that assembled the other day at Syracuse (United States,) will
be able to appreciate the satin paper and rosewater of our female.
APPENDIX TO NOTES, 295

aristocracy; much more, whether the Haleys and Legrees, or even the
Shelbys and the St. Clares of the Union, will take much heed of so
softly-whispered a warning. The Americans are not very kindly-
disposed to our aristocracy. They may rejoin, ‘Are you so ready to
drop all distinctions of classes? Do you consent, at the bidding of
any monitor, to associate with all who are your equals in education
and merit? Are there no castes, no quasi negroes, creoles, mulattoes,
or quadroons, in the gradations of British society? The Court Cir-
cular, and the published catalogues of guests at your banquets and
receptions, tell another story.’ We will not anticipate the, American
rejoinders on the mere question of slavery itself, its physical distresses,
and moral degradations. These must have occurred to the aristo-
cratic, and not less philanthropic, circle at Stafford-house, who know
too well the fragile materials of their own social system, not to fear
the damaging reply they are bringing on themselves. Had we wished
to say more, others have said it for us. Three letters in our columns
this day show the delicate nature of the ground on which these ladies .
are trespassing, and how much exception may be taken both to the
advisers and the advice. It is too late to ask them to reconsider their
movement—for the movement is made, and, the address once hefore
the world, we only hope it may receive a respectable number of lady
signatures. Really and honestly, our chief motive in these remarks
is to entreat the indulgence of the American public to a proceeding
calculated to wound their amour propre, to rouse that jealousy which
all nations feel towards one another—most of all, those nations which
are most alike, and possibly even to augment the difficulties of the
slavery question. ;

“Our fair readers, who are invited to enter on a crusade of a some-
what international character, will excuse one little warning, which we
venture to make on the suggestion of ‘Academicus,’ in our columns
to-day. We, of this free and happy country, are just the most ex-
tensive employers (indirectly, but not less really,) of slave labor in
the world. Negro slaves, working under the lash in the mid-day sun,
and ‘keeping their toe well up to the mark,’ as Mr. Legree would say,
produce the material of our cravats, our stockings, and the simple and
comprehensive garment in which we take our repose. They supply
the muslins and prints, and nearly all the other fabrics of the female
costume, from the dress of the Sovereign to that of the poorest needle-
woman. Slaves produce our coffee, and the sugar that sweetens it.
By day and by night, sitting down and rising up, we are still encour-
aging slavery by consuming its produce. The prime agent who moves
the wheels of Southern slavery, we are told, is the Northern capitalist,
who has his mortgage on the slave estate, or holds the bill of sale, and
who secures himself, when necessary, by an order to his agent to sell
off everything on the estate, slaves and all, for what they will fetch at
the hammer, This man, Mrs. Stowe tells us, is really a guilty partner
in the transaction, if not the most guilty,—the most guilty because he
supplies the strongest stimulus of the system, and compels the most
violent measures. But if the Northern capitalist pulls the strings of
the Southern planter, who pulls the strings of the Northern capitalist?
Most assuredly the merchants and brokers at New York are mainly
296 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

dependent on the British market. We use the slave cotton. We
supply the slave capital. Our money buys the negro,—our money
buys his work. It is an indissoluble union of interests and operations,
of which the white slave of this country is at one end, and the black
slave of America at the other end of the chain. - This should teach
us a little more modesty, than if we were simply preaching to the
people of Timbuctoo, to burn their idols and desist from human sacri-
tices. Perhaps it may suggest, also, that as a beginning, we had
better not insist on abolition, or even talk about it-—which is all, in-
deed, that the ladies of England are invited to do—but rather suggest
regeneration. There are many who think that, with proper regula-
tions, and particularly with a system for the self-enfranchisement of
slaves, we might have brought about the entire emancipation of the
British West Indies, with much less injury to the property of the
planter and to the character of the negro than have resulted from the
Abolition Act. Perhaps the warning will not be lost on the Ameri-
.cans, who may see the necessity of putting things in train for the
ultimate abolition of slavery, and thereby save the sudden shock which
the Abolitionists may one day bring on all the institutions of the
Union, and the whole fabric of American society.’””

“ From Eliza Cook’s Journal.
‘WILL 17 BE BELIEVED?

“Will it be believed, a hundred years hence, that in 1842 the Gov-
ernment of Great Britain paid about £16,000,000 sterling per annum
to keep up men-of-war and their appurtenances, and less than one-
hundredth part the sum towards educating the children of the people
throughout the nation? ,

“Will it be believéd, that in England, a land of Bibles, and the
most civilized and religious country in the world, one-half of the
laboring people could neither read those Bibles nor write their own
names?

“Will it believed, that the philanthropy of England exerted its
ingenuity in the erection of palace-jails, and the perfecting of a
system of education for criminals, but left the education and proper
up-bringing of the children of honest poor men to charity and
chance? :

“Will it be believed, that though the charity-schools of England,
and the endowed colleges of the nation, possessed an annual income
of from four to five millions sterling, this revenue was devoted mainly
to the education of the children of the rich, and furnishing rich sine-
cure offices for gentlemen; while the children of the poor, for whom
these charities were bequeathed by pious men, were left chiefly to the
education of the streets and the back lanes? :

“ Will it be believed, that the average pay of a policeman who looks
after crintinals was, in 1852, one-third more than the average pay of
the schoolmaster appointed to educate immortal minds?

“Will it be believed, that the 14,000 armed police employed in
Treland received annual salaries of about thirty pounds a year, and
that the 5,359 teachers of youth under the Irish National Board of
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 297

EOdaRHOn, received an average salary of only fourteen pounds a
ear?

“Will it be believed, that the British Judges got each from £4,000
to £5,000 a year for trying felons, and the British Astronomer Royal
was paid with a fifth part of the sum—or no more than the salary of
the deliverer of votes at the House of Commons?

“Will it be believed, that while we paid without objection several
millions a year for arresting, trying and condemning criminals, we
could not agree to provide one-half of the funds so to educate men as
to prevent their becoming criminals?

“Will it be believed, that all the large towns of Great Britain paid
more for the conviction and confinement of juvenile criminals, than
they contributed for the education of children so as to prevent their
becoming criminals?

“Will it be believed, that Great Britain excelled all other nations
in working up raw materials—such as iron, cotton, flax and wool—
into wondrously beautiful fabrics, but left the raw material of human-
ity in the most neglected state;—that she devoted infinite pains and
skill to the perfection of machines of all kinds, but left Man, ‘of all
other machines, the least improved ?

“Will it be believed, that it could be said in the House of Peers, of
London—the seat and centre of modern civilization—that there were in
that city ‘100,000 children who had received no education whatever ;
and that, with one or two exceptions, England was the least educated
country in Europe?’

“ And, will it be believed, that another noble lord, now a peer, could
also have said in the House of Commons, without contradiction, ‘T
know that out of the pale of the church, beyond the limits of the
‘denominations,’ there is a vast, destitute, neglected mass, festering
in our streets and alleys; with every sight and sound of contamina-
tion choking the accesses to every sense,—without any idea of duty to
earth or heaven,—upon whom no word of instruction ever falls, upon
whom no breath of love ever settles,—unclaimed by Lambeth, un-
known to Geneva, unconverted by Rome ;’—and that, about such a
time, the ladies and gentlemen of England were peering across the wide
ocean for objects on which to bestow their tender philanthropy?

“No, no! These things will not be believed some fifty years
hence!”

From the Washington Union, of Dec. 21st, 1852.

“The Duchess of Sutherland, and her amiable and aristocratic
sisters, the Viscountess Melbourne, Lady John Russell, Mrs. Macauley,
&+, do not seem to be very extensively seconded in their abolition
movement at Stafford House. The infection of ‘Uncle Tom’ has not
lwen- universally inhaled even in England—as witness an able and
{cir article we this day publish from the London Times. The Thun-
dorer, we notice, also accords ready echo to some of the ‘ women of
Eneland,’? whose co-operation in the anti-slavery crusade, in and
aoainst the United States, has been so earnestly invoked by the aris-
toeratic circles of the British metropolis. Here are some generous

examples :
298 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

‘To the Editor of the Times : .

‘Sir: May I beg you to state that, although I feel deep interest in
the abolition of slavery, (and who does not?) I did not authorize my
name to be used in relation to the meeting at the Stafford [onse?

‘So long as American women can justly taunt the women of Ene.
land with the neglect, ill-usage, and starvation payment of the lady
teachers employed in their families, there is little hope of their listen-
ing to our protests on the subject of slavery.

“Let us reform our school-rooms, and we may expect them to reform
the cabins of their slaves.

“Had not illness prevented my attendance at the meeting, I should
have stated this as my opinion.

‘Tam, Sir, your obedient servant,
‘JANET KAY SHUTTLEWORTH.

©38 Gloucester Square, Nov. 30.’

“Another correspondent publishes what she predicts will be the
retort of the women of America. We quote:

‘Oh, bear your benign sympathies, gentlewomen of England, to
your own male and female sufferers! Try what the blessed influence
of unstained womanhood may yet effect on the unheeded victims of
enslaving tircumstances, such as it may be the main salvation of our-
selves not to have encountered. Apply yourselves to this, and you
shall not find reason to complain that we do not bear you company
in mitigating whatever horrors of a like kind we can discover here.
Believe that we are not so ignorant of womanly pity, so untrue to our
sex, so forgetful of our common humanity, as to acquiesce in any sys-
tem of cruelty and torture, whatever may be the exceptional instances
of such from which romance writers may draw those conclusions which
are naturally so startling to you.

‘Once more—we will not believe that you are not merely ‘sighing
for wretchedness,’ and ‘shunning the wretched,’ when we see you
making a true effort to harmonize, by means of your magnificent re-
sources, those dreadful face-to-face opposites of which we spoke. We
will believe that your ‘feelings’ are not ‘all too delicate for use;’ we
will believe that your sympathies with the remote miseries of which
your orators tell you are more than mere sentiment, when we see you
doing something, making some strenuous surrender of personal ease
and comfort, to remove from your doors the greatest spectacle of
virtual slavery which (as far as we can learn,) the whole world con-
tains.

‘Resign some larger portion of your splendors, your pleasures, your
vacant hours, your influence, to the unreclaimed mass that is welter-
ing behind your palaces, crying aloud, in bitter despair, Usque quo
Domine! and convicting you, we say not, of conscious hypocrisy, but
of that which subjects you, in the eyes of some, to the suspicion of
unreality and partisanship.

‘Believe me, Sir, ene would induce me to ask to trespass thus
on your columns, but that Tam so well assured how unpractical, how
hopeless of result, is this well-intended scheme of the circle of gentle
women mentioned in the Times, I trust I have spoken of them with
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 299

all the respectful deference which their sex and their high position
demand, and that, however feeble my words, the thought which I
desire to suggest may not be utterly disregarded.

‘I remain, Sir, your faithful servant, ‘RG. D?”

From the Baltimore Sun, of Jan. 25th, 1853.
“ AweERIcaN AND Encuism Lapirs anp SLAVERY.

‘We find in the London Daily News the entire resolutions adopted
hy the American ladies at Milan, in response to the ladies of England,
on the subject of slavery. They are communicated to that paper by
Mr. Hume, the veteran reformer, to whom they were sent by the
American ladies, and who introduces them with some most judicious
remarks. He says:

‘The resolutions agreed to at Milan, by the American ladies of
Anglo-Saxon origin, are well worthy of the attention of the Duchess
of Sutherland, and of all those, her noble coadjutors, whose sympa-
thies have been enlisted and excited by reports of the sufferings of the
slaves in the United States of America.

‘We should indeed be happy if misery and suffering could be re-
moved from this and other lands; but we are assured, on the best
authority, that there will always be poor and suffering mortals, and
that legislation can never entirely prevent poverty and wretchedness.
But, as Christians and considerate persons, we ought to look at home
—to what is passing hourly. befure our eyes, or within the sound of
our carriage-wheels—and, we may add, in almost every parish in our
beloved country, and consider whether our legislation is just and
equal.’ ”

(2.) From the National Zigis, of April 6th, 1853.

“We cannot help asking, as we peruse from time to time the ac-
counts which reach us of the wrongs, abuses, and sufferings that tar-
nish the fame of all nations, and of our common humanity, whether
any one of the leading nations of the earth can, with very great pro-
priety, criminate and recriminate upon another. England may truly
say to the United States, ‘You have, in some of the States, legal-
ized slavery ;’? and the United States can with equal truth reply,
‘You gave it to us, and forced it upon us, against our wishes.’ Eng-
land may say to us, ‘ Your Southern slaves are at the mercy of their
masters, with only such limitations as the interests and laws of slave-
holders may suggest ;’ and the United States may with even greater
truth reply, ‘Our slaves are in a better condition, morally, socially,
and physically, this day, than millions of your subjects, who are nomi-
nally free.’ And so the work of mutual crimination might go on, in
a progression that should end only in the far off, and perhaps seldom
heard-of, oppressions and abuses in the most distant corner of the
British empire. And as the United States have nothing to fear, and
nothing to lose, in any international comparisons with Great Britain,
so they can with honor declare, that this present and ee erimi-
nation and recrimination, is not of their seeking. It began in Eng-
land. Aristocrats, purse-proud and overbearing, alike towards their
300 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

tenants at home and their kindred abroad, have taken upon them-
selves to depreciate the American government, because of a system
of slavery which our government cannot touch, and which our people
cannot, but by annihilation to themselves, at once or at present
abolish. It is, indeed, slavery; but it is not surcharged with all the
horrors with which Mrs. Beecher Stowe has colored her romantic and
profitable work. It is slavery, beyond a doubt; but, slavery as it is,
it pales, in shades of cruelty, before the abolition of the West India
bondage. Let American slavery and British West India emancipa-
tion, with their respective treatment and consequences, be placed in
the scales together, and be weighed by the impartial judgment of the
world, and we have no fears that in that comparison any mene and
TEKEL shall be pronounced upon us, that will not first and in more
indignant tones be awarded to the vaunting philanthropists of
England.

APPENDIX Li P

Mrs. Stowe in Encianv.
From the Boston Traveller, of April 30.

“The English papers, by the Canada, furnish us with a variety of
details—more or less curious and interesting—of the manner in
which our English brethren received and honored and rewarded Mrs.
Stowe, the author of ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin.’ The Liverpool Journal
speaks of her as the wife of Prof. Stowe of ‘ Brunswick College, An-
dover,’ and thus describes her landing at Liverpool on Sunday, April
9th :— :

“«Mrs. Stowe, closely veiled, and leaning upon the arm of the
professor, was conducted to a cab, which drove off to the residence
of Mr. John Cropper, Dingle Bank. A very large number of persons
had collected to witness Mrs. Stowe’s landing; and, as the vehicle
drove away, several hearty cheers were given, to which she bowed
her acknowledgments. Mr. John Cropper has been for some time
much indisposed ; but his brother, Mr. Edward Cropper, held a party
on Monday morning, at his residence, to meet Mrs. Stowe at break-
fast. The Rev. Dr. M’Neile and family, accompanied by the Rev.
Mr. Burgess of Chelsea, arrived at nine o’clock; and the breakfast
room was soon filled with guests anxious to pay their respects to the
illustrious authoress. Mrs. Stowe received the warm congratulations
of the company with unaffected simplicity, and seemed utterly un-
conscious of having done anything to merit such attention. At the
request of the respected host, the Rev. Dr. M’Neile expressed to Mrs.
Stowe, in neat terms, and with deep religious feeling, their hearty
congratulations. After breakfast, Mr. Edward Cropper rose, and
begged to add the name of Professor Stowe to the congratulatory
address which had been so beautifully made by Dr. M’Neile. Pro-
fessor Stowe then said a few words. Speaking of tho success of his
gifted lady’s book, he said—Incredible as it may scem to those who
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 801

are without prejudice, it is nevertheless a fact that this book was con-
demned by the leading religious newspapers in the United States as
anti-Christian, and its author associated with infidels and disorgan-
izers. And had it not been for the decided expression of the mind
of English Christians, and of Christendom itself on this point, there
is reason to fear that the pro-slavery power of the United States would
have succeeded in putting the book under foot.’

“On Tuesday following, Mrs. Stowe and her husband were received by
the Negro’s Friend Society. On Wednesday she was presented with
a purse containing about 600 dollars, which had been collected in
Liverpool, chiefly in pence, by a committee of ladies. Mr. Adam
Hodgson addressed her in handing her the purse, and Prof. Stowe
replied in her behalf as follows :—

«Jt is impossible for the to express the feelings of my heart at the
kind and generous manner in which I have been received upon Eng-
lish shores. Just when I had begun to realize that a whole wide
ocean lay between me and all that is dearest to me, I found most un-
expectedly « home and friends waiting to receive me here. I have
had not an hour in which to know the heart of a stranger. I have
been made to feel at home since the first moment of landing, and every
where I have seen only the faces of friends.’ Professor Stowe, in the
course: of his own speech which followed, said:—‘ We never could
believe that slavery in our land would be a perpetual curse; but we
felt and felt deeply, that there must be a terrible struggle before we
could be delivered from it, and that there must be suffering and mar-
tyrdom in this cause, as in every other great cause ; ‘for eighteen years
of immediate contact with the horrible thing, eighteen years of strug-
gling and of suffering against it had shown to usits strength. And,
under God, we rely very much on the Christian public of Great Bri-
tain; for every expression of feeling from the wise and good of this
land, with whatever petulance it may be met by some, goes to the
heart of the American people (hear, hear). You must not judge of
the American people by the expressions which have come across the
Atlantic in reference to the subject. Nine-tenths of the American
people—nine-tenths of all the inhabitants of the land, at least—are in
heart and feeling with you and with us on this great suhject—(hear,
hear) ;—but there is a tremendous pressure brought to bear upon all
who are in favor of emancipation there. The whole political power,
the whole money power, almost the whole ecclesiastical power, is
wielded in defence of slavery, protecting it from all aggression ; and
it is as much as a man’s reputation is worth to utter a syllable boldly
and openly on the other side. hey say there are social evils in Eng-
land. Undoubtedly there are; but the difference between the social
evils of England and this great evil of slavery in the United States is
just here. In England, the power of the government and the power
of Christian sympathy are all exerted to remove those evils. This is
the difference. England repents and reforms. America refuses to
repent and reform.’”

2A
802 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

From the Boston Commonwealth, of May 7.

Extract from a speech of Professor Stowe; where delivered, the
Commonwealth does not say :— :

“Tg it true that all this affectionate interest is merited? [Great
applause.] I cannot help feeling in regard to that book, ‘I don’t
specks anybody ever made that book, I specks it growed.’ [Laughter.]

nder the pressure of a horrid Fugitive Slave law, the book sprung
out of the soil ready made. * *

“T pelieve that the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law is the last
desperate effort, and the dying struggle of the system. [Cheers.]
But there are real difficulties connectedswith the slave question in
those States in which slavery exists. All the social habits of the peo-
ple are connected with the system, and they don’t know what to do
without slaves where they are so numerous, and where they have
always been accustomed to thom. -There is another great difficulty
connected with this question—that is, that the slavcholding States are,
as political bodies, interhally independent. The slaveholders possess
all political power, and no movement can be made for the ameliora-
tion of the slave excepting by the slaveholders themselves. It is not
the same as in this country, where your Parliament could hold a rod
over the slave-owners. ‘There it is the slaveholders themselves who
hold the rod, and they are accustomed to use it. There are only two
ways, therefore, in which a change can be looked for. Lither the
slaveholder himsg]f must be persuaded to adopt a system for the abo-
lition of the evil, or the evil will be brought to an end by a bloody
revolution.

“The slaveholders have consciences, and these will be awakened in
time by truth and Christian love. In coming along here from Liver-
pool, I have observed your wealth and comfort, and your abounding
resources; but I have also observed that a great deal of it results
from the products of slave labor. In this country is the great market
for American cotton, and it is cotton which sustains American slavery.
I do not say you can do without it. It is cotton which makes the
system profitable, and cotton makes the price of a man £300 in the
markets of the United States. It is my conviction that nine-tenths
of the people of the United States feel in their hearts, on the subject
of slavery, just as you do. [Cheers.] But there is such a tremen-
dous power brought to bear against this feeling, that those who are
comfortable and wish to live in an easy way don’t want to meddle
with the subject atall * * * ;

“Referring to the Fugitive Slave Law, he stated that it had been
and would be altogether inoperative; for out of the thousands of
fugitive slaves in the States, not twenty-five of them had been carried
back under the influence of that law. The Rev. Doctor concluded
amid enthusiastic applause by stating tlfit there was soundness in the
American mind, which in due course would be unmistakably de
veloped.”
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 303

From the New York.Times, of May 28.

“Mrs. H. B. Stowe at Srarrorp Hovss.

“<On Saturday,’ says the London Times, of the 9th inst., ‘a num-
ber of ladies and gentlemen assembled at Stafford House, to welcome
Mrs. H. B. Stowe to this country, and to give expression personally
to the respect and admiration which aré felt for that lady.

“The Duke of Sutherland having introduced Mrs. Stowe to the
assembly, the following short address was read and presented to her
by the Karl of Shaftesbury -—

““*Mapam:—I am deputed ‘by the Duchess of Sutherland, and the
ladies of the two Committees appointed to conduct ‘ The Address from
the Women of England to the Women of America, on the subject of
Slavery,’ to express the high gratification they feel in your presence
among them this day. The address, which has received considerably
more than half a million of the signatures of the women of Great
Britain and Ireland, they have already transmitted to the United
States, consigning it to the care of those whom you have nominated
as fit and zealous persons to undertake the charge in your absence.
The earnest desire of these committees, and, indeed, we may say of
the whole kingdom, is to cultivate the most friendly and affectionate
relations between the two countries, and we cannot but believe that
we are fostering such a feeling when we avow our deep admiration
of an American lady who, blessed by the possession of vast genius
and intellectual power, enjoys the still higher blessing that she de-
votes them to the glory of God, and the temporal and eternal interests
of the human race.’

«Rey. Mr. Beecher (Mrs. Stowe’s brother,) after a few prefatory
remarks of acknowledgment and thanks, read the following letter
from Hon. Cassius M. Clay, describing the progress of emancipation
in Kentucky, and the service Uncle Yom had rendered the cause.

“ After partaking of refreshments, the ladies who were present,
congregated in one of the splendid saloons apart, and Mrs. Stowe,
seated between the Duchesses of Sutherland and Argyll, entered
freely into conversation with her numerous visitors.

“Tn the course of her observations, she stated that the ladies of
England were not at all aware of the real state of feeling of the ladies
of America on the subject of slavery ; it must not be judged of by
the answer sent to the address, nor by the statements in the American
newspapers. The ladies of England seem not to be at all aware of
the deep feeling of sympathy with which Uncle Tom’s Cabin was re-
ceived in America long before it was known in England. The press
in America had invariably spoken highly of Uncle Tom’s Cabin. The
first word that ever appeared in print against Uncle Tom’s Cabin was
the article in the Times, which was reprinted and re-echoed in the
American papers, and widely circulated in the form of a tract. The
bitterness and anger manifested against the ladies’ address showed
how much its foree had enraged the advocates of slavery. Ladies in
England were happily ignorant of slavery; yet that address had
shown sympathy, and sympathy was very sweet. There was no bitter
804 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

fecling between tlie ladies of the two countries, but the ladics of
America cannot, because of their husband’s personal and political
feelings, stand forth and say what they feel on the subject. Some
had said that Uncle Tom’s Cabin was now forgotten ; but it should be
mentioned that 60,000 copies of the Key to Uncle Tom’s Cabin were
sold in three days. The practical question was what can be done to
forward this great work? She looked first to God, but man also could
do something. Sympathy mut continue to be expressed. British
subjects in Canada must be educated. The use of free grown cotton
must be encouraged, and there were other ways in which this great
work may be aided by the people of England, remembering, that
after all, the issue is in the bands of Him that ordereth all things.

“The company began to disperse soon after 5 o’clock, every one
appearing to be thoroughly gratified with the interesting proceedings
of the day. ;

“ Mrs. "Bare and her friends were among the last to leave, and
were accompanied to the entrance hall by the Duchess of Sutherland,
who there took leave of her guests.”

From the (Boston) Puritan Recorder, of June 9, 1853.

“ Letter rrou Lonpon.

“We have been obligingly permitted to give our readers the follow-
ing letter from an American clergyman, travelling abroad, to a relative
in this city:—

‘Lonpon, May 16, 1853.

‘Dear H.—I have spent three Sabbaths in this city, and have heard
some of the great preachers of London; but I cannot say that I have
heard any great preaching.

* * * * * * *

‘Rev. James Sherman, is the successor of Rowland Hill, at Surrey
Chapel, and preaches to a congregation of 2500. There was nothing
very striking about his discourse, excepting his allusion to slavery.
Speaking of the importance of family religion,—‘ And here,” he said,
“lies one of the greatest evils of slavery. It denies to the children
all instruction in the word of God. There, in that country over the
waters, there are three millions of slaves; one million of whom are
children—prohibited by law from reading the Bible and receiving re-
ligious instruction. God have mercy upon those Christian churches,
and those Christian pastors, who uphold and advocate a system 80
prolific in curses to themselves,” This he said with the greatest
possible emphasis, and ina tone by no means the mildest. Upon
further acquaintance, I found that Mr. Sherman represents the radi-
cal party here, the ‘‘ Exeter Hall Abolitionists,” as they are called.
Me is entertaining the Rev. Charles Beecher at his house. The mo-
ment we entered his study, before asking us to be»seated, he opened
upon us a heavy broadside, with a sweeping denunciation of the
American ministry at large. The one great impression of Mrs. Stowe’s
book seems to be, that were it not for the support of the clergy of
America, slavery would long sinco have disappeared.
APPENDIX TO NOTRS. 805

‘ The great demonstration has at length come off,—at the Anniver-
sary of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, on Monday
evening. The clerk at the Secretary’s office, who furnished us with
tickets to the platform, told us, that never, since the days of Clarkson
and Wilberforce, had there been such a rush for tickets. Even on
Sunday, when the office was closed, the doors were besieged with
applicants. Thousands had been sent empty away. On arriving at
the appointed hour, I found the passage ways blocked up with out-
siders, and the great Hall packed to the ceiling. The Earl of Shaftes-
bury took the chair, and made a flaming speech. When Mrs. Stowe
entered the private gallery, the whole audience rose to their feet and
received her with shouts of applause, and a general waving of hats
and handkerchiefs, and when Mrs. Stowe rose in acknowledgment,
supported by the Duchess of Sutherland, they gave three immense
hurras. The same scene was repeated when she took leave, before the
close of the meeting. Of course, it was to be expected, that many
harsh things, many false things, many absurd things, would be said
on such an occagion ; but I confess, I was taken by surprise. The
most extreme cases of cruelty were cited as the general rule, and the
grossest misrepresentations were made of the free colored race at the
North. When it was stated that President Pierce had announced his
intention of enforcing the Fugitive Slave Law, hisses and cries of
‘shame! shame!’ rose from every part of the house.

‘The indignation of these people seems to be directed more against
America, than against slavery. Zhe Times of the next morning, com-
mented very severely on ‘the frantic impotence’ of Exeter Hall. Pro-
fessor Stowe made the only sensible speech on this occasion, and one
which seemed to confound the Stoweites themselves. He commenced
by saying that there were only three ways to get rid of slavery.
First,—by an appeal to arms, a bloody revolution. This none of the
true friends of the Prince of Peace would desire to see. Secondly,—
by an appeal to the conscience, convincing the slaveholder that he
was wrong. This could not be done by denunciation and assault.
It must be moderate and gradual. Thirdly,—by an appeal to the
pocket, making the cotton business unprofitable. This the English
had in their own hands. Americans never could support slavery ;—
the English supported four-fifths of the whole business. Cotton growers
never could flourish without cotton consumers. It was very easy to
tolk about the right and the wrong, and to charge the slaveholder
with the sin; ‘but are you willing to sacrifice one penny of your own
profits for the sake of doing away with this cursed business? It is
a common maxim, that ‘the receiver is as bad as the thief.’ ”’

From the London Morning Chronicle.

“We can by no means commend the precedent which Professor
Stowe has set to English husbands by bringing his wife to be exhibited
on platforms as an ohject of public flattery. Long may it be before
an English authoress is induced to prefer so dangerous and equivocal
a gratification to the approbation of her readers, the love of her
friends, and the applause of her own heart. Long, very long, may it

39 pe A’
306 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

be before an Englishwoman is persuaded to parade in Soreign lands
the spectacle of her own merits, and her country’s shame. We are
aware that the customs and opinions of American society on these
points are very different from ours, and that an ovation of this.kind
would not be a novelty in that country. But it is a novelty in ours,
and we must say, most emphatically, that we wish it may remain so,”

APPENDIX, M.

Sratistics oF SLAVERY.

From Chambers’ Journal, as copied into Litlell?’s Living Age,
No. 470, page 490. -

* * * * * % * *

“The report of tue Prison Discipline “Association for 1845 throws
some light on the morals, as well as the longevity, of negroes in the
north. After giving the bills of mortality for the Slack and white
population in the city and penitentiary of Philadelphia, the report
says: ‘Out of 1000 of each colour eceee in the city, 196 Llacks
die for every 100 whites; and for every 1000 of each colour in the
penitentiary, the astonishing number of 316 blacks to every 100
whites. Returns from the Philadelphia County Prison, for the last
ten years, show that out of 101 deaths in that establishment, 54 died
of consumption. Of these, 40 were coloured, and 14 white.’

“ In 1845, Mathew L. Bevan, president of the Eastern Penitontiary
of Pennsylvania, says: ‘The increase of deaths comes from blacks.
This increase of mortality is found in the fact, that those coloured
inmates from the county of Philadelphia are so constitutionally dis-
eased, as under any and all circumstances to be short-lived, from
their character and habits. They die of constitutional and chronic
disorders, which are general among their order, owing to the priva-
tions they undergo, and the want of proper attention in infancy, and
their peculiar mode of living.’ Mr. Bevan concludes: ‘ Indulging in
the use of ardent spirits, subjected to a prejudice, which bids defiance
to any successful attempt to improve their physical or moral condition,
from youth to manhood, sowing the seeds of disease in their constitu-
tions, and at last becoming inmates of prisons.’

“The southern planters, of course, point to these facts with exulta-
tion, and contrast their own treatment of the blacks with great advan-
tage. It would indeed appear from several papers in these volumes
(De Bow), and it is not an unlikely thing to occur as an epochal phe-
nomenon, that a scientific spirit is gaining ground among the slave-
owners, which extends not merely to improved cotton culture, but also
to improved negro management. Some of the contributions of this
character are both interesting and amusing. The suggestions about
‘improved dwellings,’ ‘sanitary regulations,’ and ‘water supply,’ not
to mention provisions of amore spiritual character, would do credit to
Lord Shaftesbury, or Prince Albert himself. Evidently, these planters
consider themselves no mean philanthropists.
APPENDIX TO NOTES, 307

“One ‘very sensible and practical writer’ gives a description of his
plantation, which would tempt any man to become a slave for the
pleasure of living on it. His ‘quarter,’ has been selected on scientific
principles, ‘well protected by the shade of forest trees, sufficiently
thinned out to admit a free circulation of air, so situated as to be free
from the impurities of stagnant water ;’ and on this he has erected
‘comfortable houses, made of hewn post oak, covered with cypress,

#16 by 18, with close plank floors and good chimneys, and elevated
two feet from the ground. The ground under and around the houses
is swept every month, and the houses, both inside and out, white-
washed twice a year.’ Then there are ‘good cisterns, providing" an
ample supply of pure water,’ and ‘ample clothing’ for their beds,
with a henhouse for each, so that he may have ‘his chickens and
eggs for his evening and morning meals to suit himself,’ besides gar-
dens for every family, in which ‘they raise such vegetables and fruits
as they take a fancy to.’ The beauty of this description would be
lost, were it regarded as drawn for European readers. It was written
for a local magazine asa bona fide essay on the scientific management
of negroes. ‘I'his gentleman’s treatment of his negroes is as precise
as if he were conducting an hospital or superintending a nursery.
‘Their dinners are cooked for them, and carried to the field, always
with vegetables, according to the season. There are two hours set
apart at mid-day for resting, eating, and sleeping, if they desire it
[always consulting their wishes], and they retire to one of the
weather-sheds or the grove to pass this time, not being permitted to
remain in the hot sun while at resv.’? A species of Harmony Hall has
been erected for the children, ‘where all are taken at daylight, and
placed under the qharge of a careful and experienced woman.’ More-
over, continues our philanthropic planter, ‘I have a large and com-
fortable hospital provided for my negroes when they are sick; to
this is attached a nurse’s room; and when a negro complains of being
too unwell to work, he is at once sent to the hospital.’

“Nor are either lighter or weightier matters overlooked. Besides
passing a ‘liquor law’ for his plantation, which secures sobriety, ‘I
must not omit to mention,’ he says, ‘that I have a good fiddler, and
keep him well supplied with catgut; and I make it his duty to play
for the negroes every Saturday night until twelve o’clock. They are
exceedingly punctual in their attendance at the ball, while Charley’s fid-
dle is always accompanied with Herod on the triangle, and Sam to ‘pat!’’

“Better still: ‘I also employ a good preacher, who regularly
preaches to them on the Sabbath-day, and it is made the duty of every
one to come up clean and decent to the place of worship. As Father
Garritt regularly calls on Brother Abram to close the exercises, he
gives out and sings his hymn with much unction, and always cocks his
eye at Charley the fiddler, as much as to say ‘Old fellow, you had
your time last night; now itis mine.’ ;

“Neither the preaching nor the prayers have much effect on their
morality, for the writer admits that they are very licentious. He
attempted to improve them ‘for many years by preaching virtue and
decency, encouraging marriages, and by punishing with some severity,

departures from marital obligations; but it was all in vain.’ ’’
x * * * * * x %
3808 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

ApprenpIx, N.

From the Fifth Satire of Persius. |

Thad intended to give a long extract in English, but have room
only for the following lines of the Original:

“ Not Preetoris erat stultis dare tenuia rerum
Officia, atque usum rapidae permittere vitae.
Sambucam citius caloni aptaveris alto.

Stat contra ratio, ét secretam garrit in aurem,
Ne liceat facere id, quod quis vitiabit agendo.
Publica lex hominum naturaque continet hoe fas,
Ut teneat vetitos inscitia debilis actus.”

Sat. 5, 1. 93—99.

APPENDIX P.

From the Boston Traveller, as copied into Littell’s Living Age, No. 459,
page 437.

THEODORE ParKER.
* *% x x * * * *

“We rofer now to two ‘Sermons,’ as he calls them—one delivered
on the 14th November, 1852, when he was about to leave the Melo-
deon, and the other on the 21st, when he began his meetings in the
new Music Iall—both of which have been published together in a
pamphlet since this year (1853) came in, by Crosby, Nichols & Co.
In these ‘sermons,’ he lets us somewhat more into his past history
and future purposes, than the public had hefore been permitted to
see; but still, it is quite plain, that the revelation is not complete.

“ He tells us, that he came to Boston eight years ago, with great re-
luctance and misgiving, but with an ‘idea’ that he wished to teach and
inculcate. Precisely what that idea then was, he does not here ex-
hae ; but what his idea in preaching now is, he tells us pretty clearly.

robably it has been but one idea from the beginning.

“First, then, he tells us, under the two heads of his ‘Ideas’ of God
and Man, and subsequently under two more heads, of the relations of
God to Man, and of Man to God, what are his own notions of religion,
and leaves no doubt tliat he is an unbelicver in Christianity as a di-
vinely revealed religion. In short, he leaves no doubt that he is an
infidel, of the class called Deists.

“But, secondly, lest there should be any mistake in the matter, he
tells us what he does not believe. He says (pp. 14-15) :—

““*T do not believe there ever was a miracle, or ever will be; every-
where I find law—the constant mode of operation of the infinite God.
I do not believe in the miraculous inspiration of the Old Testament
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 309

or the New Testament. I do not believe that the Old Testament was
God’s first word, nor the New Testament his last. The Scriptures
are no finality to me. Inspiration is a perpetual fact. Prophets and
Apostles did not monopolize the Father. He inspires men to-day as
much as heretofore.

* * * * * * * *

“«T do not believe the miraculous origin of the Iecbrew Church, or
the Buddhist Church, or the Christian Church; nor the miraculous
character of Jesus. I take not the Bible for my master, nor yet the
Church ; nor even Jesus vf Nazareth for my master. I feel not at all
bound to helieve what the Church says is true, nor what any writer
in the Old or New Testament declares true; and I am ready to believe
that Jesus taught as I think, eternal torment, the existence of a devil,
and that he himself should ere long come back in the clouds of
heaven. I do not accept these things on his authority.

* * * * ie * * *

“¢He is my best historic ideal of human greatness; not without
errors, not without the stain of his times, and I presume, of course,
not without sins; for men without sins exist in the dreams of girls,
not in real fact; you never saw such a one, nor J, and we never
shall.’

“Of course, there can hereafter be no misapprehension about The-
odore Parker’s claims to be called a Christian minister; so that, if we
now venture to say that he is not one, we shall, as we presume, no
longer be told that we are uncharitable and calumnious; for to be a
minister of Jesus Christ, and yet to ridicule Jesus Christ as a man
who had the folly to teach ‘that he should ere long come back in the
clouds of heaven,’ is an absurdity too strong for any reasonable person
to accept. It is, however, worth notice that, on the title-page of these
very ‘sermons,’ Mr. Parker is announced as the minister of the
Twenty-Eighth Congregational Society in Boston, precisely as if he
stood on the same footing with Dr. Blagden, or Dr. Adams, or any
other of the Christian Congregational ministers of the city.

“So far, then, Theodore Parker has openly come out. He ridicules
the idea of Christianity as a religion of miraculous authority, and he
ridicules Jesus Christ, whom the Scriptures represent to be swithout
sin,’ as a character that can only ‘exist in the dreams of girls ;—not
in real fact.?, How much farther he will go in the same direction we
cannot tell. Probably he cannot tell himself.

“But he gives us a glimpse of future possibilities. He says, p, 12,
‘Tt may be possible that a man comes to the conviction of atheism,
but yet has been faithful to himself.’ We may, therefore, according
to his own showing, have Theodore Parker preaching atheism among
us, out of faithfulness to himself. At any rate, no man will say, that
it is‘more unlikely he will do this fifteen years hence, than it was ten
or fifteen years ago—(when as a Christian critic he attacked Dr. Pal-
frey so fierecly, or when as Christian minister be received the degree
of Master of Arts at our neighboring University,)—that he would, in
1852-2, be uttering in Boston such ribald attacks on Christianity as
are contained in these two discourses.
is es however, angther side of his public character and teach-

  
  
310 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

ings, that it is important should be understood by the community in
which he lives ;—we mean, the morals he inculcates. Of this, from
time to time, we have had intimations in a number of printed attacks
on the judges of our courts, on our magistrates, on our clergy—in
short, on anybody that did not hold opinions agreeable to Theodore
Parker himself ;—announcing his judgments, sometimes with brutal
coarseness, though oftener in a tone that shows he is, after all, rather
holding political caucuses on Sunday mornings, than anything else,
and that his hearers so understand him by answering his appeals to
their passions with clapping of hands and other signs of caucus-like
applause. But,.on one occasion, he went beyond the character even
of a common political demagogue. We refer to his teaching that, in
certain cases—which cases are to be judged of by cach man for him-
self—perjury is the duty of a juryman. Mr. B. R. Curtis—now a
Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, and as much honored
by the country as any man sitting on that bench—exposed this inde-
cent outrage on public morals in a speech delivered at a very crowded
meeting in Faneuil Hall, above two yearsago. He said, with a plain-
ness and sternness of rebuke, worthy the acknowledged elevation and
integrity of his character :— :

““*Murder and perjury have been erected into virtues, and, in this
city, preached from the sacred desk. I must not be suspected of cx-
aggeration in the least degree. I read, therefore, the following pas-
sages from a sermon preached and published in this city-—

“<Tet me suppose a case which may happen here, and before long,
A woman flies from South Carolina to Massachusetts to escape from
bondage. Mr.Greathcart aids her in her escape, harbors and ccn-
ceals her, and is brought to trial for it. The punishment is a fine of
one thousand dollars and imprisonment for six months. I am drawn
to serve as a juror, and pass upon this offence. I may refuse to serve,
and be punished for that, leaving men with no scruples to take my
place; or I may take the juror’s oath to give a verdict according to
the law and the testimony. The law is plain, let us suppose, and the
testimony conclusive. Greatheart himself confesses that he did the
deed alleged, saving one ready to perish. The judge charges that if
the juroys are satisfied of that fact, then they must return that he is
guilty. This is a nice matter. Here are two questions. ‘The one
put to me in my official capacity as juror, is this—‘ Did Greatheart
aid the woman?’ The other put to me in my natural character as
man, is this—‘ Will you help to punish Greatheart with fine and im-
prisonment for helping a woman to obtain her inalienable rights?’
if I have extinguished my manhood by my juror’s oath, then I shall
do my official business and find Greatheart cuilty, and I shall secm to
be a true man; but if I value my manhood, I shall- answer after my
natural duty to love a man, and not hate him—to do him justice,-not
injustice—to allow him the natural rights he has not alienated, and
shall say ‘not guilty.’ Then will men call me forsworn and a liar;
but I think human nature will justify the verdict. * * *

“The man who attacks me to reduce me to slavery, in that mo
ment of attack alienates his right to life, and if I were the fugitive
and could escape in no other way, I would kill him with as little conr
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 311

punction as I would drive a musquito from my face.’—A Sermon of
Conscience, by Rev. Theodore Parker.

“*T should hike%o ask the Rev. Preacher, (continues Judge Curtis,)
when he goes into court, and holds up his hand, and calls on his
Maker to attest the sincerity of bis vow to render a true verdict ac-
cording to the law and the evidence, whether he does that as a man,
or in some other capacity? And I should also like to ask him, in
what capacity he would expect to receive the punishment which would
await him here and hereafter, if he were to do what be recommends
to others ?” : :

«'This was said by Judge Curtis, on the 26th of November, 1850.
On the 18th of June next following, a juryman in Boston undertook
to put in practice -the precise doctrine here set forth, and was igno-
miniously struck from the panel of jurors for it, as soon as he was
detected, by the Judge of the District Court of the United States.
Ifow many other persons—either to gratify their own passions, or the
passions of their party—have acted on the same atrocious doctrine,
without detection, Theodore Parker will know, when he meets them at
the bar of God’s judgment.”

* * * * * * * *

APPENDIX, Q.

Lecare on Savery.

The Charleston Courier publishes the following eloquent remarks
of Legare on the subject of Slavery in the United States. They are
sugeestive :—

“This is a-great practical question, and needs to be treated by
statesmen, and not by sophisters and fanatics.

“Tt is not res integra, and it is not necessary to discuss the justice
or injustice, the fitness or unfitness of the institution in the abstract.

“The true question is, what is to be the destiny of this quarter of
the world: what race is to inhabit and possess it? Shall it be given
up (as to a great part of its surface) to barbarism—its inevitable fate
under the dominion of the black race—or shall it continue to be pos-
cessed by the most improving, enterprising, active and energetic breed
of men that have ever founded empires and peopled waste places—by
that English race, whose conquests more extensive, whose power
more gigantic, and whose Government more perfect than that of Rome,
designate it as the fitting instrument, in the hands of Providence, for
the great work of building up a world—that English race, of which
the original stock has made itself the wonder of mankind—a people
entirely peculiar in combining whatever is most dazzling in opulence
and power, with well regulated liberty, and mild and equal adminis- |
tration of law—the most magnificent manifestations of the might and
the grandeur of civilized life, that the world, in any age of it, has ever
beheld. Look at Hayti, and contrast it with New-Iolland!

“Docs any man, who looks into the political character and effects
of the cotton plant, doubt for a moment that slavery in the South has
812 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

been and is a great instrument of civilization? Would the miracles,
which the cotton trade has wrought, and 4s working, for the ameliora-
tion of the condition of mankind in Europe, have ever existed, had
the negro of the South been emancipated in the revolution? Would
this country have been what it is?

“The truth is, that civilization is more advanced by physical causes
than by moral ongs. I mean, supposing in both cases social order to
be well established, and law administered. The steam engine is doing
more for it than the pulpit itself. So of cotton. It is raising the
standard of comfort, without which, men are doomed forever to be but
half savage.

“The Roman conquests were attended with dreadful evils—millions
of lives, it is said, were sacrificed by Cesar in his Gallic wars, and so
of all the rest. Docs any one now doubt that, on the whole, the sword
of Rome was a means of improvement to the whole race? that espe-
cially the spreading of Christianity was hastened and facilitated by
it? Would’ any philanthropist, who did not assume that name to
make it odious, wish the history of the Roman Empire blotted out?

“So of Greek art. Without doubt it had never existed—never, at
least, in such an extraordinary perfection, without the institution of
slavery. Suppose it were ascertained that, by establishing an Eng-
lish colony at the spot where Carthage once stood, at the end of some
centuries, our race and institutions would spread over the whole of
that continent, hitherto held to be doomed to everlasting silence and
desolation; though the great result spoken of could only be accom-
‘plished by exterminating, as the red mén of this continent have been,
or reducing to bondage, under the white man, the negro, who is now
the slave of his brother negro and brother savage—would it be con-
sidered inconsistent with humanity to have, yea, and to co-operate in
producing a change so full of splendid improvement, so favorable to
the dignity of human nature, and even to the beauty and glory of God’s
creation ?

“Look at the state of South America, and compare it with the
northern part of the continent.

‘Therefore, I have always thought that the slave trade, inhuman,
infernal as it was, had not been without its compensations ; (certainly
not enough to justify any one in taking part in continuing it, for so
much evident and now known evil ought not to be done that good
might come of it;) but that considered as a great evil, it was much
more 80 to this continent than to Africa.

“In short, slavery is an evil, except under peculiar circumstances
—generally speaking, certainly—and everything shows it dere; but
not such an evil as calls for violent, and still less destructive measures
to arrest it.”
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 313

APPENDIX, R.
Worn-out Lanps.

“Jn the State of New York there are some twelve million acres
of improved land, which includes all meadows and.enclosed pastures.
This area employs about five hundred thousand laborers, being an
average of twenty-four acres to the hand. At this ratio, the number
of acres of improved land in the United States is one hundred and
twenty millions. But New York is an old and more densely popu-
lated State than an average in the Union; and probably twenty-five
acres per head is a juster estimate for the whole country. -At this
rate, the aggregate is one hundred and twenty-five millions. Of these
improved lands, it is confidently believed that at least four-fifths are
now suffering deterioration in a greater or less degree.

* * * * * * *

“Eight million acres [in the State of New York] are in the hands
of three hundred thousand persons, who still adhere to the colonial
practice of extracting from the virgin soil all it will yield, so long as
it will pay expenses to crop it, and then leave it in a thin, poor pas-
ture for a term of years. Some of these impoverished farms, which
seventy-five years ago produced from twenty to thirty bushels of
wheat, on an average, per acre, now yield only from five to eight
bushels. In an exceedingly interesting work entitled ‘ American
Husbandry,’ published in London in 1775, and written by an Ameri-
can, the following remarks may be found on page 98, vol. 1:—‘ Wheat,
in many parts of the province, (New York,) yields a larger produce
than is common in England. Upon good lands about Albany, where
the climate is the coldest in the country, they sow two bushels and
better upon an acre, and reap from twenty to forty ; the latter quantity,
however, is not often had, but from twenty to thirty are common;
and with such bad husbandry as would not yield the like in England,
and much less in Scotland. " This is owing to the richness and fresh-
ness of the land.’

“ According to the State census of 1845, Albany county now pro-
duces only seven and a half bushels of wheat per acre, although its
farmers are on tide water and near the capital of the State, with a
good home market, and possess every facility for procuring the most
valuable fertilizers. Dutchess county, also on the Hudson river, pro-
duces an average of only five bushels per acre ; Columbia, six bushels ;
Rensselaer, eight; West Chester, seven; which is higher than the
average of soils that once gave a return larger than the wheat lands
of England, even with ‘ bad husbandry.’ :

“Fully to renovate the eight million acres of partially exhausted
lands in the State of New York, will cost at least an average of
twelve dollars and a half per acre, or an aggregate of one hundred
millions of dollars. It is not an easy task to replace all the bone-
earth, potash, sulphur, magnesia, and organized nitrogen in mould
consumed in a field which has been unwisely cultivated fifty or seventy-
five years. Phosphorus is not . Fea: mineral anywhere, and

40
314 APPENDIX TO NOTES.

his sud-soil is about the only resource of the husbandman after his
surface-soil has lost most of its phosphates. The three hundred thou-
sand persons that cultivate these eight million acres of impoverished
soils annually produce less by twenty-five dollars each than they
would if the land had not been injured.

“The aggregate of this loss to the State and the world is seven
million five hundred thousand dollars per annum, or more than seven
per cent. interest on what it would cost to renovate the deteriorated
soils. There is no possible escape from this oppressive tax on labor
of seven million five hundred thousand dollars, but to improve the
land, or run off and leave it.”—Patent Office Report, 1849.

THE END.
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and many other writers on the Scriptures.

The whole designed to be a digest and combination of the advantages of
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The Publishers select the following from the testimonials they have received
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We, the subscribers, having examined the Comprehensive Commentary, issued from the press of
Massrs. L., G. & Co., and lughly approving its character, would cheerfully and confidently recom-
mend tt as containing more matter and mure advantages than any other with which we are
acquainted ; and considering the expense imcurred, and the excellent manner of its mechanical
execution, we believe it to be one of the cheapest works ever issued from the press. We hope the
publishers willbe sustamed by a liberal patronage, in their expensive and useful undertaking. We
should be pleased to learn that every family in the United States had procured a copy.

B. B. WISNER, D. D., Secretary of Am. Board of Com. for For. Missions.

WM. COGSWELL, D.D., ” * Education Society.

JOHN CODMAN, D. D., Pastor of Congregational Church, Dorchester.

Rev. HUBBARD WINSLOW, a * Bowdoin street, Dorchester.

Rev. SEWALL HARDING, Pastor of T. C. Church, Waltham.

Rev. J. H. FAIRCHILD, Pastor of Congregational Church, South Boston.

GARDINER SPRING, D. D., Pastor of Presbytenan Church, New York city.
« “

 

CYRUS MASON, D. D., im a “
THOS. M‘AULEY, D. D., * oe * = *
JOHN WOODBRIDGE, D.D., “* = - ~ %
THOS. DEWITT, D. D., iw Dutch Ref. “ © i?

E. W. BALDWIN, D. D., * « 5 = ”
Rev. J. M. M*KREBS, * Presbyterian “ bad *
Rev. ERSKINE MASON, % “ e “ ”
Rev. J. S. SPENCER, i bd * Brooklyn.
EZRA STILES ELY, D. D., Stated Clerk of Gen. Assem. of Presbytenan Chu:
JOHN M'DOWELL, D. D., Permanent “ " a" 4

JOHN BRECKENRIDGE, Corresponding Secretary of Assembly's Board of Education,
SAMUEL B. WYLIE, D. D., Pastor of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.
N. LORD, D. D., President of Dartmouth College. .
JOSHUA BATES, D. D., President of Middlebury College.

H. HUMPHREY, D. D., oe Antherst College.

E. D. GRIFFIN, D. D., Wilhamstown College.

J. WHEELER, D. D., University of Vermont, at Burhngton.
J. M. MATTHEWS, D. D., New York City University.
GEORGE E. PIERCE, D. D., Western Reserve College, Ohio.

Rev. Dr. BROWN, Jeffersun College, Penn.

LEONARD WOODS, D. D., Professor of Theology, Andover Seminary.
THOS. H. SKINNER, D.D., “ Sac. Rhet. “- “

Rev. RALPH EMERSON, * Eccl. Hist. «

Rev, JOEL PARKER, Pastor of Presbyterian Church, New Orleans.

JOEL HAWES, D.D., “ Congregational Church, Hartford, Conn.
N.S. S. BEAMAN, D. D., * Presbyterian Church, Troy, N. Y.

MARK TUCKER, D. D.,* _ “ oo

Rev. E. N. KIRK, * ie e Albany, N. Y.

Rev. E. B. EDWARDS, Editor of Quarterly Observer.

Rev. STEPHEN MASON, Pastor First Congregational Church, Nantucket.
Rev, ORIN FOWLER, « “ “ “Fall River.
GEORGE W. BETHUNE, D. D., Pastor of the First Reformed Dutch Charch, Philada.
Rev. LYMAN BEECHER, D. D., Cincinnati, Ohio.

Rev. C. D, MALLORY, Pastor Baptist Church, Augusta, Ga.

Rev. S. M. NOEL, “ 4 “Frankfort, Ky.

ce ete

’

 

From the Professors at Princeton Theological Seminary.

The Comprehensive Con:mentary contains the whole of Henry’s Exposition in a condensed form,
Scott's Practical Observations and Marginal References, and a large number of very valuable philo-
togical and cntical notes, selected from vanous authors. The work appears to be executed wita
judgment, fidelity, and care; and will furnish a rich treasure of scriptural knowledge to the
Biblical student, and to the teachers of Sabbath-Schools and Bible Classes.

& A. ALEXANDER, D. D.
SAMUEL MILLER, D. D.
A CHARLES HODGE, D. D
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’8 PUBLICATIONS.

LIPPINCOTT'S EDITION OF

BAGSTER’S COMPREHENSIVE BIBLE,

In order to develope the peculiar nature of the Comprehensive Bible, it will only be necessary
to embrace its more proimtneis fextures.

lst. The SACRED TEXT 1s that of the Authorized Version, and 1s printed from the edition cor-
rected and improved by Dr. Blaney, wluch, from its accuracy, is considered the standard edition.

24. The VARIOUS READINGS are faithfully printed from the edition of Dr. Blaney, inclusive
of the translation of the proper names, without the addition or diminution of one.

3d. In the CHRONOLOGY, great care has been taken to fix the date of the particular transac-
tions, which has seldom been done with any degree of exactness in any former edition of the Bible.

4th. The NOTES are exclusively philological and explanatory, and are not tinctured with senti-
ments of any sect or party. They are selected from the most emiment Biblical critics and com-
mentators.

It rs hoped that this edition of the Holy Bible will be found to contain the essence of Biblical
research and cniticism, that lies dispersed through an immense number of volumes.

Such is the nature and design of this edition of the Sacred Volume, which, from the various
objects it embraces, the freedom of its pages from all sectarian peculiarities, and the beauty, plain-
ness, and correctness of the typography, that it cannot fail of proving acceptable and useful to
Christians of every denormmation.

In addition to the usual references to parallel passages, which ure quite full and numerous, the
student has all the marginal readings, together with a rich selection of Philolomcal, Critical, Histo-
rical, Geographical, and other valuable notes and remarks, which explaim and illustrate the sacred
text. Besides the general introduction, containing valuable essays on the genuineness, authenticity,
and inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, and other topics of interest, there are introductory and con-
cluding remarks to each book—a table of the contents of the Bible, by which the different portions
are 50 arranged as to read in an historical order.

Arranged at the top of each page is the period m which the prominent events of sacred history
took place. The calculations are made for the year of the world before and after Christ, Julian
Period, the year of the Olympiad, the year of the building of Rome, and other notations of time.
At the close 1s inserted a Chronological Index of the Bible, according to the computation of Arch-
bishop Ussher. Also, a full and valuable index of the sudyects contained in the Old and New Testa-
ments, with a careful analysis and arrangement of texts under their appropriate subjects.

Mr. Greenfield, the editor of this work, and for some time previous to his death the superintend-
ent of the editorial department of the British and Foreign Bible Society, was a most extraordinary
man. In editing the Comprehensive Bible, tus varied and extensive learning was called mto suc-
cessful exercise, and appears in happy combination with sincere piety and a sound judgment. The
Editor of the Christian Observer, alluding to this-work, in an obituary notice of its author, speaka
of it as a work of “ prodigious labour and research, at once exhibiting his varied talents and pro-
found erudition.”

 

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OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

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of this work for the beautiful taste, arrangement, and delicate neatness with which they have got
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what is needed in every famuly— the unsophisiicated word of God.’

“The size is quarto, yrinted with beautiful type, on white, sized vealum paper, of the finest texture
and most beautiful surface. The publishers seem to have been solicitous to make a perfectly
unique book, and they have accomplished the object very euceesstull: We trust that a liberal
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athe od ae Pee Messrs. Lippincott, Grambo & Co., Nq 14 North Fourth street, Philuioe
phia,” — Baptist Rec

“A veauti uarto edition of the Bible, by L.,G. & Co. Nothing can exceed the type in cleat
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= M. Magazine.

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Baxter’s Comprehensive Bible,

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A liberal discount made to Booksellers and Agents by the Publishers.

ENCYCLOPADIA OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE;

UR, DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE, THEOLOGY, RELIGIOUS BIOGRAPHY, ALL RELIGIONS,
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, AND MISSIONS,

Designed as a lete Book of Refe on all Religious Subjects, and C ion té the Bible;

forming a cheap and compact Library of Religious Knowledge. Edited by Rev. J. Newton Brown.

Ulustrated by wood-cuts, maps, ari engravings on copper and stecl. In one volume, royal Bro.
Price. 84 00.
6

 

 

/

 

 

 
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & COS PUBLICATIONS.

Ghe Companion to the Bible.

In one super-royal volume.

- «DESIGNED TO ACCOMPANY

THE FAMILY BIBLE,

OR HENRY'S, SCOTT'S, CLARKE'S, GILL'S, OR OTHER COMMENTARIES:
CONTAINING

1. A new, full, and complete Concordance;

Mustrated with monumental, traditional, and oriental engravings, founded on Butterworth’s, with
Cruden’s definitions ; forming, it is believed, on many accounts, a more valuable work than either
Butterworth, Cruden, or any other simular book in the language.

The value of a Concordance is now generally understood; and those who have ured one, con-
ader it indispensable m connection with the Bible.

2. A Guide to the Reading and Study of the Bible ;

being Carpenter’s valuable Biblical C ion, lately published in London, ing @ dt
history of the Bible, and forming a most excellent mtroduction to its study. It embraces the evr
dences of Christianity, Jewish antiquities, manners, customs, arts, natural history, &c., of the Bible,
with notes and engravings added.

 

3. Complete Biographies of Henry, by Williams; Scott, by his
son; Doddridge, by Orton ;

with sketches of the lives and characters, and notices of the works, of the writers on the Scriptures

who are quoted in the Commentary, living and dead, American and foreign.

This part of the volume not only affords a large quantity of interesting and useful reading for
pious families, but will also be a source of gratification to all those who are in the habit of consult-
ing the Commentary ; every one naturally feeling a desire to know some particulars of the lives and
characters of thase whose opinions he seeks. Appended to this part, will be a

BIBLIOTHECA BIBLICA,

or list of the best works on the Bible, of all kinds, arranged under their appropriate heads.
4. A complete Index of the Matter contained in the Bible Text.
5. A Symbolical Dictionary.

A very comprehensive and valuable Dictionary of Scripture Symbols, (occupying about fifty-siz
closely printed pages,) by Thomas Wemyss, (author of “Biblical Gleanings,” &c.) Comprising
Daubuz, Lancaster, Hutcheson, &c.

6. The Work contains several other Articles,
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7. Llustrated by a large Plan of Jerusalem,

identifying, as far as tradition, &c., go, the original sites, drawn on the spot by F, Catherwood, of
London, architect. Also, two steel engravings of portraits of seven foreign and eight American
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The whole forms a desirable and necessary fund of mstruction for the use not only of clergymen
and Sabbath-school teachers, but also for fanilzes When the great amount of matter it must
contain is considered, it will be deemed exceedingly cheap.

“1 have examined ‘The Companion to the Bible,’ and have been surprised to find so much inform-

ation introduced into a volume of so moverate a size. [t contams a hbrary of sacred knowledge
and eniticism. It will be usefal to ministers who own large bbraries, and canner fal to be an

invaluable help to every reader of the Bible.” Pastur of Congregational Church, V enionk:

 

The above work can be had in several styles of binding. Price varying
from $1 75 to $5 00.
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ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES,

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DERIVED PRINCIPALLY FROM THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ANTIQUITIES, TRADITIONS,
AND FORMS OF SPEECH, RITES, CLIMATE, WORKS OF ART, AND
LITERATURE OF THE EASTERN NATIONS:

EMBODYING ALL THAT IS VALUABLE IN THE WORKS OF
ROBERTS, HARMER, BURDER, PAXTON, CHANDLER,

And the most celebrated orienta] travellers. Embracing also the subject of the Fulfilment of
Prophecy, as exhibited by Keith and others; with descriptions of the present state
of countnes and places mentioned in the Sacred Writings.

ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS LANDSCAPE ENGRAVINGS,

FROM SKETCHES TAKEN ON THE SPOT.

Edited by Rev. GzorcE Busy,

Professor of Hebrew and Oriental Literature in the New York City University.

The importance of this work must be obvious, and, being altogether tlustratrve, without reference
to doctrines, or other poiunts.an which Chnsvians differ, it is hoped it will meet with favour from all
who love the sacred volume, and that 1t will be sufficiently interesting and attractive to recommend
itself, not only to professed Chnstians of ad/ denominations, but also to the general reader. The
arrangement of the texts illustrated witb the notes, in the order of the chapters and verses of the
authonzed version of the Bible, will render it convenient for reference to particular passages;
while the copious Index at the end will at once enable the reader to turn to every subject discussed
in the volume.

This volume 1s not designed to take the place of Commentaries, but is a distinct department of biblical
instruction, and mav he used as a companiwn to the Comprehensive or any other Commentary, or the

Holy Bible.
THE ENGRAVINGS

tm this volume, it is believed, will form no small part of its attractions. No pains have been spared
to procure such as should embellish the work, and, at the same time, illustrate the text. Objec-
tions that have been made to the pictures commonly introduced into the Bible, as being mere crea-
tions of fancy and the tmagination, often unlike nature, and frequently conveying false impressions,
cannot be urged against the pictonal iltustrations of this volume Here the fine arts are made
subservient to utility, the landscape views being, without an exception, matter-of-fact views of places
mentioned in Scripture, as they appear at the present day; thus in many instances exhibiting, in the
most forcible manner, fo the eye, the strict and literal fulfilment of the remarkable prophecies; ‘the
present ruined and desolate condition of the cities of Babylon, Nineveh, Selah, &., and the coun-
tnes of Edom and Egypt, are he and so plete} ify, in the most
minute particulars, every thing which was foretold of them mm the height of their prosperity, that
no better description can now be given of them than a simple quotation from a chapter and verse
of the Bible written nearly two or three thousand years ago” The publishers are enabled to selert
from several collections lately pablished in London, the propnetor of one of which says that “seve-
ral distinguished travellers have afforded tum the use of nearly Three Hundred Orginal Sketches”
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scenes of the most picturesque beauty. Syma cumprehends the amowy heights of Lebanon, and the
Majestic uns of 'Tatmor and Baalhec.” *
The above work can be had in various styles of binding.

Price from §1 50 to 85 00.

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language.

The value of a Concordance is now generally understood ; and those who have used one, con-
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it is printed on fine white paper, with beautiful large type.

Price One Dollar.
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The Errors of Modern Infidelity Illustrated and Refuted.

BY S. MI. SCHIMUCKER, A. MM.

In one volume, 12mo.; cloth. . Just published. head
i c, in whatever light we view it in reference to its design, a8 one
Cee eae Geico af the age, and fitted to uproot one of the most fondly chenatie’
and dangerous ofall ancient or modern errors God must 1 fy, which would bring Fis Majesty
| tle elity, 1 woul:
Weed done fete an of human reason, for condemnation and annihilation. —Alb. Spectator

7
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.

Ghe Clergy of America:

CONSISTING OF

ANECDOTES ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE CHARACTER OF MINISTERS OF RELI
GION IN THE UNITED STATES,

BY JOSEPH BELCHER, D.D.,
Editor of “The Complete Works of Andrew Fuller,” “ Robert Hall,” &e.
“Thuis very interesting and instructive collection of pleasing and solemn remembrances of many

pions men, illustrates the character of the day in which they lived, and defines the men more
clearly than very elaborate essays.” — Ballimore American. is,

“ We regard the collection as highly interesting, and judiciously made.” — Presbyterian.

JOSEPHUS'S (FLAVIUS) WORKS,

FAMILY EDITION.
BY THE LATE WILLIAM WHISTON, A. II.
FROM THE LAST LONDON EDITION, COMPLETE.
One olume, beautifully illustrated with Steel Plates, and the only readable edition
published in this country. “.

As a matter of course, every family in our conntry has a copy of the Holy Bible; and as the pre-
sumption is that the greater portion often consult its pages, we take the liberty of saying to all those
that do, that the perusal of the writings of Josephus will be found very interesting and instructive.

All those who wish to possess a beautiful and correct copy of this valuable work, would do well
to purchase this edition. It is for sale at all the principal bookstores in the United States, and by
country merchants generally in the Southern and Western States.

Also, the above work-m two volumes.

_ BURDER’S VILLAGE SERMONS;,
Or, 101 Plain and Short Discourses on the Principal Doctrines of the Gospel.

INTENDED FOR THE USE OF FAMILIES, SUNDAY-SCHOOLS, OR COMPANIES ASSSM-
BLED FOR RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN COUNTRY VILLAGES,

BY GEORGE BURDER.
To which Is adjled to each Sermon, a Short Prayer, with some General Prayers for Families,
Schools, &c., at the end of the work.
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.

‘These sermons, which are characterized by a beautiful simplicity, the entire absence of gontro-
versy, and a true evangelical spint, have gone through many and large editions, and been translated
into several of the contmental languages. ‘ They have also been the honoured means not only of
converting many dividuals, but also of introducing the Gospel into districts, and even to pansh
churches, where before it was comparatively unknown.”

“This work fully deserves the immortality it has attained.”

This is a fine library edition of this mvaluable work; and when we say that it should be found in
the possession of every family, we only réiterate the sentuments and sincere wishes of all who take
a deep interest in the eternal welfare of mankind.

 

 

 

NAR

- FAMILY PRAYERS AND HYMNS,

ADAPTED TO FAMILY WORSHD,
AND

TABLES FOR THE REGULAR READING OF THE SCRIPTURES.
By Rev. 8. C. Wincnzsrer, A. M.,

Late Pastor of the Sixth Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia; and the Presbyterian Church a
Natchez, Miss.

One volume, 12mo.

8
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.

SPLENDID LIBRARY EDITIONS,
ILLUSTRATED STANDARD PORTS.

ELEGANTLY PRINTED, ON FINE PAPER, AND UNIFORM IN SIZE AND
STYLE.

 

 

The following Editions of Standard British Poets are illustrated with numerous Steel
Engravings, and may be had in all varieties of binding.

BYRON’S WORKS.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.

INCLUDING ALL HIS SUPPRESSED AND ATTRIBUTED POEMS; WITH SIX BEAUTIFUL
ENGRAVINGS.

This edition has been carefully compared with the recent London edition of Mr. Murray, and
made complete by the additien of more than fifty pages of poems heretofore unpublished in Eng-
land. Among these there are a number that have never appeared in any Amencan edition; and
the publishers believe they are warranted in saying that this is the most complete edition of Lor
Byron's Poetical Works ever published in the United States.

Che Wortical Works of Hrs. Wemans.

Complete in one volume, octavo; with seven beautiful Engravings.

This is a new and compiete edition, with a splendid engraved likeness of Mrs. Hemans, on steei,
and contains all the Poems in the last London and American editions. With a Critical Preface by
Mr. Thatcher, of Boston.

“As no work in the English language can be commended with more confidence, it will argue had
taste ma female in this country to be without a complete edition of the writings of one who was
an honour to her sex and to humanity, and whose productions, from first to last, contain no syllable
calculated to call a blush to the cheek of modesty and virtue. There is, moreover, in Mrs. Hemans’s
poetry, a moral purity and a religious feeling which commend it, in an especial manner, to the dis-
criminating reader. No parent or guardian will be under the necessity:of imposing restrictions
with regard to the free perusal of every production emanating from this gifted woman. There
breathes throughout the whole a most eminent exemption from impropriety of thought or diction ;
and there is at times a pensiveness of tone, a winning sadness in her more serious compositions,
which tells of a suul which has been lifted from the contemplation of terrestrial things, to divine
sommunings with beings of a purer world.”

MILTON, YOUNG, GRAY, BEATTIE, AND COLLINS'S
POETICAL WORKS.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.
WITH SIX BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS.

 

 

 

Comper aud Chamsiu’s Prose anh Partical Parks.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.
aacluimg two hundred and fifly Letters, and sundry Poems of Cowper, never before published ip
this country; and of Thomson a new and interesting Memow, and upwards of twenty
new Poems, for the first tune printed from his own Manuscripts, taken from ,
a late Edition of the Aline Poets, now publishiug in London.
WITH SEVEN BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS.

The distmamshed Professor Silliman. speaking of this edition, observes = “J am as much gratifiea
by the elegance and fine taste of your edition, ag by the poble Inbute of gens and moral excel-
tence which these dehebtful authors have left for all future generations ; und Cowper, espacially,
is not teas conspicuous as a true Christian, muralist and teacher, than as a poet of great puwer and
exquisite taste “

9
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.

THE POETICAL WORKS OF ROGERS, CAMPBELL, MONTGOMERY,
LAMB, AND KIRKE WHITE.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.
WITH SIX BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS,

The beauty, correctness, and convenience of this favourite edition of these standard authors are
so well known, that it is scarcely necessary to add a word in its favour. It is only necessary Lo say,
that the publishers have now issued an illustrated edition, which greatly enhances its former value
The engravings are excellent and well selected. It is the best ubrary edition extant.

CRABBE, HEBER, AND POLLOK’S POETICAL WORKS.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.
WITH SIX BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS,

A writer in the Boston Traveller holds the following language with reference to these valuable
editions :—

“Mr. Editor: —I wish, without any idea of puffing, to say a word or two upon the ‘ Library of
English Poets’ that is now published at Philadelphia, by Lippincott, Grambo & Co. It is certainly,
taking into consideration the elegant manner in which it is printed, and the reasonable price at
which it is afforded to purchasers, the best edition of the modern British Poets that has ever been
published in this’‘country. Each volume is an octavo of about 500 pages, double columns, steieo-
typed. and accompanied with fine engravings and biographical sketches; and most of them are
reprinted from Galignani’s French edition. As to its value, we need only mention that it contams
the entire works of Montgomery, Gray, Beattie, Collins, Byron, Cowper, Thomson, Milton, Young,
Rogers, Campbell, Lamb, Hemuns, Heber, Kirke White, Crabbe, the Miscellaneous Works of Gold-
smith, and other masters of the lyre. The publishers are doing a great service by their publication,
and their volumes are almost in as great demand as the fashionable novels of the day; and they
deserve to be so: for they are certainly printed in a style superior to that 1 which we have before
had the works of the English Poets.”

‘No library can be considered complete without a copy of the above beautiful and cheap editions
of the English Puets; and persons ordering all ur any of them, will please say Lippincott, Grombo
& Co.'s Wlustrated editions.

 

 

A COMPLETE

Dictionary of Portical Quotations:

COMPRISING THE MOST EXCELLENT AND APPROPRIATE PASSAGES IN
THE OLD BRITISH POETS; WITH CHOICE AND COPIOUS SELEC-.
TIONS FROM THE BEST MOVERN BRITISH AND
AMERICAN POETS.

EDITED BY SARAH JOSEPHA HALE.
As nightingales do upon glow-worms feed,
So poets live upon the living light

Of Nature and of Beauty.
Bailey's Festus.

Beautifully illustrated with Engravings. In one super-royal octavo volume, in various
bindings,
'
The publishers extract, from the many highly complimentary notices of the above valuable and
beautiful work, the following:

“We have at last a volume of Poetical Quotations worthy of the name. It contains nearly siz
hundred aay pages, carefully, ariel ooerully selected fromy all the home and foreign authors of
: valuable to a writer, while to the % i ei i
Planes Galare Late Bro. . ordinary reader it presents every subject at a
“The plan or idea of Mrs. Hale's work is felicitous. It is one for which her fine taste, her order!
habits of mind, and her long occupation with literature, has given her peculiar facilities ; and tho

roughly has she accomplished her task in the work before us.” — Sartain’s Magazine. :
“Tt is a choice collection of poetical extracts from every English
perusing, from the days of Chaucer to the present time.” Won ce

“There is nothing negative about this work; it is positively good." — Evening Bulletin.

10
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.
THE DIAMOND EDITION OF BYRON.
THE POETICAL WORKS OF LORD BYRON,

WITH A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE.
COMPLETE IN ONE NEAT DUODECIMO VOLUME, WITH STEEL PLATES.

The type of this edition is so perfect, and it is printed with so much care, on fine white paper,
that it can be read with as much ease as most of the larger editions. This work is to be had is
plain and superb binding, making a beautiful volume for a gift.

“ The Poetical Works of Lord Byron, complete in one volume : published by L., G. & Co., Phila

delphia. We hazard nothing in saying that, take it altogether, this is the most elegant work ever
issued from the American press.

“*Ina single volume, not larger than an ordinary duedecimo, the publishers have embraced the
whole of Lord Byron’s ‘Poems, usually printed in ten or twelve volumes; and, what is more remark-
able, have done it with a type so clear and distinct, that, notwithstanding its necessarily small size,
it may be read with the utmost facility, even b failmg eyes. The buok is stereotyped ; and never
have we seen a finer specimen of that art. Everything about it is perfect —the paper, the prmt-
ing, the binding, all correspond with each other; and it is embellished with two fine engravings,
well worthy the companionship in which they are placed.

“<This will make a beautiful Chnstmas present.

“We extract the above from Gudey's 's Book. The notice itself, we are given to understand,
1s written by Mrs. Hale.

“We have to add our commendation in favour of this beautiful volume, a copy of which has
been sent us by the publishers. The admirers of the noble bard will feel obliged to the enterprise
which has prompted the publishers to dare a competition with the numerous editions of huis works
already in circulation; and we shall be surprised if this convenient travelling edition does not in a
great degree supersede the use of the large oclavo works, which have little advantage in size and
openness of type, and are much inferior in the qualities of portability and hghtness.” — Intelligencer.

THE DIAMOND EDITION OF MOORE.

(CORRESPONDING WITH BYBON.)

.

THE POETICAL WORKS OF THOMAS MOORE,
COLLECTED BY HIMSELF. .

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME,

Ts work is published uniform with Byron, from the last London edition, and isthe most com-
plete printed in the country.

THE DIAMOND EDITION OF SHAKSPEARE,

(COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME,)
INCLUDING A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE.
UNIFORM WITH BYRON AND MOORE.

THE ABOVE WORKS CAN BE HAD IN SEVERAL VARIETIES OF BINDING.

GOLDSMITH’S ANIMATED NATURE.

IN TWO VOLUMES, OCTAVO.

BEAUTIFULLY ILLUSTRATED WITH 385 PLATES.
NONTAINING A HISTORY OF THE EARTH, ANIMALS, BIRDS, AND FISHES; FORMING
THE MOST COMPLETE NATURAL HISTORY EVER PUBLISHED.

This is a work that should be in the library of every family, having been written by one of the

most talented authors in the English language. és . ‘ d J
“Goldsmith can never be iade obsolete while delicate genius, exquisite feeling, fine invention,

he most harmonious metre, and the happiest diction, are at all valued.”
nnn

BIGLAND’S NATURAL HISTORY

Of Avimais, Birds, Fishes, Reptiles, and Insects. Illustrated with numerous and beautiful Engrav
ings. By JOHN BIGLAND, author of a“ View of the World,” “Jetters on
‘ Universal History,” ce. Complete in 1 vol.. 12mo.

11 &

 

 

 
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.

THE POWER AND PROGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,

THE UNITED STATES; Its Power and Progress.
BY GUILLAUME TELL POUSSIN,
LATE MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF FRANCE TO THE UNITED STATES.
FIRST AMERICAN, FROM THE THIRD PARIS EDITION.

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY EDMOND L. DU BARRY, M.D,,
SURGEON U. S. NAVY.
In one large octavo volume.

 

 

 

 

SCHOOLCRAFT'S GREAT NATIONAL WORK ON THE INDIAN TRIBES OF
THE UNITED STATES,

WITH BEAUTIFUL AND ACCURATE COLOURED ILLUSTRATIONS.

HISTORICAL ANB STATISTICAL INFORMATION

RESPECTING THE

HISTORY, CONDITION AND PROSPECTS

OF THE

Andion Gribes of the Wuited States.

COLLECTED AND PREPARED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE BUREAU OF INDIAN
AFPAIKS, PER ACT OF MARCH 3, 1847,

BY HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT, LL.D.
ILLUSTRATED BY S, EASTMAN, Capr, U. 8, A,
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS.

 

 

THE AMERICAN GARDENER’S CALENDAR,

ADAPTED TO THE CLIMATE AND SEASONS OF THE UNITED STATES.

Containing a complete account of all the work necessary to be done in the Kitchen Garden, Fruit
Garden, Orchard, Vineyard, Nursery, Pleasure-Ground, Flower Garden, Green-house, Hot-house,
and Forcing Frames, for every month mn the year; with ample Practical Directions for performung
the same.

Also, geueral as well as minute instructions for laying out or erecting each and every of the above
departinents, according to modern taste and the must approved plans; the Ornamental Planting of
Pleasure Grounds, in the ancient and modern style; the cultivation of Thorn Quicks, and other
plants suitable for Live Hedges, with the best methods of making them, &c. To which are annexe
catalogues of Kitchen Garden Plants and Herbs; Aromatic, Pot, and Sweet Herbs; Medicinal
Wants, and the most «mportant Grapes, &c., used in rural economy; with the suil best adapted +o
their cultivation. Together with a copious Index to the body of the work.

BY BERNARD M‘'MAHON,
Tenth Edition, greatly improved, In one volume, octavo.

 

THE USEFUL AND THE BEAUTIFUL;

OK, DOMESTIC AND MORAL DUTIES NECESSARY TO SOCIAL HAPPINESS,
BEAUTIFULLY ILLUSTRATED.
16mo. square cloth. Price 50 and 75 cents.

1z
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.
THE FARMER'S AND PLANTER'S ENCYCLOPADIA.

Che Farmer's ant Plouter’s Encyclopedia of ural Afaira,
BY CUTHBERT W. JOHNSON.
ADAPTED TO THE UNITED STATES BY GOUVERNEUR EMERSON.

Qlustrated by seventeen beautiful Engravings of Cattle, Horses, Sheep, the varieties of Wheal
Barley, Oats, Grasses, the Weeds of Agriculture, &c.; besides numerous Engrav-
ings on wood of the most important implements of Agriculture, &c.

This standard work contains the latest and best information upon all subjects connected with
frming, and appertaming to the couaotry; treatmng of the great crops of grain, hay, cotton, hemp,
tobacco, nice. sugar, &c. &c.; of horses and mules; of cattle, with minute particulars relating to
cheese aud butter-making ; of fowls, mclading a description of capon-making, with drawings of the
instruments employed; of bees, and the Russian and other systems of managing bees and con-
structing hives. Long articles ou the uses and preparation of bones, lime, guano, and all sorts of
aumal, mmeral, and vegetable substances employed as manures, Descriptions of the most approved
ploughs, harrows, threshers, and every other agricultural machine and implement; of fruit and
shade trees, forest trees, and shrubs; of weeds, and all kinds of flies, and destructive worms and
‘nsects, and the hest means of getting nd of them; together with a Lhousand other mattets relating
orural life, about which information is so constaitly desired by all residents of the country.

® IN ONE LARGE OCTAVO VOLUME.

MASON’S FARRIER—FARMERS? EDITION.

Price, 62 cents.

THE PRACTICAL FARRIER, FOR FARMERS:

COMPRISING a GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE NOBLE AND USEFUL ANIMAL,

THE HORSE;
WITH MODES OF MANAGEMENT IN ALL CASES, AND TREATMENT IN DISEASE.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,

A PRIZE ESSAY ON MULES: AND AN APPENDIX,

Containing Recipes for Diseases of Horses, Oxen, Cows, Calves, Sheep, Dogs, Swine, &c. &e.
BY RICHARD MASON, Hi. nN.,
Formerly of Surry County, Virginia.
In one volume, 12mo.; bound in cloth gilt.

MASON’S FARRIER AND STUD-BOOK—NEW EDITION.
THE GENTLEMAN’S NEW POCKET FARRIER:

COMPRISING A GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE NOBLE AND USEFUL ANIMAL,

THE HORSE;

WITH MODES OF MANAGEMENT IN ALL CASES, AND TREATMENT IN DISEASE

BY RICHARD MASON, M.D.,
Formerly of Surry County, Virgima.
¢o which 1s added, A PRIZE ESSAY ON MULES; and AN APPENDIX, containing Recipes for
Diseases of Horses, Oxen, Cows, Calves, Sheep, Dogs, Swine, &c. &e. ; with Annals
of the Turf, American Stud-Book, Rules for Traiming, Racing, &

WITH A SUPPLEMENT,

Uompnising an Essay on Dornestic Animals, especially the Horse; with Remarks on Treatment ang
Breeding , together with Trotting and Racing Tables, show ng the best time on record at one
two, three aud four mile heats ; Pedigrees of Winning Horses, since 1839, and of the most
celebrated Stallions and Mares; with useful Calving and Lamb:ng Tables By
J. S SKINNER, Editor now of the Farmer's Library, New York, é&o. &.

R ; 13

 

 

 

 
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.

HINDS’S FARRIERY AND STUD-BOOK—NEW EDITION,

FARRIERY,
TAUGHT ON A NEW AND EASY PLAN:

BEING

@ Greatise on the Diseases aud Arcitents of the Worse ;

fith Instructions to the Shoeing Smith, Farrier, and Groom; preceded by a Popular Description o4
the Animal Functions in Health, and how these are to be restored when disordered.
: BY JOHN HINDS, VETERINARY SURGEON.
With considerable Additions and Improvements, particularly adapted to this country,
BY THOMAS M. SMITH,
Veterinary ‘Surgeon, and Member of the London Vetennary Medical Society.

WITH A SUPPLEMENT, BY J. 8. SKINNER.

The publishers have received numerous flattering notices of the great practical value of these
works. The distinguished editor of the American Farmer, speaking of them, observes: —“ We
cannot too highly recommend these books, and therefore advise every owner of a horse to obtain
them.”

“There are receipts in those books that show how Founder may be cured, and the traveller’ pur-
my his journey the next day, by giving a tablespoonful of alum, This was got from Dr. P. Thornten,
ontpeher, Rappahannock county, Virginia, as founded on his own observation in several cases.’

 

“The constant demand for Mason's and Hinds’s Farrier has induced the publishers, Messrs. Lip-
eon rambo & Co.,to put forth new editions, with a ‘Supplement’ of 100 pages, byJ. S. Skinner,
Es e should have sought to render an acceptable service to our agricultural readers, by giving
apter from the Supplement ‘On the Relations | between Man and the Domestic Animals, Spe
cially the Horse, and the Obhgations they impose ;’ or the one on ‘The Form of 7 b at
either one of them would overrun the space here allotted to such subjects.”

“ Lists of Medicines, and other articles which ought to be at hand about every training and livery
stable, and every Farmer's and Breeder’s establishment, will be found in these valuable works.”

 

TO CARPENTERS AND MECHANICS.
Just Published.

 

A NEW AND IMPROVED EDITION OF

THE CARPENTER’S NEW GUIDE,

BEING A COMPLETE BOOK OF LINES FOR

ARPENTRY AND JOINERY;

Treating fully on Practical Geometry, Saffit’s Brick and Plaster Groins, Niches of every descripuon,
Sky-lights, Lines for Roofs and Domes; with a great variety of Designs for Roofs,
Trussed Girders, Floors, Domes, Bridges, &c., Angle Bars for Shop
Fronts, &c., and Raking Mouldings.
x ALSO,

Additional Plans for various Stair-Cases, with the Lines for producing the Face and Falling Moulds
never before published, and greatly superior to those given in a former edition of this work.

BY WILLIAM JOHNSON, ARCHITECT,
OF PHILADELPHIA.

Tue whole founded on true Geometrical Principles; the Theory and Practice well expiaimed and
fully exemplified, on eighty-three copper plates, including some Observations and Calculations on
she Strength of Timber.

BY PETER NICHOLSON,

Satnor of “The Carpenter and Jovier’s Assistant,” “The Student’s instructor to the Vive
Orders,” &c.

Thirteenth Edition. “One volume, 4to., well bound.
14
LIPPINCOTT, @RAMBO & co.’s PUBLICATIONS.

A DICTIONARY OF SELECT AND POPULAR QUOTATIONS,
WHICH ARE IN DAILY USE.

TAKEN FROM THE LATIN, FRENCH, GREEK, SPANISH AND ITALIAN LANGUAGES.

Together with a copious Collection of Law Maxims and Law Terms, translated into
English, with Illustrations, Historical and Idiomatic.

NEW AMERICAN EDITION, CORRECTED, WITH ADDITIONS,
One volume, 12mo.

This volume compnises a copious collection of legal and other terms which are in common usa,

with English translations and historical illustrations; and we should judgg its author had surely
een to a great “ Feast of Languages,” and stole all the scraps. A work of this character should
have an extensive sale, as it entirely obviates a serious difficulty in which most readers are involved
by the frequent occurrence of Latin, Greek, and French passages, which we suppose are introduced
by authors for a mere show of learning —a difficulty very perplexing to readers in general. This
“Dictionary of Quotations,” concerning which too much cannot be said in its favour, effectyally
temoves the difficulty, and gives the reader an advantage over the author ; “for we believe a majority
are themselves ignorant of the meaning of the terms they employ. Very few truly learned authors
will insult their readers by introducing Latin or French quotations m their writings, when “ plain
English” will do as well; but we will not enlarge on this point.

If the book 1s useful to those unacquainted with other languages, it isno less valuable to the
clussically educated as a book of reference, and answers all the purposes of a Lexicon — indeed, on
many accounts, it is better. It saves the trouble of tumbling over the larger volumes, to which
every one, and especially those engaged in the legal profession, are verv often subjected. It should
have a place in every library in the country.

 

RUSCHENBERGER’S NATURAL HISTORY,

COMPLETE, WITH NEW GLOSSARY.

Che Elements of Ratural Wistory,

EMBRACING ZOOLOGY, BOTANY AND GEOLOGY:
FOR SCHOOLS, COLLEGES AND FAMILIES.
BY W.S. W. RUSCHENBERGER,M.D.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
WITH NEARLY ONE THOUSAND ILLUSTRATIONS, AND A COPIOUS GLOSSARY.
Vol. L. contams Vertebrate Animals. Vol. II. contains Intervertebrate Animals, Botany, and Geology,

 

 

A Beautiful and Valuable Presentation Book.
THE POET’S OFFERING.

EDITED BY MRS. HALE.

Wth a Portrait of the Editress, a Splendid Illuminated Title-Page, and Twelve Beautiful Engrav-
ings by Sartain. Bound in rich Turkey Morocco, and Extra Cloth, Gilt Edge.

To those who wish to make a present that will never lose its value, this will be found the most
¢esirable Gift-Book ever published. ‘ :

“We commend it ty all who desire to present a friend with a volume not only very beautiful, but
of solid mtrinsic value.” — Washington Union. | ;

“A perfect Lreasury of the thoughts and fancies of the best English and American Poets. The
paper and printing are beautiful, and the binding neh, elegantyand substantial; the most sensible
and attractive of all the elezant gift-books we have seen.” — Evening Bulletin.

“The publishers deserve the thanks of fhe public for so happy a thought, so well executed. The
eugravings are by the best artists, and the other purtions of the work correspond im elegance.” --
Public Le

'-* There is no book of selections so diversified and appropriate within our kmowledge.”—Pennsyl'n.
“lt is one of the most valuable as well as elegant books ever pubiished in this country.” — Godey's
'« Book. . 2 a. ad
“his the most beautifu. and the most useful offering ever bestowed on the public. No individuay
of hterary taste will venture to be without it.’ — The Cuy Item

15
LIPPINCOTT, QGRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.

THE YOUNG DOMINICAN;
OR, THE MYSTERIES OF THE INQUISITION,

AND OTHER SECRET SOCIETIES OF SPAIN.
BY M. V. DE FEREAL.
WITH HISTORICAL NOTES, BY M, MANUEL DE CUENDIAS

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH.
ILLUSTRATED WITH TWENTY SPLENDID ENGRAVINGS BY FRENCH ARTISTS

One volume, octavo.

 

 

SAY’S POLITICAL ECONOMY.

" A TREATISE ON POLITICAL ECONOMY;

Or, The Production, Distribution and Consumption of Wealth.
BY JEAN BAPTISTS SAY.

FIFTH AMERICAN EDITION, WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES,
BY Cc. C. BIDDLE, Esq.

In one volume, octavo,

It would be beneficial to our country if all those who are aspiring to office, were required by then
constituents to be familiar with the pages of Say.

The distmguished biographer of the author, in noticing this work, observes: “ Happily for science
he commenced that study which forms the basis of his admirable Treatise on Political Economy ; a
work which not only improved under his hand with every successive edition, but has been translated
into most of the European languages.”

The Editor of the North Amencan Review, speaking of Say, observes, that “he is the most
popular, and perhaps the most able writer on Political Economy, since the time of Smith.”

LAURENCE STERNE'S WORKS,
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR:

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.
WITH SEVEN BEAUTIFUL ILLUSTRATIONS, ENGRAVED BY GILBERT AND GIHON,
FROM DESIGNS BY DARLEY.
One volume, octavo; cloth, gilt.
To commend or to criticise Sterne’s Works, in this age of the world, would be all * wasteful and
extravagant excess.” Uncle Toby—Corporal Trim—the Widow—Le Fevre — Poor Mana—the
Captive—even the Dead Ass,—this is all we have to say of Sterne; and in the memory of these

characters, histories, and sketches, a thousand follies and worse than follies are forgotten. The
volume is 2 very handsome one.

THE MEXICAN WAR AND ITS HEROES,
A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN WAR,
EMBRACING ALL THE OPERATIONS UNDER GENERALS TAYLOR AND SCOTT.
WITH A BIOGRAPHY OF THH OFFICERS,

AL8O,

AN ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO,

Under en. Kearny Cols. Doniphan and Fremont. Together with Numerous Anecdotes of tha
War, and Personal Adventures of the, Officers. flustrated with Accurate
Portraits, and other Beautiful Engravings.
In one volume, 12mo.

16

 

 
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.’S PUBLICATIONS.
NEW AND COMPLETE COOK-BOOK.
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CONTAINING UPWARDS OF

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and numerous Preparations for Invalids.

BY MRS. BLISS.
In one volume, 12mo.

 

Che City Merchant; oc, Che Alystorinns Failure.
BY J.B. JONES,
AUTHOR OF “WILD WESTERN SCENES,” “THE WESTERN MERCHANT,” &«.
ILLUSTRATED WITH TEN ENGRAVINGS,
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CALIFORNIA AND OREGON;
OR, SIGHTS IN THE GOLD REGION, AND SCENES BY THE WAY,
BY THEODORE T. JOHNSON,
WITH NOTES, BY HON. SAMUEL R. THURSTON,
Delegate to Congress from that Territory.

With numerous Plates and Maps.

 

AUNT PHILLIS’S CABIN;
OR, SOUTHERN LIFE AS IT IS.
BY MRS. MARY H. EASTMAN.
PRICE, 50 AND 75 CENTS.

This volume presents a picture of Southern Life, taken at different pomts of view from the one
occupied by the authoress of “Uncle Tom's Cabin.” The writer, being a native of the South, is fa-
noiliar with the many varied aspects assumed by domestic servitude in that sunny region, and there=
fore feels competent to give pictures of “ Southern Life, as it is.”

Piedged to no clique or party, and free from-the pressure of any and all extraneous@pfluencen,
she has written her book with a view to its truthfulness; and the public at the North, as well as
at the South, will find in “ Aunt Phillis’s Cabin” not the distorted picture of an interested painter,
but the faithful transcript of a Daguerreotypist.

WHAT IS CHURCH HISTORY?

AVINDICATION OF THE IDEA OF HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS
BY PHILIP SCHAF,
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN.
In one volume, 12mo.

B* 17

 
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DISCOURSES TO YOUNG MEN.
ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS HIGHLY INTERESTING ANECDOTES.

BY WILLIAM DODD, LL.D.,
CHAPLAIN IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY GEORGE THE THIRD.
FIRST AMERICAN EDITION, WITH ENGRAVINGS,

One volume, 18mo.

 

THE IRIS:

AN ORIGINAL SOUVENIR.

With Contributions from the First Writers in the Country.

EDITED BY PROF. JOHN S. HART.
With Splendid Muminations and Steel Engravings. Bound in Turkey Morocco and rich Papier
Mache Binding.
IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.

Its contents are entirely original. Among the contributors are names well known in the republic
of letters; such as Mr. Boker, Mr Stoddard, Prof. Moffat, Edith May, Mrs. Sigourney, Caroline May,
Mrs. Kinney, Mrs. Butler, Mrs. Pease, Mrs. Swift, Mr. Van Bibber, Rev. Charles T. Brooks, Mrs.
Dorr, Erastus W. Ellsworth, Miss E. W. Barnes, Mrs. Williams, Mary Young, Dr. Gardette, Alice
Carey, Phebe Carey, Augusta Browne, Hamilton Browne, Caroline Eustis, Margaret Junkin, Maria
J. B. Browne, Miss Starr, Mrs. Brotherson, Kate Campbell, &c.

Gems from the Sorced Mine;

OR, HOLY THOUGHTS UPON SACRED SUBJECTS.
BY CLERGYMEN OF THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
EDITED BY THOMAS WYATT, A.M.

In one volume, 12mo.

WITH SEVEN BEAUTIFUL STEEL ENGRAVINGS.

The contents of this work are chiefly by clergymen of the Episcopal Church. Among the con-
tributors will be found the names of the Right Rev. Bishop Potter, Bishop Hopkins, Bishep Smith,
Bishop Johus, and Bishop Doane; and the Rev. Drs. H. V. D. Johns, Coleman, and Butler; Rev. G.
Tr Bedell, M‘Cabe, Ogilsby, &c. The illustrations are rich and exquisitely wrought engravings upon
tue following subjects: —‘ Samuel befure Eli,” “ Peter and John healing the Lame Man,” “The
Resurrection of Christ,” “Joseph sold by his Brethren,” “The Tables of the, Law,” “ Christ's
Agony in the Garden,” and “The Flight into Egypt.” These subjects, with many others in prose
and verse, are ably treated throughout the work,

 

 

ANCIENT CHRISTIANITY EXEMPLIFIED,

In the Private, Domestic, Social, and Civil Life of the Primitive
Christians, and in the Original Institutions, Offices,
Ordinances, and Rites of the Church.

BY REV. LYMAN COLEMAN, D,D.

In one volume 8vo. Price $2 50.

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