Popular Indonesian Literature
of the Qur'an
Howard M. Federspiel
Cornell Modern Indonesia ProjectPopular Indonesian Literature
of the Qur'an
Howard M. Federspiel
(Publication no. 72)
Cornell Modern Indonesia Project
Southeast Asia Program
Cornell University
Ithaca, New York
1994© 1994 Cornell Modem Indonesia Project
ISBN 0-87763-038-0
Price: $14.00
Typeset by Roberta H. LudgateContents
Preface ..................................................................... 1
Introduction—Background, Methodology, and Measurements ...................... 3
Chapter 1. Studies of the Qur'an in the Context of the Indonesian National
Scene........................................................... 9
Section 1. Islamic Scripture in the History of the Modem Indonesian
State ......................................................... 10
Section 2. The Qur'an in the View of the Contemporary Indonesian
State ......................................................... 25
Section 3. The Use of Qur'an in the View of the Community of
Indonesian Believers........................................... 28
Chapter 2. The Legacy of Islam......................................... 31
Section 1. Islamic Intellectual History.......................... 31
Section 2. The Position of the Religious Scholar in Islamic Tradition . 40
Section 3. The Importance of the Arabic Language....................... 41
Chapter 3. Making the Qur'an Comprehensible in Indonesian.................... 43
Section 1. Background for a Study of the Qur'an— a review of
Munawar Khalil, Aboebakar Atjeh, and Bahrum Rangkuti ................ 50
Section 2. Muslim Belief in the Qur'an as Scripture—a review of
Jamaluddin Kafie, Oemar Bakry, and Joesoef Sou'yb.................... 52
Section 3. The Science of Commenting on the Qur'an—a review of Hadi
Permono, M. Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, and Masjfuk Zuhdi............. 55
Section 4. Second Generation Commentaries—a review of Ahmad
Hassan, Qamaruddin Hamidy, and Mahmud Yunus ................... 58
Section 5. Third Generation Commentaries—a review of M. Hasbi Ash-
Shiddieqy, Dr. Hamka, and Abdul Halim Hassan......................... 61
Section 6. Setting National Standards—a review of two commentaries
issued by the Department of Religion................................. 64
Section 7. Recent Translations/Commentaries—a review of Oemar
Bakry and Bachtiar Surin ...................................... 69Chapter 4. Knowing, Respecting, and Enjoying the Qur'an—Popular Uses of
Scripture.....................................................  73
Part One, Learning About the Contents of the Qur'an.............. 81
Section 1. Indices to the Contents of the Qur'an—a review of
Sukmadjaja Asyarie, Badaruthanan Akasah, Syahminan Zaini, and
M. S. Khalil .................................................. 81
Section 2. Behavior and the Qur'an: Collections, Guides, and Texts—a
review of Qamauddin Shaleh, Nasikun, and a primer issued by
Litera Antarnusa................................................. 84
Section 3, Works Explaining Surah al-Fatihah—a review of Bey Arifin
and Labib MZ .................................................  86
Section 4. The Stories and Narratives of the Qur'an—a review of Bey
Arifin, A. Hanafi, and Hadiyah Salim........................... 89
Section 5. The Non-Human Beings of the Qur'an—a review of M. Ali
Usman ......................................................... 90
Part Two, Reciting Scripture and Memorizing the Qur'an........... 91
Section 6. Reciting the Qur'an—a review of Khadijatus Shalihah and a
publication of the Center for Research and Development of Reli-
gious Lectures ..................................a....... 92
Section 7. Memorizing the Qur'an—a review of A. Muhaimin Zen and a
primer issued by the Institute for the Creation of an Islamic Society ....	94
Section 8. Grammars and Guides for Qur'anic Recitation—a review of
Datuk Tombak Alam, A. Djohansjah, Ismail Tekan, and T. Atmadi
Usman ......................................................... 95
Section 9. Short Readings and Commentaries—a review of Abu
Hanifah, Zainal Abidin Ahmad, H.B.	Jassin, and Mahfudli Sahli . 97
Part Three. The Qur'an as Subject Matter in Islamic Schools—a review of
Dja'far Amir, Muslich Maruzi, and Abdul Aziz Masyhuri ...... 100
Chapter 5. Defending and Extending Islamic Values—Polemic and Apologia
for the Faith ................................................ 104
Section 1. The Qur'an as a Basis of Scientific Understanding—a review
of M. Munir Faurunnama, Syahminan Zaini, and M. Ali Husein . 109
Section 2. The Qur'an as a Guide to Contemporary Government—a
review of Ahmad Syafii Maarif, Dawam Rahardjo, Azwar Anas, and
a study issued by the Institute for Qur'anic Sciences .. 112
Section 3. Issues for the Modem Muslim Community—a review of
Imam Munawwir, Syahminan Zaini,	and Z. Kasijan................ 116
IVChapter 6. Problems and Controversy.................................... 122
Section 1. Reading and Enjoying the Qur'an in Indonesian—a review of
H. B. Jassin............................................... 1 M
Section 2. The Qur'an as Sole Scripture—a review of Nazwar Syarnsu 	1 26
Chapter 7. Comments, Comparisons and Conclusions..................... 1 50
Section 1. Summary and Remarks on the Investigative Chapters ... 130
Section 2. Comparison of Indonesian Literature with Other Selected
Works .................................................... 133
Section 3. The Hypothesis Revisited.............................. 136
Section 4. Other Considerations ................................ 137
Section 5. Final Words...................................................	133
Appendix 1. Measurements for Assessing Range and Strength of Studies ..........	130
Appendix 2. Remarks Concerning the Use of Literature on the Qur'an in
Indonesia and Nearby Areas ............................... 142
Glossary of Terms.................................................... 11
Bibliography......................................................... 155
Primary Materials .................................................... 155
Supporting Materials................................................. 155
Background Readings.................................................. 152
Index................................................................. 161.
vPreface
A scholar chooses a long-term research specialty as a result of training,
interest, and opportunites. In that regard my studies of Indonesian Islam
have been formed and developed by training in Islamic Studies at McGill
University and by visits to Indonesia over the past twenty-five years.
Choosing a specific topic for a book relates to a combination of immediate circum-
stances—availability of materials, coherent direction, and time available to accom-
plish the research and writing tasks. In the case of this book, those circumstances
came together in an assignment with the Mid-Western Consortium for International
Activities, Inc. at the University of North Sumatra in Medan, Indonesia in connection
with an Asian Development Bank project. Outside my formal duties as project direc-
tor, I had time to observe Indonesian Islam from a new perspective and to collect
materials I thought would be useful in a study. Johanna, my spouse of thirty years,
suggested the specific study after I had spent some time wondering about the precise
direction I should take in analyzing and presenting the material. The hypothesis,
frame of reference, and a research methodology followed quickly thereafter, while
the examination and analysis of materials started slowly and then gained speed as
time passed. The first version appeared some eighteen months afterwards. It has
undergone several revisions since that time.
Originally the study was envisioned as a resource for Westerners interested in Is-
lam in Southeast Asia. Richard Gard at Stony Brook and Eugene Bruns at the Foreign
Service Institute, among others, had repeatedly suggested that I provide a study that
concentrated on the religious features of Islam in Southeast Asia, rather than the
anthropological or political ones, which have already been well covered. They saw
the work as a possible tool for use in the introductory and advanced classes they
taught on Southeast Asia. However, when I presented my work to several Indone-
sian Muslim audiences—at Medan, Yogyakarta, and Bandung—there was reaction
against such a focus. Why did I exclude Indonesian Muslims from my audience? Was
I merely another Orientalist who wanted to explain Islam for Westerners to use
against Asians? Happily, I discovered that the analysis in my study was of consider-
able interest to Indonesian Muslim scholars and that the methodology was favorably
viewed as placing some material in new perspective for them. As a result of those
experiences, I shifted my thinking and began to see my audience in wider terms.
The assumption in the study is that the reader is not necessarily familiar with the
works described. That remains true whether the reader is from the East or the West;
few Indonesian Muslims have reviewed more than a few of these works. Since a
large number of the readers will be unfamiliar with Islam and its terminology, a spe-
cial effort has been made to define terms, to outline pertinent history, and to explain
context. Muslim readers, while familiar with the terminology, will probably look2
past it to discover the methodology, points of reference, and commentary that the
study will engender.
Second, the book has many quotations and extracts; there are a number of rea-
sons for this. Students studying about Islam in the West seldom see the interior of a
book written by a Muslim for another Muslim; such works have their own flavor,
and extracts can pass that on to another audience. Also, translations from Indonesian
into English are scarce and, as such, this material is made available to people who
probably would not have access to it from any other source. Last, quotations, while
suffering from translation difficulties, are a means of encapsulating a theme, a point
of argument, or a telling point that is greatly superior to paraphrasing and not much
more demanding of space.
As already mentioned, the manuscript was reviewed at several points in its pro-
duction, once by a group of Muslim University professors in Medan and again by the
teaching staff of the National Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN—Sunan Kalijaga) at
Yogyakarta. I owe them my thanks for their attentiveness and helpful comments. My
thanks are given as well to the United States Information Service in Jakarta for pro-
viding transportation so that this subject could be presented to those audiences. Also,
my thanks to MUCIA, since I used their word processor in the development of the
initial manuscript. In the same manner, I used a computer at my academic home, the
Newark Campus of the Ohio State University. Also, I must express my deep appreci-
ation to Johanna, my spouse, first for her help in identifying the topic, but also for
her immense patience in putting up with my preoccupation and endless conversa-
tion about the subject.
Howard M. Federspiel
Newark, Ohio
Because of the number of references in the text, these have been presented in abbreviated
form throughout, and the reader is referred to the bibliography for the full citations.Introduction—Background,
Methodology, and Measurements
Centers of Islamic learning have a long history in Southeast Asia and partic-
ularly in the area now known as Indonesia. Certainly in the sixteenth cen-
tury, but probably even before, there existed in the region Islamic scholars
whose writings were distributed widely. By the seventeenth century cen-
ters at Aceh and Palembang on Sumatra, in East Java, and at Goa in Sulawesi
produced important writings and drew students for study. Tony Johns has vividly
described the scholarship of the Sumatran school and has provided important
information on the Muslims of Java. His analysis indicates that Indonesian Islamic
thinking at that early time was sophisticated, was concerned about doctrinal issues
important elsewhere in the Islamic world, and produced a broad range of writing in
the traditional Islamic sciences.1 Hamzah Fansuri, ar-Raniri, and Syamsuddin dari
Pasai were important scholars in that era; the later works by ar-Raniri had influence
beyond Southeast Asia in other parts of the Muslim world.
During the following three and a half centuries, generally referred to as the
Dutch colonial era—from 1600 to 1942—Muslim scholarship continued and gave
identity to Islam in the region. Catalogs of manuscripts by Van Ronkel, Snouck Hur-
gronje, and others2 prepared in the early twentieth century show that there was
extensive writing about Islam in Arabic, Malay, and local Southeast Asian languages.
As elsewhere in the Muslim world during this period, much of the writing was
mystical in outlook, while other contributions centered on good manners and correct
action, and still others dealt with the retelling of local ballads, tales, and adventure
stories using Islamic characters, terms, and symbols. Some of this literature tran-
scended the region, such as the legal and theological contributions of an-Nawawy
(dari Jawa) in the nineteenth century.
Scholarship on the development of Islam in the twentieth century also indicates
that Indonesian Muslim writers in the contemporary era have produced a welter of
books that must provide an important contribution to the development of Islamic
thought, certainly locally in Southeast Asia, but perhaps outside the region as well.
The works of Hamka, Hassan, and Ash-Shiddieqy, inter alia, review the teachings of
Islam for an audience affected by nationalism and scientific thinking. Those works
generally ignore mysticism and emphasize instead the traditional theological and
legalist doctrines and practices of Sunni Islam. They reflect the works of Rasyid
1 Johns, "Islam in the Malay World," 115-61; "Qur'anic Exegesis in the Malay World" in
Rippin, Approaches, pp. 257-87.
2 Von Ronkel, Supplement-Catalogus; Hurgronje, Katalog; Overbeck, Malay Manuscripts.4
Ridha, Maududi, and others in the modernist and neo-fundamentalist movements
elsewhere in the Muslim world.
The extent, range, and character of contemporary Indonesian Muslim scholar-
ship seem to be significant. At a time when a national ideology has firm control,
Islam remains popular, thriving, and expressive. Books, pamphlets, and magazines
with Islamic themes abound. In historical terms, an established trend continues, and
Muslim scholarship appears to be as important in the region now as in the past.
This work examines one feature of that Indonesian Muslim scholarship, namely
the study of the Qur'an, the primary Islamic scripture.
A. Methodology
I here posit the thesis that Indonesia is one center of Islamic learning, thinking, and
writing whose work is recognized and used by a wide group of believers. The
following hypothesis is raised to test that assumption.
That an Islamic literature exists prepared by Indonesian Muslim scholars. The
literature constitutes a systematic study of Islam and explains the principles of
that religion in coherent terms. That literature is reflective of Sunni Islamic
tradition and draws heavily on its sources.
The hypothesis can be tested by applying a model developed in 1984 which outlines
the basic features of Sunni Islam and provides a standard for measurement.3
1.	Enunciation of Islamic principles as elaborated in standard Islamic sources of
Qur'an and Traditions (hadits) and expanded by important theologians, mystics,
and legalists associated with the religion. Generally, Muslims maintain that God
(Allah) is the Creator, that he has sent prophets, including Muhammad, and His
Word (Qur'an) to humans for guidance. Belief and practice are necessary to
fulfill God's direction. For the purposes of this study, Islamic principles are those
outlined in several standard studies of Islam: notably Fazlurrahman's Islam, and
Gibb's Mohammedanism. This would include references to the prominent scholars
of Islam, such as al-Asy'ary, al-Bukhary, al-Ghazaly, Abu Hanifah, Ibnu
Taimiyah, asy-Syafi'ie, ath-Thabary, and others as outlined in Brockelmann,
Geschichte des Arabischen Literatuur.
2.	Heavy use of Arabic to express religious values, including names, terms, ter-
minologies, and scriptural quotations. Muslims are committed to the use of
Arabic: 1) as an absolute requirement for the preservation and use of religious
sources (i.e., Qur'an and Traditions of the Prophet); 2) as a carrier of the exposi-
tion of Islam in numerous books on law, philosophy, and mystical practice; 3) in
terms used in description of religious thought and practice and; 4) in the recita-
tion of prayer and other acts of worship. These terms are further identified in
Padwick, Muslim Devotions and Hughes, Dictionary of Islam.
3.	Attempts to place Islamic principles into everyday use, particularly as those
principles reflect a concern 1) for the importance of worship and religious obli-
gation and 2) that other actions are not contrary to or outlawed by Islamic
sources. In particular this is reflected in the concept of eternal law (syari'at). This
3 Federspiel, "Political and Social Language," 56-57.5
concept demands the application of the principles of justice derived from sources
that establish God's law among humans. Worship ranks high on both scores.
This definition rests on the fuller elaboration given in Juynboll, Handleiding tot de
kennis van de mohammedaansche wet and Khadduri and Liebesny, Law in the Middle
East
4. A high degree of concern about viewpoints that challenge Islam's importance
in society or are viewed as detracting from the importance of Islam. The concept
of the community of believers (umat) is at work here. It is important to promote a
unity of believers in order to close ranks against outsiders whose beliefs,
practices, and values challenge those of Islam. Consequently, there is a refusal to
recognize the validity of other viewpoints except as they conform to general
Islamic perceptions of how things should be. Accommodation with outsiders is
limited in time and extent. This statement rests on the fuller explanation of
attitudes clarified by Smith, Islam in the Modern World and Haikal, The Life of
Muhammad.
It was assumed that the regions at which this literature is directed were Indonesia
and, to a lesser extent, the Malay speaking areas adjacent to Indonesia in Malaysia,
Southern Thailand, and Brunei. A short study of publication trends proved that
assumption to be correct; remarks about those findings are included in Appendix 2.
B. Format
The following study consists of six chapters, which fall into three parts. Chapters 1
and 2 provide historical background, Chapters 3 through 6 examine Indonesian
literature on the Qur'an, and Chapter 7 consists of summary and conclusions. There
is also a glossary of terms, a bibliography, and an index.
1.	Historical Background Material. Historical background has been provided as a
context for the investigative chapters. Consequently, Chapter 1 speaks to the devel-
opment of Indonesian nationalism and the Indonesian nation-state in the twentieth
century. In that presentation the role of religious literature is discussed, including
works that were influential in defining direction for Muslims and other Indonesians
and also those works that were a response to national events. This is important to our
review of Indonesian works on the Qur'an and Traditions because the works
themselves were written at different times and came under the influence of the eras
in which they were written. The presentation of historical context is intended to give
the reader enough information to assist in interpreting references to Indonesian
history.
Chapter 2 provides an historical look at the development of primary Islamic
teachings in Muslim history. In particular, it concentrates on the role of the Qur'an as
scripture to the changing Muslim world and provides background for understanding
the current importance of those teachings to contemporary Indonesian Muslims.
2.	Investigative Chapters. Chapters 3 through 6 review Indonesian works dealing
with the Qur'an; they constitute the heart of the study. These chapters review the
Indonesian writings of the contemporary era that study, explain, or draw on the
Qur'an for the benefit of believers. Primarily the chapters attempt to describe the
thrust of the books themselves and to draw on pertinent parts of their formulations
to reveal the context of their message. Roughly they consist of works that provide
Indonesian explanations of the Qur'an, assist Muslims to use the Qur'an for religious6
purposes and, finally, assess contemporary problems based on the dictates of scrip-
ture.
3.	Summary and Conclusions. Chapter 7 is a summary, drawing together
information about the works and fashioning conclusions about them. It deals with
authors and audiences, with qualitative factors, and with the sources used in the
preparation of the works. That chapter revisits the hypothesis and draws conclusions
about the study.
4.	Glossary, Bibliography, and Index. The glossary provides a list of terms,
mostly in Arabic, but with some in Indonesian and also in other languages. There are
three bibliographies: the first, listing all books reviewed in this study, is split into
four parts and is found at the beginning of Chapters 3 to 6, the second lists all other
works cited in the footnotes, and the third provides a select group of background
works. Those terms usually appear in the text in parenthesis. The index provides an
easy reference to authors, titles, terms, and concepts that appear in the text.
C. Transliteration
As is frequently the case in languages using a non-Arabic alphabet, Indonesian trans-
literation of Arabic names, titles, and general vocabulary is made under a number of
different systems. Among Indonesian writers, two prominent systems are employed
and there are variations of each. Moreover, both of these systems are essentially
different from the major transliteration systems employed by scholars in Western
languages. The problem is compounded by the development of Bahasa Indonesia, the
Indonesian national language, which has taken loan words from Arabic and ren-
dered many of those terms in a spelling somewhat different from the original Arabic
word. Islamic texts are fraught with difficulty, for much of the terminology is direct
transliteration of the Arabic terms into Indonesian, but some terms have a slightly
different meaning, especially those that describe local cultural manifestations that
have become identified with Islam.
It is obvious that some method of accommodation of these various factors has to
be considered in this presentation. Most readers of this work are likely to be Asian
specialists, Indonesians, and others interested in Indonesia. It would seem least con-
fusing to this group if the transliteration of Arabic terms was done in harmony with
the general system employed in Indonesian itself. Accordingly, the system used in
the Al Quraan dan Terjemahnya will be used, since it reflects the transliteration gener-
ally used in many other texts on the same subject. An Arabist will have no great
trouble reading the text, since the adaptation is slight and reference to the chart
below will make the text immediately understandable. The following general guide-
lines will be followed.
1.	All Indonesian names, book titles, place names, and words in common Indo-
nesian use, even if they are derived from Arabic, are rendered as they are spelled in
Indonesian. Hence the author's name is T.M. Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, rather than T.M.
Hasbi As-Siddiqi. The reasoning is that Indonesian spelling is correct by definition.
2.	The "extra" Arabic letters are transliterated into Indonesian with the following
letters:7
Arabic	Indonesian	Arabic	Indonesian
hamzah	f	ta	th
tha	ts	tha	ts
kha	kh	za	zh
dad	dh	ain	
dhal	dz	ghain	gh
shim	sy	qaf	q
sad	sh	ha	h
Except when transliterating scripture directly, the long vowels are ignored.
3.	All quotes from Indonesian texts in which Islamic terms are used are rendered
as they appear for accuracy of translation. Because these terms appear in different
spelling in different texts, they may appear as such in this text. To clarify, the glos-
sary lists all versions used in the text, with the first choice being the most common
variant.
4.	Two terms have not been bent totally to the Indonesian transliteration system
because of their common usage throughout the world and often in Indonesia. They
are the Qur'an, the name of the primary scripture in Islam, and Dakwah, which is the
usual rendering of the revivalist movement throughout the world and especially in
Southeast Asia.
Aside from the problem of Arabic, there is the problem of consistency in Indone-
sian, since the alphabet underwent change in the 1970s when agreements were
reached with other nations in Southeast Asia employing the Malay language. Conse-
quently several changes took place, such as "dj" becoming "oe" becoming "u,"
and "tj" becoming "c." The names of authors and books are affected by this change.
In the text I have taken the most common versions by which the authors and the
works are known. Hence Aboebakar Atjeh remains, but Moenwar Chalil became
Munawar Khalil. In a few cases there are slight variations in titles of books, but the
accuracy was necessary.1
Studies of the Qur'an in the
Context of the Indonesian
National Scene
ome understanding of the modern Indonesia state and Islam's position within
the country seems essential to a well-grounded perception of the current use
of the Qur'an within Indonesia today. This chapter addresses those issues
through the presentation of three perspectives on Islam in modem Indonesia,
namely historical development, the nature of government policy vis-^-vis Islamic
scripture, and the general composition of the Indonesian Muslim community.
The first section of this chapter provides a succinct history of Indonesian national
development in the twentieth century, with reference to the particular participation
of Muslims in that history. The role of Muslims in politics and the construction of the
political system will be discussed, but the attention of Muslims to the core religious
values of faith, belief, and behavior will be traced as well. Examples from the publi-
cations of Muslim writers will be provided for clarity and points of reference. This
historical outline has an additional virtue; it provides background for the discussions
of religious texts undertaken in later chapters, which can only be fully understood in
the context of Indonesian national identity.
The perception and ideological principles underlying government attitudes and
reaction to Islam are also important. Muslims serve the state in government posi-
tions, but political Islam, i.e., political parties or personalities speaking in the name of
Muslims on public issues, does not control government or government policy. This
situation, which many observers have seen as a paradox, has produced a particular
accommodation of official support for Islamic institutions and also general Muslim
support for a government that bases itself on a nationalist, rather than Islamic, phi-
losophy. Section 2 attempts to define the characteristics of the nationalist ideology
espoused by government leaders and the particular aspects which pertain to Islam
and Muslims.
The perceptions of members of the Muslim community also have relevance.
Their general attitudes maintained in that community constitute the milieu in which
writers on religious subjects must operate. Some eras in Islamic history have been
dominated by legalists, others by the mystics, and still others by the philosophers.
Studies of Islam reflect those preoccupations and use the terminology and concepts
of the era; consequently such studies outline the subject matter of importance at that
time and generally avoid those areas considered immaterial or taboo. On the con-
temporary scene, Indonesian Muslims are interested in an accommodation between
science and technology on the one hand and Islam on the other. Studies written by
contemporary Muslim writers clearly show that interest. In line with this premise,10
Section 3 examines the role and range of Qur'anic usage in the contemporary Indo-
nesian Muslim community.
Section 1. Islamic Scripture in the
History of the Modern Indonesian State
The historical outline that follows is broken into two eras, the first covering the peri-
od from the beginning of the twentieth century to 1945 and the second covering the
period since. The declaration of Indonesian independence on August 17,1945 is the
watershed between these two eras, generally accepted by observers of Indonesian
national development as marking the transition from a state politically controlled by
foreign powers to a state operated and controlled by Indonesians themselves.
First Era. Colonialism and the Nationalist Era
Near the beginning of the century, primarily between 1908 and 1912, the nationalist
era of Indonesian history began. It was marked by the founding of several Indone-
sian clubs and associations interested in education, cultural revival, and religion.
Prominent among them were the Budi Utomo, the Sarekat Islam, and the Muham-
madiyah. The motive for the establishment of all three was much the same, a desire
for Indonesians to organize and control matters themselves. Unstated, but implied,
was the desire for a new political arrangement that would be operated by the Indo-
nesians themselves, a motive the Dutch perceived quickly as aimed at their control of
the Netherlands Indies, as the region was then called. Dutch rule had lasted over 300
years and, despite changes in the specific policies and styles of colonial rule in Indo-
nesia, the Netherlands did not intend to end its political and economic domination.
There were three main groups. Indonesian nationalism was seen by its early pro-
moters as rooted in traditional Javanese history and values, which made it suspect
among many non-Javanese groups. This "Indonesian nationalist" group also urged
putting aside religious identity as a requirement for participation in nationalist activ-
ity. The Indonesian Nationalist Party became the vehicle for that particular outlook.
A second group identified itself with Islam and insisted that any new political
arrangement should be based on recognized principles of that religion. Initially there
was some thought about the common plight of all Muslims throughout the world
and a hope for joint action against Western dominance of the Middle East and Asia,
but this gave way after a short time to a concentration on the Indonesian area itself.
The Sarekat Islam was the primary carrier of this outlook.
A third group, devoted to conceptual notions of human equality, responded to
socialist activity in Europe and associated itself with several brands of communism
and socialism. That grouping pursued united front tactics by joining with other asso-
ciations in common causes, at times using the cooperation as a device to seize control
of their partners. Tan Malaka, whether in exile or engaged in clandestine political
work in Indonesia, was the chief representative of the trend.
All three of the groups were "nationalist" in intent and goals, even though the
first group adopted the term to describe itself. Consequently, we refer to that group
as "Nationalists." The competition among these three groups and, indeed, even
among factions within each of the three, was severe. The struggles shaped the politi-
cal developments of the era. Not only did they dominate the political action of the
nationalist era, but the struggles were to carry over into the era of independence.1
1 Ricklefs, Modern Indonesia, 144-84.11
Period 1. The Dominance of the Sarekat Islam (1912-1926)
Shortly after its founding in 1912, the Sarekat Islam became the umbrella organiza-
tion for associations, groups, and individuals working for Indonesian independence.
At the height of its strength around 1920 Sarekat Islam membership was about
400,000, and it had the ability to mobilize several million people in support of its
activities. Starting with rallies and membership activities in the first years of its exis-
tence, its efforts encompassed strikes and boycotts by the end of the period.
Although the Sarekat Islam's founding principles included a specific reference to
the importance of Islam, many Indonesians who did not find Islam an important
consideration nonetheless associated with the movement. Consequently, there were
strong "Nationalist," "Communist," and "Muslim" factions within the association,
which produced internecine struggle. The primary competition was between the
Muslim and Communist activists, and in the 1920s the struggle became bitter and a
matter of political survival for both factions. Eventually, the Muslim leadership felt
so in danger that it expelled most of the Communist membership. That action, along
with the strong Dutch reaction to a series of strikes led by the association under pres-
sure from the communist faction, resulted in the virtual destruction of the Sarekat
Islam and, eventually, the end of its ability to act as the leader and spokesman for
Indonesian nationalism.
Within the Muslim group a split occurred between two factions which became
known as modernists (kaum muda) and traditionalists (kaum tua). The Traditionalists
placed their leadership and trust in religious teachers steeped in religious sciences,
based on the traditional interpretations of the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence. The
Modernist faction, on the other hand, placed their leadership and trust in a group of
teachers and religious administrators who viewed the scripture of Islam—the Qur'an
and certain Traditions of the Prophet Muhammad—as the basis for forming a new
code of religious behavior fitting with the ideas of technological and sociological de-
velopment then being introduced to Asia. The schism between the two groups was a
painful one that was to become more severe in the next period and that lasted into
the era of national independence. However, during this early period the two
viewpoints did coexist in the Sarekat Islam.
The political outlook of the Muslim position was expressed in numerous
speeches by Muslim leaders. In particular they reflected the modernist Muslim posi-
tion, speaking of the validity of the Qur'an in the development of modern economics
and politics. Since at the time there was a conflict between Communist nationalism
and Islamic nationalism, the stress was on the superiority of the socialism put for-
ward by the Qur'an as against the socialism derived from Marx or other socialist
sources. While Cokroaminoto's Islam dan Sosialisme (Islam and Socialism) did not
appear until the late 1920s, it reflected the arguments used by the Muslim activists
throughout the period.2
Islamic schools at this time relied heavily on Arab classics for study of religious
subjects. A review of the texts in wide use throughout Indonesia during the period
indicates that classical and medieval Arab textbooks were common. As-Sayuthy's Al-
Jalalain (Commentaries of the Two Jalals) was a popular commentary on the Qur an,
Kitab Arba'in (Book of Forty Traditions) by an-Nawawy was used as a primer for Tra-
ditions, and the Nail al-Authar (Serenity of the Hopeful) by asy-Syaukany, was com-
monly studied for the standards of Muslim behavior.
2 Amin, Saham, 2534.12
Writings by modernist writers from Egypt were used by some schools; among
those works was Tafsir al-Kabir (Commentary on the Great Qur'an) by Muhammad
Abduh and Rasyid Ridha. The use of such texts, however, was not a general trend. A
few schools connnected with modernist Muslim thought introduced some new
Indonesian language texts into their classes, but this, too, was not a general practice.3
The message of Islamic teaching and doctrine was covered in a number of works,
such as those by Haji Abdulkarim Amrullah. He wrote several works on legal stud-
ies (fiqih), taking issue with the traditionalists, and on mysticism (tasauf), calling into
question some of the practices of the mystical brotherhoods. These were the two
primary Muslim groups in Indonesia that had dominated Muslim thought and prac-
tice for three centuries. In llmu Sedjati (Real Knowledge), he outlined the primary
principles of Islam by presenting a selection of verses from the Qur'an and comment-
ing on them. It was an early form of commentary (tafsir) that was to assume greater
importance later.4 5
During this period Mahmud Yunus began work on his commentary on the
Qur'an, probably one of several people to do so. He states that he began his
translation in the Jawi script, i.e., Malay or Indonesian written in an adapted Arabic
script commonly used in the early twentieth century. Yunus published three sections
in 1922 when ". . . in general Indonesian religious scholars pronounced that
translations of the Qur'an were forbidden (haram)."* A few years later, as a student at
Al-Azhar University in Egypt, he received encouragement from a teacher there. The
teacher held that translation intended to inform the believers of the meaning of
Qur'anic text was permitted (mubah) in Islamic law. Since it helped non-Arabs to
understand the message of Islam, it constituted a meritorious act (fardhu kifayah).
Yunus reports that the teacher's interpretation encouraged him to continue his work.
Period 2. Pluralism in Nationalist Activity (1926-1941)
The Sarekat Islam retained some of its influence in the new period, particularly with
Muslim nationalists, but it no longer commanded leadership of the entire nationalist
movement. Other associations rivaled it in political activity, political thought, and
organizational activity. In the late 1920s and throughout the 1930s a plethora of polit-
ical groups appeared, each espousing a particularist viewpoint. The primary group
was the Partai Nasionalis Indonesia, later known as Partindo, which became the
primary spokesman for Indonesian nationalism without Islam as a focus. This organ-
ization was the vehicle for Sukarno, an orator from Java, who excited Indonesian
nationalists with his fiery defense of nationalist activity during his trial by the Dutch
for treason. He spent much of the period in internal exile in the Lesser Sunda Islands
and Bencoolen in Southwest Sumatra. Indonesian associations, in general, were clear
in their aspirations to wrest political control from the Dutch, even though the ar-
rangements and methods for doing so differed.
During this period there was a major political debate between the Nationalists
and the Muslim nationalists. The Nationalists generally favored a view of religion
that reflected the views of Kemal Ataturk (d. 1938) in Turkey and Reza Shah Pahlevi
(d. 1944) in Iran, where Islam was viewed as an impediment to modernization and
had to be deemphasized and modified to make it fit with a new national spirit. The
3	Yunus, Sejarah Pendidikan, 41^49.
4	Amrullah, Ayahku, 36.
5	Yunus, Tafsir, iii.13
Muslim nationalists charged that Nationalism was too narrow a concept, particularly
since it lacked a moral and ethical system. There were numerous attacks by each side
on the other in periodicals, the general press, and in speeches. Near the end of the era
an attempt was made to forge a new unity, like the earlier Sarekat Islam, in a federa-
tion called Gabungan Politik Indonesia (Gapi), but it proved generally ineffective in
mobilizing support for its cause among the Indonesian population.6
Within the Muslim grouping during this period, social and religious organiza-
tions became important and commanded the loyalty of activist Muslims much more
than political associations did. The Muhammadiyah, active in social welfare and
matters of worship, took the lead among the modernist Muslims. The Nahdlatul
Ulama, founded in 1926, reemphasized the importance of living in accordance with
Syafi'i principles. It became the chief representative of the traditionalist group and
primary rival of the Muhammadiyah. Other groups, such as the Persatuan Islam and
al-Irsyad, commanded the loyalties of smaller groupings, which exercised influence
beyond their limited numbers. Competition and rivalry among these associations
marked the era, even though in 1938 there was an attempt to rebuild Muslim unity
with the organization of a High Islamic Council (Miai). Like Gapi, Miai proved un-
able to put forward a energetic program that could stimulate activists.
The political viewpoints during the era were expressed in a number of docu-
ments. One of the most influential was Sukarno's Surat-Surat Islam dari Endeh (Letters
on Islam from Endeh), in which he outlined his views of the modernization neces-
sary in Islam. Another was a rebuttal to Sukarno's work by Ahmad Hassan, titled
Islam dan Kebangsaan (Islam and Nationalism), which spelled out the moral and ethi-
cal advantages of nationalism based on Islam.
Aboebakar Atjeh, in a work to be reviewed later in this study, relates how the
teaching and learning in Islamic schools underwent significant change in the first
part of the twentieth century and how during this era a new maturity evolved. He
notes that in the Islamic schools (surau) in the nineteenth century, students learned
how to recite the Qur'an from their teachers in an unsystematic fashion. The teacher
recited in Arabic until the student grasped the manner, tone, and pronounciation.
Each student proceeded at his own pace and stress was placed on pronunciation, not
on comprehension. In the standard schools (madrasah) founded by the Nahdlatul
Ulama and the Muhammadiyah in the twentieth century, the Qur'an was taught
through a systematized form of pronounciation and writing that gave the student a
form to use in learning the holy verses. After mastering the principles, the student
advanced to various sciences of Islam—the Traditions (hadits), Qur'anic commentary
(tafsir), and jurisprudence (fiqh). At the the rural boarding schools (pesantren) the
learning was similar, except the learning of Islamic sciences was more intense and
advanced than at the standard schools (madrasah).
The doctrine and lessons of Islam were popular subjects for Indonesian writers.
Cokroaminoto's Tarich Agama Islam (History of the Religion of Islam) encapsulated
the modernist, nationalistic Muslim viewpoint. Other works emphasizing a similar
theme were published in the 1930s by Munawar Khalil, such as Kembali Kepada Al-
Qur'an dan Hadits (Return to the Qur'an and Traditions), which was a promotion of
modernist principles for rebuilding a Muslim law in place of that of the Shafi'i
school, which had been prominent so long in Indonesia.7
6	Noer, Modernist Muslim.
7	Ockeloen, Catalogus.14
This was the era of the first generation of Qur'ans appearing with Indonesian
translation and commentary. They were highly regarded and widely used by mod-
ernist Muslims. Persatuan Islam literature in the 1930s emphasized the importance of
the effort, and one such work, Al-Hidayah (Guidance), along with a Sundanese ver-
sion, appeared on many of its sales lists.
Haji Abdulkarim Amrullah continued his work on the lessons of the Qur'an by
publishing a commentary of Juz Amma—the last reading section of the Qur'an—
called Al-Burhan (The Testimony). He integrated the views of the commentators from
the classical and middle period of Islam, such as al-Baghdady, ar-Razy, Ibnu Katsir,
and ath-Thiby, with the views of the Egyptian modernists, such as Muhammad
Abduh and Thanathawy Jauhary. Munawar Khalil also prepared a book of selected
Traditions titled Himpunan Hadits-Hadits Pilihan (Guide to Selected Traditions), and a
multi-volume commentary of the Qur'an in Javanese titled Tafasir Qur'an Hidjaatur
Rahmann (Commentary of the Holy Qur'an). Further, Dutch retained its position as
an intellectual language, even among Muslim intellectuals, as noted in Sjech Ahmad
Surkati's Zedeleer uit den Qur'an (Timely Lessons from the Qur'an) and Ibnoe Idrus,
Gouden Regels uit den Qoer'an (Golden Rules from the Qur'an).
Cokroaminoto introduced a translation of the Tafsir (Commentary) of Maulvi
Mohammed Ali of the Lahore branch of the Ahmadiya in the 1920s. The work was
criticized by some Indonesians, however, as too free in its interpretation and at odds
with some highly respected Traditions.8 A partial translation of that work in Indo-
nesian under the title Tarikh AlQur'an (History of the Qur'an)9 was published in
Medan in 1941 by Adnan Lubis, a graduate of Nadwa College in Lucknow, India, but
that edition received only limited distribution.
There were two efforts, however, that were more indigenous in nature than those
of Cokroaminoto and Lubis. About 1930 Mahmud Yunus and a colleague, H.M.K.
Bakry, published a translation and commentary called Tafsir Qur'an Karim
(Commentary of the Blessed Qur'an), which was a continuation of the effort Yunus
had begun in the previous era. A work by Halim Hasan was commissioned during
Ramadhan 1355 (1937) at the main mosque in Binjei, North Sumatra. Sections began
appearing in magazine form in April 1937. In 1942, after twelve numbers were is-
sued, the impact of World War II caused publication to cease because of a shortage of
newsprint. That publication appeared in both Roman and Jawi script so that readers
in both Sumatra and the Malayan States could have access to it.
These authors were pioneers since there were no complete translations from ear-
lier scholars to use as comparisons. All work had to be carefully checked back against
originals as it was translated. Ahmad Hassan gives us more details on the long pro-
cess of building a complete commentary. He notes that he published the first section
in 1928 and by 1940 had completed the translation through Surah Maryam, i.e., about
half way. Moreover, adequate dictionaries, source books, and transliteration schemes
were lacking and this condition presented significant difficulties. Not surprisingly,
these writers developed some formative materials in those fields as well. H. Mah-
mud Yunus constructed a dictionary and Ahmad Hassan formulated a transliteration
system for approximating Arabic sounds in Indonesian that offered assistance for
Qur'an translation.
8	Mukti Ali, Muhammadiyah, 41.
9	Yunus, Tafsir, iii.15
Period 3. Japanese Occupation and
Formative National Effort (1942 to 1945)
The Japanese invaded the Dutch East Indies in 1942, quickly defeated the Dutch
forces, and took over administration of the region. The Pacific War dominated the
period and, consequently, it was an era of mobilization, with all sectors of society ex-
pected and required to set aside their own cultural, religious, and political outlooks
for the success of the Japanese war effort. Existing political organizations were dis-
banded and only associations with clear religious orientation were allowed to func-
tion; even they were limited in their activities and carefully monitored. Four
leaders—Sukarno, Mohammad Hatta, Dewantoro, and Haji Mansur—supposedly
representing four strands of Indonesian life, were given control of a government that
exercised autonomy in certain internal affairs. Paramilitary organizations were
founded so that the population could be mobilized for the war effort. The two most
important were the Putera and the Masjoemi; the first represented non-religious
groups and the second was used to organize Muslims. Both groups had home guard
auxiliaries which received some military training.
The primary political issue of the period was Indonesian cooperation with the
Japanese. Indonesian political leaders were ambivalent in this regard. There was one
faction, led by Sjahrir, that formed an underground and was in touch with leaders of
the Dutch government in exile in Australia, but it was not very active in opposition
to the Japanese. Most Indonesian nationalist leaders cooperated with the Japanese
and received positions that allowed them to gain administrative experience. The se-
vere measures taken to mobilize the economy and the population for the war effort,
however, were only weakly supported by these Indonesian leaders. Muslim leaders
were no exception.
Among Muslims, Haji Mansur, the leader of the Muhammadiyah, expressed the
sentiment in several speeches that Islam and Bushido, the Japanese military's code of
honor and dedication to Imperial Japan, were compatible. On the other hand, Haji
Abdulkarim Amrullah opposed the imposition of the hex keirei on Muslims, i.e., the
act of bowing toward Tokyo at the beginning of a meeting to honor the emperor. In a
paper titled Hanja Allah (Only God), Amrullah contrasted the principles of Islam
with the primary principles of Japanese national life and proclaimed Islam to be su-
perior.10
Islamic schools in this period continued to operate, although many closed during
the period because of shortages of materials and general economic difficulties. Mah-
mud Yunus states in his study on the development of Indonesian Islamic education
that textbooks on Islamic subjects used earlier remained in use. Some other materials
were added to the curriculum to explain Japanese national values, the role of Indo-
nesia in the new East Asian community being constructed by the Japanese, and the
importance of victory in the Pacific War.
Writing on religious subjects appeared in some newspapers and magazines dur-
ing the period, under the scrutiny of Japanese censors. The subject matter had neces-
sarily to laud Japanese motives and support Japanese war aims. We have no record
of books being published on religious subjects, with the single exception of Amrul-
lah's book listed above.
10 Amrullah, Ayahku, 343-58; Umar, Penulisan, 7778.16
Second Era. Independence and National
Development (1945 to 1987 continuing)
The era after independence differed profoundly from the one preceding it, because
outside forces no longer completely controlled the country politically. While Dutch
political and military forces were able to reestablish control in some areas of the
country in 1946 and 1947, by 1950 that hold was broken and by 1954 even indirect
control was ended, except in West Irian, which was relinquished only in 1963. Initial-
ly the era shows moderate political stability for the Indonesian political system, fol-
lowed by a decade of instability, with the last half of the era showing considerable
stability. The economy followed roughly the same trend, although economic setbacks
in the mid-1980s showed no corresponding downturn in political stability.
Muslims have participated in the national life of the era, though Nationalists
have been dominant throughout. Some Muslim groups and personalities have partic-
ipated in government, many others have contended for political power and
influence, and all have been affected by the national policies that have emerged.
Basically, three trends can be seen among Muslims. The most visible group was one
that competed for power in the name of Islam. While it mobilized many followers at
particular times and briefly headed the government in the early 1950s, its major role
has been that of political opposition or inclusion in government in a secondary role.
Masjumi, Nahdlatul Ulama, and Partai Persatuan Pembangunan have been the stan-
dard bearers for political Islam. This grouping has lost followers, direction, and in-
fluence over the time period, but, nonetheless, remains important.
A second group consists of those Muslims, who, while clearly identifying with
Islam in matters of worship and behavior, have sought accommodation with other
political groups, particularly those in power, and have shared to some degree in the
prerogatives of public office, patronage, and influence. The size of this group has
fluctuated throughout the era and over the past ten years has grown considerably.
The third group consists of Muslims who dislike the compromises necessary in a
state dominated by a regime not based on Islam. They comprise a comparatively
small group of militants who contend that cooperation with political groups not
based on Islamic principles is wrong or of no value to Muslim interests. Some of
these groups have openly rebelled against the government, while others have been
clandestine. The number of these groups has decreased over time. Muslims accepting
the system downplay the importance of this third group, while governments
throughout the era have stressed the danger to security and stability posed by the
militant Muslims and cited their activites against the state as indications of the
excesses of which politically-motivated Muslims are capable.11
In each of the periods since independence these three groups interacted in differ-
ent ways. Consequently, the stress on religious studies also underwent change, re-
flecting the dynamic nature of Indonesian state and society.
Period 4. The Revolution (1945 to 1949)
On August 17, 1945, a committee of leading Indonesian political figures, established
by the Japanese Administration to study the issue of future control of the country,
declared Indonesian independence. The new Indonesian state, with popular backing,
opposed the reimposition of Dutch control. Four and a half years later, after pro-
11 McVey, "Faith as the Outsider."17
tracted negotiations and military action, the Netherlands officially transferred sov-
ereignty.
Muslims were theoretically united in Masjumi, a new umbrella organization
modeled on the Masjoemi of the Japanese period. Prominent pre-war Muslim organ-
izations, such as the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama, were constituent
members. Hizbullah, the paramilitary youth corps formed as a home guard by the
Japanese, was associated with Masjumi but fought as part of the armed forces of
Indonesia. Political Islam took part in this revolution. Masjumi cooperated with other
republican political groups of various ideologies and outlooks, and Masjumi mem-
bers served as ministers in several of the cabinets formed during the period and as
administrators in government.
This was a period of turmoil, with many political and cultural conflicts
complicating the larger Indonesian struggle to retain the independence. The nature
of the new Indonesia itself was at issue, with some Indonesians favoring a loose
federation of states that would serve Indonesian diversity and others favoring a
unitary republic. The unitary concept won out, largely because the Dutch attempted
to use the federative arrangements to continue their control over several key areas of
the country. In areas where the Dutch held control, there were attempts to use local
sentiment to form regional states independent of republican control. Muslims in
these areas fell into two categories: those who cooperated with the Dutch, as many
did in the Sundanese State in West Java, and those who chose to support the
Indonesian Republic. The federation-unitary republic issue would be important
again in the next period of Indonesian history.
Another issue involving Muslims during this period was the role that Islam
would have in the new Indonesian state. Muslim political leaders and, surprisingly,
most religious scholars recognized the key role in declaring independence under-
taken by the Nationalist leaders and agreed to cooperate with those leaders in the
struggle to make independence a reality. Although there was some discussion initial-
ly about the role of Islam in the state, the issue was generally put aside by all groups,
with the understanding that it would be dealt with after the struggle was finished
and a constituent assembly could deal with the matter. Meanwhile, Indonesian Mus-
lim concerns were somewhat mollified when a Ministry of Religion was founded and
a highly regarded religious scholar was placed at its head.12
During this period two groups broke with the nationalist front, one a Muslim
group, and the other an enemy of the Muslim political position. The Muslim group,
the Darul Islam, was a militant grouping of Muslims who believed Islamic principles
should be implemented immediately. Darul Islam leaders declared an Islamic State
of Indonesia and conducted guerrilla warfare in various parts of Indonesia for about
fifteen years. On the other side of the political spectrum, the Indonesian Communist
Party attempted a putsch at Madiun in 1948 that led to armed forces retaliation; the
move resulted in destruction of much of the organization and cadre of the Commu-
nist Party and made it suspect politically thereafter. During the putsch itself there
was bitter fighting between Muslims and Communists that heightened animosity
between them and, ultimately, led to strong Muslim action against the Communists
at the end of the period of Guided Democracy some eighteen years later.
Several books were written by Muslims concerning the political situation of the
period. Agama Repolusi (Religion of Revolution), a work by Dr. Hamka, which ap-
12 Kahin, Nationalism, 37-63.18
peared in the early days of the period, urged Muslim cooperation with other Indone-
sian factions regardless of outlook and irrespective of religion. A second work, by
Mohammad Isa Anshary, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam (The Philosophy of the Islamic
Struggle), appeared near the end of the era. In it, Anshary condemned the Dutch and
those Indonesians who had cooperated with the Dutch and also called for Muslims
to prepare themselves to assert their claim for the formation of an Indonesian Islamic
state.
The beginnings of a new education system prompted some authors to write
books to train a new generation of Indonesian Muslims. One textbook appearing at
that time was Pendidikan Agama Islam (Islamic Education) by Zafry Zamzami, which
stressed the issues of God's unity (tauhid) and a religious code of conduct (fiqih).
Some works by foreign writers were introduced, such as those by the Egyptian fun-
damentalist Hassan al-Banna (d. 1949) and the Egyptian modernist Mahmud Syaltut
(d. 1964), and earlier Indonesian works were used as well, such as the Indonesian col-
lection of Traditions translated and assembled by Mahmud Yunus in the 1930s. Re-
ligious thought in the era centered on God's unity (tauhid) and one of the most
prominent books for public use was H. Mansur's Kitab Tauhid (Theology), which
stressed those beliefs and practices in Indonesian life that seemed to him not in
accord with good Islamic belief. Only a few works on the Qur'an and Traditions
appeared in this period. In addition to the Tradition collection already cited, Mah-
mud Yunus republished an incomplete commentary on the Qur'an. Ahmad Hassan
reissued an early version of his commentary that had first appeared in the late
nationalist era prior to the arrival of the Japanese.13
The changed attitudes about religion and Indonesian development were made
clear by Halim Hasan in his commentary, which, while published in the next era,
was written in large part during the Revolution. He was concerned about the colonial
system, still vivid to him and many other Indonesians, and noted two trends during
the colonial period that had had adverse effects on the development of Islam in
Indonesia. The first was Dutch policy in excluding all books on Islam from abroad
which spoke to the development of a dynamic Muslim community. Halim Hasan
asserted that commentaries on the Qur'an were banned if they commented at all on
the meaning or implications of the Qur'an's message. Such commentaries were
allowed to enter the country only if they dealt with matters of language or textual
commentary. He concluded that this policy had prevented much religious thinking
from reaching Indonesian Muslims, particularly that concerned with modem trends.
Halim Hasan's second trend dealt with the propaganda emanating from the
Dutch against Islam, describing it as an inadequate religion and one that could not
lift its followers from the low state of development they were in. He stated that some
Indonesian Muslims fell victim to this propaganda because they could only recite the
Qur'an without knowing its meaning and, consequently, had no access to the mes-
sage contained in it. While this situation did change somewhat after independence,
the number of works in translation from Arabic was low and understanding of the
Qur'an remained limited. Given this background, it was the duty of Muslim writers
to bring that message to Indonesians in a language they understood, even as the
Companions of Muhammad spread the message of Islam in the early days of Islam
to non-Arab peoples in languages they understood.
13 Thong and Echols, Checklist.19
Period 5. Period of Liberal Democracy (1950 to 1957)
The period of liberal democracy lasted from the transfer of sovereignty on January 1,
1950 until 1957, when President Sukarno declared presidential rule and martial law.
It was a period that started with much hope among Indonesians and sank, year by
year, into deeper political stagnation and frustration. All the problems of faction-
alism that existed in the nationalist era reemerged and produced political stalemate.
Muslim-Nationalist controversy over the role of Islam in the state was loud and the
positions of the two sides became polarized. The spokesmen on the Nationalist side
called for Pancasila, a slogan formulated by President Sukarno at the time indepen-
dence was declared, to become the philosophical basis of the state. The spokesmen
for organized Muslims called for an Islamic state with Islamic law.
One of the most important, and remarkable, political developments was the
rebirth and rapid growth of the Indonesian Communist Party under its new chair-
man, Aidit. He rebuilt the party by appealing to the rural population of Central Java,
which was suffering wretched economic and social conditions, and to discontented
planatation workers elsewhere. In the elections of 1955 the Communist Party was
able to gamer about 20 percent of the vote and by the end of the era had several mil-
lion people enrolled in its own organization or one of its front groups.
Muslim political unity was severely harmed during the period. The lingering
Darul Islam rebellion and the sympathy of some Masjumi members with its goal of
an Islamic state caused division within the party's membership. In 1952 the Nahdla-
tul Ulama and several other associations broke off from Masjumi and entered the
political arena as separate political parties, again fractionalizing Muslim political
strength. As if sealing the permanence of the split, the Nahdlatul Ulama leadership,
primarily from Java, formed an alliance with the Nationalist factions and entered
into Nationalist Party governments as a coalition partner.
Ethnic diversity reemerged in an economic guise as Outer Island areas com-
plained that the revenues produced by their areas went to the benefit of Jakarta, the
capital, and the population of Java. After the secession of the Nahdlatul Ulama, most
of Masjumi's supporters lived in the Outer Islands and most of its leadership came
from the Outer Islands. Consequently, Masjumi became identified with the Outer
Island viewpoint, as against the Nationalists, primarily from Java, who favored cen-
tralization both economically and politically.
Political infighting, ethnic divisiveness, and problems of defining national direc-
tion, led to a political stalemate in the elections of 1955. Consequently, the Consti-
tuent Assembly that met over the next two years was unable to resolve the key ques-
tions of national direction and frame a new constitution. By 1957 several Outer Island
regions declared economic and political autonomy and in 1958 a full-blown insur-
gency occurred. Some Masjumi leaders, after some vacillation, joined the rebellion,
but toe party itself did not associate itself with toe rebellion. So Muslims were found
on both sides of this national division.
Islamic schools flourished during this era. 1955 was the year when most schools
were in full operation and there was a sense of optimism about their future. Arabic
texts used over toe preceding fifty years continued in use, but new Indonesian texts
began to appear about 1950. Several Islamic institutions of higher education, such as
the National Islamic Training School (Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negara—
PTAIN), a public institution in Yogyakarta, and the Islamic University of North
Sumatra (Universitas Islam Sumatera Utara—UISU), a private institution in Medan,20
added a new dimension to Islamic training, and their presence called for the produc-
tion of new teaching materials.
Munawar Khalil explains in Al-Qur'an dari Masa ke Masa (The Qur'an from Age
to Age) that during this particular period knowledge of Islamic principles was limit-
ed among the Indonesian population. Specifically in regard to knowledge of scrip-
ture, he remarks that the Qur'an had long been neglected among Indonesian Mus-
lims and was used in ways that were at odds with "true Islam." He noted, particu-
larly, its use as a talisman and a symbol of expiation of sins at the grave-site. These
uses he regarded as superstition and folk belief rather than as legitimate forms of
Islamic worship. He cited his visits to a home for the elderly where residents were
interested in religion. Every night they read tracts and booklets on religion—mostly
works traditionally regarded as possessing special spiritual properties—the maulid,
barzandji, and dalil. "Very few among them liked to read the Qur'an,"14 he noted.
Munawar Khalil's remarks fit with a 1956 statement of Muhammad Ilyas, then
minister of religion, who noted that "many people want to obey the dictates of reli-
gion, but they... live in darkness and have no clear direction ... because they lack a
clear understanding of the teachings of religion."15 In Sejarah Qur'an, Aboebakar
Atjeh noted the lack of good Indonesian-language materials for the study of the
Qur'an. He explained that there were only works in Western languages and in Ara-
bic on the subject and, consequently, only people with access to those languages had
the opportunity to study the Qur'an. Aboebakar Atjeh maintained that this lack of
access to the scriptures in the Indonesian language was critical because of the influ-
ence of the Orientalists on Southeast Asian Muslims. Reflecting a general criticism
among Muslims, he stated that these Western observers of Islam over the previous
200 years had judged the scriptures of Islam, the Prophet, and Islam in general, as
lacking in substance and verity. Aboebakar Atjeh stated that to counter this critical
view of Islam, a strong, pro-Muslim voice was needed that would address these
issues in the Indonesian language. He stated that his work was prepared specifically
to provide that strong defense of Islamic values.
There was extensive writing by Indonesian Muslims throughout this period and,
as a result, a whole new Indonesian Islamic literature came into being. Actually,
much of the new literature was an updating of thoughts and ideas from the 1930s.
The general Muslim view of politics was expressed most forcefully in Isa Anshary's
work Ummat Islam Menghadapi Pemilihan Umum (The Islamic Community Faces the
General Elections), which attacked the adequacy of Pancasila as a philosophy, sug-
gesting it was incapable of providing values for the operation of a state. Isa Anshary
also made religious affiliation with Islam synonymous with the Muslim political
position. The force of his arguments and those of other Muslim activists like him was
not fully supported by some Muslim groups, but the work did encapsulate basic
Muslim political beliefs of the period.
The viewpoint on religious doctrine was expressed in the work of Ali Alhamidy
in Rukun Hidup (The Principles of Islam), which outlined the standard viewpoints of
Sunni belief and behavior. Specifically to the elaboration of scripture, Ali AJhamidy
contributed Al-Wahyu dan Al-Qur'an (Revelation and the Qur'an), an introduction to
the Qur'an and an ardent defense of the verity of Muhammad as Prophet and the
Qur'an as scripture. In 1955 two other formative works on scripture appeared. In that
14	Khalil, Dari Masa, v.
15	Razak, Hadits, I, xxiii.21
year H.M.K. Bakry produced Peladjaran Hadits (Lessons in Traditions), a study of
Traditions for use in the middle schools. In the same year, with M. Nur Idrus, Bakry
also produced a companion piece on the substance of the Qur'an, titled Peladjaran
Tafsir Qur'an (Lessons in Qur'anic Commentary). The latter work, consisting of three
volumes, was written to meet the curriculum plan of the middle school. Late in the
period Al-Djawahir (Essence) by Ahmad Hassan appeared, which was a reader con-
taining verses of the Qur'an and selections from the Traditions.16 Razak and Lathief's
translation of Muslim's Shahih (Verified Traditions) first appeared in 1956, but we
lack the author's statement of purpose from the earliest volume. It consisted initially
of only one volume of 512 Traditions, but later two additional volumes were added
to bring the total to 1503.
Period 6. Guided Democracy (1957 to 1966)
The era of presidential rule by President Sukarno was called Guided Democracy
(Demokrasi Terpimpin) by him and his supporters, but was termed the Old Order
(Orde Lama) by the government that followed. The period was marked by the army's
entry into politics and the growth of Communist strength in the countryside and
over the direction of national policy.
President Sukarno, who labeled his political plans for re-modeling the Indone-
sian state "Sukamoism," moved steadily leftward in his pronouncements and, dur-
ing the period, there was rising tension between him, the Communists, and the mili-
tary leadership. The period ended with the murder of six top generals, which, in
turn, prompted the remaining army leadership to move against the Communist
party and take control of the government.
At the beginning of this era President Sukarno reinstated the 1945 Constitution,
which had not been in force during the period of liberal democracy. He also
announced that Pancasila would henceforth be the state motto and that, accordingly,
the debate on whether Islam could become the basis for operating the state would no
longer be considered. These moves were popular among a large part of the popula-
tion, particularly the Javanese, the major ethnic group, where Islamic identity did not
usually include support of Islamic political parties. Sukarno did, however, continue
state support for some Islamic institutions and activities, such as education and
mosque building.
Politically, Islam lost influence during the period. The Nahdlatul Ulama, already
associated with leftist governments in the previous period, continued throughout the
period to participate as a coalition member in the governments of President Sukarno.
On the other side, Masjumi was dissolved by presidential decree because of its asso-
ciation with the rebels in the Outer Islands rebellion. That rebellion was ultimately
put down by loyal military forces. The loss of Masjumi to the political Muslim com-
munity left many Muslims adrift, and other non-Muslim parties, notably the Com-
munist Party, used the opportunity to increase their political influence. Several thou-
sand Muslim political activists were arrested throughout the period as part of the
Sukarnoist effort to restructure politics and to remove those elements of the Muslim
community that represented a political threat, real or potential. Several scholars were
caught up in these security sweeps, including Dr. Hamka, a noted religious scholar
with an international reputation.
16 Ibid.22
Muslim schools continued operation, although poor economic conditions, par-
ticularly high inflation, made operation difficult in many cases. Some schools did
close and many others lost students. However, during this era the national Islamic
institutes (Institut Agama Islam Negara—IAIN) came into being, that established
university-level training in Islamic sciences and provided a state-sponsored means of
promoting Muslim scholarship. This was to have a moderate impact immediately
and a profound impact later. The institute at Yogyakarta, in particular, became a cen-
ter for the development and expression of an Islamic viewpoint adapted to Indone-
sian conditions and aimed toward fulfillment of Indonesian needs. The literature
produced for schools in this era was written in Bahasa Indonesia with a clear view
toward meeting specific needs in the schools. Arab texts, however, still were retained
in many subjects, although they were used less frequently than previously at the
lower levels of education.
In the political discussion of the time, Muslims were called on to reconcile them-
selves with a political system that limited Muslim political participation. This was a
theme advanced by Notosoetardjo in his book Menggali Api Islam (Discovering the
Fire of Islam), which proclaimed Sukamoist principles to be in accord with the pure
values of Islam. The same approach was taken by the minister of religion, Muham-
mad Zuhri, in speeches in the early years of the era and published in 1962 as Agama
Unsur Mutlak dalam Nation-Building (Islam as an Absolute Requirement in Nation-
Building). It called on Muslims to emphasize the principles of Islam that would assist
in the political, social, and economic development of the nation as expressed in
Sukarnoist principles.17
Islamic literature achieved a new plateau during this period. A series of works
appeared that were more mature pieces of writing and compilation than had
appeared previously. Earlier studies of the Qur'an and Traditions had been partial
studies, but now complete works began to be published. Usman al-Muhammady, a
scholar located at the Armed Forces Spiritual Center (Pusat Rohani—PUSROH), pub-
lished several works which emphasized the development of correct belief and Mus-
lim obligations, such as Kuliah Iman dan Islam (Lectures in True Faith and Islamic
Belief). H.A. Malik Ahmad published a commentary of a partial section of the Qur'an
and, in 1965, Tudjimah published Al-Kuran dan Adjar-Adjarnja (The Qur'an and Its
Teachings), originally a speech at the University of Indonesia, which was an analysis
of Qur'anic themes. A. Halim Hasan published a selected group of Traditions called
Al-Hadits (Traditions), apparently for use in the schools and for the general public.
Finally Ash-Shiddieqy and one of his students at the Islamic Training School
(PTAIN) in Yogyakarta published works on the use of Traditions in the formation of
Muslim law.
Important works by Hamka and Ash-Shiddieqy appeared during this period.
Hamka's commentary, titled Tafsir Al-Azhar (The Azhar Commentary of the Qur'an)
reflects the political turmoil of the times, since it was written during his imprison-
ment and expresses his concerns about Communist inroads into state operation. M.
Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy wrote and published Tafsir Qur'an al-Madjied (The Commen-
tary of the Praiseworthy Qur'an) in fascicles in the 1960s; they were given special
advertising copy in Gema Islam, the leading Muslim magazine of the period, and
other Muslim publications. This work eventually became Tafsir An-Nur (The Com-
17 Federspiel, "Muslim Apologists."23
mentary of Enlightenment), a second-generation commentary and, later Al-Bayan
(The Clarification), a third-generation commentary.18
During this era some modernist Muslims attempted to expand the influence of
Islam by employing new media and to add an Islamic dimension to art forms. The
work of several authors reviewed in this study are instructive in that regard. Two
army chaplains, for example, Bahrum Rangkuti and Soedirman, wrote scripts for
radio and plays, respectively, both using Islamic themes. The new approach was not
without its risks, for Rangkuti was roundly criticized by some other religious schol-
ars when, on one occasion, he employed the "voice" of the prophet as a device on his
radio play. This was regarded as out of line with historical Muslim practice.19
Period 7. The New Order (1967 to 1987 continuing)
The New Order (Orde Baru) is the term applied to the current time period by the
government led by President Suharto. The designation is made to separate it from
the previous era, termed the Old Order (Orde Lama). Politically the New Order
Period is really two periods, but economically it is only one. The first part of the
period lasted until 1974 and was marked by an attempt by the government to build a
unity coalition of legal political elements. Two striking decisions were made in this
time frame that had profound implications for the direction of the Indonesian state
throughout the period. First, the government renegotiated its debt to foreign coun-
tries and, as part of the renegotiation, formulated a development plan which was to
be the first of many in seeking to upgrade the Indonesian economy. Second, the Con-
sultative Assembly, a parliamentary body which establishes long-term goals for the
nation, set forth a policy which called for spiritual development to accompany phys-
ical development in upgrading the economy.
With the end of the Sukarno era, Muslim political groups favoring an Islamic
basis for the state hoped for a renewal of the discussions on that issue. However, the
Suharto government made it immediately clear that the 1945 Constitution would
remain and that Pancasila would continue to be the state motto and the guiding
philosophy of the nation. However, instead of the interpretation given those docu-
ments by the Sukarno government, the Suharto government provided new
interpretations that supported its efforts to restructure and develop the national state
and the economy.
There was a restructuring of the political party arrangement in which the num-
ber of competing parties was set at three, with all Muslim political parties existing at
that time grouped into one umbrella party. Significantly, this reorganization reunited
Nahdlatul Ulama members and the former followers of Masjumi in the same party.
Regulations gave the government a right to review candidates for election and to dis-
qualify those judged unsuitable. This action was effective in limiting the more vocal
opposition to government policy that was the trademark of some Muslim politicians
at the time.
In the period up to 1978, the political views of Muslims vis-S-vis government and
other groups was well expressed in Mohammed Rasyidi's Islam dan Kommunisme
(Islam and the Issue of Communism), written in the first days of the Suharto gov-
ernment. It was a ringing condemnation of Sukamoism and communism, declaring
that the behavior of the Communists and Sukarno's leftist followers had seriously
18	Germ Islam, 1962-1966.
19	Noer, Modernist Muslim.24
harmed Indonesian values. Islam was portrayed as an upholder of traditional moral
values necessary for the new regime to follow. Later in the era Mukti Ali, then minis-
ter of religion, expressed the view of the Muslim activists who favored a union be-
tween the New Order government and Muslims in national development. In Agatna
dan Pembangunan di Indonesia (Religion and Development in Indonesia), Mukti Ali
spoke of the need for religious scholars to be the vanguard in a moral crusade to pro-
mote positive values about national development. That view reflected the general
government position on the role of Muslim teachers in supporting development.
In the area of worship and religious concerns, the works of Sidi Gazalba are rep-
resentative of the period. As others before him have done, he stressed behavior
(iachlack) as the means for Muslims to achieve the correct orientation in a period when
the political and economic order had suffered almost total destruction and were in
the midst of reconstruction. The development of scripture underwent a profound
development in this time frame, for the state undertook direct involvement in the
production of texts. On two occasions the Ministry of Religion appointed committees
of scholars from the state-operated Islamic Institutes (IAIN) to produce new com-
mentaries of the Qur'an. The works produced by the two committees—reviewed in
Chapter 3 below—were milestones in the development of commentaries. The first,
Al-Qur'an dan Terjemahnya (The Qur'an and Its Translation), traced the influence of
the Qur'an in history as a key to the development of world civilization. The conclu-
sions expressed the viewpoint that the Qur'an could still be used as a model for
development today. The second work, Al-Qur'an dan Tafsirnya (The Qur'an and Its
Commentary), was an attempt to create an official commentary that could guide reli-
gious teachers in adapting the lessons of the Qur'an to the modem world, particu-
larly in their own writings, sermons, and teaching.
The latter part of the New Order period, i.e., 1978 to the present, has been
marked by political stability and, despite some setbacks, considerable success in
building the infrastructure for an improved economic system. In 1978 the govern-
ment abandoned its united front approach, expelled Muslim and splinter nationalist
groups from its coalition, and built a new political base encompassing the member-
ship of the large state bureaucracy and miscellaneous factions in society. Since then it
has placed a great deal of effort on economic development. Today the government is
the primary mobilizer of resources, the provider of development plans, and a cheer-
leader for the population to assist in that development.
The political system developed in the early part of the New Order period
remains in place. There have been some modifications, however, that limit opposi-
tion parties significantly. Regulations are being enforced that prevent the Friday
sermon (khutbah) from being used to promote support for Muslim militants; the
symbol of the Ka'bah, the central Islamic shrine located in Mekkah, Saudi Arabia, has
been proscribed as an election symbol; and all Muslim organizations have been
required to adopt Pancasila as the base doctrine for their activities. Muslim political
groups, shunted aside and restricted politically, have, in some measure, come to
terms with their vastly reduced political position and have either accepted the role of
loyal opposition or retired from the scene. At times that role is an uneasy one, but it
is mitigated by the appointment of various Muslim political personalities to
appointed positions in legislative bodies at the national and provincial levels.
The political situation regarding Muslims in contemporary Indonesia is ad-
dressed in Fachry Ali, Agatna, Islam dan Pembangunan (Religion, Islam and Develop-
ment). He notes the challenge of modern technology to established institutions of25
traditional societies and recognizes that the process of development has a profound
effect. Islam, with its own work ethic, which is seen by believers both as a spiritual
and human requirement, makes it possible for Muslims to move from a traditional to
a technologically developed society without losing their morality.
Matters of religion and general worship have again been important and there
have been several shifts in direction. In the mid-1970s Nurcholis Madjid challenged
orthodox thinking by questioning the relevance of Islamic scholarship undertaken in
the classical era of Islamic history. He insisted that modern Muslims must make their
own formulations that need not correspond to the credos of that earlier period. These
views appeared in a variety of newspapers and popular Muslim magazines, as well
as in a collection of his essays titled Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam (The Renovation of
Islamic Thought). A number of other scholars, among them Harun Nasution, M.
Dawam Rahardjo, and Adi Sasono, have held somewhat compatible views and
urged rethinking of Islamic lessons for a more clear understanding of the obligations
and role of Muslims in Indonesia during a period of national development. Other
scholars, such as Muhammad Rasyidi and H. Endang Saifuddin Anshari, took excep-
tion to such reconstructive thinking and declared it incompatible with historical
Sunni Muslim thought. By the 1980s several new scholars had begun writing about
development, among them Amin Rais, Kuntowijoyo, and Jalaluddin Rahmat. The
thinking of this entire group is outlined in Fachry Ali and Bahtiar Effendy's
Merambah Jalan Baru Islam (Pioneering the New Path of Islam), which expounds the
view that Islam is an essential guide for the development of Indonesia, which offers a
moral compass for the nation in the midst of modernization and change.
In a second development, the government's promotion of Qur'an recitation com-
petitions produced a new set of guides and new methodologies for memorizing and
reciting the Qur'an; many of those works are reviewed below in Chapter 5. Finally,
the growth of the revivalist movement (dakwah), with its stress on revitalization of
religious commitment and practice, has also produced new materials to assist in that
effort. These include works on the compatibility of Islam with modem science and
technology, new readers of Traditions, and books on prayer and religious
obligation.20 Several of these books are reviewed in later chapters.
Section Z The Qur'an in the View of the
Contemporary Indonesian State
In Section 1 it was stated that the Nationalist stream of Indonesian political thinking
currently controls the political system and that Muslims have had to adapt to this
political reality. While there are no restrictions on Sunni Muslims regarding worship
and formal religious obligations, there are practical limits on the use of scripture in
the political and social realm. This is not the place for a full discussion of the rela-
tionship between religion and the state; that has been extensively covered elsewhere
by a number of authors.21 The brief remarks that follow are only intended to provide
the basic format of the relationship so that our view of Islamic scripture in
Indonesian Islam can be seen in context.
The Indonesian national state operates within an ideological framework erected
by the Nationalists. This framework uses the concept of the nation-state in the Euro-
pean tradition, complete with symbols of flag, anthem, state documents, and national
20	Departemen Agama, Terjemahnya, 110-20.
21	McVey, "Faith as the Outsider."26
offices. Its political system reflects the experience of several generations of National-
ist leaders in attempting to forge political institutions that would afford them author-
ity to develop the nation on Nationalist principles. As noted earlier, security, political
order, and economic development came to be governing principles. Hence, elections
are painstakingly orchestrated, the legislature is carefully controlled, and authority is
consciously centralized in an elite responsible to key governing leaders.
Under President Sukarno and then President Suharto, the framework developed
by the Nationalists became accepted as national doctrine, in large part, by most
participants in the political system and, certainly, by most segments of the popu-
lation. The major themes that have emerged are threefold: the 1945 Constitution as
the bedrock of state structure; the "Five Principles" (Paticasila) as the state motto,
spelling out the primary relationships of all parts of the national community, and
economic and political development as a primary national target. Pancasila, in par-
ticular, is heralded as encapsulating the teachings of Indonesian nationhood and is a
required subject throughout the formal school system and a key ingredient in gov-
ernment training programs. Those principles call for "Belief in God," "humani-
tarianism," "national unity," "democracy as expressed through representatives of the
people," and "social justice."
Regarding Islam as inclined toward a dogmatism that not all Indonesians share,
particularly the greater part of the Javanese population, and fueled by a non-Indone-
sian culture, the early Nationalists called for neutrality in religion. At independence a
compromise was made in which a Department of Religion was established to pro-
vide support services for all recognized religious groupings in Indonesia. Since
approximately 90 percent of the population was identified as at least nominally Mus-
lim, attention to Islamic concerns was given priority. Support for mosque building,
operation of a pilgrimage service to Mekkah, and the establishment of institutions of
religious instruction became integral features of that state support. Under Sukarno
and in the New Order period the amount of support has appreciably increased to
include a system of national Islamic institutes, a national Qur'an reading competi-
tion, and public celebration of Muslim holy days.
The Nationalists have long been concerned with developing a brand of religion
that is compatible with Nationalist thinking and state direction. In such thinking,
religion would offer deep moral commitment, offer a progressive view of economic
development, be no threat politically, and produce no ambiguity among its adher-
ents regarding ultimate loyalty to the state. Significantly, the state leaders found a
large number of Muslims favorable to such an outlook. In particular, there were
Muslim leaders willing to champion such a viewpoint without compromising their
allegiance to Islam. Two of the last three ministers of religion—Abdul Mukti AJi and
Munawir Sjadzali—clearly were representative of that viewpoint.
That is not to say, however, that all Muslims embraced the viewpoint heartily;
some would favor a view of Islam that calls for fuller association with the great
community of believers elsewhere in the world working together on religious
themes. Others would insist that only serious Muslims are the proper leaders of a
Muslim nation and that Christians, Buddhists and nominal Muslims, who make up
much of Nationalist leadership in such Muslim eyes, would have to give way to
committed Muslim leadership. This latter view often includes the demand that a
Muslim law be placed in effect as the key regulatory document for state policy, pub-
lic morals, and public order. For many reasons there is wide acceptance of govern-27
ment programs to promote religious activity, which favors Islam heavily, and calls
for regeneration of strong spiritual values as a vital part of national development.
Officially the Indonesian government is neutral in religion and, at one level,
operates with national symbols and language that avoids reference to the values of
Islam or other religions. At another level mention of religion is allowed and its prin-
ciples endorsed, but without particular use of the language or symbols of religion
itself. The Qur'an and Traditions do not function at either of these levels. At a third
level, among believers, religious terms and symbols are used, so long as they are not
employed in a context that is at odds with state doctrine. At this level Islamic
scripture plays an important role.
The three levels can be seen in the P-4 project, a political orientation program for
government workers and various segments of society. The 1981 Guide ... for the
Islamic Community indicates two levels of awareness of religion. The general direc-
tions, introduction to the subject matter, and the government directive are all
couched in terms of the first level. Those sections speak to the State Philosophy
(falsafat negara) and the Indonesian nation (bangsa Indonesia). God is mentioned in
Indonesian nationalist terms consisting of non-Arabic terminology, best rendered as
the One Supreme God (Tuhan Yang Maha Esa), and the religious communities are
spoken of, as just that, "religious communities" (umat beragamaJ.22
At this first level there are references to piety, the performance of religious
duties, and the importance of religious decisions that show official support, but some
detachment. Street signs and television announcements are likely to make reference
to such matters using Nationalist concepts. "Qur'an recitation is a way of building
the spiritual basis of religion and nation." Hence, the role of Islam in nation building
is clearly emphasized, and Muslims receive a message that their religion is tolerated
and even appreciated by government authorities.
The second level of government response to Islam can also be seen in the P-4
document. In the substantive section which addresses the specific case of the Muslim
community, terms and concepts take on Islamic form and reference is made to
Islamic scripture. The compatibility of Pancasila and Islam is outlined, this time using
religious sources as indications of that compatibility. Here Islamic terminology
abounds: Allah, fear of God (taqwa), and Al-Qur'an. There is free quotation from the
Qur'an and Traditions and arguments are presented along lines familiar to
Muslims.23 The blend is an effective one and has been adapted by some Muslim
groups outside government, as we shall see in several works discussed later.
The third level of response to Islam is found in two sets of readers used in public
schools for religious instruction, one for the middle school and one for high school.
Here the history and principal teachings of Islam are presented sympathetically. The
Sunni teachings are incorporated, but, obviously, issues of contention about Islam
and the nation-state are avoided. We take here a section from the chapter titled "The
Muslim Individual in Society" to show that approach.
22	Departemen Agama, Pedoman Pelaksam P4,6.
23	Ibid.28
1. Protecting rights and truth.
Islam is a religion that teaches humans about peace and safety. Every community
values peace and safety because they are requisites for achieving a society that is
safe and prosperous.
Violating human rights and rights of property is forbidden in religion. Reasoning
and human feelings also are opposed to actions which harm humans themselves.
In a nation actions which harm security and property rights must be curbed and
there must be laws which place things in perspective.
Islam teaches the community about protection of rights and truth. In Islam it is
recognized that there are counteractions against evil behavior toward others.
In al-Baqarah, verse 19
The Command of God: (Arab text, followed by Indonesian rendition).
In this verse every Muslim is commanded to fight people who fight them until
the enemy yields. Muslims necessarily defend their homeland. People who
invade a Muslim nation have to be expelled. If the enemy occupies a mosque,
Muslims may not fight them there, unless they begin fighting first. It is clear then
that Islam teaches its people to defend rights and truth and to use war only to
defend their own property and homeland/*4
Examination of the middle school series showed that there were three volumes25
totaling 324 pages with the Qur'an cited 135 times, the Traditions 21 times, and one
other source once. In the high school series, also consisting of three volumes, but
containing 480 pages, there were 231 quotations from the Qur'an and 37 from the
Traditions.26 This indicates that at one level of operation the state does allow the use
of Islamic scripture to be used extensively and to set the tone for the building of
morality among believers of Islam.
We have observed in this section that the Nationalist ideology of Indonesia does
recognize Islamic teachings as a vital part of national life, but that the teachings are
limited in area of use. Political Islam is discouraged, and moral guidelines are given
support.
Section 3. The Use of the Qur'an in the View
of the Community of Indonesian Believers
The Indonesian Muslim community of believers consists at one level of people who
identify in some way with the religion of Islam and hold its principles to be in effect
in their lives. As mentioned earlier, this constitutes roughly 90 percent of the Indone-
sian population. But within that broad slice of population there are differing percep-
tions about the importance of Islam in individual lives. Our description of the Indo-
nesian elite earlier indicated that political Islam was anathema to some Indonesian
Nationalists, who are, themselves, also Muslims. This is not a phenomenon limited to
a small elite. Also our description of Javanese culture indicated that there are many
24	Arif and Daulay, Pendidikan Agama, 88-89.
25	Ibid.; Jalil Muhammad, Pendidikan Agama, vols. 1-6.
26	Ibid.29
Javanese Muslims who place their identification with Islam in the particular context
of their Javanese culture. So, at this general level we are dealing with several
different evaluations of the importance of Islam to groups and individuals.
At another level the community of believers consists of a segment of the total
population that has a commitment to Islamic teachings, is aware of the meaning and
extent of those teachings, and attempts to follow the principles therein in their per-
sonal and public lives. To members of this population, the ritual obligations of Islam
are important—prayer, observance of the rites of the Muslim calendar, dietary
restrictions, and the pilgrimage. The moral and ethical teachings are observed in the
main by this group. Approximately 60 percent of the Indonesian population belong
at this level of identification. It is this group that probably most merits identification
as the Indonesian Islamic community.
At a third level the community of believers consists of those segments of society
that associate with Islamic organizations involved in religious education, social wel-
fare, worship and missionary activity, political activity, and other matters designed
to leave a distinctive Islamic imprint on public activity. While an argument could be
made that politics differs from the other concerns dealt with here, it would seem that
it is the identification with an organization and the desire to promote those interests
in the larger society that make the difference, not the activity per se. This grouping
constitutes roughly one-third of the Indonesian population; the number seems to be
decreasing because of government actions that have made such activity less attrac-
tive.
For purposes of discussion in the remainder of this section, we use the com-
munity of believers in the second meaning, i.e., as those Indonesians who take the
obligations of Islam very seriously, but who do not necessarily belong to any specific
Muslim association. We can assume that such believers visit the mosque regularly,
observe prayer, and make sure that family members are given Islamic instruction
and that religious holidays are observed. They will read Islamic material, from one or
more sources, and consciously seek elucidation on how to conduct their lives to
accord with the accepted interpretations of Sunni Islam.
The scripture of Islam, both the Qur'an and the Traditions of the Prophet,
assume an important place in contemporary Indonesian Islam. It is common to find
both scriptures quoted in information published for use by Muslims. The words
"Firman Allah" indicate a reference to the Qur'an, while "Sabda Muhammad s.a.w."
indicates that a Tradition is about to be quoted. In both cases the quotation is first
made in Arabic, in Arabic script, followed by the Indonesian translation. In refer-
ences to the Qur'an, the chapter (surah) is given; for Traditions, the collection is cited,
usually al-Bukhary, al-Muslim, Abu Daud, or at-Tirmidzy. To better understand the
extent of the use of these two scriptures, a few concrete examples will be given.
1. The written sermons (khutbah) that appeared in the newspaper Waspada
(Medan) each Friday, between April 1985 and April 1986, were reviewed for the use
of citations and references. The contributors were all sermon givers (khatib) at one or
more mosques in the city during the previous year, so we can assume that their
written version was similar to what they probably delivered in their actual sermons
(khutbah). Over the year the Qur'an was quoted 161 times and the Traditions 91
times. Other Arabic sources, mostly Qur'anic commentators or prominent writers
within the Islamic tradition, were quoted 30 times, while Indonesian writers were
cited five times and Western writers only twice. This would indicate that about six
citations are made in each sermon with three from the Qur'an, two from the Tradi-30
tions, and one from a classical writer. This is a significant use of religious citations,
although certainly not unusual given the purpose and setting.27
2.	A four-volume set of books on Islamic jurisprudence by a contemporary
Indonesian scholar was also analyzed. The set covered some forty subject areas
dealing with standard Muslim belief, practice, and behavior. The references drew
heavily on traditional books of Islamic law and jurisprudence. In the four volumes
there were 1373 pages of text, with 355 citations from the Qur'an, 380 citations from
the Traditions, and 365 sources from classical, middle period, and contemporary
Muslim scholars, most of them jurists. The heavy reliance on Traditions and the
works of scholars is consistent with the emphasis that these two sources receive in
standard Muslim law.28
3.	A popular magazine among Muslim activists and the religiously oriented
public has articles on Islam's role in various matters of topical importance. A run of
five issues in 1984 totalling 480 pages was analyzed for citations of scripture. There
were fifty-nine citations from the Qur'an, twenty-nine from the Traditions, and
nineteen from standard Muslim scholars.29 While the number is not as great as in the
examples above, the same trend is apparent.
4.	Two books by prominent Muslim writers on topical subjects for Indonesian
Muslims were examined for the same phenomenon. The two books, one on Islamic
revivalism (dakwah) and one on defense of Islam (jihad), totaled just short of 400
pages. There were 127 quotations from the Qur'an, thirty-seven from the Traditions,
and sixteen citations from other sources on Islam.30
The foregoing examples indicate a strong affinity for use of quoted scripture in
the religious information of the Muslim community in Indonesia. But, of course, the
Qur'an and Traditions cannot be used indiscriminately. Their use is governed by
rules of usage developed by religious scholars over centuries and, even when new
lines of thinking are undertaken, those rules of use continue to be observed. The
traditionalists, such as those associated with the thinking of the Syafi'i school of
jurisprudence, always acknowledge the interpretation of the classical scholars and
their successors concerning the importance of a scriptural quotation. Modernists and
neo-fundamentalists are concerned with accepted Sunni interpretation as well. Our
purpose at this point in the study is to observe the significant use of Qur'an and
Traditions in contemporary Indonesian society, but not to imply much more. Other
remarks will be made further on in this study when it seems appropriate.
With the setting in mind provided by these three sections, we are now ready to
review another background, that of the development of religious sources in Islamic
history.
27	Waspada (Medan), 1985-1986.
28	Siradjuddin Abbas, 40 Masalah Agama.
29	SuaraMasjid (Jakarta), 1985-1986.
30	Sutan Mansur, jihad; Toha Jahja Omar, Ilmu Dawah.-------2---------
The Legacy of Islam
Indonesian Muslims believe themselves to belong to a world-wide community of
believers which has a common system of worship, common rituals, and a com-
mon history. Consequently, when writing on Islamic subjects, Indonesian Mus-
lim scholars respond to the legacy of that common system. There appear to be
three points in that legacy that would add perspective to our examination of works
on the Qur'an written by Indonesian writers: the events of history that shaped the
Islamic community, a high regard for Muslim scholars as the interpreters of religious
values, and the importance of Arabic as the carrier of the true religious message. The
three sections in this chapter discuss each of these points.
Section 1. Islamic Intellectual History
There are two kinds of history within the tradition of Islam. One kind relates to the
political and military dynamics of empires, dynasties, and states, along with the
importance of rulers. Western observers have been more concerned with this type of
history than have Muslims, although with the rise of nation-states among Muslim
populations, histories of particular regions or countries have become common.
Almost none of these treat the history of the entire community, but, rather, treat the
first centuries of the common Muslim world and, in later centuries, concentrate on a
specific area of that world, usually one equating to a modern nation-state. The
second history ignores political trends for the most part and concentrates instead on
the development of religious sciences, the views of various sects that emerge, along
with their viewpoints, and the production of various scholarly works. These are
intellectual histories, which explain the development of religious sciences from the
time of Muhammad. Indonesian Muslim writers are acutely aware of this second
history, as we shall see in the upcoming chapters.
1. Period of the Prophet Muhammad
The period prior to the arrival of Islam is known in Islamic history as the "Age of
Ignorance" (al-Jahiliya). The term summarizes the perception of Muslims toward the
Arabs of the Arabian Peninsula in the early Seventh Christian Century. They hold
that the worship of idols, the popularity of animistic and shamanistic practices, and
the practice of customs generally regarded as unfair and often immoral by religious
standards were due to the ignorance of the population regarding the message of
God.
It was not that the area and the population were overly isolated, for the region
existed on the edges of two civilizations—the Eastern Roman on the Eastern end of
the Mediterranean Sea and the Sassanid centered in present-day Iran and Iraq—and
those civilizations did have influence on the region. Christianity, Judaism, and32
Zoroasterism were all known in Arabia and practiced by various tribes. But the self-
developed traditions of the region dominated. Hence tribal, clan, and extended
family identity was paramount and, at Mekkah, the leading commercial, religious,
and cultural center, the dominant tribe was the Quraisy.
The primary site of traditional religion was the Ka'bah, also at Mekkah; it was a
structure of stone, wood, and mortar, which drew worshippers, especially during a
pilgrimage season. The culture of the region also included poets and seers, each
using traditional symbols and a poetical language common to the argot of the Penin-
sula. It was these traditional traits that were initially impediments to Islam, but when
modified through the work of the Prophet Muhammad, took on new meaning and
gave the new religion of Islam much of its appeal and strength.1
Muhammad was bom in the tribe of the Quraisy to a non-leader family and was
orphaned while young. He was a trader in his early adult life, married well, and
became affluent, but, at the same time, was in no way a leading member of the tribe
politically. When he reached middle age he undertook religious contemplation and
underwent a decisive experience which convinced him he was a messenger (rasul) of
God. He believed it was his task to bring the Word of God to the Quraisy, so that
they would modify their behavior to accord with the revitalizing moral and religious
teaching Muhammad insisted was from God. Quraisy response was largely rejection,
on the grounds that Muhammad, who seemed to Quraisy leaders to speak in tradi-
tional poetical form and language, was a poet, but certainly not a prophet. They
suspected that his real intentions were to gain political control over the Quraisy by
using his "religious" message as a guise.
The essence of Muhammad's message was contained in a series of oral composi-
tions that he claimed were revealed to him from time to time through the angel Jibril.
The compositions, he stated, were the Word of God, identical to that sent previously
to other prophets at other places in the world. If there were differences between the
verses revealed to him and to others, say the Jews and the Christians, it was because
the records of others had become distorted over time. The compositions were
poetical, highly moralistic in tone, and judged practices and beliefs in Mekkah to be
sorely lacking in human compassion. The primary ingredients of early Islam were
that there was only One God, Allah, that He sent prophets and scriptures to humans
to tell them how to live, and that there was a Day of Judgment when all people
would be called to account for the conduct of their lives.
Muhammad answered the claim that his compositions were only the work of a
poet by asserting that they transcended the usual writings of other poets. He stated
that evidence for his claim was in the recitation itself, because it was inimitable and
was superior to any other writing; in fact, the Qur'an was a miracle apparent to the
reason of any honest thinker. This argument continues to be used by Muslim writers
in their response to detractors of Islam.
Acceptance of the message began slowly, particularly among some of the less
affluent members of the tribe. But there was such harassment to the young commu-
nity that members were forced to leave Mekkah; the first group went to Ethiopia, the
second, with Muhammad, to Madinah. At Madinah, where Muhammad served as
the arbitrator of the tribal factions in that city, the community became militarily
strong and developed as a religious, social, and political community. The concept of
a community of believers (umat) came into being, which, Muhammad held, tran-
1 Denney, Islam, 46-64.33
scended tribalism, and depended on religious identity for membership. That concept
has been maintained throughout history. Muhammad also introduced new customs
into the community to replace those commonly followed among the Arab tribes not
yet converted to Islam. A "way of the Prophet" (sunnat) arose in this way, by which
the practices of worship, general behavior, and ethics were given substance. Finally,
the concept of religious law (syari'at), divine and immutable, was developed, which
was the measure of God in the lives of all people.
The revelations to Muhammad continued throughout the Madinah period until
shortly before his death. Later Muslims were to make much of this long period of
revelation. They noted that Muhammad was unlearned and, hence, illiterate, and
that revelation of an entire book of God was necessarily slow. This gave time, they
argued, for Muhammad to apply the message step by step in the building of the new
community. The last revelation noted that the message was complete and that Mu-
hammad was the "seal of the Prophets," a term interpreted as meaning that no other
prophets would follow him. Later, this same verse was taken to mean that the mes-
sage was intended for all humankind and that it was not simply a message to that
region of Arabia or to the Arabs.
The relationship of Muhammad with other religions was mixed. The Ethiopian
ruler, a Christian, accepted the first group of Muslim refugees from Mekkah and
later Muslim writers praised that ruler's tolerance. But the attitude of the Christian
and Jewish tribes in Arabia itself was more hostile. They did not view Muhammad as
a prophet, and some of their members made disparaging remarks about his scripture
and generally labeled it a fabrication built on incomplete information received in his
travels.
The most hostile reaction to Muhammad came from the two Jewish tribes in
Madinah and, eventually, the situation between those tribes and Muhammad's fol-
lowers became so antagonistic that Muhammad expelled the Jewish tribes. This ex-
perience has been recalled by Muslims at various times in history and has been a
source of suspicion toward the Jews, most notably in eleventh-century Andalusian
Spain and in twentieth-century Palestine. Nonetheless, the official doctrine of Islam
has remained that Christians, Jews, and other "peoples of the book" (i.e., monethe-
ists) are to be allowed to practice their religion undisturbed, so long as they represent
no threat to the security of the Muslim community.
Most of Arabia came into the community of believers during the lifetime of Mu-
hammad. After a long period of warfare between Muhammad's community and the
Quraisy of Mekkah, the Quraisy too accepted Muhammad's leadership and became
part of the Islamic community. The great shrine at Mekkah, called the Ka'bah, was
retained as a center of religious importance, stripped of the numerous idols that sur-
rounded it. The Qur'an noted that it had been founded by the Prophet Ibrahim and,
hence, was a integral part of Islam. The pilgrimage was incorporated into Islam as
well and became an important part of Islamic obligation. Shortly after the conversion
of the Quraisy, Muhammad died.2
2. Period of the Righteous Caliphs
Having long furnished leaders for Mekkah, the Quraisy tribe, once in Islam, became
the source of leadership for the community. Indeed, later formulations by some
Sunni Muslim scholars asserted that political leadership of Muslims belonged to the
2 Gatje, Qur'an and Exegeses, 4-18.34
Quraisy. Indeed, many Muslim rulers, even among non-Arabic peoples, produced
genealogies that identified a line of ancestry from the Quraisy, if not the family of the
Prophet itself. Certainly in the period immediately following Muhammad's death,
leadership did come from the Quraisy and from prominent families in that tribe, but
that was merely fortuitous for the Quraisy. The new leaders assumed their positions
because they were close colleagues of Muhammad. This group, known as the
Righteous Caliphs, ruled for a period of about forty years. It was a period marking
the expansion of Muslim political control outward across northern Africa to include
Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, across the Levant to Asia Minor, and across Iran to Cen-
tral Asia. Over these areas the rulers placed an Arab military rule, governing with
traditional Arab practices adapted to Islamic principles.
Muslim rule over new lands with peoples of different religions produced
problems of identification within Islam. New converts significantly enlarged the
community and gave it a different meaning. For reasons of identity, respect, and eco-
nomics, the group that had known Muhammad personally asserted its own special
identity. Until the rise of the Umawi Empire this group, known as the Companions,
were given a part of the booty taken in battle. As witnesses of the Prophet's words,
action, and behavior, they had a claim on the intention of Islamic doctrine that new-
comers did not have. It is this latter aspect that has endured in Muslim intellectual
history. What the Companions had to say about Islam has always been seriously con-
sidered by later scholars.
Religiously, the era was one of consolidation of the Qur'an and the formation of
Islamic thinking. Beginning with the first caliph, Abu Bakar (d. 634), an attempt was
made to bring together the Qur'an into a single written document. Until that time the
Qur'an had been a series of recitations, known verbatim by various members of the
community, with only small sections written on bark, bones, and other writing
materials. Under the third and fourth caliphs, Utsman (d. 656) and Ali (d. 661), the
Qur'an took standard written form, known as the Utsman compilation (mushhaf) to
the Sunnis and the Ali version to the Syi'ahs. That compilation is still acknowledged
as the standard version. However, great care was taken to retain the Qur'an as a
document for recitation and memorization; even reading marks were included with
the text. Centers of Islamic learning at Kufah, Basrah, Madinah, and Damascus all
emphasized recitations in accordance with rules that these centers themselves had
fashioned, based on their understanding of Muhammad's intention.
The period of the Righteous Caliphs ended in tragedy. The family of Utsman
insisted on retaining control of the leadership of the community through a kinsman
of Utsman named Mu'awiyah (d. 680), while Ali, as the son-in-law of the Prophet
and a leading Companion of Muhammad, sought the position of caliph as well. The
contest for power ultimately led to warfare between the two factions and Mu'awiyah
carried the day, although he never completely vanquished Ali. The community,
however, underwent a many-faceted split politically and the two principal sects of
Islam came into being. The Sunni, following Mu'awiyah, became the dominant
group and adopted the concept of rational thinking found in the former Greek-held
areas of the Eastern Mediterranean. The Syi'ah were the groups that followed Ali,
who came under the influence of Persian culture, which had a far more mystical
outlook than existed in the Sunni areas.3
3 Denney, Islam, 129-42.35
3. The Classical Kingdoms
The classical period of Islam is concerned with the political rule of two Muslim king-
doms or empires, those of the Umawi (661-750) and of the Abbasids (750-1258). The
first was Arab in tone, resting on Arab rulers with Arab law and behavior. Since
much of the population was still non-Muslim, Islam was a religion of the rulers and
their clients. During the Abbasid period, when large segments of the subject popula-
tion had already become Muslim, Islam became a religion with some diversity. At
court Islam was a subject of philosophical debate and speculation. At centers of
learning, such as existed at Madinah and Basrah, it became a scholastic religion cen-
tering on the formulation of Muslim jurisprudential codes (fiqh) that sought to emu-
late eternal law (syari'at) called for in the Qur'an.
Among the general population, Islam took on popular forms, most notably mys-
tical practice, pilgrimages to tombs of saints and sites of veneration, and the use of
spells and amulets to assist in the conduct of living. Among the Syr ah faction, the
shrine at Karbalah, where the massacred grandchildren of the Prophet, Hassan and
Husayn, were buried, took on more importance than a visit to Mekkah itself. These
popular practices have been anathema to one line of scholarly thought at various
times in Muslim history. Many studies have been written condemning some of those
popular practices as having no real basis in scripture and as being innovations that
should be expunged.
The era saw a number of religious developments. First, the creed of Islam be-
came established. In this development a group of religious thinkers, known in his-
tory as the Free Thinkers (Mu’tazilah), dominated the Abbasid court during the reign
of al-Ma'mun (d. 833), and he declared that viewpoint to be the official doctrine of
the empire, punishing those who refused to recognize its validity. The crux of Free
Thinker doctrine was that reason is superior to the Qur'an. The theologians Al-
Asy'ary (d. 935) and Al-Maturidy (d. 944) provided an intellectual response which,
with the help of new political rulers, also destroyed the Free Thinker's political dom-
inance. Thereafter the Sunni viewpoint asserted that the Qur'an, as the word of God,
is superior to human reason, but subject to reasoning in its interpretation.
Mystical practice had been pursued during the lifetime of Muhammad and it de-
veloped in importance after his death. Several new practices were introduced from
elsewhere in the Middle East and beyond that were suspect to some Muslims. Fur-
ther, some of those engaged in mysticism believed they were no longer subject to the
constraints of the general religious practices called for by the Qur'an. During this
period the issue was resolved to some degree by al-Ghazaly (d. 1111), regarded as
the first great renovator of the faith, who laid down guidelines for mystical practice
which brought mysticism into line with general religious belief and practice.
Through that effort mysticism took on an Islamic identity, even though considerable
difficulty remained in making it compatible with Islam based on legal precepts.
The third religious development of the period saw the collection of oral recount-
ings of the Prophet's sayings, actions, and behavior, which had been passed down to
later generations by the Companions. With the collection came the development of a
system to analyze the Traditions themselves for verity and accuracy, since "false" ac-
counts had cropped up, some intentionally and some unintentionally. The great col-
lectors, al-Bukhary (d. 870) and al-Muslim (d. 875), formalized the ultimate standards
for such analysis. Their collections produced works that came to be regarded as a
second scripture in Islam. This was a means of formalizing the "way of the Prophet"
(sunnat), a concept in existence since the Madinah period of Muhammad's mission.36
Finally, codes of religious conduct emerged, built on the lessons derived from
the Qur'an and Traditions. To those two sources was added analogy to the principles
laid down in those sources and consensus of religious scholars. Many schools of
jurisprudence came into existence, four of which survived to the twentieth century.
The founders of these schools—asy-Syafi'ie (d. 820), Ahmad bin Hanbal (d. 855), Abu
Hanifah (d. 767) and Malik bin Anas (d. 795)—all remain important as historical fig-
ures in Islam and as fashioners of religious practice and doctrine. The Syafi'i teach-
ings have had particular relevance for Indonesians and have also served as a point of
identification for the Indonesian community to religious interpretations that arose
among Syafi'i scholars in Egypt.
This classical period of Islam, from the beginnings of the Prophet's mission until
the Fall of the Abbasids in 1254 AD, was the formative period of Islam. The period
has been of special interest to Muslims themselves and to observers of Islam. The
form of the two scriptures took place then, as did the emergence of the key doctrines
and practices. The era has sometimes come under attack from secularists and from
various nationalists as having eventually produced doctrines which later proved
unworkable. Fundamentalists and neo-fundamentalists, on the other hand, glorify
this era, averring that the true principles of Islam were in operation during this era
and that, as a result, Islamic peoples were politically and culturally ascendent.
Among scholars in contemporary Indonesia, the era is an important one from which
the major materials are drawn for an understanding of contemporary Islamic obliga-
tions.4
4. The Middle Period
The institutions of Muslim history changed significantly sometime in the eleventh
century (Christian). The conquest of much of the Islamic heartland by the Turks from
central Asia brought in new political and social institutions that transformed society
and government. Ultimately these new traits were adopted throughout most of the
Islamic world. The control of land, always important, moved to a feudal system, that
is, land use was assigned by a patron to clients in return for certain payments and
services. Military service was the major consideration. Significantly this feudal sys-
tem paralleled that of Europe but, while their origins may have been the same, they
developed separately. Socially, the population saw a distant monarch, the caliph,
padishah, or "commander of the faithful," as the supreme authority, with clearer local
rulers exercising real power.
A second feature of the era was the domination of slave rulers, who came to
administer this civilization. Enslaved from frontier peoples, often neutered, young
boys were taken to the capital where they were trained and then made, first, part of
the elite guards and, for those with promise, the administrators of the realm. They
served their rulers and, eventually, a powerful slave might succeed or replace the
ruler. The Seljuks in present-day Iraq and the Mamluks in present-day Egypt pro-
vided the most prominent dynasties of this type in the Middle East. Such slave
dynasties dominated the Islamic world from the Atlas mountains in North Africa to
the Hindu Kush in Northern India.
The institutions of Islam were adapted by its followers to this new situation.
First, mysticism became the dominant religious form. Sufism, as it was known, was
practiced by much of the population with sufi masters, known usually as shaykhs,
4 Fazlurrahman, Islam, 85-99.37
living at retreats with groups of disciples. The major mystic orders came into exis-
tence, such as the Naqsyabandiya, the Syattariya, and the Qadariya. They gave new
meanings to certain Islamic terms, such as the dzikr, the constant repetition of God's
names. To mystics, intuitive knowledge (ma'rifat) became important, and the best
person was termed the kamil insan, indicating one who regulated his personal life on
the basis of intuitive knowledge gained through mystical practice.
Many of the shaykhs acquired so much respect that they, in turn, became regard-
ed as possessors of supernatural powers, keepers of secret knowledge, and adepts at
using their knowledge for overcoming the unknown universe that engulfed human-
kind. The shaykhs were asked for blessings, spells, and amulets while they lived, and
their tombs became sites of visitation after their death. The practices and beliefs of
these shaykhs were not always developed with the teachings of classical Islam in
mind.
In a second development, legalists (fuqaha') formalized their positions at courts
and promoted the application of their codes of jurisprudence to certain actions, such
as marriage and divorce, inheritance, and pious endowments. Moreover, the scholars
at the major religious centers also continued to develop their law. In Sunni Islam this
took the form of accepting the teachings of previous scholars and making comments
on the unresolved questions of their formulations. This practice of acceptance,
known as "obedience to tradition" (taklid), came to be the accepted manner of legal
formulation. The Syr ah retained a doctrine referred to as fresh investigation (ijtihad),
wherein a question of importance was decided on original scripture, rather than on
the formulations of the scholars of Islam. Eventually, even in the Sunni sect, taklid
was questioned by some, although it remained for the modernists in the mid- to late
nineteenth century to seriously challenge the practice. A number of works that were
to have considerable impact on Indonesian Islam were written in this era by such
scholars as as-Sayuthy (d. 1505), Ibnu Hajar al-'Asqalany (d.1567), and an-Nawawy
(d. 1277).
Third, religious education became formalized in schools known as kuttub. Reli-
gion was the key to the entire curriculum, which featured memorizing the Qur'an,
learning the teachings of the great scholars, and, often, mystical (sufi) practice. The
school system was to be a mainstay until the twentieth century in nearly all Muslim
lands. We have already noted its continuance in revised form in Indonesia as part of
the state system of education.
The Middle Period is important to Indonesian Muslims because the formative
years of Islam in Indonesia fall in this era. Early Islam in Southeast Asia was influ-
enced by mysticism. There was even an early dispute between those Muslims who
adopted Ibnul Arab/s (d. 1240) pantheistic thinking, such as Hamzah Fansuri (d. ca.
1607) in seventeenth-century Aceh. His works were set aside in the following genera-
tion by Nuruddin ar-Raniri (d. 1658), who regarded those earlier teachings as non-
Islamic and heretical. Convincing the ruling prince of this viewpoint, he had
Fansuri's followers imprisoned and otherwise punished for their transgressions and
recalcitrance. He then proceeded to issue a number of works on Islam to promote the
values generally held by Syafi'i scholars in the Middle East. But, while his work and
that of his associates was influential at court and led to the institution of scholars'
(ulama) councils that were to prevail until the twentieth century, mystical Islam
retained a strong hold on large sectors of the Indonesian population.
The Indonesian scholars' councils were dominated by Syafi'i scholars, seldom
well trained because of the low grade of local Muslim institutions. This reflected, in38
general, the uneven quality of teachers who were itinerant scholars from mainland
Asia, frequently the Hadramaut or the West coast of India. Attendees of these
schools used bastardized texts, i.e. those containing sections of Arab originals and
commentary on them in Arab and Malay from a number of successive and, often,
anonymous teachers. There was no consistency or completeness in those studies. The
work of the scholars' councils reflected this state of affairs. But, in this regard, they
differed only slightly from their colleagues in the Middle East.
The feudal era of Islam is important in the Indonesian context because of the
reaction of twentieth-century reformers to it and the identification of the traditional-
ists with its scholars. Among the reformers, mystical practice came under bitter at-
tack, the work of the religious scholars was judged as woefully inadequate, and the
work in schools was seen as lacking as well. Moreover, as we shall see later, the
attack on accretions in Islamic belief and action usually centered on the adaptations
of Muslims during the Middle Period. Usually the interpretations of the Classical
Period were held to be true; those of the Middle Period were suspect.5
5. Modernism and Nationalism
Modernist thinking in Islam begins properly with Ibn Taimiyya, a seventeenth-cen-
tury North African scholar, who spoke about opening the "door of original applica-
tion (ijtihad)" as a means of revitalizing Islam. Ibn Abdul Wahab (d. 1787), in a sepa-
rate development, called for returning to the original principles of the four schools of
jurisprudence. The theme of renewal had its great populizers, however, in Shah Wali
Allah (d. 1762) and Sayyid Jamal al-Afghany (d. 1897). They both called for a return
to basic principles of Islam as found in the Qur'an and authentic Traditions of the
Prophet. Further, they attacked practices they regarded as antiquated—practices
seemingly at odds with modem health, anti-scientific judgments, and non-rational or
mystical interpretation of life. They attempted to create thinking that would make
Islam appear as a progressive religion in step with modem Western perceptions of
progress.
Modernism arose immediately after the industrial revolution in the last half of
the nineteenth century, and by the turn of the century it had developed an apprecia-
ble following in the Middle East. It came at a time when the modem state was com-
ing into existence and when the material progress of the West evoked some attempts
at emulation among several countries, such as the Ottoman Empire and Egypt. One
did not cause the other, but there seems to be little doubt that modernist Islam
responded to the Western notions and took on a defensive posture as a result. At the
same time, devout Muslims had to reply to the nationalist members of their own
societies, who held that the role of religion had to be deemphasized and an identity
built on the basis of the national ideal. The exact degree of alienation of religion dif-
fered by country.
As mentioned in the last chapter, perhaps the most severe nationalist reaction to
Islam occurred in Turkey in the 1920s and 1930s. During that period, Turkey's
autocratic leader, Kemal Ataturk, revamped the alphabet to cut off the Persian and
Islamic past, made the use of Arabic for religious purposes unlawful, and changed
men's headgear so as to hinder attempts to touch the forehead to the ground during
prayer. These attempts to change society in the name of national development
caused bitter reaction among some Turks. Later in the twentieth century, for exam-
5 Goldschmidt, Middle East, 111-72; Vlekke, Nusantara, 80-106.39
pie, many of Ataturk's reforms were rolled back; however, the reforms were not all
discarded and, significantly, the theme of nationalism and national development
continues. As noted above, Sukarno was an early proponent of nationalism in Indo-
nesia and many of his policies and philosophical statements on religion reflected
those of Ataturk.6
The modernists had a profound impact on Indonesia, as we noted in the last
chapter. Ahmad Dachlan (d. 1923), Ahmad Surkati, and Abdulkarim Amrullah
(Hadji Rasul) (d. 1944) were the most noted modernists in Indonesia, having done
their work in the early part of the twentieth century. Their work was institutional-
ized through the work of the Muhammadiyah and AJ-lrsyad movements.
During the same era, Muslim scholars in the Middle East became aware of the
work of European writers on Islam and disliked what these scholars wrote. Many of
the writers were missionaries or colonial officials who saw Islam and Asia from the
perspective of their work and judged it accordingly. Although many of them were
quite learned in Islamic history and doctrine, they nonetheless applied a set of critical
judgments that called into question the authenticity of the Qur'an, the Traditions,
and even the Prophet Muhammad himself. There was a reaction, particularly by the
Egyptian scholars, who wrote refutations of the Orientalists' works. Again, this atti-
tude has been passed on to the Indonesians, who saw some of the Dutch colonial
administrators interpreting Islam and local customary law in a similar fashion. One
of the most despised scholars was C. Snouck Hurgronje, who used his impressive
knowledge of Islam clearly to further Dutch policy in the Indies.7
Nationalist activity and Westernization seems to have spawned a variant of the
Muslim modernist movement, which has come to be termed "neo-fundamentalism."
This trend has an activist, and, in some cases, a militant bent. A prime theme of the
neo-fundamentalists is that Islam has a code of behavior and a value system that
must be implemented immediately in nation and society. The state is seen as valid in
a Muslim area only when the government institutes that code of behavior and rec-
ognizes those specific values. The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt was an early
representation of neo-fundamentalism. Over three decades that movement has been
involved in legal and clandestine activity to bring about changes in the leadership
and policies of the country. Maududi (d. 1979) in South Asia offers another example
of essentially the same trend.
In Southeast Asia neo-fundamentalism has taken several different forms. One
representation has been the revivalist (dakwah) movement, which has concentrated
mostly on spiritual renovation. In Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia, followers of
the movement have undertaken efforts to "deepen faith and heighten consciousness"
among Muslims. On the other hand, some movements have taken a far more political
tack, such as the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party in Malaysia, which demands the insti-
tution of Islamic values as the central theme of government in that country.
Whatever form it has taken, neo-fundamentalism has had an impact on Muslim
writers and thinkers in Indonesia.
6	Voll, Islam, 183-206.
7	Vlekke, Nusantara, 324-27.40
Section 2. The Position of the Religious
Scholar in Islamic Tradition
Religious scholars (ulama) have special importance in the Islamic community,
whether in the Middle East, North Africa, or Southeast Asia. Members of this calling
emerged early in the history of Islam and assumed importance as interpreters of the
message of Islam. Despite some changes in their particular emphasis and subject
matter, they have remained important to the present time. The discussion of Islamic
history in the first section of this chapter has shown the dynamics that called this
group into being and the subsequent developments which made them a continuing
part of the Islamic scenery.
Religious scholars in the Muslim world have traditionally been thoroughly
schooled in the sciences of Islam. They have received educations that stress study of
the scriptures of Islam, analyzing those scriptures, and learning how to derive rules
of behavior from them. Islamic schools under various names, dating back to the
Seljuk Sultanate in the tenth century, have provided the base education needed to
begin that learning. In Indonesia that institution continues to exist under several dif-
ferent names. The title pesantren has been assigned to an institution offering an in-
tense form of Islamic education, and it has become the most important type of school
in training young Muslims in Islamic sciences. As the last chapter mentioned, Indo-
nesia, together with other countries, has now opened another level of training, usu-
ally at the university level. In Indonesia that level of training is provided by national
Islamic Studies institutes (Institut Agama Islam Negara—IAIN). Indonesian Muslim
writing on Islam generally was prepared by teachers in the pesantren during the first
half of the twentieth century, but in recent years teachers in the IAINs have contrib-
uted the greater number of books and papers.8
Throughout Islamic history, learning has usually been viewed as a master-disci-
ple relationship, frequently with pedigrees traced to the Prophet himself. Pedigrees
constitute an important standard of education and sharp breaks with traditional
views occur only slowly. Such breaks would harm the authority of the person mak-
ing the breaks, calling his pedigree and authority into question. Reverence for one's
intellectual predecessors has generally been maintained, even when new trends and
thoughts severely challenge the accepted views of Muslim religious activity and
society; justifications for any change are usually accommodated within tradition. We
saw in the first chapter how one Indonesian writer of a commentary broke with the
past but cited his teacher as supporting him in the action.
We shall also see in the next chapters a heavy reliance on the works of previous
scholars of Islam. Their investigations, interpretations, and standards will be cited
time and again as the basis for a later author's conclusions. These earlier writers have
painstakingly described the sciences of Islam with great thoroughness and finality
and, consequently, have left little space for overarching reviews of doctrine and
worldview. What exists in Islamic learning is a scholasticism not essentially different
from that of most other major religions at particular times in their histories. Modern
Muslims generally do not seriously challenge that approach, despite some attempts
to do so by individuals or small groups.
An understanding of that scholasticism is important to our study of Indonesian
works concerned with the Qur'an. As Ahmad Sunarto states in a work intended for
use in the pesantren, "In order to understand, to study, and to perceive what Al-
8 Fachiy Ali, Agama, Islam dan Pembangunan, 153-57.41
Qur'an and Traditions are all about, one must have a knowledge of the science of
commentary and the science of the analysis of Traditions."9 Those sciences, of course,
are preserved in that scholastic tradition.
Munawar Khalil gives us a list of important sources that he notes were used in
Indonesia in the mid-1950s. The list contains one classical writer, seventeen from the
middle period, four from the immediate pre-modem period, and three from the
twentieth century. Prominent among them are: ath-Thabary (d. 932), ar-Razy (d.
1210), Ibnu Katsir (d. 1373), az-Zamakhsyary (d. 1144), an-Nasafy (d. 1310), Ibnul
Araby (d. 725), al-Alusy (d. 1835), asy-Syaukany (d. 1872), Abduh (d. 1905), and
Rasyid Ridha (d. 1953)™
Aboebakar Atjeh, drawing on important Western observers of Islam, particularly
the Dutch scholars L.W.C. van der Berg (d. 1927) and Theodore Juynboll, provides an
outline of the core writings of the four major schools of Islamic scholarly thought.* 11
While the list of Arabic sources is far from complete, it does give a good summation,
in Indonesian, of the chief sources of the four schools of Muslim law. The author
notes, in particular, the importance to Southeast Asia of the works of al-Mahally (d.
1459) to the study of the Qur'an and of Ibnu Hajar al-'Asqalany (d. 1567) and ar-
Ramly (d. 1596) to wider issues of religion. The three remain highly regarded among
contemporary Muslim writers in Indonesia.12 Just how highly is shown by review of
255 contemporary Islamic boarding schools on Java, where the works of those three
authors are cited as being used in a large number of cases.13
Finally, in a recent study, Anthony Johns traces the historical use of Qur'anic
commentary in Indonesia from the seventeenth century to the current age. In
particular he notes the high importance of works by al-Baidawy (d. 1291), as-Sayuthy
(d. 1505), and an-Nawawy (d. 1277). He also reviews the importance of one
contemporary Qur'anic commentary by the Egyptian fundamentalist Sayyid Quthub
(d. 1966).14 These studies are clear indicators of the importance of historical Muslim
scholars to the contemporary scholarship of modem Indonesian Muslim writers.
Section 3. The Importance of the Arabic Language
The compiling of the Qur'an during the Righteous Caliphs' reigns had a dramatic im-
pact on the language policy of the Islamic community. Because the assemblage was
regarded as the precise word of God, the letters, words, and grammar contained in
the message were viewed as part of that religious message as well. Consequently,
Islamic religious sciences have always included philology and grammar as important
elements of study and analysis.
Arabic is an important language for any Muslim community, since it is the lan-
guage of worship, the language of much of the tradition of Islam, and widely
believed to be the language preferred by God. Consequently, it remains important to
believers, despite the concentration of government policy on promoting Bahasa Indo-
nesia as a national language and the inroads of, first Dutch, then Japanese, and, lately,
English as the carriers of scientific and technological cultures. In fact, Arabic has been
9	Sunarto, Pokok-Pokok, v.
10	Munawar Khalil, Al-Qur'an Masa ke Masa, 209-13.
11	Aboebakar Atjeh, Sejarah Al-Qur-an, 162-67.
12	Ibid.
13	Direktori Pesantren.
14	Israeli and Johns, Islam in Asia, 115-61.42
strengthened over the last several decades, in part because of efforts by Arab coun-
tries to promote Arabic language and culture among Islamic countries and, also, be-
cause of a renewed interest in Islamic teaching by Indonesian Muslims themselves.
The preservation of the Qur'an's authenticity raises some problems for Muslims
living in non-Arabic countries where other languages are used. The question is
whether translations can be allowed. The answer has generally been "no"; the Qur'an
exists only in Arabic. Those wishing to know the essence of that scripture must use it
in Arabic. Ahmad Sunarto summarizes well the Sunni Muslim position regarding the
relationship of religious sources and Arabic. "Surely it is our position that al-Qur'an
and the Way of the Prophet (sunnat) are our fundamental guides. And both are in the
Arabic language."15 We have already noted the problems that confronted Indonesian
scholars in the early and mid-twentieth century as they sought to bring the lessons of
the Qur'an into Indonesian.
The importance of the Qur'an to Muslims has promoted its recitation in its origi-
nal language. Consequently, it has long been regarded as a virtue to read it aloud
whether one understands it or not. This has fostered the idea of memorizing and
learning by the general Muslim community, concepts which remain strong even to-
day. We shall see later how significant these practices are in present-day Indonesia.
But if the Qur'an is found only in Arabic, there have been accommodations to
make its message available in other languages as well. We have evidence of a large
segment being translated into Indonesian in the seventeenth century by ar-Raniri.
Other Indonesian authors since that time have also rendered verses and passages,
some of them quite lengthy, into Indonesian.
Today, quotations from the Qur'an and the Traditions are frequently made in
religious and non-religious literature. But there is a format for such action. The selec-
tion is first presented in its Arabic text, and then given in translation. The entire
Qur'an has been made available in a number of languages that way. The word
"translation" is usually viewed as having a negative connotation. The term
"commentary" (tafsir) is preferred since that term is one used by Muhammad and,
while the original intent did not address the issue of another language by extension
or analogy, it has come to mean that. The practice has been accepted in Indonesia, as
we shall see in the next chapter.
The accuracy of the Indonesian "translation" is sometimes an issue. It is of par-
ticular concern in translation/commentaries, the subject of Chapter 4 below. In those
works, rendering the text of the Qur'an into Indonesian is the key point to enable
Indonesian readers to understand the contents. The accuracy of such works is impor-
tant to the community, and attention is given to any new translation so that it meets
the required standard. A board of scholars, well versed in Arabic and Islam, appoint-
ed by the Department of Religion, checks each translation of the Qur'an into Indone-
sian before publication, to be sure than it is an accurate rendition and that its com-
mentary is in conformity with Sunni doctrine. That approval is not necessarily a
foregone conclusion, as we shall see in a later chapter.
15 Sunarto, Pokok-Pokok, v.he Qur'an is highly regarded among Indonesian Muslims, just as it is
among Muslims elsewhere in the Muslim world. The Department of Reli-
gion's Terjemahnya expresses this standard belief when it states, "The
Glorious Qur'an is the Book of God revealed to the Prophet Muhammad
which contains the data relating to matters of faith, science (and).. . philosophy. It
has regulations which govern human behavior ... for the individual and society,
here and in the Hereafter."1 As this study proceeds, similar expressions of regard for
the Qur'an as a source of knowledge, insight, and absolute standards will be quoted.
Still, the theme sets the stage for introducing a chapter discussing the attempts of
Indonesian Muslim writers to make the teachings of the Qur'an comprehensible to
their fellow Indonesians.
This is the first of four investigatory chapters which examine the Qur'anic
literature in Indonesia and provide perspectives concerning that genre. This particu-
lar chapter deals with books and studies that concentrate on making the contents of
the Qur'an available to Indonesian believers who want to become knowledgeable
about it. The first part of the chapter draws together information about authors, their
intended audiences, the level of achievement, and the sources used. The main body
of the chapter consists of seven sections. The first outlines works that introduce the
Qur'an, relate what Muslims believe the Qur'an to be, and describe how Muslim
scholars have extracted the teachings in order to develop systematically the stan-
dards, doctrines, and practices of Islam. The second section outlines books that deal
with Muslim belief regarding the veracity of the Qur'an as the word of God and
apologia concerning its role as scripture. The third section introduces the standard
methodologies, approaches, and customs that constitute the science of providing
commentary on the Qur'an, a science that dates to early Islam and is still in use by
religious scholars.
The fourth through seventh sections describe the ten primary translation/com-
mentaries that have been structured in the Indonesian language. The fourth section
describes the initial set of commentaries that came into existence in the late 1950s and
early 1960s and provided the basic standards of workmanship against which later
commentaries were inevitably measured. The fifth section outlines the characteristics
of several studies that have been assigned the label of "enriched" commentaries,
because of the approaches they use, the information they provide, or the special
insights that their authors had. Section six reviews the publications issued by the
1 Terjemahnya, 27.44
Indonesian Ministry of Religion as standards of translations and commentaries, and
the seventh section looks at two recent commentaries.
A. Literature Reviewed
1.	Amrullah, Haji Abdulmalik Abdulkarim (Dr. Hamka). Tafsir Al-Azhar [The Al-
Azhar Commentary of the Qur'an]. Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 1982.12 vols.
2.	Atjeh, Aboebakar. Sejarah AlQur’an [The History of the Qur'an]. Jakarta: Bulan
Bintang, 1952 (appeared in revised form under the title Falsafat AlQur'an [Philosophy
of the Qur'an]. Kota Bharu: Pustaka Aman Press, 1980).
3.	Bakry, H. Oemar. Al-Qur'an: Mu'jizat Terbesar Kekal Abadi [The Qur'an: The
Greatest Miracle of All Time]. Jakarta: Mutiara, 1982.
4.	Bakry, H. Oemar. Tafsir Rahmat [The Merciful Commentary]. Jakarta: Mutiara,
1983.
5.	Hamidy, Zainuddin, and Hs. Fachruddin. Tafsir Qur'an [Qur'anic Commentary].
Jakarta: Widjaya, 1959.
6.	Hasan, A. Halim, Zainal Arifin Abbas, and Abdur Rahim Haitami. Tafsir Al-
Qur'anul Karim [Commentary of the Blessed Qur'an]. Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka
Antara, 1969 (Medan, 1955). 2 vols.
7.	Hassan, Ahmad. Al-Furqan: Tafsir Qur'an [The Balance: Commentary of the
Qur'an]. Jakarta: Dewan Da'wah Islamiyah Indonesia, 1956.
8.	Kafie, Jamaluddin. Benarkah Al-Qur'an Ciptaan Muhammad? (Sebuah Analisa). [Was
the Qur'an a Creation of Muhammad?—An Analysis]. Surabaya: Bina Ilmu, 1983.
9.	Khalil, Munawar. AlQur'an Masa ke Masa [The Qur'an from Age to Age].
Semarang: Ramadhani, 1952.
10.	Permono, Hadi. Ilmu Tafsir Al-Qur'an Sebagai Pengetahuan Pokok Agama Islam [The
Science of Qur'anic Commentary as a Pillar of the Islamic Religion]. Surabaya: Bina
Ilmu, 1975.
11.	Rangkuti, Bahrum. AlQur'an: Sejarah dan Kebudayaan [The Qur'an: History and
Culture]. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1977.
12.	Ash-Shiddieqy, T.M. Hasbi. Sejarah dan Pengantar Ilmu Al-Qur'an/Tafsir [The
History and Introduction to the Science of Qur'anic Commentary]. Jakarta: Bulan
Bintang, 1954.
13.	Ash-Shiddieqy, T.M. Hasbi. Tafsir Al-Bayan [The Clarifying Commentary of the
Qur'an]. Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, 1966.2 vols.
14.	Sou'yb, Joesoef. Keajaiban Ayat-ayat Suci al-Qur'an [The Miracle of the Verses of
the Holy Qur'an]. Jakarta: Al-Husna, 1982 (1975).
15.	Surin, Bachtiar. Terjemah dan Tafsir Al-Qur'an: Huruf Arab dan Latin [Translation
and Commentary of the Qur'an: Arab and Latin Letters]. Bandung: F.A. Sumatera,
1978.
16.	Yayasan Penyelenggara Penterjemah/Pentafsir A1 Quraan. Al Quraan dan
Tafsirnya [The Qur'an and Its Commentary]. Jakarta: 1975.11 vols.
17.	Yayasan Penyelenggara Penterjemah/Pentafsir Al Quraan. Al Quraan dan
Terjemahnya [The Qur'an and Its Translation]. Jakarta: 1971 (1967).
18.	Yunus, H. Mahmud. Tafsir Qur’an Karim [Commentary of the Noble Qur'an].
Jakarta: P.T. Hidakarya Agung, 1973.45
19. Zuhdi, Masjfuk. Pengantar Ulumul Qur'an [An Introduction to the Qur'anic
Sciences]. Surabaya: Bina Ilmu, 1979. 2 vols.
B. Overview of the Literature
1. Authors and Audiences
Table 3.1 indicates that over two-thirds of the writers in this section are religious
scholars by training and most are teachers in religious schools. With the exception of
one student writer, the remaining one-third are Muslim intellectuals, with substantial
Islamic training and positions in universities or with the press that involve them with
Muslim activities.
Most of the authors grew up and functioned for a long period of time in colonial
Indonesia, even though their most productive years of writing probably occurred
after Indonesian independence. Their educations were in the private madrasah and
pesantren and in private teacher-student relationships. Some were able to go abroad
for university study, to Egypt and Pakistan. A few were familiar with Western
sources, but all were well versed in standard Arabic sources on Islam.
Several scholars mentioned here were known for their writings on Islamic
subjects that transcend this literature on the Qur'an. Dr. Hamka (Haji Abdul Malik
Karim Amrullah), Aboebakar Atjeh, Ahmad Hassan, T.M. Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, and
Mahmud Yunus were all widely known as leading Indonesian Muslim scholars. Dr.
Hamka2 (1908-1981) was an important Muslim figure before World War II and a
widely acknowledged leader of the Indonesian Muslim community in his later years
during the late 1970s. He also produced several novels, an important biography, and
works on moral and religious adjustment to the contemporary milieu. Aboebakar
Atjeh3 (ca. 1900-1970) was noted for his work on Islamic mysticism and for an
important biography, but he also wrote on a wide range of other Islamic subjects.
Ahmad Hassan4 (1887-1962) was a prominent figure in Indonesian Muslim
fundamentalist activity from the 1920s to the 1950s, issuing works of Islamic apology
and a host of important primers on basic Islamic teachings. Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy5
(1904-1975) was prominent as a scholar in the first national institutes of Islamic
studies in the 1950s and 1960s. His books center on explanations of the Qur'anic
sciences and on the use of Traditions for building Islamic law. Mahmud Yunus6
(1899-1973) was important for several important works on Indonesian Muslim
education and for publication on the use of Traditions. All the particular works listed
here are important and have added to the prominence of the individual writers, but
they can be regarded as part of a wider literature for each of these prominent Muslim
writers.
Two slightly younger scholars of this generation also had wider reputations
beyond the preparation of works on the Qur'an. Bahrum Rangkuti7 (b. 1919), a pro-
fessional army chaplain and later a senior administrator in the Department of Reli-
2	For Dr. Hamka, see Tamara, Hamka, which is an anthology of recollections about him. See
especially Sides Sudyarto, "Hamka, Realisme Religius," pp. 137-64.
3	For Aboebakar Atjeh, see Atjeh, Sedjarah Sufi, xii-xiii.
4	For Ahmad Hassan, see Djaja, Riwayat and Anshari, A. Hassan.
5	For Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, see Leksikon Islam, 183-84.
6	For Mahmud Yunus, see Yunus, Tafsir Qur'an Karim, dust cover.
7	For Bahrum Rangkuti, see Gema Islam, II, 25 (February 1963), p. 22.46
gion, wrote Muslim plays and several other works on Muslim institutions. H. Oemar
Bakry8 (b. 1916), a publisher and private scholar active in revivalist activities, has
prepared many books and articles on the crisis of religious life in the twentieth
century.
Several other writers of this earlier generation were not as renowned as this first
group; their reputations in large part rest with the books considered here. Among
this group were Munawar Khalil, Abdul Halim Hasan, and Zainuddin Hamidy. Both
A. Halim Hasan9 (1901-1969) and Zainuddin Hamidy10 (d. 1957) worked with other
scholars, on Sumatra, in bringing into existence complete commentaries of the
Qur'an midway through the twentieth century and for helping to break the prohibi-
tion on such studies. Munawar Khalil* 11 (b. 1908, d. unk.) built most of his long-
lasting reputation on the production of this single work, although he wrote several
others that achieved a modest reputation. Bachtiar Surin12 (b. unknown) is relatively
unknown as an author outside the publication of his recent works on the Qur'an.
Three are contemporary scholars with modest reputations that extend beyond
their studies cited here. Sou'yb13 (b. unknown), a journalist, has several other
historical works to his credit. Masjfuk Zuhdi14 (b. ca. 1932) and Hadi Permono15 (b.
ca. 1945) are teaching staff members at national Islamic studies institutes and have
published several other works on Qur'an and Traditions. We have no biographic
information on Jamaluddin Kafie other than that he attended an Islamic boarding
school.
The two works with collective authors, Tafsirnya and Terjemahnya, were govern-
ment sponsored and drew on a group of scholars, well known among their col-
leagues, mostly connected with the national institutes for Islamic studies.16 Both are
connected with the work of Abdul Mukti Ali17 (b. 1930), who worked on them as a
scholar and saw them published when he was Minister of Religion in the 1970s.
These works are written primarily by scholars connected with, or reflective of,
the modernist school. Adherents of that school of thought were interested in the
Qur'an, while traditionalists have been more interested in Muslim jurisprudence
(fiqh), which draws its principles from the Qur'an, but also from the Traditions of the
Prophet. Traditionalists in Indonesia, to date, have shown little interest in making
8	For Oemar Bakry, see Bakry, Tafsir Rahmat, pp. ii.
9	For A. Halim Hasan, see Sejarah Ulama-Ulama, 251-62.
10	For Zainuddin Hamidy, see reference in Hamidy and Fachruddin, Tafsir Qur'an, ix.
11	For Munawar Khalil, see Daulah Islamyah, 1,12 (December 1957), 26-27.
12	For Bachtiar Surin, see Surin, Terjemah, xx.
13	For Sou'yb, see Sou'yb, Kekuasan Islam di Andalusia, back cover.
14	For Zuhdi, see Zuhdi, Ulumul Qur'an, back cover.
15	For Hadi Permono, see Hadi Permono, Ilmu Tafsir, title page.
16	The members of the team for preparation of Tafsirnya were Bustami A. Gani (chair), T.M.
Hasbi Ash Shiddieqy (Deputy Chair), Kamal Muhtar (Secretary), Gazali Thaib, Syukri Ghozali,
A. Mukti Ali, M. Toha Yahya Omar, Amin Nashir, Timur Jailani, Ibrahim Husin, A.
Musaddad, Mukhtar Yahya, A. Soenaryo, Ali Maksum, Musyairi Majdi, Sanusi Latif, and
Abdur Rahim. See Tafsirnya, I, xiii-xviii. The members of the team for preparation of
Terjemahnya were T.M. Hasbi Ash Shiddieqy, Bustami A. Gani, Muchtar Jahya, Toha Jahya
Omar, A. Mukti Ali, Kamal Muchtar, Gazali Thaib, A. Musaddad, Ali Maksum, and Busjairi
Majidi. See Terjemahnya, 9-10.
17	For A. Mukti Ali, see Apa dan Siapa, 1983-84,55-56.47
their own commentaries on the Qur'an, although some have been active in critiquing
those of other scholars. However, it is certainly not impossible that they should
decide to produce such commentaries. To date, however, they have shown more
interest in the translation of Traditions, particularly the specialized collections of the
great scholars of Islam.
Table 3.1 Authors and Audiences
Audience
Authors	Religious Scholars	Muslim Intellectuals
Religious Scholars	Hal. Hasan Rangkuti Tafsirnya	Amrullah Kafie Khalil
Muslim Intellectuals		
Lay Muslims	
Muslim Permono	
Students	
Totals 4	3
Lay Muslims	Muslim Students	Totals
Hamidy	Shiddieqy(l)	13
Hassan	Shiddieqy(2)	
Yunus	Zuhdi	
Terjemahnya Atjeh Bakry(l) Bakry(2)		5
Sou'yb Surin		1
9	3	19
Source: Prefaces of the works cited.
While all the works in this chapter are probably intended for more than one
audience, we have designated the primary audience in each case. The distribution is
wide, with most works aimed at the broad belt of Muslim believers; that is, these are
general works intended to assist lay Muslims to better understand religious belief
and practice. Nine of these works, approximately half, have been categorized as
specifically intended for "lay Muslims." In most cases this is implied in the intro-
ductory materials. Only one, Terjemahnya, clearly states that it was written specifi-
cally for the general public.
Among those works designated for religious scholars, one is a student thesis
(skripsis), written as partial fulfillment for an undergraduate degree. Tafsirnya, a gov-
ernment-sponsored effort, was compiled to make materials available to religious
scholars for interpreting the Qur'an in the light of current nationalism and develop-
ment policy. It is issued only to knowledgeable scholars and is not generally avail-
able to the public. Rangkuti's work was originally a major academic exercise for pre-
sentation at a national Islamic studies institute. The work by Halim Hasan deals with
formative issues in the Qur'an and moves beyond what would be written for the gen-
eral public, although the commentary has had considerable readership among reli-
gious scholars, intellectuals, and the public in general. It has enjoyed wide popularity
in Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula and has been reprinted in Malaysia in both jam
and romanized script for distribution in Malaysia, Brunei, and Southern Thailand.
Two works seem to have been prepared for Muslim intellectuals. The Amrullah
work is an exercise that relates modern Muslim history to the study of the Qur'an
and moves significantly beyond ordinary commentaries, actually toward social anal-48
ysis more than to historical recapitulation. Munawar Khalil's work is highly regard-
ed and is used by many other writers to track major historical trends on the devel-
opment of Qur'anic exegesis.
Four works were written for student use and, accordingly, they contain a large
amount of technical information, arranged in learning modules. The works by Zuhdi
and Ash-Shiddieqy state that they are intended for use in higher education. Kafie is
not specific, but he states that his text consists of recollection and expansion of the
teachings of his religious teacher when he himself was a student at an Islamic board-
ing school.
Z Quality of the Literature
The works in this chapter constitute a fairly composite group of writings. Table
3.2 indicates that all but three of the works are restatements of widely accepted
Islamic lessons and values. Works in this category have the primary purpose of pre-
senting information on the organization, contents, and lessons of the Qur'an and are
intended to strengthen orthodox teachings of the religion. The intent fits with state-
ments of Indonesian Muslim leaders made elsewhere over the past century that there
must be an intensification of Islamic values among Indonesians.
Two of the works were less concerned with restatement of the standard values
than with making statements about the lessons of Islam with regard to other value
systems. In the first case, the work by Kafie deals with criticism made against Islam
by its critics, usually outside the community of believers. While its arguments draw
entirely on standard Islamic interpretations to defend the religion against polemic
and other attacks, it is operating in an arena where the audience may not be believers
at all. The second case is that of Terjemahnya, which is pitched to presenting an argu-
ment important to the government, namely, that Islam should be seen as a religion in
touch with human affairs, especially the modem stress on economic betterment and
improvement of the human predicament. Hence its argumentation takes on a differ-
ent form than most other works, which are pitched to orthodox approaches.
Table 3.2 Qualitative Factors				
	weak	substantial	strong	total
1. Recapitulation of		Amrullah	Atjeh	
religious values		Bakiy(l)	Hal. Hasan	
		Bakiy(2)	Rangkuti	
		Hamidy	Tafsimya	
		Hassan Khalil Permono	Zuhdi	
		Shiddieqy(l) Shiddieqy(2) Surin		
		Yunus		16
2. Comparison of religious		Kafie		
values with other values		Terjemahnya		2
3. Examination for improved		Sou'yb		1
understanding of Islam 4. Totals	0	14	5	19
Source: Evaluation of the works cited.49
One work, that of Sou'yb, presents material not normally considered in most
Muslim writings on the Qur'an, that is, recent research and observations that seem to
support Qur'anic interpretations of certain historical events predating Islam. Such
new evidence, of course, is intended to enhance the strength of scripture, so it is not
out of keeping with the other studies; still, it is different in purpose and context.
None of these works are weak and nearly all fall into the "substantial" category
where the material is presented carefully and fully. Inclusion in the "substantial"
category means that material is accurately presented and that care has been taken to
assure that it is technically correct, carefully organized, and well presented. The
works of Ash-Shiddieqy fall somewhat short because of the many typographical
mistakes and the haphazard organization; still, the information presented is
significant and highly appropriate. Several, such as those by A. Hassan, Yunus, and
Surin, show considerable technical expertise and constitute important contributions
to a literature that was lacking prior to their appearance.
Five works merit mention in the strong category. Halim Hasan's work is impor-
tant because of the combination of historical, theological, and technical information
contained in the introduction. Tafsirnya is important because it is the official Indone-
sian commentary on the Qur'an that is designed to set a standard in interpretation
and because it makes its case well. Atjeh, Zuhdi, and Rangkuti, on the other hand,
have been placed in this category because they have crafted works that present the
religious lessons and values with thoroughness and perception.
3. Source Materials Used in the Literature
Table 3.3 indicates a heavy use of Arabic sources in the works reviewed in this
chapter: 65 percent of the authors cited, 65 percent of the books, and 70 percent of all
citations. This group of writers could be expected to consult basic source materials
and such materials are, of course, in Arabic. The other citations in Indonesian or
Western languages are to special studies of merit, usually important commentaries.
The ratio of authors to citations is 1.8, indicating that there was repetition in citing
authors. In fact, the pool of sources cited five times or more is fairly extensive, a total
of thirteen works.
Table 3.3 Statistical Summary of Sources
Language
Arabic
Indonesian
Western
Total
Number of
Writers Cited
157
38
59
239
Number of
Books Cited
181
49
62
277
Number of
Citations
304
64
66
434
Source: References in the bibliographies, notes and
text of the works cited.
The pool consists of two highly regarded collections of Traditions and one fa-
mous commentary, all from the classical period; three famous commentaries from
the middle period; and seven commentaries from the modern period. Of the modem
commentaries five are from Egypt and two from Indonesia. Finally, there is heavy
reliance for material and interpretation on writers of the Syafi'i school and their sue-50
cessors, primarily those in Egypt. Most of the writers of this section specifically state
their high regard for those Egyptian writers.
Table 3.4 Common Sources
1—	Abdul Baqy, al-Mujam al Mufaharas [The Vital Index] (Arabic, modem)
2—	al-Bukhary, Shahih [Verified Traditions] (Arabic, classical period)
3—	Ibnu Katsir, Fadlailul Qur'an [The Perfection of the Qur'an] (Arabic, mid-
dle period)
4—	Jauhary, Tafsir [Qur'anic Commentary] (Arabic, modem)
5—	al-Mahally and as-Sayuthy, Al-Jalalain [(Commentaries of) the Two
Jalals] (Arabic, middle period)
6—	al-Maraghy, Tafsir [Qur'anic Commentary] (Arabic, modern)
7—	al-Muslim, Shahih [Verified Traditions] (Arabic, classical period)
8—	al-Qasimy, Tafsir Mahasin al-Ta'wil [Interpretive Commentary of the
Beautiful Qur'an] (Arabic, modern)
9—	ar-Razy, Tafsir al-Kabir [The Great Commentary of the Qur'an] (Arabic,
middle period)
10—	Rasyid Ridha, Tafsir al-Kabir [The Great Commentary of the Qur'an]
(Arabic, modern)
11—	ath-Thabary, Jami al-Bayan [The Clarifying Commentary of the Qur'an]
(Arabic, classical period)
12—	Ahmad Hassan, Al-Furqan [The Standard Balances] (Indonesian, mod-
ern)
13—	Yayasan ..., AlQuraan dan Terjemahnya [The Qur'an and Its Transla-
tion] (Indonesian, modem)
Source: References in the bibliographies, notes and texts of the works cited.
C. Summaries of the Studies.
Section 1. Background for a Study of the Qur'an
Two of the studies used for this section—Munawar Khalil's The Qur'an from Age to
Age and Aboebakar Atjeh's The History of the Qur'an— outline three major points of
faith and belief: that the Qur'an is the revealed word of God, that the revelation of
the Qur'an was a miracle, and that the Qur'an constitutes a guide or model for Mus-
lims to attain a prosperous life on earth and in the Hereafter. Both writers note these
points with varying degrees of emphasis. The third study, Bahrum Rangkuti's The
Qur'an: History and Culture, deals with God's presence in history and the importance
of the Qur'an in that context. Together these works constitute a group that can be de-
scribed as introductions to the study of the Qur'an, since they address the contents
and themes of the Qur'an in basic language and presentation.
Aboebakar Atjeh notes that the Qur'an began to be revealed to Muhammad on
the 17th of Ramadhan in the forty-first year of Muhammad's life. This date
corresponds to August 6,610 AD. The first revelation, found in the Qur'an in al-'Alacj,
came to Muhammad while he was meditating and was brought by the angel Jibril.
The last revelation occurred on 9 Zul-Hijjah 10 AH, corresponding to March, 632 AD,
about three months before Muhammad's death. The last verse is found in al-Maidah
3. The remainder of the revelations fall between those dates and are categorized as
belonging to one of two eras: the Mekkah period (until 622 AD) or the following
Madinah period.
Some 86 chapters (surah), constituting 1456 verses (ayat), are assigned to the
Mekkah period, while 28 chapters, constituting 431 verses, are assigned to the Madi-51
nah period. Of the total volume, about two-thirds of the revelations took place at
Mekkah and about one-third at Madinah. "... Mekkah verses . .. [concentrate on]
the questions of God's existence and nature, [matters of] belief, eternal punishment,
and reward and goodness."18 The Madinah verses are mostly concerned with legal
obligations of believers.
The Qur'an was revealed in installments over a twenty-three-year period,
according to Munawar Khalil, so that it could be firmly fixed in the heart of
Muhammad, an illiterate person who had no access to the written word. In small
doses it was not difficult for him to master and to teach to other people, little by little.
On the second point, i.e., that the Qur'an is a miracle (mujizat), Munawar JQialil's
description is succinct and to the point. He states that miracles are of two kinds:
ordinary (hissy) and extraordinary (manawy). An ordinary miracle "can be seen by
the eye, heard with the ear, smelled by the nose, felt by the hand, tasted by the
tongue, or otherwise experienced by the five senses."19 God gives many miracles to
his prophets and messengers but the greater number are ordinary. An extraordinary
miracle, on the other hand, does not involve the five senses, but must be experienced
by the power of reason and through thought.
To Munawar Khalil, the Qur'an is a extraordinary miracle and the excellence of
its text is apparent to anyone who carefully analyzes it. The miracle exists in the
beauty and style of language in which the Qur'an is written; it is without compari-
son. In fact, it is impossible for humans to create another writing that compares with
the Qur'an. The miracle is even more apparent when it is remembered that Muham-
mad was illiterate. After all, short of a miracle, how could an unlettered man produce
such a richness of content and beauty of style? Even those Indonesians who do not
have a thorough understanding of Arabic, but recite the Qur'an with limited knowl-
edge as part of religious activity, can feel the strength and beauty of the Qur'anic text
as they recite it. This is proof of the extraordinary miracle.
Aboebakar Atjeh speaks to the third point, the Qur'an as guide. He states that
Allah revealed the Qur'an as a guide for all people in this life and the Hereafter.
History, he says, actually shows how that guide was really important. In early Islam
the Arabs carefully followed the principles of Islam and used the Qur'an as a guide;
accordingly, they rose to a respected position among the peoples of the world (i.e.,
during the Period of the Righteous Caliphs, the Umawi Caliphate, and the Abbasid
Caliphate).
Aboebakar Atjeh notes that the Qur'an has three major themes in its role as
guide: improving belief and widening faith, improving behavior and character, and
establishing laws for regulating human behavior. It is this last aspect of the Qur'an
that recent Indonesian writers have found appealing, and consequently, they have
written a number of books purporting to show the Qur'an as a guide to human life.
Several of these are analyzed later in this book.
In a lengthy exposition of fifty pages, Munawar Khalil outlines thirty-nine points
in the Qur'an that constitute a guide for the entire Muslim community. In those
points he maintains that the Qur'an's principles are eternal and must be obeyed, that
it contains knowledge compatible with modern science and technology, and that
Muslims must both learn about the Qur'an and teach it to others. He admonishes his
readers that "... the Qur'an must exist in the heart of every person who confesses
18	Khalil, Dari Masa, 13.
19	Ibid., 59-60.52
Islam____"20 His treatment, while descriptive in part and certainly reflective of Sunni
Muslim principles of Qur'anic investigation, may best be described as written to
fortify belief and heighten awareness of religious obligation. This approach is
indicated in an entry titled "The Qur'an is a Guide for the Straight Way." After citing
two verses of the Qur'an—al-Baqarah 2,185 and Ali Imran 138—he notes the follow-
ing:
These verses indicate that the Qur'an is the only book that may be taken as a
guide by the people who fear God. The people who fear God are those who per-
form His commands and observe His prohibitions. The Qur'an is a guide for the
straight way-----21
Bahrum Rangkuti's principal theme is that Muslims recognize God's participa-
tion in histoiy and, accordingly, Muslims recognize Him as the final arbiter of events
and knowledge. The Qur'an gives ample proof to Muslims of God's role, since it
shows him working with prophets and messengers to give guidance to humans and
to inform them of the correct actions to be undertaken. Rangkuti provides a four-
point analysis of the Qur'an's contents, all of which relate to the involvement of God
in the affairs of humans.
The larger part of the Qur'an is concerned with the following matters: 1) the
efforts of the prophets and their companions or disciples, 2) people who are
highly worthy and receive the blessing of God, 3) groups that reject the values of
religion, and 4) those that become victims or sacrifices.^2
Rangkuti's work anticipates a number of studies to be covered in the next chapter
which deal with the contents of the Qur'an and indices for finding particular refer-
ences and information. None of them, however, has the conceptual nature Rangkuti
displays in outlining the general themes of the Qur'an.
These three studies introduce the Qur'an and give general descriptions to the
reader concerning its contents and themes. They constitute a first step in understand-
ing Muslim scripture.
Section 2. Muslim Belief in the Qur'an as Scripture
Three studies deal specifically with Muslim belief on the Qur'an as scripture. Each of
the three uses a different approach to make the point about the Qur'an being the
word of God. Together they provide a composite of Muslim thinking about universal
regard among Muslims for the Qur'an. The works are Kafie's Wins the Qur'an a
Creation of Muhammad?, Bakry's The Qur’an: The Greatest Miracle of All Time, and
Sou'yb's The Miracle of the Verses of the Holy Qur’an.
Kafie asks a rhetorical question about whether the Qur'an might merely have
been the thinking of Muhammad and not the real word of God. He answers with the
assertion that the Qur'an is truly the word of God, revealed by God to His Prophet
Muhammad. He states that the proof of the Qur'an being the word of God and not
merely a casual creation of a human [Muhammad] is found in three sources. First,
20	Ibid., 135.
21	Ibid., 95-96.
22	Rangkuti, Sejarah, 42.53
the Qur'an itself states clearly that it is a miracle. Ali Imran 138 asserts, "The Qur'an is
a message for all humans and a guide for instructing people who fear God." There
are numerous other verses noting that the message was sent through the medium of
a prophet, most recently through Muhammad, as stated in al-Haqqdh 40-41. So Kafie
concludes that "From a great many verses ... we know this to be true... because of
the sources, how it was revealed, its function and its purpose, as well as how it was
made dear.. Z'23 to humans.
The second proof, according to Kafie, is provided by history. According to him,
historians, both Muslim and non-Muslim, have noted the truthfulness and sincerity
of Muhammad and have judged that the occurrences and incidents in his life fit
appropriately with the Qur'an and the revelation of its verses. His illiteracy, for
example, supports the case for the Qur'an being a miracle, because it is only through
revelation that Muhammad could have had access to such knowledge. The third
proof is found in the words of the Prophet himself, which clarified what was from
God and what was not. There is ample evidence in the Traditions that the Qur'an
was different from Muhammad's own formulations, as noble as those formulations
were, and the difference between the two constitutes evidence of the Qur'an's mirac-
ulousness.
Bakry supports Kafie's remarks and proofs and adds to them by outlining some
of the common arguments used by Muslim polemicists and apologists over the cen-
turies to emphasize the role of the Qur'an as a special book and a miracle.
The miracle of the Qur'an is in the language and structure of its verses,... in
its code of behavior,... in its knowledge of events generally unknown in the age
of Muhammad,... in its insight into science and technology,... in its knowledge
of the earth's roundness and the sun's revolution,... its prohibition on drinking
and gambling,... its prohibition of ecological destruction,... its recommenda-
tion of healthy foods and general matters of health practice,... the harnessing of
power... for human good,... the regulation of fair trade..., that people do not
tire hearing the Qur'an recited and ... its verification that life exists on other
planets.24
Kafie's work has one particular section devoted to "answers to critics," which
outlines fifteen cases in which doubt has been cast on the authenticity of the Qur'an
as the word of God. Some of those "answers" are specific to verses in the Qur'an that
some critics have seen as contradictory, as where God says the word was recited to
Muhammad, "who did not forget anything, except what Allah desired."25 Other
critics contend that the information for the Qur'an could have come from other
human sources, such as "Muhammad studied from a religious teacher named
Buhaira," who had access to Christian and Jewish scriptures. Still other critics
challenge whether God would have given a universal book of guidance in a language
which did not have international status. Still another asked why the Muslims histori-
cally did not prosper longer if the Qur'an truly was the Book of God. Kafie outlines
all of these challenges and responds fully to each. The approach is illustrated by the
second challenge and response.
23	Kafie, Benarkah, 28.
24	Bakry, Mu'jizat, 5-6.
25	Kafie, Benarkah, 55.54
Challenge. . . . The Qur'an is based on the memorization of the Companions
only. Most of the Companions had already died as martyrs before the Qur'an
had been gathered into its written collection. That which exists consists only of
what the Companions who were still alive contributed. Consequently, a lot was
lost and could not be recovered. And remember, the text of the Qur'an was tran-
scribed on scraps of paper, on bone and leaves. The collecting was not systematic
and there was no checking of original sources. Isn't it possible that some of it was
eaten by dogs and that other parts simply eroded away? ...
Response. The collection of the Qur'an into a single collection was originally
done at the initiative of Umar and had the consent of Abu Bakar, who was then
caliph.... The method of using the Qur'an at that time was the one prescribed
by the Prophet... and had been the method used by the Prophet's teacher, Jibril.
Zaid bin Tsabit, the Secretary of the Prophet, had been given the task of collec-
tion because he was experienced, capable, and highly regarded.... The collec-
tion he made was given to Abu Bakar, who protected it until his death. It was
given to Umar . . . and later to Uthman who ordered Zaid to write it using the
language of the Quraisy____
The collection was completed between 650-651. Later the original writing was
transferred to the Umawi rulers in Andalusia---26
Bakry regards the Qur'an as the "most significant miracle" of all those ascribed
to Muhammad. This can be seen by the outstanding range and quality of its contents.
In the Qur'an all the matters of God's identity (tauhid) are analyzed: the holy
attributes of God, the power of God in regulating the earth, the justice of God in
rewarding merit with paradise and punishing sin with hell. It clarifies other
mystical matters which cannot be perceived by human reasoning alone, such as
belief in angels, the Day of Judgment, determinism, belief in holy books, and His
revelation to prophets___
The Qur'an is also clear concerning the charge to worship with prayer, fasting,
the pilgrimage, the poor tax, and in other ways. It clarifies that God created
humans to worship Him, which is the way for people to achieve happiness on
earth and in the Hereafter. Perceiving that purpose gives a person real wisdom,
and helps one understand about service to society, and good behavior while he
lives on earth.27
Sou'yb elaborates further on the issue of the miraculousness of the Qur'an. The
first essay centers on Muhammad's early pronouncements, noting that the people of
that time doubted the authenticity of those pronouncements and that those pro-
nouncements have actually stood the test of modern science. The second essay
speaks to the historical record of the ancient Egyptians and, particularly, that
history's amplification by the discovery of the Rosetta Stone and the unearthing of
mummies. The story that unfolds from the gathering of history is remarkably like
26	Ibid., 56-58.
27	Bakry, Mu'jizat, 24.55
that told in the Taurah of Musa and in the Qur'an. The third essay is about the
Muslim holy land, the area around Mekkah in the Hijaz. Sou'yb notes the wealth
from oil in the area, the population there, and the references in the Qur'an to the
blessedness of that holy land. The fourth essay examines the Muslim holy land again,
this time from the standpoint of historical developments. The author notes that all
holy lands of other religions have been conquered by foreigners and been subjected
to the shame of conquest except for the Muslim holy land which remains a peaceful,
holy place. The fifth essay speaks about the ascension of the Prophet Muhammad to
heaven to speak with God. The discussion takes place in the context of extrasensory
perception and the ability of spiritualists to move outside their own bodies. The
thrust of these five essays is that the Qur'an is an accurate accounting of historical,
scientific, and psychic phenomena. Sou'yb concludes that the more humans discover
about such matters, the more they understand how correct the teachings of the
Qur'an really are.
These three studies are important to any understanding of the significance of the
Qur'an to contemporary Indonesian Muslim society since they iterate the views of
the faithful in approaching any study of scripture from an attitude of great awe. This
group of studies is differentiated from the introductions in the previous section by its
emphasis on the verity of the Qur'an, rather than on the contents of that holy book.
Section 3. The Science of Commenting on the Qur'an
Muslim examination of the Qur'an has a long history in Islam and, consequently, a
science of commentary has evolved that Muslims regard as integral to understanding
its contents. Three Indonesian Muslim writers give us information about that science
and its importance in learning about the contents and meaning of the Qur'an for con-
temporary Muslims. The works are Hadi Permono's The Science ofQur'anic Commen-
tary, Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy's The History and Introduction to Science of Qur'anic Com-
mentary, and Zuhdi's, An Introduction to the Qur’anic Sciences.
The science of Qur'anic commentary (ilmu tafsir) is succinctly outlined by Hadi
Permono.
1.	The science of Qur'an commentary is a branch of knowledge which examines
the Qur'an—its subject matter... its revelation, the record of its authenticity...
its recitation, [and]... its connection with law.
2.	The science began in the fourth (Muslim) century with the work of al-Hanfy in
his book, Al-Burhan fi Ulum al-Qur’an (The Evidence in the Sciences of the
Qur'an). In the eighth century az-Zarkasy finished that work and it was
expanded by al-Bulqiny and as-Sayuthy in the ninth century.
3.... 4. The science of Qur'anic commentary is concerned with clarifying the
meaning of the Qur'an, outlining its laws, [and] its wisdom . . . through an
investigation using the methodology of the science.
5. The difference between the science of Qur'anic commentary and the Qur'anic
commentary itself is that the science is theoretical, while the commentary is
practical. The science acts as an instrument for the commentary-28
28 Permono, Ilmu, 134.56
The science of Qur'an commentary relies on several sources of knowledge and
employs a methodology. Hadi Permono states that the sources used by the commen-
tator are the Qur'an itself, the way (sunna) of the Prophet, the confirmation of the
first two generations of Muslims (ijma'), and independent investigation (ijtihad) of
religious sources. Ash-Shiddieqy gives us an outline of the first point, i.e., the verses
of the Qur'an itself, by pointing out seventeen items of specific knowledge a Qur'anic
commentator must have of Qur'anic verses in making a commentary.
... he must know the place (Mekkah or Madinah) of revelation and in which
season of the year it was revealed;... the order in which the verses of the Qur'an
were revealed;... the causes for the revelation of the verses;... the form of the
revelation;... the character of the verse and the conditions relating to it;... the
meaning of the special words not commonly used;... formation of the tenses;...
the analysis of words with several meanings;... knowledge of verses which are
clear;... knowledge of voided texts;... an appreciation of the beauty of the
Qur'anic language;... an understanding of the power of the scripture so that it is
appreciated as a miracle;... understanding of a verse in its context;... knowing
the purpose of God's vow in the Qur'an;... application of the examples in the
Qur'an;... knowledge of the forms of debate used against Muhammad's various
adversaries; and ... a knowledge of the order of all matters that are used in ana-
lyzing scripture.29
Hadi Permono speaks to the second and third sources, the "Way of the Prophet"
(sunnat) and confirmation of the first two generations of Muslims (ijma'). In this
regard he notes that there is a special category of literature from early Islam that
deals particularly with Qur'anic commentary. More specifically, what is meant here
are records of the words of Muhammad, his Companions, and the prominent mem-
bers of the second generation of Muslims as they commented on the Qur'an. "At first
all the commentaries of the Qur'an [from Muhammad and his contemporaries] were
related orally [in the style of the times]. In the second stage, these commentaries were
divided out from other matters of religion; later they formed a special collection."30
Scholars of the age were agreed on the rules of analysis and the form of the col-
lection.
Ash-Shiddieqy states that the contemporary commentator must be aware of the
accuracy of the different historical personages who transmitted commentaries made
in early Islam. Some have been judged by the consensus of (Sunni) scholars to have
been accurate transmitters, while others have been judged as making spurious and
artificial renderings.
The use of independent investigation, an important matter in the formation of
Islamic law, refers to the use of reason to extend and apply the principles found in
Islamic scripture. Early Muslims were divided on whether reason was a valid source
of knowledge and a legitimate means of commentary. Widely used from the third
through the fifth Islamic centuries, it spawned thinking that resulted in controversy
and, ultimately, serious dissension. Subsequently, enough rules on the use of reason
were formulated to forestall abuses to the historical viewpoint. In his presentation of
29	Ash-Shiddieqy, llmu Tafsir, 116-21.
30	Permono, llmu, 134-35.57
this subject Hadi Permono notes ten principal reservations concerning the use of rea-
son in analyzing religious sources while making a commentary on the Qur'an.
It is forbidden to use reason to comment on the Qur'an ... without basing it
on the record of the Prophet,... without basing it on the certified principles of
religion,... without using the confirming record of the first two Muslim genera-
tions, ... for one's own personal viewpoint without regard to wider knowledge,
... for an emotional viewpoint, even if it fits with other conditions,... by basing
it on an already existing commentary that is flawed,... basing it on the language
of the Qur'an without reference to God's existence in that language,... for de-
fending a particular viewpoint, ... by using language of the Qur'an without
identifying it as revealed by God and . . . commenting on a matter that is the
province of God alone."31
Finally, the science of commentary speaks to the attributes a person must have to
be regarded as a valid commentator of the Qur'an. All three writers state that such a
commentator must be a pious Muslim beyond reproach. Hadi Permono elaborates on
the necessary attributes:
He must have true belief ... and carefully follow religion; he must not be-
long to deviate sects or otherwise slander Islam; he must not be given over to
emotionalism, nor follow innovation in religion and ... he must have good in-
tentions; and ... he must have the requisite skills for making a commentary.32
Zuhdi provides a scholarly study of the sources relating to the study of the
science of Qur'an commentary. He cites the importance of the timing of the appear-
ance of each chapter (surah) of the Qur'an as providing a context for study of the
chapter's content. There is a judicious use of scarce materials from early Islam to
support his contentions. Moreover, he uses straightforward description, such as his
paragraph regarding the compilation of the Qur'an in the time of the caliph Utsman.
Our Islamic community honors the organization of the . . . Qur'an estab-
lished by the Utsman compilation;... it is a matter free of dispute. ... Is that
organization based on God's choice (taufiq) or a human's independent choice
(ijtihad)?... The Utsman compilation involved the consensus of the Companions
of Muhammad which was the consensus of the world of Islam [at that time].
Consensus itself is one basis of Islamic law [so] we may not oppose it-33
These three studies on the science of commentary are an important prelude to
any study of the commentaries themselves, since nearly all Muslims attempt to fol-
low the principles of the science as they formulate their commentaries. The Depart-
ment of Religion licenses all such commentaries in Indonesia and the use of the
science is a consideration in the evaluation made as a condition of issuing permission
for the publication of such commentaries.
31	Ibid., 105.
32	Ibid., 82-86.
33	Zuhdi, Pengantar, 157.58
Section 4. Second Generation Commentaries
At this point we begin a study of Qur'anic commentaries and differentiate among
three historical stages in the development of Indonesian language renditions of the
Qur'an, or, called here, generations. The first generation, roughly from the turn of the
centuiy until the early 1960s, was marked by partial translations and commentaries.
The second generation translation/commentaries were a fulfillment of the earlier
effort. These complete translations, which appeared in the mid-1960s, usually had a
few notes, footnotes, translation remarks, and, sometimes, a small index. We deal
with three of them in this section. Third generation commentaries, which began
appearing in the 1970s, are enriched commentaries. They often provide extensive
textual comment along with the translation. They have introductions and indices
which expand significantly on the contents, themes, or background of the Qur'an.
We deal with these in succeeding sections of this chapter.
Three works qualify as second generation commentaries, i.e., Ahmad Hassan's
The Balance, Hamidy's, Qur'anic Commentary, and Mahmud Yunus's Commentary of
the Noble Qur'an. They all began as primary works in the first age of translation in the
second quarter of the twentieth century. Difficulties existed for these authors in
preparing their works. There was the effort of translating such a large amount of
material as the Qur'an from one language to another. Hamidy notes in his work that
preparation "was not easy, but, rather, difficult and complex. It involved long study
... and careful analysis."^4 The entire effort took over a quarter of a century.
These three works have shown great endurance; they still are in use some thirty
years after they first appeared. Their continued popularity is apparent by the number
of printings each has had. A. Hassan's work has had seven printings, Hamidy's nine,
and Mahmud Yunus's work twenty-three printings. Yunus's commentary remains
one of the most popular books on Islam in Indonesia, despite the appearance of new
works with more elaborate and scholarly treatment.
The format of the three works is similar. The Arabic text is on the right-hand side
of the page, the corresponding translation in Indonesian to the left. The printing is
clear in both languages, apparently so that reading can be done in either. All three
works have footnotes to the Indonesian text, which constitute a part of the commen-
tary. All three books have materials at the beginning and end of the text to assist with
reading or reference, which is also considered part of the commentary.
The contents of three works is similar as well. Hamidy's table of contents pro-
vides a good illustration.
A.	Introductory Notes (32 pages)
1-	Technical notes of translation
2-	Notes concerning revelation, early structure, and assembly of the Qur'an
3-	The custom, practices, and rules for reading the Qur'an
4-	God's regulations for human behavior elaborated in the Qur'an
5-	Qur'an as the Word of God
6-	Explanation of conceptual terms found in the Qur'an
B.	Concordance of terms in the Qur'an (6 pages)
C.	Titles and locations of chapters and reading sections (juz) (8 pages)
34 Fachruddin, Tafsir, xviii.59
D.	Text with translation and notes (1240 pages)
E.	Outline of the major points of each chapter (10 pages)35
There are a number of other features that these three works have in common:
1.	Definition of Qur'anic terms and problems of translation. Cognizant of the difficul-
ties of rendering terms from one language into another, these writers felt that they
owed their readers some explanation regarding translation techniques and assump-
tions. In this context, Hamidy states that the Arabic word rabb means creator and
caretaker, regulator and educator, who arranges and regulates all things in the best
and perfect way. Therefore rabb means "leader or director" in Indonesian, even
though it does not convey the precise meaning.
2.	Definition of Islamic concepts. All three works provide information about basic
concepts of belief and practice found in the Qur'an. Presentation differs slightly by
author. Hassan uses the introductory section to present such definitions, while the
other writers provide concordances where concepts are described along with refer-
ences to the text of the Qur'an. Hassan's description of "miracles" provides an exam-
ple.
Miracles are extraordinary occurrences that indicate the verity of... a prophet. A
miracle does not occur through the will of the prophet, but with the permission
of God. Examine the cases relating to Isa, Musa, Ibrahim, and others. Because
humans are taught by prophets with various kinds of knowledge, God gives
them various kinds of miracles.36
3.	Outlines of the contents of the Qur'an. Two of the works provide descriptions of
the major points in each chapter of the Qur'an as a guide to readers. This device
allows the entire content of the Qur'an to be summarized in a fairly short space; in
Hamidy it is sixteen pages long and in Mahmud Yunus's work the summary covers
thirty pages. Hamidy's outline of Chapter 5 (al-Maidah) provides an illustration:
Keeping promises... a feeling of hatred does not in itself constitute a sin... giv-
ing assistance in good works ... foods that are forbidden ... God has perfected
the religion of Islam ... foods that are permitted .. . the method of performing
ritual washing ... God's protection of Muslims ... the Jews break their word ...
enmity among Christians ... the error of one who states that "Jesus is God" ...
Muhammad is sent as the final prophet------37
4.	Footnotes. Footnotes are found in all three texts. About 60 percent of the foot-
notes are used to explain or clarify the use of special words and phrases and to para-
phrase the text for clearer perception. In some cases authors place the text in the con-
text of wider Islamic teaching, others attempt to compare interpretations of past
commentators and, occasionally, an example for the contemporary world is cited.
The illustration here is to a comparative footnote provided by Yunus in commenting
on al-Maidah 60. The text speaks to God's wrath on an earlier people who angered
Him with their unrighteousness.
35	Hassan, Al-Furqan, xxi.
36	Ibid., xxi.
37	Fachruddin, Tafsir, 146.60
God transformed them, so that they became monkeys and pigs who worshipped
evil____according to most writers of commentaries, Allah changed the faces and
bodies of these offenders so that they became monkeys and pigs, later they were
expunged from the earth. Specifically in the commentary durr al-mantur [by as-
Sayuthi (d. 1505)], this is clarified: "It was not their faces and bodies that were
changed, rather their hearts and manners, so that they behaved like apes and
pigs." Further, according to the famous commentary----38
Like works in the last chapter, the authors of commentaries often cite the highly
respected scholars of the past to provide further explanation.
5.	History of the Qur'an. Two of the texts are concerned with Qur'anic revelation,
compilation, and preservation. The accounts here differ from those in the texts
outlining the science of Qur'anic commentary noted in the last chapter, as one might
expect, given the different audience. Hamidy's explanation about assembling the text
of the Qur'an into a single book with a standard version offers an example of style
and content.
At the death of the Prophet, the verses of the Qur'an had not yet been gath-
ered into a single book---Some was written on date leaves, smooth stones [and]
bones . . . and many people had memorized it, but what was written was not
complete. Among those who had memorized it were some who knew it in its
entirety and others who knew parts of it. There was no thought about collecting
it into one book---
At the time of [the first caliph] Abu Bakar many wars occurred.... There were
many martyrs [i.e., those fighting for the Muslims in the wars of the time], who
had memorized the Qur'an. This situation caused Umar bin Khaththab [who was
to succeed Abu Bakar as caliph] to be ... concerned lest parts of the Qur'an be
lost. He suggested that the Qur'an be brought together in one book-
Accordingly, Abu Bakar charged Zaid bin Tsabit [a close associate of Muham-
mad] to search out and collect the verses. This was a difficult task... but... with
several other associates of the Prophet he accomplished it.
In the time of Utsman bin Affan [the third caliph] the followers of Islam consist-
ed of nations with different languages. Differences began to develop in reading
the Qur'an. And, because it was feared that the differences in reading and writ-
ing would lead to strife later, the caliph ordered a standard text to be established.
... This work, known as the Utsman compilation (mushhaf utsman), has become
the standard, retaining that position even today... .39
6.	Indices and Concordances. Aside from the translation into Indonesian, Yunus's
commentary provides a concordance, which is important as a statement of purpose
in producing the commentary. Yunus states in this regard that "surely bringing out
the laws or knowledge and other matters from the Qur'an is not different from
bringing pearls out of the ocean. If people only scratch around they will not be very
38	Yunus, Tafsir, 160.
39	Fachruddin, Tafsir, xxxii-xxxiv.61
successful____But if they use some modem search techniques they will gamer many
pearls. [The same is true in relation to the Qur'an.] If we read the Qur'an and take
seriously its contents, clearly its secrets will be revealed to us. Accordingly Muslims
should read the Qur'an daily ... in order to increase belief in God and in order to
cleanse their hearts from bad characteristics."40
Yunus's concordance is reflective of standard principles of Islam, but also out-
lines indications of the Qur'an's applicability to modern society. In the religious
areas, he describes belief toward God, prophets, angels, holy books, the Day of
Judgment, and God's power over the destiny of all things. Further, he outlines obli-
gations of behavior in law, inheritance, and the five classes of behavior [compulsory,
permitted, neutral, abhorrent, and forbidden]. In a contemporary vein he outlines
references to economics, physics and chemistry, geography and mathematics,
biology and geology, health science, history, and literary activity.
Hamidy has an index of about 200 names, places, and terms with scriptural
references. Some are short, with only a name and a line of citation, while others, like
"Day of Judgment," "Humans," and "Paradise" are lengthy, with about fifty
references and as many as 200 citations. The entry on "Angels" serves as an example
of the style and content of such definitions.
Angels
Giving praises to God 2:30-34; Jibril and Mikail 2:97-98; sent only to bring truth
15:8; carrying revelation and warnings 16:2; angels and rebellious people 25:21;
will descend on the Day of Judgment 25:25; as winged messengers 35:1; as giving
mercy to the inhabitants of the earth 42:5; people who are not believers assign
female names to angels 53:27; angels and spirits ascend to God 70:4; character-
ized as strong, gentle and submissive 79:1-3; awakening humans 82:10-12; writ-
ing the record of humans 50:17-18.41
Second generation commentaries provided accurate translations of the Qur'an
into Indonesian, alongside an equally accurate Arabic text, that aimed at providing
comprehension to the interested believer. At the same time, as we have seen from the
foregoing discussion, the commentaries also provided other materials, such as
definitions, concordances, and indices, that further assisted in the comprehension of
the Qur'an.
Section 5. Third Generation Commentaries
Ash-Shiddieqy's The Clarifying Commentary, Halim Hasan's The Commentary of the
Blessed Qur'an, and Hamka's The Al-Azhar Commentary constitute a third generation
of commentaries. As an attempt to improve on the second generation commentaries
outlined in the previous section, they aim at comprehension of the Qur'an's message
and, consequently, contain material about the text and the methodology in analyzing
the commentary. In some respects they are a combination of second generation com-
mentaries and slimmed-down versions of primers on the science of Qur'an com-
mentary. Still, these works stress the meaning of the scripture rather than its science.
40	Yunus, Tafsir, "Kesimpulan," 1.
41	Fachruddin, Tafsir, 940.62
These commentaries emphasize the lessons of the Qur'an and their context in
Islamic scholarship. Each contains the complete text of the Qur'an in Arabic, with an
Indonesian translation and explanatory notes. Each also contains an index, summa-
ries, and lists of important terms. The formats of the three works differ slightly, but,
significantly, the range of each is approximately the same. The table of contents in
Ash-Shiddieq/s work illustrates the range of material provided by these three
works.
A.	Technical notes of translation (3 pages)
B.	Introductory materials
1.	The Arab Peninsula before Muhammad's birth (3 pages)
2.	Muhammad the Messenger of Allah (14 pages)
3.	The Qur'an (19 pages)
4.	The wisdom of the Qur'an being revealed in parts (3 pages)
5.	Law contained in the Qur'an (8 pages)
6.	The Miraculousness of the Qur'an (8 pages)
7.	History of the Qur'an's revelation (7 pages)
8.	History of the Qur'an's compilation (14 pages)
9.	Commenting on the Qur'an—methods and past efforts (13 pages)
10.	Rules for translating the Qur'an (3 pages)
11.	Uniqueness of the Qur'an in Arabic (5 pages)
12.	The conventions of reading and listening to the Qur'an (6 pages)
13.	Recitation (qira'at) (6 pages)
14.	Dictionary of terms used in the Qur'an (44 pages)
C.	Text of the Qur'an, with translation and commentary (1424 pages)
D.	Outline of major points, listed by chapters (37 pages)
E.	List of reading sections (4 pages)42
Introductory materials are important in all three studies. Among them, however,
Halim Hasan's commentary makes the most use of this section of the work. He has
an extensive introduction with carefully constructed sections, each addressing a con-
cern or phase of the entire study. That introduction deals with questions of the
science of Traditions, general information about the Qur'an, and history of the
Qur'an. An example is provided in the second chapter where he observes that "there
are several factors (ilmu) important in making a commentary of the Qur'an":
1.	The Qur'an is compatible with reason. ... As the revealed word of God, a
commentary helps to find happiness in this world and in the Hereafter... ;
2.	There are many forms of commentary . .. which relate to the meaning of the
Qur'an's stories,... its rules,... its secret matters ... and its other teachings ...;
3.	The Qur'an's value will last until Judgment Day [itself];
4.	Every Muslim will find comfort, in keeping with his ability to contemplate the
meaning he finds in the Qur'an;
5.	There are many levels of understanding the Qur'an;
6.	The Qur'an is filled with the many circumstances of the human predicament;
42 Ash-Shiddieqy, Al-Bayan, 790-91.63
7.	It is necessary to know the history of the Prophet and his Companions which
are found in the Qur'an,... to develop a full appreciation of the Islamic com-
munity ... ;
8.	The Qur'an describes society in and near the Arab Peninsula [in order that we
appreciate the problems of life, behavior, and character that all humans con-
front];
9.	People today need to understand the Qur'an so that they honor God,... do
His work and humble themselves to Him;
10.	The Qur'an has influence on people young and old---It is in matters related
to the spirit [that it is most profound];
11.	The great teachers (ulama) regard the Arabic language as the means for dis-
covering the meaning of the Qur'an---43
The presentation of Qur'anic material differs slightly among the three works.
Ash-Shiddieqy and Hamka present short sections of verses—one to five—with an
Indonesian translation alongside the Arabic. Following that material is a lengthy
commentary, which may run from one to fifteen pages. There is no attempt to
provide a Qur'anic text for continuous reading; rather the stress is on the
commentary. Only Hasan uses the format found in second generation commentaries,
where the Arabic and Indonesian texts are placed alongside one another and
footnotes are listed below.
Hamka's commentary on the opening of the fourth reading section of the Qur'an
shows the general approach of these writers in explaining the contents of the Qur'an.
Hamka comments:
The first part of the fourth reading section ... expresses God's advice regarding
achievement of virtuousness in this life. God indicates that such goodness w ill
not be attained without fulfilling the needs of daily life, while giving a part of
those earnings over to ... the aid of others. This relates directly to the sense of
faith we have in our hearts--Several other verses outline the form that Islanric
society is to take. This is based on fear of God ... so that unity occurs and all
enmity disappears. With unity the community becomes morally responsible
(ida'wah), issuing the call for goodness and casting aside iniquity_The basis for
preserving this unity is fear of God.44
Chapter summaries are an important feature of these third generation commen-
taries. Usually placed just before the opening text for a particular chapter, the sum-
mary outlines the themes, laws, and major points contained in the chapter. This
device provides a synopsis of the text and serves as a guide for readers to compre-
hend the important features of the text.
There is concern for the definitions of terms in all three books, a feature they
have in common with second generation commentaries. This is done either in the
text of the commentary, as in the Hamka text, or in a special section, as in Ash-Shid-
dieqy's work. The definitions tend to be extensive, apparently with the intention of
providing substantial information for the interested reader. Ash-Shiddieqy provides
a good example in his entry on "Islam" found in his glossary of terms.
43	H. Hasan, Tafsir, 7.
44	Hamka, Tafsir, 1,103.64
1. Islam
a.	not opposing [religion] while following and participating in that faith.
b.	surrendering (read an-Nisa' 94).
c.	entry [of the non-Muslim to a Muslim country] in a time of peace; not hon-
ored during war or other hostilities.
d.	following [religion] with the lips only (read al-Hujurat 14 and Ali Imran 83).
e.	following and participating [in religion] with the lips and heart (read al-
Baqarah 131; Ali Imran 20) . . . there is confession with the tongue alone.
When such confession occurs, [other Muslims] are to protect him, whether
the confession is sincere or not-There is also a sincere confession of the
heart, confirmed by the members [of the body], in which a genuine
surrender to God occurs and [there is recognition that He] controls the fate
[of the believer].
f.	following, obeying, submitting.
g.	the name of the religion brought by Muhammad and prophets before him
since the Prophet Ibrahim.45
Of the three commentaries, only Hamka deals with later history and contempo-
rary events. An example of this concern is apparent in his comment on the influence
of Orientalism on the nationalist movements of Asia in the first half of the twentieth
century.
A philosophy called Nationalism was taught (in Asian countries). And National-
ism demanded separation from Islam. In Indonesia [the pre-Islamic, Javanese
hero] Gadjah Mada was regarded as more important than [the legendary Indo-
nesian Muslim hero] Raden Patah. The Egyptians held the [time of] the pharoahs
in higher regard than Islamic history which came later. Iranians were encour-
aged to disregard Muhammad because he was not an Iranian. Rather they were
to respect [the ancient Medean emperor] Cyrus (d. 529 B. C.), while ignoring
such Muslim rulers as Kaikobad (d. 715) and Nushiran (d. 1225). By this method
[the Nationalists] hoped that Islam would be scoffed at and belittled by Muslims
themselves.... [This degradation continued] until the people accepted the sight
of the cassock of the Catholic priest, while belittling the headwear of the Muslim
pilgrim (haji).46
Third generation commentaries show improvement over their predecessors,
primarily in their attention to the commentary itself, which provides paraphrasing of
the text and explanations in religious terms of what particular segments of the text
mean. In addition, the ancilliary materials, such as chapter synopses, assist the reader
in understanding just what material is under discussion in any particular chapter of
the Qur'an.
Section 6. Setting National Standards
Both The Qur'an and its Translation and The Qur'an and its Commentary were under-
taken under the aegis of the Foundation for Translating/Commenting on the Qur'an
in 1967 by a directive of the Department of Religion. A wide number of purposes
45	Ash-Shiddieqy, Al-Bayan, 137.
46	Hamka, Tafsir, VI, 346.65
were served by the production of the two commentaries. First, their production
became part of the official five-year plans of the national government and were re-
garded by many in the Muslim community as evidence that the state was involved in
furthering Islamic values in the nation. Second, religious scholars from the national
Islamic studies institutes were involved in translating and preparing the
accompanying commentary, showing their maturity and ability as scholars of scrip-
ture. Third, the Department of Religion wanted to define further standards on the
production of commentaries and translations, and these two studies fulfilled that
purpose. Fourth, a particular group of Indonesians in and out of government, re-
ferred to here as "Muslim-Nationalists," were anxious to have their ideological
viewpoint explained through the production of these volumes.
The Muslim-Nationalist viewpoint dominates the commentary in both of these
studies and takes the following form: God is the creator of all that exists,
He created the earth with the abundant riches on the land and in the sea. The
heavenly bodies—planets and stars—have their movements fixed by Him. . . .
Within that creation there is great benefit for humanity. The alternation of night
and day and the varying lengths of each that occur in different latitudes are
useful to humans. The oceans allow humans to send goods from one place to
another and thereby undertake economic activities.... The rains allow agricul-
ture ... [and many other works of God].47
In this Muslim-Nationalist view prophets and scripture have been sent by God to
provide a guide to those humans who believe on Him, to behave well and to act as
the servants of God. "It is not the role of prophets to clarify science, mathematics, etc.
... but only to prompt people to seek and study, fitting with their capabilities as well
as the condition and development of the times. Humans serve as the . . . regents
(khalif) of God on earth."48 Humans have been made thinking beings that have more
capacity than any other creation for using knowledge and wisdom for good purposes
and creating a developed world. The theme of development is repeated frequently.
Finally, the Muslim-Nationalists see a need for enlightened rule. The good ruler,
it is noted, is one who is physically strong to carry out the duties of office. That ruler
has broad intelligence to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the society which he
leads. Health and intelligence are necessary requisites and the ruler must fear God,
worship Him, and recognize that his own strength is not sufficient unless he is aided
by God.
These views are further elaborated in a discussion of the salutary effects the ar-
rival of Islam had on the Arabs. According to the discussion, prior to Islam the Arabs
were idol worshippers, were divided into tribes, and, consequently, were divided in
their views of what was important. After Islam arrived their focus on God brought
them a high culture and gave them a unique place in history. The text implies that
similar benefits could be won by the Indonesians if they were to apply the lessons of
Islam seriously as a society and nation.
Each of the two studies had its own particular audience, as noted earlier in this
chapter, and was prepared to meet the needs of those separate audiences. Nonethe-
less, there were some common editorial features. In particular, both works used the
47	Terjemahnya, 113.
48	Tafsimya, 1,81-82.66
same format for a summary at the beginning of each chapter (surah) of the Qur'an.
These summaries were intended to provide information and insight about the chap-
ter. An opening section, called "introduction," provided basic data, such as when
and where it was written and appellations and designations assigned to the chapter.
A second section, titled "principles," consisted of a common outline of six points:
belief, worship, laws and regulations, promises and warnings, and stories and
parables. In its introduction, The Qur'an and its Commentary discusses the intent of
each of these classifications, given here in paraphrased form.
1.	Concerning faith (keimanan, aqa'id): "The sort of belief outlined in the Qur'an
consists of belief in God, His prophets, His angels, holy books which He re-
vealed, the Day of Judgment, and determinism."49 When the Qur'an was
revealed, religious belief and practice among the Arabs was corrupt, as can be
seen by the 360 idols that had been placed alongside the Ka'bah. "Then the
Qur'an was sent for sanctifying humanity from the filth of polytheism by import-
ing the pureness of belief epitomized in the unity of God, so that the belief and
performance [of believers] would no longer be mixed with corruption."50
2.	Concerning worship: This is described as the "fruit" or product of good belief,
for the person who believes correctly about God and His attributes will certainly
want to worship Him.
3.	Concerning laws and regulations: The laws of God are those that spell out the
human relationship with God, but also the relationship of one society with
another, or one nation with another.
4.	Concerning promises and warnings: The promises center on the prosperity of
those who believe and do good, while the warnings are those made against those
who do wrong and hold incorrect views of God and His religion.
5.	Concerning stories and parables: The stories and parables constitute examples
and lessons by using the narratives of what has happened to people and nations
and how such matters relate to the work of the prophets and the functioning of
human society. Nearly three-fourths of the Qur'an consists of such narratives?1
An illustration of a chapter summary using these five points of investigation is
taken from The Qur'an and its Translation, Chapter 2.
al-Baqarah (The Cow)
Introduction
al-Baqarah, consisting of 286 verses, was revealed at Madinah, with the
greater part revealed in the year of the Hijrah, except verse 281 which was re-
vealed at Mina during the final pilgrimage of Muhammad. Al-Baqarah ... is the
longest chapter in the Qur'an. In it is the longest verse in the Qur'an (verse 282).
This chapter is named al-Baqarah because in it the story is related about the
cow worshipped by the Children of Israel (verses 67 to 74). The character of the
49	Terjemahnya, 5.
50	Ibid., 6.
51	Tafsirnya, 3-12.67
Jews in general is clarified (in this chapter). It is named the "summit of the
Qur'an (fustat al-qur'an)" because it also contains several laws which are not
mentioned in other chapters. It is named alif-lam-mim because the chapter begins
with those cryptic [Arabic] letters.
The principal points are:
1.	Belief:
The mission of Islam is presented to the community of Islam, the "people of
the book" and the unbelievers.
2.	Laws:
The command to perform worship; to pay the poor tax (zakat); the regulation
concerning fasting; the instructions concerning the pilgrimage; the law of
retribution; matters that are permitted and forbidden; expenses in the way of
Allah; regulations concerning drunkenness and gambling, caring for the poor,
prohibition of usury, money lending, expenses, and right of recovery; respect for
parents and the elderly; regulations concerning oaths; claims for compensation
connected with guardianship; sorcery; regulations concerning the destruction of
mosques; regulations concerning proposals of marriage, the dower, limits on
marrying unbelieving women and vice versa; the laws of war.
3.	Stories:
The creation of Adam; the Prophet Ibrahim; the Prophet Musa with the
Children of Israel.
4.	Miscellaneous:
The characteristics of people who fear God; characteristics of unbelievers;
attributes of God; parables; the direction of prayer; resurrection after death.52
Beyond the common ideology and points of common format the two studies are
markedly different. The Qur'an and its Translation has most of its commentary in an
introductory section of a hundred pages. It starts with "What is the Qur'an?," moves
through to "History of Preserving the Qur'an," "Commentaries on the Qur'an,"
"Translating the Qur'an," "The Role of the Prophet," "Contents of the Qur'an," "The
Qur'an as a Miracle," "The Qur'an and Knowledge," and ends with the "The Impor-
tance of Reciting the Qur'an and the Correct Way of Reciting It." In particular, the
commentary stresses the worth and value of the Qur'an as a guide to humanity.
The chapter titled "Islam and Knowledge" expresses the view that the Qur’an
itself has been a source of useful knowledge to humans throughout history. The
chapter states that Islam has generated a large number of books concerning, inter
alia, the Arabic language, law, philosophy, correct behavior, drama, and economics.
The great libraries that once existed in Baghdad, Egypt, and Cordoba are cited as
evidence of the Muslim interest in the dissemination of knowledge. Numerous
sciences and areas of knowledge were developed in Muslim history such as
linguistics (Ilmu Bahasa), which is excerpted here as an indication of the style and
content of the analysis and presentation.
To preserve the words in the Qur'an [the early Muslims] assembled Arabic dic-
tionaries. In the beginning these dictionaries consisted of small books which ana-
52
Terjemahnya, 7.68
lyzed certain kinds of words, such as those relating to human affairs, animals,
plants, or objects. Later al-Khalil assembled [all] Arabic words in one book and
developed a system based on ... [phonetics], beginning with the [Arabic] sound
'ain; hence the book was named Kitab al 'Ain (The Book of 'Ain). Later a dic-
tionary was assembled by Abu Bakar bin Duraid on the [widely accepted alpha-
betical system of] hijaiyah letters, titled Al-Jamharah (The Dictionary). Still later,
other dictionaries were prepared by language specialists, such as ... Ibnu Atsir
(d.1239)... .53
The Qur'an and its Commentary is multi-volumed, and each section of commentary
consists of four parts. An introduction, outlined above, starts the presentation of each
chapter. This is followed by a selection of verses, each consisting of two to ten verses,
given first in Arabic, followed by an Indonesian language rendition. This in turn is
followed by a lengthy commentary which covers the material verse by verse. Last
comes the summary, which is a series of short, numbered statements. This fuller
discussion, of course, is designed for the scholar, so that all relevant information on a
verse is available in a single entry.
The editor notes that as much information as possible is brought to bear on
textual analysis. In particular, the context (munasabah) and the conditions of revela-
tion (asbabun nuzul) are important considerations in such a study. Both considera-
tions, in fact, were classical approaches with long popularity and use among the
scholars of Sunni Islam. The munasabah technique stresses the relationship of a verse
with the verses preceding it. The asbabun nuzul approach emphasizes the conditions
that relate to the revelation of a particular verse.
A short selection from al-Baqarah 25 illustrates many of the points of style made
above.
Response to People Who Believe
(25) And give glad tidings to those who believe and do good works; and theirs
are gardens underneath which rivers flow; as often as they are regaled with food
of the fruit thereof, they say: This is what was given us aforetime and it is given
to them in resemblance. There are for them pure companions; there forever they
abide.
Commmentary: This verse outlines God's response to the disbelievers who
doubted the warning to them in the Qur'an, namely punishment on earth and in
the Hereafter. In this verse, Allah gives his promise to those who believe and
behave well.
God commands the Prophet Muhammad to issue the "joyful news" to the be-
lievers. The nature of the joyful news is that. .. whoever performs and strives
toward goodness, fitting with the aims outlined by religion, will be a recipient [of
the promise]. God commanded Muhammad to tell everyone who believes and
behaves well.
The belief desired by God is the kind that shows itself through good actions, that
is, belief that is active. On the other hand God does not put much value on action
that is not based on proper belief-
53 Ibid., 113.69
In this verse Allah mentions the words "believing" and "good behaving" be-
cause "good behaving" is part of belief.
In the verse a reward is promised to the people who believe, that is, paradise-
"Paradise," according to philology, means "garden" which is attractive ... to
those who dwell there....
Paradise contains mysteries, which are not fully comprehended by humans,
known only by God. What is necessary to believe is that paradise is a place full of
physical and spiritual delights prepared for believers. The form of these delights
cannot be compared with those of this earth.
Summary: Allah commanded Muhammad to issue the joyful news to those who
truly believed that there was a paradise for them in the Hereafter.54
The two government-sponsored studies of the Qur'an are quite similar to third
generation commentaries and contain a high standard of translation of the Qur'anic
text. There is great similarity with the third generation commentaries concerning
historical records and references. The great difference, as pointed out above, rests in
the commentary itself, where a particular ideological presentation is evident. While
certainly compatible with Sunni Islamic teachings, it is nonetheless quite noticeable.
Section 7. Recent Translations/Commentaries
Bakry's The Merciful Commentary and Surin's Translation and Commentary of the Qur'an
are two important recent commentaries. They are responses to requests from the
users of Qur'ans to provide improved features for the use and study of scripture.. In
second generation commentaries emphasis was placed on the Indonesian translation
while in the third generation commentaries attention was given to commentary itself.
Significantly, both Bakry and Surin turn their attention to the Arabic text and to
updated vocabulary, terms, and techniques in improving comprehension in the
Indonesian translations. The attention to the Arabic text may indicate that there is
some renewed emphasis in the public on reciting the Qur'an in Arabic, but if that is
so, it is probably only marginal. A better explanation appears to be that Arabic-Indo-
nesian text may be preferred in some cases, whereas earlier recitation used Arabic
text without the accompanying Indonesian translation.
Bakry emphasizes the Arabic text, first, by the size of the type, which is much
larger, about twice the size of the Arabic text in the commentaries mentioned in pre-
vious sections of this chapter. The size compares favorably with other Arabic lan-
guage texts published in Indonesia that have no accompanying Indonesian text.
Further, Bakry's text is continuous, in the Arab style, with verse numbers found at
the beginning, middle, or end of a line. This is unlike all the other commentaries re-
viewed so far, which all employ the style of presenting verses as separate entities
with line breaks between them. Bakry's purpose is to conform with the usual rendi-
tion of the Qur'an found in the Arabic world; apparently he believes this is more
authentic and that the reading is enhanced by this device. Bakry also uses the stan-
dard reading marks found in most Arabic Qur'ans—a point he has in common with
Ash-Shiddieqy's Tafsir Al-Bayan outlined above.
54 Tafsirnya, 1,81^82.70
Surin attempts to give emphasis to the Arabic text by providing a transliteration
of the Arabic into Latin letters. Consequently the reader can read the Arabic script or
the Latin script and presumably arrive at an approximation of the same pronuncia-
tion. The author gives the standard warning that the Latin text " is not for the pur-
pose of changing the Qur'an [with a different script]... but only to help those who
are not able to read Arabic."55 By relying on a transliteration into roman letters, the
reader might not get the full meaning of the text. Hence, it should be regarded as a
stopgap, to be done only until one has learned to read Arabic in the correct way in
Arabic script.
In dealing with the Indonesian translations, both authors state—as might be ex-
pected—that their texts are intended to assist the reader in appreciating the Qur'an.
Bakry claims that his translation reflects word usage and language development of
Bahasa Indonesia and can be considered very current in use of idiom. He provides
three examples of how his text is reflective of contemporary Indonesian usage. First,
certain words have been employed which fit contemporary concepts. The word
samawat, usually translated into Indonesian as langit (heavens), is rendered ruang
angkasa (outer space) to reflect modem scientific understanding of the physical uni-
verse and its terminology. Second, he strives for clarity by providing editorial addi-
tions to the Qur'anic translation where understanding may be at question. He does
this by placing any added words or phases in parenthesis. As an example:
And people who adhere to (the teaching of) the Book (Taurah) and perform
prayer, surely We will not neglect (omit) the reward for those who do good.56
Finally, he converts Arabic grammatical practice into Indonesian practice. For exam-
ple, in Arabic the term "the/' (hum) is used when "he/she/it" is used in Indonesian.
Similarly, the sentence "And surely God has given assistance to you in Badar" is
rendered "And surely God has assisted you in Badar."57
Surin's approach to the Indonesian translation is similar to Bakry's, clarifying
difficult passages by injecting explanatoiy words or phrases to promote understand-
ing. As explained above, he also employed the "picture or photo" technique, also to
enhance reader comprehension. This device divides the Indonesian text into sections
so that consecutive verses with the same theme are joined together with a common
heading. The headings, in bold letters, divide the text into manageable reading por-
tions and assist the reader with content. In an-Naml, Surin uses seven headings for
the entire ninety-three verses and in Thaha there are seventeen headings among 135
verses. Brief footnotes of definition complete the "photo" and are placed
immediately after the verse needing the reference. An example of this style is found
in an-Naml 16-19.
The Story of the Prophet Daud and the Prophet Sulaiman
1. And Sulaiman received the inheritance from Daud. (1) Sulaiman said, "O my
people! Already I have learned the language of the birds and all else that is
necessary to know has been imparted to me. Surely this gift is a clear blessing."
55	Ibid., xx.
56	Bakry, Tafsir, xi.
57	Ibid.71
(1) The Prophet Sulaiman succeeded to the prophetship and kingdom of
Daud, as well as inheriting Daud's knowledge and the scripture named Zabur.5S
Bakry's work has two features that deserve some attention. First is his con-
tention, already mentioned, that his work takes account of modern Indonesian lan-
guage usage and is more in tune with the times than are most older commentaries. A
review of a section of his translation confirms this statement. A comparison with sec-
ond generation commentaries shows them to have some stilted text and to use some
words that are less often used today, although the editors of those older texts have
made spelling corrections to conform with spelling reforms of the early 1970s and
obviously updated the texts in a number of other ways. This is true of third genera-
tion commentaries as well. The Qur'an and its Translation is the equivalent of Bakry in
contemporary usage.
Second, Bakry emphasizes the compatibility of the Qur'an with technological
development. We have already noted that he used "outer space" as a term in his
translations, precisely to fit with this claim of compatibility. As a further develop-
ment of this idea, he provides a concordance of themes in the Qur'an with references
to appropriate text. These themes are concerned with "belief, worship, marriage,
science and technology, health, economics, society and nation, cultural identity, and
history." The section on "health," a short exposition of six topics, provides an exam-
ple of the writing. The actual references to the Qur'an are not given in this example;
only the total number is listed in the interest of space.
1.	Cleanliness as a standard of health. (11 references)
2.	Eating and drinking should not be excessive and only "permitted" food
should only be eaten. (5 references)
3.	Homosexuality is dangerous. (3 references)
4.	Some foods are forbidden. (2 references)
5.	For more than fourteen centuries, the Qur'an has advocated mother's milk. (4
references)
6.	Prostitution is a danger to health and must be eliminated. (4 references)59
Surin's work rests largely on two factors already described above: the use of a
Latin transliteration of the Arabic text and the "picture" or "photo" technique in pre-
senting the Indonesian translation. The latter is well illustrated in the story of David
and Sulaiman given above. The "photo" technique is given added emphasis with a
directory of titles in each volume of the set, listing the titles of the heading with the
page number where it can be found in the text. The entries with "stories" (kisah) as
the first word give a summary of them. Listed in volume 1 are "the story of the
wickedness of the Children of Israel,... 'Isa ... several prophets, including Nuh,...
Hud,... Salih,... Shu'aib,... Musa and the story of the Battle of the Ditch and its
aftermath."60
These two studies indicate considerable development from the second genera-
tion commentaries outlined earlier in the chapter and are evidence that the use of
such works remains popular. There is normal change caused by the subtle but pro-
58	Surin, Terjemah, 595.
59	Bakry, Tafsir, xiii.
60	Surin, Terjemah, xxxiv-xxxv.I
72
found impact of the revivalist movement on the intensification of belief and practice
among Indonesian Muslims.
D. Chapter Conclusions
The works contained in this section have several common characteristics. There is a
heavy reliance on Arabic terminology and concepts, which are often presented as
Islamic. This is not unusual, because Arabic is considered to be the religious lan-
guage of Islam. As already stated in this chapter, the Qur'an exists only in Arabic,
while all other versions or translations are, at most, commentary on the original. It is
a logical step to take the words and concepts derived in studies of scripture and use
them in Arabic as well, although there is no firm rule on this. We shall see cases later
in this study where Indonesian terms are used, rather than those rendered in Arabic.
Second, the studies seldom deal with the specific conditions of Indonesia. With
the exception of Hamka, the studies in this chapter make reference to general condi-
tions involving Muslims as if there were no differences among them caused by geog-
raphy, race, or social conditions. In part, this is due to the historical nature of the
study of the Qur'an, where commentary hinges on the events of the classical period,
as in most religions. Beyond that there is a sense of speaking broadly to general con-
ditions of all Muslims, in keeping with the concept of a common community (umat),
again, as in most religions.
The works in this chapter provide a solid base of information about the forma-
tion of Islamic scripture and its chief lessons. The works have considerable overlap,
but together still form a composite source about the Qur'an and what Muslims be-
lieve about it. Among the general works, two stand out from the others. Ash-Shid-
dieqy's Sejarah is a useful source book on the historical development of commen-
taries, particularly concerning the authors and texts of various time periods. Aboe-
bakar Atjeh's Sejarah, in its original Indonesian publication, is a compendium of
information on Muslim belief about the Qur'an and its particular development in
Indonesia. Its illustrations provide additional insight.
Indonesian commentaries on the Qur'an are at a good stage of development
considering that systematic efforts to provide commentaries are fairly recent. The
existence of ten full commentaries, all with the required thirty sections (juz), is
impressive, and there are sufficient ancilliary studies to constitute a suitable
literature for popular use of the genre. That number of commentaries is a significant
accomplishment for Indonesian Muslim scholarship, since such work can only be
accomplished by scholars working over long periods of time. The magnitude of the
translation process itself is significant, as is the examination of other relevant sources
in Arabic necessary to make an acceptable commentary. We have observed the
commitment to such a time-consuming task in the authors' own accounts of their
works. Some of the studies first appeared in incomplete form over fifty years ago and
none of them was completed in less than a decade of work.------------4--------------
Using, Respecting, and Enjoying
the Qur'an—Popular Uses of
Scripture
Indonesian Muslims, like their fellow believers elsewhere in the world, hold the
Qur'an in great reverence and accord it the kind of attention that constitutes an
important religious activity. The Javanese princess Kartini, in letters to her for-
mer Dutch teacher at the beginning of the twentieth century, wrote about the
high formality and respect accorded Qur'an recitations held at her father's princely
court.1 Memorizing and reciting parts of or, even, the entire Qur'an has long been
regarded as a pious and meritorious act that large numbers of believers have under-
taken. As we shall see later in this chapter, mutual recitation of popular sections of
the Qur'an, particularly in the villages, has long been a common practice undertaken
with piety and enthusiasm. People who memorize the entire Qur'an have been given
a special title (hafidz) and accorded considerable respect.
With the rise of the modernist Muslim movement in the first half of the twentieth
century, the use of the Qur'an was given even more status than it had enjoyed ear-
lier, for the modernists held that the contents of the Qur'an were equally as
important as its recitation and that Muslims needed to understand the contents of
their primary scripture. The commentaries and other works reviewed in the last
chapter formed one part of this general literature, but in time a host of other books
have appeared that have expanded on certain themes or explained certain facets as a
means of informing the believer of the message contained therein. These have
become another aid to the pious to inform themselves and honor that scripture.
Given the high emphasis on the Qur'an that we have noted here, it is not surpris-
ing that Islamic schools give emphasis to the primary sources of Islam. We shall see
that the study of the Qur'an is fundamental and basic. It should be noted, however,
that schools never teach religious lessons based on the Qur'an alone, for Sunni doc-
trine holds that the example of the Prophet Muhammad is an essential adjunct to the
explicit word of God. Accordingly, lessons usually include Traditions and the re-
marks of various scholars throughout history.
A. Literature Reviewed in the Chapter
1. Abu Hanifah. Cara Belajar dan Menulis al-Qur'an dan Terjemah Juz Amma [The
Method of Learning and Writing the Qur'an and a Translation of Juz Amma]. Sema-
rang: Toha Putra, 1981.
1 Kartini, Letters, 21.74
2.	Akasah, Badaruthanan. Index al-Qur’an: Index Tafsir [Index of the Qur'an]. Ban-
dung: Badar, 1976.
3.	Alam, H. Datuk Tombak. Al-Qur'anul Hakim 100 Kali Pandai [The Just Qur'an, 100
Times Proficient]. Jakarta: Akselerasi Ilmu Al-Qur'an Pusat, n.d.
4.	Amir, Dja'far. Bidang Studi Al-Qur-an dan Al Hadits untuk Madrasah Ibtidaiyah
[Studies of the Qur'an and Traditions for the Beginning Level of Madrasah Educa-
tion]. Yogyakarta: Kota Kembang, 1982.3 vols.
5.	Amir, Dja'far. Al Qur'an dan Al Hadits: Madrasah Tsanawiyah [Qur'an and Traditions
for the Middle Level of Madrasah Education]. Sala: Sitti Syamsiyah, 1978.
6.	Arifin, Bey. Rangkaian Ceritera dalam Al-Qur’an [Collection of Stories found in the
Qur'an]. Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, 1983 (1971).
7.	Arifin, Bey. Samudera al-Fatihah [The Vastness of al-Fatihah]. Surabaya: Bina Ilmu,
1978.
8.	Asyarie, Sukmadjaja, and Rosy Yusuf. Indeks Al-Qur'an [Index of the Qur'an].
Bandung: Pustaka, 1984.
9.	Djohansjah, H.A. Kursus Cepat Dapat Membaca Al-Qur'an [Fast Course for Learning
to Recite the Qur'an]. Surabaya: Cemerlang, 1978.
10.	Hanafi, A. Segi-Segi Kesusastraan pada Kisah-Kisah Al-Qur'an [The Literary Ap-
proach to the Stories in the Qur'an]. Jakarta: Al-Husna, 1984.
11.	Jassin, H.B. Berita Besar [Great Report]. Jakarta: Yayasan 23 Januari 1942,1984.
12.	Khalil, M.S. Kunci (untuk mencari ayat) Al-Qur'an [Key to (Finding the Verses of)
the Qur'an]. Surabaya: Bina Ilmu, 1985.
13.	Labib MZ and Maftuh Ahnan. Butir-Butir Mutiara Alfatihah [The Pearls of al-
Fatihah]. Jakarta: Bintang Pelajar, n.d.
14.	Litera Antamusa (Staf Redaksi). Nasihat-Nasihat Qur'an: Petunjuk Achlak dan Peri-
laku Hidup Sehari-hari [Advice from the Qur'an: Guide to Behavior and Everyday
Action]. Jakarta: Litera Antamusa, 1986.
15.	Maruzi, Muslich. Al Qur'an: Al-Hadits untuk Madrasah Aliyah/PGA [The Qur'an
and Traditions for the Senior Level of Madrasah Education], Semarang: Toha Putra,
1980.
16.	Masyhuri, Abdul Aziz. Mutiara Qur'an dan Hadits [Pearls from the Qur'an and
Traditions]. Surabaya: Al-Ikhlas, 1980.
17.	Nasikun. Tafsir Ayat Ahkam: Tentang Beberapa Perbuatan Pidana dalam Hukum Islam
[Commentary on Legal Verses: Concerning Several Criminal Matters in the Law of
Islam]. Yogyakarta: Bina Usaha, 1984.
18.	Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Lektur Agama. Pedoman Pentashihan Mashaf
Al-Qur’an tentang Penulisan dan Tanda Baca [Guide for a Standardized Transcription
of the Qur'an for Writing and Reciting]. Jakarta: Departemen Agama, 1976.
19.	Sahli, Mahfudli. Kandungan Surat Yasin [Contents of the Qur'anic Chapter Ya Sin].
Jakarta: Yulia Karya, 1978.
20.	Salim, Hadiyah. Qishashul Anbiya: Sejarah 25 Rasul [Stories of the Prophets: Histo-
ries of Twenty-Five Prophets]. Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, 1984.75
21.	Shaleh, Q., A. Dahlan, and M.D. Dahlan. Ayat-Ayat Hukutn: Tafsir dan Uraian
Perintah-Perintah dalam AlQur'an [The Legal Verses: Commentary and Analysis of
Commandments in the Qur'an]. Bandung: Diponegoro, 1976.
22.	Shalihah, Khadijatus. Perkembangan Seni Baca Al-Qur'an dan Qiraat Tujuh di Indone-
sia [The Development of the Art of Reciting the Qur'an and the Seven Forms in Indo-
nesia]. Jakarta: Pustaka Al-Husna, 1983.
23.	Tekan, Ismail. Pelajaran Tajwid Al-Qur'an [Course in Grammar of the Qur'an].
Jakarta: Pustaka Al-Husna, 1980.
24.	Usman, T. Atmadi. Tuntunan Irama Al Qur'an [Guide for the (Recitational)
Rhythm of the Qur'an]. Jakarta: Bumirestu, 1981.
25.	Usman, Muhammad Ali. Makhluk-Makhluk Halus Menurut Al-Qur'an [The Crea-
tures of the Qur'an]. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1977.
26.	Yayasan Pembinaan Masyarakat Islam. Terjemah Al-Qur'an Secara Lafghiyah
Penuntun bagi yang Belajar [Translation of the Qur'an Using the Pronunciation Tech-
nique for Learning]. Jakarta: Al-Hikmah, 1980.7 vols.
27.	Zainal Abidin Ahmad. Tafsir Surat Yaa-sien [Commentary on the Qur'anic
Chapter Ya Sin]. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1978.
28.	Zaini, Syahminan. Isi Pokok Ajaran Al-Qur'an [The Principal Lessons of the Teach-
ing of the Qur'an]. Jakarta: Kalam Mulia, 1984.
29.	Zen, H. A. Muhaimin. Tata Cara Problematika Menghafal Al-Qur'an dan Petunjuk-
Petunjuknya [The Custom of Memorizing the Qur'an and Guidance for that Activity],
Jakarta: Pustaka, Al-Husna, 1985.
B. Overview of the Literature
1. Authors and Audiences
Table 4.1 indicates that three-fourths of our writers are teaching staff at pesantren,
private Muslim universities, and at the national Islamic studies institutes (IAIN). The
remaining authors are students and Muslim intellectuals.
In this section we have several generations represented. In the last chapter it was
stated that the older generations had private religious educations in the period that
predated independence. After independence this changed. Younger generations
attended madrasah, but by that time those schools were part of the national education
system and their curriculum was regulated by the Department of Religion. A few
attended pesantren and some are graduates of the national Islamic institute system,
which also has its curriculum set by the Department of Religion. In this chapter, per-
haps more than any other, the authors have been affected by efforts of educators
throughout Indonesia to improve the education of Indonesian pupils, students, and
lay people concerning Islamic subject matter. Most of the efforts undertaken by
authors in this chapter center on that endeavor.
Among the writers there is one well-known national literary figure, H.B. Jassin
(b. 1917),2 who is an author of some repute and a leading literary critic. While bom
and raised as a Muslim, his Islamic training is not extensive and he is not considered
by many to be a Muslim intellectual, but rather simply a member of the Indonesian
2 For J. B. Jassin, see Apa dan Siapa, 1983-84,326-8.76
literary scene. Still, he chooses to deal with Qur'anic matters. He is considered again
in a later chapter.
Three writers are important Indonesian Muslim writers who have written ex-
tensively about Islamic subjects. Syahminan Zaini (b. 1933)3 is a teaching staff
member at a national Islamic studies institute and has been active as a revivalist. His
writing has followed that revivalist theme. Ahmad Hanafi (d. 1968),4 also a teaching
staff member at a national Islamic studies institute, published extensively on Islamic
law, theology, and culture. The work covered here was a major academic
presentation for his elevation to professor in 1967. Zainal Abidin Ahmad (b. 1911)5
was active as a political figure for a time and, as a Muslim literary figure, has con-
centrated on studies of the Qur'an and Traditions. Bey Arifin6 has been active as a
Muslim journalist in the Surabaya area and has written widely on Islamic-Christian
subjects.
Four others are less well known, but still have published several other works
apart from the studies here. Among this group are Mahfudli Sahli,7 Hadiyah Salim,8
who is the only woman reviewed here, Muhammad Ali Usman,9 and Labib MZ.10
Their works are popular primers on basic Islamic subjects, such as the lives of the
Prophets, lessons from the Qur'an and Traditions, and the importance of devotion.
While there is information available about the publications of these writers, there is
little other published biographical information.
Many of the writers are teaching practitioners, and their writings are attempts to
provide improved methods for mastering some aspect of religious learning. This cer-
tainly is the case for teaching Islam in the Islamic normal schools (madrasah), where
Dja'far Amir, Muslich Maruzi, and Abdul Aziz Masyhuri have fashioned primers.* 11
It is a stated reason among those teaching recitation of the Qur'an, particularly Datuk
Tombak Alam,12 A. Djohansjah,13 Ismail Tekan,14 and T. Atmadi Usman,15 who all
expound on special devices they use personally for achieving good results with little
frustration. It also fits the case for Badaruthanan Akasah and Abu Hanifah, who
teach in Islamic normal schools.16 We have limited biographical information on this
set of authors, other than statements of their own personal commitment to teaching.
3	For Syahminan Zaini, see Zaini, Isi Pokok, back cover.
4	For Ahmad Hanafi, see Hanafi, Pengantar Filsafat Islam, 6-7.
5	For Zainal Abidin Ahmad, see Tamara, Hamka, 423.
6	For Bey Arifin, see Buku Islam, 140.
7	For Mahfudli Sahli, see Buku Islam, 150.
8	For Hadiyah Salim, see Buku Islam, 150.
9	For Muhammad Ali Usman, see Buku Islam, 153.
10	For Labib MZ, see Buku Islam, 146.
11	Dja'far Amir, Muslich Maruzi, and Abdul Aziz Masyhuri have published other works on
the Qur'an than the ones cited here. See Buku Islam, 139,147.
12	For Datuk Tombak Alam, see Alam, Al Qur'anul Hakim, 8-9.
13	For A. Djohansjah, see Djohansjah, Kursus Cepat, 7-13.
14	For Ismail Tekan, see Tekan, Tajwid, 3-4.
15	For T. Ahmadi Usman, see Usman, Tuntunan, 2-9.
16	There is no published biographical information available on Badaruthanan Akasah and Abu
Hanifah.77
Four of the authors are connected with Islamic institutions of higher education.
Two, M.S. Khalil17 and Nasikun,18 are teaching staff members at national Islamic
studies institutes and prepared their works as part of their efforts for classes or
students in general. The other two were students at the time their studies were writ-
ten, both at the Qur'anic Sciences Institute in Jakarta, a private institution centering
on Islamic education dealing with the primary scripture of Islam. Muhaimin Zen* 1^
and Khadijatus Shalihah20 wrote their works as senior theses as part of their degree
requirements.
Table 4.1 Authors and Audiences
			Audience		
	Religious	Muslim In-	Lay	Muslim	
Authors	Scholars	tellectuals	Muslims	Students	Total
Religious	Hanafi		Akasah	Ahmad	
Scholars	Pus. Pen.		Alam	Amir (1)	
			Khalil	Amir (2)	
			Labib	Djohansjah	
			Salim	Maruzi	
			Shaleh	Masyhuri	
			Usman, A.	Nasikun	
			Yas. Pern.	Sahli	
			Zaini	Tekan	
				Usman, T.	21
Muslim In-			Antamusa	Arifin (1)	
tellectuals			Arifin (2)	Hanifah	
				Jassin	5
Lay Muslims					
Muslim	Shalihah		Asyarie		
Students	Zen				3
Totals	4	0	12	13	29
Source: Prefaces of the works dted.
One writer was a lay person. Sukmadjaja Asyarie21 was a student when he wrote
his work with a co-author, in a pharmacy graduate program in France, as a learning
aid to other students.
Three studies are published by collective groups, rather than by named authors.
Litera Antamusa22 is a private Islamic publishing firm in Bogor, while the Society for
Structuring an Islamic Society23 is a private association devoted to greater Islamic
content in the public and private morals of Indonesians. The Center for Research and
Development of Religious Lectures24 is a quasi-government association which sets
17	For M.S. Khalil, see Khalil, Kund, title page.
18	For Nasikun, see Nasikun, Tafsir Ayat Ahkam, i, iii.
1® For Muhaimin Zen, see Zen, Problematika, v., xvii-xix.
20	For Khadijatus Shalihah, see Shalihah, Perhembangan, 4.
21	For Sukmadjaja Asyarie, see Asyarie, Indeks, ix-xiii.
22	We have no published information on Litera Antamusa.
23	For the Yayasan Pembinaan Masyarakat Islam, see Y.P.M.I., Terjemah, I, i-v.
24	For the Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Lektur Agama, see P.P.P.L.A., Pedoman, 95-98.78
down guidelines and standards for the use of the Department of Religion in
maintaining standards among the many publications that are forthcoming each year
on Qur'anic recitation. Information is not readily available on the personalities
involved in the preparation of materials from Litera Antamusa and the Institute for
the Creation of an Islamic Society. Those at the Center for Research and
Development of Religious Lectures were highly regarded religious scholars
representing most Muslim areas of Indonesia.
As stated or implied in the prefaces of the studies themselves, these books are
intended for students at various levels of the educational process, for general
revivalist activity among the lay Muslim population, or for Muslim scholars
themselves. In some cases it is difficult to say whether the works are intended for lay
Muslims or students and, indeed, in many cases both may be target groups. In the
many cases where there is no indication that these works are part of the curriculum
of any particular school, it has been assumed that their primary use is by lay Mus-
lims, even if young people may often be the readers.
Some works clearly state they are intended for use in schools or other educa-
tional institutions. Nasikun states that his study was prepared for use at the national
Islamic studies institutes. T. Ahmadi Usman, Dja'far Amir, and Abdul Aziz Masyhu-
ri state their works are for use in various levels of the Muslim standard school
(madrasah). Datuk Tombak Alam and Muslich Maruzi mention the usefulness of their
studies in schools and by the general public.
Several authors have revivalism in mind for their books. This is generally stated
by Syahminan Zaini, the Institute for the Creation of an Islamic Society, Ismail
Tekan, and A. Djohansjah. Studies for use by the general public are mentioned by
H.B. Jassin and generally implied by Litera Antarnusa, Hadiyah Salim, Zainal Abidin
Ahmad, Bey Arifin, Labib MZ, Muhammad Ali Usman, Badaruthanan Akasah, Q.
Shaleh, and Mahmud Sahli. Sukmadjaja Asyarie and M.S. Khalil state that their
indices to the Qur'an are keyed to the Al-Qur'an dan Terjemahnya to assist
[Indonesian] Muslims in studying religion. Asyarie has overseas students in mind,
who often want religious reinforcement while studying in Christian countries.
Four works are intended for religious scholars. The Center for Research and De-
velopment of Religious Lectures provided guidelines for religious scholars through-
out Indonesia to use in their instruction on the Qur'an. Khadijatus Shalihah and A.
Muhaimin Zen originally wrote their books as theses (skripsi) as part of their academ-
ic program which were published afterwards, so they have been classified as intend-
ed for the religious scholars who guided them in their exercise. A secondary use of
their works may be for Muslim intellectuals; both appear a little theoretical for re-
vivalist activities. Hanafi's work was originally a major academic presentation at a
national Islamic studies institute, intended for other faculty members at that particu-
lar institution and general distribution among the Muslim learned afterwards.
2. Quality of the Literature
Table 4.2 indicates that all but three of the studies in this chapter fall in the cate-
gory of recapitulation of standard Islamic lessons and values. Given the teaching and
revivalist intentions of the authors in most cases, such recapitulation is appropriate.
Two studies extend beyond reformulation and attempt to draw comparisons with
other religious values existent in Indonesia or elsewhere in the world. One study
seeks to reexamine religious sources, apply new techniques, and bring forth new79
understanding of the scripture. In this case, Hanafi uses the methodology of compar-
ative religion to examine the stories of the Qur'an.
Over one-quarter were judged to be weak studies, some because of lack of per-
ceptive writing, but mostly because the authors failed to set the stage with good
directions or meaningful comments. Slightly over one-half fell into the substantial
category, indicating that they were generally suitable for their general purpose. The
remaining 20 percent were clearly strong studies, such as the work by Hanafi on tales
and symbols in the Qur'an. It is an unusual study in the setting of the other works of
the chapter, which dwell on more standard material and are much less probing.
In addition to Hanafi, several works deserve comment. Zaini's Pokok is an exam-
ple of a study produced for revivalist (dakwah) activity that outlines the material from
a substantive point of view, as well as for general missionary purposes. Often works
for revivalism speak only to the importance of knowing religious lessons well; few
provide the substance. Zen's Tata Cara Problematika provides the reader with a good
description of the contemporary state of Qur'anic recitation in Indonesia, as well as
providing an historical background for the development of that art form.
Table 4.2 Qualitative Factors
1. Recapitulation of
religious values
2.	Comparison of religious
values with other values
3.	Examination for improved
understanding of Islam
4.	Totals
weak	substantial	strong	total
Djohansjah	Ahmad	Alam	
Antarnusa	Akasah	Pus. Pern.	
Nasikun	Amir (1,2)	Sahli	
Salim	Arifin (1,2)	Yas. Pern.	
Shaleh	Asyarie		
Tekan	Hanifah		
Usman, A.	Jassin Khalil Labib Maruzi Masyhuri Shalihah Usman, T. Zaini Zen	26	2
		Hanafi	1
7	17	5	28
Source: Evaluation of the works cited.
The Pedoman of the Center for Research and Development of Religious Lectures
is an important work, since it is issued by the Department of Religion and is intended
to set national standards in the area of Qur'an recitation. It has the force of govern-
ment behind it. Yet that authority would be meaningless if it were not a statement of
a near consensus among leading specialists in the field.
3. Source Materials Used in the Literature
The sources cited by this group of writers again indicate a high regard for works
in Arabic, since 75 percent of the citations were to books in that language. Among the
remaining sources, citations to Indonesian works outnumbered those to Western80
works five to one. There was some use of common sources among Arabic authors, as
indicated by a ratio of 1.5 of authors to works. Most citations were to single works in
both Indonesian and Western languages.
A problem in this set of writings was the failure of several writers to cite any
sources at all, whether in a bibliography, footnotes, or references within the text. It is
very probable that the material came from other places, most likely from Arabic
works, although the use of some Western and Indonesian sources is not out of the
question.
Table 4.3 Statistical Summary of Sources
Language
Arabic
Indonesian
Western
Total
Number of
Authors
118
34
9
150
Number of
Works Cited
139
35
9
183
Number of
Citations
182
44
9
235
Sources: References in the bibliographies, notes, and text of
the works cited.
The pool of common sources is indicated in Table 4.4. Among Arabic works,
those of as-Sayuthy and al-Muslim were most cited, while the single Indonesian text,
Terjemahnya, was equally as important as a source. In general, the sources in this
section show some continuity with those of the previous chapter in use of classical
and middle period sources. However, there is no consistent use of some of the
modem Arabic commentaries.
Table 4.4 Common Sources
1—	Ibnu Katsir, Fadlail al-Qur'an [The Perfection of the Qur'an] (Arabic,
middle period)
2—	al-Muslim, Sunan [Customs (of the Prophet)] (Arabic, classical period)
3—	al-Qurthuby, Tafsir [Commentary of the Qur'an] (Arabic, middle period)
4—	ar-Razy, Tafsir al-Kabir [The Great Commentary of the Qur'an] (Arabic,
middle period)
5—	as-Sayuthy, Al-Itcjan fi'ilium al-Qur'an [Completion of the Sciences of the
Qur'an] ( Arabic, middle period)
6—	ath-Thabary, Jami' al-Bayan [The Clarifying Collection] (Arabic, classical
period)
7—	at-Tirmidzy, Sunan [Customs (of the Prophet)] (Arabic, classical period)
8—	AlQuraan dan Terjemahnya [The Qur'an and Its Translation] (Indonesian,
modern period)
Source: References in the bibliographies, notes and text of the works cited.
C. Summaries of the Studies.
The subject matter for this chapter has been divided into three parts below in order
to facilitate understanding, even if believers do not readily break it that way when
they deal with the Qur'an in their own lives. The first part will cover matters of
content and general themes of the Qur'an, the second part will give an overview of
reciting and memorizing the Qur'an, and the third part will review the basic lessons81
concerning the Qur'an taught in Muslim schools. Together they form a composite of
how Muslims use, honor, and enjoy the Qur'an in their everyday lives.
Part One. Learning about the Contents of the Qur'an
The commentaries outlined in the previous chapter have made the Qur'an available
to millions of Indonesians who might have recited it in Arabic as an act of worship
and for enjoyment, but not necessarily known the meaning of what they were read-
ing. Those commentaries in Indonesian filled a need, according to those who believe
comprehension is important. However, by themselves they are not sufficient to im-
part the total message contained in the Qur'an to all segments of the community. To
address this problem Indonesian authors have long written books encapsulating cer-
tain themes of the Qur'an or produced indices locating material in the Qur'an useful
to believers. This part of the chapter reviews a number of these works available in
contemporary Indonesia.
There are four sections in this part of the chapter. The first section reviews gen-
eral indices; they supplement the brief indices that are part of the commentaries of
the works in the last chapter. The second section covers studies that extract and
comment on the obligations God has placed on believers. The third section outlines
two works on the meaning of al-Fatihah, the opening chapter of the Qur'an, which
has long had special meaning to the Muslim community. The fourth section deals
with the parables, histories, and stories of the Qur'an, especially those concerning
God's messengers. The fifth section deals with the non-human beings of the Qur'an,
that is, other beings, such as jinn and demons, who also dwell on this earth,
according to Sunni Muslim belief.
Section 1. Indices to the Contents of the Qur'an
Four works are discussed here: Asyarie's Index of the Qur'an, Akasah's Index of the
Qur'an, Khalil's Key to (Finding the Verses of) the Qur'an, and Zaini's The Principal
Lessons of the Teaching of the Qur’an. All four indices deal with Indonesian terms and,
in this respect, are in marked contrast to the indices contained in the commentaries
reviewed in the last chapter, which define Arabic terms. Which language is used
makes little difference in most cases, since many of the religious terms have the same
meaning in both Arabic and Indonesian. Words like taubat (repentence) or sjurga
(paradise) in Indonesian are derived from the Arabic words which are practically the
same. Action words (i.e., verbs), however, are usually derived from Sanskrit, as in
the cases of "enter" (masuk) or "see" (lihat). Consequently, it is important that there
be an attempt to be grammatically careful so that the nuances of Arabic grammar
translate accurately into Indonesian.
Indonesian etymology is important in building an index. Asyarie gives us exam-
ples of how this can be done. The word lihat (to see) has references to the root word
(lihat), to the active form of the verb (melihat), to the passive form of the verb (dilihat),
and to the noun forms (kelihatan and penglihatan). This is an attempt to approximate
the grammatical structure of Arabic and it comes reasonably close. Of course, most of
the authors of the indices are working with translations of the Qur'an into
Indonesian, usually the Department of Religion's Terjemahnya, and are not always
aware of the Arabic terms at all. They are dependent on the choices of the translators
who brought the terms into Indonesian in the first place.
The usual method of citing the Qur'an is by chapter (surah) name and verse (ayat)
number, which is the general style we have noted in examples in this text up to this82
point. Khalil uses another style which cites the chapter number, followed by the
verse number in parenthesis. Since both name and number of chapters are generally
well known, this presents no great problem, but it is a less used system. The entry on
"idols" provides an example of this style.
Idols are filthy. 22 (30)
Regarding idols as the daughters of God. 53 (20-22)
The names of idols are inventions. 53 (23)
The names of idols of the Mekkan polytheists. 53 (19-20)
The command to shun idols. 22 (30)
The prohibition on sacrificing to idols. 5 (90)
Giving praise to idols. 6 (136-141), 12 (40)-
Praying to idols. 13 (40)
The sin of worshipping idols. 4 (117), 7 (148)--25
An effective index of the Qur'an should probably include three matters: names,
concepts, and special terminology. All of these indices cover these facets to different
degrees of fulfillment. Asyarie covers the first point well, since the names of the
prophets, tribal groups, and place names listed in the Qur'an are prominently in-
cluded. There are forty-six entries on Adam, for example. Among them are special
references for "created from dust," "given the knowledge of the names of all things,"
"tempted by Iblis [Satan]," "expelled from Paradise," "commanded not to eat the
fruit of the forbidden tree," "regent of the earth," "ate the forbidden fruit" and
"worship of God."26
Zaini stresses concepts more than the other works. His entries for "status of
humans (martabat manusia)," provide seven references to different aspects of the
concept.
Allah created humans so that they were
1.	his best creation (at-Tin 4)
2.	his most noble creation {al-lsra' 70)
3.	his most radiant creature (al-Ahzab 72)
4.	his most loved creature, because the substance of heaven and earth are for
humans (Luqman 20 and al-Baqarah 29)
5.	his most holy creation__(al-Muthaffifin 14)
6.	his most intelligent creature (al-Baqarah 31-33)
7.	his most special creatures because the angels had to bow to Adam (al-Baqarah
34).27
Special terms are prominent in the studies by Asyarie. Some of the specific terms
listed in those two works are: kiblat (direction of prayer), Quraisy (a tribal group in
Arabia), Ramadhan (the holy month of Fasting) and dzikir (the ritual repetition of
God's name).
There are two different styles used in these indices. Khalil, Akasah, and Asyarie
have little commentary connected with their terms. All use introductions to explain
25	Khalil, Kunci, 42.
26	Asyarie, Indeks, 1-2.
27	Zaini, Isi, 122.83
their style, use of abbreviations, and general format. The major part of the studies are
devoted to the indices themselves. In the case of Akasah, for example, there are a
total of eighty-two entries over a ten-page span, with the longest entry having some
twenty-five subentries. An illustration is provided with the following entries on the
"warnings" (peringatan) of God.
Consequences of not paying heed 18:54-59
Most disbelievers will be punished because of failure to pay heed 36:7-10
-concerning temptation of devils 1:26-30
-concerning Muslims performing forbidden practices of the Age of Ignorance (al-
jahiliya) 5:87-105
-concerning the rewards of God and the various occurrences on the Day of
Judgment 17:66-72----
Warning for humans
-the Qur'an was revealed as [a warning] 20:1-8
-stories about earlier communities form [a warning] 20:99-10428
The second style is provived by Zaini, whose study is an outline of the major
principles of Islam regarding God, the world of humans, and the physical world. It is
a more sophisticated approach than that of the other authors and is obviously in-
tended for people who already have a considerable degree of knowledge regarding
the Qur'an. The book discusses the names and attributes of God, the dual nature of
human behavior, instances where humanness and spirituality are combined, and the
operation of the physical world according to the laws of nature established by God.
The outline and accompanying description are thorough regarding Sunni Muslim
belief and doctrine on these matters.
Zaini stresses the obligation of Muslims to follow the dictates of religion and, at
the same time, to understand the reasons for undertaking proper belief and behavior.
'Islam wants every action performed by humans and eveiy question asked of God to
be first well understood by the person involved."29 The framework gives us a clear
example of the elaboration of points of belief and their references in the Qur'an.
The basis for this [belief] is as follows:
1.	Islam forbids humans
a.	to perform anything they do not yet understand (al-Isra' 36)
b.	to ask God anything that is not yet understood (Hud 46)
2.	Islam calls for humans
a.	to ask people who already know, if they do not already understand (ati-
Nahl 43)
b.	to study the Qur'an or religion until they understand it well (an-Nisa' 82,
Shad 29, Muhammad 24, and at-Taubah 22)...
3.	Islam gives praise to people who understand
a.	Only people who are learned in Islam truly fear [taqwa] God (Fathir 281)
b.	Only people who are learned in Islam are given high status by God (al-
Mujadilah 11)
28	Akasah, Index, 364.
29	Zaini, Isi, 1.84
c. People who possess reason are people who recite the name of Allah. They
are people ... who know that heaven and earth are creations of Allah (Ali
Imran 190-191130
The four studies here transcend the brief indices contained in the commentaries
of the Qur'an discussed in the last chapter. As such they do add to the instruments
available to the believer interested in learning more about the primary Muslim
scripture. In particular, they offer a way of becoming familiar with the contents of the
Qur'an and mastering the terminology and concepts found within it.
Section 2. Behavior and the Qur'an: Collections, Guides, and Texts
The works in this chapter reaffirm the belief that the Qur'an is God's word and a
frame of reference for the community of believers that accepts the tenets of Islam.
Zaini states it clearest when he says "... so long as the community which believes in
the Qur'an does not perform as it should,... so long will the aims of the Qur'an not
be attained... ."31 That sentiment prevails in all studies, that is, to call the believers
to greater seriousness regarding matters of belief and behavior that are found in the
lessons of the Qur'an. The authors, in all cases, believe that a review of some of those
lessons is important for strengthening faith and for a resurgence of proper behavior.
In an introductory chapter we discussed the attempts of the earlier Muslim legal-
ists to build Muslim jurisprudence on the basis of the Traditions ascribed to the
Prophet. Some modem compilers would like to rebuild that jurisprudence, but most
scholars now are reluctant to do so, believing that task is already complete. Some
have taken on a less onerous task, that of structuring guides to inspire proper
thought and action among believers. Most of those guides draw on the Traditions of
the Prophet, but a few use the injunctions of the Qur'an, as the works in this section
do. The works selected for this effort are Advice from the Qur'an: Guide to Behavior and
Everyday Action by the editorial staff of Litera Antarnusa, The Legal Verses: Commen-
tary and Analysis of Commands in the Qur'an by Qamaruddin Shaleh, and Nasikun's
Commentary on Legal Verses: Concerning Several Criminal Matters in the Law of Islam.
The works here describe a Qur'anic law, that is, they select from the Qur'an
verses indicating a pattern of behavior that God announces He wants people to fol-
low. The verses speak both to the general theme and to conduct in specific situations.
This accords with the Islamic concept of divine law (syari'at) that describes perfect
behavior and perfect justice.
Divine law is only occasionally mentioned by these authors, but the concept is
implied at various points in the discussion of all the authors. Shaleh refers specifi-
cally to the syari'at when he says: "This means that believers are commanded to bring
themselves close to their creator through obedience, fulfilling His commands and
erecting the syari'at taught by the Prophet__"32
The three studies posit three themes in their study of law: general religious ad-
monition, specific religious obligation, and specific behavior regarded as abhorrent
to humans and to God. On one level, then, these works are inspirational readers,
while, in other cases, they may be serious studies of precise obligation. The Antar-
30	Ibid.
31	Zaini, Kewajiban, ii.
32	Shaleh, Ay at, 221.85
nusa work, an inspirational reader, is at one end of the spectrum, while Nasikun lies
at the other end in its stress on precise obligation.
General religious admonition is the focus of the Antarnusa book. In one section
the author presents nine verses in support of "promoting good and banishing evil,"
and in another place he presents ten verses in support of the theme of general Mus-
lim "responsibility." The verses command humans to undertake the right behavior,
shunning gambling and alcohol, while performing worship, giving alms, and obey-
ing God. Accordingly, those who perform good behavior will earn merit, while those
who misbehave will be marked with sin. Shaleh observes that Muslims should
"perform necessary actions to observe the laws, commands, prohibitions, promises of
prosperity, and warnings of God."33
The verses relating to worship are amply outlined by Shaleh. In commenting on
a verse in al-Hajj, he says that the believer must humble himself in prayer to Allah
and that such worship must be done with "full sincerity." In other verses he notes
the importance of giving the poor tax (zakat), undertaking the pilgrimage, and ob-
serving the Fast, which are all regarded as forms of worship alongside prayer. Shaleh
states that God has a special regard for the person who conducts worship in the cor-
rect way and with correct intention. "Allah chooses the true believer {mu'min)... and
gives him honor He gives to no one else."34
Nasikun deals with matters abhorrent to humans and God through an examina-
tion of four legal problems in parallel fashion. Those four cases deal with retaliation
in cases of killing, the penalty for theft, the penalty for illicit sexual relations, and ac-
cusations of adultery. The common format, or methodology, lists the following
points:
... the verses that apply,... the meaning of the verses,... conditions surround-
ing the revelation of the verses,... relationship of the verses with other sections
of the Qur'an,. . . special interpretations applied to the verses by the historical
scholars of Islam,... [and] summary of the interpretations applied by standard
Sunni commentators.35
An example of the content and style of writing is illustrated in a passage which
presents the exceptions to the law of retaliation for the act of killing another human
being.
From the quotation above [by the Egyptian Modernist Dr. Syaltut (d. 1964)], it is
clear that there are three general cases where a person killing someone else is not
subject to the law of retaliation.
a.	On the basis that it was done on the orders of a legal authority, such as a
judge____Obedience to political authority (ulil amril) is necessary under the laws
of God and is not a matter of choice.
b.	On the basis that a representative (wali) of a family undertook retaliation for
the killing of a family member by an outsider. The Qur'an confirms he is himself
free from the law of retaliation.
33	Antarnusa, Nasihat, 72.
34	Shaleh, Ayat, 230.
35	Nasikun, Tafsir, v-vi.86
c. On the basis of self-defense or the defense of home or property. Eternal law
(syari'at), as expressed in the Qur'an and Traditions, makes it clear one is not
subject to the law of retaliation.36
The works described in this section are useful in providing some insight into the
intent of the Qur'an regarding regulation of human action. For the most part, how-
ever, they are inspirational in tone and intended to be another instrument in deepen-
ing religious lessons among the community of believers.
Section 3. Works Explaining Surah al-Fatbuh
Bey Arifin in The Vastness of al-Fatihah and Labib in The Pearls of al-Fatihah both state
that human knowledge is limited. Alone, humankind is not capable of arriving at
knowledge of how God will judge humans for their behavior. To deal with human
ignorance He has sent a message through prophets, by some accounts a total of 104
times. Each time it was sent humans lost the message or badly corrupted it, so that a
new revelation was needed.
Bey Arifin continues by stating that the Qur'an was the final revelation and, as
such, it was a summary statement of what had been said in the previous revelations.
Of the 6236 verses of the Qur'an, al-Fatihah has but seven verses. Those verses, how-
ever, are a summary of the entire Qur'an and, as such, have special meaning for
Muslims. They constitute, for example, an important part of prayer, but are impor-
tant in other areas of faith and religious practice as well.
In English translation al-Fatihah states:
1.	Praise be to Allah of the Worlds,
2.	The Beneficient, the Merciful,
3.	Owner of the Day of Judgment,
4.	Thee (alone) we worship. Thee (alone) we ask for help.
5.	Show us the straight path,
6.	The path of those whom thou hast favored,
7.	Not (the path) of those who earn Thine anger nor of those who go astray.37
Labib explains the chapter in the following terms. Belief in God the Only One
(Tuhan Yang Maha Esa) is found in verse 2, where it is expressly clarified that all
praise and expressions of worship are for Allah, because God is the Creator and the
source of all blessings found in this world. Among the blessings are learning and
human development. These attributes are taken from the word rabb in the expression
rabbul 'alam which not only means "God" and "the Powerful One," but also contains
the meaning tarbiyah, meaning "teaching" and "developing." Hence all blessings,
whether to the individual or to the world in general, have their source in God,
because God is all powerful. God's role in teaching, protecting, and developing must
be considered carefully and deeply by humans so that it leads them to a full knowl-
edge of His greatness and magnificence.
Labib also explains that the concept of "belief' in Islam is complex; consequently
al-Fatihah cannot do more than give the gist of the matter. It does so in verses 4 and 5
36	Ibid., 16.
37	Pickthall, Glorious, 31.87
where it is stated: "Master of the Day of Judgment; Thee (alone) we worship, Thee
(alone) we ask for help." He continues by saying that the phrase "Master of the Day
of Judgment" refers to God (Allah), Who governs and has authority; that everything
submits to His greatness, while hoping for His blessings and fearing His punish-
ment. Labib insists that worship, as mentioned in the fifth verse, must be given only
to God. Further, humans should worship Allah out of a feeling of awe, i.e., because
they become aware of God's absolute greatness and realize that no other action but
worship is appropriate.
The format of the two books is similar. While there is some difference in the
chapter divisions, the material is ordered in the same way. Apparently both are fol-
lowing a scheme that has been used by others before them. The following, from Ari-
fin, illustrates the format:
1.	Commentary on the phrase "I take refuge in Allah from the accursed Satan"
(ta’axvwudz). This expression is from a Tradition which has been attached by long
custom to al-Fatihah as the context in which al-Fatihah should be read.
2.	Commentary on the phrase "In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compas-
sionate" (basmalah). This discusses the ninety-nine names of Allah used in prayer
and acknowledged in general Muslim belief.
3.	Commentary on the phrase "Praise to Allah, the Lord of the World"
(Jtamdalah). This section emphasizes God's role as a creator of all things—the
cosmos, the world, and the microcosm.
4.	Commentary on the phrase "The Merciful, the Compassionate" (ar-rahman-
rahim). God's concern for his creatures is outlined, along with a section on God's
mercy in the Hereafter.
5.	Commentary on the phrase "Lord of the Day of Judgment" (maaliki yawmid-
din). This deals with the physical and spiritual nature of humans and matters of
eschatology.
6.	Commentary on the phrase "You alone we worship and You alone we ask for
help" (iyyaka na’budu xoa iyyaka msta'in). This discusses the importance, nature,
and timing of human worship of God.
7.	Commentary on the phrase "show us the straight path" (ihdinash-shiraathal-
mustaqiim). This is a short section speaking to the virtue of doing God's will.
8.	Commentary on the phrase "the path of those whom You show favor"
(shiraathal-ladzina an'amta 'aahim). This has comments on the value of good works
and gradations among the faithful.
9.	Commentary on the phrase "not the path of them that go astray" (ghairil-
maghdhuub; ‘alahim wa ladh-dhalaallim). This deals with the misperception or
wrong thinking among Jews and Christians.38
Aside from the common format, there are some differences in approach and
statement by the two authors. For example, Bey Arifin's discussion of the phrase "In
the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate" (basmalah) centers on the accept-
38 Arifin, Samudera, 9-10.88
ed use of reciting various parts of al-Fatihah. He notes, for example, that in using the
names of Allah in prayer, a rote iteration of them has little value; the list must be re-
cited with full awareness. Without that, the prayer is not acceptable to God. The
same applies concerning the promise of entering paradise for memorizing the names:
it is not the memorization that is the key, but the use of the list in a full and meaning-
ful way. This discussion of Allah's names provides an example of Arifin's style and
analysis.
From the Traditions of the Prophet... we are able to summarize:
1.	Allah has ninety-nine or more names and every name of Allah is uttered with
the expression asmaaul-husna.
2.	The names that have been taught to us by God are those we use in prayer; in
that way the relationship between God and us is clarified using His concepts.
3.	Mentioning, learning, and memorizing the names of Allah in their entirety is a
guarantee for entering Paradise.
4.	Reciting the ninety-nine names can relieve distress, trouble, and a heavy heart.
5.	Mentioning the names in the prescribed order... can deliver one from all sorts
of dangers.39
Labib's study is heavy with reference to the past scholars of Islam and their
views on the uses of al-Fatihah. This is shown in his discussion of the expression "All
praise to God, Master of the entire world" (hamdalah). Citing the standard writers of
the late classical period, he notes five areas where that expression could ap-
propriately be used.
1.	It is permitted to use the hamdalah at the beginning of a writing, learning, or
teaching lesson, speech, proposal and in the opening of any other important mat-
ter.
2.	It is a part of the Friday communal sermon (khutbah), and without its utterance
by the sermon-giver (khatib), the sermon has no validity.
3.	It is permitted to open prayer with the hamdalah.
4.	It is permitted to praise God by uttering the hamdalah when one receives a
blessing [from God] or when [God] provides deliverance, whether the matter is
concerned with oneself, a friend, or the entire Islamic community.
5.	It is permitted to utter the hamdalah in the death agony, for it signals the angel
taking the soul of a believing Muslim.40
The two works summarize, with great conviction, the highly revered opening
chapter of the Qur'an and explain its context, its importance to worshippers, and its
immense symbolism for believers.
39	Ibid., 69.
40	Labib, Mutiara, 195-197.89
Section 4. The Stories and N arratives of the Qur'an
In Collection of Stories found in the Qur'an, Bey Arifin states that the Qur'an is a holy
book revealed by God through the angel Jibril to the Prophet Muhammad "as a key
and a summary to all the holy books ever revealed by God... ."41 The Qur'an out-
lines all the lessons humankind is to follow, rejects "all the viewpoints and philoso-
phies that are in error, and corrects wrong." The stories and histories related in the
Qur'an assist in guidance, although to the uninitiated, they appear to be a mysteiy.
"These relatings are not idle storytelling but narratives with great importance."42
Those stories have moral significance for all humans to observe in order to live
peaceful and prosperous lives. The Literary Approach to the Stories in the Qur'an by
Hanafi and Stories of the Prophets by Salim have a similar approach in presenting their
material.
Salim states that her book is intended "to increase belief and fear of God" among
believers.43 The stories that appear in the Qur'an are intended to guide readers in
putting their own lives into good order. The publisher makes three assertions about
those stories. First, according to al-Hud 20, the stories must be regarded by Muslims
as absolutely true. Second, according to al-Baqarah 213, humankind constitutes one
community and God has historically shown his concern for all people by sending
prophets to various groups. Finally, citing al-Ahzab, it is clearly stated that die lives of
prophets serve as models for all people to emulate.
Emphasis in this set of books is on the prophets of Islam, since they form the ma-
jor subject matter of the stories found in the Qur'an. While the total Qur'an consists
of over 6300 verses, about 1600 are devoted to prophets. This is in comparison to law,
for example, which consists of only 330 verses.
The twenty-five prophets mentioned in the Qur'an are listed only by Salim.
There are Adam, Idris, Nuh, Hud, Salih, Ibrahim, Luth, Ismail, Ishaq, Ya'qub, Yusuf,
Ayub, Zul-kifli, Shu'aib, Musa, Harun, Daud, Sulaiman, Ilyas, Ilyasa', Yunus,
Zakaria, Yahya, 'Isa, and Muhammad. She notes that there are common features
about prophets. First, they led good lives. As Salim says about Nabi Yusuf, "He was
handsome, well behaved, intelligent,... patient, honest,... and compassionate."44
Similar descriptions marked other prophets. In commenting on their character, Salim
States that they sometimes made mistakes, as Adam did in eating the forbidden fruit
or as Daud did in taking the wife of another man. In the main, however, their lives
were exemplary.
Hanafi explains that, usually, prophets lived in times of danger and wickedness.
Luth's story illustrates how corrupt the societies were in which prophets lived and
worked. Hanafi describes Lut's situation as becoming so difficult that he had to flee
to escape God's punishment on the entire land, because the people refused to recant.
Salim states that, while some prophets lived in good times, this was the exception
rather than the rule. "In the time of Ilyasa', the Israelites experienced an era of peace
and prosperity because they obeyed God's commands. After his death they became
wicked and... then the prophet Yunus was bom."45
41	Arifin, Ceritera, 5.
42	Ibid.
43	Salim, Sejarah, 3.
44	Ibid., 97.
45	Ibid., 194.90
Many prophets performed miracles. Salim notes that Isa, with God's permission,
"created birds from dust, healed the blind and lepers, raised the dead, and called
food down from heaven."46 In a second example, "Daud sang the Psalms (kitab
Zabur), as a sign from Allah, in a manner so moving that the sick who heard it were
healed, both human and jinn, the birds flocked near to hear his singing, and the
wind, mountains, and birds accompanied him in praise of God."47
Where Salim and Bey Arifin concentrate on explaining the contents of the
Qur'an, Hanafi is interested in analyzing the style and approach of the Qur'an to the
presentation of stories themselves. Hanafi's book analyzes what a story is, what its
chief ingredients are, and what its purpose is. This analysis is applied to the literary
traditions of Arabic, French, and English, which produced a summary statement,
well defined, drawing on all three traditions, which he applies to the Qur'an. Within
the Qur'an, he notes, there are three kinds of story: those dealing with historical per-
sons or events; those intended to point up a principle of importance; and those refer-
ring to the legends of a people hearing the newly revealed word, so that the principle
would be explained in the context of their own culture. He provides examples of
each one. His historical example calls up the misfortune of the people of Ad.
(The Tribe of) Ad rejected warnings; then how (dreadful) was My punishment
after My warnings. Lo' We let loose on them a raging wind (and produced) a day
of constant calamity. People were swept away as though they were uprooted
trunks of palm trees. (al-Qamar 16-20)
When we consider this story we see that the Qur'an does not mention details,
such as the conditions of the tribe of Ad prior to their rejection of God or the
conditions of their homes.... Neither is the Prophet Hud mentioned. But the
Qur'an starkly outlines what happened to them in a terrifying picture; that is,
that a raging wind blew... them about like uprooted palm trees...
For the most part, the authors here are interested in giving information to the
general Muslim public to reinforce their belief in Islam. In this sense they are very
much like those in the previous sections. Hanafi, while not denying this approach,
clearly has more in mind with his scholarly analysis of the stories presented in the
Qur'an.
Section 5. The Non-Human Beings of the Qur'an
In The Creatures of the Qur'an, Ali Usman states that Muslims recognize God as the
creator of the heavens and the earth. In the heavens He placed the planets and stars,
while on earth He made humans, animals, and plant life. To humans He gave the
attributes of spirit and passion. He also created other things that have not been en-
tirely revealed to humans. However, He has certainly told us something about the
existence of angels, jinn, and demons (syaitan).
The author states that he has summarized what is known about these three types
of beings. Obviously referring to the confusion that often attends belief in these crea-
46	Ibid.
47	Ibid., 155.
^ Hanafi, Kesusastraan, 25.91
tures, wherein they are sometimes separated out from belief in God, the author ex-
plains that all of them are subservient to God.
Usman states that the Qur'an asserts that angels, jinn, and demons do exist. The
reality of angels is, in fact, one of the six points of belief in the Islamic articles of faith.
Ali Usman observes that there are four archangels (Jibril, Mikail, Izrail, and Israfil),
the angels of the grave (Nakir and Munkar), those that serve as the scribes of men's
actions, those that guard heaven, and those that guard hell. The most constant attri-
bute of all these angels is obedience to God.
Jinn are a creation of God, brought forth before humans, who exist on another
plane. They have many similarities to humans, including physical functions, social
organizations, and religious outlooks. Reportedly, some jinn came to Muhammad
during his ministry at Madinah, were converted, and, by definition, became Com-
panions of the Prophet. Ali Usman asserts that there are nations of jinn, but it is not
known if there is warfare (perang sabil) between believing and disbelieving jinn.
The author states that there are two varieties of demons: those who originate
from humans and those who arise from jinn. The human variety are derived from
people who are addicted to sin of various kinds and who promote that activity
among other humans. They are more dangerous than the Archdemon, Iblis himself,
because they exist among people, as friends, relatives, and acquaintances. Since
humans have proclivities toward actions which God regards as wrong, demons play
on those weaknesses and seek to involve humans in evil activity and situations. The
demons who originate from jinn are referred to as ifrit; they form a part of the hosts
of Iblis who himself was father of jinn, much like Adam. Iblis refused to bow down
to God; although he recognizes the existence of God, he does not accept His rule.
Iblis is powerful, but he fears recitation of the word of God and the call to prayer and
so can be turned aside when believers recite those holy phrases.
Ali Usman's work is heavily descriptive of the characteristics and behavior of
angels, jinn, and demons. He is particularly concerned about the impact of the latter
on humans and in his last chapter lists ways of countering their influence. On the
advice of the medieval scholar asy-Syaukany (d. 1255), he suggests recitations of a
long list of readings when confronted with a situation where a demon seems to be
operating. The recitations call for repeating seven times the call to prayer, the open-
ing of the Qur'an (al-Fatihah), the entire contents of several other sections, notably al-
Falacj, an-Nas, ayat al-kursi, and sections of the ath-Thar, al-Hasyr, and ash-Shaffah.49 It
is not the verses themselves that remove the influence of a demon, but, rather, God.
By reciting the list one concentrates on God and engenders His aid.
Part Two. Reciting Scripture and Memorizing the Qur'an
Munawar Khalil cites numerous statements attributed to the Prophet Muhammad
that reading the Qur'an constitutes an act of worship, even as praying and fasting are
part of worship. There is, in fact, a great deal of attention given to Qur'anic recitation
in the Indonesian Muslim community. Many children learn to recite it as part of their
religious education, and families sometimes recite it together at home as part of fam-
ily devotions. Readers recite the Qur'an in the mosque as part of religious activity,
especially during Ramadhan. Those who are more serious about the endeavor
attempt to memorize the Qur'an and/or take part in the annual Qur'an recitation
49 Usman, Makhluk, 285.92
contests throughout Indonesia as part of a national competition. Good pronuncia-
tion, along with correct rendering, is at the heart of this activity.
To expand on a theme already discussed earlier in the chapter, the reading of the
Qur'an in Arabic presents language problems for Indonesians. Bahasa Indonesia, the
national language, is derived from Sanskrit and employs a roman script. The Qur'an
is written in Arabic and recited in Arabic. As a Semitic language, Arabic is based on
root words which take on different forms to become parts of speech; it is written in
its own distinctive script. Learning Arabic is a substantial exercise involving effort
and the expenditure of time.
This part consists of four sections (6-9). Section 6 contains materials that deal
with Qur'an recitation in the Indonesian context, including some discussion about
the maintenance of standards. Section 7 deals with works concentrating on memo-
rization of the Qur'an. Section 8 consists of grammars for preparing beginners to
master the symbols of the Qur'an so that they can proceed with actual recitation.
Section 9 presents a number of readers using material from the Qur'an which has
been popular recitation material in Indonesia.
Section 6. Reciting the Qur'an
Two works are useful in reviewing the standards established by Indonesian Muslim
authorities for recitation of the Qur'an: the Center for Research and Development of
Religious Lectures' Guide for a Standardized Transcription of the Qur'an for Writing and
Reciting, and Shalihah's The Development of the Art of Reciting the Qur'an and the Seven
Forms in Indonesia.
The two important matters discussed in these works are the historical back-
ground of Qur'an recitation and the regularization of that practice in present-day
Indonesia. Shalihah gives us a history of the development of reciting the Qur'an. He
notes that in early Islamic history a wide variety of intonations developed in reciting
the Qur'an as Islam spread from area to area where Arabic had different accents. By
the time of the second generation after Muhammad, seven famous reciters existed at
several centers: Nafi bin Abdur Rahman at Asfaham, Ibnu Katsir at Mekkah, Abu
'Amr at Basrah, Abdullah bin Amir al Yahshaby at Damascus, Asim bin Abi Najwad
at Kufah, Hamzah bin Habib at-Taimy at Halwa, and al-Kisay at Kufah. Each used a
different system and each was regarded as correct. There were many other systems,
however, that were regarded as deviant.
Ibn Jazary (writing in the second third of the twentieth century), laid out criteria
for assessing the accuracy of the recitation styles employed by particular persons. He
observed that, according to the principle of cfiraat, there were schools of reciting the
Qur'an, each under a leader (imam), with a special rendition of reciting, having a
clear line of authority stretching back to Muhammad. The concept of tracing the
transfer of knowledge back through generations until the time of Muhammad was a
common device used at several places in historical Muslim scholarship for observing
its accuracy; its greatest use, of course, was in the preservation of the record of the
Prophet's words and actions. In the case of recitation, there is a Tradition that states
that seven forms of reciting had been given to Muslims so that the pronunciation
would be easy for all Muslims.
Shalihah observes that Ibn Jazary listed several classes of reciters. There were
genuine (mutawatir) reciters, who received their chain of authority through dear and
complete lines. The seven redters mentioned above all belonged to this category.
Similar to them were the famous (masyhuri) reciters who had clear chains of authority93
that preserved the rules of Arabic grammar. There were flawed (syadz) reciters,
whose chain of authority had a break or failing and whose pronunciation deviated
from the seven accepted forms, usually in minor matters. There were weak (mandu)
reciters, whose form of pronunciation was not similar to the seven accepted forms.
This evaluation established the seven "genuine" schools as the standard that has
been maintained in Islamic history.
The Religious Center's Guide speaks to Indonesian standards of recitation. A con-
ference of religious scholars passed several resolutions to set those standards. Para-
phrased and summarized, the four resolutions state:
1.	The form of the Qur'an regarded as the standard in formal memorization
(hafsh) is the Qur'an bahriyah, orginating in Istanbul.
2.	Except in emergency, the Qur'an is not to be written in any form other than
the Utsman compilation.
3.	The guide established by the Department of Religion contains the rules, con-
sistent with the Uthman compilation, for writing and reciting the Qur'an.
4.	The Al-Qur'an developed by UNESCO in 1951 titled Al-Kitaabah Al-Arabiyyah
Annafirah has been adopted with the name Tulisan Arab Braille (The Arab
Braille Writing) for use in Indonesia. This version of the Qur'an is not in the
form of the Utsman compilation, but, nonetheless, has been judged as accept-
able with the Indonesian rule on the Qur'an, i.e., that since blindness is a spe-
cial situation, the Qur'an may be rendered in that special form to meet that
emergency.50
Shalihah provides further description of the government's involvement in pro-
moting recitation. In an outline of the national Qur'an Recitation Competition
(Musabaqah Tilawatil Qur'an), he states that it began in 1968 as part of a government
policy to recognize spiritual development as well as economic development. There
are four levels of competition: children, youth, adults, and handicapped. Competi-
tions have been popular, with thousands of contestants participating each year. Some
groups have drawn sponsors, such as the oil company Pertamina and the television
station TVRI. Apparently not related to the government efforts, the Institut Ilmu Al-
Qur'an was founded, in part, to promote sciences connected with the Qur'an, such as
recitation and memorization.
The Guide is a series of addresses made at a conference and, as such, is an anthol-
ogy dealing with the subject of setting reading and writing standards for use of the
Qur'an in Indonesia. These have already been outlined above. These decisions are
amplified in the other writings or used as the basis of explanation for related matters.
In an article by Azhar'ie Abdul Rauf, for example, the matter of singing or chanting
the text of the Qur'an is discussed. The author notes that the manner in which the
text is voiced must be pleasing to those who hear it and must show respect for the
Qur'an. Music which is used for dancing and for folk songs, using short words and
phrases, is not suitable, while songs which accept long phrases have the right sound
for the words of the Qur'an. Other sounds are also not acceptable, such as those that
cackle. Consequently, care must be used in such selection.
The Guide also set forth guidelines for regulating persons who are licensed as
Qur'an memorizers (hafidz). In particular, wrong, inaccurate renditions may be inter-
50 Pusat Penelitian, Pedoman, 49-51, 64.94
rupted only by another memorizer and, then, only with the prior permission of the
Department of Religion.
Shalihah's study also outlines some of the terms used to differentiate among
those styles, noting that the bayati (adagio), shaba (allegro), hijaz (grave), nahawan
(allegro), sika (grave), raost (allegro), and jiharka (allegro) are the most common for
Indonesia. These forms are taken overwhelmingly from Egypt and, probably, from
the tradition of Ummi Kalthum, an early developer of the practice of adapting the
verses of the Qur'an to music.
These two works hint at the difficult task of attempting to set standards for this
activity in the face of a rapid increase in the recitation of the Qur'an in Indonesian
public and private life. Officers in the Department of Religion expressed concern
about the situation and hope that their own works would assist in guiding the
growth of the activity along lines common to the Sunni tradition. In a recent article,
the American Islamicist Fred Denney noted the uneven quality of training available
in Indonesia and the continued reliance on the Middle East, and particularly on
Egypt, for qualified reciters.51
Section 7. Memorizing the Qur'an
Two books speak directly to the issue of memorizing the Qur'an and achieving a
high enough degree of proficiency that a person can be awarded the title of hafidz.
Those two works are Zen's The Custom of Memorizing the Qur'an and Guidance for that
Activity and a publication of the Institute for the Creation of an Islamic Society titled
Translation of the Qur'an using the Pronunciation Technique for Learning. In line with
traditional Muslim practice noted in the last section, the learning and certifying must
be done by a person who has a genealogy for his art stretching back to the Prophet.
Zen states that the Institute of Qur'an Studies in Jakarta has made Qur'an mem-
orization one of its primary fields of endeavor. The Institute has set as part of its
mission to provide at least one male and one female Qur'an-memorizer (hafidz and
hafidzah), each certified as proficient in having memorized the entire Qur'an, in each
province of the country. Zen contends that accomplishment of such a goal will be
difficult, since the number of persons in Indonesia with the requisite skills and
ambition are not very numerous. He believes the shortage is due to the traditional
practices of memorization which have not proven productive. He holds that modem
audio-visual techniques could assist in increasing the number without destroying the
intent of the traditional approach.
Zen states further that instruction by a recognized teacher (hafidz) is necessary, so
that correct pronunciation is learned and so that difficult and complicated sections of
the Qur'an are mastered without error. The standard material for memorization is al-
Qur'an Bahriyah, noted earlier. He describes it as a special printing so that there are
fifteen lines on every page, with a reading section covering twenty pages. This has
been the standard learning device for over a hundred years in Indonesia, according
to another source.
Zen states that prior to actual memorization, a candidate normally reads the
Qur'an seven times, paying particular attention to pronunciation and reading marks,
in order to become thoroughly familiar with it. When memorization begins, disci-
pline is necessary in meeting the scheduled appointments with the instructor and in
mastering assignments. Zen states that memorization of the Qur'an is actually easy,
51 Frederick Denney, "Qur'an Recitation in Indonesia," in Rippin, Approaches, 288-306.95
but in the same vein, it is easily forgotten, so persistence is necessary. He offers out-
lines of learning plans for one and two years and includes the high school teaching
plan in existence for religious schools, which takes a total of six years to complete. He
concludes with a plan for renewing and refreshing one's earlier memorization, which
takes the user through the entire Qur'an ten times in three years.
The book issued by the Institute for the Creation of an Islamic Society is a
modern method of employing the memorization technique (lafadz). The method is
explained as follows: the original text is presented, followed by a translation in
roman letters, which is followed by a rendition in Indonesian. After completing a full
verse, each word is given in Arabic script with Latin transliteration and Indonesian
translation. The reader can merely read the entire passage, but if difficulty occurs,
reading can be done word by word. Aside from a few rules of pronunciation at the
beginning of the text, this approach avoids any grammar whatsoever, but
concentrates on reading and memorizing the Arabic text itself.
Zen states that al-Qamar 17 indicates that the Qur'an itself was revealed as a
recitation, not through written text. The Prophet was forbidden to recite it until the
angel had perfected his pronunciation. The verse does not state that such perfor-
mance is incumbent on Muslims, "but, it is seen as necessary on the part of the com-
munity to have people that can do such reciting to serve as a guide to the authentic-
ity of the original message__"52
Section 8. Grammars and Guides for Qur'anic Recitation
Practical guides for recitation of the Qur'an have been prepared by numerous au-
thors. Four form the basis for our remarks here: Alam's The Just Qur'an, 100 Times
Proficient, Djohansjah's Fast Course for Learning to Recite the Qur'an, Tekan's Course in
Grammar of the Qur'an, and Usman's Guide for the (Recitational) Rhythm of the Qur'an.
Djohansjah states that there is considerable interest, both in the community of Islam
and outside it, to study the contents and meaning of the Qur'an. "First they read it,
later they translate it, and [then they] provide commentary."53
Tombak Alam comments that lack of ability in Arabic is particularly severe in
Indonesia, where 90 percent of the population is illiterate in reading the Qur'an and
99 percent "do not perform all the commands and laws of the Qur'an in their private
lives or in society."54 He notes that the shortcomings in Arabic are in marked con-
trast to knowledge among Indonesians of Bahasa Indonesia, in which only 25 percent
are illiterate. Although the figure of illiteracy in Indonesian once was comparable
with Arabic, there has been an intense government campaign since Independence to
eliminate illiteracy in the national language. He concludes that it is "unfortunate that
there has been no corresponding effort to overcome illiteracy of the Qur'an."55
The works in this section are reading aids with the express purpose of assisting
Indonesians to read the Arabic text of the Qur'an properly. Consequently, we are
dealing with abbreviated grammars, which stress pronunciation, and guides to assist
in actual recitation. Translation and understanding of text are not important at this
point, and little effort is made to assist the reader to understand what he is reading.
52	Zen, Problematika, 37.
53	Djohansjah, Kursus, 7.
54	Alam, Metode, 15.
55	Ibid.96
The term assigned in Islam to such learning is Ilmu Tajwid. According to Ismail
Tekan, the term means "correcting and improving the sounds of reading the Qur'an
according to the established rules."56 Those rules include, inter alia, the proper
method of reading, spacing in reading, characteristics of the letters, and length of
vowels. This is the classical method employed in learning Arabic, whether related to
the Qur'an or not, and stresses the usual rules of grammar and sentence structure.
Two of the books, those by Tekan and Djohansjah, employ Ilmu Tajwid in its usual
form, working through the letters, the formation of words, the rules of pronuncia-
tion, and other matters connected with reading. Tombak Alam introduces a variant
on the system, using special sound combinations to teach reading.
The examples in the grammars are exclusively from the Qur'an. Djohansjah, for
example, starts the first lesson with the title "Letters of the Qur'an," when one might
have expected him to use the term "letters of the Arabic alphabet." His first explana-
tory sentence continues in the same vein when he says: "for quickly being able to
read the Qur'an one must first know and recognize the names of the letters of the
Qur'an. There are a total of 29 letters in the Qur'an."57 While the term "Arabic" could
have been substituted for "Qur'an" in some places in those sentences, the author
obviously found it important to refer to the scripture so that readers would realize
that they were centering on essentials and not learning what they may have regarded
as extraneous material beyond the Qur'an. Tekan makes nearly the same statement
in his opening section on grammar. He also makes references to the Qur'an when
making grammatical points, such as "several sentences in the Qur'an take an alif..."
and ". . . [this case] occurs in the Qur'an only four times."58 In addition, he lists a
number of verses from the Qur'an to illustrate formation of words according to the
points he is making. Alam uses the Qur'an itself as the basis of learning, with rules of
learning applied directly to the text itself.
In addition to the actual instruction in learning to read the Qur'an, other material
is also presented. Usman states that there are six factors important in preparing one-
self to recite the Qur'an. The three physical factors are high moral conduct, mental
preparation, and physical conditioning. The three factors connected with the actual
reading are pronunciation, personal grooming, and rhythm of the voice in reciting.
Ismail Tekan notes the importance of religious epithets in reading—the use of the
isti'amh and the basmalah. As was noted earlier in the chapter, the basmalah is the
phrase at the opening of the Qur'an which recognizes the existence of God and puts
the reading in the format of a presentation to Him. The isti'azah is the appeal to God
for the reader to be free of the influence of Iblis (Satan) while he is reading.
Djohansjah gives us some rules of behavior (adab) to be followed in reciting the
Qur'an. He states that it must be done with clarity, with seriousness, with a sense of
reverence, and with sincerity. "It must be recited with a well-sounding voice, and it
must be read slowly, with strength. Further, one should undertake ritual washing
first, wear clean, suitable clothing, sit in a clean, appropriate place; if standing, be by
a permanent fixture, such as a pulpit (mimbar), hold the Qur'an with two hands; if
sitting, place it in a place slightly higher than the kneeling position; open with the
ta'awudz and bismilah, read with reverence to God and a voice that is melodious, and
56	Ibid., 13.
57	Djohansjah, Kursus, 14.
58	Ibid., 30,34.97
finish with the phrase shadaaallahul'azhim . ..; if you carry it, do so with the right
hand higher than the chest."59
Tekan also lists seven practices that are forbidden. One should not recite in a
measure like that used in singing; one should not read in a wavy voice; one should
not depart from the accepted way of reciting; one should not read in a trembling
voice; groups should not engage in responsive reading and deliberately mispro-
nounce for effect, such as making soft letters hard and making live letters dead. He
notes other prohibitions as well.
Usman's book is a primer on how to prepare for competitive recitation of the
Qur'an and it is one of the very few in our series which provides so much practical
detail. The section on physical conditioning is representative of the approach.
At dawn a person gets up before five a.m. to do physical exercises. This includes
.. . running in place fifteen minutes or actually running three kilometers. After-
ward come exercises, especially those that concentrate on the upper torso, im-
proving chest capacity so that the lungs can enlarge and inhale sufficient air. All
parts of the body should be exercised. This should last thirty minutes.... Three
weeks is a standard time ... for conditioning.60
There are also instructions on drinking pure orange juice and cold water each morn-
ing, taking vitamins, and eating four eggs each day, while avoiding fats and oils
which could make it difficult to make the voice respond correctly. There are also
exercises in recitation, with rules and suggestions for rendering a good technical
performance.
Section 9. Short Readings and Commentaries
There are some books designed to provide excerpts that are popular with the Muslim
community or which are believed to have special importance. In particular, two read-
ings from the Qur'an are often selected: the reading section called Juz Amma and the
chapter named Ya Sin. Juz Amma consists of the final thirty-seven chapters of the
Qur'an, which are short, poetical, and comparatively easy to recite. Ya Sin, a
medium-length chapter, has become a popular recitation among lay Muslims. The
four works considered here cover those special reading sections of the Qur'an: Abu
Hanifah's The Method of Learning and Writing the Qur'an and a Translation of Juz Amma,
Zainal Abidin Ahmad's Commentary on the Qur'anic Chapter Ya Sin, Sahli's Contents of
the Qur'anic Chapter Ya Sin, and Jassin's The Great Report.
The two works on Surah Ya Sin are very similar in approach. Sahli notes that in
Indonesian villages "every evening, after the evening (Maghreb) prayer .. . one can
hear Ya Sin being recited. From the children to the elderly, none of them forget to
recite it, in their homes . . ." or at their places of worship, "especially on Thursday
evening."61 Moreover, he continues, Ya Sin is recited for the sick and, generally, it is
regarded as a very special selection that can be recited for a number of needs. Zainal
Abidin Ahmad voices similar respect for the Chapter. "When one enters the villages
59	Ibid., 94-95.
60	Ahmadi Usman, Tuntunan, 12.
61	Sahli, Kandungan, 3.98
[in late afternoon], then a great part of the population is generally reciting Ya Sin
with great feeling."62
The works on Juz Amma are primarily language texts intended to promote the
learning of Arabic reading. Abu Hanifah presents his text in Arabic script, in roman-
ized Arabic, and, finally, in Indonesian translation. Jassin uses an Arabic text and an
Indonesian translation only. Neither provides a commentary and, in this regard, they
are similar to those works in the last section where the stress is on learning to recite
the Qur'an in Arabic. The works on Surah Ya Sin are similar in approach, except they
provide a commentary. They too use presentations in Arabic, followed by a roman-
ized Arabic transliteration, an Indonesian rendition, and finally, the commentary.
Neither Jassin or Abu Hanifah provides us with a description of Juz Amma, ex-
cept indirectly. As a composite, however, the following can be said about the selec-
tion. All thirty-seven chapters (surah) were revealed in Mekkah, with the longest
being forty verses and the shortest only three verses. All the chapters consist of short,
easy-to-understand words and phrases and are in a lyrical style. Chapter 101 shows
this style; using Pickthall, it reads:
The Calamity
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficient, the Merciful
1.	The Calamity
2.	What is the Calamity?
3.	Ah, what will convey unto thee what the Calamity is!
4.	A day wherein mankind will be as thickly scattered moths
5.	and the mountains will become as carded wool.
6.	Then, as for him whose scales are heavy [with good works]
7.	He will live a pleasant life
8.	But as for him whose scales are light
9.	The Bereft and Hungry One will be his mother
10.	Ah, what will convey unto thee what she is!—
11.	Raging fire.63
The short, descriptive sentences make it easy to read and profit from the vivid de-
scription. Given that the learners are beginning readers and reciters of Arabic, short
sentences are probably welcome.
Sahli states that Ya Sin has eighty-three verses. "It contains statements on belief,
stories and clarifications concerning what the faithful believe, and the situation
regarding disbelievers on Judgment Day."64 The chapter touches on matters of belief,
such as God's attributes. For example, He is the Creator "who creates without the aid
of anyone else." It tells of the Day of Judgment, wherein people are judged by their
behavior on earth. The stories in the chapter are about the prophet Isa who has been
given special responsibilities in the events leading up to the final day and on the final
day itself. Z.A. Ahmad quotes Abdullah Yusuf Ali, a South Asian scholar of the
1920s, as capturing the essence of the reading.
62	Z.A. Ahmad, Tafsir, 5.
63	Pickthall, Glorious, 448.
64	Sahli, Kandungan, 5.99
This chapter is considered to be the "heart of the Qur'an/' as it concerns the cen-
tral figure in the teaching of Islam and the central doctrine of Revelation and the
Hereafter. As referring to the Hereafter, it is appropriately read in solemn cere-
monies after death.65
Abu Hanifah devotes about one-fourth of his work to a grammar, slightly less
than three-fourths to the presentation of Juz Amma, and a number of pages to prayers
to be uttered at various times and to mark certain occasions. These prayers, all taken
from early Islam, fit with the general belief among some groups of Muslims that
religious expressions or prayers should be said throughout the day as a means of
keeping one's attention on God and to remind oneself that it is only through God's
help and will that the safety and welfare of a Muslim is assured. We list here five of
those prayers as an example of style and content.
1.	Prayer for dressing: O Allah, surely I implore You for goodness and anything
connected with it and I take refuge from wickedness and whatever is connect-
ed with it.
2.	Prayer for leaving the house: In the name of Allah, I put my trust in God; my
strength and effort are with the aid of God alone.
3.	Prayer after sneezing: All praise to Allah, God of the entire world.
4.	Prayer after sexual intercourse: In the name of Allah. O Allah, keep us away
from demons and keep demons away from the children which You give us.
5.	Prayer at the time of retiring: With your name, O Allah, I live and with Your
name I die.66
Z.A. Ahmad's primer on Ya Sin provides commentary on all the verses in the
chapter. There is about one page of explanation for each verse, which paraphrases
the text, clarifies the issues or situations involved, and gives additional background.
"This is an example of people who disbelieve in all ages of time"; ". . . all of the
words in these verses were used as a prayer of immunity by Muhammad in the pres-
ence of his enemies"; ". . . the principle here, which is called 'great spirit' among
Muslims. . . ." This style is common throughout the work. A fuller example of his
clarifications is given when he speaks about "the five stages of existence of a
human."
People are not aware that their lives on earth only exist in one period of five
states of existence which they will experience...
1.	World of the spirit... is a state of existence when one is a spirit before enter-
ing into physical form.
2.	World of unconciousness, which occurs after the sperm of the father has met
the egg of the mother, for then the spirit enters a physical form to become a
human, but exists in the womb of the mother.
3.	This world, where one exists after birth__
4.	World of shades, after one dies, when the human body is destroyed and re-
united with the dust.
65	Z.A. Ahmad, Tafsir, 10.
66	Abu Hanifah, Cara, 119-120.100
5. The world of the Hereafter, when the human spirit is free from the destroyed
body and is given new form and faces God for a reckoning of all its actions on
earth.67
In general, then, there are a wide range of primers, guides, and explanatory texts
aimed at assisting Indonesian Muslims in learning to recite the Qur'an and undertak-
ing memorization of it. The number of studies indicates considerable interest on the
part of Indonesian believers in such religious activity.
Part Three. The Qur'an as Subject Matter in Islamic Schools
The Qur'an and Traditions are used as instructional material in the Islamic educa-
tional institutions of Indonesia. As stated in the introduction to this study, public
education is operated under two different systems in Indonesia. The first, under the
Department of Education and Culture, consists of a large number of public institu-
tions and a lesser number of subsidized private institutions that use a common cur-
riculum. Religious instruction is required at all grade levels, one course per year. The
instruction in such courses deals with basic religious beliefs and practices.
The second educational system, under the supervision of the Department of
Religion, consists of private religious schools that receive a government subsidy.
Those schools use a common curriculum that concentrates on standard Sunni Islamic
teachings, including work in Arabic language source materials. The Qur'an and Tra-
ditions are studied in the top two levels of the madrasah system—the Tsanawiyah and
the Aliyah levels. The Islamic track culminates in the university-level National Insti-
tute of Islamic Studies (IAIN), with fourteen locations in Indonesia.
The materials reviewed in this section are textbooks and, consequently, have a
different format and approach from those in other parts of the chapter. Two sets,
consisting of a total of six readers, by Dja'far Amir, titled Studies of the Qur'an and Tra-
ditions for the Beginning Level of Madrasah Education and Studies .. .for the Middle Level
... cover instruction from the fourth through the ninth grade. Maruzi's set of three
primers, titled The Qur'an and Traditions for the Senior Level of Madrasah Education,
picks up where the two series by Amir end and carries instruction from grade levels
ten through twelve in the Madrasah 'Aliyah, the top three years of madrasah education.
Masyhuri's book, Pearls from the Qur'an and Traditions, was prepared for the lower
and middle levels of the educational track and parallels the books by Dja'far Amir.
Masyhuri gives us a clear example of the organization of material for use in the
school classroom. His work outlines the use of Qur'anic selections and Traditions for
the six semesters of the lower madrasah, the six semesters of the middle madrasah, and
the six semesters of the upper madrasah. Above this level the presentation becomes
more sophisticated but the subject areas are repeated.
First Semester
Second Semester
Third Semester
Fourth Semester
Purity and proper belief
Fear of God and obedience to the lessons of religion
Knowledge and the worth of pursuing it, ethical behavior
Brotherhood, unity, the rights of others, the concept of prop-
erty
67 Z.A. Ahmad, Tafsir, 84-85.101
Fifth Semester Generosity and almsgiving, respect for work, the wise use of
time, repentence and the Hereafter
Sixth Semester Creation of the world, its ecology, plant and animal hus-
bandry68
The emphasis differs by level. At the lower level, stress is placed on language
training in Arabic, knowledge about particular sections of the Qur'an, and coverage
of certain themes in the life of the Prophet Muhammad. Amir gives us an example in
his second learning module, at level four in the Madrasah Ibtidaiyah (lower course).
That module has the following components dealing with the Qur'an and its study:
1.	Reading exercise. The Arabic text of al-Baqarah 47-90 is presented without
Indonesian translation. The instructions state: "Read repeatedly with attention to
reading marks." [The selection covers six pages of text.]
2.	Principles of grammar. Three points of Arabic grammar are presented, with
examples and a short list of questions at the conclusion for review of the lesson.
[This selection covers one page of text.]
3.	Presentation of al-Falaq in Arabic with Indonesian translation. This is a short
chapter with five verses. Following the presentation of the five verses are a list of
eight Arabic expressions from the chapter with Indonesian equivalents, titled
"difficult words." This is followed by three points of clarification about the
chapter. [The selection covers slightly more than a page of text.]
4.	Presentation of an-Nas, a chapter of six verses, using the same format as in 3
above. [This selection covers slightly more than a page of text.]69
Maruzi gives us the material for the students in the Madrasah Aliyah. It begins
with the principles of religious science for studying the Qur'an and Traditions and
then deals with specific cases of their use.
A. The Science of Qur'anic Commentary
1.	Development of the science in the formative period
a.	Methods of commentary developed in the fourth to eleventh centuries
AH
b.	Famous commentators of the early period (al-Asfahany al-Wahidy, ar-
Razy, Ibnu Katsir, al-Mahally)
2.	Development of the commentaries in the modern period.
a.	Methods of commentary in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries AH
b.	Famous commentators of the modem period (al-Qasimy, Rasyid Ridha,
Siddik Ahmad Khan, al-Maraghy, Thanthawy Jauhary)
c.	Indonesian commentators (Hamka, Ash-Shiddieqy, Bisri Mustafa)70
A selection from Maruzi illustrates the approach and style of presentation uti-
lized in the school system toward this basic religious material. This particular selec-
68	Masyhuri, Mutiara, v-vii.
69	Amir, Bidang, I, 24-40.
70	Maruzi, Madrasah, III, 44-83.tion deals with "the status of humans as God's regents on earth" for use in the first
year of the Madrasah Aliy ah.
6. al-An'am 164-165
a.	(Text in Arabic with Indonesian translation). "Say: Shall I seek another than
Allah for Lord, when He is Lord of all things? Each soul earneth only on its own
account, nor doth any laden bear another's load. Then unto your Lord is your re-
turn and He will tell that wherein ye differed."
"He it is who hath placed you as viceroys of the earth and hath exalted some
of you in rank above others, that He may try you by [the test of] that which He
hath given you. Lo! Thy Lord is swift in prosecution, and lo! He is Forgiving,
Merciful."
b.	Difficult words:
abghi—to seek
wizra—sin
yunabbiukum—giving one knowledge of
yabluwakum—testing one
c.	Clarification.
—verse 164. Do not seek out others than God to worship and praise, because the
only God is Allah Who has created all things, including Tsa al-Masih, idols, the
sun, moon, and angels.
All humankind will be brought back to eternal life in the Hereafter by God, not
by the others one worships, such as idols. Later God will inform humans about
their divergences from the principle of the unity of God.
No one will receive punishment from God, except for the sins personally com-
mitted.
—verse 165. God created humans as the regents on earth. . . . Humans are
powerful over all the creatures of the earth. Among humans, every individual is
responsible for his own conduct.
God created humans so that some are wealthy; some are poor, some are smart,
some are dumb, some are leaders, and some are followers. Each person is,
according to what he received.
Does the rich person magnanimously give out alms or does he become conceited
and stingy? How about the person's patience? His tenacity? And so forth?
Allah is very strong in His judgments, but He is Merciful to people who believe
or truly ask for forgiveness.
d.	Summary
1.	There is no God but Allah.
2.	The punishment of Allah will only be meted out for sins the person him-
self commits.
3.	Humans were created by Him to be regents of the world.103
4. The destiny of humans differ. Different criterion were used by God in
creating.71
The foregoing indicates that in Muslim schools considerable attention is placed
on the importance of the Qur'an as the source of values and lessons for Muslims.
Learning does not, however, concentrate merely on the memorization of principles,
but involves the pupils in the exercise of reading and reciting the Qur'an. Conse-
quently, the learning is in line with the general practice in the wider Muslim com-
munity where appreciation of the Qur'an takes a similar form.
D. Summary and Conclusions
Chapter 3 outlined works that had similar direction and outlook and drew on the
same field of sources. They could be integrated easily into a composite unit. The
selection of works in this chapter has been different. While the works belong together
at a common place in our rubric, they nonetheless have varied purposes and use
different source materials. Many of the works are technical, such as the indices and
works on the legal verses of the Qur'an. In those books the nature of the material
determines the approach and calls for special sources as well. Another set of works
are specialized, one set dealing with the requirements of reading Arabic and
memorizing, while another undertaking the extraction of material to outline themes
and a pool of general knowledge.
The works in this assessment add another perspective to our review of Indone-
sian literature on the Qur'an. The authors differ from those in the last chapter and the
studies are concerned with the detailed contents of that scripture. They describe very
meaningful activities of Muslims and outline Indonesian Muslim efforts to create
conditions for undertaking those activities. As manuals of "how to do it," these
books show the intention of Muslims to address one of the admonitions of their reli-
gion: to know the Qur'an well and use it. They offer us another dimension of the
place of the Qur'an in the belief and practice of Indonesian Muslims.
71 Maruzi, Madrasah, I, 80-82.5
Defending and Extending Islamic
Values—Polemic and Apologia
for the Faith
The modern world, with its emphasis on change and innovation, constantly
creates situations where Muslims, like members of all faiths, must apply
their faith anew. There is ample evidence that Indonesian Muslims are
concerned about the impact of such modernization and newness on their
faith and that they have made choices as to what fits and what does not. The output
of religious decisions (fatwa), the pronouncements of religious scholars' councils
(dewan ulama), and the writings of Muslim intellectuals bear witness to the efforts of
the learned of the religion to deal with such changes and to keep Islamic standards as
applicable to this age as it was to the previous ones.1
There is considerable interest in the Qur'an among learned Indonesians and
many Muslim writers address contemporary societal change in light of Qur'anic in-
junctions. One set of writers calls for a return to Islamic values and for a reaffirma-
tion of traditional beliefs, attitudes, and behavior and warns against the materialistic
values that have come with the modem age. Another set of writers calls for revitali-
zation by Muslims of the intellectual curiosity that would allow them to find the
proper fit between modernization and long-standing Islamic standards. Still another
set of writers concentrates on the compatibility of modern science and technology to
standard Islamic viewpoints.
A. Literature Reviewed
1.	Anas, Azwar. Al-Qur'an Adalah Kebenaran Mutlak [The Qur'an Is the Absolute
Truth]. Bukitinggi: Pustaka Indonesia, 1982.
2.	Faurunnama, M. Munir. Al-Qur'an dan Perkembangan Alam Raya [The Qur'an and
the Creation of the Physical World]. Surabaya: Bina Ilmu, 1979.
3.	Husein, M. Ali. Gizi dalam Al-Qur'an [Nutrition in the Qur'an]. Jakarta: Suara Barn,
1985.
4.	Kasijan, Z. Tinjauan Psikologis: Larangan Mendekati Zina dalam Al-Qur'an [The Psy-
chological Perspective: Prohibition on Illicit Sexual Relations in the Qur'an].
Surabaya: Bina Ilmu, 1982.
5.	Maarif, Ahmad Syafii. Al Qur'an, Realitas Social dan Limbo Sejarah (Sebuah Refleksi)
[The Qur'an, Social Reality and Historical Limbo—A Reflection]. Bandung: Penerbit
Pustaka, 1985.
1 See Suhardi, Bibliografi Islam Indonesia, 154-64; Kumpulan Fatwa; Ali, Merambah.105
6.	Munawwir, Imam. Salah Paham Terhadap Al-Qur'an [Inaccurate Views of the
Qur'an]. Surabaya: Bina Ilmu, 1983.
7.	Rahardjo, Dawam. "Refleksi Sosiologi A1 Qur'an" [Sociological Reflections of the
Qur'an] in A. Rifa'i Hasan (ed.), Perspektif Islam dalam Pembangunan Bangsa. Jakarta:
PLP2M, 1987.
8.	Perguruan Tinggi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur'an. Pancaran Al-Qur'an Terhadap Pola Kehidu-
pan Bangsa Indonesia [The Qur'anic Approach to the Design of Indonesian National
Life]. Jakarta: Al-Husna, 1983 (1980).
9.	Zaini, Syahminan. Kewajiban Orang Beriman Terhadap Al-Qur'an [The Necessity for
People to Believe in the Qur'an]. Surabaya: Al-Ikhlas, 1982.
10.	Zaini, Syahminan, and Anantok Kusuma Seta. Bukti-Bukti Kebenaran Al Qur'an
sebagai Wahyu Allah [Evidence of the Truth of the Qur'an as the Revelation of God].
Malang: Karya Mulia, 1986.
B. Overview of the Literature.
1. Authors and Audiences.
Table 5.1 indicates that the authors are primarily learned professionals. They are
university-level scholars, students in higher education, and higher-level government
servants. The nature of the material—science, technology, government policy, and
the impact of Westernization—is broadly appealing, and Muslims other than
religious scholars believe they are qualified to speak to these issues. Most of these
writers have advanced degrees in a variety of subjects, often outside of religion, and
many have studied in the West.
Two of the authors are teaching staff personnel at national Islamic studies insti-
tutes. Sjahminan Zaini (b. 1930), discussed earlier in this study, and Z. Kasijan2 3 (b.
1936), have both been active in revivalist activities. Zaini and Kasijan concentrate on
the believers' obligation to adhere to the Islamic value system in the midst of social
change. This is a frequent response among members of the national Islamic studies
institutes, but it is not the exclusive viewpoint.
One author, Ahmad Syafii Maarif^ (b. 1935), is a teaching staff member at a
national teachers training college. While he favors revivalism and a renaissance of
Muslim political thinking, his approach is quite different from the two members of
the national Islamic studies institutes. Maarif more closely reflects the views of the
reconstructionist school of Indonesian Muslim thinkers. In reconstructionist thinking
contemporary Muslims are charged with thinking through the demands of the
modern world and those of Islam and bringing the two into an integrated whole.4
One author, M. Ali Husein5 (b. unk.), is a teaching staff member at the Bogor
Institute of Agriculture, one of the premier universities in the Indonesian national
higher education system. As a nutritionist with technical training, he is well versed
in scientific theory generally held throughout the international academic community.
2	For Z. Kasijan, see Kasijan, Tinjauan, back cover.
3	For Ahmad Syafii Maarif, see Prisma (English) 35 (March 1985), 178.
4	For discussion of two different phases in the development of reconstructionist thinking, see
Hassan, Muslim Intellectual Responses, and Ali, Merambah.
^ For M. Ali Husein, see Husein, Gizi, 3-4.106
Two authors, Azwar Anas6 (b. 1931) and Imam Munawwir7 (b. 1947), are
government officials, and a third, Da warn Rahardjo8 (b. 1942), works for research
agencies associated with government. Anas is now a political personality in the na-
tional cabinet, and Munawwir is an economist working on development projects in
Central Java. Anas views Islam from the national political perspective in keeping
with the New Order government's view that Islam is an ally in national unity and
development and should be interpreted to enhance those national goals. Munawwir
is an observer of the Islamic past and an advocate of an Islamic renaissance. Rahardjo
is an economist and a leading thinker in the reconstructionist school mentioned
above.
The student study issued by the Institute for Qur'anic Sciences (Perguruan
Tinggi Ilmu-Ilmu Qur'an—PTIQ) is a research project by a class of students and their
instructors to examine the compatibility of the Qur'an with the contemporary
Indonesian state and government. It takes the view described for Anas above. We
have no information on Munir Faurunnama.
It would also appear that there is no correlation between category of author and
point of view. Two major viewpoints exist: the first accepts scientific fact and recon-
ciles that truth with the principles of the Qur'an, while the second is highly defensive
of Islam and attacks scientific theory or modern ways as false or wrong-headed be-
cause those writers see it at odds with certain teachings of the Qur'an. One of the key
factors in determining openness to Western scientific and modernization theory
seems to be whether the author studied in the West. Those who studied in Indonesia
alone were prone to be less accepting of those concepts, although that characteristic
is not necessarily true for Indonesian scientists who study science in Indonesia; they
usually reflect Western thinking as well.
Table 5.1 Authors and Audiences
Audience
	Religious	Muslim In-	Lay	Muslim	
Authors	Scholars	tellectuals	Muslims	Students	Totals
Religious			Zaini	Kasijan	3
Scholars Muslim In-		Faurunnama	Zaini		
tellectuals		Husein Maarif Munawwir Rahardjo			5
Lay Muslims			Anas		1
Muslim Students	PTIQ				1
Totals	1	5	3	1	10
Source: Prefaces of the works cited.
6	For Azwar Anas, see Apa dan Siapa, 1983-84,67-68.
7	For Imam Munawwir, see Munawwir, Ummat Islam, back cover.
8	For Dawam Rahardjo, see Prisma (English) 35 (March 1985), 178.The largest single audience is other intellectuals. The works by Munawwir,
Maarif, Rahardjo, Faurunnama, and Husein are intended for other learned Indone-
sians to read and ponder. Those by Maarif and Rahardjo are intended to add to a
very advanced and, at times, sophisticated study of the role of Islam in national de-
velopment. Those by Husein and Faurunnama are aimed at people in the hard sci-
ences who are confused about the surface conflict between scientific theory and
Islamic perspective, and their works attempt to provide insight into the problem.
Munawwir's appeal is to the leaders of the entire Muslim community to overcome
divisiveness and make the community as strong as it was in early Muslim history.
Zaini's work is one of several he has written designed for lay Muslims to fortify
belief and improve Islamic practice. It aims at bringing them to repentence and im-
proved behavior. Anas's work was originally an address given at the Independence
Mosque (Mesjid Istiqlal) in Jakarta on the occasion of the end of the fasting month
(Hari Raya or Id al-Fitr) before an audience of thousands of worshippers, including
most leading government officials.
Kasijan states that his study was done for use in his psychology class, although
he implies that the general public could profit from reading it. The study by the stu-
dent group at PTIQ was intended originally for the instructor who assigned the
project, but in its published form its audience is more difficult to discern. It is
probable that the publisher has lay Muslims in mind.
An examination of the writings shows considerable differentiation. While over
half of them could be readily understood by the general Muslim population, the re-
mainder were complicated enough that the audience was more limited. Two studies,
by Maarif and Rahardjo, are sophisticated, requiring considerable acquaintance with
Islamic history and societies to fully comprehend them.
2. Quality of the Literature
Unlike the last two chapters, none of the studies here are recapitulations of the
standard Islamic message. Works comparing standard Islamic values with non-
Islamic civilization predominate in this chapter, representing two-thirds of the total.
The remaining third are aimed at achieving a greater understanding of religious val-
ues. The books here have quite a different purpose and audience in mind than those
in the preceding two chapters. This is shown in concise form in Table 5.2.
Table 5.2 Qualitative Factors
	weak	substantial	strong	total
1. Recapitulation of				
religious values				0
2. Comparison of religious	Anas	Faurunnama	Husein	
values with other values	PTIQ	Zaini	Kasijan	
		Zaini		7
3. Examination for improved			Maarif	
understanding of Islam			Munawwir	
			Rahardjo	3
4. Total	2	3	5	10
Source: Evaluation of the works cited.108
Five works were judged as strong and only two as weak, which also is a higher
average than most other chapters. In general, the works in this chapter showed better
writing, analysis, and comparisons than those in most other chapters. Two works
illustrate the strength of preparation among this group of studies. Faurunnama's Al-
Qur'an dan Perkembangan Alam Raya is a careful work that outlines the leading
theories on the creation of the universe and asserts that the Qur'an is compatible
with at least one of the major theories. The reasoning is good and the willingness of
the author to discuss controversial issues without prior condemnation or rejection is
in tune with the approach of science itself. At the same time, the author keeps his
Muslim identity and comes to very Muslim conclusions.
Munawwir's Salah Paham Terhadap Al-Qur'an is worth special mention because of
the methodology it employs. That methodology tracks a thought process through a
series of examinations in order to arrive at a set of conclusions which provide good
insight into the nature of the problem itself. The author could be faulted for having
preconceived judgments, which is unfortunate, but the application of methodology is
quite well done.
3. Source Materials Used in the Literature
The sources used by writers in this chapter are primarily Indonesian language
texts. They constitute about 50 percent of the authors cited, with about 55 percent of
the total citations. Many of the Indonesian-language works were Indonesian transla-
tions of scientific works in Western languages. The Western language sources, the
second most popular group of works, were primarily scientific works. Reflecting the
broad range of studies in this chapter, the sources were disparate and almost no
English language works were cited more than once. References were made to
religious works in both Indonesian and Arabic.
Table 5.3 Statistical Summary of Sources
Language	Writers	Books	Citations
Arabic	32	35	40
Indonesian	117	144	174
Western	78	91	93
Total	202	270	317
Source: References in the bibliographies, notes,
and text of the works cited.
A number of authors reviewed in this chapter are not religious scholars, and this
is reflected in their choice of works on religion. Religious scholars, versed in Arabic
and familiar with sources in that language, tend to use them, while other Muslim in-
tellectuals, less capable in Arabic, tend to use secondary works in Indonesian for
their description of Islamic principles. This factor undoubtedly explains the lower
use of Arabic sources than in the other chapters.
In this chapter, in all three language groups, there were a large number of works
cited only once. Unlike earlier chapters where specific books formed a common
source material, the tendency here is toward authors, with several of their works
being cited rather than merely one. This fits with contemporary publishing, where
the thinking of authors is made available in several works rather than one master-
work. It further reveals the lack of a test of time, wherein one work of a master109
emerges over time as the primary work of the author. In general, then, these works
reveal that their authors are developing too, and they are drawing on other works
that are undergoing the same process.
Table 5.4 Common Sources
1—	Abdur Rauf, Al Qur'an dan Ilmu Hukum [The Qur'an and the Science of
Islamic Law] (Malay, modern)
2—	Amrullah (Hamka), Tafsir Al-Azhar [The Azhar Commentary of the
Qur'an] (Indonesian, modern)
3—	Bucaille, Maurice, Bib el, Qur'an dans Sains Modem [The Bible, the Qur'an
and Modern Science] (Western, modem)
4—	Indonesia, Departemen Agama, Al-Qu/an dan Terjemahnya [The Qur'an
and Its Translation] (Indonesian, modern)
5—	Maududi, Abu A'la, Bagaimana Memahami Al-Qur-an [What Is the Think-
ing of the Qur'an] (South Asian, modern)
6—	Munawar Khalil, Al Qur'an Masa ke Masa [The Qur'an from Age to Age]
(Indonesian, modern)
7—	Panji Masyarakat [The Banner of (Muslim) Society] (Indonesian, modern)
8—	Quthub, Sayyid, Petunjuk Jalan [The Straight Path] (Arab, modern)
9—	Watt, Montgomery, Islamic Political Thought (Western, modern)
10—	Zuhdi, Masjfuk, Pengantar Ulumul Qur'an [Introduction to the Qur'anic
Sciences] (Indonesian, modem)
Source: Bibliographies, notes, and text of the works cited.
Two of the common source authors are Western, two are neo-fundamentalist au-
thors from elsewhere in the Muslim world, one is an Arab-Malay, and the remaining
five are Indonesian writers. Significantly, works in Arabic are seldom quoted, and
most of the sources cited are either in English or Indonesian, with the latter language
claiming most of the citations in these works. Table 5.4 lists the authors and their
primary work, cited in the language of greatest use by our authors.
C. Summaries of the Studies
The summaries presented here are in three sections. Section 1 outlines attitudes
toward science and technology among Indonesian Muslim writers. Section 2 dis-
cusses several Muslim concepts of the Indonesian state and Islam's role in it. Section
3 offers insight into the reinterpretation of scripture to deal with the modern world.
Section 1. The Qur'an as a Basis for Scientific Understanding
We are concerned in this section with books that address the compatibility of scrip-
ture with modern science and technology. Three works give us that perspective: Fau-
runnama's The Qur'an and the Creation of the Physical World, Zaini's Evidence of the
Truth of the Qur'an as the Revelation of God, and Husein's Nutrition in the Qur'an.
Zaini sets the theme, stating that the Christian persecution of scientists that took
place in Galileo's time would not happen in Islamic civilization, where science and
knowledge are recognized as important activities of human society. While asserting
that science and scripture are compatible, Zaini regards Western scientific thinking
as incorrect in many matters and, consequently, a threat to any godly community. To
respond to this challenge, he finds it vital "to return to the teachings of the Qur'an ...
in the meaning that we know and live in a deeper way the entire lessons contained110
therein/'9 It is not a matter that can be delayed, because "in this modern time there
are people who demand logical proof of things, proof that is acceptable to reason and
knowledge."10
Faurunnama, taking another viewpoint, maintains that Muslims need to be con-
versant with science as it has developed in the West in order to sort through the var-
ious theories that have been put forward and find those compatible with Islamic
thinking for further work and development. In still another approach, Ali Husein is
interested in the synthesis of modem scientific knowledge with Islamic scripture.
"We recognize that this needs to be done in all scientific disciplines in order to
overcome the split between science and religion."* 11 There is no reason why this
should not happen, in the author's estimation. After all, the Qur'an was sent to be a
guide for human life, not a burden.
These books deal with three major commonalities: the truth of science, the fact
that some quandries are unexplainable except through religion, and the benefit to
humanity of a wise use of science. Each commonality will be discussed in turn.
1.	The truth of science. Zaini states that "the Qur'an gives inspiration and pro-
motes a positive attitude among people for development of the scientific method."12
God is anxious for humans to know how His world functions, and for that reason,
people must delve into its mysteries. Zaini regards human curiosity and the
penchant for exploration, not only as compatible with religious teaching, but necessi-
tated by it. Faurunnama accepts this outlook and goes a step further, insisting that
speculative reasoning constitutes a tool to undertake scientific investigation and that
without that ability, it would have been difficult to grapple with the problems of dis-
covering the actual functioning of the universe.
While recognizing the truth of science, both writers maintain that science ulti-
mately is compatible with the Qur'an and the Qur'an is the ultimate standard. It is
the application of the standard to scientific theory that apparently leads Zaini to
challenge the approach of Western scientists. Much of Western scientific thinking
rests on theory, with the expectation that further scientific work will shed light on
the theory and either confirm or modify the original hypothesis to fit the facts. The
vagueness of this approach is bothersome to Zaini; it is seen as an indication of a
godless relativity that is unacceptable to the true believer. He wants the sureness and
finality of an absolute message which the scientific community accepts and would
never challenge. Consequently, some Western theories are judged as "wrong," be-
cause they seem to him to be in conflict with his understanding of what the Qur'an
teaches.
2.	Some quandries are explainable only through religion. Zaini notes that the
Qur'an is the repository of all that is known and all that will ever be known. This
theme is reflected by Faurunnama as well. Both believe that there are many matters
beyond the comprehension of humans at present and, indeed, these matters may
never be fully understood by the human mind. Some are secret matters ighaib) de-
signed by God to remain known only to Himself; people are best advised to take
God's explanation concerning them and avoid engaging in needless speculation. The
existence of the human soul or spirit is an example of one of those matters, wherein
9	Zaini, Bukti, v.
10	Ibid.
11	Husein, Gizi, 3.
12	Zaini, Bukti, 72.Ill
the soul's existence cannot be explained on the basis of biological or psychological
theories. Research in those subjects appears to be searching in questionable and,
perhaps, forbidden areas.
On the other hand, Faurunnama contends that some scientific matters, which at
first glance appear to be at odds with statements in the Qur'an, may need further ex-
amination. Faurunnama contends that in Islam there are stories about creation that
are not supported by science. He notes specifically the story of the creation of Adam
from dust and another legend about an angel being responsible for creation. He con-
cludes that such stories do not have strong roots and are opposed by logic. "But such
stories commonly grow in the Islamic community."13 He believes that use of hy-
potheses, logic, and analysis leads to a rejection of such stories as reality. However,
he continues, "... thinking about the creation of the universe develops the faith of an
individual. The conditions are outlined in the Qur'an."14 People need to understand
that there is more than one dimension to that entire problem.
Faurunnama's discussion of Russian-American theoretical scientist George
Gamow's (d. 1968) theories illustrate his appreciation of scientific theory. Faurunna-
ma notes that Gamow, building on the work of the American scientist Edwin Hubble
(d. 1968), espouses evolution, in the meaning that "the universe is constantly devel-
oping and in the meaning that heavenly bodies continually grow apart from one an-
other."15 Accepting that theory, George Gamow attacked the riddle of what caused
the expansion in the first place. He held that it was caused by a compaction that
resulted in an explosion. After the explosion, bits of matter came together to form the
stars, planets, and galaxies. Finally, Gamow held that there were maximum limits to
the expansion of this elastic universe, limits which will lead to a new compaction.
Commenting on Gamow's explanations, Faurunnama writes: "Actually, this
theory fits with the explanation in the Qur'an. . . . First, this theory not only deals
with the question of heaven and earth in our universe, but deals with the entire
question of creation. . . ,"16 Gamow speaks of small particles consisting of protons
and electrons. Both Gamow and the Qur'an note that the heavens were once mostly
gas or vapor. Ultimately, form grew from the cloud and the heavenly bodies came
into existence on the basis of physical laws. A verse from the Qur'an in at-Talaq 12 is
an indication that God created the heavens and the earth regulated by physical laws
to display His wonders to humans.
3. Humans benefit from science. The idea that humans are the stewards (khalifat)
of the world and that the earth's resources are there for their benefit is implicitly and
explicitly stated. The view is most clear in Zaini, who presents material on astron-
omy, geology, agriculture, zoology, animal husbandry, and human reproduction.
Another example is provided by Husein in his discussion of nutrition, which covers
food, food needs, preparation of food, metabolism, enzymes, hormones and vita-
mins, food usage, health, food standards, nutrition, and intelligence. The writing
combines presentation of information about the science of nutrition with references
to the Qur'an. This work seeks to weigh the body of knowledge of nutrition, gained
largely from Western sources, against the verses of the Qur'an that appear to the
13	Faurunnama, Alam, 50.
14	Ibid.
15	Ibid., 18.
16	Ibid., 20.112
writer to have relevance. The interplay is conducted at a sophisticated level, and the
conclusions do attempt to integrate the two standards.
Husein deals with the impact of nutrition on intelligence. The first section of that
chapter deals with the vital matter of defining intelligence, beginning with the two
principal viewpoints of scientific thinking regarding this matter. The first viewpoint
contends that humans consist of a mind and a body; intelligence is part of the mind.
Thinking, however, is a product of the brain, which is physical. The relationship be-
tween mind and body is unclear. The second viewpoint sees only a material being
with no spirit or mind, a mere nervous system responding to stimuli. Husein com-
pares each of these viewpoints to his understanding of Qur'anic teachings.
"Reasoning is a power not related to the material essence of humans. All of Adam's
children possess reasoning in the same measure. Reasoning is a part of the spirit and
is an advanced instrument for humans to use to achieve goals in the visible world. It
is an instrument that must be used."17 He states that his conclusions are based on
Qur'anic verses al-Baqarah 164 and al-An'am 151.
Husein enumerates conceptions about intelligence that he believes reflect the
viewpoint and information found in the Qur'an.
1.	Physical occurrences enter the mind through the ears and eyes.
2.	The mind is part of the spirit which analyzes information, which is then
stored in the mind.
3.	Intelligence is a product of using the senses and mind with awareness and
driving spirit.
4.	Intelligence is a characteristic of humanity and varies with status or sex.
5.	Genius is a person who is very intelligent, one who learns extraordinarily
well____It is not an inherited condition. Every person is a potential genius.18
He concludes the section by saying that "every individual is created with the same
completeness," implying a rough equivalence of all humans in their natural state.
In general, the three authors clearly accept the role of modern science in contem-
porary Muslim civilization and regard it as important. They do question some as-
pects of current scientific theory as being at odds with Qur'anic descriptions of the
universe. On the other hand, two of the writers show considerable thought in reason-
ing through points of controversy so that the differences between religion and
science are narrowed.
Section 2. The Qur'an as a Guide to Contemporary G overnment
Indonesian Muslims' relationship with the Republic of Indonesia and the various
governments that have ruled that nation is a highly complex matter which has been
addressed in many studies over the past forty years. Whatever government has been
in power has been supported by some groups of Muslims, who have written apolo-
gia invoking religious symbols as a justification for that support. There have also
been other Muslims who have been critical because those governments would not
declare themselves "Islamic" or invoke principles of rule that could clearly be recog-
nized as "Islamic."
17	Husein, Gizi, 233.
18	Ibid., 234.113
The dual response of Indonesian Muslims to government has been extensively
discussed in the opening chapter. The four studies presented here follow the same
pattern, with one work highly supportive of the current government, another noting
that Islam and the Indonesian state are closely connected, and the third arguing that
the failure of Indonesian governments to invoke Islamic principles has hindered
national progress. These four works use quite different approaches, but are in no
way exhaustive of the subject. The works are Anas's The Qur'an is the Absolute Truth,
Maarif's The Qur'an, Social Reality and Historical Limbo, PTIQ's The Qur'anic Approach
to the Design of Indonesian National Life, and Rahardjo's "Sociological Reflections of the
Qur'an."
Three themes emerge from the works presented here. First, there is a belief that
the Indonesian nation came into being through the destiny of God and was thereby
blessed. This is an attitude that has wide acceptance among Indonesian Muslims.
Second, Islam is put forward as a religion that has political guidelines that a govern-
ment should accept and follow. This is a point that is generally accepted by learned
Muslims, although the scope, content, and form of those guidelines is at issue. Third,
national economic development as proposed by the current Indonesian government
is countenanced by Islam if it is based on Islamic principles. This, too, is a view
commonly accepted by Muslim scholars, and there is concern in Indonesia that not
enough attention is given to morality and social concerns in the current development
process.
The first theme, that of the destiny of the Indonesian state, is succinctly ex-
pressed by Anas, who views Islam and the Indonesian state as being closely con-
nected in a historical sense. After all, he states, independence was proclaimed, the
state philosophy of Pancasila was formulated, and the Constitution was written even
as Indonesian Muslims observed the "worship of fasting (ibadah puasa)." He contends
that the struggle at that time for independence was blessed by God. How else can
one explain the Indonesian success when they were so poorly armed in comparison
to their enemy, colonial Netherlands? "That blessing remained and warded off
further threats to the integrity of the republic and it remains with the present
government, based as it is on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution."19 Anas concludes
the discourse on the affinity between state and religion by enjoining Indonesians to
support the state as part of their religious obligations: "Let us ... give substance to
our national independence and develop strong unity as part of our good action
directed to Allah____"20
The PTIQ study does not deal with the issue of destiny, but still insists that there
is an identification of the Indonesian nation-state with Islam. The study states that
.. the Qur'an gives us a guide and a way that is straight, especially for the ... M us-
lims of Indonesia in their efforts to achieve national ideals."*1 To that end the PTIQ
team discusses key state documents, the primary state councils, and several leading
state policies in the context of religious requirements for political organization. Im-
portantly, the team finds these features of the Indonesian state to be consistent with
Islamic requirements.
The methodology employed by the PTIQ study calls for the principal themes and
statements of key state documents to be measured against the values of the Qur'an.
19	Anas, Kebenaran, 20.
20	Ibid., 23.
21	PTIQ, Pancaran, xii.114
As justification for this approach, the study restates a popular position of Sunni Islam
that "the Qur'an forms a way of life for humans which is perfect in all aspects. The
Qur'an is universal in its applicability to all places and all times."22 The approach is
illustrated in the examination of the fourth principle of Pancasila, i.e., "Sovereignty
led by the wisdom of debate in the Consultative Assembly."
1.	AM Imran 159. Then Allah caused you to become gentle toward them. If you are
strong with coarse feelings, they will leave you. Therefore cherish them, help
them, and discuss with them these matters. Then if you are strong-willed, pray to
God. Surely God assists the people who give obesiance to you.
Clarification: In the operation of society and nation, leaders must show gentle-
ness and kindness toward the public and carefully discuss matters with them.
CTafsir al-Maraghi 2,4,113)...
2.	asy-Syu'ara, 38. (Good) people accept the call of their God and establish prayer,
make decisions by discussing matters among themselves, and subsist from the
livelihood that we give them.
Clarification: People who honor God are characterized, inter alia, by their mutual
discussion of temporal matters. These two verses provide an important basis for
mutual discussion in deciding matters of a secular and temporal nature.23
The second theme, that of recognizing that Islam carries political and legal guide-
lines, is dealt with by both Anas and Maarif. Anas expresses the generally held
viewpoint of Indonesian Muslims on this point when he states that
Religion is an essential need in human life. The meaning of religion ... in Islam
centers on lessons, guidance, laws, certainty, commands, and so on that have
been given by Allah through revelation to Muhammad for humankind so that
people can attain happiness that is genuine, absolute, and eternal in the life of
this world and in the Hereafter.24
Maarif is more specific in his remarks to the actual historical situation that has
existed in Indonesia. Drawing on fuller academic studies that he conducted on the
Indonesian state, he summarizes his position regarding the role of Islam in the
operation of the modem nation-state. He states that there has been much Muslim
concern in modern Indonesian history (i.e., since 1945) about having the term
"Islamic state" or some other nomenclature expressing an Islamic commitment
included in key state documents. Such concern is misplaced, in his opinion, and, in
fact, the current statement concerning adherence to the "Five Principles" (Pancasila)
is acceptable for meeting Islamic requirements.
Maarif continues that what is important is that the state apply Islamic values and
that the political doctrines, those expounded in the Qur'an and the Traditions of the
Prophet, be made operable in the state itself. He expresses some pessimism about the
prospects for this actually happening, since many Indonesian leaders have come to
22	Ibid.
23	Ibid., 12-13.
24	Anas, Kebenaran, 10.115
see the state philosophy, Pancasila, as a religion in itself and have attempted to revise
Islam to fit within their own civic precepts. He regards such thinking as confusing
the important role of Islam in providing the underpinning for the Indonesian state
and as leading to the imposition of a state philosophy based on earthly principles
rather than the principles enjoined by God.
Rahardjo adds an important consideration to this view of Islamic values operat-
ing in any modern nation-state. Reflecting the viewpoint of a number of his asso-
ciates in the "Reconstructionist School/' particularly Nurcholis Madjid25 (b. 1939),
Rahardjo discusses at length the rule of Muhammad at Madinah, when the Prophet
achieved considerable success in establishing Islam as the leading religious, political,
and social force in the Arabian Peninsula during the seventh century. An important
facet of Muhammad's operation was the signing of a common agreement among the
various tribal and social groupings present in Madinah at the time the Prophet
arrived there. This agreement is known in modern times as the Madinah Consti-
tution, "which was accepted by all parties, contained social, economic and political
principles, a system of common defense from outside threats, recognition of a
government acting justly toward its society, freedom of religion and protection of
property, rights of minorities, and freedom of worship, guarantees of safety from evil
and deceit, as well as the important principle of guarding one another from sin."26
Rahardjo comments that the arrangement worked well and even weathered the
difficulties of the expulsion of two groups who did not abide by the arrangement.
The essence of the Muslim sector of the community at Madinah, according to
Rahardjo, was found in the principle of bringing the society into closeness with God.
Brotherhood within an Islamic context, belief in Islam, and fear of God became the
primary concerns of Muslims at that time. It was these values, based on the revealed
verses of the Qur'an, that sustained the Muslims and allowed them to transform the
pagan culture of the time into a new Muslim civilization. He implies that the same
attention to Muslim values in a modern Indonesian state would also produce posi-
tive results.
The third theme, dealing with the economic development of Indonesia, is dis-
cussed by all four writers but dealt with most thoroughly by Maarif and Rahardjo.
Rahardjo begins the discussion by noting that the economic system called for by
Islam in the Qur'an rests on two principles. First is the concept of fear of God (taqwa),
which translates as a state in which believers recognize the ultimate power of God,
His commands, and His prohibitions and, out of awe of God, seek to set their own
lives in accord with Allah's wishes. Consequently, when humans, both men and
women, enter the economic realm, they retain that close relationship with God and
act accordingly in their behavior and economic decisions. Second, there is freedom
for men and women to strive and undertake economic activity. According to the
Qur'anic verse an-Nisa' 28, the concept of surplus value is clearly recognized in
Islam, so that the surplus can be used either in the individual or societal realm,
according to the viewpoint of the society.
Maarif speaks directly to the matter of modern economic development, noting
that nations that do not choose to do so are foolish (bodoh). Obviously the well-being
of any Muslim population would be appreciably enhanced by such development. In
his discussion of the issue, Maarif calls to mind the oft-cited "Golden Age of Islam"
25	See Ali, Merambah.
26	Hasan, Perspektif, 174116
as evidence that Islam is not opposed to science and progress, but, in fact, fostered
and extended scientific thinking at an important juncture of historical development.
Citing the Pakistani Nobel Prize winner for Physics, Abdus Salam (1979), he states
that the scientific curiosity of the Muslim world extended into the twentieth century
with some vital scientific work being done at laboratories in Istanbul. He recognizes
that currently a great deal of effort will be necessary to restore scientific and
technological expertise to Muslim nations. According to Maarif, this will require
intellectual curiosity among Muslims and the reshaping of attitudes so that a
"scientifically-oriented" Muslim society emerges.
While evincing concern about Muslim slowness in responding to the challenge of
development, Maarif regards the moral aspects as the more important part of devel-
opment. Citing the English philosopher Bertrand Russell (d. 1979) and Abdus Salam,
he outlines the concerns of many writers in the West and the Third World that scien-
tific advancement may ultimately prove to be harmful to humans without the emer-
gence of a moral master. Maarif, of course, sees Islam as providing the principles for
the guidance and use of modern science and technology. He concludes that "... it is
obvious that Islam is not only committed fully to the development of a healthy, egali-
tarian and democratic society, but equally to providing a clear ethical basis."2'
Clearly there are two viewpoints of the relationship between Islam and the
Indonesian state, with one group starting from the paramountcy of the Indonesian
state. The second group, which regards Islamic values as vital to the operation of the
Indonesian state, is the prevalent view here.
Section 3. Issues for the Modern Muslim Community
The structure and functioning of the modern Muslim community has been an issue
of some concern to modernist and neo-fundamentalist Muslim writers of the twenti-
eth century. Noted Muslim thinkers, such as the Syrian scholar Rasyid Ridha (d.
1935), the Pakistani-Bengali writer Abu A'la Maududi (b. 1903), the Egyptian
journalist Sayyid Quthub (d. 1965), the Palestinian-American educator Isma'il Faruqi
(d. 1986), and the Pakistani-American scholar Fazlurrahman (b. 1919) have written
extensively on the subject, and their works have been read throughout the Muslim
world and have had an impact on the thinking and behavior of Muslims every-
where.28
In Indonesia itself the "Reconstructionist" thinkers, mentioned earlier, have
taken up this issue as one of the themes of their own writing. Abdurrahman Wahid
and Kuntowijoyo of that school of thought are perhaps the most concerned with the
present day community (ummah), particularly as it relates to the Indonesian context.
Both hold that it has important institutions that have served Islam, the Indonesian
nation, and the Muslim population of Indonesia for hundreds of years. They find,
however, that reform is vital for the continued relevance of the community of believ-
ers to an Indonesia that is undergoing development and transformation to modern
economic, social, and political systems. Still, while reform may be called for, it is im-
portant that the eternal values of Islam not be sacrificed in the name of "modernism,"
and that care be taken in restructuring the institutions of the Islamic community so
22 Maarif, Realitas, 154.
28 See Voll, Islam.117
that Islamic concerns are served, rather than merely acceding to outside requests for
conformance with institutions developed elsewhere.29
None of the studies reviewed in this section come from members of the
"Reconstructionist" group, and, consequently, there are differences of approach, con-
cerns, and remedies for problems confronting the Indonesian Muslim community.
While the views of the "Reconstructionists" have been given good exposure in sev-
eral important magazines and journals and in a series of books, the writings here are
probably more reflective of the views regarding the community held by the general
Indonesian Muslim public. The works in this section are Munawwir's Inaccurate
Views of the Qur'an, Zaini's The Necessity for People to Believe in the Qur'an, and Kasi-
jan's The Psychological Perspective: Prohibition on Illicit Sexual Relations in the Qur'an.
There are three themes concerning the community that appear in these works.
First, there is concern about the unity of the community of believers and dis-
appointment that Muslims do not act more in concert with one another to promote
religious goals and ideals. Second, there is concern about changing conditions and
the impact of change on the values of Indonesians in general and the Muslim
population in particular. Third, there is uniformity in believing that the Muslim
community needs to revitalize itself with a return to the worship, morals, and other
important values of the Islamic tradition.
Imam Munawwir speaks to the first point and notes that the unity of the Muslim
community has been shattered and that Muslims have a wide variety of viewpoints
about how to function in the present world. He states that such viewpoints exist in
Muslim society at the sub-national level, and while they differ from place to place,
there is still a rough homogeneity in that Qur'anic values are incorporated into
everyday life. Despite this positive behavior, he states his belief that there are a host
of viewpoints purporting to be Islamic that are little more than various groups' own
views of what Islam is, and, consequently, they are not really very reflective of good
Islamic thinking. He mentions specifically one group that views the ritual of the reli-
gion as important, but not the practice of the behavior that goes with it. Such a
group, in his opinion, seems to have really departed from the essence of Islam.
Imam Munawwir observes that even among groups that observe Islamic tradi-
tion, there are differences of opinion and outlook that cause schisms in the commun-
ity of believers. He cites the "conservative fundamentalist" viewpoint, which he sees
as overstating the values of the Qur'an by claiming it is the repository of all modern
knowledge. Usually, he avers, the presentations made in support of such claims are
weak and inadequate and often turn aside good knowledge rather than promote its
use. He notes another group, which he claims picks and chooses from the religious
message of Islam, accepting what they find agreeable and rejecting the remainder.
Still others, he notes, overemphasize the Qur'an and become too dependent on it, to
the point where they are absorbed with its literalness and lose all sense of innova-
tion, a trait necessary in the modern world. He also castigates those who shun
extremes, yet are so rigid in rejection of the beliefs and practices the extremists
espouse, that they, too, erode the solid values of religion.
Finally, Munawwir takes issue with the group that favors "modern thinking"
(i.e., Westernization). Members of that group assert that "this is the century of
science, not religion," and "the Qur'an is not suitable as a source of regulation (of
29 Panjimas, 408,51-53; Santa, Islam Multinational, 27-42.118
conduct) in an age of development."30 He claims that such a viewpoint is caused
primarily by group members accepting values from outside Islam that fail to make a
complete integration of scientific thinking with the teaching of the Qur'an.
Munawwir states that this Westernized group has become politically strong enough
that it forces the Muslim "majority to function as a minority."31 As a result, a basis
other than Islam regulates national life in Indonesia and "heterogeneity exists in
aspirations and goals,"32 while a single religious mission is the aim of Islam.
The second point, that changing conditions have produced a troubled world that
adversely affects the Indonesian Muslim community, is dealt with specifically by
Zaini and Kasijan. Zaini's analysis is based on the premise that the contemporary
world is filled with grief and misgivings. "If we hear the world news report on tele-
vision and radio or read the newspapers or magazines, we do not feel that the world
is any longer a place of peace. Everywhere people are deluged with feelings of anxi-
ety and restlessness ... war, confrontation, kidnappings, robbery, rivalries, cruelty,
unbridled sex, drunkenness, gambling, greed, corruption of power, egoism, and all
kinds of other vices."33 Zaini contends that the major difficulty in dealing with these
problems is the multiplicity of teachings, beliefs, and theories that compete with one
another and do not produce the ideals people want. Humans really want carefully
described laws and limitations. In particular, such rules are needed in the areas of
philosophy, law, social and economic matters, morality, physical and spiritual
matters, reason and feeling, human nature, education, religion, and emotion.
Kasijan does not deal as broadly with the impact of modernization as Zaini does,
but he is equally concerned about the effects. He is concerned primarily with the
population shift from rural to urban living and the attendant social disruption that
occurs as that change in living takes place. He states that his work is "for general
reading, especially for Muslims," and he hopes to give direction to people who re-
main in the villages about the "structure of life in the big cities of our country,"34
presumably as a warning to them if they decide to relocate to them. The deteriorated
situation in cities, he claims, is caused by modern technology and development,
which has not always been accompanied by high moral values. In particular, he cites
the decline of sexual morality, which he states can have severe consequences to the
health of the Muslim community and the Indonesian nation. He specifically outlines
the "dangers that can arise from illicit sex,... as the source of sin and corruption,...
as destroyer of national morality,... as the defiler of the reproductive process, and
... as an impediment to the formation of a happy family."35
All three authors have much to say about the relevance of Islam to the salvation
of the Islamic community in light of these threats to it. Munawwir summarizes this
viewpoint when he says of the various views that he has examined in his book: "To
the Qur'an all our differences in viewpoint return and to God we ask help in be-
coming the community fitting with true ideals."36 All three move beyond this gen-
30	Munawwir, Salah, 41.
31	Ibid., 98.
32	Ibid., 100.
33	Zaini, Resep, 4.
34	Kasijan, Tinjauan, 7.
35	Ibid., 47,60,72,79.
36	Munawwir, Salah, 218.119
erality, however, in attempting to show how contemporary Muslim society can and
should use the Qur'an in dealing with contemporary problems that confront Mus-
lims. Kasijan, for example, regards the primary challenge to Muslims as continuing
and extending religious indoctrination and education. He sees such effort as neces-
sary in three places: at home by parents, in formal schools by teachers, and in society
by religious, social, and political leaders. The traditional boarding school (pesantren)
is lauded for its past and current efforts in training youth to take on important values
of discipline, democracy, technical skills, and religious outlook. Such attention, in his
viewpoint, will isolate such problems as sexual laxity and prepare youth to abstain
from immoral acts.
Munawwir sees the problem in wider dimensions and indicates that the Qur'an's
comprehensive and universal message can give direction to human life and assist in
dealing with the shortcomings which Muslims experience. He draws heavily on the
Egyptian scholar Zurqany, who wrote in the second quarter of the twentieth century,
and Syrian scholar Rasyid Ridha (d. 1935) to show the impact of the Qur'an when it
is applied to human affairs.
a.	Improvement in belief. (The Qur'an)... shows the path to (proper life) in this
world and the Hereafter, under the banners of belief in God, angels, holy books,
prophets, and the Day of Judgment__
b.	Improved behavior___Ideal behavior in Islam stresses the needs of the entire
society and the ideals of love in the family_
c.	Improvement of society. ... Human society should aim at universal brother-
hood . . . which expresses a fear of God. In this brotherhood the principles of
consultation ..., equality ..., mutual responsibility, common help ..., and tol-
erance exist--
d.	Combatting slavery. Stories in the Qur'an tell stories about slavery, as though
Islam legalizes slavery. (But) the principle of equality is a key feature of the social
structure of Islam_
e.	Improvement of the position of women.... The Qur'an frees women from the
cruelty of men, gives them protection from deceit, has promoted their equality
with men in matters where equality is fitting, and guaranteed them . . . rights
without reservation--
f.	Improvement of politics and government--Islam rejects a division between
the spiritual and secular areas because . .. the Qur'an created a single religion
and corresponding social system. Religion and the Islamic political system have
not always operated as an integrated whole-
g.	Freedom of thought. . . . Obviously the Qur'an is the core of all knowledge.
The knowledge in it consists only of the kernel or principles .. . which must be
expanded for full understanding.
h.	Improvement concerning wars. . . . The doctrine stresses peace and defense.
Islam has a holy mission and .. . goes to battle only in a good cause.... War is
for establishing order and harmony.120
i.	Improvement of worship-----God established all the forms of worship that He
wants performed. All other forms are polytheistic, sinful, and are not desired by
God.3'
Zaini concludes the discussion with an assessment of the rewards that God offers
believers who heed the religious lessons of Islam as a cure for the problems that con-
front the modem world. Those rewards consist of
1.	being raised to high rank and position (Ali Imran 139)
2.	being recognized as very special in human society (Ali Imran 110 and al-Bayyi-
nah 7)
3.	achieving high honor (al-Munafiqun 81)
4.	an overflowing of blessings on earth and in heaven (al-A'raf 96)
5.	inheriting the earth (al-Anbiya 105)
6.	becoming the ruler of the earth (an-Nur 55)
7.	achieving a prosperous life (ar-Ra'd 29)
8.	entering paradise (al-Baqarah 812)38
As for the community that is not led by the Qur'an, the following are the punish-
ments.
1.	they will be led by Satan (al-A'raf 27)
2.	they will be revealed by God as wicked (al-Anfal 55 and al-Bayyinah 6)
3.	they will have hard-pressed lives (Thaha 124)
4.	they will experience torment and misery (an-Nahl 112)
5.	they will be destroyed by God (al-Isra 16)
6.	they will be considered as animals by God (Muhammad 12)
7.	God will be infuriated with them (an-Nahl 106)
8.	they will be thrown into hell (al-Baqarah 39J39
Change and continuity, the themes of the social scientist, are the themes of these
three writers as they assess the modern development of Indonesian society. They
recognize the inexorability of the social change, yet, like other believers elsewhere,
want to maintain the religious values they regard as permanent to maintain stan-
dards which will keep society from losing its way morally. Theirs is a call for unity
and recommitment fitting with the revivalist guide.
D. Chapter Conclusions and Summary
The ten sources in this chapter offer a composite view of Muslim concerns with con-
temporary living and show particular interest in the compatibility of modem scien-
tific development with religious principles. All writers agree that the two are com-
patible, but the approaches and the exact conclusions differ. One group calls for
wariness lest religious principles be compromised and religious teachings discarded.
Another group holds that Muslims need only to gain mastery of science and technol-
37	Ibid., 142-89.
38	Zaini, Kezoajiban, 364.
39	Ibid., 254-62.121
ogy and apply them. Such views cross all three areas of study in this chapter—the
study of science, the concept of Indonesian nationhood, and modem living.
Concerning the area of science, nearly all the studies try to bring together the
principles of science or contemporary thought on one side and the principles of
religion on the other. This is a difficult task to undertake and the results are not
always convincing. Munawwir notes that religious writers often have difficulties in
writing about this subject area because they are not always conversant with scientific
principles and, consequently, often misunderstand certain key matters of scientific
investigation. Consequently, he notes, the writing such scholars produce is some-
times antagonistic and needlessly defensive in tone. There is some evidence of this in
several of these studies.
It is nearly an axiom that in these studies religion always takes precedence over
science. A few scientific issues are attacked ruthlessly and without any sympathy.
Darwin's evolutionary theory has no defenders and is roundly condemned. The ex-
panding universe theory of Hubble also is rejected as being incompatible with
Qur'anic teaching. However, much depends on the insight of the particular author
and his understanding of scientific theory itself. Those with formal training and
experience in a field utilizing scientific knowledge seem to show greater appreciation
for it and find much that is compatible with Islamic principles.
There are several studies that do show an understanding of science and the sci-
entific method. The primary example is the study of nutrition by Husein, which not
only shows a thorough knowledge of the subject area of nutrition but indicates as
well that the author can differentiate among the prevalent views of the scientific
community and assess those he finds compatible with statements found in the
Qur'an.
The studies dealing with the government and its policies of economic develop-
ment indicate strong identification with the concept of an Indonesian nation-state
and programs designed to improve the nation and the plight of its people. Half of the
writers take the viewpoint that the current government's approach, using a modified
secularist model, is generally acceptable, since Islam is protected and promoted. The
other half of the writers assert that Islam must assume a more important role in the
operation of the state and in setting the standards necessary to measure the success
of economic and political development.
Finally, the studies dealing with modern change and adaptation to new lifestyles
reflect the revivalist position that faith and behavior need to be intensified so that
Indonesian men and women withstand the temptations that accompany such
change. There is a universal belief that the perennial values of Islam must be pre-
served.----------6------------
Problems and Controversy
The protection of orthodox beliefs and patterns of religion is strong in Islam,
and the situation in Indonesia is reflective of this general Muslim character-
istic. Indonesian Muslims have strong beliefs regarding the sacredness of
the Qur'an, and any actions or statements that are considered to denigrate
the sacredness of that scripture, whether real or unintentional, are cause for calls to
action. Such occurrences are newsworthy, as in the case of a woman who, returning
from the supermarket in a large city, found that her meat had been wrapped in an
old document with Arabic writing. Closer examination revealed the document to be
a page from an old discarded Qur'an. There was, of course, a furor, with stories in
various newspapers and statements by many government officials and people
connected with religion.1 2
In a second case, a Qur'an was discovered written in Arabic which contained nu-
merous mistakes in the Arabic transcription. Again there were newspaper stories,
statements by many people, and the hope that the Department of Religion would
look into the matter.* In still another case, the Religious Scholars Council (Majelis
Ulama-Ulama) reviewed the problem of singing groups, some connected with
mosques, intoning verses of the Qur'an. The Council decided that the rules of
Qur'anic recitation (tajwid) are set by historical consensus and that singing verses in
Arabic is not religiously authorized. However, the decision continued, the translation
into Indonesian may be sung, since it is not officially the Qur'an.3 There are many
more such cases.
In this chapter, two serious cases of alleged damage to the Qur'an are outlined
and reviewed. They are serious in that well-known Indonesian scholars were in-
volved, who claimed they were engaged in activities intended to further the under-
standing of Islam, yet they raised a great deal of animosity in response to their
efforts.
A. Literature Reviewed
1.	Jassin, H.B. Bacaan Mulia [Exalted Reading]. Jakarta: Yayasan 23 Januari 1942,1982.
2.	Syamsu, Nazwar. AlQuran Dasar Tanya Jawab Ilmiah [The Qur'an, Basis for a Dia-
logue on Science]. Jakarta: Ghalia Indonesia, 1983 (1976).
3.	Syamsu, Nazwar. AlQuran tentang Al Insaan [The Qur'an Regarding Humanity].
Jakarta: Ghalia Indonesia, 1983.
1	Waspada, July 22,1985,1,5.
2	Waspada, April 6,1985,1.
3	Kumpulan Fatzva, 121-24.123
B. Overview of the Literature
1. Authors and Audiences
The authors here have little relationship. As described in Chapter 6, H.B. Jassin
(b. 1917) is a well-known Indonesian literary critic. Nazwar Syamsu (d. ca. 1983) was
an Islamic educator in Western Sumatra and the spokesman of a small Islamic splin-
ter group.4
All three works are intended for general Muslim audiences in Indonesia, al-
though the intent is somewhat different between the two authors. Jassin is concerned
with lay Muslims becoming interested in the development of their own language
while enjoying reciting the Qur'an in that language. Syamsu is interested in raising
the consciousness of Muslims regarding their moral obligations as stated in the
Qur'an and adopting a cautious attitude toward the expansion of science within
Indonesian society.
Table 6.1 Authors and Audiences
			Audience		
Author	Religious Scholars	Muslim In- tellectuals	Lay Muslims	Muslim Students	Totals
Religious Scholars					0
Muslim In- tellectuals			Syamsu (1,2)		2
Lay Muslims			Jassin		1
Muslim Students					0
Totals	0	0	3	0	3
Source: Prefaces of the works cited.
2. Quality of the Literature
Unlike the majority of works in other chapters that concentrate on the recapitula-
tion of standard religious values, these three books all aim at providing comparison
with values outside Islam. In the case of Jassin, this is an aesthetic comparison with
the translation of the Qur'an into English. Syamsu is interested in examining the
viewpoint of Western scientists and exposing the fallacies in their argumentation by
using religious sources.
The works of Syamsu have been rated as substantial because they are well
organized and there is a good presentation. The argumentation is not within the
Indonesian Muslim tradition, particularly among the fundamentalists of the last
seventy years. The accuracy of the material has been questioned. Jassin's work is an
original attempt to elevate the translations of the Qur'an to an esthetic level not
achieved earlier. He succeeds in large part.
4 For Nazwar Syamsu, see Abdul Aziz, Gerakan Islam, 167-68.124
Table 6.2 Qualitative Factors
	weak substantial	strong	total
1. Recapitulation of religious values			0
2. Comparison of religious values with other values	Syamsu (1,2)	Jassin	3
3. Examination for improved understanding of Islam			0
4. Total	0 2	1	3
Source: Evaluation of the works cited.
3. Source Materials used in the Literature
Syamsu draws heavily on the Qur'an, the English Bible, and six other English
language works, mostly standard encyclopedias. There are no references to Arabic
works and only a few popular Arabic writers are even mentioned. Throughout each
book, over a thousand Qur'anic verses are presented in Arabic and Indonesian trans-
lation.
H.B. Jassin's work offers us two particular insights on sources: his own refer-
ences and the references of the committee of religious scholars that assisted him. The
works that he chose to cite show him to be a writer influenced by Western literature
on the Qur'an. His bibliography cites thirty-two works; of these, twenty are those of
Western authors, such as the English scholars A.J. Arberry, Montgomery Watt, and
M. Pickthall, the Austrian Ignacs Goldziher, and the Dutch scholar J.H. Kramers. All
of these writers have been prominent in the twentieth century. He gives high praise
to the translation of the twentieth-century Indian scholar Abdullah Yusuf Ali and
notes that it was his inspiration for attempting to create a similar work in Indonesian.
H.B. Jassin is more cognizant of the Indonesian writers of commentaries than
those who reviewed his work. He notes the importance of the commentaries by A.
Hassan, Hamidy, M. Yunus, and T.M. Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, all outlined above, and
an out-of-print work by Bakry, Idrus, and Matjoindo. On the other hand, he shows
little familiarity with the Arab tradition.
The works quoted by the committee that reviewed the Jassin translation are quite
different from those cited by Jassin himself. There are three classical writers (ath-
Thabary, al-Baghdady, and al-Mubarrad), six medieval authors (al-Qurthuby, az-
Zamakhsyary, al-Alusy, and Ibnu Katsir), and three writers from the twentieth cen-
tury (Rasyid Ridha, al-Maraghy, and ar-Rafi'y). Unlike H.B. Jassin, the team did not
cite the Indonesian writers of commentaries.
C. Contents of the Literature under Review
Section 1. Reading and Enjoying the Qur'an in Indonesian
The first case, in the late 1970s, was that of H.B. Jassin, an important Indonesian liter-
ary critic with a national reputation spanning several decades. Earlier in this study,
his reader, containing the last reading section (juz ammo), was reviewed. Appearing
in 1942, it has long been regarded as a part of the Muslim literature on the Qur'an.
H.B. Jassin, however, is not primarily an Indonesian Muslim writer, as noted earlier,
but a literary figure whose interests transcend national boundaries. Through wide125
experience, he became aware of the important place that Yusuf Ali, an Indian
translator of the 1930s, attained with his translation of the Qur'an into English. That
translation has been regarded as almost poetic, with beautiful phrasing that gives the
sense of its beauty in the original Arabic, as well as standing as scripture. Jassin
became interested in making an Indonesian version of the Qur'an that would be the
Indonesian equivalent of Yusuf Ali's work.
Jassin's work was not well received among regular Indonesian Muslim scholars,
who questioned the credentials of the author to make such a translation and also the
purpose of an Indonesian version of the Qur'an to be enjoyed for its beauty in
translation. The arguments against it appeared in several essays by Syamsu, Bakry,
and Abbas.5 Officials at the Department of Religion became involved, since it is the
task of the Department to review all renditions of the Qur'an translated into any of
the languages of the country and to pass judgment on their fitness for publication.
In response to the heavy criticism, Department officials convinced Jassin to ac-
cept a team of Qur'anic scholars to review his translation and work with him in
effecting changes that would bring greater accuracy to the Indonesian translation.
The team worked together for over three years on the revisions and the 1983 edition
was altered considerably from the 1978 publication. In a special foreword the author
expressed his thanks to his critics and to the team that reviewed his text.
In an introduction by Anshary, the leader of the review team, it is stated that the
translation of every verse was reviewed at least three times. After three years work,
the team concluded that the text had been improved considerably, but noted that it
was impossible to be perfect, since rendering the meaning of the Qur'anic text into a
non-Arabic form would always have shortcomings. However, it was implied that the
mistakes that marked the earlier publication had been corrected.
Certainly the revisions silenced the critics, but despite adequate sales the work is
not highly regarded by Indonesian Muslim scholars. Privately, officials in the
Department of Religion concede that H.B. Jassin's reputation had much influence in
the final decision to give the Department's seal of approval. Still, by every indicator,
Jassin seems to have taken seriously the advice given him and to have met the
objections of his detractors.
In the final analysis, Jassin's use of the Indonesian translation is dramatically dif-
ferent from any of the other works we have reviewed so far in this book. He is con-
cerned with making the Indonesian text lyrical and reflective of the beauty of sound
he regards the Arabic text to have. First, he uses format to gain his purpose. He lays
the text out in short lines, almost in poetic form, varying the style to fit the particular
chapter with which he is dealing. For example, in Night (al-Lail) he uses an approxi-
mation of a couplet, while in the last section of The Star (an-Najm) he emphasizes the
last word of each verse to build a mood. The effect of his efforts is to emphasize the
literary strengths of Indonesian and to give the text more style and grace than appear
in other translations reviewed for this study.
To develop an aesthetic mood, the poet also uses rhythm and sound. "Not only
rhythm which rocks to and fro, but also—if necessary—short cadence which jumps
or unexpectedly stops, then jumps again into the full power of life. Melodious sound
is heard, repeated sound, not only at the end of a line, but also in the course of the
line, heightening the beauty of expression to the listener or the reader."6 He gives
5	Abbas, Sorotan; Syamsu, Koreksi.
6	Jassin, Bacaan, xxi.126
several examples of this effort. In Indonesian rhyming the sounds "am," "an," and
"ang" offers a good aesthetic quality. The sounds "ai," "au," and "r," while not
rhyming sounds, are pleasant sounds that lend strength and beauty to a translation.
Synonyms are necessary to give variation, and words with good sounds can be
substituted for the more usual words. Finally, a choice of words is sometimes
possible, such as the word for "torment," where the word azab comes across better
aesthetically than siksaan, which is the more common usage. He concludes that
"clearly the beauty of the Qur'an is not only in the beauty of its language, but
especially in the thought contained in it, the two producing a blend of the aesthetic
and the intellectual, leading to a deep satisfaction."7
Jassin was successful in getting his translation/commentary published, but the
decision of history is yet to be made. Is his work a continuation of the effort begun by
Mahmud Yunus and Ahmad Hassan in the early part of the century when they first
began rendering parts of the Qur'an into Indonesian? There was criticism then. Has
H.B. Jassin put a new dimension into the translations which will affect future
workers in this field? Or is his work an aberration or an oddity which will disappear
with time?
Section 2. The Qur'an as Sole Scripture
The second case, in the mid-1980s, was that of Nazwar Syamsu, who was deceased
by the time the case was ultimately resolved. It involved the withdrawal of several
books from publication because they contained long lists of quotations from the
Qur'an that had mistakes in their Indonesian translation. The case was complicated
by the author's religious viewpoint, which was at odds with the majority Muslim be-
lief regarding the range of scriptures that Islam recognizes. Still, it was the transla-
tion issue that was used to withdraw his books from circulation.
Within the Sunni tradition, scripture generally is regarded as having two facets.
The Qur'an is regarded as the word of God in precise form, while the verified Tradi-
tions of the Prophet Muhammad are seen as an auxiliary scripture explaining the
Qur'an. At various points of history there have been groups that have denied the
Traditions as legitimate scripture. Nazwar Syamsu belongs to such a group and was
a leading figure in the movement. The movement, called the Qur'anic Islam Associa-
tion (Jamaah Islam Qur'ani), was founded about 1978 at a mosque in South Jakarta.
The group regards the Qur'an as the sole basis of Islam and regards Muhammad as
the carrier of that message to humanity. The important role of the words and actions
of the Prophet accorded by the Sunni community in general is denied and, in
particular, the formulation of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) is rejected.8
Syamsu's weakness in Arabic translation had come to light in the earlier Jassin
case when he had written a long list of errors in Jassin's translation. Other critics of
Jassin, examining Syamsu's list, took issue with him as well. It was, of course, an
obvious step for them to review Syamsu's own books when they appeared in the
early 1980s. The case was made that many of the translations of the Qur'an lacked
comprehension because of the author's refusal to use standard understandings of the
particular words as used in the Traditions, which Syamsu and the Islam Qur'ani
movement rejected.
7	Ibid, xxii.
8	Abdul Aziz, Gerakan Islam, 141-206; Kiblat, xxxii, No. 3 (July 5,1984), 34-36.127
Syamsu does not give us much information about why he wrote any of his
books, and his introductions avoid any direct mention of his position against
accepting the Traditions as scripture. The title of the series, "Unity of God and Logic
(Tauhid dan Logika)," in fact, appears to be carefully chosen to appeal to the wide
community of believers in Indonesia. There are few words in Islam that carry greater
import concerning God and His religion than the word tauhid, indicating the One-
ness of God, the genesis, and the final resting place of all that was, is, and shall be.
The term is also the correct expression of God's essence and attributes. The use of the
term implies firm adherence to the standard teachings recognized and proclaimed by
Sunni Islam. Logika implies Western scientific learning, a term seen as a boon to
human society, as well as a threat to traditional ways, including Islam.
Still, the theological position of the work is implied in the preface of the pub-
lisher, who sets the Qur'an as the only standard in Islam when he states that "there
are still many among us who do not realize that the Qur'an not only contains God's
commands and prohibitions to his community, but also deals with all the scientific
knowledge existing in the world, whether it is already generally known or not yet
known by humans."9 There is no qualifying phrase that the Traditions of the Prophet
are important as explanation of the Qur'an, given by God so that humans can better
understand the injunctions of the Qur'an itself.
In both of the works by Syamsu reviewed here, the author deals with modern
science and Islam. Except for the controversy surrounding the author, the following
reviews might well have been included in the last chapter in the section on science.
In one of the works, Syamsu states that the work is designed to assist the reader in
knowing what information exists in the Qur'an regarding science and scientific
principles and how that information relates to scientific knowledge as presented by
contemporary scientists. Syamsu believes that there are discrepancies between the
two and that an important purpose of his books is to show where those discrepancies
exist and to clarify what God has told humans through His revealed word.
In The Qur'an Regarding Humanity, Syamsu deals with questions about humans
and their place in the universe. He discusses the creation of the universe, the possi-
bility of life on other planets, the creation of life on earth, and the ultimate purpose of
life. Two chapters deal with evolution: the first with the "evolution" of the universe
according to Hubble (d. 1953), Heisenberg (d. 1976), and others, while the second
deals with the "evolution" of life forms on earth. Syamsu rejects evolution because
that theory has no place in it to account for creation as the will and plan of God. He
cites nine points as a refutation of "natural selection."
1.	How is it that hydrogen, the first element. . . has fused itself with the other
ninety-two elements? What causes it to act in this way and why doesn't it simp>ly
evolve into a new form altogether?
2.	Why do the elements come together to form earth, water, air, and then, further,
become metals, oil, blood, bone, flesh, hair, and so forth? Why don't all these
things have thought, feeling, sensation, if there really is natural selection? ...
3.	How can an island be formed with all sorts of fruits ... together at one time in
a limited place ... each distinct and different... and never evolve ... into some-
thing else?
9 Syamsu, Dasar, 3.128
4.	How is that all growing things ... are different? They all have different tastes,
shapes, and methods of growing. Why are they different if there is natural selec-
tion (after all, wouldn't they all seek to be the one best thing)?
5.	Why do things behave the way they do if natural selection is at work? Why
does water form mucous at times and other times blood? Why do male and fe-
male persist if one is obviously better than the other?
6.	Why is there so much variation among the features of the people on earth?
Why are their desires and preferences so different, if there is a selection for the
best at work?
7.	Why can't one form of life choose to evolve into another form, or to change its
composition, as from water to air?
8.	Why can't humans choose not to be born?
9.	What is the purpose and sense of the world in any case?10
Syamsu argues that life is God's creation and, as such, He has differentiated all
things and given each creation its distinctive character. To each he has assigned
spirit, physical form, a span of activity, mental capacity, and moral substance. Within
this range, Syamsu notes five different types of creation that have these characteris-
tics in varying ways—humans, animals, jinn, angels, and the physical universe. Each
has a special purpose and task within God's plan. Humans have three areas of re-
sponsibility: the use and protection of the earth and its creatures; construction of a
system of morality for human society; and the use of knowledge and its technology
to gain achievement in accord with the teachings of the Qur'an.
In The Qur'an, Basis for a Dialogue on Science, Syamsu employs a question-answer
format, which is a technique made famous by an earlier fundamentalist in Indonesia,
who Syamsu regards as an important predecessor to his own work.* 11 There are 184
entries; in each a "scientific" question is posed, relevant to the contents of the Qur'an,
and then an answer is given. For example, "How large are the sun and moon
according to the Qur'an?" "What is the explanation of the Qur'an concerning a
comet?" and "Is it true that every planet has an oval orbit as it revolves around the
sun?" There are also some questions aimed at religious speculation, such as, ". . .
assuming that humans inhabit other planets, what is the direction of their prayer?"12
The replies vary in length from a quarter page to several pages, although most
are about a page long. This part of the answer is fairly factual, as the following
example indicates: "The sun is about 93,000,000 miles from earth, has a diameter of
865,000 miles, which is 332 times greater than earth... ."13 This "scientific" answer is
followed by a discussion of the issue using Qur'anic text. An example of this tech-
nique is given in entry 47.
10	Syamsu, Insan, 154-55.
11	Ahmad Hassan of the Persatuan Islam. See Abdul Aziz, Gerakan Islam, 159.
12	Syamsu, Dasar, 26, 51, 87.
13	Ibid., 40-41.129
47. Concerning the concept of the Qur'an toward the atom, is the ray not a part of
the atom that releases it?
... a hydrogen atom, for example, is composed of one proton which is the core
and an electron which orbits the core. Other atoms have greater numbers of
protons and electrons as well as neutrons with no magnetic charge. A proton is
said to have a positive magnetic charge (and) an electron has a negative charge.
Neutrons, protons, and electrons are all said to be particles.... When hydrogen
atoms fuse in the so-called carbon cycle, a neutrino is given off, which is com-
posed of equal numbers of electrons and protons. It is given off and (supposedly)
never returns. . . . This explanation, from Western scholars, has . . . contradic-
tions.
... The Qur'an clarifies in 87/3 through 87/5 that when the electron flies off
(in the carbon cycle), it remains hydrogen . . . and becomes part of the iono-
sphere, as mentioned in 2/32.
. . . Verse 54/50 notes that Allah accounts for all things, they are neither in-
creased or decreased.... This summary indicates that the Qur'an contains a con-
cept about the essence of the atom----The conclusion is that the ray is not part of
an atom (but the atom itself).14
Nazwar Syamsu did not satisfy Indonesian Muslim scholars that he understood
Arabic or Muslim religious precept very well. At the same time, standard world
scientists would find his explanations of science simplistic and distorted for purposes
of refutation. Withdrawal from circulation of controversial works is an accepted
practice in Indonesian Islam and Syamsu's death means that clarification of his posi-
tion is not possible. This is unfortunate, for it is only with continual effort by those
who disagree with the majority that new developments are possible in religion. This
is not to say that Syamsu was correct, only that the issues he raised about religious
doctrine are considerations that the majority position needs to consider. After all, the
great describers of the accepted faith, al-Asy'ary (d. 935) and al-Ghazaly (d. 1111),
were first outside the orthodox norms before making their formulations, which came
to be widely accepted by orthodox Muslims.
14 Ibid., 44-46.7
Comments, Comparisons,
and Conclusions
Section 1. Summary and Remarks on the Investigative Chapters
1. Authors and Audiences
There are sixty works constituting the pool of works for this study. Table 7.1
indicates that religious scholars constitute the largest group of authors; nearly two-
thirds of the total were prepared by members of that group. This fits precisely with
what we know of Muslim scholars in Islamic history; that is, that they are the
primary carriers of Muslim religious knowledge and its interpreters in any given age.
This would again appear to be the case in contemporary Indonesia.
Muslim intellectuals constituted slightly less than a quarter of the authors in the
study, which is weak in comparison to the influence of the religious scholars. Along
with this direct contribution are the studies undertaken by students, usually for
fulfillment of academic requirements under supervision of the intellectuals. The
addition of those student studies raises the intellectual contribution to about thirty
percent. That is a significant figure indicating that a second group of educated
Muslims, aside from the religious scholars, do find it important to write on religious
subjects and believe that they have the background to undertake that task.
Table 7.1 Authors and Audiences
Audience
Authors	Religious Scholars	Muslim In- tellectuals	Lay Muslims	Muslim Students	Totals
Religious Scholars	5	3	15	14	37
Muslim In- tellectuals	0	5	10	2	17
Lay Muslims	0	0	2	0	2
Muslim Students	4	0	0	0	4
Totals	9	8	27	16	60
Source: Previous tables
The audiences for which the studies were intended were as concentrated as the
authors. Over two-thirds of the studies were apparently aimed at lay Muslims and
students; that is, for formal and informal education. About a quarter of the works131
were intended for scholarly exchange and intellectual stimulation, with religious
scholars and other learned Muslims as the intended audience. The mix is not
inappropriate in terms of the needs of a religious community. There is no single-
minded purpose here.
2, Quality of the Literature
The second measurement, that found in Table 7.2, indicates that a majority of the
Indonesian works concentrated on recapitulation of traditional Islamic lessons.
About 70 percent of the total number fell in that category, the largest number being
rated as substantial or strong. A much smaller number, representing almost 20
percent, were comparisons of traditional Islamic teachings with competing non-
Islamic value systems. As in the case of the recapitulative works, most were judged
as substantial. A very small number, less than ten percent, were judged as concerned
with examination of materials for greater insight into Islam. As might be expected,
the effort required for this kind of study produced works that were judged as either
substantial or strong.
Table 7.2 Qualitative Factors weak substantial			strong	total
1. Recapitulation of religious values	8	24	9	41
2. Comparison of religious values with other values	2	9	3	14
3. Examination for improved understanding of Islam	0	1	4	5
4. Totals	10	34	16	60
Source: Previous tables
The tendency to orthodoxy is apparent in all the books reviewed. They do not
challenge standard beliefs at all, but instead draw carefully and fully on the standard
lessons of Islam. At times there appears to be a slavishness to orthodoxy, a concern
that everything be included lest it not be correct. This may be a product of the
rejuvenation of Indonesian Islam, where the incomplete and misinterpreted lessons
so prevalent in Indonesia previously have been a focus of reform for the concerned
believer. Thorough, careful studies are seen as helping to overcome those old
shortcomings.
Overall, 55 percent of the writings fell in the substantial category, showing good
format, direction, and writing skills. The remainder were about evenly split between
weak and strong, showing general balance of quality among the works of the
collection.
Throughout the study there have been a range of techniques and approaches
used by the Indonesian authors. Here we summarize several of them.
1. All of the works quoted the Qur'an and most of them Traditions as well.
Significantly, all quotations were given first in Arabic, apparently as a means of
recognizing the injunction that such citations have full meaning only in their Arabic
text. At the same time, the accompanying Indonesian rendition was also always
included, apparently because such translation is regarded as necessary for assisting132
those whose understanding of Arabic is not complete. There were no exceptions in
this practice.
2.	When the Qur'an is directly quoted, there is very little attempt to interpret
meaning; it stands as quoted. When comment does occur it is usually careful
paraphrasing and it is seldom that contemporary problems are dealt with in such
explanations. Of course, the author implies by use of the Qur'anic text that the
quotation supports the contention made at that point.
3.	Views of current conditions start with the premise that Islamic values are those
described by past Muslim scholars and, even among modernists, there is little
attempt to describe the values of Islam in contemporary reinterpretation. Most argu-
ments try to reestablish stylized values from Islam's past.
4.	Referring to the works of the great religious scholars of the past was common,
but not universal.
3. Source Materials Used in the Literature
The summary of all the authors, titles, and citations referred to by the Indonesian
writers is presented in Table 7.3. It shows that Arabic sources were the most used of
the three language groups recorded. Arabic authors constituted roughly 43 percent
of the pool, but nearly 55 percent of the citations. The table also indicates that most
Western authors were quoted only once, Indonesian authors about twice, and each
Arabic author about three times. This trend is consistent throughout the range of
books reviewed.
Table 7.3 Statistical Summary of Sources
Language	Authors	Titles	Citations
Arabic	208	285	580
Indonesian	161	203	284
Western	136	157	173
Total	405	645	1037
Source: Previous tables
Those titles that were cited in the bibliographies of nine or more studies have
been gathered together and presented in Table 7.4 with some identifying
information. Twelve studies emerged, eleven Arabic and one Indonesian. Among the
Arabic works were the Qur'an itself, three standard compilations of Traditions, and
one early commentary of high reputation, all from the Classical Era (sixth to tenth
centuries). The two works from the Middle Period (eleventh to nineteenth centuries)
were important works on the Qur'an often cited in Sunni literature on the subject.
The three Arabic works from the Modern Era (late nineteenth century until the
present) include the prototype for modern commentaries, i.e., those by Muhammad
Abduh and Rasyid Ridha, and two others with good reputation. The Indonesian
study is the standard work published by the Indonesian Government.
The sources show no surprises. Arabic literature dealing with Qur'anic exegesis
is extensively used among the studies and appropriately cited. Indonesian sources,
which are built on the Arabic sources themselves, form a secondary literature,
especially for works that comment on the applicability of the scripture to current
morals, ethics, and guides for living. Except as a source of contemporary scientific133
knowledge, Western works are used only as points of information and do not
constitute an important part of the literature under review.
Table 7.4 Common Sources
1—	al-Bukhary, Muhammad bin Isma'il, Al-Jami' al-Shahih [Collection of
Verified Traditions!. (Arabic, classical)
2—	Ibnu Katsir ad-Dimashqy, Tafsir al-Qur'an Adim [Commentary of the
Qur'an]. (Arabic, middle period)
3—	Indonesia, Departemen Agama. Al-Qur'an dan Terjemahnya [The Qur'an
and Its Translation]. (Indonesian, modern)
4—	Jauhary, Thanthawy, Tafsir [Commentary]. (Arabic, modern)
5—	al-Maraghy, Ahmad Mustafa, Tafsir al-Maraghi [The Maraghi Commen-
tary]. (Arabic, modern)
6—	al-Muslim, Abu al-Husain al-Naisabury, Shahih [Verified Traditions].
(Arabic, classical)
7—	al-Qasimy, Muhammad Jalal al-Din, Tafsir Mahasin al-Ta'wil.
[Interpretive Commentary of the Beautiful Qur'an] (Arabic, modern)
8—	Al-Qur'an al-Karim; Al-Mashhaf al-Syarif [The Blessed Qur'an:
Standardized], formalized by the Egyptian Government in 1924;
formalized by the Indonesian Government in 1976. (Arabic, classical)
9—	Ridha, Muhammad Rasyid, Tafsir al-Manar (Tafsir Qur'an al-Hakim) [The
Manar Commentary, also known as the Commentary of the Judging
Qur'an]. (Arabic, modern)
10—	as-Sayuthy, Jalal al-Din, Al-Itcjan fi'Ulum al-Qur'an [Fulfillment of the
Sciences of the Qur'an]. (Arabic, middle period)
11—	ath-Thabary, Abu Ja'far Ibnu Jarir, Mucfaddamah ]amx al-Bayanfi Tafsir
al-Qur'an [Introduction to the Clarifying Collection in the Commentary
of the Qur'an]. (Arabic, classical)
12—	at-Tirmidzy, Abi Isa, Sunan [The Customs (of the Prophet)]. (Arabic,
classical)
Source: Previous tables
Section 2. Comparison of Indonesian Literature with Other Selected Works
One means of assessing the strength of the Indonesian collection outlined in the
investigative chapters is to undertake a comparison of those works with other works
written outside of Indonesia on the same subjects. The selection has been limited to
six books corresponding to the major areas covered in this study. For brevity these
six works are compared to the best of the Indonesian works, rather than to the entire
collection. Such an evaluation is helpful in showing the strength of those strong Indo-
nesian works toward similar works produced elsewhere. Ultimately, such an evalua-
tion also indicates the strength and weakness of the other Indonesian studies.
1. Introduction to the Qur'an
Helmut Gatje, Koran und Koranexegese [The Qur'an and Qur'anic Exegesis].
Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1976.
Gatje's presentation is an explanation of the historical development of Qur'anic
commentary and an amplification of that development through review of key textual
selections from a number of key commentaries. In particular, he provides analysis of
the historical works of ath-Thabary, az-Zamakhsyary, ar-Razy, and as-Sayuthy. The134
subjects on which he elaborates are revelation, Muhammad, people of the book, God,
angels, eschatology, duties, and dogmatics. He concludes with remarks about Sufi,
Syi'ah, and modernist commentaries. The work is analytical and selections are well
chosen to heighten perception. The work is intended for an erudite audience and its
primary use would be for non-Muslim intellectuals wishing to gain insight into
Islamic theology, but it would be useful as a composite study for Muslim
intellectuals as well. Although written by a non-Muslim, die work is non-judgmental
about the ultimate truth of Islam; Gatje accepts Islam as a functioning religious
system.
The Gatje work does not have an exact equivalent among the Indonesian works,
but it is most like Aboebakar Atjeh's Sejarah and Masjfuk Zuhdi's Pengantar.
Aboebakar Atjeh's description of the historical background and work of the various
Muslim scholars is broader, if not always as analytical of the works those scholars
produced. Zuhdi's description of the methods employed by older Qur'anic scholars
and the development of those techniques is superior to Gatje. Gatje's strength is the
composite of Muslim belief patterns that emerge from the Qur'anic scholars and
neither Atjeh or Zuhdi match that, although some of the material brought together
by Gatje would be regarded as self-evident by the other two writers. On balance,
Gatje's work is a better analytical piece than any of the other works in the section, but
the Zuhdi and Aboebakar Atjeh works rank well in comparison.
2.	Commentaries of the Qur'an
Ahmad Mustafa al-Maraghy, Al-Tafsir [Qur'anic Commentary]. Cairo: Mustafa
al-Babi al-Halabi, 1962 (1945). 30 vols.
Al-Maraghy's work is a model of workmanship dealing with the essence of
traditional Muslim scholarship. It is a favorite of many learned Indonesians. It has a
sophisticated approach, analyzing each verse with several techniques and using
careful analysis to pull together the material relevant to each verse under
investigation.
The work is closest to the Department of Religion's Tafsirnya, but clearly
transcends it in scope and analysis. Indonesian writers of commentaries have been
faced with a far different situation than al-Maraghy. Al-Maraghy is writing in Arabic
where the base materials are available and there have been other commentaries
written by Egyptians in the past 100 years, including the famous work by Abduh and
Ridha. In Indonesia the challenge has been to bring the materials into Indonesian and
set standards on their use and interpretation. Tafsirnya is aimed at achieving that
purpose. Other commentaries, while adequate and enlightening to an Indonesian
readership, do not have the range and depth of analysis that al-Maraghy and his
Egyptian contemporaries have.
3.	The Contents of the Qur'an
Fazlurrahman, Major Themes of the Qur'an. Minneapolis: Bibliotheca Islamica,
1980.
Major Themes is important because of the conceptual categories it brings to the
classification of the Qur'an. Two key points can be stressed. First, it provides
categories fitting with present-day concerns, i.e., humans as individuals and the135
physical universe, while dealing with perennial concerns, such as revelation and
eschatology. Second, the index is a bibliographic essay, which itself is indexed,
giving the entire study even greater strength. There have been numerous works
throughout the last century that classified the themes of the Qur'an and provided
indices, some by Muslims and others by Western scholars. Fazlurrahman transcends
the older concepts and gives us themes for dealing with contemporary civilization.
Zaini's Isi Pokok, alone among the several Indonesian indices, attempts to provide
direction to the contents of the Qur'an as Fazlurrahman does, but the work, despite
several significant revisions, has not yet achieved the same plane of achievement.
Other Indonesian indices and studies of the contents of the Qur'an are serviceable
technical works that complement the commentaries in Chapter 3 by providing
Indonesian indices. They do not aspire to the same goals as those set by
Fazlurrahman, yet are acceptable indices for use by Indonesian Muslims.
4. Reciting the Qur'an
Christine Nelson, The Art of Reciting the Qur'an. Austin: University of Texas Press,
1985.
Nelson's work is an academic study of the recitation of the Qur'an in Egypt that
traces the historical development of the form, the training necessary to become a
qualified reciter, and the Egyptian government's efforts to maintain standards. The
work is an academic exercise in examining an art form from the anthropological
perspective and an attempt to measure the aesthetics it provides and the values it
reinforces.
The Nelson work is closest in form to Shalihah's Perkembangan and Zen's Tata
Cara, which both outline many of the same developments and activities in the
Indonesian context. Like Nelson, these works were prepared originally as academic
exercises and, consequently, their form and subject matter are remarkably similar.
The quality of Nelson's writing is slightly better; her work was a Ph.D. dissertation,
while the other two were senior theses. Against this, Nelson is a non-Muslim
discovering the subject, while the Indonesian authors are Muslims in a school for
advanced Qur'anic sciences.
Both Indonesian works note the values fortified by Qur'anic recitations, but
neither is on a par with Nelson in describing the aesthetics of the art of recitation.
These three works, however, are at a different level of accomplishment than the
remainder of the works in this chapter, which are technical grammars giving
instruction in learning to pronounce the Arabic of the Qur'an. Comparison of those
with Nelson's work is difficult because they are built on different assumptions.
5* Qur'an in Contemporary Life
Maurice Bucaille, La Bible, he Coran et la Science [The Bible, the Qur'an and
Science]. Paris: Editions Seghers, 1976.
Bucaille's work is a study in comparative religion, with a clear presentation of points
to be examined and a careful analysis of scriptures to support the conclusions he
draws at the completion of his study. Bucaille finds the original Qur'an more
accurately preserved than has been the case in Judaism and Christianity. He finds a
positive acceptance of scientific reasoning in the Qur'an, which is much less clear in136
the other scriptures. Bucaille's argumentation is sophisticated and clearly presented,
and the conclusions do not seem affected by the personal religious views of the
author.
The Indonesian work closest to Bucaille's is Husein's Gizi Dalam Qur'an, which
takes a positive approach in its examination of modem scientific theory in the light of
Qur'anic teachings. Husein's techniques of analysis and his insight into the nature of
science are the best of the Indonesian works. His work is reflective of standard
Muslim concerns about the values raised by a technologically oriented Western
civilization and the consequent threats to cherished Islamic values. Husein's work is
not as far-ranging as Bucaille's, but his conclusions are as well drawn and he fares
well in comparison.
6. Islamic Education
Muhammad al-Naguib Al-Attas, The Concept of Education in Islam: A Framework
for an Islamic Philosophy of Education. Kuala Lumpur: Muslim Youth Movement of
Malaysia, 1980.
The Concept of Education is an essay on the education of modern Muslim youth
intended to acquaint them with the traditional values of Islam and prepare them for
meaningful lives in Muslim societies. The book is not a textbook and so cannot be
directly compared with the Indonesian works in this section. However, as a
recognized theoretical work on the subject, its outline can be used as a point of
evaluation. In this regard, al-Attas speaks to the importance of adab—the essence of
Islamic civilization—and the teachings necessary for Muslims to impart to the
learners in society to comprehend that essence. He recognizes, inter alia, studies that
impart: 1) the necessity for the recitation and interpretation of the Qur'an, and 2) the
importance of the Traditions and their authoritative transmission.
The Indonesian works in this chapter were structured on the findings of
conferences among Indonesian Muslim scholars and were certified by the
Department of Religion. Indeed, these sessions were concerned with the same sense
of adab and Muslim values that al-Attas claims are necessary. The outline of
teachings by the works designed for use in Indonesian Islamic schools is a direct
application of the concepts outlined by both al-Attas and the Indonesian Muslim
scholars.
10. Conclusion
On the basis of the preceding analysis, it can be said that leading Indonesian works
on the Qur'an generally rate well against non-Indonesian works in the same subject
areas. Indonesian works seem close to the same standards in four areas and clearly
outclassed in only two areas. Overall, that would seem to be a good rating that
would rank well among Islamic countries with a non-Arabic language, perhaps on a
par with Turkey, but clearly superior to other countries in Southeast Asia.
Section 3. The Hypothesis Revisited
The hypothesis presented in the introduction has been proven true on the basis of the
examination undertaken in this study.
An Islamic literature does exist in Bahasa Indonesia prepared by Indonesian
scholars. The literature constitutes a systematic study of Islam and explains religious137
principles in coherent terms. Indonesian Islamic literature is reflective of historical
Sunni Islamic sources and literature drawn from those sources.
The points of measurement put forward for the measurement of this hypothesis
were all positive.
1.	There was an enunciation of Islamic principles as elaborated in the Qur'an and
Traditions. Our study showed great attention to those principles and the sources
were used extensively by our authors and with great respect.
2.	There was heavy use of Arabic to express religious values, including names,
terms, and scriptural quotations. Our selected Indonesian books fulfilled this
requirement without exception. There was consistency in their reliance on Arabic
to express religious concepts and to meet religious obligations. The use of other
languages for access to ancilliary literature in no way detracted from the central
role of Arabic as the source of religious knowledge.
3.	There was great stress on the need to place Islamic principles into everyday
use. In most of the studies reviewed in this examination, authors returned to this
theme often.
4.	There was a limited understanding and a limited appreciation of non-Islamic
viewpoints and many authors roundly condemned any viewpoint they believed
challenged the truth of Islamic principles. We saw this most clearly in the studies
reacting to modem science and technology, where evolution and the big bang
theory of creation were dismissed as incompatible with Qur'anic citations.
Section 4. Other Considerations
Indonesian language works and translations of Arabic works into Indonesia certainly
do not constitute the sum of materials available to Indonesian Muslims for the study
of the Qur'an. First, there are numerous works in Arabic itself. The Qur'an, with
Arabic text only, is found in numerous sizes, shapes, and printing styles throughout
the country. Arabic collections of classical works are common at religious schools,
with individual religious scholars, and at the quasi-official Religious Scholars'
Councils (Majelis Ulatna). An examination of an IAIN Library in Medan showed all
but one of the Arabic sources found in the "common sources" cited in this study. A
similar examination of the library of the Majelis Ulama at Jakarta showed all but two
of those works, and in Medan there were 80 percent. An earlier examination of those
Arabic sources at a pesantren in Bandung indicated that over 50 percent were
available there. Bookstores in all the cities visited sold numerous Arabic-language
studies of the Qur'an, although several bookstore operators noted that such sales
were always slow, if steady.
Second, there are other materials on the Qur'an available in regional languages
of Indonesia, notably Javanese and Sundanese. The number of these works is not
large, probably no more than five to ten works per language. An examination of
materials in Javanese and Sundanese indicated that the formats of the works were
similar to works in Indonesian.1
1 See Federspiel, "An Introduction to Qur'anic Commentaries in Southeast Asia," Muslim
World (January 1991).138
Finally, there are materials available from other languages, especially English
and Dutch. These are used by some Indonesian scholars, but the trend is not
universal among them. This is due, in part, to language difficulties—religious
scholars concentrate on Arabic rather than Western languages—and a suspicion that
Western works are not sympathetic to Islam. However, since several leading Muslim
scholars now write in English, i.e., Maududi and Fazlurrahman, some of that
reluctance seems to be changing, as noted in the citations of their works in recent
Indonesian studies.
Section 5. Final Words
This study of Islamic literature prompts six conclusions.
1.	Islamic Sunni tradition is important to Indonesian Muslim writers. They draw
consistently on the sources of that tradition, i.e. the Qur'an, the model of the
Prophet, and works of religious scholars for the entire length of Islamic history.
2.	The model for Indonesian works on Qur'anic commentary comes primarily
from the works of the Egyptian Muslim writers of the past one hundred years.
3.	The impact of Indonesian government policy has been an important
consideration in the development of Muslim activities and thinking over the past
forty-five years. Writing has been couched in terms that correspond to the con-
cerns of national difficulties or national policy.
4.	Western influence is suspect, in part because of the past judgment of the
Orientalists toward Islamic doctrine, but also because its science and its morality
appear to many Muslims to be antithetical to what Islamic scriptures contend
about those matters.
5.	A revival movement (dakwah) is underway in Islam and Indonesian Muslims
are affected by it. That movement has affected the Indonesian Muslim
community appreciably on matters of worship and basic religious obligation, but
has not, as in some other countries, much affected public policy or public
morality.
6.	All but a handful of the books accept the general message of Islam without
much question, indicating a satisfaction with it. There are only a small number of
books which critique the Muslim application of those principles.Appendix 1
Measurements for Assessing
Range and Strength of Studies
At the beginning of chapters 3 through 6, five measurements are applied to
the writings reviewed in each chapter. Those measurements, presented in
table format, were designed to supply an analysis of the origin, purpose,
and strength of each of the writings used in the compilation of the chapter.
A description of the parameters follows:
A. Authors and Audiences
The first table classifies the authors and the audiences for which the works were
intended into four groupings. Those groupings were chosen to indicate relationship
with others in the Muslim community.
1)	"Muslim scholars," often referred to as ulama, are those with training in the
traditional Islamic sciences and associated with the perpetuation of that knowledge,
usually in a formal teaching position, such as at a pesantren or one of the national
institutes for Islamic studies. Non-teaching religious scholars are not excluded, and
there are several such cases among our authors.
2)	"Muslim intellectuals" indicate Muslims with advanced education, usually at
the degree level, in disciplines other than the religious sciences, who do not teach
Islamic sciences. Frequently members of this group have extensive training in Islam
early in their education, but at a later time have pursued studies in other sciences
and technical subjects. They often have jobs away from education, but they are
usually deeply concerned about the extent and direction of Muslim learning and
practice.
3)	"Lay Muslims" are those members of the Muslim community who have no
higher-level training in Islamic sciences, although some have been trained in basic
Islamic education. Lay Muslims view Islam as a religious system with which they are
intimately involved and they seek to follow its tenets and practices as a matter of
piety and religious obligation.
4)	"Muslim students" are those who are studying at any institution of education,
national or private, whether in religious studies or not.
Originally a fifth group, "non-Muslims" was included, but this category proved
unnecessary, so it was removed from the tables.
B. Qualitative Factors
The second table measures the intent and range of quality of the works examined.
'Intent" has three categories of classification.140
1)	"Recapitulation of religious values." These works restate the accepted ortho-
doxy of Islam and prepare those lessons anew for the current Indonesian Muslim
audience. They are not intended to add new ideas or concepts, only to deal with
what already exists and to speak within the context of what is generally accepted.
Such studies are certainly necessary for the community, but they generally are not
difficult to write.
2)	"Comparison of religious values with other values." The second category
consists of those works which recognize a threat or challenge to standard Islamic
teachings and attempt to prove that Islamic teachings are either superior to or com-
patible with them. Usually that threat or challenge is Western technological and
materialistic civilization, but sometimes it is indigenous Indonesian culture or even a
different Muslim standpoint regarding the lessons of Islam itself. These works
demand some understanding of both Islam and another value system in order to
speak to the issue.
3)	"Examination for improved understanding of Islam." The third category con-
sists of those works which examine aspects of Islamic teachings or other materials in
order to arrive at a new or deeper appreciation of Islamic values and teachings. Like
the comparative works, such books frequently are prompted by contact with Western
culture.
The table also posits a measurement of how well the study performs its task. It is
intended to measure the strength of presentation, the author's attempt to set out
guidelines to assist readers, and the lack or provision of a system of implied or stated
explanation to assist the user of the work.
1)	"Weak" indicates that the work fell short of meeting many of the goals it
explicitly or implicitly stated and which could be expected for a work in its field.
Usually weak works are incomplete in providing material, although, at times, a
flawed format is the problem.
2)	"Substantial" indicates that basic goals were met, that an adequate amount of
information was provided, and that the presentation was adequate for dealing with
the task at hand.
3)	"Strong" indicates that basic goals were fully met and possibly exceeded, that
the presentation was well stated, and that the work serves as a guide for other works
in the same field of study.
C. Statistical Summary of Sources
The third table is a statistical summary of sources assembled from the bibliographies
or citations made in the books reviewed in this study.
1) Languages of the cited works. Concerning language, three sources are cited:
Indonesian, Arabic, and Western. There are some difficulties with this breakdown
since some works appearing in Indonesian were originally Arabic or Western, and
the same is true for Arabic, where some were taken from earlier Western writings. In
some cases works were originally written in a Western language, translated into
Arabic, and then translated from Arabic into Indonesian. Also, some authors, such as
Maududi, write in more than one language; hence, the language is not always an
indicator of religious viewpoint. In general, however, works in Arabic tend to be
written by Muslims and those in Western languages often are written by non-Mus-
lims. Despite these exceptions, this measurement is important since influence on
Indonesia comes from the Arabic world and from the West, and the measure of the
sources in religious materials is important in that context.141
2) Citations by author, works, and total citations. Figures on authors, works, and
citations are provided because the analysis allows a fuller picture of Islamic literature
and Indonesian authors' use of it. Sometimes the work is important and sometimes it
is the author alone, regardless of which of his works is cited.
D. Common Sources
The fourth table is a list of common sources cited in the works examined. A common
source is a work which is cited by three different Indonesian works reviewed in that
section, although in a few chapters the number has been set at five. The use of those
figures represents 15 to 25 percent commonality. In the final chapter the figure is
nine citations from the total number of works reviewed in the entire study, which is
about ten percent of the total.Appendix 2
Remarks Concerning the Use of
Literature on the Qur'an in
Indonesia and Nearby Areas
To investigate whether studies of the Qur'an were being used by substantial
numbers of Muslims in the Southeast Asian region the following hypothesis
was drawn:
That Indonesian Muslim literature is used by a substantial following of people who
self-identify themselves as being Muslim. The users are found primarily in the Malay
world, including Indonesia, but are not bound by Indonesia's borders.
It was decided that this hypothesis could be tested by analyzing whether the
literature enjoyed use in a wide geographical area and among various groups in
society. To that end, three sources were examined to determine the amount of circu-
lation the literature enjoys in Indonesia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia.
1.	Publication by firms with national and international distribution.
2.	A sampling of holdings of libraries and bookstores at different locations within
Indonesia. Four cities were used as sites—Jakarta, Medan, Surabaya, and Ban-
dung.
3.	A sampling of libraries and bookstores at several locations in Southeast Asia.
Four cities were used as sites—Singapore, Johore Bahru, Penang, and Bandar
Begawan, Brunei.
A. Publishers
There are a total of thirty-six publishers for the fifty-seven Indonesian works and
translations appearing in this study. The number of works produced by single pub-
lishers ranged from one to eight. Three publishers—Bina Ilmu, Bulan Bintang, and
al-Husna—accounted for 28 percent of the publications. All three are established
firms with national distribution systems in Indonesia. Another five publishers—also
including many well-known Muslim firms—accounted for another 23 percent of the
works under review. The remaining 49 percent were produced by twenty-eight pub-
lishing houses. Many of the last group produce limited numbers of works and have
limited distribution systems.143
Nearly all the publishers are on Java in the cities of Jakarta, Bandung, Yogya-
karta, and Surabaya. This pattern is consistent with trends noted in the U.S. Library
of Congress's Accession Lists for Southeast Asia and with U.S. Information Service
observations that publishing in general is centered in the primary cities of Java.
Outer Island publication of Islamic subjects, especially on Sumatra, has slowed con-
siderably. West Sumatrans are still active in publishing, as they were earlier in the
century, but they have moved their operations to Java in several cases.
B.	Distribution in Indonesia
The Indonesian works for this study were collected primarily in Medan, Jakarta,
Yogyakarta, and Banda Aceh. Nearly all the books eventually were available in both
Medan and Jakarta, although certainly not in one bookstore. In Medan there were
about ten stores used, largely because publishers from Java used many different out-
lets. In Jakarta only four stores were used. On trips to Bandung and Yogyakarta,
bookstores were located that sold an appreciable number of the books. Nonetheless,
fully two-thirds of the entire list were available in each place. The distance between
the cities, well over a thousand miles, would suggest a similar pattern to the East
(Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and Nusatenggara), although that assumption has not been
verified. Since the major publishers on Islam distribute to eastern Indonesia as well
as to the western part, a similar pattern probably exists for many other publishers.
What can be said definitively is that a good range of these materials is generally
available on Java and Sumatra and probably in the east at major centers of popula-
tion as well. The list of works reviewed is one common to Indonesian Muslims.
C.	Distribution in Southeast Asia
The list of Indonesian works was checked in bookstores and public libraries in Singa-
pore and Malaysia (Johore Bahru, Penang, Kuala Lumpur, and Kota Bahru). The list
was also checked against accessions lists of a public library in Bandar Begawan,
Brunei Darrussalam. Finally the list was checked against bookstore holdings in
Malay in three bookstores in Southern Thailand (Yala, Pattani, and Haadyai). In all
four countries, Indonesian works formed a part of the entire inventory of books
available on the Qur'an. They shared the scene with works in translation from the
Arabic world, mostly Egypt, and a few from South Asia. There were a number of
works from local scholars in all four countries. Our findings here suggest that works
on the Qur'an were an important component of the Islamic literature in those coun-
tries, constituting about a quarter of the books available on the subject.Glossary of Terms
Abbasid (Arabic dynastic name). Muslim Empire (750-1258) with its capital at Baghdad. Much
of the development of Islamic theology, law, and philosophy occurred during its
ascendency. One of the two empires of classical Islam regarded as important in Sunni
thought.
adab (Arabic). The term in Muslim history indicating culture, refinement, and civilization. In a
religious sense, it connotes the standards and values of Islamic civilization.
Ahmadiya (from Arabic). Religious sect that asserts it is Islamic, whose followers and
missionaries are found throughout the world, including Indonesia. Many Sunni Muslims
charge they are not Muslims, because of claims by some followers of the founder Mirza
Ghulam Ahmad (d. 1908) that he was a prophet.
Allah (Arabic). The term for "God" in Arabic. In the Qur'an He is described as the Creator of
all things and as having command over all things.
aqa'id, akidah (Arabic). In Sunni belief, correct belief, in the sense of what is contained in the
creed of Islam.
asbab an-nuzul (Arabic). The assembly of materials concerning a verse of the Qur'an to explain
the context in which the verse was revealed.
asmal husna (Arabic). In Islamic religious thought, the characteristics of God and, hence, the
various names assigned to Him as representing those attributes.
ayah-akham (Arabic). In Sunni belief, verses of the Qur'an dealing with legal injunctions.
ay at (from Arabic ayah). In Islam, the technical term for a verse of the Qur'an.
ayatul kursi, ayat kursi (Arabic). The common appellation given to al-Baqarah 255, a popular
verse often recited by Muslims in times of danger and sorrow. The theme is that God
never sleeps and is available to assist the reciter with his problems.
al-Azhar (place name in Egypt). The name of a large mosque in Cairo and the center of Islamic
learning located in the area of the mosque. For over two centuries it has been a favorite
site for young Muslims from Southeast Asia to study Islamic sciences.
bangsa (Indonesian). The term for nation in Indonesian nationalism, indicating Indonesian
identity. Earlier in the century the term indicated ethnic identity and was a symbol to
Muslims of the divisiveness of secularist movements.
Barzandji (Persian). The prayers said on the occasion of the birthday of the Prophet
Muhammad.
basmalah, bismillah (Arabic). The phrase: "In the name of God . . ." which is used by Muslims
for various occasions and is considered an act of piety.
Budi Utomo (Javanese). A cultural association founded on Java in 1908 which was seminal in
providing intellectual direction for Indonesian nationalism. It was a forerunner of the
Nationalist Party.
Buhaira (name from Arabic). A Christian teacher in Syria at the time of Muhammad.
Accusations were made by Muhammad's detractors that Buhaira was Muhammad's
source of the substance of the Qur'an. This charge has been vigorously denied by Muslims
throughout Islamic history.146
Bushido (Japanese). The code of conduct of the Japanese warrior class in medieval Japan. The
code was one of the symbols used by the Japanese armed forces in World War II and was
referred to as an ideological component of Japanese governance in its occupation of
Indonesia.
Caliph (see Khalifat ar-Rashidun).
Companions (see sahabat).
dakzvah (Arabic). Efforts to improve thought and behavior to be in accord with ideal Islamic
standards. The word has come to mean, as well, a public effort by Islamic groups to
upgrade the general behavior of the Muslim community.
dalil (Indonesian from Arabic). A term indicating the basis of an argument that rests on a
principle of the Qur'an.
Darul Islam (from Arabic). Literally, "house of Islam," or home of believers in Islam. The term
was taken as a title by a group of Indonesian Muslims in 1948, who declared Indonesia as
a religious state subject to religious law. In rebellion against the Indonesian Republic, it
existed as a rebel movement until 1963 when the Indonesian military ultimately
eradicated it.
dzikr, dzikir (Arabic). The recitation of a phrase, such as the basmalah, in order that the reciter
can recall or dwell on the concept of God and thereby draw close to Him and give Him
adoration. There are a number of phrases that can be invoked for this purpose, such as the
wirid, i.e., "God is Great," or the hundred names of Allah.
al-Falaq (Arabic). 'The Daybreak." The 113th surah of the Qur'an, often cited as a guard against
demons and the unknown in general.
falsafah (Indonesian from Arabic). The term for philosophy, ideology, or perception, which was
used in popular Indonesian political parlance in the 1950s as the program or platform of a
political group.
fardhu kifayah (Arabic). A term in Muslim jurisprudence denoting a meritorious action.
al-Fatihah (Arabic). The first chapter of the Qur'an, highly revered by Muslims and included in
its entirety in the standard prayer. It is also used to solemnize contracts.
fatzoa (Arabic). A legal term indicating a pronouncement by a qualified religious scholar on an
issue of belief or practice. The decision is made in the context of past interpretations of
religious scholars.
fiqh (Arabic). A legal term indicating the codification of principles of conduct drawn by
religious scholars from the Qur'an, Traditions, analogy from those two sources, and the
consensus of Legalists (see also madzhab).
firman (Arabic). The word for command or order. The term is used to announce a quote from
the Qur'an, i.e., "Firman Allah," and equates to the Christian expression "Word of God."
fuqaha (Arabic). Practitioner of Islamic jurisprudence. Fuqaha constituted a group of religious
scholars in the classical and middle periods of Islamic history, who formulated the
Muslim codes of behavior and expanded them through the centuries.
ghaib (Arabic). In Islamic religious thinking, secret matters known only to God. The power of
amulets, spells, charms, and mysterious beings are sometimes featured in this category.
Hadits (Arabic). Traditions of the Prophet. The words and actions of the Prophet Muhammad
judged as genuine constitute a second scripture in Islam, ancillary to the Qur'an.
hafidh, hafidz (Arabic). A person who has memorized the entire Qur'an and can recite any part
of it at will. A hafidz memorizes the Qur'an through a methodology laid down in Muslim
tradition; he must be certified in Indonesia by the Department of Religion.
haji (Indonesian from Arabic hajj). One who has undertaken the pilgrimage. A popular
designator of such a person; sometimes used in a derogatory sense by those who
challenge whether such trips are worthwhile religiously.
hajj (Arabic). The Muslim celebration of pilgrimage to the shrines and sites of visitation in and
near Mekkah. There is a pilgrimage season and a prescribed ritual for participants.
Attendance is required once for each Muslim, subject to the health and finances of the
individual.147
hakim (Arabic). A judge.
Hamdalah (Arabic). The phrase "Praise to Allah, the Lord of the World," used by Muslims to
open prayer, a writing, a speech, and in the death agony.
haram (Arabic). A category of behavior in Muslim jurisprudence which God has given explicit
command should not be undertaken by a Muslim. Performing such action constitutes a
sin.
Hari Raya (see Id al-Fitr).
hei keirei (Japanese). The ceremony in Japanese culture up to the end of World War II in which
the opening of public meetings was marked with a bow toward Tokyo as a sign of
obesiance to the Emperor.
hissy (see mujizaf).
hukum (Indonesian from Arabic). The Indonesian word for law or legal precept. In Islamic law
(fiqh), a decision or ruling by a judge on a question of religious import.
IAIN—Institut Agama Indonesia Negara (Indonesian). State-operated institutes of Islamic
studies, which equate to seminaries and are at the university level. There are fourteen at
various sites throughout Indonesia.
ibadah (Arabic). An Islamic term meaning matters of worship. The term is a major topic of the
religious sciences and constitutes prayer, pilgrimage, alms giving, and fasting, among
others.
Iblis (Indonesian from Arabic). The term for the leader of the demons. He was created from
fire and was the "father" of the jinn, another race created by Allah. His domain is hell
(neraka).
Id al-Fitr (Arabic). The celebration marking the end of the fasting month of Ramadhan, called
also Hari Raya in Indonesia. The two-day celebration is marked by a public religious
ceremony on the first day and by social visits among homes on both days of the
celebration.
ifrit (Persian). The term for "demon," seen as similar to syaitan. An ifrit is an evil jinn and is
regarded as especially dangerous to humans.
ijma' (Arabic). The term in Islamic jurisprudence for consensus of all the leading religious
scholars in an age on some religious matter. Later generations accept such consensus as a
precedent.
ijtihad (Arabic). A legal term meaning "striving." Among fuqaha in the Middle Period, it
implied using reason to develop religious principle. In the modern era it implies setting
aside the interpretations of past scholars (ulama) for a fresh look at an issue in light of
religious sources.
ilmu (Arabic). The word for science and for knowledge. The term is generic and can imply
modern science or, more often in a religious context, traditional Islamic knowledge.
ilmu bahasa (Indonesian). The study of language. In Islam, this means the study of the structure
of Arabic.
ilmu ficjh, ilmu fiqhi (Arabic). In Sunni Islam the science of constructing Muslim jurisprudence
from the major sources of Islam.
ilmu Hadits (Arabic). The science of investigation, in which the methods of evaluating the
authenticity of particular Traditions are outlined.
ilmu Qur'an (Arabic). A term for the methodologies used for analyzing the text, context, and
meaning of the Qur'an.
ilmu tafsir (Arabic). Similar to ilmu Qur'an except the stress is on commentary, which usually
employs material from Traditions that speak to interpretations of the Qur'an.
ilmu tajwid (Arabic). The art of reciting the Qur'an in one of the seven sanctioned styles.
iman, keimanan (Arabic). Proper belief or faith, implying the essence of the "true believer"
among Muslims.
Al-Irsyad (Indonesian Muslim association). An association of Arab Muslims in Indonesia
founded in the 1920s to further reformist principles of Islam promoted by Muhammad148
Abduh and others. While not a major movement, it had significant influence on the
development of modernist Islam in Indonesia.
Islam (Arabic). The general name for the religion instituted by Muhammad on instructions
from God. It consists of two major orthodox divisions—Sunni and SyTah.
isti'azh (see ta'awwudz).
jahiliya (Arabic). The Islamic term for the historical age preceding the arrival of Islam. In
general Muslim belief, that age was marked by immorality and lack of religious
responsibility. Conditions only changed when the teachings of Islam arrived.
jawi (Malay). A script in which Arabic letters are used to write Malay, which was popular for
several centuries throughout the Indonesian-Malay area. It has been retained as one script
in current-day Malaysia.
Jibril (Name from Arabic). One of the four archangels in Islam. He revealed the sections of the
Qur'an to Muhammad.
jihad (Arabic). The concept of striving in the "way of God," sometimes translated as "holy
war," but clearly transcending the physical effort to defend and further Islam.
jinn (Arabic). A race of creatures that inhabit the world in another dimension. Some are
Muslims; others are ifrit, demonlike creatures who cause humans much suffering and
grief.
juz (Arabic). A section of the Qur'an, which crosses chapters (surahs) intended to facilitate
reading and recitation. There are thirty juz of equal length, each with its own name.
Juz Amma (Arabic). The last section of the Qur'an, generally known for its short, poetical
selections, often learned and read by children.
Ka'bah (Arabic). The shrine of Islam at Mekkah, erected, according to the Qur'an, by the
Prophet Ibrahim. The Ka'bah is the center of religious activities in the pilgrimage held
each year as part of the Muslim calendar.
kamil insan (Arabic). A term used by Muslim mystics (sufi) indicating the perfect person.
According to the usage, it denotes one who uses intuitive knowledge (ma'rifat) gained
through mystical practice to lead a godly life. Muhammad is featured as the kamil insan, as
were several leading sufi shaykhs.
kaum muda (Indonesia). The modernist Muslim movement which emphasized revitalization of
Islamic thinking, particularly toward scientific and sociological modernization of Muslim
societies, but based on a modern interpretation of the Qur'an and the Traditions of the
Prophet.
kaum tua (Indonesian). The traditionalist Muslim group that insists on application of the
teachings of the great religious teachers of the Islamic past. While not denying the need
for modernization in general, members of the group deny that religious principles need
review; those principles simply need to be applied.
khalif, khalifat (Arabic). The term for "steward" or "regent of God" assigned to humans to
designate their control over all things on earth.
khalifat rasyidun (Arabic). The first four rulers of the Islamic peoples after the death of
Muhammad, usually rendered as the "righteous caliphs." The historical epoch
encompassing their combined rule, about forty years, is regarded by Muslims as a time
when the "true" teachings of Islam were practiced.
khatib (Arabic). The term for the person giving the sermon at the Friday communal worship.
While not licensed officially, usually a set group of people deliver the sermons; frequently
they are religious scholars.
khutbah (Arabic). The sermon given at the Friday communal prayer. In Indonesia these are
subject to official scrutiny, and there are some limitations on political and social issues
that may be discussed in them.
kiblat (Arabic). The direction of prayer, i.e., the direction toward Mekkah.
kitab (Arabic). The Arabic word for book, used in collections of Traditions and jurisprudence to
note the first division of a study, that is, chapters. A kitab is broken further into sections,
known as bob.149
lafadz (Arabic). The act of memorizing the Qur'an (see hafidz).
legalists (s eefucjaha).
madrasah (Indonesian from Arabic). Schools for general Muslim education. At the present time
in Indonesia these schools receive government subsidies and constitute part of the
national education system.
madrasah aliyah (Indonesian from Arabic). The third level of the madrasah, consisting of grades
10 through 12.
madrasah tsanawiyah (Indonesian from Arabic). The first level of the madrasah, constituting
grades 1 through 6.
maghreb (see Shalat).
majelis ulama (Indonesian from Arabic). A term for a group of religious specialists who meet to
discuss matters of religious importance. The state-sponsored Majelis Ulama Indonesia is
one example. Most Muslim organizations also have such groups.
Majelis Ulama Indonesia (Indonesian). The Religious Scholars Council of Indonesia, a quasi-
official body of religious scholars appointed by the national government to review
matters of concern to Muslims. There are similar organizations in each province.
manawy (see mujizat).
ma'rifat (from Arabic). In Sufi terminology, the term for intuitive knowledge, a level of
understanding superior to that of acquired knowledge. Intuitive knowledge is concerned
about the relationship of the worshipper to God.
masjid (Arabic). The Islamic house of worship and local center of religious activity. Formally, it
is the site of the communal prayer each Friday at midday, but it is used for prayer
throughout the day on all days of the week.
Masjumi (Indonesian). The political party of an Indonesian Muslim grouping in the 1940s ;and
1950s. At first an umbrella organization of Muslim organizations, it later was the
spokesman of Outer Island interests. It was outlawed in the late 1960s.
maulid (Arabic). The birthday commemoration of the Prophet Muhammad.
mimbar (Arabic). The pulpit in the mosque from which the Friday sermon (khutbah) is given.
The term is used symbolically, similar to the word "pulpit" in English.
Muhammadiyah (Indonesian from Arabic). The premier Muslim movement of the modernist
Muslim (kaum muda) outlook. In existence since 1912, it has been involved in religious,
educational, and social welfare activities. It probably is the most respected Islamic
association in Indonesia and is also well known abroad.
mujizat (Arabic). A miracle, that is, a happening prompted by God, which is a deliberate
variation from usual occurrences, in order to indicate to people that a particular person is
a prophet. Miracles are of two varieties. Hissy are those dealing with matters of the five
senses. Manawy are those in which thought and reasoning are necessary to perceive the
miracle.
mujtahid (See ijtihad).
munasabah (Arabic). The technique of Qur'anic commentary in which a verse is seen in
contrast, that is, the verse's relationship with the verses that precede it.
mushhaf utsman (Arabic). The assemblage of the Qur'an into a complete document, competed
at the time Utsman (644-656) was caliph. That version is regarded as the only acceptable
version by Sunni Muslims. Qur'an al-Karim, a copy certified by the Egyptian government
half a century ago, is the version of the mushhaf utsman ordinarily used by Indonesian
Muslims.
Musabaqah Tilawatil Qur'an (Arabic). The official name of the Qur'an Recitation Competition
conducted annually in Indonesia. First held in 1967, several categories of competition are
held at area, city, province, and national levels.
mutazilah (Arabic). "Free thinkers." The term for a group of Muslim writers and thinkers of the
tenth century who believed reason to be the supreme value of Islam. In their thinking,
reason could be used to interpret the Qur'an and was superior to it. The group's view was150
rejected by other scholars who established the "orthodox" Sunni interpretation that the
Qur'an, as God's word, was superior to human reason.
Nahdlatul Ulama (Indonesian from Arabic). An Indonesian Islamic organization, founded in
1926. It is the premier advocate of the traditionalist (kaum tua) viewpoint. It has a history
of educational activity in the pondok and pesantren schools. A number of its leaders have
achieved prominent political positions.
nash (Arabic). A term for verses of the Qur'an which require careful interpretation because
they appear to be in conflict with other verses. The Western Orientalists sometimes
referred to this phenomenon as "abrogation," asserting that one set of verses was replaced
by a later revelation. Contemporary Muslim scholars deny this interpretation.
neo-fundamentalism (English). A term applied to several Islamic movements of the 1970s and
1980s which emphasize the early teachings of the religion and application of those
principles to current conditions. Neo-fundamentalists are viewed by many outsiders as
militant and intolerant of non-religious considerations of society and nation.
Orde Baru (Indonesian). The title given by the Suharto government to the era of its own rule.
The era is featured as a period of attainment, of national unity, and of economic and
political development.
Orde Lama (Indonesian). The title given by the Suharto government to the regime of President
Sukarno, which preceded the Suharto government. That earlier period is featured as
leftist, corrupt, and marked by national disunity.
Orientalists (English). Western scholars interested in Asian religious traditions, who studied
and wrote about them in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A number were
missionaries and colonial officials whose findings sometimes reflected their official
positions and who judged the Asian religions as inferior or flawed. The term "Orientalist"
is currently a term of opprobrium among Muslims of Asia. However, Orientalists, in
general, have written works of great interest to Muslims and they also trained many
Muslim scholars.
Pancasila (Indonesian from Sanskrit). The state motto of Indonesia, which is the single basis for
all political and social organizations in Indonesian national life. The principles are Belief
in God the Only One, Humanitarianism, National Unity, Democracy as expressed
through Representatives of the People, and Social Justice.
Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (Indonesian). A union of Muslim political associations which
became one of the three legal political parties in contemporary Indonesia. Over the past
fifteen years its share of seats in parliament has declined to about 20 percent of the total.
perang sabil (Arabic). The term for warfare between believers and non-believers, in which the
faith of Islam or the welfare of Muslims as believers is at issue.
Persatuan Islam (Indonesian). An Indonesian Islamic association founded in 1926, belonging
to the modernist (kaum muda) faction. It followed the view of Muslim "radicalism," an
expression of Islamic fundamentalism.
pesantren (Indonesian from Sanskrit). A school for the study of Islamic sciences. This kind of
school has a long history in Indonesia dating back to the Buddhist period. Stress is placed
on traditional techniques of learning—repetition and memorization—in mastering stan-
dard religious sources.
qira’at, qiraat (Arabic). The art of reciting the Qur'an. This must be done in a prescribed manner
and is learned from a certified teacher of the art.
Qur'an (Arabic). The primary scripture of Islam, which Muslims believe was revealed by Allah
to Muhammad through the medium of the angel Jibril. Muslims believe the Qur'an was a
miracle and that it serves as a guide for human conduct.
Qur'an Bahriyah (Arabic). A Qur'an with a format especially intended for memorization.
Quraisy (Arabic). The name of an Arab tribe that controlled Mekkah and to which Muhammd
belonged. In Islamic history, the term has several connotations. In referring to the time of
Muhammmad's prophetship, the term usually means the enemies of the Islamic
community. After the conversion of the tribe and the death of Muhammad, the term
indicates the elite of Islam and becomes a term of respect.151
rabb (Arabic). A term meaning "lord." The term is often used in response to Christian
assertions about the divinity of Jesus. Muslims claim Christians have misunderstood the
term rabb.
Ramadhan (Arabic). The fasting month for Muslims in which all healthy adult Muslims
abstain from food, water, and sexual activity from sunrise to sunset. The month is
considered holy because the first section of the Qur'an was revealed in it.
rasul (Arabic). The messenger of God, indicating one sent by Allah with a message for humans.
Muhammad is considered to be the last messenger.
Rosetta Stone (English proper name). A stone inscription found in Egypt in the last century
which allowed hieroglyphics to be deciphereed. The device allowed many matters of the
Old Testament to be interpreted in a fuller context than earlier.
sabda (Indonesian). "Stated." A term used in the Traditions of the Prophet to indicate
Muhammad's pronouncement or comment on some matter.
Syafi'i (Arabic). The Sunni school of jurisprudence that is generally prominent in Egypt and
Southeast Asia.
Sahabat, Shahabat (Arabic). The Companions of the Prophet, that is, any Muslim, who, as a
Muslim, ever met the Prophet during his lifetime. The Companions are the proper
interpreters of Islam because of that contact with Muhammad. Two groups are
distinguished among them. The muhajirin al-uwal were those who accompanied
Muhammad to Madinah from Mekkah and the ansar who were those from Madinah and
elsewhere who joined his community after his arrival in Madinah.
shalat (Arabic). Prayer. The formal, ritual prayer addressed to God, required of every Muslim.
Sarekat Islam (Indonesian from Arabic). An Indonesian mass political association, founded in
1912, which was the first great vehicle for Indonesian nationalist activity in the first
quarter of the twentieth century.
shaykh (Arabic). A term with several meanings. In this study the term is limited to the usage of
Muslim mystics (sufis). The shaykh is the senior adept who helps the beginning and
intermediate adepts master the techniques of mysticism and assists in interpretation of
mystical experience. Many shaykhs have gained reknown and some have been regarded as
having special powers for casting spells, healing, and foretelling auspicious times and
events.
Syi'ah (Arabic). A major sect of Islam, originally the group that followed Ali and the Family of
the Prophet as the rightful rulers of the Muslim community in the early era of Islamic
history. The sect is mostly associated with Iran where it took on certain cultural traditions
that have differentiated it from Sunni Islam. Members of the Syi'ah sect are found in
limited numbers in other locations of the Muslim world.
sjurga (Arabic). Paradise. Described in the Qur'an as a place of reward for proper believing
Muslims who have led pious lives. It is a place of gardens, food, sexual gratification, and
spiritual contentment.
skripsis (Indonesian). A term for a senior thesis in Indonesian institutions of higher education,
including those teaching the Islamic sciences. Students are called on to show evidence of
data collection and presentation as a final requirement for graduation.
Sufi (Arabic). A mystic of Islam who strives to make contact with God through mystical
practices. Mysticism was extremely important in Islam between the tenth and nineteenth
centuries. With the rise of Islamic modernism and nationalism, its popularity and respect
has waned appreciably.
sunnat (Arabic). The "way of the Prophet," describing the style of life of the Prophet, especially
his belief, his behavior, and his observance of religious obligations.
Sunni (Arabic). A major sect of Islam which has been a primary carrier of Islamic teachings,
values, and histories. It dominates Indonesia as well as nearly all the Arabic world. (See
also Syi'ah.)
surah (Arabic). A chapter of the Qur'an. There are 114 surah in the Qur'an, ranging from an-Nas
with three verses (ayah) to al-Bacfarah with 286 verses.152
Surah Ya Sin (Arabic). The 36th surah, written in Mekkah, frequently recited by Muslims as a
pious declaration. In Indonesia people often recite it spontaneously at sundown and meet
in houses and mosques on Thursday evening to recite it together. Also, it is recited in
moments of fear and for consolation.
surau (Sanskrit). An educational institution in nineteenth century Indonesia, providing basic
instruction in Islamic teachings. Methods featured rote memorization of texts in theology,
law, and mysticism.
syaitan (Arabic). A being arising either from humans or jinn who serves the forces of evil. They
act as tempters and perpetrators of evil action. They fear the Qur'an and can be dispersed
by reciting key passages from it.
syanat, syariat, sjari'at (Arabic). The holy law of God which Muslim conduct seeks to emulate.
Theoretically unattainable, it has inspired generations of legalists, who have sought to
build a model syarVat with rules of behavior based on Qur'an and Traditions.
ta'awwudz, ta'awudz (Arabic). The term "I take refuge from the accursed Satan," which is a
phrase from al-Fatihah, the opening chapter of the Qur'an. In popular practice the term is
connected with amulets, usually a metal charm worn on the breast that carries a holy
inscription, encases a holy object, or has been blessed.
tafsir (Arabic). A commentary of the Qur'an. In Indonesian Muslim practice, a translation is
frequently labelled a tafsir in order to acknowledge that the Qur'an only exists in Arabic.
A tafsir must be made according to practices that had their origins with the scholars of
early Islam.
taklid (Arabic). A term employed in Sunni jurisprudence which indicates acceptance of the
teachings of the scholars in one's school who have gone before. Such acceptance means
dealing only with new cases or with refinements of old decisions, but strictly in the
context of accepted teaching. Detractors refer to taklid as "blind obedience."
taqwa (Arabic). Fear of God in the sense of realizing the power and majesty of God and
knowing that humans are completely subject to His will. The term also connotes fear of
the retribution of God for human sins.
taubat (Arabic). Repentence.
tauficj (Arabic). An Islamic term for piety, denoting proper belief and action, particulary in
matters of worship.
tauhid (Arabic). The term for the theological statement of God's essence, i.e., that He alone is
God. He is One; not divided.
Taurah (Arabic). The Arabic form of Torah, referring to the books of Moses, which Muslims
believe was originally the Qur'an revealed at an earlier age, but which has become tainted
with change.
Traditions (see Hadits and sunnat).
Tuhan Yang Maha Esa (Indonesian). The first principle of the Pancasila, the Indonesian state
motto. Officially, the term connotes deep religious belief and has been interpreted to mean
government support for the recognized religions of Indonesia. Muslims regard the term
as indicating "Allah."
'ulama (Arabic). The term for scholars of religious sciences in Islam and a term of considerable
respect.
ulil amril (Arabic). Political leadership or authority.
ummat (Arabic). The Islamic term for "community of believers" to which all Muslims belong. It
differentiates Muslims from others and promotes unity of purpose and brotherhood.
Umawi (Arabic dynastic name). The Arab kingdom that ruled the Islamic world from 661 to
750. The dynasty was noted for the use of Arab forms of political rule while retaining
much of Hellenistic culture in the Eastern Mediterranean.
zvahyu (Arabic). Revelation from God to humans. This is usually done in the form of books,
such as the Qur'an, which give guidance to humans.
wali (Arabic). A term with many meanings. In this study the meaning is that similar to khalif,
that is, the steward of God on earth.yayasan (Indonesian). A "foundation" under Indonesian civil law which can gather money and
property for use in educational, social welfare, and religious activities.
Zabur (Arabic). According to the Qur'an, a pre-Islamic scripture revealed by God to Daud,
regarded as a reference to the Psalms of David.
zakat (Arabic). The yearly religious tax required of all Muslims as part of their religious
obligations. The tax is voluntary in Indonesia and is usually given to the poor through
mosque committees.Bibliography
Primary Materials
The primary materials for this study are located at the beginning of the investigatory
chapters, 3 through 6, with explanatory notes. See the index for precise authors.
Supporting Materials
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Art and Culture, 1986.
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George Allen and Unwin, 1985.
Jansen, J.J.G. The Interpretation of the Koran in Modern Egypt. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974.
Noer bin Ngah, Mohammed. Kitab Jawi: Islamic Thought of the Malay Muslim Scholars. Singa-
pore: ISEAS, 1982.
Rippin, Andrew. "Literary Analysis of Qur'an, Tafsir and Sira: The Methodologies of John
Wansbrough." In Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies, edited by R. C. Martin, pp. 151-
63. Tucson: University of Arizona, 1985.
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Wansbrough, John. Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1977.Index
Abbas, Siradjuddin, 125
Abbas Arifin, Zainal, 44
Abduh, Muhammad, 12,14,41,132,134
Abdul Rauf Azhar'ie, 93
Abdullah bin Amir al Yahshaby, 92
Abdul-Baqy, 50
Abdus Salam, 116
Abu Daud, 29
Abu Hanifah, 4,36, 73, 77, 79
Abu 'Amr, 92
Aceh, 3
al-Afghany, Sayyid Jamal, 38
Africa, 34,36,40
Age of Ignorance (al-Jahiliya), 31,62,83,148
Ahmad, A. Malik, 22
Ahmda, Zainal Abidin, 76, 78, 97, 99
Ahmad bin Hanbal, 36
Ahmadiya, 145
Ahnan, Maftuh, 74,79
Aidit, 19
Akasah, Badaruthanan, 74, 76, 77,78, 79, 81, 83
Alam, Datuk Tombak, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 95
Alhamidy, Ali, 20
'Ali, Abdul Mukti, 24,26,46
Ali, Abdullah Yusuf, 98,124
Ali, Fachry, 24
'Ali, Maulvi Mohammed, 14
Allah, 32, 57, 67, 69, 83, 85, 87, 88, 89, 99,102,
110,114,120,127,145,146,147,150,152
Allah
as creator, 4,65,87,98,145
fear of, 27,63,83,100,115,119,152
His choice, 57
names, 88
steward of, 148,152
unity of, 18, 54,127,152
Almsgiving, 153
al-Alusy, 41,124
Amir, Dja'far, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79,100,101
Amrullah, Abdulkarim, 12,14,15,39
Anas, Azwar, 104,106,107,113,115
Andalusian Spain, 33
Angels, 61, 66, 82,128
Angels
Israfil, 91
Izrail, 91
Jibril, 32,50,54,61,89,91,148,150
Mikail, 61,91
Munkar, 91
Nakir, 91
Anshari, H. Endang, 25
Anshary, Mohammad Isa, 18,20
Anshary, Muchtar Luthfi, 125
Arabic language, 4,6,13,20,38,41,49,59,63,
68,69,70,80,81,92,95,96,98,101,102,
108,125,126,131,132,137,147,152
Arabic transliteration, 6,14,71
Arberry, A.J., 124
Arifin, Bey, 74,76, 77,78,79,86, 87, 89, 90
Armed Forces Spiritual Center (PUSROH), 22
Army, Indonesian, 21
al-Asfahany, 101
Asia Minor, 34
Asim bin Abi Najwad, 92
Asyarie, Sukmadjaja, 74, 77,78,79,81, 82,83
al-Asy'ary, 4,129
Ataturk, Kemal, 12,38
Atjeh, Aboebakar, 13,20,41,44,45,47,48,49,
50, 51,72,134
Al-Attas, Muhammad Naguib, 136
Baghdad, 67
al-Baghdady, 14,124
Bahasa Indonesia, 6,22
al-Baidawy, 41
Bakry, M.K., 14,21,124
Bakry, Oemar, 44,46,47,48, 52, 53, 54,69,70,
71,125
Bandung, 137
al-Banna, Hassan, 18
Basrah, 34,92
Behavior of believers, 24
Belief in God the Only One (Tuhan Yang Maha
Esa), 86
Bengal, 116
van der Berg, L.W.C., 41
Binjei, North Sumatra, 14
Bogor, 77
Brockelmann, Carl, 4
Brunei, 5,47
Bucaille, Maurice, 109,135
Buddhists, 26
Budi Utomo, 10,145
Buhaira, 53,145
al-Bukhary, 4,29,35,50,133
al-Bulqiny, 55
Cairo, 145
Caliphs
Abu Bakar, 34,54,60
Ali, 34,151
al-Ma'mun, 35162
Mu'awiyah, 34
Umar, 54,60
Utsman, 34, 54, 57,60,149
Central Asia, 34
Children of Israel, 67,71
Chinese Communism, 21
Christianity, 31,135
Christians, 26,32,53,87,109,145,146,151
Cokroaminoto, Umar, 11,13,14
Commentaries (Qur'anic)
first generation, 58
second generation, 58, 61,63,71
third generation, 61,64,69
Communism, 11
Community of Believers, 5,31,32,62,64,107,
116,117,152
Companions of the Prophet, 34,54,56,62,151
Confession of Faith, 64
Constituent Assembly, 19
Constitution of 1945,21,23,26
Consultative Assembly, 23
Cordoba, 67
Councils, religious scholars, 37,104,122,137,
149
Cyrus, 64
Dachlan, Ahmad, 39
Dahlan, A., 75, 79
Dahlan, M.D., 75,79
Damascus, 34,92
Darul Islam, 17,19,146
Darwin, Charles, 121
Day of Judgment, 32, 54, 61, 62, 66, 83, 87, 98
Defense of Islam (jihad), 30
Demons
ifrit, 91,147,148
syaitan, 81, 83, 90, 91,152
Denney, Frederick, 94
Department of Education and Culture, 100
Department of Religion, 26, 42, 45, 57, 65, 75, 79,
93,100,125,134,136
Determinism, 54, 61
Dewantoro, 15
Djohansjah, A., 74,76,77,78,79,95,96
Dutch colonialism, 10,16
Effendy, Bahtiar, 25
Egypt, 18,34,36,38,45,49,54,64,67,94,134,
135,138,145,149,151
Elections, 19,20,26
Era of Guided Democracy, 21
Era of Liberal Democracy, 19
Ethiopia, 32,33
Ethnic groups, 10,21
Fachruddin, Hs, 44
Fansuri, Hamzah, 3,37
Faruqi, Isma'il, 116
Fasting, 54,85,107,113,147,151
Faurunnama, M. Munir, 104,106,107,109,110,
111
Fazlurrahman, 4,116,134,138
France, 77
Free Thinkers (Mu'tazilah), 35
Friday sermon (khutbah), 24,88
Fundamentalists, 36,117,123
Gabungan Politik Indonesia (Gapi), 13
Gadjah Mada, 64
Galileo, 109
Gamow, George, 111
Gatje, Helmut, 133
Gazalba, Sidi, 24
Gestapu Incident, 23,26
al-Ghazaly, 4,35,129
Gibb, H.A.R., 4
Goldziher, Ignacs, 124
Hadramaut, 38
Haikal, Muhammad, 5
Haitami, Abdur Rahim, 44
Hamidy, Zainuddin, 44,46,47,48,58,59,60,61
Hamka, Dr. (Haji Abdulmalik Karim
Amrullah), 4,17,21,22,44,45,47,48,61,
63,64,72,101,109
Hamzah bin Habib at-Taimy, 92
Hanafi, Ahmad, 74,76,77,79,89
al-Hanfy, 55
Hanifah, Abu, 76,97,98,99
Hasan, Abdul Halim, 14,18,22,44,46,47,48,
61,62
Hassan, Ahmad, 3,13,14,18,21,44,45,47,48,
49, 50, 58, 59,124,126
Hassan and Husayn, 35
Hatta, Mohammed, 15
Heisenberg, Werner, 127
Hell, 91,147
High Islamic Council (Miai), 13
Hijaz, 55
History
Abbasid dynasty, 35,36,51,145
Eastern Roman civilization, 31
Mamluks, 36
Muslim, 9,31,35,36,38,40
Period of the Righteous Caliphs, 33,41, 51,
148
Sassanid civilization, 31
Seljuks, 36,40
Umawi dynasty, 34,35, 51,152
Hizbullah, 17
Holy books, 61,66
Holy books
Taurah, 55,70,152
Zdbur, 71,90,153
Hubble, Edwin, 111, 121,127
Hughes, Thomas P., 4
Humans
as God's creation, 82, 83
as God's stewards, 65,82,102
Hurgronje, C. Snouck, 3,39
Husein, M. Ali, 104,105,106,107,109,110,112,
136
Iblis, 91, 96,120,147
Ibn Jazary, 92
Ibnu Atsir, 68
Ibnu Duraid, Abu Bakar, 68
Ibnu Hajar al-'Asqalany, 37,41
Ibnu Katsir, 14,41, 50, 80, 92,101,124,133
Ibnu Taimiyah, 4
Ibnul Araby, 37,41
Idrus, Ibnoe, 14,124
Idrus, M. Nur, 21163
Ilyas, Muhammad, 20
Independence Mosque (Mesjid Istiqlal), 107
India, 14,36
Indonesia national policy, 9,10,11,12,13,14,
15,16,19,21,23,25,28
Indonesian Communist Party, 17,19,21,23
Indonesian Development Party, 16
Indonesian language, 41,49, 58, 68,70,80,81,
92.108.123.124.125.132.137.152
Indonesian Nationalist Party, 10,12
Indonesian Revolution, 16
Indonesian state, 16,17,18,19,20,21,22,23,24,
25,26,28,112,113,114,116,121,145,146,
150.152
Iran, 34, 64,151
Iraq, 36
Al-Irsyad, 13,39,147
Islam, militant, 16
Islamic State, 17,19
Istanbul, 93
Jakarta, 77,107,126
Japan, 146
Japanese, 146,147
Japanese Occupation, 10,15,16
Jassin, H.B., 74, 75, 77, 78, 79,97,98,122,123,
124,125,126
Jauhary, Thanthawy, 14, 50,101,133
Javanese culture, 26, 64, 73,145
Javanese language, 137
Jawi script, 12,14,47,148
Jews, 32,33, 53, 59,67,87
jinn, 81,89,90,91,128,147,148,152
Johns, Anthony, 3
Judaism, 31,135
Jurisprudence
consensus of the scholars (ijma'), 56,57,147
decisions (fatwa), 104
independent investigation (ijtihad), 37,38, 56,
57,147
Muslim {fiqh), 12,13,18,35,46,146,147
obedience to tradition (taklid), 37,40,152
Syafi'i, 14,30,36,49,151
Juynboll, Theodore, 4,41
Kafie, Jamaluddin, 44,46,47,48, 52, 53
Kaikobad, 64
Karbalah, 35
Kartini, Adjeng, 73
Kasijan, Z., 104,105,106,107,117,118,119
Ka'bah, 24,32,66,148
Khadduri, Majid, 5
al-Khalil, 68
Khalil, Munawar, 13,14,20,41,44,46,47,48, 50,
51,91,109
Khalil, M.S., 74,77,78,79,81,83
Khan, Siddik Ahmad, 101
al-Kisay, 92
Kramers, J.H., 124
Kufah, 34,92
Kuntowijoyo, 25,116
Labib MZ, 74,76,77,78,79, 86,88
Lathief, Rais, 21
Law, eternal (syari'at), 4,33,35,84,86,152
Libya, 34
Liebesny, Herbert, 5
Litera Antamusa (Staf Redaksi), 74,77,78,79,
84,85
Lubis, Adnan, 14
Maarif, Ahmad Syafii, 104,105,106,107,113,
114,115,116
Madinah, 33,34,50,56,66,115,151
Madinah Constitution, 115
Madiun putsch, 17,19
Madjid, Nurcholis, 25,115
al-Mahally, 41, 50,101
Malaysia, 5,39,47,148
Malik bin Anas, 36
Mansur, Haji, 15,18
al-Maraghy, 50,101,124,133,134
Maruzi, Muslich, 74,76,77,78,79,100,101,102
Masjoemi, 17
Masjumi, 16,19,21,23,149
Masyhuri, Abdul Aziz, 74,76,77,78,79,100
Matjoindo, 124
Maududi, Abu ATa, 4,39,109,116,138
Medan, 137
Mekkah, 24,26,32,33, 50, 55, 56, 92, 98,148,151
Middle East, 10,40
Minister of Religion, 20,22,46
Miracles, 51, 59,149
Modernist Muslims, 3,11,13,46,73,116,117,
132,148,149,150
al-Mubarrad, 124
Muhammadiyah, 10,13,15,17,39,149
Munawwir, Imam, 105,106,107,108,117,118,
119
Muslim, 29,35,50,80,133
Muslim Brotherhood, 39
Muslim civilization, 65,109,115,116,145,148
Muslim community of Indonesia, 9,10,11,12,
13,14,15,16,19,21,23,25,28,31
Muslims, nominal, 26
Muslim-Nationalists, 65
Mustafa, Bisri, 101
Mystical orders
Naqsyabandiya, 37
Qadariya, 37
Syattariya, 37
Mysticism, 9,35,36,37,133,148,151
Nafi bin Abdur Rahman, 92
Nahdlatul Ulama, 13,16,17,19,21,23,150
an-Nasafy, 41
Nasikun, 74, 77,79,84,85
Nasution, Harun, 25
National development, 23,113,114,116,121
National Islamic studies institutes, 19,22,40, 64,
75,76,77,78,100,105,137,147
Nationalism, 64
an-Nawawy, 3,11,37,41
Nelson, Christine, 135
Neo-fundamentalists, 3,30,36,39,116,150
New Order (Orde Baru), 23
Nobel Prize, 116
Notosoetardjo, A., 22
Nushiran, 64164
Old Order (Orde Lama), 21
Orientalists, 18,20,39,64,138,150
Ottoman Empire, 38
Outer Islands rebellion, 21
Padwick, Constance, 4
Pahlevi, Reza Shah, 12
Pakistan, 45,116
Palembang, 3
Palestine, 116
Pancasila, 19,20,23,24,26,27,113,114,115,150,
152
Panji Masyarakat, 109
Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, 39
Paradise, 61,68,69,81,82,88,151
Pedigrees, learning, 40,92
Peoples of the book, 33
Perguruan Tinggi Ilmu-Ilmu Qur'an, 77,93,105,
106,107,113,114,115
Permono, Hadi, 44,46,47,48, 55,56, 57
Persatuan Islam, 13,14,150
Pickthall, M., 124
Pilgrim (haji), 64
Pilgrimage, 26,54,66,85,146,148
Politics, Muslim, 9,10,11,12,13,14,15,16,19,
21,23,25,28
Poor tax (zakat), 54,85
Popular Islam, 146
Popular Islam
barzandji, 20,145
basmalah, 87, 96,145
common prayers, 99
dalil, 20
dzikr, 37,146
hamdalah, 87,88,147
maulid, 20
ta'awudz, 87,96,152
Prayer, 54,67
Prophets, 61, 66
Prophets
Adam, 67, 82, 89
Ayub, 89
Daud, 70,89,153
Harun, 89
Hud, 71,89, 90
Ibrahim, 33, 59, 64, 67, 89,148
Idris, 89
Ilyas, 89
Ilyasa, 89
Ishaq, 89
Ismail, 89
Luth, 89
Muhammad, 4,11,20,21,31,32,33,34,40,
43,50,51,53,54,56,59,60,62,64,66,67,
69,89,91,92,99,114,115,133,138,145,
146,150,151
Musa, 54, 59,67,71,89,152
Nuh, 71,89
Salih, 71,89
seal of the, 33,59,86
Shu'aib, 71, 89
Sulaiman, 70, 71, 89
Yahya, 89
Ya'qub, 89
Yunus, 89
Yusuf, 89
Zakaria, 89
Zul-kifli, 89
'Isa, 59,71,89,102
Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Lektur
Agama, 74, 77,79,92,93,94
P-4 Project, 27
al-Qasimy, 50,101,133
Quraisy, 32,33, 54,150
Qur'an
as a miracle, 50, 51, 53, 54, 58,62, 67
as a moral guide, 51,53,58,61,62,63,66,67,
71,84,85,89,100,109,113,117,119
as sole scripture, 126
as Word of God, 52, 53, 56, 58
bahriyah, 93
defilement, 122
revelation, 50,152
Utsman compilation, 34,57,60,93,149
Qur'an Bahriyah, 94
Qur'an commentary
commentary (tafsir), 42,43, 55,67
science of (ilmu tafsir), 55,62,68,101,145,
147,149,150
science of (qira'at), 62
Qur'an memorization, 94,95,146,150
Qur'an recitation, 25,27,42,58,62,73, 79, 91,
92,93,95,96, 97,103,122,147,149,150
science of (ilmu tajwid), 96
science of (qira'at), 92
Qur'an (citations)
al-Ahzab, 82, 89
al-A'la, 129
al-Alaq, 50
Ali Imran, 51,53,64,83,114,120
al-An'am, 82,102,112
al-Anbiya, 120
al-Anfal, 120
al-A'raf, 82,120
Ayat al-Kursi, 91
ay at kursi, 145
al-Baqarah, 28, 51,61, 64, 66, 68, 82, 89,101,
112,120,129,145,151
al-Bayyinah, 120
al-Falaq, 91,101,146
Fathir, 61,83
al-Fatihah, 81, 83, 86, 87, 91,146
al-Furqan, 61
al-Hajj, 82, 85
al-Haqqah, 53
al-Hasyr, 91
Hud, 83,89
al-Hujurat, 64
al-Infithar, 61
al-Isra, 82, 83,120
Juz Amma, 97,98,99,124,148
al-Kahfi, 83
al-Lail, 125
Luqman, 82
al-Ma'arrij, 61
al-Maidah, 50,59,82,83
Muhammad, 83,120
al-Mujadilah, 83
al-Munafiqun, 120
al-Muthaffifin, 82
an-Nahl, 83,120165
an-Najm, 61,82,125
an-Naml, 70
an-Nas, 91,101,151
an-Nazi'at, 61
an-Nisa, 64,82, 83,115
an-Nur, 61,120
Qaf, 61
al-Qamar, 90,95,129
ar-Ra'd, 82,120
Shad, S3
ash-Shaffah, 91
asy-Syu’ara, 61,114
Thaha, 83,120
ath-Thar, 91
at-Talaq, 111
at-Taubah, 83
at-Tin, 82
YaSm, 83,97,98,99
Yusuf, 82
Qur'anic Islam Association (Jamaah Islam
Qur'ani), 126
Quthub, Sayyid, 41,109,116
al-Qurthuby, 80,124
Raden Patah, 64
ar-Rafi'y, 124
Rahardjo, Dawam, 25,105,106,107,113,115
Rahmat, Jalaluddin, 25
Rais, Ahmad, 25
ar-Ramly, 41
ar-Raniri, Nuruddin, 3,37,42
Rangkuti, Bahrum, 23,44,45,47,48,49, 50, 52
Rasyidi, Muhammad, 23,25
Rauf, Abdur, 109
Razak, A., 21
ar-Razy, 14,41,50,80,101,133
Reconstructionist Muslim thought, 105,106,
115,116,117
Religious scholars, 40,62, 85, 92,138,147,149,
152
Repen tence (taubah), 152
Revivalism (dakwah), 25,30,39,78,79,138,146
Ridha, Rasyid, 3,12,41,50,101,116,119,124,
132,133,134
Rosetta Stone, 54,151
Russell, Bertrand, 116
Sahli, Mahfudli, 74,76,77,78,79,97,98
Salim, Hadiyah, 74,76,77,78,79,89,90
Sarekat Islam, 10,11,12,151
Sasono, Adi, 25
As-Sayuthy, 11,37,41,50,55,80,133
Schools, Islamic
kuttub, 37
madrasah, 13,45,76,78,100,101,102,149
pesantren, 13,40,45,75,119,137,150
surau, 13,152
Science and technology, 51,53,61,65,67,71,
104,105,106,107,109,110, 111, 112,116,
118,120,121,127,128,129
Secret matters (ghaib), 110,146
Sermons (khutbah), 29
Seta, Anantok Kusuma, 105
Shah Wali Allah, 38
Shaleh, Qamaruddin, 75,77, 78,79,84,85
Shalihah, Khadijatus, 75,77,79,92,93,94,135
Ash-Shiddieqy, M. Hasbi, 3,22,44,45,47,48,
49, 55,56,61,62,63,69, 72,101,124
Singapore, 39
Sjadzali, Munawir, 26
Sjahrir, 15
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, 5
Socialism, 11
Soedirman, 23
Southeast Asia, 40,136,151
Sou'yb, Joesoef, 44,46,47,48, 52, 54
Suharto, 23,26,150
Sukarno, 13,15,19,21,26,39,150
Sukamoism, 21,23
Sumatra, 47
Sunarto, Ahmad, 42
Sundanese language, 14,137
Sunni Islam, 4,25,30,34,35,37,42,52,73,81,
83.100.126.133.137.138.145.147.149.151
Surin, Bachtiar, 44,46,47,48,49,69,70,71
Surkati, Ahmad, 14,39
asy-Syafi'ie, 4,36
Syaltut, Mahmud, 18,85
Syamsu, Nazwar, 122,123,124,125,126,127,
128,129
Syamsuddin, 3
asy-Syaukany, 11,41, 91
Syi'ah Islam, 34,35,151
Syria, 116
Tables
Authors and Audiences, 47,77,130
Common Sources, 50,80,133
Qualitative Factors, 48,79,131
Statistical Summary of Sources, 49,80,132
Tan Malaka, 10
Tekan, Ismail, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79,95, 96,97
ath-Thabary, 4,41, 50, 80,124,133
Thailand, 5,47
ath-Thiby, 14
at-Tirmidzy, 29,80,133
Traditionalists, 11,13,46,117,148,150
Traditions, 4,11,14,18,21,22,27,29,30,38,41,
53,76, 86,100,101,127,131,132,136,137,
146.151
science of (ilmu hadits), 35
True believer (mu'min), 85
Tudjimah, 22
Tunisia, 34
Turkey, 136
Ummi Kalthum, 94
Undergraduate thesis (skripsis), 47,78,151
UNESCO, 93
Universities and Colleges
Al-Azhar, 12,145
Indonesian national, 105
Nadwa (Lucknow), 14
UISU, 19
Urban-rural shifts, 118
Usman, Muhammad Ali, 75,76,77,78,79,90,91
Usman, T. Atmadi, 75,76,77,78,79,95,96,97
Van Ronkel, P.S., 3
Wahhab, Ibn Abdul, 38
Wahid, Abdurrahman, 116
al-Wahidy, 101166
Warfare (perang sabil), 91
Watt, Montgomery, 109,124
Way of the Prophet (sunnah), 33,35, 42, 56,151
Western languages, 20,49, 80,108,123,132,138
Westernization, 105,106,118,138
Worship, 66,120,147,148,149,151
Yayasan Pembinaan Masyarakat Islam, 75, 77,
78,79,94,95
Yayasan Penyelenggara Penterjemah A1
Quraan, 44,46,47,48,50,64,65,66,67,68,
69,109
Yunus, Mahmud, 12,14,15,18,44,45,47,48,49,
58, 59,60,61,124,126
Zaid bin Tsabit, 54,60
Zainal Abidin Ahmad, 75,77,79
Zaini, Syahminan, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83,
84,105,106,107,109,110,117,118,119,
120,135
az-Zamakhsyary, 41,124,133
Zamzami, Zafry, 18
az-Zarkasy, 55
Zarqany, 119
Zen, A. Muhaimin, 75,77,79,94,95,135
Zoroasterism, 31
Zuhdi, Masjfuk, 45,47,48,49, 55, 57,109,134
Zuhri, Muhammad, 22