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THE NEED
OF A HISTORY
NEW YORK
UNITED HISTORICAL AND
PATRIOTIC SOCIETIES
AND ASSOCIATIONS
OF NEW YORK
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From an Old Print
Property of New York Public LibraryTHE NEED OF A
HISTORY OF NEW YORK
United Historical and Patriotic Societies
and Associations of New York
PUBLISHED UNDER .THE AUSPICES
OF THE COMMITTEE OF NINE
DR. GEORGE F. KUNZ, Chairman
FRANK B. BIGELOW	ROBERT H. KELBY
WILBERFORCE EAMES.	HERBERT L. OSGOOD
JAMES A. HOLDEN	FRANK H. SEVERANCE
STUYVESANT FISH, Treasurer	ABRAM WAKEMAN, Secretary
December, 1915
LLPrinted and Bound by Harper & Brothers
Franklin Square, New YorkTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
HE growth of interest in the history of this nation and the progress
of historical studies make it necessary that a wider and more
intelligent interest should be taken in the history of the State
of New York. It is certainly one of the leading states of the
Union, and as a province, during the Colonial period, its promi-
nence was almost as fully recognized as it is at the present time.
Its location is central. For all military purposes it was the
strategic center of the Colonies along the Atlantic seaboard. Owing to its relation
with the Five Nations, it always bore a leading part in Indian affairs. As a result
of this and also of its location it always had intimate relations of a diplomatic
character with the French in Canada. It early became a commercial center, and
gradually assumed the leading position in trade among the Thirteen Colonies.
From an early date also it was a royal province, and so was brought into close
relations with the British Government. When the Revolution came it stood for
the accepted principles of British liberty, without that appeal to natural rights
which was so pronounced in New England. The development of a strong loyalist
spirit opposed to the Declaration of Independence gives a peculiar interest to „
the history of New York during the Revolution. Because also of its strategic
importance the British Government made New York during much of the Revolu-
tionary War the center of its military operations, thus giving to it a peculiar
importance in the history of the War for Independence. Burgoyne was defeated
on its soil. His surrender proved to be the turning-point in the Revolution be-
cause it led to the French alliance and to the series of events which culminated
in the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. New York was settled by the Dutch
in 1613, less than a decade subsequent to the settlement of the French in Acadia
and of the English at Jamestown. At that time no permanent settlement had
been planted in New England. The Dutch have always been a prominent com-
ponent of its population. To them the English were added by early immigration
from New England, and by slow growth and additions after the conquest in 1664.
French Huguenots also came after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In
the early eighteenth century considerable bodies of Palatines came as refugees
from Germany and settled at points on the middle Hudson and Mohawk Valley.
As a result of these settlements the population of New York has always been
cosmopolitan. It is made up of people from many nationalities, with traditions
and religious beliefs as varied as their origin. In this regard New York, in common
with the Middle States in general, is typical of the entire country. The mass
immigration of recent times has made us a meeting of the nations, and this New
York has always been and is today.2	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
' IN NEW YORK HUNG THE NATION’S FATE.
HRICE during the early history of our State the fate of the
nation has hung in the balance within its border. First in the
contention between Holland and England so interestingly told
in “The American Colonies in the 17th Century/’ by Professor
Herbert L. Osgood; then throughout the French and English
Wars, 1745-1759, for the Niagara frontier and control of the
Hudson River and Lake Champlain. Had France been successful
we should have been a French colony and our Revolution a matter of doubtful
conjecture. In 1777 the struggle for the Hudson was the critical moment of our
independence. Indeed, the Hudson River was the “ keystone of the arch that held
New England to the Southern States.” In our city, the “Sons of Liberty” and
later the Committee of Correspondence moulded the events that brought about
the first Continental Congress of the Colonies at Philadelphia in 1774. New York
holds also the honor of being “the only colony who lived up to their non-importation
agreement” of October 31, 1765.	.
John Peter Zenger’s Trial.
Again, how little is told in general histories about the most important trial
ever held in our country!—that of John Peter Zenger, the printer, in whose ac-
quittal the freedom of the press was established in America for all time. This
dramatic event took place on August 4, 1735, in the old City Hall, which stood on
the site of the present Sub-Treasury building, at the corner of Wall and Nassau
Streets. The following account is taken largely from “John Peter Zenger,” by
Livingston Rutherfurd.
In the second number of The New-York Weekly Journal (the first issue of
which appeared November 5, 1733) there appeared an article on the Liberty of the
Press which was filled with direct allusions to Governor Cosby and his conduct.
Bradford’s Gazette took sides with Cosby and the Crown. The Journal printed
several articles against the Crown prior to the election for Aldermen and Common
Councilmen, which was carried against the Government’s interest. Two ballads
entitled “A Song made upon the Election of new Magistrates for this City” and
“A Song made upon the foregoing Occasion” were published, both making fun of
the Administration. On November 2, 1734, the papers and request were returned
to Council, and on the fifth the Sheriff delivered the following order of Council
to the Court of Quarter Sessions directed to Robert Lurting, Esq., Mayor of the
City of New York and the Rest of the Magistrates for said City and County.
“Whereas by an Order of this Board of this Day, some of John Peter Zenger* s
Journals entitled, The New-York Weekly Journal, containing the freshest Advices,
foreign and domestick, No. 7; 47, 48, 49, were ordered to be burnt, by the Hands
of the Common Hangman or Whipper, near the Pillory in this City [about in front
of the present Stock Exchange], on Wednesday the 6th instant, between the
Hours of Eleven and Twelve in the Forenoon, as containing in them many Things
tending to Sedition and Faction, to bring His Majesty’s Government into Con-
tempt, and to disturb the Peace thereof, and containing in them likewise, not only
Reflections upon His Excellency the Governour in particular, the Legislature in
general, but also upon the most considerable Persons in the most distinguished
Stations in the Province. It is therefore ordered that the Mayor, and Magistrates
of this City, do attend at the Burning of the several Papers or Journals aforesaid,
Numbered as above mentioned.”
Upon reading the order, the Court forbade its entry in the records at that
time, and some said if it was entered they would at the same time enter their
protest against it.THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	3
Zenger says: “Soon after which the Court adjourned and did not .attend the
Burning of the papers. Afterwards about Noon the Sheriff after reading the
Numbers of the several Papers which were ordered to be burnt, delivered them
into the Hands of his own Negroe and ordered him to put them into the Fire,
which he did* at which Mr. Recorder, Jeremiah Dunbar, Esq; and several of the
Officers of the Garrison attended.” On Sunday, November 17th, Zenger was
arrested under a warrant of the Council “for printing and publishing several
Seditious Libels dispersed throughout his Journals or News Papers, entitled,
The Nezv-York Weekly Journal” Zenger was refused “Pen, Ink or Paper or to
see or speak with People,” until the following Wednesday, and then through
“the Hole of the Door.” The bail was fixed at four hundred pounds, which
amount being more than he could obtain he remained in prison. On the fifteenth
of April, his counsel, James Alexander and William Smith, offered exceptions
in behalf of Zenger. The Chief Justice, James DeLancey, refused to hear the
exceptions: “ For,” said he, “you thought to have gained a great Deal of Applause
and Popularity by opposing this Court, as you did, the Court of Exchequer; but
you have brought*it to that Point, That either, We must go from the Bench or
you from the Barr: Therefore We exclude you and Mr. Alexander from the Barr.”
It was therefore ordered that the said James Alexander and William Smith be
excluded from any further practise in the “Supream Court of Judicature of the
Province of New York,” and that “their Names be struck out of the Roll of At-
torneys of this Court.” Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia was retained to defend
Zenger. Hamilton was born in Scotland in 1656, being then about 80. He was
a very prominent man in Pennsylvania affairs, having held many public offices.
He had the reputation of being the best advocate in North America and the only
American who had been admitted a bencher of Gray’s Inn. The day appointed
for the trial was August 4, 1735, t^ie place the City Hall, corner of Nassau and
Wall Streets, the finest building in the city. The Jury (after Hamilton’s eloquent
address) “withdrew and in a small Time returned and being asked by the Clerk
whether they were agreed of their Verdict, and whether John Peter Zenger was
guilty of Printing and Publishing the Libels in the Information mentioned ? They
answered by Thomas Hunt, their Foremen, Not Guilty, upon which there were three
Hazzas in the Hall which was crowded with People, and the next Day I was dis-
charged from my Imprisonment.”
A dinner was given to Hamilton in the evening at the Black Horse Tavern
in Smith Street (now William Street). At a meeting of the Common Council
held on September 16, 1735, it was ordered that Hamilton be presented with the
Freedom of the Corporation. Its minutes for that date add “that Sundry of the
members of this Corporation and Gentlemen of this City have voluntarily Con-
tributed sufficient for a Gold Box of five Ounces and a half Inclosing the Seal
of said Freedom; Upon the Lid of which we are of Opinion should be engraved
the Arms of the City of New-York.”
The trial of Zenger established in North America the principle that in prose-
cution for libel the jury were the judges of both the law and the facts. The Liberty
of the Press was secured from assault, and the People became equipped with that
most powerful weapon for successfully contesting arbitrary power, the right of
freely criticizing the conduct of public men. Thus was established here in New
York as a matter of law that the printing of facts did not constitute libel, more
than fifty years before the celebrated trial of “Junus” gave the same privilege
to the people of England. Gouverneur Morris has well said : “The trial of Zenger
in 1735 was the germ of American freedom, the morning star of that liberty which
subsequently revolutionized America.”
The Jury in the John Peter Zenger Case.
Thomas Hunt, Foreman.
Samuel Weaver	Harmanus Rutgers4
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
Stanly Holmes	Benjamin Hildreth
John Bell	Edward Man
Egbert Van Borsom	Andries Marschalk
John Goelet	Abraham Keteltas
Hercules Wendover.
The World’s Greatest War Path.
The distance between the head of Lake Champlain and Albany is about one
hundred miles, yet the path between these points has been the scene of more im-
portant battles than any other “path” of the same distance in the world,—im-
portant not on account of the great numbers taking part, not for the casualties,
but from the consequences that have developed. Referring to the map, you will
notice there are but two “carries” between New York City and Lake Champlain.
These are the short carry, between Lake Champlain and Lake George at Ticon-
deroga, and what was known as the “Great Carry,” between Lake George and the
Hudson River at Fort Edward. This route divided New England or the Eastern
States from the West and South. Its great importance was appreciated by the
Indians, and later by the Dutch and French. From 1683 there was almost con-
tinuous warfare between the English Colonies and New France.
England and France in America.
As early as 1692 the struggle for supremacy along the border of Lake Champlain
commenced, gradually increasing until 1744. In July, 1744, war was formally de-
clared between England and France. “The French had always, as a rule, been
the more successful of the rivals in enlisting Indian allies, and the conflict was em-
bittered by Indian massacres at the more exposed English settlements, which,
rightly or wrongly, were believed to have been in many cases instigated and some-
times shared by the French” (“The War Path,” by E. T. Gillespie, in “Proceedings
of the New York State Historical Association,” Vol. X). From the borders of
our State the conflict by degrees extended to Europe, becoming world-wide known
as the “Seven Years’ War.” It was in America a struggle for existence. “For a
quarter of a century the French had occupied a post at Crown Point where Lake
Champlain narrows into river-like proportions, and thus held a firm grip on the
route from the Hudson to the St. Lawrence.” “Earlier the French had built
a fort at Niagara, which gave them control of the Lake route to Montreal.” The
English had many years held a post at Oswego at the southwestern corner of
Lake Ontario.
Sir William Johnson, Bart.
The following is largely taken from “Life and Times of Sir William Johnson,
Bart.,” by W. L. Stone:
One of the most-remarkable characters in American history was Sir William
Johnson, Bart., born in Warrentown, County of Down, Ireland, in 1715. He
came to America by request of his uncle, Sir Peter Warren, in 1735,to ta^e charge
of his estate in the Mohawk Valley, called Warrensbush. He became very friendly
with the Indians and was called War-ragh-i-ya-gry, meaning “Superintendent of
Affairs.” About 1746 he assumed the title of Colonel. Governor Clinton and
Colonel Schuyler with Johnson succeeded in retaining many of the Indian tribes
loyal to the English during the French and English War of 1747. Johnson in
1748 became Commander of the New York Colonial troops for the defense of the
frontiers. Peace was declared in 1750. Johnson was a warm friend of King
Hendrik of the Mohawks, and through him won the favor of the Six Nations.THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	5
In 1754 war had begun again; a Council of the Six Nations was called in Albany
at which King Hendrik delivered his famous speech. “One of the most eloquent
Indian speeches ever uttered, containing strains of eloquence which might have
done honor to Tully or Demosthenes,” it “will ever stand among the finest pas-
sages of rhetoric in either ancient or modern history.” “In 1775 Johnson became
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, with full power to treat with the Confederate
Nations and to secure their aid for the British interests.”
Johnson’s appeal to the Council of Indians held at Mount Johnson, June 21-24,
was fitting to the occasion and dramatic in the extreme. “The following day the
speech of General Braddock was delivered to the Indians by Johnson, and the
latter threw into its delivery all the fire and energy of which he was master and at
its conclusion flung down in the general’s name the War Belt.”
It was immediately picked up by an Oneida Sachem, and at the same time Arent
Stevens, the interpreter, began the war dance; in tht chorus he was joined by the
Sachems present. “A large tub of punch was thereupon brought forward for the
Indians to drink the King’s health, and the Council broke up for the Day.”
In 1755 General Braddock met with a most disastrous defeat at Fort Duquesne
by the French. “The prestige of British troops among the Indians was gone,
and, taking advantage of this, the French prevailed on several of the Indian tribes
to take up the hatchet against the English.”
Johnson set out from Fort Lyman (Fort Edward) on the twenty-sixth of Au-
gust, 1755, for Lake St. Sacrament. His first act on his arrival was to change the
name of this lake to Lake George. He was most disappointed in the few Indians
that joined him. On September 8, 1755, occurred the battle of Lake George
between the English under Johnson and the French commanded by Gen. Dieskau.
Joseph Brant (an Indian chief, although a mere boy) took part in this engagement.
Johnson’s friend King Hendrik was killed early in the battle. The losses were
heavy on both sides. Dieskau, badly wounded, was made prisoner; the French
retreated. The loss of the Six Nations was nearly forty braves. The French were
said by Surgeon Williams to have used poisoned bullets. Johnson had built a fort
at.the head of the Lake which he named William Henry. For his services during
this campaign he was created a baronet of Great Britain and was greeted on his ar-r
rival at New York, the last of December, with a triumphal procession and illumina-
tion. The battle of Lake George was important in preventing the French from
advancing to Albany and then down the Hudson to New York, and like that of
Saratoga decided a great War. “The American Victory of Lake George was
not an isolated item of one campaign. It was more than a simple battle in an
unbroken wilderness; it was a military achievement of the New England and New
York yeomanry which saved themselves from destruction.” In July, 1756, Johnson
received from England a commission as Colonel, Agent and Sole Superintendent
of all the affairs of the Six Nations and other Northern Indians, accompanied
with a salary of six hundred pounds per annum.
In 1757 the Six Nations threatened to join with the French in Canada. John-
son’s great influence alone prevented this. At the close of July Montcalm reached
the foot of Lake George and captured Fort William Henry on August 9th. The
next day many of the English troops were massacred by the Indians of Mont-
calm’s command. The unfortunate affair completely destroyed the morale of
the English troops. In 1759 Johnson succeeded in winning over a large number
of the Indians. After the fall of Quebec, 1761, the Indians deserted the French,
and Sir William Johnson “maintained a good understanding between the Governors
and the Confederates.”
In 1760 the Mohawks of Canajoharie presented Johnson with a large tract
of land, about sixty-six thousand acres, for which Johnson insisted that the Indians
should receive from him the sum of £12,000. The King granted the land to Johnson
in June, 1769.
On July 7, 1774, nearly six hundred Indians met in council. On the nth,
after Johnson’s speech, he was taken ill, and died early in the evening. The6
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
funeral took place on Wednesday the 13th, attended by oyer two thousand. The
next morning a most impressive service was held by “The Chiefs of the Six Na-
tions.” “Thus closed this affecting ceremonial, affecting because the last and
only tribute which the faithful Iroquois had it in th^ir power to pay to the memory
of him who for upwards of forty years had been their steadfast friend and bene-
factor.”
“A man who from a humble origin could rise by his own exertions to a position
in which from the backwoods of America he controlled the British Parliament was
of no ordinary mould.” Perhaps to no man did the Colony of New York owe
more than to Sir William Johnson. His control of the Six Nations allowed the
development of the Colony to proceed, and aided the British Crown toward its
success against the French.
Extinction of the French Empire in North America.
On July 6, 1758, the English under General Abercrombie assembled an army
of over fifteen thousand at Fort William Henry, Lake George. The French
under General Montcalm held Fort Ticonderoga at the lower end of the lake.
July 15th Abercrombie’s army under command of Lord Howe attempted to capture
the French. The battle took place the following day, when the English met
with a most disastrous defeat. Lord Howe was killed early in the engagement.
The soldiers from lack of proper guides became lost in the wilderness, where many
were either killed or captured. The English were successful on the St. Lawrence,
and General Gage was sent to take command of Oswego and Niagara.
On September 13, 1759, was fought the battle of the “Plains of Abraham,”
the French under command of Montcalm and the English under General Wolfe.
Both commanders were mortally wounded and an empire passed from the French
to the English. On September 8, 1760, articles of capitulation were signed by
which Canada and all its dependencies passed into the hands of England, and
Canada became the fourteenth colony.
“On the 10th of February, 1763, at Paris was signed* the treaty that recog-
nized the extinction of the French Empire in the North America.” This treaty
marks an epoch ifr the history of America as well as in that of England and France.
To the latter it was a period of humiliation, not only ih the loss of colonies upon
which for nearly a century she had expended vast sums without any adequate
return, but also in the frustration of her purpose of gaining sole possession of the
Continent.”—William Chamberlain.
CAUSE OF THE REVOLUTION.
^HE French and Indian War was indirectly the cause of our Revo-
lution. England rightly considered the Colonies had been most
benefited; therefore they should assist in defraying a part of the
great expense the war had caused. It was proposed the same
should be collected by a tax. The total amount expended by
England was £72,110,000, and charged against the Colonies as
___follows: pounds sterling, Massachusetts, 818,000; Rhode Island,
80,000; New Hampshire, 18,000; Connecticut, 259,000; New York, 291,000; New
Jersey, 204,000; Pennsylvania, 313,000; Maryland, 39,000; Virginia, 385,000;
North Carolina, 30,000; South Carolina, 90,000; Georgia, 1,000; or a total of about
£25,280,000, a very small percentage of the vast amount expended. Numerous
acts of Parliament were passed, only to meet with strong opposition by the Colonies,
especially Massachusetts and New York, culminating in the demonstration against
the Stamp Act of 1765, and resulting in its repeal.From an Old Print	Property of New York Public Library
CITY HALL, 1699THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	7
In New York a Society called “Sons of Liberty,” composed of many of our
best citizens, was formed about 1764, devoted to the cause of liberty. A con-
troversy arose between the soldiers stationed in the city and the citizens over
the right of establishing a Liberty Pole on the Common (now City Hall Park),
the “Sons of Liberty” espousing the cause of the citizens. Between 1766 and
1770 numerous Liberty Poles were erected, only to be cut down by the soldiers.
On January 18 and 19, 1770, occurred a riot on Golden Hill, covering the inter-
section of William and John Streets, during which a number were badly wounded.
(While it is claimed one citizen was killed, we can find no authority for the state-
ment.) The “Sons of Liberty” were successful in driving off the soldiers and
protecting the pole. This was the so-called “Battle of Golden Hill,—the first
bloodshed of the Revolution,—and it antedated the famous “Boston Massacre”
by more than six weeks!
COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE.
?T has been truthfully said: “As a starting-point we may take
November 2, 1772, and say that for all practical purposes the
Committee of Correspondence began its life as a local institution
of the Revolution.” To the town of Boston belongs the honor of
first calling for the Colonies to form Committees of Correspon-
dence, “To state the Rights of the Colonists and of this Province
____ _	[in Particular as men, as Christians, and as subjects, and to com-
municate and publish the same to the several Towns in this Province and to the
World as the sense of this Town, with the infringements and violations thereof,
requesting of each Town a free Communication of their sentiments on these
subjects.”
The great importance of these Committees of Correspondence has been over-
looked by historians, and yet as “a piece of revolutionary machinery their value
can hardly be overestimated.” Their meetings were held almost daily, at times
lasting well into the night; their members served without compensation, knowing
that should the Revolution be unsuccessful their property and perhaps their lives
would be forfeited. From 1764 until 1774 the Colonies had no unity of purpose
other than in some manner to prevent taxation. After the “Tea Parties” of
Boston and New York, Boston was called upon to pay for the tea its citizens had de-
stroyed, and a blockade of the harbor was threatened. Boston called, May 13,
1774, on her sister Colonies for their “Advice on a case of such extensive conse-
quences.” There was a large diversity of opinion among the Colonies, many
agreeing with Boston for a non-importation-non-exportation agreement. New
York had appointed a large Committee of Fifty-one. At a meeting held May 23 d
in the long room of the Merchants Coffee House, southeast corner of Wall and
Water Streets, a special committee, consisting of Isaac Low, chairman, Alex-
ander McDougall, James Duane, and John Jay was appointed, “to prepare a
draft of a letter in answer to those received from Boston.”
This letter, one of the most important ever written, as it solved the questions
that confronted the Colonies for nearly ten years, brought about the first Congress
of the Colonies, held at Philadelphia in 1774 and called the “United Colonies of
North America.” Yet histories have failed to give a copy of this important letter
while but few have even so much as mentioned either the letter or the names of
those who signed it. But it resulted in the foundation of a great nation. On
every occasion when permissible this letter should be published, and at least
once a year it should be read in every school in our country. It was written by
John Jay late in the afternoon of May 23, 1774, during the excitements per-
taining to the first meeting of our large Committee of Correspondence, in a room
in the old Coffee House, and sanctioned by men fully aware of the great personal
danger awaiting them should the cause of Liberty fail, but for all that firmly ad-8
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
vocating the importance of unity. “The Cause is general,” they declare, “and
concerns a whole Continent who are equally interested with you and us, and we
foresee that no Remedy can be of avail, unless it proceeds from the~joint Act
and Approbation of all.”
A True Copy of the Famous Letter.
New York, May 23rd, 1774.
Gentlemen:
The alarming Measures of the British Parliament relative to your ancient and
respectable Town, which has so long been the Seat of Freedom, fills the Inhabitants
of this City with inexpressible Concern; as a Sister Colony suffering in Defence
of the Rights of America, we consider your Injuries as a common Cause, to the
Redress of which it is equally our Duty and our Interest to contribute. But what
ought to be done in a Situation so truly critical, while it employs the anxious
Thoughts of every generous Mind, is very hard to be determin’d. Our Citizens
have thought it necessary to appoint a large Committee consisting of fifty-one
Persons to correspond with our Sister Colonies on this and every other Matter
of publick Moment: and at ten O’Clock this Forenoon we were first assembled.
Your Letter enclosing the Vote of the Town of Boston, and the Letter of your
Committee of Correspondence were immediately taken into Consideration. While
we think you justly entitled to the Thanks of your Sister Colonies for asking their
Advice on a Case of such extensive Consequences, we lament our Inability to
relieve your Anxiety by a decisive Opinion. The Cause is general and concerns a
whole Continent who are equally interested with you and us; and we foresee that
no Remedy can be of avail, unless it proceeds from the joint Act and Approbation
of all. From a virtuous and spirited Union much may be expected: while the
feeble Efforts of a few will only be attended with Mischief and Disappointment to
themselves, and Triumph to the Adversaries of our Liberty. Upon these Rea-
sons we conclude that a Congress of Deputies from the Colonies in general is
of the utmost Moment; that it ought to be assembled without Delay and some
unanimous Resolutions formed in this fatal Emergency, not only respecting your
deplorable Circumstances, but for the Security of our common Rights. Such
being our Sentiments it must be premature to pronounce any Judgment on the
Expedient which you have suggested. We beg however that you will do us the
Justice to believe that we shall continue to act with a firm and becoming Regard
to American Freedom, and to co-operate with our Sister Colonies in every Measure
which shall be thought salutary and conducive to the publick Good.
We have Nothing to add, but that we sincerely condole with you in yoUr
unexampled Distress; and to request your speedy Opinion of the proposed Con-
gress, that if it should meet with your Approbation, we may exert our utmost
Endeavours to carry it into Execution.
We are with much Respect, Gentlemen
Your most Hbl. Servants
By Order of the Committee,
Isaac Low, Chairman.
To the Committee of
Correspondence
In Boston
First Constitutional Post-Office.	-
In 1774 the Committees of Correspondence found it difficult, “owing to their
letters being lost,” through the carelessness of the government post-riders, to qb-THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	9
tain expressions of opinion from their sister Colonies. “They were obliged to
send their letters by friends of the cause who could be trusted/’ William Goddard,
“a newspaper man” who had been surveyor of roads and Controller of the Post-
Office under Benjamin Franklin, went before several of the Committees, urging
the importance of a Constitutional Post-Office. Travelling through the Colonies
he had found a great need of such an office. The Boston Committee strongly
favored Goddard’s scheme and was in correspondence with the other Commit-
tees, but had made little headway.
From “History of Philadelphia.”
In October, 1774, about the time that the First Continental Congress was in
session, encouraged by the spirit which prevailed in the Colonies, an attempt was
made to set up an independent post-office establishment. William Goddard, who
was the publisher of the Pennsylvania Chronicle, established a post-office at the
Coffee House, southwest corner of Front and Market Streets. “At a meeting
of Merchants about 1774 his plan was proposed for their acceptance and they
listened to some of his letters setting forth the merits of his scheme, but they
refused to listen to the rest of them, declaring that Americans had their hands
full without setting up a post.” He established his route between Philadelphia
and New York and perhaps to other points, and placed his post-office at the London
Coffee House, where it was opened for a short time, but soon closed for want of
patronage. John Holt, who published the New-York Journal, took the matter up
and successfully established the first Constitutional Post-Office.
From New-York Journal, May 29, 1775.
“A Constitutional Post-Office is now kept at J. Holt’s Printing Office in
Water Street, near the Coffee House, where letters are received and carefully
despatched by riders who may be depended upon for faithful performances of
duty, and execution of the most important trusts that business may require, and
as none but men of property and approved character will be employed. The
Posts for Philadelphia and the southwestern Colonies set out about eight o’clock
every Monday and Thursday morning and proceed that day through the towns
of Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, Piscataway and Brunswick to
Princeton where they must meet and exchange mail with the Posts from Phila-
delphia who pass through Frankfort, Bristol, Trenton and Maidenhead. These
posts the next day (Tuesday) return with the mails to the above post-office in
New York and to Mr. Bradford’s at the Coffee House in Philadelphia, from whence
other Posts set out for the westward and eastward at the usual times. Those
from New York for the eastward set out about nine o’clock and return to New
York with the eastern mails on Wednesday and Saturday. The rates of postage for
the present are the same that they used to be under the unconstitutional post-
office, and accounts are carefully kept of all the money received from letters as
well as expended on riders, etc. That where the rates and rules are affixed and
offices regularly established throughout the British Colonies by each Provincial
and by the Continental Congress what shall be done before that time may be
taken into the account and properly adjusted.”
Rates of Postage.
The time for the mails between New York and Philadelphia was about three
days. The postage was calculated according to distance.THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
“It is further Resolved that the Rates and Duties for Postage be as follows:
For any distance—not exceeding 60 Miles o-s— 5>£d.
^	“	“ “_ o a
Upwards of 60 Miles not				exceeding	IOO	66	66 66	8 d.
(<	66 _ _ _ IOO	66	66	66	200	66	66 66	ioJ^d.
((	66 200	66	66	66	JOG	66	i-s—	1 d.
a	it 3 00	66	66	66	400	.66	i-s—	4 d.
a	“ 400	66	66	66	500	66	i-s—	6^d.
((	“ 500	66	66	66	600	66	i-s—	9 d.
((	“ 600	66	66	66	700	66	2-S—	
66	“ 700	66	66	66	800	66	2-S—	
66	“ 800	66	66	66	900	66	2-S—	5 d.
66	“ 900	66	6 6	66	IOOO	66	<z> 1	8 . d.
The above is to be paid in lawful money of this Colony and for the postage of a
Single letter. They are doubled for all Doubled Letters, tribbled for all Trebbled
Letters, and for every ounce weight four times as much as charged for a single
letter.”
Holt in the mean time wrote the New York Provincial Congress asking that
they recommend him for the position of Postmaster. On a vote being taken
Ebenezer Hazard was selected and by the Continental Congress made Postmaster.
Sebastine Beaumann, Second Postmaster of New York, succeeded William
Bedlow in 1786 (after the Evacuation by the English). When Washington became
President, 1789, he appointed Beaumann, who then became the First Postmaster
under the New Constitution. He retained the office until 1803, when he was
succeeded by Josiah Ten Eyck. In this connection it is of interest to note that
the first Postmaster-General of the United States, Samuel Osgood, appointed by
President Washington, made his headquarters in Mr. Beaumann* s office in our
city. Thus it is seen that not only the first Continental, but also the first United
States, Post-Office was established here in New York.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
[OT only was this the most important of the Revolution, but on
its termination depended the fate of a new nation. To the
English and Loyalist writers the importance is most fully acr
knowledged, that to New York State the full glory of its successful
ending is due. We put before our readers a very few of the
actual facts which prove conclusively the terrible condition of
_______________our country just prior to the battle of Saratoga, when our
State was largely deserted by the others, and carried on the campaign till just
before the battles of Bennington and Oriskany. The suffering of our State,
the great effort made to save the Union, the pathetic appeals for assistance, are
matters of unwritten history. The Public Papers of George Clinton, first Governor
of New York, published by the State, contain a history of New York during the
Revolution in a manner that should stir the enthusiastic pride of every patriotic
citizen.
As the accounts as written by General C. Stedman (1794), William Edward
Hartpole Lecky, M.P., Henry Belcher, Egberton Ryerson,—English historians,—
and by James H. Stark and A. C. Flick writing from an English-American stand-
point so fully coincide with the conclusions to be drawn from the Clinton Papers,
it becomes difficult to surmise where some of our historians obtained their data.
One of the first battles of the Revolution was the attempt to capture Quebec,
December 31, 1775, by the Continental troops under the immediate command ofTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	u
General Richard Montgomery, who was killed while leading a charge. General
Montgomery was a resident of Rheinbeck on the Hudson and son-in-law of Robert
R. Livingston. Congress erected a monument in his memory, January 25, 1776,
in the east front of St. Paul’s Chapel, New York City. After the battle General
Montgomery was buried at Quebec; not until 1818 was his body disinterred, re-
moved to New York, and placed beneath the monument. The name of Mont-
gomery stands with those of Wolfe and Montcalm, the heroes of Quebec.
The campaign of 1777 should date from May 10 and n, 1775, with the capture
of the first forts from the English, Ticonderoga and Crown Point, by Colonel Allen
and the Green Mountain Boys, who were at this time enlisted in the New York
Militia and under command of General Clinton. From a strategical point the
capture was .of great importance, occurring but a few days after Lexington* and
a month before the Battle of Bunker Hill; in fact had it not been for the arms
and ammunition sent to Boston there would have been no such battle. Yet his-
torians give but little importance to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, while volumes
have been written about Lexington and Bunker Hill, which from other than a
sentimental point were of no military importance.
“ I shall send to Cambridge the 24-pounders 12- and 6-pounders, howitzers, &c;,
as directed by Colonel Gridley. Four brass howitzers in the edge of the Lake,
and covered with water, cannot be come at at present”—(Benedict Arnold,
American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. II, p. 646).
FIRST CONTINENTAL NAVY—1776.
O our State belongs the honor of the first Continental Navy.
The Seven Years’ War had fully demonstrated the importance of
Lake Champlain as the gateway to the Hudson. At about the
same time as that of Fort Ticonderoga, Benedict. Arnold captured
a British sloop from Philip Skene at Skenesborough (Whitehall,
N. Y.}, and renamed it “Liberty.” This was the only ship in the
Royal Navy on Lake Champlain and the first captured by the
Satriots, and heads a glorious list. General Benedict Arnold wrote to Washington,
une 23, 1776: “It now appears to me of the utmost importance that the Lakes
be immediately secured by a large number (at least twenty or thirty) of Gondolas,
row galleys and the floating batteries.” During July and August, 1776, Skenes-
borough (now Whitehall) at the head of Lake Champlain was the scene of the
greatest naval activity. The battle of Lake Champlain.
October 11-12-13-1776.—“Although most decisively defeated in the battle
upon the Lake, Arnold had delayed the advance of the British some two or three
months while they were obtaining a naval superiority. This delay had far-reach-
ing consequences. Carleton now found the season too late to pursue his ad-
advantage and to make or attempt to make a junction with Howe to the South-
ward. He therefore soon returned to winter quarters at Montreal”—(“Navy of
the Revolution”).
“It has been strikingly said by Captain Mahan.that Arnold’s and Carleton’s
naval campaign on Lake Champlain was a ‘ Strife of Pigmys for the Prize of a
Continent.’ Although the American flotilla was wiped out, never had any force
big or small lived to better purpose or died more gloriously, ‘for it had saved the
Lake for that year’”—(“Navy of the Revolution”).
“Consider General Arnold as one of the best Naval Commanders of the age,
an opinion that even British historians agree with. Arnold was more of a sailor
than a general, and, had he gone into the Navy, would have vied with John Paul
Jones for the glory of being the Father of the Navy”—(Admiral Colby M. Ches^
ter, U.S.N., retired).12	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
“In their first appointments of the Committee [Naval] it takes no eagle eye
to discover the workings of Nepotism and Sectional influence. Of the five largest
Naval plums New England plucked four. Ezek Hopkins, commander-in-chief of
fleet, salary $125 per month. He was a brother of Stephen Hopkins of the Naval
Committee”—(“Narrative and Critical History of the United States,” by Justin
Winsor, Librarian of Harvard University; Corresponding Secretary, Massachu-
setts Historical Society).
In the fall of 1776 the number of American seamen and marines was about
3,000; British, about 18,000.
“In the significance of these results the operations of no other naval armament
of the Americans during the Revolution compares with these of Arnold’s fleet on
Lake Champlain in the fall, 1776"—(Dr. Henry Belcher).
An Account of the Naval Battle of Lake Champlain.
By General C. Stedman, 1794.
For General Carleton in dispossessing the enemy at Crown Point and Ticon-
deroga and in securing the possession of Lakes George and Champlain had not
only in view the clearing the frontiers of Canada, but of opening a communication
with the Northern and middle Colonies which he conceived he could then invade
at will. Besides, by possessing Hudson’s River, he knew that he should be able to
, co-operate with General Howe and to afford him assistance in case of emergency^—
the Southern would be separated from the Northern Provinces. The latter, of
course, would be under the necessity of sustaining the attack of two armies, or of
yielding to such terms as should be imposed upon them, leaving the Southern
Colonies to continue the war alone. Nor could General Washington then hold
the possession of the Jerseys unless he chose to expose himself to the disadvan-
tageous predicament of encountering a superior army in front and the Canadian
forces in his rear.
The English fleet was ready to oppose the enemy at Lake Champlain. It
consisted of the following vessels: the “Inflexible,” mounting eighteen twelve-
pounders, which vessel had been “ re-constructed ” at St. John’s in twenty-eight days
after her keel had been laid down; one schooner mounting fourteen and another
twelve six-pounders; a flat-bottomed batteau carrying six twenty-four pounders
and the same number of twelve-pounders, besides howitzers; and one gondola with
seven nine-pounders. Twenty smaller vessels, called gunboats, carried either
brass field-pieces or howitzers; some long-boats served as transports for the
troops, baggage, warlike stores, provisions, and all the necessaries for the army,
that, under convoy of the shipping, was to be conveyed across the lakes. This
fleet was commanded by Captain Pringle, an active and brave officer, who had
under his command seven hundred seamen. The army embarked in the batteaux,
which were ordered to keep in the rear as soon as they had entered Lake Champlain,
in order that the fleet might reconnoitre the situation of the enemy.
The force which the Americans had to oppose this armament was in every re-
spect unequal. Their vessels were neither so well constructed nor so well fur-
nished with necessaries as those of the English; besides, they were inferior in point
of number, the fleet amounting to fifteen vessels of different kinds, consisting of two
schooners, one sloop, one cutter, three galleys, and eight gondolas.
Colonel Arnold, who had acquired much fame before Quebec, was honored
with the command of it.
On the nth of October the British fleet discovered that of the enemy, very
advantageously posted off the island of Valicour, with an intention of defending
the passage between that island and the western main. A schooner and some
gunboats, being considerably ahead of the rest of the fleet, began^the engagement,
which was continued for some hours on both sides with intrepidity. UnfortunatelyTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	13
the “Inflexible” and other ships of force could not advance near enough-to take
part in the engagement on account of the unfavorableness of the wind. For this
reason Captain Pringle, having consulted General Carleton, thought it advisable
to order those that were engaged to sheer off for the present and discontinue the
action.
In this attack the largest of the enemy’s ships were forced ashore, and one
of their gondolas sunk. Night coming on, the enemy retired into Cumberland
Bay, and Captain Pringle, in order to prevent their retreat, formed the British
fleet into a line as near the entrance of the Bay as possible. Arnold, who was
fully sensible of the insufficiency of his strength, determined to take advantage
of the darkness of the night and retreat to Crown Point. This determination,
notwithstanding the proximity of the British fleet, he was enabled to execute
in part.
He retired out of the Bay undiscovered, and on the morning of the 12th
of October was out of sight. The British fleet immediately followed him, and
the wind proving favorable on the 13th he was overtaken a few leagues from Crown
Point. Unable to avoid an engagement, Arnold resolved to conduct it with his
wonted intrepidity and resolution. About noon the engagement commenced
on both sides and continued with great fury for two hours. Several of Arnold’s
fleet then left him and retreated with great speed to Ticonderoga. Arnold, how-
ever, refused to follow their pusillanimous example, and with the remnant of
his fleet still continued to resist the attack df the British with unabated intrepidity.
At length victory decided against him. His second largest galley called the
“Washington,” commanded by Brigadier-General Waterby, after a desperate
resistance was at length forced to strike its colors. Finding that all his efforts
would be ineffectual, he resolved to retreat. But even in this situation he dis-
played a magnanimity of courage that was astonishing. Though reduced to the
necessity of bending under superior power, he resolved that neither his men nor
his vessels should be taken. The “Congress” galley which he commanded and five
other gondolas were run aground by his orders and, as soon as the men landed,
burnt down to the water’s edge. He remained himself on board his own ship
till she was set fire to in several places, in order that his flag might not be struck
by the English.
BURGOYNE’S CAMPAIGN.
N the Campaign of 1777 it was planned that General Burgoyne
should invade New York from the North and that Howe should
meet him from the South. At the same time Col. St. Leger, with
Sir John Johnson and his Loyalists, and Captain Brant and his
Indians, was to descend the Mohawk to meet them. The Loyal-
ists were jubilant at this plan and boasted that they alone could
capture New York. At last the Loyalists of the Hudson Valley
were to have an opportunity to prove this loyalty. As Burgoyne approached
Albany hundreds of Loyalists joined him. Col. Skeene with all the forces he
could raise fought under British standards. Oriskany was a battle between
brothers, fathers, sons, and neighbors. " In this “fratricidal butchery” most of the
males of the Mohawk Valley perished. Seventy-five hundred Loyalist troops
in New York State flocking from the other Colonies.—(“Loyalism in New York,”
by A. C. Fuck, Ph.D.)*
“July 1st, 1777.—Burgoyne started with about 8,000 men. On the 25th
of March General Schuyler had been relieved from command, but was reinstated
in May, finally presenting his case before Congress. He returned to his head-
quarters at Albany on the 3rd of June and at once tendered to General Gates thei4	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
command of Ticonderoga as the most exposed and most honourable post within
the department. That officer declined the command. It was his purpose to
obtain the command of the department itself and his correspondence is impregnated
with the spirit of jealous aspirations. While urging that Albany should but be
retained as headquarters he wrote, ‘If General Schuyler is solely to possess all
power, all the intelligence and that particular favourite, the Military chest, and
constantly reside in Albany, I cannot with'any peace of mind serve at Ticonderoga/
Gates had accomplished nothing of real value in the preparation of the Lake
Ports for defense during the two months he had been in command of the depart-
ment, and was still at Albany when Schuyler returned. He had made a requisition
upon Washington for tents, and when the Commander-in-chief replied, ‘ As the
northern troops are hutted, the tents must be used for southern troops until a
supply can be obtained,’ he answered, ‘Refusing this army what you have not in
your power is one thing, but saying that this army has not the same necessities
as the southern army is another. I can assure your Excellency the service of
the northern army requires tents as much as any service I ever saw/ To Mr.
Lovell of the New England Delegation he wrote, ‘Either I am exceedingly dull or
unreasonably jealous if I do not discover by the style and tenor of the letters
from Morristown how little I have to expect from them. Generals are like Par-
sons, they are all for Christening their own Children first; but let an impartial
moderating power decide between us, and do not suffer southern prejudice to
weigh heavier in the balance than the northern/”
“On June ninth Gates took leave of absence and left the department.... Gen-
eral Gates took command of the Northern Department Aug. 19, 1777. Congress
clothed him with large powers and conceded to his demand all for which General
Schuyler had in vain made requisitions. His communications were also made
direct to Congress, over the head of the Commander-in-chief”—(“Battles of the
Revolution,” by Henry B. Carrington, M.A., LL.D., Colonel U.S.A.).
“Schuyler in anticipation of Burgoyne’s advance from the North called
for an army of 15,000 men with a further condition that the bulk of the troops
should be men of the South, that is, Philadelphia or Virginia. His request was
not granted; he was instructed to raise and equip locally as many regiments as-
possible. To his call the New England States turned a deaf ear. Their mutual
jealousies and long-standing animosities, added to the antipathy entertained
toward Schuyler personally, caused recruiting to be very slow and the quality
of the recruits, officers as well as men, poor”—(“ First American Civil War, First
Period, 1775-1778,” by Henry Belcher).
Burgoyne’s Proclamation, i777.
This proclamation is seldom given by historians; yet it explains largely why
the Tories who joined Burgoyne in his expedition from the north are said to have
doubled his force and were the cause for nearly half of the American army desert-
ing; of these two Massachusetts regiments deserted in a body.
The Gentleman s Magazine and Historical Chronicle, 1777, pages 398-402, con-
tains a very interesting account of the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point
by General Burgoyne, in June, 1777.
Proclamation—By John Burgoyne, Esq; &c. &c.
.	Camp at Putnam Creek.v
June 29, 1777.
“The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act in concert and upon
a common principle with the numerous armies and fleets which already displayFrom an Old Print
ALBANY TO CROWN POINT
From New York State Historical Association Records,
Vol. XTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	15
in every quarter of America the power, the justice, *and, when properly fought,
the mercy of the King. . . .
“Animated by those considerations, at the head of troops in the full powers
of health, discipline and valour, determined to strike where necessary and anxious
to spare where possible, I by these presents invite and exhort all persons in all
places where the progress of this army may point; and, by the blessing of God,
1 will extend it far to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting
their lands habitations and families. The intention of this address is to hold
forth security, not depreciation, to the country.
“To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake the glorious task
of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and re-establishing the blessing
of legal government, I offer encouragement and employment; and, upon the
first intelligence of their associations, I will find means to assist their undertakings.
“The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants,
I am desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they
do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted
or destroyed; that they do not break up their bridges or roads, nor by any other
acts directly or indirectly endeavour to obstruct the operations of the King’s
troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy.
“Every species of provision brought to my camp will be paid for at an equitable
rate, and in solid coin. In consciousness of Christianity, my Royal Master’s
clemency, and the honour of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, and
wished for moire persuasive terms to give it impression; and let not people be led
to disregard it by considering their distance from the immediate situation of
my camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction,
and they amount to thousands, to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain
and America. I consider them the same, wherever they may lurk.
“If, notwithstanding these endeavours and sincere inclination to effect them,
the phrenzy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted, in the eyes
of God and man, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the State against
the wilful outcasts.
“The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in the field; and devas-
tation, famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensible
prosecution of military duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return.”
From Washington’s Counter Proclamation to .that of General Burgoyne.
“To all Americans as well as Indian Chiefs,” one paragraph is worthy a space
in all records as a noble expression of character, consistency and faith:
“Harassed as we are by unrelenting persecution, obliged by every tie to
repel violence by force, urged by self-preservation to exert the strength which
Providence has given us to defend our Natural rights against the aggressor, we
appeal to the hearts of all mankind for the justice of our Cause. Its events we
leave to Him who speaks the fate of Nations, in humble confidence that as His
Omniscient Eye taketh note even of a sparrow that falleth to the ground, so
He will not withdraw his Countenance from a people who humbly array them-
selves under His Banner in defence of the noblest principles with which He has
adorned Humanity.”
Letter from General Washington to Governor Clinton.
“Headquarters.
“Camp Middle Brook, July 1, 1777.
“From intelligence just received from the Northward, there can beTittle
doubt that the enemy are operating against Ticonderoga and its dependencies,16	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
and from the evacuation of*the Jerseys, and the reason of the thing itself, there
can be little room to doubt that General Howe will co-operate with the northern
army, and make a sudden descent upon Peekskill in order, if possible, to get. pos-
session of the passes, before the troops to defend them can be reinforced by this
army. Indeed I am this moment informed that all the enemy’s tents were struck
today at 8 O’clock, and it is supposed that they have all embarked as the ships
have all sailed out of Prince’s Bay, where they lay, so that you may probably
have a very hasty visit. The urgency of the occasion, and the necessity of em-
ploying all the resources to baffle the first attempts of the enemy, obliges me to
request in the strongest terms, that you will exert yourself to call forth a respect-
able body of militia of your State, to strengthen the fprce at Peekskill and its
appendages. No time should be lost in doing this; the call is to the last degree
pressing; and the least delay may be productive of the most fatal consequences.
Let every nerve be strained to forward your preparations, and put you in the best
posture of defence possible.	I am, d’r sir,
“Your most obdt. servt.
“George Washington.”
“General Burgoyne met with but little resistance. Gen. St. Clair abandoned
Fort Ticonderoga, July 6th, retreating to Fort Edward, from Which place the
American forces retired, crossing the Hudson River at Saratoga, falling back to
Stillwater. On this day Burgoyne reached the Hudson.” “Mr. E. F. deLancey
states that in July Schuyler had only 2500 men under him at Ft. Edward and
that after the Americans retreated from Ticonderoga his numbers increased by
the retreating force (Gen. St. Clair) were only 4500, of whom 2500 were Conti-
nentals or regulars and the rest militia; of these two. Massachusetts regiments
deserted in a body”—(Belcher).
“The Tories who joined Burgoyne in his expedition from the North are
said to have doubled his force”—(From “The Loyalists of America and Their
Times,” by Egberton Ryerson, D.D., LL.D., Chief Superintendent of Education
of Upper Canada, 1844-1876).
The Fall of Ticonderoga.
“Albany, July 7th, 1777.
“Sir; *
“ ‘ Both Ticonderoga and Mount Independence are in the enemy’s possession.
Part of our troops are at Skenesborough to which place the enemy have pursued.
It is therefore now become necessary that every man of the militia should turn
out and without a moment’s delay; you will therefore issue your orders accord-
ingly, and hope to see you with them.”’ The foregoing is an extract of a letter I
have just received this moment from General Schuyler, dated this day from Still-
water on his way to the northward, and do myself the honour to transmit you.
I have only time to add, that agreeably to his requisition, I have issued my orders
for the whole militia of my brigade to march to Fort Edward with all possible
expedition, and to submit to you the necessity of leaving part thereof, and what
number you judge will be requisite at this place; as we are surrounded with dis-
affected persons and have about one hundred confined in the jail of this city.
“I am, sir,
“Your most obdt. servant,
“Abm. Ten Broeck.
“Honble. Pierre Van Cortlandt.”
From Stillwater, July 7th, 1777, Schuyler wrote Van Cortlandt:
“I have not a doubt but that a very considerable part of the garrisons of
Ticonderoga and Mount Independence are in the enemy’s hands. I have notTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	17
above seven hundred Continental troops, and I fear not twice that jiumber of
militia, to oppose the enemy, and not a single piece of artillery. In this situation
my prospect is not very agreeable. I wish for all the militia from every quarter to
come up with all expedition. If the Council of Safety, or at least a part of it,
were immediately to repair to Albany, it might have a good effect, as I have hardly
anybody to assist me.”
This communication from Pierre Van Cortlandt, president of the Council, to
Governor Trumbull of Connecticut reads as follows:
“Sir:
“The Council of Safety had directed me to transmit to your Excellency
the enclosed extract of a letter from Major General Schuyler. The Condition
of the northeastern department has become alarming and critical. The evacuation
of Ticonderoga was a very unexpected event, and has been attended with an
unhappy influence on our affairs. The people are disgusted, disappointed and
alarmed. The Council are constrained to observe that it is not in their power to
afford General Schuyler much aid. Five counties of this State are in the possession
of the enemy; three others are disunited by malcontents who meditate a revolt and
are attempting to avail themselves of the present troubles, to advance their in-
terested purposes, insomuch that all order of government has ceased among them.
Of the remaining six counties, a third part of the militia of three of them, namely
Orange, Ulster and Dutchess, have been in actual service since last May and are
yet in the field. Westchester has been so harassed by the incursions of the
enemy from New York, that during the last winter, and almost ever since, their
militia have been obliged to provide for their own defense. A third part of the
County of Tryon are ordered to embody without delay; and a considerable pro-
portion of Albany are already marched or marching to the fields; add to this the
number of inhabitants constantly employed on the communications in transporta-
tions and the still greater number who are tempted by prospects of ease or profit
have quitted this invaded State, and sought inglorious ease among our more peace-
ful neighbors and your Excellency will perceive how greatly our strength is ex-
hausted. Heaven has blessed us with a plentiful harvest, and it deserved con-
sideration that other States besides this will be affected by the loss of it. It is
unnecessary to observe to your Excellency that the destruction of this State will
bring the horrors of war to the doors of many who now seem idle spectators of it.
We hope that the State of Massachusetts Bay will on this occasion exert herself
in a manner becoming to the character she has heretofore sustained, in the scale of
American importance, and that New York will not be left unsupported in this day
of trials”—(From the “Journal of the Council of Safety).
The Sad Condition of Gen. Schuyler’s Army.
Moses Creek, four miles below Fort Edward.
July 24th, 1777.
“ Sir-—It is with great pain that I am under the disagreeable necessity of
advising you that our affairs in this quarter daily put on a more gloomy aspect.
It was evident that, if we had not consented to suffer part of the militia to return
to their habitations, in all probability we should lose the whole. It was therefore
resolved in full council of general officers, that half should be permitted to leave
us, provided the others would remain three weeks. These conditions were ac-
cepted by them, and one thousand and forty-six, officers included, the militia of
this state, remained; but not above three hundred out of twelve of those from the
County of Berkshire in the State of Massachusetts, and out of about five hundred
from the County of Hampshire in the same state, only twenty-nine commissioned
and non-commissioned officers and thirty-four privates are left, the remainder
having infamously deserted, and out of one hundred from Connecticut, who had,18	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
like those from Hampshire, just arrived here, very few, if any, remain; and part of
that half which remained from this State; so that we have not now above thirteen
hundred militia on the ground. I wish we had the most distant prospect to
detain one half of these about five or six days. Our Continental force is between
twenty-seven and twenty-eight hundred; with this small body we have to encounter
a more numerous body of the enemy, well appointed, flushed with success, and
daily increasing by the acquisition of tories.
“ Happy I should still be, in some degree, if I could close the melancholy
tale here; but every letter I receive from the County of Try on, advises me that
the inhabitants of it will lay down their arms, unless I support them with Con-
tinental troops. From what I have said, you will see the impossibility of my
complying with their request. The district of Schohary has also pointedly in-
timated, that unless Continental troops are sent them, they will also submit
to the enemy. Should it be asked what line of conduct I mean to hold amidst this
variety of difficulties and distress I would answer to dispute every inch of ground
with General Burgoyne and retard his descent into the Country as long as possible,
without the least hopes of being able to prevent it ultimately, unless I am rein-
forced from General Washington, or by a respectable body of the militia; the former
I am advised I am not to have, and whence to procure the latter, I know not.
I have written to the eastern states, but do not expect timely succours from thence.
I must therefore look up to you; but though I am under the fullest conviction
that you will readily afford me every aid in your power, yet I fear it cannot be
much. In this situation you will be pleased to permit me to observe, that I
think the Council of Safety ought to press General Washington for an immediate
reinforcement of at least fifteen hundred good Continental troops. Those from
our own state, if possible, if not, from any of the southern colonies; one thousand
to reinforce me, and the remaining to be sent to Try on County. That tjie most
immediate and pressing application should be made by you to the Eastern
States (Connecticut in particular from which we have not had above one hundred,)
for a respectable body of militia; that part of what militia may come from thence
be also sent to Tryon County, and part here; that the greatest number possible
of the militia of this State should be sent both ways, and that it should be, in the
strongest terms, recommended to the gentlemen of easy fortune to turn out.
It is not only mortifying but extremely discouraging to the lower class, and preju-
dicial to the public, to see so few men of note step forth when their Country is
in danger. I may seem to labour under ideal apprehensions, I believe they are not
so. They are found, on a reflection that if General Burgoyne can penetrate to
Albany, the force which is certainly coming by the way of Oswego will find no
difficulty in reaching the Mohawk River; and that being arrived there, they will
be joined not by tories only, but every person that finds himself incapable of
removing and wishes to make his peace with the enemy and that by the whole
body of the Six Nations. These, forming a junction with Burgoyne, whilst General
Howe presses up the River, it will either put General Washington between two
fires or drive him to the necessity of filing off into New England. These, Sir,
are my conjectures. I sincerely wish they may never be realized, although I
cannot think they are ill found. I have thus ventured freely to give my senti-
ments. I hope they will not be thought to arise from a principle which would
disgrace a soldier, I assure you they do not; and I hope my Countrymen will
never have occasion to blush for me, whatever may be the event of the cam-
paign”—(From the “Journal of the Council of Safety” and “Clinton Papers,”
Vol. II, p. 144).
“There were soldiers of the Revolution who deserted in parties of twenty
and thirty at a time, and several hundred of these who then abandoned the cause
fled to Vermont and were among the early settlers of that State. A thousand
men the date of whose enlistment had been misplaced perjured themselves in a
body as fast as they could be sworn, in order to quit the ranks in which they hadTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	19
voluntarily enlisted”—(“Loyalists of the American Revolution,” by Lorenzo
Sabine. Vol. I, p. 118).
Albany’s Appeal.
In every country, in every great war, there is always some event that is
strikingly pathetic, standing out in its forecast so forcibly as to appear almost
supernaturally inspired. The Albany Committee of Safety appeals to New
England, August I, 1777. While its words are almost pitiful, no language could
express more forcibly the dangers our country was then facing. The prediction
of what would happen in case .of defeat then most threatening has been fully
confirmed by students of history. The reprimand for desertions as to commands
most just. “Let us consider is this the time to divide ourselves? Are we now
to censure our Generals and tamely to remain at home with our hands crossed?”
John Adams wrote in 1777: “I am worried to death with the wrangles be-
tween military officers high and low. They quarrel like cats and dogs. They
worry one another like mastiffs, scrambling for rank and pay like apes for nuts”—
(Lorenzo Sabine. Vol. I, pages 139-150). This is an absolute statement of
just what was occurring at the time. The surrender of General Burgoyne at
Saratoga confirmed exactly what would happen. “Let us entreat you dear
Countrymen to step forth and make one glorious Effort to crush the base Invaders
of your Country and transmit Inviolate to your Posterity the Freedom and
Liberty that God and Nature have bestowed upon you.” Never have we seen
this most inspiring appeal published in our histories or even mentioned. Who
wrote it is lost to history and yet his name should be engraved high on the roll of
fame.
Albany Appeals to New England.
A pen-picture of the distress and horrors that would confront the Colonies
were Burgoyne successful.
“August 1st, 1777.
“SlR:
“The alarming situation of affairs to the Northward obliges us to call on you
for the assistance that the Friends to America and Lovers of their Country ought
to call on each for. At a time when New England was invaded, no means were
left unessayed on our part to afford them every assistance in our power. Various
were the difficulties the Friends to their Country in those parts had to encounter,
surrounded by dependants on Government and their Emmissaries, our Vigorous
exertions were necessary to effect the much desired Union with our Sister States;
our arguments were grounded on the Unanimity, the Valour, the Virtue of New
England; the Enemies of America were Crushed, our Influence had the desired
effect—no Tory dared openly to speak or act unfriendly. Imprisonment or ban-
ishment were the Consequences.
“What arguments are we now to make use of?
“Our Country is invaded; great part of our Militia have Turned out; but
where are our Eastern Friends? What have we done to forfeit their esteem?
Is our Country to be laid waste, all to be sacrificed at a time when it is in our power
(if we will Unite) to crush the Invaders in such a manner that perhaps will prevent
their making any future attempts? Can you expect to remain in quiet, if we are
destroyed? From the reciprocal Intercourse & Commerce between New England
and this State, the fall of the one, will much distress the other! Admit that the
evil was to stop here. Pray consider the great number of Savages that will Join
them? Should they take possession of this City, we are apprehensive the dis-
affected that will repair to them will not be few; the ravages will not Cease here;20
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
Our Sister States will feel in Turn. Those who can now quietly rest at home and
hear of the Inhumanities Committed by those barbarians must be destitute of
Feelings becoming the Virtuous, the free born and the brave.
“We are informed that loud Complaints are made against the leaders of our
Army.
“Let us Consider, is this the Time to divide ourselves? Are we now to
Censure our Generals and tamely to remain at home with our Hands crossed?
“Are we not well assured that the Supreme Power of the Continent will call
to account and severely punish such as have in any respect betrayed their Trust,
or by their misconduct hurt their Country? We are well assured that could those
prejudices subside, could we Unite with that Spirit becoming to Men who are
determined to be free, who will not tamely suffer their wives to be ravished, their
Children to be murdered and Scalped, their Properties to be seized and disposed
of at the pleasure of Mercenaries & Savages, whose footsteps as they advance
in our Country, are marked with unheard of Horrors and devastations in open
Violations of the Laws of Civilized Nations, or the dictates of Humanity, we say,
could we step forth determined not to submit to such Men and Measures, a more
glorious opportunity never offered than the present.
“The Enemy are now advanced to Fort Edward; our Army have retreated
to Saratoga and brought their Stores, provisions, etc. with them, and to induce
the Enemy to follow them farther in the Country, so that their Retreat may be
cut off, if the People will but step forth they will in all probability retire to some
advantageous Post, still nearer this City.
“Let us entreat you, dear Countrymen, to step forth and make one glorious
Effort to crush the base Invaders of your Country and Transmit, Involiate to
your Posterity the Freedom and Liberty that God and Nature have bestowed
upon you.	-
“On our parts we are determined to leave no means unessayed to save our
Country from ruin. No distress, no loss of Property shall ever Shake our attach-
ment to so righteous, so just and so glorious a Cause. We renew our request
to Every Tie of love to your Country by your wives, your posterity and that all
that’s dear and sacred to you, to unite and support the Cause you have so nobly
and so long Contended for—(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. II, p. 158).
“The truth is, that although the circumstances of the New Englanders have
developed to a high degree many of the qualities that are essential to a soldier,
they have been unfavourable to others. To obey, to act together, to sacrifice
private judgment to any authority, to acknowledge any superiors was wholly
alien to their temperament and they know nothing of that passionate and all-
absorbing enthusiasm which transforms the character, and raises men to an heroic
height of patriotic self devotion.
“A. C. Flick.”
Not Discouraged by Burgoyne’s Success.
Washington strives to quell alarm in New York State, deplores the apathy
of New England, and expresses his faith to the Council of Safety.
“Headquarters, Philadelphia, August 4, 1777.
“Sir:
“I have been duly honored with your several Favours of the 26th, 27th and
30th of July.
“The Misfortune of Ticonderoga has produced a very disagreeable alteration
in our Affairs, and has thrown a Gloom upon the favourable Prospect, which the
Campaign, previous to that event afforded. But I am in great hopes the ill21
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
consequences of it, will not continue to operate long and that the Jealousies and
Alarms, which so sudden and unexpected an Accident has occasioned, in the
Minds of the People both of your State and to the Eastward will shortly subside
and give way-to the more rational Dictates of self-preservation, and regard to the
Common good. In fact, the worst effect of that disaster is that it has served
to create those Distrusts and apprehensions, for if the matter were coolly and
dispassionately considered there would be found nothing so formidable in Mr.
Burgoyne, and the force under him, with all his successes, as to countenance the
least languor or despondency; and experience would show, that a tolerable degree
of vigor in the States more immediately interested would be sufficient to check
his career, and prehaps convert the advantages he has gained into his ruin.
“But while People continue to view what has happened through the Medium
of Supineness or fear, there is no saying to what length an enterprising genius may
push his good Fortune. I have the fullest Confidence, that no endeavors of the
Council will be omitted to bring your State (with the distresses of which I am
sensibly affected) to every Effort it is Capable of making in its present mutilated
Condition; and they may rely upon it, that no means in my power will be unem-
ployed, to co-operate with them in repelling the Danger that threatens the State,
and through it threatens the Continent. If I do not give so effectual Aid as might
be wished to the Northern Army, it is not from want of inclination nor from being
too little impressed with the importance of doing it, but because the State of affairs
in this quarter will not possibly admit of it. It would be the height of impolicy
to weaken ourselves too much here, in order to increase our strength there, and it
must certainly be more difficult as well as of greater moment to control the main
army of the Enemy, than an inferior, as I may say, dependent one; for it is pretty
obvious if General Howe can be completely kept at Bay, and prevented effecting
any capital purposes, the Successes of General Burgoyne whatever they may be,
must be partial and temporary.
“Nothing, that I can do, shall be wanting to rouse the Eastern States and
excite them to those exertions, which the exigency of our affairs so urgently de-
mands. I lament, that they have not yet done more—that so few of their militia
have come into the field, and those few have been so precipitate in returning home,
at this critical period. But I have nevertheless great reliance upon those States.
I know that they are capable of powerful efforts. And their attachment to the
Cause, notwithstanding they may be a little tardy, will not allow them long to
withhold their aid, at a time, when, their own safety, that of a Sister State, and
in a great measure, the Safety of the Continent calls for their greatest zeal and
activity. I flatter myself, the presence of General Arnold and General Lincoln
in the Northern Department, will have a happy effect upon them. Those Gentle-
men possess much of their confidence particularly the latter, than whom there is
perhaps no man from the State of Massachusetts, who enjoys more universal
esteem and popularity. And in addition to that, they are both to be considered
very valuable officers.
“You intimate a wish that some assistance could be drawn from the Southern
States at this time. But while things remain in the present posture, and ap-
pearances however illusory they may prove in the issue afford the strongest reason
to keep their force at home to counteract the Seeming intentions of General Howe,
I could neither ask nor expect them to detach Succours to the Northern States,
who are so well able to defend themselves against the force they have now to
oppose.
“I hope an exaggerated idea of the enemy’s numbers may have no injurious
influence on our measures. There is no circumstance I am acquainted with, that
induces me to believe General Burgoyne can have more than five or Six thousand
men; and if the force left in Canada is so considerable as the information you send
me makes it, he cannot even have so many.
“The representations of prisoners and deserters in this respect are of little
vulidity, their knowledge is always very limited, and their intentions, particularly22	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
the former, very often bad. Beyond what regards their own companies, little or
no attention is due to what they say. The number of regiments your informant
mentions corresponds with other accounts, but in the number of men in each
company, he gives the establishment, not, I am persuaded, the actual State.
The enemy’s army in Canada, last campaign though they suffered little T>y
action, must have decreased materially, by sickness and other casualties, and if
the recruits to them, both from England and Germany, bore any proportion to
those, which have reinforced General Howe,, the State of their regiments must be
greatly inferior to what your information holds forth. Reasoning by analogy as
far as it will apply, I cannot imagine the British regiments can exceed two hundred
and fifty men each, fit for the field, or that the foreign troops can amount to many
more than three thousand in all. The appointment of General Clinton, to the
Government of your State is an event that in itself gives me great pleasure and
very much abates the regret I should otherwise feel for the loss of his services in.
the military line. That Gentleman’s character is such, as will make him peculiarly
useful at the head of your affairs, in a Situation, so alarming and interesting as that
which you now experience. Agreeable to your desire my future applications shall
be made to him.
“I have the honor to be with great respect, Sir,
“Your most obedient servant,
“G’o. Washington.
“To the Council of Safety.”	(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. II, p. 170.)
. Battle of Oriskany.
In Volume XII, “New York State Historical Association,” will be found a
most interesting account of this battle by Freeman H. Allen, Ph.D., Colgate
University.
“The battle took up the plan of the Grand Campaign and it proved the
Colonists would fight and fight well against the veterans of the British armies
and their allies. It turned the tide of defeat and of despondency which the events
of the preceding year had raised. It not only prevented co-operation by St.
Leger with Burgoyne but enabled the militia of Tryon and Schoharie Counties
to join the army at Saratoga. Every available element of strength was impera-
tively needed there”—(Elias H. Roberts, New York, Vol. II, p. 417).
The account of the battle of Oriskany by General .C. Stedman:
“In the meantime, Col. St. Leger had commenced his attack upon Fort
Stanwix, a small square log fort with four bastions and a stockaded covered-way
without any other outworks. It was defended by Colonels Gansovert and Willet
and seven hundred men. The commencement of the Siege was attended with very
favourable circumstances. On the fifth of August Colonel St. Leger received in-
telligence that one thousand provincials under the Command of General Herki-
mer were advancing to the relief of the fort. Sir John Johnson therefore, with a
party of regulars and a number of savages, was dispatched into the woods, where
he placed his men in ambush. The ejiemy advanced incautiously, and fell
into the trap that was laid for them. A sudden and unexpected fire was pourfcd
upon them from behind trees and bushes, and the savages rushing from their
concealment made a dreadful slaughter with their spears and tomahawks.
“The enemy though surprised and somewhat dismayed did not retreat pre-
cipitately, but recovered a rising ground which enabled them by a kind of running
fight to preserve about one third of their detachment. The number killed and
wounded on the part of the enemy amounted to near four hundred. The besieged
being informed of the approach of General Herkimer made a sally under Colonel
Willet which was attended with some success.THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	23
“Having received, however, intelligence of the defeat of the provincials, he
and another officer undertook a very perilous expedition. They penetrated at the
dead of night through the camp of the besiegers and traveled a space of fifty miles
through deserts, woods, and morasses, in order to bring relief to the fort. The enemy
perceiving that the artillery of the besiegers was too light and insufficient to make
any impression on the defences of the fort, treated every proposal for a surrender
with derision and contempt. On the twenty-second of August a man belonging
to the fort purposely conveyed himself into the British Camp and declared that
he had escaped from the enemy, at the hazard of his life in order to inform the
British Commander that General Arnold with two thousand men and ten pieces
of cannon was advancing rapidly to raise the siege. He also acquainted him
that General Burgoyne had been defeated, and his army cut to pieces. Colonel
St. Leger was not intimidated by this information, nor did he give much credit to
it, but it produced an immediate effect on the savages. The British Commander
called a council of their chiefs and endeavoured by the influence of Sir John Johnson
and the other superintendents, Colonels Claus and Butler, to induce them not to
withdraw their assistance.
“Every effort, however, was ineffectual; a large party of the savages departed
while the Council was sitting and the rest threatened to follow their example,
unless the British Commander would immediately make a retreat. To this mortify-
* ing proposition he was under the necessity of acceding. The tents were left stand-
ing and the artillery and stores fell into the possession of the Garrison.”
“It is a remarkable fact, however, that in nearly every period of the struggle
and in every part of the States, the great majority of the Indians, if they took part
in the war, ranged themselves on the side of the crown, and England obtained in
consequence much larger share both of the benefit and discredit of their assist-
ance”—(Ramsey, 11-139).
Albany in a State of Panic.
The Committee presents doleful conditions of affairs to the Council of Safety.
Capture of the city feared.
“Albany Committee Chamber, 11 Augt. 1777.
“Sir:
“We wrote you a few days ago giving you a State of Affairs to the Northward
as far as they came to our Knowledge; we then informed you that the Prospect
was disagreeable. It appears every day more gloomy. Our apprehensions are
not so groundless, as those at a distance suppose them to be. We are well assured
did our situation present itself in the same point of light to neighbours as it does
to us, some mode would be for our Relief, being informed repeated applications
were made to the New England States for aid, and seeing that no reinforcements
came forward thought it our indispensable Duty to Address the People at large,
a Copy, which we enclose you together with an answer that their militia are ordered
to the Southward.
“On the Governor and Council of Safety being repeatedly informed of our
distressed Situation, we flattered ourselves that some assistance would be sent
from the lower Counties of our State but alas all their Forces were ordered to repel
an intended invasion when a real one is entirely neglected. . . :”—(“Clinton
Papers,” Vol. II, p. 209).
“At the end of 1776 Robert Morris, in describing the gloomy prospects of
the Revolution, complained that in the. Eastern States they are so intent upon
privateering that they would mind little else.”24	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
“It may be questioned, however, whether American enterprises could have
been on the whole more profitably employed, for the successful privateering brought
great benefit to the Country, impoverished the enemy, and added very largely to
the popularity of the war. It needed all the popularity that could be derived
from this source for the latter months of 1776 found one of the darkest periods
in the whole struggle. The army of Washington had dwindled to 3,006 and even
to 2,700 effective men; except two companies of Artillery belonging to the State
of New York that were engaged for the war the whole of the Continental troops
had only been enlisted for a year”—(Lecky).
“Speculation ran riot; every form of wastefulness and extravagance prevailed
in town and country, nowhere more than Philadelphia under the very eyes of
Congress—luxury of dress, luxury of equipage, luxury of the table. We are told
of one entertainment at which £800 was spent in pastry”—(Green’s “Historical
View of the American Revolution”).
1777.—“The position of Washington at this time was in all respects de-
plorable; as early as March he had written to General Schuyler, ‘The disaf-
fection of Pennsylvania I fear is beyond anything you have conceived/
“General Howe during the many months his army was stationed at Phila-
delphia never found the smallest difficulty in obtaining from the people abundance *
of fresh provisions.
“It would perhaps be an exaggeration to say that the active loyalists were
the true representatives of Pennsylvanian feeling, but it is in my opinion but
doubtful that the sympathies of this great and worthy province were much more
on the side of the Crown than on the side of the Revolution. Had the Pennsyl-
vanians really regarded the English as invaders or oppressors the presence of an
English army in their Capital would most certainly have spurred them to passionate
resistance, but in truth it was never found possible to bring into the field more
than a tenth part of the normal number of Pennsylvania militia and the Pennsyl-
vania quota in the Continental regiments was never above one third full and soon
sank to a much lower point”—(“Washington Works,” pages 96-146).
Battle of Bennington.
It should be remembered Bennington at this period was a part of New York
State.
General Burgoyne, having met with but little opposition, became careless.
The provisions having been delayed and in want of horses, he sent Colonel Baum,
with about eight hundred men, on a foraging expedition toward Connecticut,
where he understood there were a quantity of horses.
“The American General Stark with a body of one thousand men from New
Hampshire and Massachusetts was at this period on his route to join Gen. Schuyler.
Having received intelligence, however, of the approach of Colonel Baum, he
altered his course and hastened towards Bennington, where, joining the Con-
tinental troops under Colonel Warner, he set out on the sixteenth of August and
by ten o’clock in the morning surrounded Colonel Baum at St. Coiecks Mill at
Walloon Creek.
“The German officer, a stranger to the Country and to the language of the
inhabitants, was at first persuaded by the loyalists who had joined him they
were friends. General Stark, however, commencing a furious attack upon him
on all sides soon convinced him of their error. Nevertheless he resolved to make a
vigorous defence. For upwards of an hour he endured a terrible discharge of
musketry and during the period drove the enemy several times from the high
ground on which they were stationed. But their number increasing every moment
and Colonel Baum having lost his artillery, the German troops were under the25
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
necessity of retreating into the woods, leaving their commander mortally wounded
on the field of battle. The savages who had accompanied Col. Baum behaved in
a shameful manner, retreating at the commencement of the engagement. Flushed
with this victory the enemy advanced against the detachment under Colonel
Breyman who, ignorant of the defeat of Baum, was advancing to his relief, but
the tardiness of their method of marching added to the obstacles which the roads
presented had retarded their progress in such a manner that twenty-four hours
were spent in marching sixteen miles. The consequence was that Breyman came
up just in time to join the fugitives of Baum’s detachment. The Americans began
a vigorous attack on Breyman who was obliged to retreat after having made a
gallant resistance and having expended all his ammunition. The loss of men in
these two engagements amounted to about six hundred” — (“History of the
American War,” by General C. Stedman).
Speaking of the battle of Bennington: “The unfortunate affair caused a
sudden cessation of all our operations. Our boat provisions, in fact nothing was
received from Lake George. The army therefore could not advance further, and
despondent spirits of the enemy suddenly became so elated that its army grew
daily stronger”—(“Letters and Journals of Mrs. General Riesdesel,” by William
L. Stone).
A Great Injustice to Our State.
“Schuyler’s chief sin was in being a Son of New York.”
General Schuyler Relieved.
“In Congress, August 4th, 1777.
“Congress took into Consideration the Letter from General Washington
wherein he wished to be excused the appointment of an Officer to command the
Northern army; whereupon Congress proceeded to the Election of an officer for the
purpose, and the Ballots being taken, Major General Gates was elected to that
command by the vote of eleven States.
“Resolved that General Washington be informed of this appointment and
that he be directed to order General Gates to repair all possible Expeditions to
the Northern Department to relieve Major General Schuyler. Ordered that the
Remaining part of the Latter from General Washington be referred to the Com-
mittee on the Northern Department”—(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. II, p. 178).
Referring to General Schuyler’s removal as Commander-in-chief of the North-
ern Army: “We have given New England men what they will think a complete
triumph in the removal of generals from the Northward and sending Gates; then
I hope New England will now exert itself to its utmost efforts”—(John Adams to
his wife).
“Bancroft himself gives the numbers under Burgoyne as 7,500 choice men*
exclusive of Indians, with the most complete supply of artillery ever furnished to
any army. It is worth while to send the army roll of General Schuyler at that
time, twenty days after the battle of Hubbardton, previously referred to.”
MILITIA.
State of Connecticut.
One Major, one Captain, two Lieutenants, two Ensigns, one Adjutant, one
Quartermaster, six Sergeants, one Drummer, six sick rank and file—the rest
deserted.
State of Massachusetts.
Berkshire County—Somewhat more than 200 are left.
Hampshire County—Colonel Moseby’s regiment ten or twelve left.26
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
State of New York.
County of Albany—1,050 left.
This being his force on the 27th on or about the 29th of July. General Schuyler
thought it proper to fall back to Saratoga.
(“Correspondence and Remarks upon Bancroft’s “History of the Northern
Campaign of 1777” and “The Character of Major-General Philip Schuyler,”
by George L. Schuyler, “New York Historical Society Proceedings”).
Samuel Adams’s Opinion of General Schuyler.
Extract from a Letter from Samuel Adams to Richard Henry Lee, dated Philadelphia,
July 15th, 1777.
“We have letters from General Schuyler in the Northern Department giving
us an Account of the untoward Situation of our Affairs in that Quarter & I con-
fess it is no more than I expected, when he [Schuyler] was again intrusted with the
Command there. You remember it was urged by some that as he had a large
Interest and powerful Connections in that Part of the Country, no one could so
readily avail himself of Supplys for an Army there, than he. A most sub-
stantial Reason, I think, why he should have been appointed a Quartermaster
or a Commissary. But it seems to have been a prevailing Motive to appoint
him to the Chief Command. You have his Account in the inclosed Newspaper
which leaves us to guess what has become of the garrison. It is indeed droll
enough to see a General not knowing where to find the main Body of his Army.
Gates is the Man of my Choice. He is honest and true, & has the Art of gaining
the Love of his Soldiers principally because he is always present and shares with
them in Fatigue and Danger. But Gates has been disgusted! We are however
waiting to be relieved from this disagreeable State of uncertainty, by a particular
Account of Facts from some Person who was near the Army who trusts not to
Memory altogether, lest some Circumstances may be omitted, while others are
misapprehended”—(Papers of Samuel Adams, III, 387-8).
George Bancroft’s Unfair Criticism of General Schuyler.
(“Histopy of the United States,” by George Bancroft, Volume 5, Page 165.)
“On the 22nd [July, 1777],long before Burgoyne was ready to advance, Schuyler
retreated to a position four miles below Fort Edward. Here he again complained
of his ‘ Exposure to immediate ruin.’ His friends urgent to silence the growing
suspicion of his want of spirit, he answered: ‘If there is a battle I shall certainly
expose myself more than is prudent.’ To the New York Council of Safety he wrote
on the 24th: ‘I mean to dispute every inch of ground with Burgoyne and retard
his descent as long as possible;’ and in less than a week, without disputing any-
thing, he retreated to Saratoga, having his heart set on a position at the junc-
tion of the Mohawk and the Hudson. The courage of the commander being
gone, his officers and his army became spiritless. From Saratoga Schuyler, on the
first of August, wrote to the Council of Safety of New York:
“T have been on horseback all day reconnoitring the country for a place to
encamp one that will give us a chance of stopping the enemy’s career. I have
not yet been able to find a spot that has the least prospect of answering the pur-
pose, and I believe you will soon learn that we are retired further south. I wish
that I could say that the troops under my command were in spirits. They are
quite otherwise. Under the circumstances the enemy are acquiring strength
and advancing.’THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	27
“On the fourth of August he sent word to Congress that ‘Burgoyne is at
Fort Edward. He has withdrawn his troops from Castleton and is bending his
whole force this way. He will probably be here in eight days, and, unless we are
well reinforced, as much further as he chooses to go/ .
“On the 6th, Schuyler writes to Governor Clinton of New York: ‘The enemy
will soon move and our strength is daily decreasing. We shall again be obliged to
decamp and retreat before them/ And, as his only resource, he solicited aid
from Washington/’
A Few Criticisms upon the Plan of the Campaign of 1777, by George W.
Cullum, Major-General, U.S.A. (“Narrative and Critical
History of America/’)
“Congress committed the most criminal error, outweighing all others, in
substituting at the most critical moment of the campaign a military charlatan for
an accomplished soldier, in supplementing Schuyler, who was the organizer of the
victories, by Gates, who ‘had not fitness for command, and wanted personal courage,
to say nothing of the difference in merit, for making the change was most inop-
portune.’”
Other Opinions of General Schuyler.
“And now Schuyler, after all he had done to baffle the Enemy and organize
Victory, was to be the victim of prejudice of New England against New York,
which dated back to Colonial days. Schuyler placed little reliance upon New
England troops, and their representation in Congress had as little confidence in
Schuyler’s generalship; each misjudged the other; but the outcome of this feeling
between Dutch and Puritan blood was unfortunate in superseding soldierly Schuyler
by the intriguing Gates. And it was a cruel reverse to the former, just as his
skillful plans were culminating in the utter discomfiture of the enemy and his
success at Stanwix and Bennington were bringing reinforcements from every
Quarter”—(“Narrative and Critical History of America,” by Justin Winsor).
“Indeed the Congress in their anger was in a dim sort of way following the
(reputed) example of the wise men of Carthage of a former day. The Prume Con-
gress was said to*have crucified, impaled, flayed alive or done to death, by some
lingering method any Gentlemen of the Navy or Army who returned from the
wars without Success. Congress denoted Schuyler, insulted Greene and Knox,
reprimanded Stark and snubbed Benedict Arnold, court-martialed Sullivan
St. Clair, Wayne and Matthews, and promoted a cabal against Washington him-
self. At the same time it held Charles Lee and Horatio Gates in high repute.
In later days Gates fell upon evil times, and now no one has a good word for him ”—
(Dr, Henry Belcher).
General McDougall’s Opinion of Gates.	>
“Camp Second Hill 3 miles from New Milford 5th, November—78.
“General Gates I understand is gone to command at Boston. I know he
was exceedingly impatient under command. And from his known t^jnper, I sus-
pect he prefers being the first man of a village to the second of Rome. He has
but little to do there; but the service will not suffer, by his being at a Post of ease
and security. I could hardly believe he was so extremely credulous, as I found
him to be; he is the most so, in his profession, of any man I ever knew, who had
seen so much service. He has the weakest mind to combine circumstances, to
form judgment of any man I ever knew, of his plausible, and specious appearance.28
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
In short sir, he [is] as weak as water. His whole Fort lies in a little Rotine of detail,
of duty and a perfect knowledge of the English corrupt Nobility. The Lord of
Hosts have Mercy on that Army whose movements must depend on his combina-
tion of Military demonstrations, of an enemy. God avert so great a Judgment to
America, as his having the chief Command of her Armies. It’s fortunate for
America Gen. Burgoyne was so rash as to put himself in the Position as he -did,
and that there was no other route, for him to Albany, but the one he took, or he
would not have been an American Prisoner”—(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 244).
“ Horatio Gates of Virginia. Congress appointed him Adjutant-General
of the Continental Army with rank of Brigadier-General. In 1776-77 he was
twice in command of the Northern Army, having through intrigues displaced
General Schuyler. He gained undeserved honors as Commander of the troops
that defeated and captured Burgoyne and his army in the fall of 1777. He soon
afterwards intrigued for the position of Washington as Commander-in-chief,
using his power as president of the Board of War for the purpose, but ignomin-
iously failed. In June, 1780, he was made Commander of the Southern Depart-
ment, but made a disastrous campaign, his army being utterly defeated and
routed by Cornwallis near Camden, S. C., in August, 1780. This defeat ter-
minated Gates’s military career”—(“Harper’s Popular Cyclopaedia of United
States History.” Benson J. Lossing, LL.D.).
While histories have devoted much space to Burgoyne’s surrender at Saratoga,
the important part played by our State has been neglected, and Bancroft’s unjust
criticism of Schuyler allowed to remain uncontradicted.
Gates Announces Burgoyne’s Surrender.
“Saratoga, October 15, 1777.
“Sir:
“Enclosed I have the Honour to send your Excellency a copy of my letter
of this day to Major General Putnam with a copy of the Terms on which Lt.
General Burgoyne has proposed to surrender.
“I am Sir,
“Your Excellency’s most affectionate & Humble Servant,
“Horatio Gates.
“His Excellency Governor Clinton, Esq.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. II, p. 489; “The Battle of Saratoga, One of the
Fifteen Decisive Battles of History.” Sir Edward Creasy.)
Surrender of General Burgoyne.
“The surrender of Saratoga forms a memorable aera in the history of the
American War. Although the success of the British arms had not been so brilliant,
nor the progress made in repressing the spirit of revolt so considerable, as either
the magnitude of the force employed under Sir William Howe, or the military
character of#that General, gave reason to expect; still, upon the whole until the
unfortunate expedition from Canada, the advantages that had been gained were on
the side of Great Britain.
“ Whenever the British and American armies had been opposed to each other
in the field, the superiority of the former was conspicuous in every thing, and, in
general, even in numbers. The Americans themselves, impressed with an opinion
of their own inferiority, were dispirited; and it was with reluctance that they everTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	29
attempted to engage the British troops upon equal, or nearly equal, terms. But
so uncommon an event as the capture of a whole army of their enemies animated
them with fresh ardour, invigorated the exertions of Congress, lessened in the
mind of the American soldier the high opinion which he had entertained of British
valour and discipline, and inspired him with greatest confidence in himself.
/‘ The consequences, however, which this event produced in Europe were of
still greater moment. In Great Britain the most sanguine expectations had been
raised from the Canada expedition, the rapid success which, in its first stages,
seemed to promise the most fortunate issue. A junction of the Northern Army
with that of New York was confidently expected; and it was hoped that by this
junction a decisive blow would be given to the Rebellion, by cutting off* the northern
from the middle and southern Colonies”—(“History of the American War,” by
General C. Stedman, 1794. Vol. II, p. 1).
Madame Riedesel Dines with General Schuyler.
“I confess that I feared to come into the enemy’s camp, as the thing was so
entirely new to me. When I approached the tents, a noble looking man came tow-
ard me, took the children out of the wagon, embraced and kissed them, and then
with tears in his eyes helped me also to alight. ‘You tremble/ said he to me, ‘fear
nothing/ ‘No/ replied I, ‘for you are so kind and have been so tender toward
my children, that it has inspired me with courage/ He then led me to the tent
of General Gates, with whom I found Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, who were
upon an extremely friendly footing with him. Burgoyne said to me, ‘You may
now dismiss all your apprehensions, for your sufferings are at an end/ I answered
him, that I should certainly be acting very wrongly to have any more anxiety, when
our Chief had none, and especially when I saw him on such friendly footing with
General Gates. All the Generals remained to dine with General Gates. ... The man
who had received me so kindly, came up and said to me, ‘It may be embarrassing to
dine with all these gentlemen; come now with your children into my tent where
I will give you, it is true, a frugal meal, but one that will be accompanied with the
best of wishes/ ‘You are certainly/ answered I, ‘a husband and a father, since
you show me such kindness/ I then learned that he was the American General
Schuyler. He entertained me with excellent smoked tongue, beefsteaks, potatoes,
good bread and butter. Never had I eaten a better meal; I was content. . .
General Burgoyne, General and Mrs. Riedesel with some of the staff remained
at General Schuyler’s house in Albany three days.
(Letters and Journals of Mrs. General Riedesel. W. L Stone, p. 134.)
FIRST THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION—BY PRESIDENT LAURENS.
In Congress, November 1, 1777.
[ORASMUCH as it is indispensable duty of all men to adore the
superintending providence of Almighty God —to acknowledge
with gratitude their obligation to him for benefits received, & to
implore such further blessings as they stand in need of— And it
having pleased him in his abundant mercy, not only to continue
to us the innumerable bounties of his common providence, but
, also to smile upon us in the prosecution of a just and necessary
war, for the defense and establishment of our unalienable rights and liberties;
particularly in that he hath been pleased in so great a measure to prosper the
means used for the support of our troops & to crown our arms with the most
signal success;—30
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
“It is therefore recommended to the legislative or executive powers of these
United States, to set apart Thursday, the 18th day of December next, for solemn
Thanksgiving and praise: That at one time & with one voice, the good people
may express the grateful feelings of their hearts, and consecrate themselves to the
service of their divine benefactor, & that together with their sincere acknowledg-
ment & offerings, they may join the penitent confession of their manifold sins,
whereby they had forfeited every favour & their humble & earnest supplication that
it may please God through the merits of Jesus Christ, mercifully to forgive, & blot
them out of remembrance. That it may please him, graciously to afford his
blessing on the Governments of these States respectively & prosper the public
council of the whole.
“To inspire our Commanders both by land and sea, and all under them, with
that wisdom and fortitude, which may render them fit instruments under the
providence of Almighty God, to secure for these United States, the greatest of all
human blessings, independence and peace. That it may please him, to prosper
the trade and manufactures of the people, and the labor of the husbandman, that
our land may yet yield its increase. To take schools, and seminaries of education
so necessary for cultivating the principles of true liberty, virtue and piety, under
his nurturing hand, & to prosper the means of religion for the promotion and
enlargement of that kingdom, which consisteth in righteousness, peace and joy
in the Holy Ghost.
“And it is further recommended that servile labor, & such recreation as
though at other times innocent may be unbecoming the purpose of this appointment
may be omitted on so solemn an occasion.
“Charles Thompson, Sec9y 99
Extract from the Minutes.
(“Clinton Papers.” Vol. II, p. 496.)
“From a strictly military point of view nothing so important happened in the
long and slow course of the Revolution as the Surrender of Burgoyne’s army.
The significance which it had in the British mind is clear enough when one remem-
bers that the head and front of the American Revolt seemed to be in New England
and New York; that if this great northern revolution, could be quelled the rest
would appear easy; the old warpath of the Indians and the English and French
along, the Hudson River, and Lake Champlain, was the natural, short, level, and
easy channel of communication between the British Army and Navy at New
York City and the loyal English colonies in Canada”—(Hon. Andrew S. Draper,
LL.B., LL.D., Commissioner of Education of the State of New York. N. Y. S.
Historical Association. Proceedings. Vol. XII, p. 92).
“Condensed into a few words, the immediate military results of the destruc-
tion of Burgoyne’s army may be stated as follows: it took from Britain in the
field ten thousand of the best officers and soldiers in the British army; it trans-
ferred from the British to the Colonists vast stores of war which the little Con-
federacy stood sorely in need; it destroyed all confidence in the Indians as allies
of value in systematic warfare, and opened the way for punishing the Iroquois
so severely that they feared and respected white civilization, ever after; it cut off
for all time all communication between the English Loyalists in Canada and their
Army and Navy at the mouth of the Hudson; and completely ended all resistance
to the Revolution in New York and New England, where there was the most in
America that could give strength and substance to the British Crown. It opened
the doors of the House of Commons, appealed to English sense, pride and con-
science, and led to the immediate overtures for peace from Britain on any terms
but separation, and to the unanimous and unhesitating rejection of these overtures.
It produced the French alliance and the consequent war by France upon England,
the war of Spain upon England, the Dutch loan to the Colonists and the warfare
of the Netherlands upon England, and the early recognition of American Inde-THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	31
pendence by all the leading powers of Europe”—(Hon. Andrew S. Draper, LL.B.,
LL.D., N. Y. S. H. A. Proceedings. Vol. XII, p. 102).
From Address of Hon. Horatio Seymour on the One Hundredth Anniversary
of the Surrender.
“One hundred years ago upon this spot, American Independence was made
a great fact in the history of Nations.
“Until the surrender of the British Army under Burgoyne the Declaration
of Independence was but a declaration. It was a patriotic purpose asserted in
bold words by great men, who pledged for its maintenance their lives, their for-
tunes, and their sacred honor. But here it was made a fact, by virtue of armed
force. It had been regarded by the world merely as an act of defiance, but it was
now seen that it contained the germs of a government, which the event we celebrate
made one of the powers of the earth. Upon this ground, that which had in the
eyes of the law been treason, became triumphant patriotism.”
(New York State Historical Association. Proceedings. Vol. XII, p. 206.)
THE BURNING OF KINGSTON.
S a matter of fact, Vaughan committed this atrocious piece of
vandalism on Thursday, October 16, 1777. The British fleet ar-
rived and anchored near Esopus Island on the night of October 15,
and the following morning at an early hour, weighed anchor and
sailed up to the mouth of Rondout Creek, opposite Columbus
Point. The British opened a lively fire upon the ‘ Lady Washington ’
galley, which was lying near the mouth of the Creek, without
perpetrating much damage. Shortly after noon the British proceeded to land
in two divisions, one in Rondout Creek, and the other in the Cove above Columbus
Point.	j
“Vaughan in person brought the main body of his command to the beach above
Columbus Point. Seizing a negro and forcing him to act as pilot, the English
took up the line of march to Kingston, climbed the hill, formed a junction with the
other division and marched to the village without meeting resistance. Here
the troops divided into small parties and guided by Tories through the streets,
fired the houses as they went along. When General Clinton arrived on the scene,
the whole village was in flames, and the invading forces were retreating to their
ships”—(From “Clinton Papers,” Vol. II, p. 457).
GEORGE CLINTON COMPLAINS TO CONGRESS
Over the Conduct of Vermont and of General Stark. Declares Congress
Countenances Vermont’s Actions.
“Poughkeepsie, 7th Sep’r, 1778.
ENTLEMEN: The Last I had the Honor of addressing to you
was dated the 16th Ultimo. Since which I have been favoured
with your letters of the 21st & 25th of last Month. The Former
shall bp submitted to the Consideration of the Legislature at
their next Session which will commence the first of next month. . ..
“The unwarrantable Conduct of the usurped Government
of the People bn the Grants, in sentencing to Banishment a number
of the Subjects of this State, and of General Stark, in attempting to carry the
same into Execution, calls upon me again to Trouble Congress with the Copies32	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
of several Letters & papers on that Occasion which are of themselves so intelligible
as not to require any Explanation of mine. The inclosed copy of Genl. Washing-
ton’s Letter to me of the 21st of July informing me of his having transmitted these
Papers with some others on the same Subject to Congress for their Decision, will
Account for my not having forwarded them to you before. Besides thbse which
Congress have received from General Washington, you have inclosed Copies of
three other Papers which I have since received, tending to prove the true Charac-
ters of the Persons attempted to be banished. I have only to add that the Exiles
yet remain in Confinement at Fort Arnold under Military Keepers, and that I
have no Reason to believe that General Stark has been punished, or even reproved
for his Offence, which you will readily perceive is no less than having employed
the Authority & Arms of the Continent against the Liberties of the Subjects of
this State, that the Silence of Congress on this Occasion after the Matter was
referred to their Decission by his Excellency General Washington, may be con-
sidered as countenancing these unwarrantable Measures.
“The Indians & Tories continue to committ Depredations on our western
Frontiers, last week they destroyed 3 Barns, killed 2 men & carried off two Prisoners,
and a small party of the Militia who pursued & fell in with them had their Officers
& 2 men killed without doing the Enemy any Injury that I can learn. I am with
great Respect Gent. Your most Obed’t. Serv’t.
“George Clinton.
“The Hon’ble the Delegates for the State of New York in Congress.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. Ill, p. 743.)
Historical Hudson and Champlain Valleys.
“A new kind of warfare arose in New York, a warfare of arson, massacre
and ambush fighting, of which Indians were masters, and in which they had con-
stant aid from the Tories. Those: border conflicts were essential parts of the
struggle for the Hudson Valley. They had been directly inspired from London
and were actively directed by the British of New York and Canada. It was
believed that forces might thus be drawn away from the Hudson Valley and that
men, pouring down from Canada by way of Oswego and the Mohawk, by way of
Niagara and the Susquehanna, might force their way to the Hudson Valley.
Indeed, at one time these conflicts had gone so far that Gov. Clinton expressed
grave fears lest the Hudson should become the frontier of the State.
“From the battle of Oriskany in 1777 until peace returned, these border
lands became lands of terror. They were finally reduced to lands of complete
desolation. Here were more than 12,000 farms that had ceased to be cultivated.
More than two thirds of the population had died or fled, and among those who
remained were 300 widows and 2,000 orphans. It is a record of battles in the
open, battles in the ambush, massacre and child murder, in the midst of which
perhaps the great gleam of light that came from the conflict outside was the capture
of Stony Point by Anthony Wayne, "Mad Anthony Wayne’ mad only in courage
and patriotic zeal”—(“Historical Hudson and Champlain Valleys,” Francis H.
Halsey, in New York State Historical Association. Proceedings. Vol. IX, p. 234).
NEW ENGLAND LOOKS TO NEW YORK FOR FLOUR.
EW ENGLAND was so occupied with privateering, their land
was largely neglected, and speculation in wheat and flour was
carried on to such an extent New York was obliged to place
an embargo on the exportation of same out of the State.
The demands on New York for flour and wheat from the
New England States caused Clinton a great deal of trouble.
Massachusetts in 1778 addressed the following to Governor
Clinton:THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
33
The Massachusetts Board of War asks Permission to Transport iooo
Barrels of flour to Boston.
“War Office, Boston, February 5, 1778.
“Gentlemen: This State being in want of Flour have contracted with William
Smith of Fishkill, in your State, Esqr. for 1000 barrels to be delivered in Boston,
provided leave can be obtained from your honors for him to send same. The
Board of War would, therefore request the Favor that Mr. Smith may have the
liberty to send the same.
“We have the Honor to be Gentlemen, Your most Obedient
“Humble Servant,
“Sam Phps. Savage, Pres’t.
“ By Order of the Board.
“His Excellency George Clinton, Esq., Gov’r; the Hon’le Senators and House
of Assembly of the State of New York; or the Hon’le the Council of Safety of
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. II, p. 716.)
“Many sellers of merchandise monopolized articles of the first necessity and
would not part with them to their suffering countrymen, and to the wives and
children of those who were absent in the field, unless at enormous profits”—
(Sabine).
The State of New York, although largely overrun by the enemy, yet produced
a large portion of the wheat for both the army and the New England States.
It became necessary to place an embargo on its exportation out of the State, owing
to the speculation there was in Massachusetts and Connecticut. Massachusetts
asked for more flour.
Nathaniel Gorham Requests a Permit to Export Flour to Massachusetts.
“To his Excellency Governor Clinton of the State of New York.
“Council Chamber, October 14, 1778. '
“The Council of the State of Massachusetts Bay would represent to your
Honor that the inhabitants of this State are in great want of flour for their own
consumption and would, therefore, recommend Nathaniel Gorham, Esq., a re-
spectable Inhabitant of this State, for your Honor’s Permission to purchase and
bring to the market here a Quantity of flour for the use of the Inhabitants.
“Attest Jno. Avery, D’y. Secy.”
A true Copy.
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 162.)
“Boston, October 15, 1778.
“Sir: The great want of Bread in these parts and the great distress into which
many people, the poor especially, are thereby involved is truly alarming. I
have, therefore, been induced to attempt to the bringing a quantity of flour from
your State into this, and having applied to Council desiring them to take some
measures for facilitating the plan, they have furnished me with the within recom-
mendation to your Excellency; but my avocations in the Assembly and at the
Board of War, are such as renders it impossible for me to pay my respects to
your Excellency in person. Mr. William Stimpson the bearer of this will, therefore
wait upon you as he is connected with me in the affair, and if it is by any means
possible to permit him to transport a quantity of flour from your place to this,34	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK -
it will be an act of the greatest humanity and benevolence, and treating a Sister
State in that way and manner which Lhave no doubt your Excellency will be glad
to do if possible. I am with greatest respect, your Excellency’s most obedient
and humble servant, &c.
“ Nathaniel Gorham.
“(To Governor George Clinton.)”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 162.)
Massachusetts had apparently forgotten Albany’s appeal of August 1, 1777.
Governor Clinton Declines to Raise the Flour Embargo on Massachusetts
and Gives Good Reasons.
“Camp at White Plains, 6th Aug’t 1778.
“Sir: Two Days since I was honored with the Receipt of your Letter of the
16th ultimo. It is with real Concern I learn that the Inhabitants of your State
are apprehensive of suffering by the Want of a proper Supply of flour & grain
for their Consumption. And what greatly adds to my anxiety is the little pros-
pect I have at present of being able to afford them with the Relief sollicited for
without distressing the Grand Army now in this State. Immediately on the
Receipt of your letter, I communicated the Contents to the Commissary Genl.
of Purchases, with a View of convening the Legislature & of recommending it to
them in the most pressing Terms to repeal the Embargo Law so far as it respected
the Exportation of Flour and Grain to the Neighbouring States, if it might be
done consistent with the good of the public Service. But he assures me that the
necessary Supplies of Flour & Grain for the Army depends on a Continuation of our
Embargo, and that even an unfaithful Execution of it might be productive of the
most fatal Consequences. This being the Case, Sir, notwithstanding our ardent
Desire of accommodating a Sister State with whom we wish to cultivate the most
Friendly Intercourse by the exchange of Good Offices, we must in the present
Instance, submit for a Time to the lesser, to avoid the greater Evil. I am led to
believe that though your State fails in producing a sufficient Quantity of Grain
for the Support of its Inhabitants throughout the year, yet the coming in of their
Harvest will afford them such a present Supply as to prevent Immediate Distress
by the Want of that Essential Article, & that before such an unhappy event can
take Place the Situation of our affairs will be Such as to warrant the Repeal of our
Embargo & thereby enable your People to draw the necessary Supplies from this
State.
“It does not require much Speculation to discover that an Inland Embargo
on the Staple Commodity of a State excluded from all Foreign Trade is highly
Injurious to the Interest of its Inhabitants. In this Point of View we consider
the present Law, & submit to it as a Sacrifice of Interest to the Common Cause.
It is needless, therefore to add assurances that as soon as the public Exigencies
of the United States may admit of it the Law will be repealed, & a free Commu-
tation of the different Necessaries of Life opened on our Part with our Neighbors.
“I am Sir with very great Respect and Regard your Most Obed’t Serv’t.
[G. C.].
“To the Hon’ble Jeremiah Powel, Esq. Presid’t. of the Council Boston.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. Ill, p: 614.)
Smugglers Detected Taking Flour over the State Line.
“Oct. 23d Day 1778.
“SlR:
“As I was returning home, I was informed of a quantity of flour being about
to be exported out of this State; on this information I went after said flour, andTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	35
found it on the Road between Bakman’s Precinct and Connecticut, and seized
said flour. The Baror shows an agreement between himself and one Mr. Wing
that lives in this State on the edge of Connecticut. I shall wait your Excellency’s
Order in the matter, I am,
“Your very humble Servant,
“Brinton Paine.
“To His Excellency George Clinton, Esq.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 194.)
“ Amenia, 16 November 1778.
“Sir, Lieut: Doty waits on your Excellency with a letter from Mr. Colt which I
conclude is to Endeavour to put a stop to Particular Persons Purchasing large
Quantities of Flour under Pretense of Purchasing for the Eastern State Troops.
Great abuses have been committed in that Way. ...
“I could wish No Permits might be given to such People as it only Tends to
raise the price and is a violation of ^ Rule of Congress which forbids purchasers
Interfering with other Districts.
“I am Sir, Your Humble Servant,
“James Reed, A.C.P.
“His Excellency Governor Clinton, Esq., Poughkeepsie.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 283.)
John Jay Made President.
Gouverneur Morris Looks for “Good Consequences” by This Promotion.
“Phila: 10th Dec’r. 1778.
“Sir: *
“ I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency that the hon’le John Jay Esq.
is elevated to the Chair of Congress, which as well from your Friendship for him,
as for Reasons of public Importance will, I am confident, be agreeable to you.
The weight of his personal Character contributed as much to his Election as the
Respect of the State which hath done and suffered so much, or the Regard for its
Delegates which is not inconsiderable. The Public will I am confident experience
many good consequences from the Exchange. I am respectfully your Excellency’s
most obedient and humble Servant.
“Gouv. Morris.
“His Exc’y George Clinton, Esq., Gov’r State of New York.
“Poughkeepsie.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 360.)
General Washington Commends Governor Clinton’s Services.
“Headquarters, Middlebrook, 3 May 1779.
“Dear Sir: I am honored with your favor of the 25th of last month. The readi-
ness with which you comply with all my requests in prosecution of the public
service has a claim to my warmest acknowledgment. I am glad to hear of the
measures the State has taken for raising a thousand men, and of your expectation
that the number will soon be completed, I hope the intelligence from Colonel
Cantine will not materially retard the progress of a business, on which the general
security of the frontier so much depends.”
(“ Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 196.)36
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
General Washington to Governor Clinton—For the Defense of the
New York Frontier.
“Headquarters, Dobbs Ferry 5th August, 1781.
“Dear Sir, Your favor of the 1st Inst, inclosing the Letter from General Schuyler
& others, is this moment come to hand. It is not a little distressing to find that
the States will not, or cannot fill their Continental Battalions, or afford the Aids
of Militia required from them—but that instead thereof they are expecting from
me the few operating Troops which I have to depend on. The consequence of
this Conduct is too obvious to need any comment. Instead of offensive Measures a
defensive Plan must be adopted—instead of an active & decisive Campaign, which
I had hoped to have made, we must end our operations in Languor and Disgrace
—& perhaps protract the War, to the Hazzard of our final Ruin.
“In Consequence to your Excellency’s former Letter, I dispatched an Express
to Govr. Hancock, with a reiterated Request that he would order on the Militia of
Berkshire and other Western Counties immediately to Albany—and have also
addressed the command’g officer of the Militia raising in those Counties, begging
him to march forward without delay to the Orders of Gen’l Clinton. What
effect these requisitions will have, it is impossible for me to say. In the mean-
time, I will leave the Remains of Courtlandt’s Regt. at Albany, trusting that the
State will, by its own exertions, enable me to call them down when necessary, by
substituting 9 months men, if those for three years cannot be obtained. .-
“In hopes that no further Delay of the Militia, from the Western parts of
Massachusetts may happen, for Want of any Exertions on my part, I have desired
Major General Lincoln, an officer of that State, to proceed to the County of Berk-
shire, for the Express purpose of hastening them on-—however little Effect my
written Applications have had—I hope his personal Attendance will produce the
Aid we expect from those Counties.
“I have the honor to be with the Highest esteem and Respect,
“Your Excellency’s most Obed’t & Humble Servant,
“Gov’r. Clinton.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. VII, p. 166.)
A Strong Defense of the State’s Position by Governor Clinton.
Governor Clinton Assures President Hanson that the Spirit of Patriotism Has Not
Waned Despite the Misfortune and Injuries Suffered—He Deplores the
Defects in the Powers of Congress.
“Poughkeepsie Novr. 24th, 1781.
“Sir: During the Recess of the Legislature of this State I received several Letters
from the Superintendent of Finance; which were laid before them in their late
Session and the Result of their Deliberations were certain Resolutions, a copy
whereof agreeable to their Request I do myself the Honor to transmit to your
Excellency.	"
“With the Legislature I may venture to pledge myself for the truth of the
Facts contained in the Resolutions, & in the letter of the 15th of Feby. last. In-
deed the essential Facts, and from which the Inability of the State is necessarily
to be inferred, namely the Deprivation of Commerce, the Loss and Devastation
of Territory by the Enemy, the Usurpations of our Revolted Subjects and the
subsistence of the Greater Part of the Army in the articles of Bread and Forage
for a series of Campaigns on credit, and the Amount of the Debts thus contracted
still due, either to the Inhabitants individually, or to the State in consequence of
receiving the Purchasing Officer’s Certificates in payment of Taxes, are of such
universal notoriety that I shall presume it unnecessary further to evince them;From an Old Print	Property of New York Public Library
GENERAL GEORGE CLINTON,
FIRST GOVERNOR, STATE OF NEW YORKTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	37
I shall, therefore, only observe in addition that there is more than a Hazzard that
we shall not be able without a change in our Circumstances long to maintain our
Civil Government.
“This State I flatter myself has for its Spirit & Exertions in the War stood equal
in point of Reputation with any other in the Union, and notwithstanding our Mis-
fortunes & Injuries and notwithstanding our Legislature is, with respect to the
Individuals who compose it, fluctuating, I am confident the People at large and
their Representatives in Gov’t. Still retain the same Spirit, & are equally dis-
posed to every possible Effort in the Common Cause. I mention this, lest it be
supposed that we were sinking under our Distresses, or were attend’g to our par-
ticular interests without a due Regard to the Gen’l. Good.
“I trust there can be no higher Evidence of a sincere Disposition in the State
to promote the common interest, than the alacrity with which they passed the
Law for grant’g to Congress a Duty on Imports, and their present Proffer to accede
to any Propositions which may be made for rendering the Union among the States
more intimate, and for enabling Congress to draw forth & employ the resources
of the whole Empire with the utmost Vigor; for altho’ we are unable in our present
condition to contribute an immediate pecuniary Aid, we have the Prospects of
future Wealth and Ability, when by a Peace, and the Determination of the Con-
troversy relative to our Boundaries, we shall be restored to the entire possession
of the State. These Prospects we are willing to anticipate, and I do not hesitate
to give assurances that this State will, on her Part, cheerfully consent to vest
the Sovereignty of the United States with every power requisite to an effectual
Defence against foreign Invasion & for the Preservation of Internal Peace and
Harmony; and as an individual, I can not forbear declaring my Sentiments that
the Defects in the Powers of Congress are the chief source of present Embarrassm’ts
and as a Friend to the Independence & True Interests & Happiness of America,
I could wish to be indulged in expressing an earnest Desire that Measures might
be taken to remedy these Defects.
“While Congress in their Requisitions are subject to the Control of the several
Legislatures, we can have no Reason to expect that the aggregate Strength of
our Country including in the Idea, Men, Money and Supplies of every kind, can
be properly applied to the great Purposes of the Union.
“With respect to the Application for a loan of Powder, I would observe that
our State Magazine is now entirely exhausted and we have no means to supply
it; the Stock which we have hitherto had, has been wholly expended in the Common
Defense, and should the Militia be called out, we could not avail ourselves of their
Services for want of this essential Article.
“The case of the Artificers in the several Departments within the State is
truly deplorable. Many of them are Refugees from the Parts of the State in
the Possession, or Incursions of the Enemy, with Families and no Means of Sub-
sistence other than their wages.
“There are Arrears due to many of them since 1778, and they are reduced
to the utmost Distress; unless, therefore, they can be relieved, they must inevitably
leave the Service, which will be attended with the most injurious Consequences,
as it will be impossible to procure substitutes. As I am informed by the State
Agent that he had lately addressed a Letter to the Superintendent of Finance
explaining fully the necessity of a speedy Settlement of his accounts, I will only
beg leave to add on that Subject that there is a reason to apprehend, should this
Business be delayed, that the greatest Care and Attention of the Public Officers
concerned will be sufficient to prevent Abuses; as from the nature of the Service
the Delivery of the Supplies, must frequently be made to Boatmen and others of
low character, and whose receipts are the only Vouchers the Agent can in these
Circumstances Procure.
“I have the honor to be, &c, &c, &c.”
“Presidt of Congress.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. VII, p. 520.)3B	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
The Governor Informs Robert Morris that the Embarrassed Situation
of the State Has Prevented the Printing of the State Laws for a Year.
“Pough’sie, Nov. 24th, 1781.
“Sir,! have the honor of laying before the Legislature of this State your Several
Dispatches from the 6th of July to the 19th of October last inclusive, and I now
inclose for your information, a Copy of the concurrent Resolutions of the Senate
and Assembly, the result of their Deliberations on the Subjects of your Letters.
“ I am unhappy that I have not been able to transmit the information requested
by your letter of the 26th of July last. The embarrassed Situation of the State
has prevented for more than a year past, the printing of our Lawsj and the Returns
from the different Counties into the Treasury, owing to the frequent incursions of
the Enemy into several of them, are at present too imperfect to be relied upon.
The Legislature, however, at their late Meeting have adopted Measures which
when executed will enable me to accomplish this Business, and you may rely,
Sir that it shall not on my Part meet with the least unnecessary delay.
“I have the honor to be &c &c
'“The Honble. Robert Morris Esq. Superintendent of Finance.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. VII, page 523.)
OUR COUNTRY’S FINANCIAL CONDITION.
?T the opening of the second session, Congress began to wrestle
* with the grave question of finance. . . . Not long afterward the
AE report of the Committee prepared by Governeur Morris was sent
Eft to Philadelphia when Congress was in session. It displayed a
pretty thorough comprehension of the situation and evinces a
high order of financial ability, which the author on more than one
_	____occasion subsequently exhibited. ...”
It was decided to raise three millions of dollars.
July 29, 1775.
“As assessment also was prepared, based upon the supposed population of
the Colonies, including the negroes and mulatoes, which was revised as soon as
the correct list of each colony could be obtained. Georgia had not linked her
fortunes with those of the other Colonies, the sum assigned to each colony was
the following:
In 1782 there was another assessment.
A comparison is made showing the depreciation.
	1775	4782	Depreciation	. Aproxt.
New Hampshire. .		..... $124,000	#80,000	#44,000	36%
Massachusetts Bay			. . ... 434>°°°	320,000	114,000	26
Rhode Island . . . 			 72,000	48,000	24,000	35
Connecticut. .			 249,000	220,000	26,000	11
New York				 249,000	90,000	158,000	64
New Jersey				 161,000	11,000	51,000 ,	32
Pennsylvania.			 372,000	300,000	72,000	19
Delaware.			— 37.000	28,000	9,000	24
Maryland			. . . . . 310,000	220,000	90,000	29
Virginia			. . . . . 496,000	296,000	206,000	41
North Carolina			 242,000	148,000	199,000	44
South “ 			 242,000	120,000	128,000	5iTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	39
“A financial picture drawn at that time by General Cornell in Philadelphia,
is not less true than startling. ‘The situation of our finances is such as to make
every thinking man shudder/ The new money ordered into circulation by the
resolution of the 18th of March meets with so many obstructions, I almost despair
of the credit it will have in the states that comply with the resolution. If that
should fail, good God, what will be our fate, without money or credit at home or
abroad ? We have not one farthing of money in the treasury, and I know of no
Quarter from which we have a right to expect any”—(“Financial History of the
U. S,” from 1774 to 1789* by Albert S. Boles, pages 24, 39, 101).
This was the financial condition when Congress selected Robert Morris
(of Pennsylvania) Superintendent, February 20, 1781. Morris did not accept
till March 13th. He wrote Congress: “If therefore it be the idea of Congress
that the oflice Superintendent of Finances is incompatible with commercial con-
cerns and connections, the point is settled; for I cannot on any consideration con-
sent to violate engagements or depart from those principles of Honour which it is
my pride to be governed by. If, on the contrary, Congress have elected me to this
office under the expectation, that my mercantile connections and engagements
were to continue, an express declaration of these sentiments should appear on the
minutes, that no doubt may arise or reflections be cast on this score hereafter.”
Morris also claimed the right of appointing those who were to assist, as he
could only in that way be responsible. It appears that the Committee, who
probably reflected the opinion of Congress, especially of Samuel Adams who was
afraid of delegating even the smallest shadows of power to anybody, wanted
more definite information concerning the persons included under the control of the
removing power of Morris and desired to make a list of them. There were few
men who did so much for their country as Robert Morris; he pledged his personal
notes at six months after date and the proceeds were used to purchase supplies
for the army.-
“A vast deal of speculation was carried on by the Government officials in
these days. Extravagance is the legitimate child of speculation and notwithstand-
ing the Puritan severity of the revolutionary times the words of extravagance
rankly flourished not only in the management of public business but in the affairs
of private life.”
Hancock as Chief Magistrate of Massachusetts led the way in that State.
“In a series of routs, balls and glittering re-unions, entirely incompatible with the
stern spirit of republicanism which had produced and sustained the Revolution.”
Franklin wrote in 1779: “The extravagant luxury of our Country in the midst of
all its distresses is to me amazing when the difficulties are so great to find remit-
tances to pay for the Armies and Ammunition necessary of our defense.
“I am astonished and vexed to find upon inquiry that much of the greatest
part of Congress interest bill comes to pay for the tea and a great part of the
remainder is ordered to be laid out in gewgaws and superfluities. The articles
of rum and tea alone which are drank in this Country would pay all its taxes.
But when we add sugar, coffee, feathers and the whole list of bubbles and trinkets,
what an enormous expense.” . . . “My Countrymen are all grown very tasty.” . . .
“Feathers and Jordens must all be imported. A New Hampshire man who drinks
forty shillings of rum in a year and never thinks of the expense will raise a mob to
reduce the Garrison’s salary which amounts to threepence a man per annum”—
(Noah Webster, “Coll, of Essays,” page 129).
“The winter during which the forces of Washington remained half-starved
at Valley Forge and in which their Commander complained so bitterly of the
sullen or hostile attitude of the population was long remembered in Philadelphia
for its gaiety and charm.” In May, 1778, a more than commonly splendid festival4o	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
was given by the English officers in honour of Sir William Howe, who was just
leaving America, and his brother. It was called the Mischianzo and a magnifi-
cent tournament, a regatta, a ball, a great display of fireworks with innumerable
emblems and exhibition of loyalty to England. It brought together one of the
most brilliant assemblages ever known of youth, beauty and fashion of Phila-
delphia, and it was afterwards remembered that the unfortunate Major Andre
was one of the most prominent in organizing the entertainment and that this most
adorned of the Philadelphia beauties was Miss Shippen, soon after to become
the wife of Benedict Arnold ” — (Green’s “ Historical View of the American
Revolution ”).
NEW ENGLAND’S THRIFT.
EW ENGLAND’S thrift developed very early in the Revolution.
After the battle of Concord, the Colonists commenced to send in
their claim for damage sustained. The following are from but
few of many:
“ Damage Done During the Fight.”
“Accompt of the loss Mr. James Call sustained April 19, 1775. Containing
the following articles. Then follows a list of sixty-four different articles.” Among
them were,'“‘A New Psalm Book—a new Book ‘The Death of Abel.’ Three
pairs of cotton stockins, mens. Three pair White Yarn—Do—- two pounds hard
Soap. From Mr. James Miller of Charlestown’s list ‘one gallond rum, one beaver
hat.’ The most remarkable Claim was that of Estate of Samuel Shed. ‘To n
acres of pasture laid open all the season of the summer for which I was offered by
Mr. Honeywall £2-15-4’ ”—(“Beginning of the American Revolution,” by
Ellen Chase, Boston).
Just why Mr. Shed did not replace his fence, history does not state.
NEW ENGLAND ENGROSSED IN PRIVATEERING.
AMERICAN Navy appears to have been almost wholly manned by
r natives, and in this respect it furnished a great contrast to the
’ army, in which the foreign element was very prominent. The
j popularity, however, of the regular naval force could never
compete with that of privateering, which was soon practiced
[from the New England and Pennsylvania coasts on a scale and
jwith a daring and success rarely equalled. The zest with which
the Americans threw themselves into this lucrative form of enterprise is a curious
contrast to their extreme reluctance to take arms in the field. ‘Thousands of
schemes for privateering,’ wrote John Adams in August, 1776, ‘are afloat in Amer-
ican imaginations.’ In the beginning of the war this kind of enterprise was es-
pecially successful, for a swarm of privateers were afloat before the English appear
to have had the smallest suspicion of their danger.”	’	.
“ Naval History of the American Revolution”—Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D.
/
It is a misfortune for the history of this country that no intelligent man in
New England interested himself in the systematic history of the privateer enter-
prises of the United States in the Revolution while the seamen lived who engaged
in them. But no such person undertook this historical work, and the materialsTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
4i
do not now exist from which it can be thoroughly done. Some details noticed by
authors of this time excite attention and surprise as they reveal the magnitude
and number of the prizes made by privateers. Such is the statement, cited abpve,
that the prizes sent in by Whipple in one cruise exceeded one million dollars in
value. Hutchinson, in his diaiy, reports the belief that seventy thousand New-
Englanders were engaged in privateering at one time. ... In the year 1781 the
privateer fleet of the port of Salem alone consisted of fifty-nine vessels, which
carried nearly four thousand men. ... In 1780 the Admiralty Court of the Essex
district of Massachusetts, which was the largest of the admiralty districts, had
condemned 818 prizes. It must be supposed that other districts were not insig-
nificant. In the single month of May, 1779, eighteen prizes were brought into
New London. . . . “But an incomplete list in the Massachusetts Archives of those
commissioned in that State gave us the name of two hundred and seventy-six
vessels. As .the reader has seen, the fleets from Rhode Island, Connecticut and
Philadelphia were also large. It would probably be fair to say that between the
beginning and end of the war more than five hundred privateers were commissioned
by the different States. ... In the year 1777 the whole number of officers and
men in the English navy were eighty-seven thousand. Although Hutchinson’s
estimate is probably an overestimate, it is to be remembered that, as the reader
has seen, there were at the same time very considerable Naval forces in the employ
of the several States and of the United States Government. This would show
that, man for man, the numerical forces engaged by the two parties were not
very much unlike. In the Atlantic Ocean, the Americans seemed to have out-
numbered the English. ...
“The Navy of Massachusetts between the beginning and end of the war
numbered at least twenty-four vessels. . . . Between the beginning and end of the
War, the Salem vessels alone numbered nearly one hundred and fifty. The
Massachusetts Archives give a list of three hundred and sixty-five as commissioned
and belonging in Boston. If we had lists, equally full of privateers which sailed
from Falmouth (Portland), from the Merrimac, from Marblehead, from Falmouth,
Dartmouth, Plymouth, Barnstable, and other towns on Cape Cod, it is probable
that we should enlarge the list of Massachusetts privateers so that it should include
more than six hundred vessels.”
(“Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History.” Vol. VI, pages 584-588.)
The average crew was about sixty-six men to a vessel. There would be thirty-
nine thousand six hundred men from Massachusetts alone engaged in the privateer-
ing. The privateering was carried on in a most reckless manner, little respect
was paid to whom the prize belonged, friend and foe were treated very much alike.
May 9, 1778, President Laurens was obliged to issue a proclamation: “Whereas
Congress have received information and Complaints, ‘That violence has been done
by American armed vessels to Neutral Nations in seizing ships belonging to their
subjects and under their colors, and in making captures of those of the enemy
whilst under the protection of neutral Coasts, contrary to the usage and Custom
of Nations.’ To the end that such unjustifiable piratical acts which reflect dis-
honour upon the National Character of these States, may be in future effectually
prevented. . . . And further; the said Congress doth hereby Resolve and Declare
that persons wilfully offending any of the foregoing instances, if taken by any
foreign powers in consequence thereof, shall not be considered as having the
right to claim protection from these States, but shall suffer such punishment
as by the usage and customs of Nations may be inflicted. . . .
“The tide of speculation having once set in could not easily be turned.”
Long after the War had closed speculation still continued. “The Country
swarms with speculation,” says Webster.
How different the State of Affairs in New York.42
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
James Duane Grieves Over the Extravagance of Living and the
Intolerable Burdens of Public Business.
“Philad. 27th April 1779.
“The extravagance of living here is beyond description and the burden of
public business, intollerable. I am for my own part worn down and stand in great
need of Relaxation. ... I. must beg your Excellency’s Indulgence the more so as I
am here without Summer Clothes, and can not reconcile it to my feelings to pur-
chase at the immoderate prices which are current.
“James Duane.
“His Excellency Governor Clinton.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. IV, p. 761.)
LOANS TO THE STATES.
Funds Advanced by the National Government
“Philadelphia 6’ Sep’r 1778.
IR: By Dr. Jones, who will deliver this to your Excellency,
I do myself the Honor to enclose a short memorandum of the
Sums advanced from the Continental Treasury to the several
States of the Union. I shall make no comments. The Paper
contains Information and, therefore, I have sent it to your Ex-
cellency’s Prudence. ...
Gouv. Morris.
“(To Gov. George Clinton)”
New Hampshire. 			679,000	Maryland			 607,000
Massachusetts		... 1,150,000	Virginia			— 370,000
Rhode Island		. . . 1,392,000 676,000	North Carolina		... 700,000
Connecticut.			South Carolina		930,000
New York	 New Jersey		485.000 546.000	Georgia. . 			 1,036,000
Pennsylvania	 Delaware	 (“Clinton Papers,”	. . . 2,182,000 49,000 Vol. Ill, p. 740.)	Total				 11,002,000
Notwithstanding the great poverty of our State, they received the smallest
amount other than Delaware, and Virginia, and yet when our Congressmen applied
for a just assessment to govern the amount they should pay they were refused.
Seldom has any Congress been so unjust as in this case.
CONGRESS INFLICTS A GREAT INJUSTICE ON NEW YORK.
By the United States in Congress Assembled February 17, 1788:
MOTION was made by Mr. Dyer seconded by Mr. Mercer in
! the words following: ‘ WHEREAS by the 8th Article of the Con-
federation and perpetual Union it is' agreed and declared that all
charges of War and all other expenses for the common defence
of general Welfare allowed by the United States in Congress
Assembled shall be defrayed out of a common Treasury which
___shall be supplied by the Several States in proportion to the Value
of all land within each State granted to or surveyed for any person as such Land
and Buildings and Improvements thereon shall be estimated according to suchTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	43
mode as the United States in Congress Assembled shall from time to time direct
and appoint.
“•* RESOLVED That the Legislature of each State be and they are hereby
required to take such measures as shall appear to them most effectual for obtaining
a just and Accurate Account of the Quantity, of Land in such State granted to
or surveyed for any person, the number of Buildings thereon distinguishing
Dwelling Houses from other Buildings, and the number of its Inhabitants dis-
tinguishing White from Black. That the Legislature of each State be and they
are hereby also required to cause the said Account to be transmitted and delivered
to Congress on or before the first day of March 1784 & that Congress will on the
Second Day of March 1784, or at their next sitting thereafter, appoint a Grand
Committee consisting of a member present from each State to take into con-
sideration the said Returns, any nine of whom occurring shall make a just and
true Estimate of the value of all lands in each of the United States granted to or
surveyed for any person, and the Buildings and Improvements thereon and shall
report such Estimate to Congress. . . . That the said estimate when appraised
by Congress shall be a rule for adjusting all Accounts between the United States
and the Individual States, that is, each State shall be debited for its just Quota
or proportion on the principle aforesaid of the money theretofore advanced or
paid, and of the Amount in Value of the supplies furnished by all the States for
the Service of the United States and Credited for the money advanced, and the
Amount in value of the supplies furnished by such State for the Service of the
United States. That the said estimate shall operate for a term not exceeding
five years as a rule for Apportioning on the several States the sums which Congress
shall from time to time deem necessary and require to be raised for supporting the
public Credit and Contingent Expenses, and that the Money which shall be paid
from time to time by any State into the Continental Treasury on Account of such
Quota or Apportionment shall be duly passed to the Credit of such State on the
said Account/”
CONGRESS NEGATIVES A RESOLUTION THAT DISCRIMINA TED
IN FAVOR OF NEW YORK.
The United States in Congress Assembled.
“ March 4, 1788:
MOTION was made by Mr. Hamilton Seconded by Mr. Floyd:
‘ WHEREAS in the opinion of Congress it is essential to those
principles of justice and liberality which ought to govern the
intercourse between these States that in the final adjustment of
Accounts for the Supplies or Contributions of the States respec-
tively towards the Common expences in the course of the War,
equitable allowances should be made in favour of those States
part of which have been at different periods in possession of the Enemy.
“‘AND WHEREAS, the Strict application of the rule prescribed by the
8th Article of the Confederation as declared by the Resolution of the 17th of
February would operate greatly to the prejudice of such States, and to the Calam-
ities of War add an undue proportion of the public burden;
“‘RESOLVED. That Congress will in the application of the said rule make
such abatements in favour of the said States, as from a full Consideration of
Circumstances, as shall appear to them just and equitable for the time the said
parts of the said States may have been in possession of the Enemy/
“On the question to agree to the foregoing Motion the Ye^s and Nays being
required by Mr. Hamilton:—Nays 26, Yeas 5.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. VIII, p. 81.)	.44	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
Notwithstanding a large portion of our State was the seat of war and occupied
by the English, including New York City, we were assessed the same as States
who had seen but little of the hardships, in fact, had carried on the most lucrative
business of privateering.
HAMILTON ATTACKS CONGRESS.
“Headquarters, Feb’y 13, 1778.
EAR SIR, I did myself the honor of writing to you, immediately
after my arrival at Headquarters, in answer to two letters I
found here, from you.
“There is a matter, which often obtrudes itself upon my
mind, and which requires the attention of every person of sense
and influence, among us—I mean a degeneracy of representation
in the great Council of America. It is a melancholy truth Sir,
and the effects of which we dayly see and feel, that there is not so much wisdom in
a certain body, as there ought to be, and as the success of our affairs absolutely
demands. Many members of it are no doubt men in every respect, fit for the
trust, but this cannot be said of it as a body. Folly, caprice, a want of foresight,
comprehension and dignity, characterise the general tenor of their actions. Of
this I dare say, you are sensible, though you have not perhaps so many oppor-
tunities of knowing it as I have. Their conduct with respect to the army especially
is feeble, indecisive and improvident—insomuch, that we are reduced to a more
terrible situation than you can conceive. False and contracted views of economy
have prevented them, though repeatedly urged to it, from making that provision
for officers which was requisite to interest them in the service; which has pro-
duced such carelessness and indifference to the service, as is subversive of every
officer-like quality. They have disgusted the army by repeated instances of the
most whimsical favouritism in their promotions; and by an absurd prodigality
of rank to foreigners and to the meanest staff of the army. They have not been
able to summon resolution enough to withstand the impudent importunity and
vain boasting of foreign pretenders; but have manifested such a docility and in-
constancy in their proceedings, as will warrant the charge of suffering themselves
to be bullied, by every petty rascal, who comes armed with ostentatious pretensions
of military merit and experience. Would you believe it Sir, it is become almost
proverbial in the mouths of the French officers and other foreigners, that they
have nothing more to do, to obtain whatever they please, than to assume a high
tone and assert their own merit with confidence and perseverance? These things
wound my feelings as a republican more than Lean express; and in some degree
make me contemptible in my own eyes.
“By injudicious changes and arrangements in the Commissary’s department,
in the middle of a campaign, they have exposed the army frequently to temporary
want, and to the danger of a dissolution, from absolute famine. At this very day
there are complaints from the whole line, of having been three or four days without
provisions; desertions have been immense, and strong features of mutiny begin
to show themselves. It is indeed to be wondered at, that the soldiery have mani-
fested so unparallelled a degree of patience, as they have. If effectual measures
are not speedily adopted, I know not how we shall keep the army together or
make another campaign.
“I omit saying anything of the want of Cloathing for the army. It may
be disputed whether more could have been done than has been done.
“If you look into their conduct in the civil line, you will equally discover a
deficiency of energy, dignity and extensiveness of views; but of this you can better
judge than myself, and it is unnecessary to particularise.	*
“America once had a representation, that would do honor to any age or nation.THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	45
“The present falling off is very alarming and dangerous. What is the Cause?
or how is it to be remedied ? are questions that the welfare of these States requires
should be well attended to. The great men who composed our first council;
are they dead, have they deserted the cause, or what has become of them? Very
few are dead and still fewer have deserted the cause;—they are all except the few
who still remain in Congress either in the field, or in the civil officers of their re-
spective states; far the greater part are engaged in the latter. The only remedy
then is to take them out of these employments and return them to the place, where
their presence is infinitely more important.
“Each State in order to promote its own internal government and prosperity,
has selected its best members to fill the offices within itself, and conduct its own
affairs. Men have been fonder of the emoluments and conveniences, of being
employed at home, and local attachment, falsely operating, has been made then
more provident for the particular interests of the states to which they belonged,
than for the common interests of the confederacy. This* is a most pernicious
mistake, and must be corrected. However important it is to give form and
efficiency to your interior constitutions and police; and it is infinitely more im-
portant to have a wise general council; otherwi|e a failure of the measures of
the union will overturn all your labours for the advancement of your particular
good and ruin the common cause. You should not beggar the councils of the
United States to enrich the administration of the several members. Realize to
yourself the consequences of having a Congress despised at home and abroad.
“How can the common force be exerted, if the power of collecting.it be put in
weak foolish and unsteady hands? How can we hope for success in our European
negotiations, if the nations oFEurope have no confidence in the wisdom and vigor,
of the great Continental Government? This is the object on which their eyes are
fixed, hence it is America will drive its importance or insignificance, in their
estimation.
“Arguments to you Sir, need not to be multiplied to enforce the necessity of
having a good general Council, neither do I think we shall very widely differ as to
the fact that the present is very far from being such.
“The sentiments I have advanced are not fit for the vulgar ear; and circum-
stanced as I am, I should with caution utter them except to those in whom I may
place an entire confidence. But it is time that men of weight and understanding
should take the alarm, and excite each other to a proper remedy. For my part,
my insignificance, allows me to do nothing more, than to hint my apprehensions
to those of that description who are pleased to favour me with their confidence.
In this view, I write to you.
“ As far as I can judge, the remarks I have made do not apply to your state
nearly so much as to the other twelve. You have a Duane and a Morris and
may I not add a Duer? But why do you not send your Jay and your R. R. Living-
ston ? I wish General Schuyler was either explicitly in the army or in the Congress.
For yourself, Sir, though I mean no compliments you must not be spaced from where
you are.
“ But the design of this letter is not so much that you may use your influence,
in improving or enlarging your own representation, as in, discreetly, giving the
alarm to other States, through the medium of your confidential friends. Indeed
Sir, it is necessary there should be a change. America will shake to its center,
if there is not.
“You and I had some conversation when I had the pleasure of seeing you
last with respect to the existence of a certain faction. Since I saw you, I have
discovered such convincing traits of the monster, that I cannot doubt its reality
in the most extensive sense. I dare say, you have seen and heard enough to settle
the matter, in your own mind. I believe it unmasked its batteries too soon and
begins to hide its head; but as I imagine it will only change the storm to a sap;
all the true and sensible friends to their country, and of course to a certain great
man, ought to be upon the watch, to counterplot the secret machinations of his46	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
enemies. Have you heard any thing of Conway’s history? He is one of the
vermin bred in the entrails of this chimera dire, and there does not exist a more
villainous calumniator and incendiary. He is gone to Albany on a certain ex-
pedition.
“I am with great regard and respect, Sir, Your most Obed. servant,
“Alexander Hamilton.
“His Excellency Governor Clinton, ^Poughkeepsie.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. II, p. 680.)
EVACUATION OF NEW YORK BY THE ENGLISH TROOPS
Tuesday, November 25, 1783.
Our Great Holiday {should he)
*
UTSIDE of Christmas and New Year’s the three days looked
forward to with keenest anticipation in this City before the War
of the Rebellion for rejoicing and jollification, were Washington’s
. Birthday, the Fourth of July and Evacuation Day.”
Early in March, 1783, Governor Clinton received from
____Colonel Floyd news that articles of peace were being prepared, and
on March 25, “ Preliminary Articles for a General Peace were signed.” This was
the beginning of an end of the most glorious conflict in history. The Union born
in the Merchant’s Coffee House, New York, May 23, 1774, was now to become a
fact. Many of the Colonists who had accomplished this great object were rejoicing,
and in their great glee forgetting their sister Colony. Poor dear old New York, it
would seem that, having born the brunt of the Revolution, suffering when many of
the other Colonies grew rich, furnishing the largest percentage of the soldiers,
contributing its grain and forage for the army, now solving the complicated
questions arising from departing of loyalists and return of the patriots to her
great city that was still occupied by the English troops. The care of the remaining
remnants of a discontented army, her border overrun with murdering bands of
Canadians and Indians, and threatened on her northeastern border by armed inva-
sion from a sister State, and another State claiming all east of the Hudson River.
These are all matters of history, but little mentioned by those who have preferred
“hearsay” to actual facts.
William Floyd, Philadelphia, March 25, 1783, wrote Governor Clinton:
“ However inclined the enemy may be to Remove I expect the want of transports
will prevent them for some time yet to come. In this Situation if there should
be an (open) communication into New York, great speculation would be carried
on perhaps to the Inj ury of our State, if your Excellency by agreement with General
Carleton could form a Regulation that would stop it, it might be attended with
very salutary effects.
“Great Numbers in this town are forming plans to go into New York on
Speculation—I hope such steps will be taken on the part of our State as will ef-
fectually Defeat them.” (“Clinton Papers,” Vol. VIII, p. 94.)
From 1776 until November 25, 1783, the British troops occupied New York
City. Seldom in history has there been such a trying position as our State was
thus placed. Thousands of loyalists departing, and equal number of patriots
anxious to return to their old homes. Speculators from other States endeavoring
to buy property and goods from those departing.47
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
From Robert R. Livingston to Governor Clinton
“Philadelphia 19th—Dec. 1783 (Feb. 19)
“D’r Sir: I believe I have mentioned to your Excellency the propriety of setting
aside a part of the houses in New York for public purpose.” ... “I am the most
anxious for this as I find the Eagle Eyes of Speculation have already marked
the best of them for their own, and some of those who fastened on the spoils of the
public have a strong interest in the legislature.
“I expect that efforts will be made for an immediate disposition of the
property.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. VIII, p. 78.)
“From all sides our Sister States were anxiously awaiting opportunity to
take advantage of our misfortunate position.”
John Morin Scott’s Project for the Protection of New York upon the
Evacuation of the British Army
“Fish Kill, April 4th, 1783.
“ D’r Sir: I take the liberty to hand you the inclosed paper; the contents of which
were hastily thrown together for your Excellency’s consideration and perusal.
One Inducement, among others, which led me to do it, was an Information that
Connecticut has opened a wide door for the admission of all disaffected and their
property. A Scheme evidently calculated to build themselves upon our Ruins.
As one instance of this, it is'reported that Jo: Smith is either gone or going to that
State with £30000 worth of Dry Goods. If those things cannot speedily be pre-
vented, God only knows what will become of our poor State, already brought to the
Verge of ruin by the War. I take the Liberty to intreat your Excellency’s senti-
ments on the inclosed with as much speed as may be convenient, and am with the
greatest respect,
“Your Excellency’s most obedient Servant,
“(General) Jno. Morin Scott.
“His Excellency Gov. Clinton.”
(“Clinton Papers,” Vol. VIII, p. 132.)
Plan for gaining possession of the southern district by the temporary govern-
ment thereof may be found in Volume VIII of the “Clinton Public Papers,” page
132. With some modification they were adopted and were of great assistance in
peacefully settling many difficult questions that arose from time to time. On the
night of Saturday, April 5th, Sir Guy Carleton received the official Notification
from England.	-
“Head-Quarters, 21 April, 1783.
“Sir, I have the satisfaction of enclosing to your Excellency a proclamation, that
I have received from the Sovereign power of the United States, ordering a general
cessation of hostilities, as well by sea as land, with directions that the same should
be published to all the subjects under my command. In Compliance with these
instructions, the same was made public in the American Camp on the 19th, with
my orders that it should be made known at all the out-posts of the American Army
as soon as possible.”—(Extract from General Washington to General Carleton at
New York. Ford’s Writings of Washington, Vol. X.)
There was a conference between General Washington and Sir Guy Carleton4B	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
at Tappan, May 6th, 1783 (“Clinton Papers,” Volume VIII, page 165). The
following participated with General Washington, Gen. Clinton and Egbert Benson,
Jno M. Scott and Jona Trumbull, Jur.
On May 20th a meeting of a Council was held at “Pokeepsie” to protest
against Sir Guy Carleton’s indifference. These were present: His Excellency
the Governor, Mr. Chief-Justice Morris, Mr. Justice Hobart, Mr. John Morin
Scott, Mr. Zephaniah Platt, Mr. Stephen Ward, Mr. John Lawrence, Mr. Daniel
Dunscomb, Mr. Thomas Tredwell, Mr. Robert Harpur, Mr. John Williams,
Mr. Thomas Wickes, Mr. William Duer. It was not until November 25, 1783,
that the English soldiers evacuated our soil and we became the United States of
America. For seven long years had we been contending for this object—the
expulsion of England’s Government and on that day accomplished. Never had
there in our country been such rejoicing. July 4, 1776, we declared our independ-
ence, and November 25, 1783, it became a fact to us and “The Day of Days.”
To our great discredit we have allowed it to be forgotten. Had the great event
occurred in any other city it would have been at least a legal holiday.
Seldom since that memorable day has there been so great an occasion for
thanksgiving as on Thursday, November 25th, not only in gratitude for being at
peace with the whole world while Europe is struggling in the greatest conflict,
but also as on it occurres the anniversary of our 132d birthday. It is to be hoped
our President and Governor will remember this circumstance.
On December 4, 1783, occurred one of the most pathetic incidents of the long
struggle. In the Long Room of Fraunces Tavern (corner of Pearl and Broad
Streets) Washington bade farewell to his officers. “ With a heart full of love and
gratitude, I now take leave of you. ... I most devotedly wish, that your latter days
may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been gracious and
honorable.” The closing event of the Revolutionary period occurred April 30,
1789, when General Washington took the oath of office as first President of the
United States under the new Constitution on the balcony of the City Hall—at the
head of Broad and Wall Streets.
While this was one of the greatest events occurring in our country, historians
have treated it very lightly in their meager accounts, emitting many facts showing
the great interest it created at the time. From the very earliest commencement
of our Colony and State, but little effort has been made to place before the public
the epoch-making deeds that have taken place within her borders. That pleasur-
able duty has been left to us. “A man who is proud of his State or Country
is likely to be a better citizen because of such pride. But how can one have any
intelligent pride in his Country if he knows nothing of its history?”—(Dr. Sherman
Williams.)
CITY HALL—STATE HOUSE—CONGRESS HALL—FEDERAL HALL.
HE first City Hall was originally built by the city for a tavern
in 1646 (on site of present 73 Pearl Street). It became “Stud-
thuy’s,” or City Hall, in 1653. In 1697 it was “deemed unsafe.”
“Certain masons and carpenters ‘examined’ the building. . . .
Was of the opinion that with six studs and a plank the building
might be secured from any danger of falling.” In 1698 a “Com-
mittee selected a site opposite the upper end of Broad Street
for a new building. A plan of the building designed by James Evetts was pre-
sented and the site and plan approved.” The building was finished about 1700.
The present Sub-Treasury building is not exactly on the same site. TheTHE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
49
old City Hall extended across the present Nassau Street. The small deviation
of the Bankers’ Trust Company Building, Nassau Street, frontage is owing to a
path from Wall to Nassau Street, on the west side of the City Hall.
The “Cage, Pillory, Whipping Post, and Stocks” were removed to the upper
end of Broad Street, about in front of the Stock Exchange and the offices of J. P.
Morgan & Co., in 1703.
171$—Mr. Stephen Delancey presented fifty pounds to the city (his salary
as a member of the General Assembly) for a clock, which was built in 1716 by
Joseph Phillips, costing about £65.
1718—There were some alterations made, including a small balcony.
1738—The cupola was removed and a new one erected.	*
1763—-“Which was a period when improvements, both private and public,
were greatly encouraged in the City.” The City Hall was altered and improved
at a very considerable expense. A committee of the Common Council reported
a plan of “Alteration and Ornaments,” to the building, which was approved and
to defray the computed cost of £3,000 a lottery was established. Among other
improvements, the building was made much higher, and roofed with copper pro-
cured from England. The “canopy” or “balcony” in the front of the building
was brought out to range with the two wings. ' A cupola of more imposing dimen-
sions was raised upon the building; and a bell of larger dimensions than the old
one.
In 1788 there was a very spirited contest between Philadelphia and New
York for the honor of having the seat of government.
From New York Journal, August 14, 1788: “Yesterday the question for
filling up the blank in the ordinance for organizing the New Government, fixing
the place for the meeting of the Congress, When for New York there appeared
five states and a-half, against it, four and a-half; ten states only being present
which voted. From the present complexion there is the greatest reason to hope
that the question will finally be carried in favor of New York.”
New York Journal, March 5, 1789.—“We hear that the improvements of the
City Hall are so far completed as to receive that respectable body. It is converted
into a superb edifice every way convenient for the grand purpose for which it was
designed, and is a rich and we hope will be a lasting ornament to the City.” The
building was improved and altered according to plans of Major L’Enfants, a
French engineer, and then called Federal Hall.
1802—A new City Hall (the present one). After much doubt and hesitation
as to the expense, the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars was voted.
The corner-stone was laid September 20, 1803, by Edward Livingston, Mayor,
and the Corporation.
July 4, 1811, the Corporation met at the new City Hall in the Mayor’s room
for the first time. The actual cost of the building was $538,733.45.
NO COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF OUR STATE.
HE following are the number of histories of the original States:
New Hampshire, 4; Massachusetts, 8; Rhode Island, 4; Con-
necticut, 5; New York, o; New Jersey, 8; Pennsylvania, 8;
Delaware, 3; Maryland, 8; Virginia, 7; North Carolina, 5;
South Carolina, 3; Georgia, 5.
Among the numerous holidays observed in our State, not
one is in commemoration of any event within its border, nor to the honor of a
citizen.So	THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
Table showing percentage of troops contributed to the Continental cause in proportion
to the inhabitants.
Approx.
Colony	Inhabitants1	Troops2	Percentage
New York...................... 165,0003	51,9794	32
Massachusetts. . ................  291,000	69,907	24
Connecticut....................... 196,000	31,939	16
New Hampshire.....................  81,000	12,497	15
Rhode Island......................  55,000	5,908	11
Georgia...........................  26,000	2,679	io
New Jersey. . . ..................  120,000	10,726	9
Pennsylvania...................... 302,000	25,678	9
Maryland. .......................  200,000	13,912	7
Delaware..........................  37,000	2,386	6
North Carolina.................... 200,000	7,263	4
South Carolina.................... 175,000	6,417	4
Table showing the number and States in which battles of the Revolution were f ought.
It must also be remembered New York was overrun with Canadians, Indians
and Tories.
BATTLES OF THE REVOLUTION, 1775“1783
1:775	1776 1777 1778	1779 1780 1781	1782
Massachusetts............... 11	3	0	0	0	o	o	o
Canada....................... 7	8	o	o	o	o	o	o
New York. . . ............... 2	21	27	6	11	14	10	1
Connecticut.................  1	o	3	o	6	1	3	o
Rhode Island................. 1	o	2	2	o	o	o	o
Pennsylvania................. o	o	o	5	o	0	0	o
New Jersey................... o	4	10	4	4	8	1	o
Delaware..................... o	o	2	o	o	0	0	o
Virginia................. 3	11	1	1 o 9 o
South Carolina............... 2	5	o	0	6	35	25	6
North Carolina............... o	1	o	o	0	4	8	0
Georgia.................. 0/	1	1	3	7	2	4	4
Total............. 27	44	46	21	35	64	60	11
New York				 92	Massachusetts,
South Carolina			 79	Connecticut. . .
New Jersey					 31	North Carolina
Georgia			 22	Rhode Island5.
Virginia				 16	Pennsylvania. .
Canada				15	Delaware	
1	United States Census estimate.	,
2	“ Battles of the American Revolution.”—Col. Henry B. Carrington, M.A., LL.D.
3	Population 190,000, less City of New York, Westchester, and Brooklyn in possession of the
English, say 25,000—165,000.
4	“Archives of the Colony and State of New York.”—James A. Roberts, Controller, 1898.
5	From “ Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army, 1775-1783.”—Heitman.
to uo to c*THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
From “ Decisive Battles of America,” edited by Ripley Hitchcock.
Showing our State has been the battle-field of the Nation.
Conquest of the Pequots.......	1637—Connecticut.
Champlain’s Battle with the Iroquois...... 1646—New York.
Defeat of King Philip...................1673—Massachusetts.
Fall of Quebec.......... ...............1759—Canada.
Bunker Hill.............................1775—Massachusetts.
Saratoga............ ...................1777—New York.
Yorktown................................1781—Virginia.
Lake Erie.  ......................... 1813—New York.
Lake Champlain..........................1814—New York.
Usually you would expect the Colonies in which the great events of the Revolu-
tion took place would be most mentioned in history, but such has not been the case,
as shown by “ History of the United States of America.” By George Bancroft.
Six volumes.
Number of times mentioned: Massachusetts, 277; Boston, 115; Virginia,
248; New York, no; New York City, 39; Pennsylvania, 80; Connecticut, 54.
The statesmen who did most for our country during the Revolutionary period
have shared the same injustice. General Washington stood pre-eminently at the
head. The others in rotation, according to their service.
Gouverneur Morris was no doubt one of the shrewdest observers of current
events in his day and said, “The purity of the patriotism of John Jay entitles him
to stand by the side of Washington.”
Number of times mentioned: John Jay, New York, 38; Benjamin Franklin,
Pennsylvania, 121; Robert Morris, Pennsylvania, 38; George Clinton, New York,
24; John Adams, Massachusetts, 84; Jonathan Trumbull, Connecticut, 12; Gouver-
neur Morris, New York, 38; John Dickinson, Pennsylvania, 42; Patrick Henry,
Virginia, 41; Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, 49; James Duane, New York, 9; Samuel
Adams, Massachusetts, 82; Robert R. Livingston, New York, 12.
NEW YORK’S COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE.
Elected by the patriotic citizens of the city, May 16, 1774, to represent
them in corresponding with their sister Colonies. Prior to the first Colonial
Congress through their Committees was worked out the plan that brought about
the great Revolution.
John Alsop
William Bayard
Theophilaet Bache
Peter V. B. Livingston
Phillip Livingston
Isaac Sears
David Johnson
Charles McEvers
Charles Nicholl
Alexander McDougall
Capt. Thomas Randall
John Moore
Leonard Lispenard
Jacobus Van Zant
James Duane
Edward Laight
Isaac Low
Gerardus Duycknick
Peter Van Schaack
Henry Ramsen
Hamilton Young
George Bowne
Peter T. Curtenius
Peter Goeiet
Thomas Persall
Elias Desbrosses
William Walton
Richard Yates
John De Lancey
John Thurman
John Broome
John Jay
Abraham Brasher
Miles Sherwood
Benjamin Booth
John Hallett
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace
James Jauncey
Gabriel H. Ludlow
Nicholas Hoffman
Abraham Walton
Gerard W. Beekman
Abraham P. Lott
David Van Horne
Abraham Duryee
'William McAdam
Richard Sharp
Thomas Marston
Joseph Bull$2
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
' EAR SIR:	• .
“The Members of the Lower Wall Street Business Men’s
Association whose offices are in our Country’s most Historical
Centre, realizing the neglect on the part of many writers of
History, in failing to give proper importance to Historical Events
occurring in our State, invited the Historical and Patriotic
_______________Societies of the City to join with them whereby a plan may be
formulated that a History of our State might be written. October 31, 1914—A
meeting of the Delegates from many of the Societies was held at the Coffee Ex-
change. Dr. George F. Kunz, Vice-President of the ‘Tercentenary Commission,’
presided. Addresses were made by Col. Asa Bird Gardiner, Hon. Charles H. Sher-
rill, Dr. William Eliott Griffis of Ithaca, Dr. Thomas E. Finnegan, State Education
Dept., and A. Wakeman, Secretary.
“A resolution was adopted that Mr. William Bayne, Jr., President of the
Association, appoint a ‘Committee of Nine’ to carry out the objects of the meeting.
“The following plan given below was considered most available. Invitations
were sent to the Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations throughout the
State asking for their co-operation. Favorable responses were received from
practically all the Societies, representing a membership of over 30,000 of our best
qitizens.
“The Press very kindly and greatly assisted by publishing notices of the pro-
posed Historical Contest. The Committee have received 160 applications for their
conditions from all over the Country, and one from England, showing the great
interest there has been taken.
“The Subjects for Essays have been selected with the view of having fuller
accounts written of important events occurring in Our State, than can be expected
in the History. In the Public Libraries and with our Historical Societies are many
original manuscripts of the greatest importance to the history of our State, that
remain inaccessible to the general reader. The Committee hope they may be
able to publish the more important ones. As its History belongs to the whole
State, all should have the opportunity to assist in carrying out this great work.
“It is their earnest desire that all publications be sold at prices so low that
every home should have them, and if possible every public library in the State
(gratuitously) thereby instilling a just pride in their state, within whose borders
much history has been made. In soliciting from you a subscription it should be
remembered this work is lasting in its results. The publications will be of much
benefit to the future generations as to the present. What more noble work can be
accomplished than the uplifting of our Great State to its proper place in History
after a century of neglect. The Committee’s work is purely patriotic, and all
money received will be devoted to the cause. Copies of the Essays and History
will be sent to Subscribers.
“Kindly make checks payable to Stuyvesant Fish, Treasurer, 52 Wall Street.
“Yours very truly,
“Committee of Nine.”
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
EAR SIR:
As not a few writers concerning the History of New York
have made statements which are inaccurate and misleading, the
United Historical and Patriotic Socities and Associations offer
the following conditions to be considered by those wishing to
compete for prizes for a Historical work on New York to 1790,
the beginning of Government under the Federal Constitution.
It is desired to obtain a history that will truthfully show New York’s par-THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK	53
ticipation in the events that led to the establishment of the United States as an
independent nation, to be written in an interesting form.
To encourage those who from a patriotic sense of duty might wish to assist
in this worthy and necessary work, there are offered three prizes: First, one
thousand dollars; second, five hundred; and third, two hundred fifty dollars for
the manuscript considered by the Committee most deserving.
The Committee reserve the right of increasing the emoluments, also to reject
any or all manuscripts, but will pay for those by them selected, as above stated.
Should they deem proper to publish same, full credit will be given to the authors.
The manuscripts will be judged in units of one hundred. General excellency,
accuracy, subjects not before printed, arrangement of subjects, literary style, and
conciseness will be considered.
Authority for all statements must be given, and if from other writers, so far
as practicable their authority. It is the desire of the Committee that so far as
possible all data shall be taken from original documents or contemporary papers.
Manuscripts offered for competition must be signed with nom de plume and
delivered to the Secretary on or before October 1, 1916, accompanied with writer's
full name, nom de plume, and address enclosed in a sealed envelope, and with a
letter in the form following:
“Having read the conditions relative to the prizes offered by the United
Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations, I fully agree to the
terms as stated and to accept the Committee's decision as final.”
The Manual of New York's History to contain about one hundred thousand
words; to be printed in octavo and illustrated.
Manuscripts must be typewritten.
The copyright will be in the name of the United Historical and Patriotic
Societies and Associations, and all manuscripts not selected and paid for as above
provided, will be returned to authors.
It is proposed to offer a further prize of one hundred dollars for the best essay
containing about ten thousand words, based on facts with authorities given, on
certain subjects to be hereafter designated by the Committee. Conditions to be
substantially similar to those provided herein for the history, except that manu-
scripts may be offered to the Committee when and as the authors complete them.
Committee of Nine,
Abram Wakeman, Secretary,	George F. Kunz, Chairman.
96 Water Street.
List of Subjects for Essays.
1.	The Character of Dutch Rule in New Netherland and the Reasons for its
Downfall.
2.	The Rise and Decline of the Leislerian Party in New York.
3.	The Dutch and English Manorial System in New York.
4.	Relations with the Five Nations.
5 . The Struggle between the French and the English for the Ontario and Niagara
Frontier.
6.	The Zenger Case and the Establishment of Freedom of the Press.
7.	German Immigration into New York in the Eighteenth Century.
8.	The Albany Congress of 1754.	■	■
9.	* New York in the French and Indian War.
10.	The Controversy over the New Hampshire Grants.
11.	The Attitude of New York during the Controversy over the Stamp Act.
12.	Sons of Liberty and Committee of Correspondence, 1765-1776.
13.	New York and the Policy of Commercial Non-Intercourse, 1765-1776.
14.	New York’s Tea Party, 1774.54
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
15.	New York and the Campaign of 1776.
16.	The Burgoyne Campaign, 1777.
17.	George Clinton and the Establishment of Government under the First
State Constitution.
18.	The Career of John Jay during the Revolution.
19.	Alexander Hamilton and the Federal Constitution.
20.	Evacuation of New York by the British and Washington’s Farewell to His
Officers, 1783.
21.	History of City or Federal Hall.
22.	New York’s Societies and Associations prior to 1800.
23.	Early Schools and Schoolmasters.
24.	Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations of New York.
Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations Who Have Endorsed
the Committee’s Plan.
Albany Institute and Historical Art Association.
American Jewish Society.
American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society.
Broome County Historical Society.
Buffalo Historical Society.
Cayuga County Historical Society.
Chautauqua County Society of History and Natural Science.
Chappaqua Historical Society.
City History Club of New York.
Colonial Dames of America.
Committee on Library—New York Stock Exchange.
Dames of the Revolution.
Daughters of the American Revolution.
Daughters of the Cincinnati.
Daughters of the Holland Dames.
Daughters of the Revolution/
Descendants of Colonial Governors.
De Witt Historical Society.
Empire State Society—Sons of the American Revolution,
Falls House (Newburgh).
Flushing Historical Society.	N
Franklin County Historical Society.
Genesee County Pioneer Association.
Geneva Historical Society.
Herkimer County Historical Society.
Historical Society of Whitehall.
Historical Society Newburgh Bay and the Highlands
Holland Society of New York.
Huguenot Society of America.
Huntington Historical Society.
Jefferson County Historical Society.
Johnstown Historical Society.
Kanestro Valley Chapter.
King’s County Historical Society.
Livingston County Historical Society.
Lower Wall Street Business Men’s Association.
Madison County Historical Society.
Maiden Lane Historical Society.
Mary Washington Colonial Chapter—D. A. R.
Minisink Valley Historical Society.55
THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK
Montgomery County Historical Society.
• Morris Memorial Historical Society.
N. Y. Chapter, Daughters of the Founders and Patriots of America.
New York Genealogical and Biographical Society.
New York Historical Society.
New York State Historical Association.’
New York State Society of the Cincinnati.
New York Society of the Order of the Founders and Patriots of America.
Niagara Frontier Historical Society.
Oneida Historical Society.
Oswego Historical Association.
Putnam County Historical Society.
Rockland Historical and Forestry Society.
Sag Harbor Historical Society.
Saint George’s Society of New York.
Saint Nicholas Society, City of New York.
Salem Historical Society.
Schoharie County Historical Society.
Seneca Falls Historical Society.
Scottsville Literary Society.
Society of Tammany, New York.
Tarrytown Historical Society.
Ticonderoga Historical Society.
Tuesday Historical Society (Friendship, N. Y.).
Ulster Historical Society.
Vallonia Historical Society.
Washington Continental Guard.
Washington Headquarters Association.
Waterloo Library and Historical Society.
Westchester County Historical Society.
Yonkers Historical and Library Association.
Department of History, Columbia University.
Department of History, Syracuse University.
Department of History, Union College.
President White Library, Cornell University.
Dr. John H. Finley, Commissioner of Education of the State of New York and
President of the University of the State of New York.
Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University.
Dr. C. D. Walcott, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
Other Historical or Patriotic Societies or Associations in New York wishing to
join with the above are invited to communicate with the Secretary.