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copyright by Cornell University
Library 1994.LOVE OF COUNTRY:
A DISCOURSE,
iBliumii 011 €{uutbgt0ittg ®nq, irantta IStji, 1S50,
IN THE
BLEECKER STREET CHURCH.
BY
. JlM
<-\	.	r A , . /
THOMAS H. SKINNER, Uu^> *'■/
PROFESSOR IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY.
NEW YORK:
E. FRENCH, 135 NASSAU STREET.
1851.Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, by
ELI FRENCH,
in the Clerk’s office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern
District of New York.
S. W. BENEDICT,
Printer, 16 Spruce-Street.Rev. Thomas H. Skinner, D.D.:
Dear Sir,—The undersigned, members of the Bleecker Street Congrega-
tion, who had the pleasure of listening to your discourse on Christian Pa-
triotism, delivered on the annual Thanksgiving Day, believing it well adapted
to promote the best interests of our Country, respectfully request a copy for
publication.
We are, dear sir, very truly yours,
JAS. C. BLISS,
MARCUS WILBUR,
WALTER EDWARDS,
WM. A. WHEELER,
E. J. WOOLSEY,
ALFRED C. POST,
E. FRENCH.
New York, December 13,1850.
To Dr. James C. Bliss, Marcus Wilbur, Esq., and others:
Gentlemen,—Although the discourse to which you refer, was written
some years ago, I trust that its teaching is sufficiently suitable to the times,
to justify my consenting to its publication according to your request. I there-
fore submit it to your disposal. A few paragraphs have been added to it
since its delivery, but I do not think they would have varied your opinion
as to its character on the whole.
With great regard,
THOMAS H. SKINNER.
January 9th, 1851.DISCOURSE.
Psalm cxxxvii. 5, 6. If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand
forget her cunning: If I do not remember thee, let my tongue
cleave to the roof of my mouth: If I prefer not Jerusalem above
my chief joy.
These words, taken from one of the most beautiful and
touching melodies ever written even under inspiration, are
an effusion of religious patriotism. They were prompted
by an insult to that sentiment offered to captive Jews by
their oppressors. u They that carried us away captive,
required us to sing them one of the songs of Zion : How
shall we sing the Lord’s song in a strange land? The
solemn chant would imply insensibility in us, to the dishonor
of our country ;—the Holy Land, with all its sacred associ-
ations, now lying desolate under the tyrannous hand of our
heathen masters. No song of Zion from us shall entertain
the ears of profane men, by the river of Babylon, Sooner
may the divine judgment deprive us of every use both of
hand and tongue. ”
These Jews, in their exile, had not renounced the love
of country : it was stronger in them than the love of
life. Was not the affection virtuous? And has not the
Holy Spirit., in this inspired Ode, set to it the seal of the
Divine approbation 16
It has been said that Christianity is against Patriotism ;
It removes the walls of partition between the different na-
tions ; makes the world one brotherhood; and thus leaves
no place for the love of country, which is a sectarian and
selfish sentiment, and is consistent with enmity to mankind*
“ Patriotism, that celebrated virtue, so much practiced in
ancient, and so much professed in modern times, that vir-
tue which so long preserved the liberties of Greece, and ex-
alted Rome to the empire of the world; this celebrated
virtue,” says a writer on the Evidences of Christianity,*
“must be excluded; because it not only falls short of, but
directly counteracts the extensive benevolence of this reli-
gion.” 4 This, I shall, in the first place, show to be an error,
or prove that Patriotism is a Christian virtue. Then,
secondly, I shall specify the prominent duties of Christian
patriotism; and, finally, I shall consider how love to our
country, guided by the Gospel, will show itself in reference
to two or three subjects of national moment, now exciting
special interest, and one of them no small solicitude, amongst
us.—
I. It has been erroneously affirmed that the ethics of
Christianity deny Patriotisiii a place among the virtues.
Although there is no specific inculcation of it in the New
Testament, it should not be hence inferred that the Gospel
either disowns or underrates it as one of the modifications of
that love which is the fulfilling of the Law. There were
sufficient reasons for the silence which was observed on this
subject, in the days of our Lord and his Apostles. The
Jews were now in a state of vassalage to Rome, and appeals
to the love of country, in their circumstances, would have
been understood by them as a summons to rebellion against
* Soame Jenyns.1
the established government; and had Christianity made
such appeals, it would have taught disobedience to one of its
own precepts—that which demands submission to the estab-
lished authorities.—Again, this unhappy people were at this
time, the subjects of a fanaticism which made them think
malignity toward other nations a duty; and addresses to
patriotism would, in their case have been in effect, only ex-
citing and confirming an already rancorous hatred of man-
kind.—But more than all, this sinful nation, whose history
from the beginning had been little else than a record of un-
paralleled perverseness, had only to perpetrate the murder
of Christ in order to fill the measure of their guilt, and
bring on themselves those visitations of the Divine wrath
by which their political existence was destroyed: and our
Saviour, who was well aware of the gathering of the storm,
and of the desolation it would produce, was too deeply moved
with compassion, to be instilling lessons of patriotism into
their hearts, while everything in their condition demanded
alarms and calls to repentance.
The time moreover had arrived when the dispensation of
Liberty was about to supersede that of Restraint, and all
nations in respect of religious rights were to be made equal.
The middle wall of separation between Jews and Gentiles
Was in the process of demolition; and exhortations to the
love of country, either in the one or the other, would have
had mo other tendency, than to engender mutual antipathies,
and thus prevent the accomplishment of the gracious design.
But the silence of Christianity on that topic, at such a time,
no more implied hostility or indifference to patriotism, uni-
versally and absolutely, than our being silent about intem-
perance, on a sacramental occasion, supposes us indifferent
to the guilt of that sin.
The Gospel indeed proclaims peace and good-will to the8
world : It seeks to' make all men in reference to earth, pil-
grims and strangers, to unite them in one holy and happy
fellowship, and to subject them to new and celestial rela-
tionships, strong and lasting as eternity, and embracing in
their wide scope, the entire universe of the good, both on
earth and in heaven. But the reasoning which would hence
infer any inconsistency in the spirit of the Gospel, with the
highest degrees of devotion to the welfare of our country,
would make Christianity subversive of the foundations of
society, and opposed not to nationality only, but to the con-
tinuance of the human race : For if the love of country be
excluded by the predominance of that heavenly-mindedness
which the Gospel inculcates, so are the love of neighborhood,
and the love of domestic relations, and all the endearments
of friendship, and all local attachments, and the pur-
suits of business, and labors for a household provision, and
whatever else is necessary to the continued existence of man
in this world.
It is admitted that Philanthropy, and not Patriotism, is
the comprehensive expression, the most complete exponent,
of the spirit of the Gospel, in reference to mankind. But
there may be expansion without inconsistence; and there
may be limitations and degrees, and various forms of inter-
est and affection, connected with the most perfect harmony
and unity of spirit. A Philanthropy which has no particu-
lar localities, no definite spheres of labor, no fixedness of
regards, no specific tasks, no preferences, no individual or
vicinal trials and pleasures, is a mere abstraction; why
then may not the love of country consist with, nay, be a
modification of the love of Man ! Nothing is more mani-
fest than that the same Law of Nature, which unites us in
different degrees of affection, with different portions and in-
dividuals of our kind, must originate a peculiar love of9
country, in every unperverted heart; and therefore to make
the spirit of Christianity opposed to patriotism is to make
it unnatural.
There is a species of patriotism, so called, which the Gos-
pel does not approve. It was the maxim of Themistocles,
that whatever is advantageous to one’s country is just.—
But as that self-love is criminal which pursues its purpose
in violation of another’s rights, so is that love of country, if
it must be so termed, which wantonly interferes with the
peace and independence of other nations. Christianity has
no encouragement for the darings, no sympathy with the
spirit, of an Alexander or a Napoleon, or of any one of the
great conquerors, whose exploits history has recorded, or
poetry sung; on the contrary, language cannot express its
hostility to all, whether individuals or nations, who encroach
on the peace and liberty and unalienable rights of others, to
aggrandize themselves. A plundering army is in the sight
of God, but an association of robbers and murderers, whose
individual liabilities will not be alleviated in the day of
judgment, because they were banded together and headed
by a brave and skillful chief. The triumphs of the Roman
Generals which filled the Imperial city with exultation,
moved Heaven with purposes of exterminating wrath against
the nation.
The religion of Christ is also opposed to the vaunted
patriotism of the spirit of party. The Gospel obliges us to
seek the Country’s good: not the success of one portion of
the community in opposition to another. It may be that
the interests of the party and of the Country are identical;
in which case, while Christianity requires us to pursue those
interests, it forbids our doing so with the feelings of rivalry ;
and if we disregard the prohibition, however successful we
may be, it denies us the praise of love to the nation. Good10
may come to the Country by our means, but our condemna-
tion will be just, unless an honest zeal for the nation’s hap-
piness, not the party’s triumph, be the motive of our con-
duct.
II. I proceed to specify the leading Duties embraced in
the Love of Country.
1.	It has been questioned whether Christians, and es-
pecially Ministers of the Gospel, should not stand aloof from
all political contests, and either not vote at elections, or
conceal their votes, so that their preference among rival
candidates for office shall not be known. But is it not a
purely selfish and time-serving prudence which ordinarily
suggests this course 1 There may be rare occasions when
reserve may be demanded; and our moderation and equani-
mity in political affairs should always be exemplary; but
the cause of our Country is in all respects too important,
and especially too closely connected with the interests of
religion, to permit any one who is controlled by principle and
the spirit of the Gospel, to be in common cases, either
negative or unknown in the influence which he exerts. Shall
the interests of the nation be abandoned to the blind and
headlong action of partisan zeal % When the State, as with
us, deprives no man of the elective franchise, no man should
deprive himself of it ; and if public sentiment is any where
opposed to a Clergyman in the calm and regular exercise of
this privilege, he ought therein to be opposed to public senti-
ment ; showing that he loves his Country and his Saviour too
well, and is too sensible of his final responsibility to God,
to consent to the constant disuse of any talent which has
been put into his hands.
2.	A Patriotism governed by the precepts of the Gospel,
cannot be revolutionary> so long as the government is ad-11
ministered according to legitimate authority, or the com-
mission granted by the laws. We may frankly express our
opinions of cabinet measures and legislative enactments.
Under our responsibility to God, we should examine and
judge whether the executive Head of the nation and all
subordinate officers, act in their respective stations with or
without authority; and if the limits of power are trans-
gressed by them, we are not bound to silent submission.
Circumstances may make it certain that resistance would be
unavailing, in which case it would be unjustifiable ; but to
maintain that non-resistance is universally our duty, is to
place God on the side of absolute tyranny, and to deny the
permanent obligation of Patriotism, unless it be the
invariable fact, that magistrates, do what they may, should
be left unmolested. But so long as the government which
is administered, is that which has been established, and so
long as the administration is constitutional on the whole,
however imperfect in some particulars, the spirit and
the proceedings of Christian Patriotism will be anti-revo-
lutionary ; and while it may regret and freely censure “ the
want of wisdom,” firmness, clemency and principle in “ the
powers that be,” will not only obey, but sustain, if need be
with arms, those duly constituted powers, against all
rival ones, foreign or domestic; and this it will do from
regard at once to the Country’s welfare and the will of God,
who .has declared the established authorities to be his own
ministers, and those who resist them to be adversaries to his
ordinance.
3. Nevertheless, Patriotism, as I have intended to assert,
may possibly not only consist with, but be active and prom-
inent in promoting Resistance. The noblest manifestations of
the love of country have been made in revolutionary conflicts.
When magistrates, for their own aggrandizement, maltreat12
and oppress the people in the exercise of usurped authority,
they are the greatest of criminals, and if there be no
appointed means for displacing them, other effectual means,
if there be such, should be taken. The same principle in
morals, which justifies a man in slaying one who would
murder him, gives a people a right to use violent resist-
ance against tyrants whom they cannot otherwise remove.
Patriotism in such cases, true to itself as devoted to the
national happiness, takes counsel of Expediency, and
does not act without regard to probability as to consequences.
The question first to be settled is, whether a revolution is
practicable; and when no doubt remains on that point,
another question demands solution, namely—whether the
evils, present and future, incidental to a revolutionary contest,
will be less than those which call for a revolution. If
resistance would on the whole certainly tend to the nation’s
damage, to attempt it would be the part, not of patriotism,
but of fanatical rashness ; and in the sight of God and man
would be sedition and treason.
In uncertainty as to duty, we cannot, without folly,
disregard the probable consequences of a proposed course
of action. It is willful self-murder to expose ourselves
to ruin, and worse, if others are to be associated with us,
unless we proceed under a firm conviction of the pro-
priety of the measure. Right is to be always done;
fiat justitia ruat ccelum ; but let right be first ascer-
tained. If Heaven is to be overturned, let it not be done
by a mistake. In ordinary circumstances, right, justitia,
requires submission “to the powers that be;” and if it
sometimes requires or permits resistance to them, it is when
the evils which call for resistance are greater than any which
may probably connect themselves directly or remotely with
revolutionary measures. Right will never be found on the13
side of those who pursue a course which, on the whole, is
against the public good.
It is impossible to detail beforehand the circumstances in
which Resistance becomes proper, or to define the limits to
which oppression may proceed, before it should be attempted,
or to specify the primary or other particular steps to be
taken, after it has been resolved upon. The path of
Patriotism, first and last, will be discovered and pursued by
applying the principle of Expediency to the circumstances
that justify or demand resistance. Patriotism resisting the
civil authorities, is as thoughtful and reflective, as wise and
sedate, as self-renouncing and profoundly studious of the
national happiness, as it is sublimely venturous and bolcf.
Resistance is the part, either of the most heroic and exalted
form of virtue, or of the most enormous criminality. No
responsibility is greater than that which Patriotism assumes
when it seeks to subvert unjust and tyrannical rule. To
take this responsibility in haste is not the part of patriots
but of desperadoes and infatuated fanatics.
4. It is said that Christianity forbids the use of arms—
and every form of war, so that martial courage is no form
of true Patriotism. This, which is manifestly inconsistent
with what we have just been propounding, is not the true
teaching of Christianity. Though the Gospel would beat
swords into ploughshares, and spears into pruning hooks, and
keep the world in perfect peace, and though it employs a
tone and emphasis of teaching against wars and fightings,
which makes the responsibility for them fearful, yet it gives
no ground for the conclusion, that it is unlawful to serve
one’s Country in the camp or the battle-field. When we
consider what is written concerning the four Centurions ;* and
* Mat. viii. 5 et seq.: Luke xxiii. 47. Acts x. 1-8, and xxvii. 11.14
the advice of John to the soldiers ;t and that the principle
which so expounds the scriptures in question, as to draw
from them testimony against arms, has not its limit, in that
inference, hut equally condemns ail punishment of crime,
and either takes the sword from the Magistrate, or makes
him bear it in vain, if it does not go against government
itself, we find ourselves obliged to protest against this
interpretation of the Gospel, as in the highest degree
fanatical. Great as are the horrors of war, the same prin-
ciple which vindicates the Divine Government in permitting
these and greater evils, namely—that the highest good of the
whole must be maintained against all opposers, at whatever
hazards or consequences, vindicates the use of weapons of
war in support of the government legally administered,
against all assailants from without or within.
5. The spirit of true Patriotism, as we have before said,
is one with that of all just government in seeking as its last
end the Public Good: and because this is not to be identified
with increase in numbers, wealth, territory, or magnificence,
but with intelligence and virtue,—the only ground cf solid
and lasting happiness ; and because these are to be peiS
manently secured only by the prevalence of Religion;
therefore, while an enlightened love of country must
zealously promote the education of the people, it must,
while pursuing this object, be mainly intent on their evan-
gelization. They are the nation’s best friends, who, by
holy living, and missionary labors and sacrifices, are infusing
the leaven of the gospel into the community. In thisGountry,
the State cannot use the public treasure in advancing
Christianity, but that every statesman, judge and ruler should
be a Christian in all his conduct, private and official, and
f litike iii. 1415
particularly stomld be a liberal and zealous patron of Home
Missions, is demanded alike by patriotism and religion.
6. One of the greatest duties that we owe our Country, is
Prayer for those who are in authority over it. In their
hands lie the springs of the national welfare, and they
cannot be touched without consequences of good or evil to
every interest, civil and spiritual, throughout the whole land.
There is not a village, church, family or individual whose
interests are not committed to the Country’s Head and
Council ; and though the Christian’s life be hid with Christ
in God, and though the final triumph of the Church be
certain, it is presumption to expect that the happiness of
either country, church or individual is safe, if importunate
prayer be not continually offered on behalf of those who
bear the burden and responsibilities connected with the
administration of the government. If they arc wise and
holy men, they ought to be prayed for, and much more if
they are not* A distinct and prominent place should be given
them in the devout exercises of the sanctuary ; nor should
it content any one in this high matter to unite with others in
public prayer, however solemnly and constantly ; the most
earnest supplications for them should ascend daily from
every Christian in Ms closet, and every Christian family in
their domestic worship .
T;. Finally, though the Church in this land be separate
from the State, there is no power which can be brought into
action in favor of the nation’s happiness, equal to that of
the Pulpit. The energies of this Divine means of every
good to man, are greatly increased with us, by its disconnec-
tion from all civil advantages and aids. If it receive no
support, it is under no specific obligations. If it stands
alone, it stands5 mdependent and free: while there is no
* place near or remote, no person high or low, no subject17
orders of men, whether in low place or high, in office or not,
requiring them in all parts of their conduct, and in every act
of life, private or public, to obey the Divine Law. If civil
legislatures make laws against the Law of God, or if judges
and magistrates perpetrate moral wrong in the administra-
tion of the law, or if cabinet proceedings be in open violation
of the great principles of moral order and rectitude, the
silence of the Christian ministry, in view of such offences
against the Sovereign of the Universe, would entitle them to
the indignant disapprobation of God and men. Far should
it be from the Ministers of Christ “ to speak evil of digni-
ties;” they should esteem, and teach all men; to esteem
civil order, as more precious than life ; they should en-
join obedience to the laws—active obedience, unless the
laws be immoral—and passive, unresisting submission to legal
penalties, even though the laws be of this character; but as
Christ’s anointed ambassadors and representatives, they are
to maintain his just authority—the authority of Truth and
Virtue, the supreme rule of Heaven—over all nations, and all
human proceedings and acts. And if, in doing this with the
a meekness of wisdom,” they incur,the reproach of trespass-
ing beyond their proper province, or any other reproach,
they will, in due time, exchange this unmerited condemna-
tion for the recompense of suffering for righteousness5 sake.
III. We now turn our attention to the more particular
topics we promised to remark upon. Of those we had in
thought, the first which presents itself is—
1. Popular Education.—We have already intimated
the important place which this holds among the objects most
deeply involving the. national welfare. A people who ap-
point their own officers should be qualified to judge for them-
selves, as to the fitness of persons to places ; otherwise they
218
must be in this matter as men walking in the dark. If they
have no guide, their appointments will be capricious, and
may be absurd ; and if they are led by others, the work is
but theirs in name ; they are but living machines for doing
their managers’pleasure. This might be less undesirable
if it were certain that the hands they were under would be
qualified to manage them, but as the case is, the, almost cer-
tain fact would be the reverse of this. The conclusion is,
that popular government, where the people are ignorant, is
but a pretence, and that the government rea% in force is
that of demagogues—the worst species of despotism.
It is well, therefore, for our Republic, that the work of edu-
cating the common people is engaging so much thought. It
is an auspicious omen that all our political parties think and
speak alike on this point. No party seems to regard popular
ignorance as necessary to its success. But there is one thing
as to this matter, in which all do not seem to be of the same
mind, namely, that it is not sufficient simply to educate
the people. This, most certainly, is the truth. Education
can but render them intelligentbut simple intelligence in
human nature is but as light to lawless men who are pursuing
the path of crime and ruin. Knowledge is power, and is it de-
sirable to arm depravity with power ? Let the history of de-
magoguism answer this question. Demagogues in relation
to the people they have misled, have ever been intelligent
men; and what has been their preeminence over them in
other respects, but the preeminence of selfish ambition1?
Make the people simply intelligent; let conscience in them
be seared or perverted ; let principle be dead; let selfish-
ness be ascendant, and they do but become by education,
as a community of shrewd and crafty dealers, ever eye-
ing one another, to -discover advantages forcgetting the
higher hand. The government now will be administered by16
whether of politics, legislation, morals, religion, science or
art, to which it may not boldly apply its appropriate influ-
ence, under protection of the government, so long as it
violates no one’s civil rights. This privilege has the
American Pulpit. Its field is boundless, its way unob-
structed ; it may make a full experiment of its powers, and
if it does this, the proof will not be wanting to the country,
that the Gospel ministry is the best friend to all human
interests, national and individual; the State will reverence
and cherish, though it cannot espouse, the Church; and the
peace of our rising and spreading Republic, will flow as a
river, and its righteousness as the waves of the sea.
The Pulpit is often charged with occupying a sphere not
its own, and there teaching against the Gospel, in its stric-
tures on civil and political matters. Since ministers of the
Gospel are of like passions with other men,'they have,
doubtless, sometimes given occasion for this graver accusa-
tion. But if they earnestly endeavor to meet their responsi-
bilities in relation to the matters in question, the most
blameless and exemplary manner of doing this, might be no
security against the imputation of profaning the pulpit by
intermeddling with politics. Ministers of the Gospel are not
to hold themselves aloof from observing or criticising the do-
ings of magistrates and politicians. The kingdom of Christ,
though not of this world, is over all kings and kingdoms, and
governments of whatsoever kind ; and of this kingdom the
earthly administrators are Ministers of the Gospel; and if
they do not appropriately assert the universal supremacy of
its Lord and its laws, there is no unfaithfulness so great as
that of which they are guilty. If, for the civil government
and good of mankind, the “powers that be ” are ordained of
God, the Christian ministry are also most sacredly ordained
of God, to propound his word and assert his authority to all19
corruption; the strong will rule, and their sceptre will be
iron, and the oppressed will wait the day to exchange the
yoke for the throne and the rod. The demand for virtue in
a republic is not less urgent than the demand for knowledge ;
both demands are to be met. With education religion must
be conjoined in just proportion. The heart of the nation
must be pure, and to this end Christianity must preside in
the schools ; and educational training, from the beginning
and throughout, must be kept under the control and sway of
the Word of God.
As friends to our Country, we cannot but rejoice that the
several State Legislatures are giving this subject their at-
tention ; nothing deserves more their best counsels, and their
liberal provision; but there is cause to tremble as well as
rejoice. The question is under discussion, whether the
Word of God should be read in our Common Schools '?
It is strenuously urged against this, that our Government
being unsectarian, cannot constitutionally interfere with any
one’s preferences or opinions on this point. The argument
would restrain our legislatures from allowing any connection
whatever, of religion, with their proceedings. Were there
heathens amongst us, they might complain. Atheists themr
selves might complain of any legislative measure which was
against their convictions or consciences, as to matters of re-
ligion. Is it so, that our civil authorities must stand as
much aloof from all recognition of God and Christ, in the
exercise of their functions, as this argument supposes ? If
it be, "with what fearful interest should we examine on what
foundation our institutions are resting, and whether our des-
tiny as a nation is not that which awaits all the nations
which refuse to acknowledge the sovereignty of Christ.
This objection to the association of religion with popular
education,* though not triumphant as yet, and we hope for20
the honor of our Country it never will be, has its advocates
among persons who call themselves Christians, and is not
without practical influence in our elections and legislative
proceedings; and falling in, as it does with man’s native
enmity against God, it is well suited to inspire every friend
of the Country with pensive thought, bearing as it does with
direct force against this main pillar of our Republic, the
UNION OF VIRTUE AND INTELLIGENCE IN THE PEOPLE. If
it prevail in our legislative bodies, and the Bible be banished
by law from the Common Schools, then as our legislation
will be against the government of God, we must look else-
where for the means of popular education, and implore the
Divine Mercy in behalf of the civil powers. We are not
to despond. There are other resources at hand. The
right and the ability will be left us of educating our chil-
dren, and others under our influence, as we please. Let all
private Christians do what they can ; let wealthy Christians
maintain schools of their own; let the different Evangelical
churches undertake this work ; and in their periodical coun-
cils, consistories, conventions, conferences, and assemblies,
let free schools for the religious education of youth be as
adequately provided for, and as carefully supervised, as
missions, or any other matter of denominational concern.
Thus let the business proceed, and perhaps the mischief of
irreligious legislation will be over-ruled, and be made the
occasion of greater good than legislative resources, however
ample, and however well appropriated, could have accom-
plished.
2. The next of these topics is Romanism.—This is an
element in our social State, which does not combine well
with our peculiar institutions. Its ascendency would be our
overthrow, as an independent people. It would subject us21
to the sway of the Pope, whose kingdom is of this world—
not spiritual only. The priests of this superstition are under
an oath of allegiance to the Roman pontiff, which binds them
to him in such a manner, that they could not, without per-
jury, stand for our country’s independence, in opposition to
his will. They intend, if possible, to acquire the control of
affairs. They have a plan of operations, and they are con-
ducting it with great diligence, and with admirable adapta-
tion to the spirit of the age and the genius of our people.
Its instruments are churches, schools, colleges, theological
seminaries, convents, nunneries, orphan asylums—unobjec-
tionable, and the most efficient which could have been chosen.
It is forwarded by foreign aid—French, Austrian, and
Italian Romanists furnish hundreds of thousands a year, for
the promotion of their faith in the United States.
This religion is becoming quite prominent and zealous in
our. political operations, and would make the impression that
in some districts it already holds the balance of power. It
is unquestionably advancing with great rapidity. Popish
emigrants are arriving daily, and in large numbers. Impos-
sibility alone will prevent the success of this bold, crafty,
and pernicious system.
What is to be done 'l We cannot banish Romanism from
our shores. Like Slavery, it has a place amongst us, from
whieh it is no easy work to dislodge it. And should we de-
sire its removal ? Patriotism forbids. There were Roman
Catholics among the achievers of our freedom, and their de-
scendants are with us, having all the loyalty of their fathers ;
and there are others, not a few, who would resist their own
priesthood with the Pope at their head, in defence of the
Republic. Far from us be the wish, that our Catholic pop-
ulation might be expelled. Neither should we seek to pre-
vent or diminish the immigration of Catholics. Our country22
stands open to the oppressed of all nations, and in the name
of humanity so may it always stand. The favor of God
would be forfeited by closing our door against any portion of
suffering mankind. Nor should we receive them otherwise
than with kindness, nor deal with them otherwise than as
brethren. They come to us with a religion which we can-
not look upon with favor, but they come to improve their
condition ; and even their undesirable religion recommends
them to our philanthropic regard. In all appropriate me-
thods we should strenuously resist the schemes of their
priesthood and foreign patrons, for the extension of Roman-
ism in this country; but let us, with open arms, and with
warm fellow-feeling, welcome the emigrants, in whatever
numbers they may come. Let them come from Ireland,
from France, from Germany, from Spain, from Italy—let
them come as many as will, and.sit down with us under the
Tree of Liberty, which God has planted in this land for the
weary and afflicted of all nations.
Much may be plausibly said against this on the ground of
abstract right, and absolute consistency. There is in Ro-
manism the root of every evil: its tendency is everywhere
to demoralize man ; and it embraces a civil element which
cannot commingle with our nationality as an independent
people, and which, fully developed and ascendant, would
bring us under the yoke of the worst despotism on earth.
This is all true. Nevertheless, in the full view and the
probable working of things, and as an experiment, which is
to proceed under the influence, moral and civil, now advan-
cing with resistless force and astonishing celerity in this coun-
try, we may wisely, prudently, and righteously allow, yea, and
encourage the influx of Roman Catholics from every part of
the world; and it is, therefore, on the whole, incumbent on us
to do so. There would be cause for fear if all other influ-23
ences were to be in abeyance, and Romanism have nothing
adverse to encounter; but none, inv the actual circumstances
in which it must find itself. The Protestant population is
gaining on the Catholic at the rate of more than four hun-
dred thousand a year. The Protestant clergy are eighteen
or twenty thousand, and the Catholic eight or ten hundred.
The Protestants are not inactive, and it is not probable that
they will be. The converts from Romanism are many times
more than the converts to it. These facts show no cause
for fear. Suppositions may be made which would be start-
ling, if there were reason to think they are to be realities ;
but, except in the imagination of alarmists, there seems to
be no reason for such a conclusion; ' and in a world like this,
where the utmost evidence as to the future course of things,
cannot transcend probability, we can scarcely hope for high-
er security than we have, that Romanism is not to prevail in
the United States, but to be ultimately lost in the predomi-
nance of a nationality, civil and religious, altogether our
Own. ••
3. The remaining topic is Slavery. This is becoming
a subject of extreme interest in this country. It is moving
deeply our religious bodies, entering with great earnestness
and with decisive effect into our political contests, and pro-
foundly agitating our national councils. As Christian patri-
ots, we cannot be justified in holding toward it the position
of neutrality or indifference. It is not probable that the
excitement which has been created will subside without some
result of importance to the nation. What course does true
patriotism require us to take in regard to it ? Let no man
content himself with denouncing the excitement as the fruit
of fanatical zeal. That cannot be done indiscriminately
without casting reproach on not a few of the most excellent24
and honored of our citizens, and also without disregard to
historic truth. This movement in our nation, unhappily as
it has proceeded, in too many instances, is referable to a
spirit in the age—an invincible spirit, we trust it will prove
to be found—which seeks the universal emancipation of man,
which should be resolved into the triumph of Christian truth
as its remote cause, and which republican America, as hav-
ing proclaimed to the world the natural equality of mankind,
from the beginning of her independence, cannot, without pal-
pable inconsistency, resist. Slavery as a system, should
find advocates everywhere throughout the whole earth sooner
than in this land of freedom. It should, and we hope soon
will be, the universal desire that the institution utterly cease.
But what to do in regard to it under existing circumstances
—-what Christians seeking the country’s good should do, is
the question. And it demands for its solution, if any ques-
tion ever agitated amongst us has done, the guidance of the
wisdom which is from above; the wisdom which is'pure,
peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and
good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy.
American slavery, whatever evils it includes or propagates,
has law on its side, and that, if we are not to renounce
Christianity, is a serious fact, neither to be overlooked nor
simply condemned and denounced. Christianity, as taught
and exemplified by Christ and his apostles, does not
permit its disciples, either individually or in their synods,
to resist directly the civil power, except where that
power forbids the exercise of true religion; and that au-
thorizing slavery simply does not amount to this, the
sacred records themselves attest. They do this construc-
tively, not merely by silence as to the evils of slavery in
the Roman empire, where its form was worse than it is with
us, but by the kind of instruction which it requires Christian25
teachers to give in reference to the subject; by injunctions
of obedience to Christian slaves; and by exacting for them
from their Chrstian masters, not instant emancipation un-
der all circumstances, but justice and kindness in the ex-
ercise of authority. No inference from hence can be drawn
to. the dishonor of the Gospel, as though it were friendly to
the institution of Slavery ; but the just observation is, that
the Gospel being designed for the reformation of wrong-do-
ing, and not for its condemnation merely, and relying for its
success not upon miracles, but persuasion and the blessing
of God, would not defeat its own end by provoking the ma-
gistrates’ resistance, with no means at hand of staying the
devouring sword. The times, it is true, are different, but
there is no change with us rendering obsolete or inapplicable
the teaching of primitive Christianity on this subject. There
is a greater number of the professors of Christianity; its
spirit and power in the community are of wider extent; but
the State with us holds itself aloof from the Church, and
stands as Rome did in defence of Slavery; and we have no
want of proof that the tendency of direct aggression upon the
object around which its powerful shield is thrown, is to in-
flame popular and civil indignation.
Our wisdom in walking, as to this matter, in the foot-
steps of the apostles, would appear, from another con-
sideration. If the State interposed no obstacle; if it
were convinced of the impolicy of Slavery, and desirous
of bringing it to an end, and ready to enter upon pru-
dent and feasible measures for its abolition at once, would
there be no obstructions to be surmounted, no provisions
against incidental evils to be devised, nothing to be done
to prepare the slave population for a condition of independ-26
ence ? Is it not morally certain that abrupt legislation
against our slavery, would lead to evils in the country
scarcely less, on the whole, than the slavery itself, and in
respect to slavery be abortive 1 How unwise, therefore,
that a course should be pursued implicating the laws and
slaveholders together in atrocious guilt, for not bringing the
system to an end in a day! There should be no question
as to the intrinsic and enormous evil of Slavery, as existing
in this country ; but it is a maxim of wisdom and virtue,
that many things which ought not to have been done, arc,
because they are done, not to be undone. The institution
of American Slavery, we hope in God, is not one of these
things. It is, doubtless, in one way or another, sooner or
later, to be undone. A tide of opinion and feeling is rising
against it, which, if things proceed as they are now doing,
will at length become too powerful to be resisted. If, how-
ever, it be undone, with advantage to the slaves, and with-
out hazard to the peace of the nation, the result must be
effected, not by an impetuous driving home of abstract right
and truth, but by the meekness of wisdom operating in the
indirect, gentle and suasory methods of primitive evangelism.
In this age, and especially in this free land, the discussion
of the subject should, as it will, be prosecuted; but this
should be done thoroughly ; the subject should be looked
at on all sides ; all the difficulties connected with it should be
admitted and considered; allowances should be made for cir-
cumstances tending to mitigate the country’s responsibility,
as having had the evil entailed upon it; and the proceedings
in regard to it should be marked by exemplary meekness,
taking note of the glaring fact, that the materials and causes
for excitement in this affair are peculiarly abundant, both in
the actors and those to be acted upon. These, so far as we27
can see, are the general principles by which our love of coun-
try should direct its way in relation to this subject.
They are, I think, the proper directory of our patriotism
in reference to the excitement now prevailing about the re-
storation of fugitives from slavery. The immediate occa-
sion of this excitement is a legislative measure for the main-
tenance of principles of order, which were settled, when the
compact was formed, on which the American Union is based.
The States originally composing this Union bound them-
selves by a sacred compact to observe these principles, and
the other States also are under the same obligation. These
foundations of the Union had been disturbed, and our na-
tional Council, after serious and long deliberation, enacted
this law as a measure for securing them against further mo-
lestation. That it would produce excitement could not but
have been foreseen from the existing state of feeling in the
country in regard to Slavery ; but its justification is, that
this, or some other not less efficacious measure, was neces-
sary to prevent a worse evil—the violation of the national
compact, tending to the disruption of the bonds of Union,
and the overthrow of the great American Republic.
The law has given dissatisfaction on various grounds: It
has been thought by some to be unconstitutional, by others
to be at least inexpedient, and not a few have denounced it
as positively immoral, or against the law of God. Without
attempting to examine its character, or interfering with any
one’s judgment of it in any point of view, the path of Patri-
otism is manifest. Be the just estimate of the law in ques-
tion what it may, if such a country as this is any longer an
object to be loved or desired, if American Patriotism has not
become an unlawful and vicious sentiment, violent resistance28
to the authorities of the land is one of the highest crimes
that man can commit.
It is universally felt that the restoration of fugitives
from bondage is, in itself or apart from civil relations
and affinities, a work of simple injustice and inhuman-
ity; but where such fugitives themselves are violators
of civil order, and where those who oppose their restora-
tion are violators of the same order, and of their own sacred
covenant, whereby they have bound themselves not to violate
it, no true humanity, or justice, or virtue, in any form,
will forcibly resist the execution of a law requiring their re-
storation. The alternative now is, either to let the law have
its course, or to overthrow if possible the government of the
country,—and the office of casuistry here, is to judge which
of these two will prove the greater evil. If the destruction
of the government would be for the advantage of the slaves,
would this compensate the evil in which it would involve the
interests of the nation and of mankind 1
There is no difference as to the course to be taken, whether
the law be immoral or not, so far as resisting the government is
concerned. Those who think it immoral should not violate
conscience, by doing what to them would be wrong, but let
them not violate social order and resist the ordinance of God,
by refusing to suffer patiently what obedience to conscience
may cost them. They have in this country the right of remon-
strance and petition, and of using whatever means they may
think best, consistently with keeping the public peace, for
obtaining the regular repeal of the law; let them, if they
choose, avail themselves of their rights ; but unless they are
convinced that it is their duty to seek the overthrow of the
government, they are not more bound in conscience to de-
cline obeying the precept of the law than they should be to29
bear meekly and unresistingly the infliction of its penalty
for their disobedience. Let them love the Constitution of
their country well enough to suffer for it patiently, even
though they love God and virtue too well to do wrong though
at their Country’s bidding. To resist the authorities in the
regular administration of a law, simply because it is sup-
posed to be unjust, is the part, not of loyalty to God, but
of rebellion against both God and the State.
Nor would it vary the character of the resistance, if
not a particular enactment only, but the Constitution
itself, enjoined as some seem to hold that it does en-
join, the violation of essential morality, in relation to this
matter. Whether the Constitution, or a particular law,
require wrong-doing, the requirement will be obeyed by
no conscientious man; but violently to resist the govern-
ment on account of immorality in the Constitution, is ano-
ther and a most flagitious immorality, unless it be justi-
fiable to attempt a revolution on this account. In vain is it
alleged that there is a higher law than the Constitution. For
the purpose intended, namely, to justify resistance, there is
no higher law, unless it be a law which exalts itself above all
that is called God, or is worshipped. God has given no law
authorising resistance to civil government, when there is no
sufficient cause for a revolutionary contest.
In conclusion, let us bear in mind, with grateful wonder
and praise, that, while as Christians, the love of country is
not only allowed, but required of us by our Holy Religion,
we have a country so preeminently deserving of our best af-
fection, our most devoted attachment; a country most re-
markably signalized by dispensations of the Divine favor
from its beginning; and never more so distinguished thanBO
at the present moment; a country the most favored, the
most prosperous, and the most happy on the globe ; and a
country advancing in power and greatness with a rapidity of
which the history of nations affords no parallel, and which
commands the admiration of the world. How many waters
should it require to quench, how many floods to drown the
flame of American patriotism. 0 my Country, with all thy
faults, if I forget thee, let my right hand forget her cunning.
If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the
roof of my mouth, if I prefer not my Country above my
chief joy.