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Library 1994.THE
l
OF
EPAMINONDAS
TO THE
CITIZENS
OF THE
to
ALBANY .*
PRINTED BY E. & E. HOSFORD, 100 STATE-STREET,
1820.
&

THE ADDRESS, $ts.
2b the Freemen of the State of Neio-Yorlc—
With deep regret it is perceived that a p&rty is formed to pre-
vent the re-election of our chief magistrate.
This regret arises—^not from connection of blood or family ties, for
none exist—not from official or political relations, for I neither hold
hor wish office—not from any interest separate and distinct from the
people of that portion of the state where I reside—not from obliga*
lions incurred, for no favors were ever conferred—not from the plea-
sures andiilusions of social intercourse, for rarely have I been in his
society—nor from his solicitations and wishes, for he knows not that
this essay, or any from ray pen,-is contemplated—but from a full and
solemn conviction that during his administration, although errors may
Have intervened, more effectual relief has been bestowed on the un- t
fortunate than at any other period; and that all the great interests of
the state have been more a:dvanced than in any other ten years, enr
joyed in peace.
From whence.it is reasonable, and believed just, to infer, that his
continuance in office will eminently contribute to our prosperity.
' , Deeply impressed with these truths, though my ripened years, as-
well asmiy feelings, warn me not to intermingle in political discord
and though I seek happiness only in the regular discharge of my ordi-
nary duties, in the' society of my family and friends, and in those
studies and contemplations which improve the mind and soften the
heart, lam for the first, and I trust it will be the last, time in my life,
constrained to address you, in performanee of what I consider a pa-
ramount and sacred duty. -	,
In performance of this duty, nothing shall escape my pen calculat-
ed to injure the feelings or detract from the fair fame of any citizen.
Where facts are known they shall be stated with candour: Where
they are believed to exist, and the proof is not positive, those facts
and reasons on which the belief is founded shall be fairly exhibited,
that every freeman may judge for himself: And should any error in-
tervene, when discovered, it shall be immediately and publicly ac-
knowledged.
The arguments and conclusions drawn from the facts,shall be plain1
and natural; not strained to shelter the executive* or criminate the
opposition.
The office of Governor being vacated hy Ml*. Tompkins, in cbnse- ,
querree of his assuming the more elevated duties of Vice-President of
the United States : A convention was held in the capitol on the 25th
of March, 18 IT- It consisted exclusively of distinguished republicans
from every county in the state. It embraced every republican mem-
ber of both houses of the legislature; and its numbers equalled both
branches of that guardian body.
From the diversity of affections, interests, predilections, prejudices
and localities, which always exist, we are never to expect unanimity
■ In-the selection' of candidates; .After the pretensions of the several candidates offered were fulty
stated and considered, the convention proceeded to ascertain a choice;1
by ballot. De Witt Clinton had morethan two-thirds of all the votes*-.'
It was then moved, that “this convention do unanimously nominate
“ and recommend to the good people of this state, De Witt Clinton as
w a suitable candidate for the office of Governor,” or to that effect.
Between this motion, and taking a vote thereon, six or seven mem-
bers, whose residence is on or near the waters of the Hudson, with-
drew. They were all, or some of them, members of the Tammarty
Society in New-York.
The question was taken, and l>e Witt Clinton received a unani-
mous nomination and recommendation. A committee was appointed
to prepare an address to the electors. Of this committee two had
given their ballots for Mr Clinton ; the third* Mr. Van Buren, had
evinced a preference for another candidate.
After this high minded act of the minority, it was reasonable to
believe that all former feuds and animosities were consigned to obli-
vion; that this state, following the example of most others, would
cease from perpetual agitation and turmoil, and settle down in peace
and happiness; and that the Governor would forget the injuries of
the Citizen.	..	--v
It was reasonable to hope, that a perfect re-union of all the repub-
lican family would speedily take place; that Mr. Clinton would be
allowed to enter quietly upon the duties of the office, without denun-
ciation or contumely ; and that his errors of administration alone
would thereafter be the subjects of animadversion and censure*
How illusive have been these hopes and expectations f T
Some unknown powers, to effect some unknown purpose,* have in
my opinion, persecuted Mr. Clinton for eleven years.
I ask not your sanction of this opinion, because I cannot turn aside
from my main object, to lay before you, in its support, a train of facts,
once known to ajl, now forgotten by* most, which are not relevant to
the pending election.	r	i
In early life Mr. Clinton exhibited great talents, which remain pm-
impaired, arid have been improved,by unceasing and Intense study,
by extensive experience derived from almost thirty years public ser-
vice, and perfected by the conflicts inseparable from a republic.
A mind, intuitive, ardent, and glowing, is always accompanied by
quick and high feelings, which in the period of youth too frequently
lead astray : And I freely admit that in the earlier period of his dis-
play on the political theatre, Mr. Clinton j on some occasions, treated
those in op^sition to him, in a* manner not becoming a just regard
fortiis own or theireharacters*
It is possibly owing to this, that the Tammany Society have evinc-
ed an unqualified disapprobation of his character; perhaps I might
add, a train of incessant persecutions; But this I leave to your recol-
lections and opinions, since I know not the causes of disaffection, nor
have'treasured in my mind the particulars of their attacks*
It does not become me to express an opinion upon the benefits to
be derived, or the evils to be apprehended, from the existence of pri-
vate political societies, in the very bosom of society itself. Washing-'	' I ,
ion, ^Itose opinions have almost beeotiie oracles, has stampt their
character, and fixed their doom. He says—u The real People occa-
sionally assembled in order to express their sentiments, ought never to
be confounded with permanent self-appointed societies usurping#
THE RIGHT TO CONTROL THE CONSTITUTED AUTHORITIES, AND TO
dictate to public ppiNioN. While the former are entitled to respect,
THE LATTER ARE INCOMPATIBLE WITH ALL GOVERNMENT, AND MUST
EITHER SINK INTO GENERAL D1SESTEEM OR FINALLY OVERTURN THE
ORDER OF THINGS.”
This was not merely his opinion, when, like other great men, he
was afflicted by the shafts of calumny. As early as the. year 1786,
while in retirement, and before the formation of the national constitu-
tion, Washington stated in clear and decided terms, to his favourite
nephew, ^ his?objections to^such institutions, and the abuses of which
they were peculiarly susceptible,” The republican administrations
too, since YVashington passed to the regions of immortality, have been
afflicted by similar associations;	;
The official dut ies' of Mr. Clinton commenced on the 1st day of
July, 18t7» The Council of Appointment who served with him until
the last of December, in that year, were elected under the previous
administration and evert before Mr. Clinton, by his friends, was pro-
claimed a candidate for the executive power.
It will not be dented that the newspaper, styled “ The National
Advocate,has been, for years, and is the organ of the Tammany
Society in New-York. It is, therefore, just to consider that vehicle
as conveying to the public so much of the views and designs of that
self-created body, that Republic within the Republic, that power
Which unasked, and unknown, offers of its mere benevolence, to guide
ns to wisdom, liberty, and happiness, as from time to time they think it
Wise or prudent to disclose.
We Wiil no\W inquire ^on which branch of the Republican parly
justly rests the imputation of opening wounds already cicatrised, qf
producing new agitations and irritations, scattering through society,
firebrands, arrows, and death.
It will be recolleeted^ that Mr. Clinton was president qf/ the board
of Canal commissioners; that he had for years devoted a considera-
ble portion of his time in efforts to convince the citizens of the import-
ance and practicability of completing the great Canals (of which I
shall hereafter treat) that twelve days after his nomination, a law was
passed, authorizing the making of those parts which are now com-
pleted ; that his views on this subject > alone, as to the course of hie
administration, were before the public: that whatever other views
her might have, most necessarily remain unknown, until he met the
Legislature in 1818 : and that consequently those who wished to an-
noy him had* no point, except the Canals, on which they could found
a charge.	/'
Therefore, to prove that an organized opposition against Mr. Clin-
Toi^s administration was formed, before he entered on the duties c£
his office, Icali your attention to the folfowing extracts from the Na-
tional Advocate,
The EditorRemarks—6 . . ■
iSlf. “ It is now said that the Canal project rsthe people's.—
June 10. It was not so formerly^—The project is certainly Indi:**
vidual—If it succeeds,the ground will beagain shifted 5"
and it will be fhe grand project of an individual
June XT’. Ci The projectors have nothing to lose-—if it succeeds they
claim the merit—and if it fails, the state, as in both cases,
bears the expense.”	; '
June 27* In his paper of June 27, with an evident view of prevent-
ing other states from contributing a reasonable proportion
of the expense, he remarks: “ If ive are. to sacrifice our-
selves, let us not contribute to delude and inj ure our neigh*
hours.”	-	,	.
June 24. In his paper of June 24, “he denies* - that the Canals
can be completed rn 50 years, for fifty millions of dollars
more than the estimate of the coinmissionersi”
June 25. u What,” says he, “ ulterior objects the projectors of this
Canal (Western) have had in view beyond the prosperity
of the state we leave the people to deiernrine.”—clearly in-
- timating corrupt motives; Meanwhile the Governor and
other Commissioners, proceeded to commence operations,
and to defeat the execution of the work, and throw disgrace
on Mr..Clinton',he foretold the ruin of the contractors
July 24. “ even if they get 50 per cent, more than the calculation of
the commissioners and on the 28th, he estimated the exr
pense of excavating a mileof rock, at Bufelo^ af gl
He denied that'Mr,-Clintoh:-ever' had any belief that the
Aug. 19. Canals could becompleteji, affirms that all the efforts in re-
lation to them-were only parts pf a system of intrigue 1 and
that it was necessary to drive him into retirement.
He avers that the reason why Canals of a few miles Were
not formed to connect the Hudson with its tributary navi-
Aug. 4. gable streams, was “ because it would not have secured the
“votes of the western part of the state for Mr. Clinton.”
“ This, says he, is the plain matter of fact, and the route is,
“ therefore carried 869 miles, partly through a wilderness,
and partly through Swamps and quagmires.in order to
“ pass by the door of every man who _ has a vote or interest, at
“ the expense of millions, and which is to be rfinable
“abandoned.” y f'-..	^
\ ■ He pronaunees the Canal, from Home to Seneca, a useless
Sept. 17• waste of some millions—That a Mr. Clinton is the projector
u of the scheme, and one personally and politically interest?
<( ed in"its^prosecution^rif not in its completion,” and ex-
tending his indignation to the mmnbers of-.thelegislature
Aug. 4. who voted in favour of the Canal law4rJhe, says, “ I do uij-
“ equivocally pronounce the measure a weak one-^a wick-
“ ed one—and a measure which, at this period of our exis-
Sept. 6. “ te nee, an enlightened bp dy, feeling more for- the interest of
((the state than for their private interests* or the ulterior
“ views'of a friend would never have countenanced or
“ passed. Sir, I tell you frankly, there are many men inV
#.tba£ body Ab: tvbbm.. it is not convenient to remember that
<c they have an awful responsibility to account for.” " Sir*
** I do blanie the legislature for passing that law. It is a
monument of weakness and folly. ”
<4 Republicans of this city (New-York) an im-
Tuly 10. “ mense majority of whom are opposed to these ruinous
^ and INTERESTED experiments', are perfectly able to
tS answer for themselves.”
Eellpw Citizens, here is presented, for your reflection, a series of
oxtracts-from the organ of Tamhiany Hall; they might be extended
to a volume: there might be ;/add#dj.^aga.ins;t ^’Clinton and his
ftiends, those expressions of denunciation and of ruthless resentment
too often used by irritated minds. I leave them to your decision, with
this remark—it?is fortunate that we were seasonably notified of the
fact, that “ mih&md” the formation of the Canal,iCjs to be final-
ly ABA N PON E Ih ”
v, During'this period, nothing intervened to produce any irritation.
Theexeeutive manifested a strong desire to harmonize the former
contending parties: Not a man had been dismissed for political dif*
^ere^cds :--rNot, a citizen had been treated coldly for having preferred
another candidate. ; ,
The Legislature-assembled Jan. 1818. Mr. Clinton delivered his
fkstspeech. Anidngother things, he recommended the formation af
Agricultural .Societies—The encouragement of Manufactures—The
removal of the obstructions in the^ Hudson river—The completion of
■ the Great Western and Northern Canals, and declared the funds of
state adequate lathe purpose, without any foreign aid.
'/FhedntrpduCfibn of the Lancastrian systein of education ; as com-
bining rapidity of instruction with economy of expenditures—-The fur-
ther appropridtionrof funds in aid of lh:e Colleges of physicians and
3urgeon.S-TT-the disposal of the 3 pr.ct.stack, and the extinguishment
of the debt bearing an interest of 7 per cent.--The reduction of the
tax on real estate one half—The revision of the Militia law— The di-
minution of the expenditure in the dispensation of criminal justice.
He invited the attention of the legislature to the condition of un-
fortunate debtors.confined in prison, and gave an opinion, that if it
was not deemed prudent to abolish imprisonment for debt, the unre-
lenting^reditof ought to support hisipoor debtor whom hh confined
$o the walls of a prison.
;And I dose this summary of his speech with the following extract:
ii[ It is with deep'regret that I feel constrained to mention, that some
V practttiomrs of the- law,* regardless of the high respectability of their
“ professioris, have added to the distresses of the connirp, by buying up
“ notes,[m order to, obtain- exorbitantpr.emiims. and the costs of pro seen-
fr tionJ7 ' ..	■ ■	■	-. ‘ - : >	-	. .
, The session opened and" progressed with great harmony. The
Council of Appointment, consisting of'Messrs^ Livingston, Harnmorid,
Yates; and iSeymour, were elected unanimously, excepting Mr Liv-
ingston, who bad seventeen votes against him, from counties bound-
ing on the-Hudson. He received every vote of the western district,
and of the Republicans of all sects in the state.One, not skilled in politics, might have believed that we approach-
ed a political millennium* But the murmurs of discontent rumbled ott
ihe shores of the Hudson, and the Organ of Tammany Hail, the Ad-
vocate, and two or three minor country papers, under the guidanee
of the puissant republic of St. Tammany, like Etna, alternately dis-
played their volumes of fire and smoke,
In the interior, in all directions, confidence, quietude and happiness
prevailed—Yet let not the pilgrims who worshipped at the shrine of
St. Tammany, nor his High Priests, imagine the Real Republic did not
possess citizens sufficiently enlightened to perceive that a conflict
would come as soon as St. Tammany could negotiate for allies and
auxiliaries, to allow, her, with any hopes of success, or of forming an
opposition to unfurl her flag.	^
In the house of representatives, there appeared an union of senti-
ment to advance the public interests. If there were parties within
their walls, as was doubtless the case, they vied with each other only
in acts of usefulness; and all acted, on great public questions, or ap-
peared to act, with a single eye to the advancement of the people’s
happiness.
In the senate, the same dispositions generally displayed them-
selves; but when they came to the act for extending the jurisdietioH
pf justices, their apprehension of the inability of these magistrates*
or their feelings for the profession of the law to which class in society
they all belonged, induced Messrs Livingston, Van Euren, Cantine,
Sldnner and Young, to vigorously oppose the measure. These gen*
ilemen were and are the very heads of the opposition to Mr. Clinton.
In the course of the session, a •law was passed enabling commis-
sioners in each town to take acknowledgment of deeds, to accept
bail, and to take depositions.	f
This produced two great benefits to society	si. The facility of
transacting business, which made a very considerable saving, both
of money, and of time, which is more valuable to the people.
2d. An increased opportunity and prospect of having all convey-
ances perfected at the times of the contracts, as it removed, the excu-
ses of the dilatory; and to the mothers of the rising generation, who
had dowers to release, it was an incalculable relief.	;
<3n the 10th of April, 1818, the law was passed, extending the ju-
risdiction Of Justices ; and by it the suits were limited to the magis-
trates of the towns in which either the plaintiffs or defendants resi-
ded. On the 21st of the same month, a law was passed, reducing
fees—Also, a law “ to prevent abuses in the practice of law, and to
regulate costs in certain cases/’—And likewise a law abolishing all
travelling fees to district attornies, and limiting and reducing their
other fees. These four last mentioned acts merit and will receive
further elucidation.
The tax of two mills on a dollar was abolished, and a tax of one
mill substituted, and that limited to two years. A law was passed
for selling the three per cts. and paying the seven per cent. debt. A
public library was instituted : three thousand dollars granted to it,
with an annual appropriation of $500. A law for the improvement
of the navigation of the Hudson, wasadopled^theacts relative to9
the militia were digested and formed into a system : and what is not
less honorable to the state, that law which ordained that a citizen
charged with a crisie, though acquitted by his peers, should pay
costs, was forever obliterated from our code of jurisprudence.
The session closed, apparently, in the same harmony with which
it commenced. In all branches of the government, evidences were
exhibited of the existence of honorable and liberal sentiments; though
on various occasions, differences of opinion had elicited momentary
proofs of passion.
These LAWS WERE PROMULGATED TO THE PEOPLE.
It was then that the usurers, the extortioners, and the whole low-
est orders of the bar, the pettifoggers, with a few of the thoughtless
class of junior attornies, and some of the profession of more honora-
ble grades, who had been touched by adversity, roused and united
themselves to overturn an administration which had induced investiga-
tion in to their nialepractices,and had co-operated and sanctioned laws
to their detriment, for the relief of the people-—Here efforts - were to
be made to retrieve their lost standing, to regain the perquisites taken
from them, and to vent their malice.
Opposition presses rose up in every section of the state, “as the
giants©f oldy5 broke froni their darksome abodes—All established—*
all edited, as far as has come to my knowledge, by these malecontent
attornies, pettifoggers and extortioners. Mr. Clinton was every
where denounced—-The malecontents have not dared to assign the
true cause of their hatred—they have n6t dared to censure the meas-
ures of government, and their only chance is to irritate the public mind,
- by recalling to their recollections, old charges and calumnies, which
had been repeated and refuted a thousand times, with a forlorn hope
to wreak their malice, under an existing excitement, and to cover
their shame with the mantle of infuriated passions.
They cannot succeed—they cannot withdraw the minds of reflect-
ing men from the contemplation of these beneficent acts, to their noisy
declamations. They cannot' separate the people from the Governor*
nor their interest from his ; for .what, is their interest is his—And the
true question is, who shall govern the state of New-York. ? The peo-
pie, or the Republic of St. Tammany, with their allies, the junior, at*
tomies, and their auxiliaries, the pettifoggers and extortioners.
The vampyres will vociferate and denounce—their efforts will be
in vain. Short-sighted men I Did you never reflect that the very
circumstance of your being able, in your humble vocation, to acquire
the means of establishing and maintaining so many opposition press-
es, to overturn the government of the country, is conclusive proof that
you have been the bloodsuckers and leeches of society : And that the
honest farmer, by his fireside, will exclaim, “ how happens it that
Mr. Beau ean afford so much. I started years before him, and with
more means. I have labpured hard, and been frugal, and I can hard-
ly give my daughter ^setting up in life.’V
Beware how you force enquiry and comparison—be content as-you
are ; and remember these truths-—there are men skilled in the laws
who will not patiently stand by and see an administration overturn-
ed for acts the most virtuous and most useful to society—there are
2.10
mew, who standing aloof from the contests for honours and office?,
love their country, and watch over her interests and institutions, who
tremble at the evil which will one day be inflicted on the republic
by self created societies and their partizans, however amiable, in pri-
vate life, may be many of their members and associates.
Let it not be imagined that I am hostile to the profession of the law,
or its practitioners. I am friendly and attached to both, perhaps too
much so, by the nearest ties of blood and affection, by habit, by in-
terest, and by feeling.
In a republic, indeed in all governments, where the rights of per-,
sonal liberty, and private property, are maintained and preserved,
the profession of the law must always be highly honourable, and
usually more distinguished than any other profession.
To that profession we invariably look for the members of our tri-
bunals of justice, the powers between the executive and the legisla-
ture, that secure the citizens practically in their rights. The legisla-
ture enacts general laws y the judiciary applies them to the security
and relief of individuals: and the executive carries into effect the
decisions of the judiciary.-^-From that profession are usually taken
our ambassadors, our executives, our senators, and no small propor-
tion of our representatives.
But, like all other professions, the lawyers have an inferior class of
beings crept in among them, who never raise their minds to the con-
ception of becoming counsellors or advocates, whose only hope of
subsisting rests on the misfortunes of mankind.
It is the nature of opposition to invite and receive to their bosoms,
the maleeontents of every denomination, however discordant or het-
erogeneous : And although their chiefs may intend to maintain an
useful administration, they never enquire into the principles of their
converts or allies ; trusting to an ability to reject what they dislike^
when clothed with authority.
Hence the disciples of St. Tammany—the offended members of
the bar—the disappointed office holders arid seekers, and that float-
ing mass which rides on the surface of society, as the foam floats on
the surges of the sea—-all combined to form an opposition $ who vain*
ly boast that they will assume the powers of the state.
We have traced the opposition to their grand union ; and we will
now examine their charges against Governor Clinton.
The first is, that he has removed what were members of the re-
publican family from office. To this it is answered—
Governor Clinton, when be came into office, and for more than
six months after the offended minor members of the bar had establish-
ed their opposition presses, and identified themselves with the Society
of St. Tammany, and their confederates, by every act of his adminis-
tration, evinced a sincere desire to heal the wounds of society, to
unite all branches of the republicans, and to perfect that system of
brotherly feelings, which would render the people of this state one
family. For the truth of this assertion an appbal is confidently made
to the members of the council with whom he first acted, Messrs.
Bowne, of New-York, Noyes, of Chenango, and Prendergast, of
Herkimer—Mr. Bioom did not act—and also to the records of that11
©ouncil. During this period, two sheriffs, and two justices, were re«
moved for ma lepra dices—one clerk for extortion, and another for
neglect of duty. Not a single effort was made to touch any citizen,
not an individual man was touched, on any political motive what-
ever. This council retired ; another was elected, as I have hereto-
fore stated, consisting of Messrs: Livingston, Yates, Hammond, and
Seymour—the Executive and the Council assembled—every sheriff
was re-appointed to office, except one who was enveloped in a cloud,
and he was friendly to the present administration, and notwithstand-
ing all the denunciations of the Tammany party, no man was re-
moved from office, or deprived of a re-appointment, for opposing the
administration, or affiliating with that party. It is true that Gover-
nor Tompkins had appointed a republican sheriff and clerk, in the
county of Genesee—-it is true that a portion of the republicans had
adopted the novel, if not dangerous, doctrine, of recommending to
office, and denouncing as unworthy of office, any person, in county
convention—thereby assuming the powers of dictation over the ex-
ecutive and eouncil—it is true that such a convention did denounce
the present sheriff and clerk, and recommend others in their places—
it is true that Governor Tompkins did listen to these^ denunciations,
did submit to this dictation, and without crime or fault, politically
or otherwise, appoint those named in the mandate from the Gene-
see convention—and it is also no less true, that an after convention
of Genesee county solicited the Governor to do it 5 and thereupon
Governor Clinton, and his council, restored to their offices the very
republicans whom Governor Tompkins had previously appointed.
It has always been my opinion, in opposition to the usages and
practice of this state, that no citizen should ever be removed from
any common or ordinary office for difference of opinion, or for the
honourable and free exercise of his elective franchise.
To my understand in g, to punish men, by taking from them their
Usual means of support, for the exercise of their known rights, and
of that reason which God has given them, savors more of tyranny
than of liberty. But this rule cannot be extended to the first grade
of officers, since it is vitally important that those who, in detail, per-
form most of the grand functions assigned to the executive power,
should harmonize in principles, and generally in measures, with their
chief. The true distinction on which rests the question, whether a
subaltern officer should or should not be removed from office for po-
litical differences rests here—Does he merely exercise his elective
franchise and reason, openly, honourably and fairly, as to the mea-
sures of government ? Or does he bring the influence of his office to
bear, to induce others to join in the opposition ? Or, forgetting that
respect, which a moral man will pay to the opinions of others, does
he arraign the integrity, virtue and purity of the administration ? If
the former, he ought to be left as a monument of devotion to the
freedom of opinion—If either of the latter, he ought to be removed as
a* worthless and dangerous member of society, who brings the influ-
ence he derives from government to her destruction—as a viper, who
stings the bosom of the man who warmed him into, or sustained him
in, life.is
Every man has a right to all the benefits of civil liberty. No man
has a right to become a traducer and calumniator.
It is believed that the rules here suggested, are as liberal as the
opposition will claim, or as they would display, if clothed with pow-
er. If they controvert them, let them make an issuable point, and
they shall be answered.
After the union between the Tammany Society, the offended low-
er mem bers-of the bar, the office seekers, &c. had been perfected, the
opposition, in the grossest language, vilified and abused Mr. Clinton,
accusing him of not only corrupt motives, but almost every act of po-
litical turpitude. The council dismissed a number of calumniators
and libellers, and 1 ask you, brethren, who wouid not have done it ?
Are the administrators of your government to be traduced and vilifi-
ed by their own underlings ? Are the executive powers with which
you have clothed your agents, for your own benefits, to be made ob-
jects of contempt and ridicule, by those who eat your bread with im-
punity P’-r-Is the government of the state to be turned into derision,
and held in contempt, by her own agents ! And with impunity shall
these people venture to arraign the integrity and virtue of your ex-
ecutive, and to boast that they are safe in their offices, because he,
who in a previous breath they had charged with an attempt to over-
turn your liberties, had not firmness enough to remove them ? If
you are prepared for these degradations and humiliations, take them
kindly, bend your necks to the yoke, and bear patiently the goad of
every bar-room politician and disappointed office hunter ; stand,
with cap in hand, before the little attorneys who distress you. But
for the sake of your country, for the sake of those noble patriots,
who, at every hazard, gained the liberties of this nation, do not de-
grade your children by teaching them these doctrines. Let the pre-
sent generation suffer ; but let a hope exist as it relates to futurity.
Of the dismissions in general, Lam wholly ignorant as to particu-
lars. I think I know they all come .within-the discriminating rules I
have already laid down, on which I will take up any honourable
man’s gauntlet. Yet there are three removals about which I have
some knowledge.
1st The recorder of New-York—this was not political—it was the
wish of ad parties ^though the successor was not the wish of the
opposition.	r
id. A change in the clerk’s office in Ontario—this was not politi-
cal—the prior and present incumbents were both friendly to the ex-,
ecutive—both were honourable and good men—both, in manner, al-
most exactly similar, had been severely touched, without fault, by
the hand of misfortune. The afflictions of the late incumbent were
first 5 he was first provided for; he held the office more than four
years ; his embarrassmentswere removed ; indeed, he was rendered
wealthy by one of the best offices in the nation, to which his virtues
entitled him, without any other peculiar merit y he pledged himself
to resign at least two months before the change (which is ready to be
proved in a court of justice.) The billows of adversity roiled higher
and higher over the head of the present incumbent ; he was ap-
pointed to office 5 and thus have been two valuable families saved,13
The love of money is a strong passion. It has induced the late h>
cum bent to join the non-contents 5 which speaks more of self love
than of gratitude.
3d. The next, and last, case on which I shall comment, is that of
Mr. Van Burem late attorney-general—this removal was doubtless
political. Mr. VanBuren claims to be an honourable and high-
minded man ; and I feel no desire to contest his justly occupying
that ground. On the contrary, I am willing to leave it to Mr. Van
Buren’s honour to decide, whether, if he had occupied Mr. Clinton’s
station, and Mr Clinton his, under an exact reverse of the circum-
stances, he would not have removed Mr. Clinton from office ?
Every intelligent man knows it is impossible to traverse those
rough and indefinite terms of reproach too often uttered by the dis-
appointed..
In the second place, Mr. Clinton is charged with being a candi-
date for the presidency of the United States, in the year 1812, against
Mr. Madison, and the Candidate of the Hartf ord Convention. Great
. indeed is the error of my mind if I do not convince you that on this
occasion Mr. Clinton “ is sinned against, not ■ sinning P In May,
1812, the-republicans of this slate, belonging to your legislature, in
solemn convention, unanimously nominated him as a candidate for
the presidency-. The usual interchange between a convention, and
a candidate nominated, took place.—Mr. Clinton consented. The
proceedings were promulgated to the nation ; and in every, or al-
most every state in the Union, many of the best and of the most in-
fluential republican citizens appeared in the political field, in sup-
port of the candidate, thus nominated by the republicans of New- York.
Mr. Van Buren, and other gentlemen who now denounce Mr.
Clinton for allowing the electors to vote for him, were the
VERY PERSONS WHO INDUCED HIM TO ALLOW HIS NAME TO BE USED.
At this time no self formed committee had waited on the national
executive, no communication from that executive to congress, had
recommended a declaration of war ; And, what is not less impor-
tant, no assemblage had taken place of the members of Congress to
nominate a candidate for the seventh presidency. Your attention
is called to the precedingsentence, as it refers to the course of events,
and points ^principles, causes and transactions, which will, at some
day, constitute a part of the history of this nation.
When Mr. Clinton was thus offered by the republicans of this state
as their candidate for the presidency, they must have known—
1st. That each state in the union, of whatever politics, had an
equal vote, in proportion to her number of senators and representa-
tives in congress.
2d. They must have known, that without the aid of the five New-
England states there was net a chance to elect him.
3d. They must have known, that from the moment they thus so-
lemnly proclaimed Aim to the world a$ the legitimate candidate of
the state of New-York, he ceased to be under the control of the state
of New-York, he ceased from having a right to withdraw his name;
and that a vast body of the best republicans of the nation would rally
under the standard of this republican nomination.14
After this, the private committee- waited on the executive of the
United Stales-—he was nominated candidate for the seventh presidency :
Soon after he sent a communication to congress recommending a
declaration of war; and in June, afterwards, war was declared. No
doubt could exist that from the injuries inflicted by both England and
France, our nation had right, by the law of natiohs, to declare war
against either, or both, of these powers.
Had Mr. Clinton withdrawn his name after thus nominated, and
after many of the best men in all the states had entered the lists for
him, without the public expression of another convention, equally
solemn and unanimous, revoking, with the assent of those distinguish-
ed citizens of other states who had appeared as advocates for his
election, the previous"nomination, he would justly have merited the
contempt of mankind : his character as a man of firmness would have
been forever lost, hs well at home as abroad : He would have been
considered, and justly too, as a person on whom no reliance could
be placed—as a man whose acts were governed by a regard to his
own interests solely—as a faithless friend, ready to desert those on
whom he depended for support, at any moment of danger, to save
himself.
Whatever might be the private feelings, fears, and solicitudes, of
Mr. Clinton—whatever apprehensions he might entertain as to the
result of his nomination, in consequence of the caucus at Washington,
he was placed by the republicans on ground that he could not honor-
ably abandon—he was caught in a toil, not by his own ambition or
indiscretion, but by the acts of the republican party in this state,
from which he could not extricate himself with the character of an
independent, honorably minded man—he had to open his bosotp, and
receive the shafts of every opponent; and it was cruel in the extreme
for those to join in the attack, and hurl at him their poisoned arrows,
who had been the very cause of his suffering these evils.
We are bound to believe that this convention of New-York Re-
publicans, which consisted of distinguished citizens, Messrs. Van Bu-
ren and others, before they nominated Mr. Clinton for the presidency,
deliberately compared his talents and merits with those of every dis-
tinguished citizen of New York, and the other states of the Union ;
and before the Searcher of hearts, conscientiously believed he was, in
every respect, as well qualified to administer the first office in the na-
tion as any other citizen.
We are bound to believe that they acted in good faith towards the
United States, this state, Mr. Clinton, and each other. This high
act of recommendation places Mr. Clinton on such ground before us,
that we must believe him entitled to confidence ; unless the opposi-
tion can clearly fix upon him charges of maleconduct in office, or
some moral defect of character: And without this is done, the oppo-
sition are inextricably involved in the dilemma, of having been guilty
of deceiving the people when they nominated him for the presidency,
or of being guilty at this moment of an attempt to deceive them by
denouncing him, and proclaiming him unworthy of our Confidence.
If it be said, that after he was nominated, and the gentlemen of the
different states had planted their standards for his support, s«Gh chan-10
ges of circumstances took place in the nation, as rendered it proper
to give Mr. Madison the'republican votes-—the answer is a plain one.
The same republican convention who nominated him, after consulting
with their, and his friends, in the states, so as to produce a general
expression df sentiment, and save alike the feelings and interests of
all, in every section, ought to have re-assembled in convention, and
have solemnly withdrawn their Candidate. Even this act the con-
vention could not have done honorably without consulting with, and
the concurrence of, their distant friends^ Nothing is so dangerous in
public or private life, as treachery or bad faith. Mr* Clititou did not
set himself up—-he did not make pretensions, and invite the people to
act for him—he was placed before the public by the republicans of
New-York and elsewhere; and they alone who unfurled the flag had
a right to strike, it.—Mr. Clinton could not do it: Every thoughtful
man will believe it unjust to set a citizen bedecked with the candi-
date’s robes before the people, and then abuse him for standing
there.	♦
The rage of party has denounced him as the “ Hartford Conven-
tion5* candidate for the presidency. I have already shown that he
was the candidate of the republicans, and by them brought forward.
The attempt to induce a belief that he was the candidate of the
Hartford Convention, is an insult to the understanding of the people*
the republicans proclaimed him their candidate May, 1812—the elec-
tion was decided Dec. 1812 $ and the members of the Hartford Con-
vention wefe elected in the fall of 1814.
The third accusation is, that he has appointed federal gentlemen
to office.
The fact, that he has made such appointments is admitted : that these
appointments constitute any serious objection against Mr. Clinton is
denied. This accusation is brought against him at a time when party
asperity has almost wholly subsided through the nation; when no*
such thing as an opposition exists against the national government—
when the measures of that government give general satisfaction, and
cherish those institutions for which the federalists used to contend, and
when in our state government there is no opposition from that quar-
ter. We have lived to see the federalists disband as a party, and in
general retire from political strife. We have lived to see some of
their bitterest leaders join the opposition to Mr Clinton, and make
the most vigorous efforts to excite your prejudices against him, while
at the same time a portion of the more thoughtful and moderate have
given an honorable support to the administration; and contributed
their full share towards the ameliorating laws, and those noble im-
provements, which will treble our happiness, and ensure the honor-
able pre-eminence of this state. It cannot be denied, that a prevailing
desire exists, both in the national and most of the state governments, to
forget former hatreds and animosities, and to restore concord and con-
fidence to the whole people. Why should not the people ofNew-
York participate in these blessings ? Why should they be forever
tossed on the billows of passion ? Why should two fifths of society,
who are now peaceable and quiet, who add their proportion to th$
common stock, bo excluded from a participation in the public hon-16
ors, for a former difference of opinion ? Is it just ? Is it conformable
to the golden rule ? In Religion, which regards our highest and
permanent interests ; which teaches us to forgive, that we may be
forgiven $ and to do that to others which we would that others should
do unto us, we hold as sacred the rights of individual opinion. Is
it politic ? In such a state of things vye can never expect the rancour
of party malice annihilated. We can never hope that two fifths of
a commonwealth will remain quiet under the ban of the government.
If such rules continue to be acted on, they will generate animosities
and factions, which will pass from generation to generation, and pro-
duce evils similar to those which destroyed other republics, ancient
and modern.
By adhering to these rules, we shall deprive ourselves,of the ser-
vices of some of our best, enlightened and experienced statesmen, in
the national and state councils, and perhaps at a time when some
momentous question is pending, on which, at no distant period, may
depend the existence of the republic. Such rules can only be useful
to candidates for office, as they increase their chances by lessening
the number of competitors^—they must be injurious to society gene-
rally. The will of the majority must rule ; but that will, to bestow
on the people the blessings of liberty and happiness equally, must be
just, wise, and liberal; and if it be not, while the rulers may main-
tain the letter of the compact, or constitution, they may violate the
dearest portions of the spirit and meaning, and defeat the main intent
of its framers. A majority may tyrannize over a minority,or an indi-
vidual. What are the opinions of Mr. Clinton on these points I know
not; but I have here clearly expressed my own, and assume all the
responsibility. Governor Plumer, whose devotion to the republican
principles will not be doubted, in his late farewell address to the legisla-
ture of New-Hampshire, avows that in selecting the officers of gov-
ernment, he sought for talents, virtue, learning, and usefulness, with-
out reference to political parties.	'
The republicans of Connecticut, after a struggle of twenty years,
through sufferings and persecutions unequalled in the nation* became
a majority, formed a constitution, under it took to themselves every ef-
ficient branch of the government, and in the true exercise of the spi-
rit of real liberty, magnanimously bestowed on their opponents a por-
tion of all offices, equal, or nearly- so, to their proportion of popula-
tion. This temperate and noble exercise of power wall confirm the
republic. Washington, when he entered on his presidency, embraced
the same liberality of feelings, and with a view to harmonize the in-
terests of the people appointed to respectable offices enlightened and
honest minded men, who had opposed our revolution.
Instances also existed in the administrations of Adams and Jeffer-
son ; though as the conflicts in Europe, anu domestic occurrences
had irritated the minds of men, and as party strife raged, the exam-
ples under these administrations are more limited.
The same principles influenced the minds of Mr. Madison and Mr.
Monroe. Mr. Madison appointed Thomas Morris marshal of Nevv-
York, and General Cushing collector of New-London 5 both were17
distinguished federalists—and James A. Bajrard, who had annoyed
the republicans more than any other man, an ambassador—and
President Monroe appointed Gen. Swift, Richard Piatt, and Aquila
Giles, all distinguished federalists in New-York.
While I am writing, we have information that he has appointed
Mr. Bland district judge for Maryland, Very many more cases might
be mentioned, but I will not exhaust your patience; and to show
that I justly represent the feelings and liberal views of President
Monroe, I will call you to refleet on the following extracts from his
writings:	-
President Monroe’s reply to an address by Henry Dearborn and others,
in Niles9 Regis ter 9 of July 26, 1817? page 343.
i( It is on these grounds that I indulge a strong hope, and even erf*
tertain a great confidence, that our principal dangers and difficulties
have passed, and that the character of our deliberations, and the
course of the government itself, will become more harmonious and
happy than it has heretofore been—Satisfied as I am, that the union
of the whole community) in support of republican government, by all
wise and proper measures, will effectually secure it from danger,
that %nion is an object to which 1 look ivith the utmost solicitude. I
consider it my duty to promote it, on the principles and for the pur*
poses stated, and highly gratified shall I be if it can be obtained.”
Extract from President Monroe9s answer to the address of the inhabit-
ants of Kennebunk—Niles9 Register, Aug- 20. 1817—page 361.
44 Nor can I regret that I have thus afforded myself so many opportu-
nities of seeing and feeling how much we are one people—rhow strong-
ly the ties by whiah we are united, do in fact bind us together; how
much we possess, in reality, a community, not only of interest, but
of sympathy and affection. I am the more led to make this remark,
because you are pleased to express a confident hope, that a spirit o€
national conciliation rnav be one of the blessings which may result
from my administration.—This, indeed, would be an eminent blessings
and I pray it may be realized. The United States are certainly the
most enUgbtened people on earth. We are rapidly advancing in the
road to national pre-eminence—nothing but union is wanting to make
us a great people—The present time affords the happiest presages,
that this union is fast consummating—it cannot be otherwise: I daily
see greater proofs of it; the further I advance in my progress through
this country, the more I perceive that we are all Americans—that we
comprise but one family—that our republican institutions will be sup-
ported and perpetuated by the united Zeal and patriotism of all. No-
thing could give me greater satisfaction than to behold a perfect un-
ion among ourselves—an union which we have before observed, is
all we want to make us powerful and respected ; an union also which
is necessary to r estore to social intercourse its former charms, and to
render our happiness as a nation unrnixed and complete ; to promote*
this desirable result requires no compromise of principle, and I pro-?
mise to give it my continued attention and my best endeavors.”
Fourthly. It is said Mr. Clinton is ambitious; but we are not in*
formed of the nature of his ambition.
318
Some are ambitious of being good or eminently useful.—This is
laudable.
Others are ambitious of being dressed in the tinselled drapery of
power, without valuing the means by which they acquire, or the uses
to which they apply it. This is contemptible and generally wicked.
Csesar was ambitious—and he overturned the liberties of Rome.
Franklin was ambitious—and he illumined the world, and copse-
crated the altar of liberty.
Whatever is the character of Mr. Clinton’s ambition which is be-
lieved to resemble Franklin’s,fifteen years experience must have ren-
dered it known to the acute and wily politicians who assail him, when
they recommended him for the presidency—and that act, together
With his eminent services, authorize us to believe it high minded and
noble—ambition is common to great minds, and it is not uncharita-*
ble to believe it dwells in the bosoms of some of the opposition.
We have examined jevery tangible and traversable charge exhibit-
ed against Mr. Clinton, in the spirit of liberality to his opponents*,
and of justice only to him ; and 1 invite you to a further investigation,
of the measures of government under his administration, recommen-
dation and concurrence.
Mr. Clinton in his speech of 1818, remarked, {i As agriculture is
the source of our subsistence, the basis of our strength, and the
foundation of our prosperity, it is pleasing to observe the public at-
tention awakened to its importance, and associations springing up in
several counties, to cherish its interests.’’
“ If not the exclusive duty, it is certainly the peculiar province of
the state governments to superintend and advance the interests of
agriculture/’
tC To this end it is adviseable to constitute a board, composed of
the most experienced and best informed agriculturalists, and to ren-
der it their duty to diffuse agricultural knowledge : to correspond
with the county societies : to communicate to them beneficial im-
provements: t© introduce useful seeds, plants, trees, animals, im-
plements of husbandry, and labour saving machines,” &c, The
county societies ought to be enabled to distribute adequate premiums,”
Nothing effectual having been done on this subject by the Legis-
lature—at the opening of the last session, on this interesting subject*
he addressed them as foliows :
{i Having on a former occasion, solicited the attention of the Le-
gislature to the encouragement of agriculture, I have to express my
regret at the failures of a measure generally admitted to be proper
and expedient on account of a difference as to its modification—that
this important pursuit is the foundation of wealth, power, and pros-
perity—that it requires the energies of the mind as well as the labour
of the body—that it demands the light of science to guide its pro-
gress, and the munificence of government to accelerate its move-
ments, to extend its usefulness, and to diffuse its blessings, are po-
sitions which cannot be controverted ; why should the countenance
of the state be required for the encouragement of the arts and scien-
ces in general, and agriculture, the most important of all arts, the19
'most useful of all sciences, be alone proscribed from participation of
its bounty.”
The special designation of a fund for these objects, either by
some of the expedients proposed at the last session, or by others
which can be easily devised, is required by every consideration of
public spirit and public duty.”
After this second appeal to the Legislature, the law to improve the
agriculture of the state was passed. By which a board of agricul-
ture is established, with a permanent annual fund of Si,000, and
§20,000 granted to be distributed as premiums in two years. The
great advantages already derived from this act are justly appreciated.
Laws were passed for the support of common schools and the funds
for these institutions arranged and enlarged—provision was made
for constructing a harbour at Buffalo, and an annual fund of $600X>00
provided for making and completing the great western and north-
ern Canals.”
Notwithstanding these-salutary measures received the general sup-
port of all parlies, with two exceptions which will be stated, the
spirit of discontent extended itself, and a number of* skilful and in-
fluential politicians took the field against Mr. Clinton. This added
no inconsiderable weight and importance to the opposition.
The vast utility of the canals, when completed, appears now to
be conceded almost unanimously: and there is reason to hope for stea-
dy perseverance, and continued displays of the energy, econom}^
and wisdom of the commissioners, which have delighted and aston-
ished the nation. A new contest has arisen on this subject: the op-
position wish to create the belief that these splendid and all import-
ant improvements, are not in any considerable degree to be ascribed
to the talents, exertions, and influence of Mr. Clinton—With a few
honorable exceptions, they certainly cannot be ascribed to the lead-
ing gentlemen in opposition, who steadily opposed the measures un-
til within the last nine months—and their conversion was of no ordi-
nary cast—light did not break in upon them individually, as is usu-
ally the case,, on all subjects not political—one single ray, in a twink-
ling of time, illumined the minds of an immense party, widely ex-
tended over the country, and transformed them from opponents, to
admirers of the system. How this miraculous change of opinion
was effected, what purpose it is to serve, and how far it justifies their
challenge for confidence, must rest on your opinions. In forming
them you will bear in mind the facts before disclosed, and I will aid
you by adding a few of a character more imposing.
When the answer of the assembly to the governor’s speech was
under debate, Mr. Meigs, a leading member from New-York, propos-
ed an amendment in these words :
“ The subject of internal improvements, especially by roads and
canals, shall receive the faithful and zealous attention of the Assem-
bly \ who will, on the one hand, vigorously maintain and prosecute
all practicable improvements ; and on the other, check, as far as
their power may extend, those exhausting projects, which, by their
* incalculable results, sometimes lead astray the exuberant imaginations20
of some of our countrymen. The Assembly view the proposed stu*
pendous artificial river of the west, with sentiments of doubt as 16
its practicability ; conscious as they are of the fallibility of the sound-
est understandings in similar enormous prospective calculations, and
feeling very sensibly too our almost total want-of experience in this
river making art. With these sentiments, the Assembly assure your
Excellency, that they will apply themselves with zeal and diligence
to that great question, and will follow the paths in which sober truth
and chastened experience shall be found to lead.”
And the body of the opposition sustained this amendment.—Jour-..
naL 1818, FV-&. 6. p. 120.
This evinced uniformity in conduct, for the- same party had in the
year 1816 and 1317« opposed the passage of the canal laws: and ex-„
pressed a firm determination “ as far as their power may extend,” to
“ check the progress of these Canals.”
In the Senate most of the members of the same party opposed the
passage of these acts in I8l6, and 1817, and so late* as the first day
of April, I8l9fthey voted against the Buffalo harbour, and against
making the eastern and western sections of the great canal.
For the truth of these facts I appeal to the Journals of both houses*
Senate Journal—18l6, pages 3t2—313.
1817, do. 350—357—364.
1819, do. '218—219.
Assembly Journal—1816, pages 595—603—632.
1817,	do. 808.
1818,	do. 120—139—140—151—152.
Auspicious was the day when the gentlemen receded from all
attempts to check these improvements. It is not wise, and k may
be not just to retort the charge they previously made against Mr.
Clinton, that it was done “to..secure the votes of the west-
ERN’PARTS OF THE STATE.”
Th'we is an incalculable difference between withdrawing from op-
position, and vigorously sustaining a measure.
It cannot therefore be considered unreasonable for those, whose
prosperity and happiness essentially depend on these great artificial
water communications, to withhold from these new converts, some
portion of confidence.
When I reflect on the prophetic declaration that these improve-
ments i( in the end will he abandoned? on the solemn vote that they *
will as far as their powers may extend, check them. When I reflect
on the universality, and time of their conversion, and on the penden-
cy of the gubernatorial election, doubt, and solicitude overshadow njy
mind.
The armies of Greece retired from the walls of ill-fated Troy, be-
fore superstition and folly introduced into her bosom, the far famed
horse : these armies returned, and destroyed that devoted city.—Eve-
ry age has some Ulysses.
Ten years constant devotion, accompanied by an unceasing display
of talents, industry, and information, in enlightening the public mind,
In devising resources, in aiding the passage of the laws, and in their.21
execution ; justly entitle Mr. Clinton to outrank any other individual
as the patron of these improvements.
Let us now in a concise manner examinelhe fiscal and economical
arrangements of the administration and government.
(Great retrenchments and most important savings have been effect-
ed since Mr. Tompkins retired from the office of governor.
They are naturally arranged under two general heads.
1st. Retrenchments and savings which apply to the public Trea-
sury, and consequently in aid of the people collectively.
2d. Reductions of office fees, which afford relief to our citizens in-
volved in debt, to those vexed with litigation, and to the body of soci-
ety on the transfer of real estate. Under the first general head are
justly entered the following :
1st. A yearly saving in the contingent expenses of the governor’s
office of	,	§2,250
It is proper to explain this item. Before the late war it
was usual to allow the Executive a small sum for contin-
gencies. In 18 i 3, it was raised to §1,500 per annum, and
in 1814, to $3,000 per annum ; though peace was restored
in February or March, 1815, this grant was never reduced
during the former administration—now it stands at §750.
2. Under Mr. Clinton’s recommendation, the 3 per cents,
were sold, and the 7 per cent, debt paid, in part, and the re-
sidue refunded at 6 per cent. This operation gained to the*
state a capital of more than $i67,000, which at 7 per cent,
annually produces	$11,890
3<J. A reduction in the expenditure of the N. York State
Prison, by a reorganization of the system produces a saving
of	/	;	$20,000
4th. By a reduction of allowances granted to sheriffs, &c.
for transporting prisoners and	convicts,	$12,000
5th. A diminution of the expenses of the District Attor-
nies,lessens bur burdens,	§20,000
§66,140
Amounting to the sum of 166,140, annually saved to the treasmy.
Before we proceed to contemplate the reductions and savings of
the second general class, it is proper to elucidate Jhe course of former
events^ by recuring to the laws, and also to state specifically, the par-
ticular sources of^aving, under the laws of 1818.
The former fee bills wererevised.and a new fee bill established in 1801$
this act remained in force till the year 1813 ; when the late fee bill was
established under the administration of Mr. Tompkins. The fee bill
of 1813 granted to the Attornies, Clerks, Sheriffs, Registers, &c. an
increased compensation of from 12 to 16 per cent., possibly even to
20 per cent. But here I do not speak with confidence, for I have not
assumed the labor of casting, in all the variety of cases, the precise
amount of costs, under these different acts—my efforts have been
limited to a hasty comparison of the two laws.—-It will not be denied
that the fee bill, passed in 1813, under the administration of Mr.22
Tompkins, devolved upon the people a, much heavier burthen than
was imposed on them by the fee bill of 1801, enacted under the ad-
ministration of George Clinton.
It is certainly matter of deep reflection, that these increased emo-
luments, were bestowed on the non-labouring classes of society, and
the consequent additional burthensjjjmposed upon the farmers, the
manufacturers, the labourers, and every other order in life : at a
time, when our northern, western, and south-eastern frontiers, were
continually annoyed by a powerful enemy ; and every class of la-
bouring men were called from the cultivation of their farms, or other
employments, to fight the battles of their country*—Perhaps no simi-
lar example can be found in the annals of any part of this nation,
The laws of 1818, extended relief to the people. After stating the
sources, the extent of reduction will be exhibited as near the truth,
and approaching the verge of certainty, as closely as my imperfect
documents will admit.
The Sources of relief are—
1st. Forbidding the purchase of notes by the professors of the law.
2d. Abolishing all fees for Issue Rolls.
3d. Forbidding all prospective costs of Attornies, Sheriffs, &c.
4th. Not allowing more than one bill of cost on the same obliga-
tion, against drawers, indorsers, &c.
5th. Compelling a consolidation of actions of the same kind into one.
6th. Extending the jurisdiction of Justices of the Peace.
7th. Limiting costs on default to $10—on confession to glO 50—
on the Clerk’s assessment, to $13 50—and on writ of enquiry to $16.
8th. Reducing the fees of Sheriffs and Attornies generally.
9th. Reducing the Clerk’s fees, in particular, saving to the people,
more than one third of the expense of recording deeds, under the act
of 1813 ; and half the expense of office copies.
TOth. Reducing fees in Chancery proceedings.
I have not the means of forming all estimate of the savings to the
people under the 2d, 3d, 7th, and 10th heads next before mentioned.
The 3d never can be stated accurately ; and as it relates to the 9th,
I shall add nothing to the general estimate excepting two items—
1st. The recording of deeds.
2d* Office copies thereof.
Even in relation to these, lam without satisfactory data, and the
sums carried out are conjectural: derived merely from my knowledge
of business in the country, and the established fact that the expense
of all copies of deeds by the laws are lessened more than half, and
the registering of them more than one third.
The savings under the 2d, 3d, 7th, and 10th heads, though un-
known, may fairly be estimated at a larger sum than the amount of
any errors of estimate, there may be under the 1st, 4th, 5tb, 6th, 8th,
and 9th heads, as below stated.
I now proceed to statements of the savings to the people which
have been effected under the laws of 1818.
From official documents, from all the eounties, except five, it ap-
pears that in the counties whose Clerks have reported, there were23
from July 1817, to July 1818, 24,713 suits, and for the year com-
mencing 1818, July, and ending on the commencement of that month,
1819, there were only 11,997 causes—The population of the coun-
ties. whose Clerks have not made returns, amounts tp 88,969. Ta-
king it for granted that the proportions before mentioned, extend
justly to this last population : and in the first mentioned year they
had 2,079 suits, and in the last mentioned only 1,009—The amount
of suits under the laws before Mr. Clinton’s administration, for one
year equalled 26,792, and the amount of suits for one year under the
laws of 1818, were 13,006, showing a diminution of suits to the num-
ber oft 3,786 in one year under the present laivs.
Under the old law, including Issue Rolls, &c. an average of §28
for each bill of cost is moderate. Now the number of causes pre-
vented by the laws of 1818, amounting, as just above stated, to
13,786 ; being multiplied by i:8, the number of dollars taxed as cost
on each suit, produce annually to the relief of the people, the sum
of	§386,008.
To this must be added the reduction of costs, on the suits
which were commenced from July 1818, to July 1819.
Their numbers were 13,006—Most gentlemen of the pro-
fession say, that the laws, of 1818, reduced taxable costs
one third : but I will suppose the reduction to be only one
fourth, that is §7 each cause. 13,008 multiplied by 7* is 91,056
Making the saving in the county courts, per annum, §477*064
But it is reasonable to believe that the 13,786 causes,
which were assigned to the Justices, and constitute the dif-
ference of suits in the two years, were commenced before
them, where bills of cost are by the same laws limited to
§5 in each suit, which sum. being multiplied by 13,786, the
number of reduced causes in consequence of the reform
amounts to $68,930, which ought to be deducted from the
reductions of expenditure before stated,	68,930
This leaves a clear balance of	§408,134
Saved on these laws in the pockets of the people annually,
by a reduction of expenditure, and by changing of jurisdic-
tions in the collection of debts. To this must certainly be
added for diminution of expenses in recording deeds, 25,000
And on office copies of titles, say	2,000
		 27,000
Making an annual saving of	8435,1-34
not applicable to‘the Treasury.	
To this add the amount of the savings to the Treasury	
before stated,	66,140
And it is evident that an annual saving of	8501,274
has been made to the Treasury and the people.
Thus have the real improvements, under the recommendations of24
the governor, and the laws of the government relieved the people
every year from a burthen of more than g500,000, which rested on
them when Mr. Tompkins retired from the state’s service.
The canal from Lake Champlain to Whitehall is completed ; and
also 74 miles of the great western canal—all commenced under Mr.
Clinton’s administration. The savings made to the Treasury and to
the people under this administration, and the laws on which I have
commented, have more than equalled all the expenses of the north-
ern canal, which will not exceed $300,060, since March last, and the
same administration, or the same system continuing thirteen years,
will save to the people a sum equal to all the expenses of the great
canals ordained by Jaw ; with an annual interest of six per cent, at
which rate the high character of this state enable us to borrow mo-
ney in times of peace.
Had the government under the administration of Mr. Tompkins,
in the session of 1812—13, instead of increasing the emoluments of
the non-productive labours, adopted the present laws, there would
have been saved to the people from that time, to Mr. Tonipkins* re-
tiring from office, in principal and interest, the sum of	$2,225,563
But the 3 per cent, could not have been advan-
tageously sold, nor money loaned at 6 per cent. *
and during the war the contingent fund of $3,000
was doubtless necessary.
These items ought therefore to be deducted. %.
1st. Difference of contingent fund, 2,250
2d. Fiscal savings,	11,890
Interest thereon,
14,140
4,395
------	18,535
Leaving a balance of	82,207,028
Or in other words by adopting such parts of the present laws as
were, and are applicable to all times, instead of the increased fee bill
of 1812—13, there would have been saved to the people under the
late administration, 82,207,028.
And that by the existing laws, no injustice has been done to the
officers of government, is proved by the fact, that the candidates are
so numerous and influential, as to enable the disappointed to keep so-
ciety in a continual ferment, and to struggle to destroy the adminis-
tration, that does not give them the loaves and fishes. This saving
would have been equal to nearly the amount of monies levied by eight
years of the present land tax.
But these calculations are founded on the basis of the present po-
pulation, which in a considerable degree must exceed the population
of 1813 5 as our population is progressive, and in addition ihereto,
money was plenty at that period, so that, probably, it might not be
just to estimate the savings which actually would have been effected,
at more than equivalent to six times the present land tax.
Fellow Freemen—here let us pause and deliberately reflect on the25
proposition, whether the foregoing view of the measures of admin-
istration of government be stibstantiaily correct or not.
For my own part, I have sought for truth*—I have laboured to in-
vestigate the plans and courses of administration ; my condition of
life will not warrant me in questioning our great functionaries. All
the public - documents have been examined, and the newspapers of
the opposition, have been ransacked to discover the true source of
discontent, yet I find by these documents, that I have stated the
course of measures; correctly : and no other causes of discontent have
been proclaimed than those on which I have commented and ex-
plained, or at least endeavoured to explain. If I am charged with
error, the points of accusation shall be candidly reviewed. If I la-
bour under error,I am open to conviction. I have nothing to do in
the struggles for office : in the abstract I consult my country’s hap-
piness^in the opposition there are gentlemen whom I love and es-
teem. But if there be any solid reason for a change of administra-
tion, it has not been given to the public—it must arise from some se-
cret griefs—some unknown Imperfections in the administration—dis-
appointments as to office, or personal animosities. If either of the
two latter, the causes, and consequently the appeals are unworthy of
the attentions of the people—if either of the former, it is necessary
and proper that the griefs or imperfections be fairly and justly com-
municated before we yield our confidence, and unite in destroying an
executive who has done more to advance the happiness of the people
than evef was done by any state executive, in the same period of
time. A phenomenon exists—-an administration admired ; and the
administrator denounced—a struggle to participate in the popularity
acquired by the wisdom and utility of public measures ; and to de-
stroy the executive under whose recommendation and auspices these
wholesome measures have been adopted.
I have read of the Patricians and Plebians of Rome, of the Guelphs
and the Ghihbelines of Lombardy; of the Cavaliiers and Roundheads
of Britain; of the hatreds which subverted the Republics of Greece,
and of the factions of Europe, who obliterated from the records of
time, every important European Republic.
But I have never read of an administration subverted while the op-
position voted for and generally applauded the measures.
Nor have I read of a people, who prostrated the administration for
lessening their burdens, and improving their condition in life. Until
the present unknown causes of hostility against Mr. Clinton are pub-
licly stated and deliberately discussed ; the facts before me do and
will create a belief, that ambition and resentments conspire to de-
stroy him.
It is the fate of patriots and sages to be abused and denounced :
such are the passions of men—Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and
the elder Clinton, were denounced as the enemies of the Deity, of our
holy religion, of order, and of civil liberty. Aristides was banished
for che inflexible administration of justice: Columbus was chained in
a dungeon for discovering this continent: and Socrates was poison-
ed for teaching the immortality of the soul, and the unity of the Di*
vine Being.
: 4 '■. ,	26 V ;	■
Yet the sage lives in the records of time., History renders him
immortal; and his memory is embalmed in the min^s of all general
tions. V	>	--	< . ■■■■'' 4;.. .
It is better to preserve an enlightened and honest statesman in his
country’s service) than to weave the laurel .round his tomb.
Appealing to that Power, who in a little time will judge of my
principles arid conduct in life, for the purity of,my motives; for mj
entire political disinterestedness ;; and for my ardent wish to unite
all the different interests in the: state into one great arid" accordant
family, I bid you all affectionate farewell.
. . - -	-	EPAMINONBAS*
December 17* 1819=*2f
A ^TATEMEN^, exhibiting the fact, that the annua] savings of
JS501,260. effected since Gov. Tompkins retired from office, wjil com-
plete the Great Western $pd Northern Canals, allowing them to
cost six millions, with an annual interest of six per cent, on the bal-
ances in thirteen years, and leaving in the pockets of the people an*"
t expendeflfbalance of §45,Y35<63,	^
^ V
%
1819.
Dr* Canal,
Cr. Savings,
1820. Interest on last sum
1 year, at six per cent
Dr. Canal,
j
1821.
1822.
Cr. Savings,
Interest,
Dr. Canal,
Cr. Savings,
Interest,
Dr. Canal,
Cr. Savings,
600.000
501.260
98,740
5,924 40
600,000
704-664 40
501.260	00
203,404 40
12,204 26
600,000
815,608 66
501,-60 00
314,348 66
18,860 92
600,000
933,209 58
501.260	•
f *
V
1823.
1824.
•431,949 58
Interest, 25,916 97
Dr. Canal,	600,000 00
1,057,866 55
Cr. Sayings, 501,260 00
556,606 55
Interest,	33.396 39
Dr. Canal,	600,000 00
1,190,002 94
Cr. Savings, 501,260
688,742 94
%
>
\Y v
*	* V	28	
Amount brought forward, ■*? fj Interest, ,/<. 1825. Dr. Canal, ■ > / / j . / « Cr. Savings, / '7 /# : % V - v * - Interest, 1826. yy Dr. Canal, • i §r *3 ^ Cr. Savings,		688.742 94 41,324 5S 600,000 00 1,330,067 52s 501.260	00 828,807 52 49.728 45 600,000 00 1,478,535 97 501.260
1827.	Interest, Dr. Canal,	977-275 97 59,636 52 600,000 09
	Cr. Savings,	1,635.912 53 501,260 00
1828/	Interest, Dr. Canal,	1,134.652 53 68,079 15 600,000 00
	Cr. Savings,	1,802,731 68 501,260 00
	Interest to 1829,	1,301,471 68 78,088 30
£1 ■ ■*■+ *	*4 15- : , ™ & !Gr. Savings,	1,379,559 98 501,260
*	Interest to 1830,	878,299 98 52,700
/ f -	Cr. Savings,	930,999 98 501,260
i/ -	Interest to 1831,	429.739 98 25,784 39
3
455,524 ST
ter. Savings^	50!,260
S 45,735 63
/
JXv