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NEW SWEDEN,
THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE,
BY THE
REY. ISRAEL ACRELIUS,
Provost of the Swedish Churches in America, &c.
Translated from the original Swedish,
BY THE LATE
NICHOLAS COLLIN, D.D.
OF PHILADELPHIA.
51INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
The intimate connexion that from the first subsisted between
the Dutch and Swedish settlements on the Delaware, and their
final union under the administration of Gov. Stuyvesant, render
the following piece of colonial history appropriate to the present
volume. It is derived from a work published at Stockholm in the
middle of the last century, chiefly relating to the ecclesiastical
annals of the Swedish colony, but to a considerable extent devoted
to its civil history.* The author, Rev. Israel Acrelius, was for
several years the pastor of a church at Christina, (now Wilmington,
Delaware,) and at the head of the Swedish clergy in the colony
with the title of Provost. He returned to Sweden in 1756, and re-
sumed the pastoral duties at Fellingsbro, where he was residing at
the time his work was published. He died in 1800, at the ad-
vanced age of eighty-six years.
Acrelius divided his work into eight parts ; the first comprised
the period from the settlement of the colony in 1637-8, to its
conquest by the Dutch in 1655; the second part describes the
administration of the Dutch vice-governors, Paul Jaquet, Jacob
Alrichs, and William Beekman, and ends with the reduction of
New Netherlands by the English in 1664; the third part com-
pletes the civil history, and embraces the Duke of York’s govern-
ment and the proprietorship of William Penn and his successors.
• It is entitled,—Beskrifning ora de Svenska Forsamlingars Forna och Nar-
warande Tilstand, ut det sa kallade Nya Sverige, sedan Nya Nederland, men
nu for tiden Pennsylvanien, samt nastliggande orter wid Alfwen Delaware,
West-Jersey och New Castle County uti Norra America. Utgifwen af Israel.
Acrelius, for detta Probst ofwer Svenska Forsamlingar i America och
Ryrkoherde uti Fellingsbro. Stockholm, 1759. (Description of the present
and former state of the Swedish Congregations in New Sweden (so called,)
since New Netherlands, and now Pennsylvania, and in the neighbouring parts
on Delaware Bay, in West Jersey, and New Castle County, in North Ame-
rica. By Israel Acrelius, late Provost of the Swedish Churches in America,
and pastor^ of the church at Christina, but now Provost and pastor at Fel-
lingsbro. Stockholm, 1759.)INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
403
The remainder of the work is" chiefly taken up with the annals of
the Swedish congregations under their respective pastors. Con-
sidered in its ecclesiastical character, it is probably the most com-
plete and satisfactory account of any portion of the early American
church ever published.
The following translation comprises only such portions of the
civil history as relate more or less directly to the controversies with
the Dutch, who had established themselves oil the banks of the
Delaware before the arrival of the Swedes. It was prepared at
the instance of the Rev. Dr. Miller with reference to a proposed
history of New-York, and deposited among the MSS. of this So-
ciety after that design was relinquished. The translator, Nicholas
Collin, D. D. was the last of the succession of pastors who were sent
by the government of Sweden to the churches on the Delaware. He
arrived in this country from Upsal in 1771, and was at first settled
at Swedesborough, (New Jersey,) but subsequently removed to
Philadelphia, and for a period of forty-five years had the charge
of the Swedish churches in that city and its vicinity. In general,
the pastors who came over from Sweden were permitted to return
after a few years, and as a recompense for their voluntary exile in
the cause of religion, they became entitled to preferment at home.
The celebrated Charles XII., having recalled the Rev. Eric Biork
after a ministry of eleven years at Christina, declares in the man-
date issued upon the occasion, that he was “to be rewarded for
his long and faithful services by some comfortable situation in our
kingdomand in announcing the appointment of two others to the
same mission, adds, “ these may also depend on a gracious pro-
motion in Sweden, when they shall wish to return. We also as-
sure the congregations and the Swedes living in the aforesaid
country, of our particular and permanent royal favour; commending
them to the care of the Almighty God.” Dr. Collin preferred to
remain in the country, where he was held in high respect during
his long ministerial career by the congregations under his pastoral
charge. He was also a man of letters, and enjoyed a reputation
for learning and talents in a community distinguished for intellec-
tual cultivation. Taking an active interest in scientific pursuits,
Dr. Collin became an efficient member of the American Philo-
sophical Society, and was several times elected a vice-president of
that learned institution. He died at Philadelphia, the 7th of Octo-404
INTRODUCTORY NOTE*
ber, 1831, in the eighty-seventh year of his age,—“ beloved,” says
his eminent contemporary, Du Ponceau, “ beloved, respected, and
regretted.”*
On comparing Dr. Collin’s translation with the original work, it
will be found to consist of detached portions of the civil history of
the Colony; whatever seemed irrevalent to the purposes of the
New York historian being omitted, and in such a manner as to im-
pair to a considerable extent the continuity of the narrative. It
was of course written without any view to publication in a sepa-
rate form, and cannot therefore be regarded as a fair specimen of
the literary merits either of the author or translator. In the introduc-
tory pages, which are omitted in the translation, Acrelius recurs to
the prominent events connected with the discovery and colonization
of the western continent. To his own countrymen, the ancient Scan-
dinavians, he ascribes the honour of having landed upon our shores
at a period long anterior to the voyages of Columbus. “ Our
Swedes and Goths,” he says, “ had already discovered America,
in the year 996 after the birth of Christ, and given it the name of
Yinland the Good.” This statement has been amply confirmed
of late by the researches of the Danish antiquaries, who have
spread before the world the evidence on which it rests in a man-
ner so authentic and satisfactory, as to produce a general convic-
tion of its truth in the minds of those whohave examined the subject.
In regard to the voyages of Hudson and other European navigators
in the early part of the seventeenth century, Acrelius depended on
an English publication of no great credit ;f and has fallen into
some inaccuracies. Thus he attributes the discovery of Delaware
bay to a Capt. Delaware who sailed under an English admiral
named Jaques Chartiers, in 1600, and refers Hudson’s great
voyage to the year 1608 ; he dates the settlement of Albany from
1613, and states that “ Samuel Argali, a governor of Virginia, ex-
pelled the inhabitants from the river in 1618.” But in all that re-
lates to the Swedish colony, Acrelius drew his materials from
original accounts, and the utmost confidence can be placed in the
general correctness of his statements.
Dr. Collin’s translation ends with the recovery of New-York
* Memoirs of the Hist. Society of Pennsylvania, iii. 111. Clay’s Swedish
Annals. 126.
i Entitled “ The History of the New World&c.INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
405
and the settlements on the Delaware by the English under
the treaty of Westminister, in 1674, after which the whole was
restored to the Duke of York. For the purpose of showing the
condition of the country at that period, we have continued the
translation two or three pages beyond, embracing a brief notice of
the Duke’s government.* ** A complete version of Acrelius would
be a valuable contribution to the stock of American history ; and a
confident expectation has been entertained that the accomplished
President of the American Philosophical Society, Peter S. Du
Ponceau, would undertake the task, as an intimation to that effect
was given by him in the preface to his translation of a similar
work, ( “ Description of New Sweden, by Thomas Campanius
Holm,”) published a few years since in the Memoirs of the Penn-
sylvania Historical Society. In referring to Acrelius, Mr. Du
Ponceau remarks, that his history is “ much more complete, and in
every respect superior to that now presented to the public, to which,
however, as being the oldest, the preference has, for the present,
been given.”! ^ hoped that the expectation thus raised may
yet be fulfilled.
We have added in relation to the subject of the Swedish settle-
ments a document from the Dutch Colonial Records, supposed to
be the report of the Commissary A. Hudde, who was sent by
Governor Kieft to the Delaware in 1645.
Next follows the report of the Swedish Governor, John Claudius
Rising, of the conquest by the Dutch in 1655. This document, in
the original Swedish, is inserted in the appendix to Arfwedson’s
Nova Suecia, and we are indebted to George P. Marsh, Esq. of
Burlington, (Vermont,) an honorary member of this Society, for the
* Pp. Ill—113, original edit.
+ Mem. Hist. Soc. Penn. iii. Preface.—There are several other accounts of
New Sweden not yet translated, e. g.—“ Dissertatio Gradualis de Plantatione
Ecclesiae Svecanae,” &c. by Tobias E. Biork, Upsal, 1731. This writer cites
** And. Hesselii Kort Berattelse om Svenska Kyrk, narvarande tilstand i
America.” Hesselius was pastor at Christina, 1711—1719. In 1825 was
published at Upsal a little work, entitled “ De Colonia Nova Suecia in Ame-
ricana Borealem deducta Historiola,” (Historical Sketch of the colony of New
Sweden in North America,) by Charles David Arfwedson, now American
Consul at Stockholm—a gentlemen well known and highly respected in this
country.406
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
translation from a copy in his possession. Mr. Marsh is well
known for his rare attainments in the philology and literature
of the Scandinavian languages.
Our acknowledgments are due to the American Philosophical
Society, (Philadelphia,) and to their venerable Librarian, John
Vaughan, Esq., for the loan of a copy of Acrelius, the only one
within our knowledge in the country. This was presented to the
Society by the late Hon. Jonathan Russell, formerly Minister
Plenipotentiary from the United States to Sweden. Mr. Russell
likewise procured copies of numerous public documents relating
to the affairs of the Swedish Colony on the Delaware, which he
presented to the same institution ; some of these have been since
printed in Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia.
Before concluding this note we cannot omit mentioning a small
volume lately published, entitled “ Annals of the Swedes on the
Delaware, by the Rev. J. C. Clay, Rector of the Swedish Churches
in Philadelphia and its vicinity,” &c. This little work comprises
many interesting details of the early Colony, and leads us to re-
gret that the author did not make a more ample use of the mate-
rials to which he had access. The circumstances that induced
the publication are stated by him in the following very just re-
marks :—“ The compiler, descended on the mother’s side from
Swedish ancestors, felt a desire to look into their history, and to
know more than he did of the occurrences connected with their
first settlement on this soil. He had observed that the geographers
and historians of America, while they had been very particular in
detailing the circumstances connected with the arrival and settle-
ment of the English on the James River, and of the Pilgrims in
New-England, had scarcely mentioned that there was ever such a
colony as the Swedes on the Delaware. He was at a loss to
know why this was so; especially as their arrival here was but
about thirty years after that of the English in Virginia, and but
about sixteen or seventeen years after the settlement of New-Eng-
land ; and that, therefore, their being among the first colonies that
came from Europe to America, and the very first that settled Penn-
sylvania, claimed for them a more particular notice.”
Editor.COPY OF A LETTER
From Rev, Dr. Collin, the Translator, to Rev. Dr. Miller.
Philadelphia, 30th October, 179£
Dear Sir—Uncertain whether you were in New York during
the sickness,* I omitted answering your favour, which, I hope,,
you will excuse.
To give you full information about the affairs of the Dutch
settlement in Delaware, I have translated every thing regarding
it from Acrelius. Some of his authorities I have also seen in
other writings, which he quotes, as the account given by the
Rev. Mr. Rudman, founder of the Swedish Church here in
Philadelphia, and yet extant in its records. Rut Acrelius is for
you a sufficient voucher; and if you find it necessary, you may
quote me as translator- The quotations* from the registers in
the archives of New-York you have probably seen, and may
again compare them.
According to the extent of your work, you can take in more
or less of my communication. As his translation has cost me
several days’ application, I could not repeat it; and have there-
fore given particular charge to Mr. Maclean to send it with a
very safe conveyance. With cordial wishes for the success of
your laudable undertaking, I am,de ar sir,
Respectfully,
Your most humble serv’t,
NICHOLAS COLLIN*.
To the Rev. Dr.. Miller.
* The yellow fever*.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
Individuals who were natives of Holland seem to have been
instrumental in the first settlement of the Swedes on the Dela-
ware, as appears from the following:—
Wilhelm Usselinx, a Hollander, native of Antwerp, proposed
to King Gustavus Adolphus the plan of a Swedish trading
company, to be extended to Asia, Africa, and Terra Magellanica.
He obtained a commission, dated at Stockholm, the 21st De-
cember, 1624, for this important purpose. A contract was
accordingly formed for the approbation and signature of the
company. Usselinx made illustrating observations on the same,
and gave ample information about the country on the Delaware,
respecting its fertility, conveniency, and whatever advantages.
The company received good privileges. Usselinx was to have
for himself one thousandth part of all the goods which the com-
pany should buy and sell. This plan was recommended by the
King to the States, and confirmed by them in the Diet of 1627.
Many persons of the first rank, besides common citizens, became
associates. For the execution of it, were appointed an admiral,
vice-admiral, merchants, assistants, commissaries, and a mili-
tary force.
This business was impeded by the rise of the German war,
and the death of the King ; but again revived in this manner .—
A certain Hollander, Peter Menewe, or Menuet, had been in
the Dutch service in America, got into disputes with the prin-
cipals of the company, was recalled and displaced. He wTent
to Sweden, and renewed the proposition of Usselinx, displaying
the advantages of the country, &c. Queen Christina received
them with pleasure. The Chancellor of the kingdom, so
renowned, Axel Oxenstierna, patronized the enterprize, and also
engaged several wealthy gentlemen in it. A favorable circum-
stance was, that Charles I. King of England, had in the year
1634, on the representation of the Swedish ambassador, re-
nounced all claim to the country which the English sought for
from the first discovery of it. A colony was sent out under
the direction of said Menewe, as he was best acquainted with
the country. It departed from Gothenburgh in two vessels, the
one a man-of-war, named the Key of Calmar ;* the other a
* This is the name of a principal city in the south of Sweden.—Trans.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
409
lesser ship, called the Bird Grip—both being stored with pro-
visions, ammunition and goods proper for commerce with the
Indians, and donations for them. Both ships arrived in safety.
Immediately land was bought from the Indians, a deed was
given, and written in Low Dutch (as no Swede could yet inter-
pret the Indian). By this agreement the Swedes obtained all
the western land on the river from Cape Henlopen to the falls
at Trenton, then called by the Indians Santickan, and as much
inwards from it in breadth as they might want. This extended
by subsequent contracts to the great fall in the Susquehannah,
near the mouth of the Conewaga.
This colony settled about the place where Wilmington now is.
Peter Menuet erected a fort in 1638, on the border of the river
Christiana, about one and a half miles from its mouth in Dela-
ware, near the place of the since erected Swedish church, and
called it Christiana, in honor of the Queen.* This river is
still called Christiana creek, and the vicinity Christiana.
At that time the Dutch had no establishment on the Delaware.
They had erected two or three small forts heretofore, to wit:
Nassau, where Gloucester now is, three miles below Philadel-
phia, in West Jersey, and another at Horekill in the Bay ; but
the Indians had destroyed them, and killed the peopled Never-
theless they claimed a right, and were anxious to secure at least
all the land between Delaware and New Amsterdam (now
New-York). They kept therefore some persons residing on
the east side of the river, to keep a look-out on all that might
visit it; and these immediately apprized the Governor General
at New Amsterdam of the arrival of Menuet. He, after having
waited until the schemes of Menuet appeared, when, seeing
that a fortress was building on account of Sweden, issued this
protest:—	*
“ Thursday, 6th of May, 1638.
I, Wilhelm Kieft, Director General of the New-Netherlands,
residing on the island Manhattan, in the Fort Amsterdam, under
the government which appertains to the High and Mighty
States General of the United Netherlands, and to the West
India Company, privileged by the Senate Chamber in Am-
sterdam, make known to thee, Peter Menuet, who stylest thy-
self commander in the service of her Majesty the Queen of
Sweden, that the whole South River of the New Netherlands,
both the upper and the lower, has been our property for many
years, occupied with forts, and sealed by our blood, which also
was done when thou wast in the service of the New Nether-
* The Indians called this fort Hopokahacking.—Trans.
t Adrian Vanderdonck mentions this in his History of the New-Netherlands,
printed in 1655.—Trans.
52410
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN*
lands, and is therefore well known to thee. But as thou art
come between our forts to erect a fort to our damage and in-
jury, which we never will permit; as we also believe that her
Swedish Majesty has not empowered thee to erect fortifications
on our coasts and rivers, or to settle people on the lands adjoin-
ing, or to trade in peltry, or to undertake any other thing to our
prejudice ; now therefore, we protest against all such encroach-
ments, and all the evil consequences from the same, as blood-
shed, sedition, and whatever injury our trading company may
suffer; and declare that we shall protect our rights in a manner
that shall appear most advisable.” *
Peter Menuet did thus a great service to the first Swedish
colony. During three years he protected this small fort, which
the Dutch never attempted. After some years he died at this
place. His successor was Peter Hollcendare, a native Swede,
who after one year and a half returned to Sweden, and obtained
a military post there.
The second emigration from Sweden was under John Printz,
a Swede, and lieutenant colonel in the Swedish service, ap-
pointed governor of the so called New-Sweden. He brought
two vessels of war, called Swan and Charitas, and another ship
called Fama. During his governorship came three other ves-
sels at divers times, to wit., the ship Black Cat, laden with
ammunition and merchandize for the Indians ; afterwards the
Swan the second time, in 1647, bringing more people; again
two ships, the Key and the Lamb.
In the instructions for Governor Printz, his conduct towards
the Dutch is regultaed thus:—To desire a friendly meeting
with the ruling officers of their company, in order to explain
the designs and corresponding rights of the Swedish colony,
namely, that the above mentioned western country on the river
had been fairly purchased from the Indians, who were natural
possessors of it; that if the Dutch would respect this title, the
Swedish government would also leave them undisturbed in
their legitimate possessions on the east side of the river, and
those on the North river, on which Amsterdam was situated;
but that in the unexpected case of any hostile interference, force
should be employed for the repelling of it. To claim, in addi-
tion to this west coast, also, a part of the east from the cape
up to the creek Narraticon, (now Raccoon, about twenty miles
below Philadelphia), which is in this instruction said to have
been purchased from the Indians by said Swedish colony, t His
* New-York Dutch Records, General Index, Lib. A.
f A preceding paragraph in the instructions relative to the English settled
on the east side, explains this matter. About sixty families of that nation are
said to be residing about a creek called Ferkens, (probably Salem, 36 miles be-
low Philadelphia, which in old times was called Farkens-creek.) To preventHISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
411
orders with respect to such of the Dutch who had resorted to
New Sweden, and there settled under Swedish authority (hav-
ing also Jost von dem Boyandh for chief, or municipal director),
were to respect all the privileges granted them, and to hold
them to their corresponding obligations; and although they
had been ordered to remove further from the fort Christiana,
from which their settlement was but three Swedish (twenty
English) miles distant, yet to dispense with the execution of it,
if he thought proper; otherwise to dispose in a manner he
thought best for the Swedish service, and in general to treat
them with kindness.
Governor Printz established his residence on Tenackong, (now
called Tinnicum) eleven or twelve miles below Philadelphia, an
island formed by the river and a creek. A neat church was
also constructed there of wood. Many of the principal Swedes
had also their habitations there.
The Dutch endeavoured to extend their settlement on the east
side of the river. In 1646, one Thomas Broencame with per-
mission from the Dutch Director in New Amsterdam, Peter
Stuyvesant, to establish himself on Mantua's Hook, opposite
to Tenockong (the mouth of the creek yet called Mante’s creek.)
This permission he presented to Governor Printz, with petition
of his aid to build a residence. The governor promised, on
condition of his settling under Swedish jurisdiction. But on
his refusal, and discovering the designs of the Dutch, he bought
himself from the Indians the land from said Mantuas Hook to
Narraticon (now Raccoon creek, about eight miles wide) and
there erected a pillar with the Swedish arms engraved.
Andries Hudde, appointed pro tempore commandant on Fort
Nassau, 8th September, made a protest in writing against this
purchase, and informed the Director Stuyvesant of it, and also
that Governor Printz intended to purchase the whole country on
the east side of the river; with the observation, that by pos-
sessing both sides he would be able to export 30,000 or 40,000
beaver skins every year. As the Dutch had neither time nor
money for effectual opposition, they adopted this scheme.—•
Simon Ruth, Cornelius Marizen, Peter Hermanson, Andries
Hudde, Alexander Boyer, and David Davids joined in purchase
ing from the Indians a piece of land from Ancocus creek (in
West Jersey, about twelve or thirteen miles above Philadelphia)
more from settling, the Swedes are said to have purchased the land from the
Indians. The governor is directed to bring these families under the Swedish
jurisdiction by gentle means—the rather as they should have signified a wish
to be under any power capable of protecting them ; but in case this could not be
done, to prevail upon them to move for a proper compensation, which would
be more eligible.—Trans.412
HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
to Tenecongh,* and took a deed of the same, but with condition
of giving up their right to the Company, if desired, on receiving
the sum paid. Gov. Printz protested against this. Peter Stuy-
vesant, in his answer to those persons, laments the weakness
of the Dutch Company to defend its rights, and promises money
to buy the land from Raccoon down to the bay, which, how-
ever, never happened.
As Governor Printz had precluded the free access to Fort Nas-
sau by the fort on Tinnecum below it, the Dutch endeavoured to
repair this misfortune in the following manner :—They bought
from the Indians all the land between Manigvas,t or Mingvas
creek, and Bomties or Bambo-Hoock (Canarosse) and got a deed
for it 19th July, 1651. This contract is the only one ever
made in the name of the States General and the West India
Company. But in this very act, they purchased a district which
the Minquessis^ had sold to the Swedes already, in the time of
Menewe. Immediately afterwards they erected fort Casimir||
on Sandhoock. Governor Printz made positive remonstrances
against it, but in vain.
To prevent the bad effects of it, said governor erected an-
other fort, which he named Elfsborg, on the place called by
the Indians Wootsessung, one Swedish mile below Sand-
hook, and two below Christiana on the west side. (The dis-
trict is accordingly still called Elsingborgh.) Here the
Swedish salute was fired on the arrival of Swedish vessels.—
But the main intent was to visit the Dutch vessels which passed,
and oblige them to lower the colours, which greatly affronted
them. The fort was afterwards deserted and demolished by
the Swedes themselves, because the multitude of musquitoes
was insupportable. (It was called jocosely Myggenborg, or
the fort of the musquitoes : mygga, in Swedish, meaning a
musquito.)
The Dutch Governor had raised the coat of arms of the
States at Santhickan, (Trenton,) but Printz ordered one of his offi-
cers to tear it down. On remonstrance to him, how he dared
to do so, the officer answered, that if the standard of the States
of Holland had been erected, he would have pulled it down/—
This happened 8th September, 1646.
However jealous the Dutch were of the Swedes, both were
united when required in keeping the English from the Dela-
ware. These had already made some attempts, and had formed
a claim on the country west of the said river, as being the
* This was higher up than Tenackong, where Governor Printz resided, now
well known.—Trans.
t Christiana.
| Indians of those parts.
il New-Castle, five miles below Wilmington.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
413
back part of Virginia. The year before the arrival of Governor
Printz, they had fortified a place on Schuylkill. The Dutch ■
Commissary on fort Nassau got these orders for their ex-
pulsion :—
“ May 22, 1642. So soon as the sloops Real and St. Martin
arrive, he, Jan Jansson Upendam, shall go aboard (if necessary
he may collect more forces) and enter the Schuylkill, and ap-
proach the place of which the English have lately taken pos-
session, demanding by what authority they presume to deprive
us of our land and trade ? If they have not any royal com-
mission, either in original or genuine copy, he shall, in complai-
sant manner, desire them to withdraw, for preventing of blood-
shed. If they refuse, he shall make them prisoners, and carry
them aboard of the sloops ; and for the rest, take care to pre-
serve dominion, and to defend the honour of the High and Migh-
ty States, and of the honourable West India Company. When
the English are removed, he shall entirely demolish that place.
He shall provide that the English may lose nothing of their
property, and therefore make a complete inventory in their pres-
ence. Done in our council at the fort of Amsterdam.” Adrian
Van der Donck testifies that the Swedes aided.
“ There is another creek on the east side of the river, called
Varcken’s creek, (Salem) where some English were settled.—
The Director Kieft expelled them after a proper remonstrance,
being in part aided by the Swedes ; for they had both agreed
to expel the English.”
These enterprises of the Dutch were, however, unimpor-
tant. A few unarmed English families were easily destroyed.
How insignificant their establishment on the Delaware was,
appears from this :—Jan Janssen Upendam, who commanded
at Fort Nassau, was, the 12th of October, 1646, cited to New
Amsterdam, to account for goods entrusted to him by the Com-
pany and some individuals. Andries Hudden was sent to Nas-
sau to examine his books, and to send back what goods were
not wanted ; but himself to remain a commandant until further
orders, and to repair the fort the same year. He found the
magazines in such bad condition, that Upendam mentions in
his account only twro bales of Harlem cloth, and two beaver
skins, as the whole stock under his charge during the whole
time. Andries Hudden, then appointed commandant ad inte-
rim of said fort Nassau, supplicated, the 1st December, 1654,
the governor and his council in New Amsterdam, for the office
of schoolmaster ; but the matter was referred to the clergy and
consistory. Not being accepted, he was, by way of compensa-
tion, appointed secretary of government at Altona, (Christina)
and also clerk of the parish.414
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
Governor Printz went home in 1642, and appointed his son-
in-law, Johan Pappegoia, vice-governor.
1654. The ship Eagle came from Sweden, and brought
with her a reinforcement of colonists Johan Claudii Rising,*
as commissary and counsellor of the governor ; also an engineer,
Peter Lindstroem, several officers with some troops, and a cler-
gyman. On their arrival, they stopped at fort Casimir, gave
two salutes, and demanded the surrender of the fort, as erected
on Swedish ground. As the commandant delayed an answer,
Rising landed thirty soldiers, and took it without bloodshed.—
An inventory was made of every thing in the fort. Every per-
son was permitted to carry away what he had, whether it be-
longed to the company, or to individuals. The people had their
choice either to remove, or to remain, and be protected in their
rights, on taking the oath of allegiance to the crown of Sweden.
This happening on Trinity Sunday, the fort was called Fort
Trinity. It was afterwards, according to the plan of engineer
Lindstroem, almost rebuilt anew much stronger. The vice-
governor, Pappegoia, went home, and said Rising obtained the
supreme authority, taking the title of Director General over
New Sweden.
The Dutch were intent on revenge with the first opportunity.
A Swedish ship, called the Golden Shark, coming to reinforce
the colony, and to bring goods, under command of captain and
supercargo Daswick, was obliged by some accident to enter the
river Raritan, expecting no harm from the Dutch; but was
made a prisoner notwithstanding his remonstrances.
The 30th August, 1655. The Dutch governor, Peter Stuy-
vesant, came with seven larger and smaller vessels, and between
six and seven hundred men, from New Amsterdam into Dela-
ware. He first demanded Fort Trinity, (Casimir) and after
some demur from the commandant Sven Schute, got it by ca-
pitulation, of which the principal articles were these :—
“ The commandant shall have leave to send to Sweden with
first opportunity the cannons belonging to the crown of Swe-
den, being in all nine.
“ He shall march out with twelve men in perfect accoutre-
ments, as his life-guard, with the colours of the crown ; but the
other soldiers shall only have their side-arms.
“ The muskets that belong to the crown shall remain in the
fort until they are sent for.
“ The commandant and officers shall retain their private pro-
perty, either removing it immediately, or leaving it till further
opportunity.
“ The fort shall be given up with all the cannons, ammunition,
* Rising had been secretary in the Board of Commerce in Sweden.—Trans.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
415
materials, and other goods that belong to the honourable West
India Company.
“Done 16th September, 1655, aboard the ship Wagh, near
Fort Casimir.”
After this, the Dutch came over land to Christiana, approach-
ing on the back of it, and after a few days’ negotiation, got it
without bloodshed by capitulation. The principal articles
were—
“ All the cannons, ammunition, provisions, stock and articles,
which belong to the crown of Sweden and the West India
Company, found in the fort, shall appertain to them, and be
under the disposition of Governor Rising, to remove the same
directly, or leave it in the care of Governor Stuyvesant, to be
delivered on demand.
“ The governor, with all his officers, military and civil, and
soldiers, shall march out of the fort, with all their arms, military
music, colours, and other military honours. They shall first be
safely conducted to the island Timnecuck, and lodged in the
fort there, until Governor Stuyvesant departs, and then they shall
be carried to Sandy Huck (this the same as Sandy Hook), and
there kept in safe custody at least fourteen days. The governor
and factor Elswyck shall be allowed four or five servants in
mean time.
“ All writings, letters, instructions, and documents belonging
to the Swedish crown, the company, and individuals, found
in the fort, shall remain in the hands of the governor, to be
taken away at pleasure, without being examined.
“ None of the officers, soldiers, attendants, belonging to the
crown or the company, nor any individuals shall be retained
against their will, but may all, if they please, depart with the
governor.
“ All persons, whether appertaining to the crown and compa-
ny, or private, shall retain all their property, without molestation.
“ If any persons, though willing to depart, are not able to go
with the governor, they shall obtain a time of one year and six
weeks, to dispose of their lands and moveables, except they in
that time choose allegiance to the Dutch government.
“ If any of the Swedes and Finns* are unwilling to depart,
the Governor Rising may use means of persuasion; and if
persuaded, they shall not be forcibly detained. Those who
remain shall have liberty to adhere to the Augsburgian Con-
fession, and to retain a teacher for their instruction.
“ Governor Rising, the factor Elswyck, with others, officers,
soldiers, and individuals, who wish to depart, shall by the
Governor Stuyvesant be provided with a good ship, which shall
* The Finns have a different language, but make one nation with the Sw'edes.
—Trans.416
HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
take them in at Sandy Huck, and bring them to Texel, and
from thence immediately in a coaster, galliot, or other proper
vessel, to Gotheborg * without freight, on condition that such
vessel shall not be detained, for which Governor Rising shall
be responsible.
“ In case Governor Rising, Factor Elswyck, or any other offi-
cer belonging to the crown or the company, has contracted any
debt on account of the crown or company, they shall not be
detained within the jurisdiction of the governor general.
“ Governor Rising has perfect liberty to inform himself about
the conduct of the commandant Sven Schute, with that of the
officers and men, in surrendering Fort Casimir.
“ Governor Rising stipulates on this day to withdraw his peo-
ple from the fort Christiana, and deliver it up to the governor
general.
“ Done and signed the f-f Sept. 1655, on the parade between
Fort Christiana and the camp of the governor general.
“PETER STUYVESANT,
“ JOHAN RISING, jDirector over Neiv Siveden.”
Secret article.—“ It is further agreed, that the captain who is
to conduct Governor Rising and Factor Elswyck, shall be ex-
pressly ordered to put them ashore in England or France, and
that the governor general shall lend to Director General Rising,
in money, or bills of exchange, a sum of three hundred pounds
Flemish, which he promises to repay to said governor general
or his order in Amsterdam in six months after the receipt. In
mean time he leaves as equivalent the goods of the crown and
of the company. Of this we make two obligations. Signed
f-f September, 1655, on the parade between, &c.
“ PETER STUYVESANT,
“ JOHAN RISING.”
On receiving the money, Rising was obliged to consent that
the goods owned should be sold, if not redeemed in six
months. Both parties retained what they had got—the one the
money, the other the goods.
Rising did not return immediately. His account of New
Sweden, calculated to animate his victorious king, Charles
Gustavus, to its recovery, is dated Elbingen, 3d June, 1656.
Afterwards a proclamation was issued, in which all those who
desired to remain were convoked to take an oath of allegiance,
and all the rest to remove, with liberty to sell or carry off their
property. The form of the oath was : “ I undersigned promise
and swear, in the presence of the omniscient and omnipotent
God, that I will be faithful and obedient unto the States General
of the United Netherlands, the director general and his council,
+ Gothenburg on the North Sea.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
417
the present and future, and remain without aiding in any hostile
enterprise or sedition, either in words or deeds against the same ;
but shall conduct myself as a faithful and obedient subject, so
long as I remain in this South river in the New Netherlands.
So help me Almighty God.”
The Swedes suffered great hardships from the Dutch. The
flower of their troops were picked out, and sent to New Am-
sterdam ; though under the pretext of their free choice, the
men were forcibly carried aboard the ships. The women were
ill-treated * in their houses, the goods pillaged, and the cattle
killed. Those who refused allegiance were watched, as sus
picious. That this ill usage took place, appears from the testi-
monies given by Rising to those who had suffered, several of
which were preserved in the original. The Dutch have in
vain endeavoured to defend their aggression by allegation that
the Swedish establishment was but by a private company—
because the whole was undertaken under the authority and
protection of the government.
All the bargains for land that the Dutch had made with In-
dians were there very inconsiderable
Samuel Goodyn and Samuel Bloemart purchased Gape May
from the Indians, and named the bay Goodyn’s Bay. This land
extended four miles from the cape southwards on the bay;
four miles inwards from the water ; and thus contained sixteen
Dutch square miles. The purchase was made 5th of May,
1630, and was confirmed by the Dutch governor and his coun-
cil 3d January, 1631.
Abraham Planck, Simon Ruth, Jan Andriessen, and Peter
Hermanssen obtained, 10th August, 1646, one hundred mor-
gens of land on the west side of the river, opposite Egg Island,
on condition of improving it, bearing allegiance to the Dutch
government, &c.; but these men never came there.
Of the bargain made by Simon Ruth and others for the land
from Ancocus to Teneconghf mention is made above. The
company had no money to redeem this of the purchaser, as they
offered.
The Dutch company had proposed to buy the land from
Raccoon to the bay, but it was never done. The company
bought land for Fort Casimir, 19th July, 1651. This land was
between the river and Minquas (Christina) creek, from its
mouth to Canarosse (Bambo Hook).
The weakness of the Swedes accounts for this easy con-
quest. Sweden was too distant, and too deeply involved in the
* I have used “ill-treated” as most proper for the Swedish word of Acrelius.
It does not clearly imply any insult on their chastity, but pillage, &c«—Trans.
t Tenecongh, or similar words, probably mean simply an island, and are
thus applied to several places.—Trans.
53418
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN*
long wars with the Emperor, Poland, and Denmark- There
was also some danger on the passage from Spanish cruisers, as
Spain was then in alliance with the Emperor and Poland.—
Moreover it must be allowed that the Swedes behaved in some
respects haughtily towards the Dutch.
The crown of Sweden ceded its commercial rights to Eng-
land, by virtue of the treaty of Westminster, dated 27th July,
1656.* Sweden did not make any formal session to Holland ;
and the whole dispute was no further noticed, than in the treaty of
the Hague, 18th July, 1667, thus:—“Controversias autem,quae
inter Societatem Sveco-Americanam dictam, et Societatem In-
diae Occidentalis Fcederati Belgii intercedunt, ratione damnorum,
qua sibi a sese invicem in America illata esse praetendunt, se-
cundum justitiae et aequitatis regulas cum dictae Sanct. Reg.
Majs. ablegato^eomitis quantocius examinandas, desuper transi-
gendum, parti lesae coiifestim et sine mora satisfaciendum esse,
statutum atque decretum est.”
OF THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT.
The country on both sides of the river was now in the power
of the Dutch. The river was called Suydl river (South river.)
The Governor General Stuyvesant resided in Manathan, or
New Amsterdam. His authority was over all military, com-
mercial and judicial affairs. All officers had their commissions
from, and were accountable to, him. When he departed, after
the conquest, he appointed Captain Deryk Smidt commissary,
or interim-commandant over the river. Immediately on his re-
turn to New Amsterdam, he issued a commission, 29th Novem-
ber, 1655, for Johan Paul Jaquet to be governor. His office
was to take care of the trade, and keep order among the people.
He chose Fort Casimir for his residence. Andrias Hudde be-
came his counsellor, Almerhausen Klein secretary, &c.
The country on the west side of the river was divided into
two colonies :—From Christiana creek down to Bomties or
Bambo-Hook, and between the said creek and the river, togeth-
er with the fort Christina, and a piece of land about it, was the
colony of the Company. The remainder on the north side of
Christina creek, and upwards on the river, belonged to the city
of Amsterdam, and was governed by its burgomasters and coun-
* *Quoad commercium in America habendum, id quidem lege disserte cautum
est, ne cujus vis praeterea Reipublicae subditis sine peculiari licentia comrrer-
cium illic promiscue habendi potestas fiat. Siquis autem subditorum Sere. Re-
gis Sveciae ejusdem literis commendatitiis munitus, hmc sibi licentiam privatim,
ad eas quaslibet coloniaspetiverit, Dominus Protector, quo ad rerum et Reipubli-
C8B status pro temporepermiserit, haud invitus hac in parte Serenissimae Regi-
na* Majestatis Sveciae desiderio satis fiat. Fosdus Angl. cum Suecia.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
419
cfil, through Peter Stuy vesant, their general governor, and his
council; and was called the colony of the City. The founda-
tion of this distinction was laid when Fort Casimir was erected,
though the execution was prevented by the power of the Swedes.
Before, all transactions were in the name of the States General
and the West-India Company ; but now their affairs became
separate. Deeds on the territory of the city were given in Am-
sterdam by the burgomasters and council; but deeds on the
land of the company by directors and commissaries. A small
town was formed near Casimir on Sandhook, and was called
Newer Amstel. Christina got the name of Altona. Some
Dutch Jews requested leave to settle and trade on the river, of
whom two only were permitted.
Of the Swedes only nineteen swore allegiance, among whom
were Sven Schute, and Anders Jurgen, a Finn. The others
who remained, got their habitations within the colony of the
city, north of Christina, and so up the river. Over them was
appointed an inspector Goeran Van Dyke, with title of Schout
Fiscal, and under him the above Anders Jurgen.
The sixth article of the governor’s instructions directs, “ that
the Swedes 'should not be permitted to remain in the forts du-
ring night; ” and the twelfth of the same, “ that a watchful
eye should be kept on them, and thaCany who might be found
seditious, should immediately be sent to New Amsterdam.”*—
Some Swedes established on the other district requested a pro-
longation of the time (a'year and six weeks) to prepare for their
departure ; but obtained only a conditional consent to remove
into the new town, and remain there.f Others were suspected
of secret negotiations with the Indians, because these still vis-
ited the Swedish houses, and were entertained as usual. Sven
Schute and Jacob Svenske, as most obnoxious, were according-
ly sent off to New Amsterdam. This cunning measure was
often employed by the Dutch, who seemed to fear their own
shadow.
The attachment of the Indians continued in spite of the revo-
lution, of which the following is a specimen:—The 24th of
March, 1656, the Swedish ship Mercurius came into the river,
not knowing of the change, having a new supply of people for
the oolony. The Dutch forbid them to go up. But a party of
Indians joined, went aboard, and conducted it by fort Casimir to
Christina. The Dutch did not fire a gun against them; but
resolved to dismiss it, sending it first to New Amsterdam to take
in provisions4 One of the two clergymen who then came, to
wit, Anders Bengtson, remained in the country.
* General Index, N. Y. Records. Lib. C. p. 185.
+ Ibid. Lib. O. p. 17.
X Ibid. Lib C. p. 347.420
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
This Dutch colony was very weak until the spring of 1656,
when several parties came from New Amsterdam to settle here.
It was then first that the governor general and his council gave
deeds of land, seventy-five in all, till the end of August. These
grounds were small—the greater part of them only lots in New
Amstel. The Dutch did not mind agriculture ; besides labourers
could not be had ; and orders were given that sixteen or twenty
families should settle together, for the sake of safety ; which,
however, was only observed about Fort Casimir. A yearly
rent of twelve stivers was paid for every morgen.* Within
v the district of the Swedes no deeds were given at this time ;
yet a yearly tax of five or six gyllen was laid on every family,
agreeably to the project of the schoute.f The current coin of
the Dutch in the New Netherlands were gyllen, or florins,
thus : a Dutch florin passed here for five until 1700 ; afterwards
for six, but variably, as English money was then circulating.
The Indian trade brought into vogue their wampum, (oval pearls
of clam-shells, white and brown). The brown had a double
value of the white. Six of these and three of those were equal
to a styver; twenty sty vers to a gyllen; five gyllen to one
Dutch ditto. Sometimes the Indians had strings a fathom long
of these wampum. The Dutch called wampum sewant.
The Indians desired the governor Jacquet to make certain
regulations of the trade ; that the Dutch should purchase all the
peltry that they could bring, and pay one blanket for two deer
skins. He answered, that as yet he had not orders to form a
treaty. In the mean time, they obtained presents by contribu-
tion of the inhabitants, in which some of the Swedes bore a
part.
Divers municipal regulations were made 23d February, 1656 :
—to fence fields and lots before medium Mart, under a fine of
six gyllen; to guard goats by herdsmen, or pay the damage
done by them ; not to enter the fort by land or water without
leave ; not to settle between Fort Casimir and Christiana, in
order to save the wood for the town and fort. 22d May, the
same year—“ that all the swine should be yoked within twenty-
four hours, or be killed by the soldiers.”
The administration of Jacquet lasted little above a year.
Many complaints were made against him, which his successor
ascribed principally to hatred. Nevertheless the governor
general and his council sent him letters of dismission, which
contain reproaches for incapacity, 20th April, 1657. After
Jacquet, Jacob Alrich was appointed in Holland governor over
the colony of the city. His commission was given by the
* General index N. Y. Records, Liber H. H.
t Ibid. Liber R.HTSTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
421
burgomasters and council in Amsterdam, 19th December, 1656,
and renewed in Fort Amsterdam in the New Netherlands, 12th
April, 1657. His residence was at New Amstel. The Swedes
were still governed by a schout and commissioners. On the
proposal of the schout Goran Van Dyke, the governor general
made an offer to them by proclamation, 12th June, 1657, to
assemble themselves into one settlement, and erect a town on
Upland (Chester), or Passayung (below Philadelphia, between
the Delaware and Schuylkill), or Finland (Marcus Hook, four
miles below Chester), or Kingsessing (between the Schuylkill
and Darby), or where they pleased; but they did not approve
of this offer.*
The 28th October, 1658, William Beekman, alderman in
Amsterdam, was appointed vice-governor over the colony of
the company ; and was to reside at Altona, from whence all his
letters are dated. He administered the company’s trade, com-
manded the garrison, levied the customs upon vessels arriving
at New Amstel, and superintended the Swedes. Andreas
Hudde became his secretary, and clerk at the divine worship
held at Altona. Though Alrich and Beekman had separate
governments, they frequently acted in each other’s jurisdictions :
Alrich frequently distributed deeds for lands that belonged to
the company, and Beekman officiating within the colony of the
city.
s It was a long time before the Dutch settled among the
Swede*. The only deeds they gave among them, were two
for plantations near Altona, and one for a mill built in the vicin-
ity, which was to grind for the garrison. Beekman had orders
from Stuyvesant to extend the company’s colony from Bomties
Hook to Cape Henlopen. He was to consult with Alrich and
others, and inquire what Indians were true proprietors, and
judge what price was reasonable. Alrich had also orders to
fortify the country at Horekill. Alrich made many difficulties
in his answer to Stuyvesant; that both money and men were
wanting for erecting and defending a fort; that such a fort
would be useless, while the country about it was vacant and
wild; that the few cultivators had suffered from scarce harvest
that year, and could spare no supplies. Beekman, seeing the
inactivity of Alrich, went to the Horekill, in company with
Lieutenant Alexander Hinoyosa ; made a purchase from the In-
dians, 23d May, 1659, and got a deed of it; threwv up a fort,
and put in what soldiers he could get. Trade was carried on
by Alrich at New Amstel, Peter Alrich on Horekill, and Israel
Helm at Passayung. Toll was paid both on exports and im-
ports. The reason of this enterprise was, that two boats, with
* N. Y. Records, Lib. E. (The references to N. Y. Records are in the
original work.)422
HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
fourteen English persons, from Virginia, had come to settle
there. They were attacked by the Indians, and delivered by
the Dutch. But to prevent the like, it was deemed necessary
to secure the country.
A rumor arose that the English from Maryland intended an
attack. Lord Baltimore, its proprietor, wanted to determine
the yet unfixed frontier : pretended to extend his right to two
miles (I know not what miles) from New Amstel; and gave
deeds on lands in the vicinity. His governor, Josiah Fendel,
sent Colonel Utie with five other gentlemen to New Amstel to
deliver his pretensions. These were admitted into the fort, and
remained there four nights. During that time their mutual
claims were canvassed. Beekman was also present. The
meeting ended with harsh words on both sides ; but Stuyvesant
disapproved of the first friendly reception, and complained to
the company of Alrich for having admitted such dangerous
strangers within his premises.
Alrich’s administration proved hurtful to the colony. His
avarice and severity obliged many Dutch families to remove to
Maryland, and many soldiers to desert. Finally, only ten sol-
diers remained in Fort Casimir, and five at Horekill. The
inhabited part of the company’s colony did not extend beyond
two Dutch miles from the fort at the close of 1659. Stuyve-
sant, in his letter to the company in September of that year,
represented the probability of England soon conquering the
country by the aid of the Swedes, as Holland was thfen dis-
turbed ; and desired them to send exiled Poles, Prussians, and
Flemish peasants to settle the country. The 4th March, 1660,
he also sent Andries Lawrenson to recruit the garrison among
the Swedes and Finns, promising them from eight to twelve
gyllen as listing money. To those who had fled to Maryland
und Virginia from their creditors, he promised a pass, and se-
curity from payment during four years. But little was effected
by these means.*
Stuyvesant had a deep-fixed jealousy that the Swedes had a
dislike against the Dutch, and attachment to the English.
Though all the Swedish families were only 1.30, according to
the list given in by the schout, they made a majority of the
inhabitants, and were therefore formidable. He therefore posi-
tively ordered, that all the Swedes should collect into small
towns; and proposed Passayung as most proper, being a
pleasant and fruitful territory. Beekman, to whom the execu-
tion was committed, endeavoured to persuade them, but in vain;
nor had he sufficient power to compel. In his answer to Stuy-
vesant he represented it as unmerciful to foree people from
* N. Y. Records, Lib. G, p. 116.423
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
their cultivated lands, and put them to new labour and expense.
Some of the Swedes had emigrated from the company’s colony
into that of the city, in which Hinoyosa had procured them
better privileges. Others had moved to Sassafras river, but
molested by the Indians had returned; and these added strength.
Beekman therefore requested Stuyvesant to repeal his order,
and to provide the Swedes with Dutch books, in order to recon-
cile them better. This he had before proposed, but in vain.
The wife of Pappegoia, and daughter of Governor Printz,
lived still in Tenakongh. With all-the advantages of that seat,
she was so poor from want of labourers, that the Dutch govern-
ment granted her a small aid, which for some time was an ox
and some hogs, both fattened, and sufficient grain for bread
yearly. Finally she returned to Sweden.*
The 30th December, 1659, Jacob Alrich died, and appointed
ad interim Alexander Hinoyosa his successor, and Gert Van
Gizet his secretary. Hinoyosa immediately sequestered all the
writings of his predecessor, and took extracts from them. Next
day he convened his council, and proved that Alrich had acted
contrary to his instructions in thirty or forty articles, and thus
would have forfeited both life and estate, if he had lived. But
in this few could agree.
The company had found the profits of their trade very infe-
rior to the expenses of the officiants, and of the treaties
and wars with the Indians. The officers were deeply interested.
It was difficult to prevent private trading, in spite of severe
prohibitions. The English on Long Island also carried on a
constant smuggling here. For these reasons, the company
surrendered ail its rights to the colony of the city, 7th Febru-
ary, 1663. It was stipulated that the fort at Christiana should
also belong to it, on condition that the settlers about it should
be maintained in their privileges; that the government of the
city should send another garrison, in exchange for the one that
belonged to the company, in order to defend the colony against
the Indians and the English ; that the space of a mile should be
cleared and settled every year; that the agents of the city
should never be permitted to dispose of this country to any
others, in whole or in part, on penalty of thus forfeiting all their
rights.
On this the whole South River was delivered to Governor
Hinoyosa, by the patent of Governor General Stuyvesant and
his council, 22d December, 1663: yet under condition to govern
agreeably to the laws of the States General, and the regula-
tions of the West India company, and for its advantage. But
previous to this he had administered the government iii company
* N. Y. Records, Lib. R. Beekman’s letter to Stuyvesant, 25th January,
1660. (Beekman’s letters are among the colonial records at Albany.—Ed.)424
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
with Beekman during three years, from the death of Alrich.
His council, were, 25th January, 1660, Johan Crato, secretary,
VanSvearing, schout, Mr. Williams, surgeon, and Hans Block,
constable.*
The accusations of Hinoyosa against his predecessor, with
the sequestration of his documents and property, caused great
disturbance. Cornelius Van Gizel petitioned Stuyvesant, to
obtain disposition of the property according to the testament.
Several examinations and correspondences were had on this.
Finally, Hinoosa was ordered under threats of punishment, to
cease from all opposition^
At this time trade was carried on in peltries with the Indians,
and in tobacco with Virginia. As a proof of amity between
the Dutch and English, then it was that Stuyvesant sent to the
governor of Virginia presents of French wine, &c4 Peter
Alrich was by Hinoyosa appointed commandant of Horekill
fort, with exclusive privilege of trade with the Indians from
Bomties Hook to Cape Henlopen, over which the Swedes
greatlymurmured.il
In 1663, there was great fear of those Indians called Senecas.
Some parties of these came down from the country and com-
mitted terrible murders. The Mynquessies, who held with the
Christians, resisted, but were insufficient. Christiana fort was
much out of repair, and so destitute of provisions that it had
fcot above a dozen of musquet balls, and not a single flint. The
small-pox made great havock among the Indians that year ; it
was a disease hitherto unknown among them. Mischievous
persons advised them to wash their bodies in the river, by
means of which many perished.
While two colonies were kept up, Beekman had a share in
the administration; but he was little considered. This made
him envious of Hinoyosa whom he aspersed in frequent letters
to Stuyvesant, alleging that he had burnt the palisades under
the brew kettle, sold the muskets to the Indians, sold the mill-
stones of the town, and even the company's right in Maryland
for tobacco. §, By all this he effected little. When Hinoyosa
became sole governor by the company ceding its colony, Beek-
man was obliged to petition Stuyvesant that he might not be re-
moved in the winter, and without promotion ; in which case he
should be under necessity of'going to Maryland, which would
hot be agreeable to the Dutch Government.IT Stuyvesant of-
fered him to remain at Altona, cultivate the land, and keep five
or six servants; but he had no prospect of benefit from this, be-
cause no settler had liberty of trading either with the Indians or
* N. Y. Records, Lib, R. + Ibid. Lib. G. I Ibid. Lib. R.
IN’. Y. Records, Lib, R. § Letter dated Altona, 6 Dec. 1663.
If Beekman’s Letter, 21st December, 1663/HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
425
English. He had, however, been informed that Hinoyosa had
obtained a right to half of the country and of the trade. The
preceding year fifty labourers had arrived in the double quality of
peasants and soldiers for yearly wages of an hundred guilders,
with six or seven women to manage their houses. These had
stipulated in Holland to serve certain years for the passage;
but Hinoyosa had hired out some for sixty to eighty guilders
yearly wages, for his own advantage ; also, that Hinoyosa in-
tended to make his residence on Apoquimini, (a creek below
New Castle,) erect a metropolis there, and bring all the Eng-
lish commerce to himself. *It is uncertain how far these things
were founded. Finally, Beekman was settled on the North
river, as commissary or schout over Arosapha, (iEsopus,) July
4, 1664.
The Dutch government took little care of the public worship*
On Sandhook stood a small wooden church for a while, but
without regular attendance. Lars Lorkenius, a Swedish cler-
gyman, was the only one in that country; he served both the
Swedes and the Dutch. A student, Abelius Selskoorn, came
to the country, and for some time performed divine worship at
Sandhook, went to New Amsterdam, and got a call from Stuy-
vesant; he was also approved by the burgomasters of the Augs-
burgh Confession for ordination to the ministry, with promise
of equal pay with Lorkenius. However, he never had charge
of any congregation on South river as a regularly ordained cler-
gyman.
CONQUEST BY THE ENGLISH,
When the English had taken New Amsterdam and the other
places on the North river, they also took possession of the colony
on the Delaware. Fort Casimir was then the only fortified place,
and capitulated without any bloodshed. In the capitulation the
common people only were included, but not the officers, civil or
military. They took an oath of allegiance to the king of Eng-
land, and retained their houses and prerogatives undisturbed.—
The Swedes were also maintained in the Lutheran religion and
their public worship, as was their earnest desire. Fort Casimir
was then called New Castle.
In the war which England and France jointly commenced
against Holland, the Dutch, though much pressed at home,
were victorious at sea. Admiral Evertse, junior, ruined al-
most the whole French and English navigation from Newfound-
land to Barbadoes ; and in August, 1673, took New York by
storm. The then military council extended the Dutch domin-
* Beekmaa’* letter, 21 Dec. 1663.
54426
HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
ion to the old pretensions, and accordingly obliged both; civil
and military officers within those limits to swear allegiance to
the States General and the Prince of Orange. Anthony Colve
was then appointed governor-general over New-York and its
dependencies. He placed Peter Alrich as commandant over the
Delaware, yet subordinate under the governor general. He
took an oath of allegiance from the inhabitants. The first arti-
cle of his official instruction was :—“ He shall support the true
Christian doctrine, such as it accords with the Synod of Dor-
drecht, and not permit any doctrine repugnant to it.” Thus a
scheme was formed this time to overthrow the Augsburg Con-
fession.*
But this second dominion was quickly ended by the peace of
Westminster, 19th February, 1674, the sixth article of which
declares : “ thatwhatever lands, towns, forts, &c. had been re-
ciprocally taken since the beginning of the war, should be re-
stored to their former possessors.” Accordingly New-York was
restored to the English, 31st October, 1674.
(About the taking of New-York, Acrelius speaks briefly, and
does not cite his authorities. An English squadron with 300
troops aboard took New-Amsterdam and its fort, 6th Septem-
ber, 1664, expelling Stuyvesant, who then was lame and made
use of a silver leg. Thirteen days afterward, Sir Robert Carr
took Aurania, and after twelve days, Arosapha—all this with-
out losing a man. The colony of New Amsterdam extended
then ten miles east from the North river, and westward within
three miles of the Delaware.—Trans.)
THE DUKE OP YORK’S GOVERNMENT.!
The province of New-York comprehended at this time all
the country that lay between New-England and Delaware river,
and was bestowed upon James, Duke of York, as a mark
of honour for his valour displayed on board the English fleet
which he commanded against the Dutch in the late war. In
addition to his he had also the three lowrer counties, as they
were called on the other side of the Delaware, namely, New-
castle, Kent, and Sussex, by a separate grant. The adminis-
tration was conducted in the mean time by a governor in the
name of the Duke of York, for the prince himself never came
New-York Records, Lib. Z.
t This notice of the Duke’s government was omitted in Dr. Collin’s trans
lation ;as it is brief and not without interest, we have thought best to suppl
the omission.—Ed.HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
427
to this country. Under the government of New-York was in-
cluded the west side of the Delaware, which was sometimes
called New Virginia, but for the most part the settlements on
the Delaware. Here the Swedish and Dutch families had
their abodes ; but as yet there were no inhabitants on the east
side of the river, which afterwards was called Jersey, the land
being barren, boggy and disagreeable, nor did West Jersey
obtain any inhabitants under the Duke of York’s government.
Under the Swedish government deeds of lands were not given,
at least there are no traces of any, except those which were
granted by Queen Christina. The Dutch indeed issued a great
many after the year 1656, but the greatest part of them were
for lands about Sandhook. No rents were in the mean time
received, since the land was neglected and the inhabitants indo-
lent, so that the products were little more than sufficient for
their subsistence. When the English government commenced,
all were summoned to New-York to receive deeds for the land
which they either had taken up, or intended to take up. The
grants were made by the governor in the Duke of York’s name ;
the rents were a bushel of wheat for one hundred acres, if so
demanded. A part of the inhabitants took deeds ; others gave
themselves no trouble about the matter, except that they agreed
with the Indians for tracts of land in exchange for a gun, a
kettle, or a fur jacket, and the like ; and they likewise sold them
again to others for the same price, as land was abundant, inha-
bitants few, and the government not vigorous. Hence it appears
that in law-suits respecting titles to land, they relied upon the
Indian right, which prevailed when it could be proved. The
deeds given by the Swedes contained a condition, “ so long as
the grantees continued subject to the government.” Many
who took deeds for large tracts of land, repented of it from fear
of the after demand of rents, (which, however, were very light
when the people cultivated their lands, but sufficiently burden-
some when they derived no profit therefrom,) and on that account
transferred the largest part of them to others, which their de-
scendants at the present day exceedingly regret.
Some few English families came in, and were the only ones
that were willing to pay any thing for tracts of land, but the
Indians regarded them as a different kind of people, showing
them less favour, as they were less acquainted with them, which
often occasioned serious disturbances. The people lived in
great quiet, but extreme indolence. No agriculture, no trade
was pursued, more than was necessary to supply their absolute
wants. The Duke of York had little more than nominal returns,
but this is no matter of surprise, since the troubles in England
continued, and the succession to the throne placed him in the
greatest embarrassment.428
HISTORY OR NEW SWEDEN.
REPORT
OF ANDREAS HUDDE, COMMISSARY ON THE DELAWARE.
From the Dutch Colonial Records.
A short but faithful declaration of the procedures of John
Printz, governor of the Swedish troops on the South (or
Delaware) river, in New Netherlands, and of the pos-
session taken by the Swedes on the same river, as it was
ascertained, on the 1st November, 1645.
The truth as regards the possession of the Swedes on the
South river in New Netherlands, is as follows:—
At the entrance of the river, taken from its mouth three miles
upwards, on the east shore, is a fort named Elsenburgh, usually
garrisoned with twelve men commanded by a lieutenant, having
four guns, iron and brass, of twelve lbs. iron, one pots-hooft;
which fort was not constructed before, but built by the afore-
said John Printz, a short while after he arrived on the aforesaid
river. By means of this fort the aforesaid Printz closes the
entrance of the river, so that all vessels, either those arrived from
hence,* or other places, are compelled to cast their anchor, not
excepting those of the noble company as is evident from several
yachts coming from the Manhattans, which, wishing to pursue
their voyage towards the place of their destination without
stopping often, were injured by cannon balls, and were in im-
minent danger of losing some of their crew ; so that they must
proceed with small craft upwards of six miles towards the afore-
said Printz, to obtain his consent that they may sail higher up
the river, no matter whether they are Englishmen or Nether-
landers, without paying any regard to their commissions.
Further up the river about three miles, on the west shore, on a
creek called the Minquas creek, so named as it runs pretty near
the Minquas land, is another fort named Christina. This fort
lies about a half mile in the creek, and is nearly encircled by
a marsh, except on the north-west side, where it can be ap-
proached by land. At its south-west side it touches the
kill; but although it is actually in a pretty good order, yet it
might be made stronger. This fort has no permanent garrison,
but otherwise it is well provided, and is the principal place
of trade, in which the commissary holds his residence ; and
here is a magazine of all sorts of goods.
* New Amsterdam.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
429
This is the first fort constructed by the Swedes under the
command of one Peter Minuit, in the year 1638, although the
company had then a sufficient garrison on the river, and suffi-
cient fortifications, men and ammunitions of war, and had been in
possession of this country more than fourteen years before this
settlement of the Swedes; which Peter Minuit served the
Hon. Company here as Director.
Somewhat farther on the same side, about two (Dutch) miles,
there are some plantations, which are continued nearly a mile ;
but few houses only are built, and these at considerable distance
one from the other. The farthest of these is not far from Tinne-
konk, which is an island, and is towards the river side, secured
by creeks and underwood; there the governor, John Printz,
keeps his residence. This is a pretty strong fort, constructed
by laying very heavy hemlock {greenen) logs the one on the
other ; but this fort, with all its buildings, was burnt down on
the 5th December, 1645. Farther on, at the same side, till you
come to the Schuylkill, being about two miles, there is not a
single plantation, neither at Tinnekonk, because near the river
nothing is to be met but underwood and valley lands.
In regard to this Schuylkill, these are lands purchased
and possessed by the company. He employed the company’s
carpenter, and constructed there a fort on a very convenient spot
on an island near the borders of the kill, which is from the west
side secured by another creek, and from the south-south-east
and east sides with underwood and valley lands. It lays about
the distance of a gun-shot in the kill. On the south side of this
kill, on the same island, beautiful corn is raised. This fort
cannot, in any manner whatever, obtain any control on the river,
but it has the command over the whole creek, while this kill or
creek is the only remaining avenue for trade with the Minquas,
and without this trade the river is of little value.
At a little distance from this fort was a creek to the farthest
distant wood, which place is named Kinsessing by the savages,
which was before a certain and invariable resort for trade with
the Minquas, but which is now opposed by the Swedes having
there built a strong house. About half a mile further in the
woods, Governor Printz constructed a mill on a kill which runs
in the sea not far to the south of Matinnekonk, and on this kill
a strong building just by in the path which leads to the Minquas ;
and this place is called by the savages Kakarikonk. So that
no access to the Minquas is left open ;and he, too, controls
nearly all the trade of the savages on the river, as the greatest
part of them go a hunting in that neighbourhood, which they
are not able to do without passing by his residence.
In regard to his force, it consists at utmost of eighty or nine**
ty men, freemen as well as servants, with whom he must garri-430
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
son all his strong places. I shall not mention here the fortifi-
cations and possessions of the company, as being sufficiently
well known.
Respecting the procedures of the Swedes, when on the 23d
June, 1646, a shallop with a considerable cargo was dis-
patched to me, but which was the property of individuals, I
gave orders to go to the Schuylkill near the right, and to wait there
for the Minquas. When arrived there, Jurriaen Blancke, the
trader of the sloop, was commanded to leave that spot at once,
as belonging to the crown; of which I received notice, when I
directly went thither with four men, to examine how matters
stood. When I received there the same notice, I requested
that they would inform their governor that this place had always
been a trading place, and that thus he would act with discretion,
and avoid giving cause for discord: on which the next day the
minister of the gospel was dispatched, who declared to me that
he had orders that if the bark was in the Schuylkill, he should
compel her to leave it. I answered him, that I first must see
the signature and seal of the governor, by which he intended to
forbid the company to trade with their goods in any part of the
river. I farther requested, that this might be done with dis-
cretion, and that the alliance between their High Mightinesses
and her Royal Majesty might be taken in consideration; while
1 farther entered a protest against any losses and hindrances
that might be the natural consequence. On which the afore-
said John Printz dispatched towards me the commissary Hen-
drick Huygen, with two of his officers, as Carel Jansen, a Finn
by birth, his book keeper, and Gregory Van Dyck, his sergeant
(wacht meester), a native of the Hague, and demanded my an-
swer upon some articles, of which I demanded an answer—I
intended to say a copy—when I would answer him in writing.
He replied, he had no orders to do so, and that he dared not to
do it. When I did give him, nevertheless, a verbal answer, to
avoid giving him any offence, I did so in the presence, on
my part, of Sander Boyer, sergeant (wachtmeester), Philip
Gerneert, and Jurriaen Blancke, all freemen ; and the following
were the articles and answers upon these, briefly, as I could not
remember the whole, since they were read by them with much
haste :—
“ Submission by the Honorable John Printz, governor in be-
half of the crown of Sweden on the South river in New Nether-
land, communicated by Hendrick Huygen, commissary, a na-
tive of Cleef, Carel Jansen, book-keeper, by birth a Finn, and
Gregory Van Dyck, sergeant (wachtmeester), a native of
the Hague, of the following articles, in presence of the above
named persons on my side.
Art. 1 & 2.
On the Schuylkill, in what manner the property of it is as-HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
431
certained and understood; what are and how far are extended
its limits ?
Answer. That the acts relative to the division of the Kmit3
are at the Manhattans, where he may obtain correct information.
Art. 3, 4, & 5.
Query : If he ever offended me or any of mine with words
or deeds ?
Answer. That he left me and mine alone; but that he of-
fended the company and afterwards their High Mightinesses—
in so far it was said to me in his name, that he would drive .me
from the kill by force.
Art. 6 & ,7.
That the Governor had sent for the Minquas at the ex-
pense of the crown, and that when they arrived, I lured them
from the Schuylkill.
Answer. That the Sachem was last spring with me, and
that I defrayed his expenses, and made a contract with him that
as soon as I received some goods, either I would send him di-
rectly a messenger, or that I would come down, if I received
any information.
Art. 8.
That I compelled by force Jurriaen Blanck to sail up and fas-
ten his bark to the bridge.
Answer. That he commanded him to sail up, but that he
knows not of any compulsion.
Art. 9.
That I took up arms without any just cause, and that I had
answered upon his interdict, that I would remain there, and
should see who would be so daring as to drive me away.
Answer. That I made no use of any arms, much less
shewed any hostile intention or committed any act of hostility—
but rather endeavoured to prevent it without betraying the prir
ileges of their High Mightinesses.”
The affair did not remain at rest in this manner, but he sent
on the 1st July following a warning to Blancke, of which the
following is a copy :—
“ My good friend Blancke—I have received again complaints'
of several of Her Majesty’s inhabitants, how that thou art com
pelled with thy bark contrary to the letter of thy commis-
sion to remain there, under the pretext that thou art obliged
to do so by Andries Hudde, who takes care of the interests
and disposes of the lands of their High1 Mightinesses as* com-432
HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
missioned by them. So is it, that I friendly admonish you,
as soon as you shall have been informed of these contents,
that you directly leave that spot; as your commission implies,
with your trading vessel in the Schuylkill, seek the spot
where usually the sloops are accustomed to trade—which
shall not be prohibited ; neither do I desire that my subjects
shall be admitted there, from respect and friendship for
the commander and his commissions as long as you are re-
maining and trading in the Schuylkill, or that they would ob-
struct your interests. But if you should act against these my
orders, and despise my warning, which you are in duty bound
to obey, so shall your bark with its whole cargo, in conform-
ity with the orders of her Royal Majesty, as it is strongly ex-
pressed in her Majesty’s orders—be confiscated: of which you
may be fully persuaded, in case that you act against my
orders. Done at Tinnekonk, 20 June, 1646. (signed)
John Printz.”
On this warning Jurriaen Blancke departed from thence, but
by no means by my orders, but through fear that his bark and
goods laden in it might be confiscated, as he was a private per-
son, to whom it would be a very difficult task to obtain its re-
covery—more so, as it was not in my power to give him any
security, since I was entirely ignorant of the cause of contest
between the company and the Swedes.
I immediately informed the Director General Kieft of this
event—viz. on the 12th July ; so too I communicated to him how
the trade with the Minquas might be continued, as it wai the
plan of the aforesaid Printz and his associates to deprive the
company and its colonistsof this benefit by all means.
While in the mean time I was commanded by a letter of the
director-general to enquire about certain minerals in this
country ; so I went for this purpose to Sankikans, and tried to
penetrate to the great falls, where if the samples might be
credited there was a great hope of success. Now it happened,
that when I would pass the first fall, a sachem, named Wirake-
hen, stopped me and asked where I would go ? I answered
him, that I intended to go upward. He replied, that this was
not permitted, and that he wished to know why I came hither
*—what wras my object ? He informed me at last, after various
discourses, that the Swedish Governor told one Meerkedt, a
sachem residing near Tinnekonk, that we had an intention to
build a house near the great falls, and that in the vessels which
were to be expected, 250 men would arrive—which would be
sent hither from the Manhattans—and would kill all the sava-
ges below on the river ; and that this fort was to be garrisoned
in the house which we intended to build up the river, and
Would prevent the savages residing up the river to come to theirHISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
433
assistance, so that no more should be able to escape ; and in
proof of all this it was stated that we would first come up in a
small vessel to visit and explore the spot, and that we would
kill two savages, to obtain by it some pretext, but that he,
Printz, would never permit it, and would certainly expel us
from the river; and although I employed different means to
succeed in coming up to the falls, yet I was stopped every
time, and always with the same objection, so that I was com-
pelled at length to give it up.
And as on the 7th September following a letter was delivered
me in which I was imperiously commanded to purchase some
land from the savages, which was situated on the west shore
about a mile distant from Fort Nassau to the north, so I took
possession of that spot on the 8th following, and erected on it
the arms of the company, and, as the proprietor was not at
home, I was obliged to delay the conclusion of the purchase
till the 25th of the same month. After the purchase was ac-
complished, the original proprietor went with me to the spot,
and assisted in fixing the arms of the company to a pole, which
was fixed in the ground on the limits. Shortly after this, sev-
eral freemen made preparations to build on this newly-acquired
possession, about which time the Swedish Commissary Huy-
gen carried our arms, which I had affixed, with him down on
on the 8th of October, which as he said, he had taken by
order of his governor; on which a considerable altercation took
place, and among others, about the great abuse committed
by his sergeant (wachtmeester) and other Swedes on the 30th
September last, against all good order and decency, and after
the guard was already on duty—when I kept him for some-
time in the guard-house besides a severe reproof, and demanded
of his governor to correct and punish him, so that it might evi-
dently appear, that he had no share whatever in such a violent
outrage, or, if similar excesses were again renewed, I would
directly inflict punishment as usually is done on similar turbu-
lent persons.
On which event a protest, of which the following is a copy,
was delivered on the 16th of the following month by order of
the aforesaid John Printz, through two of his freemen, Oloff
Stille and Moens Flom.
“ Andries Hudde ! I remind you again by this written warn-
ing—as before was done verbally in person by the commissa-
ry Hendrick Huygen—that you will discontinue the injuries of
which you have been guilty against the Royal Majesty in Swe-
den, my most gracious Queen, against her Royal Majesty’s
rights, pretensions, soil and land, without showing the least re-
spect to Her Royal Majesty’s magnificence, reputation and
highness ; and that you will do so no more, and then eonsid-
55434
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
(/ring how little it would be becoming her Royal Majesty to
bear such gross violence, and what great disasters might
originate from it, yea, might be expected. Secondly—with
what reluctance, as I think, your nation or your masters would
for such a trifle come in conflict with Her Royal Majesty, as
you have no shadow of right for this your gross conduct, par-
ticularly for your secret and unlawful purchase of land from the
savages, by which you evidently betrayed your conviction of the
justice, equity and antiquity of your pretensive claims, of which
you so loudly boasted, and which by this purchase have been
brought to light; shewing clearly that you had no shadow of
right to that place, of which ye have taken possession, no more
than to others on this river which you now claim, in which how-
ever you was never molested by Her Majesty or her plenipoten-
tiaries ; neither was it ever attempted by them to undermine you
in a sinister way ; all this I can freely bring forward in my de-
fence, to exculpate me from all future calamities, of which we
give you a warning and place it to your account. Dated N.
Gothenburg, 30 Sept.. 1646.” Below in the margin was the
following : “ The orders, to which you appeal, may very well
have been occasioned by unjust and unfair reports, and it would
well become you to send him correct information of this
whole transaction, as you were present on the spot-
less Printz.”
As I was obliged to go up the river on the next day to take
care of some very urgent business, I was informed at my
return that the Swedish governor had forbidden his subjects
to enter into any transactions with our people, which is often
put in practice by professed enemies, but never was adopted by
allies the one against the other ; and as I then was farther in-
formed that the Swede found fault with me because I did not
send him an answer to his protest, I wrote the following
protest which I sent him on the 23d of October, by the sergeant
(wachtmeester) Sander Boyer and two soldiers, viz. Davit Da-
vitsen and Jacob Hendricksen :—
“To the noble governor De Heer John Printz—
Sir Governor ! on the evening of the 16th inst. stilq novo,
wras delivered to me an act by Oloff Stifle and Moens Flom,
dated on the 30th September, stilo veteri, by which your Honour
warns me to desist from any injuries which I should have done
or committed against the lands of her Royal Majesty of Swe-
den, which however remain yet unknown to me till this moment;
and if your Honour had condescended to explain wherein these
consisted, I should not have hesitated to alter my course, if
your Honour’s insinuations had been correct, as I am entirely ig-
norant that Ihave left undone anything which might have a ten-HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
435
dency to the preservation of our mutual intercourse, much less
that I should have committed any act of gross violence. I pur-
chased the land not in a clandestine manner, neither unjustly,
except that your Honour calls that a clandestine manner which
is not performed with your Honour’s knowledge. I purchased it
from the real owner. If he sold that land previously to your
Honour, then he imposed upon me shamefully. The place
which we possess, we possess in deed, in just property, per-
haps before the name of the South river was heard of in Swe-
den. I cannot say, certainly I am ignorant, if my lord and
master has been unjustly informed—only that I explained
to hinTthe whole transaction in truth and justice, and so I will
continue to do by the first opportunity that I may obtain, and
transmit to him your act with this my answer upon it, to be fur-
ther informed by him what he may think proper to command,
and what I shall be obliged to execute ; and whereas your com-
missary coming down on the 8th instant, had taken off the arms
which I hung up on the purchased lands, tearing them down
in an insolent and hostile manner with these threatening
words—“ that although it had been the colours of the Prince
of Orange that were hoisted there, he would have thrown
these too under his feet; ” besides many bloody menaces, which
have been reported to me from time to time, which can have
no other tendency than to cause great calamities ; and where-
as this not only concerns my nation and masters, but is an in-
fringement on the authority of their High Mightinesses the
States General, and that of his Highness the Prince of Orange,
and so too of that of the noble Director, which is insulted by
it—so is it, that I am compelled against my will to send your
Honour this answer, by which I must protest before God and
the whole world ; as also I protest by this that I am innocent of
all the disasters, difficulties, losses, and what further might fol-
low from these procedures, or which might originate from them,
but that to the contrary I performed every thing, and endeav-
oured to employ all means, by which a good correspondence
and mutual harmony might be promoted—so as I deem myself
obliged to do, in so far as my honour and oath shall permit it—and
I will confide that it is your Honour’s intention to act in the
same manner—at least from the consideration that we who are
Christians will not place ourselves as a stumbling-block or laugh-
ing-stock to those savage heathens, which I trust, that shall re-
main so, as it is by your affectionate friend.
A. Hudde.
On the South river in New Netherlands, October 22d, 1646.”
When the sergeant returned, he reported—that as soon as he
arrived at the governor’s, who stood before his door, he wished43 6
HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
him a good morning, and said further I bring you a greeting
from the Commissary Hudde, who sends you this act in
answer to yours ; when he, John Printz, took it from his hand,
and threw it towards one of his attendants who stood near him,
saying—“ there, take care of it.” The other picked it up from
the ground, and took care of it. The governor then departed to
meet some Englishmen just arrived from New England ; after
some interval the sergeant asked to see nhe governor to ob-
tain an answer ; but notwithstanding he came there in the dis-
charge of his duty,he nevertheless was thrown out of doors, the
governor taking a gun in his hand from the wall to shoot him
as he imagined, but was prevented from leaving his room.
And whereas the aforesaid governor John Printz leaves
nothing untried to render us suspected, as well among the sava-
ges as among the Christians—yea, often is conniving when the
subjects of the company, as well freemen as servants, when ar-
riving at the place where he resides, are in a most unreasona-
ble manner abused, so that they are often, on returning home,
bloody and bruised—so many examples are at hand for a
similar treatment by the savages—and more particularly so from
the Armewsick savages who endeavoured to surprise us on the
12th May, 1647, at noon, although it was rendered void by
God’s mercy and correct informations, and through a misunder-
standing amongst them—and as he openly declares that the
company has no right whatever on this river, and that he pur-
chased the land in behalf of the crown of Sweden ; so as to the
Minquas land, that the company could not trust on their old un-
interrupted possession—that the devil teas the oldest possessor
of hell, but that he sometimes admitted a younger one—
so as he openly declared at his own table on the 3d June 1647,
in my presence and that of my wife, with many other equally
vulgar expressions serving and intended for the same purpose ;
but—and what is worse—he made it openly manifest by stub-
born deeds—more particularly by enclosing the river, so that
no vessel can enter it on any account except with his previous
consent, notwithstanding they may have been provided with
the most respectable commissions, by which doing he not only
greatly injures the freemen, but retards their journey, to their
great loss. He farther in this manner shamefully vilifies their
High Mightinesses by denying them their due respect—despi-
sing and treating as frivolous and insignificant the commissions
in virtue of their High Mightinesses’ plenitude of power,
granted in their name by their Director General to the free-
men. And whereas these freemen have repeatedly com-
plained to me, yet it was not in my power to afford them any
relief, except—what I often did—by renewing my remonstran-
ces ; so is it at last, that several freemen, lying here at anebHISTORY OF &EW SWEDEN.
437
came to me on the 29th July last, and humbly solicited that
I would prepare and present in their behalf a request to th e
Director General, Peter Stuyvesant, petitioning relief from
the hindrances which they met with.
This I effected and transmitted the petition; when, on the
15th of August, was delivered to me a protest of the afore-
said Peter Stuyvesant on the same transaction, which I de-
livered on the 17th instant to Governor Printz, and received
for answer, that he would answer him in writing. As I ob-
tained by his letter permission to come thither, so I went and
arrived on the 7th of December at Manhattans, where I deliv-
ered to the aforesaid director the written answer of Governor
Printz.
It happened in the mean time, during this winter, in the be-
ginning of the year, that on the evening of the 2d of April
1648, a vessel arrived from below, with a schover sail, with-
out colours, so that I was doubtful, as not knowing from where
it came or what, it was : whereon I ordered a gun to be
fired over it, but it pursued its course. I ordered a gun to
be fired the second time, but it was not more minded than
at the first time—whereon I despatched directly eight men in
its pursuit; but as the wind was fair, and the weather very
hazy, and besides very dark, they could not reach it; but af-
ter two or three days, I discovered that it was the Swedish
bark; which again descending the river, I asked the skipper
by what cause he passed the fort with a doorgesehoten Sten-
gel* without showing his colours, by which it might be known
who his master was, though he had the colours with him, as was
evident since they were now flying; he answered very con-
temptuously, that if he had known that this would have come
in consideration, he would not have done it now, but that he
should certainly do so in future, if it was to irritate and as a
mark of his contempt—on which I delivered to him the follow-
ing act for his Governor, of which this is a copy.
‘‘Noble and valiant John Printz:—
Whereas your shallop on the 3d instant, towards evening,
sailed by the fort,and contrary to custom hath lowered his colours
before it arrived near Fort Nassau, and passed without shew-
ing his colours, by which it could be ascertained who was
his master, contrary to our arrangements, which you ap-
proved, viz. that our vessels coming in the river, are to stop
near the forts, even when it is sufficiently known from where
they come, so that neither your subjects nor ours might be
exposed to any mishap : while it was to be feared that other-
wise, under this cover, one or other foreign nation, to our great
* I do not understand this technical term.—Trans.438
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN,
injury, might pass by. Wherefore I can not withhold my deep
surprise with what object in view your Honour permitted this
vessel to pass by the fort under such a disguise. As far
as I can judge, and considering what in such case might and
ought to be done against others arriving here without orders,
it is certainly not the right course to cultivate a good under-
standing between neighbours, but it rather produces misunder-
standing, which I could not have expected to have met with. I
will in future in a similar case not neglect what my duty, to
maintain the due respect towards their High Mightinesses and
the Prince of Orange, and the rights and immunities of my lords
and masters, requires of me; wherefore I earnestly solicit, that
your Honour shall prevent it in future—as by a contrary con-
duct I should be compelled, whenever any difficulties from it
might arise, in behalf of my own innocence, to enter my protest
—more so, as the skipper, Claert Huygen, had the effrontery
to boast, that he only acted so to insult me, and that he should
regret if he did otherwise in future. Farewell.
A. Htjdde.
Done in Fort Nassau, 13th April.”
As I was informed during the whole winter that the S wedes
brought together a large quantity of logs (greene), and that
already a great number has been carried to the Schuylkill,
which made me apprehend, that the governor had an intention
to construct some buildings near the place where the vessels
are now usually laying at anchor; and as these trading as before
had been driven from Kinsessing, and we cannot otherwise
approach the large woods to trade with the Minquas, by which
consequently this trade being lost to us, the possession of this
river, as I well observed before, would deserve very little con-
sideration ; wherefore I dared not to withhold this communica-
tion, more so as I had no orders with regard to its preservation,
so that I now wait for the orders, what to do in case the Swede
might build, and again might take possession of some yet un-
occupied places, in which case I should humbly propose to
take possession of the tract of land nearest to him in the name
of the company. It happened now that on the fourth of the
same month, some of the sachems came to me from the savages
of Passayonk, who asked me why I did not build on the
Schuylkill; that the. Swedes had already there some buildings
constructed. On which I made an inquiry about it the next
day, and receiving correct information with regard to the antici-
pation by the Swede, and particularly so with regard to some
places of the highest importance ; I directly prepared myself to
build near the place, and went thither on the 27th next, with
the most necessary timber, calling then without delay for theHISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
439
sachems, and stated to them that at present I came there
with the intention to build on that spot which they had granted
me. On which they sent an errand to the Swedes, who lived
there already, and commanded him to depart from thence, insin-
uating that they had taken possession of that spot in a clandes-
tine way, and that against their will, and that they had made a
cession for the present to me ; that I too should build there;
on which two of the principal sachems, as Maarte-Hoock and
Wissemenets, planted there with their own hands the colours
of the prince of Orange, and ordered that I should fire a gun
three times, as a mark that I had taken possession.
This was effected, and then we raised the house in the pre^
sence of the chiefs. Towards evening the Swedish commissary
arrived there with seven or eight men, and asked me with whose
permission or order I did raise that building. I answered, by
orders of my masters, and with the previous consent of the
savages ; then pausing a little, he asked me further, if I had it in
my power to show an act, that I did so by order of my master,
and not on letters of some freemen ? I answered yes ; that I
was ready to produce it, after he should have delivered me an
act, by whose orders he made such a demand. In the mean
time, the sachems said to Hendrick Huygen and his company,
that they should grant us that tract of land, and that we would
settle there; and asked by whose orders they (Swedes) did erect
buildings there ?—if it was not enough, that they were already
in possession of Matennekonk, the Schuylkill, Kinsessing,
Kakanken, Upland, and other places possessed by the Swedes*
all which they had stolen from them 1 that Mennewit now about
eleven years past, had no more than six small tracts of land
upon Paghaghacking, purchased to plant there some tobacco, of
which they natives, in gratitude, should enjoy the half of the
produce. If they coming to them (pointing at the Swedes)
should be permitted, when purchasing a tract of land, to take the
next adjoining to it, as the Swedes had done here on the river;
and yet continued to do, that they were greatly surprised, in-
deed, that they (the Swedes) wTould prescribe laws to them^
who were the original and natural proprietors of the land, even
as if they might not do with their own what they wished; that
they (the Swedes) arrived only lately on the river, and had
taken already so much land from them, which they actually
settled, while we, pointing at us, never had taken from them
any land, although we had dwelt here and conversed with
them more than thirty years.
Thus I continued the commenced work, surrounding the
house with palisades, because the Swedes had destroyed before
the house which the company possessed on the Schuylkill, and
built a fort in its place, and they might do perhaps the same here.
While we thus were at work, arrives Moens Klingo, lieutenaa440
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN*
at the fort on the Schuylkill, with twenty-four men fully armed,
with charged muskets, and bearing maces, marching in ranks.
He asked if we intended to finish that work, and if we would
proceed with it? To which I answered, what was com-
menced must be finished too. Upon which he commanded
that his men should lay down their muskets, and that each of
them should take his axe in his hand, and cut down every tree
which stood around or near the house, destroying even the
fruit trees which I had planted there.
On which arrived here on the 7th of June the honourable com-
mittee of the members of the high council, L. Van Dincklagen,
second, and the honourable La Montagne, to which honourable
men the principal chiefs and original proprietors made on the
tenth of the same month a public transfer of the Schuylkill,
and sanctioned the former purchase to Arent Corst, before com-
missary on the same Schuylkill, and all the adjoining lands;
of all which their honours took a public and lawful possession.
After which said honourable committee, with a becoming
suite, sailed to Tinnekonck, and were received there by the
commissary Huygen and Lieutenant Passegay, who left them
about half an hour in the open air and a constant rain; and
after they were admitted to an audience, delivered among others
their solemn protest against the aforesaid Printz against his
illegal possession of the Schuylkill, on which he promised to
answer before their departure.
And as some freemen solicited that they might be permitted
to build, so were by their honours assigned the different spots to
them on which they might settle. Upon this one Hans Jacob-
sen made on the second July next a beginningto settle himself
on the Schuylkill, which was prevented by the Swedes, the
son of the governor Printz being commanded to execute this
exploit, who tried to compel the aforesaid Hans to break down
what he hath already raised, and when the aforesaid Hans de-
clined to do so, he did it himself, and burnt the whole, with the
following menaces “ that if he there came again and dared to
build, he would carry off with him a good drubbing.”
Not better fate waited one Thomas Braes', who went thither
on the sixth instant, to settle himself at New Holm, a certain
place to which they had given this name. He was there scarce
three hours, when the Swedes under the command of one Gre-
gory Van Dyck, sergeant (wachtmeester), arrived there, and
pulled down, as before in similar cases was put in practice, all
that had been raised by him, with a warning that he should
directly retreat, or they would beat him off. In this situation
affairs remained for that time.
While I in the mean time was commanded to come to the
Manhattans, I went thither, and arrived there on the eighthHISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
441
day of September ; when there I made my report of the situa-
tion of the South river, and delivered further in writing what
in my opinion was necessary and. practicable. At this time
notice was received by land, that the Swede had placed a house
just before the fort Beavers Rheede, by which the access to
the fort was entirely barricadoed. As the winter season was
approaching, I returned again on the 5th of October, with a
few freemen, to whom were delivered letters patent, to settle
and build on the Schuylkill; with whom being arrived on the
18th October in the South river of New Netherland, I was di-
rectly informed that the Swede placed his best hope on the
country of the Minquas against the bargain concluded by us.
Wherefore, to prevent similar frivolous pretensions, and to
shew that the contract was by no means broken by the honorable
committee, I sent the following note to Hendrick Huygens,
which he might deliver to his governor :—
{Copy.)
“ Honourable and obliging good friend—Accept my cordial
salutation. It is with deep regret that I was informed on my
return, that our fugitives can find no residence in the Minquas
country, against the good intentions indeed of our director gen-
eral, who will not permit that any thing shall be undertaken
by his subjects against our contract, but he expects that similar
conduct shall be holden from both sides; and as I am certain
that some late proceedings must arouse his suspicions, so I
considered it my duty to send you this note in my defence, con-
fident that on this point your governor will alter his mind.
And whereas our freemen are permitted to follow and promote
their private concerns, so is it that meanwhile one of the Swe-
dish officers named Peter Jochems, in contemptof us, tore by
night the palisadoes from the fort Rheede with violence asun-
der, broke them all in this manner in pieces, and making use
of the greatest violence, as well in words as deeds, whereon they
renewed their labours, so that the whole was finished on the
4th of November, which then for the second time was torn down
the Swedes, who broke with great violence every piece of tim-
ber—of which proceedings I transmitted a faithful account to
the director general. And whereas I do not possess any other
arms but paper against similar procedures, so did I deem it
necessary to send the inclosed protest to his Honour John
Printz.”
‘	{Copy.)
“ Whereas by order and commission of our director general
P. Stuyvesant, Symen Roet, Peter Harmensen, and Cornelius
Mauntser were authorized to build on the Mast-makers corner,
56442
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
so is it, that Symen Roet, in virtue of this commission, made*
a beginning on the 4th of November to raise a house on the
Mast-makers corner, which was forbidden him at that time by
your deputies ; yet, notwithstanding all his entreaties, open force
was used by your subjects to destroy his work. The interces-
sion of the persons qualified by our lords and masters with the
superintendance of this colony were utterly in vain. So too
was their remonstrance, that allies as we are ought not to
meet one another with force and violence, but on the contrary
act together in harmony as good and true confederates, leaving,
if some disputes did arise, their decision to our supreme sove-
reign, by which amicable conduct the undersigned is willing
to leave the point in dispute as it now is, till he shall receive
further orders.
When with the rising sun they were warned that a committee
had arrived, which consisted of Alexander Boyer and Adrian
van Tienhoven, a warning was given to double the exertions,
hewing and chopping till the whole was ruined, under the most
contemptible and shameless expressions on all them who en-
deavoured only to obey the orders of their masters. Proceedings,
indeed, which can have no other tendency than to foster mutual
rancour and enmity, being far remote from good neighbourship,
which we in every event endeavoured to cultivate, and carefully
avoided what might give offence, although more than once
our most kind dispositions were in a sinister and malicious
manner interpreted.
On all which insolences and marks of disrespect shewn to a
legal commission, invested with authority of their High Mighti-
nesses, and his highness the Prince of Orange, as well as that
of our lords mayors, with an open breach of harmony and
friendship, we are now compelled to protest, before God and
the world, that we are innocent of all the difficulties which
might arise from similar procedures, and openly declare, that
we from our side aimed at nothing else than what might be con-
ducive to preserve a good friendship, and in behalf of which we
are yet willing to oblige ourselves, as we intend to remain your
affectionate friend.
A. Hudde.
Done in Fort Nassau, on the South river, in New Nether-
lands, 7th September, 1648.” *
* The above report is imperfect, as appears from the original MS., the con-
cluding pages being lost. It was translated into wretched English by Mr.
Van der Kemp, and makes a part of the seventeenth volume of the colonial
records at Albany. For the want of a better, this translation has been adopt-
ed, but with numerous alterations to render it intelligible.-—Ed.HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
443
GOVERNOR RISING’S OFFICIAL REPORT.
Translated from the original Swedish,
By George P. Marsh, Esq., of Burlington, Vermont.
Report concerning the hostile and treacherous invasion of the
Swedish colony in Nova Svecia, by the Dutch, under the
command of P. Stuyvesant, governor of the New Netherlands,
wherefore the faithful subjects of his royal majesty of Swe-
den, who have endured such violence, do most humbly betake
themselves to his royal majesty’s most gracious shelter and
protection, to the intent that they may be sustained and
indemnified for the wrongs and injuries which they have
suffered.
In the year 1655, on the 30th day of August, the Dutch
from the North river, where Manhattan or New Amsterdam
is situated, with seven ships or vessels, under command of the
said P. Stvuyesant, having onboard 600 or 700 men, arrived in
the South River, where Nova Svecia lieth, and anchored before
the fortress of Elfsborg, which was then dismantled and ruin-
ous ; the next day, they passed Fort Casimir, and bringing to
a little above, they landed, and immediately summoned Sven
Schtite,* who was in command, to surrender the fort, enforcing
their summons both with menaces and persuasion; and pro-
ceeded to throw up some works. Some time before this, having
learned from the savages that the Dutch were about to assail
us, we had caused Fort Casimir to be supplied with men and
munitions to the best of our ability, and had drawn up a reso-
lution in writing to defend the fort in case the Dutch should
attack it, ordering Captain Schiite, the commandant, to send
on board their ships, when they approached, and demand of
them whether they came as friends, and in any case to warn
them not to run by the fort, upon pain of being fired upon,
(which in such case they could not reckon an act of hostility.)
But if they werG minded to treat with us as friends concerning
our territory and boundaries, he should compliment them with a
Swedish national salute, and assure them that we were well dis-
posed to a fast friendship. Nevertheless, Captain Sven Schiite
not only suffered the Dutch ships to pass the fort without remon-
strance or firing a gun, whereby they gained the command both
of the fort and of the whole river, and cut off the communica-
tion between the forts, by posting troops between them, as high
* The modern orthography of this name is Skytte.—Trans.444
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN*
up as Christina creek, but surrendered the fort to Stuyvesant by
a dishonourable capitulation, in which he forgot to stipulate a
place to which he, with his people and effects, might retire;
he also subscribed the capitulation, not in the fort or in any
indifferent place, but on board a Dutch ship. So Stuyvesant
detained the garrison, and transported most of them to Mana-
hatans, whereby we were greatly reduced in strength and
endangered, and not even knowing as yet that Fort Casimir had
so suddenly fallen into the enemy’s hands, we had sent thither
in the mean time nine or ten of our best men to strengthen the
garrison. This detachment, when they had crossed Christina
creek betimes in the morning, found the Dutch posted there,
who immediately attacked them, fifty or sixty men strong, and
summoned them to surrender ; but they put themselves in pos-
ture of defence, and after a skirmish with the Dutch, were all
taken prisoners, except two, who retreated to the boat, and were
several times fired upon by the enemy, but without being slain
or wounded. Upon this we fired upon the Dutch from the
sconce, with a great gun, whereupon they retired into the woods,
and afterwards treated harshly and cruelly such of our people
as fell into their hands.
The same day the factor Elsvii was sent down from Fort
Christina to Stuyvesant to demand an explanation of his
conduct, and to dissuade him from further hostilities, as we
could not be persuaded that he seriously purposed to disturb
us in the lawful dominions of his Royal Majesty and our
principals. But as Stuyvesant had so cheaply obtained pos-
session of Fort Casimir, whither we had sent our best soldiers,
thus depriving ourselves in a great measure both of men and
munitions, he would give Elsvii no satisfaction, but claimed the
whole river and all our territory, and had well nigh detained
Elsvii as a spy. When we learned thte we collected all the
people we could for the defence of Fort Christina, and laboured
with all our might, by night and by day, in strengthening the
ramparts, and filling gabions. The next day, being September
2d, the Dutch shewed themselves in considerable strength on
the opposite bank of Christina creek, but attempted no hostile
operations. On the morning of the 3d, they hoisted their flag
on our shallop, which lay drawn up on the beach, and appeared
to be about establishing themselves in a neighbouring house.
We therefore sent over Lieutenant Sven Hook, with a drum-
mer, to demand what they purposed, for what cause they posted
themselves there, and for what we should hold them. When
he had nearly crossed the creek, he asked them from the boat,
whether he might freely go to them ? They answered yes ; and
whether, after discharging his commission, he might freely
return? to which also they answered, yes, as we could allHISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
445
plainly hear in Fort Christina, and can bear witness accordingly.
So the drummer rowed the boat to the shore, without beat of
drum, beause the lieutenant already had their parol, and know-
ing no cause of hostility, he supposed this ceremony to be
unnecessary. They then both went on shore, and an officer
met them, and conducted them some distance to a house, where
the enemy had already taken up a position. The Dutch then
sent our lieutenant down to Stuyvesant, pretending that he was
a spy, and Stuyvesant arrested him and threw him into the ship’s
hold, but Capt. Fridr. Konish detained the drummer and his
drum in his own custody, and thus they treated our messen-
gers, contrary to the laws and customs of all civilized nations.
By the 4th they had planted gabions about the house on the op-
posite bank of Christina creek, and afterwards threw up a battery
under cover of them, and entrenched themselves there. Some
of our people interpreted all this as indicating the purpose of the
Dutch to be to claim and hold all our territory up to the creek,
and to construct a fort there, not yet believing that they would,
in contempt of public peace, and without any known cause,
commence hostilities against us, until they had set up some
claim, pr promulgated some protest against us, whereas up to
this time we had received from them neither message nor letter
assigning any manner of cause or complaint.
On the 5th, the Dutch ships went up to Third Hook (tridie
Hoeck), where they landed their men, who then passed over to
Timber Island, and thence over the great falls (stoore fallet),
and so invested Fort Christina on all sides. They brought their
ships into the mouth of the creek, and planted their great guns
on the western side of the fort, and when we burnt a little
powder in a couple of pieces to scale them, they fired several
shots over our heads from Timber Island, where they had taken
post in a house, and announced to us, that they had taken up a
position on the west side, by regular volleys. We continued to
prepare ourselves to make the best defence which our strength
would allow, if we should be attacked, for we were no.t yet
satisfied what the Dutch intended ; but in a short time an Indian
came in to us with a letter from Stuyvesant, in which he arro-
gantly claimed the whole river, and required me and all the
Swedes either to evacuate the country, or to remain there under
Dutch protection, threatening with the consequences in case
of refusal. Hereto I answered briefly, by letter, that I would
reply to this extraordinory demand by special messengers, and
sent him my answer by the same Indian. We then held a
general council of war, as to what should be done, if the Dutch
assaulted us by storm or battery; and it was determined that we
should in any case maintain the defensive, and make the best
resistance we could, but should not commence or provoke hostil446
HISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
ities, on account of our weakness and want of supplies ; that we
should wait until they fired upon us, or began to storm the
works, and then defend ourselves as long as we could, and leave
the consequences to be redressed by our gracious superiors.
The Dutch now began to encroach upon us more and
more every day. They killed our cattle, goats, swine and
poultry, broke open houses, pillaged the people without the
sconce of their property, and higher up the river they plundered
many, and stripped them to the skin. At New Gottenburg
they robbed Mr. Papegoija’s wife of all she had, with many oth-
ers, who had collected their property together there. They
continued to advance their approaches to Fort Christina, (which
was a small and feeble work, and lay upon low ground, and
could be commanded from the surrounding heights,) and threw
up two batteries besides those on the opposite bank and on Tim-
ber Island, and hoisted their flags on all of them, as well as on
our ship in Fish creek, all which hostile acts, injuries and in-
sults we were, to our great mortification, compelled to witness
and suffer, being unable to resist them, by reason of our want
of men and of powder, whereof our supply scarcely sufficed
for a single round,for our guns. Notwithstanding all this, we
still trusted that they would at length be persuaded to hear
reason, and accordingly on the 7th we sent messengers down to
Stuyvesant at Fort Casimir, with a written commission, whereby
we sought to dissuade him from further hostilities, protesting
against his invasion and disturbance of our proper territory
without cause assigned, or declaration denying, as far as they
could, our right of possession in the river ; also suggesting to
him the jealousies between our respective sovereigns, and other
consequences of great moment which would ensue ; that we
were determined to defend our rights to the utmost of our
strength, and that he must answer for all consequences, and
finally required him to cease hostilities, and to retire with his
people from Fort Christina. But all this availed nothing with
him, and on the contrary he persisted in his claim to the whole
river, and would listen to no terms of accommodation, declaring
that such were his orders, and that those who had given them
might answer for the consequences. He then wrote me a letter
on the 9th, in which he anticipates all terms of accommodation,
will not allow that we have any rights to the said river, seeks to
refute our arguments, and styles our possession a usurpation,
and so interprets every point to his own advantage.
As we still determined to maintain our own defence, and abide
the result, the enemy continued to carry on their approaches
day and night, and with our little force of about thirty men
we could make no sorties, or prevent him from gaining positions
from which he could command the sconce so completely, thatHISTORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
44?
there was not a spot on the ramparts where a man could stand
in security, and as he now daily advanced his works, and sum-
moned us to capitulate, with threats of giving no quarter, our
men proposed to us to go out and try to bring Stuyvesant to rea-
son, both on account of our want of supplies, and the advanced
condition of the enemy’s works, and especially because our
provisions were scanty and would soon be exhausted. Besides
our few and hastily collected people were getting worn out,
partly sick, and partly ill disposed, and some had deserted.—
From these considerations, and the fear of a mutiny, it was-
agreed, that I and Elsvii should go out the next day and hold
a parley with Stuyvesant, and endeavour torestrain him from for-
cible measures, and to bring him to reason. We accordingly
went out for this purpose on the 13th, and Stuyvesant and Nica-
tius de Sylle met us between the sconce apd their most advanced
work. We solemnly protested against his procedure and his
hostile conduct, and replied verbally to his last mentioned letter,
confirmed our title with the best arguments we could, and held
a long discussion with them ; but all this produced no impress-
ion upon them, and they maintained their- first ground, and in-
sisted upon the surrender of Fort Christina and the whole river ;
to which we replied that we would defend ourselves and resist
them to the last, clearly showing them that they were unjustly
invading our possessions, and declaring that we would appeal
to our government to redress our wrongs, and protect our rights
thus forcibly trenched upon, and so we went back to the sconce,
exhorted our men to a manly defence, and encouraged them as
well as we were able.
As soon as the Dutch had nearly completed their works,
they brought the guns of all their batteries to bear upon
us, and on the 14th instant formally summoned Fort Chris-
tina, with harsh menaces, by a drummer and a messenger,
to capitulate within twenty-four hours. We then assembled
a general council of the whole garrison, and it was found
to be their unanimous opinion, that inasmuch as we had not
sufficient strength for our defence, (the Dutch having com-
pleted their works against the sconce, and neither the sconce
nor the garrison being able to stand an assault,) and were in want
both of powder and other munitions, and had no hope of relief,
therefore they were all of opinion, that we should make the*
best terms we could obtain with-the Dutch; all which may be
seen by the documents. So the next day we announced to the
enemy, that we would consider their summons within the time'
prescribed, and being now reduced, by our want of supplies and
weak condition, to yield to the violence practised upon us, we
concluded a capitulation with Stuyvesant, as may be found by
the original among the documents, and surrendered FortChris--448
HISTORY OP NEW SWEDEN.
tana to him on the 15th instant, stipulating that the guns and all the
effects belonging to the crown or the company should be restored
by the Dutch, according to the inventory, upon demand, and re-
serving the restitution of our sovereign’s rights in time and man-
ner fitting ; providing also, that the Dutch should freely trans-
port to Sweden both us, and as many Swedes as chose to ac-
company us, for we held it better that the people should be re-
stored to their Fatherland's service than to leave them there in
misery, without the necessaries of life, in which case they
would have entered the service of the Dutch or English, and
never again advantaged their country.